The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces: The temple in western India, 2nd century BCE–8th century CE [1 ed.] 1138219649, 9781138219649

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The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces

This volume focuses on the religious shrine in western India as an institution of cultural integration in the period spanning 200 BCE to 800 CE. It presents an analysis of religious architecture at multiple levels, both temporal and spatial, and distinguishes it as a ritual instrument that integrates individuals and communities into a cultural fabric. The work shows how these structures emphasise communication with a host of audiences, such as the lay worshipper, the ritual specialist, royalty and the elite, as well as the artisan and the sculptor. It also examines religious imagery, inscriptions, traditional lore, and Sanskrit literature. The book will be of special interest to researchers and scholars of ancient Indian history, Hinduism, religious studies, architecture, and South Asian studies. Susan Verma Mishra is Project Associate, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA), New Delhi, India. Himanshu Prabha Ray is Chairperson, Academic Committee, Project Mausam, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, India. She is Honorary Professor, Distant Worlds, Munich Graduate School of Ancient Studies, Ludwig Maximilian University, Munich, Germany, and Research Fellow, Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, Oxford, UK.

Archaeology and Religion in South Asia

Series Editor: Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former Chairperson, National Monuments Authority; and Research Fellow, Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies Editorial Board: Gavin Flood, Former Academic Director, Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies; Jessica Frazier, Academic Administrator, Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies; Julia Shaw, Institute of Archaeology, University College, London; Shailendra Bhandare, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Devangana Desai, Asiatic Society, Mumbai; Vidula Jaiswal, Jnana Pravaha, Varanasi, former professor, Banaras Hindu University. This series, in association with the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, reflects on the complex relationship between religion and society through new perspectives and advances in archaeology. It looks at this critical interface to provide alternative understandings of communities, beliefs, cultural systems, sacred sites, ritual practices, food habits, dietary modifications, power, and agents of political legitimisation. The books in the Series underline the importance of archaeological evidence in the production of knowledge of the past. They also emphasise that a systematic study of religion requires engagement with a diverse range of sources, such as inscriptions, iconography, numismatics, and architectural remains. Also in this series: Negotiating Cultural Identity Landscapes in Early Medieval South Asian History Edited by Himanshu Prabha Ray Women and Monastic Buddhism in Early South Asia Garima Kaushik

The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces The temple in western India, 2nd century BCE–8th century CE

Susan Verma Mishra and Himanshu Prabha Ray

First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2017 Susan Verma Mishra and Himanshu Prabha Ray The right of Susan Verma Mishra and Himanshu Prabha Ray to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-138-67920-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-56333-6 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of figures List of tables Preface Introduction 1. Monumental remains: defining sacred space 2. Sacred sites and settlement sites 3. Religious icons in Gujarat 4. Shared space and multiple affiliations 5. Religious processes, rituals and pilgrimage 6. Gujarat in context Bibliography Index

Figures

 1.1 Bawa Pyara caves  1.2 Interior chamber of Bawa Pyara cave  1.3 Asokan rock edict, Junagadh  1.4 Close-up of Asokan rock edict, which also carries later inscriptions of Rudradaman I (150 CE) and of the early Gupta rulers  1.5 Relic caskets from Boria stupa  1.6 Khapara Kodia caves  1.7 Khapara Kodia – pillars with simha brackets  1.8 Interior of Uparkot caves, Junagadh  1.9 Temple at stepwell, Roda 1.10 Temples inside stepwell at Roda 1.11 Varaha temple, Kadvar 1.12 Varaha image under worship, Kadvar  2.1 Settlement sites, Period I  2.2 Settlement sites, Period II  2.3 Settlement sites, Period III  3.1 Sites with Hindu images  3.2 Sites with Buddhist and Jaina images  4.1 Model of Devnimori stupa site  4.2 Linga at site museum, Devnimori  4.3 Visvarupa Vishnu image under worship at Shamlaji All figures are by Susan Verma Mishra. Maps included are historical in nature and do not indicate the international boundary of India.

Tables

3.1 Shaivite images 3.2 Vaishnavite images 3.3 Images of goddesses 3.4 Buddhist images 3.5 Jaina images All tables are by Susan Verma Mishra. Maps included are historical in nature and do not indicate the international boundary of India.

Preface

This book has almost been fifteen years in the making. Research on the theme of early temples of Saurashtra started as early as 2000, when Susan Verma Mishra joined the MPhil programme of the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India, under the supervision of Himanshu Prabha Ray. Mishra’s studies on the archaeology of early Gujarat finally culminated in the award of a PhD degree in 2007. Travel grants from the Indian Council for Historical Research supported field trips to many of the sites discussed in this book. Presentations of papers at several conferences resulted in valuable feedback on ongoing research, especially at a workshop on ‘Archaeology as History in Early South Asia’, held in New Delhi in March 2002, which was sponsored jointly by the United States Educational Foundation in India and the Indian Council for Historical Research. Susan Verma Mishra would like to express her thanks to her parents and husband for support, both during the research programme at JNU, as also as an independent researcher subsequently. Himanshu Prabha Ray continued her research on early temples as a faculty member at JNU, and also, as Research Fellow at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies in 2007 and as QuebecIndia Visiting Professor at Concordia University, Montreal, in 2008. A research grant from JNU under the UPOE (University with Potential of Excellence) Scheme enabled her to undertake fieldwork in north Karnataka as also to collaborate with Dr Sudha Ravindranath of Indian Space Research Organization, Bengaluru for use of remote sensing images in the study of early religious architecture. Subsequently, she coordinated a conference and the papers from the conference were edited and published under the title, Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia (2010). She is thankful to the National Monuments Authority, Ministry of Culture, which she joined as Chairperson in 2012, for facilitating her travel to Gujarat to study early temples in 2014. Both the authors express their gratitude to the anonymous reader for very useful comments on the manuscript and to Routledge for accepting the publication of the book.

 Introduction

Experts call all places where immortals and mortals dwell, ‘dwelling places’ (vāstu). I present their different varieties, which are four in number: Earth (bhūmi), temples (prāsāda), conveyances (yāna) and seats (śayanam). (Mayamatam, II.2)

Theistic developments in the Indian subcontinent involving worship in temples have often been seen as later overlays on what has been termed the portable ideational religion of the Vedas, concerned largely with sacrifices and rituals. While in Vedic praxis, religious spots were mobile, these came to be defined in terms of specific locales and geographic places from the third to second century BCE onwards. This book is an attempt at understanding sacred spaces as they came to be defined in the archaeological record in Gujarat from the second century BCE to the eighth century CE. The shrine, no doubt, signifies an altered understanding of religious traditions. At the conceptual level, structural edifices translated the imagery of speculative thought of the Upanishads and the methodology (vidhi) of the ritual concretised in the Brahmanas in terms of measures and designs to a language of artistic form. Myths and legends constituted the content and are, as it were, superimposed on the abstraction – in turn, formalised into the language of iconography.1 Thus, the temple embodies the demarcation of sacred space and interaction with the community that provided patronage to it and maintained it. It underscores the local and regional contexts of religious traditions, while the wider milieu is created by linkages through pilgrimage – linkages that vary over time and can be charted both spatially and temporally. The narratives on the walls of temples, at one level, indicate the centrality of this new sacred geography in the transmission of religious ideas, and at another, recitation and performance within temple precincts are crucial indicators of the changing philosophical and religious environment of the period. The textual tradition itself has been interrogated, with scholars questioning the ways in which a religious text pervades religious action and examining the importance of text for liturgical action. Thus, the shrine negotiates the gulf between precept and practice.2 In this book, it is suggested that pan-Indian cultural practices, rituals and imagery formed the substratum of a self-perception and identity long before the European discovery of the term ‘Hindu’, and a judicious use of archaeological data provide evidence to unearth this identity.

Significantly, archaeology presents a very different perspective on the study of religious transformation and patronage in early South Asia when compared to conventional historical writings on the subject. The crucial element in the Asian landscape was the religious shrine, and it is important to locate it in a cultural context and to unravel the multiple levels at which sacred sites interacted with a diverse range of communities and negotiated between these.3 This volume is an attempt at comprehending religious architecture at multiple levels, both temporally and spatially. Rather than viewing monuments in terms of style and chronology, the volume distinguishes religious architecture as a ritual instrument that integrates individuals and communities into a cultural fabric. It is the strands of this cultural fabric that need to be understood and appreciated. Though origin myths of most of the temples associate their founding with a royal patron, there is little historical evidence for this during most of their existence, and instead, several communities claim special relationship with the deity. For example, the main image in the Kesariyaji temple, south of Udaipur, is worshipped by the Jainas as the Jina Adinatha, while the local Bhils worship it as Kalaji or Karia Baba.4 Clearly, in India, the plan or the functional aspect was not a decisive factor; instead, the emphasis was on communication with a host of audiences, such as the lay worshipper, the ritual specialist, the royalty and the elite, as well as the artisan and the sculptor. The sacred exists entirely within culture and manifests itself in a variety of contexts: temples, locations, images, and people. The sacredness of time, objects or persons depends upon context, and the boundaries between the sacred and the everyday are fluid. A temple image or icon prior to consecration is merely stone, metal or wood; once consecrated, however, it is empowered and becomes the focus of mediation.5 Another aspect of the discussion relates to the distinction often made in the context of South Asia between the oral and the textual traditions. More recent scholarship accepts a continuum between the two rather than a dichotomy, with the performance of the text providing an interface between the oral and the written. The Mahabharata was known as itihasa or history and the Ramayana as caritra or exploits, and through a process of performance, commentary and translation, textual boundaries have remained fluid.6 As evident from sculptural representations dating from the fifth–sixth centuries onwards, the temple became a major centre for the performance of the epics and for the dissemination of moral and ethical values, as encapsulated in the Panchatantra tales. This location of recitation and performance in temple precincts draws the religious shrine into any discussion on the transmission of not only the epics, but more significantly, notions and concepts of the community’s past and its understanding of it. Traditional understanding of the past or itihasa was closely linked to the writing of genealogies and narratives associated with the royalty. Scholars have referred to the Puranas as the primary inheritors of this tradition, but have paid little attention to records inscribed on temple walls and pillars as well as on copper plates from the third–fourth centuries onwards.

Inscriptional kavyas point to the existence of a literary public and an interpretive community, as suggested by Daud Ali,7 but more significantly, these locate the temple firmly as one of the institutions involved in the production of the past and its dissemination to a range of audiences.

The archaeology of sacred space An examination of the spatial organisation of sacred structures indicates that already in the third millennium BCE, there was a separation of the burial/ritual and habitation spaces in Gujarat, as also, at other sites of the Harappan civilisation, which occupied an area twice the size of ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia. Unlike Mesopotamia and Egypt, there were no temples in the Harappan period, nor for that matter, are there any sculptures or images showing kings building or consecrating temples. Narrative depictions are found mainly on tiny moulded tablets of terracotta or faience, and these generally show ritual offerings to deities or battles with wild animals. As with other aspects of Harappan civilisation, there is no uniformity in burial practices, even though it needs to be stressed that burial was not a general means of disposal of the dead, but was adopted by some members of the community. Eighty-eight burials were found at Kalibangan and sixteen at Lothal, though the populations at the two centres were much larger. No cemetery was found at Mohenjodaro, while Harappa provides the largest corpus of data on funerary customs. Cemetery R 37 at Harappa, dating to the Mature Harappan phase, shared many features with the cemeteries at Kalibangan, Lothal and other Mature Harappan sites. The typical burial in the Harappan period was extended inhumation in a rectangular or oval pit and generally containing pottery as grave goods. In addition, there are scattered finds of pottery jars of several descriptions, filled with an assortment of materials, such as smaller pots, seals, chert, terracotta toys, animal bones, grains, ash, and charcoal, but almost never a human bone.8 At Kalibangan, pots were buried in circular pits, as pottery deposits occur in rectangular or oval pits without skeletal remains.9 The largest of the Harappan sites in Kachchh is the 47 ha quadrangular city of Dholavira on Kadir island in the Rann, which lay between two seasonal streams – the Mansar in the north and Manhar in the south. To the west of the Harappan settlement at Dholavira lay its cemetery, covering a large area. In the cemetery were cist burials that included simple cists, a cist in a cairn circle, a circle or a half-circle containing several graves. How is this tradition of burials to be viewed within the longue durée of the better-known method of disposal of the dead by cremation in the subcontinent? Are there references to sepulchral monuments or spaces in the early Vedic tradition? On the basis of references in Vedic literature, Cathleen Cummings has suggested that the

‘Hindu tradition encompasses a variety of built forms intended to inter corporeal remains, memorialize the deceased, or both’.10 In the Vedic texts, the fire altar is referred to as a type of grave mound in which the cremated remains of some individuals were interred. The Shatapatha Brahmana refers to burial mounds surrounded by a ring of stones. Ritual and worship came to occupy well-defined space as distinct from the settlement area and this demarcation became more distinct in the later periods, and by the third to first centuries BCE, local and regional cults coexisted with Buddhist and Jaina monastic complexes and the Hindu temple. Archaeological data establish that both the Buddhist caitya and the Hindu temple were contemporaneous in third to first centuries BCE. It is evident that the ancient stūpa and the prasāda were developed from an identical religious consciousness and both were symbolical representations of the manifest cosmos and unmanifest divine. In one case the deity is the Buddha, in the other the dēva, both enshrining the great light.11

The diversity in form and structure of early religious architecture is striking and tree shrines coexist with hypaethral structures, as illustrated on first-century BCE–CE monuments. Perhaps the earliest Hindu temples are the two elliptical shrines at Besnagar (Vidisha) and Nagari (district Chittor), dating back to the second century BCE and first century BCE, respectively.12 It is also evident that the beginnings of the Hindu temple were by no means restricted to the core area of the Ganga valley. Both in Vidarbha and in Andhra, Buddhist shrines and temples formed a part of the landscape, along with megalithic burial sites and memorials to the deceased. The Shiva linga at Gudimallam in Chittoor district dates to the second–first centuries BCE and was enshrined in a brick shrine dated to the first century CE, while two phases of structural activity marked the construction of temples at Veerapuram in the Krishna valley. The diversity evident from the structures described above also marks Hindu religious architecture with reference to both built shrines and open-air enclosures. Two of these have been identified on terracotta objects from Chandraketugarh in the 24 Parganas district of Bengal. The two inscribed objects are dated to the first–second centuries CE and show enclosures marked by railings. One of the legends is legible, and refers to dha(r) magras(r)ala or ‘chief enclosure of religion’.13 In addition to these data, there is evidence of shrines associated with a variety of cults, one of the earliest being the Bhagavata cult. Another association is with the Ajivikas, as evident from the caves in the Barabar Hill. Epigraphic evidence for the prevalence of the Bhagavata cult is indicated by the Besnagar pillar inscription of second century BCE, which refers to the setting up of a pillar (garudadhvaja) in honour of Vasudeva by Heliodorus, a Greek ambassador to the court of Bhagabhadra from the Indo-Bactrian ruler Antialkidas.14 The stone pillar was found at Vidisha by Alexander Cunningham in 1880 and systematic excavations undertaken during 1963–65 revealed the prehistoric beginnings of the site, with continuous habitation well into the

modern period. An elliptical temple was constructed at the site around the fourth–third century BCE, consisting of a sanctum, a circumambulatory path, an antarala, and a mukhamandapa. It had a brick plinth and a superstructure of wood, thatch and mud, but was raised on an earthen platform after damage by floods. To the east of this, seven pillars set on thick stone basal slabs were exposed in alignment with the Heliodorus pillar.15 This association of the Greek ambassador with the Vasudeva cult is significant, especially in view of references in early Greek sources to Herakles (widely identified as Krishna) being held in honour by the Sourasenoi (Surasenas) of Medhora or Mathura. This is further supported by a similar reference by Curtius to the image of Herakles being carried in front of the Paurava army.16 It is around the second century BCE that representations of Sankarsana on the obverse and Vasudeva Krishna on the reverse, complete with their distinctive attributes, occur on Agathocles drachmae from Ai Khanum.17 Another representation of a standing human figure with a plough in the left hand and a long stick in the right identified with Sankarsana is found on the silver punch-marked coins from Mathura.18 A first century BCE Kharosthi inscription found in the Gandhara region records the construction of a tank for the worship of the Nagas, and the practice of donating pushkarinis or lotus tanks and the setting up of images of Nagas is evident from other inscriptions from Mathura as well.19 But perhaps indisputable evidence for worship at a shrine comes from a record on a pillar base at Jamalpur mound, which refers to a gift of Devila, described as devakulika or priest of Dandhikarna Naga.20 In addition to Mathura, another early centre known for the worship of the Naga cult is Rajgir. In addition to the inscriptions, an apsidal structure dedicated to the Naga cult was excavated at the site of Sonkh in Mathura district.21 The excavations at Mathura yielded fragmentary stone plaques dating from the late Kushana to early Gupta periods, showing gods such as four-armed Vasudeva (14.2 × 7.4 × 2.4 cm; 18.0 × 9.8 × 6.2 cm), two-armed Skanda (11.0 × 8.5 × 3.6 cm) and Skanda riding on a peacock (8.2 × 8.8 × 2.1 cm), Durga Mahisasuramardini (14.2 × 11.5 × 4.0 cm; 17.9 × 12.7 × 6.6 cm; 9.0 × 10.0 × 3.1 cm), squatting Mātṛkā (19.0 × 13.6 × 3.7 cm; 15.3 × 17.0 × 9.3 cm) and seated Kubera (11.3 × 11.5 × 4.1 cm). Most of these were found in situ in fillings of houses and were possibly used for worship in houses.22

The image and the shrine in the textual tradition What, then, are the antecedents of these early images? The Agnicayana ritual of the Vedas and the Satarudriya hymn anticipates the bhakti that developed in later periods, though there is no clear reference to the presence of images at that time.23 The impact of these rituals extended well beyond the worshipper, his wife and the officiating priest and a significant aspect of the ritual was the use of clay pots and assigning these with iconic functions. At archaeological sites

in the subcontinent, these small anthropomorphic and theriomorphic pots are dated between the second century BCE and the second century CE and have been found over an extensive area, e.g. at Sonkh, Taxila, and elsewhere in the north to sites such as Bhokardhan and Keesaragutta in the Deccan. Among the finds at Begram in Afghanistan were vases and bowls, and one piece stands out: a jug in the shape of a bird-woman – a combination known as kinnari, discovered in room 13.24 A fragment of an anthropomorphic vessel, which may have been a kinnari-style object was found at Bhokardhan in Maharashtra, dating from the first century BCE to the second–third century CE.25 A globular pot decorated with seven snakes encircling the body and five female figures in squatting position on the shoulder of the pot was found in the antarala (vestibule) of a brick shrine at Keesaragutta in district Ranga Reddy in Andhra Pradesh.26 It is proposed that we look at Vedic ritual as a three-dimensional, living icon whose properties could provide models upon which to construct devotional icons.27

Thus, continuity in the religious process, from sacrificial rituals to devotional worship of an image is evident, but also apparent is diversity in the nature and form of the icon as well as in the shrines constructed to house these images. The archaeological data discussed so far are matched by references in a variety of textual sources. Around the middle of the first millennium BCE, the Vedangas or Vedic Supplements were developed to deal with the complex Vedic ritual and to preserve and understand Vedic texts. The Kalpasutras form a major component of the Vedic Supplements and include Srautasutras, dealing with Vedic rituals; Gryhasutras, dealing with domestic rituals; and Dharmasutras, which included areas of individual and social behaviour and norms. It is from the period of the Kalpasutras onwards that there are references to the house of god (devakula, devayatana or devagrha), in contrast to the chariot (vimana or ratha) of the celestials of the Vedic period.28 A number of works dealing with Dharma were composed and were quoted in medieval commentaries. Many of these are lost and the four surviving ones are as follows: Apastamba, Gautama (third century BCE), Baudhayana, and Vasistha (middle of second century BCE to first century CE).29 Gautama, while laying down rules for the brahmachari, states that when passing an auspicious structure such as a temple (devtayatana), he should keep his right side towards it (IX.66). Baudhayana refers to washing the feet before entering a temple (devagrha, 2.8.2), while Vasistha mentions the temple (devagrha, 6.17) with reference to the earth used for purification, making an ancestral offering (devtayatana, 10.30–1) and other contexts (10.13). The general picture of religious attitudes that emerges from an analysis of references in the Ramayana generally dated between 750 and 500 BCE is one of observance and respect for a diversity of religious traditions.30 References to Vedic gods are sparse and while Indra retains his pre-eminent position, Varuna has faded in importance. The preceptor of the Taittiriya

Samhita is alluded to, especially with reference to Kausalya (Ayodhyakanda 29.13–4) and old men expert in the Vedas were held in esteem by the king (Ayodhyakanda 17.3). The specific Vedic sacrifices mentioned are Agnistoma, Rajasuya, Asvamedha, and Vajapeya and the sacrificial altar or vedi is referred to. Caityas are referred to as cult spots and there are frequent references to permanent shrines, such as the sanctuary (ayatana) of Vishnu (Ayodhyakanda 6. 3–4) within the royal palace. There is mention of shrines (caityesu) and sanctuaries being decorated with colourful banners (Ayodhyakanda 6.11–13) for the consecration of Rama. Queen Kausalya spent the night in meditation and worshipped Vishnu in the morning (akarot pujam) for the welfare of her son (Ayodhyakanda 17.6). Elsewhere in the Ramayana, there are descriptions of sacrificial altars (vedi),31 sacred places (tirthas)32 and places dedicated to various deities such as Vishnu, Brahma, Mahendra, Soma, and others.33 Along with references to temples, there are also allusions to rituals such as circumambulation and offering of flowers.34 There are several references to the ‘temple’ in the different kandas (parts) of the epic. The terms that are usually used for the temple in the Ramayana are harmyaprasada35 and caityaprasada.36 Interestingly, worship of trees also figures prominently in the epic, especially that of the banyan tree. For example, in the Ayodhyakanda, Sita circumambulates a banyan tree with folded hands.37 The Mahabharata, like the Ramayana, also presents a rich diversity of Hindu religious ideas. While describing the omens that presage the fall of Bhishma, Drona refers to the images of the gods situated in the house of the gods (devatayatana) (Bhishma Parva 108.11). The same phrase devatayatana is again used to indicate a list of places where yoga exercises should be practiced (XII.232.26) and there are references to offerings of lamps, fruits, flowers, food, and incense in temple worship (Anusasana 101–3). Household gods are mentioned, as also images worshipped by individual families in the house.38 Certainly, images were known, and knowledge of these is evident from Panini’s sutras dating to the fourth century BCE (V.3.99: jivikarthe capanye). Several deities find mention in Panini and his successors up to Patanjali in second century BCE, and these include Shiva, Vaisravana, Skanda, Sankarsana or Rama, and Vasudeva or Kesava. The Arthasastra refers to the setting up of caityas or shrines outside the city at a distance of about one hundred dhanuses from the moat (II.4.20) and also makes a distinction between caityas and devagrhas or temples (II.35.3) and refers to caityadevata (II.1.25; XIII.2.25), devatagrha (XII.5.3) and daivatapratima (IV.13.41). Rituals such as worship of deities by prostration before the image and gifts of flowers and incense are mentioned (VII.17.44, XII.5.6). A mix of Vedic and Puranic deities occurs in the text, e.g. Shiva, Vaisravana or Kubera, Asvins, Sri, Madira (II.4.17), and Sankarsana, and a distinction is made between a tutelary deity of a region (desadevata XIII.2.15), deity of a city and that of the ruling family (rajadevata II.4.15). There are references to temple property, and in this early period, it comprised cattle and women or devadasis

(II.23.2) who were allowed to engage in spinning once their service to the temple ended. Certain conclusions may be drawn from this discussion. First, the diversity of religious practices in the second–first centuries BCE is remarkable, which included the worship of images, both within the household as well as in shrines and temples. The second is the continued performance of Vedic sacrifices, both by individuals as well as by the royalty. The third relates to the popularity of the epics, as evident from references in the inscriptions. From the sixth to thirteenth centuries CE, the structure of the temple expanded both vertically and horizontally, thus becoming accessible and approachable by worshippers and other aspirants visiting the shrine. Around the seventh century, there was a significant change in the nature of the temple in peninsular India and it gradually emerged as a complex institution. Mathas or monastic establishments came to be attached to it and the grant of rich landed estates with large recurring incomes in cash and kind converted the temple into a rich landowner. It is also apparent that religious development of the period was diverse and included not only the setting up of Hindu temples, but also, shrines and monastic complexes of the Buddhists and the Jainas.

The continuation of the Vedic tradition It is evident from the overview presented above that there is archaeological confirmation for the emergence of the shrine in the second–first centuries BCE in several regions of the subcontinent, including Gujarat. Rather than marking a disjunction between the Vedic and Puranic tradition, the temple indicates a reconfiguration of religious thought and practice. Inscriptions from the second century onwards indicate that the political elite continued to perform Vedic sacrifices. Michael Willis has shown that puja became an overarching ritual category and Vedic rituals were transformed to meet the changed ritual needs.39 There is evidence from inscriptions that Vedic sacrifices were indeed performed in the early centuries of the Common era. For example, sacrificial altars have been found in the archaeological excavations at Jagatgram in Dehradun district, Kausambi and at other sites. A boundary stone located in the vicinity of Nagari contains a fragmentary inscription recording the performance of an Asvamedha sacrifice by Sarvatata in the second century BCE.40 Nor does the performance of sacrificial rituals interfere with the acceptance of devotional cults. The Nanaghat inscription of queen Nayanika of the first century BCE starts with an invocation of the Bhagavata deities Sankarsana and Vasudeva-Krishna, and then, lists out the sacrificial fees paid by the queen to the officiating priests. Vadgaon-Madhavpur is a suburb of Belgaum city and a first-century CE Prakrit inscription from the site records that a brahman of Kasyapa gotra performed the Vedic sacrifice vajapeya. The site extends over 80 acres and excavations revealed that it was occupied until third–fourth

centuries CE. Brick structures were found at the site, but identification of these is difficult due to the small-scale excavations.41 The records of the two Satavahana queens, Nayanika at Nanaghat dating to 70–60 BCE and Balasiri at Nasik of 110–138 CE, are particularly relevant for our purposes. At the same time, the two records are also quite unlike each other. The epigraph of Nayanika, the daughter of a maharathi and wife of the raja, Siri, the dakkhinapathapati starts with salutations to a series of deities such as Dhamma, Indra, Sankarsana, Vasudeva, Chandra, Surya, Lokapala, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and Vasava. It then enumerates the various sacrifices performed, as also the donations made to brahmanas at each of these, in terms of cows, elephants, horses, villages, money, and so on.42 It is a part of a newly emerging trend of recording the performance of Vedic sacrifices43 by royalty that characterises the early inscriptions of the peninsula and one that coexists with the donations made to Buddhist monastic centres. For example, Usavadata’s records in cave 10 at the Buddhist site of Nasik refer to his generosity to the Buddhists, as also to the brahmanas and gods at the religious tirthas.44 In contrast, the inscription of Balasiri, mother of Gotamiputa Siri Satakani, records the gift of a cave to the Sangha, as also the grant of a village by the queen’s grandson. The king is compared to the epic heroes Rama, Kesava, Bhimsena, and Arjuna, and the emphasis is on his duty towards his subjects (pora-jana).45 This is a pattern that finds resonance in the copper-plate inscriptions from early medieval Gujarat (c. 475–1030). The brahmanas belonged to varied gotras and pravaras and there existed in Gujarat rare and unusual gotras, when compared to the other parts of North India.46 These brahmanas were followers of different branches of the Vedas, their sakhas and caranas.47 In the Maitraka inscriptions, the brahmanas mentioned are affiliated to diverse branches of the Vedic tradition, such as the white and black Yajurveda and the Samveda.48

The autochthonous goddess D. D. Kosambi had argued for continuity of Indian culture and its survival in present peasant communities. He proposed that the long survival of observances that have no sanction in the official Brahmin works can only have originated in the most primitive stages of human society and this has been the prevailing orthodoxy in Indian history writing.49 It is often argued that the cult of the mother goddess was Dravidian in origin and that religious customs of the tribes and low-caste groups can provide insights into archaic practices that were later incorporated into Brahmanical religion. Thus, it is suggested that terracotta figurines found at archaeological sites formed a part of the folk tradition, which was later integrated into the Brahmanical fold. Two other approaches have also been influential: one of these advocates that in the context of ancient India, ‘terracotta as a form of social and aesthetic articulation was associated with

the growth of urban culture’50 and the other attempts an interpretation of terracotta finds through an analysis of the ethnographic data. Stephen Huyler refers to terracotta figurines as votive offerings at shrines,51 while Krishan and Jayaswal’s study focuses on terracotta figurines associated with thana worship, the thana being an auspicious cult spot worshipped by devotees of all castes and strata.52 It is striking that already by the second–first centuries BCE, these terracotta images were housed in a variety of structures and worshipped. As mentioned earlier, two of the open-air shrines have been identified on terracotta objects from Chandraketugarh dating to the first– second centuries CE and show enclosures marked by railings. Terracotta plaques depicting a female figurine enshrined in a pillared mandapa, accompanied by attendants with fans and umbrellas and devotees with bowls or even with a halo around the head, have been found in lower Bengal.53 Another representation shows the female figurine standing on a pot or ghata containing coins and she is shown showering money on a worshipper.54 In conclusion, it is evident that rather than representing a Dravidian/autochthonous tradition, terracotta female figurines by no means form a homogenous category. Instead, they include a range of forms and were distributed both locally as well as across a vast region, i.e. the Ganga valley. A multiplicity of functions and religious affiliations are evident, as in the representation of Hindu and Buddhist deities in terracotta. While peninsular India provides adequate data for the presence of early religious shrines of Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina affiliation in consonance with religious developments in North India, the same is not reflected in terracotta figurines, which present variations and differences. In the inscription of Dronasimha, who gifted the village Trisamgamaka to the temple of the goddess Panduraja, comparatively few privileges and immunities have been mentioned. This inscription is from the year 502 CE and is one of the earliest inscriptions of the Maitraka dynasty of Gujarat.

Deities on coins A somewhat surprising placement of religious images occurs on early coins. An analysis of the numismatic evidence reflects the way in which several sections of society, including rulers, bolstered their power through the use of imagery on coins, myths, language, and material culture. It is suggested that there is a detachment of coin design from the concept of authority in the Indian tradition and this distinguishes it from that prevalent in the Islamic or the European tradition.55 Though this tradition was transformed with the coming of Islam in the subcontinent, yet its pan-Indian nature is recognisable and evident in the pre-Islamic period, and a small repertoire of designs continue well into later periods. One of these is that of the seated goddess. The design of the seated goddess was used in both Kushana and Gupta coinage and continued in Bengal until the ninth century, when it spread to the Rashtrakuta

kingdom in western India before its adoption in North India during the eleventh century. It was used on high-denomination gold coins in North India from eleventh to thirteenth centuries, the latest issues being in the name of the Ghurid ruler Muhammad bin Sam. A version of the seated goddess also appeared on gold coins in Sri Lanka in the eighth to ninth centuries and spread to the Chola kingdom, where it was used both on gold and copper.56 One may, perhaps, trace the beginnings of the Lakshmi image on coins to the late series of Saurashtra janapada coins, dating between 250 and 50 BCE, which are thus contemporary to the Ujjaini coppers dating from second–first century BCE bearing images of the goddess Lakshmi. Six types of Lakshmi images have been identified, and often, these coins were restruck with the same or other type of Lakshmi images or other symbols.57 The formulation of the role of the religious shrine in the ancient period, as discussed in this book, is different from that which is generally accepted by historians of ancient India, as will be discussed in the following section.

The historical background Historians have tended to credit royalty with the establishment of Hindu temples at the instigation of brahmanas who provided legitimisation to their rule in return for generous gifts and land grants. Brahmanas are linked to the spread of Puranic religion and for the dissemination of Puranic ideas, practices and institutions such as vrata, puja, tirtha, and temple-centred bhakti.58 Three processes have been postulated for historical development in what is termed the early medieval period (sixth–seventh to twelfth–thirteenth): expansion of state society; assimilation and acculturation of tribal peoples; and integration of local religious cults and practices.59 The temple is seen as having played a major role in this integration of peripheral areas and tribal populations. This neat trajectory of religious expansion and integration is not reflected in the archaeological record, which highlights a complex mosaic of cultures from the first millennium BCE onwards that continued to retain their identity.

Outline of the book This book focuses on the religious shrine or the Hindu temple in Gujarat as an institution of cultural integration in the period from second century BCE to the eighth century CE. Gujarat has a coastline of 1,600 km, most of which lies in Saurashtra. Saurashtra is bounded by Gujarat plains in the east and north east, by Gulf of Kachchh and Little Rann on the north and on the south east by the Gulf of Khambat. The Arabian Sea borders the entire southern seaboard. The central part of the region forms an elevated table land, from where most of the rivers rise and flow radially. The terrain generally slopes gently towards the peninsular margin to merge into

the coastal plains and the great alluvial tract stretches to the north east and the east. The sedimentary rocks along the coast form almost a low flat country. On account of several radially intruded basic dykes cutting through traps, there are low and straight hill ranges running parallel – a characteristic feature of the Saurashtra–Kathiawar peninsula. A survey of published sources on the archaeology of Gujarat shows at least 683 Harappan sites, both early and late. These are largely located around the Gulf of Kachchh and in Jamnagar district, while Junagadh district is a blank, with the exception of the coastal site of Prabhas Patan, 4 km south of Veraval at the mouth of the Hiran River.60 The site comprises a group of mounds, which were first excavated in 1956 by the Gujarat State Department of Archaeology and MS University, Vadodara, and subsequently, by others. Earliest habitation at the site dates from 2000 to 1200 BCE, after which the site was abandoned. It was reoccupied around 400 BCE and continued into the historical period. The excavators refer to the mention of Prabhasa in the Mahabharata as a pleasure resort on the Hiran river. The Early Historic period also saw the expansion of settlement in Junagadh district and at least 20 sites are documented.61 An important resource is the epigraphical material of the Maitraka dynasty, which consists of about 140 inscriptions – among them, 37 fragments and 3 forgeries (nos. 26, 44, 72), dating between 502 and 767 CE. In the 25 Buddhist inscriptions, 20 monasteries are identifiable. The land gifted to temples was mainly meant to serve the following purpose: to provide ritual articles, such as incense, fragrances, lamps, oil, and so on for performing rituals in front of the image of the God (bathing and worshiping the same); for certain ceremonies which are part of the worship, such as singing, dance and music; for sacrificial ceremonies such as bali, caru and so on; in order to carry out repair works at the temple; for alms; and for the maintenance of the temple priests. While comparing the phrases of Buddhist inscriptions, stating the purpose of the donation with those of Hindu donations to temples, one cannot fail to notice the striking similarities, such as: Sughanda/pushpa-dhupa-dipa-tail-adi-kriy-otsapan-artham for the purpose of performing sacrificial ceremonies with fragrances, incense, flowers, lamps, oil and so on62 as against dhanam-ca bhagvatam puja-snapana-gandha-dhupa-puṣpa-malya-dipatail-ady-upayogaya, to be used for fragrances, incense, flowers, garlands, lamps, oil and so on, for bathing and worshipping the venerable Buddhas.63 The second chapter titled ‘Sacred space with monumental remains’ is based on archaeological data of sites with monumental remains, and a constantly evolving landscape forms the core of this chapter. It is suggested that new forms of sacred sites affiliated to Buddhism, Hinduism and Jainism developed in varied ecological niches. The role of royalty in the creation and definition of sacred space has been analysed in detail within the defined time periods. Memorial stones in Kachchh are another marker of sacred space. These are stones erected in memory of dead relatives, and the few we have belong to the early centuries of the Common Era. In addition to this are minor shrines, such as those found under trees and

stepwells, which, to date, have continued sanctity for the local communities. Thus, it is evident that the definition of sacred space varied across the different religions; the question is how it related to each other. The third chapter locates sacred sites in the context of settlement sites in order to examine the support base of religious sites. The settlement sites have not been classified within the traditional fortified–non-fortified, or urban–rural dichotomy, but rather, in terms of economic activities such as craft production, salt manufacturing and iron extraction. The causes for site selection are demonstrated to be as varied and could be either political or due to economic activities – agriculture, craft, trade, or a combination of these. A study of the environment and topographic conditions of the region aids in a comprehensive understanding of the factors that played an important role in the life and habitat of the communities whose support was essential for the continued sanctity of a sacred spot or religious structure. On the basis of architectural and inscriptional data, the involvement of communities in the continued sanctity of sites has been discussed. The lay followers included village communities, merchants, traders, monks, nuns, and the ruling elite as well. Chapter 4 highlights the importance of religious imagery in the reconstruction of sacred landscapes, religious beliefs, practices, and developments where architectural and monumental remains are lacking and non-existent. They bring forth the diversity in religious sites of the region. The first and foremost source of information here are the punch-marked coins that contain depictions and symbols of not only deities, but interestingly, also layout plans of viharas and stupas, which otherwise are not archaeologically traceable for the period these coins belong to. With the help of tables and maps, the iconographical developments that are heterogeneous in nature have been traced in the period under study as each sub-region within Gujarat demonstrates varied preferences for iconographical images. For instance, mātṛkā images were more popular in North Gujarat, as seen at Shamlaji, Roda, Palej, and Ambaji, while Bhairava and Lakulisa images occur in southern areas of Gujarat at Avakhal, Vadaval, Karvan, Vadodara and so on. Images of interest found in the region are those of Lajjagauri at Valabhi, Pavi Jetpur, Dhank and Panchagnitapas Parvati at Karvan, and Vagpur, which are small in size, but provide clear indicators of diversity in choice of deities worshipped. Another image is of that of Visvarupa Vishnu found only at the site of Shamlaji and Devnimori in North Gujarat. Buddhist images demonstrate growing complexities within the religion at the sites of Dhank, Amreli, Valabhi, Taranga, and Gogha, and the Jaina images at Akota, Vaviya, Mahudi, and Ahmedabad are the only evidence for the strong presence of the community. A number of sites in Gujarat demonstrate the coexistence of lay devotees affiliated to Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina religions, as discussed in Chapter 5. The study of the sacred sites demonstrates that a single pattern of linear development from Buddhism and Jainism to Hinduism, as often suggested in secondary writings, is not applicable and each one has a different story to narrate. For instance, while at Junagadh, there are diverse remains, including

Mauryan inscriptions, Buddhist caves, water bodies, Hindu temples, and Islamic mosques, other sites such as Amreli declined somewhat suddenly. In the case of Jainism, which becomes a major religion in Gujarat in the medieval period, it coexisted and shared sacred space with other religions in the period under study. Thus, contrary to belief that religions did not share sacred space, and consequently, resources, this chapter brings forth a number of sites in Gujarat that provide evidence for sharing of space by religions, at times by all three – Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina. Chapter 6 concentrates on data available from the Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana pertaining to sacred sites and religious developments in Gujarat. With the aid of archaeological and inscriptional data, the degree to which certain rituals and festivals were practised and the presence of sites mentioned in these texts are determined. The chapter brings forth the multiple religious processes in Gujarat which involved more a process of interaction and dialogue between local beliefs and practices, on the one hand, and Hindu religion, on the other. Continuity of Vedic rituals, a further elaboration of rituals in the Skanda Purana as compared to the Mahabharata, festivals involving pilgrims on a large scale, water as sacred sites in Skanda Purana, incorporation of local beliefs and practices, Somanatha and Dwarka in literature and archaeology, and religious developments in Gujarat in a wider panIndian context on a basis of study of Visvarupa Vishnu and Panchagnitapas Parvati images form the sub-themes of this chapter. Thus, a study of the religious landscape includes not only architectural remains, but also, sculptures and various categories of shrines, associated religious remains ranging from temple complexes to simple shrines under trees or in stepwells. For instance, while in Khimesvara and in Saurashtra, there are temple complexes, simple shrines are noticed at sites of Balej and Pacchtar, stepwells as shrines are seen at Roda and Dhank, and shrines with votive terracotta offerings are evident at Ambaji/Koteswara. In the case of Buddhism, one comes across simple shelters, as seen at Taranga and Kadia Dungar, residential caves with well-planned water storage system as at Uparkot in Junagadh and at Devnimori in North Gujarat, which is the only specimen of a free-standing stupa in the region of Gujarat. Besides religious complexities, the data dealt with also include issues of patronage, religious processes, resource base of the sacred sites, and coexistence of religious communities at a given site and wider pan Indian networks. The issues are dealt with historically over a period of time and will demonstrate that the region was not static, as far as religious developments were concerned, but dynamism and change was an essential trait in this region in the time period under study.

Notes

1 Kapila Vatsyayan, The Square and the Circle of the Indian Arts, New Delhi: Roli Books International, 1983, p. 104. 2 Himanshu Prabha Ray (ed.), Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010. 3 H.P. Ray and Kapila Vatsyayan (eds), Sacred Landscapes in Asia: Shared Traditions, Multiple Histories, New Delhi: Manohar, 2007. 4 Michael W. Meister (ed.), Ethnography and Personhood: Notes from the Field, New Delhi, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2000, p. 24. 5 Gavin Flood, Hinduism, Vaisnavism and ISKCON: Authentic Traditions or Scholarly Constructions? ISKCON Journal, 3 (2), December 1995. http://content.iskcon.org/icj/3_2/3_2index.html. 6 Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger and Laurie J. Sears (eds), Boundaries of the Text: Epic Performances in South and Southeast Asia, University of Michigan: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, 1991, p. 5. 7 Daud Ali, Courtly Culture and Political Life in Early Medieval India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 18–19. 8 Gregory L. Possehl, The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective, Oxford: Altamira Press, 2002, p. 170. 9 B.K. Thapar, Kalibangan: A Harappan Metropolis beyond the Indus Valley, in G.L. Possehl (ed.), Ancient Cities of the Indus, New Delhi: Vikas publishing, 1979, pp. 201–2. 10 Cathleen Cummings, The Built Environment of Death and Cremation in Hinduism, in Richard Etlin (ed.), The Cambridge World History of Religious Architecture, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming. 11 Vasudev Sharan Agrawala, Indian Art, Varanasi: Prithvi Prakashan, 1965, p. 122. 12 Krishna Deva, Temples of India, New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 1995, p. 8. 13 B.N. Mukherjee, Two Representations of Open Air Shrines in Ancient Vanga, Journal of Bengal Art, 5, 2000, pp. 41–2. 14 Archaeological Survey of India – Annual Report 1914–15, p. 66. 15 Amalananda Ghosh, An Encyclopedia of Indian Archaeology, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1989, p. 62. 16 D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1971, p. 17. 17 Doris Meth Srinivasan (ed.), Mathura: A Cultural Heritage, Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1988, p. 383. 18 Srinivasan, Mathura: A Cultural Heritage, p. 127. 19 Heinrich Lueders, Mathura Inscriptions, Unpublished Papers, Klaus L. Janert (ed.), Gottingen: Abhandlung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse 3 Folge 47, 1961, no. 137. 20 Lueders, Mathura Inscriptions, no. 63. 21 Around the third–fourth centuries, the Nagas appear as one of the political dynasties in North India. According to the Puranas, seven rulers of the dynasty enjoyed the charming city of Mathura. In fact, the Nagas comprised several ruling houses, and in addition to Mathura, their presence is attested to at Vidisa, Padmavati or Pawaya and Kantipurya, F.E. Pargiter, The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1962, pp. 49, 53. The Nagas had marital relations with the Vakatakas and their coins are known from Mathura and Pawaya, H.V. Trivedi, Catalogue of the Coins of the Naga Kings of Padmavati, Gwalior: Department of Archaeology and Museums, 1957. 22 Herbert Haertel, Excavations at Sonkh – 2500 Years of a Town in Mathura, Berlin: D. Reimer, 1993, p. 245. 23 Srinivasan, Mathura, p. 187. 24 S. Mehendale, Begram: New Perspectives on the Ivory and Bone Carvings, Berkeley: Doctoral Dissertation, University of

California, 1997, p. 56. 25 S.B. Deo, Excavations at Bokhardan (Bhogavardhana), Nagpur: Dr. S.V. Bhagvat, 1974, pp. 169–70. 26 Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1978–79, p. 14. 27 Srinivasan, Mathura, p. 192. 28 Heinrich von Stietencron, Hindu Myth, Hindu History, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2005, p. 53. 29 Patrick Olivelle, Dharmasutras, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2000, pp. 2–3. 30 Robert P. Goldman translated, The Rāmāyana of Vālmīki, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 23. 31 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 70, Verse 18. 32 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 37, Verse 4. 33 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 11, Verses 17–18. 34 Ramayana, Kishkindha Kanda, Sarga 4, Verses 14–16. 35 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga36, Verse 21. 36 Ramayana, Sundara Kanda, Sarga 41, Verses 1–2. 37 Ramayana, Ayodhya Kanda, Sarga 49, Verse 13. 38 Nicholas Sutton, Religious Doctrines in the Mahabharata, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2000, p. 60. 39 Michael Willis, The Archaeology of Hindu Ritual: Temples and the Establishment of the Gods, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 40 D.R. Bhandarkar, Archaeological Remains and Excavations at Nagari, Calcutta: Memoirs of the ASI, 1920, p. 120. 41 M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Progress of Archaeology in Karnataka (1956–1972), Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums in Karnataka, 1978, p. 28. 42 Sircar 1965/1993: 192–7, no. 82. Sharma 1991: 283 views the performance of Vedic sacrifices by the queens as ‘an indication of the matriarchal influence over the Vedic and brahmanical patriarchal tradition, which did not permit sacrifices to women’. Somewhat later (pp. 383–4), he argues that the ‘religious aspect of kingship was weakened in postMaurya times’ as there is no reference to the purohita or priest as a high functionary in the inscriptions and that the Satavahanas may have acted as their own priests. 43 Details of the performance of Asvamedha and other sacrifices occur in Vedic literature, and subsequently, in the epics. In the Mahabharata, the Asvamedha was regarded as a ceremony of royal consecration for expiation of sin accrued during the war, while in the Ramayana, the purpose of Dasaratha’s Asvamedha was to beget progeny. N.N. Bhattacharya, Ancient Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents, Delhi: Munishiram Manoharlal, 1996, pp. 12–15. 44 Epigraphia Indica VIII, pp. 78–85. 45 Epigraphia Indica VIII, pp. 60–5. 46 S. Datta, Migrant Brahmanas in North India: Their Settlement and General Impact (c. AD 475–1030), Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1989, pp. 135, 152. Also H.D. Sankalia, Studies in Indian Arcaheology, Bombay: Popular Prakashan Pvt Ltd., 1985, p. 130. 47 ‘Although the words carana and sakha are sometimes used simultaneously, yet carana properly applies to the sect or collection of persons united in one school, and sakha to the traditional text followed …’

48 Sankalia, Studies in Indian Arcaheology, p. 133. 49 D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay: Popular Prakashan Pvt. Ltd, 1956, p. 20. 50 Amita Ray, Life and Art in Early Andhradesa, New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1983, p. 197; Devangana Desai, The Social Milieu of Ancient Indian Terracottas: 600 BC to 600 AD, in Amy Poster (ed.), From Indian Earth: 4000 Years of Terracotta Art, New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1986, p. 26. 51 Stephen Huyler, Terracotta Traditions in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India, in Amy Poster (ed.), From Indian Earth: 4000 Years of Terracotta Art, New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1986, pp. 58–63. 52 Vidula Jataswal and Kalyan Krishna, An Ethnoarchaeological View of Indian Terracottas, New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1986, pp. 143–6. 53 J.K. Bautze, Early Indian Terracottas, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995. 54 Bautze, Early Indian Terracottas, plates 12, 13. 55 Joe Cribb, The Indian Coinage Tradition: Origins, Continuity & Change, Nashik: IIRNS, 2005, pp. 14–15. 56 Cribb, The Indian Coinage Tradition, pp. 15–16. 57 P. Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra – Surasena Silver Punch-Marked Coinage, Nashik: IIRNS, 2004, pp. 11–12. 58 Vijay Nath, Puranas and Acculturation – A Historico-Anthropological Perspective, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2001, pp. 38–9; Kunal Chakrabarti, Anthropological Models of Cultural Interaction and the Study of Religious Process, Studies in History, 8 (1), n.s., 1992, p. 122. 59 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 167. The period between the sixth–seventh and twelfth–thirteenth centuries showed developments vastly different from the society of the earlier period. ‘State formation was a crucial agent of change in this respect, in the sense that it brought a measure of cohesion among local elements of culture by providing them a focus’ (p. 35). While urban centres were characterised as centres of political power, surrounded by large agricultural hinterlands and located along trade routes in the Early Historic period, the character of these urban centres changed in the early medieval period into ‘nodal points in local exchange networks’. Chattopadhyaya, Early Medieval India, p. 181. 60 Vasant Shinde, Shweta Sinha Deshpande and Sanjay Deshpande, The Heritage Sites of Gujarat: A Gazetteer, New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2011, figure 12. 61 Shinde et al., The Heritage Sites of Gujarat, figure 12a. 62 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen, p. 24, S.67, Z.5 (II). 63 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen, p. 49, S.82, Z.23.

 1 Monumental remains Defining sacred space

Certain areas on earth are more sacred than others, some on account of their situation, and others because of their sparkling waters, and others because of the association or habitation of saintly People. (Mahābhārata Anuśāsana Parva 108: 16–18)

Throughout the ages, many cultures have conceived of geographic space and expressed those conceptions in a variety of ways. One expression of these conceptions has been the establishment of sacred geographies. These sacred geographies were demarcated with the creation of temples and other architectural markers. This chapter provides an overview of the sacred sites in Gujarat spanning from circa third century BCE to the eighth century CE. It aims to bring forth an ever expanding religious landscape in Gujarat and diversity in the architectural forms. Certain physical locations were deemed more important and carried a sacred meaning for religions and communities, and structures mark these spaces as sacred. Temples serve as a bridge between the sacred and the profane and are centres for religious experiences as abodes of the divine. It is through art and architecture that the sacred is represented. The aim will be not to focus on the art historical perspective of sacred architecture of Gujarat, but rather, to trace the expansion of sacred geography, diversity, concentration of sites over time within different areas of Gujarat and linkages within sites.

Period I: circa third century BCE to circa first century BCE/CE The criteria for selection of this time frame as the first period is in the nature of the archaeological evidence. Though scanty, the evidence available indicates the beginnings of the demarcation of sacred space by communities in Gujarat through the construction of more or less permanent structures.

Hinduism

A combination of archaeological data and literary evidence indicates the existence of Hindu sacred sites at Dwarka, Somanatha and Padri. All the sites are located along the coast, within the Saurashtra peninsula of Gujarat. Dwarka and Somanatha are mentioned as sacred tirthas in the Mahabharata. Dwarka, famed as the city of Krishna, is mentioned as a sacred spot in the Mahabharata. ‘There is also Dvārāvatī which produces great merit and in which lives the slayer of Madhu’ (III, 88). One should go to Dwarka, as mentioned in the Mahabharata, with regulated diet and vows and one who bathes in the Pindaraka obtains the merit of giving away much gold and that Mahadeva is always present at this tirtha (III, 82). Excavations carried out at Dwarka revealed the existence of a temple (Temple I) dated to first century BCE to second century CE.1 The excavations were carried out in the forecourt of the Dwarkadheesh temple, and Temples II (third–seventh century CE) and Temple III (eighth–twelfth century CE)2 reveal the continued importance of this sacred site over the centuries and till date. In the case of Somanatha, one has to rely solely on literary evidence as even though excavations reveal an early settlement at the site, there is no evidence for the early existence of a temple at the site. The story associated with Prabhasa (Somanatha) is that Soma married twenty-seven daughters of Daksa, and on account of his predilection for Rohini, the other wives complained to Daksa, who cursed Soma so that he was affected by phthisis. In order to get rid of the disease, Soma, on command of Daksa, proceeded to Sarasvati. He reached the greatest of tirthas, called Prabhasa, belonging to Sarasvati. After bathing here, he regained his effulgence, and hence, the place got its name Prabhasa (IX, 35). In the Mahabharata, Prabhas Patan has been described as a sacred tirtha located on the coast of the sea (Vana Parva, Ch. 109). It mentions, ‘O Yudhistira, the brahmanas say that on the sea coast is Prabhasa – the tīrtha which is adored by the celestials’ (III, 880). Agni was always present at this tirtha, and those who bathe here with a subdued mind become pure and obtain the fruits of performing the Agnistoma sacrifice (III, 82). It is also mentioned as a tirtha, which is truly sacred, sin-destroying and a favourite place of Indra (III, 103). A sacred site not mentioned in literary texts and containing evidence of an early shrine is Padri, located in Bhavnagar district of Gujarat, as discussed in the last chapter. Thus, while literary data bring forth the sanctity of Dwarka and Somanatha, archaeology proves the presence of sacred remains at Padri. From among the jars of the Harappan period found during excavations at the site, one of them has a painted figure with a horned head-dress, which has been identified as Pasupata.3 Dated to the early historical period, is a roughly oval structure with a number of post holes along its eastern periphery. The floor had two circular platforms in the northern and southern end with a diameter of 1.5 meters each. Two terracotta plaques of Lajjagauri were recovered from the adjoining area of this floor and it seems the structure had some religious significance.4 This structure has been identified as a temple dedicated to this goddess.5

All the three above-mentioned sites contain evidence of settlement from an early period dating to the Harappan and early Historical periods. Excavations at the site of the Dwarkadheesh temple revealed an occupational layer belonging to fourteenth–thirteenth centuries BCE with lustrous red ware and Harappan ware.6 The site seems to have been reoccupied in 900 BCE and continued up to 500 BCE.7 The third occupational layer corresponds to the second century BCE.8 In the period between 320 BCE and the first century CE, excavations brought to light red slipped ware, black ware, terracotta balls, and stoppers shell bangles, and iron. In Bet Dwarka was found an inscribed potsherd in Mauryan Brahmi, belonging to the same period,9 thus indicating trade contacts with northern India. Temple I was built some time later during this period.10 Similarly, excavations at the site of Prabhas Patan/Somanatha revealed occupational layers dating from an early period. Archaeological excavations at the site of Prabhas Patan reveal five cultural periods, starting from c. 2000–1800 BCE.11 At Somanathapattana, the beginnings of historical settlement date to the fourth century BCE, but religious structures such as temples emerge at a somewhat later period, in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.12

Buddhism The location of Buddhist sacred sites in the region demonstrates a different trend. The few sites in this period are located more in the hilly tracts, with the concentration being in and around the modern-day city of Junagadh. The Deccan trap in the central part of Saurashtra is exposed extensively and most prominent among these is the Girnar hill, which is 1,117 metres high and is the highest hill in Saurashtra, followed by the Barda hill, which is 637 metres high. It is these two hills and their terrain that provide us with structural data indicating the presence of a Buddhist community in Gujarat. Located within the present city limits of Junagadh, the Bawa Pyara caves are carved out of a single separate rock and contain viharas and a caityagrha dating to the Mauryan period.13 The caityagrha had four pillars supporting a flat roof, and the cave itself is 6 metres wide and 1.5 metres deep, and has a nearly semi-circular apse on the west. The caityagrha has a verandah in front of it, from which two cells are entered into, one on each side of the principal hall. There are six pillars in the verandah and each has simha brackets to the roof, the façade of which has very crude caitya window ornaments. At each end of the verandah are winged simha carved in low relief on the walls.14 The other Buddhist site with vihara and dating to the Mauryan period is located in the Barda hills at Ghumli.15 The site is located in the interior region of Saurashtra, between the Vartu and Bhadar rivers in the district of Jamnagar. The Barda hills are called Bahrot by the local Warli community, and interestingly, the caves in these hills were also home to the holy

fire, the ‘Iranshah Fire’, of the Parsis for 12 years, which they carried with them from Sanjan, when the city was burnt by the Arabs, as has been recorded in the Kiss e Sanjan (authorship is recorded as 969 YZ or 1599 CE, and in its conclusion, the story is signed by a Parsi priest named Bahman Kaikobad or ‘Bahman Kaikobad Hamjiar Sanjana’). Figure 1.1 Bawa Pyara caves

Figure 1.2 Interior chamber of Bawa Pyara cave

The Buddhist caves are plain and devoid of much sculptural details and their simplicity suggests the main purpose of these was to accommodate the Buddhist monks during the retreat season. These caves lack evidence to suggest their utilisation as sites for ritual purposes or worship by the lay community on a large scale. The size of these caves suggests the presence of a small community of Buddhist monks. In the succeeding period under study, the proliferation of Buddhist structural remains in and around Junagadh speaks of a flourishing

period of Buddhism.The monuments indicate an increase in the number of monks and lay followers as well.

Demarcation of sacred space by the royalty In addition to the above-mentioned sites, the role of the royalty in the creation of sacred space in this period is seen in the presence of the Asokan rock edict.16 The site of the Edict is at a distance of 1.6 km from the main city of Junagadh and 3.8 km from the Gir forests. The rounded granite boulder with the edicts is situated at the entrance of the valley, about 0.8 km east of the town, near the edge of what was once the Sudarsana lake.17 The Edict, now situated in a building to ensure its protection, is located between the path connecting the Sudarsana lake and the holy Mount Girnar, which has been described as the hermitage of Rsi Dattatreya in the Brhat Samhita (XIV.11), on one side, and the city of Junagadh on the other. Those who entered the city via this path would have surely stopped to take notice of this boulder of stone, 3.6 metres high and 22.8 metres in circumference, inscribed with the edicts of Asoka. The site probably would have marked the entry into the settlement sites, as is still the case. The selection of the site of Junagadh may have been due to varied causes.18 In addition to this, the site was connected to the coastal area, giving it access to trading activities, while the fact that Gir hills are the highest hills in Saurashtra and the city of Junagadh is nestled between the hills provide the site some protection. This is probably the reason why the dam at Sudarsana lake was constructed and later maintained by succeeding rulers. Added to this was the presence of raw materials for the fabrication of beads in Kathiawar in the form of agates, carnelian, onyx, and chalcedony besides chank shells.19 Figure 1.3 Asokan rock edict, Junagadh

Figure 1.4 Close-up of Asokan rock edict, which also carries later inscriptions of Rudradaman I (150 CE) and of the early Gupta rulers

Period II: first century BCE/CE to third century CE The second period under study witnesses not only an increase in the number of sacred sites, but a constantly expanding religious landscape, new forms of sacred sites and a concentration of Buddhist sites in Gujarat. Buddhist sacred space is not limited to the confines of rock-cut architecture, and there is evidence for free-standing architecture, mainly in terms of stupas.

Hinduism An expanding religious landscape is seen in the existence of Hindu sacred remains at the sites in Karvan, Goraj and Nagara. The site of Karvan in the Vadodara district of Gujarat and situated at a distance of about 30 km from Vadodara is also known as Kayavarohan. The temple here is dedicated to Lakulisa, who is considered as an avatar of Shiva. Excavations at the site revealed a brick structure, the outer portion of which was plastered with lime. Also seen were a number of brick walls running north–south and east–west cutting at right angles. A brick wall around a Shiva linga was noticed at the site, and the size of the bricks was 40.64 cm × 24.3 cm × 8.8. cm and 40.64 cm × 25.4 cm × 7.62 cm, and according to Mehta, this fact clearly indicates that temples of brick existed in this part of the country from the Early Historic period II (0–fifth century CE).20 A number of Shiva lingas were also found at the site, which further attests to the sanctity of the site. The site is associated with Lakulisa, a Shaivite revivalist, reformist and preceptor of the Pasupata doctrine of Shaivism. The Avanti Khanda of the Skanda Purana mentions the installation of linga by Lakulisa and his four disciples at Kayavarohanesvara.21 Excavations at the site of Mahadevapura Goraj in Vaghodia taluka of Vadodara district brought to light remains of a temple. Vestiges of a fairly large brick size temple are deduced from the fact that the platform plinth measured 35 metres east–west and 24 metres north– south, and averages between 1.4 metres and 1.5 metres in height, and 29 courses were exposed in the plinth of the structure.22 A brick wall enclosing the temple on three sides was also excavated. The plinth was made of plain and moulded bricks, of which some were decorated. The pranala seen in the temple was oriented north–south and discharged into a brick built kunda having 36 brick courses. The temple’s construction has been dated to the Kshatrapa period (first–fourth century CE). It was dedicated to Shiva and was subsequently rebuilt as well.23 The site of Nagara is located at the Gulf of Khambat, and has antiquities which date the beginnings of the site to the Early Historic period II (0–fifth century CE).24 These include an uninscribed lead seal, copper plates, terracotta figure of a horse, mother goddess, chank bangles, and a beautiful marble image of a flying Gandharva. Also found at the site are

images of Brahma, Parvati and Vishnu, and architectural pieces and pillars are strewn at various places such as Sati ni Deri, Moti Parsiwada, Laxman Hall compound near a well to the east of Dada Tatoo no Mohollo, Asapuri Mata temple, and Patwa Sheri,25 suggesting the earlier existence of some temple at the site. While in the preceding period, there is an association of the Barda hills with Buddhism, in this period, there is scattered evidence pertaining to Hinduism. Loose sculptures of Shiva and Parvati, and a mandapa wall with three free-standing pillars and two pillars in the wall were noticed, and on the opposite side of the kunda, a matha was discovered at the site of Bhrgukunda, located close to Ghumli. Of the brick structures found at the kunda, one is a platform made of bricks measuring 43.8 cm × 27.7 cm × 8 cm, which is the common size of the Kshatrapa period.26 Hence, the site may have contained a temple in this period, and later came to have a matha as well. The site also has a temple complex to its credit, and continues to be an important religious site in the later period, as the hills contain the temple complex of Sonkamsari in the Maitraka period, and the site of Ghumli subsequently becomes the capital of the Saindhava dynasty, with the beautiful Navalakha temple to its credit.

Buddhism An increase in the number of Buddhist sites is noticed in this period, and a concentration of sites is identifiable in and around Junagadh. Increasing complexity within Buddhism can be ascertained on the basis of the variety of Buddhist monumental remains. The repertoire of Buddhist remains consist now of caityas, viharas – both in rock, as well as bricks and structural stupas. In addition, at the site of Khambalida, the presence of carvings of Boddhisattvas are indicators of the existence of more complex forms of Buddhism. The majority of Buddhist monuments in Gujarat are viharas, as compared to caityagrhas or stupas. Rock-cut viharas are noticed at Bawa Pyara, Mai Gadechi, Talaja, Sana, Jhinjhurijhar, Khapara Kodia, Dhan, Uparkot, Khambalida, and Kadi Dungar among others; brick viharas are seen at Intwa, Devnimori and Vadnagar. Besides, caityagrhas are noticed at Bawa Pyara, Talaja, Sana, Khambalida and stupas are seen at Boria, Dhoraji (Rajkot)27 and Hadmatiya28 (Junagadh). At the stupa site of Patanvav, an inscription in the Brahmi script dating to the Kshatrapa period, which reads ‘Son of Dama …’, was also noticed.29 The site of Hadmatiya is located along the bank of river Sarasvati and the outer portion of the stupa, dated to the beginning of the Common era, was built of well-burnt bricks and the inner portion was filled with undressed stone.30 The increased importance of Junagadh in the Buddhist circuit can be attributed to the construction of the Boria stupa. The earliest stupa in Gujarat and datable to the second century, it contained some relics. In 1889, James Campbell discovered a brick mound known as

Laha Medi in Boria valley, 10 km south east of Junagadh. It contained a stone coffer containing a stone pot in which were found a little copper pot, a silver box, and finally, a little gold box. In the gold box were found an aquamarine bead, a ruby, a sapphire, an emerald, two small pieces of wood, and a relic described as a sliver of bone, stone or clay. The presence of lifesized images in the mound surrounding the central coffer led Campbell to suggest that the relics had been housed in an older structure before being moved to the present location.31 This site may have been a part of the religious circuit encompassing the other two stupa sites of Sopara and Kolhapur.32 The find of a few sculptured marble slabs showed that some stone work existed probably as railing and crowning umbrella.33 The stupa had a brick core, which was about 9 metres in height, a central brick paved courtyard, a flanking verandah, and ranges of cells made of large bricks in mud. Other quadrangular brick structures were noticed – two on one flank and one on the other side of this monastery – and it was an impressive establishment.34 Also located at a distance of 3 km from Junagadh is the Intwa vihara, and this, along with the stupa at Boria is the first piece of architectural evidence pertaining to the use of bricks in the construction of Buddhist sacred sites. At the site of Khapara Kodia, the chambers are cut in an east–west longitudinal ridge of trap rock, in which the eastern part is somewhat narrow or constricted and serves to emphasise the two basic wings of rock excavations on either sides.35 The two prominent component wings of the caves comprise the more or less compact oblong western wing, provided with a grid pattern of water tanks within and a roughly ‘L’-shaped wing, essentially fashioned to serve as habitational apartments.36 The site has large water tanks and a welldeveloped system of water storage and utilisation. Figure 1.5 Relic caskets from Boria stupa

Figure 1.6 Khapara Kodia caves

Figure 1.7 Khapara Kodia – pillars with simha brackets

An expansion of Buddhist sacred geography of Junagadh is noticed in the increase of the number of sites: Khapara Kodia, Uparkot, Boria stupa, and the brick-built vihara at Intwa, demonstrating a concentration of Buddhist sites here. The concentration of Buddhist sites at the Girnar hill and its surrounding area seems to have been economically viable to be able to support such a large number of monks living in and around modern-day Junagadh. The establishment at Khapara Kodia was by no means small, and when taken together with the

Bawa Pyara caves as well as the vihara at Intwa, it is clear that this area had a strong Buddhist presence, not seen elsewhere in Gujarat. Figure 1.8 Interior of Uparkot caves, Junagadh

In addition to Junagadh, Buddhist monuments demarcated sacred space at other sites in Gujarat as well. The Khambalida caves, located 21 km from Gondal in Rajkot district, are the only caves belonging to this period that are carved on the exterior with life-size figures of Bodhisattavas, Avalokitesvara and Vajrapani on either side of the entrance to the caitya hall. They are depicted as standing below the Bodhi tree and surrounded by attendants37 and they are clear indicators of the presence of Mahayana Buddhists in the region. The caves at Khambalida, consisting of five groups dating to second–third century CE, contained besides viharas, a caitya hall with a stupa inside it. These caves are the only specimen of decorated caitya in Gujarat. At a distance of a few kilometres from Dhank is the Jhinjuri Jhar ravine, which contains some caves. One of the caves has a verandah, which leads into a cell through a door and two narrower openings measuring 34 cm in width. In the right hand wall of this chamber is a door, which leads to a second room.38 A cave at Jhinjuri Jhar has two octagonal pillars with square bases and capitals. These pillars are connected to the pilasters by a low screen covered in the fashion of a Buddhist rail of large pattern.39 The site of Talaja has about 30 caves excavated at different levels out of a single hill and the

site is located about 3.2 km from the confluence of river Shetrunji and the sea. It has 15–20 water tanks, and the largest of them, known as Ebhal Mandapa, measures 22.8 metres × 20.5 metres × 5.3 meteres and has four octagonal pillars in front, but none inside to support the roof. There is an absence of any partition wall that would divide the structure into an outer verandah and an inner wall. The façade of the cave has remnants of a primitive form of caitya window ornament.40 A large Buddhist monastic complex is seen carved out in the elevated plateau at the site of Sana. The site is located close to the sea with 62 caves on three spurs of an elevated plateau, which slopes down to the perennial stream of river Rupen on the west. The caves at different spurs are approached by rock-cut stairs, and of these, the northern arm is called Munda, which has 18 caves and 47 cells, the eastern arm is called Ravto with 15 caves and 30 cells, and the southern arm with 10 caves and 22 cells is known as Champagalo.41 This site contains three caitya halls as well, but the caves are devoid of any ornamentation.42 Here too, in the Champagalo hill, the largest vihara is known as Ebhal Mandapa, which originally had six pillars in front, and as in the case of Talaja, no pillars inside.43 A number of tanks were noticed near the viharas,44 indicating the site being settled by monks for a longer period and not on a temporary basis, as also the sheer number of caves suggest. Another site in Saurashtra is the cave site at Alech Patan, located in Jam Jodhpur taluka.45 In South Gujarat, rock-cut caves were noticed along Rampura bank of river Majoom in the Kapadvan taluka of Kheda district.46 In Nakhtrana taluka on the side of river Dharud, two caves were noticed, which have been architecturally dated to the third–fourth century CE.47 Cave number I is very simple, with a hall measuring 3.1 metres × 2.8 metres and its ceiling is domical. The second cave is the larger of the two, which is also simple, is east-facing and divided into two parts – namely, the main hall and the adjoining room.48 The other group of caves in South Gujarat is located at Kadia Dungar in Broach district, dating to 300 CE,49 and contains a total of seven caves.50 Kadia Dungar is a small elongated hillock between Jagadia and Netrang and the road between Ankleswar and Netrang is the only road linking it with other parts of Gujarat. An inscription found from cave number I informs us that these caves were carved out during the reign of the Kshatrapa ruler Viradamana.51 Of these, cave number II has a bigger hall, which is 9.4 metres long, and on the outer side of the cave, post holes for wooden railings are visible.52 These caves do not contain any caitya hall or images of Buddha and may have, thus, belonged to the Hinayana Buddhist monks. Beginnings of brick-built Buddhist structures is noticed in this period. These are at the sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar, and the earliest structures at both the sites are the vihara. In the succeeding period, both sites develop into Buddhist complexes with stupas, monastery and votive stupas as well. In this period, the site of Devnimori had a large vihara to its credit,

which was later enlarged twice and repaired as well.53 This site, along with the one at Vadnagar, provide us with the earliest specimens of Buddhist brick-built structures. Close to this vihara, the stupas, one main and four votive were constructed in the next period. Recent excavation brought to light a monastery and other Buddhist remains at the site of Vadnagar, located in north-eastern part of Gujarat. ‘It appears there was a comprehensive Buddhist sanctuary from at least the third century BCE to the 11th century CE.’54 Among the antiquities found are a red sandstone broken head of Buddha of second century CE, a votive tablet with footprint impressions, six petalled flowers, and a crescent-shaped stone tray depicting the scene of the monkey offering honey to Buddha, sherds of black polished ware with inscription in Brahmi legend, dev-shri-ri-shi, shaka-sya and dha-ma, belonging to second–third centuries CE.55 A sandstone human head sculpted in Gandhara art style and terracotta human head pendants, which could have been used as cult objects, and the many fragments of incense burners56 are indicators of rituals associated with Buddhism at the site. As for the structural remains, the stratigraphical position of the monastery suggests that it was built around second–third centuries CE.57 The monastery complex at the site was within the fortified area near the present Ghaskol Gate of Vadnagar. Small in size and square in plan, it measured 14.04 x 14.04 metres and near the north-west corner, there is an extended portion on the western side, consisting of two additional chambers. The plan of the monastery is a quadrangle, with an open square in the middle, surrounded by cells, nine in number originally. A small washing area at the south-west corner of the courtyard was found connected to a covered outlet drain, which passed through the west through the gap between the cells. According to Y.S. Rawat, the plan and construction of the cells around the courtyard followed a swastika-like pattern.58 Kantilal F. Sompura aptly describes the austere and simple Buddhist cave architecture encountered in Gujarat, ‘Nearly all the caves, with the exception of the Khambalida caitya cave, are devoid of decoration at the façade.’59 The sheer numbers of caves that have been found within the region of Gujarat are an indication of the presence of a large Buddhist community. In the second period under study, it is noticed that Buddhist sacred architecture came to include space for worship and rituals, as seen in the presence of the caitya halls and stupas. The absence of images of Buddha at early Buddhist sites has been the centre of much scholarly debate. The inception of the debate on the origins of Buddhist images can be traced back to Alfred Foucher’s essay entitled ‘The Beginning of Buddhist Art’, published in Journal Asitique 1911, wherein the ‘aniconic theory’ was born. The absence of Buddha images in excavations at early Buddhist sites left archaeologists puzzled, and to find an answer to this, Foucher hypothesised both an interpretation of early Buddhist art in India to characterise their absence and a theory of the origin of the Buddha image.60 The depiction of trees, wheels and

stupas in Buddhist works of art were interpreted as ‘aniconic’ substitutes for an anthropomorphic Buddha.61 Susan L Huntington, on the other contrary, states, ‘I think that Foucher and others who have followed him were wrong about what they believed they were seeing – or more correctly not seeing – in the arcaheological and art historical record.’62 Huntington disagrees with the aniconists, who contend that the non-figurative subjects in art are intended to substitute for a human figure.63 She argues that the trees, stupas, wheels, pillars, and other foci of narrative reliefs in the early artistic corpus are, in fact, icons. The art shows completely different types of subject matter and that these subjects do not require a Buddha figure nor even something that substitutes for him.64 The images depict sacred objects and places of Buddhism and the devotions accorded to them by lay practitioners and religious pilgrims.65 Trees, reliquary mounds, footprints, and other subjects were, then, not substitutes for a figurative image, but rather, objects of worship in their own right, and these reflect the core practices that lie at the heart of Buddhism.66 In Huntington’s perspective, the artistic rendering are representations of such monuments (stupa – which were created to house the bodily relic) and the relic veneration practices that occurred at them and not, as others have proposed – depictions of the death scene of Buddha. ‘The second type of relics, namely relic by contact, – anything that the Budha had ever touched or used … have been honoured and revered over the millennia by Buddhist devotees.’67 Such objects in art are, then, not viewed as substitutes for the Buddha images, but are the focus of veneration in their own right.68

Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space For this period under study, there is limited evidence for the direct involvement and support of the royalty at any religious site. This is at the site of Intwa, which is located on a hill about 3 km to the north of Girnar. The vihara at Intwa is known as the Rudrasena vihara on the basis of baked clay sealing with a Brahmi legend recording that it belongs to the bhiksu Sangha of the Maharaja Rudrasena monastery. Excavations here brought to light a rectangular brick flooring measuring 19.7 metres × 57.1 metres.69 This can be considered a major development in Buddhist architecture in this region as, for the first time, an attempt is made to construct a vihara which is not carved out of natural rock. The site near the Sudarsana lake with the rock edict continues to hold importance in this period as well. The rock was engraved during the reign of both the Kshatrapas, in the time of Rudradamana, as well as by the viceroy during the Gupta period. The inscription of the time of Rudradamana mentions that when, by the clouds pouring with rain, the earth had been converted as it were into one ocean, by the excessively swollen floods of the Suvarnasikata, Palasini and other streams of mount Urjayat, the dam breached. It measured 420 cubits long, just as many broad, and 75 cubits deep. All the water escaped. It also mentions that a dam was

built under the rule of the Mauryas by the governor Tushaspha who was a yavana. When the dam broke again and the matter was brought forth to the Mahakshatrapa’s counsellors and executive officers, who, though fully endowed with the qualifications, were averse to a task as they found it futile on account of the enormous extent of the breach. The construction work of the dam was finally carried out by the minister Suvisakha, the son of Kulaipa, a Pahlava, who, for the benefit of the inhabitants of the towns and country, had been appointed by the king in this government to rule the whole of Anarta and Saurashtra.70 Presence of the boulder of stone with inscriptions pertaining to major ruling dynasties indicates the importance of Junagadh, Mount Girnar and its environs for almost a century. Evidence for the constant presence of the royalty and its involvement in the construction of sacred architecture are the construction of the vihara by Rudrasena and erection of a temple dedicated to Vishnu by the viceroy Chakrapalita. Since the role of royalty is limited, we must then turn to archaeological data to determine the patrons of these sacred structures. Kumaran notes that the Kaolin ware used in Deccan in second century BCE to first century CE were reported from sites such as Rajarajeswara, Surpaneswara, Devnimori, and Dwarka – all invariably associated with religious sites.71 Finds of pottery belonging to various ceramic traditions help establish Gujarat’s trade contacts with various parts of the subcontinent. The glazed ware, with its concentration in the Saurashtra peninsula, shows contacts of this area with regions ruled by the Kushanas. On the contrary, the Vasai ware found in concentration in the Kachchh plains and Banaskantha district of Gujarat, both located along the border with Rajasthan, prove the interaction between these two regions.72 In addition to the above-mentioned ceramics, the find of the NBPW, knobbed ware from Hatab, Shamlaji and Devnimori, porcelain from Karvan, the red polished ware found along with Indo-Greek, and Kshatrapa coins and ceramics,73 suggest that local trade networks were established first, followed by overseas trade, which shows that Early Historic people of Gujarat had trade contacts not only with North, East and South India, but also with the Persian Gulf and Red Sea.74 Evidence shows that by the first century CE, Gujarat textiles were being traded in the Horn of Africa.75 There is material evidence from fifth century CE of patterned textiles of Indian origin, probably Gujarati in origin.76 The above evidence hints at the presence of a strong trading community who may have played a major role in the creation of sacred landscapes in Gujarat.

Memorial stones as sacred space New elements that transform the landscape and imbue it with sanctity are memorial stones found in Kachchh and Saurashtra. Memorials are landscaped spaces created to memorialize individuals, places and events.77 The primary reason for sacredness was the act of memorial

designation, of setting aside a space by a group of people. Sites were sacred because they would have meaning to the community or to particular individuals or groups.78 Ceremonies, pilgrimages and rituals acts of consecration create webs of meaning that continually redefine and intertwine the sacred and the profane.79 These are mostly dated to the Kshatrapa period in Gujarat and are spread over Kachchh, Rajkot and Jamnagar districts. In Kachchh, they are to be found at Dolatpur (236 CE and third–fourth centuries CE),80 at Vandh in Mandvi taluka (of the time of Rudrasimha)81 and at Andhau82 (Kshatrapa period). They are also noticed at Gunda83 and Mulvasar (of the time of Rudrasimha and Rudrasena), in Bhanwar taluka of Jamnagar district and at Gadhada (of the time of Rudrasena I), in Jasdantaluka84 of Rajkot district. The five inscriptions found at Andhau were on a raised spot; the inscription in the vicinity of Mevasa in Rapar taluka of Kachchh was noticed on a small hillock, and another inscription was seen lying on a mound 0.8 km south west of Khavda.85 The inscription found at Andhau records the erection of a yasti in memory of A … ka, son of Satrumsaka, a sramanera (novice monk) by his son Dhanadeva, and the inscription belongs to the time of Rudradamana I.86 Another inscription from the same site, dating to 89 CE, records the erection of a yasti in the eleventh year in the reign of Samotik’s son.87 The stone inscription at Mulvasar, Okhamandal mentions the erection of a memorial stone. Similarly, the inscription from Vandh, in Prakrit language, records the erection of a memorial stone, as a funeral monument in memory of a woman who is described as the servant of the mother, as belonging to Atimutaka gotra and as an inhabitant of Kasadesa, by a person named Ajamitra.88 The stones found in Kachchh are in memory of individuals, but those found in Saurashtra record an event, mainly the digging of wells, as seen on the ones found at Gunda, Gadhada and Visavadar. The presence of these in Kachchh signifies the creation of a new type of sacred space, associated not with deities, but sites created to commemorate heroic deeds and sites to venerate the dead. Of these, the Gunda inscription, dating to 181 CE, mentions digging of a well for the welfare of society by Senapati Bapaka’s son, Rudrabhuti Abhira.89 Similarly, the inscription at Gadhada, consisting of seven lines on the walls of a well, mentions the construction of a well.90 Thus, while some wells may have been for agricultural purposes, others may have been religious or social in nature. These memorial stones are unique to Saurashtra and Kachchh, and are not found in any other region of Gujarat, either within this period under study or the next. Probably these were introduced in this region by the Kshatrapas. The limited number of these stones suggests that these were being erected probably only by those who were influential and not as much by the common folk. Memorial stones are also an indicator of worship of ancestors since these stones would be a constant reminder of an important individual of the clan or family in whose

honour the stone was erected.

Period III: fourth century CE to eighth century CE This period witnessed immense growth and development in sacred architecture and sculpture. Most of the monumental remains of this period are in the form of temples, and for Buddhism, the religious complexes from the sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar attest to the continued importance of this religion in Gujarat. There is a spurt in temple construction and sculptures and it can be said that the foundation of temple architecture was laid and artisans and craftsmen were becoming proficient and experimenting with varied styles of architecture.

Hinduism While earlier sites of Karvan, Dwarka and Somanatha continue in this period too, there is an increase in the number of Hindu temples. Temple sites come up towards the interiors and coastal areas as well. At the site of Goraj, Vadodara district, a plinth of a brick-built structure was unearthed.91 The temple, even though constructed in the earlier period under study, was used and rebuilt in the Gupta and the Maitraka period. This is seen in the different stages of repair of the plinth and the find of a coin of Kumaragupta and Maitraka sculpture at the site.92 The site of Chachlana is located in the Kalyanpura taluka of Jamnagar district and it revealed remains of the Kshatrapa period. Found at the site were red polished ware, black on red ware and terracotta and stone sculptures. Found at the site is a sculpture of Kubera belonging to the fourth century CE, and this, along with the other architectural fragments from the site, suggests the remains of a temple dating to the fourth century CE.93 The site seems to have been an urban centre and probably an administrative centre and a strategic defence location since it is fortified.94 Some of the sites located in North Gujarat are Shamlaji, Than, Roda Polo, and Lakroda. The site of Shamlaji is located along the river Meshvo in the Sabarkantha district of Gujarat, and within the same district are located the sites of Lakroda. Goraj and Roda sites chosen as sacred sites are located in the hilly and forested areas, such as Shamlaji and Lakroda, unlike earlier sites that were only in close proximity to the coast. Figure 1.9 Temple at stepwell, Roda

Figure 1.10 Temples inside stepwell at Roda

At the site of Lakroda, the shrine and mandapika have been dated to the last quarter of the eighth century CE.95 At Roda, the temple complex contains seven temples,96 of which four are

located within a stepwell at the site. This site was never mentioned either by James Tod, J. Burgess, Henri Cousens or Sankalia. The studies on Roda were initiated by P.A. Inamdar [1926], followed by U.P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky in the 1960s. The name ‘Roda’ literally means brickbats, and the site is located between the villages of Raisingpura and Khed Chandarani.97 Close to the well at one end are another three temples, with elaborate sculptural decoration while temple No. 7, a Shiva temple, is located near the curving of the river, has an austere doorway and is devoid of sculptural elaboration. This temple was originally connected to the river with stone steps, which are now ruined. Of the ones located next to the stepwell, two continue to survive, while the base is all that exists of the third temple. The sculptures collected from the site and preserved in the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery point to an established religious site with temples dedicated to almost all in the Hindu pantheon.98 Temple-building activity at the site probably continued for at least two centuries as the sculptures in the museum and the thirteenth-century stepwell in a nearby village would suggest.99 Other sites in North Gujarat are those of Polo and Shamlaji, and the former comes to contain numerous Hindu as well as Jaina temples in the medieval period. Located deep within the Vijaynagar forest in Sabarkantha district, the city of Polo is believed to have been established in the tenth century by the Parihar kings of Idar, and was then conquered in the fifteenth century by the Rathod Rajputs of Marwar. The name is derived from ‘pol’, the Marwari word for ‘gate’, signifying its status as a gateway between Gujarat and Rajasthan. It was built between Kalaliyo in the east, the highest peak in the area, and Mamrehchi in the west, considered sacred by the local adivasis. At Polo, one notices only doorframes of an earlier period in the Shamlaji and Roda style,100 pointing to a temple at the site in the eighth century CE. Only the shrine walls survive and the blocks that are lying around point to the earlier existence of a mandapa as well. The temple seems to have been dedicated to Vishnu in one of his manifestations and the seat in the back wall of the shrine shows that it was not a Shaiva temple with a linga.101 Another temple site is located on the upper region of Saurashtra at the site of Than, where the temple dates to the first half of the eighth century CE.102 The shrine is located outside the courtyard to the north of the Surya shrine. Even though the Surya temple dates to a later period, an old doorframe fixed into the entrance porch, an eroded image of Revanta and a mutilated image of Surya are indicators of the presence of a shrine belonging to an earlier period.103 The vast majority of temples, labelled as ‘Maitraka Temples’ and dating to between the sixth century CE and the eighth century CE,104 emerge along the coastline of Saurashtra. These temples have been labelled after the then ruling dynasty of the Maitrakas, with their capital at Valabhi, but there is no evidence linking the temples to this royal dynasty. The temples running along the coast of Saurashtra are located between the sites of Dwarka and

Somanatha, and the majority of the temples are seen between the Vartu and Bhadar rivers. Even though all the temple sites are located along the coastline, diversity in location is noticeable – some temples were erected at creeks (Miyani), yet others at hill tops (Ghumli) and yet others were directly on the sea coast (Khimesvara). There being no evidence to prove the involvement of royalty in the construction of these temples, one may attribute them to coastal communities involved in maritime activities, trade and fishing. The earliest surviving stone temple is located at Gop. This temple is found in the interior and is located on a hilly outcrop. It seems to be looking down upon the surrounding area. The temple stands out in its surroundings and is clearly visible from a distance while on the road. This hilly outcrop is today surrounded by agricultural land, which is tilled by brahmanas. The temple site had to its advantage the availability of agricultural land as well as mineral resources. This could probably explain the choice of this site for the construction of a temple. The temple complex of Boricha is also located away from the coast and is built around what is now called a Yajnakunda, where all temples contain Shiva lingas. They seem to be architecturally Dravidian in style, and of these, only one contains a path for circumambulation. Scattered around the temple area are images of Nandi and also seen is an image of Ganesha. It is no longer under worship and is nestled in a village whose people practice agriculture. Found close to the temple is a well – but a natural one without any steps. Khimesvara is a temple complex located about 122 metres away from the sea. Earlier, it was probably closer to the sea, but is more distant now because of the silting over the centuries. The site seems to have been religiously and architecturally an important site since it is a temple complex and contains within itself varied architectural styles. Interestingly, it is the only site in Saurashtra where an example of the Valabhicchandaja105 style is to be found, with the main temple being dedicated to Shiva. Another site that shows continuity of worship is Miyani. This site is located on a creek and temples are to be found on either side. The creek was used as a sheltering harbour for local small craft, particularly fishing vessels. Besides temples belonging to the period under study, also seen are two temples exquisitely done in the Chalukyan style. The older temples are to be found on the slope treaded to reach the top of this hill and are located on either side of the path. The choice of this site was probably because of the view one could get from the top. From one side, the sea can be easily seen up to its horizon, and from the other side, the settlement area is visible. The site must have been important because of its location at the creek, as well as the view it could afford of the surrounding area. This is the only site where six temples, mostly in groups of two, covering different periods, are found. The temples stand testimony to the continued importance of this site over a long period of time. The site of Adodar is located 3–4 km inland from the shore and seems to have been continuously worshipped. This site too is a temple complex and is currently mainly a Shaivite shrine, even though it was dedicated to Surya earlier.

A temple site that continues to be dedicated to Surya is Pata. Found here is also a newly built shrine, dedicated to Navadurgas. Even though the small shrine is new, the images of the goddesses and that of Ganesha seem to be old. They are very plain and simple and do not have any finesse. The images of the goddesses are an interesting mix, with some being represented in the motherly aspect and others in the warrior goddess aspect. Beyond the site of Somanatha are another three temple sites – namely Kadvar, Sutrapada and Pasnavada. The temple at Kadvar is of Vaishnavite affiliation where currently an original image of Varaha is under worship, and those at Sutrapada and Pasnavada are dedicated to Surya. All of them are located at a short distance from the coast, and the temples at Sutrapada, Kadvar and Pasnavada are surrounded by agricultural land and located in the interior of these villages. The location of the majority of temple sites along the coast prompts one to look for associations of these with trading networks and coastal communities of Gujarat. Gujarat had many ancient small settlements connected by caravan routes. Amreli, Devnimori, Dwarka, Girnar, Karvan, Somanatha, Pindara, Vadodara, Vala, and Vasai were all flourishing as small industrial and administrative townships.106 The importance of the trading community in the construction of sacred architecture and their maintenance is seen in the inscriptions of the time of Toramana and the Mandasor inscription. The copper plates of the time of Toramana record donations of commodities by local and long-distance merchants to a Vaishnava temple of the deity Jayasvamin.107 Ranabir Chakravarti notes that donations to this temple by a mercantile organisation of local and long-distance merchants who came from Kannauj, Ujjayini and Mathura indicate that the district headquarters of Vadrapali ‘can be viewed as a nodal point in the overland supra local trade network’.108 The Mandasor inscription mentions the construction of a temple by a guild of silk weavers who had migrated there from the province of Lata in Gujarat.109 Figure 1.11 Varaha temple, Kadvar

Buddhism While for Hinduism, we have architectural remains, the database for Buddhism consists mainly of inscriptions, sculptures and archaeological remains. Buddhist sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar develop into huge complexes with viharas and stupas and votive stupas as well. The presence of monastic complexes revealed through archaeology at the sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar, and with the aid of inscriptional data at the site of Valabhi, stand testimony to the flourishing condition of Buddhism in Gujarat. At the time of the visit of Xuanzang, a number of Buddhist schools were flourishing in Gujarat. S. Beal’s Si-yu-ki notes that there were 10 sangharmas with 300 monks in Bharukaccha,110 10 sangharmas with 100 monks at Kachha,111 100 monasteries with 6,000 monks at Valabhi,112 and in Saurashtra, 500 sangharmas with 3,000 monks.113 Image worship was also common among the Sammitiyas of Valabhi.114 This complexity mentioned by Xuanzang is well corroborated by the presence of Buddhist sites spread across Gujarat. Figure 1.12 Varaha image under worship, Kadvar

At Vadnagar, the preceding period has Buddhist structural remains in the form of monasteries, but belonging to this period are additional two small votive stupas. The stupas, one square and the other circular in plan, were uncovered near the north-eastern part of the monastery, and have been dated to the fourth–fifth centuries CE.115 The elevation of stupa square in the plan shows that it was erected in a terraced fashion, with square platforms in diminishing dimensions raised over one another with the topmost surmounted by a semi-

circular solid dome (anda)., the circular base of which measures 2 metres in diameter. The second stupa, circular in plan, measures 2.24 metres in diameter and only the lower three courses are extant.116 Located at about 20 km from the site of Vadnagar are the Taranga hills, which have Buddhist caves ascribable to this period. The earliest archaeological remains from the site were reported in 1938 and these were the image of Tara and a few Buddhist images, including Avalokitesavara Padmapani found in two shrines, locally known as Dharanmata and Taranmata. In addition, a small panel depicting four Dhyani Buddhas was reported from Jogida hill inside a natural rock shelter.117 These hills have ruins of cave dwellings, two Buddhist shrines and the remains of an ancient dam. There is a natural spring at the right bank of a seasonal stream, which is the only perennial source of water available at present118 and the Taranmata and Dharanmata shrines are located on a high terrace just above this bank. One of the constructions on the right side of the rivulet seems to be an altered base of a Buddhist stupa as two large-sized terracotta images of Buddha have been recovered from its top surface. Based on stylistic similarities with images from Devnimori, these have been dated to the last quarter of the fourth century CE.119 There is a path that connects the Jogida hill site with Dhyani Buddhas and the shrine of Taranmata.120 Evidence of the continuity of Buddhism well into the eighth–ninth centuries CE is from the site of Taranmata, where the marble image of Tara has been dated to eighth–ninth centuries CE.121 From the twefth century CE onwards, the site becomes an important centre of Jaina pilgrimage122and has a Jaina temple complex to its credit, which is located on the opposite bank of the river with the site of Taranmata temple. But the legend of the place continues in the name itself, and the Kumarapala Pratibodha of Somprabhacharya, composed in V.S. 1241, records that King Veni Vatsaraja, a Buddhist and contemporary of Jaina monk Arya Khaputacharya, built a temple to the goddess Tara in the city which came to be known as Tarapur after her and Tarapur is identified with Taranga.123 Excavations at the site of Devnimori brought to light a mahastupa, four votive stupas, a vihara, and what may have been an apsidal temple. A number of images of Buddha in dhyanamudra and other decorative architectural pieces were also recovered during the excavations.124 This site is discussed in detail in the chapter dealing with parallel existence with the Hindu site of Shamlaji. In the region of Kachchh, the Buddhist caves found at the site of Siyot have been dated to between the eighth and eleventh centuries CE. Most of the caves were simple and small, and the main cave has a door and faces north. One of the chambers, chamber C, has a pradaksinapatha in the rear end, and in chamber A, the entrance door facing west has a niche. Excavations at the site brought to light more than a thousand fragments of clay sealings. Of these, 50 were intact, and on one fragment, the upper remaining portion contains the figure of a spire of a temple,125 further indicating the probable existence of a Buddhist temple as well.

In the coastal east and southern area, after Kadia Dungar in the preceding period, the other Buddhist site is at Kampiya village in the Navasari taluka of South Gujarat. Found at the site was some earthen work and a small votive clay object, and this, along with inscriptional data, points to the existence of a Buddhist community at the site. The copper plate grant of Rashtrakuta Dantivarmana, dating to Saka 789, records the donation of the village of Chokkhakuti to the vihara at Kampilya,126 and mention of this vihara is found in the inscription of King Dhruva, dating to Saka 806.127 Though the site has not been excavated, inscriptional data and remains at the site suggest, ‘the occupation of the site of the monastery’.128 In the earlier two periods, a gradual concentration of Buddhist sites was noticed around Mount Ginar and Junagadh. For the third period under study, the copper plate grants of the Maitraka dynasty, totaling to 98, dating from 499 CE to 740 CE, confirm the presence of a Buddhist community at the Maitraka capital of Valabhi. A study of these reveals that a major concentration of Buddhist viharas existed at Valabhi and its surrounding areas. Inscriptional data reveal the existence of 14 such viharas, all except two were under a viharamandalas. The main viharamandalas were the Dudda viharamandala and the Yaksasura viharamandalas. Under the Dudda viharamandala were the Dudda vihara, viharakuti of Buddhadasa, Yakkamali vihara, Gohaka vihara, Skandabhata vihara, Vimalagupta vihara, and the acharya Sthiramati vihara. The Yaksasura viharamandalas contained the Yaksasura vihara, Purnabhatta vihara and Ajita vihara. In addition to the viharas in the above two viharamandalas, the other viharas in Valabhi were the Bappadiya vihara and the Abhyantarika vihara. Taking this piece of evidence into account, along with that of the earlier period, it becomes apparent that a concentration of Buddhist sites in both periods is found at the provincial capital (Junagadh), and then, at the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty (Valabhi). While the data seem to suggest that these were the creation of the royalty, a careful analysis reveals that the rulers donated to already established viharas. Besides the Dudda vihara, no other vihara was constructed by the ruling dynasty. The common factors at the site of Junagadh and Valabhi are the rich agricultural land in their surroundings, and the fact that they were wellestablished towns where trading activities took place. Virji mentions that agriculture was the chief occupation, and besides agriculturists, in the country, also a rich class of traders and industrialists existed.129 Dandin’s Dasakumaracarita mentions, ‘there is a city named Valabhi in Saurashtra. In it there is an owner of ships (nāvikapati) named Grhagupta, who can vie with Kubera in riches … A merchant prince named Balabhadra from Madhumati (Mahuva) comes to Valabhi’.130 Both the sites had major rivers flowing nearby, and while Bhadar is still the major river in Junagadh district, the river Ghelo is important in Bhavnagar district. The Buddhist monasteries then seem to have been concentrated at economically viable sites where both trade and agriculture were carried out. The two sites demonstrate a trend wherein these sites were important even prior to them being established as ruling capitals. At Junagadh, the

first evidence of prosperity are the Saurashtra janapada coins, which are then followed by the earliest caves and the rock edicts of Asoka. In the case of Valabhi, donation of land to already established monasteries hints at the site being selected by the Buddhists prior to its becoming the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty.

Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space Direct reference to the erection of a temple by the royalty in the region, and probably the only one so far, is the inscription pertaining to the Gupta period, inscribed on the same boulder of rock that contains inscriptions of the Mauryan and Kshatrapa period. The inscription pertaining to the Gupta period, besides mentioning the repair of the dam, clearly points to the construction of a temple by the royalty in the vicinity of the dam. This is the only other piece of evidence of the direct involvement of the royalty in the erection of a temple in the region. It mentions that in due course of time, there came the season of clouds, bursting asunder, when much water rained down unceasingly for a long time, by reason of which the lake Sudarsana suddenly burst – making the calculation in the reckoning of the Guptas, in a century of years, increased by 30 and also six more, at night, on the sixth day of (the month) Prausthapada. And these other rivers which take their source from the mountain Raivataka, and also, this Palasini, beautiful with its sandy stretches, all of them the mistresses of the ocean, having dwelt so long in captivity, went again, in due accordance with the scriptures, to their lord the sea. And having noticed the great bewilderment, caused by the excess of rain, Urjayat, desirous of appropriating the wives of the mighty ocean, stretched forth as it were a hand. Then, Cakrapalita, the governor, having sacrificed to the gods with oblations of clarified butter and with obeisance, and having gratified the twice-born with presents of riches and having paid respect to the citizens with such honours as they deserved, and to such of (his) servants as were worthy of notice, and to (his) friends with presents, in the first fortnight of the month … belonging to the hot season, on the first day, he, having practiced all the above respectful observances for two months, made an immeasurable expenditure of wealth, and, [built an embankment] a hundred cubits in all in length, and sixty and eight in breadth, and seven (?) men’s height in elevation, … of two hundred cubits.

The second part of the inscription mentions that the viceroy also built a temple. It states that Chakrapalita, who is endowed with his own good qualities, (and) whose life is devoted to (the worship of) the feet of (the god) Govinda, … by him, with a great expenditure of wealth and time [there was built a temple] of that famous (god Vishnu) who carries the discus, … enemies, (and) who became (incarnate and) human by the exercise of his own free will. (Thus) by Chakrapalita, who is of a straightforward mind, there has been caused to be built a temple of (the god) Chakrabhrit, in a century of years, together with the thirty-eighth (year) … the time of the Guptas.131 While a number of temples are erected in different parts of Gujarat in this third period

under study, none contain any evidence of the involvement of the royalty in their construction. This is the only inscriptional evidence in Gujarat to prove the role of the royalty in the erection of a temple. The other inscription with evidence for the role of royalty in the creation of sacred space are the copper plates of the time of Toramana from Sanjeli, Gujarat, dating to the end of the fifth–beginning of the sixth century CE. The three inscriptions record grants to a temple built by the queen mother Viradhikya.132 These are the only pieces of direct evidence for the involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred space. But in the larger region of Gujarat, this role can be said to have been limited in nature as no other sacred site, besides the abovementioned ones, contain any form of evidence of the role played by the royalty.

Conclusion The chapter demonstrates a constantly expanding sacred landscape in Gujarat, with Buddhist and Hindu remains. While Jainism does also exist in the region, it has been excluded since the data pertaining to Jainism are mainly sculptural, and hence, it is discussed in the succeeding chapters. A combination of data available in terms of architectural remains, inscriptional data and literary tradition displays the diversity and complexity of religious sites in the period under study. Besides an ever-expanding religious landscape, clear concentration of sacred architecture is identifiable as well. In the case of Buddhism, a clear concentration of sites could be identified in and around the site of Junagadh in the second period, and in the third period under study, the focus shifts to Valabhi as inscriptional evidence informs us of the existence of numerous monasteries at Valabhi and in its vicinity. Junagadh and its environs with Buddhist structural remains seem to have formed a religious circuit and it is probably the pilgrims visiting the sites that were the focus of address in the Asokan edicts engraved on the Girnar rock. A gradual expansion of Hindu sacred space is noticed as well. A proliferation of temples occupying sites of coastal Saurashtra seem to have formed a religious circuit, with Dwarka and Somanatha at either ends. The temples also bring forth the diversity in locations as well as deities worshipped – Shiva, Surya and Vishnu. There has been a general association of the construction of temples in the early medieval period with the ruling dynasty and Bhakti. In the opinion of B.D. Chattopadhyaya, regional states emerged from the seventh to tenth centuries, marked by complex changes in religious dimensions of society and it is believed that Bhakti and the worship through Bhakti of God as lord located in a temple was the key ideological strand of the period.133 D. Desai concludes that at numerous feudal centres, temples were constructed in permanent material such as stone for the first time in fifth century CE, inspired by the growing importance of Bhakti and

the newly established Smarta Puranic religion, which was associated with the new social setup.134 A similar viewpoint is expressed by H. Kulke, who also lays stress on the political importance of temples, which were a potential media used by the political elite. ‘It is most likely that through the construction of these temples rājās tried to create a new and centralized ritual structure, focused on the new state temple and its royal cult.’135 A study of the temples located at various sites in Gujarat reiterates the inference drawn by Ray that ‘The assumption by historians that kings established temples and donated to brahmanas to seek legitimization of their rule and that these religious shrines were agents of acculturation is not substantiated by available data.’136 Even though the numerous temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, which have been labelled as Maitraka Temples do not provide any evidence of the involvement or contribution of the ruling Maitraka dynasty in the spate of temple construction activities, neither is there any evidence to substantiate the existence of any ‘imperial temple’ that can be ascribed to this dynasty. The inscriptional data further verify the view to reassess temple construction in light of Bhakti, feudalism and the ruling elite. Of the 98 copper plate grants ascribed to the Maitraka rulers spanning from 499 CE to 740 CE, there is clear absence of the mention of any of the temple sites or even the construction of any temple by the rulers. The notion of the presence of ‘cultic centre’ or the role of temples in ‘cultic’ centres is negated by the archaeological, literary or inscriptional evidence, as none of these even remotely indicate the existence of a temple at the capital of the Maitraka dynasty located at Valabhi. Even in the case of the succeeding ruling dynasty, namely, the Saindhavas, it is noticed that they chose their capital to be located at an already established sacred site. Their capital of Ghumli was located at the foothills of the earlier temple site of Sonkamsari. In the regin of aother major ruling dynasty of the medieval period, the Chalukyas/Solankis, a similar trend in noticed. The pattern of Chalukya patronage also suggests that the connection between deity and dynasty was not clear-cut. Chalukya political consolidation did not rely exclusively on the patronage of Shaiva temples and complexes, but encompassed Jaina establishments as well.137 Thus, without the role of the royalty, the existence and continuity of sacred sites need to be studied and analysed in terms of the varied communities of the region. These sites are created, maintained and patronised by communities and since there is no direct evidence for the involvement of the royalty, it becomes imperative to locate the sacred sites within the context of settlements and identify the resource base that enabled the construction and maintenance of these sacred sites. The settlement pattern, with the aid of archaeological and inscriptional data, shall be analysed, to determine whether trade, agriculture or craft and manufacturing activities were being carried out at a site, or whether a combination of two or more existed at a site. Also, in looking for the support base of the religious sites, it must be taken into consideration that Gujarat was economically viable and the support came, in all probability, from various social groups. The issues of patronage and continuity shall be addressed in the following

chapter. The Buddhist architectural remains demonstrate ever evolving forms of architecture to accommodate the ritual needs. While the earliest structures are simple monastic caves, over time, one notices the presence of caityagrhas, stupas and votive stupas. From small monasteries, the religious remains expand to full-fledged religious complexes replete with varied architectural features, as noticed at Devnimori and Vadnagar. The sheer number and type of sites demonstrate a diversity in the forms of Buddhism prevalent as well as the large following and support it gathered in Gujarat. Sites being located mostly on trade routes, Devnimori, Vadnagar and Siyot connect these Buddhist sites with other parts of the subcontinent through communities that visited and supported these. This chapter took into consideration only a part of the database comprising architectural remains. The region also has to its credit a vast number of sculptures scattered at different sites. While temple sites were the domain of coastal Saurashtra, sites with sculptural remains were found to be located mostly in northern Gujarat. An analysis of these sculptural remains shall be undertaken in Chapter 3 to further demonstrate diversity in types of sacred sites, existence of various sacred sites not available in the archaeological records and diversity in deities worshipped within different areas of Gujarat. Jainism shall also be discussed in the chapter pertaining to sculptural remains since, as yet, no structure has been clearly identified as Jaina in any of the three periods under study, even though the sculptural remains point to a strong Jaina presence in the region.

Notes 1 Debala Mitra, ed, Indian Archaeology – A Review 1979–80, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1983, p. 24. 2 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 3 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1990–91, p. 9. 4 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1991–92, pp. 21–2. 5 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjagauri? The Recent Evidence from Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, pp. 481–5. 6 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 29. 7 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 29. 8 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 29. 9 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Recent Explorations in Jamnagar District of Saurashtra, Man and Environment, 10, 1986, p. 10. 10 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 28. 11 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1971–72, pp. 12–13. 12 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India: Diverse Narratives of Travel in the Western Indian Ocean, Athens Dialogues, 3.15, http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35 (accessed on 29

August 2015). 13 Kantilal F. Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat – A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Institute, 1965, p. 32. 14 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 7. 15 Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology, Rajkot: Government of Gujarat, 1972–73, p. 4. 16 E. Hultzsch edited, Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol I. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1991 (reprint). 17 K.V. SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 12. 18 It would also seem as though the area was agriculturally important, as according to Romila Thapar, one of the major agricultural regions in the Mauryan period was Saurashtra in the west. Romila Thapar, The Mauryas Revisited, Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Comp., 1987, p. 13. 19 U.P. Shahi, Urbanisation in Gujarat: A Geographical Analysis, Gorakhpur: Institute for Rural Economic Development, 1989, p. 23. 20 R.N. Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, Broach and Surat Districts up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1957, p. 204. 21 N.P. Joshi, Regional Trends in Some of the Mediaeval Brahmanical Sculptures of Malwa, in M.D. Khare (ed.), Malwa Through the Ages, Bhopal: Directorate of Archaeology & Museums, Government of Madhya Pradesh, 1981, p. 112. 22 B.M. Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat – Excavations at Goraj, Puratattva, 20, 1989–90, p. 108. 23 Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108. 24 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, p. 204. 25 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, pp. 152, 204. 26 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1983, p. 111. 27 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1975–76, p. 3. 28 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1971–72, p. 11. 29 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1975–76, p. 3. 30 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1971–72, p. 11. 31 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Return of the Buddha – Ancient Symbols for a New Nation, Delhi: Routledge, 2014, pp. 104– 5. 32 Henry Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Western India, London: The India Society, 1926, p. 8. 33 Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Western India, p. 7. 34 Debala Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1971, p. 141. 35 K.V. SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, New Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 32. 36 SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, p. 33. 37 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 7. 38 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 12. 39 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 19.

40 James Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, London: H. Allen and Co., 1880, pp. 201–2. 41 Le Thi Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1992, p. 53. 42 Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, p. 146. 43 J. Burgess, Reports of theAntiquities of Kathiawad and Kacchch, Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1971, p. 149. 44 Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, p. 56. 45 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1972–73, p. 3. 46 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1973–74, p. 4. 47 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1969–70, pp. 3–4. 48 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1969–70, pp. 3–4. 49 Yasmin Sindhi, KadiaDungar – An Archaeological Site, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1999, p. 14. 50 Sindhi, KadiaDungar, p. 3. 51 Sindhi, KadiaDungar, p. 25. 52 Sindhi, KadiaDungar, p. 17. 53 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report of the Excavations Conducted from 1960–63), Vadodara: MS University, 1966, p. 10. 54 Y.S., Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery and Other Buddhist Remains at Vadnagar and Taranga in North Gujarat, India, in Barbara Andaya (ed.), Bujang Valley and Early Civilizations in Southeast Asia, Malaysia: Department of National Heritage, Ministry of Information, Communication and Culture, 2011, p. 240. 55 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 228. 56 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 230. 57 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 226. 58 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 226. 59 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 24. 60 Susan L. Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens – A Case of Mistaken Scholarly Trajectory, in Julia A.B. Hegewwald (ed.), In the Shadow of the Golden Age: Art and Identity in Asia from Gandhara to Modern Age, Berlin: E.B. Verlag, 2014, p. 80. 61 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 84. 62 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 80. 63 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 86. 64 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 88. 65 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 90. 66 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, pp. 79–114, 93. 67 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lensp, p. 97. 68 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 98. 69 B.Ch Chabbra, Intwa Clay Sealing, Epigraphia Indica, 28, 1949–50, pp. 174–5.

70 F. Kielhorn, Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman: The Year 72, Epigraphia Indica, 8, pp. 36–49. 71 R.N. Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, Current Science, 107 (4), 2014, p. 584. 72 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 583. 73 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 584. 74 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 584. 75 Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarthi (eds), The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textile, Oxford: Oxford University Press, Pasold Research Fund, 2009, p. 163. 76 Rielloand Parthasarthi (eds), The Spinning World, p. 163. 77 Erika S. Svendsen and Lindsay K. Campbell, Living Memorials: Understanding the Social Meaning of Community Based Memorials, September 11, 2001, Environment and Behaviour, 42 (3), 2010, p. 319. 78 Svendsen and Campbell, Living Memorials, p. 326. 79 Svendsen and Campbell, Living Memorials, p. 319. 80 V.V. Mirashi, Daulatpur Inscription of the Reign of Chashtana, Journal of Oriental Institute, 28, 1978–79, pp. 31–7. 81 P. R. Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica, 37, 1967–69, p. 142. 82 Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 141. 83 Prof. G. Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, Indian Antiquary, 10, 1881, p. 157. 84 R.D. Banerji and V.S. Sukthankar, Three Kshatrapa Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica, 16, 1921–22, p. 238. 85 J.M. Nanavati and H.G. Shastri, An Unpublished Kshatrapa Inscription from Cutch, Journal of Oriental Institute, 11 (3), 1962, p. 237. 86 Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 141. 87 Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, p. 157. 88 Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 142. 89 Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, p. 157. 90 Banerji and Sukthankar, Three Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 238. 91 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1982–83, p. 31. 92 Pande and Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108. 93 Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD, p. 386. 94 Atusha M. Bharucha, The Archaeology of the Settlements of the Kshatrapa Period, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Deccan College, Pune, 1997, p. 124. 95 Michael W. Meister and M.A. Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 1991, p. 357. 96 Kantilal F. Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat (up to 1600 AD), Ahmedabad: Gujarat University, 1968, p. 86. 97 Jayaram Poduval, The Roda Group of Temples – The Pioneering Monuments of the Architecture Heritage of Gujarat, http://historyandarts.blogspot.in/2007/01/roda-group-of-temples.html (accessed on 28 July 2015). 98 Poduval, The Roda Group of Temples. 99 Jayaram, The Roda Group of Temples. 100 Michael W. Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture: North India: Foundations of North Indian

Stylec.c.250 BC to AD 1100, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 357. 101 Henry Cousens, Somanatha and Other Medieval Temples in Kathiawad, Varanasi, Delhi: Indological Book House, 1986 (reprint), p. 48. 102 Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat, p. 86. 103 Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. II, Part 1, p. 384. 104 Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, pp. 197–206. 105 Meister and Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, p. 194. 106 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 582. 107 R.N. Mehta and A.M. Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, Vadodara: MS University, 1978. 108 Ranabir Chakravarti, Three Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana: Glimpses of Socio Economic and Cultural Life in Western India, in Ellen Raven (ed.), South Asian Archaeology 1999: Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, held at the Universiteit Leiden, 5–9 July 1999. Groningen: Egbert Forsten (Gonda Indological Studies 15), p. 397. 109 J. F. Fleet (edited) Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1888, p. 149. 110 Samuel Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, Calcutta, 1958, p. 260. 111 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, p. 266. 112 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, pp. 266–7. 113 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, p. 269. 114 Sukumar Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1962, pp. 228–9. 115 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 229. 116 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 229. 117 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 231. 118 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 234. 119 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 235. 120 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 237. 121 U.P. Shah, GujaramaBaudh Dharma, Svadhaya, Book. I. No. iii. Vadodara: Svadhyaya, 1964, pp. 317–21. 122 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 231. 123 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, pp. 29–30. 124 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori. 125 Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, p. 66. 126 D.R. Bhandarkar, Plates of Dantivarman of Gujarat, Samva 789, Epigraphia Indica, 6, 1900–1901, pp. 285–94. 127 A.S. Altekar, A New Copper Plate of Dhruva II, Epigraphia Indica, 22, 1933–34, pp. 66–7. 128 M.G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, p. 111. 129 K. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of Arts and Sciences, 1952, p. 219. 130 M.R. Kale, Daśakumāracarita of Dandin, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966, p. 332. 131 J.F. Fleet (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Vol. 3,

Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5. 132 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana. 133 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 29. 134 D. Desai, Social Dimensions of Art in Early India in Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Gorakhpur: Indian History Congress, 1989–90, pp. 21–56. 135 H. Kulke, State in India, 1000–1700, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 14. 136 H.P. Ray, The Arcaheology of Sacred Space – Introduction, in H.P. Ray and Carla Sinopoli (eds), Archaeology as History in Early South Asia, New Delhi: ICHR & Aryan Books International, 2004, p. 355. 137 Alka Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined – The Rudra Mahalaya/Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur in Gujarat, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 63 (2), 2004, pp. 144–63, 154.

 2 Sacred sites and settlement sites

A brief overview of the sacred sites in Gujarat for the period under study amply demonstrates the diversity in the selection of sites as well as monumental architecture demarcating sacred space over time. Most of the structures do not show any signs of the involvement of royalty in their creation or sustenance. Devoid of moorings provided by royal patronage, clues to the emergence and gradual increase in numbers and complexities of sacred sites in Gujarat can be found within archaeological, inscriptional and literary data. A careful analysis of the topography of Gujarat and an understanding of the settlement pattern and location of sacred sites in context are important in presenting a holistic and comprehensive understanding of religious developments. The causes behind the selection of a site could be as varied as political, economic activities (agriculture, craft or trade) or a combination of these, and archaeological data guide us in determining which of these played a crucial role at various sites through different periods of time. Data from archaeological excavations and inscriptional evidence shall be the prime sources utilised to decipher the resource base of sacred sites. This chapter attempts to construe the economic resource basis of the sacred sites strewn across the varied landscapes of Gujarat. The settlements described and analysed in this study have not been categorised in terms of fortified and non-fortified, or urban and rural, but rather, they have been defined more in terms of economic activities such as of craft production, salt manufacturing, iron extraction, and agriculture and trade, to mention a few. Even though many sacred sites demonstrate continuity in occupation from an earlier period, not all of them attain importance as sacred centres. For instance, south of the river Mahi, the sites of Jokha and Dhatva demonstrate continuity from an earlier period, but these do not have sacred architectural remains. Jokha, in Surat district, is located on the left bank of the river Tapti and has remains of the post-Harappan period, which included Malwa and Jorwe wares, dating to the period between 1500 and 1000 BCE. The site was then reoccupied in the sixth century BCE and continued up to the sixth century CE.1 Located along the bank of the river Tapti is the site of Dhatva, in taluka Kamrej of Surat district, where excavations exposed seven layers with two cultural horizons, and of these, the first period covers the time from c. 1500 BCE to 200 CE.2 The preliminary investigation at the site revealed it to be a production centre (iron manufacturing, bead making, shell crafting etc.) and a trade port having overseas

contacts with the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf region.3 Yet other sites demonstrate continuity in settlement and contain evidence of religious remains, as noticed at the sites of Broach, Prabhasa Patan, Dwarka, and Padri. Broach is a site which acquires immense importance in the second sub-period under study as an important trading centre, but the beginnings of the site can be dated to the first sub-period, attested by the presence of the black and red ware and the northern black polished ware at the site. Excavations at Prabhas Patan, close to Somanatha, revealed a long period of occupation, beginning from circa 2000 BCE and continuing well up to the sixth century CE. Period IV covers a time between the fourth and first centuries BCE. The site of Dwarka was reoccupied in 900 BCE and continued up to 500 BCE, and the third occupational layer dates to circa second century BCE.4 The site of Padri provides evidence for the existence of some form of a shrine. Excavations carried out at this site revealed the following sequence – pre-Harappan, Padri culture, mature Harappan, and early Historical.5 In order to be able to comprehend the reasons behind certain sites being chosen for demarcation of sacred space, it is important to delve into the dynamics of the region within the various sub-periods. Communities are essential components of sacred sites and social networks contribute to the creation, maintenance and continuity of these. An analysis of interactions between various geographical, economic and political factors can help understand factors crucial in creating sacred landscapes within various niches of Gujarat and the various communities that were essential to these sacred sites.

Period I: third century BCE to first century BCE/CE An analysis of available archaeological, literary and inscriptional data is undertaken so as to determine possible economic factors responsible for the establishment and continuity of sacred sites within Gujarat. In each period, sites have been discussed under sub-themes of sub-regions of Gujarat – namely, Saurashtra and Kachchh, North Gujarat and South Gujarat.

Saurashtra and Kachchh Of the sites that demonstrate continuity of settlement, those with evidence of religious importance, either through literary data (Mahabharata, Ramayana or Jatakas) or archaeological remains are Prabhasa Patan (Somanatha), Dwarka, Padri, and Junagadh (sites within the city as well as those in its immediate vicinity). The first site under analysis is Junagadh, which is located at the foot of Mt. Girnar, the highest mountain ranges in Saurashtra, and has rivers Sonarekh and Kalwo flowing by it. Junagadh was not only a site sacred to the Buddhist and Hindus, but also politically and economically, the most important

site in Saurashtra. Find of hoards of Saurashtra Janapada coins6 seem to indicate the political importance of the site, and reference to Saurashtra is found in texts as well. The Surastras find mention not only in the Mahabharata, but also in the Ramayana. In the Kishkindha kanda, Sugriva asks Susena to send one retinue of monkeys in search of Sita to Surastra, which lay in the western direction. In the Mahabharata, they are associated with the countries of the Kuntis and Avantis. (Virata Parva, Chap. I, 12). Reference is also found in the Arthasastra, wherein Saurashtra sangha (II.1. 4) is placed with Kamboja and people are described as living by trade and vocation of arms. Kautilya identifies members of this type of sangha engaged in cattle rearing and trade in peacetime, but taking to arms when necessary.7 The area came under Mauryan control in the time of Chandragupta Maurya and Junagadh became the provincial capital of the Mauryas, as attested by the Girnar rock edict. This rock contains inscriptions from not only the Mauryan period, but also, the Kshatrapa and Gupta periods, signifying the continued importance of the site. The Girnar hills, which contain the site of Junagadh, are an important pilgrimage centre for the Hindus as well as the Jainas to date. The hills contain five peaks – namely, Amba Mata, Gorakhanath, Oghad Sikhar, Guru Dattatreya, and Kalkas peak. In addition, it has three kundas or reservoirs – Gaumukhi, Hanuman Dhara and Kamanadak kunda.8 This hill witnesses a fair in the month of Karttika (November) known as the Parikrama fair, where the pilgrims take a round of Mt. Girnar for two days and two nights. The festival is held for five days, when the village people are free from agricultural pursuits, and is attended by people from all communities.9 The next question that needs to be addressed is as to what kind of resources were available at the site for it to have been the focus of Hindu and Buddhist religious activities in Gujarat. The dam and lake are indicators of the area around it being suitable for agricultural purposes. It has been pointed out that the southern peninsula of Gujarat is comparatively more fertile than the northern peninsula due to the black soil and higher rainfall.10 The selection of Junagadh as the site would have allowed control over the rich agricultural zones of the river valleys of Bhadar, Ojat Kalubhar, Vartu, Hiranya, Shingoda, and Sorathu, as well as the forest resources that the Gir hills had to offer. The land is very fertile and the region of Ghed, which is waterlogged, produces cotton of the best quality.11 In the Early Historical period, settlements of Girnar Valley are found near banks of streams and rivers. The average distance between settlements was 2–3 km.12 Junagadh not only had access to resources from agricultural activity, but also was situated on an important route of communication and had been a busy entrepot in the ancient period. It was well-connected to the coastal route from Dwarka, which proceeded to Somanatha, Amreli, Valabhi, and then, to Broach.13 Coins are further indicators of the existence of trading communities in and around Junagadh. The Saurashtra Janapada coins, which are pre-Mauryan (450–350 BCE), and continued in the Mauryan period as well, are small, struck in silver, single die, with one punch

mark on the obverse. Almost all coins were re-struck later and some re-stamped as coins of Magadha Janapada.14 These coins seem to have been used in local trade and were produced by guilds and traders.15 Junagadh had accessibility to the sea coast, and from there, one could have a glimpse of the forest and low hills that ran in one continuous sweep to the sea. Junagadh’s outlet to the sea was at Somanatha/Prabhasa Patan, which regulated trade and traffic to and from the hinterland and excavations at the site brought to light a Mauryan settlement.16 This brings us to the next site, namely, that of Prabhasa Patan, which is situated on the south-western coast of Saurashtra. The site is traditionally associated with Soma, who prayed to Shiva at the site, and thus, linga is called Somanatha. For Hindu pilgrims, the sacred terrain is marked as Prabhasa Ksetra and contains many sacred spots – the temple houses one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva. Triveni is the spot where the three rivers Saraswati, Hiranya and Kapila join before meeting the sea and this site is associated with the cremation of Lord Krishna, and there is the Bhalaka tirtha where Krishna is said to have been killed by the arrow of a Bhil. In archaeological records, the site was occupied from 2000 BCE to 1200 BCE, and then, reoccupied from fourth century BCE to sixth century CE, covering five periods of occupation. During Period IV, extending from the fourth to first century BCE, it was fortified and is the only site in Gujarat where a flesh rubber incised with characters of second century BCE was found.17 In addition were found ivory hairpins and plaques representing female figures and beads and ear studs of semi-precious stones. It may have been an important nodal point in routes of communication and trade, where items were traded and exchanged. Another site of immense importance, especially to the Vaishnava community, is that of Dwarka and Bet Dwarka, traditionally associated with Lord Krishna. Also found at the site was an inscribed potsherd with Mauryan Brahmi,18 indicating contacts with northern regions of the subcontinent. Archaeological remains recovered from Dwarka and Bet Dwarka point to the sites being in a prosperous condition and subsisting mainly on activities related to the manufacturing of shell objects and trade. The soil around the region is not conducive to agricultural activities, and being located close to the sea with the ready availability of shell, it would have been natural for the inhabitants to capitalise on what the sea provided. The third occupational layer at Dwarka dates to circa second century BCE and the site has evidence of a township.19 Off the coast of Dwarka is the island of Bet Dwarka, whose antiquity in the historical period dates to third–fourth centuries BCE,20 a comparatively later date than that of Dwarka. According to Sundaresh and Gaur, Bet Dwarka contained a conch shell industry,21 which is proven by the presence of Cyprea ocellata Linn, Murex ramoses and Xanus (Turbinella) Pyrum Linn varieties of shell.22 Even though the topography around the region of Dwarka and

Bet Dwarka is not conducive for agricultural practices, the vegetation is suitable for animal husbandry. This, coupled with the specialisation of the sites in manufacturing shell objects, implies involvement of its inhabitants in trading activities for items of consumption such as food. Dwarka also lay on an important trade route connecting it to Kamboja. The route began from Dvaravati, passed through Anarta and Indus river, where it turned north. At Roruka (modern Rodi), the route split into two – one turned east and followed River Saraswati to Hastinapura and Indraprastha, while the second continued north to join the Utttarapatha. A temple dedicated to the goddess Lajjagauri was found at the site of Padri, in the Bhavnagar district. Padri is located 3 km inland, and according to Paul, it seems to have been a processing centre where salt was extracted and supplied to other settlements.23 An ethnographic study of the present-day salt manufacturing community at the site revealed small rectangular pits made to arrest brackish water from the sea for further evaporation into crystals (keral). Padri, known as kerala ni dharo, was possibly occupied by salt manufacturers.24 Agricultural implements, as well as circular clay tablets with Brahmi script, some copper coins and two boat-shaped terracotta motifs were found at the site.25 The role of agricultural activities seems to have been limited at the site, and the terracotta-shaped boats may have been votive offerings by those who used the sea and river for livelihood purposes, either to exchange salt for other items or for fishing. On the contrary, the temple of Lajjagauri at the site of Padri seems to have been constructed and maintained by the local community.

South Gujarat In addition to the major sites, there are also sites that contain religious remains in the form of terracotta images. One such site is Nagara, district Kheda, where mother goddess figurines have been recovered and the site demonstrates continuity of settlement from the third century BCE to ninth century CE.26 Period II covers the time from the third century BCE to the Early Common Era and the objects encountered were arrowheads, points, chisel-like objects of bone, a punch-marked coin, bangles of conch and terracotta figurines, beads and iron slag, and northern black polished ware.27 Excavations brought to light beads of agate, carnelian, crystal, jasper, and garnet,28 which indicate the involvement of the site in the manufacture of these. The site was also involved in agricultural activity since, ‘available evidence indicates the existence of production of rice and kodarvā as recorded in the excavations at Nagara and the site produces good rice even today. At Nagara small sections of a bund were exposed in the excavations, indicating that earthen bunds were used’.29 At the site of Vadodara, excavations brought to light evidence pertaining to an earlier temple from the Bhimnatha Mahadeo temple. Found on its pavements were mason marks which resembled the old Brahmi letters of ya, kra and chi. According to V.H. Sonawane, these

are taken as evidence, even though indirect, of a small township at the site around the second century BCE.30 Terracotta female images have been reported from the sites of Timbarva and Kaira.31 Timbarva is located in Sinor taluka of Vadodara district and has in its earliest levels northern black polished ware and red and black ‘megalithic’ pottery, suggesting contacts with southern India.32 According to R.N. Mehta, ‘The mound at Timbarva would have been the service area of Karvan, old Kayarohana.’ Presence of northern black polished ware (NBPW), as well as megalithic red and black pottery at sites of Timabarva and Nagara, clearly indicates the contacts of these sites with southern as well as northern parts of the country.33 Identification of artificial embankments at Timbarva34 further attests to the involvement of the site in agricultural activities. The survey of settlement sites that contain sacred spots demonstrates that sacred sites came up in settlements carrying out diverse economic activities. Many of these settlements provide evidence of earlier human habitation, but socio-economic forces enabled communities to gather resources to invest in the creation of sacred spaces. The assemblages of pottery found at various sites furnish information on Gujarat’s trade networks within the subcontinent. The NBPW found at sites of Timbarva, Bharuch, Nagara, and Prabhas Patan represent the earliest trade contacts with the Gangetic plains. At Dwarka, Devnimori and Surpanesvar were found Kaolin ware of Deccan, dated to second century BCE–first century CE, indicating contacts with the latter region. Sherds of the Vasai ware, which is a local variant of Rangmahal Bhinmal pottery, are found in Kachchh peninsula and Banaskantha district bordering Rajasthan and indicating contacts with it.35 Kumaran points out that Gujarat had many small settlements connected by caravan routes – Amreli, Devnimori, Dwarka, Girnar, Karvan, Somanatha, Pindara, Vadnagar, Vadodara, Vala, and Vasai, which were all flourishing as small industrial and administrative townships.36 All the sites mentioned contain evidence of religious remains, whether it be in this sub-period (Vadodara, Somanatha and Dwarka) or in the succeeding subperiod under study (Vala, Amreli and Devnimori). The punch-marked coins from sites of Amreli,37 Jokha38 and Nagara39 and the Saurashtra Janapada coins, with marks which may have belonged to traders, further attest to strong presence of the trading community in Gujarat. Craft specialisation is also noticed in this period, as demonstrated by the presence of the shell industry at Bet Dwarka and a bead industry in circa third century BCE at Broach, where numerous beads in all stages of manufacture were reported.40 Figure 2.1 Settlement sites, Period I

Importance of agricultural activities is evident in the presence of dams, such as at Junagadh, or small earthen bunds encountered in the excavations at Nagara. These water harvesting structures would have aided in easy accessibility of water throughout the year for agricultural

purposes. Archaeological materials excavated from various sites such as terracotta, shell, iron slags, stone and metal objects, inscribed seals, coins, and various structures at sites clearly indicate a prosperous phase in the economic and social history of Gujarat. Gujarat’s involvement in various economic enterprises created a pool of material resources readily available for demarcation of sacred space through art and architecture.

Period II: first century BCE/CE to third century CE This sub-period witnessed a growing diversity in terms of settlement as well as sacred sites. Utilisation of bricks for construction purposes, fortification of a site or employment of other means to provide protection are some of the features encountered at sites in this period. Direct evidence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces is available from the sites of Intwa (near Junagadh) and the rock with edicts at the entrance to Junagadh. The Buddhist caves at Intwa have been dated to third century CE on the basis of a clay sealing recovered from the site. The sealing contains the words Maharaja-rudrasena-vihare bhiksu-sanghasya, or in other words, ‘Of (for) the community of the bhikkus in the vihāra of the great king Rudrasena.’41 The other evidence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces is the inscription of the time of Skandagupta on the rock edict at Junagadh, which mentions the construction of a temple of Vishnu by Chakrapalita.42 Archaeologically, the ceramics excavated from various sites – namely, red polished ware (RPW) and black glazed ware, are pointers of Gujarat’s contacts with other regions. The black glazed ware found at the sites of Shamlaji, Amreli and Nagara suggest contacts with parts of north-west India. The RPW, which is found in great quantity from the Kathiawar region in Gujarat, is also found in Maharashtra, clearly indicating contacts between these two regions. Finds of RPW shards at numerous sites in Saurashtra give vital clues to the trading contacts of Gujarat with the Arab-Persian Gulf from the beginning of the Common era. This is brought out clearly in a paper by Monique Kervran, who states that, ‘In the early centuries of the Christian era the fine RPW, plain or more rarely polychromatic is accompanied by rougher productions in red or grey fabrics, generally polished and with similar shapes. The workshops producing these almost always mica bearing potteries appear to be located in the earlier period in Gujarat and the neighbouring areas and in the medieval period in the Indus delta.’43 She points out that Indian ceramics is a trade item that is absent from the chronicles, but present on the coastal sites of the Persian Gulf. The RPW found in Arabia and on the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf dates to the early five centuries of the Common era. The largest numbers of RPW shards have been found at Sohar, where seven historical levels have been identified and Indian ceramics occur in each historic level.44 Level I and II contain the handi as a principal form of RPW, and according to Kervran, there are abundant

comparable specimens of these at Amreli, Bhoji Kadvar, Umbari, Sutrapada, Baid, Shamlaji, Arikamedu, and Maheshvar Navdatoli.45 The other form of pottery is the incised rim type, of which similar pieces have been noticed at Maheshvar, Bhoji Kadvar and Somanatha.46 Fragments from level I to V at the site of Suhar are similar to those found from sites in Maharashtra and Gujarat.47 As for Qana, where RPW has been found, Sedov points out that, ‘It is most likely that the foundation of Qana, as a port city, was directly connected with the establishment and expansion of the regular sea trade between the Red Sea and the Indian subcontinent in early 1st century CE.’48 Trade between India and Qana seems to have flourished most in the period between second and fourth centuries CE, since ‘the increased material evidence of Arab Persian Gulf and Indian imports as well as the reduction of Mediterranean items show, very likely … change in the character of the sea trade’.49 A study undertaken by Nancy Orton on RPW in Gujarat demonstrates that a large number of sites in the Saurashtra region yielded this ware. The region is dotted with several sites, both in the interior and on the coast, yielding this pottery. Fifteen percent of the total number of sites has been catalogued and these include Ahdhar, Amreli, Baid, Bhoji Kadvar, Chhara, Hubakvadi, Malsaram, Pariyadha, Sutrapada, Umbani, and Vasai.50 Out of these, Baid51 and Una52 are located in Jamnagar district and those in the Junagadh district include Bhoji Kadvar,53 Hubakvadi,54 Pariyadhar,55 Umbari,56 and Una57. Besides Amreli, the sites of Chhara58 and Malasram59 are located within the district of Amreli. The vast number of RPW sites within Saurashtra, together with the finds of this ware, outside India would suggest wider trade networks of Gujarat – in particular, Saurashtra – with the region of Arab Persian Gulf. A description of the routes of communication within the region reveals location of many sites, as Nagara, Devnimori, Shamlaji and Akota, along the interior routes of communication. One of the trade routes, which came from north and northwestern India passed through Shamlaji and Karpatavanijya (Kapadvanj), Mahisaka Pathaka and Kathlal, bifurcated near Nadiad. Of these, one of them crossed the Mahi and reached Broach via Ankottaka (Akota), while the other reached Nagara and Khambhat on the Gulf of Khambat.60 The other route from Ujjain area to Broach passed via Dungarpur, through Bhilodi, Shamlaji, Harsapur (Harsol) to Karpatavanijya, Kathalal and Nadiad in Khetaka mandala.61

Settlements with sacred sites Earlier sacred centres discussed above, such as Dwarka, Somanatha and Junagadh, continue to hold importance. There is mention of Prabhasa (Somanatha) in the Nasik cave inscription of Nahapana (c. 119–124 CE). According to it, Nahapana gave eight wives to Brahmanas at the tirtha of Prabhasa.62 A look at the map of this sub-period of various economic activities brings

out the diverse resource base supporting sacred sites.

Saurashtra and Kachchh The site of Junagadh not only continued, but also, there is an increase in terms of additional sacred architecture, as discussed in the previous chapter. The edicts of Rudradaman and Skandagupta on the rock edicts authenticate the enduring importance of Junagadh to the succeeding dynasties. In addition to the Bawa Pyara caves, other Buddhist establishments such as the Boria stupa and Intwa vihara belong to this sub-period. It would seem as though there was a spurt in Buddhist building activities at the site and it became a part of the Buddhist circuit in the post-Mauryan period. Explorations at Junagadh city, along the banks of the river Sonarekha, led to the discovery of a few amphorae fragments, RPW and other ceramic types datable to the early historical period. At Uparkot was found a terracotta figurine of second–third centuries CE, which had similarity with statues of Kanishka from Mathura, on the one hand, and Scythian warriors from Nagarjunakonda, on the other.63 Terracotta figurines, including yaksas, sealings, bullae with portraits of yaksa and a Kshatrapa ruler, stone carvings, beads, indeterminate objects of gold, and a spouted and carinated jar of bones, datable to the second half of the fourth century CE, have been found at Uparkot.64 With the Kshatrapa coins were found portions of clay moulds with perfect impressions clearly showing that counterfeit coining was in progress.65 At the sites of Uparkot and Vasoj, 2,735 Kshatrapa coins were found,66 covering almost the whole of Kshatrapa reign, and of the Gupta period, a total of 2,000 coins of Kumaragupta were unearthed.67 Indicators of the Junagadh trade contacts with the Red Sea are the Dressel 24 amphorae, which have been recovered from 25 sites in Gujarat, and of these, 13 sites are clustered around Junagadh itself.68 Figure 2.2 Settlement sites, Period II

Turning to the question of patronage to these Buddhist sites, Vidya Dehejia notes that in the later period of stupa building (late second century BCE–first century CE), Buddhism became firmly rooted in the rural landscape. Inscriptions reveal that these works were funded by extensive programmes of collective patronage, supported by powerful families and guilds.69 A

study of the landscape of the Buddhist site provides insights into the relevance and significance of the dam at Junagadh and identifying its association with Buddhist sites in and around Junagadh. Julia Shaw addresses questions of the relation between the spread of Buddhism between third century BCE and fifth century CE and other processes, such as urbanisation, state formation, economic change, and innovations in agriculture, and how the Buddhist built patronage networks with the local population. By mid first millennium CE, donations of land and villages recorded in inscriptions indicate that the sangha was involved in sustainable exchange networks with local agricultural communities.70 Sites of Sanchi in central India and Junnar in the western Deccan had several agricultural settlements in their vicinity, indicating the support base of the monastic establishments. Sanchi and its environs had 35 Buddhist sites, 145 settlements and 17 irrigation dams,71 illustrating a clear association between Buddhism and agriculture. Shaw notes that the Sudarsana dam at Junagadh has interesting parallels to that of Sanchi.72 The rock edict recording the construction and constant maintenance of the dam built on the Sudarsana lake indicates the importance of agriculture in and around Junagadh. Also, just as in the case of Sanchi, there are a number of Buddhist sites at Junagadh, the city lies surrounded by fertile soil fit for agriculture and has a large dam to its credit. This dam/water reservoir was central to the existence of the city, its inhabitants and the surrounding agricultural area, which can account for its constant repair and maintenance by three succeeding dynasties – the Mauryas, Kshatrapas and Guptas. Many of the Buddhist sites are located in the agriculturally fertile zones of the Saurashtra region of Gujarat. The site of Hadmatiya is located along the river Macchudar that is one of the most fertile areas.73 Similar is the case with the Buddhist sites of Khambalida, located along the river Bhadar; Sidsar and Dhank, located between the rivers Bhadar and Vartu and Mandor, which is close to the river Hiranya. A study of the settlement pattern further reveals the importance of agricultural activities. The clustering of settlements was noticeable mainly in four regions, which are the agriculturally fertile zones. One of these is the area drained by the Bhadar and the Ojat, which contains black soil and is an agriculturally fertile zone. The other cluster is found in the fertile plain of black soil between the rivers Hiranya and Ojat. Another cluster is seen in the Shetrunji basin, which is also a very fertile area, and the sites are located mostly along the more fertile northern bank. A large number of sites are also to be found in the area drained by the rivers Ghelo and Kalubhar, an agriculturally fertile zone, the Sabarmati–Mahi doab, and a few sites are located in the Mahi–Narmada doab.74 A site actively involved in trade was that of Bet Dwarka – ‘The island was inhabited at many areas. Maritime activities were at the zenith and the island was visited by foreign boats.’75 In phase two (first century BCE to second century CE), the population increased manifold and there was intense maritime activity. Regular house-building was noticed and exploitation of conch shells

was at its peak. Artifacts found included Kushana copper coins, beads of terracotta, glass, shell, and semi-precious stones. Iron artefacts were extensively found too.76 In the period corresponding to third–fourth centuries CE, a large multiroom house was unearthed with RPW assemblage at the site and a potsherd with Brahmi letter ‘A’ was seen. The site was involved in the exploitation of naturally available marine shell for trading purposes and was an anchoring point for ships and boats. The site of Amreli has been extensively excavated and revealed structural remains in the form of a vihara and a mud rampart. Belonging to the Kshatrapa period is only one terracotta figurine, which is a figure of Naigamesh, a form of Skanda. She has the head of a goat with a hooked nose and a slit for a mouth, dangling split ears and protruding breasts and is dated to the third century CE.77 According to Atusha Bharucha Irani, this goddess was worshipped as the guardian goddess of childbirth, and represents fertility rites, which is a folk medium.78 The presence of various objects of shell at Amreli indicates its involvement in trade, for shell was not a locally available material. In addition to this, the area around it was agriculturally fertile. Even though Amreli is located far from the coast, the site has articles that suggest its involvement in trade. A wide variety of coins are also found here. These include Avanti or Ujjain coins, silver, copper, potin, and lead coins of western Kshatrapas, early indigenous coins of India and a hoard of 2,000 silver coins of Kumaragupta I.79 The finds from Amreli range from the early centuries of the Common era up to medieval times. The excavation was carried out at Gohilwad timbo,80 and structural remains were found on the west as well as the east side of the mound.81 Towards the north-west of the structural remains was what appears to be the furnace of a goldsmith and an interesting clay mould was found next to it.82 Amreli’s importance is attested by the vast number of coins and the structural remains of brick excavated here. The clay rampart was seen in the form of a depression of an ancient moat connecting two gullies, which discharged into rivers.83 The site of Amreli is located in the fertile plain of black soil, and thus, agricultural activities would have been carried out. In addition to this the site was also a shell manufacturing site, as seen in the archaeological records, and the possibility of involvement in trade cannot be ruled out because of the presence of various coins as well as the BGW found at the site. The site was involved in a number of activities, and the communities involved in supporting Hinduism and Buddhism would have constituted both of traders and agriculturists. In addition, the find of a large number of coins of the Gupta period indicates the presence of an elitist class, who would have also contributed to the resources of the sacred site. Another site with religious remains is Valabhi, which was to become the capital of the Maitraka dynasty in the succeeding sub-period of study. At the site of Valabhi were encountered votive tanks and miniature Shiva lingas,84 which have been dated between the

first and fourth century CE. Excavations carried out at Maya no Khado revealed a single period divisible into three phases, covering a period from first century BCE/CE to eighth century CE. Excavations yielded brick structures, hearths and traces of furnaces for smelting iron belonging to fourth–fifth centuries CE.85 The ceramics found included RPW, crude black and red and plain and burnished red and black ware. Location of the site along the coast and the finds of RPW and amphorae are clear indicators of the site being involved in trading activities as well. In addition to this, Valabhi was located in the fertile plain of rich soil,86 which indicates its involvement in agricultural activities. The site’s strategic location for trading activities and agriculture may have been the possible causes for the selection of this site by the Maitraka dynasty. Found in the sub-region of Kachchh are the Kateshwar/Siyot caves, dated to the first century CE, which have an east-facing sanctum and an ambulatory. Found here were fragments of clay sealings with Buddha images in different mudras and some of them with inscriptions in late Brahmi and Devnagari.87 The site is located at a distance of about 40 km from Lakhpat, which is located on the Kori creek. It seems that patronage to these Buddhist caves was provided by the trading community inhabiting the creek that would have been visited by ships. According to Y.S. Rawat, ‘Kachchh was always at the forefront of maritime trade – the region hosted innumerable foreign traders on its shores and has sent seafarers to unchartered territories right from the Harappan period.’88 A particular grey ware found at the site of Nani Ryan in Kachchh is evidence for linkages of Gujarat with the Mediterranean region. Similar ware has been reported from the sites of Ed Dur in lower Gulf, Qana in Yemen and the island of Socotra in the Gulf of Aden. According to Bharucha, the ware is found on both sides of the Sea of Oman, and also, at a number of sites in Saurashtra as well as Mandvi, which shows regular contact and interchange between India and the Gulf region in Early Historic times.89 The sea routes in this region are named Bakhai Lal (Babra on Persian Gulf), Makarani Lal (Makran coast west of Karachi), Surati Lal (Surat), and Malabari (Malabar).90 The Gulf of Eirinon mentioned in the Periplus has been identified as the Rann of Kachchh.91

North Gujarat The site of Shamlaji is located next to river Meshvo on the southern end of a fertile forested valley 16 km long and 2 km wide. The Buddhist site of Devnimori is located on the other side of the same river. Shamlaji demonstrates continuity of settlement and excavations reveal beginnings of fortifications at the site, indicating an increase in the importance of the site. The fortification wall was rebuilt, and the bricks used in its construction and subsequent reconstruction were dated to the Kshatrapa period. The second period at this site covers the

time between 100 CE and 300 CE, which is divided into period II and II a. In this period, ‘The distribution (of structures) indicates that the highest number of structures belonged to periods II and II a, which were of intense activity.’92Pottery found includes the RPW, black painted red ware and a richly embossed pottery. In the opinion of Mehta and Patil, ‘This habitation (II – first phase) was fortified in c. the first century CE. It covered within it an area of about fifty acres, which would have sheltered population, which probably would not have been more than three thousand souls even in the most prosperous period. This fort was situated in a strategic position.’93 It would then seem as though the site of Shamlaji was a well-developed town enclosed within a fortification wall. This site specialised in iron smelting activity and Mehta and Patil opine that, at Shamlaji, ‘caravans loaded with materials from the western world were moving past this town and were delivering the Roman goods. This movement continued to influence the town at least for four centuries’.94 In addition to this, the area was agriculturally fertile and was under cultivation, as is seen in the presence of various small dams or bunds found here. Bunds are to be seen in the surrounding area of Shamlaji and95 R.N. Mehta has provided a detailed list of these bunds located within this one district. One each is to be found at the villages of Bhim, Pagala, Rampur, Padadri, and Dadhalia. Between Jitpur and Dadhalia are to be found one each, three are seen at Vagpur, two at Hematpur, and the maximum number – which totals to nine – is at Devnimori, a site located opposite Shamlaji.96 The site is nestled between the hilly terrain of the Aravallis, and the occupants of the village Devni ki mori practise mainly agriculture. The agricultural importance of the site is suggested by the construction of a dam in the 1960s by the government, the water from which irrigates the fields nearby. While Shamlaji specialised in the production of iron objects, the site of Devnimori itself lay in a rich agricultural zone as the site is located between the rivers Meshvo and Majam, which is a notable tract of fertile arable land.97 At Shamlaji and Devnimori, the population was occupied in trade, agriculture and craft, and here too, as in the case in Junagadh, the Buddhist monastic establishment had interactions with the agricultural community at site. The other site in North Gujarat is Vadnagar in district Mehsana, where excavations brought to light a Buddhist establishment dating to the second century CE. The structural remains at the site consisted of a Buddhist monastery in which the arrangement of cells followed a swastika pattern. Also seen at the site were two votive stupas, one square and the other circular in plan, dating to fourth–fifth centuries CE.98 Antiquities found include a red sandstone broken head of Buddha of second century CE, a crescent-shaped stone tray depicting scene of monkey offering honey to Buddha, and shards of RPW with the inscription dev-sri-ṛi-si, sa-ka-sayai and dhama dating to second–third centuries CE.99 One of the ivory seals from the site has religious motif and legend in Brahmi dating to second–third centuries BCE and it depicts a double storey pillar structure with an apsidal roof. On the right side of the structure is a ‘dhwaja stambha’

within a railing. On left side of Vimana is a tree in railing and a man wearing a turban is shown worshipping the tree. The legend on the seal reads ma-ha-ya-ta-ka-sa.100 Even though no religious structures are encountered this early at the site, this seal indicates the existence of a sacred site at Vadnagar. Excavations reveal continuous settlement at the site from fourth–third centuries BCE to eleventh century CE.101 The settlement began without permanent fortification, and subsequently, an earthen rampart was added. In the early centuries of the Common era, a major change in internal town planning took place, and the new layout ushered in a new era of development and growth.102 Remains of well-laid streets, lanes, profuse use of burnt bricks, and fortification walls were excavated, and this layout lasted without change till eleventh– twelfth centuries CE.103 The prosperity of the site can be attributed to its involvement in trade as well as its ability to access agricultural resources from its hinterland. Imported objects include amphora like handled jar, broken pieces of ‘torpedo’ jar and terracotta plaque with moulding of acanthus leaves. The ‘torpedo’ jar may have come from Mesopotamia and belongs to third–seventh centuries CE. Also found are impressions of Roman coins of Valentinian I (364–367 CE) found on terracotta sealing, which has a Brahmi legend on other face.104 These artifacts seem to indicate the site’s involvement in trading activities as in ancient times, Vadnagar was a strategic location where two major trade routes crossed each other – one from central India to Sindh and the other from the port towns of Gujarat coast to Rajasthan and North India. The RPW found at the site speaks of its trade contacts with Saurashtra, where this ware is found in maximum numbers. The site also had access to agricultural produce as it was also located in sandy loam soil, which is suitable for agriculture. According to Rawat, the ivory seals found have motifs that were used in textile printing and this may be taken as evidence of the old tradition of textile printing in Gujarat.105

South Gujarat Broach, at this point of time, was a famous port and the sacred site probably lay along a route of communication connecting the port area with its hinterland. It has the advantage of being located on the Narmada, which is the only navigable river in Gujarat.106 The spread of Buddhist architecture across the Gulf of Khambat is evident from the presence of seven rockcut caves and a monolithic pillar at the site of Kadia Dungar, situated about 40 km south of Broach. Excavation suggests that Broach was a prosperous town, as attested by the existence of a mud rampart, ring wells in clusters of five and a mud rampart, as well107 and lead and copper Kshatrapa coins in its early historical levels, which continued till seventh–eighth centuries CE without a break.108 The wares found were fragments of RPW and a few black and

red wares, suggesting contacts with sites situated both towards Saurashtra, on the one hand, and the southern part of the subcontinent on the other. The most important early historic city in Gujarat was ancient Bharukaccha or Bhrgukaccha of the Indian sources and Barygaza of the classical sources. Identified with modern Broach on the Narmada estuary, this was a port par excellence. Not only was its immediate hinterland fertile, producing wheat, rice and cotton, but its connection stretched to Ujjayini in central India and Pratisthana in the Deccan, thus touching the arterial routes of inner India.109 Broach or Bharukaccha is referred to as an important trading town in the Buddhist literature as well. In the Sussondi Jataka, there is mention of minstrel Sagga from Benares to Bharukaccha, which was a seaport town (pattana).110 Buddhist sources record huge ships plying between Bharukachha, Sopara and other western Indian ports and southern India, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Suvarnabhumi, and Indo–China peninsula.111 The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea aids in establishing the importance of Broach in trading activities with the Mediterranean world. The gulf of Barygaza (Broach) is described as being very narrow and hard to navigate for those coming from the ocean112 and the village of Khambat is called Cammoni.113 It further mentions that due to the difficulty in entering the Gulf, the king’s fishermen were posted at the entrance in well-manned boats called trappaga and cotymba, which went up to the coast of Saurashtra, and these would pilot vessels to Barygaza.114 Thus, the text gives not only information on the sites involved in trade, but also, vital information on trade within Gujarat and about the fact that by this time, the people of coastal Gujarat were masters in the art of construction and handling of boats. The distance from Barygaza to Paithana is mentioned as a 20-day journey and that various items from Paithana and Tagara were brought down to Barygaza by wagons.115 The site was an important trading centre, which was supported by an agriculturally rich hinterland. Remains of a township were traced in Vadodara at excavations carried out at Bhimnath Mahadeo temple in Sayajigunj.116 The brick built structures excavated at the site measured three furlongs long, and one of these structures, measuring 21.3 × 12.2 metres with its outer walls exposed to about 1.5 metres, has been identified as a public building.117 A total of three coins were recovered, two of which belonged to the early Kshatrapa period.118 Evidence indicates an increase in the size of the settlement around the Kshatrapa period. The objects found at the site range from the microlithic period to the medieval period,119 suggesting that the site was inhabited for a very long period. The succeeding period has a number of religious images to its credit, and this coupled with the find of the Jaina bronzes makes Vadodara a site of religious importance through the ages. The site was involved in shell manufacturing, and in trading activities as well. Evidence from the site of Akota, located on the western side of Vadodara city on the banks

of River Visvamitri, confirms the strong presence of Jainas in this region. These are mainly from inscriptions on the Akota hoard of bronzes, which was unearthed in 1951. It contained 68 metal images ranging from the sixth century CE to twelfth century CE, including a few Gupta images.120 Excavations carried out at the site brought to light foundations of a building with a big hall, dating to the Kshatrapa period,121 which may have been used by the Jainas for religious purposes. On the image of Parsavanatha donated by Durggini, the inscription mentions the word Rathavasatika, interpreted as the vasatika founded by arya Ratha.122 Excavations at the site of Akota brought to light structures that have been dated to third– fourth centuries CE123 on the basis of RPW found in the trenches dug. Akota lay on the trade route between Gujarat and Malwa, and from the site were recovered a bronze handle (50–100 CE),124,125 amphorae fragments, terracotta seals, and Roman coins.126 Located at a short distance of about 30 km south of Vadodara is the site of Karvan, also known as Kayavarohan. The site is a famous center of Shaiva pilgrimage and is traditionally associated with Lakulisa, the 28th incarnation of Shiva, whose kaya (body) made an avarohana (descent) in this place. Excavations in the central part of the mound revealed a wall with a 2.2-metre-wide entrance, which was a gateway and was closed in a later period. Found at the site were a variety of objects, which included iron nails and bolts, copper coins of the Kshatrapas, tribal coins, lead coins, terracotta beads, and RPW.127 Found here are plaques of stone showing human figures with a prominent headdress. Beads of numerous semi-precious stones – agate, carnelian, garnet, rock crystal, garnet, jasper and quartz, shell objects, wheels, discs, and pendants – were found at excavations carried out at Phulwa Tekri and Vatanagar.128 Presence of semi-precious stones at the site suggests that the site either was specialising in the craft of bead manufacturing, or was involved in trading them, as seen in the presence of various coins at the site. A total of 5,000 lead coins with the legend Damajasa have been recovered from the site.129 Also found were 600 coins of lead in rectangular, circular and triangular shapes.130 This is the largest hoard of lead coins to be found in North Gujarat. The coins found in Gujarat include cast and tribal coins of North India, early South Indian coins, and coins of the Kushana and Gupta period. A comparative analysis of the coins has revealed that besides the normal issues of the ruling dynasties, certain coins carried additional symbols.131 The coins were modified before being issued for local circulation. The traders and merchants to facilitate smoother commercial transactions could have carried out the addition of symbols, which could have served as a trademark of the guild or guilds. This would not only have solved the problem of the acceptance of a particular currency in different regions, but have also aided in a long continuation of the coin, at least in terms of its intrinsic value. A.S. Gadre is of the opinion that at entrepots such as Broach and Kamrej, it is possible that coins of the Ujjain type were locally minted by various mercantile guilds.132 The site of Goraj is located on a tributary of river Visvamitri and has remains of what may

have been a religious structure. It is at a distance of 30 km east of Vadodara and 37 km west from Karvan.133 Remains of a plinth of a brick temple were exposed, which measured 34.7 metres east–west and 23.9 metres north–south, with an average height between 1.4 metres and 1.5 metres, having 29 courses and no superstructure. Iron nails at the site were found in plenty, which must have been used for the super structure of the plinth that no longer exists.134 Found at the site was a signet ring carrying an inscription ‘Om Jagesha’ dated to second–third centuries CE,135 as well as a miniature head of a three-eyed Shiva in schist.136 According to Pande and Vyas, ‘The structure appears to have been built during the period of Kshatrapa rule (c. first century CE to fourth century CE). It seems to have been in use and rebuilt during the time of the Guptas, followed by the Maitrakas.’137 Also found at the site were votive tanks and miniature Shiva lingas, clearly pointing to the existence of certain rituals associated with the site wherein people left behind these objects as a form of gratitude to the deity or on the fulfilment of something desired from the deity. The presence of the lingas and the ring leads one to conclude that the structure at the site was devoted to Shiva. The site is located a short distance from the site of Karvan, and is also in the fertile zone along the river valley.138 The sites of Vadodara, Karvan and Goraj all have remnants associated with Shaivism. It would seem as though the city of Vadodara and its surrounding environs were sacred to the Shaivite community and these sites formed a religious pilgrimage in the area.

Conclusion Archaeological evidence attests to an increase in the material remains at sites and an increase in the number of sites involved in varied manufacturing activities. New shell-working sites are those of Amreli, Valabhi, Akota, Karvan, and Bet Dwarka and evidence for iron smelting is visible in archaeological records at the sites of Prabhas Patan, Dhatva and Shamlaji; in this period, Valabhi appears as another smelting centre. There is also an increase in building activities, as evidenced in the presence of burnt brick structures at the sites of Prabhas Patan, Nagara, Amreli, Valabhi, Rojdi, Akota, and Karvan. In period I, forts/ramparts were noticed at Prabhas Patan and Broach only, but in period II, the list of fortified sites increases and now includes the sites of Shamlaji, Tarsang, Karanta, and a clay rampart at Amreli. A corresponding increase is seen in sites with archaeological evidence of religious remains, for instance, at sites of Broach, Shamlaji, Amreli, Valabhi, Akota, and Goraj. Signs of prosperity at varied sites in the region are the presence of brick-built structures, fortification of sites and a vast number of coins and the trading network of Gujarat as well. Employment of bricks is noticed not only in the construction of secular buildings, but in sacred architecture as well. The creation of a system of water management in the form of earthworks

or dams implies an advanced stage of farming where concerted efforts were being made to regulate the flow of water in the fields and improve productivity. Various social classes, agriculturists, artisans and traders now had the resources, even if limited in nature, to invest and contribute to the construction of structures at certain sacred sites. In the context of RPW found at various sites, H.P. Ray notes that Thus it is evident that these coastal centres by no means existed in isolation, but on the contrary maintained a symbiotic relationship with agriculturists based at inland centres. The products of farms and forests provided cargoes for the sailing ships and sustained trade with other centres along the coasts. RPW was produced by local potters to meet the requirements of their neighbours, the farmers and merchants, and was produced in a variety of shapes. The fine-slipped ceramic indicates expanding trade networks associated with expanding agricultural activities and settlements, as also seagoing trade.139

The sacred sites in the region, thus, were the creation of members of communities involved in various economic activities. Gujarat’s internal and external trade networks and a strong agricultural base provided the resources necessary for creation of sacred architecture by various local communities.

Period III: fourth century CE to eighth century CE In this sub-period, while there is continuity, many new sites emerge in the sacred landscape of Gujarat. Literary tradition as stated in the Skanda Purana attests to the creation of a sacred landscape at Dwarka and Somanatha, which now included not only the site per se, but other sacred spots in the vicinity of the sites. Archaeologically, sites of Karvan, Shamlaji, Devnimori, and Valabhi continue to grow in importance. Numerous sculptures from Shamlaji speak of its existence as sacred spot till the seventh century CE. At Devnimori, the stupas and the protecting wall have been dated to the fourth century CE140 and the site flourished till seventh–eighth centuries CE.141 From the site of Shamlaji are images belonging to the fifth– seventh centuries CE, such as Kartikkeya of fourth–fifth centuries CE;142 Viṇadhara Virabhadra Shiva of sixth century CE; and the image of Shiva and Parvati dated seventh century CE.143 The site that acquires immense importance by virtue of its being the capital of the Maitraka dynasty is Valabhi, denoting a shift in choice of capital from Junagadh. This sub-period under study witnesses intense temple construction activity, mostly along the coastline of Saurashtra. The temple sites are located between the stretch of Dwarka and Somanatha and are dedicated to Surya, Shiva and goddesses. The temples are modest in size and simple in decorative elements. Due to the trend of giving dynastic labels to temples, these structures have been labelled ‘Maitraka’ temples, but they do not contain any evidence of the involvement of this royal dynasty at any of the temple sites. A total of 140 inscriptions cover the period from 502 CE to 767 CE and they are all donative inscriptions, detailing donations

mainly to Brahmanas and Buddhists and a few to temples. Temples that receive donation do not contain any evidence of them being built by the ruling elite. The Maitraka inscriptions provide valuable information regarding the existence of various settlement sites. Settlements from the earlier period continue into this period as well, as in the case of Vadodara, Vadnagar, Kaira, Jokha, Prabhas Patan, Dwarka, Broach, and Valabhi. H.G. Shastri, in a study of Gujarat in the Maitraka period, gives important information regarding the settlements in this period. According to him, the soil around Valabhi was rich and fertile and produced abundant harvests, and the cities of Valabhi and Girnar had dense population and rich establishments.144 The coast was studded with a number of well-known places such as Dwarka (Dvaraka), Mangalapura (Mangrol), Somanatha, Pattana (Somanatha, Prabhas Patan), Dvipa (Div), Unnata (Una), Madhumati (Mahuva), Hastaparva (Hatab), and Valabhi and a number of other important towns located on the sea coast, such as Navasarika (Navasari), city of Bharukaccha and Jambusaras (Jambusar), and Kapika (Kavi), to mention a few.145 Still, in the region of North Gujarat, the soil was very fertile, especially in Khetaka and Anandapura districts and shrubs and trees grew in great quantities here. ‘The population of the headquarters was dense and the establishments rich.’146 The major towns of north and east Gujarat were Khetaka (Kheda), Anandapura (Vadnagar) and Shivabhagapura (Shivrajpur).147

Settlements with sacred sites For this sub-period under study, a combination of archaeological and inscriptional data will highlight the role of various communities involved in the construction of religious architecture in Gujarat. A survey of the maps of this period and the location of identified places mentioned in the royal grants shows a density of population near the eastern part of Saurashtra, in the region around Girinagara, almost in whole of Khetaka ahara and near the coast of South Gujarat. The average distance between habitations was calculated to be about 5 km, the range of distribution being almost the same as in modern times. Settlement sites were situated on the seacoast and/or the bank of rivers and some of those located in the interior were administrative divisions, probably because of their location on major or minor routes of communication.148It is noticed that sacred sites are to be found in these areas of concentration, namely, the temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, the Buddhist sites in and around Girnar and the sites of Mahisa and Mehalvav, located in the district of Kheda, which contain Vaishnavite images. The inscriptional data are derived mainly from the Maitraka inscriptions and the inscribed images of the Akota hoard.

Saurashtra

The site of Valabhi gains immense importance in this period not only in terms of being a political capital, but also, in terms of containing religious remains. The selection of Valabhi as the capital by the Maitraka dynasty is apparent as not only was it located in a fertile region, but was involved in trading activities as well. Excavations carried out at the site of Maya no Khado brought to light floors of well-beaten earth, structures of reused bricks and a gold ring with intaglio belonging to Phase III, which covers the period from the fifth century CE to eighth century CE.149 This last piece of evidence indicates contacts of the site with the Roman world, either direct or indirect. Inscriptions, wherein Valabhi is referred to as a town, further corroborate this. In two copper plates, the term Valabhi svatala is used, and according to Njammasch, this term occurs in the Maitraka epigraphs in connection with towns and not villages. She further adds that, ‘it seems reasonable to translate this term with urban land or city territory’.150 Valabhi was also a very prosperous port town and the waters of the Gulf of Khambat were not far removed from its gates and the city, thus, had sea communications. The former seaworthiness of the place is testified by the buoy that guards the entrance to the town even today and also by the copper plates found at different places during excavation. At present, the town is approximately 35 km away from the present seacoast and is completely landlocked. It is believed that the first vessels having sailed were built at Kanakpur, Madhumati and Bhadravati in Gujarat. As per an old saying, it is believed that the speediest sail vessels were built in the seventh–eighth centuries at Kanakpur. All these places are landlocked today.151 The various Buddhist establishments mentioned in the grants depended on agricultural activities for their sustenance since these were granted lands or villages by the ruling elite. The same would hold true for other monasteries located outside the region of Valabhi, as seen in the map provided by Njammasch. Of a total of 57 land donations, the Buddhists received 4, and of the 44 villages donated, they were granted 20 villages.152 The Dudda vihara in Valabhi received a donation of three fields and two vapis and four gardens. Of these, two pieces of land were located in the svatala of Valabhi itself. Siladitya I donated three villages, which were located in the surrounding area of Valabhi itself.153 A grant of Dharasena I mentions the grant of two villages, located in Hastaparva aharani and in the sthali of Dharaketha, to a monastery to defray the cost of worship of the Divine Buddhas, of clothing, food and medicine for the bhikshus and of repairs to the monastery.154 Dhruvasena II granted a village to the bhikshus dwelling in the monastery constructed by Gohaka, located in Valabhi.155 In the year 549 CE, the Garulaka ruler Varahadasa donated the nunnery in Bhattipadra grama a field measuring 100 padavartas in the same village.156 As for the royalty, it is noticed that the Dudda vihara was built by Dudda, the niece of King Dhruvasena I, who seemed to have been a nun.157 The Abhayantarika vihara was also built by a nun by the name of Mimma.158 Of a total of 98 grants recorded so far, the rulers of the

Maitraka dynasty made a total of 20 grants to Buddhist viharas. These grants cover a century and a half, which is from the time of Dhruvasena I (519–549 CE) to Siladitya II (658–685 CE). Viharas were also built by monks, as seen in the case of the Vimalagupta vihara, which was built by acharya bhikshu Vimalagupta159 and the Gohaka vihara, built by Gohaka, who was probably a monk.160 The term for traders found in the inscriptions is vanijak (merchants). The trader Yakkamali constructed a vihara in 590 CE,161 a merchant named Kakka Mankila built the Kakka vihara162 and the Ajita vihara was also built by a merchant, since the term used here is vanijak Ajita sakta vihara, which was a vihara for a sangha of bhikshunis, situated in Valabhi that received the grant from Garulaka king Varahadasa II in the year 230 (549 CE).163 Thus, a wide range of communities – traders, farmers, monks and nuns, and the ruling elite – contributed to the upkeep, construction and continuity of Buddhist sites around Valabhi. The site of Valabhi was also important to the Jainas and a synod was held here under the leadership of arya Nagarjuna in 363 CE. Another synod was held at the same site in 503/516 CE under the leadership of Devarddhigani Ksamasramana when Dhruvasena I was ruling.164 The copy of Jinabhadra’s most famous work Vises Avasyakabhasya, was deposited in 609 CE in a Jaina temple at Valabhi. Inscriptional data aid in reconstructing an agriculturally rich hinterland of Valabhi. The maximum numbers of Maitraka grants are in the Hastaparva aharani, which would correspond to the area around modern day Hatab. In the Ganesgadh plates of Dhruvasena I, land was donated in the village of Hriyanaka165 that lay in the Hastaparva aharani and the same ruler donates once more land on the northern boundary of Jyeshthanaka in the same aharani to other brahmanas.166 The area seems to have been agriculturally fertile for Dhruvasena I grants a total of 360 padavartas of land in the village of Hariyanaka of this aharani. The Bhavnagar plates of Dharasena III mention the donation of a 100 padavartas of land in the village of Amakarakupa in Hastaparva aharani, the boundaries of which were a village cattle track to the south, and on the east, a rising ground for a stone quarry.167 While Valabhi was involved in trade, the area around Hatab seems to have been the hinterland, where the inhabitants were involved in not only agricultural practices, but also, animal husbandry and quarrying activities and trade as well.168 Excavations carried out at the site of Hatab revealed its urban character, characterised by the presence of mud fortification, a moat and various structures of burnt bricks.169 The site was a major shell crafting industry170 in all the three phases covering the period from fourth century BCE to the sixth century CE.171 Though the site was involved in iron smelting in all phases, the third phase (fifth–sixth centuries CE) witnessed maximum activity, as is evidenced by the find of furnaces of various dimensions. Excavations brought to light nearly 350 seals, round and oval in size, dating from the first century BCE to the third–fourth centuries CE from

a warehouse complex,172 which indicates the involvement of the site in trading activities as well. Thus, the site of Hatab would have been an important hinterland area for Valabhi, which was the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty. In this period, one notices a large number of temples along the coastline of Kathiawar. These temples are seen to be located in the areas of settlement concentration with RPW to their credit. These settlements were invariably located in the fertile zones of the Kathiawar region. The concentration of temples is noticed mainly between the Vartu and Bhadar regions, an area where agricultural activities would have predominated. A few of the sites were also involved in trading and fishing activities. The coastline from Kotda to Miyani is in the fresh fish zone, and out of the important villages engaged in the capture of marine fish, the sites of Sutrapada, Veraval, Mangrol, and Miyani173 contain temple remains. At the site of Kadvar, located 3 km away from Sutrapada, the population mainly consists of Koli fisherman.174 A few of the sites were involved in trading activities as well. The site of Mangrol is a nonintermediate port and is open to coastal and foreign traffic.175 The location of the site of Miyani at the creek would ensure its involvement in trading activities. Similarly, the site of Porbandar is a flourishing intermediate port, and is important for traffic from the African ports and the West Asian countries.176 This, coupled with Nancy Orton’s research of RPW sherds at the sites of Kadvar and Sutrapada, and the find of similar pottery in the Arab Persian Gulf clearly indicate the involvement of these sites in trading activities. Remote sensing reveals that the sites of Pindara, Valabhi, Nagara, Khambat, and Broach were ancient seaports.177 Thus, the temples are to be found not only at sites involved in agricultural activities, but also where the inhabitants were involved in fishing or trade, and possibly, a combination of these as well. Recent onshore and offshore explorations along the coastline of Saurashtra have revealed the presence of many ports in the historical period. Offshore anchoring points, which also contain sacred architecture, have been identified at Miyani, Visavada, Somanatha, Kodinar, and Gogha. The underwater investigations on the Saurashtra seacoast have helped mark several anchoring points from where stone anchors were found in water at a depth of 5–7 metres. Underwater observation revealed that the seabed topography between Dwarka and Somanatha is almost less variant, particularly at Dwarka, Miyani, Porbandar, Visavada, Tukda, and Somanatha. The seabed topography comprised rocky formations with numerous channels filled with fine sand. The stone anchors were trapped in these channels and between rocks which were suitable for holding big boats.178 The study reveals that many temple sites were located close to creeks, as seen in the case of Miyani, Visavada, Kindarkheda, Somanatha, Kodinar (Mul Dwarka), Hatab, and Valabhipur. At Miyani, a vast creek known as the Meda creek runs a few kilometres in the hinterland area and was used as a sheltered harbour for country craft. Visavada is located 20 km east of Miyani and the Kindar creek runs from here

up to Kindarkheda. As per the study of an ancient map, Kindarkheda was approachable by boat up to 1856, and archaeological, geographical and geological data suggest that it might have been an active proto historical and historical port. At Mul Dwarka, the ancient port was destroyed due to the construction of a cement jetty. Discovery of a composite stone anchor and report on some grapnel-type anchors suggest that this was also an active port town during the historical and medieval periods.179 Bet Dwarka was located at a point from which boats and ships sailing from the south enter the Gulf of Kachchh, and approach the mainland, sailing in a northwesterly direction.180 Porbandar, referred to as Bardaxema by Ptolemy, has a pre-Chalukyan temple at the site, dating to the eighth century CE. Four ancient jetties known as Juna Dhakka were noticed in the creek over a stretch of 3 km. The first jetty was situated opposite the Porav Mata temple and this was used for passenger and small boats.181 The second jetty was located 200 metres south of the present bridge between Bokhira and Porbandar and it was used for loading and unloading cargo such as cotton, woollen cloth, grain, wood, and so on. Yet another jetty along the creek acted as a ramp to cross the creek and was used by bullock carts. The jetties were in use till the end of the nineteenth century.182 The authors opine that the ancient jetties in the Bokhira creek suggest that this was an important maritime trade centre in the ancient period.183 Even though it is difficult to exactly pinpoint the location of ancient ports along the coast of Saurashtra, the survey of the above-mentioned sites amply demonstrates the strong association of this sub-region with sea-faring and trading activities. Locating and navigating inlet areas along the coast of Gujarat was not always easy. Native fishermen helped overcome this problem by guiding and piloting the ships to safer places.184 Another aspect of the maritime networks relates to the visual topography that provided landmarks to sailors and defined the sailing world in antiquity. This visual topography was characterised by coastal structures, many of them religious in nature that created a distinctive maritime milieu. ‘The chains of perceptibility created by looking from one vantage point to the next served both to express the relationship of individual localities to one another and to make sense of the wider world.’185 Ray adds in the context of the subcontinent: ‘The communities are linked to coastal temples dedicated to a range of deities and often donate regularly for maintenance as well as performance of rituals. A third feature in the religious landscape is the memorial stone, or paliyar, set up in memory of those who have lost their lives at sea. It is also significant that temple structures often double as markers to identify the coasts and are often associated with local legends of rescues at sea. Thus religious architecture fulfils both religious and navigational purposes, and this was important in an earlier period also.’186

North Gujarat The site of Devnimori, in North Gujarat, continues in this period as well, since Phase III, dated to the sixth century CE, is the last phase at this site that contained coins of Sarvabhattaraka, the first Maitraka ruler. The find of silver Sassanian coins,187 points to the site being a part of a wider network. At this site, there was a vihara that existed at first, and the stupa was built consequently. The settlement located closest to this site is that of Shamlaji, which is a small village located in the Bhiloda taluka of Sabarkantha district. The site is situated in a forested valley of the outliers of the Aravalli mountains. To the north of Shamlaji is a broad valley carved out by the river Meshvo that skirts the southern boundary of Shamlaji after passing through a narrow gorge to the south east.188 Phase III at the site corresponds to the period from 600 CE to 1200 CE, and from this period, five brick structures, including platforms, were reported.189 In this period, the settlement site itself becomes an important sacred site, and found here are a number of Hindu sculptures. The earliest figure found here is a female deity, which has been dated to fourth century CE.190 These images have been discussed in detail in the third chapter on sculptures. The inhabitants of this site seem to have exploited iron, as is evidenced by the presence of the tuyeres for blowers and crucibles at the site. The raw material, laterite or hematite, was available within 45 km from the site.191 As mentioned before, the site was also located in a fertile agricultural zone and along a trade route as well. Hence, this site had its support base in the extraction of iron ore, trade and agricultural activities too. The site of Shamlaji is, to date, important for the local adivasis who worship the Gadadhar image of Vishnu as their ishta devata. In the month of Karttika, a huge fair takes place at the site and people from Gujarat, Mewar and Marwar come to visit this shrine. A number of traders and merchants set up their shops here and the adivasis coming from the areas of Mewar, Marwar and as far as Saurashtra in Gujarat, purchase livelihood items for the entire year. According to the booklet available at the site, Shamlaji was a great centre of trade and commerce in earlier times as well.

South Gujarat A concentration of Hindu sculptures is noticed in the modern districts of Baroda or Vadodara and Broach, two sites in the modern district of Kheda, and at the sites of Roda and Goraj, besides the above-mentioned site of Shamlaji. The inhabitants of the village Roda, to date, earn their income mainly from agriculture, which may have been the case earlier as well. The northern part of Gujarat, bordering Rajasthan, has a hilly terrain and agriculture is practised today in the available flat area between the Aravalli hills. Evidence for the continued association of Vadodara with Shaivism is evident from the

Valabhi grant of Siladitya I. The grant mentions the donation of land and stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva, or Shiva, which was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.192 Grants were also made in the regions of Vadodara, testifying to the existence of agricultural activities in these areas as well. The Maitraka ruler Siladitya I193 granted land in Vatapadra, and the site of Goraj is located within this district as well. In this period, the site of Akota acquires immense importance for the Svetambara Jaina community, as attested by the find of the Akota hoard of bronze images from the site. The inscriptions on these images help reconstruct the social support base of the religion. According to legend, the Buddhists were defeated by Mallavadi at Broach, who also got two metal images of Jina made for installation in the Jaina temple at Ankotaka.194 An image of yaksa Sarvanubhuti records its installation by Jinabhadra Vacana acharya,195 and another image of an unidentified Jina was installed by the same acharya,196 both of which have been dated to between 500 CE and 610 CE on stylistic basis. Nuns installed images as well, as seen in the case of a Sarasvati gifted by the ganini (nun) Isiya,197 the tri-tirthika image of Parsavanatha gifted by arjika Khambili,198 and an image gifted by Sagabharjika, interpreted either as the saka lady named Bharjika or a nun (arjika) of the saka community.199 All these images have been dated to the seventh century CE. Evidence of the involvement of the lay community mostly comes as inscriptions that record the donation of images by women. An image of Jivantsvami, dated to the middle of the sixth century CE, records it as being gifted by a Jaina lady named Nagisvari of the Chandra kula.200 The pedestal of a Jina image mentions the image being donated by the wife of Sravaka Sihaji, dating to 600–650 CE,201 and the female worshipper Durggini gifted an image of Parsavanatha.202 Thus, the contributors to Jaina religion constituted mainly of acharyas, nuns, lay female worshippers, and in some cases, the trading community. The two sites of importance in the region of northern Gujarat are Shamlaji and Roda. At Shamlaji were found a number of sculptures, which may have been enshrined in some structure. The site of Roda contains a group of seven temples constructed around a stepwell. This is the only site in the northern part of Gujarat where there is definite proof of the existence of temples. Found here were images of five mātṛkās, a beautiful image of fourarmed Ganesha dated to not later than the eighth century CE, a Kumara or Karttikeya belonging to the mid-eighth century CE, and two images of Parvati performing the Panchagnitapas and an image of a goddess on a couchant lion,203 which may be dated to the eighth century CE.204 The third temple at the site is of the Pancasakha variety, with the central rupastambha having figures of Shiva, Shiva and Parvati and Ardhanarisvara to the left, and Vishnu and Lakshmi Narayana to its right. The sobhapatta over the lintel has images of Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, and Ganesha.205 These two sites contain a set of five mātṛkās each and may have been centres of mātṛkā worship.

According to Dhaky and Moorti, Urjayantagiri (Girnar hills) near Girinagar, came to be regarded as sacred from the Kshatrapa period onwards because of the creation of a legend involving the 22nd tirthankara, Jina Aristanemi of the Yadava clan. According to the Agamas of the late Kshatrapa period, all three auspicious events – which are renouncing worldly ways, attaining omniscience and salvation of Aristanemi – are supposed to have taken place on this mountain.206

Conclusion As in the preceding period, in this period too, the traders are an important community, as is their contribution to sacred sites, which is seen in the inscriptional data. This is a period that also witnessed the construction of a vast number of temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, mainly between the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha. These structures were centres of rituals associated with marine activities and also served as markers for sailors. The fishing and sailing communities formed the foundation of maritime activity in the Indian Ocean and provided seafaring continuity throughout history. There is evidence of rituals performed at each stage of construction of the watercraft, which are compiled in a book titled Nauka Navghatan Pujanam or ‘Worship for New Ship Construction’.207 Evidence of the involvement of varied communities at religious sites is provided by inscriptions. These included individuals from villages, the village community, traders, monks, nuns, and the royalty as well. Of the four temples found mentioned in the grants, there is reference to the construction of a temple by an individual. The Valabhi grant of Siladitya I mentions the donation of land and stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva or Shiva. This temple was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.208 The grant of Dhruvasena II mentions donation of guda and rupaka to the temple of goddess Kottammahikadevi located in Trisamgamaka,209 corresponding to modern-day Tarsamia, located 4.8 km south east of Bhavnagar.210 As is the case with the earlier-mentioned temple, here too, a donation is made to an already existing temple and not for the erection of a new one. Hence, there is a strong case for the involvement of the village community in the construction and maintenance of the temples found in different parts of the region. The temples found mentioned in the inscriptions and those located along the coastline were most likely the contribution of the village community. In connection with temples, there is one reference in the inscription that indicates that the temples were under a certain authority. The Bhamodra plate of Dronasimha, dated to 502 CE, mentions the donation of the village of Trisamgamaka to the temple of the goddess Pandurajya in the Hastaparva aharani. It bears the signature of Bhiruvaka, the devikamrmantikah or intendant of the estate of the goddess.211

In the case of Jainism, some of the bronzes recovered from Akota bear inscriptions, which aid in tracing the community involved with the creation and installation of these images, such as monks, nuns and lay women worshippers. In the case of Buddhism as well, one comes across one inscription that clearly demonstrates the contribution of images by monks in religious establishments. A bronze Buddhist image from Bhuj dating to seventh century CE carries an inscription on the pedestal. It records that the image was dedicated by one Nagasingha bhikshu in memory of his mother described as Devakriti, who had entered the order of the bhikshunis.212 A study of the archaeological, inscriptional and literary data shows that sites with sacred remains were involved in varied activities, such as craft production, mining and fishing. The economic diversity within a society suggests the existence of varied productive forces. Political stability, economic prosperity, social hierarchy, religious harmony, literate society, monumental architecture, and internal and external trade contacts were features present in Gujarat that created conditions for religious and sacred sites to develop and flourish over time. At most of the sites, one noticed a combination of more than one activity – trade and agriculture (Broach), trade and craft production (Dwarka), craft production and agriculture (Nagara) and trade, mining and agriculture (Devnimori and Shamlaji). It was difficult to establish a one-to-one relationship between trade and Buddhist sites or agriculture and temple sites. The Buddhist sites were located in agriculturally rich zones and received land grants in the Maitraka period. Temples are also found at sites that were involved in fishing and salt extraction activities and remains of Hinduism were noticed in the major trading site of Broach. Figure 2.3 Settlement sites, Period III

The study brings forth the participation of diverse communities at the sacred sites, ranging from the village community to the merchants and traders, the monks and nuns and the ruling elite as well. Ethnographic data show the participation of sailing communities from across Gujarat. In fact, Kachchh is still famous for its tradition of sailing and seafaring. Cultural

memory gives a sailor from the Kharva community of Kachchh the credit for navigating the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama (1460–1524), to India. Gujarat has been traditionally associated with ship-and boat-building activities, and most traditional boats were built in temporary yards and sheds erected by carpenters wherever they found suitable place, mostly on the banks of rivers. In these boats, decks are noticed at bow and stern, in the middle the empty space is used to carry 10–12 tonnes of cargo to the mother ships from inland ports and vice versa. These boats were designed in order to use in shallow water with greater stability. In the absence of docks in earlier times, these boats proved to be beneficial for big sailing ships for loading and unloading cargo at sea.213 The spurt in temple-building activities brings forth the importance of coastal communities in being agents of religious changes and shaping of sacred landscapes, and as has been aptly pointed out, ancient ports of Gujarat were once centres of trade and culture.214 These were places where not only goods were exchanged, but ideas, art and cultures from diverse regions met and interacted.

Notes 1 M.N. Deshpande (ed.), Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1966–67, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1975, p. 10. 2 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1967–68, p. 20. 3 S.P. Gupta, Tejas George, Rohini Pandey, Anuja Geetali and Sonali Gupta, Excavations at Kamrej I, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, 1, 2004, p. 9. 4 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, pp. 28–9. 5 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjagauri? Recent Excavations at Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, p. 481. 6 P. Anne van’t Haff, Saurashtra, Surasena – Silver Punch Marked Coinage, Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies Publication, 2004. 7 R.P. Kangle, Kautilya Arthasastra – Part III, A Study, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988 (reprint), p. 124. 8 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District: Ahmedabad: Directorate of Government Print, Stationary and Publications, Gujarat State, 1975, p. 81. 9 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 318. 10 Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency – Kathiawar, Bombay: Government Central Press, 1884, p. 176. 11 Babita Sikdar, Girinagara the Anceint Provincial Capital of Western India (6th Century BC to 6th Century AD), Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1999, p. 4. 12 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 2000–01, p. 33. 13 Sikdar, Girinagara the Anceint Provincial Capital, pp. 17–8. 14 Dilip Rajgor, Punch Marked Coins of Early Historic India, California: Reesha Books, 2001, pp. 63–70. 15 H.P. Ray, Archaeology and Asoka – Defining the Empire, in Patrick Olivelle, Jaince Leoshko and H.P. Ray (eds),

Reimagining Asoka, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 83. 16 Nayanjot Lahiri, Revisiting the Cultural Landscape of Junagadh in Time of the Mauryas, Purattatva, 41, 2011, p. 117. 17 A. Ghosh, An Encyclopedia of Indian Archaeology, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1989, pp. 348–50. 18 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Recent Explorations in Jamnagar District of Saurashtra, Man & Environment, 10, 1986, p. 10. 19 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, pp. 28–9. 20 Sundaresh and A.S. Gaur, The Archaeology of Bet Dwarka Island, Man & Environment, 23 (2), 1998, p. 85. 21 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 85. 22 Sundaresh and Gaur, The Archaeology of Bet Dwarka Island, p. 85. 23 Ashit Boran Paul, Early Historic Settlement and Subsistence Pattern in the Shetrunji River Basin – Bhavnagar District, Puratattva, 30, 1999–2000, p. 102. 24 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1991–92, p. 21. 25 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1991–92, p. 21. 26 R.N. Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavations at Nagara, Vadodara: MS University of Vadodara, 1968. 27 Indian Archaeology – A Review 1963–64, p. 10. 28 Nayanjot Lahiri, The Archaeology of Trade Routes, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992, p. 288. 29 R.N. Mehta, Economic Pattern of India during the Early Iron Age (1000 BC–100 AD), Puratattva, 9, 1977–78, p. 52. 30 ‘On

the

Ghats

of

Visvamitri’,

Times

of

India

Ahmedabad,

12

April

2013,

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/On-the-Ghats-of-vishwamitri/articleshow/19513678.cms (acessed on 4 June 2015). 31 R.N. Mehta, Excavation at Timbarva, Journal of Oriental Institute, 4 (1), 1954, pp. 100–2. 32 Mehta, Excavation at Timbarva, p. 100. 33 Indian Archaeology – A Review 1963–64, p. 10. 34 Indian Archaeology – A Review 1963–64, p. 10. 35 R.N. Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, Current Science, 107 (4), 2014, p. 584. 36 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 582. 37 S.R Rao, Excavations at Amreli, Vadodara: Museum and Picture Gallery, 1966, p. 81. 38 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Choudhary, Excavation at Jokha, Vadodara: MS. University Archaeological Series, Vol. 11, 1971, p. 16. 39 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, Vol. 10, p. 9. 40 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1959–60, p. 19. 41 B.Ch. Chabbra, Intwa Clay Sealing, Epigraphia Indica, 28, 1949–50, pp. 174–5. 42 J.F. Fleet, CII: Inscription of the Early Guptas III, Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1888, pp. 81–5. 43 M. Kervran, Indian Ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia: Repertory, Classification and Chronology, in H.P. Ray and Jean Francois Salles (eds), Tradition and Archaeology – Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1996, p. 37. 44 Kervran, Indian Ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia, p. 40. 45 Kervran, Indian Ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia, p. 40.

46 Kervran, Indian Ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia, p. 40. 47 Kervran, Indian Ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia, p. 43. 48 Alexander V. Sedov, Qana and the Indian Ocean – The Archaeological Evidence, in H.P. Ray and Jean Francois Salles (eds), Tradition and Archaeology – Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1996, p. 24. 49 Sedov, Qana and the Indian Ocean, p. 27. 50 Nancy Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat – A Catalogue of Twelve Sites, in Vimala Begley and Richard De Puma (eds), Rome and Ancient India – The Ancient Sea Trade, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 47–8. 51 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 54. 52 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 71. 53 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 57. 54 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 62. 55 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 65. 56 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 66. 57 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 71. 58 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 59. 59 Orton, R.P.W. in Gujarat, p. 63. 60 Momin Kamarali Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1979, p. 17. 61 V.L. Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 13, Special Number, Vadodara: Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 1960, p. 10. 62 E. Senart, ‘The Inscriptions at the Caves in Nasik’, Epigraphia Indica, 8, 1981, pp. 78–9. 63 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1958–59, p. 71. 64 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1958–59, p. 70. 65 Bombay Archaeological Survey – Western Circle, For Year ending 30 June 1899, p. 115. 66 B.L. Mankad and R.N. Mehta, Some Interesting Coins from Karvan, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 18, 1956, p. 221. 67 A.S. Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 1 (1), 1939, p. 20. 68 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in Western Indian Ocean, 3.14, November 2010. http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35. 69 Vidya Dehejia, Collective and Popular Bases of early Buddhist Patronage: Sacred Monuments – 100 BC–250 AD, in Barbara Stoller Miller (ed.), Powers of Art – Patronage in Indian Culture, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 35–46. 70 Julia Shaw, Landscape, Water and Religion in Ancient India, Archaeology International, 9, 2005, http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ai.0912. 71 Shaw, Landscape. 72 Shaw, Landscape. 73 Supriya Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement in Kathiawar from Harappan to the Early Historical Period, MPhil

Dissertation, JNU, Delhi, 1984, p. 19. 74 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, pp. 104–7. 75 A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh, Onshore Excavation at Bet Dwarka Island in Gulf of Kachchh, Man & Environment, 28 (I), 2003, p. 63. 76 Gaur and Sundaresh, Onshore Excavation at Bet Dwarka Island, p. 64. 77 Rao, Excavations at Amreli, p. 12. 78 Atusha Bharucha Irani, Settlement Patterns and Material Culture of Saurashtra during the Kardamaka Kshatrapa Period, Indica, 39 (2), 2004, p. 117. 79 A.S. Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, I (1), 1939, p. 20. 80 Annual Report of Archaeological Department – Baroda State for 1936–37, p. 11. 81 Annual Report of Archaeological Department – Baroda State for 1936–37, p. 11. 82 Annual Report of Archaeological Department – Baroda State for 1936–37, p. 11. 83 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, p. 112. 84 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 85 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 86 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, p. 109. 87 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1988–89, p. 10. 88 Parth Sastri and Paul John Kachh, A Gateway to India, Times of India, Ahmedabad, 24 July 2014, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/Kachchh-A-gateway-to-India/articleshow/38953573.cms. 89 Atusha Irani Bharucha, Mandvi: An Early Historic Sea Port near the Gulf of Kachchh, Western India, Man and Environment, 27 (1), 2002, p. 72. 90 Bharucha, Mandvi, p. 71. 91 Wilfred H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1974, p. 171. 92 R.N. Mehta and A.J. Patel, Excavation at Shamalaji, Vadodara: MS University of Vadodara, 1967, p. 15. 93 Mehta and Patel, Excavation at Shamalaji, p. 51. 94 Mehta and Patel, Excavation at Shamalaji, p. 52. 95 R.N. Mehta, Ancient Bunds in Sabarkantha District, Journal of Oriental Institute, 12 (4), 1962–63, pp. 359–65. 96 Mehta, Ancient Bunds in Sabarkantha District, pp. 359–65. 97 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, p. 20. 98 Y.S. Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery and Other Buddhist Remains at Vadnagar and Taranga in North Gujarat, India, in Barbara Andaya (ed.), Bujang Valley and Early Civilizations in Southeast Asia, Malaysia: Department of National Heritage, Ministry of Information, Communication and Culture, 2011, pp. 226–30. 99 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 230. 100 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 219. 101 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 215. 102 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 214. 103 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 214.

104 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 231. 105 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 219. 106 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, p. 124. 107 Varma, Changing Patterns of Settlement, p. 112. 108 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1959–60, p. 19. 109 D.K. Chakrabarti, Post Mauryan States of Mainland South Asia (BC185–AD 320), in F.R. Allchin (ed.), The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 305. 110 H.T. Francis and R.A. Neil, The Jatakas or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births, Vol. III, London: Luzac & Company, 1897, No.360, p. 124. 111 M.E. Lilley (ed.), Apadana, Vol. II, London: Pali Text Society, 1927, p. 476. 112 Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 39. 113 Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 40. 114 Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 40. 115 Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 43. 116 R.N. Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, Broach and Surat Districts up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1957. p. 67. 117 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, p. 110. 118 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, p. 78. 119 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, p. 70. 120 Umakant Premanand Shah, Akota Bronzes, Bombay: Government of Bombay, Bombay State Board for Historical Records and Ancient Monuments, Archaeological Series 1, 1959. 121 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 3. 122 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 4. 123 Bennapudi Subbarao, Baroda through the Ages, Vadodara: MS University, 1953, p. 14. 124 Richard Daniel de Puma, Roman Bronze from Kolhapur, in Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel de Puma (eds), Rome and India – The Ancient Sea Trade, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 101–2. 125 Dilip Rajgor, Roman Currency in Gujarat, in R.N. Mehta (ed.), New Dimensions in Indology – Dr.Praveen Chandra Parikh Felicitation Voulme, New Delhi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan,1977, pp. 197–203. 126 A. Ghosh, Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1989, p. 457. 127 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1976–77, p. 18. 128 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1976–77, p. 22. 129 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1964–65, p. 11. 130 Moreshwar K. Dikshit, A Hoard of Lead Coins from Karvan – North Gujarat, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 13, 1951, p. 22. 131 A.S. Gadre, Some Rare Coins from Gujarat, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 12, 1950, p. 26. 132 Gadre, Some Rare Coins from Gujarat, p. 26. 133 B.M. Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat – Excavations at Goraj (Mahadevapura), Puratattva, 20,

1989–90, p. 107. 134 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1985–86, p. 23. 135 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1985–86, p. 108. 136 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1985–86, p. 23. 137 Pande and Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108. 138 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. III – Kaira and Panchmahal Districts, Bombay: Government Central Press, 1879, pp. 292–8. 139 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in Western Indian Ocean, 3.12, http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35. 140 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 10. 141 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 30. 142 Sara L. Schastok, The Samlaji Sculptures & Sixth Century Art in Western India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985; List of Figures. 143 V.L. Devkar., Sculptures from Shamalaji and Roda, Bulletin of the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 13, 1960, p. 136. 144 H.G. Sastri, Gujarat under the Maitrakas of Valabhi, Gaekwad Oriental Series, 180, 2000, p. 173. 145 Sastri, Gujarat under the Maitrakas of Valabhi, p. 174. 146 Sastri, Gujarat under the Maitrakas of Valabhi, p. 174. 147 Sastri, Gujarat under the Maitrakas of Valabhi, p. 174. 148 Sastri, Gujarat under the Maitrakas of Valabhi, pp. 174–5. 149 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 150 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 229. 151 P.S.

Thakker,

M.H.

Raval

and

A.R.

Dasgupta,

Ancient

Ports

of

Gujarat,

http://geospatialworld.net/paper/application/ArticleView.aspx?aid=316 (accessed on 12 May 2015). 152 M. Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen – Das frühe Mittelalter in Gujarat, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2001, p. 280. 153 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen, p. 223. 154 G. Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants, in Indian. Antiquary 6, Delhi: Swati Publications, 1984, p. 10. 155 Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants, p. 12. 156 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen: List of Maitraka Inscriptions, No. 22, p. 79. 157 Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants, p. 15. 158 D.B. Diskalkar, Some Unpublished Copper Plates of the Rulers of Valabhi, Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, New Series I(1), 1925, pp. 38–9. 159 Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants, p. 15. 160 M.A. Dhaky and J.M. Nanavati, The Maitraka and Saindhava Temples of Gujarat, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae, 1969, p. 181. 161 M.G. Dikshit, A New Vihāra at Valabhi, Indian Historical Quarterly, 16, 1940, p. 818. 162 Dr Th. Bloch, An Unpublished Valabhi Copper Plate Inscription of King Dhruvasena I, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 27 (2), April 1895, p. 379.

163 A.S. Gadre, Five Vala Copper Plate Grants – Grant No.1 – Copperplate of the Gārulaka Mahārājā Varāhdasa of the Year 230 GE, Journal of the University of Bombay, 3 (1), 1934, pp. 74–9. 164 M.A. Dhaky and U.S. Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 2001, p. 5. 165 E. Hultzsch, Ganesgadh Plates of Dhruvasena I, Epigraphia Indica, 3, 1894–95, New Delhi: Director General ASI (reprint), 1979, p. 319. 166 P.R. Srinivasan, Two Grants of Dhruvasena from Palitana, Epigraphia Indica, 17, 1923, p. 108. 167 D.B. Diskalkar, Two Unpublished Valabhi Grants – B. Bhavnagar Plates of Dharasena III Samvat 304, Epigraphia Indica, 21, 1931–32, pp. 181–4. 168 Shubhra Pramanik, Hatab: An Early Historic Port on the Gulf of Khambat, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, 1, 2004, p. 140. 169 Pramanik, Hatab, p. 14. 170 Pramanik, Hatab, pp. 136–7. 171 Pramanik, Hatab, p. 140. 172 Pramanik, Hatab, p. 139. 173 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, Ahmedabad: Government Publication, 1975, p. 60. 174 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 840. 175 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 828. 176 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 832. 177 P.S. Thakker, M.H. Raval and A.R. Dasgupta, Ancient Ports of Gujarat, Article on the Internet. 178 A.S. Gaur, P.G. Sundaresh and Sila Tripati, Ancient Anchorage System in India with Reference to Gujarat, http://www.academia.edu/3461689/Ancient_anchorage_systems_in_India_with_reference_to_the_Gujarat_coast. 179 Gaur et al., Ancient Anchorage System in India with Reference to Gujarat. 180 A.S. Gaur and P.G. Sundaresh, Paleo Coastline of Saurashtra – Gujarat: A Study Based Arcaheological Proxies, Indian Journal of Marine Sciences, 43 (7), July 2014, http://www.niscair.res.in/jinfo/IJMS/IJMS-Forthcoming-Articles/IJMS-PRJuly%202014/MS%2017%20Edited.pdf (accessed on 24 July2015). 181 A.S. Gaur, P.S. Sundaresh and Ashok D. Odera., New Light on Maritime Arcaheology of Porbandar – Saurashtra Coast, Gujarat, Man & Environment, 29 (I), 2004, pp. 104–5. 182 Gaur et al., New Light on Maritime Archaeology of Porbandar, p. 106. 183 Gaur et al., New Light on Maritime Archaeology of Porbandar, p. 106. 184 R.N. Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 587. 185 Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford: Blackwell, 2000, p. 125. 186 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in Western Indian Ocean, 3.11, http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35. 187 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1961–62, p. 13. 188 Dr R.N. Mehta and Shri A.J. Patil, Excavation at Shamalaji, Vadodara: MS University, 1967, p. 1. 189 Mehta and Patil, Excavation at Shamalaji, p. 14.

190 V.L. Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, Vadodara: Government Press, 1960, 13, Special Number, p. 62. 191 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western India 6th–9th Century AD, in Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 214. 192 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I dated Samvat 290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, Delhi: Swati Publications (reprint), 1984, p. 238. 193 Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I, p. 237. 194 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 6. 195 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 29. 196 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 30. 197 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 34. 198 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 35. 199 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 37. 200 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 28. 201 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 39. 202 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 39. 203 Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, p. 91. 204 Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, p. 98. 205 Gujarat State Gazetteer, Vadodara District, Ahmedabad: Directorate of Government Print, 1984, p. 83. 206 Gujarat State Gazetteer, Vadodara District, p. 5. 207 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in Western Indian Ocean, 3.3: 3.11, http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35. 208 Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I dated Samvat 290, p. 238. 209 Jackson, Two New Valabhi Copper Plates – II –Grant of Dhruvasena II, Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, 20 (54), 1898, p. 8. 210 K.J. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of Arts and Sciences, 1952, p. 311. 211 L.D. Barnett, Bhamodra Plate of Dronasimha: The Year 183, Epigraphia Indica, 16 (4), 1921–22, p. 18. 212 M.R. Majumdar, A Newly Discovered Buddha Bronze from Bhuj (Kutch), Journal of Oriental Institute, 8 (3), 1959, p. 218. 213 Zeeshan A. Shaikh and Sila Tripati Vasant Shinde, Study of Sewn Plank Built Boats of Goa – India, International Journal of Nautical Arcaheology, 41 (I), 2012, pp. 148–52. 214 Mausam Tidings: Heritage Waves near Gujarat Coast, Times of India, Ahmedabad, 24 July 2014, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/Mausam-tidings-Heritage-wave-nears-Gujaratcoast/articleshow/38953645.cms (accessed on 11 August 2015).

 3 Religious icons in Gujarat

In the previous two chapters – namely on sacred and settlement sites – the stress was on archaeological data pertaining mainly to religious structures in the region. The structures dating to the period under study are concentrated mainly in Saurashtra and do not account for the religious beliefs and practices for the entire region of Gujarat. It is here that sculptural finds and data are of great aid, for they are found in areas mostly devoid of architectural remains and prove to be the only indicators of religious beliefs, practices and religious developments for areas in Gujarat other than Saurashtra. They also make us aware that while studying sacred sites, it is important to look for indicators of heterogeneity and that the definition of sacred sites is not limited merely to temple structures and cave architecture. As has been rightly pointed out, ‘A sacred site is a place which is considered holy and is partially or wholly reserved for magico religious or ceremonial functions. Sacred sites can vary in size from very small places covering a few square metres to large areas covering several hectares of land. They are usually characterized by the presence of artefacts, eco facts and features that are unique to them; they may be in open air, or in rock shelters, caves and forests.’1 It is exactly this variation in size and types of sacred sites that this chapter aims to bring out with the aid of the vast pool of sculptural data available from the region. These images have not been utilised to attempt a reconstruction of the different types of sacred sites existing in Gujarat, and neither do they feature in a comparative analysis to bring forth diversity and uniqueness within different zones (Saurashtra, North and Central Gujarat and South Gujarat) of Gujarat. The first evidence to demonstrate this diversity in the worship of deities and their forms, as well as the existence of sacred architecture, is from coins termed as the Saurashtra janapada coins.

Deities on coins The Saurashtra janapada coins, Ujjain coins and some unidentifiable tribal coins are the earliest evidence for the reconstruction of the presence of certain deities in the region of Gujarat. Besides the symbols present on the Saurashtra janapada coins, symbols on other coins unearthed from Kamrej, Dhatva and Nagara are equally important in providing data

regarding the worship of various deities. These coins contain images of certain deities, or their symbols, and the Saurashtra janapada coins contain temple plans and representations of the vihara and stupa. An analysis of the various symbols found on these coins clearly indicates the prevalence of worship of certain deities in the region, even prior to the existence of architectural or sculptural evidence identifiable in the archaeological records. P. Anne van’t Haaff has identified a total of 23 symbols on the Saurashtra janapada coins recovered so far. These symbols include the six arched hill or multiple lingam, six dot hill, tree, Lakshmi, bull, elephant, vihara, temple floor plans, pillars, stupa, barrel, paddlewheel, circle with quatrefoil and river below, four taurines in a square, srivatsa, turtle, U type, geometric symbols, four nandipadas around a dot, svastika, lotus, circle with rosettes, circle of flowerpots, and the Sun.2 Of the above-mentioned symbols, the clearest representation of a deity that we come across is that of the goddess Lakshmi. The earliest depiction of Lakshmi, according to Heather Elgood, is the Gaja Lakshmi form of the goddess.3 This form of the goddess is to be seen on two coins from the Saurashtra punch-marked series.4 A total of six varieties of Lakshmi images have been identified on the coins. Besides the Gaja Lakshmi image, the other images include Lakshmi seen facing, squatting on a throne; Lakshmi squatting, facing or sitting left with floral design around; Lakshmi sitting on a couch facing left (this is a common type), and Lakshmi standing, of which only two specimens exist.5 These coins push back the antiquity of this goddess in this region. It is interesting to note the presence of this deity on coins, as in later literature and iconography, she is associated with wealth. While one comes across a number of representations of female deities, it is seen that the images representing Lakshmi do not figure prominently in the region for the period under study and seems as though the representation of this goddess was mainly limited to coins of the Saurashtra janapada series. The existence of Shaivism can be inferred from the bull symbol on coins, which is seen as a theriomorphic representation of the deity. The bull has been associated with different deities.6 Indra in the Rig Veda is constantly designated as a bull, and in one of the Vedic rituals, the bull represents Rudra.7 On the coins from the Saurashtra janapada, five depictions of the bull are noticed. These are the bull with srivatsa over its back, bull with the Sun over its back, bull with six dot hills over its back, bull over a rectangular tank with one or two fishes, and a six dot hill or a fire altar in front of the bull.8 Of these, three of them could possibly be associated with Shiva, namely, bull with six dot hill over its back, bull over a rectangular tank and the one depicting a six dot hill or fire altar in front of the bull. Representation of the bull with a tank can be interpreted as Shaivite if the tank is seen to represent the river Ganga,9 which flows from the jata of Shiva. The six-arched hill may be taken to represent the abode of Shiva, which is the mountain, as he is also known as Girisa or Sringin.10 On the coins from the sites of Kamrej and Dhatva, Shiva is represented in the human form.

The copper coin from Kamrej containing a representation of Shiva dates to the first century BCE/CE and is round in shape.11 The figure is represented facing front with a stick-like object in the right hand, and in the left, an object resembling a globular vessel with a long thin neck. According to J.N. Banerjea, this figure can be identified with that of Visvamitra Shiva12 and Singh opines that Shiva in the guise of Visvamitra was well-known before the fourth century BCE.13 Ujjain coins from the site of Kamrej depict a three-headed standing human deity with a staff in the right hand and a kamandalu in the left, and a tree to the right of the deity.14 Cunningham regards these figures as Shiva Mahakala, who has a famous temple at Ujjain.15 However, Allan is not certain about the identity of the deity, and at first, identified him with the six-headed god Karttikeya,16 but at the same time, does not rule out the possibility of the figure being intended as Shiva. He, thus, offers an alternative suggestion of the figures possibly representing either Shiva Mahakala17 or Karttikeya.18 In the opinion of Singh, Shiva was at first represented with one head only, and the feature of multiple heads made an appearance at a later phase in the development of Shiva’s iconography, and hence, the image is that of Karttikeya.19 Whichever deity the Ujjain coins may represent, which are dated to third–second centuries BCE, the evidence from numismatics confirms that Shiva as a deity was being worshipped in Gujarat in the first period under study, namely, the third century BCE to first century BCE/CE. The coin found at Dhatva depicts a human figure holding a staff with a taurine in the right hand, which probably is also a representation of Shiva.20 As for Vaishnavism, we can only attempt to interpret the symbols found on the coins. In the hoard from the site of Amreli are coins with a turtle as an auxiliary symbol.21 This may represent the existence of Vaishnavism for it was the turtle that was used for the churning of the sea by Vishnu. An unassignable tribal coin from Kamrej has, on the obverse, a sankha in the centre with some illegible legend around it,22 and this can be clearly associated with Vishnu as he carries a sankha in one of his hands. A wheel with 12 spokes was seen on a lead coin from the site of Bet Dwarka, and if according to the opinion of Bannerjea, ‘The cakra or wheel may stand for the Sudarśanacakra of Vāsudēva Viṣṇu’, then this coin is the first piece of definite evidence for the existence of Vaishnavism at this site, which was to gain popularity as an important Vaishnavite tirtha over time. Similarly, there are a few instances for the existence of Surya worship. An unassignable tribal silver circular coin from Kamrej has, on its obverse, the Sun symbol, and on the reverse is a legend in Brahmi that reads Parama.23 Another coin from Kamrej depicts a Sun symbol, consisting of arrowheads attached to the central bar on the obverse, and seen on the reverse is the svastika symbol.24 Similarly, one punched symbol of the Sun is noticed on a copper rectangular punch-marked coin from Nagara.25 Even though scanty, these instances of the presence of the Sun symbol on the coins seem to be clear indicators of Surya worship in the first period under study. Coins, on account of their mobility and extensive circulation, have

been frequently used as a medium for communication and the spread of ideas. This is evident when the images of deities were used on the coins. Most of the deities continued to be worshipped in the succeeding periods under study. Not only is there an increase in the number of images over a period of time, but the iconography of the deities reaches a developed stage, as seen in the variations in the sculptural representations of a single deity itself. After a general idea of the deities under worship at an early period, we shall now turn our focus to the sculptural data available in the region. Though the data reveal a vast amount of information, we shall first attempt a comparative analysis of concentration of certain forms of Shiva and Vishnu within the sub-regions, as well as try to identify their areas of popularity, and whether this was limited to certain sub-areas or not.

Areas with a concentration of Shaivite, Surya and Mātrkā images While coins are indicators of worship of deities in an early period, the forms and images of these deities increase and develop over time. Images recovered from various sites demonstrate diversity within the region, and point to some of these being unique to certain areas within Gujarat. In other words, not all parts of the region were worshipping or creating similar images of a certain deity at a given point in time, but variations existed. For purposes of comparative analysis, I will divide Gujarat into three zones – namely Saurashtra, northern Gujarat and the third zone comprising central Gujarat and southern Gujarat. Northern Gujarat comprises the modern-day districts of Banaskantha and Sabarkantha, central Gujarat includes Ahmedabad and Mehasana district and Khambat, and the sites lying beyond the river Mahi and below come under the South Gujarat zone. The analysis will demonstrate that while sites with Shaivite images are located mainly around Karvan and Vadodara, sites with mātṛkā images are found concentrated in North Gujarat, and Surya images have been recovered mainly from Saurashtra. A look at the list of deities provided (comparing Tables 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3) clearly demonstrates the comparatively larger number of Shaivite and goddess images in the region. The two zones that I shall take up for a comparative analysis of iconography of Shiva are those of Saurashtra, on the one hand, and on the other, the areas of central and southern Gujarat comprising mainly sites in and around Vadodara. This exercise will also bring forth the heterogeneous development in the worship of a single deity within the sub-regions of Gujarat. While most of the data pertaining to the existence of Shaivism in Saurashtra are in the form of the temples found along its coastline, in other areas of Gujarat, except at the sites of Karvan, Goraj and Devnimori/Shamlaji, it is difficult to find temples dedicated to Shiva. But the lack of temple structures is compensated by the presence of a number of Shaivite images at various sites.

Diversity in sacred sites within the region is evident as, on the one hand, there are sites with temples having the linga as the central object of worship, and on the other hand, are sites that have images of the deity in various forms, but no architectural remains or temples dedicated to the deity. The fierce form of Shiva as Bhairava, and the images of Lakulisa had more popularity in areas of South Gujarat and these are clearly absent at the temple sites of Saurashtra. Sculptural evidence from Vadodara and Vadaval seems to suggest that these sites were sacred to the Shaivite community, and also associated with Lakulisa, who is described in the Purana and the inscriptions as the 28th incarnation of Shiva.26 Inscriptions of the Maitraka period refer to the existence of a temple at Vatapadra (modern-day Vadodara) prior to 609 CE27 and images recovered from in and around Vadodara suggest the existence of a temple as well. While some images are found in Vadodara, others may have travelled over time to reach places located within the boundaries of the district. Found at Vadodara are images of Bhairava dating to the eighth century CE,28 as well as an image of Lakulisa dating to the eighth century CE,29 and another one located in the Vadodara Museum dates to the seventh century CE.30 A two-armed seated Lakulisa of the seventh century CE is from Avakhal, whereas a two-armed standing Lakulisa is from Kamanatha in Vadodara district, dating to the eighth century CE.31 Vadodara is the only site that has to its credit three images of Bhairava dating to the seventh century CE. Out of these, two are four-armed and only the head of a colossal image is all that is left of one of the images. The size of the head of the image suggests that the image would have been housed in a structure where it was under worship. The find of a Lakulisa image shown in front of the linga from Karvan clearly indicates the site being associated with Shaivism. Popularity of this form of Shiva in this part of Gujarat is also indicated by the find of the images from the site of Dasratha, located near Vadodara. These include an image of Bhairava and an image of Vinapani Shiva. The sculptural data thus establish that mostly these two forms of Shiva, namely Lakulisa and Bhairava, were popular in the area in and around Vadodara. The association, then, of Lakulisa with Karvan holds true as far as the archaeological data are concerned, and this area would have been of importance to the adherents of this Shaivite sect. Figure 3.1 Sites with Hindu images

However, an analysis of Surya images indicates his popularity in Saurashtra as compared to other areas within Gujarat. The region contains not only temples dedicated to him, but most of the images recovered hail from sites within Saurashtra. Surya temples were noticed at the sites of Pata (700 CE), Pachtar (700–725 CE),32 Boricha, Kinderkheda (early eighth century),33

Dhrevad (first quarter of the seventh century CE),34 Dhank (seventh century CE), and Methan (eighth century CE), to mention a few. In addition to this, images from various parts of Saurashtra are also seen. The earliest image in the region can be dated to the fourth century CE and a worn out figure at the temple of Gop dates to between 525 and 550 CE.35 The Surya image from the site of Kachhigadh and a Surya chariot and image from Sawan in Okhamandal district date to between the sixth and eighth century CE.36 The image from Kundola dates to the sixth century CE and belonging to the seventh century CE is an image from Mangrol. The image enshrined in the temple at Pachtar dates to the eighth century CE, while the image in the Rajkot museum, which hails originally from Mangrol, dates to the sixth–seventh centuries CE,37 and the image in the Junagadh museum belongs to the seventh century CE.38 The only image recovered so far from a site outside the zone of Saurashtra is from the site of Pij, located in Kheda district and the image dates to the eighth century CE.39 An analysis of Shiva and Surya images clearly demonstrates that not all deities or their forms had the same popularity all over Gujarat. Instead, what is noticed is that each subregion was undergoing different religious developments. While at Vadodara and its adjoining sites, Bhairava and Lakulisa images were preferred, in Saurashtra, Surya had immense popularity, and Shiva in the form of a linga in temples was worshipped while Bhairava and Lakulisa images are not found in this zone. While not all deities were acquiring equal importance in different sites in Gujarat, a look at data pertaining to mātṛkā images and distribution of image sites demonstrates the popularity of goddess worship, mainly in Saurashtra and sites in northern Gujarat. While temples are indicators of the worship of the saptamatrkas in Saurashtra, sculptural data are our only source of information for other areas in Gujarat. The data reveal that they were popular mainly in the areas of northern Gujarat, as sites with sculptural remains are located either in the Banaskantha or Sabarkantha districts. The sites we shall discuss are the ones that have more than two or three images, as compared to various sites from where only one or two mātṛkā images have been reported. The area of northern Gujarat and its adjoining area with Rajasthan seem to have contained sites associated with worship of mātṛkās. A site in northern Gujarat from where mātṛkā images were recovered is that of Ambaji, which retains its association with goddess worship. The site is, to date, considered an important devisthana and it is believed that the left breast of Parvati fell at this spot. The site has a temple dedicated to the goddess and what is worshipped is not any image, but rather, a yantra known as the Visoyantra,40 which is the case with all the other Sakta centres of Gujarat where different yantras are worshipped.41 The yantras are so adorned that they appear as idols to the worshippers.42 The mātṛkā images found at the site of Ambaji pushes back the antiquity of the site as well as its association with mātṛkā worship. The images found from the site have been dated to the sixth–seventh centuries CE, and the

mātṛkā represented are Vaishnavi, Indrani, Brahmani, Varahi, and Chamunda, and seen along with the mātṛkā is an image of Vinapani Shiva, and an image of Ganesha.43 This site, along with Devnimori and Shamlaji in Gujarat and Tanesara and Amjhara in Rajasthan, seems to have been a stronghold of mātṛkā worship. The site of Amjhara is close to the border with Rajasthan and found here were images of Vaishnavi, Kaumari, Brahmani, Agneyi, Chamunda and two more images, either representing Brahmani or Kaumari, dating to 530 CE.44 Dating to the same period are two images of Vinadhara Shiva found along with the mātṛkā images. The site of Tanesara has seven mātṛkā images dating to between 540 and 550 CE, as well as an image of a Deva, perhaps Shiva. At sites in southern Rajasthan and adjoining Gujarat, mātṛkā images found are more than the traditional seven or eight.45 Two other sites in the Banaskantha district with mātṛkā images are Vedencha and Vadaval, and here too, they are represented with Vinapani Shiva. From the site of Vedencha, situated 30 km south west of Palanpur, ten marble images were discovered in front of a brick structure.46 These images consist of six mātṛkā – Brahmani, Mahesari, Kaumari, Chamunda, and Varahi. In addition to these three images of Mahisasuramardini and an image of Vinapani Shiva were also seen. Of these, the mātṛkā images, image of Shiva and one image of Mahisasuramardini date to the late seventh or beginning eighth century CE.47 The site of Vadaval is located in the same district, and here too, the sculptures found suggest the association of the site with mātṛkā worship. The earliest sculpture found is that of Parvati, which dates to the first half of the seventh century CE. The image of the mātṛkā is seen here with an image of Vinadhara Shiva, an image of Bhairava and an image of Ganesha, and on stylistic grounds, all the images have been dated to late seventh or early eighth century CE. The mātṛkā images from the site include Brahmani, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Varahi, Vaishnavi, Indrani, and Chamunda. As has been pointed out by R.T. Parikh, Vadaval seems to have been one of the important centres of tantric worship, as according to belief, the present temple of Siddhesvarimata at old Deesa was situated at Vadaval.48 The site of Kotia in the Patan taluka of Mahesana district yielded a similar group of mātṛkā, which has been dated to the seventh century CE. The mātṛkā found included Brahmani, Mahesvari, Vaishnavi, and Aindri, along with an image of Ganesha.49 This is the second group of mātṛkā where Ganesha is found in association with them. From the site of Mahesana itself were recovered a mātṛkā dating to sixth–seventh centuries CE, a Kaumari dated to seventh– eighth centuries CE, and interestingly, a Kuber from the same site dating to the fifth century CE, which is earlier than the mātṛkā images.50 Only one site on the southern side of North Gujarat containing a group of mātṛkā images is that of Mataria. A group of mātṛkā sculptures was found lying in an open area of a newly constructed Vyasesvara Mahadeva temple at Mataria, which is located 12 km east of Sahehra

in Panchmahal district.51 This is the only site in southern Gujarat that contains these images. A total of seven mātṛkā are represented, with children, and the image of Bhairava is the guardian deity. One of the mātṛkā found at the site, which is absent from the Shamlaji group of mātṛkā images, is Ambika. The other mātṛkā seen here are Mahesvari, Kaumari, Varahi, Indrani, Vayavi, and Brahmani. These are carved out of light green schist and have been dated, on stylistic grounds, to the sixth century CE. According to Sonawane, ‘The mother and child sculptures from Mataria, for their motherly aspects, recall to our minds a number of terracotta plaques from Ahicchatra datable to sixth – seventh centuries CE.’52 In this set of images, it is noticed that the images of Indrani, Vayavi and Kaumari are unique and are not seen in the set of images found in North Gujarat. Most of the above-mentioned sites that contain sets of mātṛkā images are located in the northern region of Gujarat, strongly suggesting the area as being important to goddess worship. It is also noticed that the images of an earlier date, mainly of sixth century CE, do not represent the mātrkās in groups, but are found individually, in numbers of two to three at the maximum. By the end of the seventh century CE, it seems as though the number and the images were formalised, as seen at the sites of Vadaval and Vedencha. The set of mātṛkā seem unique to the region as they are seen not with only Ganesha or Karttikeya, but Vinapani Shiva is constantly found alongside these images. Temples dedicated to the mātṛkā are located at the sites of Pachtar, Pata, Adodar, and Khimesvara in Saurashtra area. The numerous mātṛkā images found in North Gujarat suggest not only mātṛkā worship at these sites, but that the images may have been housed in some religious structures, as noticed in Saurashtra, While in northern Gujarat, their images are found in association with mainly Shiva, in Saurashtra, their shrines are found next to temples dedicated to Surya as well. It is interesting to note that some of the Surya shrines have been converted to shrines worshipping the goddess Randal, the wife of Surya, as noticed at the sites of Boricha, Sutrapada and Pasnavada. Even though the northern half of Gujarat seems to have been important to worshippers of the goddess, other parts of the region also contain some evidence of the worship of the mātṛkā and these sites demonstrate the spread of worship of the mother goddess in the region. In the sixth century CE, the iconography develops to a stage where now they can be identified as the female counterparts of various male deities on the basis of their weapons, such as seen in the images of Varahi, Vaishnavi and Mahesvari, to mention a few. While no religious structures have been found in the archaeological records at these sites, these images would have been the main objects of worship, as in the case of the temples in Saurashtra. These images could have also been placed in open air shrines, or under trees. They could also have been housed in simple structures, which could have been made with the aid of four bamboos or branches fixed at the corners of a square, their stems bended and tied

horizontally by strings at regular interval.53 Sites in Saurashtra and at Ambaji in North Gujarat associated with mātṛkā worship may have been small shrines, which grew to become temple sites over a period of time. Ambaji is the only site in North Gujarat to have survived as a mātṛkā worship site over time and has, presently, a large temple, while other sites may have continued as open air shrines on a platform under a tree till they gradually lost importance.

Iconographical development of Shiva and Vishnu images A look at the chronological table containing data on images demonstrates a gradual iconographical development in the forms and representations of deities within the region. The lists demonstrate that it is only from the sixth century CE onwards that one notices an increase in the number of images of a particular deity, and a simultaneous variety in the forms of representation. An analysis shall be now carried out on data pertaining to Shaivite and Vaishnavite images. The list of Shaiva images found in Gujarat clearly demonstrates that the earliest form this deity was worshipped in was the Shiva linga, as most of the sites contain one or the other variant of it. The lingas found in Gujarat perhaps were enshrined in a simple dolmen structure, where they would have been the central object of worship. The images of Shaivite affiliation demonstrate varied developments in iconographical representation of Shiva in his various forms. These images demonstrate that the region was never static and changes were always taking place in preference for one or the other type of Shiva image. The lingas are continually crafted over time, while developments in the iconographic representations of Shiva also occur simultaneously. By the sixth century CE, one comes across various forms of Shiva, such as Vinapani Shiva, images of Shiva and Parvati and Bhairava images. The table demonstrates that these images are found mainly in North Gujarat comprising the sites of Shamlaji, Kotesvara and Gadha, or are noticed in the region around Broach. In the period between the sixth and the seventh century CE, the majority of the images found represent Uma Mahesvara, indicating the popularity of this image, as is evident from the sites of Kapuri and Karvan. The seventh century CE witnessed an increase in the number of Bhairava images, with a concentration in South Gujarat, as of the six images found, three belong from Broach. Even though images of Vinadhara Shiva and Uma Mahesvara continue to be crafted, a decrease in the number of the latter images is noticed. Between the seventh and the eighth century CE, the region witnessed the conception and creation of two new images – namely those of Ardhanarisvara, representing Shiva as half-man and half-woman, and of Lakulisa. An image of Ardhanarisvara, hails from the site of Tarsang.54 Developments in the iconographic representation of Shiva continues further in the eighth century CE, as seen in the creation of the Hariharpaitmaha panel at the temple site of Sonkamsari in Saurashtra,55 the

Nrtyamurti at Roda temple in North Gujarat and an image of Trimurti from Rajpipla. An analysis of the list of images found in the region demonstrates that while earlier forms of representations continue, such as the ekamukhashivalinga and images representing Shiva Parvati, an increasing complexity is noticed in the iconographical developments of Shiva in his various forms.

Vishnu images In the case of images belonging to the Vaishnavite pantheon, one notices varied developments as well. The images of the avataras, in particular, demonstrate a period of experimentation up to the eighth century CE when it finally seems to have crystallised. Table 3.1 Shaivite images

SITE

SCULPTURE

Valabhi

Miniature Shiva lingas

PERIOD 1st century BCE/CE– 4th century

REFERENCE

IAR, 1997–98; p. 24

AD

Goraj

3-eyed Shiva in schist

2nd–3rd century

IAR, 1985–86; p. 23

CE

Devnimori

2 Lingas

Devnimori

Manusa linga

Broach

Ekamukhashivalinga

Kshatrapa period Kshatrapa period 3rd–4th century

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat; p. 49 Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat JOI, Vol. I, No. 2; p. 161

CE

Khed Brahma

Ekamukhashivalinga

4th century CE

Amreli Shamlaji Museum

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

Gauri Sankara

Kushana

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

Shiva linga

4th century

Currently in Museum at Shamlaji

CE

Unpublished Sculptures in

Vartol

Shiva image, schist

4th–5th century CE

Vadnagar

Ekamukhashivalinga

5th century

the Dept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU Baroda IAR,1988–89; p

CE

Parel

Shiva images

5th century

BBMPG, Vol. VII; p. 26

CE

Shamlaji Kasivisvesvara temple, Shamlaji Masara

Virabhadra with Nandi as vahana

5th century CE

Agam Indological Series, Indian Archaeological Heritage; p. 561

Ekamukhashivalinga

Gupta period

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

Vinadhara Shiva, standing

6th century

JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78

CE

Shamlaji Shamlaji Unjha

Seated image of Vinadhara Shiva

6th century

Standing image of Vinadhara Shiva

6th century

Ekamukhashivalinga

6th century

CE

CE

CE

Shamlaji

Statue of Shiva

6th century CE

Gadha

Karvan

Koral

Broach area

Gauri Sankara with Nandi as vahana

6th century

Gauri Sankara with Nandi as vahana

6th century

Shiva Parvati

600 CE

Shiva Parvati

6th century

CE

CE

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 36 Agam Indological Series, Indian Archaeological Heritage; p. 562 Agam Indological Series, Indian Archaeological Heritage; p. 562 Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 223 Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p.

Koteswara

Vinapani Shiva

CE

109

6th century

Archaeology of Banaskantha District; p. 166

CE

Pithai

Standing Bhairava

6th century CE

Delvada

Tarsang

Uma Mahesvara with Ganesha and Karttikeya

6th–7th century

Ardhanarisvara

Latter half of 6th century

CE

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 52

CE

Kapuri

Shiva Parvati

Late 6th– early 7th century

JOI, Vol. I, No. 2; p. 162

CE

Shihora

Uma Mahesvara

6th–7th century AD

Shamlaji

Shiva Parvati

7th century CE

Aktesvara (Rajpipla)

Uma Mahesvara

Kora (taluka Jambusar)

Uma Mahesvara

Burgh Kunda – near Ghumli

Uma Mahesvara

Shamlaji

Ekamukhashivalinga

7th century CE

7th century CE

7th century CE

7th century CE

Bharuch

Chaturmukhashivalinga

7th century CE

Valabhi

Manusa linga

7th century CE

Sankhari

Ekamukhashivalinga

7th century CE

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 52 Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 419 Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 52 Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat; Table Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat; IAR, 1993–94; p. 136

Chota Udepur

Ekamukhashivalinga

7th century CE

Tarsang

Linga

7th century CE

Central Gujarat

Bhairava

Baroda

Standing Bhairava

7th century 7th century

Standing Bhairava

7th century CE

Baroda

Standing Bhairava

7th century CE

Taranga

Skeleton-type Bhairava

7th century CE

Mataria

Skeleto-type Bhairava

7th century CE

Dasharatha – near Baroda

Standing image of Vinadhara Shiva

7th century

Kavi area

Standing image of Vinadhara Shiva

7th century

Standing image of Vinadhara Shiva

7th century

Lakulisa

7th century

Tintoi Timbarva

CE

CE

CE

CE

Limbodara

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat JOI, Vol. I; p. 163

CE

CE

Baroda

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

Three-faced bust of Shiva

Latter half of 7th century

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat BBMPG, Vol. X–XI; p. 23

CE

Kashipura

Shiva Parvati

7th–9th century

JOI, Vol. VIII; No. 1; p. 71

CE

Kora (taluka

7th–8th

Archaeology of Jamnagar

Jambusar)

Uma Mahesvara

century

District; p. 419

CE

Dwarka

Uma Mahesvara

7th–8th century CE

Raval (district Kalyanpur)

Uma Mahesvara

Bamana

Uma Mahesvara

7th–8th century CE

7th–8th century CE

Dasratha

Skeleton-type Bhairava

7th–8th century CE

Baroda Museum Avakhal

Lakulisa

7th–8th century CE

Lakulisa

Tarsang

Lakulisa Ardhanarisvara Vinadhara Shiva

Vinadhara Shiva

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

7th–8th century

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

7th–8th century CE

Vadaval (Deesa taluka)

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat

CE

7th–8th century

CE

Vedencha

Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 419

Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 221 Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 221

7th–8th century CE

Khanpura

Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 419

Late 7th– early 8th century

Archaeology of Banaskantha District Archaeology of Banaskantha District

CE

Vadaval (Deesa taluka)

Bhairava

Late 7th– early 8th century CE

Vinchivada (Sabarkantha district)

Ekamukhashivalinga

Sonkamsari

Hariharapaitamah

8th century CE

8th century CE

Archaeology of Banaskantha District Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 428

Vadodara

8th century

Lakulisa

IAR, 1981–82; p. 91

CE

Varana (district Vadodara) Rajpipla Ahmedabad

8th century

Vinadhara Shiva

CE

CE

Currently in the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery

8th century

Archaeological Survey of Ahmedabad District; p. 16

8th century

Trimurti Ardhanarisvara

CE

Roda

8th century

Nrtyamurti of Shiva

CE

Roda

8th century

Ardhanarisvara

CE

Ahmedabad District Nandesvara temple, Porbandar Amtherimata temple, Vadnagar Goraj

IAR,1976–77; p. 74

8th century

Ardhanarisvara

CE

Seated image of Vinadhara Shiva

8th century

Seated image of Vinadhara Shiva

8th century

CE

CE

Life-sized Nandi, Chaturmukhashivalinga, Andhakasursamhar, dancing Shiva, Shivagamas

Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat Puratattva, Vol. 20; p. 100

Table 3.2 Vaishnavite images

SITE

SCULPTURE

Ten (Variav area, Surat district)

Vishnu; Headless image with lance and conch(?)

Kamrej

Plaque depicting Vishnu Three stone

PERIOD Early centuries of the Common era 1st–2nd century CE Latter half of

REFERENCE Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 142 Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, No. 1, 2004; p. 68 Excavations at Amreli,

Amreli

plaques of Vishnu

3rd century

BBMPG,XVIII; p. 95

CE

3rd–4th century CE Post-Gupta period 4th century

Spread of Vaisnavism in Gujarat up to 1600 ad; p. 140

Amreli

Parsurama

Kavi

Haladhara Balarama

Valabhi

Krishna

Rangmahal

Rama

Navasari

Vishnu

Devnimori

1 Vishnu image

5th century

Kadvar temple

Balarama

6th century CE

Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 513 Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 152 JISOA, Special Number – Western Indian Art,1965–66; p. 27 Spread of Vaisnavism in Gujarat up to 1600 ad; p. 143

Devnimori

Visvarupa Vishnu

6th century

Kala;Vol. VI; p. 67

Damaged Vishnu head Mahavishnu Gadadhar Vishnu, Parsurama

4th–6th century CE 600 CE 6th century

Gadoi

Trivikrama Vishnu

6th century

Nagarpura

Varaha

Mid-6th century CE

Mahisa

Vishnu

7th century CE

Unpublished Sculptures in the Dept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. 23 Archaeology of Banaskantha district; p. 147 Journal of MSU Baroda, Vol. XXVI; p. 93

Ogaganj

Visvarupa image of Vishnu

7th century

Kala;Vol. VI; p. 67

Tarsang

Vishnu

7th century

Vadgam

Vishnu images

Dwarka

Laksmi Narayana

Shamlaji Shamlaji Masara

CE

4th–5th century CE 0–5th century CE CE

CE

CE

CE

CE

CE

7th–8th century CE 7th–8th century CE

Lalit Kala, No. 9; p. 58 JISOA, 1965–66; p. 1

Samlaji Sculptures and 6th century Art in Western India; p. 27 Artibus Asiae, Vol. 44; p. JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78

Unpublished Sculptures in theDept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. Journal of MSU Baroda, Vol. XXVI; p. 93 Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 445

Dwarka

Narsimha

7th–9th century CE

Shamlaji

Vishnu image

8th century

Shamlaji Kathalal

CE

Visvarupa image of Vishnu Visvarupa image of Vishnu

Archaeology of Jamnagar District; pp. 447–8 Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 35 Kala; Vol. VI; p. 67 Kala; Vol. VI; p. 67 Archaeology of Kheda District; p. 252 Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 439 Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 446 Archaeology of the Kheda District; p. 137

Pithai (Kapadvanj)

Vishnu

Early medeival

Dwarka

Vishnu with Garuda vahana

8th century

Dwarka

Varaha

8th century

Dasavtara panel

8th century

Vishnu

Slightly later than 8th century CE

Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 221

Slightly later than 8th century CE Slightly later than 8th century CE 8th–9th century CE

Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 221

Mehlav (Kheda) Vadodara – Kamnatha Mahadeo temple Karvan

Haladhara

Kavi

Haladhara and Kuber

Viramgam

Laxminarayana

CE CE CE

Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 221 Archaeological Survey of Ahmedabad District; p. 16

Table 3.3 Images of goddesses

SITE

SCULPTURE

Akota

Terracotta plaque of Mahisasuramardini

Padri

Kamrej

3 Lajjagauri plaques

Broken image of female deity

PERIOD 2nd century

REFERENCE JOI, Vol. I, No. 2; p. 160

BCE

1st century BCE/CE

East and West, Vol. 44; p. 482

1st–2nd century

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, No. 1, 2004;

Ajabpura

Amreli

Amreli

2 terracotta miniature female figurines

CE

p. 67

Kshatrapa times

IAR,1977–78; p. 79

Fragmentary plaque possibly representing Durga with four arms

2nd–3rd century

Probably a female deity

2nd–3rd century

CE

CE

A female figure with a child on the left waist touching the breast

2nd–3rd century

Tejgadh (Baroda district)

Mahisasuramardini

Kshatrapa period

Valabhi

Mahisasuramardini

4th century

Amreli

CE

Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1936–37; p. 12 and 1935–36; p. 21 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1936–37; p. 12 and 1935–36; p. 21 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1936–37; p. 12 and 1935–36; p. 21 Unpublished Sculptures in theDept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. 45 JISOA, 1965–66; p. 1

CE

Shamlaji

Navasari

Nandi as vahana of mātṛkā Mahesvari

4th century

Mother Goddess, Parvati

1st–5th century

CE

CE

Khambholaj – Hanuman temple Devnimori Shamlaji

Agam Indological Series – Indian Archaeological Heritage; p. 563 Archaeology of Baroda, Broach & Surat Districts; p. 152

Image of Vaishnavi

Early Historic period

Archaeology of Kheda District; p. 78

4 Mātṛkās, 1 head of a mātṛkā, 1 torso of a mātṛkā

5th century

JISOA, Special Number – Western Indian Art, 1965–66; p. 27

Bhadra or Yasoda

5th century

CE

Sculptures from Shamlaji

Pavi Jetpur Shamlaji Mahudi

Parvati standing on Godha Head of one mātṛkā, figure of another, Parvati as Bhilan and image of Lajjagauri Bhadra

CE

and Roda; p. 48

600 CE 6th century

BBMPG, Vol. XIV; p. 35

CE

6th century CE

Mataria Masara

JGRS, Vol. XIV; p. 2

Mātṛkā – Ambika, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Varahi, Indrani, Vayavi, Brahmani, and Bhairava

6th century

Mahisasuramardini, Ambika

6th century

Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 48 JISOA, Vol. IX; p. 42

CE

JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78

CE

Kanad (Surat distt.) Variav (Surat distt.)

Lajjagauri

6th century CE

Lajjagauri

6th century CE

Kavi (Broach distt.)

Lajjagauri

Tarsang (Panchmahals)

Lajjagauri

Dhank

Lajjagauri

6th century CE

6th century CE

6th century CE

Vasantgarh (Pavi Jetpur, Baroda)

Godhra

Lajjagauri

6th century

Lajjagauri

6th century

CE

East & West, Vol. 44; p. 484 East & West, Vol. 44; p. 484 East & West, Vol. 44; p. 484 East & West, Vol. 44; p. 484 East & West, Vol. 44; p. 484 Unpublished Sculptures in theDept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. 41 Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 29

CE

Tintoi

Parvati with Bala Ganesha

6th century CE

North Gujarat, located in

Shiva Parvati

6th century

BBMPG,Vol. III, Part I; p. 25

BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 23

Baroda Museum North Gujarat, located in Baroda Museum North Gujarat, located in Baroda Museum Koteswar

Vagpur, near Jagadia

CE

Brahmani

6th century

BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 24

CE

Kaumari

6th century

BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 25

CE

Mātṛkās – Vaishnavi, Brahmani, Aindri, Varahi, Chamunda

6th century

Panchagnitapas Parvati

6th century

CE

CE

Godai (Panchmahal district)

Mahisasuramardini

Mahesana

Mātṛkā

6th century CE

6th–7th century

Archaeology of Banaskantha District; pp. 164–66 Unpublished Sculptures in theDept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. 37 Unpublished Sculptures in theDept. of Archaeology & Ancient History, MSU, Baroda; p. 44 IAR,1992–93; p. 111

CE

Shamlaji

Terracotta female figurine

Latter half of 6th century

Sculptures from Shamlaji and Roda; p. 20

CE

Danta

Mahisasuramardini

Late 6th– early 7th century

BBMPG,Vol. XIII; p. 26

CE

Shamlaji

Saptamatrkapatta

7th century

IAR,1990–91; p. 6

CE

Kumbhariya

Sakti Ganesha

Early 7th century CE

7th

JOI, Vol. XXII; p. 374

Kotia Baroda Museum North Gujarat, located in Baroda Museum

Mātṛkās – Brahmani, Vaishnavi and Aindri Ambika Devi

century

IAR, 1993–94; p. 136

CE

7th century

BBMPG, Vol. XIV; p. 38

CE

Mahisasuramardini

7th century

BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 26

CE

Sathal at Dholka

Sakti

Pavi Jetpur

Lajjagauri

7th century CE

7th century

Archaeological Survey of Ahmedabad District; p. 16 Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 31

CE

Valabhipur

Lajjagauri

7th century

Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30

CE

Randelia (near Valabhipur) Dhank

Lajjagauri

7th century

Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 31

CE

Lajjagauri

7th century

Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30

CE

Dhank (Manjushri Vapi)

Lajjagauri

7th century

Vedencha

Mātṛkās – Brahmani, Chamunda, Mahesvari, Kaumari, and Varahi

end 7th– early 8th century

Mahesana

Kaumari

Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30

CE

CE

Archaeology of Banaskantha District; pp. 108–10

7th–8th century

IAR, 1992–93; p. 111

CE

Vaviya

Varahi, Mahesvari

7th–8th century CE

Dodhana (Viramgam taluka) Vaviya

Kaumari

7th–8th century CE

Varahi, Mahesvari

7th–8th century

Archaeology of Kheda District; p. 89 Archaeological Survey of Ahmedabad District; pp. 166–7 Archaeology of Kheda

(Kheda)

CE

District; p. 89

Mātṛkās – Brahmani, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Varahi, and Vaishnavi, Chamunda

End 7th– early 8th century

Archaeology of Banaskantha District; p.

Panas (Viramgam taluka)

3 Mātṛkās – Indrani, Gauri and Varuni

8th century

Vedencha

Mahisasuramardini

8th century

Vadaval (Deesa taluka)

CE

CE

Archaeological Survey of Ahmedabad District; p. 168 Archaeology of Banaskantha District; p. 110 Archaeology of Banaskantha District; pp. 131–3

Parvati performing Panchagnitapas

8th century

BBMPG, Vol. X–XI; p. 20

Baroda Museum

Durga on couchant lion

8th century

Varana (district Vadodara)

Brahmi

CE

CE

Vadaval (Deesa taluka)

Aindri

Roda

Asoj (taluk Vaghodia, district Vadodara) Mevasa (taluka Bhanvad) Dwarka

8th century

CE

CE

8th century

Brahmani

8th century

IAR, 1979–80; p. 100

CE

Parvati, miniature

8th century CE

Mahisasuramardini

8th century

Mahesvari

8th century CE

Karvan

IAR, 1976–77; p. 74

CE

CE

Vadgam

BBMPG, Vol. X–XI; p. 20

Standing Mahesvari (or Parvati)

8th–9th century

Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 458 Archaeology of Jamnagar District; p. 459 Archaeology of Kheda District; p. 123 BBMPG,Vol. X–XI; p. 21

CE

Banaskantha district

6 Mātṛkā images

Early medieval

IAR,1958–59; p. 76

Pithai

Indrani

Goraj

Gajalakshmi Vaishnavi, Kumari, Brahmi, Vayavi, Varahi, Chamunda, Mahesvari, Aindri, Virabhadra, Hara Gauri, Ganesha

Palej (distt. Mehasana)

Eary medieval

8th–9th century

Archaeology of Kheda District; p. 78 Puratattva, Vol. 20; p. 100 IAR 1990–91; p. 17

CE

This is evident from the Dasavatara temple and Dasavatara panels at two different sites in Gujarat. The temple is at the site of Kadvar, and on the basis of the plan of the shrine, which is rectangular, and images of various incarnations of Vishnu found at the site, it is suggested that the temple was dedicated to the Dasavatara. Though no temple can be identified in the northern half of Gujarat or around the southern region, one can only attempt to locate sites associated with the worship of Vishnu or his incarnations, with the help of the sculptural data. The Dasavatara panel is from the site of Mehalvava, in Kheda district, and seems to be the culmination of the process of depiction of various incarnations of Vishnu. The Dasavatara panel of Vishnu is 1.2 metres in length and is 0.5 metres broad, and dates to circa eighth century CE. The panel shows Rama and Laksmana in a warrior pose, Kalki riding a horse, Buddha seated in the padmasana, Vishnu resting on a Sesanaga with his consort Lakshmi in attendance, and above the figure of Vishnu are four Gananayakas. The eighth incarnation of Vishnu – Krishna, and the lotus representing the seat of Brahma, are missing from the panel.56 These two pieces of evidence demonstrate that by the eighth century CE, the worship of all the avataras had found a place in the religious beliefs of the people and these sites would have been important to the Vaishnavite community. While at other sites, one encounters only one or two incarnations, these sites would have attracted those who were associated with any one or more of the avataras, and identified Vishnu as the most important deity to be offered worship. An image of Vishnu known as the Visvarupa Vishnu is unique in terms of not only the period it belongs to, but also, its spatial spread. The images belong only to the sixth–seventh centuries CE and are found mainly in the Shamlaji and Devnimori areas. According to Rangarajan, ‘During the Maitraka period several unique images of Viṣṇu have been found including six images of the Viśvarūpa form which are iconographically very significant.’57 These images are: - Visvarupa Vishnu presently worshipped as Kalsi Chhokarni ma in the shrine of Nilkantha Mahadeva at Shamlaji - A sculpted fragment from Devnimori near Shamlaji - A damaged sculpture from Shamlaji

- A damaged sculpture said to come from Shamlaji - A damaged image from Kathalal The fragmentary image from Devnimori, which is the broken portion from the upper left edge of the nimbus of an image similar to the one at Nilkantha Mahadeva temple at Shamlaji, is considered to be the earliest, and contains figures of Chandra, Varaha and Agni. Based on an analysis of the Devnimori sculpture Maxwell opines, ‘Possible that the earliest versions of this type of image were created here (Devnimori), or by designers and sculptors who went from there to Shamlaji, where local craftsmen subsequently made inferior imitations.’58 The image contains a multi-headed Vishnu with Hayagriva, Brahma, Shiva, Narsimha, Varaha, Surya, Chandra, Balarama/Sankarsana, Krishna, Pradyumma, Aniruddha, Samba, Rsi, Brahmana, Bhima, Arjuna, Laksmana, Rama, Varuna, and Agni59 emanating in different directions. In terms of religious developments, the image can be seen as, ‘the sculptural equivalent of a theological treatise intended to bring together all the various strands of belief which contributed to the religious identity of the local Vaishnava community of the time’.60 As is the case of Shiva and mātṛkā images, the Vaishnavite images too demonstrate continuous iconographical development. These images suggest that in the period between the sixth century CE and the eighth century CE, Gujarat witnessed the development and creation of various images and that intense sculptural activity was occurring within the region.

Diversity in the forms of goddess images found in the region In addition to the mātṛkā images, representations of deities not mentioned in literary texts, such as Lajjagauri and the representation of Parvati in the form of Panchagnitapas Parvati are also found in the region. As far as other goddess images are concerned, it is interesting to note that while images of Lajjagauri are to be found in many parts of Gujarat, the images of Panchagnitapas Parvati are rare to encounter. The representation of Panchagnitapas Parvati demonstrates the varied contexts an image of a single deity can be placed in. The Panctapas is an austere penance, which is performed by an ascetic by sitting in the middle of four burning fires with the sun blazing over the head, which is supposed to be gazed at constantly in the summer season.61 The tapa was also performed by girls to get their desired consorts,62 and the Bhagavata Purana prescribes it as a penance in the third stage of life (XI,18, 4). The images show Parvati performing the tapa in order to obtain Shiva in marriage. When separated from Rama, Sita resolves to undergo this tapa (Raghuvamsa, XIV, 66), and Parvati performs it when she is unable to win Shiva by her devotion and physical charm, and when Kama is reduced to ashes (Kumarasambhava,V, 2). It is in this latter context that one encounters the images of Parvati performing this tapa. The size of the images varies from small to large ones. An image

of the third–fourth centuries CE measures 7.5 cm × 6.9 cm, and yet another one hails from Vagpur in Rajpipla district and measures merely 10.8 cm × 5.9 cm and dates to the sixth century CE.63 This theme of Parvati has been found at the temple sites of Roda and Karvan. The image from Falwa Tekri in Karvan is a 1.2 metre-high image and dates to the eighth– ninth centuries CE, and another mutilated image dating to latter half of the seventh century CE was seen at the mound of the temple of Sindhavai Mata.64 The smaller images may have been votive in nature and the larger ones may have adorned the temple walls with Shaivite affiliation. It is also noticed that over time, the size of the images representing this deity increases, and from being stray finds, these images are incorporated into the temple architecture of the region by the eighth century CE. This representation of Parvati finds a place in the temple architecture of North Gujarat, as demonstrated by the find of her images at Karvan and Roda. Found in the region are also images of Mahisasuramardini in varied sizes. Some of the larger images, such as the one in the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery,65 would have been enshrined in a temple or would have been part of the temple architecture. On the other hand are images that are small in size, such as the one from Gadoi measuring 10.9 cm × 4.8 cm and another one measuring 12.9 cm × 7.9 cm, the discovery spot of which is unknown.66 The plaque from Tejgadh measures 6 cm × 7.5 cm and the one in MS University measures 9 cm × 6 cm.67 Single images of goddesses from various parts of Gujarat may have been objects of worship under an open-air shrine or in a household shrine, and these images are found from a very early period. It is from the second to third century CE onwards that there is a gradual increase in number, as seen in a plaque and two images of the goddess from Amreli of second–third centuries CE,68 and the image of Mahisasuramardini from Tejgadh, dated to the Kshatrapa period.69 Between the fourth and the sixth centuries CE, there was a proliferation not only in the number of images found, but also, in the forms the deity is represented and the spread of her worship in different parts of Gujarat. However, it is noticed that images of Lajjagauri do not appear in the temple architecture of the region, but her worship seems to have been more popular all across the region, as attested by the find of her images at various sites. Her images encountered mostly are multifigured representations of her, where she is represented along with a bull and a crouching worshipper, and these date mainly to sixth–seventh centuries CE.70 Her image corresponds to the full anthropomorphic form and these images are found in different parts of Gujarat representing Lajjagauri in her most developed form since she is shown as having a human form. The images of these goddesses are small and they seem to have been worshipped mainly by the womenfolk. This is certain in the case of the images or plaques of Lajjagauri as she is worshipped mainly for begetting children as her pose resembles that of a woman giving birth to a child. Even though she is found in different parts of Gujarat, a concentration of her

plaques is seen around the site of Valabhi. Compared to other sites which contain only one image, sites in the district of Valabhi have, to their credit, six plaques of the goddess. Of these, three were from the site of Padri, where the excavations brought to light a structure that has been identified as a temple dedicated to this goddess.71 Others include two from the site of Valabhi, one dating to the seventh century CE72 and another dating to the sixth–seventh centuries CE,73 and one from Gadholi dating to the fourth–fifth centuries CE.74 A single site with the maximum number of images, namely four, is that of Dhank,75 which is also located in Saurashtra. The other sites in Saurashtra containing representations of this goddess are Amreli (third–fourth centuries CE),76 Mota Dava and Sajadijali no timbo in Rajkot district, dating to fourth–fifth centuries CE,77 and Bantava near Junagadh of the post-Gupta period.78 Other sites outside the area of Saurashtra that contain plaques of this goddess are Tarsang,79 Pavi Jetpur80 and Kanad.81 Images of this goddess have also been found in contexts of stepwells, which shall be discussed briefly. The size of most of these images suggests that they were either used at the household level, crafted for certain specific religious ceremonies or used in ritual processions. This also now brings us to a less discussed category of images – namely mobile images, which, though small, played an important role in temple rituals and religious ceremonies.

Wells as sacred sites Stepwells and their association with water made them sacred spots and they were considered as tirthas or fords between heaven and earth. Inscriptional evidence also points to the association of stepwells as tirthas and places of worship. It states that, ‘may this pleasant and propitiating pure tīrtha in the form of a vāpī with a large maṇḍapa endure as long as the sun and moon exist. May there be wealth, Śrī’. If not a shrine, as noted by Neubauer, the sacredness of the well part is indicated by a sculptured row of shrines or niches indicating shrines. Vishnu’s association with the stepwell can be traced to the story of Vishnu where he single-handedly dug the stepped pond Manikarnika kund in Benares and it came to be seen as tirtha or a place so powerful that all other tirthas are said to have come here to bathe at midday to dump the load of sins they have acquired by pilgrims and to become pure again. In the case of Gujarat, these wells have been associated with the cult of the Mother Goddess. According to Neubauer, ‘In Gujarat the cult of the mother goddess is very intimately connected with water or watering places.’82 Stepwells are not merely perceived as sources of water, but in terms of religion, these structure served as subterranean temples and were centres of worship. To date, it is a popular belief in Gujarat that mother goddess Varuchi or Varudi Ma resides in stepwells, and women perform rituals for fertility and prosperity.83 It is this popular belief among the people of Gujarat that makes these wells symbols of living

traditions. A mere look at the names given to the stepwells is a clear indication of these with the worship of the goddess – Ankol Mata, Mata Bhavani stepwell, Asapuri stepwell (Ahmedabad), Saindhavai Mata stepwell (Patan), and Matri stepwell, to mention a few. As Livingston says, ‘In wells the mother goddess and her myriad companions are worshipped mostly by women to increase fertility.’84 It is said that in places without tanks, gods are not present. To date, in Gujarat, young brides and couples immediately after their marriage go to a well or stepwell to pay homage to the water deity to receive the boon of fertility. Thus, stepwells play an integral role in the life of the people who stay in its vicinity. According to Livingston, ‘Stepwells were open to villagers, pilgrims, shepherd, holy man, merchant, craftsmen, soldiers, performers. All were welcome. Broad section of Indian society came to stepwell on temporary basis to seek water, shade, privacy or refuge… . They were most diverse spaces.’ As has been rightly said, ‘Water may be viewed as the abode of sacred powers and gods, or may itself be regarded as being divine and an object of worship and frequently both versions exist. To represent the divine powers in water, religious images were frequently placed in tanks and rivers.’85 Stepwells were viewed as abodes of various spirits of life-giving powers, and if worshipped in the right manner, they bestowed progeny, fertility, growth, and wealth.86 The creation of a stepwell was not merely an architectural act, but was deeply associated with religious merit as well. During the installation and consecration ceremony of a stepwell, its association with the water god Varuna and fertility gods such as Vishnu and Narayana become obvious. The association of Vishnu with water bodies seems to have continued over time in the region of Gujarat. The earliest stepwell to be encountered is at the site of Hatab, which has been dated to the first–second centuries CE. The well is of bricks and the narrow short entrance with broad sandstone stepped passage leads to a moon-shaped platform, where two narrow pathways attached to both side walls descend like a coil of snake. A carved tortoise was also noticed on one side of the well, and it is suggested that this might have been a well associated with the worship of Vishnu.87 The temple built by the viceroy of Chandragupta in the vicinity of the Sudarsana lake was dedicated to Vishnu. The presence of images of Vishnu at wells is also seen at the site of Roda. This stepwell dates to the eighth century CE and contains four shrines at four corners within the well (see Figures 1.9 and 1.10). These are located at the level of the fourth landing of the pyramidal steps, and the deities in the shrine guard the sacred water site.88 The stepwells in the region show a concentration within Saurashtra up to the seventh century CE. Two stepwells in the region of Saurashtra are found in Junagadh and Dhank. Dhank is the only site where images are found alongside a stepwell. The site has representations of the goddess Lajjagauri, and of the many images found, one was noticed at the seventh-century stepwell known as Manjusri Vapi, which is located in Dhank. The other

stepwell at Dhank is the Jhilani Vapi, which dates to 600 CE, and noticed in it were niches that would have housed some deities.89 Another early stepwell is located 15 km west of Dhank, on the way to Sidhsar. The site of Dhank not only has to its credit the first stepwells of the region, but found here are also five Lajjagauri images,90 which is the maximum number found from a site. The wells and images both date to the sixth–seventh centuries CE and it would seem that this goddess had a close association with stepwells in this region. In addition to images of this goddess, images of other deities are also found in association with stepwells. It has been pointed out that the most ancient figures worshipped at Indian water places were trees, nagas and vegetative deities (yaksas), small beings with large heads and startled eyes.91 The images of Kubera and Nagaraja could have belonged to this category of deities, and as for Ganesha, he was a vegetative deity before theistic worship.92 From the site of Jhilani Vapi, images of Ganesha, Kubera and Nagaraja date to the fourth century CE, and the mātṛkā image dates to the end of the fourth century CE. Of the sixth century CE is an image of Karttikeya and the Lajjagauri plaques date to the seventh century CE. The two Gana images from the Banaskantha district in North Gujarat, fixed in a well situated between the road from Ambaji and Kotesvara,93 could have also been part of stepwells where they may have been worshipped. Another image of Karttikeya hails from Vaghavav talav (a water body) in Kheda district and is the earliest in the region, dating to the third century CE.94 At the site of Vaviya, in Kheda district as well, two images of Sesanarayaṇa and an image of an Apsara were found lying loose in a stepwell, further confirming the association of these images with water bodies.95 The association of mātṛkā images at sites with stepwells is also noticed at the site of Vaviya in Kheda district. The images from the site were found outside a stepwell and date to the seventh–eighth centuries CE. These include images of Varahi, Karttikeya and Mahesvari.96 The importance of wells and their association with sacred sites is also noticed at the temple sites in Saurashtra. All the temple sites had a well in their vicinity, the water of which would have been used for ritual purposes. Thus, wells in the region can be viewed in two manners – they were either part of temple architecture, from where water would be drawn for ritual purposes, or they functioned as sacred sites themselves, as seen in the case of the wells found at Dhank and Roda. In the medieval times, these wells not only increased in size and decoration, but served as landmarks for traders and travellers who sought shelter from the scorching heat, and simultaneously, they housed images of various deities in the niches provided in their architectural layout.

Sculptural evidence for the existence of sacred sites and religious structures Inscriptional data provide crucial evidence that confirms the existence of religious architecture.

Besides the Junagadh rock inscription of the time of Skandagupta,97 the copper plate inscription from Sanjeli also substantiates the existence of temples. The inscription from the site of Sanjeli, in the Panchmahal district, mentions the grant of a village for worship and offering to the deity Svami Narayanadevapada of the temple at Vadrapali. Another inscription from the same site mentions the donation of villages to be enjoyed by Parivrajas and worship and offering to the deity Bhagavatapada.98 The words Narayanadevapada and Bhagavatapada clearly are Vaishnavite in nature, and hence, it can be safely assumed that temples dedicated to these deities existed already in 325–326 CE, when the inscriptions were engraved. By the sixth–seventh centuries CE, one comes across temples in the Saurashtra region of Gujarat, but as for the northern half and southern Gujarat, no structures are encountered. What one comes across, rather, are a number of sculptures from the areas, which may help in identifying sites that may have contained temples. The site of Karvan is the only site where data from coins and sculptures corroborate each other and point to the continued sanctity of the site for Shaivism. Excavations at Karvan, district Vadodara, revealed a brick structure, the outer portion of which was plastered with lime.99 The find of coins with depictions of the bull on them from the site seems to confirm the Shaivite association of the site in the first period under study. Sculptural remains further provide evidence for the existence of a religious structure, which is nonexistent, at the site of Karvan. A doorframe of yellowish sandstone fixed on the entrance steps leading to a tank at Karvan was noticed and the frame is dated to the second half of the eighth century CE or slightly later.100 It consists of two stelae, the outer panels of which represent figures of Durga, Surya, a princely pair and a Shaivite dvarapala on the right side, and of Skanda, Vishnu and a pair of devotees and the river goddess Ganga on the left side.101 An image from the site depicts Uma Mahesvara, which has been dated to the seventh century CE,102 and another image from the Nakalesvara temple at Karvan of a two-armed standing Karttikeya with a peacock behind him is dated to the eighth century CE. The deity is also seen on a doorframe from Karvan, which is also dated to the eighth century CE.103 Also found from the site were images of other deities, including the goddesses Mahesvari, Chamunda and Indrani (eighth century CE), Nagaraja (seventh century CE), image of Hara Gauri (seventh century CE) and a linga with Lakulisa as well as an image of Lakulisa of the seventh century CE. Evidence from the site corroborates the traditional association of it with the Lakulisa Pasupata sect as the images are predominantly Shaivite, with a concentration of Lakulisa and Bhairava images. Thus, the sculptural evidence from the site strongly suggests the prior existence of a temple with Shaivite affiliations at the site. Another site that requires mention is that of Kavi, from where a saptagrha panel of schist slab points to the earlier presence of some structure at the site. The panel contains representations of Surya, Soma, Mangal, Budha, Brhaspati, Sukra, and Sani, has been dated to

the late Gupta period and seems to have been placed on the door lintel.104 Other images from the site date from the sixth to the eighth century CE, such as a mātṛkā image of sixth century CE,105 Ganesha of sixth–seventh centuries CE,106 Virabhadra of seventh century CE and images of Nritti, Mahisasuramardini and a massive bust of Vishnu dating to seventh–eighth centuries CE.107 At the site of Patan Anhilwada, five mātṛkās images are carved on a doorjamb. The stone used is the grey Dungarpur schist. The individual pieces consist of the upper parts of two doorjambs, a yaksa bracket piece, and two slabs representing step roofs with image niches, a panel of five mother goddesses and an image niche between two makara heads. These pieces are clearly part of some religious structure that ceased to exist with the passage of time.108 An analysis and study of the images highlights the importance of including sculptural data in the study of sacred sites. These images provide hints and clues to the earlier existence of structures at certain sites. If this set of data is excluded from the study of sacred sites, many of the sites would go unnoticed and the picture of religious developments in the region would be incomplete. Evidence pertaining to the earlier existence of temples also comes from inscriptions. Rashtrakuta king Prabhutavarya Govindaraja gave a gift to the temple of the Sun at Kapika or Kavi,109 and the other inscription is of Mahasamanta Balavarmana of the Chalukya dynasty, which was issued to the temple of the Sun god Tarunaditya in Saurashtra.110 The images from the above-mentioned sites make it clear that even though one notices a concentration of temples in coastal area of Saurashtra, these images were an integral part of religious structures that would have marked the landscape in other parts of Gujarat.

Terracotta objects as votive offerings Another source of information for the reconstruction of religious systems in the region are terracotta figurines. Votive terracotta offerings are made even to date by the tribals of Gujarat. Places in Surat district demonstrate continuity in the technique of manufacturing of terracotta figurines meant for votive offerings.111 As has been pointed out by Haku Shah, ‘Techniques employed in creating some of these images – such as pinching, pressing and slitting shows an unbroken continuity from time of the Indus Valley Civilization.’112 While driving across parts of Gujarat, one often comes across these terracotta offerings in the shape of an elephant, horse, tiger, bull, or rhinoceros, placed in front of a small shrine. An individual, or at times, even an entire village community offers these to the deities when their wishes are fulfilled. The terracotta animal figurines are seen as a substitute for real animals for sacrificial purposes. Excavations at the site of Nagara brought to light one such figurine, which, undoubtedly, seems to have been intended for religious purposes. The small specimen of an animal, which seems to be a sheep, has curved horns and marks of a swastika on the neck and a taurine

symbol on the thigh.113 The presence of these symbols indicates the religious nature of the figurine. Also encountered at the site were single specimens of terracotta animal figurines. Belonging to period III, lower levels of which date to the beginning of the Common era,114 are the figurines of rhinoceros, nilgai hyena, elephant, and buffalo.115 Belonging to period II, dated to the third century BCE to first century CE, is a figurine of a horse. Tracing back the tradition of offering votive terracotta animals, it would seem as though the horse, rhinoceros, elephant, and buffalo could have been intended for religious purposes. In addition to these terracotta figurines of animals, found at the site are 13 human figurines, also belonging to Period III. Excavations at the site of Amreli brought to light a large sherd of jar, which read samvat 344, Magha sukla 2, and another potsherd with the same date inscribed on it.116 Rao is of the opinion that these were part of votive jars that were offered on that day, which was observed as an occasion for a religious ceremony held at Amreli.117 Found also are a few examples of votive terracotta tanks and miniature Shiva lingas from the site of Valabhi.118 Votive offerings seemed to have been a part of Buddhist religion as well, as seen in the presence of votive objects in the archaeological records. At the Buddhist site of Devnimori, excavations brought to light, among a number of other antiquities, votive tanks and stupas and terracotta seals. Two fragments of votive tanks were obtained from vihara I, a mould for votive stupas from the vihara, two red objects identified as votive stupas and a circular sealing representing a stupa with probably some attendant figure.119 From the site of Siyot in northern Kachchh were recovered more than thousand fragments of clay sealings and votive stupas dating between the eighth and eleventh century CE.120

Development, spread and existence of Buddhism Sculptural data help understand the development of Buddhism in the region over a period of time. While architectural data present us with worship of the caitya and stupa, images from various sites point to a more complex form of Buddhism. The origins of Buddhist images can be traced to an early period when, ‘In mid to late first century, roughly five hundred years after the Buddha lived South Asia saw a tremendous burst in image production. After first century CE a cultural shift occurred in which a whole new range of topics became viable as subjects for depiction.’121 The development of the Buddha image in Gujarat, then, needs to be viewed as a result of a larger cultural process and not as something that happened at a singular moment for a singular reason.122 De Caroli’s studies on the origins of Buddhist images changes this view as, ‘I think … that doctrinal shifts, Mahayana or others, were a direct response to broad changes in cultural artistic practice, which the more established doctrinal positions struggles to condemn, excuse, justify or champion.’123

The Sarvastivadins were among the first to develop an opinion on the proper way to represent Buddha/Bodhisattva, thereby approving its creation in a very limited manner. There is evidence to suggest that the Sarvastivadins were particularly active and influential in this regard during and after the height of the Kushana dynasty.124 While the caves across Gujarat are largely devoid of sculptural details, with the one at Khambalida being an exception, the images recovered stand testimony to the wider cultural processes. The life-size images found at a few sites could have been the central objects of worship, as their size would suggest. Buddha images of this size, dating to the sixth century CE, have been found at Isalava hill, near Valabhi,125 and from the site of Kotayarka in the Vijapur taluka of Mehasana district.126 A Buddha image squatting on the simhasana in the principal cave at Dhank and images of Buddha in dhyanamudra on each side of the backdoor of the shrine127 indicate the inclusion of Buddha images for worship in the cave architecture of the region. Gregory Schopen notes that, ‘in the Western “Cave Temples” we can even more clearly watch the introduction of the cult images. At Ajanta in the early phase, 1st century BCE, there are no images. In the second phase which started in the fifth century CE, images were introduced as an integral part of the new excavations and were introduced in many of the older caves’.128 A detailed study of donative inscriptions at various Buddhist sites by Gregory Schopen throws light on the vital role played by the Buddhist monks, and not as much the laity, in the installation and worship of these images. At Sarnath, the images donated by monk donors was twice that than by the laity.129 Similarly, out of the 18 inscriptions from Kanheri, none of the images were donations of the laity.130 A similar trend is seen at the Ajanta caves, where 94 per cent of the images donated were by monks,131 and at Mathura, where of the 26 donative inscriptions published that record gift of images, 17 or two-thirds record gifts by monks and nuns.132 Schopen concludes that in the Kushana period, two-thirds of donors of images were monks and nuns.133 Table 3.4 Buddhist images

SITE

SCULPTURE

Khapara Kodia

Popular Buddhist figures like Jambhala, ‘udaremukha’ figure forming the spout hole of a vessel

Mahudi

PERIOD Early centuries of the Common era Early centuries

REFERENCE K.V.Soundara Rajan, Junagadh; p. 44

(Mehasana)

4 Buddhist images in bronze

Amreli

Clay figurines of Buddha and potsherds with Brahmi script

Khambat

Fragment of a small Bodhisattava

Kheralu

Bodhisattva

Idar

Bodhisattva paintings of stupas inside caves

Liladeva (South Gujarat)

Attendant Buddha

Dhank (in the principal cave)

Buddha squatting on simhasana

Dhank (on back door of the shrine, on each side)

Buddha in Dhyana Mudra

North to the caves at Dhank

Wall with figures in low relief, some Buddhist pantheon

Devnimori

Buddha in Dhyana Mudra; fragments of 17 images

Chavaj, 6 km North of Broach Gambhirpura, 3 km North of Idar

of the Common era Beginning of the Common era 2nd–3rd century CE 3rd–4th century CE 200 BCE – 500 CE 3rd century CE

Rock paintings of stupas

4th–5th century CE

Khambhalida

Large sculptures representing Boddhisattavas and devotees under shelter of trees

Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery IAR, 1992–93; p. 111 Lines on Stone, 1993; p. 201 Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. X; p. 59 Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 25

Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 25 Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 25 4th century CE

Nagara

JGRS, Vol. VIII; p. 102

Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 25

Buddhist image

Images of Buddha with those of Brahma and Surya; Seated image of Dhyani Buddha

JGRS, Vol. I; p. 65

IAR, 1958–59; p. 70

Khambhalida (in one of the caves)

2 huge sculptures – Padmapani Avalokitesvara and Vajrapani

Isalava hill (near Valabhi)

Life-size image of Buddha

Valabhi

Brass image of Buddha

Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 28 Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 28 6th century CE

JOI, Vol. XI; p. 81

6th century CE

Archaeological Survey of Western India, for year ending 31st March 1915; p. 30

Presented to the Prince of Wales Museum

Bronze image of Buddha and 4 more Buddhist images

Kotayarka (taluk Vijapur, district Mehasana)

One almost life-size image of Buddha in Bronze

Nagara

Image of Ratnasambhava, one of the Dhyani Buddhas

Gogha

Image of Aksobhya, one of the Dhyani Buddhas

Bhuj

Buddha – bronze

7th century CE

MEU, in North Gujarat, located in Baroda Museum

Hand of a Buddhist figure

7th century CE

BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 27

Bronze image of standing Buddha

8th century CE

IAR, 1963–64; p. 69

Tara and a panel with 4 seated Buddhas

8th–9th century CE

JGRS, Vol. I; p. 65

9 Buddhist images

9th–10th century CE

JGRS, Vol. VIII; p. 110

Kachchh Museum Taranga hill temple of Taranamata Taranga hill temple of Taranamata Charsada, Kachchh Siyot, Northern Kachchh

Number of Buddhist images – big and small More than 1,000 fragments of clay sealings; Votive stupas

Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 28

8th–11th century CE

Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 29 Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat; p. 29 JOI, Vol. VIII, No. 3; p. 217

The above-mentioned detailed study demonstrates that, ‘the cult of images was almost entirely and probably exclusively a monastically initiated and supported cult’134 and not by the laity, as is generally presumed. It was also noticed that all donors were trepitakas or those who knew the Three Pitakas, ‘those who knew the whole of Buddhist literature as it existed at the time’. The earliest dated cult images at least at three major sites in the Ganges Basin – Sarnath, Sravasti and Kausambi and in Gandhara – were set up by learned monastics.135 It is these learned monastics who were the propagandists of a new cult.136 Schopen notes that the actual monk, unlike the textual monk, appears to have been deeply involved in religious giving and cult practice of every kind from the very beginning.137 Sarvastivadins and Mulasarvastivadins, the two communities, seem to have become proponents of image use, particularly as expressed in Avadana literature.138 Images of Dhyani Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, found in different parts of Gujarat, reflect the philosophical developments the religion had undergone. The facade of the caityagrha cave at Khambalida has sculptures representing the Bodhisattavas and devotees under the shelter of trees.139 Sculptural evidence from the region proves the development of Buddhism from worship at caityagrhas and the incorporation of female divinities. According to the theory of the five Dhyani Buddhas, each of them has a sakti and a Bodhisattva.140 These five are Vairocana, Aksobhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, and Amogasiddhi, and each of them occupies a quarter and represent the elements ether, air, fire, water, and earth.141 Each of them has a sakti, and Tara is the sakti of Amogasiddhi. For purposes of creation, each of the Dhyani Buddha has an active counterpart, known as Bodhisattva, and the latter exert their influence over the universe in successive ages through Manusi Buddhas.142 Of these Manusi Buddhas, Gautama Buddha is for this age, and Maitreya is the fifth Manusi Buddha,143 who is yet to appear in the future. Found in the region are images of the Bodhisattvas, Padmapani, Avalokitesvara, and Vajrapani.144 Avalokitesvara was to become one of the most popular Bodhisattvas whose duty was to instruct new adherents and to guard the Buddhist faith until Maitreya appeared as the next Manusi Buddha.145 He refused his own salvation until all creatures of the world were in possession of the bodhi knowledge and obtained freedom from worldly sorrows and sufferings.146 He aids people and his name is to be recollected in quarrels, disputes, strife and in any danger, and in death, disaster and calamity.147 Thus, not only is he the saviour of people, but also, is resorted to by devotees in times of need, and hence, also helps fulfil the mundane needs of the people. As is Avalokitesvara to Amitabha, so is Bodhisattva Vajrapani to the Dhyani Buddha Aksobhya. The image of Aksobhya has been recovered from Gogha,148 and he is the second Dhyani Buddha and his corresponding Manusi Buddha is Kanakamuni. The image of Aksobhya and of Vajrapani, when taken together into consideration, is the only definite piece of evidence to prove that the concept of Dhyani Buddhas and their Bodhisattvas was prevalent in the region, as the latter is the corresponding

Bodhisattva of the former. The other image of a Dhyani Buddha is of Ratnasambhava from Nagara.149 Sculptural evidence also helps corroborate the records of Xuanzang, to an extent. He refers to the images of the seven Buddhas in connection with the vihara built by Siladitya I by the side of his palace, and these seven Buddhas were Vipasyin, Sikhin, Visvabhu, Krakuchandra, Kanakamuni, Kasyapa, and Sakyasimha.150 While not all seven can be accounted for in the archaeological data, of the few images that have been found from Valabhi, some may have represented them. These include a bronze image of Buddha and four more Buddhist images dating to the sixth century CE.151 The Bodhisattvas were friendly and compassionate and aimed for the release of all humans from all their sufferings.152 They were full of pity and concerned with the welfare of all beings, and dwelt in friendliness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and even mindedness.153 They aimed to rescue all beings from the stream of Samsara, which is difficult to cross, and free them from all calamities.154 This form of Buddhism would have been more popular as its goal was the salvation of all beings. This salvation of all human beings, in the opinion of Debala Mitra, paved the way for the emergence of a host of Bodhisattvas.155 At the site of Taranga, situated in North Gujarat among the hills on the west side of river Sabarmati, two Buddhist shrines were noticed. Seen here is the Tarana Mata temple, which is carved inside a rock, and the nine images on the platform inside are Buddhist.156 The image of Tara is housed in a small shrine nearby, and over the halo behind the goddess is an ornament with a double winged bird, over which is a lotus seat with a seated Amitabha on it. Below them are two Bodhisattvas, and according to A.S. Gadre, the images date to the eighth or ninth century CE.157 Still located in the caves are also images of the nine Buddhas, an image of Buddha and five Dhyani Buddhas. This site, in all probabilities, corresponds to the Kampilya monastery, which was founded on the banks of Puravi near Navasari, mentioned in the grants of the Rashtrakuta kings. While the general belief is that Buddhism declined in the region by the eighth century CE, sculptural evidence points otherwise. The religion was prevalent in the region beyond the eighth century CE, even though the extent of its influence may have decreased; the grants of Dantivarman and Dhruva prove that the religion was still receiving royal patronage. Dantivarman donated land to this monastery in 877 CE, and seven years later, King Dhruva made donations to it. According to the grant, the monastery had 500 monks who belonged to the samgha from Sindhu desa, and the grant was made with the consent of the presiding abbot of the monastery, who was Sthiramati.158 Further evidence for the continuity of Buddhism beyond the seventh–eighth centuries is the presence of the head of a Buddhist figure, in the old Kadi district, assigned to the ninth century CE, with the Buddhist formula inscribed on it.159 Evidence for the existence of Buddhism in Kachchh is a bronze image of

Buddha of the seventh century CE from Bhuj, which has an inscription in Brahmi on its pedestal in the front and also extends to the left hand side. It records that the image was dedicated by Nagasingha bhiksu in memory of his mother Devakriti, who had entered the order of bhiksunis.160 This image can be proof of the existence of Buddhist monasteries in the region of Kachchh as well, data on which do not exist either in the form of monumental remains or inscriptional data. Another bronze image of a standing Buddha of the eighth century CE is currently located in the Kachchh Museum.161 The sculptural evidence pertaining to Buddhism places the region in the context of wider cultural processes and hints at the possible active role and involvement of the monastic community in the establishment of image worship within Buddhism. It becomes imperative to include sculptural data in that it provides for a more holistic picture of the chronological and spatial spread of the religion. While architectural data are silent about Buddhism in Kachchh and its continuity well beyond the eighth century CE, the inscription on an image points to the existence of a monastery in the region of Kachchh and the images at Taranga indicate the existence of the Buddhist community in the eighth–ninth centuries CE.

Existence of Jaina community Gujarat holds special importance for the Jaina community, and literary tradition establishes the region’s importance. Literary tradition, if true, would date the spread of Jainism in this region to circa third century BCE, since, according to it, Samprati, disciple of arya Suhastin, gave food and clothes to Jaina monks. For the Kshatrapa period, there seem to be a number of acharyas connected with the region of Gujarat. These were Mallavadisuri, Siddhasena Divakara, Nagarjuna, Padaliptasuri, Vajrabhuti, and acharya Khaputa. While Nagarjuna was born in Gujarat, Padaliptasuri went to Dhankapuri (modern-day Dhank) and had a dialogue over there with Nagarjuna. Nagarjuna is also believed to have installed an idol of Parsavanatha on the bank of river Shedhi and founded the tirtha Stambhanaka (modern-day Thamana in Kheda district), and Palitana is believed to have been named after Padaliptasuri.162 The teacher of queen Padmavati, wife of Nahapana, was acharya Vajrabhuti, who hailed from Bharukaccha, while Mallavadi hailed from Valabhi.163 A reconstruction of the presence of the Jaina community in Gujarat is made possible with the aid of various sculptural remains found from different sites. These images also place developments of Jainism in a wider cultural and art historical perspective. The lack of architectural data pertaining to the existence of the Jaina community is more than compensated for by the sculptural data. The hoard of Jaina images found from the site of Akota and Gogha clearly points to the presence of Jainism in the region. The images contain inscriptions that help date them and also determine the various kulas of the Svetambara sect

that the devotees belonged to. The hoard of images from Gogha and Akota prove vital in proving a strong presence of Jainism extending from the early medieval well into the medieval period. The Gogha hoard was a chance discovery during renovations at Navakhanda Parsavnatha temple. It contains 28 small insignificant images and 66 images, each with an inscription with the name of the donors’ villages, towns, castes of traders and of gacchas and suris, all of the Svetambara sect.164 For the period under study, the Akota hoard holds more relevance as an exhaustive study on these has been carried out by U.P. Shah’s (Akota Hoard) and they belong to the early medieval period. Yet, images of the Gogha hoard have not been published in detail and these images roughly cover the medieval period. But they undoubtedly prove beneficial in placing sculptural developments in Gujarat in a wider art historical perspective. The Varangacarita of the seventh century CE contains a detailed description on the ritual bathing of images,165 and images from the Akota hoard may have been part of this ceremony. Temples dedicated to the tirthankaras existed in Karnataka and that images were being worshipped is evident from the Kadamba inscriptions. One of the copper plates mentions a grant of land in order that the worship of Jinas can be carried out,166 and another inscription mentions the grant of a village for the perpetual anointment of the Jaina image with clarified butter.167 Figure 3.2 Sites with Buddhist and Jaina images

Table 3.5 Jaina images

SITE Located in Baroda Museum Akota

SCULPTURE

PERIOD

REFERENCE

Harinegamesi

3rd century CE

BBMPG, Vol. XIV; pp. 39– 40

Rishabnath, bronze

c. 460–500 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 26

Akota

Jivantsvami, bronze

c. 500 CE

BBMPG, Vol. XIII; p. 12

Akota Valabhi

Head of unidentified Jina 5 bronze tirthankaras

Akota Bronzes; p. 33 JOI, Vol. XI; p. 83

Akota

Jivantsvami, bronze

Akota

Rishabnatha, bronze

Akota

Ambika

c. 600 CE 6th century CE Mid-6th century CE Mid-6th century CE Late 6th century CE

Mahudi

Parsavnatha with Yaksha Dharana and Yakshi Padmavati

6th–7th century CE

BBMPG,Vol. XIII; p. 12

Vasantgadh, near Sirohi

2 Jaina bronzes

687

JOI, Vol. I; p. 161

Khed Brahma Surat Unknown find spot Akota Akota Akota Akota Akota Akota

Jaina image

Jaina metal image Parsavnatha

Akota

Sarasvati Fragment of Jina image Parsavnatha Mahavidya Achchhupta Pedestal of Jina image Unidentified Jina Tri-tirthika image of Parsavnatha Rishabnatha Parsavnatha Damaged Parsavnatha Elephant-shaped incense burner

Akota

Unidentified Jina

Akota

Standing Parsavnatha

Akota Akota Akota Akota

End 6th– beginning 7th century CE Late 6th– early 7th century CE 6th–7th century CE c. 600–620 CE c. 600–620 CE c. 625 CE c. 600–650 CE 600–650 CE c. 600–650 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 28 Akota Bronzes; p. 28 Akota Bronzes; p. 31

JOI, Vol. X; p. 62 JISOA, Special Number – Western Indian Art, 1965–66; p. 3 BBMPG, Vol. III; p. 92 Akota Bronzes; p. 33 Akota Bronzes; p. 34 Akota Bronzes; p. 37 Akota Bronzes; p. 36 Akota Bronzes; p. 39 Akota Bronzes; pp. 40–41

c. 650 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 36

c. 650 CE c. 650 CE c. 650 CE Early 7th century CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 38 Akota Bronzes; p. 39 Akota Bronzes; p. 42

Mid-7th century CE c. 7th century

Akota Bronzes; p. 32 Akota Bronzes; p. 30 Akota Bronzes; p. 33

CE

Akota

Parsavnatha

Akota

Rishabnatha

Akota

Rishabnatha

Akota

Parsavnatha Parsavnatha in kayotsarga mudra Rishabnatha with broken halo Damaged Sarasvati Rishabnatha with halo bordered by ‘three dot’ motif Ambika Incense burner with lotusshaped lid

Akota Akota Akota Akota Akota Akota Liladeva

7 bronze Jaina images

Mahudi

Parsavnatha

Mahudi Ahmedabad Akota

Unidentified Tirthankara Jaina image Unidentified Jina

Akota

Fragmentary Jina image

Akota

Chamaradharini

Akota

Ajitanatha

Akota

Ambika on lion

Akota

Parsavnatha with attendants Mahavira, Santinatha, Parsavnatha and one unidentified Tirthankara

Bhadruda (Ahmedabad)

c. 7th century CE

Late 7th century CE Late 7th century CE c. 700 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 35 Akota Bronzes; p. 41 Akota Bronzes; p. 42 Akota Bronzes; p. 44

c. 700 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 44

c. 700 CE c. 700 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 45 Akota Bronzes; p. 46

c. 750 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 45

c. 750–800 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 48

c. 750–800 CE

Akota Bronzes; p. 49

7th–10th century CE Prior to 8th century CE 800–900 CE 8th century CE 8th century CE c. 8th century

Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. X; p. 59

CE

Mid-8th century CE Mid-8th century CE Latter half of 8th century CE c. 800 CE 8th–9th century CE

BBMPG, Vol. XXV; p. 19 BBMPG, Vol. XXV; p. 19 IAR, 1973–74; p. 36 Akota Bronzes; p. 46 Akota Bronzes; p. 48 Akota Bronzes; p. 47 Akota Bronzes; p. 47 Akota Bronzes; p. 48 Akota Bronzes; p. 49 IAR, 1988–89; p. 100

Even though these records do not hail from Gujarat, they are indicators of the rituals that the Akota images could have been part of. These images seem to have been, ‘the result of the new outlook of the Jaina teachers who frequently recommended image worship. They thought

the construction of new temples and rebuilding of old and dilapidated ones as meritorious acts. They glorified temple worship and encouraged the Jaina laity to erect basādis, enshrine relics in them’.168 The worship practices in which these images would have been the focus can be inferred from the study carried out by Leslie Orr of Tamil Jaina inscriptions covering a period from the fifth century CE to the thirteenth century CE. Of the 369 inscriptions, 238 give information regarding donation for various purposes and these have been classified into three categories. These are – setting up of images (including Jina, yaksis and Jaina preceptors); construction and renovation of shrines, establishment of lamps to be burned in front of images; arrangements of various worship services, such as bathing, festival observances and offering of food stuffs and other items to images.169 The images prove that the religion had developed beyond the worship of only the Jinas. Rather, a number of other gods and goddesses were also being worshipped in this period. The incorporation of yaksas and yaksinis into the Jaina pantheon is seen in an image of Rishabanatha. The earliest known Ambika representation in northern India, datable to late sixth century CE, is from Akota.170 From this site, four independent images of her and 13 Jina samyukta (along with a Jina) of bronze, dating from the sixth to the eighth century CE, have been recovered from this hoard. She is represented as having two arms, holding a child and amralumbi, seated in lalitasana and riding a lion. In her earliest representation, she has a halo decorated with lotus petals and a figure of Parsavanatha over her head.171 In the Jina samyukta images, up to the seventh century, she was not solely associated with Neminatha as she is found along with other Jinas. She is seen in a mid-sixth-century image of Rishabanatha172 as well as in the tritirthika image of Parsavanatha dating to 650 CE.173 She is depicted with two hands holding amralumbi and child, and also noticed in these images is yaksa Sarvanubhuti holding a citron and money bag. As in the case of the image of Ambika from the site, so it is also with the image of Rishabanatha, which is the first representation, in Jaina art, of yaksa and yaksi sitting on full-blown lotuses with one foot raised and the other hanging. Similar developments are noticed in Ellora, where 17 of the 23 Jaina excavations contain large-scale sculptures of yaksa-yaksi pair. The presentation of these pairs as ‘attendant’ deities to tirthankaras follows a sculptural convention that emerged in the mid-sixth century. Sculptures produced during the mid-sixth century through tenth centuries invariably include the specific yaksa-yaksi pair as attendants.174 In addition to these yaksa-yaksi pair were the Sasanadevatas who protect and preserve the teachings of the tirthankara.175 The Akota hoard holds special significance in terms of these type of images as the earliest Jaina images to include Sasanadevatas are among those found in the Akota and Vasantgadh hoards.176 The female yaksi is seated to the proper left of the tirthaṇkara on an open lotus. She supports a small child on her lap with her left hand and

holds a branch of the mango tree in her right and the goddess makes the gesture of vardanmudra with her proper left hand.177 In some seventh–eighth-century images, she is shown seated on a lion.178 The yaksi images are presented as a caretaker, as one who provides both nourishment and protection for her offspring.179 In addition to her representation as a Sasanadevi to the Jina, Ambika/Kusmandini appears to have been popular as an independent deity and an individual image of the goddess can also be dated to the sixth century.180 In the origins and development of the Jaina yaksi Ambika, elements of perhaps three different ancient deities, have emerged – first, a mother goddess probably a form of Durga riding on the lion or a prototype of the Brahmanical Durga; second, some goddess associated with the mangoes and mango tree; and third, some goddess associated with the kusamandas.181 The popularity of goddess worship in Jainism is evident from the find of goddess images in the Akota hoard. Among the various metal images, some represent goddesses Sarasvati, who is regarded as Sasanadevi or the messenger of all tirthankaras,182 and is also the head of the collective body of the sixteen Vidyadevis. Images of Sarasvati from the Akota hoard have been dated to 600–620 CE183 and 700 CE.184 An image of Mahavidya Achchhupta, dated to 600–650 CE, where the deity is shown in a benevolent aspect riding a horse, was also recovered from the hoard.185 She is the fourteenth Vidyadevi of the sixteen Vidyadevis found in the Jaina pantheon. In the Jaina tradition, there is a distinction made between mantra and vidya. Both possess magical powers, but while mantras are presided by male deities, vidyas are presided by female divinities and are combinations of words invoking female divinities and are mastered by prescribed rites.186 Shah points out that, according to the text Vasudevahindi (500 CE), the vidyas belonged originally to Gandharvas and Pannagas and were 48,000 in number,187 and this text has the earliest account of origin and worship of Vidyadevis and Vidyadharas.188 These Mahavidyas formed a group of tantric goddesses,189 who enjoyed popularity in Jaina tantric worship,190 were connected with supernatural cognition and magical powers and are mainly Tantric divinities.191 ‘During early medieval period worship of deities particularly Jain goddesses was an integral part of Jain religious practice. Goddesses are often associated with vidyās, magical spells and invocations that could be used to attain material objects or satisfy worldly concerns.’192 These data, if seen along with the find of the vast number of sculptures from different sites in Gujarat, would undoubtedly point to the presence of a Jaina community in the region. It is interesting to note that Gujarat becomes one of the most important regions for the Jainas by the medieval period. The scattered archaeological data, in the form of sculptures and images, seem to suggest the beginnings of a religious community that would, in a later period, come to have a large number of adherents. While it is difficult to trace the exact development of Jainism in the region, one can surely assert its existence and spread in the region of Gujarat

based on evidence, in the form of literary data and sculptural remains available to us. The image of various goddesses indicates that the religion had undergone developments and that the laity was not merely worshipping the Jinas, but also a number of other goddesses whose association with Jinas had not been fixed at this stage and were independent deities as seen in the case of Ambika. The images speak of a religion that moved beyond the worship of Jinas and towards a more complicated pantheon and incorporation and development of various deities in the religion. The Akota and Gogha hoards provide vital clues tracing close associations between Gujarat and Rajasthan in terms of Jaina iconographic developments. Gogha is located on the coastline of Saurashtra and at a distance of about 19 km from Bhavnagar and about 39 km from the capital of the Maitraka dynasty, Vallabhipur. This hoard is the only evidence to establish a strong Jaina presence around Valabhi, which was an important center of Buddhism as well. Patrick Krüger observes, ‘The earliest of that type (Bronzes of Advanced Type) are from Akota hoard where iconography is advanced and includes not only the addition of attending figures such as yakśas, carmadhāras and nāgas, but also depiction of iconographic features like dharmacakra, lion throne etc.’193 The introduction of the torana element in western Indian Jaina bronzes is first noticed at Vasantgadh in certain bronze images produced after the midtenth century CE194 The Chaturvimsatipatta of Adinatha (1066 CE) and the Tritirthi Parsavnatha (1078 CE) are in the Vasantgadh style195 Catherine Ludwig observes that images of Sarasvati from Akota and Vasantgadh are stylistically akin to each other. The image from Vasantgadh dates to 650–675 CE, measures 34.37 cms in height and she is dressed and adorned in the same manner as the Akota bronzes.196 Further connections are seen from images in the Gogha hoard belonging to the tenth–eleventh century, which mark the last phase of the Vasantgadh tradition.197 The few published objects of the Gogha hoard lead to the conjecture that the sculptures originate from the transitional period and later, and could, therefore, illustrate the evolution of the late type.198

Conclusion Discussions of the various images found from different parts of the region demonstrate the diversity in religious forms and worship. It is evident that a study of religion minus these images would provide us with an incomplete picture. Only with the aid of the sculptures can one see that religious developments were not limited to regions around Saurashtra, which contains the architectural remains in the form of temples, vihara, stupas, and caityas. The religious developments in the region are to be viewed as heterogeneous and not as a single whole. While certain regions saw the iconographic development of certain deity/deities, other regions demonstrated a different pattern. In North Gujarat, the mātṛkās seemed to have been

more popular, whereas images of Bhairava and Lakulisa were found mainly from South Gujarat. While religious structures inform us only on a type of sacred site, a study of images reveals many more. Even though mention of different categories of sacred sites are to be found in the literary texts, these are not specific and are difficult to find on ground. It is here that the sculptural data come to our aid, as a study of these reveals that trees, wells and sites with terracotta offerings existed as sacred sites in the region. Stepwells as sacred sites become landmarks in the region by the medieval period, but their beginnings can be traced to the period under study. The stepwell at Dhank demonstrates this as not only are images found in their vicinity, but the wells also contain niches for the installation of deities. As for Buddhism and Jainism, the complex developments taking place in the religion are demonstrated by the sculptural data. It is only with the aid of images that one can point to the existence of the worship of Bodhisattvas in parts of Gujarat, besides those with structural remains. As for Jainism, it is only sculptural data that corroborate the presence of the Jaina community in the region. The Akota hoard is important because it not only contains the earliest representations of certain images, such as Ambika, but also reveals developments in the religion as well. The images from the hoard make it evident that the female deities, such as Achchhupta, one of the Mahavidyas, and Sarasvati were also now being worshipped. Also that by this time, sixth–seventh centuries CE, yaksis such as Ambika had already gained independent status, though they were also being represented along with the Jinas. The Akota hoard contains the first few images of Ambika as being represented independently, and of Mahavidya Achchhupta, in the country, and hence, are the first sculptural evidence of the developed religious pantheon of the Jainas containing deities besides the Jinas. Thus, sculptural data reveal much information where architectural data fail to provide clues. While the temples in the region of Saurashtra are relatively plain on the exterior and contain next to no images, the data from North and South Gujarat abounds in sculptural remains. It is these that reveal the complexities in the religions and the developments and changes they were witnessing over time. They prove the presence of the Jaina community in the region, and also, the continuity of the Buddhist religion well into the eighth century CE, which a study of the structural remains would have not revealed. The find of images, taken along with the inscriptional data, also helped in identifying certain sites that may have contained structures that housed images for worship, and these religious structures fail to appear in the archaeological records. The chapter amply demonstrates that to have a comprehensive understanding, the existence of religious structures and a panoramic view, it is necessary to incorporate as well as analyse the pool of sculptural data from the region concerned.

Notes

1 H.W. Mutoro, The Mrijikendayaka as a Sacred Site, in David Carmichael, Jane Hubert, Brian Reeves and Audchild Schanche (eds), Sacred Sites, Sacred Places, Routledge, One World Archaeology Series, 23, New York: Routledge, 1994, p. 132. 2 P. Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena – Silver Punch Marked Coinage, Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies Publication, 2004, pp. 8–18. 3 Heather Elgood, Exploring the Roots of Village Hinduism in South Asia, World Archaeology, 36 (3), 2004, p. 334. 4 Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena, p. 12. 5 Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena, p. 12. 6 S.S. Singh, Early Coins of North India – An Iconographic Study, New Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 1984, p. 11. 7 Singh, Early Coins of North India, p. 11. 8 Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena, p. 13. 9 Om Prakash Singh, Religion and Iconography on Early Indian Coins, Delhi: Bharati Prakashan, 1984, p. 34. 10 Singh, Early Coins of North India, p. 10. 11 R.N. Mehta, A Copper Coin from Kamrej, Journal of Oriental Institute, 8 (2), 1958, p. 199. 12 J.N. Banerjea, Development of Hindu Iconography, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1974, p. 121. 13 Singh, Early Coins of North India, p. 9. 14 A.S. Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, I (1), 1939, p. 23. 15 A. Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India from the Earliest Times Down to the Seventeenth Century AD, Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1971, p. 98. 16 J. Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1975, pp. CVLII–CXLIII. 17 Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, pp. 245–50. 18 Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, p. 249. 19 Singh, Early Coins of North India, p. 71. 20 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Dhatva, Vadodara: MS University, 1975, p. 17. 21 Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena, p. 15. 22 Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, p. 26. 23 Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, p. 26. 24 Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, p. 22. 25 R.N. Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, Vadodara: MS University, 1968, p. 114. 26 V.S. Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1978, p. 5. 27 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I Dated Samvat 290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, Delhi: Swati Publications (reprint), 1984, p. 238. 28 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table. 29 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1981–82, p. 91. 30 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table. 31 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table.

32 Michael W. Meister and M.A. Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. 2, Part 1, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 1989, p. 205. 33 Kantilal F. Sompura, A Note on the Age of the Gop Temple, Journal of Oriental Institute, 14 (2), 1964–65, p. 191. 34 Meister and Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, p. 189. 35 Meister and Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, p. 179. 36 Report on the Working of Baroda Museum During Period from 1st May 1949 to 31st March 1950, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 1951, 7, p. 93. 37 Jyotish Y. Desai, Sculptures from Junagadh and Rajkot Museum, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1986, pp. 44–5. 38 Desai, Sculptures from Junagadh and Rajkot Museum, p. 43. 39 Momin Kamarali Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1979, p. 254. 40 V.T. Padmaja, Yantra Worship in Sakta Centres of Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute, 34, 1984–85, p. 174. 41 Padmaja, Yantra Worship in Sakta Centres of Gujarat, p. 178. 42 V.T. Padmaja, Three Sakti Pithas of Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute, 35, 1986, p. 243. 43 U.P. Shah, Matrkas and Other Sculptures from North Gujarat, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 14, 1962, pp. 29–31. 44 Sara L. Schastok, The Śāmalājī Sculptures and Sixth Century Art in Western India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, list of figures. 45 Alaknanda Chattopadhyaya, Yogini Cult in Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1994. p. 12. 46 R.T. Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1977, p. 106. 47 Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD, pp. 107–13. 48 Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD, p. 317. 49 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1993–94, p. 136. 50 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1992–93, p. 111. 51 V.H. Sonawane, Matrika Sculpture from Mataria and Ardhanarisvara from Tarsang (Panchmahals), Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, 9, 1977–78, p. 42. 52 Sonawane, Matrika Sculpture from Mataria and Ardhanarisvara from Tarsang, p. 42. 53 D.N. Shukla, Vāstuśāstra, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1953, p. 412. 54 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat. Iconographic Chart of Composite Images. 55 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1983, p. 428. 56 K.N. Momin, Some Sculptures of Visnu from District Kheda – Gujarat, Journal of MSU, Vadodara, 26, 1977, p. 94. 57 Haripriya Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of the Images of Viśvarūpa Visnu from Gujarat, Kala, 6, 1999–2000, p. 67. 58 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western India – 6th to 9th Century AD, Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 215. 59 Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western India, p. 215.

60 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 184. 61 R.D. Trivedi, Iconography of Pārvatī, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1981, p. 31. 62 R.D. Trivedi, Iconography of Pārvatī, p. 32. 63 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 2003, p. 37. 64 U.P. Shah, Pārvatī Performing Panchagnitapa, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 11, 1953–55, pp. 54–5. 65 V.L. Devkar, Some Latest Additions to Museum and Picture Gallery – Baroda, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 23, 1971, pp. 16–17. 66 Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 44. 67 Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 45. 68 S.R. Rao, Excavations at Amreli – A Kshatrapa Gupta Town, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 18, 1966, p. 94. 69 Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 45. 70 Shah, Pārvatī Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 39. 71 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī? The Recent Excavations at Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, pp. 481–5. 72 Pavetri Kumari Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1987, p. 49. 73 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 2003, p. 42. 74 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, p. 44. 75 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, pp. 47–9. 76 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, p. 44. 77 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, p. 45. 78 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, p. 51. 79 Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī?, p. 484. 80 Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 41. 81 Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī?, p. 484. 82 Jutta Jain Neubauer, The Stepwells of Gujarat – In Art Historical Perspective, Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1981, p. 7. 83 Neubauer, The Stepwells of Gujarat, p. 6. 84 Morna Livingston, Steps to Water: Ancient Step Wells of India, Princeton: Princeton Architectural Press, 2002, p. 31. 85 Julia A.B. Hegewald, Water Architecture in South Asia – A Study of Types, Developments and Meanings, Leiden: E.J. Brill, Boston, London, Koln, 2002, p. 37. 86 Neubauer, The Step Wells of Gujarat, p. 5. 87 Shubhra Pramanik, Hatab: An Early Historic Sea Port on the Gulf of Khambat, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, 1, 2004, p. 138. 88 Hegewald, Water Architecture in South Asia, p. 142.

89 Neubauer, The Step Wells of Gujarat, p. 20. 90 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, pp. 47–8. 91 Neubauer, The Step Wells of Gujarat, p. 29. 92 Neubauer, The Step Wells of Gujarat, p. 29. 93 R.T. Parikh, Two Gana Sculptures from Gujarat, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, New Series, 2, 1967–68, pp. 52– 3. 94 Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, p. 123. 95 Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, p. 89. 96 Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, p. 89. 97 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early Guptas, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5. 98 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1978–79, p. 78. 99 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1976–77, p. 18. 100 U.P. Shah and R.N. Mehta, A Few Early Sculptures from Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute, I (2), 1951, p. 164. 101 Shah and Mehta, A Few Early Sculptures from Gujarat, p. 164. 102 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table 103 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table 104 V.S. Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, Journal of Oriental Institute, 26 (2), 1976, p. 187. 105 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, p. 188. 106 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, p. 188. 107 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, pp. 188–90. 108 H. Goetz, ‘Late Gupta’ Sculptures from Patan Anhilwada: Archaeological Evidence from Vanaraja and the Chapotkata Dynasty, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 7, 1949–50, pp. 25–6. 109 G. Bühler, Inscriptions from Kavi, Indian Antiquary, 5, May 1876, p. 144. 110 Prof. F. Kielhorn, Two Copper Plate Inscriptions of the Time of Mahendrapala of Kanauj – A Plate of Balavarman, Epigraphia Indica, 9, 1907–08, pp. 4–10. 111 Haku Shah, Gujarat in Tribal India, Saryu Doshi (ed.), Tribal India – Ancestors, Gods and Spirits, Mumbai: Marg Publications, 1992, p. 95. 112 Haku Shah, Gujarat in Tribal India, p. 94. 113 R.N. Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, Vadodara: MS University, 1968, p. 94. 114 Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 168. 115 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 94. 116 S.R. Rao, Excavation at Amreli – A Kshatrapa Gupta Town, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 28, 1966, p. 92. 117 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 92. 118 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 119 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report of the Excavation Conducted from 1960–1963),

Vadodara: MS University, 1966, pp. 91–2. 120 Le Thi Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1992, p. 66. 121 Robert De Caroli, Image Problems – Art, Text and the Development of the Buddha Image in Early South Asia, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015, p. 5. 122 Caroli, Image Problems, p. 4. 123 Caroli, Image Problems, p. 8. 124 Caroli, Image Problems, p. 171. 125 Mahendrasinhji K. Rathor, Bronze Image of Buddha from Valabhipur, Journal of Oriental Institute, 11, 1966–67, p. 81. 126 Kantilal F. Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat – A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Visheshvaranand Institute, 1965, p. 28. 127 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 25. 128 Gregory Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices: The Introduction of the Image Cult into Indian Buddhism, Artibus Asiae, 49 (1/2), 1988–89, p. 155. 129 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 155. 130 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 155. 131 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 155. 132 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 157. 133 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 158. 134 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 159. 135 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 159. 136 A.L. Basham, The Evolution of the Concept of the Bodhisattva, in L.S. Kawamura (ed.), Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhism, Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University, 1981, p. 30. 137 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 167. 138 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 174. 139 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 7. 140 N.N. Bhattacharya, History of the Tantric Religion, Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1992, p. 232. 141 N.K. Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1972, p. 16. 142 Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 18. 143 Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 19. 144 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 28. 145 N.N. Bhattacharyya, History of the Tantric Religion, Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1992, p. 234. 146 B. Bhattacharya, An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism, 2nd Edition, Benares: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1964, pp. 28–9. 147 Edward Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1954, p. 195. 148 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 29.

149 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 29. 150 Samuel Beal, Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist Records of the Western World, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1906, Vol. II, p. 268. 151 Archaeological Survey of Western India, for Year Ending 31st March 1915, p. 30. 152 Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, p. 128. 153 Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, p. 129. 154 Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, p. 131. 155 Debala Mitra, The Monument – A Historical Survey, in D.C. Ahir (ed.), A Panorama of Indian Buddhism – Selections from the Maha Bodhi Journal (1982–1992), Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1995, pp. 497–8. 156 A.S. Gadre, Buddhist Influence in Gujarat and Kathiawad, Journal of Gujarat Research Society, I (4), 1939, pp. 66–7. 157 Gadre, Buddhist Influence in Gujarat and Kathiawad, pp. 68–9. 158 Moreshwar G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, 1, pp. 110–1. 159 U.P. Shah, Some Sculptures from North Gujarat Currently Acquired by the Baroda Museum, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 23, 1971, p. 27. 160 Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, pp. 110–1. 161 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1963–64, p. 69. 162 Rasesh Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat Under the Western Kshatrapas, Journal of Oriental Institute, 49, 1999, p. 77. 163 Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat, p. 78. 164 Lalit Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha Hoard, Z_Nirgrantha_1_022701.pdf and Nirgrantha_2_022702.pdf, Nirgrantha 2, 1996, p. 58 (accessed on 3 October 2015). 165 Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975, p. 24; J.F. Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, Indian Antiquary, 6,1877, Delhi: Swati Publications (reprint), 1986, p. 27. 166 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, p. 27. 167 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, p. 31. 168 Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, p. 24. 169 Leslie Orr, Jain Worship in Medieval Tamil Nadu, in N.K. Wagle and Olle Ovarnstörm (eds), Approaches to Jaina Studies: Philosophy, Logic, Rituals and Symbols, Toronto: University of Toronto – Centre for South Asian Studies, 1999, pp. 250– 74. 170 M.N.P. Tiwari, Ambika in Jaina Art and Literature, New Delhi: Bharatiya Jnanpith, 1989, p. 34. 171 U.P. Shah, Akota Bronzes, Bombay: Department of Archaeology, Government of Bombay, 1959, p. 31. 172 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 28–9. 173 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 36. 174 Lisa Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity – The Place of the Jaina Rock Cut Excavation at Ellora, PhD, University of Texas, Austin, 2006, p. 69. 175 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 70.

176 Shah, Bronze Hoard from Vasantgadh, Lalit Kala, 1–2, April 1955–56, pp. 55–65. 177 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 78. 178 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 69. 179 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 125. 180 Shah, Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Ambika, Journal of the University of Bombay, 9 (2), 1990, pp. 147–69. 181 U.P. Shah, Jaina Rupa Mandana – Jaina Iconography, Vol. I, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1987, p. 257. 182 J. Burgess, Digambara Jaina Iconography, R.P. Hingorani (ed.), Varanasi: Ashutosh Prakashan, 1979, p. 45. 183 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 33–4. 184 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 46. 185 Rasesh Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat Under the Western Kshatrapas, Journal of Oriental Institute, 49, 1999, p. 36. 186 U.P. Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, Journal of Indian Society for Oriental Arts, 15, 1947, p. 114. 187 Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, p. 117. 188 Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, p. 115. 189 Tiwari, Elements of Jaina Iconography, p. 78. 190 Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, p. 167. 191 Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, p. 168. 192 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 126. 193 Patrick Krüger, Classification of Jaina Bronzes from Western India, Centre of Jain Studies, Newsletter, SOAS, University of London, March 2011, p. 40. 194 Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha Hoard, p. 59. 195 Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha Hoard, p. 66. 196 Catherine Ludwig, Sarasvati – Riverine Goddess of Knowledge, Leiden: Brill, 2007, p. 244. 197 Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha Hoard, p. 59. 198 Krüger, Classification of Jaina Bronzes from Western India, p. 44.

 4 Shared space and multiple affiliations

In the previous chapter on sculptural remains, the focus was on a general survey and analysis of sites with images. With the aid of sculptural data, the chapter brought forth diversity in iconographic representations of deities, the varied contexts that images could be placed in and a clustering of certain images within specific areas of Gujarat. Images also made us aware of the existence of deities not mentioned in literary data and of sacred sites other than those with architectural remains, such as wells and trees. In most studies, the development of religion has been viewed more or less in a linear pattern wherein one religion was followed by the other, as seen in the opinion of Romila Thapar, ‘Buddhism had begun to be replaced by now more thriving Vaishnava, Jaina, Saiva and Sakta sects.’1 References to texts such as the Rajatarangini of the twelfth century, and Prabhandacintamani have been utilised to bring forth the religious tension that existed between religious communities. It has been pointed out that Shaiva sects attacked Jaina establishments from the seventh century onwards in Tamil Nadu, and in Karnataka, the Vira Shaivas persecuted Jaina monks and destroyed Jaina images.2 Lisa N. Owen draws our attention to the dynamic, fluid and shifting encounters between medieval Tamil Jainas and Hindus and through a study of the Jaina rock-cut sites near Madurai dispels the ‘standard narrative’ of relations between these two groups.3 The ‘standard narrative’ presents the history of interaction in the region solely in terms of dispute and conflict between fixed and monolithic communities of the Hindus and the Jaina. According to this narrative, the seventh–eighth centuries CE ushered in a period of Hindu dominance over other communities, and this presented a rupture from the harmonious coexistence of religions in the Sangam period. This Hindu revival is documented through a vast corpus of poetry of Vaishnava and Shaiva poet saints and by the ‘physical’ conversion of Buddhist and Jaina monuments into Hindu places of devotion. This narrative points that at this point in time, there was clear discourse between Hindu and ‘heterodox’ communities.4 Her study establishes not conflict but coexistence; as numerous examples show, in the early medieval period, Jaina and Hindu rock-cut monuments developed and/or coexisted simultaneously and served as sacred places of worship for both communities. At Annamalai and Arittapatti, there was visual reaffirmation of Jaina presence on these hills, especially since Hindus also worshipped here, as

evidenced by at least three rock-cut caves created in the seventh and eighth centuries CE. Rather than viewing the multireligious nature of these sites in terms of opposition or competition, we can perhaps explore how these encounters point towards complex ways in which these traditions interacted and defined themselves within the medieval Tamil landscape. The rock-cut shrine at Annamalai is dedicated to Narasimha and a small pillared cave is associated with Subrahmanya. At Arittapatti, an eighth-century cave is dedicated to Shiva on the western side of the hill.5 John E. Cort also mentions how, according to the standard narrative, Jainism and Buddhism have been present and active in Tamil areas at least from the second century BCE, and harmony and tolerance among the faiths prevailed in the Sangam period. In the fifth–sixth centuries CE, the heterodox schools of Jainism and Buddhism reached their greatest popularity and began to pose a threat to the orthodox faiths.6 As a result of the great Hindu revival of the seventh–eighth centuries CE, the standard narrative concludes, the once powerful communities of Jainas and Buddhists in Tamil Nadu met their demise.7 He goes on to refute this theory and states that ‘Hindu elements in south Indian Jainism met as the product of degeneration or osmosis in a predominantly Hindu environment, but rather as parts of a shared religious culture where divine figures, literary tropes and ritual forms could be reincorporated, reformulated and resituated for polemical purposes.’8 With reference to the Shaiva Agamas, John E. Cort states, ‘While the Nayanmars set up Jains as their bête noire, the more ascetic and ritualistic Saiva Brahmana made more positive use of their encounter with Jainism. Many of the doctrines and practices outlined in Saiva Agamas composed or put in final form during this period show interesting and suggestive parallels with those of Jains.’9 Archaeological data from Vasantgadh in Sirohi district of Rajasthan also indicate the presence of the Jainas and Hindus within the same locale. The early temples, as known from the inscriptions, were for the goddess Kshemarya, Sun, Brahma, and Jaina tirthankaras. The temples came into shape as early as the seventh century CE. An inscription of 625 CE records that Rajulla was a feudatory who had been given governorship of Vasantgarh.10 The temple of Khimelamata was constructed under the supervision of a goshti signified to resemble a panch or committee entrusted with the management of the religious endowments.11 The temples dedicated to Sun and Brahma are mentioned as existing in Vatapura in the inscription of Purnapala, dated VE 1099. The ruling feudatory-like Rajulla took care of the construction of the temple. Alongside the Hindu temples, the hoard of bronze images from Vasantgarh is evidence for the presence of the Jaina community as well. This hoard has images dating from the early medieval to the medieval period and contained 240 bronze Jaina images. The vast number of images found in this hoard are clear indicators of the site being a stronghold of Jainism as well. Literary tradition makes one believe that there was contestation and rivalry in Gujarat, on

the basis of the account of Somanatha in the Prabhandacintamani. According to it, there was a rivalry between Hemachandra, the minister of Kumarapala, and the Shaiva priest, Bhava Brhaspati at the Somanatha temple. The account sates that when Kumarapala renovated the temple, he was a Shaivite, but due to the miracle performed by Hemachandra after the renovation, Kumarapala converted to Jainism.12 A number of sites of the medieval period in the northern part of Gujarat demonstrate the coexistence of Shaiva worshippers and Jainas. At the sites of Polo, Abhapur and Antarsuba, one notices the presence of Shaiva and Jaina temples in close proximity to each other. Coexistence between Jainism and Hinduism continued well into the medieval period in Gujarat in the reign of the Chalukya dynasty. Hemachandra was a revered figure in the writings on Jainism and his purported obeisance to Shiva is significant for a general comprehension of Chalukya rulership. In the time of Vanaraja, the ruler built the Panchasara Parsavnatha temple at Anhilwada Patan, and the image was brought from the site of Panchasara. His minister Ninnaya constructed a Rishabhnatha temple at Patan for the Vidyadhara gaccha. Chamundaraja, under the influence of Jaina teacher Viracharya, issued a grant to a Jaina temple (HIG, Pt.III). According to the Vadnagar Prasasti,13 the first Chalukya king to have admitted Jaina sadhus to his court was Durlabhraja. Hemachandra’s acceptance of Kumarapala’s creed was reciprocated by the sovereign, who was an important patron of Jaina foundations and reportedly worshipped at Jaina temples. This mutual participation in the practices of the other hints at meanings of religion and community identification that are not always acknowledged in modern academic frameworks.14 The Neminathacariu mentions that the Poruyada family had men of virtue, and in the family, there was a rich merchant prince named Thakkura Ninnaya, who was invited by Vanaraja to stay in Anhilawada. Also, the tilak ceremony of Vanaraja was performed by the sister of a merchant of Kakara village. Vanaraja made Jamba, who was a sresthi, his mahamatya. This tradition of enlisting the support of rich merchants and giving them highest administrative posts, that was started by Vanaraja, continued in the Chalukyan period up to the reign of Kumarapala. The Jainas of Gujarat were important contributors to the region’s commercial and overall economic prosperity and the Chalukya’s sectarian catholicity was politic. The Chalukyas were generous patrons of Jaina foundations as well as Shaiva temple complexes.15 In the case of Buddhism, the coexistence of religions can be traced back to an earlier period in the region. Textual accounts have also been utilised to demonstrate conflict between the Brahmanical religion and Buddhism. It has been pointed out that the Rajatarangini refers to Mihirakula’s attack on Buddhist monks and monasteries. Thapar opines that Xuanzang’s account dating to the seventh century CE describes the persecution of Buddhists and destruction of Buddhist images in Kashmir and eastern India where the rulers were Shaivas.16

Here too, for the region of Gujarat, the archaeological data prove otherwise as many sites dating between the fourth and seventh centuries CE demonstrate the coexistence of both these religions. This chapter aims at bringing out the coexistence of different religions at various sites in the period under study. At certain sites, this coexistence continues into the medieval period. The sites that demonstrate coexistence are seen as not being limited to only one area, but are spread across the region under study. The sites are located in Saurashtra (Amreli and Valabhi), northern Gujarat (Devnimori and Shamlaji) and South Gujarat (Akota and Vadodara) as well. These sites contain Brahmanical remains as well as those of either the Buddhist or the Jaina religious community. The vast pool of archaeological, sculptural and inscriptional data from the region has not been put together to bring forth the religious diversity and the parallel existence of religions at a site. The region of Gujarat has also been seen merely as a coherent whole and developments here have served as a mere adjunct to those in the rest of the country. This chapter shall demonstrate that within the region, there is diversity not only in the database of the sites, but in terms of religious affiliation as well. The sites selected for discussion exist in different niches, along the coast, in valleys and at the foot of hill ranges, and data from these sites show considerable variations. For instance, in the case of Buddhism, while at Devnimori, one encounters a Buddhist complex, at the site of Valabhi, the database consists mainly of land grants, and at Amreli, it is mainly data from archaeological excavations, which include a number of potsherds and structural remains identified as a vihara. Besides Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion, the chapter also highlights the coexistence of Jainism with the Brahmanical religion. Thus, in this chapter, architectural, sculptural and inscriptional data as well as literary references to certain sites have been utilised. With the data available on hand, the chapter will demonstrate the different patterns of development at the sites under study – for example, whether at a given site, construction of religious structures occurred simultaneously for two religions, or whether it happened at different periods of time. The continuity of certain sites over time shall also be discussed and analysed to see whether the affiliation of a site remains the same or undergoes a change. The chapter will also deal with sites where images dating to an earlier period are selectively picked up and placed in religious structures constructed at a later period. As for the time period of study, it is noticed that for the first two periods, evidence pertaining to the coexistence of religions is available only from the site of Mount Girnar and its vicinity. Bulk of the sites that demonstrate coexistence are from the third period under study, namely, from the fourth to the eighth centuries CE. In order to be able to bring out the different patterns in religious coexistence, multiple affiliation, and the changes and continuities over time, we shall discuss the sites under various themes, rather than dividing the chapter into different sub-periods, as was done in the earlier chapters.

Continued affiliation and consolidation First, we shall discuss sites that demonstrate continuity where religious affiliation has remained more or less the same over time. First and foremost are the Gir hills as these were sacred to the Buddhists, Jainas and the followers of the Brahmanical religion. The earliest evidence for the coexistence of religion in and around these hills is from the Saurashtra janapada coins found at Junagadh and its vicinity. The symbols on these coins have been discussed in Chapter 1, and of main interest here are symbols depicting the ground plans of temples and depictions of viharas and stupas. These symbols on the coins amply demonstrate the existence of both these religions, and possibly, also affiliated religious structures between c. 450 and 50 BCE. Besides the architectural remains discussed in Chapter 1, reference to the site is also found in the travel account of Xuanzang. In his account on Saurashtra, he mentions a mountain called 22 Yeuh-chen-to (Urjayanta), on top of which was a sangharama, and the cells and galleries were mostly excavated from the mountainside.17 Perhaps Xuanzang was referring to the caves located in the Gir hills that were being utilised by the Buddhists, and this is the only evidence available to prove the existence of the religion after the third–fourth centuries CE. The Bawa Pyara caves have been considered to have belonged to the Jainas as found here is a stone inscription of the second century CE, of the grandson of Jayadaman, which contains the Jaina term Kevalajnana, and it refers to the samadhi of the Digambara saint Dharasena.18 In the opinion of Soundara Rajan, the inscription may not belong originally to the site and was brought here from elsewhere.19 Even if the inscription does not belong to the site, it still indicates the presence of the Jaina community somewhere in the vicinity from where the inscription may have originated. It also seems plausible to postulate that while the caves were used earlier by the Buddhist community at the site, later, these were inhabited by the Jainas. On the basis of mangalas, or auspicious symbols, depicted above the doors of a couple of caves here, it is believed that a monastic establishment of the Nirgrantha monks resided in the rock-cut caves.20 Mount Girnar has been associated in the Jaina literary tradition with the 22nd tirthankara, Jina Aristanemi. It was regarded sacred mainly because Aristanemi renounced the worldly ways and attained omniscience and salvation on this mountain.21 The site continued to be an important Jaina centre as it was visited by Svami Samantabhadra of the Digambara sect, and in the Svayambhustotra hymn, he describes the hill as a bull’s hump, which is what it looks like in profile.22 The Urjayanta hill or the Gir hills, it has been pointed out, grew over the centuries to the status of the holiest sites of the Svetambara sect, and continued to be so in the medieval times.23 A temple of Mallinatha and of Neminatha in the Gir hills and another four belonging to the twelfth century CE demonstrate the continued association of the site with

Jainism. The fifth and the last peak is located in deep forests on the high point of the mountain, where there are footprints of Neminatha and of Andhar Vardutt Muni. Currently located at a height of 182.8 metres on the summit of Mount Girnar is the temple of Amba Mata, a Brahmanical goddess. It is noticed that in the sharing of sacred space at Junagadh and its vicinity, while the Jainas chose the summits on Mount Girnar, the Buddhists selected sites at the base of these hills. In this case, contestation of space does not seem to have occurred as, within an area, both the religions chose sites that did not infringe on the sacred space of the other religion. Besides containing evidence for the presence of the Buddhists and the Jainas at the site, inscriptional data provide evidence to the existence of a Vishnu temple in the Gupta period, and legends and water bodies at the site prove the continuity of the Brahmanical religion at the site. The Sudarsana lake seems to have been important to the Brahmanical religion, as is evident by its name – one of the weapons associated with Vishnu is his Sudarsanachakra. The Skandagupta inscription, dating to 450 CE, at Junagadh provides definite evidence for the existence of a temple. The inscription, along with the repair of the embankment of the same lake, mentions the construction of two temples by the viceroy Chakrapalita, one of them being a Vishnu temple.24 On the way to Girnar on the southern side of the road is the holy water reservoir Damodar kunda, and on the bank of the kunda is a temple, which is believed to be the spot where the temple was constructed by the viceroy Chakrapalita.25 This is the well where the unburnt bones of the deceased, after cremation, are to be immersed for the person to attain moksa.26 The continued association of the site with the Brahmanical religion is seen in the legends found in the Skanda Purana, believed to have been compiled in Gujarat, and dated to about 700 CE. The Revati kunda mentioned in this Purana is an important tirtha (Sk.P. 7–2.17) located in Girnar, as is also the Chakra tirtha associated with Surya. According to legend, a sage named Ahirbudhnya was worshipping the Sudarsanachakra and practising penance on the Gandhamadana mountain when he was troubled by demons. Sudarsana came to his aid, killed the demons and stayed there permanently in a pond built by the sage, which came to acquire the name Chakra tirtha. A bath in this pond helps one get rid of sufferings caused by raksasas, pretas etc.27 In yet another legend, the tirtha is associated with Vishnu, who is supposed to have erected a tank in which he washed his Sudarsanachakra after killing the asuras (Sk.P. V. 3.90). The Gir hills witness three fairs in the year, and the first of these is held in the month of Karttika from the eleventh to the fifteenth day. During these days, the pilgrims take a round of mount Girnar, starting and ending at the temple of Bhavnatha. The second fair is held on Mahashivaratri in which the pilgrims bathe in the Mrigikunda, and the third fair is the Bhadarvi Amas Sravana, which is held on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Sravana (in August).28 This fair is held in reverence to lord Krishna at the Damodar and is attended by

lakhs of people from different parts of Gujarat. Thus, there seems to be a continued association of the site with Vaishnavism, beginning with the Vishnu temple constructed in the Gupta period and continuing up to date with the fair held at the Damodar kunda.29 The site of Junagadh was and continues to be sacred to Jainism and the Brahmanical religion, though Buddhism ceased to exist after a point in time. In all probability, the Jaina monks occupied the caves, associated initially with the Buddhists, till they further expanded their influence here. Mount Girnar is, till date, an important sacred centre for the Jaina community, and this clearly demonstrates the continued association of the site, which grew in importance over the centuries. Similarly, in the case of the Brahmanical religion, while archaeological and sculptural data are wanting, data from the Gupta inscription and legends associated with water bodies in the hills also confirm the continued sanctity of the site. The data clearly demonstrate the continued sharing of sacred space between Jainism and the Brahmanical religion well into the medieval and modern times, as seen in the presence of the medieval Jaina temples, the temple of Amba Mata and the water reservoirs. We shall now turn to discuss sites that contain evidence for the coexistence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism, and demonstrate the continuity of two religions. The site of Khed Brahma is located on the confluence of the rivers Haran, Kausambi and Bhima Sankari and contains evidence for the presence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism. The few Jaina schistose images from the site date to the sixth century CE,30 and the continued association of the site with the Brahmanical religion is seen in the presence of an ekamukhashivalinga of the fourth century CE and a life-size image of Shiva of the fourth–fifth centuries CE. An image depicting Shiva performing the tandava dance, dating to the seventh century CE, is now located in the Pankeshwar Mahadeo temple.31 The image of Brahma from the site dates to the sixth century CE,32 though the temple is of the eighth century CE. The site contains evidence of a continued association with the Brahmanical religion. While the site is currently a Brahmanical site, with the image of Brahma under worship and a temple dedicated to the goddess, Inamdar has reported that Hindu and Jaina images were being unearthed daily from the site while digging for laying the foundations of new houses.33 The Jaina images from the site are currently under worship at nearby locations. One of the images has been set up in the medieval Digambara Jaina temple at Khed Brahma, an important Jaina site, in the Idar hills, and the other image is also in a Digambara Jaina temple on a nearby granite hill. Thus, here, continuity in the worship of images is noticed as the images are taken from the original site and made an integral part of newer structures. As for the Brahmanical religion, the site is more famous for a temple dedicated to a goddess. The name of the site can be attributed to the legend associated with the site, according to which, the rishis, munis and gods wanted to carry out a sacrifice or yajna at the

site which was a jungle, and they requested Brahma to clear the area. This he did with a golden plough, and so, the site is known as khed (plough) Brahma or where Brahma used a plough. They then requested Brahma to provide protection from the demons, and to do this, Brahma asked Ambaji to come and reside at the site. Thus, the legends, with ease, weave together the existence of a Brahma and devi temple at the site.34 The goddess Ambaji worshipped here, in another temple, is of interest as for every day of the week, she has a different vahana, except for one day, when she is on foot. Thus, while the site gains popularity as a Brahmanical site in a later period, the Jaina images continue to hold importance as a part of newer religious structures at an important Jaina tirtha. At present, the site retains its importance as a Brahmanical as well as a Jaina sacred centre. In Puratan Brahmaksetra, there is a mention that at some time in the past, there were several Digambara temples here. It is inferred that there may exist a large temple of Sri Neminatha Bhagwan. Currently, the site has two Jaina temples – one dedicated to Mahavira and the other to Neminatha. It is interesting to note that at both the sites, the Gir hills and Khed Brahma, the goddess worshipped is Amba Mata, who is considered as the guardian deity of Neminatha, and both the sites demonstrate continuity in the coexistence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism over a long period of time.

Abandonment and survivals of religious affiliation at sites Certain sites in Gujarat demonstrate the coexistence of religions at a certain point in time, and while one religion continues, the other fades out or ceases to exist over time. The data being limited in nature for interpretation, one can only postulate that the continuity could have been either an interrupted or an uninterrupted one. We shall now discuss sites that initially contain evidence for coexistence, but over time, only one religion survives and continues to exist at the site. The first two sites we shall discuss are the sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji, located in close proximity to each other. They contain the maximum number of archaeological and sculptural data pertaining to Buddhism as well as the Brahmanical religion. They are located on either side of the Meshvo river in the northern region of Gujarat. Devnimori is the only Buddhist site in Gujarat where archaeological excavation brought to light a large Buddhist establishment. As for the Brahmanical remains, a total of 46 Brahmanical images35 belong to the sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji, and in the region of Gujarat, the site of Devnimori has the maximum number of Shiva lingas. The Buddhist site of Devnimori had only a vihara in its initial phase, and over time, it developed into a full-fledged Buddhist complex with a protection wall of its own.

The site of Devnimori is situated on the eastern side of the bend of river Meshvo, on a commanding elevated position overlooking the gorge, the river as well as the whole valley.36 Excavations at the site of Devnimori brought to light a large sarira stupa, four uddesa stupas, a rectangular structure, an apsidal temple, and a protecting wall. The Buddhist settlement, at the site, began with the construction of a large vihara, which has been dated to before the third quarter of the fourth century CE.37 Near this vihara, Sadhu Agnivarman and Sudarsana built the sarira stupa. Along with it, the votive stupas, the apsidal temple and the protecting wall were built in the fourth century CE.38 On the basis of the antiquities found at the site, it has been pointed out that the settlement flourished till the seventh–eighth centuries CE.39 Two caskets were obtained from the mahastupa. The lowest of them contained only ashes, was made of schist, cylindrical and measured 11.98 cm in height and was 1.77 cm thick at the top. The other casket is of greater interest as it is inscribed and it contained a cylindrical copper box with silk bags, gold bottle and some organic-like material.40 As for the architecture of the site, on the south of the stupa was a large four-sided catusala vihara with a northern entrance, containing inner verandah and a courtyard.41 The vihara contained 30 rooms, a shrine room in its southern side and at the main entrance at its northern side and a flight of steps near its entrance.42 A second vihara contained two rooms, 2.43 metres × 2.43– 2.74 metres each, an inner and outer verandah, drains in the south-western corner of the courtyard, parts of steps and the main entrance was west-facing towards the main stupa.43 The rooms of the vihara were divided into four categories – residential quarters, shrine rooms, entrance room, and storeroom.44 Figure 4.1 Model of Devnimori stupa site

The mahastupa was located 15.24 metres to the north east of vihara I. The apsidal ended structure, which was probably a caitya hall, was located 1.82 metres to the south west of the main stupa and measured 4.87 metres × 3.04 metres and 5.18 metres × 3.2 metres and was also of brick. The hall was divided into three parts – the apse, the rectangular approach chamber and the side aisle.45 A total of 26 terracotta images of Buddha in dhyanamudra were brought to light, measuring 66 cm–68.58 cm, all of which were three dimensional, with only the backs hidden from view as they were meant for fixing on the face of the stupa.46 Of the 26 images, 12 were found totally intact, and the remaining 14 could not be repaired or remoulded. Also found at the site were 20 heads, of which 12 could be fitted back to their respective torsos.47 The images have been classified on the basis of form and features of the face, hairstyle, drapery, and cushion seat. The facial features were categorised as oval-faced, almond-faced and round-faced.48 As for drapery, the sanghati or the upper garment drapes over both the shoulders in 9 images, while in 13, only one shoulder is draped.49 The folds and frills of the images are depicted by incised lines and ribbed lines. The cushion seats are also classified into two main groups – having bands of single petal, further being sub-divided on the basis of the petals pointing up or down, and having bands of double petals. The tiny tuft of hair between the eyebrows was noticed in seven images found from the site.50 The decorative pieces recovered from the site include arches, capitals of pilasters, medallions, pilasters, bases of pilasters, and dentils or brackets, in addition to cornices, moulds and fillet bands.51 The arches at the site were classified into semi-circular stilted arches and caitya arches, and in the former category, the architectural features in relief included bell-

shaped base, horizontal ledges and recesses, lion figures in relief and floral background of the lion figure.52 Square as well as rectangular decorative bricks were recovered from the site. The rectangular bricks were of the same size as those used for construction and had decorations in the form of ovolo (in quarter ellipse section, receding downwards), moulding and fillet bands. The former type was used to decorate cornices, and the two floral motifs used for it were the acanthus leaf and bay leaf. The bricks with fillet bands could be classified into those with chequer pattern and those with a hook pattern.53 The square bricks, on the contrary, had five different depictions on them, which included Buddha figures, grotesque faces, animal faces, floral compositions, geometric designs, and conch compositions.54 The wastage of manufacture such as the over-burnt images of Buddha and arches recovered from the core of the stupa provide evidence for the local manufacture of bricks and terracotta images at the site.55 The excavation report also informs us that the excavations on other mounds, within an area of about four square kilometres, at Devnimori indicate that the Shaivas also built their temples here,56 and that some of them were contemporary to the Buddhist settlement as the size of the bricks used in the temples was the same as those used by the Buddhists at the site. When the site was visited by Goetz in 1947, he reported, ‘In the midst of the jungle, along a small brooklet coming down the hillside, quite a number of small brick temples have been erected, with the usual simple moulded Gupta plinths and a rectangular cella, the walls of which are still standing to a height of four to six feet above the floor level.’57 We shall now turn to a few of the images recovered from in and around the area. Found from the site were two Manusa lingas of the Kshatrapa period58 and another linga of antiquity is to be seen at the village site of Devnimori, which is under worship by the local inhabitants.59 Found from the site were also four images of mātṛkās, the head of a mātṛkā and the torso of another, dating to the fifth century CE.60 The sculptural evidence points to the earlier presence of the Shaivites at the site as well. A number of Brahmanical images have been recovered from Shamlaji, the earliest being a two-armed standing image of Ganesha dated to the third–fourth centuries CE. Belonging to the fourth–fifth centuries CE is a two-armed standing image of Karttikeya and ascribed to 500 CE are figures that seem to represent Gana.61 From the area were also excavated a seated and a standing image, dated to sixth century CE of Vinadhara Virabhadra where Shiva is seen holding a vina. Of these two, the image representing Shiva as standing is seen in association with the Saptamatrkas,62 and in addition to these is a Shiva linga currently in the Museum at the site, which is dated to the fourth century CE.63 The size of the lingas, again, suggests that there were temples earlier since these lingas might have been the ones installed in the temple structures that were noticed by Goetz. Recovered from the site were three sets of mātṛkās images dated to between 520 and 530 CE. While the first set, dating to 520 CE, contains the images of Brahmani and Chamunda, the second set, dating to 525 CE,

includes images of Agneyi, Mahesvari, Aindri Vaishnavi, Varahi, and Chamunda. The third set consists of mother and child images and is dated to between 525 and 530 CE. The second and third set of mātṛkās images, as well as the image of Virabhadra Shiva, measuring 1.1 metres in height, in the opinion of Schastok, can be attributed to a temple dedicated to Shiva.64 The images of two dvarapalas, the image of Ganga, two Nandi images, and the throne back suggest the earlier existence of probably more than one temple at the site. Of the seventh century CE are an image of Shiva and Parvati,65 an ekamukhalinga66 and an image of Mahisasuramardini as well. The find of the above images and lingas shows the continued Shaivite association of the site. Also seen here are images of Bhadra or Yasoda (fifth century CE),67 Parvati as Bhilan and an image of Lajjagaurī68. Also found from in and around the area are Visvarupa Vishnu images,69 one of which is currently under worship at Shamlaji. Thus, at the site, there is evidence of Shiva, mātṛkā as well as Vishnu worship. A look at the size of the images, dating from c. 520 CE to the seventh century CE, will demonstrate that these were crafted for being the central image of worship, either in a shrine or in the open, or were meant to adorn the walls of some religious structure, as in the case of the mātṛkā images, which vary from 39.92 cm to 89.91 cm in height. The site has structural remains of both the Buddhist (dating from the fourth to seventh century CE) and the Brahmanical religions (dated to the post-Gupta period) and has the maximum number of images of both the religions as well. It also has a long period of continuity, beginning from the third/fourth centuries CE and continuing up to the seventh/eighth centuries CE, the longest period for a site in the region. The site would have been one of the major Buddhist sites of the region as it is the only one in Gujarat from where there is clear evidence of the existence of remains of Buddha, in the casket, and could have been part of a wider Buddhist religious network. The fifth stanza of the inscription on the casket reads that the stone casket was the receptacle for the relics of Dasabla (the Buddha). A look at the data pertaining to Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion at these sites points to a simultaneous development of both the religions. The construction and continued maintenance and repair of the Buddhist complex at Devnimori, as well as the sculpting of the various Brahmanical images and the earlier temples at the site can all be placed between the fourth and the seventh centuries CE. Both the religions seemed to have witnessed a simultaneous growth and development in terms of architecture and sculptural activities. But while traces of the Brahmanical religion continued till it regained importance in the medieval period, Buddhism gradually faded away. The site of Shamlaji demonstrates the continued existence of the Brahmanical religion at the site, though with a renewed affiliation. While the sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji had Shaivite affiliations in the period under study, by the medieval period, the site becomes an important Vaishnavite centre, and continues to be so up to date. The structure that helps

identify the thread of continuity of the Brahmanical religion at the site is the temple Harischandrani Chorni, which dates to 800 CE. It is believed that Raja Harischandra performed sacrifices at the site in order that he may have a son. Shamlaji is a site where one can clearly notice the continuity of the Brahmanical religion in a limited nature, till it regains importance as a famous sacred centre. The site also shows that images can survive and later be placed in a new context and a new structure. The site of Shamlaji is a Vaishnavite pilgrimage centre and holds special importance for the Bhil community of the area. While the current temple at the site belongs to the medieval period, the image it houses is of a much earlier period, dating to not later than the eighth century CE.70 The local belief is that a young Bhil boy, while digging the earth, found this image, and since then, it has been seen by the community as their ishta or kula devta. The image of Gadadhar Vishnu is black in colour, and hence, the name Shyamala of the deity. This image representing the Gadadhar form of Vishnu with four arms is placed in the medieval temple. In the month of Karttika, lakhs of devotees flock to this site, and a fair is held where food grains, clothes, gold, silver, and a number of other things are sold, which are bought by the adivasis; during the fair, a number of adivasi marriages also take place.71 On full moon nights, the temple is lit with a number of diyas. Figure 4.2 Linga at site museum, Devnimori

Figure 4.3

Visvarupa Vishnu image under worship at Shamlaji

It is noticed at this particular site that while the images under worship belong to the sixth– seventh centuries CE, the structures that they are enshrined in are either of the medieval or the modern period. It is also important to point out that not all images gain the same status. Of two lingas under worship, while one linga is housed in a temple, the other linga at the nearby site of Devnimori is not enshrined in a temple.

Similarly, at another shrine, one witnesses the continuity of an image, but this is a Shaivite image. Located opposite the shrine of Shamlaji is the Khak chowk area, at the end of which, near the corner of the street is the Trilokinatha temple. Here too, while the building is of a later period, the image of Shiva under worship can be dated to the sixth century CE,72 and the dvarapala is also of an earlier date. Yet another shrine dedicated to Shiva, the Kasivisvesvara temple, is small in size, and here, it is the linga, which is under worship. The ekamukhashivalinga enshrined in the temple is of schist and dates to the seventh century CE. The head on the linga shows a jata tied above the head, and the forehead is broad and with three eyes.73 An image of Ganesha from the late Gupta period is under worship in a small shrine on the way from the Shamlaji temple to river Meshvo.74 An image of Nandi currently located in the Ranchodji temple at Shamlaji is also of an earlier date and belongs to the sixth century CE.75 Yet, the people of the region view another form of Vishnu, the Visvarupa form, differently. Even though the image, dating to sixth century CE,76 is under worship at a temple in Shamlaji, the deity is seen as a goddess, namely Kalsi Chhokarani Ma,77 and not as a form of Vishnu. Another such image of Vishnu in the village of Ogaganj, located 20 km from Ahmedabad, is also worshipped as a goddess and is now identified by the worshippers as Tripura Mata.78 The image dates to the seventh century CE and is currently housed in a temple.79 Many such other images have been able to survive over time as they have been taken by the villagers for purposes of worship, or the images adorn the temple walls. The place is also known as Karambu tirtha, and the legend associated with it also tells us indirectly how the site was forgotten, and then, later reclaimed. According to legend, Sri Gadadhar Vishnu came to reside at the tirtha and it had the blessing of Brahma that of all the tirthas, this was an agrasthana. Brahma performed a mahayajna, and when he began, Vishnu appeared in the form of Shyamala (the black one). On the request of Brahma, Vishnu agreed to stay at the Karambu tirtha in his Gadadhdar form. Karambu tirtha became full of pride and was cursed that it would become infamous and would regain its lost glory only in the tretayuga when Raja Harischandra, a parambhakta of Vishnu, would visit the site. This story clearly illustrates that the site was earlier an important Brahmanical site, but in due course of time, lost its importance and faded away in the memory of the people, till it was rediscovered and made important later again. An analysis of the sites of Junagadh as well as Shamlaji and Devnimori, both containing evidence of coexistence of Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion, demonstrates different patterns. At the site of Junagadh, the continuity in coexistence is noticed up to date, and the change being of coexistence between Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion can be compared to that of the latter and Jainism. The sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji, on the contrary, demonstrate that at first, both sites ceased to exist, but at a later stage, the

Brahmanical images were reclaimed and reinstated in newer structures, and the site once again becomes an important Brahmanical site and continues to be so to date.

Gradual decline of sites with evidence of parallel existence In addition to the above-mentioned sites, there are other sites that demonstrate the coexistence of religions in the period under study, but unlike the sites discussed above, these sites lose importance over time never to be regained. Within these are some sites that demonstrate a simultaneous growth and development of two or more religions, and other sites that gradually gain importance for more than one religious community. First, we shall discuss sites where evidence points to similar dates for the archaeological remains pertaining to Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion, namely, Amreli and Nagara. The site of Amreli contains evidence of the presence of the Buddhist community as well as the Brahmanical religion. As has been pointed out in the excavation reports, ‘Amreli appears to have been an important centre for various religious sects especially for Brahmanism and Buddhism … Besides worship of Viṣṇu the cults of Śakti and Siva appear to have been followed by the inhabitants.’80 The Brahmanical remains at the site are terracotta plaques representing the following – a goddess, probably Durga with four arms and with ugra or fierce appearance, a female figure wearing a crown and another female figure with a child on her left waist touching the breast, probably some mātṛkā,81 an image of Ganesha carved in yellowish stone, and a fragmentary image of baked clay representing the upper half of a woman with prominent breasts.82 The terracotta image of Gauri Sankara from the site is dated to the fourth century CE.83 Also recovered from the excavations were votive jars offered in religious ceremonies.84 The Buddhist remains from the site include two small clay images – one of a Bodhisattva and the other of Buddha,85 dated to the fourth century CE,86 and a number of fragmentary potsherds. The image of the Bodhisattva was recovered from the remains of a Buddhist structure on the northern fringes of the town.87 Further evidence is from potsherds, which were fragments of vessels belonging to monks. They contain fragmentary inscriptions, which seem to give the name of individuals or the localities they belonged to. Some of them read – Sri Gira [i]nagara, [V]ajapa …, Sri Vighra …, Sri Panda, Ghahta …, Vakrumidrukaya,88 indicating the presence of the Buddhist community at the site. Excavations at the site also brought to light a structure that may have been a Buddhist monastery. Excavations carried out on the northern fringe of the mound revealed structures that covered an area of 22.86 metres × 7.62 metres. Of these was a room measuring 6.09 metres × 4.87 metres, which formed the main hall of the structure. The western wing had four rooms, a verandah and a portico. On the basis of its location close to a

water source and of small rooms, adjoining the main hall, it has been suggested that this brick structure was used for religious ceremonies. In addition to this, the recovery of two terracotta Bodhisattva figures while removing the bricks from the main hall helped associate the structure with the Buddhist faith.89 The structure has been identified as a Buddhist monastery, which was more extensive than what the present ruins at the site suggest.90 The site of Nagara excavations brought to light an image of Dhyani Buddha, and of the 28 seals and sealings recovered from the site, three are inscribed, of which one has an oval die with four Brahmi letters Buddha Pyasa.91 In the excavations conducted on Hanuman Dhado, the images of Buddha were seen, along with the images of Brahma and Surya.92 The sandstone-seated image of the Dhyani Buddha measures 1.39 metres high and 1.09 metres wide, and the size suggests that the image would have been installed for purposes of worship and rituals. The lower portion of a standing deity and its fragmentary vahana belonging to period III, from 0 CE/BCE to eighth/ninth centuries CE,93 were also found. The image is of sandstone, and on its side panel is a wheel and it grasps a lotus stalk. Another fragment of the lower portion of an unidentifiable image was also noticed.94 While the archaeological data give limited evidence for the existence of the Brahmanical religion at the site, literary data point to its continued existence. The site is associated with the Nagara brahmanas of the region, as mentioned in the Skanda Purana (Sk.P. VI.278.23). The region around Nagara is known as Nagna Hara desa95 in the Purana as Shiva roamed naked in the country (Sk.P.VII.i.319–48). The region around the Gulf of Khambat was also sacred and was known as Stambesvara in the Skanda Purana and contained sites such as Barkaresvara, which was situated on the sea shore (Sk.P. I.ii.1.9–11), and Barbari was a sacred town near Khambat at the mouth of river Mahi (Sk.P. I.ii.37.1). Thus, at the site of Nagara, while Buddhism seems to have had a limited period of existence, the site continues to be important for followers of the Brahmanical religion, as seen in it being mentioned as an important tirtha in the Skanda Purana.

Development of multiple affiliations over time The next site that we shall discuss is Valabhi, which is the only site that contains evidence – archaeological, sculptural, inscriptional, and literary, for the existence of Buddhism, Jainism and the Brahmanical religion. Development of religions at this site presents us with yet another pattern, as initially, it has evidence pertaining to only one religion, but over time, gains importance as a sacred centre for all three religions. The developments here demonstrate that the Brahmanical religion seems to have been the earliest at the site, and while it continued, the site also became important to the Buddhist and the Jaina communities. The Brahmanical remains recovered from the site are miniature Shiva lingas (first–fourth

centuries CE),96 images of Mahisasuramardini and Krishna (fourth century AD),97 an image of the goddess Lajjagauri,98 and a huge sandstone Manusa linga (seventh century CE).99 Among the ruins of Valabhi were seen a number of colossal lingas and images of Nandi, which imply the existence of several Shaiva temples at Valabhi.100 Here too, once again, inscriptional data provide definite evidence for the presence of a temple at the site. An inscription of Suketuvarmana, dating to 322 Saka era on a slab, was recovered from this site. According to K.V. Ramesh, the only traces of former greatness of the site are a ruined temple of Kandesvara built of stones and mortar, and a ruined temple of Hanuman, which are located 45.72 metres east of the mamlatdar’s office.101 According to him, the ruined temple of Kandesvara was the ancient temple of Kotisvara from where the epigraph must have been recovered.102 It is dated to about fifth–sixth centuries CE and records the installation of the deity Kotisvara by Simhadatta. The last line of the inscription contains a reference to the temple (sthana) of Kotisvara, and this was the temple in which Simhadatta installed the deity Kotisvara.103 In the opinion of K.V. Ramesh, it is not unlikely that Vala was one of the seven ancient Kotisvara sthanas on the west coast. If this is taken into consideration, along with the find of the colossal Nandis and Shiva lingas and that the rulers of the Maitraka dynasty claimed to be mostly Param mahesvaras, then it follows that the site was important to the Brahmanical religion. The importance of the site also lies in the period of continuity as an important Brahmanical site, beginning from the first century BCE/CE (miniature Shiva lingas) to the seventh century CE (Lajjagauri), and it becoming an important Buddhist site in the sixth–seventh centuries CE. Valabhi was also the capital of the ruling Maitraka dynasty, and the copper plate grants provide vital data for the site being an important Buddhist centre, as they mention 14 viharas that were located within and around the site of Valabhi. Excavations at the basement of an ancient building, conducted by R.V. Father Heras (1934) brought to light parts of a damaged terracotta stupa. Also found from the site were many Mahayanist votive clay seals with images of Buddha and the stupa, inscribed with the Buddhist creed in characters of the sixth– seventh centuries CE.104 Recovered from the site were fragmentary stone slabs bearing words such as Tathagata, Ratna traya and samgha, as well as terracotta plaques with representation of the stupa.105 The images recovered from in and around the site include a life-size image of Buddha from the nearby Islava hill,106 a brass image of Buddha from a field on the opposite side of river Ghelo, 1.2 km west of Valabhi,107 and another five bronze images, dating to the sixth century CE.108 When Xuanzang visited Valabhi, he recorded that scattered around are spots where the three past Buddhas sat down, walked or preached the law.109 Simultaneously, the Jaina community was claiming the site as an important sacred centre as well. The sculptural evidence from the site is a Jaina metal image dating to the sixth century CE. In 363 CE, tradition records that the Jaina friars held a synod at Valabhi in Saurashtra, and another such synod was held at Valabhi once more, between 593 and 516 CE.110 Also recovered

from the site were some Jaina images dating to the sixth–seventh centuries CE. Thus, at the site of Valabhi, evidence points to the existence of religious structures of Jainism, Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion between the sixth and seventh centuries CE. A list of the donations made by the Maitraka rulers to the Buddhist vihara will demonstrate that the donations were made to already existent viharas and rarely for the construction of a new one. While the earliest evidence found pertains to the Brahmanical religion, Buddhism also began to gain a foothold at the site, and was later joined by Jainism – though they did not exist at the expense of one another, but rather, coexisted. This site also stood witness to decline and fading away of the site as an important religious site, altogether for Buddhism, Jainism and the Brahmanical religion. It probably came under the attack of the Arabs and was never able to regain its importance as a sacred site for all three religious communities. Thus, it is noticed that while the site had initially a single religious affiliation, over time, it became important to other religions as well. The point to be noticed here is that all three religions existed side by side, and the growth of one did not cause the decline of the other. Literary data will have us believe that Buddhism and Jainism were at conflict here, seen in the numerous discussions mentioned to have taken place between the Buddhist and Jaina monks. But sculptural and inscriptional data, on the contrary, amply demonstrate that both existed simultaneously, as did also the Brahmanical religion at the site. Also, the sudden decline of all three could be attributed to the repeated Arab invasions that took place and which may have led to a downfall of the city and decline of all three religions in the archaeological records.

Continuities from sculptural evidence An important site with Jaina remains is the site of Akota, which is located in the present city limits of Vadodara, the latter containing Brahmanical images. Akota is the only site under the period of study that provides definite sculptural evidence for the existence of Jainism in the region. Unearthed from the site was a hoard of Jaina images, dating from the Gupta times, with the latest image belonging to the eleventh century CE. The site brought to light a total of 168 pieces, of which 68 different objects could be pieced together. What is noticed at this site is that the Jaina images predate the images of the Brahmanical religion, as the latter date to the seventh–eighth centuries CE. The list of the Jaina images include 8 images and an elephant-shaped incense burner of the Gupta period, a bell and 14 images dating to the seventh century CE and an incense burner and 13 images of the eighth century CE. While the Jaina images are from the Gupta period onwards, the Brahmanical images belong to the seventh–eighth centuries CE. Three images of Bhairava belonging to the site date to the seventh century CE; while one image of Lakulisa dates to the seventh–eighth centuries CE, another one dates to the eighth century CE. Also

found was an eighth-century CE image of Vishnu, and the site also seems to have been important to a sect of the Shaivite community. Similar seems to have been the case with religious structures at the site, as the Jaina structure would have predated the Brahmanical temple. Evidence for the existence of religious structures for both the religions is from inscriptional data. Most of the inscriptions on the pedestals or at the back of the Akota images mention them to be gifts meant for installation. The continued donation of images over a period of time clearly suggests that either this site or a site nearby was important to the Jaina community. Considering the number of images found at the site and the time span covered by them, it seems plausible to suggest that they would have been housed in some type of structure, and the inscription on the image donated by Durginni corroborates this. The inscription reads, ‘This is the pious gift, in the Chandra kula, of the female worshipper Durggini, in the Rathavasatika.’111 In the opinion of Shah, Rathavasatika was the name of the Jaina shrine in which the image was installed. He points out, ‘In the first two centuries of the Christian era ārya Vajra and his disciples and other great pontiffs visited different cities of western India such as Surparaka and Bhrgukaccha. Excavations have suggested that Akota was fairly well populated in the Kshatrapa age, and it is very likely that there was a Jaina temple here at that time. Since Akota was a district town on a caravan route from central India to Broach, it is possible that it was visited by Jaina monks. Arya Ratha was a direct disciple of arya Vajra and came from Surparaka and the vasatika at Akota was probably named after him.’112 The other explanation behind the name ratha is to see the shrine as a place from where an annual procession (rathayatra) was taken out. Shah points out that the Jaina texts mention the Mauryan ruler Samprati attending such a procession, where a wooden image of Mahavira was taken out.113 The case for existence of a structure at the site is further strengthened by the presence of some mason marks on stones used for pavements in later repairs at the shrine of Bhimanatha, situated to the north of Akota. According to Shah, ‘there existed on the site a shrine called Rathavasatikā, probably named after ārya Ratha, in the second century CE’.114 Excavations at the site of Akota brought to light a structure that has been dated to the third–fourth centuries CE.115 One of the brick-built structures excavated at the site has been identified as a public building,116 which was perhaps the structure that housed a few of the bronzes excavated from the site. The find of a bell117 and incense burner118 from the site further strengthen the case for existence of a religious structure where they may have been used for ceremonial purposes. Inscriptions give evidence for the existence of a Brahmanical temple at Vadodara. The Valabhi grant of Siladitya I, dating to 610 CE, mentions the donation of land and a stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva, or Shiva. This temple was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.119

It is interesting to note that no structural remains of either religion are to be found in the period succeeding the eighth century CE or the medieval period. Though the images from the hoard clearly indicate that at this site, or a site nearby, the religion continued up to 1100 CE, which is the latest date for the images from the hoard. However, Shaivism was gaining a strong foothold at a short distance of about 28 km from Vadodara, at the site of Karvan. Excavations at the site brought to light structures dating between the second and eighth centuries CE, which were temples and seem to have been of Shaivite affiliation, as seen in the number of lingas recovered from the site. The first of these was located in the southern part of the mound, and a pranala supported by bricks and provided by a large soakage jar at the floor level indicated that the structure was a temple, probably dedicated to Shiva.120 Another structural complex was noticed in the northern part of the mound, which was rectangular in plan and 29.99 metres in length, and was provided with a flight of steps with a moonstone at the entrance. Here too, a covered drain ending in a pranala draining into a soakage pit was seen in the north-eastern part of the structure. According to the excavation report, the temple was raised on a platform and consisted of a garbhagrha, antarala and mandapa. The garbhagrha had a linga on a yonipatta connected with a covered drain and a pranala. The Shaivite affiliation of the place is seen in the fragmentary inscription dating to the seventh– eighth centuries CE, which records the salutations to Shiva by a devotee. Continuity of the site is seen in the presence of images dating to the succeeding periods, and continuing well into the medieval period. Belonging to the seventh–eighth centuries is a single image from the site, which is a sculpture of Natesa in black sandstone, measuring 53.94 cm in height.121 A detailed doorframe of yellowish sandstone, dated to the latter half of the eighth century CE, is a clear indication of the existence of a temple at the site. From the ninth century CE onwards, the site demonstrates continuity till date as an important centre of the Lakulisa sect and is considered a sakti pitha as well. It would be interesting to mention here that temple sites of the medieval period in North Gujarat contain Jaina and Shaiva shrines next to each other, and the site of Vadodara/Akota demonstrates that the coexistence of these two religions at a site had an earlier beginning in the region.

Literary evidence for continued sanctity and later coexistence In addition to the above-mentioned sites, there are sites that were sacred to one religion in the period under study, and later, in the medieval period provide evidence of coexistence of religions. These are the sites of Ambaji, Kotesvara and Kumbhariya, located in close proximity to each other and demonstrating coexistence at a later period in time. The sites of Ambaji and Kotesvara are Brahmanical sites, and that of Kumbhariya is a medieval Jaina site. The

Brahmanical sites are mentioned in the Skanda Purana and hence indicate an earlier date of the sanctity of the site, even though the temples at the site date to a later period. The evidence for coexistence at the site starts from the medieval period with the construction of the temple complex of Kumbhariya, located on the road between Ambaji and Kotesvara. A visit to these sites demonstrates that while Ambaji continues to be an important Brahmanical religious centre, Kumbhariya no longer attracts a vast number of pilgrims, and Kotesvara is also visited by comparatively few. Ambaji is a sakti pitha and is a site sacred to devi worshippers. The Ambika sakti pitha is located at Arasur near Mount Abu, in the south-west end of the Aravalli hills in northern Gujarat. Sculptural evidence from the site points to it being a site associated with goddess worship already in the period under study. Found from the site were images of Vaishnavi, Brahmani and Aindri, dating to the sixth–seventh centuries CE. Also found from the site, dating to the same period were images of Shiva Vinapati and Ganesha122 as well, indicating the earlier sanctity of the site, where these images would have been objects of worship. To this group probably also belonged the image of Sakti Ganesha, dating to the early seventh century CE,123 found from the site of Kumbhariya, which contained a huge Jaina temple complex in the medieval period. It is believed that the river Sarasvati appears from under the surface of the earth at the site marked by the Kotesvara temple. The river Sarasvati is said to originate at Plaksha Prasaravana in the Shivalik hills of the Himalayas and disappear into the ground at Vinasana near Kurukshetra. It is said to surface again at Ambaji, disappear into the Kachchh desert, originate again in the Gir forest in Saurashtra, and drain into the sea at Somanatha. The legend in the Skanda Purana narrates how Visvamitra ordered Sarasvati to aid him in destroying Vasistha, and on her declining, the river flowed with blood. She then went to Vasistha to help her, who was residing in Arbuda (Abu region), and went into samadhi, and when he stared at the ground, two streams burst open, one of which was the source of Sarasvati (Sk.P.VI.172– 173). Also located here is the Kotesvara Mahadeva shrine. The site is also mentioned as one of the excellent holy places and a bath in the Kasyapi Ganga (Sabhramati) at this site and in the Sarasvati helps obtain the merit of bathing in the latter half of Sravana or every day or by properly offering a sraddha on a new moon day (Padma Purāṇa VI. 135.17–35). There is no image of Ambika here, and instead, there is a yantra. Legend has it that Vimalshah is said to have worshipped Ambika prior to building the Dilwara temple at Mount Abu. Legend has it that at this site that Rama received from the goddess the arrow that would kill Ravana. Legend has it that Krishna worshipped Shiva and Ambika at Ambikavana and that Rukmanni worshipped Ambika here prior to her marrying Krishna. Legend also has it that the tonsure ceremony of Krishna the child was performed here at Ambaji. Located close to the current temple at Ambaji and noticeable from the temple site is Gabbar hill, on top of which is perched yet another small temple dedicated to the goddess. According to the legend at the

site, the flame on top of the Gabbar hill has been burning since a long time and will continue to do so. The source of the ever-burning flames at the site is natural from within the hill, which is probably what provides sanctity to the site. The Abu hills or Arbuda are associated with Vasistha and are believed to have been home to his hermitage. The Skanda Purana mentions Arbuda or Mount Abu as one of the three sacred mountains, and a holy bath here attains the benefit of 24 tirthas (Sk.P. VI.199.23–24). Nandini, his cow, is said to have fallen into a pit, and the river Sarasvati is said to have filled the pit with water to enable the cow to come out. The site is now marked by a temple at Kotesvara, from where the Sarasvati reemerges, marked by temples, which can be seen from a distance. The site clearly demonstrates how a sacred centre, over time, can become part of a wider religious network. The images from the site do indicate the worship of the goddess and with the creation of legend and stories, the site attains the status of a sakti pitha. Once thus known, the site is not only part of a religious network in Gujarat, but also, an integral part of a religious circuit in other parts of the country that too are associated with the fallen body parts of Parvati. Further, the site’s sanctity is increased even more once it is described as a site where the holy river Sarasvati emerges from underground, to disappear again, and also, by its association with Vasistha.

Conclusion Studies of the various sites that demonstrate coexistence of religions show that a single pattern of development cannot be applied. Almost each site has a different story to tell about multiple affiliations of a site and of continuities and discontinuities. While at sites such as Junagadh, the sanctity continues over a long period of time, but religious affiliation of one religion declines, at sites as Khed Brahma, there is continuity in affiliation and existence of religions as well. A number of legends develop at many of the Brahmanical sites that demonstrate a long period of continuity. Also, some sites decline all of a sudden, and the decline is not of one religion only, but of the site itself; such as was the case with Amreli, Nagara and Valabhi. The site of Valabhi follows a different pattern of development of multiple affiliations. The site, in the initial stages, has only Brahmanical remains to its credit, but later, it attains importance as sacred centre for the Buddhists as well as the Jaina community. At Valabhi, religions developed side by side, and the growth and development of any one of them was never at the cost of the other. This trend continues well into the medieval period, as seen in the case of Ambaji and Kumbhariya. While Brahmanical sculptural remains from the site date its sanctity to an early period, the site grows in importance and is a tirtha in the Skanda Purana. Then, in the medieval period at Kumbhariya, located at a short distance from Ambaji, a Jaina temple complex develops. The site of Kotesvara also becomes an important sacred centre, and all three exist together at a point in time.

It is noticed that at most of the medieval sites in northern Gujarat, a Shaivite shrine existed close to a Jaina temple, or even in the case of a temple complex, as in the case of Kumbhariya, one shrine was dedicated to Shiva. The beginnings of this trend can be traced to this period, as seen in the case of the sites of Vadodara and Akota, where Shaivite images and Jaina images were recovered. While Jainism becomes a major religion in Gujarat in the medieval period, it is apparent that prior to that period, this religion also coexisted and shared sacred space, as seen at its major site Akota, and at other sites such as Khed Brahma and Valabhi. It also becomes clear that while studying religion, it is important to think of a parallel existence, and look for its evidence, rather than think in terms of the existence of one religion at the cost of the other. In the succeeding period, with the coming of Islam and Muslim communities, the trend of coexistence of varied religious communities continues. In addition to patronage provided by rulers of the Chalukya/Solanki dynasty, evidence indicates the tolerant attitude of the rulers towards followers of Islam as well. The Solankis were known to have treated the Muslims with respect, and rightly so, as a trading community, they brought in wealth into the kingdom. Ibn Haukal states that there were Jama Mosques at Famhala (Anhilwada).124 The Jawame al hekayat of Sadid al Din Mohammad Aufi narrates a story of justice of Jayasimha (1094–1103) towards the Muslim community. The story indicates the presence of a mosque at Khambat, which was rebuilt in 615/1218 in the reign of Bhimadeva II (1178–1242).125 Various Muslim communities were an integral part of the social fabric under the Chalukyan rule. The Patni, who are a Muslim trading community, are said to have settled in the town of Patan, during the rule of Mahmud of Ghazni. The community spread from Patan to the cities of Veraval, Govindpura, Naodra, Kalji, Chourvad, Keshod, and Junagadh. In older days, the community was dealing in sea transportation by wooden country crafts, and the owner of country crafts were known as Vahanvatu; they were rich and went to Gulf as well as Africa. The Bohras from Yemen are another community who came to Gujarat, settled here and made it their home. In the time of later Chalukyan kings, other communities were invited and brought to Patan to be settled, such as the Patola weavers; the Vankars, a weaving community from Saurashtra; and the Virajas or viravanijas, who appear to have been silk weavers.126 The reason behind providing support to different religious sects by the Chalukyas/Solankis has been aptly identified by Alka Patel. ‘Generous patronage was essential for the intertwining of otherwise disparate social and political contingents of society. The sizeable allocations to both new and established institutions were fundamental to the consolidation and dissemination of centralized authority and ultimately contributed to a regional and political cohesiveness.’127 It has been generally assumed that with the coming of Muslim conquerors, the Hindu temples were systematically desecrated and destroyed by the invading armies, as exemplified by the temple at Somanatha. A study of early Islamic architecture and associated

inscriptions by Alka Patel negates this contestation between Hindus and Muslims as ‘It seems that in medieval Gujarat the barriers marking separate communities rather than rigid and insurmountable, were in actuality fluid and negotiable.’128 Ranabir Chakrabarti, using inscriptions on shipowners and merchants of western India, finds in them signs of amity and tolerance between the local Hindu merchants and a Hurmuzi nakhuda.129 There was a spirit of amiable relation among Muslims and Hindus and mutual trust and cooperation among them.130 Already, by early centuries of the Common era, several hundred years before the eighth-century incursions of Muhammad bin Qasim and his forces into Sindh, merchants, pilgrims and traders from various regions of Western Asia interacted with the Indian coasts and inland areas.131 The epigraphs shed light on the royal, mercantile and lay patronage of the architectural foundations that were an integral part of the sociocultural landscape of South Asia, both before and after long-term Islamic political presence in the northern Indian Plains.132 Inscriptional data pertaining to the early Islamic mosques in Gujarat reveal that the merchants and trading communities were the earliest patrons of Muslim religious architecture, and not conquering and invading rulers. Also, these were invariably newly constructed ones that did not involve the destruction of non-Islamic buildings, such as those of the Jainas or Hindus. On the coast of Kachchh at the site of Bhadreshvar, is presumably the earliest mosque in the region of Gujarat. It is also the site of a twelfth-century Jaina temple. The local Muslim community of the Isma’ili sect is said to have constructed a mosque here with the permission of the Jaina council. But the most notable structure is the shrine of Ibrahim, dated to 1159–60, on the basis of the inscription found at the site.133 The inscription of the mosque at Junagadh dated 685/1286–87134 mentions ‘Ordered the construction of this blessed mosque the great learned chief of the merchants and the shipmasters, the pillar of the pilgrims (to Mecca) and of two shrines modest in the world and of religion Abulqasim b. Ali al Iraji.’ Iraj seems to refer to the name of a southern Iranian city near Ramhurmuz or of the ancestor of Abulqasim b. Ali and is an indication of the Iranian origin of our ‘chief of the merchants and shipmasters of the town’. This mosque is situated north of the ancient fort of Uparkot to the north east of the town. It is a rocky area with many ancient caves. The area is known as Mai Gadechi. Apart from the mosque, there is another mosque, shrine, a number of tombs, and a stepwell.135 As mentioned earlier, Junagadh, and specifically, Mount Girnar was sacred to both the Hindus and the Jainas. The Hindus climb the summit of this hill to worship the footprints of Guru Dattatreya and the temple of goddess Amba. A look at the dates of construction of the Jaina temples amply demonstrates that Islam and Jainism existed side by side at this site. The temple of Neminatha was built by Vastupala and Tejpala between 1128 and 1159 CE, and belonging to the fifteenth century CE is the Mallinatha temple, demonstrating the continued

importance of Junagadh to the Jaina community. In 1128 CE, a Svetambara temple was dedicated to Neminatha and erected by Sajjana, a minister of Jayasimha Siddharaja.136 Although Jayasimha did not embrace Jainism, Hemachandra made him build a temple of Mahavira at Siddhapura and worship Neminatha on Mount Girnar.137 A bilingual inscription from Somanatha of the thirteenth century refers to a grant given to Muslims by the local ruler Arjunadeva for them to build a mosque in AH 662 (VE 1320/1263 CE). The persons responsible for the construction of the mosque was a sailor and shipowner known as Firuz b. Abu Ibrahim from the state of Hormuz.138 Presence of a wealthy Muslim trading community at Bhadreshvar is apparent from one of the tombstones, which belongs to Abu’l faraz b. Ali from Siraf. An inscription from Khambat refers to the construction of a mosque by Ali b. Shapur in 615/1218–19.139 Inscriptions from mid-thirteenth century and afterwards indicate that many Islamic buildings were constructed and maintained by both Hindu and Muslim craftsmen.140 In the bilingual Arabic Sanskrit inscription from Somanatha Veraval dating to 1264 CE, the Sanskrit version details the various artisan groups and officials responsible for maintaining a mosque in a proper state of repair. Interestingly, it is the local non-Muslim leaders who were charged with the stipulated disbursement of proceeds from the endowment’s financial interest, including forwarding of any surplus to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.141 The construction and maintenance of Islamic ritual buildings fell within the purview of both Muslims and non-Muslim laborers.142 In the 1304 donations that revolved around the the Khambat mosque, the revenues of the village which were donated to the mosque, were quite probably generated by Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants of the village.143 The rich Islamic architecture of Gujarat is evidence for the close interactions between Muslim patrons and Hindu artisans and provides vital clues in understanding this. It is the merchants and traders, rather than rulers, who contributed to the presence of Islam and Islamic architecture in Gujarat, which led to the development of the Maru Gurjara tradition in Islamic architecture. As has been pointed out by Alka Patel, ‘The strict historiographical separation of Indic and Islamic architectural histories can prevent us from discerning the physical and historical connections between buildings housing different religious practices and the architectural innovations ensuing from the application of established forms of building to new social and religious functions.’144 These buildings signalled a more sustained and less confrontational interaction between ‘Hindu’ workers and their ‘Muslim’ patrons.145 The concept of religion was vastly different in non-modern times from what it is today.146 Mehrdad Shokoohy, while studying the mosque at Bhadreshvar, notes that ‘the workmen trained in the Indian tradition were being employed on the building projects of a Muslim community … and had learnt to accommodate the vernacular style to Muslim requirements’.147 At Bhadreshvar, there were influential Muslim mercantile community of the

Ismaili persuasion and were prospering under the Chalukyan kingdom of Gujarat.148 This interaction left an impact on Indian craftsmen as well. The Vrksarnava, an architectural treatise from western India that codified generations of building experience, contains a chapter describing the construction of a mosque according to the Maru Gurjara tradition.149 This style of architecture had its impact at sites outside India, such as at the Masjid I Sanji at Larvand, located in central Afghanistan. ‘An array of Indic figural ornament adorns the sakhas and doorway and the overhanging eave above it. The original appearance of the threshold can be reconstructed by comparison with those of 11th–12th century Gujarati and Rajasthani temples, to which it is iconographically and stylistically related.’150 The mosque has similarities with the six marble temples at Kumbhariya in Gujarat, dating from 1061 to 1230 CE, a period which coincided with the zenith of Solanki or Western Chalukya rajas. The site lay at the confluence of trade routes leading from central India to Sind and northern Rajasthan and Gujarat. The details of the door jambs at Masji I Sangi all repeat a formula employed in the carved architectural forms of the Mahavira temple at Kumbhariya – for instance, the distinctive form of the curved double bell-shaped capitals, overhanging eaves with pair of hamsa, creeper carved on the frame of the lalata (shrine), to mention a few.151 The adaptive dimension is most apparent in the interior carvings, which replicate the basic formal vocabulary of Maru Gurjara temples.152 In the opinion of Finbarr Barry Flood, the Gujarati stone masons had the ability to adapt the Maru Gurjara norms to serve the needs of the Muslim patrons, as is attested by the mosques and shrines erected several decades earlier in town of Bhadreshvar.153 Arabic and Persian sources attest to continuation of commercial contacts with Muslim merchants living and trading in Anhilvada/Patan, capital of the Chalukya rajas, and Hindu merchants from the same city operating contemporaneously in Ghazni.154 These contacts would have facilitated the spread of the architectural style and movement of artisans that were crucial to the construction of the Islamic monuments in the region of Ghazni. It is noticed that even when certain communities converted to Islam, they retained their earlier customs and traditions, indicating that there was no sudden breach with their past. Michael Naylor Pearson notes that ‘Among local converts to Islam in Gujarat, two most important commercially were the Khojas and Bohras. Both Khojas and Bohras retained many Hindu characteristics in such matters as inheritance and even in religious matters – thus the most revered book of the Khojas dealt with the nine incarnations of Visnu who had been adopted by them as Adam and with his tenth as Ali.’155 The chapter illustrates that instead of studying religions in terms of conflicts and contestations, one should view it from a perspective wherein religious boundaries are viewed as being fluid instead of rigorous, and where religious ideas, beliefs and thoughts are constantly undergoing a process of interaction, dialogues and the consequent modifications and transformations resulting thereof.

Notes 1 R. Thapar, Somanatha – The Many Voices of a History, New Delhi: Penguin, Viking, 2004, p. 22. 2 R. Thapar, Cultural Pasts – Essays in Early Indian History, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 975. 3 Lisa N. Owen, Transforming the Landscape – Question of Medieval Reuse and Worship at Ancient Jain Rock Cut Sites Near Madura, in H.P. Ray (ed.), Negotiating Cultural Identity: Landscapes in Early Medieval South Asia, New Delhi: Routledge, 2015, p. 113. 4 Owen, Transforming the Landscape, p. 113. 5 Owen, Transforming the Landscape, p. 136. 6 John E. Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, in John E. Cort (ed.), Open Boundaries: Jain, Communities and Cultures in Indian History, Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1994, pp. 213–24, 215. 7 Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, p. 216. 8 Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, p. 218. 9 Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, p. 220. 10 D.R. Bhandarkar, Vasantgarh Inscription of Varmalata, Vikram Samvat 682, Epigraphia Indica, 9 (25), 1907–08, p. 189. 11 D.R. Bhandarkar, Vasantgadh Incription of Varnalata, PRASIWC, 1905–06, p. 50. 12 C.H. Tawney (translated), Prabhandacintamani Wishing-Stone of Narratives, Merutunga Acharya, Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1901. 13 Vajeshekahr G. Ojha and G. Bühler, Vadnagar Prasasti of the Reign of Kumarapala, Epigraphia Indica, I, 1892, reprinted 1983, pp. 293–304. 14 Alka Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined – The Rudra Mahalaya/ Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur in Gujarat, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 63 (ii), 2004, p. 152. 15 Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined, p. 155. 16 R. Thapar, Somanatha, p. 224. 17 Samuel Beal, Su-Yu Ki-Chinese Accounts of India, Translated from Chinese of Hieun Tsang, Calcutta: Sushil Gupta (India) Ltd., 1958, p. 459. 18 Asim Kumar Chatterjee, A Comprehensive History of Jainism, 2nd Edition, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2000, p. 86. 19 K.V. Soundara Rajan, Junagadh, Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 39. 20 M.A. Dhaky and U.S. Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 2001, p. 4. 21 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 5. 22 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 5. 23 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 6. 24 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and Their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5. 25 Babita Sikdar, Girinagara – The Ancient Provincial Capital of Western India, Unpublished MA Dissertation, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, MS University, Vadodara, 1999, p. 53.

26 A.M.T. Jackson and R.E. Enthoven, Folklore of Gujarat, Published in Haryana, Printed in Delhi: Reprint Vintage Books, 1989, p. 38. 27 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983, p. 70. 28 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, Ahmedabad: Directorate of Government Print, 1975, pp. 814–9. 29 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 315. 30 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 6. 31 P.A. Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, Himatnagar Idar State: Department of Archaeology, 1936, plate VI. 32 Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, plate VI. 33 Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, p. 13. 34 Data collected during field trip about the legend prevalent at the site (January 2003). 35 Sara L. Schastok, The Shamlaji Sculptures and Sixth Century Art in Western India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, List of Figures. 36 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori – North Gujarat, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1964. p. 19. 37 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report of the Excavation Conducted from 1960 to 1963), Vadodara: MS University, 1966, p. 29. 38 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 10. 39 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 30. 40 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, pp. 119–20. 41 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 34. 42 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori – North Gujarat, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1964, p. 93. 43 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 93. 44 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 121. 45 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 117. 46 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, pp. 166–7. 47 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavation at Devnimori, p. 141. 48 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 142. 49 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 144. 50 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 146. 51 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, pp. 148–9. 52 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 150. 53 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, pp. 164–6. 54 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 167. 55 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 184. 56 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, p. 3. 57 H. Goetz, Gupta Sculptures from North Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat Research Society, 14 (1), 1952, p. 1.

58 V.L. Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, Bulletin of Baroda Museum Picture Gallery, Vadodara: Govt. Press, 1960, 13, Special Number, p. 136. 59 Fieldtrip (January 2003). 60 R.N. Mehta, Five Sculptures from Devnimori, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, 1966, Special Number – Western Indian Art, p. 27. 61 Sara L. Schastok, The Shamlaji Sculptures & Sixth Century Art in Western India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, List of Figures. 62 V.S. Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1978. Table. 63 Fieldtrip (January 2003). 64 Schastok, The Samlaji Sculptures & Sixth Century Art in Western India, p. 16. 65 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 136. 66 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 52. 67 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 48. 68 Goetz, Gupta Sculptures from North Gujarat, p. 2. 69 Dr. Haripriya Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of the Images of Viśvarūpa Visnu from Gujarat, Kala, 6, 1999–2000, p. 67. 70 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 35. 71 Booklet – Shamalaji, Gujarati, Published by Shamalaji Vishnu Mandir Trust 72 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 35. 73 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 36. 74 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 40. 75 Ravi Hazarnis, Vrisha Sculptures in Gujarat, in C. Margabandhu, K.S. Ramachandran, A.P. Sagar and D.K. Sinha (eds), Indian Archaeological Heritage, Agam Indological Series 11, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1991, p. 563. 76 Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of Images, p. 68. 77 Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of Images, p. 67. 78 Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of Images, p. 67. 79 Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of Images, p. 68. 80 S.R. Rao, Excavation at Amreli, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 18, 1966, p. 14. 81 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1936–37, p. 12. 82 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1935–36, p. 19. 83 Hazarnis, Vrisha Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 563. 84 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, Bulletin, p. 14. 85 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1935–36, p. 19. 86 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 98. 87 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 14. 88 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, for Year Ending 31st July 1939, p. 5. 89 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 30. 90 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 33.

91 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 107. 92 Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, p. 89. 93 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 19. 94 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 127. 95 A.B.L. Awasthi, Studies in the Skanda Purāna, Part I, Lucknow: Kailash Prakashan, 1965, p. 85. 96 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24. 97 U.P. Shah, A Female Bust from Valabhi, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, Special Number – Western Indian Art, 1966. p. 1. 98 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī? The Recent Excavations at Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, p. 484. 99 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Chart of Lingas from Gujarat. 100 Kantilal F. Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat (up to 1600 AD), Ahmedabad: Gujarat University, 1968, p. 83. 101 K.V. Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman Saka 322, Epigraphia Indica, 40, Part 2, 1973–75, p. 57. 102 Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman, p. 52. 103 Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman, p. 53. 104 Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, p. 91. 105 M.G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, p. 109. 106 Kantilal F. Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat – A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Institute, 1965, p. 28. 107 M.K. Thakor, A Bronze Image of Buddha from Valabhipur, Journal of Oriental Institute, 11, 1966–67, pp. 79–85. 108 Archaeological Survey of Western India, for Year Ending 31st March 1915, p. 30. 109 Samuel Beal, Su-Yu-Ki-Chinese Accounts of India, Translated from Chinese of Hieun Tsang, Calcutta: Sushil Gupta (India) Ltd., 1958, p. 457. 110 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 5. 111 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 39. 112 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 40. 113 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 40. 114 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 3. 115 Benapudi Subbarao, Baroda Through the Ages, Vadodara: MS University, 1953, p. 14. 116 Subbarao, Baroda Through the Ages, p. 110. 117 Shah, Akota Bronzes, p. 49. 118 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 31 and 44. 119 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grant No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, p. 238. 120 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1975–76, p. 15. 121 Dhananjay Hanumantrao Shinde, Karvan and the Lakulisa Sect, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1979, p. 23. 122 Shah, Matrka and Other Sculptures from North Gujarat, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 14, 1962, pp.

29–32. 123 R.T. Parikh, Unique Sculpture of Sakti Ganesa of the Ucchista Variety from Kumbhariya, Journal of Oriental Institute, 22, 1973, p. 374. 124 Krishna Brajesh, Foreign Trade in Early Medieval India, Delhi: Harman Publishing House, 2001, p. 66. 125 Z.A. Desai, Mirat I Sikandari as a Source of Study of Cultural and Social Conditions in Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute of Baroda, 10, 1961, pp. 353–64. 126 V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1990, p. 254. 127 Alka Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined – The Rudra Mahalaya/Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur in Gujarat, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 63 (ii), 2004, pp. 144–63, 155. 128 Alka Patel, Building Communities in Gujarat, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 2004, p. 55. 129 Ranabir Chakravarti, Nakhudas and Nauvittikas – Ship-Owners and Merchants in West Coast of India, Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 43, 2000, pp. 34–64, 54. 130 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2002, p. 228. 131 Alka Patel, Building Communities in Gujarat, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2004, p. 35. 132 Alka Patel, Expanding the Ghurid Architectural Corpus East of the Indus – The Jagesvara Temple at Sadadi, Rajasthan, Archives of Asian Art, 59, 2009, p. 37. 133 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Trading Patterns Across the Indian Ocean: The Making of Maritime Communities, in Benjamin Z. Kedar and Merry E. Wiesner Hanks (eds), The Cambridge World History, Vol. 5, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015, pp. 287–8, 297. 134 Z.A. Desai, Arabic Inscription of the Rajput Period from Gujarat, Epigraphia Indica Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1959– 61, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1987, pp. 18–19. 135 Mehrdad Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988, p. 44. 136 Kristi L. Wiley, A to Z of Jainism, Lanham: The Scarecrow Press INC, 2009, p.xxxv. 137 Helmuth von Glasenapp, Jainism – An Indian Religion of Salvation – Translation, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999, p. 57. 138 Shokoohy Bhadresvar, p. 43. 139 Shokoohy Bhadresvar, p. 43. 140 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya, p. 155. 141 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya, p. 155. 142 Patel, Building Communities, p. 56. 143 Patel, Building Communities, p. 55. 144 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya/Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur, p. 148. 145 Patel, The Historiography of Reuse in South Asia, Archives of Asian Art, 59, 2009, p. 2. 146 Van der Veer, The Foreign Hand – Orientalist Discourses in Sociology and Communalism, in C. Breckenridge and Peter van Veer (eds), Orientalism and the Post Colonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993, pp. 39–40. 147 Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, p. 40. 148 Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, p. 41.

149 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya, p. 158. 150 Finbarr Barry Flood, Objects of Translation – Material Culture and Medieval Hindu Muslim Encounter, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009, p. 207. 151 Flood, Objects of Translation, pp. 210–11. 152 Flood, Objects of Translation, p. 212. 153 Flood, Objects of Translation, p. 218. 154 Flood, Objects of Translation, p. 218. 155 Michael Naylor Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat – The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century, Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976, p. 27.

 5 Religious processes, rituals and pilgrimage

In the previous four chapters, archaeological and sculptural data pertaining to religion in Gujarat were discussed. In this chapter, the concentration will be on the data available from the Mahabharata and the sixth–seventh-century text the Skanda Purana pertaining to sacred sites in Gujarat and religious developments in the region. A study of these texts becomes imperative to have a better understanding of religious developments and a more comprehensive picture of the region. Replete with stories and legends, the Puranas also furnish data regarding the religious beliefs and practices of a region even though this requires a cautious sifting of facts from legends and myths. The aid of archaeological and inscriptional data will be taken to determine the degree to which certain rituals and festivals were practised and the presence of sites mentioned in the texts. Historians such as Vijay Nath and Kunal Chakrabarti have suggested that the currently practised religion be called Puranic religion since it is the 18 Maha Puranas that are considered as the sacred texts. The Puranas have been studied not with a view to highlighting the diversity and continuity in the religious beliefs, but have been viewed as instruments used by the Brahmanical community to spread a hegemonic Puranic religion. The Puranas are viewed as indicators of a process whereby the brahmanas spread their religion by interacting with tribal and other communities, and the process is seen as twodirectional. But if we examine the Puranas, it is noticed that no one ‘Great Tradition’ seems to exist. As pointed out by Vijay Nath, ‘This gigantic corpus reveals not one homogenetic, but several categories of Puranic texts, varying in their content and format.’1 According to Nath, the cause behind the compilation of the Puranas was the extension of the Brahmanical culture to the ‘peripheral’ areas due to the land granted to this priestly class. She states that the nature of focal attention, which was paid to these ‘tribes’ in the Puranas, seems unprecedented and excessive and is almost refrain-like in character. The interaction between the tribes and civilisational centres, in her opinion, could have been occasioned by a certain amount of economic interdependence, which was unavoidable. Also, trade routes brought civilisational forces to close proximity with the tribal habitational zone. Interaction was also necessitated by the need to exploit the professional services of the tribesmen. According to Nath, in the closing centuries of the Common era, the politico-economic scenario underwent considerable

change.2 Two factors were important that necessitated the urgent need for acculturation. First was the appearance of foreign powers, which uprooted certain rulers, who had to try their luck in remote territories inhabited by the tribes. The second factor was the development of trade and commerce, and to meet the demand for Indian goods, agricultural production had to be promoted. The increasing pressure on land led to the need to reclaim virgin and wasteland, and this was possible through granting of land to the brahmanas. A labour force was required for the cultivation of these plots of land, and this could be provided by the tribes already dwelling in and around the area of the cultivated land. Also, there were brahmanas who cultivated plots of land by themselves, and they too, according to Nath, could not have avoided contact with the native tribes. Most of the lands granted were not of a very large size, and there was more of intensive agriculture. Nath points out that the rise of such a fairly large number of brahmana cultivators led to an attitudinal change on part of the brahmana ideologues. The agricultural leanings led to the agro-technology and other related subjects being displayed by Brahmanical writers in the post-Gupta period.3 Along with the economic factor was the political force caused by state formation. The ruling elite and the priestly groups played a crucial role.4 In this phase, it was the ruling aboriginal chiefs and their priests who provided the initiative for acculturation since they were keen to enter the cultural mainstream. She lays stress on the role played by the tribal chieftains, who staked their claim to political power and turned collaborators with the migrant brahmanas. The process of acculturation was peaceful and through religious indoctrination. Vijay Nath’s formulation of the spread of Brahmanism because of land grants that made the brahmanas settle in remote areas, which led to an interaction with the tribals, and also, the spread of better agricultural techniques needs further scrutiny. In the Skanda Purana, we come across Prabhasa Khanda, and also, the importance of Dwarka. The archaeological data show that these two sites had great antiquity and were important even before the period of the compilation of the Puranas. Now, if we give credit to the brahmanas for the spread of the Puranic religion, and subsequently, the construction of temples, then how does one explain the earlier presence of temples at Dwarka and Padri? Further, it is interesting to see that the two sites of this region that have a considerable amount of importance in the Puranas are those very sites that have been inhabited over a long period of time. Also, if it was agriculture that led to assimilation, then these two sites negate this. This is mainly because these two sites subsisted more on trade than agriculture due to their location along the coast. It would seem as though, rather than creating new centres of pilgrimage or temples, the brahmanas, with the aid of the Puranas, recognised and accepted the importance of certain sites, as evident from the example of Dwarka. Temples are associated with the emergence of Puranic religion, and the general belief is that the rulers invited these brahmanas in order to help legitimise their rule, and also, to gradually increase the area under cultivation. This, they tried to achieve by granting land on a large scale

to them. It is then these brahmanas who spread the religion in the hinterland areas, and it is the ruling and the religious elite who are credited with the construction of the first temples in these regions. If the political elite had a major role to play in the process of acculturation, then it becomes difficult to explain the lack of importance given to politically important sites, in the Puranas. The sites of Amreli, Junagadh and Valabhi that were political centres do not acquire the same importance as the non-political sites of Dwarka and Somanatha. As for the construction of a temple by royalty, the earliest reference is available from the site of Junagadh on the rock edict dating to the Gupta period.5 Thereafter, reference to temple construction by a member of the royalty is found in the plates of the time of Toramana found at Sanjeli that date to the end of the fifth century CE or the beginning of the sixth century CE.6 These are a total of three copper plate grants that mention donations to the same temple in different years. The grant dating to the third regnal year mentions the donation to the temple of her deity Jayasvami caused to be constructed by the queen mother Viradhikya.7 The grant belonging to the sixth regnal year records the grant of villages in the name of Viradhikya, the queen mother to the temple of the Supreme deity constructed by her.8 The third grant records the grant of the village Sangampallika to the temple of Lord Narayana, which was constructed by Viradhikya, who is now described as the queen paternal grandmother.9 References to donations made to temples by the Maitraka rulers are very few, since out of a total of four donations, two donations are towards temples dedicated to the goddess, and one each to that of Shiva and Surya. While Dronasimha10 and Dhruvasena II11 made one donation each, Siladitya I12 donated twice to temples. Donation was also made to the temple of goddess Kottammhikadevi in Trisamgamaka, which received a donation of guda and rupaka. The temple of Adityadeva, dedicated to Surya, was located in Bhadareniyaka and was donated 100 padavarta of land and two bhaiksaka by the ruler Siladitya.13 In most cases, these temple structures have not been identified on ground, except in the case of the temple dedicated to Shiva, which was located in Vatapadra.14 Evidence for the involvement of the community is provided in one of the Maitraka inscriptions as well. There is a reference in the inscriptions to the presence of a temple dedicated to Bhavani, which was built by the villagers. One of the fields donated by Dharasena III in the Bhavnagar plates lay to the west of (the temple of) Sanikarika (i.e. the goddess Bhavani) built by the villagers.15 The temple built by Harinatha, as recorded in the inscription, was dedicated to Shiva and received 270 padavartas of land and a stepwell is further evidence of the construction of temples, more by the people and communities than by the royalty. The temple was known as Mahadeva and was located in Batabatara.16 In Vala itself, at Moti Darai, an old Shiva temple with a stepwell was discovered, and not long ago, a polished granite linga of greenish colour was discovered there,17 but no reference to this temple is found in the inscriptions. Similarly, the temples located along the coast of Saurashtra dated between the sixth and the eighth

centuries CE have been given the nomenclature of ‘Maitraka Temples’, but do not contain any evidence to suggest the involvement of the royalty in either their construction or maintenance. Thus, most temples mentioned in the grants cannot be located on ground, and the temples that do exist did not have any association with the royalty. Rather than attributing the construction of temples to the ruling elite and the prevalent religious ideology to a new class of settlers in the region, it is more important to consider the existing religious beliefs and practices among the inhabitants. The emergence of temples in this region could have been a further manifestation of the already prevalent religious system in the period prior to their construction. By attributing religious developments to settlers from other places would mean the worship of those deities that were brought into the region by the brahmanas. The impression one would then have is a replacement of the religious practices of the people inhabiting the region by a new set of beliefs and practices. The various figurines and the miniature Shiva lingas would seem to present a different view. The worship of Shiva can now be traced to a much earlier period in this region, and hence, the beginnings of the worship of Shiva cannot be attributed to or connected with the land grants and the associated spread of the ‘Brahmanical’ religion. The terracotta figurines found at different sites, such as those of Lajjagauri, Panchagnitapas Parvati and Mahisasuramardini, would seem to indicate the prevalence of some form of goddess worship, and this too antedates the period of the land grants to the brahmanas in this region. In the region of Gujarat, evidence for the role of the ruling elite is wanting, and most of the grants made by the rulers are to brahmanas involved in Vedic studies. The process of appropriating and glorifying sacred sites was selective when it comes to Gujarat. It is noticed in the Skanda Purana that even though numerous temple sites were emerging along the coast of Saurashtra, the only sites that have been dealt with in great detail are those of Somanatha and Dwarka. These two sites were already tirthas in the time of the Mahabharata, and thus, to associate the Puranas with settling of Brahmanas in newer unsettled areas to spread the religion seems implausible in this case. What does change in the Skanda Purana as compared to the Mahabharata in respect to these two sites is that there is an extension of sacred geography. Now, it is not only Prabhas Patan with the Somanatha temple, but Prabhasa Ksetra, which includes the area around Somanatha as well. As discussed above, the relation between temples or brahmanas and the ruling authority is not applicable in Gujarat. Thus, it becomes imperative to identify other processes and religious changes taking place in the region, and for this, we shall concentrate mainly on the Skanda Purana. The chapter shall demonstrate that while, on the one hand, Vedic studies continued in the Early Historic period, on the other, local popular customs and beliefs were also finding their place in the Skanda Purana. Simultaneously, a number of festivals mentioned in the text hint at an attempt to involve a greater number of people. Rather than the ruling dynasty being the main support in Gujarat for the brahmanas, in the spread of the Puranic religion, the

region demonstrates an interaction and dialogue between the local beliefs and customs and the Brahmanical ideology. In the study to follow in this chapter, it will be noticed that while certain rites and rituals continue from an earlier period, such as the Vedic ceremonies, one also notices a mixture of the old and the new, as in the case of sraddha or mortuary rituals, where the rite may have its roots in the local beliefs, but the mantras used were from an earlier Sanskrit textual tradition. Simultaneously, new inputs are noticed, as seen in the increase in the importance and number of wells, as well as the incorporation of rituals that are specific to a site and may date earlier to the compilation of the Skanda Purana. First, the chapter shall demonstrate continuity, then proceed to discuss methods which ensured the involvement of more people in Puranic rituals, the incorporation of local beliefs being one, the evidence pertaining to new inputs, and then demonstrate with the aid of archaeological and inscriptional data that the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, which were already sacred, were being further elaborated in the Skanda Purana.

Continuity of Vedic rituals There has been a general belief that with the coming of the Puranas, the Vedic rituals were replaced by rites mentioned in the Puranas. According to Savitri V. Kumar, ‘The social religion of the Purāṇas was different from the more or less personal religion as seen from the Śrautasūtra tradition and from the earlier Brahmanic tradition. The Śrauta religion was a development of the individual ritual series, while the Purāṇas have a wider humane approach18 and that the Purāṇas in most cases portray the common person’s religious belief.’19 A similar opinion is held by Vijay Nath as according to her, ‘The development (of tīrthas) marked the culmination of the process by which the Vedic tradition with its narrow caste base and appeal was sought to be gradually subsumed by the Puranic tradition with its strong folk orientation and being geared largely to the appeal of the masses.’20 The change is seen in the fact that tirthas came to occupy a very important place, and that visiting certain tirthas gave as much merit or reward as in the performance of the Rajasuya and Vajapeya ceremonies. ‘In the Mahābhārata we find that various tīrthas have been associated with the fruits or merits of various sacrifices.’21 In the opinion of Vijay Nath, ‘The ritual act of pilgrimage became both a substitute for Vedic yajñas and an important expiatory measure.’22 This chapter will demonstrate that tirthas do not mark the culmination of the bhakti movement; rather, it was a continuation of an earlier tradition that gained more importance and also did not replace the religion of performance of sacrifices. It shall be noticed in the course of this chapter that even though new rituals associated with tirthas and temple worship came up, the sacrificial rites continued to take place. In the Mahabharata itself, references are found both to tirthas as well as sacrifices. Reference to the

existence of temples comes from the statement, ‘Bulls belonging to the village temple’ (III.X.24), while the statement, ‘and on Parvan days, he should cause worship of fire to be made with offerings, oblations in fire and recital of benedictions’(IV. III.78.5) indicates the prevalence of sacrifices as well. Thus, it would not be appropriate to think in terms of a disjunction between the Puranic and sacrificial religion; rather, they existed side by side, in the period under study. While tirthas and temple-related rituals may have appealed to the masses, sacrifices continued to be performed by those better off. This becomes evident when analysing the data available to us from inscriptions dating to the Maitraka period. The grants are evidence of the diverse beliefs of the Maitraka rulers. While the rulers claim to be mostly Shaivites, donations were bestowed to brahmanas involved in Vedic studies, to temples and Buddhist monasteries as well. The rulers of this dynasty made four donations towards temples, as well as gave 56 donations to brahmanas specializing in one or the other branch of Vedic studies. These donations were made at times with the purpose of the continuance of certain sacrifices, as evident from the grant of Dharasena II,23 Siladitya I,24 Dhruvasena I,25 and Siladitya V,26 and were known as bali, caru, vaisvadeva, and agnihotra. Even though the rulers claimed to be devout worshippers of some deity, most of these grants were given to brahmanas who do not seem to have been involved with temples. The gotra and the Vedic branch of studies of these brahmanas suggest that they were involved either in Vedic studies or in the performance of sacrifices. A majority of them belong to the Chandogya or the Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. In some grants, it has been mentioned that the purpose of the donation was for the maintenance of rites such as bali, caru and vaisvadeva. In one grant of Dhruvasena III, dated 653–654 CE, it is stated that ‘be it known to you, that, for the increase of spiritual merit of my mother and father I give with a libation of water to brahmana Bhattibhatta …’.27 The maximum donations were made to brahmanas belonging to either the Chandogya or Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. Also, if we analyse the list of brahmanas who received more than one donation, those belonging to these two schools and the Maitrayaniya School were the ones who received them. In only one case is the donation shared between two people who are brothers and belonged to the Chandogya school. Thus, it were the brahmanas belonging to either one of three branches of Vedic studies who were most patronised. Besides Chandogya and Vajisaneyi, the Bhavrcha branch of brahmanas received the maximum single grants and they total to ten. At this point of time, Vedic studies seemed to have reached a high stage of specialisation. This becomes clear when the list regarding the brahmana donees is scrutinised. Within the Vedic branch of Vajisaneyi, there is a further division into Sukla Yajurveda and Chaturvedin. Also mentioned is a Madhyandin Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. Then, there is the Maitrayaniya, as well as Maitrayaniya Krsna Yajurveda and Maitrayaniya Manavaka. It appears as though, on the one hand, the Maitraka rulers associated themselves with a

particular deity, such as Shiva, and on the other hand, took an interest in Vedic religion. They seemed to have had a great interest in the continuation of various ritual sacrifices as bali, caru and vaisvadeva and ceremonies, in all probabilities for the continuation of the reign as well as success in campaigns. Also, we have one example of a donation being made for the spiritual merit of the parents by Dhruvasena III. Probably a part of the donations given by other rulers was utilised for this purpose also. While rulers did donate for the continuance of sacrifices, they also associated themselves with one of the Puranic deities, mainly Shiva. The grant of Dhruvasena I mentions the purpose of the grant as the maintenance of sacrificial rites of bali, caru, vaisvadeva, and others.28 The Bantia plates of Dharasena II mention that the grant is made for the maintenance of the five sacrificial rites.29 Dharasena II granted land to a Brahmin so that bali, caru, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, and atithi pancha mahayajna could be performed.30 The purpose of the grant of Siladitya V was to defray the expenses of an agnihotra and other sacrifices.31 The grant of Dharasena II to a Rigvedi brahmana to perform sacrifices32 indicates that it was those involved or specialising in Vedic studies who were performing the sacrifices. Thus, these grants demonstrate that even though Puranic rituals were taking root in the form of temple worship and tirthas in Saurashtra, it did not mean that sacrifices went into oblivion or were completely undermined by the new rituals associated with the Puranas. It is noticed that the most frequently mentioned sacrifices are those of bali, caru and vaisvadeva, and the other important one mentioned is agnihotra. Vaisvadeva is performed on Chaitra full moon and is one of the Chaturamasyas (seasonal sacrifices).33 In the vaisvadeva parvan itself, there are (besides the five offerings common to all Chaturamasyas) three more offerings, namely, a cake on seven potsherds for the Maruts, a payasya to all gods and a cake on a single potsherd to Heaven and Earth.34 The five offerings common to all Chaturamasyas are a purodasa (cake) on eight potsherds for Agni, boiled rice (caru) for Soma, a purodasa on 12 or 8 potsherds for Savitri, a caru for Sarasvati, and a caru of finely ground rice for Pusan. The reward for the performance of Chaturamasyas was heaven, and they could be performed throughout one’s life or for one year only.35 The name given to this rite is vaisvadeva since in it, sacrifice is offered to all gods or because food is cooked in it for all the gods.36 Out of the seven forms of haviryajnas, agnihotra is the second, according to Gautama VIII.20. From the evening of the day of agnyadheya, the householder has to perform agnihotra (burnt offering of cow’s milk) twice daily in the evening and the morning to the end of his life.37 The homa is performed with cow’s milk without any particular reward in view, but one who desires to secure a village or plenty of food, or strength or brilliance may employ respectively yavagu (gruel), cooked rice, curds, or clarified butter (Asv. II.3.1–2).38 Even though we find references to sacrifices for personal benefit, donations to those

specialising in one or the other branch of Vedic study are perhaps an indication of other important sacrifices that might have been carried out by them. Those mentioned are Vajisaneyi, Chandogya, Atharvana, Bhavrcha, and Maitrayaniya. The brahmanas specialising in Chandogya would have had their roots in the Samaveda, and the Maitrayaniyas and Vajisaneyis in the Yajurveda,39 Atharvana in Atharvaveda and the Bhavrcha was an offshoot of the Rigveda. Maurice Winternitz points out that four chief priests occupied the srauta sacrifices and they were: 1. Hotr or ‘Caller: Invoker’, who recited the verses of the hymns in order to praise the gods and invite them to the sacrifice; 2. The Udgatr or ‘singer’, who accompanied with songs the preparations and performance of the sacrifices, especially for the soma libations; 3. The Adhvaryu or ‘sacrifice executor’, who executed all sacrificial acts and mutters thereby the prose prayers and sacrificial formulas, and 4. The Brahmana or ‘High priest’ who had to protect the sacrifice from harm.40 The Hotr was one who learned the Rigveda, the Udgatr priests learned in the schools of the Samaveda,41 the Adhvaryu priest the Yajurveda42 and a Brahmana was he who knew all the three Vedas.43The Vajisaneyi Samhita belongs to ‘white’ Yajurveda, containing only mantras,44 and it originates from Yajnavalkya Vajasaneyi, who was the principal teacher of this Veda.45 In this Samhita, there are prayers for new and full moon sacrifices, with their connected sacrifices for the manes, the daily fire cult, inception of fire and fire offerings (agnihotra) to be made every morning and evening and seasonal sacrifices (Chaturamasyas) that were performed once every four months. The Soma sacrifice could last from one to many days, the Vajapeya was a one-day sacrifice and the Rajasuya was a sacrifice that took place at a king’s coronation,46 and also mentioned is the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha).47 From a look at the Yajnavalkya Samhita, along with the data on the various functions of the priests, in a sacrifice, and those mentioned in the inscription, it could be inferred that some sacrifices must have taken place. It is seen that the Maitraka rulers donate mostly to brahmanas specialising in one of the three branches of Vedic study. Thus, it can be assumed that in return for the donations they received, they performed various sacrifices in which each had a role of its own to play, such as the Vajapeya or Rajasuya sacrifice. A description of these rituals, two among many others that are mentioned, demonstrates that certain rituals and sacrifices continued from the earlier times. It is possible that those who could have afforded them were still performing rites and sacrifices since they could have invested the vast resources required in carrying them out. At the same time, other forms of worship and rites started gaining ground and popularity. This could have been because these tirthas and temples, along with their rituals and stories that made them famous, were an easy and affordable means to attain salvation and fulfilment of desires for the not so wealthy.

Elaboration of rituals in the Skanda Purana as compared to the Mahabharata An analysis of rituals mentioned in the Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana makes it evident that certain rituals mentioned in the former are described in much greater detail in the Purana. Thus, while rites and rituals associated with certain sites continue from the earlier period, they also become more elaborate and complex. Some of these rituals invariably imply the requirement of the brahmanas as they are complex and complicated. The elaborate description, various items to be given and the stress laid on dana ritual indicate the importance of the priestly community in the region. The local inhabitants would have played the main role in providing the economic support since the support of the royalty was mainly towards those involved in Vedic studies and ritual specialisation thereof. The Skanda Purana in its Prabhasa Khanda also lays down elaborate rules while undertaking a pilgrimage (Sk.P. VII.I.28), something that is not found in the Mahabharata. The pilgrimage or yatra is to be undertaken when the person feels inclined and has the requisite money on hand and the devotee should observe some (religious) rules and regulations in his own house (Sk.P.VII.I.28.3–4). The person should bow to Rudra mentally and perform sraddha in accordance with the injunctions. He should circumambulate the holy spot, observing the vow of silence with great concentration (Sk.P.VII.I.28.5). Among other things, the devotee should be self-restrained, observe full control on diet, should be rid of lust, anger, covetousness, and delusion. He should be free from rivalry, malice and indulgence, and thereafter, he can start his religious journey (Sk.P.VII.I.28.6–7). Pilgrimage on foot is considered the best (Sk.P.VII.I.28.22) and by controlling the sense organs and subsisting on alms, the benefit acquired is ten times (Sk.P.VII.I.28.24). In addition to this, no gifts are to be accepted at the tirtha (Sk.P.VII.I.28.34) and in the tirtha, the requisite fast should be observed (Sk.P.VII.I.28.61) as there is nothing superior to fast observed in a holy spot as a means of quelling sin (Sk.P.VII.I.28.64). One should also give Mahadana, (Sk.P.VII.I.28.102) and carry out Sparsana or touching or ritualistic imbibing of the tirtha water (Sk.P.VII.I.28.122). Another such ritual described in great detail is that of dana and as pointed out ‘The Pauranic legends deal elaborately with the aspect of dāna, its allied rites and their positive as well as negative aspects. Dāna according to one’s capacity is necessary almost at every tīrtha.’48 A look at the Skanda Purana demonstrates that the above-mentioned statement holds true as dana becomes an important aspect of the ritual at tirthas and is described in detail. Even though in the Mahabharata, it finds mention, for instance ‘That magnanimous king, bathing there, offered oblations to the pitṛs and the celestials. Giving wealth to the foremost of brahmanas he then went to the ocean’ (Mbh. III. CXVIII.3), or ‘The king observed many fasts in these tīrthas and gave away many costly gems’ (Mbh. III, CXVIII.14), it is not dealt with in great detail. However, it is given a lot of importance in the Skanda Purana where not only the

types of dana, but also, different objects to be donated at different tirthas are also mentioned. The text mentions the 16 Mahadanas that should be made by a king at Prabhasa. These are Tulapurusa, Brahmanda, Prthvi, Kalpa tree, Kamadhenu, Gaja (elephant), Vaji (horse), Ratha (chariot), Ratna (jewel), Dhenu (cow), Hiranya (gold), Asva (horse), Sapta Sagara (seven seas), Mahabhuta (great elements), Ghata (pot), Visva (universe), Chakra (wheel), and Kalpalata (wish yielding creeper). The following ten are remembered as Parvatas (mountains): Dhanya (grain), Ratna (jewel), Guḍa (jaggery), Suvarṇa (gold), Tila (gingelly seeds), Karpasa (cotton), Sarkara (sugar), Sarpis (ghee), Lavana (salt), and Rupya (silver). The following ten are remembered as Dhenus (cows): Guda (jaggery), Ajya (ghee), Dadhi (curds), Madhu (honey), Ambu (water), Salila (water), Kśīra (milk), Sarkara (sugar), and those called Ratna in their own form. Of these, gifts are to be given at each tirtha separately or all should be given once in a place at the confluence of Sarasvati and the sea (Sk.P.VII.I.28.90–94). To a learned man, everything should be given or a house with all the necessary paraphernalia; something, whether much or little, should be given to brahmanas in a social gathering (Sk.P.VII.I.28.95) and in an injunction laid down, dana, together with monetary gifts and gift of cows, should be performed (Sk.P.VII.I.28.97). At the site of Bhalla tirtha, where Krishna was killed by an arrow, one should worship Vishnu and keep awake at night and make gifts, such as those of lamps etc. (Sk.P.VII.i.353.10b–11). The Skanda Purana provides a description of the various reasons or bases of dana which total six. These are Dharma, Artha (wealth), Kama (desire), Vrida (shame), Harsa (delight), and Bhaya (fear) (Sk.P. I.ii.4.55). The six ancillaries of dana are the donor, the recipient, purity, the thing gifted, the thing associated with Dharma, and the place and time. The text also prescribes that a donor should be free from sickness, he should be a righteous soul, be desirous of giving, be free from desires and pure in conduct, and his vocation as well as activities should be free from reproach (Sk.P. I.ii.4.62–64a). Dana is further sub-divided into three categories – Uttama (best), Madhyama (mediocre) and Kaniyasa (inferior) (Sk.P. I.ii.4.77) on the basis of the objects donated. For instance, while houses, palaces, land, well, and a cow are Uttama (Sk.P. I.ii.4.78), food grains, resting places and garments are considered Madhyama (Sk.P. I.ii.4.79). The objects to be donated during the Chaturamasya consist mainly of food items, which stand in contrast to objects donated otherwise, such as cows, land, gold etc. Donation in this period when Hari is asleep becomes a means of attaining brahmana hood (Sk.P.Vi.235.1). Gifting of cooked food excels all other gifts (Sk.P.VI.235.4) and items such as ghee in pots, in combination with diamond (Sk.P.VI.235.9), cooked food (Sk.P.VI.235.13–14), milk, curds and buttermilk, (Sk.P.VI.235.15), vegetables and garments (Sk.P.VI.235.16), flowers and garments (Sk.P.VI.235.17), sandal paste and incense (Sk.P.VI.235.18), cows and plots of land, which causes redemption (Sk.P.VI.235.20), gingelly seeds, cooked food sprinkled with honey or jaggery, salt, oil, etc. (Sk.P.VI.235.21).

Instances prescribing gift of particular items at different sites is also seen. It is advised that at Brahma kunda in Prabhasa Ksetra, a pilgrim should make a gift of horses and golden water pitchers to a learned brahmana for the eradication of all sins (Sk.P.VII.I.147.10). At the site of Rukmini kunda, located at Girnar-Junagadh,49 for the propitiation of Rukmini and Sripati, charitable gifts according to one’s capacity are prescribed (Sk.P.II.viii.7.26). A man should perform holy bath, homa with Vaishnava mantras, charitable gift and worship of brahmanas and Vishnu at the site (Sk.P.II.viii.7.22). At Camatkarapura, the donation of a cow to an excellent brahmana helps attain the benefit of the gift of the entire earth (Sk.P.VI.15.9–15). Gift of cows and clothes to prominent brahmanas as per procedure at Bhalla tirtha, located in Prabhas Patan, secures the donee the fruit of (proper performance of) the yatra (Sk.P.VII.I.353.33). To ensure that no future generation shall be afflicted by leprosy, the devotee should make the gift of a cow with the deity in view (Sk.P.VI.212.75). Another ritual dealt with in great detail and advised to be performed at Dwarka and Somanatha is that of sraddha. In the case of Dwarka, it is mentioned that, ‘On the meritorious twelfth day of the bright half of in the month of Bhadrapad, one should cause the offering of oblations etc (to the pitrs) on that sacred place Dvārāvatī which is resorted to by sages and Gandharvas. One (thereby) obtains unending merit offered by pitṛs’ (Sk.P.III.ii.25.11–16). Further, ‘After taking bath here if the devotee offers water libations and balls of rice and performs śrāddha here, his manes become pleased with him’ (Sk.P. III.26.1–3). By performing sraddha at the site of Bhallaka tirtha in Prabhasa, the pitrs attain satisfaction (Sk.P.VII.I.353.25), and at Kardamala, also in the Prabhasa Ksetra, propitiating the pitrs make the pitrs satisfied for a kalpa and performing sraddha here with greens, roots and fruits is as good as performing sraddha in all the tirthas (Sk.P.VII.I.354. 6–7). Similarly, in the case of Somanatha, known as Prabhas Patan as well in the Purana, an entire chapter is devoted in the Prabhasa Khanda on the topic of sraddha and how it should be performed. References to the benefits of performing sraddha here include, ‘One who performs śrāddha at Somesvara without feeling of jealousy, his ancestors, the departed ones, become deeply satisfied until the annihilation of all living beings’ (Sk.P. V.iii.85.70b–78). Another ritual encountered often in the text is that of pinda dana or the offering of oblations to one’s ancestors, which is to be carried out by the devotee at various sacred sites. A holy bath and offering of libations to the pitrs at Brahma kunda located in the Prabhasa Ksetra helps attain all the benefit of Agnistoma (Sk.P. VII.I.147.9–10). Similarly, at Mulasthana, the pilgrim should offer libations with water mixed with gingelly seeds, and if sraddha is performed at the site with even greens, roots and fruits, the pitrs attain salvation (Sk.P. VII.I.278.70–72). If a man offers libations on the full moon day of Sravana, then all the 18 types of leprosy will disappear (Sk.P.VII.I.278.74–75). A bath in the river Puskaravartaka and offering of libation to the pitrs here with devotion helps attain what is desired and the merit befitting Tripuskara (Sk.P. VII.I.134.11–13).

The topic is dealt with in great detail in the Skanda Purana as an entire chapter is devoted to the necessity of performing sraddha (Sk.P.VI.215), one is devoted to its origin (Sk.P.VI.216), the proper time for its performance, the eligible brahmana, and procedure of carrying it out (SkP.Vi.217). On the day of the sraddha, the Yajaman is not to recite the Vedic mantras, he shall avoid anger and despised activities, oil bath, physical fatigue, journey, and going far in vehicles (Sk.P.VI.217.40). In the hour named kutapa, when the sun reaches the middle of the sky, the person takes his holy bath and wears white clothes. He should propitiate the pitrs and devas as well as the invited brahmanas, and then, he performs sraddha (Sk.P.VI.217.41).The periods and occasions in which when sraddha is offered becomes everlasting is enumerated in the text and these are Maivadi tithis, which are the lunar days marking the beginning or anniversaries of Manvantaras (Sk.P.VI.217.52). If a devotee takes bath and offers water mixed with darbha and gingelly seeds with the pitrs in view on the days detailed in the text, he attains the greatest goal (Sk.P.VI.217.54–58). Rules relating to performance of sraddha, according to one’s own land and caste, are also laid down (Sk.P.VI.218). Different days, according to one’s desired aims, are also detailed in the text. For instance, those who wish for covetable sons of good conduct should perform sraddha on Panchami or the fifth day (Sk.P.VI.219.6). For perfect agricultural produce, it should be performed on the Saptami or seventh day, for success in mercantile activities and business dealings, Astami or eighth day is suggested, performance on the twelfth day helps obtain perfect sons, and it is advised that on the thirteenth day, it should not be performed as it is not conducive to the increase of progeny (Sk.P.VI.219.3–15). The text also gives a list of various flowers to be used in a sraddha rite, along with other things such as pepper, jaggery, salt, and tin (Sk.P.VII.I.206.47–48). Sraddha is not to be performed during adversity, without fire, during solar and lunar eclipse, in a group or when the sun has set (Sk.P.VII.I.206.50). Annual sraddha is to be performed every year on days of death of the mother and father, but not in the intercalary month (Sk.P.VII.I.206.59). The elaboration of these rituals entailed the requirement of a ritual specialist. The day, time and method of performing these are dealt in such detail that they seem to hint an attempt at establishing certain rituals that aided in the continued importance of the ritual specialist. The Puranas were compiled in Sanskrit, and the only ones with access to it and in-depth knowledge were the priestly community who had authority over these elaborate rites. Simultaneously, a process aimed at involving more people in the Puranic rituals was also taking place. This is evident from some festivals described in the Skanda Purana that shall now be described.

Festivals involving pilgrims on a larger scale In addition to the continuity of Vedic rites and rituals, the Puranas inform us of certain festivals and occasions that would have implied the involvement of a greater number of people.

Besides the daily worship of the deity carried out at the temple, visiting the temples on certain festivals and occasions accrued more benefits to the pilgrim. These occasions provided the opportunity to the common man to hear recitations of various stories and legends in the Purana. As has been pointed out by Kunal Chakrabarti, ‘The Purāṇa were written in Sanskrit but purveyed in vernacular for popular consumption.’50 A festival mentioned in the Shiva Purana and the Skanda Purana and celebrated to date with great fervour in many parts of the country and associated with Shiva is the festival of Shivaratri. The Shiva Purana mentions that in the dark half of the month of Magha, the rite of Shivaratri is performed when the Chaturdasi extends up to midnight (III, 38, 24). The devotee shall go to the temple of Shiva for worship and he shall observe ritualistic affirmation (III, 38, 27). The night is divided into three periods, and in the fourth three-hour period, the devotee is to worship Shiva with black gram, green gram and offer flowers of sankhi and the leaves of bilva (III, 38, 69–70). Till daybreak, the devotee shall pass time in songs of prayer, musical instruments and devotional dances (III, 38, 74). The Skanda Purana contains the story of Chanda, who performs the worship of the linga incidentally on the Shivaratri night, and the leaves he plucked of the bilva tree he sat on fell on the linga as well. He also kept awake and fasted, and by so fasting and keeping vigil on Shivaratri night, he attained the greatest reward (Sk.P. I.i.33.52–61). This festival is celebrated till date in many parts of the country, when devotees fast and throng to temples and offer bilva leaves, oblations and pour milk and water on the Shiva linga and keep awake the entire night. The method of worshipping the lingas is also to be found in the text as it states that, ‘on the thirteenth lunar day of the bright half a devotee should duly bathe Siva and worship by means of different kinds of flowers, sweet scents and incense in due order’ (Sk.P.VII.I.122.4). At the site of Dasarathesvara in Prabhasa Ksetra, where there was a well-established temple (Sk.P.VII.I.171.1–4), the text prescribes the devotee to offer worship to the deity on the full moon day in the month of Karttika by offering lamps and adorations (Sk.P. VII.I.171.6). Another festival mentioned in the Skanda Purana is Janamastmi, which is celebrated to date in different parts of the country. It mentions, ‘On the eighth day in the dark half of Bhādra month Kṛṣṇa’s birthday (is celebrated). Devotees shall take a holy dip there (in Gomati river) and keep awake at night (Sk.P. V.i.62.28–32). They should propitiate the excellent devotees of Visnu eager to celebrate Kṛṣṇa’s birthday with various sweet smelling flowers, scents, garments and ornaments. Along with it they should worship cows and brahmanas with mental purity and concentration’ (Sk.P. V.i.62.33–39). Other references to worship of Vishnu is seen in, ‘In the bright half of Caitra on Ekādaśī day a devotee should after adoring Vīṣṇu offer Indian gooseberry and derive at every step during circumambulation’ (the benefit of donating a thousand cows) (Sk.P. V.i.62.33–39). The text also describes a Rathayatra in connection with Brahma. It mentions that the Rathayatra (religious procession or a car festival) of the Lord in the month of Karttika is

glorified (Sk.P.VII.I.107.55). The person should take the four-faced Lord clad in a deer hide and accompanied by Savitri all through the city. It should be on the full moon day and many kinds of musical instruments should be played. After taking the deity round the entire city, he shall be installed (Sk.P.VII.I.107.56–57). At the outset, the brahmanas are to be fed, and thereafter, the deity is placed on the chariot to the accompaniment of music played on different musical instruments (Sk.P.VII.I.107.58). The devotees keep awake by seeing various kinds of visual scenes of dramatic performances and listening to the profound sounds of the Vedic chants (Sk.P.VII.I.107.60). After the devotee makes the chariot go round the city to the accompaniment of conches and musical instruments, the Niranjana rite is performed, and then, the deity is placed in its own original place (Sk.P.VII.I.107.63). Existence of these festivals can be inferred on the basis of the mention of a festival in the Purana and in an inscription as well. The festival described in the Skanda Purana is Tripura festival celebrated on the full moon day in the month of Karttika (Sk.P.II.iv.33). On this day, Shiva killed the demon Tripura (Sk.P.II.iv.37), and in the evening of this auspicious day, lights are to be offered in a Shiva temple (Sk.P.II.iv.40–43), along with mantras. This festival is mentioned in a copper plate grant found in the village of Sunev Kulla in Hansot Mahal of the Broach district. The grant is dated to 540 or 541 CE, and was made on the occasion of Mahakarttika, a day when a festival is held in honour of Shiva’s victory over Tripurasura.51 The rituals mentioned above that were to be observed during the festivals were simple and involved fasting, bathing the image of the deity, offering flowers, incense, lights, etc. and keeping awake at night. A common factor in these festivals was the central role of the temple, which was the focus of the various rituals. The temple seems to have been a place where recitation of the Puranas, dance, music, and worship of the deity in its diverse forms took place. The royalty may also have participated in these festivities. Thus, it is evident that temples were arenas of dialogues that shaped the beliefs and practices in the region. In addition to Vedic studies and the performance of various festivals mentioned in the text, one notices new inputs as well. References to water bodies in the Mahabharata consist mostly of rivers at sacred sites, while in the Skanda Purana, in addition to rivers, a number of wells come into prominence as important components of the sacred landscape in Gujarat.

Water as sacred sites in literary tradition The association of water and its sanctity as well as purifying and healing properties gains importance in the Skanda Purana. In the third chapter of the book, a discussion was carried out on the existence of wells as sacred sites on the basis of archaeological and sculptural remains. A similar trend is noticed in the literary tradition as well, where a number of wells or kundas have been mentioned. Here, two distinct trends can be noticed. On the one hand are

wells where sculptural and archaeological data substantiate their sanctity, while on the other hand are wells that have legends associated to sanctify them as sacred. While in the Mahabharata, there is mention of carrying out ritual bathing in rivers at the sacred sites of Prabhasa and Dwarka, in the Skanda Purana, besides rivers, a number of wells and kundas come to be considered as sacred. In most of the stories, one notices that ritual bathing helped the devotee attain salvation and free oneself from a number of sins. As has been pointed out by Savitri V. Kumar, ‘Salvation is attained by the holy water bath in most of the Puranic legends.’52 Not only are the water bodies potent enough to destroy sins, but at times, the sins are left and passed on to the water deities.53 This is gathered from the story where Prabhasa, Puskara, Gaya, Naimisa, and Kuruksetra go to Brahma and complain of becoming deformed and polluted due to the sins of the people who bathed in them (Sk.P.II– III.vii.2). Stories associated with a number of kundas located at sacred sites in Gujarat amply prove their power to free one from sins and help attain salvation. A holy bath in the kunda at Bhairavesvara and worship of the deity with injunctions regarding the five upacaras (Sk.P.VII. 149.2–3) ensures no rebirth and never meeting with destruction (Sk.P.VII.149.4). The Kundala kupa located in Prabhasa Ksetra is considered destructive of all sins (Sk.P.VII.148. 49). A holy bath in this kunda results in freeing oneself of the sin incurred from stealing (Sk.P.VII.I.148.1– 4). Similarly, the benefits accrued by taking a holy bath at Brahma kunda consists of destroying one’s sins. The sight of the kunda destroys the sins of seven births (Sk.P.VII.I.147.64) and an ablution in it is equivalent to taking a bath in all tirthas on the earth and the benefit of worshipping all deities (Sk.P.VII.I.147.63). After taking a bath, if one circumambulates the kunda 15 times, it is considered as good as circumambulating the whole earth, consisting of the seven continents, together with seven nether worlds and surrounded by crores of tirthas (Sk.P.VII.I.147.67). By drinking water from this kunda one does not incur any sin, whether mental, physical or verbal (Sk.P.VII.I.147.75). Also located in the Prabhasa Ksetra is a well on the bank of Devika river, and it is said that if someone produces the sound ‘hum’, the well is filled up with water,54 and a bath in this well destroys all sins (Sk.P.VII.2.339). At certain sites, water also had the power to cure ailments, as seen in the story associated with Somanatha and curing of Soma of phthisis at the site. A kunda with healing properties was that of Ratnaditya located in the Prabhasa Ksetra. A dip in this kunda not only caused destruction of all sins (Sk.P.VI.212.10), but also helped get rid of leprous ailments, if one bathes on the seventh lunar day in the bright half of the month of Magha coinciding with a Sunday (Sk.P.VI.212.11). To the north-western side of this is the water tank by the name of Dhanvantari, where a holy bath with great devotion aids in dispelling every ailment (Sk.P.VI.212.15). The importance of these is evident in their capacity as places where one can wash off one’s sins and as sites that also cure certain ailments. While literary tradition accounts for the wells

at the major sites of Hatakesvara, Somanatha and Dwarka, archaeology demonstrates their existence as an integral part of religious life in Gujarat, and more specifically, Saurashtra. Up to this point in the chapter, one notices that various religious processes were at play in the region. These include continuity of Vedic studies from an earlier period, existence of rituals such as the sraddha that are a mixture of the Vedic and Puranic, recognition of already important sites such as wells, and also an attempt to incorporate more people into the Puranic fold through performances and recitations of sacred texts. Some rituals encountered in the Skanda Purana demonstrate the acceptance and inclusion of local customs at some of the sites in the region, which shall be discussed next.

Incorporation of local beliefs and practices in the Skanda Purana By the time of the compilation of the Skanda Purana, Dwarka becomes one of the seven cities which are the bestower of salvation, and these are Kasi, Kanti, Maya, Ayodhya, Dvaravati Mathura, and Avantika (Sk.P. IV.i.6.68). There are constant references to the site being one where salvation can be attained, a concept that is not seen in regard to these sites in the Mahabharata. ‘People should always renounce their bodies at Dvārāvatī with a desire to conquer (attain) the world of Viṣṇu.’ Another man who is free from sickness and observes fast (unto death) ‘becomes free from all sins and goes to the city of Viṣṇu’ (Sk.P. III. i. 26.1–4). Another instance is, ‘Urged by the god of death when creatures die at Dvārāvatī, they become Viṣṇu in Vaikuntha endowed with four arms and wearing yellow clothes’ (Sk.P. IV.i.7.111). The soil of Dwarka is also given importance in the Skanda Purana as it mentions, ‘One by whom a tilaka with (local) clay (called Gopicandana) has been applied at Dwarka should certainly be known to be a living liberated soul’ (Sk.P. II.iv.4.34–39). Similarly, at the site of Sukla tirtha, the application of mud from the tirtha and a holy bath at the site helps attain the benefit of all the tirthas (Sk.P.VI.123.51). A unique ritual for the site of Somanatha is encountered in the text. This entails the offering of gold bracelet in the sea and the story revolves around a queen by the name of Indumati. She was born as a cowherdess in her pervious life and had five husbands. She lost all her husbands and went to Somesvara, where she took a holy bath in the sea. In the process, she lost her gold bracelet and because of this meritorious act carried out unknowingly, she was married to king Brhadratha in her next life. Upon realising the importance of this, she offered a gold bracelet every year, and because of this, she attained the state of Deva (Sk.P. VII.I.37). The worship of Saligrama is equated with the worship of Vishnu as the stone was marked by his discus and it leads to salvation (Sk.P.VI.243.37). Worship of this stone and a stone from Dvaravati is advised for the home (Sk.P.VI.243.39), and when worshipped with the leaves of the tulasi plant, then death averts that home (Sk.P.VI.243.44). It should be especially worshipped during Chaturamasya (Sk.P.VI.243.50), offered light (Sk.P.VI.243.53), bathed with

water containing sandalwood paste and tulasi leaves (Sk.P.VI.243.58) and offered a mass of incense (Sk.P.VI.243.62). It is evident from this that the worship was simple and did not require the assistance of a brahmana or uttering of any complicated mantras. Worship of Vishnu and attainment of salvation became even more simplified through the worship of this stone, which could be carried out in one’s home. An analysis of the evidence available for the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha or the Prabhasa Ksetra also seems to point to a process of recording and recognising the sites as important sacred centres of Gujarat, and not a process whereby these become important due to any role played by the brahmanas or the ruling elite.

Somanatha and Dwarka in literature and archaeology An analysis of the literary references to the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, and the archaeological and inscriptional data pertaining to them, indicates the marginal role played by the Puranas in contributing either to the establishment, popularity or importance of the sites. These sites had attained importance prior to the compilation of the Skanda Purana. Available archaeological and inscriptional evidence concerning the major sacred sites in the region makes it apparent that the Skanda Purana contains a description of what existed on the ground. Dwarka and Somanatha are two important sacred sites that find mention in the Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana and these are the only two temple sites that have been dealt with in the literary tradition, as compared to other temple sites located along the coastline of Saurashtra. The exclusion of other temple sites may have been due to the major concern of the Purana in detailing sacred sites that had greater antiquity and a wider influence in the region. A case study of Somanatha as described in the Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana and the available archaeological records demonstrate a coming together of the literary and archaeological traditions. While in the Mahabharata, the site of Prabhas Patan/Somanatha is associated mainly with the Somesvara linga, by the time of the compilation of the Skanda Purana, the sacred area of Prabhas Patan is extended and is known as Prabhasa Ksetra, which contained numerous lingas, temple sites and lingas described in the text. The site of Somanatha with the Somesvara linga is said to be located in the Prabhasa Ksetra. The Ksetra is said to extend 12 yojanas (12 x 12 = 144 km) and the abode of Somesvara is in the middle of it (Sk.P.VII.I.7.60–61). It is described as being located at the confluence of Reva and Aurvi (Sk.P.V.iii.85.1–10) and at the confluence of Sarasvati and the ocean (Sk.P.VII.I.10.28). Reference to the existence of temples at the site is also found in the text, as it mentions, ‘Somaraja brought Brahma, the Lord of the Universe, to the great Prabhasika tīrtha along with Savitrī and all the sages. Lord Brahma then erected a hundred maṇḍapas and caused a hundred kuṇḍas to be dug’ (Sk.P.VII.I.23.85–86). Of these numerous kundas and mandapas only a few can be identified.

A study carried out by S.N. Desai on the sites mentioned as being located in the Prabhasa Ksetra and their actual location on ground shows that this Purana was describing sites on ground. Due to Muslim invasions, many of the sites got destroyed, but many still exist. In some cases, while the structure may have not survived, the images are to be seen in newer temples and locations. In total, the area had 195 temples dedicated to Shiva, 5 to Vishnu, 25 to goddesses, 19 Surya temples, 5 Ganesha temples, 8 tirthas, 2 vapis, 3 kupas, 2 forests, 19 kundas, and 1 asrama.55 Of these, the author has been able to identify some temple sites and the existence of some lingas and old images, now part of newer temple structures. The temples at the sites of Candisa, Angaresvara, Kapilesvara,56 and Bhairesvara57 have been ravaged and reduced to rubble. Many of the sites mentioned in the Purana are not identifiable and their existence earlier is also uncertain. In other instances, the temple sites exist, but their names have undergone slight changes. For instance, Varunesvara is now known as Venesvara,58 Chitresvara is now known as Chitravichitra59 and Javardaghdesvara is currently called Rotlesvara.60 Instances where the object of worship survives and can be located are the Kamesvara linga, currently in the Sharda matha,61 the Chitrgandhesvara linga,62 the Ravanesvara linga seen at kotha Khadki,63 the Chaturbhuja Mahadeva image in the Junagadh museum,64 the damaged Ratanesvara linga seen lying in the fields,65 and the Jamdagnesvara linga in Golvad area of Prabhasa city.66 Similarly, in the case of temples dedicated to other deities, some of the images can be located. The original temple housing the image of Daityasudana was destroyed and is now in a new temple.67 The image of Mahisasuramardini is currently worshipped as Brahmapuri Mata68 and that of Mahakali is housed in a new temple.69 The image of Kumbhodhar Ganesha is now in the Junagadh museum.70 Certain temple structures were also identified by the author, even though many were destroyed during the medieval period. Some can still be located, and at times, have other names. Of the Shaivite temples mentioned in the Skanda Purana, the temple of Ramesvara is now a new structure located at the Triveni,71 Medhesvara is seen close to the ghat,72 Katesvara was converted to a mosque by the ruler of Mangrol,73 Bhutesvara is in the Ramrakh chowk matha where currently a library stands,74 Kshemesvara was possibly located where a masjid stands now,75 and a new temple stands at Mankesvara located at the confluence of Hiranya and Sarasvati.76 Of the temples dedicated to the goddesses, the temples of Yogesvari, Kumaresvari, Mahalakshmi, and 64 Yoginis, Bhutamatrka and Sarasvati have been located.77 Of the temples dedicated to Surya, the ones that still exist are those of Sagaraditya, Chitraditya and Nagaraditya.78 The ever-growing and increasing importance of Somanatha within and outside the region of Gujarat made it inevitable for the Purana compilers to record the site and its environs in great detail. The site of Somanatha has been associated with the Lakulisa Pasupata cult and is

considered as an important site of this sect. ‘That the temple of Somanatha was the all India centre of the Pāśupātā cult during the historical times is indisputable.’79 It has been pointed out that long before the second century CE, the head of the Pasupata cult had its headquarters at Prabhasa, and that the principal shrine of Shiva was established by the beginning of the Common era.80 Rather than attributing the foundation of the site to the Moon god, it is possible that it owes its origin to the historical personage Soma Sarman, a Shaivite Brahmana, whose date is fixed in the latter half of the first century CE.81 Inscriptional evidence points to the site being a sacred centre as well since the Karle and Nasik inscriptions record the visit of Nahapana to Prabhasa tirtha where he had given eight wives to brahmanas.82 The construction of the second temple at the site has been ascribed to the Maitraka period on the basis of a defaced Brahmi inscription found at the site during excavations.83 The garbhagrha of this second temple was constructed on the spot where the first temple stood and it also possibly had an open sabhamandapa.84 Near-shore excavations also brought to light six Shiva lingas with yonis at a depth of 49.98 cm,85 further attesting to the Shaivite association of the site. Thus, the text seems to be an enumeration of sites already existing in and around Somanatha, which now have legends and stories attached to them. Similarly, in the case of Dwarka, it is again noticed that an already important sacred centre was incorporated within the Skanda Purana and its extent increased. The site is also known as Kusasthali in the literary tradition and debates have taken place on the identification of the Dvaravati described in the Mahabharata, as the site is said to be located on the west coast near Raivataka hill. After a careful analysis, S.R. Rao is of the opinion that the site is represented by the present Bet Dwarka. According to him, ‘Kuśāsthali is identified with Antadvipa of the Mahābhārata which was a pleasure resort of the Yadavas. The topography of the island is compatible with the description in the epic of a hill on the east and sea on the other sides. The terraced hills of the island that are wooded are even now covered with śisam trees. According to the Mahābhārata the Yadavas occupied Kuśāsthali and fortified it. This is testified by the archaeological remains in form of massive stone walls in the sea.’86 In the Skanda Purana, the site of Kusasthali is described as being established by Kusa and was on the coast of the western sea where Gomati met the sea (Sk.P. Prabhāsa Kśetṛa, Dvārakā Kśetṛa Māhātmya). This site is clearly the present-day Dwarka, where the Gomati flows and a number of ghats are noticed along its course at the site. Prior to the compilation of this Purana, the site had acquired importance as an important site of Vishnu worship and as the abode of Krishna. The earliest reference to Dwarka in the early historical period as a seat of Krishna in Okha is found in the copper plate grant of the Garulaka ruler Simhaditya dated to 574 CE, which mentions Krishna as the ‘Lord of Dwarka’.87 It states that Simhaditya overcame the lord of Dwarka by unchecked valour, as Sarangapani (Krishna) possessed unchecked valour and was the Lord of Dwarka.88 Rao further points out that the temples of

Agni, Varuna and Indra described in the Vishnu Parva of the Harivamsa Purana, which is dated to the fifth century CE, can still be located. The temples of Samudranarayana, Agnidevata and other deities can be seen along the coast.89 As for the temple structure at the site, excavations reveal an early date for it. The first temple at the site was constructed in the third period of occupation on the mainland of Dwarka and is dated between second century BCE and the sixth century CE.90 Excavations brought to light architectural pieces that may have belonged to a temple dating to the fifth– seventh centuries CE. In the debris were found moulding and finials of temples with small spires found in the neighbourhood. In addition to this, it was noticed that a small rectangular shrine of tapering roof, surmounted by a finial lies in the main hall of the temple today, and this seems architecturally to be the earliest shrine at Dwarka, and along with similar shrines along the coast of Saurashtra, it can be placed in fifth–seventh centuries CE.91 Further excavations brought to light a temple dating to the eighth century CE and on the northern side of the temple, two images of four-armed Vishnu were found, which can be dated to the eighth century CE as well.92 As in the case of Somanatha, here too, the compilers seem to have been incorporating already sacred sites in the region in the text and not legitimising or promoting any new site. This becomes further evident when in the Dvaraka mahatmya section of this Purana, mention is found of the presence of a Trivikrama image of Vishnu in the main shrine, which is, in actuality, a cult image in the temple at the site.93 In the satellite area of Dwarka at the site of Pindara, a rock-cut yoni dating to the early historical period was encountered during excavations.94 From this analysis, it is apparent that multiple religious processes were taking place within the region of Gujarat. More than the royalty and the brahmanas, it was the inhabitants and their beliefs and practices that seem to have shaped the process. Even though religious developments in the region were part of wider pan-Indian processes, the region retained its uniqueness, as the following data shall prove.

Religious developments in Gujarat in a wider pan-Indian context Religious developments in a region cannot be viewed in isolation as these are part of wider religious networks. Especially in the case of Gujarat, which had trade contacts throughout the period of its history, it is necessary to trace the religious developments here in context with other parts of the country. In order to do so, a study of two images, namely Visvarupa Vishnu and Panchagnitapas Parvati, shall be carried out.

Visvarupa Vishnu The Visvarupa Vishnu images have been recovered mostly from the area around Shamlaji and

Devnimori. These sites are located in northern Gujarat and are in close proximity to each other. The image represents Vishnu in a multifigured form, along with many other deities. The images date from the sixth century CE to the ninth century CE, one of these being an image from Kathlal.95 A detailed study of these images has been carried out by T.S. Maxwell,96 informing us of the origin of these multiheaded images, their experimental phases, analysis of the method of carving them, and their spread to different regions in India. Maxwell points out that this type of Visvarupa sculpture was invented in western India97 and the archaeological evidence for a perpetuation of iconographic formula established at Shamlaji consisted of sculpted fragments from Shamlaji and Devnimori, a damaged sculpture at Kathlal and a pillar relief at Mandasor.98 The image is unique to the region as similar representations are not found elsewhere. The images from the sites were an attempt to represent the, ‘Vaisnava cosmogonic and cosmological doctrines which prevailed in Samlaji in the sixth century CE’.99 In his study, Maxwell traces the origin of these Visvarupa Vishnu images to the region of Mathura and an imitation of Gupta iconography.100In his opinion, the Shamlaji sculptors were well-versed enough in the iconographical formulae of the northern sculpture centre for them to have experimented with it,101 and the images mark the perpetuation and development of the Kushana multiform sculpture in western India.102 The source of these images has been traced by him to the Kushana ‘B’ type of images, which is a composition of several partly represented figures which are co-joined obliquely and vertically, and most of the images discussed by him regarding the source of the complex Vishnu image belong to Mathura and its surrounding areas.103 Even though the origin of the Visvarupa Vishnu images is traced to the region of Mathura, the fragments found at Shamlaji demonstrate that the sculptors of the region did not blindly copy, but experimented with the basic form to create images that are unique to the area around Shamlaji. Maxwell points out that Visvarupa Vishnu images were being developed at the site when the Gupta School at Mathura was ignoring it, as those found from Shamlaji are more complicated in iconographic terms than any of the later versions.104 The uniqueness in the conception and creation of the images also lies in the fact that the sculptors at this site did not rely on the Gita tradition, which was prevalent in Mathura region, and relied rather on more ancient texts, which spoke of the archetypal forms, such as the egg and the tree, which the designers adapted freely.105 While, on the one hand, the images from Shamlaji demonstrate the wider connection of Gujarat with the area around Mathura, on the other hand, the influence of this image on the iconographic developments at Deogarh in Uttar Pradesh is also noticed. The Visvarupa Vishnu images at Deogarh, it has been pointed out, derive mainly from Shamlaji and Mathura.106 The essential form of the Deogarh image consisted, as in the case of Shamlaji, of an egg containing a tree, or a yupa floating upright upon the waters, which are represented by the nagas.107

Certain features that were borrowed from the Shamlaji sculpture in the iconography of Visvarupa Vishnu were the nagas at the base108 and the placement of the figures within the nimbus facing outwards away from Vishnu and the three figures above.109 The site of Shamlaji proves then to be an important centre of experimentation and creation of Visvarupa Vishnu images as it aids in connecting the iconographical developments from the Gupta period onwards to the ninth century CE, when the sculpture was finally standardised at Kanauj.110 Shamlaji is an important link in the iconographic development of this form of Vishnu, which linked Gujarat to sites in eastern India as well. The origin being from Mathura, the images at Deogarh being influenced by the developments at Shamlaji clearly points to an interaction between these two regions. As opined by Maxwell, ‘From Mandasor the iconographic influence of Shamalaji spread still further eastward to combine with that of Mathura and Kashmir at Deogarh, where the experimental image based upon these converging concepts and styles, which was to be developed at Kanauj and spread throughout the north, was with historical inevitability at last created.’111

Panchagnitapas Parvati The other type of images that we would like to discuss, to place developments in Gujarat in a wider network, are images that represent Parvati performing the Panchagnitapas. The earlier and later representations of the goddess found at different sites in Gujarat are, in a way, unique to the region. Representations of this goddess from various sites in the country depict her in varied forms. These variations occur mostly in the presence or absence of the fires, the stag, lion, her attendants, and additional figures such as Shiva, Ganesha and the navagrahas. A comparative analysis of the early images found here and in different parts of the country shows that a certain method of depicting her was established in Gujarat at an early period, and was followed, more or less, in the later periods as well. If nothing else, it seems as though the style from Gujarat was later adapted at temple sites of Madhya Pradesh. An analysis of the images found from different sites demonstrates that the earliest image is encountered in Gujarat. First, we shall describe the early images found in different regions outside Gujarat, and then carry out a comparative analysis. As for other regions, a detailed study has been carried out by N.P. Joshi on 116 images from various parts of the country, starting with 400–500 CE and continuing up to the medieval period.112 Of these, 49 hail from sites in Uttar Pradesh, 44 from Madhya Pradesh, 7 each from Rajasthan and Gujarat, and 2 from Haryana. According to the author, the earliest images are from the sites of Mandhal and Patur in Maharashtra, dated from 400 to 500 CE, wherein the goddess is depicted standing and is wearing no ornaments.113 In the Patur images, Parvati is seen holding a rosary in her right hand and water vessel in the left, and here, the agnikundas are absent.114 Thereafter is the

image from Cave 21 at Ellora, dating to 600 CE,115 in which she is depicted with two arms holding an aksamala in the right and a ghata in the left hand and a deer skin is seen on her left shoulder. Also, seen is Shiva in the guise of a brahmacharin, and in the lower field are a few attendants of Shiva.116 Dating to the same period is another image from Kannauj, and here too, she has two hands with a deer skin on her shoulder and the left hand holding a ghata and no agnikundas.117 Of the various elements that are present along with the image of Parvati, Joshi opines that these were not essential features. For instance, the agnikundas appear from the first to the second centuries CE, but they were not an essential feature, and within these, variations are noticed, as seen in the case of images from South India where agnikundas are placed near the feet rather than on the sides.118 Similarly, the lion and stag appear together from the sixth to the seventh centuries CE and were also not essential to the image.119 In the case of the Shiva linga and Ganesha, the author opines that their presence can be traced from the mid-seventh century CE along with the agnikundas,120 and most of the images described by the author date to the eighth century CE. The author opines that, ‘Roughly up to the sixth century CE the sculptural trend was moving under one and the same tradition, but just after that period (beginning of eighth century CE) there appears a change. The original tradition in various regional schools started taking liberties in different ways and brought forth several forms of one and the same class.’121 We shall now turn to two early images found in Gujarat that demonstrate a different trend of development. The earliest image is a small one from an unidentified spot and currently located in the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History of MS University of Vadodara. The image dates to the third–fourth centuries CE and Parvati is shown holding a small Shiva linga on a lotus stalk, the upper left hand holds a Ganesha on a crooked staff and the lower right is in abhayamudra. A lotus design is engraved in the prabhamandala and four navagrahas are visible above her head.122 As compared to the other images discussed above, this would seem to be the earliest representation of the goddess found from any site. It also establishes that in this early period, Gujarat was formulating and creating its own representation of Parvati performing penance as it does not have any similarities with images of the fifth century CE. According to N. P. Joshi, ‘In early images Pārvatīs maid friends, attendants or subordinate are absent’,123 but this image proves the contrary. The later images found from Gujarat further attest the existence of a sculptural trend within the region that continues over time. The sixth-century CE sculpture from Gujarat is from Vagpur and this image does not bear any similarity with other sixth-century images found, either from sites in Madhya Pradesh or South India, which have been discussed above. The goddess is shown holding a Shiva linga in the upper right hand, a miniature Ganesha in the upper left and the lower right is in

abhayamudra and the navagrahas in the image form an arch on the halo.124 Three images dating to the eighth century CE are found in Gujarat, of which two are from the temple site at Roda and one is from Karvan, further demonstrating continuity in the iconographical representation of this goddess in Gujarat. In one image from Roda, the goddess is shown seated on a lotus, almost cross-legged and she has four arms holding the aksamala, padma in two hands and a ghata. Ganesha and Shiva linga are seen on the two lotus flowers she holds in her upper two arms. Also seen are four agnikundas and two devotees below.125 The other image hailing from the same site depicts her standing, bedecked with ornaments and she has four arms, of which two hold the lotus, the lower ones hold an aksamala and a ghata. She is represented as standing in a shrine or niche with two square pillars with a rough purnaghata motif on them. On the top of the right pillar is the Shiva linga on the platform while on the top left one is a small image of a two-armed Ganesha and two fire altars are seen on each side of the goddess.126 The nine heads on the halo symbolise the grahas in the image.127 The next image is from Falwa Tekri (mound) at Karvan, which is 1.21 metres high. Here too, the goddess has four arms, is in standing posture and carries a rosary and lotus in her right and upper left hands. Near the feet, two kneeling figures are noticed, and also depicted are the fire altars.128 Another image from Sindhavi Mata temple at Karvan is dated to the latter half of the seventh century CE and only the lower portion of the image remains. Here too, she is depicted in a standing pose with the agnikundas and a devotee on either side.129 The third image from Karvan is dated to the eighth–ninth centuries CE and is embedded in the modern shrine of Lakulisa, known as the Rajarajesvara temple. The attendants are seen on either side holding fly whisks, and while the lower hands of Parvati are mutilated, the upper left shows a small seated Ganesha. The upper right hand is defaced, but probably had a lotus with a Shiva linga.130 An analysis of the images dating from the third–fourth centuries CE to the eighth–ninth centuries CE demonstrates that the main idea of depicting this form of Parvati did not undergo any major change in the region. In all the images found, the deity is seen along with Ganesha and the Shiva linga is seen on lotus stalks held by her in her upper two arms and only minor variations are visible, such as depicting the goddess standing or sitting, with or without ornamentation and the fly whisks in the hand of the attendants. These variations testify the minor experimentations being carried out within a given sculptural tradition. These may have resulted due to exchange of ideas with other sites within the country, which were also crafting images of this goddess. Of the eighth century CE, the only site outside Gujarat with a similar representation of the goddess is at Malagaon in Sirohi district. Here, she is seen standing with ornaments, has four hands, four agnikundas are seen next to her, two female attendants flank her, and seven heads are seen on the halo. As in images from Gujarat, in this image also, she is

seen holding a linga and Ganesha on lotus stalks.131 The other noteworthy feature in the images is the nine planets, which place the iconographical developments in Gujarat on a wider pan-Indian perspective. Joshi points out that in a number of figures from central and western regions of the country, the back slab, just above the goddess’s head is seen occupied by nine planets.132 Of the eighth–ninth centuries, the few images that have this are from Roda and Karvan in Gujarat, and Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh.133 Depiction of the Shiva linga and Ganesha on the lateral pilasters or additional rathika platforms seen in the eighth-century image from Karvan, is seen in the ninth-century images from Madhya Pradesh.134 Ganesha and the linga are also noticed in an image from Sivadvara in Sonabhadra, located in Uttar Pradesh.135 Even though small, these minor features in images from Gujarat and sites in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh indicate interaction between these two regions, which led to the existence of certain common features in images of Panchagnitapas Parvati, even though Gujarat continued to craft the images in its own iconographical trend of representing the goddess. The above two iconographic representations of Vishnu and Parvati help locate Gujarat in a wider pan-Indian context. The region was also important in terms of the sculptural developments, as is seen in the case of these images. The region crafted images that were specific to it and it is these images that then seem to have influenced artisans at sites in northern and southern India. The Visvarupa Vishnu images from Shamlaji influenced artisans in Deogarh, and the images of Panchagnitapas Parvati from Gujarat were the earliest to represent the goddess with the Shiva linga and Ganesha. This form of representation not only continues in Gujarat, but is also seen at temple sites in Madhya Pradesh.

Conclusion This chapter aimed at bringing forth the religious processes within Gujarat and also placing developments here in a wider context. The above discussion brings forth the multiple religious processes that were taking place in Gujarat. Three processes are discernable which are continuity of the Vedic rites and rituals, a mixture of the local and ‘Brahmanical’, and the incorporation of local beliefs and practices such as application of the local mud in Dwarka. The existence of stepwells at the sites of Dhank, Hatab and Roda demonstrates the importance of these in the religious beliefs of Gujarat. The compilers of the Skanda Purana recognised this as one notices a number of sites with wells and their ability to wash away sins and cure diseases. Similarly, in the case of the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, the compilers were incorporating and elaborating sites that had already acquired tremendous importance as sacred sites in Gujarat. Thus, the role of the brahmanas in this case did not involve the introduction and

spread of a new religion, but more of an interaction and dialogue with local beliefs and practices. The temple sites in Gujarat contain scant evidence of the involvement of the royalty in either their construction or maintenance. The few instances of temples constructed by the royalty cannot be located on ground. Since the temple priests and ritual specialists were not being supported on a large scale by the royalty, they must have required the support of the laity. Also, the elaborate description of various danas and benefits thereof, as well as it being an essential requirement to completion of any pilgrimage or rite, further demonstrates the dependence of the priestly class on the common man. An attempt to involve more people is apparent also in the Skanda Purana as a number of festivals are mentioned where pilgrims would visit temples and this would be the time to narrate stories and legends in the common man’s language who otherwise had no access to the Purana written in Sanskrit. Thus, while earlier practices continued, the Puranas symbolised an interaction of local and Brahmanical beliefs which led to the creation of a Purana specific to the region. It records a process whereby the local beliefs, rites and rituals were not subsumed by the Brahmanical religion, but were recognised and included as integral components of the Skanda Purana. As for developments in the region in a wider pan-Indian scale, on the basis of the images discussed, it is apparent that the region was an important centre of iconographic developments taking place. The images of Visvarupa Vishnu amply prove the importance of Gujarat in providing continuity in its sculptural development from the Gupta period to the early medieval times. The site of Shamlaji and its environs developed a representation of the deity, which was unique to the site and further influenced sculptural developments at other sites such as Deogarh. Even though the form of the image may have been taken from the Kushana images, artisans in Gujarat worked further on it to create the most complicated iconographic representation, which could be copied in idea and not in form. Similarly, the representation of Panchagnitapas Parvati demonstrates that the mode of depicting her with lotus stalks holding a Shiva linga and Ganesha is the earliest to be found anywhere at all. It thus seems plausible to suggest that this style of representing her was developed first in Gujarat and was subsequently followed at certain other sites. Sculptural analysis of these images shows that the artisans never copied blindly from other regions, but always experimented and created a visual representation of deities that suited the religious needs of the time. Simultaneously, the constant interaction of sites in Gujarat with other parts in the country was also taking place, and it seems as though more than being influenced, the artisans and their images influenced iconographic developments elsewhere in the country.

Notes

1 Vijay Nath, Purānas and Acculturation – A Historic Anthropological Perspective, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 2001, p. 1. 2 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 27. 3 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 30. 4 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 34. 5 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indica – Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and Their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5. 6 R.N. Mehta and A.M. Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, Vadodara: MS University, 1978, p. 1. 7 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, p. 17. 8 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, p. 18. 9 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, p. 19. 10 L.D. Barnett, Bhamodra Mohota Plate of Dronasimha, Epigraphia Indica, 16 (4), 1921–22, pp. 17–19. 11 A.M.T. Jackson, Two New Valabhi Copper Plates – Grant of Dhruvasena II, Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, 20 (54), 1898, pp. 6–10. 12 R.D. Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, Epigraphia Indica 21, 1931–32, p. 117; G. Bühler, Valbhi Grants – No.XV, – Grant of Siladitya I, Indian. Antiquary, 9, 1880, p. 238. 13 Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, p. 117. 14 Bühler, Valbhi Grants, p. 237. 15 Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, p. 182. 16 Bühler, Valbhi Grants, p. 237. 17 K.J. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of Arts and Sciences, 1952, p. 167. 18 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1983, p. 240. 19 Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 245. 20 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 130. 21 N.B. Patil, The Folklore in the Mahābhārata, Delhi: Ajanta Books, 1983, p. 25. 22 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 126. 23 G. Bühler, Additional Valabhi Grants No.X – A Grant of Dharasena II, Indian Antiquary, 7, 1878, pp. 68–70. 24 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I – Dated Samvat 290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, p. 237. 25 V.S. Sukhtankar, Bhavnagar Plates of Dhruvasena I: (Valabhi) Samvat 210, Epigraphia Indica, 15, 1919–20, p. 256. 26 G. Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants C – The Grant of Siladitya V (VI), Indian Antiquary, 6, 1877, p. 17. 27 E. Hultzsch, A Valabhi Grant of Dhruvasena II Dated Samvat 334, Epigraphia Indica, I, p. 92. 28 Sukhtankar, Bhavnagar Plates of Dhruvasena, p. 258. 29 D.B. Diskalkar, Some Copper Plate Grants Recently Discovered, No.1 – Bantia Plates of Dharasena II of Valabhi, Epigraphia. Indica, 21, 1931–32, p. 179. 30 G.S. Gai and P.R. Srinivasan, Two Maitraka Charters – B. Charter of Dharasena II Year 252, Epigraphia Indica, 37, 1966– 67, p. 171. 31 G. Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants C – The Grant of Siladitya V (VI), Indian Antiquary, 6, 1877, p. 17; Bühler, Additional

Valabhi Grants No.X – A Grant of Dharasena II, pp. 68–70. 32 Bühler, Additional Valabhi Grants No.X – A Grant of Dharasena II, pp. 68–70. 33 As quoted in P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. II, Part II, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, 1974,1091. 34 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 1092–3. 35 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 1092. 36 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 741. 37 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, pp. 998–1001. 38 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 1001. 39 Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1979, pp. 6–7. 40 Maurice Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. I, Delhi: Satguru Publications (reprint), 1990, p. 150. 41 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 149. 42 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 150. 43 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 149. 44 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 159. 45 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 158. 46 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 160. 47 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 161. 48 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1983, p. 232. 49 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 348. 50 Kunal Chakrabarti, Religious Processes – The Purānas and the Making of Regional Tradition, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 26. 51 Prof. E. Hultzsch, Sunao Kala Plates of Saṁgasiṁha, Epigraphia Indica, 10, pp. 72–5. 52 Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 244. 53 Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 267. 54 Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 225. 55 S.N. Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, Ahmedabad: Mayur Printry, 1965, pp. 476–7. 56 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 467. 57 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 468. 58 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 467. 59 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 472. 60 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 470. 61 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 469. 62 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 471. 63 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 472. 64 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 473. 65 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 473. 66 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 475.

67 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 476. 68 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 477. 69 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 478. 70 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 481. 71 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 475. 72 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 476. 73 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 476. 74 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 471. 75 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 472. 76 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 474. 77 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, pp. 477–8. 78 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 479. 79 Kaushik J. Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, Unpublished, MA Dissertation, MS University, Vododara, 1982, p. 16. 80 Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, p. 16. 81 M.A. Dhaky and H.P. Shastri, Riddle of the Temple of Somanatha, Varanasi: Bharata Manisha, 1974, p. 31. 82 E. Senart, The Incriptions in the Cave at Karle, Epigraphia Indica, 7, 1902–03, p. 57 and Inscriptions at the Caves in Nasik, Epigraphia Indica, 8, 1905–06, p. 78. 83 Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, p. 17. 84 Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, p. 18. 85 S.R. Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1999, p. 93. 86 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, p. 102. 87 E. Hultzsch, Palitana Plates of Simhaditya, Epigraphia Indica, 11 (2), 1911–12, p. 19. 88 E. Hultzsch, Palitana Plates of Simhaditya, p. 19. 89 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, p. 30. 90 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, p. 37. 91 Zainuddin Dawood Ansari and M.S. Mate, Excavations at Dwarka, Poona: Deccan College, 1966, p. 16. 92 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1983, p. 439. 93 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1999, p. 102. 94 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, p. 117. 95 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western India – 6th to 9th Century AD, Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 233. 96 T.S. Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988. 97 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 144. 98 Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition, p. 214. 99 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 184.

100 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 144. 101 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 149. 102 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 155. 103 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 2. 104 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 156. 105 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, pp. 155–6. 106 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 233. 107 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 237. 108 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 239. 109 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 247. 110 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 269. 111 Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition, p. 233. 112 N.P. Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati – Iconographic Study of Parvati in Penance, New Delhi: New Age International Limited Publishers, 1996. 113 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 10. 114 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 11. 115 R. Gupta, The Panels of Kalyanasundaramurti at Ellora, Lalit Kala, 7, 1960, p. 14. 116 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 11. 117 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 12. 118 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, pp. 17–18. 119 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 18. 120 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 19. 121 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 13. 122 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 2003, p. 37. 123 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 13. 124 Janardhana, Unpublished Sculptures in Department of Archaeology, p. 38. 125 U.P. Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 11, 1953–55, p. 56. 126 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, pp. 55–6. 127 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 60. 128 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, pp. 54–5. 129 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 55. 130 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 55. 131 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 60. 132 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 27. 133 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 60. 134 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 2.

135 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 59.

 6 Gujarat in context

The formulation of the role of the religious shrine in the ancient period, as discussed in this study, is different from that which is generally accepted by historians of ancient India. In current historical writing, the emphasis has been on the spread of Sanskritic culture around the fourth–fifth centuries CE through movements of brahmanas at the behest of the emerging political elite and the consolidation of a feudal order. The temple is often associated with the newly emerging states in what is termed the early medieval period. In lieu of generous donations, the brahmanas and temples are said to have provided legitimisation to the rulers.1 There is unanimity also in the association with migrations of brahmanas and their role as priests in consolidating the new cults, frequently described as of Puranic affiliation. How valid are these claims? These formulations have been countered elsewhere and the arguments will not be repeated here.2 The data presented in Chapters 2 to 6 have convincingly demonstrated that temples and religious edifices not only represent the prevalent religious beliefs and practices, but also, bear testimony to the social and economic conditions of which they were a crucial component/element. The construction of religious structures implied the involvement of people who were attached to these and performed their delegated tasks. Resources were then required not only for rituals associated with deities, but also, for the maintenance of those individuals whose livelihood depended on the religious structures such as temples. Another contribution of this study has been the use of inscriptions as source material for the study of religion. Most of the epigraphs had earlier been utilised mainly to reconstruct the genealogy of the various ruling dynasties, or in the case of early medieval India, to prove the emergence of feudalism as also regional polities. No doubt inscriptions provide valuable information about the reign of the Mauryas, Kshatrapas and the Gupta dynasties in Gujarat as elsewhere. Inscriptions at the site of Girnar prove that the Maurya, Kshatrapa and the Gupta dynasties considered the site to be significant for recording their exploits. On the great rock at Girnar, in addition to the Asokan edicts, there is another inscription of Rudradaman that records that a dam was built near the rock edict during the time of Chandragupta Maurya, and in the time of Asoka, the Sudarsana lake was adorned with conduits. The lake was repaired again under the rule of Rudradaman, and once again, during the rule of Skandagupta of the

Gupta dynasty. This inscription has been utilised by historians to reconstruct the rule of these major dynasties over Gujarat. Other inscriptions that are used for similar purposes are the Mulavasar inscription and the Jasdan inscription pertaining to the rule of the Kshatrapas. An interesting point in the Girnar inscription is the mention of the construction of a Vishnu temple in the vicinity of the dam. According to Campbell, the only trace left of the original temple is a pilaster built into the wall to the right as one enters the modern Damodar temple, which was constructed in the fifteenth century.3 Gavin Flood rightly states, ‘temples were also centres of learning, popular devotion and pilgrimage. We need to understand not only the architecture and formation of temples, but also their social and religious context. We need to understand how the temples were built, what went on inside them and what they represent’.4 The archaeological data more importantly include an analysis of the location of religious architecture within the social domain and cultural landscape. Religious architecture is an indicator of interaction with diverse interest groups, such as worshippers, ritual specialists, patrons, artisans, and so on.5 Religious shrines transformed the social geography of the region and building new temples stimulated economic growth.6 Religious structures of Gujarat thus need to be viewed and studied from a different perspective, as shown in this book. It is not merely the temple as a structure that is important, but rather, locating it in broader terms and placing it within the social domain and wider networks. Temples and images carry narratives of their own, a story of continuities, of reassertions and of new identities. They symbolise the fact that at a particular point in time, the religious needs of the people underwent change, and the structures are witness and symbols of those changes and continuities. In all the studies carried out for Gujarat, the issue of coexistence and sharing of ideas between religions in terms of art architecture and ritual, as well as sacred space has not been an issue of concern. Sites in Gujarat demonstrate the parallel existence of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism at sites of Shamlaji/Devnimori, Junagadh and Vadodara/Akota, to mention a few. An in-depth study of temples, religious imagery and traditional lore and literature demonstrates the role of the community in the reinvention and re-creation of religious identities at certain sites, which helped these continue well into the twenty-first century. For instance, at Shamlaji in North Gujarat, a post-Gupta image of Vishnu was found by a boy belonging to the Bhil community, and this image was enshrined in a temple constructed by a merchant. While some sites have a long thread of continuity (Dwarka, Somanatha and Miyani), some were reclaimed (Shamlaji) and others were abandoned (Ghumli and Boricha). Of the ones that survived, one again notices involvement of varied communities, such as that of the Jadeja clan at Miyani and Bilesvara, local village community at Pata, and Bhils and tribals at Shamlaji, which in turn, defines their networks within and outside the region as well. These are some of the perspectives adopted in the book while analysing religious sites in

Gujarat. Sacred sites need to be located in the context of settlement sites in order to enable identification of the support base of religious sites. Even though archaeological reports on excavations and explorations have been reported over time, a comprehensive study of these in context of religious sites has not been carried out. The settlement sites in this study have not been classified as fortified/non-fortified, or urban–rural dichotomy, but rather, in terms of economic activities such as craft production, salt manufacturing and iron extraction. The bases for site selection demonstrate variation and could be either political or due to economic activities, such as agriculture, craft, trade, or a combination of these. A study of the environment and topographic conditions of the region aids in a comprehensive understanding of the factors that played an important role of the communities that were essential for the continued sanctity of a sacred spot or religious structure. On the basis of architectural and inscriptional data, the involvement of communities in the continued sanctity of sites has been discussed, which vary from village community, to merchants, traders, monks nuns, and the ruling elite as well. For example, while sites along the coastline of Saurashtra with temples, such as at Kadvar, Mangrol and Porbandar served as intermediate ports and also subsisted on fishing, at Dwarka and Valabhi, agriculture and bead manufacturing formed the backbone of economic activities, and at the sites of Roda, Akota and Broach, agricultural activities were of prime importance. Yet another crucial, but less analysed source is the numerous sculptural finds found scattered and reported from various sites in Gujarat. Religious imagery greatly aids in the reconstruction of sacred landscapes, religious beliefs, practices, and developments where architectural and monumental remains are lacking and nonexistent. They bring forth the diversity in religious sites of the region. The first and foremost source of information here are the punch-marked coins that contain depictions and symbols of not only deities, but interestingly, also layout plans of viharas and stupas, which are otherwise not archaeologically traceable for the period these coins belong to. With the help of tables and maps, the iconographical developments, heterogeneous in nature, have been traced in the period under study as each sub-region within Gujarat demonstrates varied preferences for iconographical images. For instance, mātṛkā images were more popular in North Gujarat, as seen at Shamlaji, Roda, Palej, and Ambaji, while Bhairava and Lakulisa images are found in the southern area of Gujarat at the sites of Avakhal, Vadaval, Karvan, and Vadodara. Images of interest found in the region are those of Lajjagauri at Valabhi, Pavi Jetpur, Dhank, etc. and Panchagnitapas Parvati at Karvan and Vagpur, which are small in size, but clear indicators of diversity in deities worshipped. Another image is of Visvarupa Vishnu found only at the site of Shamlaji and Devnimori in North Gujarat. Buddhist images demonstrate growing complexities within the religion, for example, at Dhank, Amreli, Valabhi, Taranga, and Gogha and the Jaina images from Akota, Vaviya, Mahudi, and Ahmedabad are the only evidence for the strong presence of

the community. The role of religious texts such as the Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana in establishing the continued sanctity of certain sites also receives attention. These texts highlight multiple religious processes in Gujarat, which involved a process of interaction and dialogue between local beliefs and practices, on the one hand, and the Brahmanical religion, on the other. Some of the themes covered in this study include continuity of Vedic rituals, a further elaboration of rituals in the Skanda Purana as compared to the Mahabharata, festivals involving pilgrims on a large scale, water as sacred sites in Skanda Purana, incorporation of local beliefs and practices, Somanatha and Dwarka in literature and archaeology, and religious developments in Gujarat in a wider pan-Indian context on the basis of study of Visvarupa Vishnu and Panchagnitapas Parvati images. The narratives weave sites within Gujarat with each other, as well as place them in larger religious circuit through myths, stories and legends. An important aspect of the early temples of Gujarat is their location near the seacoast. These coastal temples were dedicated to a variety of deities, ranging from the non-Sanskritic fertility goddess Lajjagauri, whose shrine dated to first century BCE was excavated from the site of Padri in the Talaja tahsil of Bhavnagar district of Gujarat hardly 2 km from the Gulf of Khambat to temples of Surya or Sun and other gods along the Saurashtra coast from the sixth century onwards. The shrine at Padri also needs to be placed within the larger context of increased hierarchy of settlement in the area at this time. Padri was known for extraction of salt, while Hatab was the largest site, located close to the sea with an area of over 40 hectares. Archaeological exploration in the region has provided evidence for 22 early historic sites located in a linear pattern along the Shetrunji river and a multi-tier settlement hierarchy.7 In the fifth century CE, the lower Shetrunji valley in Bhavnagar district emerged as the core region of the early Maitraka rulers (475–767 CE), as evident from inscriptions, with the political centre at Valabhi at the head of the Gulf of Khambat. From the 10th to 13th century, the primary route was along the coast from Dwarka on the Gulf of Kachchh to Somnath on the Saurashtra coast and Bhavnagar at the head of the Gulf of Khambat. The coastal centres of Somnath and Dwarka were well-known for their magnificent temples, though the beginnings of these sites date to the early centuries of the Common era. We start with the nature of the early temple in western India and changes in its interactive circuits across the ocean over time.

Coastal temples and maritime linkages This section addresses the theme of cultural integration through the institution of the religious shrine or Hindu temple, especially with reference to those located on or near the west coast of India. Traditionally, the Indian coasts have been portrayed as inhospitable regions in historical

writing, lacking natural harbours and afflicted with a shallow continental shelf and turbulent swells of waves. Did this deter travel across the ocean and attempts to control the waters? Gujarat has a coastline of 1,600 km, most of which lies in Saurashtra. Saurashtra is bounded by the Gujarat plains in the east and north east, by the Gulf of Kachchh and Little Rann on the north, and on the south east by the Gulf of Khambat. The Arabian Sea borders the entire southern seaboard. As recently as 1970, sailing vessels carried 30 per cent of the total trade. It had one large international port at Kandla in Kachchh and 46 smaller ports, which handled 40 per cent of the total traffic. Thus, sailing vessels were an integral part of the maritime cultural landscape of Gujarat. In the 1950s, the Swedish maritime ethnologist Olof Hasslof introduced the term sjobruk or maritime cultural landscape, signifying demarcation and utilisation of maritime space by communities for settlement, fishing, shipping, pilotage, and so on.8 A significant feature of this maritime landscape was the religious shrine and it is the role of the shrine that forms the focus of this section. A discussion on the coastal shrine is critical for this book in order to dispel the myth that due to restrictions stipulated in the Law Books or the Dharmasastras on maritime travel, the Hindu population turned to ‘agrarian pursuits and production, away from trade and maritime transport’.9 Temples are best described as ritual instruments and their function is ‘to web individuals and communities into a complicated and inconsistent social fabric through time’.10 It is the strands of this social fabric that need to be understood and appreciated. It is significant that while the origin myths of most of these temples associate their founding with a royal patron, there is little historical evidence for this during most of their existence. Another association is genealogical and the fact that a particular community has a special relationship with the deity enshrined in the temple. Monastic and temple-centred religious institutions formed an important intermediate group between the state and the family. Thus, the temples and monasteries were not merely centres of devotion and worship, but were also principal institutions in the period from the ninth to thirteenth century for establishing laws and enforcing them on their members. In addition to their role as adjudicators in society, religious shrines were also consumers of a variety of commodities used in ritual, as well as important locales for trading activity, as indicated by shops and markets within or in the vicinity of temple premises. The building of new temples stimulated economic growth, thereby transforming both the geographic and social landscapes of the region.11 At the same time, there are several instances of a differential tax on commodities required for religious purposes. Of interest to this discussion is the copper-plate charter of Vishnusena in Sanskrit, issued from Lohata in the Kathiawar region. D.C. Sircar, the editor of the inscription has identified Lohata with the town of Rohar on the Gulf of Kachchh. The find-spot of the copper plates is unknown, but on palaeographic grounds, it is dated to sixth–seventh centuries CE. The inscription states that the king Vishnusena was approached by the community of merchants

from Lohata to endorse customary laws prevalent in the community and which had been continuing for several generations. The king assures protection to the community of merchants established in the region and endorses their continued functioning. The inscription then provides a detailed list of 72 trade regulations or customary laws to be followed by the merchant community.12 Some of the regulations are of great interest to this discussion. For example, it is specified that merchants staying away for a year were not required to pay an entrance fee on their return (rule 52). Other clauses specify duties that were to be paid. A boat full of containers (bhanda-bhrta-vahitrasya) was charged 12 silver coins, but if the containers were for religious purposes, they were charged only one and a quarter silver coin (rule 53). In the case of a boat carrying paddy, it was half this amount. The exception to this was a boat carrying buffaloes and camels, where no reduction is allowed (rule 54). Other items, which were frequently transported by boat included dried ginger sticks, bamboo, wine, leather, and bulls. The variety of taxable objects mentioned in the inscription is an indication of the diverse nature of trade in the region. These included oil mills, sugarcane fields, wine, cumin seed, black mustard, and coriander. The inscription also refers to a tax on dyers of cloth, weavers, shoemakers, and retailers hawking goods on foot. Others such as blacksmiths, carpenters, barbers, potters, etc. could be recruited for forced labour under the supervision of officers. Thus, the record makes a distinction between commodities meant for religious purposes and the temple, as opposed to those to be sold in the market and underscores a differential in taxation. Another early centre of religious architecture on the west coast is the site of Cotta Chandor in Chandor district in south Goa on the banks of the river Paroda leading to the sea, which was subjected to excavation for two field seasons in 2002–04.13 The complete plan of a brick temple complex, datable from third to eleventh century CE, was unearthed and five phases of structural activity were identified. Though three phases of construction were identified, these were marked by continuity of religious beliefs, and in the last phase, the sculpture of Nandi was added to the temple complex. Politically, the Kanara coast was controlled by the Kadambas from 350 to 550 CE and several families are known who ruled from centres further inland, such as at Banavasi and Halsi. The Silaharas followed the Kadambas in Goa from 750 to 1020 CE, but the Kadambas remerged in the tenth century. The Panjim plates refer to king Guhalla Deva of the Goa Kadambas (750–1020 CE) undertaking a pilgrimage to the temple of Somnath on the Saurashtra coast, but hardly had he reached halfway, when the mast of his ship broke and he was forced to take shelter with a ruler friendly to him. This was the port of Goa where a rich Muslim merchant by the name of Madumod of Taji origin and the wealthiest of all the seafaring traders, came to the help of the king. In return, the king gave him much wealth. This record tells us, for the first time, of Arab traders settled on the Goa coast in the eleventh century CE.14 These references are important as indicators not only for the presence of religious shrines in coastal areas of western India and donations of land to the

temples, but more importantly, of travel and pilgrimage by the coastal route that provided interconnectedness to the shrines. It is evident from the discussion above that the crucial element in the Asian coastal landscape was the religious shrine. It is important to locate this shrine in context, both physical and social in order to unravel the multiple levels at which sacred sites interacted with a diverse range of communities and negotiated between these. Another aspect of the shrine is its horizontal expansion and additions made to it over time to house a variety of functions of interest to this paper, such as ghatikasthana or centre of learning, which came to be incorporated in temples, especially in peninsula India from the eighth–ninth centuries onwards. Eleventh-century inscriptions from the temple in Thirumukkudal, on the banks of the Palar river near Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu, indicate the existence of a Vedic pathshala attached to the temple, as also a medical centre termed athura saalai and arrangements for distribution of medicinal herbs. Inscriptions from the Buddhist site of Kanheri near Mumbai and a temple in Gujarat would suggest that this practice may have earlier beginnings. Sixth-century inscription from Kanheri refers to a donation by vaidya or physician. Three copper plates from central Gujarat dated in the reign of the Huna Toramana (fifth–sixth centuries CE) record gifts made to the temple of Jayaswami or Narayana belonging to the queen mother by the trading community of Vadrapalli. Vadrapalli was probably located 8 km to the west of Sanjeli and signatories to the donation included traders from Ujjain, Kannauj, Mathura, and perhaps, Mandasor in central India. A goldsmith constructed a lake near the temple. The copper plate states that itinerant mendicants visiting the temple, as also devotees, should be provided with medicines (bhaisaja).15 These are aspects which need further research and analysis. In this concluding chapter, we would like to keep the focus on the Gujarat coast and its place in the maritime world of the first millennium CE.

Maritime India and transcultural encounters In this section, it is suggested that the fishing and sailing communities formed a distinct group and were the crucial component of sea travel in the western Indian Ocean, extending from the west coast of India to the Red Sea and the African coast. Fishing was the traditional occupation of coastal groups in several pockets of the Indian Ocean and this is an adaptation that dates to at least the fifth millennium BCE in several areas.16 These communities adopted numerous occupations associated with the sea: fishing and harvesting other marine resources, salt-making, sailing, trade, shipbuilding, and even piracy. These maritime communities are to be distinguished from merchants and traders involved in oceanic trade. Merchants and traders in some cases certainly owned ships and watercraft, but they neither manned nor sailed these.

More often, however, goods and cargoes were entrusted to the skipper of the vessel, who was then responsible for their sale and profit. It is important to stress the participation of these different communities and diverse ethnic partners so as to highlight the varied nature of seafaring activity in the western Indian Ocean. The Periplus Maris Erythraei perhaps provides the first detailed description of local boats in the Indian Ocean in the early centuries CE and several types extending from the East African coast to the west coast of India are referred to.17 The Periplus informs us that: ‘Two runs beyond this island [Menuthias = Zanzibar?] comes the very last port of trade on the coast of Azania, called Rhapta [sewn], a name derived from the aforementioned sewn boats, where there are great quantities of ivory and tortoise shell’ (section 16). There is a strong tradition of archaeological research in this part of East Africa, though objectives and strategies have changed over the last six decades. Current research indicates that prior to 2300 BP, the entire littoral was occupied by hunter-gatherer-fishing communities using microlithic stone tool technology and utilising marine resources. The period from 2300 to 1500 BP witnessed the gradual emergence of the first farming and iron-using groups.18 In recent years, Felix Chami has found archaeological evidence for artefacts associated with early trade on Mafia Island, and, not far away, on the mainland, near the mouth of the Rufiji River, which he dated to the first few centuries CE.19 Interestingly, the Periplus informs us that Rhapta was under the firm control of a governor appointed by the Arabian king of the Yemeni centre of Muza, where taxes were collected, and it was serviced by ‘merchant craft that they staff mostly with Arab skippers and agents who, through continual intercourse and intermarriage, are familiar with the area and its language’.20 A range of communities participated in maritime activity at this time, such as the Nabataeans, Sabaeans, Homerites, and Arabs, in addition to Indians. Trade in cloth, wood and agricultural products sustained the Indian Ocean network, as is indicated by the presence of guilds of weavers, potters, oil millers, and so on, in the list of donors mentioned in the inscriptions from the Buddhist monuments of peninsular India.21 This is further substantiated by the botanical evidence from the archaeological excavations at Berenike on the Red Sea coast, which included imports from South Asia, such as pepper, coconut, Job’s tear, and possibly, rice.22 Berenike was a multicultural site and the inhabitants came from throughout the ancient world, including Egypt, the Mediterranean, Axum, sub-Saharan Africa, south Arabia, Nabataea, Palmyra, and perhaps, India. Greek was the lingua franca in early Roman times and most texts are in that language, though ostraka found in the city indicate a substantial Roman military presence. The Nikanor Archive belonging to a family of camel owners involved in the transport of goods between the Nile valley and the Red Sea coast indicates the participation of elite families resident in Egypt in trading activity.23

Data from shipwrecks indicates that pepper had been imported into the Mediterranean at least from the second millennium BCE. It was a critical ingredient in medicines, had culinary applications and was also used in funerary and religious rituals. Pepper has been found at several sites on the Red Sea coast, but perhaps was the most noteworthy import to Berenike and included black pepper, white pepper or black pepper that had ripened and long pepper. Black pepper was a product of South India, while long pepper was cultivated in North India, and in all probability, shipped from the west coast centre of Bharuch or Barygaza in the present state of Gujarat. In the context of Gujarat, the Periplus refers to Syrastrene or Saurashtra; Eirinon or the Rann of Kachchh beyond which lies Barake or the Gulf of Kachchh (section 40). This is a dangerous gulf to navigate for ‘not only are the waves there very big and oppressive, but the sea is choppy and turbid, with eddies and violent whirlpools’ (section 40). After this, the author mentions the Gulf of Barygaza identified with the Gulf of Khambat (section 41). The region is described as ‘very fertile’ and ‘in the area there are still preserved to this very day signs of Alexander’s expedition, ancient shrines and the foundations of encampments and huge wells’ (section 41). Somewhat later, the author refers to ‘old drachmas engraved with the inscriptions, in Greek letters, of Apollodotus and Menander, rulers who came after Alexander’ being found in the market of Barygaza (section 47).24 Does the Periplus indicate the ethnic identity of traders who traversed the sea lanes of the western Indian Ocean? Muza at the mouth of the Red Sea is described in the Periplus Maris Erythraei as a port of trade without a harbour (section 24), but with a good road-stead for mooring, and teeming with Arabs – shipowners or charterers and sailors (section 21). Leuko Kome on the Red Sea coast was the harbour of the Nabataeans where craft, ‘none large’, loaded with freight from Arabia (section 19). While discussing Muza or Mocha on the Yemen coast of the Red Sea, the text refers to Arabs – shipowners or charterers and sailors – who ‘trade across the water and with Barygaza, using their own outfits’ (section 21). Muza is termed ‘port of trade’ even though it lacks a harbour. Another important harbour and storehouse at the entrance to the Red Sea was the island of Socotra, which was settled by Arabs and Indians and even some Greeks, who sail out of there to trade (section 30). Merchants from Barygaza or Bharuch customarily traded with Oman and centres in the Persian Gulf and brought in supplies of copper and logs of teak and ebony. The Malabar Coast owed its prosperity to Greek shipping, and also, to traffic from Ariake or Gujarat (section 54). On the east coast, the Periplus refers to Poduke identified with Arikamedu near Pondicherry where local boats mix with those that sail down from the region of the Ganga and from across the Bay of Bengal. Thus, it is evident that diverse local communities in Gujarat, as elsewhere, participated in seafaring activity, as reflected in references to local watercraft in the Periplus Maris Erythraei. A reading of the Periplus also establishes the absence of state control over maritime trade,

either in the region of the Red Sea or further afield, though it is true that the local polities attempted to extract revenues from the sale of trade commodities at market centres. The ethnographic data indicate that the coastal settlements participated in trade with other centres further south and also across the Ocean, though each port specialised in a particular route. Mandavi, Porbandar and Veraval trade with east Africa, Porbandar and Veraval with south Arabia, Southeast Asia and the Persian Gulf. Thus, route specialisation is an important aspect of seafaring activity that has far-reaching implications for a study of the past as well.25 Another critical factor is the sailing season, which in Gujarat comes to end in June, after which the monsoon winds become too dangerous until end-July. One aspect that is missing from the Periplus is any reference to the belief systems of the local communities. Here again, ethnographic data show participation of the sailing communities in a variety of rituals and beliefs. There are rituals performed at each stage of construction of the watercraft and are also compiled in a book titled Nauka Navghatan Pujanam or worship for new ship construction. The communities are linked to coastal temples dedicated to a range of deities and often donate regularly for maintenance as also performance of rituals. A third feature in the religious landscape is the memorial stone or paliyar set up in memory of those who lost their life at sea. It is also significant that temple structures often double as markers to identify the coasts and are often associated with local legends of saviours at sea. Thus, religious architecture fulfils both religious and navigational purposes and this would have been important in an earlier period also,26 though the primary resource for an understanding of the weltanschauung of the shipper and the sailor remains oral traditions. Rather than posing a dichotomy between oral and literate traditions, it is the interface between the two that is significant. It is suggested here that in the historical period, one significant use of writing was for trading activity. The shared culture that extended across not only South Asia, but also the Indian Ocean was part of a literate tradition, which was by no means controlled by the ruler or the brahmana, but included Buddhist and Jaina monks, navigators and trading and crafts groups. Writing facilitated storing of information, cumulative knowledge promoted new genre of cultural and artistic expression and aided ordering of information under numeric and alphabetic heads and the use of maps.27 Of interest to this book is the use of writing as a marker of identity and valuable insight into this aspect of seafaring activity is provided by recent data from the island of Socotra, as discussed in the next section.

The island of Socotra and its maritime context Socotra is a small archipelago of four islands about 250 km east of the Horn of Africa, off the

coasts of Yemen and Somalia in the western Indian Ocean. The largest island in the group is also called Socotra. The 132-km-long island is often described as the most isolated place on Earth, though this account does agree with its central location in the maritime networks of the early centuries of the Common era, as evident from archaeological excavations conducted over the years. The excavations at Socotra need to be viewed in the context of the marine resources of the island. One of the earliest descriptions of the island is to be found in the Periplus Maris Erythraei (section 30), which refers to it as Dioscurides. Several varieties of tortoise shell found on the island are referred to, and are said to be in demand by the shippers from Arabia and the west coast of India, who exchanged big cargoes of tortoise shell for rice, grain, cotton cloth, and female slaves. The other resource referred to is cinnabar, which is collected as an exudation from the Dragon trees. One of the oldest known archaeological sites on the island of Socotra has been located in the vicinity of the modern village of Rakuf in the eastern part of the island. Remains of a workshop used for the manufacture of flint tools were found. Close to the site was a small cemetery, comprising of ten dolmen-shaped grave structures comprising burial chambers of stone cists unique on the island. These burials had scant grave furniture and as a result the excavators found it difficult to provide a precise date. The graves were very different from those found in other parts of the island, but structurally similar ones have been found in south Arabia and in the Persian Gulf and Oman.28 On the basis of analogies with these remains, the burials on Socotra have been dated from the second half of the first millennium BCE – a date which corresponds well with the evidence from Greek sources regarding beginnings of trade contacts with the island. It also indicates colonisation of the island by local communities with close links to the south Arabian coast. Contemporary to these burials is the graffiti found on limestone outcrops on the eastern coast of the island at Eriosh. The graffiti includes drawings of outlines of feet, purely geometric shapes and animal and human forms. There are attempts at imitating a script, but no identifiable South Arabian inscription could be found. Another type of stone structure found extensively on the island of Socotra is what has been described as ‘boundary walls’, though the function of these is not quite clear. It would seem that they demarcated plots of land growing incense trees such as aloe and cinnabar. In many cases, in the vicinity of these walls were found stone structures and cemeteries. One of the most interesting discoveries was that of a settlement along the northern littoral of the island 2 km south of the modern village of Suq. An analysis of the archaeological data from the site indicates two phases of settlement: an earlier phase dated to the early centuries of the Common era; and a second phase from around the tenth to thirteenth century CE. The archaeological data also suggest similarities with the Arabian Peninsula and Persian Gulf. In the first century CE, Hoq cave on the northern face of the island of Socotra was known in a wide region by merchants travelling between Africa, India, the Middle East, and Far East.

Explorations in the 2000-metre-deep cave in 2001 led to the discovery of 200 graffiti, drawings and small offerings dated to the late second to fourth centuries CE. Of these, 192 are in the Brahmi script, 1 in Kharosthi, 1 in Bactrian, 3 in Greek, 1 in Palmyrene Aramaic, and 20 odd in Axumite or ancient Ethiopian. The graffiti and inscriptions are not randomly engraved in the cave; instead, they occur in clusters at specific sites, most likely representing deliberate choice of location. In the graffiti written in the Brahmi script at site 14, for example, individuals adopt several terms to identify themselves, such as sea-captains; yavana, a term that is frequently also used in the epigraphs of the western Deccan caves or by their place of residence such as Barygaza or Bharuch on the west coast of India.29 These overwhelming cases of self-representation of individuals/groups from the Indian subcontinent may be compared with contemporary epigraphs on the west coast of India,30 both with reference to content and locations and add a hitherto under-researched perspective to maritime activity in the western Indian Ocean, which has largely centred on discussions of pottery and identifications of coastal centres mentioned in early Greek writing.31

Archaeology of coastal centres and harbour installations (fourth–ninth centuries CE) Cosmas Indicopleustes (‘India-voyager’), a Greek sailor from Alexandria who travelled to Ethiopia, India and Sri Lanka in the early sixth century, provides a good example of interconnectedness of the western Indian Ocean. In later life, he became a monk, probably of Nestorian tendencies. Cosmas tells us that he was a native of Egypt, probably of Alexandria, never received a complete education (II, 1). He was a merchant (II, 54 and 56) in early life, perhaps importing spices and made many voyages. He knew Palestine and the area around Mt. Sinai (V, 8, 14, 51–52), had been to Socotra (III, 65), and had navigated in the Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf (II, 29). He had rounded Cape Gardafui and sailed off Somalia (II, 30).32 Cosmas even mentions in book 2 another merchant, Menas, a friend of his, who also became a monk. His book, the Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes is dated to 550 CE. The surviving manuscripts of the text include an uncial manuscript of the ninth century, written in Constantinople (Rome: Vaticanus Graecus 699 (V), and No. 1186 of the Greek Mss. of the Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinai (S), dated to the eleventh century.33 The fourth century saw the rise of both the Christian holy man and Christianity as a civic institution in Egypt. Archaeological work at Abu Sha’ar, located 20 km north of Hurghada on the Red Sea coast, located a fort built in the late third–early fourth centuries CE as a result of the reorganisation of the eastern defences of the Roman Empire. After the fort’s abandonment in the early fifth century, it was occupied by Christian communities and converted into a church and the north gate became the principal entrance. The presence of graffiti, Christian

crosses and two major ecclesiastical inscriptions in Greek attest to the importance of Abu Sha’ar as a pilgrimage centre in Upper Egypt. In addition, it was ideally located to facilitate travel to Sinai for St. Catherine’s Monastery or to Aila (Aqaba at the northern end of the Gulf of Aqaba) and onwards to Jerusalem.34 It would seem that from the fourth to seventh centuries, the focus of maritime activity shifted further south along the Red Sea coast to Adulis. Adulis, with the two harbours of Diodorus island and Orienê, is located at a spot where the Red Sea winds are less ferocious. At present, the site is located 7 km from the coast – though there is evidence that it was connected with the sea by a silted channel of the River Haddas. The sixth-century work of Cosmas Indicopleustes refers to the town in the Aksumite period and contains a sketch map showing Adulis a little way from the coast, clearly connected with Aksum. There are also indications for the presence of a church at the site. The ceramic evidence, especially the presence of ribbed body sherds, largely from amphorae and costrels with some coarse wares from the kilns in Aqaba indicates continuing contact with the Jordanian Byzantine/Umayyad tradition with a probable seventh-century date. Aqaba amphorae have a wide distribution in the Red Sea area, having been found in fourth-century contexts at Berenike, while at Abu Sha’ar, the type occurs from at least the fifth century, and at Qana, they appear in the Upper Period dating to the sixth–seventh centuries CE. The easternmost distribution is at Kamrej on the west coast of India. Some of the amphorae bear Christian monograms, suggesting that the contents may sometimes have had a role in church liturgy.35 Amphorae jars were used for the long-distance transport of foodstuffs in antiquity, and when found in archaeological excavations, provide indicators of trade and maritime contacts. The torpedo jars, dated from third to eighth century CE, are of Mesopotamian origin and have a body resembling a torpedo. They look like amphorae without handles and probably had similar uses. Torpedo jars are common and ubiquitous between the fourth and the tenth centuries CE, having a very wide distribution in the western Indian Ocean, stretching from Iraq, along the Arabian and Iranian coasts, down the western coast of India as far as Sri Lanka, and along the east coast of Africa.36 In the Indian subcontinent, they are clustered around the north-western coast, particularly Gujarat and Maharashtra. Especially significant is their find at a Christian monastery site on the island of Sir Bani Yas, 170 km south west of Abu Dhabi in late sixth/early eighth century CE context.37 Thus, it is evident that trade networks across the western Indian Ocean indicate continuity, though the affiliation of shrines and sites often change over time. In the final analysis, rather than ruptures and discontinuities, occasionally revived by external stimulus, a complex trading network involving a variety of groups including artisans, craftspeople and transporters marks the early history of Gujarat. The history of these

communities is evident from the donations that they made to religious establishments. Thus, trade and trading activity cannot be studied in isolation from the diverse religious landscape that developed in the region. The attempt in this book has been to highlight the location and archaeology of religious structures, thereby placing the temple in its wider social base. It also needs to be appreciated that the temple was by no means unique; instead, it was part of a diverse sacred geography. For a comprehensive appraisal of crafts and communities in western India, the intertwined strands of religious architecture, economic activity and political intervention need to be examined and understood. An overview of this activity as presented in this book amply demonstrates the participation of communities of western India in a variety of trading networks, local, regional and transoceanic in the first millennium of the Common era.

Notes 1 ‘The rapid growth in the number and networks of temple centers, whose origins certainly date to pre-Gupta times, become understandable when we begin to appreciate how closely they were linked, as were gifts and land grants to Brahmins (brahmadeyas and agraharas) with the formation of subregional and regional kingdoms and their legitimation, consolidation of their resource bases, and the forging of linkages for social integration across communities’ (B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Historiography, History and Religious Centre – Early Medieval North India c. 700–1200 AD, in Visakha N. Desai and D. Mason (eds), Gods, Guardians and Lovers – Temple Structures from North India, Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing, 1993, p. 42). 2 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Shrine in Early Hinduism: The Changing Sacred Landscape, The Journal of Hindu Studies, 2, 2009, pp. 76–96; H.P. Ray (ed.), Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010. 3 James M. Campbell, History of Gujarat, Gurgaon: Vintage Books, 1989, p. 70. 4 Gavin Flood in H.P. Ray, Archaeology and Text – The Temple in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010, p. xiii. 5 H.P. Ray, Archaeology and Text – The Temple in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 4. 6 Cynthia Talbot, Pre Colonial India in Practice: Society, Region and Identity in Medieval Andhra, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 87. 7 Ashit Boran Paul, The Early Historic Settlement and Subsistence Pattern in the Shetrunji River Basin, Bhavnagar District, Gujarat, Puratattva, 30, 1999–2000, pp. 99–105. 8 C. Westerdahl, The Maritime Cultural Landscape, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 21 (1), 1992, p. 5. 9 A. Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of an Indo-Islamic World, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990, p. 72. 10 Michael Meister, Ethnography and Personhood: Notes from the Field, New Delhi, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2000, p. 24. 11 Cynthia Talbot, Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region and Identity in Medieval Andhra, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 87. 12 D. Sircar, Charter of Visnusena samvat 649, Epigraphia Indica, 30, 1953–54, pp. 163–81.

13 Derek Kennet and J.V.P. Rao, The Early Historic Brick Temples at Chandor, South Asian Studies, 17, 2001, pp. 97–107. 14 M.M. George, The Kadamba Kula, B.X. Furtado, Bombay, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services (reprinted), 1931/1995, p. 171. 15 K.V. Ramesh, Three Early Charters from Sanjeli in Gujarat, Epigraphia Indica, 40, 1973–75, pp. 175–86. 16 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia, Cambridge World Archaeology Series, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, Chapter II. 17 L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. 18 Colin Breen and Paul J. Lane, Archaeological Approaches to East Africa’s Changing Seascapes, World Archaeology, 35 (3), 2003, pp. 469–89. 19 Felix A. Chami, The Graeco-Romans and Paanchea/Azania: Sailing in the Erythraean Sea, in Paul Lunde and Alexandra Porter (eds), Society for Arabian Studies Monographs 2 Trade and Travel in the Red Sea Region. Proceedings of Red Sea Project I held in the British Museum, October 2002, pp. 93–104. 20 Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, p. 61. 21 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Monastery and Guild: Commerce Under the Satavahanas, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986, p. 112. 22 R. Cappers, Archaeobotanical Evidence for Roman Trade with India, in Himanshu Prabha Ray (ed.), Archaeology of Seafaring, New Delhi: Pragati Publications, 1999, pp. 51–69. 23 Steven E. Sidebotham, Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, Berkeley, CA, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2011, p. 70. 24 Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, pp. 75–81. 25 Nancy Pinto Orton, Sea-Going Trade in Early Historic Gujarat (ca. 100 BC – AD 500), Doctoral Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2001, pp. 100–1. Nancy Pinto Orton, Red Polished Ware in Gujarat: Surface Collections from Inland Sites, in S.A. Abraham, P. Gullapalli, T.P. Raczek and U.Z. Rizvi (eds), Connections and Complexity: New Approaches to the Archaeology of South Asia, Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, 2013, pp. 195–222. 26 Orton, Sea-Going Trade in Early Historic Gujarat, pp. 78–85. 27 Jack Goody, The Power of the Written Tradition, Washington, London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001, p. 144. 28 V.V. Naumkin and A.V. Sedov, Socotra, Topoi, 3 (2), 1993, pp. 581–2. 29 Ingo Strauch, Foreign Sailors on Socotra: The Inscriptions and Drawings from the Cave Hoq, Bremen: Hempen Verlag, 2012. 30 Ray, Monastery and Guild, 1986. 31 Eivind Heldaas Seland, Archaeology of Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, 300 BC–AD 700, Journal of Archaeological Research, published online 2nd April 2014. 32 The region which produces frankincense is situated at the projecting parts of Ethiopia, and lies inland, but is washed by the ocean on the other side. Hence the [139] inhabitants of Barbaria, being near at hand, go up into the interior and, engaging in traffic with the natives, bring back from them many kinds of spices, frankincense, cassia, calamus, and many other articles of merchandise, which they afterwards send by sea to Adulê, to the country of the Homeritcs, to Further

India, and to Persia. 33 Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography, J.W. McCrindle (translated), London: Hakluyt Society, 1897. 34 S.E. Sidebotham, Archaeological Work in the Eastern Desert and Along the Red Sea Coast, in Marie-Françoise Boussac and Jean-François Salles (eds), A Gateway from the Eastern Mediterranean to India, New Delhi: Manohar, 2005, pp. 109– 10. 35 David Peacock and Lucy Blue (eds), The Ancient Red Sea Port of Adulis, Eritrea, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2007, p. 95. 36 Roberta S. Tomber, Rome and Mesopotamia – Importers to India in the First Millennium AD, Antiquity, 81, 2007, pp. 972–88. 37 R.A. Carter, Christianity in the Gulf During the First Centuries of Islam, Arabian Archaeology & Epigraphy, 19, 2008, pp. 71–108.

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Index

The use of diacritics has been kept to a minimum in the book for ease of reading. These are however marked in the Index. acculturation 13, 52, 196, 197 Adodar 44, 111 Agathocles 6 agni 22, 125, 203, 218 agnicayana 6 agnihotra 201–4 agnikuṇḍa 221–4 agniṣṭoma 8, 22, 208 Agnivarman 166 āhārani 84, 85, 91 Ahicchatra 111 Ai Khanum 6 Ajivika 5 Akota 16, 69, 78, 80, 83, 89, 91, 120, 141, 143, 144, 145–9, 160, 179–81, 184, 233, 234 akśamālā 221, 223 Alech Patan 34 altar, sacrificial 8, 10 Ambaji (goddess) 16, 17, 109, 110, 112, 130, 165, 181, 182, 184, 234 Ambika (devi/yaksi) 111, 121, 123, 143–6, 149, 155, 156, 182 amphorae 68, 71, 73, 76, 78, 245, 246 Amreli 16, 44, 62, 65, 67, 68, 72–3, 80, 105, 114, 118, 120, 121, 127, 128, 134, 136, 160, 161, 175, 183, 197, 234 anchor 86 aṇḍa 47 Andhau 39 Annamalai 158 antarāla 5, 7, 181 Antialkidas 5 Arab-Persian Gulf 38, 60, 67–8, 74, 86, 185, 241, 249 Arikamedu 68, 241 Arittapatti 158

arjikā 89 Arthaśāstra 9, 61, 94 Aśoka vii, 26, 27, 49, 51, 232 Aśokan edict vii, 26, 27, 49, 51, 232 aśvamedha 8, 10, 19, 204 Asvin 9 avarohaṇa 78 avatāra 113, 125; daśāvatāra 120, 124, 125 āyatana 8 Balasiri 10–11 Barabar hill 5 Barygaza 77, 240, 241, 244 Bawa Pyara caves vii, 24, 33, 69, 162 bead 30, 63–5, 69, 72, 78, 79; making 26, 60, 65, 79, 233 Begram 7, 18 Bengal 5, 12, 241 Berenike 240, 245 Besnagar 5 Bet Dwarka 23, 63, 65, 72, 80, 87, 105, 217 Bhadreshvar 186–8 Bhāgavata 5, 10, 126 Bhāgavatapāda 131 Bhāgavata Purāṇa 126 Bhairava 16, 106, 108, 110, 111, 113, 149 bhakti 6, 13, 51–2, 201 Bharuch 65, 116, 240, 241, 244 Bharukaccha 47, 77, 82, 141 Bhokardhan 7 Bhṛgukaccha 77 Boria stupa vii, 30–2, 69 Boricha 43, 108, 112, 233 Brahmā 8, 29, 90, 125, 136, 159, 164, 165, 174, 176, 207, 208, 210, 212, 215 Brahma, Khed 114, 143, 164, 165, 169, 183 brahmachari 7 brahmacharin 222 Brahmakṣetra 165 brāhmaṇa 1, 98; Shatapatha 4

Brahmani 110–11, 121–4, 169, 182 Brahmanical 11, 19, 54, 146, 152–4, 156, 160, 161, 163, 164 Brahmanism 175, 196 Brahmi 23, 30, 35, 37, 63, 64, 72, 74, 76, 105, 124, 136, 140, 176, 217, 244 Broach 34, 60, 62, 65, 69, 76–7, 79, 80, 82, 86, 88, 89, 91, 93, 113, 114, 117, 118, 120–2, 136, 180, 211, 233 Buddha 4, 15, 35–7, 47, 48, 74, 75, 84, 125, 135, 136–40, 167, 168, 170, 175–8 Buddha, Dhyani 138–40, 167, 176 Buddha, Manusi 138, 139 caitya 4, 8, 9, 24, 29, 33–6, 135, 148, 167, 168; caityadevatā 9; caityagṛha 24; caityaprāsāda 8; caityeśu 8 Chalukya 44, 52, 133, 159, 160, 184–5, 187, 188 Chandragupta 61, 130, 232 Chandraketugarh 5, 11 coins: Gupta 12, 40, 71, 73, 77, 78; Kshatrapa 38, 71, 73, 77, 78; Kushan 12, 72, 79; punchmarked 6, 15, 64, 65, 103, 105, 234; Roman 76, 78; Saurashtra janapada 13, 49, 61, 62, 65, 102–4, 162; tribal 78, 79, 103, 105; Ujjain 73, 74, 104 Cosmas Indicopleustes 244–5 Cotta Chandor 237 daivatapratimā 9 dakkhināpathapati 10 Daksa 22 dāna 204, 205; mahādāna 206; piṇḍa dāna 208 Daśakumāracarita 49 deśadevatā 9 devadāsī 9 devagṛha 7–9 devakula 7, 8 devakulikā 6 devatāgṛha 9 devāyatana 7, 8 Devila 6 devīsthāna 109 Devnimori 17, 35, 38, 40, 44, 45, 47–8, 53, 74, 76, 81, 88, 106, 110, 125, 134 Dhank/Dhankapuri 16, 17, 33–4, 72, 108, 122, 123, 128, 130, 131, 135, 136, 141, 149, 225, 234 dharma 7, 206 dharmacakra 148 Dharmaśāstra/Dharmasūtra 7, 236 Dhatva 59–60, 80, 103–5

Dholavira 4 Dravidian 11, 12 Durga 6, 120, 124, 132, 146, 175; see also Mahishasuramardini Dwarka 17, 22–3, 38, 40, 43, 44, 51, 60, 61–3, 69, 81, 82, 86, 87, 90, 91, 105, 116, 119, 120, 124, 197, 199, 200, 207, 212–15, 218, 225, 233–5 Dwarkadheesh 22–3 Ed Dur 74 Egypt 3, 240, 244, 245 Ellora 146, 221 epics 3, 8, 9, 11, 19, 217 Foucher, Alfred 36 Gadha 113, 115 Gandhara 6, 35, 138 Ganesha 43, 44, 90, 110–11, 116, 122, 124, 130, 133, 169, 173, 175, 182, 216, 221–4, 226 Ganga (goddess) 132, 169 Ganga (river) 5, 12, 104, 162, 182, 241 garuḍa-dhvaja 5 ghaṭa 12 ghaṭikāsthāna 238 Ghumli 24, 29, 43, 52, 115, 233 Girnar 24, 26, 33, 37, 44, 51, 61, 62, 65, 82, 83, 90, 161–4, 186, 207, 232 Gogha 16, 86, 137, 139, 141, 145, 148, 234 Gop 43, 109 Goraj 28, 40, 79, 80, 89, 106, 114, 118, 124 Greek 5, 38, 240, 241, 243–5 Gudimallam 5 Gulf of Barygaza/Bharuch 77, 241 Gulf of Kachchh 13, 14, 87, 235, 240 Gulf of Khambat (Cambay) 14, 29, 69, 77, 83, 176, 235, 241 Gupta vii, 6, 12, 27, 37, 40, 50, 61, 71, 73, 78, 79, 132, 163, 164, 169, 173, 179, 197, 220, 226, 231, 232 Harappa/Harappan 3–4, 14, 23, 60, 74 harmyaprāsāda 8 Hatab 38, 82, 85–6, 129, 225, 235 Heliodorus 5 Herakles 5, 6

Huntington, Susan L. 36 Indo-Bactrian 5 Indra/Mahendra 8 inscriptions i, ii, 6, 9, 10–12, 14, 16, 19, 71, 74, 78, 81–4, 89–91, 108, 131, 133, 135, 138, 141, 145, 159, 175, 179, 180, 185, 187, 198, 201, 217, 231, 232, 235, 238, 240, 241, 244, 245; inscriptions, copper plate 5, 11, 45, 51; inscriptions, stone vii, 27, 37, 39, 50, 61 Intwa 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 67, 69 itihāsa 3 Jagatgram 10 Jaina vii, ix, 2, 4, 9, 12, 16, 18, 42, 47, 48, 53, 54, 61, 78, 84, 89, 141–8, 157–60, 161–5, 176, 178–82, 184, 186, 234, 242 Jamalpur 6 Jokha 59–60 Junagadh vii, 14, 16, 17, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29–33, 37, 48, 49, 51, 61, 62, 67–9, 71, 75, 81, 109, 128, 130, 131, 136, 162–4, 174, 183, 185, 186, 197, 207, 216, 233 Junnar 71 Kachchh 15, 38, 39, 48, 61, 65, 69, 74, 93, 134, 137, 140, 141, 182, 186, 236, 240 Kadamba dynasty 237–8 Kadia Dungar 17, 34, 35, 48, 77 Kadvar vii, 44–6, 68, 85, 86, 118, 124, 233 Kaira 65, 82 Kalibangan 3, 4 Kampiya 48 Kamrej 60, 79, 103–5, 118, 120, 246 Karttikeya 90, 104, 111, 115, 130–2 Karvan (Kayarohana) 16, 28, 38, 40, 44, 65, 78–81, 106, 108, 113, 115, 120, 124, 126, 127, 132, 180, 223, 224, 234 Kausambi 10, 138, 164 Kavi 82, 116, 120, 122, 132, 133 kāvya 3 Keesaragutta 7 Kesariyaji temple 2 kevalajñāna 162 Khambalida 29, 30, 33, 36, 72, 135, 138 Khambat 77, 86, 106, 136, 176, 184, 186, 187 Khapara Kodia 29, 30–3, 136 Kharosthi 6, 244 Khimesvara 17, 43, 111

Kinderkheda 86 kinnarī 7 Kodinar 86 Kolhapur 30 Kosambi, D. D. 11 Kotesvara 113 Krishna 5, 6, 10, 22, 63, 118, 125, 164, 177, 182, 206, 218 Kshatrapa 28–30, 35, 38–40, 50, 61, 69, 71–4, 77–9, 90, 114, 120, 121, 127, 141, 169, 180, 231, 232 Kubera 6, 9, 10, 40, 49, 130 kuṇḍa 28, 29, 43, 212, 215 Kushana 6, 12, 38, 72, 79, 114, 135, 138, 220, 226 Lajjagauri 16, 23, 64, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 127, 130, 169, 177, 199, 234, 235 Lakroda 40, 42 Lakshmi/Mahalakshmi 13, 90, 103, 124, 125, 216 Lakulīśa 16, 28, 78, 106, 108, 109, 113, 116, 117, 132, 148, 179, 181, 217, 223, 234 Lothal 3, 4 Mahābhārata 2, 8, 14, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 61, 195, 199–201, 204, 205, 211–13, 215, 217, 234 mahārathī 10 Mahisasuramardini 6, 110, 120–4, 127, 133, 169, 177, 199, 216 Maitraka 11–12, 14, 29, 40, 43, 48, 49, 52, 73–4, 79, 81–5, 88, 89, 93, 108, 125, 148, 177, 178, 198, 201, 202, 204, 217, 235 maṇḍapa 12, 29, 181, 215 maṇḍapikā 42 Mandasor 45, 219, 221, 238 Mangrol 82, 85–6, 109, 216, 233 maṭha 9, 29, 216 Mathura 6, 18, 45, 69, 138, 213, 219–21, 238 mātṛkā 6, 16, 90, 106, 109–12, 121–4, 126, 130, 131, 133, 148, 169, 170, 175, 234; see also saptamātṛkā Maurya/Mauryan 16, 23, 24, 37, 50, 61–3, 71, 180, 231, 232 megalithic burials 5 Mesopotamia 3, 76, 246 Miyani 43, 44, 85, 86, 233 mother goddess 11, 29, 64, 112, 121, 129, 133, 146 mudrā 74; dhyānamudrā 135, 167; vardāna 146 mukha-maṇḍapa 5 Naga 6, 18, 125, 130, 132, 220

Nagara 28, 29, 64, 65, 67, 69, 80, 86, 91, 103, 105, 134, 136, 137, 139, 175, 176, 183 Nagari 5, 10 Nanaghat 10 Nandi 43, 114, 115, 118, 121, 169, 173, 177, 237 Nani Ryan 74 Nasik 10 Navadurga 44; see also Durga nāvikapati 49 Nayanika 10 pādāvarta 84, 85 Padri 22–3, 60, 61, 64, 120, 128, 137, 235 pañcaśākhā 90 pañcatapas 126 Panchagnitapas Parvati 16, 17, 90, 122, 124, 126, 199, 219, 221, 224, 226, 234 Panchatantra 3 Pāṇini 9 Pārvatī 29, 81, 90, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 169, 183, 221–4; see also Panchagnitapas Parvati Pasnavada 44, 112 Pata 44, 108, 111, 233 Patan 23, 60–2, 65, 80, 82, 110, 129, 159, 184, 185, 188, 267 Patan Anhilwada 133, 153, 159, 184, 267 Patañjali 9 Periplus Maris Erythraei 74, 77, 239–43 Pindara 44, 65, 86, 218 Polo 42, 159 Porbandar 86, 87, 117, 233, 241 Prabhandacintāmaṇi 157, 159 Prabhas Patan 14, 22, 60, 62–3, 80, 199, 207, 208, 215, 251 pradakṣiṇāpatha 48 Prakrit 10, 39 praṇāla 28, 180, 181 punch-marked coins 6, 15, 64, 65, 103, 105, 234; see also coins Purāṇas 3, 18, 108, 126, 176, 182, 195–7, 199, 200, 202, 204, 208, 209, 211, 215–18, 225; see also Skanda Purāṇa Puranic 10, 13, 52, 195, 197, 199, 200–2, 209, 212, 213, 231 pushkarini 6 Qana 68, 74, 245

Rājatarangiṇī 157, 160 Rajgir 6 Rāmāyaṇa 3, 8, 19, 61 Randal 112 Rashtrakuta 12, 48, 133, 140 Red Polished Ware (RPW) 38, 40, 67–9, 72–3, 75–8, 80–1, 85 Red Sea 38, 60, 68, 71, 239–41, 245 relics 30, 37, 145, 170 Revanta 43 rice 64, 77, 203, 207, 240, 243 Roda vii, 16, 17, 40–2, 89, 90, 111, 114, 115, 117, 119, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 130, 131, 223–5, 233, 234 Rojdi 80 route(s) 20, 44, 53, 62, 63, 65, 68–9, 74, 76–8, 82, 88, 180, 188, 196, 235, 238, 241, 242 Rudradaman 27, 37, 39, 69, 232 rūpastambha 90 sacrifices, Vedic 8, 10, 204 Saindhava 29, 52, 129 śākhā 11, 19 salt/salt-making 15, 59, 64, 93, 206, 207, 209, 233, 235, 239 Sana 29, 30, 34 Sanchi 71 Sangam 157, 158 Sanjan 25–6 Sanjeli 51, 131, 197, 238 Sankarṣaṇa 6, 9, 10, 125 saptamātṛkā 109–12, 122, 169 Saraswati/Sarasvati 74, 75, 182, 183, 203, 206, 215, 216 Satarudriya 6 Shaiva/Shaivism/Shaivite ix, 28, 42, 44, 53, 78, 80, 89, 104, 106, 108, 112–14, 127, 132, 157–60, 168–70, 173, 177, 179–81, 184, 201, 216, 217 Shamlaji vii, 16, 38, 40, 42, 48, 67–9, 74–6, 80–1, 88, 89, 91, 106, 110, 111, 113–15, 119, 121, 122, 125, 160, 166, 169, 170, 172–4, 219–21, 224, 226, 233, 234 shell objects 23, 26, 63, 67, 72, 79, 239, 243 shell-working 60, 63, 65, 72, 73, 78, 80, 85 Shetrunji valley 34, 72, 235 Shiva linga vii, 5, 28, 42, 43, 62, 73, 79, 80, 103, 106, 108, 109, 112–17, 132, 134, 164, 166, 169, 177, 180, 181, 198, 199, 210, 215–17, 222–4, 226; Chaturmukhashivalinga 116, 118; ekamukhashivalinga 113–16, 164, 169, 171, 173; Jyotirlinga 62

Sita 8, 61, 126 Siva/Shiva 9, 28, 29, 42, 44, 51, 62, 73, 79–81, 89, 90, 91, 104–6, 108–16, 122, 125, 126, 158, 159, 164, 170, 173, 176, 180–2, 184, 198, 199, 202, 210, 216, 217, 221; Ardhanārīśvara 90, 113, 115, 117; Bhairava/Bhairaveśvara 16, 106, 108, 109, 113, 115–17, 121, 132, 148, 179, 212, 234; Lakulīśa 28, 108, 109, 117, 132, 148, 179, 234 (see also Lakulīśa); Mahākāla 104; Nṛtyamūrtī 113, 117; Trimūrtī 113; Umā Maheśvara 113, 115–17, 132; Vīṇādhara/Vīṇāpāṇi/Vīṇāpati Siva 81, 108, 110, 113–18, 169, 182; Vīrabhadra 81, 114, 124, 133, 169, 173 Siyot/Kateshwar 48, 53, 74, 134, 137 Skanda 6, 9, 132 Skandagupta 67, 69, 131, 163, 232 Skanda Purāṇa 16, 17, 28, 81, 163, 176, 181–4, 195, 197, 199, 200, 204–6, 208–18, 225, 234 Socotra 242–4 Sohar 68 Soma 8, 22, 62, 132, 203, 204, 213 Somanatha 17, 22, 23, 40, 43, 44, 51, 60–2, 65, 68, 69, 81, 82, 86, 90, 159, 182, 185–7, 197, 199, 200, 207, 208, 213–15, 217, 218, 225, 233, 234; see also Prabhas Patan Sonkamsari 29, 52, 113, 117 Sonkh 6, 7 Sopara 30, 77 śrāddha 200, 205, 207, 208, 209, 213 śrāvaka 89 śreṣṭhī 160 śrīvatsa 103, 104 stepwell 15, 17, 41, 42, 89–91, 128–31, 149, 180, 186, 198, 225 Sudarśanachakra 105, 163 Sudarśana lake 26, 37, 50, 71, 130, 163, 166, 232 Sūrya 10, 42–4, 51, 81, 105, 106, 108–9, 112, 125, 132, 136, 163, 176, 198, 216, 235 Sutrapada 44, 68, 85, 86, 112 Talaja 29, 34, 235 Tara 47, 48, 137, 138, 140 Taranga 16, 17, 47–8, 116, 137, 139, 141, 234 Taranmata 47, 48, 139 Taxila 7 thāna 11 Timbarva 65, 116 tīrtha 8, 11, 13, 22, 63, 69, 105, 128, 163, 165, 174, 176, 183, 184, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 212–14 Toramana 45, 51, 197, 238 torpedo jars 76, 246

Uparkot 17, 29, 32, 33, 69, 71, 186 Usavadata 10 Utttarapatha 63 Vadgaon-Madhavpur 10 Vadnagar 29, 35, 40, 45, 47, 53, 58, 65, 75, 76, 82, 114, 118, 159 Vadodara 14, 16, 28, 40, 44, 64, 65, 78–80, 82, 88–9, 91, 106, 108–9, 117, 120, 124, 132, 160, 179–81, 184, 222, 233–4 vaidya 238 Vaishnava 45, 63, 126, 157, 158, 207 Vaiśravaṇa 9 Vājapeya 8, 10, 200, 204 Vala 44, 65, 177, 198 Valabhi 16, 43, 46–9, 51–2, 62, 73, 80–6, 89–90, 114, 116, 118, 121, 123, 128, 134–5, 137, 139, 141, 143, 148, 160–1, 176–8, 180, 183–4, 197, 233–5 vaṇijak 84 vāpi 84 Varuna 8, 10, 125, 129, 218 Vasai 38, 44, 65, 68 Vasudeva 5, 6, 9, 10, 105 Veda 1, 6, 8, 11, 104, 203, 204; see also Vedic Vedic 1, 4, 7–11, 17, 104, 199–203, 205, 208–9, 211, 213, 225, 234, 238 Veerapuram 5 Veraval 14, 85, 184, 187, 241 Vidarbha 5 vimāna/ratha 7 Visavada 86 Vishnu 8, 16–7, 29, 38, 42, 50, 51, 67, 88, 90, 105, 112, 113, 118–20, 124, 125, 128–30, 132–3, 163–4, 170, 172–4, 206–7, 210, 214, 216, 218–20, 224, 226, 232–4; see also Viṣṇu Vishnusena, copper-plate charter 236–7 Viṣṇu 105, 125, 175, 188, 210, 214; Viśvarūpa 16, 17, 119, 125, 170, 172–3, 219–20, 224, 226, 234 Xuanzang 46, 47, 139, 160, 162, 178 yajña 165, 174, 200 yaṣṭi 39 yātrā 205