Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India: Contributions and Challenges 9781463202477, 2013045202, 1463202474

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Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India

Pro Oriente Studies in the Syriac Tradition

2 Series Editor Dietmar W. Winkler

Pro Oriente (Austria), founded in 1964 by the late Cardinal Franz König, focuses on the relationships between the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Christian Churches, and helps the various churches of the Syriac tradition to preserve their unique heritage which is of importance for the whole of Christianity.

Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India

Contributions and Challenges

Edited by

Dietmar W. Winkler

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34 2013

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2013 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2013

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ISBN 978-1-4632-0247-7 With kind support of the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, Arts and Culture.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Syriac christianity in the Middle East and India : contributions and challenges / edited by Dietmar Winkler. pages cm. -- (Pro oriente studies in the Syriac tradition ; 2) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4632-0247-7 1. Syrian churches--Middle East. 2. Syrian churches--India. 3. Syrian churches--United States. 4. Syriac Christians--Middle East. 5. Syriac Christians--India. 6. Syriac Christians--United States. I. Winkler, Dietmar W. BX101.S975 2013 281’.63--dc23 2013045202 Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preambles............................................................................................... vii Cardinal Walter Kasper ............................................................... viii Cardinal Christoph Schönborn .................................................... ix Pro Oriente President Johann Marte............................................ x Syriac Churches: Contributions and Challenges — Editor’s Note ......................................................................................... xi Dietmar W. Winkler Part I: The Cultural, Social and Educational Contributions of Syriac Christianity.................................................................... 1 Cultural, social and educational contributions of Syriac Christianity in South India ............................................................. 3 Baby Varghese Christianity in Iraq and its contribution to society............................ 23 Herman Teule Part II: The Challenges of Syriac Christianity: Religious Freedom and Pluralism ............................................................ 43 Religious freedom, education, pluralism and the personal status of Syriac Christianity in India ...................................................... 45 Philip Nelpuraparambil Religious freedom, education, pluralism and personal status of Syriac Christianity in Syria and Turkey....................................... 63 Mar Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim The contribution of Syriac Christians to Islamo-Christian coexistence in Lebanon .................................................................... 73 Mar Paul Matar

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Part III: The Emigration of Syriac Christians ............................ 87 The emigration of Syriac Christians moving from India: motives and impact ...................................................................................... 89 Mar Kuriakose Theophilose Christianity in the Middle East: some historical remarks and preliminary demographic figures...............................................107 Dietmar W. Winkler The emigration of Syriac Christians from the Middle East: motives and impact .....................................................................127 Martin Tamcke Part IV: Perspectives after Pope Benedict’s visit to the Holy Land ...................................................................................141 Pope Benedict XVI in the Holy Land in 2009: a Pastor and a Man of Peace, of Unity and of Dialogue .................................143 Frans Bouwen Part V: Appendices............................................................................151 Third meeting of the Pro Oriente Forum Syriacum .......................153 Second Pro Oriente Colloquium Syriacum Final Report .................157 Second Pro Oriente Colloquium Syriacum — Invited Participants ...................................................................................167

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PREAMBLES

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CARDINAL WALTER KASPER It gives me pleasure to extend a cordial greeting to the publication of the second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum, held in Vienna from 4th to 6th November 2009. The present book reflects on the important theme of Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India Today and in particular on the way in which Christians have had an important influence on the cultural, social and educational development in this geographical context. It also concentrates on the challenges. Recent developments in the Middle East highlight the urgency of religious freedom and pluralism. Pope Benedict XVI visited the Holy Land to promote peace, and PRO ORIENTE rightly looks also at the outcomes of this visit in terms of the perspectives for peace, dialogue and security. Finally, it is very important to focus also on the immense problem of emigration, which has seen the dramatic reduction in the number of Christians all over the Middle East. We must reflect together on the motives and the impact of emigration for the future of Christianity in the Middle East. It is my deep hope that study on this issue may also touch on the ecumenical dimension of this problem, and may contribute to a deepening of the ecumenical dialogue. I thank the PRO ORIENTE Foundation for its steadfast and generous effort to bring together eminent representatives of all the Churches of the Syriac tradition. These meetings have considerably contributed and continue to contribute to the promotion of Christian unity in a region for which all Christians should feel greater interest and affection. Cardinal Walter Kasper President emeritus Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Vatican

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CARDINAL CHRISTOPH SCHÖNBORN PRO ORIENTE, this venerable institution, founded the bonds of fraternity and friendship with the Christians in the East. For us, it is a privilege to serve unity among Christians, because it is a friendship in Jesus, which he granted among his followers. Those who are friends want to know each other better. The foundation of PRO ORIENTE is to the merit of Cardinal Franz König (1905–2004) in a time when the Iron Curtain separated Christianity in a divided world. The concept for this institution came to Cardinal König in 1960, when he had a terrible car accident on the way to the burial of Cardinal Alojzije Stepinac in Varazdin in the former Yugoslavia. The Cardinal found himself in the hospital with severe injuries. In his clinical room, there was only a picture of Josip Broz Tito, no Christian presence, no cross. He resolved to do something to overcome the Iron Curtain and the Wall, beginning his work with contacts behind the Iron Curtain and with Eastern and Oriental Christians. When the Second Vatican Council inspired Christian unity, he felt that Vienna had a vocation to strengthen the bonds with Eastern Christians. PRO ORIENTE came into existence in 1964 and has done a great work. Of course, official dialogues take place between Rome and the sister Churches, but sometimes it is easier to meet aside from Rome, in a neutral place. Vienna is qualified and called for this. We feel sympathy and great proximity to all Churches of Eastern tradition, especially those who are in difficulties, which are almost all Churches in the Middle East. May the Holy Spirit guide us on the way toward unity! Cardinal Christoph Schönborn Archbishop of Vienna President of the board of trustees of PRO ORIENTE

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PRO ORIENTE PRESIDENT JOHANN MARTE In the mid-90s, PRO ORIENTE decided to invite all churches of Syriac tradition to Vienna. Until then they were more or less isolated from one another in the middle of the “ocean of Islam” (Catholicos Aram I.). In the course of our Syriac Dialogue, the participants were delighted to discover that they had not lost the common roots of their spiritual-cultural heritage over the centuries. At that time, PRO ORIENTE made arrangements for an ecumenical “Syriac Commission”. It dealt with the life, faith and rites of all Syriac Churches, which have been culpably neglected in the West. In 2006 we expanded the Commission to a “Forum Syriacum”. Issues like the encounter between these churches and Islam — which resulted in the first volume of the present series — as well as the challenges of emigration and diaspora are on the agenda of the regular academic PRO ORIENTE colloquia. The Syrian Orthodox Metropolitan Mar Gregorios Youhanna Ibrahim from Aleppo has been one of the main promoters of our dialogue. His kidnapping on the 22 nd April 2013 together with the Greek Orthodox Metropolitan Boulos Yazigi came as a real shock. His church has already been tremendously affected by the civil war in Syria. Our highly valued friend has been a courageous bridgebuilder. He is essential for our work and a real spiritual leader. I would like to thank all those who have contributed in the last decades to the mutual exchange — the contribution to a better understanding and the friendship between the Churches — especially Univ. Prof. Dietmar W. Winkler, who has been the driving force behind PRO ORIENTE for many years now. Johann Marte President PRO ORIENTE Foundation

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SYRIAC CHURCHES: CONTRIBUTIONS AND CHALLENGES — EDITOR’S NOTE DIETMAR W. WINKLER SALZBURG / AUSTRIA PRO ORIENTE’s work with Christianity of the Middle East and India goes back to the days of the II Vatican Council (1962–65). Two weeks before the third session of the Second Vatican Council came to an end with the passage of the Decree on Ecumenism (Unitatis Redintegratio) in 1964, the then Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Franz König (1905–2004), following the advice of some Austrian intellectuals, decided to found PRO ORIENTE. The Foundation — an institution of the Catholic Archdioceses of Vienna and not an official tool of the Roman Catholic Church or the Vatican — intends to contribute to ecumenical dialogues on an unofficial level. This approach laid the ground for the official dialogue with the Byzantine Orthodox Church and contributed substantially to official agreements with the Oriental Orthodox Churches. The idea has been that PRO ORIENTE’s work, because it is “unofficial”, makes it possible for Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox theologians to confer frankly with their Roman Catholic colleagues. Hence important historical and theological research on the common heritage of the Churches of East and West has taken place — as well as personal encounters — in order to support official relations. Since the 1990s PRO ORIENTE has worked together with the Churches of Syriac tradition. From 1994 to 2005 six non-official consultations focusing on Christological questions and sacramental theology were held. In 2007 a new series of Colloquia Syriaca started with topics of common concerns. The results of the first colloquium on “Syriac Churches encountering Islam” in Salzburg, Ausxi

EDITOR’S NOTE tria are published as Volume 1 in this series (Pro Oriente Studies in Syriac Tradition, Gorgias Press).1 Upon its meeting in July 2008 in Aleppo (Syria), at the invitation of the Syrian orthodox Metropolitan Mor Gregorios Y. Ibrahim, the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum, which is the steering committee of these scholarly ecumenical conferences, decided to organize the Second Colloquium Syriacum on “Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India today: Contributions and Challenges”.2 By elaborating the contribution of Christianity to the Societies in the Middle East and in India, the Forum Syriacum planned to strengthen the presence, the service, and the witness of Syriac Christians in the Middle East, India and around the world. The present second volume of the “PRO ORIENTE Studies in Syriac Tradition” reflects the contributions as well as the intense and dynamic discussions of the Second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum. In its first part the volume acknowledges the contributions of Syriac Christians in the fields of culture, education and civil society throughout the history in the Middle East and India. This is done by the articles of Baby Varghese for India and Herman Teule for Iraq. In its second part the volume focuses on the challenges of living and professing the Christian faith as a minority in a multi-religious and pluralistic society and gives special attention to religious freedom and personal status. It deals with the experience of ChristianMuslim co-existence in the context of the present states of the Middle East, and with the experience of Christian-Hindu coexistence in India. This is subject of the papers written by Philip Nelpuraparambil, Mor Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, and Mar Paul Matar. In its last part, with articles by Mar Kuriakose Theophilose, Dietmar W. Winkler, and Martin Tamcke, the book elaborates the vital problem of continuous emigration of Christians from India and 1 Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler (ed.), Syriac Churches Encountering Islam: Past Experiences and Future Perspectives. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press 2010. 2 Cf. the Appendix of the present volume with the Communiqué of the Aleppo Meeting in 2008.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER the Middle East, which is particularly for the latter a serious problem and challenge. To support Christianity in the Middle East and the dialogue of the Churches among themselves and with Judaism and Islam, Pope Benedict XVI visited the Holy Land in 2009. Frans Bowen gives a profound analysis of the visit and the perspectives after the Pope’s visit in the last part of the book. For their preambles I would like to express my gratitude to Eminences Cardinal Walter Kasper and Cardinal Christoph Schönborn as well as to PRO ORIENTE President Johann Marte. Thanks to the vigorous management support by Marion Wittine the Colloquium worked like a charm. Dietmar W. Winkler Research Director of the Pro Oriente Studies in Syriac Tradition Salzburg/Austria, October 2013

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PART I: THE CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY

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CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA BABY VARGHESE KOTTAYAM / INDIA The South India State of Kerala owes much to the Syrian Christians, both Catholics and Orthodox, for its social, cultural, educational and economic development, in its modern history. Their contributions during the pre-Portuguese period are not known. Many have attempted to reconstruct the history of this period on the basis of documents of later origin and assumptions. I shall limit this study to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, for which we have better documentary evidence.

THE BEGINNING OF MODERN EDUCATION In August 1809, a meeting of the representatives of the Syrian parishes (non-Catholics) was held in Kandanadu (near Cochin), and the representatives resolved to start two schools — one in the North and one in the South — to instruct the children and the deacons in the doctrines of the Church. Pulikottil Joseph Ramban (later Joseph Mar Dionysius) was behind this resolution. Meanwhile, in 1810, Colonel John Munro was appointed as the British Resident in Travancore and Cochin. Munro offered full support to the project and thanks to his influence, land and necessary funds

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA were provided by the Queen of Travancore.1 In 1815, modern education was started at the Seminary founded by Joseph Mar Dionysius. After his demise in November 1816, Anglican missionaries assumed the direction of the Seminary (or “Syrian College” as it was called in Anglican sources). In 1817, teaching of the English language was started (for the first time in South India), and soon a Jewish man from Cochin was invited to teach Hebrew and a Hindu (Nair) to teach the Malayalam language. More than half of the students were Deacons and Seminarians of the Malankara Orthodox Church. A printing press and a medical dispensary were also opened at the Seminary. Under Joseph Mar Dionysius, the Syriac Bible was translated into Malayalam by several native priests of the Malankara Orthodox Church. This marks the beginning of modern history of the Malayalam language and printing in Kerala. The English missionaries were not satisfied with this translation, and wanted to have the full credit of introducing the Bible in Malayalam. The entire New Testament in Malayalam was published in 1829 and the whole Bible in 1841.2 Catholic missionaries had already started “seminaries” for the training of the clergy as early as the sixteenth century, and the Jesuits founded Seminaries in Kodungalloor and Vaipin (Cochin). But the ‘Syrian College in Kottayam’ was for the training of all, irrespective of caste and religion. Thus for the first time in Kerala, education was opened to all — including the poor and the lower caste. The English missionaries took the initiative to start elementary schools in parishes. Those who successfully completed these schools were sent to Grammar Schools and then to the Syrian College in Kottayam. In 1821, there were approximately 35 elementary schools in Kerala (Kottayam, Aleppey, Cochin, Mavelikara and Trichur). The first Grammar School was founded in 1821 in Kottayam with ten students and by 1826 their number had increased to seventy. 1 Cf. Baby Varghese, “The C.M.S. Missionaries and the Malankara Church (1815–1840)”, in: The Harp 20 (2006) 399–446. 2 Cf. Baby Varghese, “Syriac Bible in India”, in: The Harp 14 (2001) 63–80.

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BABY VARGHESE Another significant contribution of the English missionaries was the establishment of schools for the training of girls. In the 1820s, Miss Baker, an English lady, started High Schools for girls in Kottayam and Aleppey. The education was absolutely free. In the boarding houses attached to the schools, food, books and clothes were provided free of cost. The education was open to Christians as well as to Hindus. Following the example of the missionaries, the Government of Travancore also established schools, where admission was limited to boys and girls from the higher castes. The Catholics were rather late to enter the field of education. Following the example of the English missionaries, the Catholics entered the scene. In 1865, Fr. Kuriakose Chavara, the founder of the Carmelite Order (C.M.I.) and the Vicar General of the SyroMalabar Church, sent a circular to all the parishes directing that schools be established in every parish, even warning of censure should his instruction be disregarded. Henceforward, the SyroMalabar Church regarded education mission as a religious duty. In 1836, the English missionaries and the Malankara Church put an end to their cooperation in the field of education. The missionaries left the Syrian College (the present Orthodox Theological Seminary) and started the C.M.S. College in Kottayam. In its 170 years of existence, C.M.S. College has trained several thousands of students from various caste and religions, who have served Indian society in various fields. The most noted among them is the late Mr. K. R. Narayan, the former president of India.

CHRISTIANS AND THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

The contributions of Christians to the language and literature of Kerala before the nineteenth century is not very significant. Until the thirteenth century, Malabar was under the influence of Old Tamil (Chenthamil). From the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries, Sanskrit dominated the native literature. However, we have a few Christian songs belonging to this period, which were handed down orally and were written down in the nineteenth century. But modern Malayalam prose developed under Christian influence in the nineteenth century. In fact it was the European missionaries who used for the first time, the language of the ordinary people as a lit5

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA erary medium. Thus it was labeled as “missionary Malayalam/prose” by the Hindus. The history of the “Missionary Malayalam” can be divided into two periods: Stage 1: the sixteenth to eighteenth century and stage 2: nineteenth century. The first stage was marked by the contributions of the Catholic missionaries, especially the Franciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits and the Carmelites. They lived and worked in Cochin, Ambazhakkattu and Varapuzha. Vedatharkam (A defense of faith) by Kariyattil Joseph Malpan (1768), Samskepavedartham (A Brief Catechism: 1772) and Jnana Muthumala (The pearl of Wisdom: 1784), Varthamanapusthakam (A Travelogue) by Paremakkal Thoma Kathanar (1736–1799) are the earliest pieces in Malayalam prose. The Malayalam version of the Canons of the Synod of Diamper belongs to this period. With the contributions of the Protestant missionaries, the Malayalam prose entered its modern period. They used the simple style (the language spoken by the people) for the translation of the Bible, which helped to give a definite form to Malayalam prose. The translation of the Bible demonstrated that the “language of the people” was capable of transmitting philosophical and religious ideas. In this task, educated native Syrian Christians were associated with the missionaries. Thus, Herman Gundert, a German missionary, and two native clergy (Revd. George Mathen and Archdeacon Koshy) are regarded as the “creators” of Malayalam prose. Unlike leading Hindu writers (such as Keralavarma Valiakoi Thampuran), Revd. Mathen and Koshy preferred a style closer to the life of ordinary people. To a certain extent, the “Missionary Malayalam” is marked by the influence of the European languages, namely English and German. Dictionaries and grammar books The credit of composing the first works on the Malayalam Grammar and dictionaries goes to the Europeans, who were imitated by a few native scholars. Angelo Francis (eighteenth century) was the first to compose a grammar of the spoken language. It was for the use of the missionaries to learn the language of the people and to preach the Gospel to them. Arnose Pathiri (eighteenth century), Robert Dramont (1799), F. Spring (1839), Joseph Peet (1841), Dr. Herman Gundert (1855) were the Europeans who wrote grammar 6

BABY VARGHESE books for the Malayalam language. Revd. George Mathen was the first native Christian to compose a book of grammar. Kerala Panineeyam, the classic grammar of the Malayalam language, by A. R. Raja Raja Varma has made use of the works of Gundert and George Mathen. Printing and publishing Printing, publishing and journalism were introduced in Kerala by the European missionaries as part of their evangelization activities. The Syrian Christians closely followed their paths and were the founders of modern journalism in the Malayalam language. Printing was first introduced by the Jesuits, who established printing presses in Cochin, Ambazhakatt and Vaipincotta. Initially printing was limited to Tamil and Syriac. The first Malayalam book was printed in 1772 in Rome (Samshepavedartham or A Brief Catechism by Father Clement). The book was printed in fairly large square type, which Clement himself had made. In India, Malayalam was printed for the first time in 1810 at the Courrier Press Bombay. An Orthodox monk named Philipose Ramban from Kayamkulam translated the four Gospels from Syriac into Malayalam and an English visitor, Dr. Claudius Buchanan, took the manuscript to Bombay and had it printed. Buchanan took with him a Syrian Christian layman named Kochitty from Kandanadu to correct the proof. Though the translation was done very imperfectly, this was the first Malayalam translation of the Bible made by a Syrian Christian.3 In 1821, Benjamin Bailey, an English missionary, established a printing press in the Syrian Seminary, Kottayam, which used the present form of Malayalam letters, for the first time. Bailey made Malayalam fonts with the help of local silversmiths and printed the first complete Malayalam Bible as well as a Bible dictionary and textbooks for the schools. A government press was established in Trivandrum in 1834 and Revd. Bailey made a font for it. From the Catholic side, Fr. Kuriakose Elias Chavara (founder of the C.M.I), established a printing press in 1844 in Mannanam 3

Cf. Varghese, “Syriac Bible in India” 67ff.

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA where liturgical books and books for popular devotion were printed for the use of the Syro-Malabar Church. In Malabar (North Kerala), a printing press was founded by the German missionary Herman Gundert in 1847. Journalism and newspapers Since the first printing presses were established by the Protestant missionaries, they were also the first to launch journals and newspapers in Malayalam. Rajyasamacharam (News on the Kingdom of God) launched by Herman Gundert of the Basel Mission (in June 1847, from Illikunnu, Tellicherry) is the first known newspaper in Malayalam. It contained 16 pages in the demi octavio size and was dedicated to religious subjects. The editor was Dr. Miller, who worked under Dr. Gundert. The same team launched another Malayalam monthly Pachimodayam in October 1847, containing articles on various topics, short stories, scientific and historical notes, as well as general information. Both these newspapers were mimeographed from handwriting using a lithograph. Gnana Nikshepam (Treasury of Knowledge) was the first Malayalam journal published by the native Christians (November 1848 by Revd. George Mathen and Archdeacon Koshy from C.M.S Press, Kottayam). The first issue contained the following items: Preface; New Items; Man; Language; Script; The Shape of the Earth; Weekly Cycle. The first “secular” newspaper in Malayalam was published by Kalloor Oommen Philipose, a Syrian Christian (Pachima Tharaka or Western Star in 1865). Vidhya Samgraham (C.M.S. College, Kottayam, 1864) also contained articles on various subjects. The first journal published by the Catholics was Satya kahala nadam (Trumpet of Truth: 1875), printed fortnightly at the Archbishop’s Press, Koonammavu under the editorial responsibility of Fr. Louis. Three years later it was shifted to Verapoly and later to Ernakulam with a new name Satya Nadam (Weekly), which played a very important role for the service of the Catholics in Kerala. It is perhaps the only early newspaper that continues to be published today. Now Satya Nadam is published as a Sunday edition of the Catholic Daily Kerala Times (started in 1957). In the 1880s, several newspapers were started by Christians, sometimes with the collaboration of Hindus. Kerala Mitram (1878) 8

BABY VARGHESE edited by Varghese Mappilai, was owned by a Gujarathi merchant named Devaji Bhomaji. This was the first Malayalam periodical which was not associated with any particular religious group. But the first Catholic newspaper was Nazrani Deepika, published from Mannanam in 1887, under the initiative of Nidhirickal Mani Kathanar (1842–1904). Originally published fortnightly, it became a weekly in 1912, a tri-weekly in 1922, and a daily newspaper in 1927 under the name Deepika. Thus Deepika is regarded as the oldest daily newspaper in Malayalam. In 1939, its publication was shifted from Mannanam to Kottayam, and was run by the Carmelites. Though it has lost its former vitality and circulation, Deepika is still published from Kottayam. The foundation of Malayala Manorama (25th paper according to the chronology of the origins of the newspapers in Malayalam) marks a turning point in the cultural and literary history of Kerala. Kandathil Varghese Mappilai (1857–1904), one of the leading figures in the cultural history of Kerala, founded the Malayala Manorama. The first volume appeared in 1890 as a weekly, which became bi-weekly in 1901 and tri-weekly in 1918. The Malayala Manorama Company was established on 18th February 1889 as a limited company. Metropolitan Pulikottil Joseph Mar Dionysius (+1909) and Konat Mathen Malpan (+1929) were among the shareholders. Later the whole company was owned by the Kandathil Family. Manorama was entirely different from all other contemporary Malayalam newspapers. It published the works of leading Hindu poets and writers, as well as articles on various subjects by educated young men, encouraging young and new talents. This in fact introduced a revolution in reading and writing in the Malayalam language. It was Manorama that created a reading culture and awakening among the Orthodox Syrian Christians of Kerala. Since 1891, Varghese Mappillai organized regular meetings of poets and writers and launched a journal on literature called Bhashaposhini, which is the most prestigious literary journal in Malayalam today. Under K. C. Mammen Mappilai, Manorama saw a fast growth. In 1929, it became a daily newspaper. Manorama played a key role in several popular movements and political agitations in Kerala. In its struggle against the autocratic Diwan C. P. Rama Swami Iyer, the publication of Manorama was suspended by the government of Travancore on 9th September 1938 and the publishing was resumed only after the inde9

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA pendence of India in August 1947. As of 2009, it is published in about 16 locations (including Dubai and Bahrain) with a circulation of about 1.7 million copies. In addition to the two major daily newspapers, Christians are publishing scores of periodicals in Malayalam on various subjects. The Malayala Manorama has established in recent years a state of the art institute for the training of journalists (MASCOM), both for visual and print media. In the field of television, the Christians of Kerala own or control three news channels: Manorama Vision (owned by Malayala Manorama), Jeevan TV (controlled by the Catholics) and Indiavision (majority of the shares owned by Muthoottu Roy, an Orthodox) and at least two channels for Evangelism (Shalom TV and Powervision). The Manorama group owns a private FM Radio station, Radiomango. Several Christian journalists are working in various TV channels and scores of newspapers and journals published in India and the Persian Gulf countries. Literary contributions Christian writers have translated classics of European literature into Malayalam, and introduced a new literary genre to the Malayalees, for whom literature meant simply “poetry”. Kandthail Varghese Mappilai (Kalahini damanakom) and Kalloor Oommen Philipose (Almarattom) translated two of William Shakespeare’s works. Archdeacon Koshy translated John Banyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress and Holy War. It was the Christians who introduced the literary genre of the novel to the Malayalees. Mrs. Collin’s Ghathakavadam (1877) is the first novel in Malayalam, followed by Pullelikunchu by Archdeacon Koshy. In the twentieth century, several Christian writers have made very significant contribution to the development of the Malayalam literature (e.g. P. K. Kocheepan Tharakan, A. Anthapai, O. M. Cherian, K. M. Varghese (artist), I. C. Chacko, M. P. Paul, Joseph Mundassery and C. J. Thomas). I. C. Chacko (1876–1966), a SyroMalabar Catholic (Pulinkunnu, Changanacherry) was proficient in both science and literature, and very active in politics. His studies on Malayalam grammar, linguistics and literature are still valuable reference books. Dr. P. J. Thomas (1893–1965), also a SyroMalabar Catholic (Kuravilangadu, Kottayam) was one of the re10

BABY VARGHESE nowned economists of India. His book on economics (in Malayalam, 1919) was one of the first works on this subject. (Revd. Ittyera John, an Anglican, had published a book on economics a few years earlier). Thomas’ Malayalam Literature and Christians (first edition 1935; second revised and enlarged edition 1961, third edition 1989) is one of the basic works on this subject. Prof. M. P. Paul (1904– 1952; Syro-Malabar Catholic from Trichur) was an influential figure in introducing “modernism” in Malayalam literature. Vaikom Muhammad Bascheer and Thakazhi Siva Sankara Pillai, two outstanding figures of the twentieth century in Malayalam literature, were inspired by M. P. Paul. Prof. Joseph Mundassery (1903–1977: SyroMalabar, Trichur) left his influence on literature, politics as well as education. He served as minister for education (1957–59) in the first Communist government in Kerala and introduced several important reforms in education. This brilliant professor and iconoclast was the best orator of his time, and has authored about 50 books, and was appointed as the first Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cochin. C. J. Thomas (1918–1960) was a rare genius to emerge from the Syrian Christian community of Kerala. In his early childhood, he was ordained as a reader (koruyo) and received training to become a priest in the Orthodox Church. During his studies for a university degree, he joined the Communist movement and his writings would influence and correct ideas that were current in the politics and literary movement of his time. Dr. K. M. George, a layman from the Mar Thoma Syrian Church was well known as the editor of a leading encyclopedia in Malayalam and has authored The History of India Literature.

CHRISTIANS IN POLITICAL LIFE Metropolitan Pulikottil Joseph Mar Dionysius (1833–1909) was a man of unusual vision and the architect of the overall development of the Orthodox Syrian Christians in modern times. Though his time and energy was spent fighting the reform movement inspired by the Anglican missionaries, Mar Dionysius was very keen to provide modern education to his people. Thus he founded several schools, (usually known as M.D. Schools). In 1870, he founded a journal named Kerala Patrika in Cochin to create a new awareness among his people. In 1880, when the King Vishagom Tirunal of 11

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA Travancore visited Kottayam, the Orthodox Christians submitted a Mangalapatram (Letter of Best Wishes), in which they requested that they be granted opportunities in government service. Mar Dionysius was behind this move. Over the next three decades, Mar Dionysius and his trusted aides (always leading laymen) were closely associated with the popular movements in Travancore for social justice and equality. In Travancore, the government services were practically limited to Brahmins from Madras. In 1891, under the leadership of a Hindu named G. P. Pillai, 10028 citizens signed a memorandum (Malayalee Memorial) which was submitted to Sri Moolam Thirunal, the King of Travancore, requesting equal opportunities for all Malayalees. This was followed by public meetings and mass demonstrations — the first popular protest in the history of modern Kerala. Mar Dionysius and Kandathil Varghese Mappilai were among the architects of this movement. Mathews Mar Athanasius, the leader of the Reformed group (later known as the Marthoma Syrian Church), also offered his full support to this movement. In some areas of Travancore, Syrian Christians had to render free services to Hindu temples, often under coercion (e.g. carrying ritual objects a hay horse in Pattazhy or removing husk from a paddy at Ayroor). Mar Athanasius, a very strong personality, having influence on the British authorities in Travancore, put an end to these strange customs by force, against the protests of the Hindus. The Malayalee Memorial was followed by a similar petition by the Ezhavas (an important Hindu low caste). 13176 members of this community signed a petition and submitted it to the king in 1896 (Ezhava Memorial). The Syrian Christians offered their support to this movement. The first political organization by the Syrian Christians In the early decades of the twentieth century, Syrian Christians were the most educated among the Malayalees. E. J. John Ellanjickal, an Orthodox Christian lawyer founded a political organization called ‘The Great Assembly of the Christians of Travancore and Cochin’ (Travancore-Cochin Christava Mahajana Sabhai) with the goal of getting government jobs, political rights and to mobilize public opinion. Its first meeting, held on 3rd May 1910 at Kottayam, 12

BABY VARGHESE was presided over by E. J. John. Mr K. C. Mammen Mappilai made a speech on “Co-operative Societies” and Justice Maret Philipose on “The Rights of Christians and Laws”.4 Fr. P. T. Geevarghese Panicker (later Archbishop Mar Ivanios of the Malankara Catholic Church), K. C. Mammen Mappilai and P. J. Pothen were the secretaries of this political organization. The second meeting was held on 3rd May 1911 at Kottayam on a large scale and continued to function for several years. This movement was the prelude to the Abstention Movement and the origin of the State Congress, which finally led to the freedom movement in the State of Travancore. The League for Equal Rights (Paura Samtwa Vada League) Thanks to the Malayalee Memorial and the Ezhava Memorial, the government of Travancore granted several privileges to the lower caste Hindus and the Syrian Christians. However, they were still the victims of discrimination. People from the lower caste were not admitted to government service or student hostels. At the turn of the twentieth century, they sent petitions to the authorities over the course of two decades. The issue was raised in the Travancore State Assembly by some members and was simply ignored by the government. The Christava Mahajana Sabha and its president E. J. John gave leadership to the formation of Paura Samatwa Vada League (League for Equal Rights). E. J. John, a leading lawyer, who could have easily gained a post as a judge at the Travancore High Court, compromised his career in his fight for the rights of the discriminated. In 1920, a mass petition (27,000 signatures in seven volumes!) was submitted to the Diwan of Travancore by a delegation, which included Christians, Hindus and Muslims. As a result of it, the government service was divided into two departments: Devasom (for the administration of the Hindu Temples and their properties) and Revenue. Employment in the former was reserved for high caste Hindus and the latter for all irrespective of caste or religion. According to some sources, Lord Willington, British Governor of Madras, used his influence to persuade the unwilling government 4

Justice Philipose later joined the Syro-Malankara Catholic Church.

13

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA to take this important decision. Different political organizations and movements finally merged and a more strong movement known as the “State Congress” was formed. The students’ revolt of 1922 In 1922, Raghavayya, Diwan of Travancore decided to increase the fees for university degree courses and the students of Travancore protested against it. The Diwan’s police brutally suppressed the public protests. When the Diwan addressed the State Assembly, members walked out under the leadership of C. P. Mathen Chalakuzhy. This was followed by public meetings and rallies. Finally the Queen Regent Sethu Lakshmi Bhai removed the Diwan and appointed another in his place. This was the first time in the history of Travancore that the government was forced to submit to pressure from a popular movement. This gave new energy to the political movement led by Syrian Christians. All Kerala Catholic Congress (AKCC) Following the example of the Orthodox Christians, the Catholics, both the Latins and the Syrians, formed an organization called AKCC with the aim of “protecting the interests of the community and to demand their rights”. A meeting held at Changanassery on 3rd April 1918, adopted the name “Kerala Catholic Mahajana Sabha”. In 1931, at the meeting held in Cherthala, the name was changed into AKCC. M. M. Varkey Mookancheril, an Orthodox Church member joined the Catholic Church (Syro-Malabar?) and worked actively for AKCC. He launched a journal Kerala Dasan (1924, Trivandrum) for the protection of the rights of the Catholics. When the state authorities banned its publication, because of strong criticism of the government policies, he founded two other journals (Dasan: 1926 and Yuvabharathi: 1933). Mr. Varkey’s efforts led to government promises to respect the rights of the Catholics and to provide more opportunities for them in government services. The State Congress and the Indian National Congress In the twentieth century, the state of Travancore was ruled by inefficient kings and the power was almost always in the hands of a Diwan appointed by them. Therefore the people’s movements 14

BABY VARGHESE were always against the policies of the Diwans. The various memorandums (Memorials) finally led to the formation of a single political movement known as the State Congress. The Syrian Christians were behind its formation and were the active workers. However the India National Congress (INC), the political movement which fought for the independence of India was rather late to have followers in Travancore. In 1921, two Hindus organized a branch of INC in Trivandrum. Its second meeting was held in Chenganoor, under the initiative of Barrister George Joseph (Orthodox), who was practicing in Madurai (Madras). He was probably the first Syrian Christian to be associated with the INC. (Towards the end of his life he joined the Malankara Catholic Church). Sri Varada Rajah, the president of the meeting in Chenganoor, expressed his regrets that the Syrian Christians were not associating with the INC and asked them to join it and fight for their rights. In the 1920s, Syrian Christians did not join the State Congress or the INC, with the exception of T. M. Varghese, John Nidhiri (both in State Congress) and George Joseph (INC). Even Malayala Manorama gave limited support to it. The INC was against British rule in India and Travancore and Cochin were not under it. For the Syrian Christians (non-Catholics), the first British residents of the nineteenth century were their benefactors. Abstention movement The majority of the members of the Legislative Council and the Upper Assembly (Sri Moolam Assembly) of Travancore were from the Nair Community — Christians and Ezhavas had very few representatives. In 1922, Mar Choolaparampil (Catholic bishop of Kottayam), K. C. Mammen Mappilai (Orthodox) and C. J. Kurien (Orthodox) met and decided to contest the general elections jointly. However because of the division in the Malankara Orthodox Church and the rather cold relations between the Catholics and the Orthodox, the decision could not be executed. In 1931, the King of Travancore introduced a reform in the administration, affirming the high caste domination in the assembly as well as in public services. Christians and Ezhavas sent memorandums but were simply ignored. On 3rd January 1933, Christian, Ezhava and Muslim leaders met at Trivandrum and resolved to boycott the Legislative Assembly. This was known as the “Absten15

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA tion Movement” (a name suggested by I. C. Chacko). By this time in British India, the Movement of non-cooperation was gaining momentum. In December 1933, the British Viceroy paid an official visit to Travancore. C. P. Rama Swami Iyer, the ruthless and antiChristian Diwan of Travancore and his aides wrote to the British Viceroy, presenting the Abstention Movement as part of the antiBritish non-cooperation movement. Barrister George Joseph was entrusted with the task of informing the Viceroy about the ideals of the Abstention Movement. His press conferences, statements and correspondences were so effective that the Viceroy extended his support saying that the Abstention Movement was absolutely right. Barrister George Joseph (1887–1938) was a lawyer in Madras. In 1917, he joined the Home Rule movement and in 1919, he became a friend of Mahatma Gandhi. When Gandhi was imprisoned, George Joseph was entrusted with the publication of Young India. As a member of the All India Congress Committee (AICC), he discontinued his profession and actively involved in the non-cooperation movement, and was imprisoned by the British. In 1921, he resigned from the Congress party, because of his disagreements with certain policies and continued to practice as a lawyer in Madurai. The first two Christians who joined the independence movement were George Joseph and (another) Barrister Joseph from Bombay. George Joseph was also a brilliant preacher and a journalist. In Madras, he founded a newspaper named South Indian Mail. His brother Mr. Pothen Joseph was one of the eminent journalists in India, who served as the editor of Hindustan Times, Indian Express and Deccan Herald, the three most prestigious daily newspapers in India. His political satire entitled “Over a Cup of Tea” was the leading item of Indian Express. Mr. Pothen Joseph lived in Trivandrum as the correspondent of India Express and exposed to his readers in British India the intrigues of the wily Diwan C. P. Rama Swami Iyer. The Abstention Movement was a great success. In 1938, the government of Travancore agreed to hold general elections on the basis of the population numbers in each community. Diwan C.P.R.S. Iyer believed that the Christians were behind this popular movement. In order to win the Ezhavas to the Hindu side and to alienate them from the Christians, Diwan C. P. made a historical 16

BABY VARGHESE declaration granting entry to the temples to all Hindus, irrespective of caste. The State Congress continued its agitation for adult franchise and democratically elected government in the state of Travancore. Though the first meeting of the new movement was presided over by C. V. Kunjiraman, an Ezhava, most of the leaders were Syrian Christians (T. M. Varghese, A. J. John, E. John Philipose and K. T. Thomas). The State Congress was banned by the Diwan C. P. and its leaders were arrested, the meetings were disrupted by rowdies (engaged by C. P.), and journalists were beaten on the streets. The Malayala Manorama was banned and it had to suspend its publication between 1938 and 1847. The National and Quilon Bank owned by K. C. Mammen Mappilai (editor) of Malayala Manorama was liquidated by the Diwan C. P. and many customers lost their money. Several Hindu and Christian leaders of the State Congress left Travancore in order to escape from arrest and imprisonment. A. Narayana Pillai, a Hindu lawyer, was arrested and imprisoned for hosting a meeting of the State Congress in his office in Trivandrum. He was charged with treason and the magistrate refuse to release him on bail. The case was brought before the district court and the judge was an Orthodox Christian named K. K. Lukose, Kannukuzhiyil. Mr. Lukose granted bail to the accused. Since his wife was the court physician, Mr. Lukose could retain his job. In 1938, Hindus, Christians and Muslims jointly led the struggle for independence in the state of Travancore (in fact, the struggle was against the rule of Diwan C. P.). Mrs. Elizabeth Kuruvilla, wife of John Kuruvilla (eldest son of E. John Phlilipose) was nominated as the fifth president of the State Congress. She was the first woman in Travancore to be arrested in the struggle over the State Congress. Accamma Cherian, another woman, was nominated as the 12th president. Each president was arrested and imprisoned within a few days after his/her nomination. A huge public rally led by Mrs. Accamma Cherian tried to submit a petition to the king on his birthday. She defied a British police officer who then took out his revolver to shoot her. The demonstration was crushed and the participants were arrested. In October 1938, the leaders of the State Congress were released from prison. Following the advice of Mahatma Gandhi, the leaders withdrew the charges leveled against the Diwan C. P. and 17

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA the struggle lost its momentum. However the youth wing (the “Youth League”) continued the struggle against the Diwan’s rule, with the encouragement of E. John Philipose. In 1939, its leader C. M. Stephen (Orthodox, who later became a minister in the Government of India and the leader of opposition in New Delhi: 1977– 79) was arrested. Gandhiji’s struggle against the British (e.g. Quit India Movement of 1942) was not very popular in Travancore, because the leaders of the State Congress were in prison, but the Communist movement took root in Kerala in the late 1930s. The famous PunnapraVayalar agitation of the Communists against the Diwan was led by a Syrian Christian, K. C. George. On 15 August 1947, India became independent. The Diwan C. P. put forward the idea of an “Independent State of Travancore” but the people were opposed to it. Meanwhile C. P. was smitten while attending a public function (losing one of his ears!). Diwan resigned and left Travancore, which soon joined the Indian union. The King of Travancore signed a declaration granting adult franchise to elect a legislative assembly. Thus the history of modern Kerala is marked by the struggles for the rights and equality of all citizens, in which the Syrian Christians took an active part. In 1957, a communist government was voted to power in Kerala and its policies in education and land reforms were against the interests of the Christians, Muslims and middle class and upper middle class Hindus, who jointly organized a Struggle for Liberation. Finally the Central Government of India dismissed the Communist government in 1959. Two Syrian Christians served as chief ministers (A. K. Antony and Oommen Chandy) in Kerala. Mr. Antony is the present Minister for defense in the Union Cabinet and Mr. Chandy the leader of opposition in Kerala.

SYRIAN CHRISTIANS AND THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF KERALA Syrian Christians played a leading role in the economic growth of Kerala. From the antiquity onwards, Kerala was well known for its spices and this attracted the Romans, Chinese, Arabs, Portuguese, Dutch, French and the British to this part of India. Since the Hindus were forbidden from doing any job other than the traditional one assigned by their castes, Christians used this opportunity to 18

BABY VARGHESE engage in agriculture and trade. The ancient Christian settlements in Kerala were usually known as ‘Ángadis’ (marketplaces). However, before the arrival of the Portuguese, the spice trade was virtually controlled by the Muslims of North Kerala and the Christians had only a minor share in it. Similarly, as the land belonged to the temples, rich Hindu chieftains or the government, Christians were tenants rather than land owners. Thus they cultivated what was necessary for their daily needs (mainly paddy and vegetables). But the situation changed into their favor with the arrival of the Europeans, who crushed the Muslim power in Malabar. Under the Portuguese and Dutch the Syrian Christians did not have much economic growth. But the situation changed with the arrival of the English. From the British planters, Syrian Christians learned that large scale agriculture was a profitable business. The British planted rubber, tea, cardamom, and coffee on the mountains of Kerala on a large scale. Under the British supervision, the marshy land of the Kerala coast (around Aleppey) were developed into paddy fields, which produced enough rice for local consumption. Coconut also was planted in large farms and oil was extracted and exported. Between 1910 and 1935, many Syrian Christians ventured into the plantation business. Plantations K. C. Mammen Mappilai, editor of Malayala Manorama, used his newspaper to give ample publicity to this new venture. P. John Aymanam (Kottayam) was the first to enter the plantation industry. His “Kaliyar Plantations” were a great success. Soon he established “Malankara Rubber Company” with the collaboration of K. C. Mamen Mappilai, who realized that rubber and tea plantations could create many jobs for laborers and could be run as a profitable business. From the British Mammen Mappilai learned the principle of joint stock companies and their ability to raise capital to invest in new ventures. Punalur Paper Mills Limited was the first joint stock company in Kerala. Mammen Mappilai published editorials, articles as well as advertisements about the plantations and the joint stock companies. He himself took the initiative to start new ventures, either by collaboration (e.g. Nilambur Plantations with Mepral Manamel M. C. Pothen) or by investments. Later he established Nenmani Plantations, Panthalur Plantations and Deon Estate. Several 19

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA Orthodox Christians followed the example of Mammen Mappilai (e.g. Chalayil Panicker: Kuttanadu Rubber Co.; Parayil Kunjavira Tharakan: Mar Thoma Rubber Co.; Edathumpadickal V. I. Mathen: Malabar Agricultural Co.; P. T. Thomas Palampadom: Malayalam Plantations). K. C. Mammen Mapplai was a self-taught economist. As a member of the Travancore State Legislative Assembly, in his sermons he argued for the need for economic planning for the state, and published article on this subject. This enabled the government of Travancore to create an Economic Development Board in 1921. Banking The “Chitty Fund”, a money lending system based on paying a few monthly installments to claim a certain amount on loan, which will be repaid in monthly installments, had long been popular among the Syrian Christians.5 Middle class and lower class Syrian Christian families borrowed money from rich co-religionists for various purposes, such as the marriage of their daughters, agricultural expenses or the education of their children. Trichur and Thiruvalla were the two main centres of this money lending business. Even today, Muthoot Bankers and Koshamattom Bankers, two leading money lending institutions, are owned by Orthodox Christians. (There are occasional instances of frauds and bankruptcies among small scale money lenders!). Gradually Syrian Christians entered the banking business. The private banks owned by Syrian Christians lent money on the security of land or gold. As in several other ventures, K. C. Mamen Mappilai was one of the earliest bankers in Travancore. His Travancore National Bank (1912) and the Quilon Bank of C. P. Mathen merged together in 1937 to form The Travancore National and Quilon Bank, one of the largest banks in the region. Another bank by the Syrian Catholics (Pala Central Bank) lent money to small scale farmers and encouraged savings among small scale farmers. The hostile 5 According to Malayala Manorama Year Book (1964), (p. 482), the people of Kerala learned this money lending system from the Chinese. Sometimes paddy was also borrowed using the same system.

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BABY VARGHESE attitude of the government led to the collapse of the two banks, which resulted in the loss of money for several hundreds of their customers (mainly lower middle class farmers and merchants). In the 1920s several Orthodox Syrian Christians entered into the banking business [Puthiottu Industrial Bank by Puthiottu P. J. Jacob; Kerala Bank by C. O. Philip Puthumadathil and K. I. Varghese Mappilai; Aleppey Bank by Kandathil K. P. Idicula and Nagendra Naickan; Kottayam Commercial Corporation by Akkara Kochupappy; Changanassery Malayala National Union Bank by Kanianthara K. M. Thomas and K. J. Thomas]. The Catholic Syrian Bank and the Federal Bank were founded by a group of Syrian Catholics, and are two of the major banks in Kerala today. Industry In the 1920s, thanks to the introduction of the joint stock system, several Syrian Christians established industrial firms. [Malabar Trading Co. by Kochupurackal C. A. Joseph; Travancore Tiles by Kandathil K. M. Mathullah Mappilai and Advocate Mammen Mappilai; Travancore Transport Co., by V. I. Mathen and P. John; Travancore Timbers by P. A. Mani and C. J. Mammen; South India Commercial Co. by Puthiottu Abraham]. The Madras Rubber Factory (MRF) founded by the Kandathil family (Malayala Manorama) is one of the leading manufacturers of tyres in India. Several Syrian Christians own large scale construction companies. Their industries include the manufacture of tiles and coir, fish processing, cashew nut processing, plantations, hotels and tourism, and travel agencies. The Syrian Catholics of Trichur are famous for their large jewelry shops with branches all over Kerala and in the big cities of India as well as the Persian Gulf Countries. Alukka Group (Trichur) and Josco (Kottayam) are the leading jewelry shops in Kerala. Several retail shops, textiles as well as consumer products, are run by the Christians. In the film industry Kunchako (Aleppey) and his Udaya Studio was very active. Now more than half a dozen cine-artists are very active in the Malayalam films. As in the case of banking and industries, Syrian Christians (Orthodox) were the first to launch an insurance company. K. C. Mammen Mappilai and C. P. Mathen started Guardian of India Insurance Company, which was later sold to C. T. Chidambaram (Madras). 21

SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH INDIA In the last decades of the twentieth century, thanks to the investments by the oil-rich Arab countries, Muslims have had a leading role in several economic ventures.

CONCLUSIONS Though Syrian Christians form less than 0.5% (about 5 million) of India’s population, they served as a leaven in the Indian society. In the case of the Syro-Malabar Church, priests and nuns belonging to it are rendering exemplary services in numerous colleges, schools, hospitals and houses for the handicapped, poor and the destitute. Indian society has acknowledged their contributions, especially in the field of education. [Matrimonial advertisements seeking bridegrooms regularly mention “education in a convent school” as an additional qualification of Hindu girls!]. However the relationship between various Syrian Christian communities in India is not always as warm and cordial as in the Middle East.

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO SOCIETY

HERMAN TEULE NIJMEGEN / THE NETHERLANDS The aim of this article is to analyze a number of recent developments within the Christian communities in post-Saddam Iraq and to offer some reflections on the Christian contribution to society. In order to understand the role of the Christians in Iraq — according to some estimations, their number would not exceed 250.000 of a total population of 28 million — it is necessary to first give a brief description of the Christian religious and political landscape and secondly to evoke the security and general situation in both the central parts of the country as well as in Kurdistan.1

1 This article is an update of several previous studies on the situation of the Christians in Iraq, see H. Teule, “Les chrétiens d’Irak: quelle place dans la société?” in Oeuvre d’Orient (ed.), Perspectives & Réflexions 1 (2013), pp. 5–18; “La situation des chrétiens d’Irak à la lumière des résolutions du Synode romain pour le Moyen-Orient”, Mélanges de science religieuse 68 (2011); “Christians in Iraq. An analysis of some recent political developments”, Der Islam, 88 (2011), pp. 175–194; “The Christian Minorities in Iraq. The Question of Religious and Ethnic Identity” in C. Timmerman, J. Leman, H. Roos, B. Segaert (eds), In-Between Spaces Christian and Muslim Minorities in Transition in Europe and the Middle East, Gods Humans and Religions 18, Brussels, 2009, pp. 45–60. The present article only has a limited number of footnotes. For full bibliographical references, see my “Les chrétiens d’Irak”.

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ

CHRISTIANS IN IRAQ: DIFFERENT CHURCHES The oldest and most autochthonous Christian community in the country is the so-called “Assyrian Church of the East,” a relatively recent name.2 Its beginnings in Iraq go back to the second century and it was a well-established community, when Islam entered the country in the first half of the seventh century. To the outside world these Christians were known as Nestorians, an appellation they did not hesitate to apply to themselves, though in later times they have preferred to be called East Syrians or Easterners. In the beginning of the Abbasid period (750–950), the “Assyrian” Patriarch took the wise decision to move his patriarchal see to the newly founded capital Baghdad, which allowed for a fruitful interaction with the Islamic political and cultural world. Close to the center of power, these Christians even became the preferred interlocutors of the Islamic authorities and many of them were allowed to occupy important posts within the Administration. This situation changed however dramatically with the Fall of Baghdad (1258) and the subsequent political developments. The acceptance of Islam by the initially pro-Christian Mongol rulers marked the beginning of a period of darkness, which would last for several centuries. One of the consequences was the gradual disappearance of the traditional dioceses and centers of the Church and a withdrawal to the inaccessible mountains of the region known today as Kurdistan, where the “Assyrians” organized themselves along tribal lines and led a life at the margin of society. Among other things, this development implied that the functions of ecclesiastical and tribal leader merged into each other, a mode of organization that would even become more institutionalized in the Ottoman Period (1517). After the massacres of Christians in 1915 in Eastern Anatolia, many Assyrians settled in Iraq. In the period leading to its indeSome recent works on the Church of the East and the Chaldean Church: D. Wilmhurst, The martyred Church. A History of the Church of the East, London, 2011; H. Teule, Les Assyro-chaldéens, Chrétiens d’Irak, d’Iran et de Turquie, Turnhout, 2008; W. Baum & D. Winkler, The Church of the East. A concise History, London, 2003; R. Lecoz, Histoire de l’Eglise d’Orient (chrétiens d’Irak, d’Iran et de Turquie), Paris, 1995. 2

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HERMAN TEULE pendence in 1932, the Assyrian Patriarch was not prepared to give up the secular or “temporal” role he had played in the traditional society of the Middle East, witness the illustrative report written by the British colonel R.S. Stafford (The Assyrian Tragedy, 1935), and to restrict his function to that of a religious leader. For this reason, he was expelled from the country, whereas many of his followers were massacred near the village of Semel, an event still remembered today by the community on August, 7th as “Martyrs Day” (see below). After a long odyssey, he eventually settled in Chicago. Only a limited number of Assyrians stayed in the country, where they have at present two bishops, one for “Baghdad and whole Irak”, another based at Dohuk in Kurdistan, who is also responsible for the Assyrians in Russia. The Patriarch Mar Dinkha IV continues to live in Chicago, but the Kurdish Regional Government has recently offered him a new residence near the Kurdish capital Irbil. The Assyrian Church has a strong consciousness of being an ethnic community. In Iraq, many of their members express themselves in Sureth and during the liturgical services it is a point of honor to use exclusively the classical Syriac language or incidentally Sureth, but almost never Arabic or Kurdish. “Assyrian”, in Sureth: Atorāyā, traditionally refers to the land of Ator or the region around Mosul. According to a relatively recent interpretation, it has received the new meaning of being in continuity with the ancient preChristian Assyrian civilization. In 1968, a schism occurred within this community. Officially, the reason was the introduction of some liturgical reforms such as the acceptance of the Gregorian calendar by the Patriarch in Chicago, but traditional tribal dissensions seem to have played an equally important role. The dissenters elected their own Patriarch, who, based in Baghdad, received the full support of the Iraqi President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr and the Baath party. In the light of the arabization policy of the later Iraqi regime, it is understandable that this community did not play the card of Assyrian nationalism and banned the label Assyrian from its official name (Ancient Holy Apostolic Catholic Church of the East). At present, its leader still has his residence in the Iraqi capital with bishops in Baghdad, Dohuk, Niniveh-Mosul and Kirkuk. In the course of the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, these East Syrians became subjected to intensive missionary activities on 25

CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ behalf of the Roman Catholic Church. Important numbers accepted the authority of the Pope and were prepared to abjure their traditional Christology that in the eyes of the Roman Catholic theologians was Nestorian and thus heretical. On the other hand, they were allowed, at least in theory, to preserve their traditional Oriental liturgy, Church structure and spirituality. This new community received the name Chaldean. At present, the Chaldean Church is numerically the most important church in Iraq (about 80 % of the Christian population). On January, 31st 2013, Louis Sako, the Archbishop of Kirkuk, was elected to succeed to Patriarch Emmanuel Delly, who had resigned for reasons of age. In one of his first public declarations, he announced that he would continue to reside in Bagdad, a significant statement in the light of a growing number of voices claiming that the future of Christianity is no longer in central Iraq. Officially, the Chaldean Church has no less than ten dioceses in the country (Baghdad, Mosul, Kirkuk, Erbil, Alqosh, Amadiyya, Zakho, Basra, Aqra and Suleymaniyah), but on account of the dwindling numbers of faithful, some episcopal sees remain vacant or only have Apostolic Administrators. These three Churches belong to the so-called East Syriac or East Syrian tradition: their roots go back to the christianisation of Eastern and Southern Mesopotamia (Iraq) in the course of the second century. In the sixth century, Christians from Western Mesopotamia and Syria succeeded in establishing themselves in the same region, especially around the town of Tikrit (Tagrit). Theologically, they defended a doctrine that went back to Cyril of Alexandria (fifth cent.), who had used a specific christological formula (One nature incarnate of God the Word) to indicate the unity between Christ’s divinity and humanity. This One nature doctrine — today known as Miaphysitism — was perceived as being in contradiction with mainstream theological thinking in Iraq, where the theologians rather emphasized the distinct character of the divine and human nature of Christ (Dyophysitism), which made them reluctant to accept in Christ only one nature. Though different from a christological perspective, these “Syrians” or “Syrian Orthodox” used the same Syriac language for their liturgy and in the course of time also expressed themselves in Sureth. At present, they have three dioceses in Irak (Baghdad, Mosul and the monastery of Mar Mattay, an important local center of pilgrimage). 26

HERMAN TEULE At the beginning of the eighteenth century a number of these Syrian Orthodox entered into communion with Rome, thus creating a new Eastern Catholic community, the Syrian Catholic Church, comparable to the Chaldean Church. Officially, the Syrian Catholics have two dioceses in Iraq, in Baghdad and Mosul. Their linguistic and ethnic profile is the same as that of the Syrian Orthodox. Next to these communities which attach great importance to their Syriac heritage, there are a number of other Churches in Iraq with a different linguistic and ethnic profile. The origins of the Armenian Apostolic and the Armenian Catholic Churches in Basra and Baghdad go back to the Ottoman period, but a new wave of Armenians settled in the northern parts of the country as a result of the massacres in Anatolia of 1915. The Armenian Orthodox and the Armenian Catholics each have a bishop in Baghdad. In Baghdad, there is also a small “Latin”, Roman-Catholic community (with one bishop) and an even smaller Melkite (Greek Catholic) congregation. The traditional Protestant Churches (Anglicans, Lutherans, etc.), initially consisting mainly of foreigners, but today fully Arabicized, are also present in the capital, whereas recently some Evangelical communities have tried to get a foothold in the country. Though neo-protestant missionaries were already active in the Kurdish region before the fall of Saddam, their numbers have considerably increased after the American invasion, leading to the creation of a number of radical Evangelical congregations, especially in Kurdistan. These not only attract converts from among the Muslim Kurds, but also from the traditional Churches. It is clear that their leaders perceive this development as a serious problem, which led the Chaldean Church to put this issue on the agenda of its Synod of 2005 (held in Rome). Despite the sometimes important differences and/or tensions between the traditional Churches, we also see a number of recent attempts at cooperation. At the initiative of mgr. Basilios Georges Cassmoussa, at present the Syrian Catholic Patriarch Vicar in Beirut, but from 1999–2011 the Archbishop of Mosul-Nineveh, a local Episcopal Council was founded in 2001, reuniting the bishops of all denominations of the Governorate of Mosul. The activities of the Council were not only pastoral, but also political in the sense 27

CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ that after the fall of Saddam the Bishops publicly addressed the civil authorities on the issue of political rights for the Christians and the right of safety and protection. In June 2006, a similar initiative was taken in the Capital. The Council of the Heads of Churches in Baghdad, under the presidency of the Chaldean Patriarch, Emmanuel Delly, and the Patriarch of the Ancient Church of the East, Mar Addai II, took some pastoral and ecumenical initiatives, but also defended the political rights of the Christian communities, especially regarding personal status laws. In 2010, these local bodies were transformed into a national Council of the Heads of the Christian Communities of Iraq, reuniting all bishops and religious leaders of the country. On several occasions, the Council has denounced the acts of violence against the Christian communities, but basically the creation of this council is to be seen as an answer to the attempts of unification of the Christians on the political level that will be discussed in the next paragraph. Finally, the Assembly of the Catholic Bishops of Iraq, reuniting the hierarchies of the Chaldean, the Syrian Catholic, the Armenian Catholic, the Latin and the Melkite Churches, is responsible for the organization of the interritual Tribunal, competent for matters pertaining to the Personal Statute (marriage, “divorce”, …) in accordance with the Constitution.3

CHRISTIANS IN IRAQ: DIFFERENT POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS

The fall of Saddam Hussein triggered of course a reflection on the future of the Christians in the country. Already in the period of Saddam, some politicians had realized that the traditional ecclesiastical divisions could be detrimental to the cause of the Christians. In 1979, some of them founded a new political party, the Assyrian Cf. B.G. Casmoussa, Le discours des communautés chrétiennes au Proche Orient en période de crise. La situation des chrétiens en Irak: le discours des instances religieuses, http://www.cerpoc.blosusj.edu.lb/files/2013/02/casmoussa.pdf (accessed 12.6.2013). 3

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HERMAN TEULE Democratic Movement (ADM), which defended the ideology that Assyrian would be the common name of all Churches that somehow use Syriac and whose members express themselves in Sureth. In other words, Assyrian should no longer be the exclusive label of one particular community (“The Assyrian Church of the East”. This outspoken trans-denominational ethnic ideology made the ADM the natural ally of the Kurds, more particularly the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), founded by Mustafa Barzani, in their struggle against the Arabization policy of the regime of Saddam Hussein. An important number of Christian villages situated in Kurdistan were destroyed during the Anfal-campaigns of 1987–88. When, in 1991, after the First Gulf War, Kurdistan received a certain form of autonomy, supported by the international community, the Christians were richly rewarded for their participation in the struggle against Saddam. They received no less than five seats in the new Kurdish Assembly, four of these for ADM and one for the Christian Union of Kurdistan, whose leader Sarkis Aghajan Mamendo had been a brother-in-arms of several members of the Barzani-clan. Since the 100 Kurdish seats were equally divided between the rivaling Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) of Masud Barzani (Dohuk-Irbil) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) of Jalal Talabani (Suleymaniyya), the Christian parties were able to exert a certain influence in the political arena, considerably more than could be expected on the basis of their numerical presence in Kurdistan. The ADM was even offered participation in the newly formed Kurdish government. Yonadem Yusif Kanna, one of the founders, occupied the post of Minister of Public Works, Housing and Environment and in this capacity was capable of taking some important initiatives to promote Syriac culture. A major event was that in December 1996, the Kurdish Parliament was prepared — albeit not without fierce debates — to proclaim the 7th of August, the remembrance of the massacres in Semel, as an official national holiday. According to some Assyrians, it is the implicit recognition by Kurdish leaders of the legitimacy of a form of Assyrian nationalism in Kurdish territory. Also some other Christian Feasts (Christ-

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ mas, Easter, Ascension) became official holidays as well as the First of April (Kha b-Nissan), the Assyrian secular New Year, comparable to the Newruz of the Kurds.4 In the period from 1992 till 2003 the official situation virtually remained the same: unchanged Christian representation in the National Assembly and several Assyrian ministers in the Kurdish Government. After the fall of Saddam, participation in national Iraqi politics again became an option, a choice made by the Zow ca leadership which moved its headquarters from the North to Baghdad. In October 2003, the ADM (supported by the Europe-based Assyrian Democratic Organisation, ADO) took the initiative of bringing together a number of Christian politicians and representatives of the Churches in order to discuss a unified name for the Christian population to replace the traditional ecclesiastical appellations. Though, as we have seen, this idea was not new, there was now a sense of urgency in view of the discussions on the elaboration of a new Constitution which would also regulate the position of the religious and ethnic minorities of the country. Because the Zowca-representatives realized that the term Assyrian would not be acceptable to the leaders of all Churches, they suggested the compromise of Chaldo-Assyrian, thus doing justice to the fact that the Chaldean Church was the most important Christian community of the country. In order to accommodate the West Syrians (the Syrian Orthodox and the Syrian Catholics) they proposed to call the Syriac language not Assyrian, but rather Suryānī, “Syrian” or “Syriac”. The committee in charge of the preparation of the new Constitution accepted the new name, which is found back in article 53d of the Provisional Constitution (30.6.2004), mentioning the “administrative, cultural and political rights of the Chaldo-Assyrians”, who were apparently considered to constitute a single ethnic group. It did not take long however before some Church leaders retracted their approval of the new name (see also infra, par. 5), 4 Instead of the Sureth Kha b-Nissan, some members of Christian “Assyrian” parties or associations call this feast Akitu, the name given to the spring festival by the pre-Christian Assyrians.

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HERMAN TEULE which explains that article 125 of the Final Constitution speaks of the “administrative, cultural, political and educational rights” of the Chaldeans and Assyrians as two distinct ethnic communities. Accepting the reality that apparently a common name acceptable to all parties and churches was not realistic, a new political and cultural alliance, created by Mr Sarkis Aghajan Mamendo in 2008 in Irbil, received the name of “Chaldean-Syriac-Assyrian Popular Council” (CSA Popular Council). It is however not only the discussion on a unified name which shows the lack of unity among the Christians. A more important issue is the question whether the focus of Christian politics should be on cooperation with the Kurds or rather with the central authorities in Baghdad. As mentioned above, the ADM opted for a strong visibility on the federal level. Under the name List al-Rafidayn, they obtained however only one seat at the elections for the Constituent Assembly (January, 2005, 275 seats). In addition, one Christian was elected on the Iraqi National List, whereas no less than four Christian MPs representing different political parties or cultural organizations which had put themselves under the umbrella of the Democratic Patriotic Alliance of Kurdistan (briefly: Kurdish Alliance), were elected for this latter list. The parliamentary elections of December 2005 (275 seats) offered a similar picture: one seat went to alRafidayn and two Christians were elected for the Kurdish Alliance list. Thus, the Christian representation within the Iraqi Parliament showed two different tendencies: close cooperation with the Kurdish region or working on the federal level. The government formed on the basis of these elections had two Christian ministers, one representing the Iraqi National List (Wijdan Salim) and one the Kurdish Alliance (Fawzi Hariri, a member of the KDP). The elections of March 2010 were different in the sense that now the Christian constituent was guaranteed a fixed representation of five seats on a total of 325, but the political orientations remained unchanged. The Rafidayn list won three seats; the two remaining places went to the political wing of the KRG-region based CSA Popular Council. A similar picture emerges from the Kurdish political landscape. At the legislative elections of January 2005, the Kurdish National Democratic List, basically the Kurdish Alliance, managed to 31

CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ obtain 104 of the 111 seats. Five of these seats were given to Christian parties which had joined the Alliance, two for the ADM, the three remaining ones to three different parties: the Chaldean Cultural Society, the Beth Nahrayn Democratic Party and the Chaldean Democratic Union. The new cabinet counted no less than three Christian ministers. One of them was the already mentioned Sarkis Aghajan Mamendo, who became Minister of Finance and Vice Prime Minister. At the elections of 2009, the Christians were guaranteed a minimum representation of 6 seats, one of which would be reserved for the small Armenian community in Kurdistan. The remaining five were divided between the CSA Popular Council list (3) and the National Rafidayn List, basically the ADM (2). The new government counted one Christian minister, Anwar Jabali Sabo (ADM), who was replaced at the reshuffling of the cabinet in April 2012 by Johnson Siyaoosh (Siyawash), former deputy head of the CSA Popular Council. A third issue which divides the Christian parties is the discussion on autonomy. According to ADM, article 125 of the Iraqi Constitution, which mentions, as we have seen, the “administrative, political, cultural and educational rights” of the various nationalities such as the Turkmen, the Chaldeans, the Assyrians etc., would allow for a form of self-administration in the Plain of Nineveh, a region near Mosul, with a relatively strong number of Christian towns and villages where Sureth is still a spoken language. However, for some Christian parties and associations, both in Iraq and in the Diaspora, self-administration in this area is not enough. They want full self-governance or autonomy which implies the creation of a Parliament and a Council of Ministers with legislative or executive powers. Especially Sarkis Aghajan and the CSA Popular Council defend this idea and refer to the articles 112–117 of the Constitution, which offer the possibility to form new regions with the right to exercise executive, legislative and juridical powers. An additional point of divergence is the relationship of this autonomous region with Kurdistan and or the federal authorities. ADM defends the idea of an “autonomous” region situated within the Federal State, whereas the members of the CSA Popular Council would rather see strong institutional bonds between the Plain of Nineveh and the KRG-region, though they agree that eventually it is up to the inhabitants of the Plain of Nineveh to make this deci32

HERMAN TEULE sion. Aghajan also defends the idea that a number of Christian villages situated within the KRG-region should be related to the autonomous area, an idea, he claims, has the full support of the Kurdish leaders. Recently, the two tendencies seem to converge. ADM, the CSA Popular Council and several Assyrian and Chaldean organisations have sent letters to the President of the Iraqi Republic, Mr Jalal Talabani, and the President of the Kurdish Region, Mr Masud Barzani, requesting them to accept the principle of the creation of a special muḥāfaẓa (governorate) for the Christians and the members of other minorities living in the Plain of Nineveh. The letter to Mr Barzani also mentions the creation of an autonomous area in the Kurdish region, with reference to article 35 of the Kurdish Provisional Constitution (2009).

SECURITY SITUATION The California-based Assyrian historian Fred Aprim is the author of some reports about the security situation of Christians in the post-Saddam period with detailed and well documented information about attacks on Christian institutions or individuals. Though these attacks have to be interpreted against the background of the general climate of violence of which many Muslims and/or members of other minorities are victims too (more than one thousand Iraqis killed in terrorist attacks only in May 20135), a great number of Christians feel that they are targeted on account of their Christian beliefs. The fact that some important ecclesiastical leaders such as Faraj Raho, the Chaldean Archbishop of Mosul (2008), Basilius Casmousa, the Syrian Catholic Archbishop of the same city (2005), the Chaldean priest Raghid Ranni (2007) and faithful attending liturgical celebrations such as in the Syrian Catholic Cathedral Mary, Mother of Deliverance (2010) were abducted and killed points into this direction. Some even speak of ethnic cleans-

5 Cf. United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), press release 6.6.2013 (http://unami.unmissions.org, accessed 7.6.2013).

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ ing6 and many no longer believe in a future for Christianity in their country. These explains that many Christians left Iraq and have settled in Amman, Damascus and Istanbul, in many cases as a first step to further emigration to Europe, the United States, Canada or Australia. Among those who could not afford to leave for abroad, some decided to settle in the KRG-region. As a matter of fact, one has to acknowledge that the safety situation in this area is much better than in the central parts of the country. This is basically due to the efforts of Mr Sarkis Aghajan, mentioned above, who in cooperation with the Kurdish authorities, set up a program of receiving Christian refugees from Central Iraq by building about 150 refugee villages in the KRG-region (Irbil, Dohuk, Zakho), with the result that the number of Christians in the region has risen from 50.000 to more than 100.000. This raises the question whether the future of Iraqi Christians lies more in the KRG-area than in Baghdad, Mosul or Basra.7 Kurdistan or Central Iraq? There are several reasons, partly already mentioned in the previous paragraphs, why the KRG-region is a possible alternative for Christians fleeing the situation of violence in central Iraq. First, the security situation. Several international institutions dealing with political asylum consider the KRG-region as a relatively safe area, certainly in comparison with the Disputed Areas such

P. Bet Basoo, Incipient Genocide. The ethnic cleansing of the Assyrians of Iraq (http://www.aina.org/, accessed 1.9.2012). Cf. Fred Aprim, Murder and Oppression of Assyrians in Post Saddam Iraq (updated Oppressions and Murder of the Assyrians in Iraq (http://www.themesopotamian.org/murder_and_oppression.htm, accessed 1.9.2012). For a regional report (Nineveh Plain), see Human Rights Watch, On vulnerable Ground. Violence against Christian Minority Communities in Nineveh Province’s Disputed Territories (2009). 7 Due to the political situation in Syria, many Iraqi refugees in Damascus or other parts of Syria returned to Iraq. There is no reliable information on the number of Christians among them. 6

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HERMAN TEULE as Kirkuk or Baghdad8 and has even become a destination for internally-displaced Christians.9 Second, in the political field, the Christian minorities are well represented, with 6 guaranteed representatives in the Kurdish Parliament consisting of 111 seats (see above). The vice-governor of the Dohuk Governorate is a Christian member of the KDP, Mr Ghiwarghis Shlimun. By a decision of the Kurdish parliament (2009, amendment to the Provincial Council electoral law), the three Kurdish governorates have a number of guaranteed seats for the Christian minorities (Dohuk: 4, Arbil: 2, Suleymaniyah: 1). Article 35 of the Provisional Constitution accepts the principle of autonomy for Christians in the KRG-area where they constitute a majority. Third, in the cultural field Article 14 of the Provisional Constitution of Kurdistan (2009) recognizes “Assyrian” as an official language in certain areas.10 Fourth, recent history has proven that the KRG government has committed itself to promoting the cause of the Christian minorities, witness the housing project organized by Sarkis Aghajan as mentioned above, the funding of many cultural and linguistic initiatives by successive Kurdish cabinets and some public declarations by the Kurdish leadership to invite Christians from Central Iraq to resettle in the North. However, there are also a number of counter voices. First, one of the forces behind the violence against Christians in Central Iraq is Islamic fundamentalism. Though it is true that an Cf. Report on Joint Finnish-Swiss Fact-Finding Mission to Amman and the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) Area, May 10-22, 2011 (http://www.migri.fi/about_us/country_information_service/reports, accessed, 4 June, 2013); UK Border Agency, Operational Guidance Note Iraq (December, 2012), pp. 46–7 (http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk, accessed 4 June, 2013). 9 UK Border Agency, Operational Guidance Note Iraq (October 2010), p. 21 (http://www.refworld.org/docid/4cc685232.html, accessed 4 June, 2013). 10 Cf. http://www.gjpi.org/2009/06/24/draft-kurdish-constitution/ accessed 4 June, 2013. 8

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ intolerant Islamist mentality is much less prominent in the Kurdish area, it is not entirely absent. There are several Islamic and/or Islamist parties operating in the region, such as the Islamic Union of Kurdistan, the Islamic Movement of Iraqi Kurdistan (IMIK) and the Anṣār al-Islām, which at times have clashed with the PUK and KDP. Second, there have been some recent “islamist-type” attacks on Christian institutions not dissimilar to what could be witnessed in Central Iraq after the fall of Saddam. In December 2011, the preaching of a fundamentalist imam in Zakho triggered a series of attacks on establishments owned by Christians and Yezidis, such as liquor shops, hotels etc. Later, the violence spilled to other cities with important Christian minorities, such as Dohuk and the symbolic town of Semel. In the same month, a Chaldean Christian was kidnapped from his family home in the Kurdish capital Hewler or Erbil. Though the Kurdish authorities have adequately responded to both incidents (the kidnapped Chaldean was freed by Kurdish troops only three days later),11 some Christians feel that Kurdistan might not be the safe haven for minorities it pretends to be. Third, some Christian parties simply do not believe in the sincerity of the Kurdish authorities. They point to a long history of enmity between Kurds and Christians and fear that all positive steps and words are just political stratagems. As an example, they refer to the fact that a number of Christian villages, occupied by the Kurds, have not been rendered to their former inhabitants 12

Cf. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/feature/s/2011/12/ 201112152 183786223.html, accessed 14 June, 2013. 12 This fact in itself is true and well documented (internal ADM document [in Arabic], in my possession), see also M. Eshoo, The Fate of Assyrian Villages Annexed to Today’s Dohuk Governorate and the Conditions in these Villages Following the Establishment of the Iraqi State in 1921, http://www. aina. org/reports/ avod.pdf), but has to be seen against the background of the Anfal operations, when many Kurds were also expelled from their villages. Though initially, the KDP seemed not prepared to pay compensation, at present, on the Muhafaza-level of Dohuk, there is an active policy of trying to reach an agreement between the different parties involved. 11

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HERMAN TEULE and that Kurdish tribes continue to attack Christian villages.13 They also signalize the provisional character of the Kurdish constitution. Fourth, another difficulty raised by many Christians is that they do not speak Kurdish and do not feel Kurdish. Their language is Arabic or Sureth, and not Sorani or Badini, so they feel like living in a foreign country, despite the fact that in some cases they have their origin in the north and only have a limited history of living in Central Iraq.14 The last objection or difficulty is the economic situation. Many Christians resettled in one of these Aghajan villages have an urban background, which makes it difficult for them to find adequate work in the more rural areas, where these villages are located. This explains why quite a few Christians who first decided to settle in Kurdistan, on second thought realize that their future is not there and leave for elsewhere.

CHRISTIANS IN IRAQ: WHICH ROLE IN SOCIETY? One of the interesting developments of the last years is that many Christians are actively involved in Iraqi politics, on the federal, regional and governorate level. Though, as we have seen, they defend different political options, the common denominator is that they try to secure political rights for the Christian communities on the basis of a specific ethnic identity which is neither Arabic nor Kurdish. It is understandable that some ecclesiastical leaders view this development with some suspicion and have difficulties in accepting this ethnic discourse of some Christian politicians. However, it would be artificial to separate the religious from the ethnicpolitical, as if the Churches would only be interested in religious 13 Several reports published by Aina (Assyrian International News Agency). Aina is ADM-related and highly critical of KRG initiatives towards Christians. A report, dated 13/06/2013, mentions the attack by members of the Kudish Zebari tribe on the village of Rabatki. 14 The authorities have adopted some measures, e.g. that non“Kurdish” speaking children have the possibility of attending Arabic schools, a few of which are established in the more urbanized territories.

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ matters. On a regular basis, individual bishops or episcopal bodies such as the Episcopal Council of Mosul have intervened with the authorities to claim political rights. Secondly, an ethnic discourse is not always perceived as being in tension with an ecclesiastical or denominational identity. Leaving aside the historical problem of the acceptance by individual Churches in Iraq of “ethnic” names such as Assyrian, Chaldean or Babylonian,15 some recent voices claim distinct ethnic identities for the Assyrian and the Chaldean Churches. This seems the position of the Chaldean Bishop (and liturgist) Mar Sarhad Jammo (Chaldean Eparchy based in CajonSan Diego, California) or of the former Chaldean Patriarch Emmanuel Delly, emphasizing, in a letter to the Kurdish president, the separate ethnic and national character of the Chaldean community.16 The same position is defended by a small political splinter party, the Chaldean National Council, which left the CSA Popular Council of Aghajan because of its policy of diluting national identities. In their eyes, nationality and church belong together. On the other hand, some religious leaders have raised objections about these attempts at defining Christianity along ethnic lines. They point to the fact that in reality the great majority of the Christians still live in the central parts of the country, mainly in the capital, and no longer speak Sureth, but have adopted Arabic as their first language. This should not be regarded as a loss of identity, but rather as a means to reach out to the majority of the country, as a possibility for interaction, also in the field of interreligious dialogue with the Muslim community.

The official name of the Chaldean Patriarchate is Patriarchate of Babylon; for an initial historical study of these ethnic appellations, see J. Joseph, The Modern Assyrians of the Middle East. Encounters with Western Christian Mission, Archaeological and Colonial Powers, Leiden, 2000, pp. 18–19. 16 This letter was a request to modify article 5 of the Provisional Constitution of the KRG-region (June, 2009 and several previous drafts) — which mentions the collective “Chaldo-Assyrian-Syriacs” as a constituent of the People of the Kurdistan Region — and to align it on article 125 of the Federal Constitution, which speaks, as we have seen, of the Chaldeans and the Assyrians as separate entities. 15

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HERMAN TEULE In a recent pastoral letter, Patriarch Sako has expressed that the attachment to one’s ethnic and cultural Chaldean roots should not degenerate into a fanatic cult of one’s national identity. 17 As a consequence, he rejects the idea of a special autonomous area for the Christians, which in his eyes would only lead to ghettoization and loss of relevance. When still Archbishop of Kirkuk, he published an anthology of Christian Arabic theological texts written in the Abbasid period.18 The reason behind this initiative was to show that in the past, by their adoption of Arabic culture, the Christians of Baghdad were capable of interacting with the Muslim world. As a matter of fact, there are strong historical reasons to argue that next to “Syriac” (“Chaldean”, “Assyrian”), Arabic has shaped the identity of the Iraqi Christians of different communities. One could refer to the ethnically Arabic Christians of the region around al-Ḥira in the pre-Islamic period, belonging to the Church of the East, or the missionary activities of Akhudemmeh, the first organizer of the Miaphysite (“Jacobite”) community among the Arab tribes in the Tikrit region or around Sinjar.19 For the Abbasid period, the names of famous scholars come to mind like Ḥunayn b. alIsḥāq whose first language was Arabic rather than Syriac, or the author known under the pseudonym of ‘Abd al-Masīḥ b. Isḥāq alKindī, who vigorously defended the idea that the knowledge of pure Arabic was not the exclusive domain of the Muslim Arabs, Agenzia fides, 21-05-2013. L. Sako, Christian-Muslim Dialogue. Theological Approaches in the Arabic Language in the Abbasid Period, Kirkuk, 2009 (in Arabic). Cf. a similar, not well known publication by Gian-Maria Gianazza, Selected Texts of the Church of the East, Baghdad, 1999 (in Arabic), a selection of Arabic theological texts, written in Iraq. In this respect, it is worthwhile to refer to the preparatory document (the lineamenta) of the Special Assembly for the Middle East of the Synod of Catholic Bishops (October, 2010), which highlights the importance of the study of Christian Arabic literature from the perspective of its contribution to a cultural and religious dialogue between Christians and Muslims. 19 Cf. Th. Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam, Louvain, 2007, pp. 83–94. 17 18

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CHRISTIANITY IN IRAQ even not of the Qoraysh, but constituted a bond between the members of both communities: “we, Arabs”.20 It is clear that when discussing this “assumed” Arabic identity, the issue at stake is not so much to introduce a new ethnic discourse, but to think of ways how to interact with society at large and with the members of the dominant religion. The political discussion on ethnicity should be left to the Christian politicians who have their own responsibilities. In this respect, it is important, as emphasized by Archbishop Casmoussa, that ecclesiastical leaders and Christian politicians cooperate together, respecting each other’s autonomy and responsibilities.

CONCLUSION The Christian communities in Iraq struggle for survival. Their alarmingly dwindling numbers and the new political constellation force them to develop new strategies which were not possible in previous periods. Some political leaders try to secure the rights of the Christians by promoting the idea of a common Christian ethnic identity. In their eyes both the Iraqi Constitution and the Provisional Kurdish Constitution guarantee the existence, security and development of the Christians as an ethnic minority, for which reason it is preferable to operate together under one ethnic name instead of the traditional ecclesiastical appellations. Apart from the difficulty of finding a name acceptable to all parties involved, one has to recognize that Christians are active partners in the political debate and have succeeded in obtaining a guaranteed right to minimum representation. A number of religious leaders view this development with suspicion, but for divergent reasons. Some do not believe in the idea of a common, supra-denominational ethnic identity, but hold that each ecclesiastical community has its own ethnic profile. They seem to fear the loss of influence of the individual churches. Others believe that emphasizing too much the distinct ethnic character of the Christian community, especially when this idea would be 20 Cf. G. Tartar, Dialogue islamo-chrétien sous le calife al-Ma’mûn (813834). Les épîtres d’Al-Hâshimî et d’Al-Kindî, Paris, 1985, pp. 196–198.

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HERMAN TEULE translated into the creation of an autonomous Christian province or area, would lead to a certain marginalization and would make it difficult to reach out to the majority of the Arabic and Muslim population of Iraq.

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PART II: THE CHALLENGES OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY: RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, EDUCATION, PLURALISM AND THE PERSONAL STATUS OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA

PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL CHANGANASSERY / INDIA Indian society has been, generally speaking, positive in welcoming and promoting any new faith or any new knowledge as an essential part of the fundamental process of India’s search for truth. Western historians have acknowledged that Indian society has consistently been a tolerant society. In fact in India new faiths or new ideas were not merely tolerated but were even warmly welcomed and encouraged. The traditional Indian or Hindu attitude has always been that truth cannot remain anybody’s monopoly. According to the ancient Rshis (Seers) of India, there is only one Truth and it can be expressed in different ways (Ekam sath vipra. Bahudam vadanthi). Different religions, according to them, are like different rivers that flow to the same ocean of Truth.

INDIAN CHRISTIANS As a religious minority the Christian community (making only 2.33% of the nearly 1030 million population) in India has always been fortunate in keeping itself an integral part of the Indian mainstream and has consequently been able to make a substantial con-

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA tribution in building up the nation over the centuries.1 It is true that the recent politicization of religion among certain sections of Hinduism have raised occasional instances of conflict and torture but such instances must be taken as exceptions rather than the rule. It is the good fortune of this country that those who subscribe to such attitudes and who promote such hate campaigns constitute only a very small segment of the major religious community in India and the well-meaning majority of the majority community in the country remains fully committed to upholding India’s great and noble legacy of religious fellowship and communal harmony. It is, in fact, this tradition in Indian society that has helped the Christian community in India to actively involve itself in nation-building activities — economic and social, educational and cultural, besides its marked contributions in sectors of social service and health care. It is from this socio-religious, cultural and political background that the concept of religious freedom emerged in the Constitution of India.2

CHRISTIANITY IN KERALA In Kerala, the influence of Christianity — present here from the first century of the Christian era — has been felt mainly in the fields of education, politics, agriculture, banking, trade and commerce. Fertile land has always remained a weakness for the Christian community and they emigrated to the places where fertile land was cheaper (the Syro Malabar Christians even planned to emigrate to Brazil). The Lord’s command that ‘thou shall live by the sweat of your brow’ has been obeyed literally by Christians here throughout the centuries. It is interesting to note that when the caste system was at its height, when the so called upper caste people were living under the According to the last census, Hindus form 80.44% of India’s population. Muslims 13.42%, Christians 2.33%, Sikhs 1.84%, Buddhists 0.68%, Jains 0.38%, others like Baha’i, Zoroastrian, etc. are 0.65%. 2 Cf. Cyriac Thomas, “Christian Involvement in the Building Up of the Nation”, in: Selvister Ponnumuthan (ed.), Christian Contribution to Nation Building, Cochin 2004, 65–68. 1

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL apprehension of being made unholy if any of the so-called lower caste people came near them, two options were suggested for becoming clean again — either taking a bath afresh or by being touched by a Christian. Consequently, Christian families settled down close to Hindu temples in many places in order to serve this purpose. This can rightly be taken as a sign and a symbol of how the other sections of the society considered the Christians clean and holy.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AS A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT After the separation of Pakistan from India in 1947, more than forty million Muslims opted for settling down in India taking it as their own country. They were spread out in every state, living with their Hindu brethren. There were also ten million Christians and around five million Sikhs. Moreover, a good number of Parsees, Jains and Buddhists lived in different parts of India especially in the north. According to the census of that time a little more than eighty-five percent of the population was Hindu. In this particular situation, when religious minorities might have felt alienated, the Fathers of the Indian Constitution thought it is their duty to protect religious minorities and made provision for their safety and well-being.3 The provisions they proposed were enough to give religious minorities confidence in Indian democracy and their security in India’s multi-religious, multi-lingual and racial community. The Indian Constitution closely follows the British Parliamentary model but differs from it in one important aspect; that is, the Constitution is supreme, not Parliament. The Indian Courts are vested with the authority to adjudicate on the constitutionality of any law passed by Parliament. India has relatively a very strong judiciary that gives security to every citizen.

The Constitution of India was drawn up by a Constituent Assembly initially summoned on 9th December 1946, for undivided India. Only on 1st July 1947 did the British Parliament pass the Indian Independence Act, to divide the country into India and Pakistan. A draft Constitution was published in February 1948. It came into effect on 26 th January 1950. 3

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA The role of Christians in the Constituent Assembly In the Constituent Assembly, which formulated the Constitution of India, the Vice President was a Christian — Mr. H. C. Mookerjee. He was the President of the All India Council of Indian Christians and a member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly. Mookerjee also worked as the Chairman of the Minority Rights sub-committee of the Constituent Assembly. Besides, Joseph Alban D’Souza and Frank Anthony were members of the Constituent Assembly and members of the important Rules Committee of the Assembly. Rajkumari Amrita Kaur, another Christian, was a member of the Assembly and a member of the very important Fundamental Rights sub-committee and Minorities sub-committee. Mr. P. K Salve, Mr. S.H. Prater, Mr. M.V.H. Collins were Christian members of the Minority sub-committee. Mr. John Matthai was another Christian who was a member of the Assembly and contributed immensely to the formulation of the Constitution of India. Besides Rev. Fr. Jerome D’Souza SJ was a notable person in the Assembly. This Christian presence in the Constituent Assembly positively influenced the formation of the Constitution of India, especially in formulating and defining the fundamental rights and the educational rights of citizens.4 Religious rights according to the Constitution of India The Indian Constitution nos. 25, 26, 27, 28 were proposed to protect and promote the religious minorities and it was acceptable to all the members in the Constituent Assembly.5 Right to freedom of religion The Constitution no. 25 asserts the right to freedom of religion. It accepts not only the right to freedom of conscience and free pro-

Cf. Reports of Committees of the Constituent Assembly of India, New Delhi 1950. Anil Chandra Banerjee, The Constituent Assembly of India, Calcutta 1947. 5 Cf. Mangapati Pallam Raju, Minority Rights. Myth or Reality, New Delhi 2003, 19–21. 4

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL fession and practice of religion but also the right to propagate one’s own religion in the country. The constitution states: (1) Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate religion. (2) Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the state from making any law. Regulating or restricting any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice. Providing for social and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus. No other constitution seems to give in such clear terms this freedom to the citizen to propagate once own religion. It was opposed by certain members of the constituent assembly and their major complaint was this provision might lead to large scale conversion from Hindu religion to other religions, especially to Christianity. But the majority did not agree to this complaint and they approved this clause. The Supreme Court of India has later clarified that by protecting the citizens’ freedom for ‘religious practice’ the Constitution protects their right not only to keep a certain faith but also to engage in activities in connection with the faith they profess. Freedom to manage religious affairs No. 26 speaks of freedom to manage religious affairs — “Subject to public order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right — to establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes. to manage its own affairs in matters of religion. to own and acquire movable and immovable property; and to administer such property in accordance with law.” Freedom as to the payment of taxes for the promotion of any particular religion No 27. No person shall be compelled to pay any taxes, the proceeds of which are specifically appropriated in payment of expens49

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA es for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion or religious denomination. Freedom as to attendance at religious instruction No 28. Freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in certain educational institutions. No religious instruction shall be provided in any educational institution wholly maintained out of State funds. Nothing in clause (1) shall apply to an educational institution which is administered by the State but has been established under any endowment or trust which requires that religious instruction shall be imparted in such institution. No person attending any educational institution recognized by the State or receiving aid out of State funds shall be required to take part in any religious instruction that may be imparted in such institution or to attend any religious worship that may be conducted in such institution or in any premises attached thereto unless such person or, if such person is a minor, his guardian has given his consent thereto. This article of the constitution of India explains the secular character of the nation. Religious instruction can be provided only in educational institutions run by private agencies and in the government aided schools. But in government aided schools religious instruction cannot be made compulsory for the students. Christian educational institutions in Kerala are mostly (nearly 80 percent) government aided schools where we conduct religious instruction. Therefore the interests of the religious minorities are well protected6. Christians promoting religious harmony Christians in Kerala are always promoting religious harmony or peaceful co-existence of all religions. Christians participate in the different feasts of the neighboring Hindu families and mutually exchange gifts on important feast days. Christians also invite Hindu 6 Cf. Moolamattom Varkey Pylee, Indian Constitution. An Introductory Study (Mal), Kottayam 2006, 96–100.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL neighbors to the Christmas celebration in their families. There are also mutual financial and material supports for the celebrations of the temple or church of the place. Nowadays, Iftar parties are organized in the month of Ramzan even by the Christian leaders. After the Vatican Council II, in many churches in connection with the parish feast, Christians organize inter-religious meetings and share their views in public. Interestingly, at times the religious leaders come together for fighting against atheistic propaganda of the communists and also against communal violence.

EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS Educational rights of the religious minorities derive, in fact, from the fundamental right of the Indian citizen for religious freedom. The Fathers of the Indian Constitution were very particular that the various religious and linguistic communities in India should have the right to protect their religious and cultural heritage and therefore they have the right for imparting it to the coming generation through their education. Minority right emerges from the fact that democracy is the rule of the majority and in this rule the minorities and their right to exist may be sidelined.7 Therefore, the minorities have to be protected from the varying attitudes of the majority and therefore the minorities should have certain preferential rights to keep them safe. This minority rights are protected as constitutional rights in India. Cultural and educational rights in the Constitution The Constitution states these rights with the subtitle Protection of Interest of Minorities.

According to Justice K. K. Mathew of the Supreme Court, provisions for special constitutional protection beyond the reach of the legislatures even are a necessary ingredient of a democratic form of government which is majority rule in a sense. Cf. Mangapati Pallam Raju, Minority Rights. Myth or Reality, New Delhi 2003, 17. 7

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA Protection of the interests of minorities No. 29 (1) Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same. (2) No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language, or any of them. It is clear that the cultural and religious mosaic of Indian ethos has to be protected and promoted. Indians use 17 distinct languages with their own distinct alphabets. Most of the States in India are composed of people with distinct language. For example: Malayalam for Kerala, Tamil for Tamil Nadu, Kannada for Karnataka, etc. Right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions No. 30 (1) All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. (2) The State shall not, in granting aid to educational institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on religion or language. The right guaranteed under Article 30 (1) is a right not conferred on individuals but on religious denominations or sections of such a denomination. It is also universally recognized that it is the parental right to have education of their children in the educational institutions of their choice. Mere receipt of state aid does not annihilate the right guaranteed under Article 30 (1). It has been held by the Supreme Court of India that “a minority institution does not cease to be so, the moment grant in aid is received by the institution. An aided minority educational institution, therefore, would be entitled to have the right of admission of students belonging to the minority group and at the same time, would be required to admit a reasonable extent of non-minority students, so that the rights under Article 30(1) are not substantially impaired and further the citizens right under Article 29 (2) are not infringed. What would be a reasonable extent, would vary from the types of institution, the courses of education for 52

PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL which admission is being sought and other factors like educational needs. The state government concerned has to notify the percentage of the minority students to be admitted in the light of the above observations”.8 Protection to the educational institutions The major components of this right that protects the educational institutions of the minorities are: The right to constitute the Governing body with their own Chairman and members. The right to appoint the principal of their choice provided the person has the necessary qualifications. The right to select and appoint teachers and other staff of their choice provided that they have the required qualifications. The right to admit students; the right to enforce discipline; The right to administer the property and assets.9 Obligations of the minority educational institutions Keeping in mind these educational rights of religious minorities, it is their obligation to preserve and promote their cultural values and religious traditions. At the same time the education these institutions impart must be open to other religions and communities. Therefore, the Christian educational institutions in Kerala both aided and unaided teach religion in the schools for Christian students and arrange classes on moral teaching for students from other religious denominations. The professional colleges — especially the medical and nursing colleges — give courses in medical ethics based on the teachings of the Church. Besides, the Christian institutions keep a Christian atmosphere in the campus by starting the

Inamdar vs. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537. Cf. M. Jacob, “Education and Minority Rights”, in: National Conference on Minority Rights and Responsibilities in Education, New Delhi 2009, 18– 19. 8 9

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA day with prayer and organizing monthly Holy Mass and even a chapel for prayer.10 A brief historical survey on Christian education in India Christian missionaries were pioneers in education. It is interesting to note that the first formal Christian educational institution anywhere outside Europe was the Santa Fe School in Goa, founded in 1540 by the Franciscans. In 1542 it was taken over by St. Francis Xavier and in 1548 it was raised to the status of a college (university) and renamed St. Paul’s College. Soon more missionary schools appeared in other parts of India: at Bassein (Vasai) in 1546, in Cochin in 1549, at Punnaicayil in Tamil Nadu in 1567 and in Madurai in 1595. In 1713 a school was started in Pondicherry and in 1731 a school of High Tamil was started at Ellacurichi in Tamil Nadu. It may also be mentioned that a Sanskrit school was opened by then Syrian Vicar General of the diocese of Verapoly Rev. Fr. Quriakose Elias Chavara in 1846 at Mannanam, Kerala.11 In 1836, Mar Dianysius, then supreme head of the Malankara Orthodox Church wrote to his churches that every parish church must open an educational institution. In 1856, when the government of Travancore began giving aid to the existing twenty-one schools, seventeen were Christian. Rev. Fr. Quriakose Elias, then Vicar General of Syrian Catholics in Malabar wrote to the parishes that as part of their spending of money for sacred purposes, they were to open schools in every parish. The Church Mission Society (Protestant) with the help of the Syrian Christians opened a College and Seminary at Kottayam in 1813 itself.12 The first ever girls’ school in India was opened by the protestant missionaries in 1815 at Kottayam. A year later, another 10 Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, A Pastoral Plan for Catholic Education, New Delhi 1989, 6–9. 11 Cf. George Palackapilly, “Christian Contribution to Education, Language and Literature”, in: Selvister Ponnumuthan (ed.), Christian Contribution to Nation Building, Cochin 2004, 84–85. 12 Cf. Samuel Nellimukal, Study of Social History of Kerala (Mal), Kottayam 2003, 97–135.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL girl’s school was established in Alapuzha. These initiatives gathered great momentum in the years to follow and girls’ schools came into being in different parts of Kerala. It is interesting that the first ever girl’s school by the government was started in 1850, thirty-one years after the Christian missionaries had opened one for the local people (especially for the Christians).13 Christian schools were opened to students of all castes and creeds. The so-called lower caste received education in those early days only because of the Christian schools. It is interesting to note that government schools were opened to the lower castes only by the beginning of the twentieth century. 14 The so called Special Schools, schools for the mentally challenged and schools for the physically handicapped were opened by the Church and until recently only Christians were involved in this mission for the most marginalized in society. Recently the State governments became involved in this mission by opening a few schools and giving a small sum of money as financial aid to these institutions. The fact that about 80% of such institutions in Kerala are run by the Churches shows the commitment of the Church in supporting the most underprivileged in society. Church involvement in the health care sector also is remarkable.15 The average life

Cf. ibid. 102. After independence, there was a massive involvement of the Church in education. Though the Catholic Church constitutes only 1.6% of the population the Church runs in India over 17,500 educational institutions (4000 institutions are high schools), including 300 colleges in which there are 5 medical colleges and 14 engineering colleges. 70% of these schools are in rural areas, serving the poor, especially the dalits, the adivasis and other disadvantaged groups. Only a meager 15% of Church institutions are in the cities and large towns. In Kerala, the Catholic Church runs 171 colleges, 277 higher secondary schools, and 770 high schools. 15 The Catholic Church in India runs 764 hospitals, 2575 dispensaries, 70 rehabilitation centers, and 107 centres for mental health care. The Kerala Catholic Church runs 257 hospitals, 288 dispensaries, 23 rehabilitation centres and 65 centers for mental health. 13 14

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA expectancy is 75 years in Kerala, while it is only 64 years in India as a whole.16 Christian education for social change As a consequence of the educational revolution, a social revolution also followed. The age-old ‘backwardness’ in rural India was shaken to its foundations, which naturally paved the way for an astonishing social transformation in Indian society. If Christian missionaries were welcomed in the beginning in all parts of the country, of late, some resistance has been evident from the so-called feudal establishments, as they were naturally afraid that the presence of the Christian missionaries might ultimately lead to social changes which might badly affect their economic and social vested interests. The fact is that, through education, the Christian missionaries could, to a considerable extent, demolish some of the social inequalities reining in Indian social categorization and challenge some of the prevailing social practices. The great service the Christian educational institutions have rendered to Indian society was that it could place the mirror of time against the face of the society, challenging the very social conscience of the country. Christian educational institutions pushed Indian society forward not only in literacy but also in the total social transformation.17 Christian educational institutions in North India, where Christians are not present or only nominally present, are evangelizing the younger generation through a good education inspired by Gospel values, such as love, freedom, forgiveness, honesty and justice. Such an education contains in itself the seeds of the announcement of God’s Kingdom and predisposes one to receive them. In that sense, it is a work of evangelization. Christian education aims at the total development of the young. In this process, the students are helped to discover their God-given talents and to work towards In 1996, in Kerala, the average spending per person for health care was only 12 dollars per annum. Now it has increased to 36 dollars per annum. 17 Cf. Thomas, “Christian Involvement in the Building Up of the Nation” 69–70. 16

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL their fullest development as far as possible, in order to place them at the service of the community. In this way the educational institutions have positively influenced enormously the Indian culture though they are a minuscule minority in more than one billion population.

INDIA’S PLURALISM Today’s world is made up of a small number of states and a large number of ethnic groups. According to one estimate there are 187 states and about 8000 ethnic groups based on race, religion, language and culture. Such diversity in religious terms is staggering. Almost all the leading religions of the world are practiced in India, including Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and the Baha’i faith in addition to many diverse religious cults and practices. Religious minority groups are spread all over India. However, some are concentrated in states where they constitute a political majority, i.e. Sikhs in Punjab, Muslims in Jammu- Kashmir and Christians in north-eastern states like Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, etc. Because of this tremendous diversity, India is not identified with any one religion. In terms of ethnic diversity, the Indian population mainly consists of Mongoloids, Negroids and Caucasians and of course numerous mixed races. Generally speaking overtly there is no race and color prejudice in India, but there may exist subtle discrimination based on race and color. According to a recent survey, the tribal population in India is 69 million, spread over the whole of India. However, in three states of the north east they constitute a political majority. Language diversity of India is also unmatched. About 1,600 dialects are spoken by one-sixth of the people. According to an estimate about 2,200 dialects are spoken in India. In addition to this, the Indian constitution recognizes 17 languages with their own alphabets. In terms of cultural diversity, each region has its own cultural pattern (not only dress and food habits but patterns of social relationships, material objects, etc.). However, in spite of this diversity the most important fact of India’s diversity is that there is no majority ‘community’ in India 57

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA because the majority community is a conglomeration of numerous groups having different deities, theology, scripture, shrines, rituals and cultures. Thus the majority community has religions within religion, cultures within culture, faiths within faith and languages within language. Because of this, the majority community in India never developed an exclusive collective consciousness based on religion, language and culture. It is for this reason that at times the majority may feel insecure about its religion, language and culture and begin to talk and identify with one religion, one language and one culture. Consequently when the majority becomes anxious, minorities become uneasy and even feel threatened.18 The uniqueness of India’s pluralism India’s historical, cultural and philosophical ethos has always been pluralistic or multi-cultural which allowed the ‘other’ to be ‘other’. The concept of Dharma, which does not mean religion, but fundamentals of good living, has always allowed a certain free space to every individual to pursue his/her own concept of good life, value and norms which was thought necessary for self-actualization and fulfillment of life. Thus the concept of autonomy of the self was validated, according to which belief there is rational unity in every individual and therefore, he must be left free to pursue his own concept of a good life. Religious pluralism in Kerala Kerala has long been a meeting ground of both Indian and world religions, including Jainism, Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity, Judaism and Islam. The majority of the people in Kerala in the first century followed Dravidian practices which were not based on any particular religion. This so-called Dravidic religion is a mixture of primitive rites and superstitious beliefs. They worshiped rivers, trees, hills and local deities. They also believed in ancestor-worship. Though a majority followed local Dravidian religious practices, 18 Cf. I.P. Massey, “Understanding of India in its Diversity”, in: A. Suresh, Religio-Cultural Approaches for Peace and Communal Harmony, New Delhi 2000, 21.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL North Indian religions like Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmanism entered Kerala even before the Christian era. Sangam writings testify that the vast majority still continued to observe Dravidian practices in the early centuries of the Christian era. Occasional personal or group conflicts would have occurred, but on the whole pluralism remained part of the Indian and the Kerala vision.

PERSONAL STATUS OF THE SYRIAN CHRISTIANS In this pluralistic mindset of the Indian ethos, Christianity — especially the traditional Syriac Christianity — has always found a space of its own. Syrian Christians from time immemorial used the East Syrian liturgy. They also adapted the East Syrian liturgy to their surroundings and to the Hindu culture, Christianizing the customs and practices of the high caste Hindus from among whom — according to tradition — their nucleus was formed by the Apostle Thomas. Indian society seemed to consider Syriac Christians, as uppermiddle class in the social hierarchy of the time. The so-called lower caste people had to keep a distance of 65 feet from Christians while living and traveling. Unfortunately it was considered as a sign of the high social status of the Christians of the time. Their family traditions were of that of the upper class Hindus. The traditional dress of the women was a 10 feet long white cloth with folded end both for Christians and the upper class Nampoothiries. The Christian women kept the folded end behind the body while clothing themselves when the Nampoothiry women kept the folded end of the white cloth in front of the body. Christian men had the same hair style as that of the upper class Hindus with a cross tied to it. Other common traditions are: The names given to the children at baptism were mostly derived from Scripture. The paternal grandfather’s/grandmother’s name is given respectively to the first male/female child. The second child acquired the name of the maternal grandfather or grandmother. The first solid food feeding to a child was a prayerful ceremony. Initiation of a child into formal education was another family celebration. 59

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA In the marriage ceremony no wedding ring was used. Instead a leaf like a golden ornament, tali, was tied around the neck of the bride by the bridegroom (the thread of which is drawn out from the mantrakodi, the bridal veil). For Christians the tali was decorated with a cross. The custom of dowry given by the bride’s family to the bridegroom at the time of marriage is another common custom.19 Privileges granted to Christians Christians were prominent in the field of trade and commerce. They also received privileges and favors at the hands of the ruling monarchs. The Terisapalli Copper Plate was executed in 849 A.D. by Ayyan Atikal Tiruvatikal of Venad. During the reign of Emperor Sthanu Ravi (844–885) several important rights and privileges were conferred on the Christians of Quilon. The Tazhakad church inscription of Rajasimha (1028–1043) refers to two Christian merchants, Chathan Vadukan and Iravi Chathan, who were members of Manigramam, being conferred certain privileges. The Copper Plate Grant (1225 A. D.) issued by Vira Raghava Chakravarti, the ruler of Mahodayapuram to Iravi Kortanan, a Christian merchant of Mahodayapuram, confers on the latter the office headship of the merchants of the place, in addition to several other rights and privileges.

CHALLENGES CHRISTIANS FACE India has a constitution — tried for half a century and still holding its ground — and a democracy and a secularism which emphasizes the fundamental unity and fellowship of all faiths. These factors stand as a guarantee to a system of politics and governance which is aimed at the betterment of the quality of life of India’s people. The best guarantees the minorities have had in India for their faith and their rights have been the sense of secular fairness that Indian society has zealously and generously preserved all these 19 Cf. Prasanna Vazheeparampil, “The Toma Marga Icon of the Indo-Oriental Identity of the Thomas Christians of India”, in: Christian Orient, March 1996, 20–23.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL years. However, the recent hate campaign against minority religions organized by certain political parties in north India is a serious threat to the Indian culture of religious tolerance. Christians have become the victims of attacks in north Indian states like Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh. Attacks on Christian churches in the southern state of Karnataka show that the religious fanaticism promoted for political purposes is spreading even to south India. In Kerala, the communist atheists raise challenges against Christians since they find the Christians are more organized and influential through various educational institutions. They are trying to get Christian schools and colleges under their control and to infiltrate into the educational system; an infiltration which we resist. They use their propaganda machinery, even the government machinery, against us. We are trying to resist these attempts. The fourth estate — the media — is another challenge we face. Both print and visual media are considered vulnerable to pressures of those who want to eliminate religious culture, especially the Christian culture. As a consequence, there is a visible decline in the vocation to religious congregations. The percentage of Christians in Kerala has decreased slightly, mainly due to the influence of government propaganda and due to the influence of the media. In 1957 Christians were about 22.5% of the total population and now they are only 18%. According to a study, in the present generation Christians have only 1.56 children in each family. Noticeable disintegration in Christian families is another great challenge we now face. Divorce is on the increase and so-called nuclear families find it difficult to cope with the new generation crisis. There is also an increase in the number of those who emigrate to other countries, especially to the Middle East, Europe and to the USA. Mainly due to unemployment in Kerala, more than one million Syrian Christians have emigrated to these countries.

CONCLUSION The present Syriac Christian communities, Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant, form about 13% of the total population in Kerala. However their contribution in all sectors of social and spiritual life 61

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN INDIA has been significant and their social status was equal to that of the upper castes of Hindu society, although economically there is wide diversity in the communities. But as the culture of violence spreads and extremist groups gain ground, taking the cue from neighboring countries, Syriac Christian communities are concerned for the future.

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, EDUCATION, PLURALISM AND PERSONAL STATUS OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN SYRIA AND TURKEY

MAR GREGORIOS YOHANNA IBRAHIM ALEPPO / SYRIA The ratification and endorsement of the Treaty of Lausanne in July 23rd, 1923, which revoked the legislations of dhimmi status since the advent of Islam, and secularized the confessional communities (the Millet system), was a turning point in the socio-political arena of Syria and Turkey in the late Ottoman Empire, and it had a profound effect on education, religious freedom, pluralism and the status of citizenship. Initially, dhimmi status enshrined the protection of non-Muslim citizens in Islamic lands who had made peace with Islam and recognized the sovereignty of the Ottoman State. Today, we hear voices reaffirming that the dhimmi status is still discreetly (or indirectly) functional. To that effect books have recently been published by Muslim and Christian authors dealing with these issues, such as Dhimmeun Aw Matha? Dhimmi or What? The Treaty of Lausanne also revoked long-standing agreements and accords between the Ottoman Empire and several European countries in effect since 1535, particularly with France which gave her the right to protect the Catholic Churches and its citizens who were in the Ottoman Empire. This Capitulation had a profoundly negative effect on non-Muslim indigenous communities and aggravated the relations between the indigenous Oriental Orthodox Churches and both the Ottoman Authorities and the countries of Europe. 63

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN SYRIA AND TURKEY As a consequence of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, countries such as Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine and Iraq, which had for centuries been integral parts of the Ottoman Empire, started to evolve into autonomous nations under the mandate of either France or England. Turkey appeared on the socio-political map of the region with new recognized or disputed boundaries. These geographic and demographic changes brought about new relations between state and church and the state and its citizens. The following is a brief historical examination of relations between the state and the non-Muslim citizens from the advent of Islam until the emergence of these autonomous countries of the Middle East. When Caliph Omar conquered Jerusalem, 15 AH (After Hijra, or 638 AD), he wrote two edicts to the dwellers of Jerusalem and another one specifically to the Christian inhabitants of Jerusalem. The later edict became known as the Omar Edict, Al-Uhda AlOmaria (the Edict of Privilege). The Omar Edict merits close consideration as it represents a precedent and a guideline of the status Islam provided Christians living in Dar Al-Islam in areas of religious, worship and personal freedom. The peace treaty Caliph Umar signed reads as follows: From the servant of Allah and the Commander of the Faithful, Omar: The inhabitants of Jerusalem [Aelea’a] are granted security of life and property. Their churches and crosses shall be secure. This treaty applies to all people of the city. Their places of worship shall remain intact. These shall neither be taken over nor pulled down. People shall be quite free to follow their religion. They shall not be put to any trouble…

The Ottoman Empire adopted the system of Imperial Edict or Firman, and these were issued with the full agreement and seal of the Sultan to regulate (or dictate) the conducts and freedom of the indigenous denominations. The system of Firmans maintained already existing churches and monasteries, and restored or renovated demolished ones, and gave the spectra of religious liberty and freedom the Sultan saw fit to endorse. The Tanzimat, administration reorganization, was initiated and ushered in during the reign of Sultan Mahmoud II (1808–1839) and carried out by his son Abdul Majid I (1839–1861) who also issued 64

MAR GREGORIOS YOHANNA IBRAHIM what became known as Heyet-i-Sharif, (Shar Al-Sharif), on November 3rd, 1838. This edict set out the principle of equality for all citizens of the Empire regardless of faith, creed, ethnicity, color, language or race. It also contained the principles of the renewal movement which is known as the Tanzimat, such as abolishing slavery and ensuring religious freedom. Moreover, the Tanzimat evolved throughout the reign of Sultan Abdul Majid (1839–1861), who issued Khati-Hamauniy on February 18th, 1859, confirming religious freedom and providing equality among all citizens of the Empire regardless of faith, creed, ethnicity and nationality. By the 1860’s, the Ottoman public had acquired some experience in political representation as the result of the secularization of confessional communities (Millet) and the reorganization of provincial administration. The newly-created Millet general assemblies, however, kept Christians on the margins of public life and the renovations of churches and use of cemeteries remained at the whim of officials. The authoritarian conduct of the local officials had negative effects on the psyche of Christians in the Empire. Although many years have passed, some of the regulations of the Khat-i-Hamauni are still in effect in some countries.

TURKEY It is apparent that Turkey, in spite of its secular policies, still hinders Christian attempts to organize themselves. The main dilemma of the religious denominations is their status in the law. The relatively new legislations regarding non-governmental organizations, which were adopted by the Turkish Parliament in 2004, do not permit Christians to establish religious societies which promote religious dialogue and freedom. Religious education is still subject to the control of courts. Christian denominations are not permitted to establish their own Church schools. The Turkish legislative authorities do not allow churches to resume the activities of their schools which were previously functioning in their churches and monasteries. Since Turkey is a secular republic, legislation does not specifically affect non-Muslim indigenous groups whose numbers do not exceed 1% of the total population. Official statistics show the following: 65

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN SYRIA AND TURKEY

Armenian Orthodox Syrian Orthodox Greek Orthodox Catholics Protestant Jewish Bahai Yazidis Jehovah Witness

65000 15000–20000 3000–4000 5000 3000 23000 10000 5000 3000–4000

The prospect of Turkey’s admission to the European Union has led to an open discussion regarding Turkey’s improvements in human rights, religious freedom, education, pluralism and legislations, with specific reference to non-Muslim indigenous groups and the degree of implementation. Some studies show a decline during the last decade of 70% in Turkish violations in areas of essential human rights and freedom. Unlike past practices, we now see a concentrated official presence of non-Muslim religious leaders and dignitaries in almost all religious, national and social events, in which these religious leaders attend these events in their full religious dress and symbols. These Parliamentary legislative and administrative changes and reforms reflect the on-going process of democratic change in Turkey. This is also an example of an expanding margin of freedom of thought and expression. Such reforms are of utmost importance for the well-being of non-Muslim citizens of Turkey today. Signs of reforms like these are noted and welcomed by the non-Muslim citizens with special interest and optimism. They strongly believe that reforms in the justice and education systems shed light on Turkey’s endeavors to erect indispensable pillars to sustain the process of democratization in society.

SYRIA I will now turn to Syria where I was borne, brought up and lived. Obviously my knowledge of my own country exceeds my knowledge of Turkey. 66

MAR GREGORIOS YOHANNA IBRAHIM Religious freedom in Syria is second to none in the region. The equality between Muslims and Christians in all aspects of life is guaranteed constitutionally. Demographically speaking, Christians are the second largest indigenous group in Syrian. Christians in Syria enjoy their rights and adhere to their duties in full liberty. Legislation provides spaces for churches and all Christian religious rituals, activities and services are practiced freely. The building of a church or a monastery in any part in Syria is governed by simple legislative laws which regulate planning permission and are dealt with professionally at the municipality level. There is no need for a governor’s special permission or a presidential decree. As cities expand and require planning for new districts, the municipalities ensure that land is allocated for mosques and churches. The land for building places of worship is donated by the government. The government also exempts both mosques and churches from paying for their amenities (electricity, water and taxes). During religious events, Christians hold street processions carrying their crosses, and other religious symbols. The authorities respect church leadership and dignitaries, and considers their religious feasts and events opportunities to meet and exchange greetings and strengthen relations. Where but in Syria, do you see the President of the Republic personally congratulates Christian leadership during their religious celebrations. The President visits Christian headquarters, where Patriarchs and church leaders and the invited Grand Mufti and other Muslim notables gather to receive his congratulations. Representatives of the President visit churches in different Christian centers in Damascus and other Christian centers throughout Syria to offer the president’s congratulations. The Syrian media covers Christian religious masses, sermons and other celebrations such as feasts and festivities. It is encouraging that Christian and Muslim religious occasions whether it is the fasting of Ramadan, Eid Al-Fitr, Eid AlAdhha, Christmas, Easter and other social and national occasions provide a regular platform to gather under one roof and exchange greetings, condolences and air any concerns or grievances.

67

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN SYRIA AND TURKEY In fact, in Syria Christmas and Easter are considered official national holidays and a day off is given for all governmental departments, universities and schools. If not for the religious freedom and liberty that is exercised and enjoyed in Syria, the indigenous Christian citizens would have lived a life of segregation and marginalization in their own society and homeland. In Syria, the issue of education is a national responsibility. The government has taken special interest in establishing an educational system, building schools and formulating polices for all levels; primary, intermediary, secondary and university. The Syrian government finances and staffs these educational institutions and helps them implement its educational policies. Nationwide, the number of schools and universities is increasing to absorb the growing population. State education in Syria is free for all at all levels. A nationwide rise in the standard of education has been evident, as well as a steady decline in the percentage of illiteracy. The number of students per capita is very high in Syria. Therefore, we see the development of private education alongside state education. In addition to private schools, there is a new development in the higher education polices in Syria, which is the establishment of private universities. So far, fourteen private universities have been established during the last decade, providing education in many disciplines. Private education is not a new phenomenon in Syria. Over a century ago, legislation allowed the establishment of private schools belonging to churches or to certain religious orders; such as Jesuit, Dominican, and Protestant missionaries. Those private schools were open to students regardless of their confession. They proved to be very useful as educational tools and an early platform for daily encounters and integration between students from Muslim, Christian and other faiths and from different sectors of the society. The syllabus of these schools provided and encouraged free thinking and expression. This empowered young students to accept each other in their early encounters at school and in later life. Such early encounters lead to what we call the dialogue of life and the dialogue of work. 68

MAR GREGORIOS YOHANNA IBRAHIM Some of these schools are still performing their educational, intellectual and societal duties and providing society with young men who would happily live under the umbrella of citizenship, pluralism and diversity and work toward a united society and enjoy freedom and human rights. The common acceptance of the value of diverse and plural education reflects the culture of the society and ability of its people to live together in peace and harmony. The diversity in faith and religious affiliations and the linguistic, cultural, intellectual and historical background resembles the colorful tapestry of the Syrian Society. A common and renowned slogan often used in our society is Religion for God and the Homeland for all. This familiar slogan confirms that a society which believes in diversity and pluralism, gives more room to appreciate, respect, and accept the other, without having to undermine or forsake one’s principles, culture and faith. Therefore it is essential that cultural diversity and pluralism should be institutionally enshrined. Various Christian and Muslim factions are of the opinion that a well-intended and serious Christian-Muslim dialogue is considered a genuine and practical expression of the religious values, which prepare the foundations for diversity, pluralism, human dignity, justice, charity, mercy, love and a better world.

FAMILY LAW IN SYRIA The Family Law in Syria was issued by a legislative decree No 59 on 17.9.1953, and was implemented on 01.11.1953. The clause which specifically deals with non-Muslim communities stated that: each religious community or denomination (Christian and Jew) can apply their own religious laws and legislations concerning engagement, conditions of marriage, custody, the upbringing of under-age children, divorces and the time allowed between divorce and re-marriage.

The Syrian government also recognized the present religious or Church courts and religious appeal courts in each Archdiocese. The church leaders of these archdioceses preside, assisted by legally qualified members of the community. These courts deal with all cases of Family Law, which is permitted by state legislation. 69

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN SYRIA AND TURKEY Family Law in Syria has undergone revision and development based on careful and professional studies to keep abreast with the changes in society, especially regarding marriage, divorce, custody, adoption and inheritance. However, the church leadership both in Syria and abroad have insisted on keeping the status quo of their family religious legislations. Christians are satisfied with the family laws and legislations, and their functionality. This is a reflection of the Syrian government’s respect toward traditional Christian family laws. Religious courts in different denominations The Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch In our church we have for long established professional and wellfunctioning Church courts according to the constitution of the Syrian Orthodox Church and in conjunction with the legislation of the State. The Constitution of the church specifies that Church courts should be presided over by the bishop who is the head of the diocese. The Church court will consist either of a judge or a president assisted by members. There is one Church appeal court headquartered at the Patriarchate in Damascus. The Patriarch appoints the president and members of the court. The Catholic Church In the Catholic Church, the Church leaders of different denominational Catholic churches in any locality are allowed to form one court and appoint the staff of the court with the required number of judges, advocates, and clerks, to deal with all the cases of the Catholic communities in a given location. They also have a Church appeals court, which is under the authority of the Patriarchs of the different Catholic denominations. Church marriage and its legislations are the same in all Christian denominations in Syria and Lebanon. All Christian churches (Orthodox and Catholic, with the exception of the Evangelical Church), consider marriage as one of the seven mysteries of the Church. The Evangelical Church considers marriage as a divine link or union with religious connotations. Inter-church and intra-church marriages are encouraged and couples have the right to decide at which of the churches they wish 70

MAR GREGORIOS YOHANNA IBRAHIM to hold their marriage. The chosen church will conduct the wedding ceremony and register the marriage officially. Regarding divorce, different churches have different legislations. Family Law of the Syrian, Armenian, Greek Orthodox and the Evangelical Church permit divorce for reasons specified in their Family Law. The Catholic Church does not allow divorce but considers the marriage contract as null and void. The Church does not admit or verify inter-faith types of mixed marriages. Usually in Syria, such marriages are between Christians and Muslims. Such mixed marriages are usually conducted in a Civil Court and the Christian side of this matrimony might convert to Islam. Family Law does not only deal with engagements, marriages, their impediments and reasons for divorces, but also deals with separations, estrangements, dowries, a marriage’s financial apportioning and commitments, custody of the children, verification of parentage and ancestry, adoption, alimony, wills, inheritance and charitable endowments. Family Law also deals with the clergy regarding their uniforms, wills and inheritance. The Family Law in our church goes further to include clauses that deal with the church’s properties and its endowments. Clause 113 states that: In the Syrian Orthodox Church, the church owns all its churches, monasteries, chapels, cemeteries, schools, institutions and all its endowments properties. The church unquestionably own the contents of its libraries, manuscripts, chalices, clerical vestments, furniture in the Patriarchate, archbishoprics, monasteries, churches and all its institutions. Therefore, in case that an individual or group of faithful proselytized or converted to another denomination or faith they will have no legal claim on the property of the church. Consequently, no individual or group will have any rights or legal base for any litigation against the church and its properties.

CONCLUSION The ancient history of our region witnessed the rise of two great centers of civilizations: the Egyptians in the Nile Valley and the Mesopotamian in the Euphrates-Tigris plateau, and the rise of the Sumerians, the Babylonians, the Assyrians and the Arameans, the 71

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND PLURALISM IN SYRIA AND TURKEY ancestors of our Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch. The contributions of the Arameans and their descendants, the Syriacs, are well-known and engraved in the annals of the history of civilizations. We have survived and flourished. Our people are alive and well as is our church and language. We are certain we will continue to love, flourish and continue our mission in line with our past.

APPENDIX: UMAR’S EDICT ON THE DHIMMA (PROTECTED COMMUNITIES) Umar set out conditions or regulations relating to the treatment of people who entered into protective pacts with Muslims, the ahl-adhdhimma, which allowed ‘peoples of the book’ (ahl-al-kitab) to retain their non-Muslim faith under certain conditions, six of which were necessary, six desirable. The necessary conditions were: — dhimmi should not revile the Qur’an, nor Muhammad, nor Islam; — they should not marry a Muslim woman; — they should not attempt to convert a Muslim or injure him in life or goods; — they should not assist the enemy nor harbor spies. For the dhimmi committing any of these offences the protection of the Muslims was withdrawn; that is, he became an outlaw and his life forfeited. The six ‘desirable’ conditions were that: — they should wear distinctive clothing, the ghiyar, a yellow patch on their dress, and the girdle (zannar); — they should not build houses higher than those of the Muslims; — nor ring their wooden bells (naqus); — nor read their scriptures in a loud voice; — nor drink wine in public; — nor let their crosses or swine be seen; — their dead should be wept and buried in silence; — they should not mount a horse, only mules and asses. The breach of these regulations was visited with penalties although several of these, such as the wearing of distinctive dress, were often not enforced. 72

THE CONTRIBUTION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS TO ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON MAR PAUL MATAR BEIRUT / LEBANON For those interested in the Islamo-Christian dialogue in this world, there is an important distinction to be made between two kinds of dialogue. There is the learned dialogue carried on by specialists belonging to different cultures, ones who do not all speak the same language and who meet each other often in a very formal way. Then there is the entirely different dialogue carried on between people mixing together in their daily lives and with much in common. These people, sharing the same territory, come up against the same social and political difficulties of every description. This quite distinct dialogue may be called the dialogue of life. It is carried on in one-and-the-same language and passes through the ups and downs of all communal existence. The Islamo-Christian dialogue in the Middle East in general, and in Lebanon in particular, belongs rather to the second category, the dialogue of life. For any research in this field, the example of Lebanon offers results of extreme importance, whatever may be the point of view of the researcher concerned. That this dialogue can be difficult is not to be denied, but the results are full of promise. Pope John Paul II went so far as to say, in his evaluation of the Lebanese co-existence, that Lebanon, the land privileged by this co-existence, is not simply a country; rather, it is truly a message of liberty and concord, lived in mutual recognition and dignity, for the East as for the West. 73

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON So it is this Islamo-Christian dialogue as exemplified in Lebanon that I wish to take as my starting point in order to approach the subject that I have accepted in this Colloquium and which has the title Religious Liberty, culture, pluralism and Personal Status in the Existence and Experience of the Syriac Family in Lebanon. In fact, the concepts enumerated in this title all refer to an experience of life which has resulted in conclusions and gains of capital importance. These concern not only the Christian community, prime player in this experience, but extend their influence to the very future of coexistence everywhere in the world. These conclusions do not go so far as to imply that the future of co-existence is already assured and will be free of difficulties; but all the same, they constitute for the whole of humanity an important signpost for the road to be followed, so that the various conflicts arising from religious, cultural or socio-political antagonism in the world may be truly set aside. In the presentation of the “experience of co-existence and its gains within the Syriac family in Lebanon”, the plan we follow is already to be found in the title suggested by this Colloquium. We shall first show the acquisitions registered concerning religious and even civil liberty. This will be followed by a presentation of other gains in the fields of culture, education and pluralism. Following that, another gain will interest us, that of the personal status (in French Statut personnel) recognised in our societies for the Christians as for the Muslims. This personal status will not be merely juridical, for it is in direct relation with an essential need of all human existence, that of the dignity of every human being; this is something which has to be recognised as such by all the other human beings sharing the same destiny, on the same soil and even on the same planet.

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN LEBANON WITHIN THE SYRIAC FAMILY

One thing has to be made clear before dealing with this subject. It concerns the extension of the Syriac family itself in the country. This family in fact basically comprises the Maronite community and the other Orthodox and Catholic Syriac communities, which have existed in Lebanon since the dawn of Christianity at Antioch and in all the Orient. The difference between these communities comes from the fact that the Maronites have been concentrated in 74

MAR PAUL MATAR Mount Lebanon ever since the eighth century. The other communities for their part have occupied centres of population along the coast from present-day Turkey to Lebanon and also in the interior as far as Mesopotamia. In Lebanon, religious liberty and even civil liberty have been the insistent capital demand of the Christian community in general and more particularly that of the Maronites. This demand should be explained in its historical evolution as well as in its cultural and philosophical acceptation. For a clear understanding, one must avoid confusion between two kinds of religious liberty, that is to say liberty of worship and liberty of belief. Both liberties are described as religious liberty, but they have different significations or applications. In the experience of those who benefit from it, liberty of worship means freedom to practise one’s religion or cult without any obstacle placed by the political authorities or surrounding societies. The believers of every religion may or may not enjoy freedom to build places for prayer or the practice of their worship without any difficulty. Generally speaking, Arab and Muslim countries assure and insist on this freedom of worship. Some particular ones do not yet allow it, but some positive signs show promise for the future. As for liberty of belief, this is even more important than liberty of worship. It designates a form of liberty for one’s personal conscience and not merely for the life of the group. By this liberty we mean the ability and the right to change one’s religion without being harassed either by the forces of the State or by those of society. In general, Muslim societies do not allow liberty of this kind, for Muslims do not have the right to change their religion; that is to say to leave Islam. However, in Lebanon this freedom of conscience was written into the very Constitution of the country in 1926. People practise it in every direction without suffering pressure even from society. It must not be thought that Christians take advantage of this in order to invite others to leave their religion. Such proselytism is to be found neither in our schools nor in our churches. Still, the right to change one’s religion is sacred in the name of human freedom and dignity and is to be maintained at least as a possibility. This freedom of belief did not come about in Lebanon as a result of some sort of spontaneous generation. It was deserved and 75

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON acquired thanks to the efforts kept up throughout a difficult and costly history. The Maronites have maintained themselves as a constituted Church in the Lebanese mountains ever since the early eighth century. They had difficulties with some of their Christian brethren because of doctrinal divergences following the conflicts surrounding the Council of Chalcedon in 451. The Christians of the East differed in their understanding of the two natures, divine and human, in Jesus Christ. Subsequently, notably after the Islamic conquest, the Lebanese mountains became a refuge for those Christians who wished to escape the direct influence of the Muslims s it affected their lives. In this way religious liberty took the form of a treasure to be preserved well away from any foreign pressure. In Lebanon the Christian societies protected themselves against this influx better than those of other countries of the region, where there was wholesale conversion from Christianity to Islam. In this connection the example of North Africa is outstanding. Islam as such is tolerant and its doctrine respects the liberty of those whom the Muslim sacred book calls “people of the book”. However, the practice of the public authority exercised by its military chiefs did not always reach this level of toleration. It should of course be borne in mind that Christianity has not always been free of intolerance as when the Christian religion was imposed by force in South America after its conquest by the Europeans. To protect themselves against the very real difficulties resulting from medieval mentalities, the Christians of Lebanon clung to their mountains, feeling that up there they had to conserve their two dearest treasures, their religious liberty and their civil liberty. They dreamt of obtaining some formula of autonomy or independence that would allow them the status of full citizens, something more than the regime of protection as dhimmi that Islam offered the People of the Book. It was in fact a true social revolution or consecration of values leading to a new situation in the world and demanding equal citizenship for all in their rights and their duties. This demand was a real challenge for East and West alike, for it supposed a free and equal coexistence for the followers of various religions; they were to live together in legal states assuring them all the same situation before the law. This challenge has been thrown at the feet of those so-called Christian states, calling on them to respect the rights of Muslims in their territory, and at the feet of 76

MAR PAUL MATAR the Muslim states calling on them to assure equal rights for the Christians living alongside their Muslim fellow citizens. For this the true Islamic state remains to be brought into existence, as something belonging more to the future than to the past. When considering the experience of co-existence in general, one sees the case of Lebanon as a precious example for all those around the world who want to improve the political or official relations between citizens of differing religious denominations. The effort of the Christians of Lebanon, in particular of those of Syriac tradition, has given positive results for citizens throughout their history. They have been able to create a form of government with public authority from which no religious community is excluded. The regime they have arrived at is perhaps not the best possible one, nor is it of an eternal nature, but it stands halfway between two other regimes equally difficult to accept: that of a theocratic authority which does not allow equality between the citizens and the lay state, which is not yet generally accepted in Islam. The Lebanese formula is therefore said to be confessional since it allows citizens of every confession a real participation in state authority according to a quota adopted in the distribution of the effective offices of state to the different religious affiliations existing in the country. Having got so far with the Lebanese experience of IslamoChristian co-existence and with the setting up of an authority shared between the Christians and Muslims of the country, it is safe to say that the progress achieved is also cultural as well as political. Some deny this progress and throw doubt on its formulation, on the pretext that a democracy should not erect barriers in the way of the rights of individuals, as when the confessional regime in Lebanon distributes government offices and representation in terms of quotas for each confession. They think it better to apply in the East the Western form of democracy. But in point of fact this criticism does not allow for the situation existing in Eastern societies and for the religious membership which specifically regulates the fundamental rights of individuals. In the constitutions of the surrounding countries Islam is declared to be the state religion, to the exclusion of other religions, whereas in Lebanon no religion is considered to be the state religion. On the contrary, religions are all equally respected and their faithful represented in the govern77

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON mental authorities, so that nobody need feel himself left out of the management of political affairs. Is this not an advanced form of religious liberty? The Lebanese confessional system is however open to improvement, but this will come when citizenship in the East becomes of over-riding importance, more important than the religious or confessional membership of citizens. This will be a longterm task taking much time and aimed at suppressing the religious barriers standing between the citizens. This is to transform the political problem of democracy into a cultural problem dealing with the mentalities that need changing and calling for new traditions to be created. Understood thus, the question of religious attachment begins to appear even in Western societies, where religious bodies demand their group rights, going beyond the individual’s rights assured for all on an equal footing. There is question here of the rights of the religious confessions and of their visible sharing in the management of public business. This new situation leads us to raise other questions enumerated in the opening of our talk, namely pluralism in education and culture, and the adaptation of this pluralism in matters of personal status in the different religious communities living together within one society and within one and the same state.

EDUCATION AND PLURALISM IN THE SYRIAC FAMILY’S EXPERIENCE OF CO-EXISTENCE The deeply-rooted relationship between religion and culture becomes clear particularly in the historical origins of these two phenomena. Every religion gives rise to its culture, especially where the fundamental values of its belief are concerned. Here one must make a distinction between culture and civilisation, for the latter is concerned only with the manner of living and of making use of the material means assured with a greater or lesser degree of success. In contrast, culture is deeply embedded in what may be called a more profound vision of the world and of the relationships between peoples. With these considerations as a starting point, one easily sees that religious pluralism means cultural pluralism and that this pluralism is to be found in societies where the faithful of different religions are living together. 78

MAR PAUL MATAR To plunge directly into the heart of the matter, we give the example of religious and cultural pluralism existing in the Middle East, particularly among the societies involved in co-existence. The Syriac culture is very ancient in the Middle East. The language used in this culture dominated the scene for nearly a thousand years. Admittedly it is a Semitic language, like its cousin Arabic, a very long-lasting ancient language which has finally predominated. How then may we imagine a cultural cohabitation in this particular historical and geographical case? It would be better first to consider the real facts as they have come about. This will allow us to elucidate the rules of behaviour and to judge the reality in the light of the commonly accepted values. Indeed, the Syriac language has not disappeared and should not disappear to give way to any other language whatever. Likewise the culture expressed in this ancient language is one to be venerated, for it was the context of the vernacular tongue used by Our Lord Jesus Christ himself. When Arabic came to dominate the East, following the Islamic conquests, the Syriacs living in the region adopted it alongside their own language. They even translated the Greek output, which nourished the culture of the entire world, into Arabic. A symbiosis was established between the two cultures, the Arabic and the Syriac, from which both sides drew advantage. And it is on the basis of this luminous example that the problem of uniformity or cultural pluralism in Islam and the Arab world should be approached. This question has been an urgent one ever since the early days of Islam; should every culture anterior to Islam be considered outdated and hostile? Or should this intercultural situation, so longstanding, be accepted? Finally it is the second opinion which has prevailed, to the advantage of all humanity. Starting from this decisive choice, based on Islamic respect for the Religions of the Book, it has been possible to reach a clear key concept, that of Arabism or of Arabic culture properly so-called, one which is not the exclusive property of Islam. This culture is one possessed by all, Muslims and Christians together. Without any doubt, this cultural core has been forged thanks to the openness of Islam to the cultures of the societies and peoples who became part of this new rising wave in the Orient. Now it is up to the present and future generation to fix this acquisition in general awareness and in the decisions which regulate 79

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON the education of public opinion as a whole. Cultural pluralism should be confirmed by a whole philosophy of history, of society and of culture itself. To deal first with facts, the people that compose the Arab world have many rich and varied cultural roots. In the Levant, one should note that alongside the Syriac culture there is the Phoenician culture, not unconnected with that of Mesopotamia. In Egypt it was the Coptic culture and all the heritage of this prestigious ancient nation that contributed to the rising Islamic tide. The history of inter-culturalism confirms this synthesis and reveals its effectiveness in scholarship and in the philosophical and theological open-mindedness of both sides. And still in the realm of history, it is important to note that in modern times, that is to say from the mid-nineteenth onwards, Arab nationalism took shape, prevailing against the tendency to loss of identity in the Ottoman ocean. And this development was forwarded by Middle Eastern Christians famous for their culture and open mind. The Arabic language had already been kept alive in Lebanon thanks to the effort of the Maronite, Syriac and Melkite monks, who saved it from a slow death. This was indeed the second service rendered by the Syriac family to Arabic culture, after the great service of the translations made in Mesopotamia during the Middle Ages. Modern Christians likewise have taken part in the creation of national and cultural Arabism, a concept which should give them a place in the vast and promising modern Arab world. This approach constitutes for those of the present generations, Muslims and Christians alike, a decisive phase in the orientation of their whole region. The Arab world must win the battle of the dialogue of cultures and of religions within its own frontiers in order to participate in the peaceful worldwide confrontation, with all the living forces that struggle for unity and pluralism for the whole human race. In the modern Arab world, Christian and Muslim alike will feel truely at home when all take part in forming a plural culture and an education capable of upholding and strengthening this tendency. Christianity has been at home in this region ever since its origins, even before Islam. But Christianity will be even more at home insofar as it can express itself in the culture, the theology and the policy of forming a youth able to join in building the future. This presence has nothing to do with proselytism but is rather participation with Islam in a common effort, marked by mutual confi80

MAR PAUL MATAR dence in a common destiny. This cultural labour makes it possible to support the political orientations of the region, political action playing its positive role in promoting the cultural effort. The ministers of culture and of education in the Arab world must bear their responsibilities towards cultural pluralism existing within the national unity of each country within the region as a whole. The geographical map of our region today offers us a variety of situations simultaneously promising and fragile. Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf states all show openness towards accepting the Christian presence in their countries. We further wholeheartedly hope to see the situation settled in Iraq on the basis of national, political and cultural choices that will repair the damage caused by this unjust and completely futile war. But Iraq is not the only country to be ravaged by fundamentalism. All the countries of the Middle East are faced with this evil within their societies. For an orientation favouring peace and concord the thorny problems left over from imperialism must be settled and the injustice suffered by the Palestinians ended. Lebanon itself must not remain as an exception in the Arab World or as a project serving only the liberty of its Christians. On the contrary, Lebanon must act as a force helping all Arab countries towards cultural openness, and development of freedom and democracy with the participation of the whole area. But for Lebanon to do so, the Arab countries must help Lebanon to get over its present problems. After that, Lebanon will be able to do its neighbours all the services to be expected from its own experience of pluralism and of symbiosis in culture and education. Above all, the Christians of Lebanon must be able to recover from their present state of fatigue resulting from the problems which have long afflicted their country. They must be able to return along the path that they themselves have traced out, using all the live forces of their region, advancing towards that future which all the Arab countries deserve so they may take part in the concert of nations.

THE SYRIAC FAMILY AND PERSONAL STATUS The third point in our exposition concerns a delicate aspect of the personal life of each and every citizen living in the realms of coexistence. In principle, the State draws up general laws which cover all its subjects. This is indispensable and even desirable. When it is 81

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON a matter of the inner convictions related to faith of the individual or the community, it is difficult to accept that aspects of one’s life should be regulated according to laws imposed by a religion other than one’s own. These aspects relate to marriage, divorce and the adoption of children, and also to inheritance and everything connected with it. That is why Personal Status is part of the requirements of religious liberty, even of civil liberty. First of all concerning marriage, there is a difference of understanding dividing the Christian and Muslim faiths. Among the points of difference there is monogamy on one side and polygamy on the other; the Christian consideration of marriage as a sacrament of the Church and the Muslim conception of it as a civil contract concluded, however, before a religious authority; and the indissolubility of marriage for the Christians and its dissolubility for the Muslims. As a consequence, if the State which regulates the life of its citizens is Muslim, and it imposes Islamic law for the Christians as for the Muslims, then inevitably it is affecting the personal liberty and the convictions of a part of its population. With this situation in mind, the application of Personal Status for every citizen in conformity with his faith becomes a sign of respect for the beliefs on both sides and of respect for freedom of conscience for all. In this way, the application of the particular Personal Status demonstrates the existence of healthy relations between people of different religions within the same State. Instead of Personal Status, certain countries have applied laws that are uniform and common to all. Such states are free to apply these laws if they express the will of their peoples. But when it is a matter of laws derived from religion and not from the State, the situation is different and religious liberty cannot be left out. This explains why in Lebanon and in most Arab countries the various forms of Personal Status are maintained for questions of religious law so as not to impose on anyone practices not recognised by his or her religion. Marriages remain within the competence of the Church for the Christians and of the Mosque for the Muslims. The same goes for divorce and adoption. Today however one hears Christian voices in Lebanon demanding civil marriage at least as an option for those who desire it. There has been heated debate on this subject in the country, some approving and some disapproving. The difficulty was that of Islam refusing civil marriage con82

MAR PAUL MATAR cluded before a civil authority. For Islam marriage is always a religious act, even if it is not considered an actual sacrament as for the Christians. So a law should be general as is the case for France and other Western countries. In this way the State cannot lay down laws for Christians alone; and it cannot be judge for the validity of Christian marriages and remain incompetent where Muslim marriages are concerned. The debate is an interesting one, but Personal Status, as presently applied today in our communities, remains a guarantee for the liberty and dignity of every community and of every citizen. It is a positive indication of religious co-existence and of cultural symbiosis. Did not the Archbishop of Canterbury cite recently the case of the marriage of Muslims in England and call for Personal Status for the believers in Islam distinct from the statute in force for the Christians of his country? This is a burning question. The West respects individual liberty but when there is question of a group having its particular beliefs, the situation of the individuals in this group changes radically. The question is one of following this new evolution. Another field governed by Personal Status in Lebanon should be stressed and that is the matter of inheritance. Islam has laws of inheritance which are peculiar to it. They are different to the ones in force among Christians. For Islam, two girls inherit the same as one boy. For Christians, sons and daughters are treated equally in the division of inheritance. For centuries, and particularly under Ottoman rule, Islamic law was applied exclusively, even to Christians. This state of affairs lasted until Lebanese Independence, which allowed the establishment of the desired order of things and gave Christians the possibility of administering inheritance according to their own laws. Now Christians treat sons and daughters on an equal footing in cases of inheritance while the Muslims apply their own laws, all this by mutual agreement reinforced by the neutrality of the State on the question. This also is a sign of religious liberty respected and recognised by the different religious communities. One last point may be brought up in connection with Personal Status. During Ottoman rule, Christian churches were not allowed to possess any land in their own name, for they were not recognised by the State as moral or legal persons. Their property had to be registered in the name of individual people and not di83

ISLAMO-CHRISTIAN CO-EXISTENCE IN LEBANON rectly in the name of the institution. To be precise, in the Ottoman Empire any institution had to be necessarily a state one or an Islamic one. The Lebanese Maronites, other Syriacs and Christians in general endeavoured to get Churches and other institutions recognised as legal persons. Today this status has been achieved for one and all. These juridical aspects of existence are of essential importance, which is why this importance is given them. Here one must stress a point of principle: the desire and the wish is that in our countries Christians should feel completely free and at home, neither foreigners nor second-class citizens. The same sentiments of freedom and citizenship are demanded for Muslims, on the basis of the dignity and equality of all alike. For our country this is a successful experience of dialogue which should be proposed to other societies. In this way we may rightly say that, thanks to its history and the open-minded attitude of its people, Lebanon has become an expert where co-existence is concerned.

CONCLUSION The quick outline that we have sketched in has shown an active presence on the part of the Syriac family in the surrounding Arab world. In every field, political, cultural and legal, this presence desires to offer itself as a model to other examples of co-existence. The dialogue of life, operating between parties who respect and recognise each other, can only open perspectives of understanding, and rich and positive exchanges with a belief in that peace desired by every heart and spirit. It is important however to stress in this context that the experience of Islamo-Christian co-existence has still new possibilities of success in the future, just as it has been able to achieve the results registered in the past. Christianity is in effect a religion of openmindedness. Islam also is in its essence a religion of openmindedness and of relationships with others. One outstanding distinction is to be seen in Islam in two domains which should not be confused: that of faith in God and that of relations between human beings. In the framework of this distinction, Islam insists, as we do also, that belief in God is free and that nobody has the right to interfere in the faith of anybody else, neither to approve it nor to dispute it. “You have your religion,” says the Muslim faith, “and I have mine.” Let each have absolute respect for the other’s faith. 84

MAR PAUL MATAR Each has the right to approach God in his own way. Thus the respect that we have in the East for the other’s religion truly sets an example to follow. At the same time the relations between men should always be open to every kind of cooperation, in a spirit of solidarity and equality. Here one may talk of this equality as between both individuals and peoples. But it must be pointed out that every improvement in East-West relations and progress made in this relationship towards recognition, justice and mutual respect will confirm progress in the dialogue between religions and cultures worldwide. Lebanon has had positive experience in this domain but the world, permeated with hatred and injustice, may slow it down or make it fragile to an extreme degree. This is today the challenge of globalisation in the economy, in politics and in cultural interaction. We can only hope that this globalisation may be promoted by men who are clear-minded, determined and strong; may they save the world from the dangers that threaten it, intolerance and violence, and lead it towards what Christianity calls the perspectives of “the Kingdom of God”.

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PART III: THE EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS

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THE EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS MOVING FROM INDIA: MOTIVES AND IMPACT MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE ERNAKULAM / INDIA THE ORIGIN OF CHRISTIANITY AND THE SYRIAN CHRISTIANS IN INDIA Christianity was introduced in Kerala in the first century AD. It is believed that the Apostle St. Thomas landed at Maliankara, a place adjoining Muziris, in 52 AD.1 It is said that St. Thomas established seven churches on the Kerala coast at Maliankara, Palayur, Kollikavu, Kokkamangalam, Quilon, Niranam and Nilakal.2 The traditional accounts preserved by the Jews who came to Cranganore in 68 AD contain references to the existence of a Christian community at the place. The statement of Pathenus, the head of the Alexandrian School who visited Kerala in the second century AD, gives supporting evidence for the existence of a flourishing Christian community.3 The ecumenical council held at Nicea in 325 AD was attended by Bishop John, who is described as the Metropolitan of

1 Cf. G. Vadakkekara, Christianity in India Through the Ages, Kottayam 1972, 9. 2 Cf. Kurian Kaniamparambil, Suriyani Sabha: Charithravum Viswasa Sathyangalum, 2nd ed., MSOT Seminary Udayagiri 2003, 91. 3 Cf. C.H. Forbes-Lindsay, C.H. Linsay, “India-History: IndiaDescription and Travel”, in: John C. Winston Co. (ed.) 1903, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi 2002, 265.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA Persia and Great India.4 The Christian population across the Kerala coast was strengthened in 345 AD by a large immigration of Syrians consisting of 400 Christians from 72 families under the leadership of a merchant, Thomas of Kana.5 This migration from Edessa,6 also known as the first Syrian Migration to India, is considered to be the beginning of Syrian Christianity in India. Cosmas Indicoplustis, a Byzantine monk7 who came to the coast early in the sixth century AD, testified to the existence of a flourishing Christian community in Kerala.8 Christians gradually became a notable group in the fields of trade and commerce and received privileges and favors from the hands of the ruling monarchs in Kerala. During the second Chola Empire (800–1101) they were a prominent business community in Kerala. The Terissapalli Copper Plate (a royal document), executed in 849 AD, confers several important rights and privileges upon the Christians of Quilon, a city in Kerala. Christians were treated on an equal footing with high caste Hindus and assigned a very important place in the economic and social life of the land. Over the centuries Christianity made rapid progress in Kerala and the Christian Church became one of the most well-established institutions in Kerala. Christianity did not find its roots in other parts of India until the arrival of the Portuguese, Dutch, French and English. Among the European powers, the Portuguese alone had a zeal for the conversion of Indians to Christianity. Their poli4 Cf. Eusebius, Vita Constantini, Vol.1, 80, GCS I, 14 and Patrologia Greca XX, Paris 1857, 1061f. 5 Cf. E.P. Mathew, “The Knanaya community of Kerala”, in: George Menachery (ed.), St. Thomas Christians Encyclopedia of India, Vol. 2, Trichur 1973, 74. 6 Cf. G.T. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore, Trivandrum 1901, Reprinted by George Menachery, The Nazranies. The Indian Church History Classics, Vol. 1, Saras, Trissur 1998, 114. 7 Cf. Sharon Turner, The History of the Anglo-Saxons, Vol. II, 6th Ed., London 1836, 161. Cf. Kaniamparambil, Suriyani Sabha 101. 8 Cf. Philip Kaithanal, Christianity in Malabar, Reprinted by George Menachery, The Nazranies. The Indian Church History Classics, Vol. 1, Saras, Trissur 1998, 392.

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MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE cies also affected the Syrian Christians. A synod convened at Diamper in 15999 which led to the forced Latinization of Syrian Christians and later to the split of the Syrian community resulted in the emergence of the Syro-Malabar Church. The Latin Christian community sprung up and their numbers grew in Kerala, particularly in the coastal areas. The British came to India motivated by trade and even when they captured political power they did not stray from their economic goals. They were not interested in the religious and social practices of Indians. The East India Company did not even permit British missionaries to enter its territories during the eighteenth century. The situation, however, changed later in 1813, and when the charter of the East India Company was renewed they permitted Christian missionaries to enter India. The charter declared that “all those persons who wish to propagate useful knowledge, truth; religious and sound morality among the Indians could go to India and even settle down themselves there”. The arrival of British missionaries influenced the Syrian Christian community in Kerala and it fostered the emergence of a Protestant Syrian Christian community in Kerala. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, as British power established itself in Kerala, the Church Mission Society of London began to work with the Syrian Church. For a time there was close cooperation between Syrian priests and Anglican missionaries, but the missionaries broke off their connection with the Syrian bishops and began to work on their own. Some of the priests and laymen of the Syrian church who had come under the influence of British missionaries and their theology formed a new community. The Syrian Christians in Kerala now exist in five different communities, namely: the Syrian Orthodox Church (Jacobite Syrian Orthodox and Malankara Orthodox Syrian), the Syro-Malabar and the SyroMalankara Church (Catholic), the Anglican Church (now a part of the Church of South India) the Marthoma Syrian Church and the Church of the East. 9 Cf. Adrian Hastings, The Church in Africa. Oxford history of the Christian Churches, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1996, 155.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA The mass conversions — the work of the missionaries — occurred mainly among the lower castes. Therefore from the beginning there was an incentive among Syrian Christians to keep their privileges and social status and identity. Unfortunately one’s social status was also an issue in the Church, to the extent that separate churches and cemeteries were assigned, particularly in the southern parts of Kerala. Today’s Syrian Christians belong to the Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant Churches. They all share the Syrian heritage and traditions.

KERALA: A LAND OF PLURALITY AND SYRIAN CHRISTIANITY The provincial state Kerala was formed on November 1, 1956. Until then it had been divided into a number of petty provincial kingdoms. The geographical area of Kerala is 38,863 square kilometres. The population of Kerala, as per the latest census in 2001, was 31,841,374 (32 million) and the density of population is 819 per square kilometre. The present population is estimated at about 35 million. Kerala’s population is 21% Christian, 25% Muslim and the rest Hindu. Though Kerala is a small state in area compared to other Indian states its geographical and favourable climate help Kerala to produce 92% of India’s rubber, 60% of its coconut and almost 100% of its lemongrass oil. In addition, Kerala is the single largest producer of a number of other crops, such as banana and ginger. But only 40% of the population are engaged in agriculture. The historical origins of Syrian Christianity in India lies in Kerala and 90% of Syrian Christians still live in Kerala. The social situation Indian society is a pluralistic society; plural in culture, religion, and language. India may be the only country which has thousands of subdivisions belonging to one religion alone — Hinduism. Only the Syrian Christians in Kerala have been considered as high caste Christians as they are ascribed a Brahmin origin. Although many other religious groups receive reserved places in educational institutions and employment opportunities, Hindus and Syrian Christians do not have any educational and employment reservations, but they 92

MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE have nevertheless achieved much in these fields out of their own strenuous efforts. The religious situation India is constitutionally declared as a secular state. Secularity does not entail negation of or irreverence to religion, on the contrary that all religions be treated equally before the law, without bias. Before the law each religion has the same rights and each person has the freedom to choose, practice or propagate his/her religion. The minority religions are given even additional minority rights to provide them with safety and the means for survival. The broad and tolerant framework of the Indian constitution and the majority Hindu religion has helped the small Syrian Christian communities to be implanted, survive in India and to serve the community effectively. The Syrian Christian attitude is that in culture they are Hindu (i.e. Indian), in faith they are Christian and in tradition they are Syriac. They are indigenous in many aspects of their liturgical and church life. They have lived in India for centuries in harmony with other religions. Religiously they are not vindictive or violent. They respect their fellow beings of other religious traditions. They are not following a model of aggressive missionary activity. The political situation Politically, Syrian Christians enjoy much higher status compared to other Christians of Keralan society. Syrians have proportionally greater political representation in local self-government, in state legislative assembly and in parliament. They are politically enlightened and aware of political changes. Their awareness of politics and administration make them inseparable in the government machineries. Family life Traditional family structure is an important part of Syrian Christians life. It is patriarchal at the same time but at the same time respectful of the equality between males and females. Although the joint family system is already on the verge of decline in India, the reciprocal taking and giving of parents and children is still the common practice of Syrian Christians in Kerala. 93

EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA Education The Christian presence and the activities of the Christian missionaries opened a new era of schooling in Kerala. The opening of missionary schools — for both boys and girls — provided education through the English curriculum. Christian missionaries also engaged themselves in philanthropic activities such as hospitals, caring for the sick, and eradicating superstition. The introduction of English education in India in 1835 opened the door for many Indians to the rest of the world. Christian schools were centres for the transmission of Christian values to children, and soon after the introduction of Western education, Christians voluntarily approved and accepted the system. Many churches and Christian organizations began to start schools and other educational institutions. It is a fact that Kerala would not have achieved much progress in the field of education and medicine if the Christian Churches had not taken much of the initiative in this respect. Among the Indian states Kerala became the first fully literate state in 1991. One of the fruits of this education is that many Syrian Christians have been able to settle and to excel abroad. Though Syrian Christians are a negligible minority in number, they occupy the mainstream of society. Many doctors, engineers, scientists and administrative officers are members of this community. Though about 5% of total membership have migrated to various countries, one third of the community that remains live with the ‘silver spoon’ in their mouth. Syrian Christians are highly enterprising and noted for their courteous manners as is testified by Hindu writers of various ages. They are regarded in the highest esteem in society. In the early history of Kerala, when the caste system was prevalent, it was believed that high caste Brahmins could be polluted through contact with low caste Pulaya. In order to be purified the Brahmin would have to touch a “Nasrani”, i.e. a Syrian Christian. It is particularly notable that Hindu rulers of different ages continued the policy of religious tolerance toward Christians, especially the Syrian Christians, since they observed several Hindu customs and observances in their rituals. Hindu rulers have greatly helped the progress of Christianity in their kingdoms by donating land for the construction of churches and extending other privileges. In today’s Kerala, Syrian Christians, though they keep their religious identity and faith with most sincerity, cannot be 94

MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE entirely separated from the customs of the land and their Hindu brethren. It is striking that when we talk about the Syrian Christian migration from Kerala to other states of India or abroad, that they left the land not because of persecution or political problems in India, but mainly for economic reasons, unlike many other Middle Eastern Syrian Christians, who have migrated to different parts of the world because of religious or political persecution in their homeland. Migration Migration of people for labour is as old as the human history itself. Referred to as the ‘Indian Diaspora’, an estimated 25–30 million Indian migrants are recorded worldwide; a result of the flow of unskilled, semi-skilled and skilled workers from India over last four centuries. Beginning in the 1950s, and increasing as a ‘brain drain’ in the 1960s, skilled migration to developed countries became more prominent with the recent twenty-first century exodus of IT workers and nurses to the US and Canada, the UK, other European countries, Australia and New Zealand. Beginning with the oil boom of the 1970s, large numbers of unskilled and semi-skilled Indian labor have migrated to Middle Eastern countries in west Asia. A paradigm shift about skilled migrants leaving India took place in phases — from the ‘brain drain’ of the 1960s and 1970s to the ‘brain bank’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and subsequently to the ‘brain gain’ of the twenty-first century. Similarly, the labour migrants to the Gulf region have been viewed as the main source of remittances, swelling India’s foreign exchange reserves. Migration from Kerala to other states in India and to countries outside has now become so rampant that its impact is felt in every aspect of life in the state. This is a relatively recent development, having peaked during the past quarter of a century. Kerala had remained until about the 1940s basically a non-migrating population. After World War II and with Indian Independence in 1947, migration became a way of life for many of the state’s educated youths. At first, migration was almost entirely confined to within India, but in more recent times migration to countries outside India has grown rapidly. At present emigration has become all-pervasive in the economic and social life of the state and has outpaced migration within India. Almost every family in Kerala is affected by migration to the Gulf region in 95

EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA one way or another. Migration is affecting every facet of life in Kerala, economic, social, demographic, political — and even religious. Compared to the rest of India, Kerala contributed an average of 25 per cent of emigrants in the twenty-first century, down from an average of 35 percent in the twentieth century. In other words, one out of every three or four Indians living in Gulf has been a Keralite.10 Workers Granted Emigration Clearance of Government of India, by Major Indian States, 1993–2005: State

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

Kerala

155,208

154,407

165,629

167,325

156,102

91,720

60,445

Tamil Nadu

70,313

70,525

65,737

64,991

63,672

69,793

47,402

A. Pradesh

35,578

34,508

30,284

29,995

38,278

30,599

18,983

Maharashtra

35,248

32,178

26,312

25,214

25,146

24,657

9,871

Karnataka

34,380

32,266

33,496

33,761

40,396

11,535

5,287

Rajasthan

25,243

27,418

28,374

18,221

28,242

19,824

9,809

Punjab

14,212

12,445

11,852

11,751

12,414

26,876

15,167

Others

68,156

61,638

53,650

62,956

52,174

80,160

32,588

total

438,338

425,385

415,334

414,214

416,424

355,164

199,552

Though the general situation of Syrian Christians of Kerala is almost the same, I have taking only the Jacobite Syrian Orthodox situation in the Diaspora into consideration. According to the parish directories there are 22,000 Keralites in the Middle East, 5000 in Europe, 40,000 in the United States and Canada, and 700 in Australia and New Zealand.

Cf. S. Irudaya Rajan, “Dynamics of International Migration from India: Its Economic and Social Implications”, in: Paper presented at the Ad Hoc Expert Group Meeting on Migration and Development, 27–29 August, united Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok 2003. “From Kerala to the Gulf: Impacts of Labour Migration”, in: Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 13(2004) 4. 10

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MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE Workers Granted Emigration Clearance of Government of India, by Major Indian States, 1993–2005: State

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

Kerala Tamil Nadu

69,630 63,878

61,548 61,649

81,950 79,165

92,044 89,464

63,512 108,964

125,075 117,050

A. Pradesh

29,999

37,331

38,417

65,971

72,580

48,498

Maharashtra

13,346

22,713

25,477

29,350

28,670

29,289

Karnataka

10,927

10,095

14,061

22,641

19,237

75,384

Rajasthan

10,170

14,993

23,254

37,693

35,108

21,899

Punjab

10,025

12,422

19,638

24,963

25,302

24,088

Others

35,207

57,913

85,701

104,330

121,587

107,570

total

243,182

278,664

367,663

466,456

474,960

548,853

Source: Author. Various Annual Reports of the Ministry of Labour, Government of India, as cited in Rajan (2003, ESCAP) for data till 1999; GOI, MOIA, Annual Reports 2004–5, 2005–6, for 2000–05.

Owing to achievements in various realms of education, Keralites of all divisions have secured higher credentials and qualifications. The government, public and private institutions of Kerala cannot afford to employ all those who have high professional training, hence many educated people from Kerala consider going abroad in the hope of seeking employment with a higher salary. The hangover of the caste system and the classification of labour and the assessment of a person’s dignity on the basis of his labour had a terrible impact on the labour culture all over India. The impact is less in Kerala but the “Malayalees” (the natives of Kerala) are not free from this psychological bondage. Many educated people prefer unemployment than a so-called ‘menial job’ in order to keep their social dignity. Among the Syrian Christians this consciousness is much greater. Many of Syrian Christians work outside Kerala even for lesser wages where their identity is not known. Those who are unable to seek work abroad go to other states like Bombay, Madras or Delhi, where they may find employment. Those who go to other states or countries keep their religious and cultural identity there but they are prepared to adjust with the culture and circumstances of employment. Wherever Syrian Christians go, they make a particular effort 97

EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA to keep their faith and traditions and establish parishes and places of worship. During the first four decades of the last century many Syrian Christians migrated to the USA, Europe, the Middle East, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Migration to the USA began in large numbers during the sixties as nurses found work. From central Kerala thousands of Syrian Christian nurses migrated to the USA under the sponsership of families, which later led to citizenship for the selected. Through their efforts many Syrian Christian parishes were established and their faith and traditions were transplanted to those countries. In the USA we have 36 churches, 3 churches in Canada, 7 in Australia, 3 in New Zealand and one congregation in Singapore. Migration to the Gulf region took place in abundance during the second decade of the last century as technicians and engineers succeeded in finding work in the region. Many Syrians are businessmen and a number of nurses also live in those countries. Very often the employees are not well paid. When the employees are not well paid they are forced to leave their families in Kerala. Though they have few amenities, the Syrians are keen to keep their religious faith without compromise. Many churches and congregations have been formed and Syrian Christians are strictly following and keeping the identity of their faith even in the midst of problems for which they are not given sufficient remuneration. In the Middle East, the Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church is comprised of 15 churches which were established by the migrated Syrian Christians from Kerala. Many Syrian Christians have migrated and settled down in the UK, Germany, Switzerland, Austria, and Ireland from the 1960s onwards and serve in the mainstream of European life as nurses and technicians, as well as doctors, engineers and IT specialists. Through the migration of the Syrian communities many parishes and churches have been formed. Now we have 9 priests and 20 churches and congregations in England, 6 churches and 4 priests in Ireland, and 6 priests and 7 congregations in Europe. The present reality Major migration started after the Second World War. The geographical nearness and the business transactions between India and 98

MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE the Arabian Gulf opened the door for Syrian Christians to go to the Gulf countries for trade and employment. The discovery of the oil fields and the increased need for oil and its demand have significantly changed the life and economy of the countries of the Middle East. These countries needed large number of labourers and that created opportunities for Syrian Christians to migrate. A better income attracted many Syrian Christians to consider migration to those countries for earning money. The United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, and Bahrain are some of the countries where the majority of the Syrian Christians are now residing in the Middle East. The economic situation Among the Syrian Christians who live in the countries of the Arabian Gulf, approximately 10–20% are business people, academics or high class professionals. About 40–50% are of medium income and the rest are low income. 30–40% can support their families in these countries but the majority live away from their families. It is a tragic fact that the majority of workers who live away from their families do not get the opportunity to visit them for years at a time. The emigration of married men who leave behind the responsibility for household management to women in the family has transformed women into efficient home managers. However it has also created the social and psychological problems of the “Gulf Wives” and the loneliness of the “Gulf Parents”, who, unlike the relatives of skilled migrants to developed countries, were unable to accompany the workers to their destination countries.11 The Gulf money has greatly contributed to the economic status of Syrian Christians in Kerala. As a result of foreign money, many luxurious homes have been built, and better educational opportunities made possible for the children and relatives of the people able to work abroad. Consumerism and house building activities have drained the state of the development potential of its remittance 11 Cf. K. C. Zachariah, S. Irudaya Rajan, “Gulf Revisited”, in: Working Paper Series 363 (2004) Centre for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA receipts, leading many families to financial bankruptcy, desperation, and even to suicide. Apart from this, the increasing economic and political clout of the “new money” in Kerala is reported to have created a climate of resentment against them among the other communities.12 Even the market economy and the banking sector in Kerala have prospered due to the Gulf money. Churches are also beneficiaries of this phenomena. The funding of the manifold social and charitable projects in Kerala has been made possible mainly because of the benevolent financial support of Syrian migrates who reside in the Gulf countries. The other side of the story is different. Getting a job in foreign countries today is very expensive. There are agencies who recruit labourers from India and these middle men charge a huge sum of money from the candidates and they are promised high salaries in return. But very often clients are cheated by recruiting agencies. Fraudulent visas, menial living conditions, low salaries and even denial of wages are common realities. The absence of a democratic system hinders labourers and prevents protests against such injustices. Many live like slaves and are destined to remain there until the agreed period of time. Their passports remain in the hands of employers. Many of those people go to the Gulf countries after borrowing a huge amount of money from banks or credit institutions, they are therefore forced to remain in the Gulf at least until the loan is repaid.

The religious situation Except in Saudi Arabia, the majority of other Gulf countries allow Syrian Christians to practice their faith and religion in a restricted manner. The case in Saudi Arabia is extreme: Christians are not even allowed to keep a Bible with them for personal use. In other Gulf countries, in the assigned places during assigned times, Christians are allowed to perform their religious rites but are not allowed to propagate their faith. No conversion to Christianity is permitted. In many countries of the Arabian Gulf the rulers are kind enough to freely allot land for the construction of churches and therefore 12

Cf. Zachariah, Rajan, “Gulf Revisited”.

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MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE the Syrian Christians have their own churches in those countries. The Church is a second home for our people in the Diaspora since it is the only place where all people, irrespective of age, gender and social status can meet. Priests are sent from India, normally for a term of 3 years and they serve the parishes. In our parishes, along with the spiritual organizations, we have projects to facilitate and help people; employment bureaus to help the unemployed, the Labour Camp Mission to support the underprivileged who live in camps and the Jail Mission to support and release the victims of fraud and accidents. The social situation Many of people who live in the Gulf countries do not enjoy their situation and their social identity is unknown. But the situation in Kerala is different. A person working aboard has a good market value in the society, and must sometimes struggle to maintain this status. A sort of false prestige compels many such people to be honoured before others, and parents often wish for their children a partner who is working abroad. Therefore a job abroad is a lucrative factor for the Syrian Christians. Family status Families that live in the Gulf are normally very religious and have a very strong family network. The social set up does not allow much free space for the interaction outside the family circle, so families find more time to be together. Their children also get better education as a result. Their movements are restricted mainly to home, classroom and church. This can affect the children’s personalities and social development. In many families often the wife has a better job and better salary than the husband, which may create complications in martial relationships. When people work in the Gulf for an extended period and their families remain in Kerala, many tensions may arise in relationships. But the vast majority are comfortable and fully aware of the situation. It is also not rare that husband or wife may work some years abroad and earn money for the family and return to Kerala. However the situation does create problems among partners and children and it may lead to the withering of the family 101

EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA structure. But the majority, with great adjustment, maintains a strong family structure. Europe The Syrian Christian migration to Europe began nearly four decades ago. The mission hospitals and institutions in Kerala paved the way in better training and English education for the people of Kerala, opening possibilities for the Christians, especially trained women, in the field of medicine. In the 1970s many started to travel to the countries of Europe, but the rate of migration has increased rapidly over the last decade. The increased need for nurses in Europe, especially in the United Kingdom and Ireland, and caused a massive migration of nurses; many among them are Syrian Christians. Unlike in the countries of the Arabian Gulf, young families in Europe enjoy religious freedom and human dignity. Freedom, equality before the law, a high standard of living and the right to own land and property are incentives for many of them to remain in Europe. In addition, European governments have encouraged employees to bring their families with them. With regard to their social life, on one hand they respect the laws and ethos of their new land and on the other hand they also try to maintain their Keralan family system and culture. At least once in a year, the whole family tries to visit Kerala, their parents, grandparents or relatives. In such a way they try to maintain the link with their homeland and relationships in order to preserve their roots in Kerala. In most families they speak in their “mother tongue” though they assimilate with the customs and culture of the society they live in. They gather socially amongst themselves, either in family get-togethers or parties, and are keen to foster the pious practices they so faithfully safeguarded in their motherland. Liturgical life is still a central part of their social life. If there are more than 10 families in a particular area they will try to form a parish. In many places in Europe, Jacobites use the churches of the Syrian Christians from the Middle East or the Catholic or Anglican churches for worship. The support of the Catholic Church is worth mentioning because they have provided centers for worship for the Syrian Christians on numerous occasions. It is also not to be ig102

MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE nored that some established Christian communities in Europe hesitate to support the minority Christians who live in Europe. Syrian Christians in Europe encourage arranged marriages for their children and preferably from the same community. Interdenominational or inter-caste marriages among Syrian Christians are not entertained. The children who live in two cultures face growing tensions. The parents convey the values, faith, ethos and behavioral patterns that they have brought from Kerala, for example co-habitation and pre-marital sex are still a taboo in Syrian families. Another problem involves the aged parents of migrants who are left alone in Kerala and suffer loneliness. Migrants worry about them. Indian society is still not equipped to send parents into retirement homes. Reciprocal giving and taking is the model that prevails but many of the old migrants do not want to spend their old age in Europe, they want to go back to Kerala and spend the rest of their life in Kerala. Another challenge ahead is how to preserve and practice religious values in the midst of a secularized society. In the Indian context, religion is simply not a private affair but an integral part of the family and social life. Religion plays a vital role in the day to day life of an individual. The transition from such a society to a secularized society is often not effortless. In the Syrian families of Europe, India’s patriarchal model will not function well. Wives with better-earning employment often end up in complex conflicts, though the majority of families still keep patriarchal traditions in their families. United States of America The migration of Syrian Christians to the USA began in the 1960s. Now we have well-organized dioceses established with many churches and an Archbishop. The situation in the USA is a little different to that in the Gulf or in Europe. In the USA Syrian Christians — especially the youth — are more oriented to Western culture. But still they are conscious about keeping the religious tradition and family culture of their parents. In the USA Syrian families are more integrated to American society and they feel themselves as part and parcel of American culture and society. The following will outline some problems of communication and terminology that are currently being faced. 103

EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM INDIA Liturgical language The liturgical language is still Syriac and Malayalam, the language of Kerala. Although the old generation insists on conducting the liturgy in Malayalam, the new generation wants to use English. Though most young people can speak Malayalam, they cannot read and write Malayalam. In a fast-growing cyber age many of the liturgical as well as ecclesial terms needs revision or interpretation so that the young people can follow it. It is worth mentioning that there are attempts from the church and the younger generation to find a solution for these kinds of problems. Full time and well-trained clergy Many of the clergy are employed. Many of the priests now serving in the USA migrated to America because their family members were working in the USA. Gradually those priests started parishes in the region where they resided, and we are grateful for their initiatives to start congregations in the USA. Very often small parishes are not financially able to support a priest and therefore the priest is compelled to seek additional jobs for his livelihood. The full time service of the priests is absent in many small parishes and in some situations the elder priests are not equipped to address the needs and problems of the younger generation. Arranged marriages Parents who insist on the Indian family model try their best to conduct arranged marriages for their children and it often functions very well. But there are many young people who raise the question as to why they should marry somebody whom they have never met. Challenges ahead (1) How far the cultural differences between the Indian and western cultures reflected in the Syrian Diaspora can be solved. (2) How can they maintain and keep the liturgy, liturgical language, Eastern piety and spirituality, family system and ethos in the Western family organization and social situation. (3) Whether a full social integration is possible. 104

MAR THEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE (4) The Indians who live in Western societies are not prepared to have the retirement home life system. To what extent can they afford a retirement home life segregated from their children? (5) How long can they keep their ethnic and religious identity in a secular and modern society?

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CHRISTIANITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: SOME HISTORICAL REMARKS AND PRELIMINARY DEMOGRAPHIC FIGURES

DIETMAR W. WINKLER SALZBURG / AUSTRIA If we talk about the contribution of Christianity to the societies of the Middle East, it is clear, that since the arrival of Islam, Christianity has declined. While the succeeding contributions in this volume will explicitly concentrate on specific countries, this paper gives some historical and demographic impulses on a broader basis. First, we will try to interpret selected historical developments, and secondly present some more recent demographic estimates.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS The decline after the Arab conquest to the end of the Mamluk period (seventh–sixteenth centuries) The present percentage of Christians in the Middle East is more or less the same as that at the end of the Mamluk period, when the Ottomans started to occupy the region.1 Christianity had about 8.1% of the population in the sixteenth century and about 9.2% at For the demographic data I mostly rely on Youssef Courbage/Philippe Fargues, Chrétiens et Juifs dans l’Islam arabe et turc. Paris 1992; Philippe Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East: A Demographic Perspective”, in. A. Pacini (ed.), Christian Communities in the Arab Middle East. The Challenge of the Future. Oxford 2006, 48–66. 1

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES the end of the second millennium. In between, as the censuses of the Ottoman Empire show, the number of Christians increased and had reached about a quarter of the population at the beginning of the First World War (1914). How may we explain this? In the seventh century Christians had been the vast majority of the population in the Middle East, even if we consider the survival of ancient beliefs in the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) and that Christianity had been a minority in the Sasanian Empire. As far as we can see, the population was first counted only in the sixteenth century.2 At that time Christians numbered slightly less than 10%. There is no direct information about the preceding centuries. All the sources are fragmentary and disparate; they include taxation, military recruitment, trade, etc. We therefore only have traces of information about how 90% of the Middle East’s Christians became Muslim. The conquering Muslim Arabs were military groups who attacked the whole population of the Middle East; there was no invasion by an Arab Muslim population. “The Arab peninsula has never, in any period, had a large enough population to produce an emigration which could account for more than a tiny minority of the present population.”3 Hence, the Muslims had to use the administration of the Byzantine and Persian empires to rule the huge area, which were not conquered territories in the strictest sense. The Arabs as a minority let the tax-machines of Syria, Persia and Egypt work for them. Muslim religious tolerance was a necessity to rule such an empire, although it was combined with a profound sense of superiority. The political conquest was far faster than the religious one. The recognition of Christians as “People of the Book” allowed the Churches to survive. However, eventually several discrepancies encouraged them to join Islam. In general the decline of Christianity can be seen in the following: (a) conversion — sometimes individually, sometimes in groups, (b) massacres and exodus2 Cf. Ömer Lufti Barkan, „Research on Ottoman Fiscal Surveys“, in: M.A. Cook (ed.), Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East 3 Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East”, 50.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER es, (c) “mixed” marriages (d) different population growth through different birth and death rates. Conversions started mainly because of economic injustice, which can be identified by measures like the heavy poll-tax (jizya). A systematic program of Arabization started already with the campaign of Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik (685–707) and his sons, i.e. the first half of the eighth century. However, there does not seem to have been extreme violent pressure urging Christians to convert to Islam. Undoubtedly, there were massacres (as under Caliph alHakim, 991–1021, in Cairo), but they were not large enough to lead to total extinction. Such massacres can also be seen among Shiites by the Sunni majority. On the contrary, economically speaking, the Muslims — at least in the Umayyad period — had no interest in religious conversions, since the Christians had to pay more taxes. 4 The governor of Egypt, for example, wrote to ‛Umar II (717–720) and informed him that the income had declined dramatically since Christians were converting to Islam in order to escape their taxes.5 Marriage, combined with conversions because of the jizya, seems to provide much more of an explanation for the demographic decline of Christianity from the seventh to the sixteenth centuries. Most of the Arabs who first brought Islam into the region were male: soldiers and merchants. It was not possible to marry within the group. As a result, Muslim law dictates that the offspring of “mixed” marriages will always be Muslim, and that children always belong to the religion of the father. If a non-Muslim man would like to marry a Muslim woman he must convert in advance. Though this population and religious transfer would be slow in the beginning, it accelerated as soon as Muslims reached half the population. “A simulation shows that over the period in question, covering thousand years, mixed marriages alone, and the conversion required for men in half of these cases, would have sufficed to create Cf. Daniel Clement Dennett, Conversion and Poll-Tax in Early Islam. Cambridge, MA 1950. 5 Cf. J. Lamoreaux, „Early Eastern Christian Responses to Islam”, in: J.V. Tolan (ed.), Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam. A book of Essays (Garland Medieval Casebooks 10). New York-London 1996, 8. 4

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES a proportion of Muslims of around 90 per cent.” 6 Although we may not see this as absolutely stringent, because marriages also follow rules of social, cultural and geographic proximity, we must identify marriage as an essential factor. The growth in the Ottoman period (sixteenth to nineteenth centuries) The Ottomans did not conquer the Middle East at first, but the European and Christian empires of Byzantium and the Balkans. Their experience with different ethnic and religious groups would prove valuable for the Muslim Arab dominated regions. The set of rules, known as the millet system, gave legal recognition to nonMuslim groups. There they were subject to an authority belonging to their own religion, to whom the Sultan delegated the power. It meant that education, family rules, marriage, etc., were organized within the respective millet. This played in extremely important role in the development of Christianity in this period. Youssef Courbage and Philippe Fargues have reconstructed this evolution using figures from the censuses of the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries, which were examined by the research of Ömer Lufti Barkan and Kemal Karpat as well as by Muhammad Adnan Bakhit.7 The finding are as follows: in the Ottoman Empire the percentage of Christians tripled. At the end of the Mamluk era it had fallen to 7% (!) and rose to 20% by the year 1914. In Greater Syria (comprising Lebanon, Syria and Palestine) it rose up to 33%. This shows that the Ottoman millet system brought a genuine reversal to the trends of the preceding millennium, which had seemed to lead to the extinction of Christianity in the Middle East. Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East”, 51. Cf. Courbage/Fargues, Chrétiens et Juifs dans l’Islam arabe et turc; Barkan, „Research on Ottoman Fiscal Surveys“; Kemal Karpat, Ottoman Population, 1830–1914, Demographic and Social Characteristics. Madison, WI 1985; Muhammad A. Bakhit, “The Christian Population of the Province of Damascus in the Sixteenth Century”, in: B. Braud/B. Lewis (eds.), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire 2, New York 1982. 6 7

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER The demographic reasons for the growth can be identified as follows: a. The economic reason and incentive of conversion to Islam — i.e. less taxes — vanished. The jizya was gradually reduced and abolished in the times of the tanzimat (1840–1870), a period of reforms in the Ottoman Empire based on European sociopolitical ideas.8 b. There were no more conversions of whole groups, although individual conversions because of sociological and marriage reasons did continue. c. Mixed marriages became extremely rare. The separation of the communities in millets caused also geographical separation, which meant that people of the same religion were mainly in the same region. This even happened in the same town (cf. Armenian quarters, Jewish quarters etc.). Social contact between different religions for mixed marriages became difficult. d. Different birth and death rates led to different population growth rates. The last point needs some further historical explanation, since little can be identified about birth rates according to religion for the respective period. However, a lower death rate can be recognized. This has to do with religious geography, behaviour patterns in times of epidemics, and the adoption of modern social customs. 9 This implicitly — combined with recognizedly more stable marriages of Christians than those of Muslim — may have also caused a higher birth rate. Religious geography The Mongol and Arab invasions led to a stronger concentration of Christian communities alongside the Mediterranean and in the mountains bordering the sea. The expansion of the European powers since the Renaissance led to an intensified contact between 8 Cf. Heidemarie Doganalp-Vatzi/Claudia Römer, Herrschaft und Staat. Politische Terminologie des Osmanischen Reiches der Tanzimatzeit. Wien 2008. 9 Cf. Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East”, 55.

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES (Eastern and Western) Christians. For European merchants and diplomats, Eastern Christians became the preferred partners in trade. It is at this time that several “unions” were established with Rome, resulting in the Greek Catholic Melkite (1724), the Armenian Catholic (1740) and the Syrian Catholic (1781) Churches. The development of oceanic trade routes caused prosperity, and the Christians linked to the Mediterranean world were the beneficiaries of that wealth. At the same time the Arab transit trade declined since Vasco da Gama had found the sea route to India and merchants no longer had to cross Arab ruled territories, like Mesopotamia. Behavioural patterns in epidemics There is evidence that the behaviour of Christians limited epidemics within these communities. While famines became less frequent because of the new trade contacts, the contact with goods and people from distant countries caused outbreaks of epidemics. Christians followed the model of the European merchants and — in such cases of sickness — isolated themselves with their families in their own houses. “Consequently almost all the statistics of death show that epidemics were actually less fatal among Christians than among Muslims.”10 Modern social customs The acquisition of science and knowledge of medicine and hygiene from the Europeans caused a lower death rate among the Christians, particularly from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards. The spread of school education, which became available among common Christian people first, is also an important factor. Migration The last factor for the increase of the Christian population in the Ottoman period is local, regional and long-distance migration.11 The status of millet made it possible that a person — whether in 10 11

Ibid. Ibid. 56.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER Anatolia, Aleppo, Cairo or Istanbul — belonged to the same authority and community. The borders between the provinces were open and made regional migration not too difficult. From the sixteenth century onwards, Christians from Syria, Iraq and Anatolia moved to Aleppo. And another movement of Christians, since the seventeenth century, saw movement mainly from Mount Lebanon, Damascus, Syria but also from other provinces of the empire to the coast, most likely because of the above-mentioned economic reasons. Since the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Christian communities, especially Maronites, have expanded in the Lebanon mountains, attracted by a prosperous region with many contacts with Europe. This long-distance migration had a knock-on effect. To avoid the now overpopulated regions of Mount Lebanon and the coast, Christians — mainly Lebanese — moved to the New World, particularly after the end of the American civil war of 1860. Every year between 1860 and 1899 about 3,000 people left the region and about 15,000 between 1900 and 1930.12 But the link they kept with their homeland had an important economic effect. “The new prosperity enabled an increase in the population, and continued, vigorous population growth.”13 But this first migration to the west — which had positive results at first — was also the foundation of the so-called “pull-factor” of continuous emigration which has to be seen concurrently with the “push-factors” brought about by the economic and political situation of the Middle East in the twentieth century. The decline of Middle Eastern Christianity in the twentieth century In 1914, the percentage of Christians in the Ottoman Empire reached its peak at 26.4% in the Middle East, which includes Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, and Israel.14 It is possible to identify the following figures for the respective regions, which are, howev12

Cf. ibid. 57 with reference to Elie Safa, L’émigration libanaise. Beirut

13

Ibid. Ibid. 62.

1960. 14

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES er, not absolutely identical with today’s nation-states: Lebanon 58.6%, Palestine 11.3%, Syria 10.1%, Egypt 8%, Iraq 2.2%. Today there are only 9.2% of Christians in the region, which means that the last ninety years have destroyed the preceding 400 years of recovery. The Christian population at the end of the 1990s was already at its lowest level since the recorded figure at the end of the Mamluk period. Since that time the exodus of Christians has continued, especially since the invasion of Iraq (2003), the so-called Arab Spring, the tensions in Egypt and the civil war in Syria.15 The main reasons currently are obviously the wars; but in the twentieth century the economic situation has also combined with emigration and the birth rate. Whether the latter is also connected with (non-)existing religious pluralism and freedom, family rights and personal status is beyond the remit of the present study. Here, I only want to make some preliminary remarks on these points: The wars The decline started during the First World War. As one example I may refer to the Assyrian Church of the East.16 In the Hakkari region, the Assyrian millet with their Catholicos-Patriarch Mar Benjamin Shimun XIX had a population of about 150,000. In the course of the war and the tragic political events they lost more than half of their population. Among the victims were two succeeding Patriarchs, the metropolitan, many bishops, and the majority of priests. The end of the Ottoman Empire, post-war diplomacy and the creation of new nation-states and borders also led to emigration and created diaspora communities. 15 Cf. Antoine Audo, The Current Situation of Christianity in the Middle East, especially Syria, after the Synod of the Middle East’s Final Declaration (September 2012) and the Papal Visit to Lebanon, in: Living Stones Yearbook 2012. Herts 2012, 1–17. 16 Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, “East Syriac Christianity in Iraq: A Glance at History from the First World War until Today”, in: D.W. Winkler/Li Tang (eds.), Hidden Treasures and Intercultural Encounters. Studies on East Syriac Christianity in China and Central Asia (orientalia-patristicaoecumenica 1). Berlin 2009, 321–334.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER All the available demographic scales show a massive decline of Christians in Syria, Palestine and Lebanon after the Second World War and the foundation of the State of Israel in 1948 which was followed by massive movements of refugees in the following wars: the Suez crisis or Sinai war of 1956, the Six-Day War of 1967, the Yom Kippur War of 1973, the South Lebanon conflict (Operation Litani) of 1978, interventions by Israel in Lebanon in 1982 and 1985, etc.17 During the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990) the respective territories were physically divided according to religion. “Many Christians left Regions of the country which had been taken over by Muslim militia. However, just as many Muslims were forced to leave regions controlled by Christian militia. A hundred and twenty years of coexistence, which modern economic progress had gradually introduced into almost all parts of the country, were wiped out in fifteen years.”18 The recent three wars in the Persian Gulf region — Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988), Gulf War (1990-1991) and the Iraq war which began with the invasion in March 200319 — brought renewed hardship to the Christian minority. In northern Iraq the number of Christians decreased from 1961 to 1995 from 1 million to 150,000.20 From the end of the Gulf war in 1991 to the eve of the next war in 2003 more than 10,000 Christians (Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Armenians, etc.) left Iraq each (!) year. The reason was the fear of a new war and the UN embargo against the regime of Sad17 Cf. ARGE Truppendienst des Bundesministeriums für Landesverteidigung Wien (Hg.), Die Streitkräfte der Staaten des Nahen Ostens und Nordafrikas: Regionale Organisationen, Konflikte und Ursachen (Truppendienst TB 34B). Wien 1995. 18 Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East”, 63f with reference to S. Housseini Moussawi, Redistribution de la population du Liban pendant la guerre civile (1975–1990), doctoral th. Paris 1992. 19 Cf. Arthur Goldschmidt, A Concise History of the Middle East. Boulder, Oxford 2006 (8th ed.), 432–438. Die Streitkräfte der Staaten des Nahen Ostens und Nordafrikas: Regionale Organisationen, Konflikte und Ursachen 83–102. 20 Cf. Beate Dümler, „Zur aktuellen Situation der Christen im Irak“, in: Ostkirchliche Studien 48 (1999) 141.

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES dam Hussein, which caused a hopeless economic situation. An estimated 70,000 Christians left Iraq between April 2004 and February 2005, especially after church bombings in Mosul and Baghdad.21 Economic situation and emigration The consequences of the present political and economic situation in the Middle East are huge waves of refugees and a constant emigration. Today there are more Christians from the Middle East in the Diaspora than in the Middle East. The wars, the unstable political situation and the economic situation are the so-called “push factors” which forcefully push people into migration. At the same time the family already abroad and outside the Middle East is a strong “pull factor”, as well as job opportunities, better living conditions, political and religious freedom, security and others. In his doctoral study on the migration of Syrian Orthodox Christians from Turkey to Germany, Kai Merten 22 identified another interesting pull factor: the specific recruitment of workers by the German government 1961–1973, since there was a lack of male labourers after the Second World War. Many of these guestworkers did not return to their home countries. Migration figures which Merten calculated for 1971 to 1992 demonstrate that there was an increase around 1976, which might be connected with the Lebanese civil war, and increases in 1979/80 and again in 1984 to 1986, which has to do with the situation in Turkey and its war against the Kurdish PKK in Anatolia and the region of the Tur Abdin. The decline afterwards might have to do with specific legal regulations in Germany.

Cf. Louis Sako, “Trotz Leiden ein Herz aus Gold“ in: ICOInformation Christlicher Orient 4 (2001) 4. 22 Cf. Kai Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland. Untersuchungen zu einer Wanderungsbewegung (Studien zur orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 3). Hamburg 1997. 21

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER

12000 10000 8000 6000 4000 2000 0

Migration of Syrian Orthodox Christians from Turkey to Germany (1973–1992) according to Kai Merten (chart: D.W. Winkler)

Birth rate Improved education helped Christians in the Ottoman period to reduce their death rate and by that to increase their number. At the same time Christian families appeared to be more stable than Muslim marriages because the latter had been destabilized by divorce and polygamy. However, better education was used by Christians to limit their birth rate. “It is only recently, since the 1970s in Lebanon, and since 1985 in Syria and Egypt that the Muslim birth rate has also decreased. This trend can now be seen everywhere, except Palestine, where the birth rate in the occupied or autonomous territories, whose population is 98 per cent Muslim, is now at its peak (around 8 children per woman).”23

23 Cf. Fargues, “The Arab Christians in the Middle East”, 65; with reference to his “Démographie de guerre, démographie de paix”, in: Ghassan Salamé (ed.), Proche-Orient. Les exigences de la paix. Paris 1994.

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES Mixed marriages While the Ottoman Empire worked with the millet system, which indicated a separation of religious groups, the constitutions of modern nation-states promote homogeneity and equality for people. The result is that social contacts no longer take place in predominantly religious contexts. In schools, universities, the workplace and in daily life people meet their future spouse. If the law in the Middle Eastern countries still requires the respective conversion of the future husband to Islam and the identification of the resulting children as Muslims, than the demographic development is clear, since we already have the historical evidence to show what will take place.

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA (2009) Finally, I will present figures, which are to some extent problematic, because accurate statistics are not available. I have tried to reconstruct figure and percentages on the basis of various sources.24 Nevertheless these statistics are disputable in detail and reflect the status of 2009. Thus the developments after the so-called Arab Spring are not yet included, because the situation subsequently became increasingly confused. However, they may be useful in the sense that they allow identification of certain trends.

24 Among those were: Fischer Weltalmanach 2000 to 2007; Catholic Eastern statistics elaborated by Ron G. Roberson on the basis of the Annuario Pontificio; CIA World Factbook.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER Lebanon When the French left Lebanon, they left a constitution behind, which attempted to bear religious demographics in mind. The parliamentary democracy implements confessionalism (taifiyya) and has long been seen as a model of co-existence in the Middle East. The President has to be a Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni, and the Speaker of the Parliament a Shiite Muslim, while the Deputy Prime Minister and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament is usually an Eastern Orthodox Christian. However, the civil war (1975–1991) and the situation in the Middle East as such changed the balance to the disadvantage of Christians. Nevertheless, the share of the population of Christians is still high and unique for that region. Area: 10,452 qkm Population: 3.5 Mill. Muslims: 60% (thereof c. 32% Shiites, 21% Sunni, 7% Druze) Christians: 40% (c. 1.4 Mill.), thereof: Others Armenian Melkite Greek Orthodox

Maronite

Maronite: 60% Greek Orthodox: 15% Melkite Greek Catholic: 12% Armenian Apostolic: 9% Catholic (Armenian, Chaldean, Latin): 2% Syrian Orthodox: 1.5% Protestant: 0.5%

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES Jordan Islam is the official religion in the Hashemite Kingdom and Christians are only a minority, although an indigenous one. Therefore usually the responsible hierarchy has its location in Jerusalem. Christians are active in schools and charitable institutions especially taking care of refugees from Palestine and Iraq. Area: 39,342 qkm Population: 5.4 Mill. Muslims: 90% (mainly Sunni) Christians: 2.5% (c. 135.000), thereof: Protestant Melkite Greek Orthodox

Greek Orthodox: 48% Melkite Greek Catholic: 16% Catholic (Latin): 32% Protestant: 4% Further religious minorities

Latin

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER Syria During the time of the authoritarian rule of the Alawite family Assad, Christians had no considerable discrimination. There has been practically no political influence by Christians but a mostly stable situation. The main places with Christians have been (among others) Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, Qamishli, and Hassake. The consequences of the present civil war for Christians are completely incalculable. Area: 185,180 qkm Population: 1.6 Mill. Muslims: 90% (thereof c. 77% Sunni, 10% Alawite, 2% Druze, 1% Ismailis) Christians: 9% (ca. 1.6 Mill.), thereof Others

Syrian Orthodox Melkite Armenian Apostolic

Greek Orthodox

Greek Orthodox: 47% Armenian Apostolic: 15% Melkite Greek Catholic: 15% Syrian Orthodox: 15% Syrian Catholic: 2% Armenian Catholic: 2% Maronite: 2% Church of the East: 2% Further: Yezidi, Jews

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES Iraq The political situation of the last decades (Iraq-Iran war, Gulf war, UN embargo, invasion, etc.) have had a considerable negative impact on the Christian population. Christians are found mainly in Baghdad, in the villages around Mosul and in the Kurdish north, which seems to have developed to become a safe place for Iraqi Christians. Area: 438,317 qkm Population: 26.3 Mill. Muslims: 96% (c. 70% Shiites, 30% Sunni) Christians: 2.5% (ca. 600,000), thereof:

Others Church of the East

Chaldean

Chaldean: 67.5% Church of the East: 13% Syrian Catholic: 6.5% Syrian Orthodox: 6% Armenian Apostolic: 4% Protestant: 1.5% Greek Orthodox: 0.5% Further minorities, e.g. Mandeans, Yezidi, Jews etc.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER Israel/Palestine Christians live mainly in and around the biblical cities of Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Nazareth. Caught between Muslims and Jews, they are in a difficult political situation which leads them to emigrate. As a consequence, the cradle of Christianity may become only a silent witness of a rich religious tradition. Area: 22,145 qkm Population: 6 Mill. Jews: 80% Muslims: 16% Christians: 3% (ca. 180,000), thereof

Others

Latin

Greek Orthodox

Melkite

Greek Orthodox: 33% Melkite Greek Catholic: 27% Catholic (Latin): 21% Protestant: 7% Maronite: 4.5% Further minorities, e.g. Baha’i, Druze

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HISTORICAL REMARKS AND FIGURES Egypt The majority of Egyptian Christians are Coptic Orthodox. Since the 1960s the Church has had an impressive development on the basis of the so-called Sunday school movement. Coptic monasticism experienced a renaissance. While about half a century ago there were only nine Egyptian monasteries with a little more than 200 monks, already by the mid-1980s the number of monks had tripled. Today there are more than 30 monasteries with up to 100 monks each, and six female monasteries where most of the sisters are working as ordained deaconesses in social and charitable areas. Area: 1,082,080 qkm Population: 72.6 Mill. Muslims: 88% (mainly Sunni) Christians: 12% (ca. 9 Million), thereof Others

Coptic Orthodox: 95.5%

Coptic Orthodox

Coptic Catholic: 2.5% Coptic-Protestant: 1.4% Catholic (Armenian, Syrian, Maronite, Latin rite): 0.3% Melkite Greek Catholic: 0.2% Greek Orthodox: 0.1%

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER Turkey Although Turkey is considered to be a secular state with no official state religion and, according to the constitution, with freedom of religion, in practice Islam is favored. In Turkey’s EU accession negotiations, religion is usually a topic. Christians are mainly in Istanbul, Izmir, Iskenderun, Antakya and the Tur Abdin in South East Turkey. Area: 779,452 qkm Population: 71.7 Mill. Muslims: 99.8% (70% Sunni, 15–25% Alevi) Christians: 0.1% (ca. 90,000), thereof Others Greek Orthodox Syrian Orthodox

Armenian Apostolic

Armenian Apostolic: 65% Syrian Orthodox: 17% Greek Orthodox: 12% Catholic (incl. Eastern Catholic Churches): 5% Church of the East: 0.7% Protestant: 0.3% Further minorities, e.g. Jews (ca. 20,000) etc.

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THE EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS FROM THE MIDDLE EAST: MOTIVES AND IMPACT

MARTIN TAMCKE GÖTTINGEN / GERMANY PRELIMINARY REMARKS The emigration of Syriac Christians is not a phenomenon unique to our time. This era has only set new standards and, influenced by the growth of the postcolonial world, it has driven the streams of emigrants not only to the neighbouring countries, but also to other regions of the earth as far apart as North America, Australia and Latin America. Already in the earliest times the world politics forced a significant percentage of the Syriac-speaking population to become part of the migration phenomenon. A large section of the Syriac population in Nisibis left their homeland when the Roman Empire was defeated by the Persians and Nisibis became part of the Persian Empire. At that time, the most famous emigrant — at least from our perspective — was beyond doubt Ephrem the Syrian.1 His case also shows that the migrant ways did not lead from one place straight to another, but they had stopovers as well. Ephrem also provides rich details regarding the motives for migration. With all his criticism of the Emperor Julian, he is nevertheless a declared supporter of the Romans and 1 Cf. Martin Tamcke, Die Christen vom Tur Abdin. Hinführung zur Syrisch-Orthodoxen Kirche, Frankfurt 2009, 129.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS: MIDDLE EAST he explicitly depicts the Sassanids as a hostile power. In short: his emigration had political reasons and occurred because he was obviously on the side of the Roman West and against the Iranian East. Such events can always be observed for Syriac-speaking people and even the entire Abgar ruling dynasty in Edessa could be regarded as an expression of the emigration process, as Jürgen Tubach considers it to be. 2 But this only as preliminary observation, because in a time of inadequate perception of the long durée in the history, there happened things which seemed spectacular and unique but, on closer inspection, they prove to have been preceded by similar processes a long time before, yet these processes have been hardly activated for the understanding of modern events. The most recent emigration phase of Syriac-speaking Christians only began during the nineteenth century and its latest stage is marked by the work migration during the second half of the twentieth century. The East- and the West-Syrians have experienced this phenomenon in different ways. The first stage of work migration (to Germany at the beginning, then also to Sweden) has been often researched in Germany. Kai Merten produced the first study on this topic in 1997 at our institute in Göttingen, with the title “Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland. Untersuchungen zu einer Wanderungsbewegung.”3 (“The Syriac Orthodox Christians in Turkey and Germany. Research on a migra2 Cf. Jürgen Tubach, “Die Anfänge des Königreichs von Edessa: Vom Zelt- zum Palastbewohner oder: Erfolgreiche Migration in hellenistischer Zeit“, in: Lutz Greisiger, Claudia Rammelt, Jürgen Tubach, Edessa in hellenistischer Zeit. Beiruter Texte und Studien 116, Beirut 2009, 279– 311. 3 Kai Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland: Untersuchungen zu einer Wanderungsbewegung. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 3, Hamburg 1997. Kai Merten, “Die Bedeutung des Tur Abdin für die Zukunft der syrischen Christen in der Diaspora“, in: Martin Tamcke, Andreas Heinz, Zu Geschichte, Theologie, Liturgie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 9, Hamburg 2000, 425–446.

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MARTIN TAMCKE tion process”). This study was followed by other remarkable and quite different works including that of Christiane Lembert.4 She focused on the characteristics of the Syrians from abroad, especially of those settled in Augsburg, her hometown. The fact that the two deal with the same topic from different perspectives — Merten as theologian and Lembert as cultural anthropologist — is quite obvious and now and again it has caused intensive debates. Excerpts of Heidmarie Armbruster’s work are also available.5 Gabriel Rabo’s short study is dedicated to the settlement of the Syriac Orthodox in Europe and Hüsnü Acar analyzed the situation of the Syriac Orthodox youth.6 The results of the project developed at the University of Leiden with substantial financial support seem to prepare another change of perspective.

4 Cf. Christiane Lembert-Dobler, “Religiöse Identität. Syrischorthodoxe Christen in der Diaspora“, in: Augsburger Volkskundliche Nachrichten 9 (2003), 6–27. Christiane Lembert-Dobler, “Migranten aus dem Tur Abdin. Suryoye in einer diaspora community“, in: Martin Tamcke (ed.), Daheim und in der Fremde. Beiträge zur jüngeren Geschichte und Gegenwartslage der orientalischen Christen, Münster, Hamburg, London 2001, 43–162. Christiane Lembert-Dobler, “Böser Blick und Magie. Untersuchung zum Volksglauben syrisch-orthodoxer Christen in der Migration,“ in: Martin Tamcke (ed.), Syriaca. Zur Geschichte, Theologie, Liturgie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen, Münster, Hamburg, London 2001, 459–490. Christiane Lembert, Augsburger Geschäftsleute stellen sich vor. Assyrer/Aramäer, Assyrische Demokratische Organisation (ADO) und Zentralverband der Assyrischen Vereinigungen in Europa (ZAVD) (ed.), Augsburg 1999. 5 Cf. Heidi Armbruster, “Raum und Erinnerung. Überlegungen zu Rand und Kern im Leben Syrisch-Orthodoxer Christen aus der Türkei“, in: Gerdien Jonker, Kern und Rand. Religiöse Minderheiten aus der Türkei in Deutschland, Berlin 1999, 31–50. Heidi Armbrusters Dissertation about the Syrian-Orthodox migrants in Germany has been never published. 6 Cf. Gabriel Rabo, “Die Gründung der syrisch-orthodoxen Kirche von Antiochien in der Diaspora“, in: Tuomas Martikainen, Ego sum qui sum. Festskrift till Jouko Martikainen, Abo 2006, 89–105.

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NINETEENTH CENTURY The stage which started in the nineteenth century has been hardly examined with respect to the period which preceded the recruitment of workers for the German economy in the 1960s and it still waits for an accurate examination. Rabo draws attention upon emigration from the Syriac Orthodox central area to Istanbul in the 1830s and upon the emigration from Tur Abdin to Syria because of the drought and locusts plagues in the 1860s, followed by the bigger waves of refugees as a result of the persecutions during the World War I, who fled as far afield as America.7 Of course, there were Syriac Christians who fled this region to both American hemispheres and to Russia at the end of the nineteenth century.8 But what mainly caused the movements of the West-Syrians led to the erosion of the Syriac community in the East. The first waves of emigration of the Syriac Christians from the Urmia region were not determined by persecutions, but by the political changes which occurred as a result of international political events. After the Russian-Iranian war had ended in a disastrous way for Iran, the subsequent negotiated treaties also intervened deep within the Iranian state system. The peace treaty which the humiliated Iran signed with Russia in 1828 established that all Persian subjects were free to immigrate to Russia.9 As a result, Baku — the oil city which had already become Russian after the peace treaty signed in 1813 in Gulistan — became now “the centre of the Iranian workers!”10 Hundreds of thousands of Persians — and among them many members of the Cf. Rabo, “Die Gründung der syrisch-orthodoxen Kirchen von Antiochien in der Diaspora” 90f. Edip Aydin, The History of the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch in North America. Challenges and Opportunities, New York 2000. 8 Cf. Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland 95. 9 Cf. Werner Zürrer, Persien zwischen England und Rußland 1918–1925. Großmachteinflüsse und nationaler Wiederaufstieg am Beispiel des Iran, Bern 1978, 12. 10 Zürrer, Persien zwischen England und Rußland 1918–1925 11. 7

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MARTIN TAMCKE Apostolic Church of the East — left their Persian homeland trying to make a living for them and for the families whom they left behind, attracted by the achievements of Western civilization.11 Many of them left only for the summer seasons to south Russia, working there as immigrant workers for a short time. However, entire Syrian communities grew there soon and turned from a temporary presence into a long-lasting one within such Russians municipalities as Armawir.12 The immigrants’ caravan moved then soon via Europe to Canada and to the United States of America.13 In addition to political reasons, economic hardships also forced East-Syrians to migrate in order to get access in various ways to financial sources in the West. The distress in the region was so deep for the Syrian Christians, and the possibility to earn good money in south Russia, in Europe or in America was so tempting that many villages and towns temporarily lost a significant part of their male population and only women, children and old people were left behind. Sometimes the figures are more explicit than the individual reports. The figures in the sources of the Syrians in Europe reflect a precise image of the situation in the villages, because they are casually mentioned and without particular interests. For instance, in 1906 almost 47 members of the Wasirabad community were living abroad and only 119 remained in their village.14 Therefore almost a third of this small community was living outside Iran. The money brought into Until 1910, 200 000 people had left their homeland this way. Such a Syriac community was founded in Armawir, see Martin Tamcke: “Urmia und Hermannsburg. Luther Pera im Dienst der Hermannsburger Mission in Urmia 1910–1915“, Oriens Christianus 80, 1996, 43–65, here particularly p. 50. 13 Cf. Martin Tamcke, „Nach Russland, Deutschland, Ja über den Ozean in das Land der Freiheit und des Dollars: Streiflichter aus deutschen Akten zur ersten Migrationswelle der Ostsyrer (Assyrer/'Nestorianer')“, in: The Journal of Eastern Christian Studies (formerly Het Christelijk Oosten) 54, Leuven 2002, 25–38. 14 Cf. Hermannsburger Missionsblatt 1906, 183. Hermannsburger Missionsblatt 1906, 219, where a number of 25 pupils are mentioned. 11 12

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS: MIDDLE EAST the village contributed a lot to its development, but it also made the village vulnerable to the pressure exercised particularly by the Kurdish inhabitants of the region, whose poverty and misery were of equally dramatic proportions. As far as the emigrants’ destiny is concerned, there were also individuals who had a tragic fate. Migration by no means meant a step towards freedom. A scholar and a clergyman, who was not able to provide for his family any longer and got into debt, left for Germany to seek financial support.15 Yet he did not collect enough and the money which he borrowed or which he obtained after selling manuscripts in Berlin was only enough to make him follow his hopes and migrate to America. Over the years he struggled for the money which he used to send to his family left back in Urmia. When he finally became successful he died of tracheal cancer, without having fulfilled his wish to go back home and leaving his wife and children in great distress. The waves of Syrian immigrants met with obvious reserve and aversion on the part of the guest countries and societies. A south Russian settler, moved by the fate of a Syrian widow and of her children, left no doubt regarding the cold reaction of his compatriots against such immigrants. The mistrust among the locals was so deep that they “regarded her as a cheat, they offended her with insulting and sarcastic words and in the night of 28 th to 29th of October according to the old calendar they let her outdoors, on the street, dressed with poor clothes and without any food for almost 24 hours, as if she had been a dog in a colony, whereas she sat on her knees and cried to God all the time.” 16 The letter of accredita-

15 Cf. Martin Tamcke, “Johannes Pascha (1862–1911): Der Leidensweg eines ‘kollektierenden Syrers‘", in: The Harp. A Review of Syriac and Oriental Studies 11–12, Kottayam 1998/99, 203–223. 16 C. Becker addressing the mission director Egmond Harms on November 12th, 1886 Archive of the ELM, Hermannsburg (private documents E. Harms). See Martin Tamcke, „... damit die Unschuld und Ehre gerettet und das Recht geschützt oder der Betrug offenbar und gestraft werde. Ein Exempel aus der ersten Migrationswelle der Nestorianer im

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MARTIN TAMCKE tion brought by the East-Syrian priests, in which they asked the unknown addressees for assistance on behalf of the woman, did not help much. Therefore, the Syriac Christians in Urmia had already had a rich experience as far as the temporary and the definitive migration all over the world was concerned, when they were confronted with the World War I and its waves of persecutions and destructions without precedent in the early history of the Church of the East. In the middle of the nineteenth century the power struggle against the Kurdish rivals over the Patriarchate’s seat had probably caused the death of ten thousand members of the Church, indeed, and the residence had been burned to ashes.17 Yet the loss of lives caused by the World War I, the loss of the main area in the present south Turkey, the misery endured after the war when being pushed away even by former allies, all this was absolutely incomparable.18 Südrußland des 19. Jahrhunderts“, in: Martin Tamcke, Syriaca. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 17, Hamburg 2002, 449–458. 17 Cf. Martin Tamcke, “Der Genozid an den Assyrern/Nestorianern (Ostsyrische Christen)“, in: Tessa Hofmann, Verfolgung, Vertreibung und Vernichtung der Christen im Osmanischen Reich 1912–1922, mit einem Geleitwort von Bischof Dr. Wolfgang Huber. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 32, Münster 2004, 95–110. 18 Cf. Martin Tamcke, “Das Schicksal des syrisch-aramäischen Volkes unter türkischer Herrschaft (Teil 1)“, in: Mardutho 16, 47, Kirchhardt 2004, 19–21. Martin Tamcke, “Das Schicksal des syrischaramäischen Volkes unter türkischer Herrschaft (Teil 2)“, in: Mardutho dSuryoye 17, 48, Kirchhardt 2005, 19–22. Martin Tamcke, Die Christen vom Tur Abdin. Hinführung zur Syrisch-Orthodoxen Kirche, Frankfurt 2009 (the chapter on Seyfo). Martin Tamcke, “World War I and the Assyrians“, in: Erica C.D. Hunter, The Christian Heritage of Iraq, Collected papers from the Christianity of Iraq I-V Seminar Days, Georgias Eastern Christian Studies Bd. 13, Piscataway, NJ 2009, 203–220. Martin Tamcke, “Diesem furchtbaren Gottesgerichte gegenüber, das wir gesehen und erlebt haben. Theologische Deutungen der Verfolgungen der ostsyrischen Christen aus ostsyrisch-lutherischen Berichten während des Ersten Weltkrieges“, in: Martin Tamcke, Christliche Gotteslehre im Orient seit dem Aufkommen des Islams bis zur Gegenwart. Beiruter Texte und Studien 126, Beirut 2008, 203–212. Martin Tamcke, “Die Zerstörung der ostsyrischen Gemeinde in

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS: MIDDLE EAST Refugees also came to Europe. Many of them went to Marseille, but smaller groups also fled to America via Georgia, Scandinavia, India and Germany.19 If we consult their reports, the main question we have is not particularly concerned with the period of a temporary stay in the guest countries. Many letters illustrate how the hope for return was gradually dying away and how those people had to go on looking for new perspectives. This migration stage was followed by another one, the latest which has embedded itself in our conscienceness.

SINCE THE 1960S Since 1959, Syriac Orthodox Christians have come to Germany as workers.20 Initially, after the German-Turkish agreement on March 17th, 1961 they had not been the favoured targets of German recruiters, who rather aimed at the town-dwellers in Turkey. The end of recruitment at the end of 1973 could not prevent the erosion in south-eastern Turkey any longer. Those who were not allowed to stay in Germany found their way elsewhere, especially to Sweden. There were academic figures in Germany who reacted with a lack of understanding or, as the journalist and geographer Helga Anschuetz did, helped with positive reports, despite their commitment Wasirabad im Kontext von religiöser Konkurrenz, Weltkrieg und ökonomischer Not“, in: Walter Beltz, Jürgen Tubach, Expansion und Destruktion in lokalen und regionalen Systemen koexistierender Religionsgemeinschafte. Hallesche Beiträge zur Orientwissenschaft 41, Halle 2006, 191–202. Martin Tamcke, “Die Vernichtung der Ostsyrischen Christen im Osmanischen Reich und den osmanisch besetzten Gebieten des Iran“, in: Der Völkermord an den Armeniern und syrischen Christen, epd Dokumentation 17/18, Frankfurt 2005, 38–48. 19 As an example: Martin Tamcke, “Ein Brief des Lazarus Jaure aus dem Frühjahr 1916 zu den Geschehnissen in Urmia“, in: Martin Tamcke, Andreas Heinz, Die Suryoye und ihre Umwelt, 4. deutsches SyrologenSymposium in Trier 2004, Festgabe Wolfgang Hage zum 70. Geburtstag, Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 36, Münster 2005, 59–72. 20 Cf. Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland 98.

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MARTIN TAMCKE to the Syriac-Orthodox Christians in Turkey. Gernot Wießner, one of the leading specialists in Syriac Studies in Göttingen at that time, who has spent long periods of time in the region since 1971/1972, belonged to those people who had to be won over to the immigrants’ matter in the first place and who had refused to give a positive report concerning the migration process of the SyriacOrthodox Christians in Germany. He was particularly annoyed when the local priests emigrated. “Many of them seem to have no solid connection to their clientele, abandoning even intact communities for the attractive material temptations of a life in the rich industrial West European countries.”21 This situation must be considered in light of disputes between local populations and of the repressive measures taken by the state. According to Merten, prior to 1979 only one priest had emigrated, Yohannon Teber from Midin.22 Merten’s information should be corrected: the priest Bitris Ögunc in Augsburg started his work there already in 1971,23 and already in 1981, one year before Wießner’s account of the event, 12 local priests were residing in Germany. 24 Merten documents the changes that occurred in pastoral care, illustrating the relative proportions of priests-believers in Tur Abdin: in 1980/1981 there were 50 priests who attended to 20,000 Syriac Christians in north Mesopotamia, whereas in Germany there were 12 priests who had to attend to 17,000 believers. Therefore, in north Mesopotamia one priest was providing pastoral care for 400 believers, whereas in Germany their number reached 1400. In 1992/1993 there were 21 Gernot Wießner, Christliche Kultbauten im Tur Abdin, Teil I, Wiesbaden 1982, 2 note 4. 22 Cf. Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland 102. 23 See: http://bethnahrin.de/verein/assyrer-in-augsburg. He gave also a paper at the first Symposium for Syriac in Göttingen 1971 (present were also Patriarch Mor Ignatius Yakob III., the later Patriarch Mor Ignatius Zakka Iwas, at that time Archbishop of Bagdad, Archbishop Mor Athanasius Yeshue Samuel and Archbishop Mor Gregorius Saliba Shemun). 24 Cf. Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland 102–104.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS: MIDDLE EAST only 13 priests in north Mesopotamia responsible for 3000 believers, unlike the 35 priests in Germany who attended to 35,000 believers. At that time, in north Mesopotamia 230 believers were assigned to one priest, whereas in Germany a priest was responsible for 1000 believers. Most Syrians emigrated without a visa and they often had to be immediately assisted at the airport in order to obtain a limited residence permit. The bribing of Turkish officials was inevitable; illegal guides were employed to help the entry of illegal emigrants, and their charges were high. Although the Patriarch Mor Ignatius Jacob III took a firm stand on the matter at the beginning, demanding the admission of Syriac Orthodox workers and of those looking for asylum, soon there were intensive attempts to stop emigration, especially on the side of the archbishop Mor Timotheos Samuel Aktas, who opposed the position adopted by the metropolitan Mor Julius Cicek, a supporter of the emigration phenomenon. The historical moment legitimately interferes at this point, for instance when Mor Grigorios Hanna Ibrahim, delivering a lecture in 1991 in Holland, refers to the Syriac Christians who emigrated to the USA in the last century and became “completely absorbed in the universal melting pot of the American society.”25 Syriac Christians integrated extremely fast into the local communities, the average education overtaking sometimes the average education in the guest countries.26 Quite soon, besides the pastoral care, the church structure was also settled for the approximately 80,000 Syriac-Orthodox Christians in Germany and the 70,000 Syriac Orthodox Christians in Sweden, as well as for the rather small Syriac communities in the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Great Britain and Austria.

25

117.

Merten, Die syrisch-orthodoxen Christen in der Türkei und in Deutschland

Cf. Hüsnü Acar, Menschen zwischen den Kulturen – aramäische Jugendliche in Deutschland, Paderborn 1997. Hüsnü Acar, “Syrisch-orthodoxe Jugendliche in Deutschland“, in: Martin Tamcke, Andreas Heinz, Zu Geschichte, Theologie, Liturgie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 9, Hamburg 2000, 409–419. 26

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MARTIN TAMCKE However, migration reaches into the soul. Today, five decades since the first Syriac Orthodox immigrants came to Germany, the second generation hands the baton over to the third. The latter generally visit their homeland only on holidays, if they visit it at all. This is a change of consciousness. The first generation still had to keep their abandoned homeland as part of their biography. Sargon Boulos, the Iraqi poet, recalled the work issues “of the bygone era.”27 The misery experienced among the refugees by the family of his father (the father was a carpenter, a blacksmith and a traditional doctor), the provisional conditions of a hut made of clay and corrugated iron, shared by four families separated by hanged sheets, stands in contrast to the man who translated the poets of the Beat-Generation (Aden, Plath and Lowell) into Arabic and who, when emigrating to America, put it in plain words: “America was the possibility of a new dream.” Yet the dream did not sweep the past away and the homeland did not stay behind. “I have never left Iraq. No matter how far you go, you will come back to the same spring waters and you will drink from their source in your childhood and in your family. Therefore, although living in the present, you actually never stop returning to your past.” And many of his generation share the same experience. Somehow they keep connections to their abandoned country. Nowadays he writes his poems in Arabic, the language which he learned from his mother in the middle of a Syriac-speaking family.28 The poet was born on 27 References in: Martin Tamcke, “Die konfessionelle Dimension in der ‚assyrischen’ Migrationsliteratur in Deutschland“, in: Martin Tamcke, Daheim und in der Fremde. Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 21, Hamburg 2002, 163–175. Forthcoming: Martin Tamcke, “Paradise? America! The Metaphor of Paradise in the context of the Iraqi-Christian migrant motif”, in: Sebastian Günther, Roads to Paradise: Eschatology and Concepts of the Hereafter in Islam. 28 For biographies of Sargon Boulos see Sargon Boulos, Fadhil AlAzzawi, Mouayed Al Rawi, Abdul Kader El Janaby: Mittenaus, Mittenein. Lyrik aus dem Irak, edited by Khalid Al-Maaly, Suleman Taufiq, Stefan Weidner, Berlin 1993, 115f . Suleman Taufiq, “Über den Autor und sein Werk“, in: Sargon Boulos, Ein unbewohnter Raum. Erzählungen, trans. from Arabic by Suleman Taufiq, Meerbusch 1996, 106–107.

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EMIGRATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS: MIDDLE EAST February 19th, 1944 near Habbania Lake, not far from Baghdad, and moved with his family to Kirkuk in northern Iraq. In 1962 he went to Baghdad, in 1967 he crossed on foot Iraq’s border with Syria and, without any money or identity card, he went to Beirut. Since 1969 he has been living mainly in the USA. His emigrating abroad both provided a healthy distance and the means for comparison. Life now becomes a two-sided experience, the exile becomes an inner migration and the heritage becomes a responsibility which is common to all people. “The problem is not the heritage, but our view upon it. For our life is also heritage.” But taking refuge in such global and general views goes along with the bitter awareness: “The return seems to be impossible”. Now the basic feeling is that of being on the way. “We can choose the beginning / But it is the end that chooses us / And there’s no other way than to go away.” Others did not come because they felt that they belonged to Western culture, but because they were Christians and wanted to escape a world dominated by Islam. The Chaldean Christian Ayleen Dardan, who regards herself as an Iranian Assyrian, married a Muslim in her Iranian homeland and felt that as a Christian she belonged to a weak minority. Her marriage to a Muslim caused ostracism because of her family. However, against her husband’s will, she wanted to raise her child as a Christian. Since the Assyrian priests in Teheran knew her family, she assumed that they “would not (have) undertaken the baptism without further ado”. The child was secretly baptized abroad. Then, in Germany she had to clear the prejudices out of her way and explain “that there are Christians in Iran as well.” In the hospital she used to find cheese on her plate for breakfast and dinner so she had to reply to the obliging nurses, convinced that she, as a Muslim, may not “eat pork”: “It would have been better if you had asked me about it, because I could have told you immediately that I was a Christian.” The exile also meant humiliation when learning German or when visiting the authorities. In reaction to that, she retreated to her private sphere. “Within my four walls I could forget that I was living in exile.” She went into

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MARTIN TAMCKE exile hoping “to find freedom abroad.”29 It was important not only to stand the exile conditions and to cope with the memories, but also “to develop hopeful and yet realistic perspectives.”30 At the same time she lived with the nostalgia for her lost homeland, a country which she could not accept as homeland at the beginning. “My father was buried in the native soil, although it had always been alien to him. Today he lies there completely alone. No family member lives nowadays in Iran and nobody will be able to visit his grave as long as this terrible regime is in power.”31 The feelings which this first generation was confronted with are history today; for their children, the native land recedes into the distance. Freedom, and particularly religious freedom, equal rights, predictable social circumstances, the possibility to participate in the political life, economic development, fair educational opportunities, constant participation in the modernization process — this is what drives the Oriental Christians to the West. They do not emigrate because they reject life in the Orient. They emigrate because they share the values of Western society. They see that the Orient is not ready to allow these values into their society. And those values are not “Western” values to them, but deeply human values.32 They do not want to live without them any longer. For these reasons, those who want to prevent the emigration must stand up for a sustainable development of the Islamic world with respect to real religious freedom and real acknowledgment of human rights.

29

299.

Ayleen Dardan, Tausendundein Schmerz, Bergisch Gladbach 1998,

Ibid. 297. Ibid. 298. 32 Cf. Martin Tamcke, Christen in der islamischen Welt. Von Mohammed bis zur Gegenwart, München 2008, 150f. 30 31

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PART IV: PERSPECTIVES AFTER POPE BENEDICT’S VISIT TO THE HOLY LAND

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POPE BENEDICT XVI IN THE HOLY LAND IN 2009: A PASTOR AND A MAN OF PEACE, OF UNITY AND OF DIALOGUE FRANS BOUWEN JERUSALEM PREPARATIONS Very soon after his election as bishop of Rome, the question of a visit of Pope Benedict XVI to the Holy Land was raised. Israeli civil and religious authorities hastened to invite him on the occasion of their visits to the Vatican. Each time the response of the Pope was that he was glad to accept the invitation, while adding that he hoped to realise such a visit as soon as the general situation would allow it. Unfortunately, the general situation in Palestine/Israel did not really improve during the last years, and in particularly not in recent times. On the contrary, the peace process got stuck and the general atmosphere became heavy and sometimes even threatening. The war in Gaza, at the end of December 2008 and January 2009, re-ignited the feelings of despair. The general attitude was that a possible visit by the Pope would not be able to bring about any change and that his words would hardly find any response. On the other hand, the lack of progress in the bilateral negotiations between the Holy See and the State of Israel which had been going on for almost ten years — particularly those concerning the right of the Catholic institutions to appeal to the civil courts and their rules for taxation — was seen by many as another reason to postpone any papal visit. Such a visit should rather be conditional on some real progress on these issues. Others hoped that the per143

BENEDICT XVI IN THE HOLY LAND spective of a coming papal visit could give a new impulse to these negotiations, but that did not materialize either. These different factors help us to understand why a good number of Catholics, and other Christians — clergy, religious, lay people, in the Holy Land but also elsewhere — were not at all in favour of a papal visit at that time. Some made their opposition known, clearly and publicly. However, on the other hand, as soon as the visit of Benedict XVI was officially announced, the local Catholic Church readily adopted this perspective and collaborated actively in its preparation. The rather late date of the announcement and the multiple hesitations that preceded it had, no doubt, as a consequence that hearts and minds were less prepared for the visit.

GENERAL IMPRESSIONS However, it must be said that, from the first moment of his arrival in the region, Benedict XVI found the right words and attitude, wherever he went. Although he is generally considered as less gifted than his predecessor in contact with the media, he was able to come across to the audience and to touch their hearts, by his humble presence and his constant attentiveness. On this point, the reactions were unanimous. Even those who were reluctant before his visit and sometimes even envisaged boycotting it, have recognized that the Pope’s visit was a uniquely rich and powerful experience and touched the hearts of many. Something important happened, new bonds were created and new hopes were born. The great question mark that remains is however: what will be the lasting fruit and impact? Benedict XVI, a pastor The first aim of Benedict XVI in his visit to the Holy Land was, beyond any doubt, his pastoral desire to meet personally and to strengthen the local Christian community. He came as a living witness of fraternal proximity and solidarity and was looking forward to address to them a word of faith and encouragement. This explains why his visits to the Holy Places in the strict sense of the word occupied less space in his programme than when his predecessors, Pope Paul VI and Pope John-Paul II, came in 1964 and 2000. For instance, Benedict XVI did not visit the surroundings of the Sea of Galilee, the places commemorating the Beatitudes, the 144

FRANS BOUWEN multiplication of the loaves and the primacy of Peter. He had already the opportunity to visit these places on his previous visits as a cardinal. In his speeches and homilies, Benedict XVI convincingly proved that he knew the very difficult living conditions of the local Christians, as a little flock that has to face existential challenges: lack of peace and justice, critical economic and social circumstances, interreligious relations with Jews and Muslims, etc. His were not just words. One could feel that he was expressing a real and personal concern and empathy. He called the local Christians to remain faithful to the Good News they received from Christ, in this same land where they are still living, and to persevere as living witnesses of the Resurrection of Christ around the places where Jesus proclaimed his messages and inaugurated a new way of life for humanity. It was above all at the Eucharistic celebrations in Bethlehem and Nazareth that his presence and his words touched the hearts. In Jerusalem the local Christians were visibly less numerous at the celebration in the Kedron Valley and they felt a bit lost in the midst of the numerous international visitors and religious. A considerable number of Palestinian Christians were not able to reach the place, because the necessary permits were not given in time by the Israeli security services. Others gave up, when they were faced with the many strict security checks and preferred to follow the event on television. For other more politically-committed Palestinian Christians, the mere fact that they were obliged to ask permission of the Israeli Authorities and to submit themselves to the severe and often humiliating Israeli security checks in order to be able to meet the Head of their own church, in their own town, was in itself a sufficient reason to stay away. Benedict XVI, a man of peace In the field of justice and peace, Benedict XVI had some very clear and courageous things to say. He called upon the two parties in conflict and asked them to face their responsibilities and to make the necessary courageous decisions. By doing so he surprised many observers and journalists who were expecting more general platitudes. In fact the Pope did not say anything new, but he clearly pointed out the essential elements, and it was good to hear these 145

BENEDICT XVI IN THE HOLY LAND words coming from a person with his authority and influence. Will there be any permanent result from it? It all remains to be seen. Novertheless, it was good to hear these basic truths reaffirmed by him, and one is always allowed to hope that his call to common responsibilities and to mutual respect of the dignity of persons and the rights of peoples may make a difference, somewhere, sometime. Benedict XVI, a man of unity As was the case during the pilgrimage of Jean-Paul II in 2000, the Heads and representatives of the various churches in the Holy Land were present at the most important events of Benedict’s visit. Maybe this ecumenical dimension received less publicity in the press this time, probably because these meetings were no longer new, due to the notable progress made in ecumenical relations in Jerusalem in recent years. On the occasion of his visit to the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, His Beatitude Theophilos III, Pope Benedict XVI expressed, in explicit terms, his joy and gratitude for the many efforts made by the Heads of churches in Jerusalem in order to meet and consult each other regularly, to get to know one another better as brothers and co-workers in the same mission. He emphasized in particular their common concerns and endeavours to ensure the presence and the future of the Christians of the various churches in the Holy Land and to be together witnesses of peace and justice, at the service of all the peoples in the Holy Land and in the Middle East. At the same time one has to admit that the impression created for those people present at this meeting was less striking than the one left by the visit of Pope John Paul II in 2000. Then the gathering was really seen as being a meeting of the Bishop of Rome with the whole Church of Jerusalem in all its rich diversity, represented by the Heads of the various churches gathered around the First of them, the Greek Patriarch. This dimension was not entirely absent, but it was certainly less visibly expressed. The reason for it might have been that several Heads of churches have changed in the passing years and did not yet have the time to build up the same trusting relationships among themselves. It could also mean that ecumenical life in Jerusalem is at present in need of a new impulse. 146

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Benedict XVI, a man of dialogue In the matter of interreligious dialogue, it is truly worthwhile rereading attentively the respective speeches of Benedict XVI. This is, by the way, true of all his speeches that are often too profound and too rich to be fully understood at the moment they are given. In this field too, he was able to keep a delicate balance between Judaism and Islam, while not hesitating to point out the privileged relationship between Christians and Jews. On the occasion of his visit to the memorial of the Shoah, “Yad va Shem”, Benedict XVI endeavoured to approach antiSemitism and the persecution of the Jews on a higher level, in order to try to come to new conclusions and applications. Immediately afterwards, a certain part of the Jewish community reacted with disappointment: they most likely expected a more emotional or more political discourse. However, most intellectuals as well as the authorities expressed their appreciation for the significance of the Pope’s text. In the Jewish world in general, the visit of Benedict XVI was not met with the same spontaneous and deep felt echo as the visit of John Paul II did. In this field also the many steps already made in the rapprochement left little space for new sensational gestures; it is at present more a time for reception and consolidation. The meetings with Muslims were in the limelight, particularly, in Jordan. In Jerusalem, they remained rather reserved, but they were not less important. The difference can be best explained in the light of the diverse political context. Most of the time, Benedict XVI underlined the importance of mutual understanding, coexistence and collaboration. However, if one reads attentively the speeches he gave in the presence of Muslims, it is possible to discern a meaningful deepening in comparison with previous meetings. On different occasions, the Pope went beyond the call for cultural dialogue and true collaboration for the wellbeing of the human society. He pointed out some authentic religious values present in Islam as a basis for encounter, respect and common commitment. Finally, in the presence of both Jews and Muslims, Benedict XVI underlined with equal emphasis that all those who believe in 147

BENEDICT XVI IN THE HOLY LAND the one God are all called to recognize and respect the unity of the human family. All discrimination, all hostility that puts the unity of the human family at risk, is in flagrant contradiction with the authentic witness they have to render to the oneness of God.

LASTING IMAGES What will be the image that is going to remain of Benedict’s visit in the personal and collective memories, when most of his words are forgotten? We all know the power of images in present-day communication and society: they not only illustrate the message, but very often become the true message. A lasting image is often a condensed symbol of something that can hardly be expressed in words but exercises an on-going influence. The image that remains imprinted in the memory after the pilgrimage of Pope Paul VI in 1964 is undoubtedly the one of his meeting with Patriarch Athenagoras. That image has become like a living icon of the remarkable developments that took place afterwards in the relations between Catholics and Orthodox. Pope John Paul II in silent prayer in front of the Western Wall (or Wailing Wall), slipping a little sheet of paper with his prayer between the stones of the Wall, is the image that remains of his pilgrimage in 2000. It was a gigantic step forward on the way of reconciliation between Christians and Jews. It is still too early to foresee which images of the visit of Benedict XVI will linger on in the memories of all. We must allow time to do its work and allow words and events to settle down so that the best of them may surface. At present, two images seem to emerge. On the one hand, there is the picture taken of the Pope during the interreligious meeting in Nazareth: standing in the middle of a semi-circle formed by Jewish, Christian, Muslim and Druze representatives, he is holding hands with them while together they sing a song of peace. On the other hand, we are confronted with a picture taken during his visit to the Palestinian refugee camp of Aida, Bethlehem. We can see him sitting in a listening attitude, full of attention for all that is going on around him, with the huge wall of separation between Jerusalem and Bethlehem behind him, in the background. Both images have a message for the world, and up till now the second one seems more authentic. After all, it is perhaps in the contrast between both images that we should look for the 148

FRANS BOUWEN lasting image and message of the visit of Benedict XVI to the Holy Land in 2009: namely, the tension between an inaccessible dream and a walled up reality.

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PART V: APPENDICES

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THIRD MEETING OF THE PRO ORIENTE FORUM SYRIACUM COMMUNIQUÉ – ALEPPO, JULY 1–2, 2008 The Syrian Orthodox Archdiocese of Aleppo hosted the third meeting of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum, July 1–2, 2008. The PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum is a team of expert scholars in Syriac Studies, who commit themselves to promote the Syriac heritage, mutual enrichment and better understanding within their Churches. It advises and consults the PRO ORIENTE Foundation (Vienna, Austria) to develop appropriate studies and helps to coordinate the research projects. The members of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum evaluated the First PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum. This academic conference was held in Salzburg (Austria), November 14–16, 2007, on the general theme: “Syriac Churches encountering Islam: Past Experiences and Future Perspectives.” The proceedings of this Colloquium are being prepared for publication in a new series called “PRO ORIENTE Studies of the Syriac Tradition”. The participants also exchanged information concerning current events in the Churches of Syriac tradition in the Middle East and in India. They emphasized the importance of continuing both the dialogue among the Churches and the Christian-Muslim dialogue. Both dialogues will strengthen the presence, the service, and the witness of Syriac Christians in the Middle East and around the world. The PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum planned and organized its next academic conference, the Second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum, on the general theme “Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India Today: Contributions and Challenges.” In the first part, the speakers will analyze the contributions of the Syriac Christian communities to their societies in the cultural, social 153

COMMUNIQUE ALEPPO 2008 and educational fields, in the contexts of India, Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Syria and Turkey. In the second part, the main challenges that the Syrian Christian communities face today will be considered under the aspects of religious freedom, education and personal status. Special attention will be given to the vital question of emigration. This Second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum is planned to take place in Vienna (Austria), 4–6 November 2009. On Tuesday July 1, the Syrian Catholic Archbishop of Aleppo, H. E. Mgr Antoine Chahda, invited the participants for dinner, together with the representatives of the various Churches in Aleppo. On Wednesday July 2, H. E. Metropolitan Mor Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim offered the members of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum a much appreciated excursion to the historical places of the monastery of Deir Tell-Ada, Qalaat Samaan (the Cathedral of St Simeon the Stylite) and Mushabbak church. In the evening of the same day, His Emminence invited several religious and civil authorities to meet the members of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum. The presence of the Grand Mufti of Syria, Al-Sheikh Dr Ahmad Bader Al-Din Hassoun, was particularly appreciated. At the closing session of the meeting, the President of PRO ORIENTE, Dr Johann Marte, thanked H.E. Metropolitan Mor Gregorios for his cordial and generous hospitality and expressed his heartfelt appreciation to all his collaborators who helped to create a pleasant stay and working atmosphere. List of Participants: Metropolitan Mor Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Syria Metropolitan Joseph Powathil, India Archbishop Paul Matar, Lebanon Archdeacon Koshaba George, Great Britain Father Dr. Baby Varghese, India Father Frans Bouwen, Jerusalem Dr Aho Shemunkasho, Austria Dr Johann Marte, President of PRO ORIENTE Marion Wittine, Secretary General of PRO ORIENTE Prof. Dietmar W. Winkler, Research Director of the PRO ORIENTE Syriac Studies Mgr Johan Bonny, Vatican (observer) 154

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Prevented: Metropolitan Aprem G. Mooken, India Metropolitan Kuriakose Theophilose, India Metropolitan Louis Sako, Iraq Archbishop Jules Mikhael Al-Jamil, Italy Bishob Bawai Soro, USA Father Geevarghese Chediath, India

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SECOND PRO ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM FINAL REPORT SYRIAC CHRISTIANITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND INDIA TODAY: CONTRIBUTIONS AND CHALLENGES Vienna, November 4 – 6, 2009 1. With its Studies in the Syriac Tradition PRO ORIENTE intends to facilitate mutual understanding and exchange as well as to promote the common heritage of the various Churches belonging to the historical Syriac tradition. In continuation of the former “Syriac Dialogue” (1994–2005), the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum was formed in October 2006 to face the challenge of an ecumenically changing context and to find practical ways for fruitful exchange on issues of common concern. The Forum Syriacum aims, in a true ecumenical spirit, to learn about the achievements and sufferings of the respective Churches and to strengthen the solidarity among, and with, those who belong to the Syriac tradition. 2. The PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum therefore decided in its meeting in Aleppo on July 1–2, 2008, to organize the Second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum on the topic “Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India today: Contributions and Challenges.” The Middle Eastern countries under consideration were Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Lebanon. 3. At the inaugural session, Wednesday morning, November 4, 2009, the Archbishop of Vienna, H. E. Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, presided over the opening prayer and cordially welcomed the participants. He recalled the spirit and vision of the founder of PRO ORIENTE, the late Cardinal Franz König, whose life was devoted to dialogue and a profound love for Oriental Christianity. A greeting of Cardinal Walter Kasper, President of the 157

FINAL REPORT Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, was read. He expressed his deep hope that the studies of the PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum, highlighting the urgency of religious freedom and pluralism, will contribute to a strengthening of ecumenical dialogue. Further, he encouraged the participants to reflect together on the motives and the impact of emigration for the future of Christianity in the Middle East. PRO ORIENTE President Johann Marte welcomed the participants, who came from India, Lebanon, Syria, USA, Great Britain, France, Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy. 4. For spiritual guidance, participants prayed together the Morning Prayers according to the East Syriac (Hudra) and West Syriac (Sh’imo) liturgy. 5. On the evening of November 5, a public panel was held at the Diplomatische Akademie on the topic “Israel, Palestine and Jordan: Perspectives after the visit of Pope Benedict XVI to the Holy Land”. The main speakers were: Martin Tamcke (Göttingen,Germany), Anthony O’Mahony (London,Great Britain) and Fr. Frans Bouwen (Jerusalem). The participants were also invited for a reception by the Apostolic Nuncio Archbishop Peter Zurbriggen in the Apostolic Nunciature in Vienna, and welcomed for a dinnerreception by the Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq, Mr. Tariq Aqrawi. The participants want to thank the staff of the Pallottihaus for their generous hospitality. 6. The study days of the Second PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum were structured according to the following topics: In its first part, the contributions of Syriac Christians to their societies in the fields of culture, education and civil society throughout the history in the Middle East and India were taken into consideration. In its second part, the Colloquium focused on the main present challenges of living and professing the Christian faith in a multireligious and diverse society, with special attention to religious freedom, education and personal status. The final session was devoted to the vital question of continuous emigration of Christians from India and the Middle East. 7. The following ten papers were presented: 158

FINAL REPORT - Christianity in the Middle East: Some historical Facts and demographic Figures (Dietmar W. Winkler, Salzburg, Austria) - Cultural, social and educational Contributions of Syriac Christianity in South India (Baby Varghese, Kottayam, Kerala, India) - Christians in Iran and Iraq: Which Contribution to Society? (Herman Teule, Nijmegen, The Netherlands) - Cultural, social and educational Contributions of Syriac Christianity in Syria and Lebanon (Karam Rizk, Kaslik, Lebanon) - Religious Freedom, Education, Pluralism, Personal Status of Syriac Christianity (Family Rights) in India (Philip Nelpuraparambil, Changanassery, India) - The Church-State Relations in Modern Iraq (Anthony O’Mahony, London, Great Britain) - Religious Freedom, Education, Pluralism, Personal Status of Syriac Christianity (Family Rights) in Syria and Turkey (Mar Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Aleppo, Syria) - The Contribution of the Syriac Family to the Experience of the Islamo-Christian Co-existence in Lebanon (Mar Paul Matar, Beirut, Lebanon) - Emigration of Syriac Christians moving from India — Motives and Impact (Mar Kuriakose Theophilose, Ernakulam, India) - Emigration of Syriac Christians moving from the Middle East — Motives and Impact (Martin Tamcke, Göttingen, Germany) 8. On the basis of these studies and after extensive discussion and exchange, the following points were emphasized:

ON CONTRIBUTIONS OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS In India the contribution of the Syriac Christians to the cultural and social life of Kerala, in particular in relation to education, in schools for both boys and girls, in the areas of journalism, literature, political life, economic development, and industry have been significant. Although the Christian communities comprise only a small percentage of the population, they have been a leaven in the society of Kerala as a whole. For instance, in the area of banking, one particularly valuable contribution has been in the development of micro-financing. Syriac Christians in India have been especially active in the development of Malayalam as a literary and cultural language in Kerala. Early on, the Peshitta (the canonical Syriac version of the 159

FINAL REPORT Bible) was translated into Malayalam. Since the 1890s there have been continuing projects to translate the Peshitta into Malayalam, particularly the Gospels. Furthermore, in the early years of the nineteenth century, under the influence of the British, Bible translations were made from English versions of the scriptures translated from the original languages, Hebrew and Greek. In Iran the number of Christians is extremely small and the impossibility for them to have access to public functions makes it impossible to play a significant role in the society. Nevertheless the Assyrians, Chaldeans and Armenians are maintaining their own schools and are recognized as distinct ethnic identities. In Turkey, especially in the region of Tur Abdin, Syriac Christians have suffered periods of difficulty and hardship. In recent times, one can perceive a change in the attitude towards Christians in some academic and political circles. This development notwithstanding, a number of problems, such as integration into society and recognition of some juridical rights have not yet been resolved. Currently in Iraq the situation of Christians is in transition and extremely complex. The present plight of the indigenous Christians of the “Cradle of Civilization” should be of urgent concern for the international community at large. Today’s five autochthonous Syriac Churches have witnessed to Christianity in its Mesopotamian homeland since ancient times and long before the rise of Islam. Since the times of early Christianity these Churches have contributed to shaping and molding the Middle Eastern societies in intercultural exchange. Their impact on cultural, literary, social and political life throughout history should not be underestimated. Furthermore, today Christians in Iraq are a reminder that a society and a culture can never be monolithic, uniform or mono-religious (which is a temptation for some Islamic societies). Recently the situation of Iraqi and Iranian Christians has been complicated by the activity of some evangelical movements undertaken to the detriment of the autochthonous communities. There was much discussion of the proposed autonomous region for Christians in the Nineveh Plain in Iraq. Some advocate a ‘soft autonomy’ that would take into account the shared history of the Christians, as well as their cultural and national concerns; and the need to feel at home in their country. It was pointed out that this last suggestion should not be easily rejected. Rather, one must 160

FINAL REPORT consider it within the perspective of justice for ethnic and religious particularities in the country; it is not a matter of proposing a Christian ghetto. As a matter of fact, the idea of a homeland for indigenous Christian groups, such as the Assyrians, goes back to the end of the First World War. Fears were also expressed in regard to the future of religious minorities in Iraq in general and in this region in particular. The Assembly of the Catholic bishops in Iraq stated on 29th of October 2009 that “the Iraqi Christians are an indigenous component of the Iraqi nation and that their loyalty is to Iraq. They want to continue to live in collaboration with their brothers and sisters in good and in bad and to strengthen the harmonic conviviality. They do not want to live isolated from them in any way”. The beautiful monuments of Christian art and monasticism in Syria and Lebanon bear witness to the spiritual power of Syriac Christianity throughout history. Within their genuine homeland, these Syriac churches as well as individual Christians have engaged themselves in the educational sector, in the domain of literature, arts and administration. In Lebanon the Christian communities, especially the Maronites, have contributed essentially to the various aspects of the socio-cultural and political life of the nation, especially in the area of education with the foundation of a number of schools and of wellknown universities. Their social and political contribution is shaping the country significantly in matters of freedom, human rights and dialogue of cultures.

ON CHALLENGES There is a sharp contrast between the challenges faced in India and the Middle East. The basic reason for this is the difference in the respective constitutions of the nation-states and the embedding in different cultures. The Indian Constitution specifically protects and safeguards the rights of religious and other minorities; this is also the case of the Lebanese Constitution. Though provisions for a protection of religious minorities are not absent from the constitutions of some Middle Eastern states, their application on the local level is often not acknowledged. 161

FINAL REPORT The question of identity is a complex one. Plurality of identities applies to every individual in every society, depending on different contexts: this only becomes a problem when the wider society does not accept, or does not allow for one or more of these identities. In India the axiom “Christian in religion, Indian in culture, and Eastern in worship” expresses the situation accurately. Here an important factor is that Indian culture is seen as a cultural mosaic where all have a place: unity lies in diversity. However, recent politicization of religion among certain sections of Hindu society, leading on occasion to open conflict and violence committed against religious minorities, as well as the emergence of certain propaganda within the Communist government of Kerala aimed at interfering with Christian educational institutions, are serious threats to the Indian culture of religious tolerance and freedom. In the Middle East the problems of identity, and especially Christian identity, are very different. What is lacking in many places is an acceptance of cultural diversity, and of some basic human rights involving a religious and cultural freedom to partake and play a role in the wider society. In order to promote human rights in the Middle East, there is an underlying essential need to achieve peace, justice and stability in this region as a whole. The situation of Christians in Syria is considerably better than in other Middle Eastern countries apart from Lebanon. For example, the government provides land for building places of worship, helps the churches as well as mosques in many other ways. Over a century ago, legislation allowed for the establishment of private schools belonging to churches or to certain religious orders. However, recent legislation has made it no longer possible for churches as institutions to own schools. Despite the comparatively good situation for Christians in Syria, considerable numbers are leaving due to the sense of unease and the increasing marginalization which is experienced by Christians as extremist ideas increasingly make their presence felt, not only in the wider society, but also in some government circles. An essential topic was raised concerning conversions, which are only possible in one direction, with no possibility for return allowed. In mixed marriages the woman can keep her religion, but 162

FINAL REPORT the man has to convert to Islam, and all the children will be raised as Muslims. The situation for Christians in Lebanon is in marked contrast to that elsewhere in the Middle East. Only here is there a widespread feeling of mutual respect and equality, leading to the possibility of effective dialogue on practical matters. The main reason for this is the large number of Christians and of Christian educational institutions where many Muslims are educated. Likewise the freedom of press and other media allows for the possibility of informing public opinion. The situation of Syriac Christians in the Middle East remains fragile and unstable, and will do so as long as the wider political problems, above all the Israel/Palestine question, remain unresolved. If only a real peace could be achieved, then the whole situation for Christians and other minorities in the Middle East would undoubtedly be changed for the better, and many who left might want to return. An acknowledgement of, and respect for, human rights and religious freedom are the key to the successful co-existence of Christians and Muslims.

ON EMIGRATION For Syriac Christians, both in India and the Middle East, migration is not an entirely new phenomenon. Regarding the migration of Syriac Christians from Kerala, it is important to note that they left their country for other states of India or abroad not because of persecution or political problems in India, but mainly for economic reasons. The impact of migration is being felt in every aspect of life in the state of Kerala. In particular, almost all families are affected by migration abroad in one way or another. Their integration into their new cultural environment is different according to the three main destinations: the Gulf region, the United States of America or Europe. The relations of the migrants with their homeland and Syriac Indian culture remains generally very strong, and liturgical worship is still a central part of their social life. In the USA they are more easily assimilated and especially the youth are more oriented to Western culture. Although the economic reasons for the emigration of Syriac Christians from the Middle East are also very important, religious 163

FINAL REPORT and cultural freedom, equal rights, the possibility to participate in the political life, fair educational opportunities are even more important (quite apart from the dire situation in Iraq). In general, Syriac Christians quickly integrate into the local communities of their host countries, taking advantage of educational opportunities. At the same time a change of consciousness in their relationship to the abandoned homeland is taking place. As for the situation of the migrants in their new environment and their relations to their homeland and traditional religious and cultural heritage the following are important points: — For a harmonious integration of the migrant communities, the formation of the church leaders is of great importance, in the theological field as well as in openness to Western contemporary culture. — For emigrated Syriac Christians the question remains, how can they preserve their religious and cultural identity and what influence can and should they exercise back in their homeland? — It is necessary for the Western Churches to seize the opportunity of the presence of the Syriac Christian communities in their midst for a mutual enrichment. Those Churches should assist the emigrated Christians in every possible way to preserve their cultural and spiritual traditions (including their language) and welcome them in their guest society. This could be achieved for instance by making available church and educational facilities. — A difficult problem is: What kind of engagements should Churches and persons or organisations develop with political society and civil authorities to help Syriac Christians to continue to live in their homeland, on the one hand, and to integrate harmoniously in their new environment, with a mutual enrichment for both hosts and guests? — Lately, some countries or governments have encouraged Christians to leave the Middle East: what should be the reaction of our Churches? Another query is how can Christians in the West encourage and help Christians to remain in the Middle East since the fewer the Syriac Christians become in their homeland the more difficulties they face. Migration leads to the fact that many Syriac Christians are in danger of losing their religious and cultural roots. They are often absorbed into the larger Christian Churches of the West, or they 164

FINAL REPORT may become completely secularized. This is a great loss, not only for themselves, but also for the whole of Christendom, the diversity of whose spiritual and cultural richness is thereby impoverished. 9. On the basis of the Second Colloquium Syriacum, participants express their gratitude and their deep desire to pursue this initiative of PRO ORIENTE in the field of the common study of the Syriac tradition. It is to be hoped for that this enriching endeavour may help the Syriac Christians to better preserve and fructify their rich heritage and offer their unique contribution to the search for Christian unity. Participants therefore urge the Forum Syriacum to consider and decide upon the topic for the Third Colloquium Syriacum.

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SECOND PRO ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM – INVITED PARTICIPANTS EXPERT SCHOLARS FROM THE CHURCHES OF SYRIAC TRADITION Mar BOULOS Matar, Archbishop, Beirut/Lebanon (Maronite Church) Mar JOSEPH Powathil, Metropolitan, Changanassery/India (SyroMalabar Church) Mor GREGORIOS Yohanna Ibrahim, Metropolitan, Aleppo/Syria (Syrian Orthodox Church) Mor KURIAKOSE Theophilose, Metropolitan Prof. Dr., Ernakulam/India, Malankara Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary, (Malankara Jacobite Syrian Church) Mar AWA Royel, Bishop Dr., San Jose/California (Assyrian Church of the East) Chor-Bishop AUCHANA Kanoun, Salida/California (Assyrian Church of the East) Fr. CHEDIATH Geevarghese, Prof. Dr., Kattakada/India, St.Mary’s Malankara Catholic Church (Syro-Malankara Catholic Church) Fr. GEORGES Khoshaba, Archdeacon, London/Great Britain (Ancient Church of the East) Fr. KARUKAPARAMBIL Cherian, Dr., Austria (Syro-Malabar Church) Fr. NELPURAPARAMPIL Philip, Dr., Changanassery/India (Director of Ecumenism and Dialogue at the Syro-Malabar Archdiocese of Changanassery) Fr. RIZK Karam, Prof. Dr., Kaslik/Lebanon, Holy Spirit University (Maronite Church) Fr. VARGHESE Baby, Prof. Dr., Kottayam, Kerala/India, The Orthodox Theological Seminary, and St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute (Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church) 167

FINAL REPORT Fr. Pierre YOUSIF, Prof. Dr. Paris/France, Pontificio Istituto Orientale/Rome (Chaldean Church) SHEMUNKASHO Aho, Dr., University of Salzburg/Austria (Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch)

EXTERNAL EXPERT SCHOLARS BROCK Sebastian, Prof. Dr., Oxford University/Great Britain Fr. GRIFFITH Sidney H., Prof. Dr., The Catholic University of America, Washington DC/USA O’MAHONY, Anthony, Dr., Heythrop College, University of London TAMCKE Martin, Dean Prof. Dr., University of Göttingen/Germany TEULE Herman, Prof. Dr., Radboud University Nijmegen/Netherlands

GUESTS Fr. BSTEH Petrus, Austrian Bishops Conference’s Office for Interreligious Dialogue, Vienna/Austria Fr. QUICKE Gabriel, Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Rome/Vatican

PRO ORIENTE Fr. BOUWEN Frans, Jerusalem/Israel MARTE Johann, Dr., President WINKLER Dietmar W., Prof. Dr., Scholarly Director “PRO ORIENTE Studies of the Syriac Tradition”, University of Salzburg/Austria WITTINE Marion, M.A., PRO ORIENTE Secretary General

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