Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies: The Middle East and India 9781463242541

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Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies

Pro Oriente Studies in the Syriac Tradition

4 Series Editor Dietmar W. Winkler

Pro Oriente (Austria), founded in 1964 by the late Cardinal Franz König, focuses on the relationships between the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Christian Churches, and helps the various churches of the Syriac tradition to preserve their unique heritage which is of importance for the whole of Christianity.

Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies

The Middle East and India

Edited by

Dietmar W. Winkler

gp 2020

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2020 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܝܐ‬

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2020

ISBN 978-1-4632-4253-4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preambles ............................................................................... ix Patriarch Louis Cardinal Raphael I Sako .............................................. x Kurt Cardinal Koch ................................................................................ xi Christoph Cardinal Schönborn ............................................................ xii Pro Oriente President Alfons M. Kloss ............................................. xiv Reflections on a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies..... 1 Dietmar W. Winkler I. Citizenship and Participation in Public Life........................ 7 Between the Cross and the Crescent: Co-Existence, Clash of Theologies and Interreligious Dialogue ....................................... 9 Sidney H. Griffith Middle Eastern Christians in the Ottoman Empire and its relationship with the West: The case of the East-Syrians in the Diyarbakir region between the 16th and the early 18th century ............................................................................................. 43 Herman Teule Citizenship and Participation in Public Life – Middle East............. 59 Berge Trabousli Citizenship and Participation in Public Life – India ......................... 83 Mar Teophilose Kuriakose Religious Fundamentalism in India ..................................................... 97 Baby Varghese II. Church-State Implications...............................................109 Religious Freedom in India – Reality, Problems, Perspectives .....111 Mar Joseph Powathil Religious Freedom in the Middle East: Reflecting “Ecclesia in Medio Oriente 26” ......................................................................123 Mar Paul Matar v

TOWARDS A CULTURE OF CO-EXISTENCE III. A Culture of Collaboration .............................................133 Reflections on the Apostolic Exhortation of Benedict XVI and the Papal Visit to Lebanon ..............................................135 Mar Antoine Audo Building Peace Together: Questions and Reflections.....................149 Frans Bouwen A New Culture of Collaboration: Building Peace in India ............165 Philip Nelpuraparambil IV. Ecclesia in Medio Oriente ............................................ 181 Post Synodal Apostolic Exhortation to the Patriarchs, Bishops, Clergy, Consecrated Persons and the lay Faithful on the Church in the Middle East: Communion and Witness .........183 Pope Benedict XVI V. PRO ORIENTE ............................................................. 233 Reflecting on the Scope and the Aim of Pro Oriente’s Forum Syriacum. Some Considerations ................................................235 Archbishop Paul Nabil El-Sayah Fourth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum: Final Report .....243 Fourth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum: Press Release....247 Fourth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum: List of Participants ...................................................................................249

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DEDICATED TO

METROPOLITAN MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL ARCHBISHOP EMERITUS OF CHANGANACHERRY (KERALA/INDIA) ON THE OCCASION OF HIS 90TH BIRTHDAY

Archbishop of Changanacherry (1985–2007) President of Catholic Bishops Conference of India/CBCI (1994–1998) Chair of Kerala Catholic Bishops Council/KCBC (1993–1996) Chairman of Education Commission of the CBCI Member of the Post Asian Synodal Council in Rome since 1998 Chairman of KCBC Commission for Education since 1986 Founder Chairman of Inter Church Council for Education Promotor of PRO ORIENTE’s Syriac Dialogue since its beginnings in 1994 vii

CARDINAL PATRIARCH LOUIS RAPHAEL I The PRO ORIENTE Foundation has the merit of making known to many people in the East and West, our ancient Christian traditions, theology, spirituality and history that has been affected by numerous challenges including emigration. PRO ORIENTE remains for us a sign of hope, in terms of maintaining our heritage and the reunion of sister Churches. Therefore, I am so grateful for its commitment in initiating and supporting dialogue and reconciliation among the Eastern Churches, especially the Churches of Syriac tradition. We pray and hope always that fraternity and peace be strengthened across different regions of the Middle East, which is distracted by internal conflicts and war. However, we believe that the Christian life is founded on hope based on Jesus’ words “do not be so afraid” (Mt 10:31) that encourages us to be and to remain a sign of hope wherever He has planted us. Last but not least, I would like to salute Mar Joseph Powathil for his daring Ecclesial Leadership, his vision and wisdom. He proudly maintained the authenticity of the Eastern Church heritage in addition to his valued contribution to the research of PRO ORIENTE. May God bless him with good health and long life. Cardinal Louis Raphael I Sako Patriarch of the Chaldeans

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CARDINAL KURT KOCH The present volume highlights the vital topic of a Culture of CoExistence in Pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India. Dialogue between cultures and religions is the only way to peace and reconciliation. It helps us to rediscover the unity and harmony of the human family. Co-existence in a pluralistic society presupposes such dialogue, and entails reciprocal respect and mutual understanding. Wherever there is a diversity of cultures, every person and therefore every Christian has the duty and right to participate fully in public life. In this respect, religious freedom is a sacred and inalienable right and finds its natural origin in the dignity of the person. Today we are called to share the daily sufferings of all those who are persecuted because of their religion, in the prayer that “from shared suffering can blossom forth forgiveness, reconciliation and peace, with God’s help”, as the Holy Father Pope Francis expressed it when he addressed His Holiness Coptic Pope Tawadros II during their meeting on 10 May 2013. I wish to express my appreciation of the endeavours of eminent scholars who guide research in the field of promoting a culture of dialogue, religious harmony and, indeed, unity among Christians. I especially thank the PRO ORIENTE Foundation for its steadfast and generous commitment to promoting Christian unity. Christians will speak more convincingly if they speak with one voice in addressing questions in contemporary pluralistic societies. United by one Baptism, we should walk together towards peace and harmony. Kurt Cardinal Koch President Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Vatican

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CHRISTOPH CARDINAL SCHÖNBORN The present volume embraces a theme of outstanding importance with its studies towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India. In this very moment when the pluralistic framework of societies in the Middle East (to a much lesser degree in India) is in danger, it is of outmost importance to remember to the whole world community that the tradition and history of the Middle East is marked by a pluralist approach. Also, after the so-called Arab conquest, societies in the Middle East for a long time remained largely Christian. In one way or the other Christians and Muslims arranged a system of co-existence. We cannot understand the history of the countries of the Middle East without remembering those circumstances. Unfortunately, many of our contemporaries in the West are not aware of this reality. Therefore, I am particularly grateful for the theme chosen by PRO ORIENTE. I do know that this topic was a suggestion of Mar Gregorios Youhanna Ibrahim, our dear friend for whose liberation – together with that of the Greek Orthodox Metropolitan of Aleppo, Mar Boulos Yazigi – we are continuously praying. Mar Gregorios has been an outstanding personality of the Oriental churches, a hero of Christianity in a dark contest. My special thanks and appreciation go to Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil, founding member of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum. His great commitment for dialogue within the Churches of Syriac Tradition and for the Ecumenical Movement and his active concern for the poor are rooted in his deep spirituality.

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CHRISTOPH CARDINAL SCHÖNBORN I am sure that our common prayers are powerful for all the Christians and the people of good will who are victims of violence of the war in Syria. We implore Our Father in Heaven to grant peace and tranquility to the suffering people of Syria and the other countries of the Middle East. Christoph Cardinal Schönborn Archbishop of Vienna President of the board of trustees of PRO ORIENTE

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PRO ORIENTE PRESIDENT ALFONS M. KLOSS “Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies” is a central theme in the world of today, across all continents. In fact, there are no longer any closed societies. It is even more interesting to get to know and analyze historical models of co-existence in various cultural areas in order to draw conclusions for the present. It is not about using a romantic and conflict-obscuring view of e.g. the system of the oriental cities with their different “mahallas” for the various religious groups, but about a sober perspective that knows how to distinguish and name clearly positive and negative aspects. This is what PRO ORIENTE has undertaken as part of its “Syriac Dialogue” with regard to situations in the Middle East and in India, as is documented in this volume. PRO ORIENTE owes – along with the entire ecumenical movement – a lot to the testimony and the experience of hierarchs and theologians of the Syriac tradition. This applies in particular to the retired Syro-Malabar Archbishop of Changanacherry, Mar Joseph Powathil, who is an honorary member of PRO ORIENTE and who celebrated his 90th birthday in August 2020. For many years he has been a pillar of the “Syriac Dialogue”, the last time he participated in one of its meetings was in February 2017 in Vienna. In the gatherings in 2019, in Glane (Netherlands) in February, and in Vienna in November, this was no longer possible, but he sent a moving greeting address to the “Forum Syriacum” members, writing among other things: “I can never forget the deep friendship between the members of the Forum Syriacum that enriched my whole Episcopal ministry. I am indebted to them a lot”. We are indebted to him. Right from the start of the Syriac Dialogue in 1994, he has been one of the most distinguished partners in this dialogue. His ecclesial wisdom helped PRO ORIENTE to better understand the importance of the Syriac tradition of Christianity. We learned how deeply the Syriac tradition – together with, or even more xiv

ALFONS M. KLOSS than the Latin and the Greek tradition – is one of the pillars of Christianity, particularly valuable due to its proximity to the earthly life of Jesus Christ and to the early Christians, based on the Syriac language and the antiquity of its noble traditions. Thanks to his in-depth knowledge of the ancient East Syriac theological and liturgical tradition of the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church, he made a great contribution to the academic work of the Syriac Dialogue with repercussions for the pastoral practice in India. In accordance with the directives of Vatican II, he made strenuous efforts, in an admirable way, for the restoration of the Syriac character of the liturgy of the Syro-Malabar Church, which has been proclaiming and living the gospel in India for almost 2000 years, in the footsteps of Holy Apostle Thomas. Mar Joseph Powathil always looked beyond the borders of his own church: as chairman of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, in which the bishops of the Latin, Syro-Malabar and SyroMalankar rites are represented, but also in the ecumenical as well as in the interfaith dialogue. Moreover, he dedicated himself to the service of the marginalized, mentally and physically handicapped children, as well as the socially disadvantaged, the “Dalit”. In doing so, he did not only preach the gospel including its social dimension, but he also contributed a lot to the cultural and literary renewal in the state of Kerala. In addition, he gave – and still gives – a shining example of practical living co-existence in a profoundly pluralistic society like India. PRO ORIENTE considers Mar Joseph Powathil a true friend of Austria. This friendship was particularly expressed when he, as a young Bishop of Kanjirapally, established a partnership with the Austrian diocese of Eisenstadt in the Austrian province of Burgenland. This partnership is still extremely fruitful and useful for both sides. Therefore, it was a special pleasure for us that the Bishop of Eisenstadt, Mons. Ägidius J. Zsifkovics, was present in February 2020 at the opening of a new center for theological and liturgical studies in Changanacherry, which bears the name of Mar Joseph so that his doctrine, his spirit and his example will continue to have an impact in Kerala and beyond. Alfons M. Kloss President PRO ORIENTE Foundation, Austria xv

REFLECTIONS ON A CULTURE OF CO-EXISTENCE AND DIALOGUE IN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES DIETMAR W. WINKLER SALZBURG /AUSTRIA

When the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum met in November 2012 at the invitation of H.G. Archbishop Mar Boulos Matar in Harissa (Lebanon) to reflect on our future work for dialogue, our working days included also a Study Seminar. It was a reflection and discussion about the purpose and goal of our studies with the Churches of Syriac Tradition in the changing political, religious and ecumenical contexts. Archbishop Paul Nabil El-Sayah gave an external impulse, which is also published in the present book, since he has been very much involved in ecumenical endeavors in the Middle East and has a long experience with the Middle East Council of Churches (MECC). We also met the Maronite Patriarch H.B. Cardinal Bechara Boutros El-Rai in Bkerke, H.H. Patriarch of blessed memory Mor Ignatius Zakka I. Iwas in Bikfaya and H.H. Catholicos Aram I Keshishian in Antelias. The talks with these Church leaders as well as our own intense reflections brought us to the topic of a Culture of Co-Existence in pluralistic societies in the Middle East and in India. Very much remembered is H.G. Mar Gregorios Y. Ibrahim, who came to Harissa with great difficulty from then encircled and already mostly isolated Aleppo. Having the war in Syria in mind, in our meeting in Beirut, Mar Gregorios said: “I still believe that the changes in the area make everybody feel the Christians like the losers, like in Iraq. So my question is, what can we do for all these countries? Is it possible to do something for the culture of citizenship and co1

DIETMAR W. WINKLER existence?” PRO ORIENTE picked up the suggestion and developed it further. Mar Gregorios, however, is unfortunately not among us, he was abducted together with Metropolitan Paul Yazigi of the Greek Orthodox Church on April 22, 2013. The success of the PRO ORIENTE Syriac Dialogue sessions is to a great extent due to such leading figures like Mar Gregorios with openness and clarity and a focus to the essentials. THE PRESENT VOLUME The fourth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum focussed on a culture of co-existence in pluralistic societies in the Middle East and in India. The topic was approached from various different angles and the papers are presented here. At first, Sidney H. Griffith and Herman Teule take a profound look into history. Berge Traboulsi analyses citizenship and public life in the Middle East with special reference on human rights and Islamic law, while Mor Theophilose Kuriakose and Baby Varghese elaborate on fundamentalism, citizenship and participation in public life in India. Church-state relations with emphasis on religious freedom are analysed by Mar Paul Matar for the Middle East with special reference to the Apostolic Exhortation “Ecclesia in Medio Oriente” and by Mar Joseph Powathil for India. Perspectives towards a culture of collaboration and building peace are elaborated in the papers of Mar Antoine Audo SJ, Frans Bouwen MAfr and Philip Nelpuraparambil. PRO ORIENTE might not be able to contribute to immediate peace-making, which has to be a political task, but we may contribute substantially to peace-keeping, to support a peaceful co-existence by developing ideas, prospects, and chances. Reflecting on achievements, developing perspectives and visions for the future, not only in theory but also in practice, giving political impulses, and lobbying for a peaceful living together is the very task of PRO ORIENTE. In a special section, the post-synodical Exhortation on the Middle East Synod “Ecclesia in Medio Oriente” by H.H. Pope Benedict XVI is presented here. It contains most valuable aspects for a culture of co-existence and is also complementary to the documents, i.e. the propositions and the Message of the Synod, which was published in

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REFLECTIONS ON A CULTURE OF CO-EXISTENCE the third volume of the PRO ORIENTE Studies in Syriac Tradition. 1 These documents have to be received, reflected and implemented. FIRST REFLECTIONS ON DIALOGUE AND A CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE

Throughout the world, we are experiencing the fact that members of different nations and religions face each other in war – in contradiction to their Holy Scriptures, but with inflamed nationalist emotions or influenced by ideology, which not seldom might be strengthened by religion. It is neither necessary nor possible in this short introduction to go deeper into these conflicts, we hear about them every day, e.g. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Iraq and in many other places in the world. Members of different religions are in conflict with each other. At the same time, it is often difficult to discern whether they are nationalist, political or social tensions using religious views and/or feelings as instruments to accomplish political purposes. In past and present, religion and religious movements were and are misused and the ideals of the respective holy scriptures were sometimes misunderstood, often distorted. Whether in concrete life or in theory, without patient dialogue, no lasting peaceful resolutions can be arrived at. Without respectful tolerance and peace between the religions no lasting peace among the peoples and cultures are to be attained. But it would not need the catastrophe of war (like in Syria or in Iraq) that demonstrate the need and importance, indeed the necessity of developing a culture of co-existence and dialogue: The world over, our age experiences an encounter, not seldom even a mixing of culture, religions, and peoples as never before in the history of humankind. This experience is even multiplied by media, which transport images from all over the world into our living rooms, and by social networks that link together people whether they know each other or not. The new possibilities of transportation, social media and mass communication have relativized all distances and made the world small. Everywhere we may experience the richness and variety of traditions, cultures, ways of thinking, languages, and religions in the 1

Cf. Dietmar W. Winkler, Middle Eastern Christians Facing Challenges. Reflections on the Special Synod for the Middle East (POSST 3). Piscataway 2019.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER nations and continents of the world. The encounter with what was until then unknown and strange is experienced by many as a gift, but others experience it as unsettling and threatening to their very own identity. The latter react with anxiety, defensiveness and exclusion. The question of living with each other in one world, in pluralistic societies, manifests itself in stark clarity as a question of survival for the future of humankind. Regional conflicts and wars are not only the result of different ways of thinking, different political approaches and different religions; they are even more the result of political ideologies, of fights about recourses and living space. Our world has become more and more consciously a space of common fate for all women and men – wars like in Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, or ecological catastrophes like Chernobyl, Fukushima and the Climate change only have losers. We are all affected jointly although sometimes people from one region in the world would mean the events from another region would not affect them. Thus, we are joined together by the same problems, like that of the just distribution of the goods of this earth. Agreements and treaties can solve some of these problems, and others can draw on scientific advice. To resolve ethical problems, to establish a common responsibility and to recognize a meaning and value in the whole life the religions would be drawn into the plan, both individually and jointly. However, religions are often instrumentalized and proponents of the various religions let themselves instrumentalise; they get misused and people allow themselves to become misused. This takes place because faith and believe touch the very inner; we would say the soul of the individual human being. The knowledge of the other is small; the fear of the stranger and the strange is big. Dialogue, encounter and get to know each other are a precondition for the religions to establish a common responsibility for the world. In the history of the so-called three Abrahamitic religions – Judaism, Christianity, and Islam – that through their belief in the one God are bound together in a special way – there have been epochs, places of peaceful living together, and mutual great respect. However, we have to confirm that seemingly much more often have there been conflicts and enmities, wars and murderous persecutions in which always the weaker ones were the victims. Throughout history, none of these three religions may claim for her, she has been only victim and never perpetrator. 4

REFLECTIONS ON A CULTURE OF CO-EXISTENCE We cannot erase those events of the past, but we have to do our ultimate best for peace, justice and reconciliation. It is necessary to pick up dialogue and to look for possible dialogues even when the partner is difficult and unwilling. We have to live in pluralistic societies and find ways, how we can do this best, or at least as good as possible. PRO ORIENTE’s founder Cardinal Franz König, once wrote: “In dialogue it is possible to discern better those things which are common, similar and different. The temptation is great to maintain that one’s own conviction is the only correct one and that one’s own faith community is the best, and thus ascribe to one’s own confessional, religious and cultural identity an absolute validity, thereby denying truth and the right of existence to the other. Dialogue, however, demands modesty and patience and a readiness to see that one’s fellow humans also have a living faith, a high culture and traditions worth holding onto.” 2 Now, we would ask for reciprocity, since seemingly, Christians have a concept of dialogue and others do not. The catholic theologian Leonard Swidler (Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA) developed a Dialogue Decalogue as ground rules for interreligious and interideological dialogue. 3 Only two, which might help for discussion on co-existence in pluralistic societies, shall be mentioned: First, dialogue must be a two-sided project. And another important principle, which I regard as extremely important but is usually neglected, is that “we must not compare our ideals with our partner’s practice, but our ideals with our partner’s ideals, our practice with our partner’s practice.” 4

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Cardinal Franz König, “Foreword”, in: Leonards Swidler (ed), Theoria → Praxis: How Jews, Christians, and Muslims can together move from Theory to Practice. Leuven: Peeters 1998, 3. 3 Cf. Leonard Swidler, “The Dialogue Decalogue. Ground rules for interreligious and interideological dialogue”, in: Ibid. 24–29. The “Dialogue Decalogue” was first published in the Journal of Ecumenical Studies in 1983 and has been translated into more than a dozen languages. Cf. also: https://dialogueinstitute.org/dialogue-principles/ (retrieved September 24, 2020). 4 Ibid. 26.

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DIETMAR W. WINKLER MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL: DIALOGUE, EDUCATION AND SPIRITUALITY Living together and dialogue in pluralistic societies has several levels. One is the practical area, which sometimes is called the “dialogue of life”, where we collaborate with each other to help humanity. This would be already a great achievement if it were realized the world over. Another level would be the cognitive, sometimes called the “dialogue of truth”, where we try to seek how the other understands truth, his/her religion and/or ideology. A third level of dialogue would be the experience of the depth of the spiritual dimension of the other. PRO ORIENTE experienced Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil, Metropolitan em. of Changanacherry, as a man, who brought in all these three dimensions of dialogue. The Syro-Malabar Church in which he was born and brought up, was always close to his heart and he devoted his ministry for its original identity in the Syriac heritage. He promoted education and formation to priests, religious and the laity. His concern for the marginalized, underprivileged, street children, the ill and poor let him initiate a number of projects for their development. As a most erudite man, who still is prolific, productive and publishing, Mar Powathil also has a broad pastoral perspective that transcends denominational and religious boarders. He is well known in the Ecumenical Movement and the Church’s fellowship with followers of other religions. The source of Mar Joseph Powathil is his deep spirituality. Meditation, the Eucharist and prayer, his solid faith and life in the Spirit strengthen him and lead him to his commitment as expressed in his episcopal motto “In Truth and Charity”. Mar Joseph Powathil is a founding member of the PRO ORIENTE Forum Syriacum and contributed substantially to the unofficial dialogue within the Churches of Syriac Tradition from its beginnings. The present book is dedicated to him on the occasion of his 90th birthday. Dietmar W. Winkler Research Director of the PRO ORIENTE Studies of the Syriac Tradition Salzburg, September 2020

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BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT: CO-EXISTENCE, CLASH OF THEOLOGIES AND INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH WASHINGTON DC/USA

1. CO-EXISTENCE/CONVIVENCIA a. Arabia in the Seventh Century Muslims and Christians have lived together in the Arab world and beyond from the very beginning of Islam. Indeed, the Qur’ān itself addresses the Arabic-speaking Christians in its audience directly, albeit never actually calling them “Christians”. For its own reasons, the Qur’ān calls them “Nazarenes” (an-Naşārā) some fourteen times, meaning they are followers of Jesus the Nazarene, the Messiah, Mary’s son, the “messenger of God” (rasūl Allāh), as the Qur’ān would have it. Once the Qur’ān calls these Nazarenes “Gospel People” (V al-Mā’idah 47), but most often it includes them along with the Jews and others among the “Scripture People” (ahl al-kitāb), to whom the text refers some fifty-four times. While occasionally speaking positively of these Christians, “You shall find the closest in affection to the believers those who say, ‘We are Nazarenes’,” (V alMā’idah 82), the Qur’ān for the most part critiques Christian beliefs and practices and calls upon Christians not to exaggerate their religion (IV an-Nisā’ 171; V al-Mā’idah 77) and in particular to confess that “Jesus is but God’s messenger, and His word, which He imparted to Mary, and a spirit from Him.” (IV an-Nisā’ 171). The point 9

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH is that the Qur’ān itself testifies that Christians, and especially Aramaic/Syriac speaking Christians, were present to Islam in its very origins, and, as we shall see, they were integrally involved in the processes that led to the formation of the classical Islamic culture. There is a wealth of information scattered in mainly Greek, Syriac, and Arabic texts about the Christian communities that found their way in the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries into the Arabic-speaking heartland. In recent years, scholars have indefatigably gathered every shred of available information they have been able to glean from all of these sources and more, thereby providing sufficient material for the composition of a more or less continuous narrative of Christian presence in Arabia and its environs from the fourth century to the time of Muhammad. 1 And it seems clear from these sources that the major Christian communities who made headway among the Arabs in the several centuries just prior to the rise of Islam were associated with the communities or denominations that later Muslim writers would customarily identify as the ‘Melkites’, ‘Jacobites’ and ‘Nestorians’. 2 Their principal ecclesiastical language was Syriac, or Christian 1

See J. Spencer Trimingham, Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (London & New York: Longman, 1979); Theresia Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam (Eastern Christian Studies; Leuven: Peeters, 2007) with its rich and comprehensive bibliography. See also the monumental work of Irfan Shahid, Rome and the Arabs: A Proloegoenon to the Study of Byzantium and the Arabs (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984); Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984); Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1989); Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century (vol. I, parts 1–2; Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1995); Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century (vol. II, part 1; Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2002); Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century: Economic, Social, and Cultural History (vol. II, part 2; Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2009). The series is projected to conclude with volumes on the seventh century. See too Fergus Millar, “Christian Monasticism in Roman Arabia at the Birth of Mahomet,” and Robert Hoyland, “Late Roman Provincia Arabia, Monophysite Monks and Arab Tribes: A Problem of Centre and Periphery,” in Semitica et Classica 2 (2009), pp. 97–115 & 117–139. 2 One uses the names ‘Melkite’, ‘Jacobite’ and ‘Nestorian’ with some reluctance, realizing that they are anachronistic and polemical in origin, coined

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BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT Palestinian Aramaic among the ‘Melkites’, albeit that their ecclesial identities were largely determined by the positions their communities adopted in the Christological controversies of the fifth and sixth centuries. These controversies in turn were largely concerned with texts translated from Greek into Syriac from the fifth century onward. 3 In South Arabia, there was also a significant Ethiopian presence, and while their Christological sympathies were with the ‘Jacobites’ and the Copts of Egypt, the Ethiopians’ ecclesiastical language was Ge’ez. 4 The historical record preserves no memory of any other significant Christian presence thriving among the Arabs or in their environs in the crucial period from the fifth century to the first third of the seventh century. In particular, as we shall discuss below, there is no indisputable, documentary evidence for the presence of any notable ‘Jewish Christian’ group thriving as such in Arabia in this period. Modern scholars who have postulated their presence have done so, as we shall argue, on the basis of extrapolations from their theological interpretations of certain passages in the Arabic Qur’ān. But

by the adversaries of the communities to which they are applied, viz. the Eastern/Greek Orthodox Church, the Syrian/Oriental Orthodox Churches, and the Assyrian Church of the East respectively. The problematic names were used for centuries by both Muslim and Christian writers and have become commonplace. See Sebastian Brock, “The ‘Nestorian’ Church: A Lamentable Misnomer,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 23–35. 3 See D.S. Wallace Hadrill, Christian Antioch: A Study of Early Christian Thought in the East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Jaroslav Pelikan, The Spirit of Eastern Christendom (600–1700) (The Christian Tradition, vol. 2; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974); Adam H. Becker, Fear of God and the Beginning of Wisdom: The School of Nisibis and Christian Scholastic Culture in Late Antique Mesopotamia (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Stephen J. Davis, Coptic Christology in Practice: Incarnation and Divine Participation in Late Antique and Medieval Egypt (Oxford Early Christian Studies; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008); Volker L. Menze, Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church (Oxford Early Christian Studies; Oxford: University Press, 2008). 4 For a brief historical sketch and bibliography, see Wolfgang Hage, Das orientalische Christentum (Die Religionen der Menschheit, vol. 29.2; Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 2007), pp. 202–206.

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SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH it nevertheless seems also to have been the case that the ‘main-line’ Christian communities (i.e., the ‘Melkites’, ‘Jacobites’, and ‘Nestorians’), whose bishops, priests, and monks represented established Christianity in the Syriac and Arabic-speaking communities by the seventh century, also still carried with them much of the lore and literature of earlier Christian groups, such as the Aramaic-speaking Ebionites, Elchasaites, and Nazarenes, along with the memory of the more or less contemporary ‘Marcionites’ (Marcion d. c. 160) and the followers of Bardaysān of Edessa (154–222), to name only the most prominent of earlier Christian groups. Given the evidentiary presumption then that Christianity came among the Arabic-speaking peoples by way of their contacts with Aramaic, Syriac, or Ge’ez-speaking Christians on the periphery of Arabia proper, a question arises about the language of Christianity among the Arabs. It seems unlikely a priori that indigenous, Arabicspeaking Christians in the Arabian heartland, who would have learned their Christianity from the communities on the Arabian periphery, would have adopted the Aramaic, Syriac or Ge’ez languages along with their Christian faith. Rather, the historian’s presumption must be that the Arabs on the periphery translated Christianity at least orally into their own Arabic language. This would not have been a surprising development because of the likely bilingualism of the Arabs living on the periphery of Arabia proper, especially in Syria and Mesopotamia. In northern Mesopotamia there was an entire region between the city of Nisibis and the Tigris river called in Syriac, Bēt ‘Arbāyê, or ‘the homeland of the Arabs’. 5 Here in the sixth century, the Syrian Orthodox holy man and bishop, Mār Ahūdemeh (d.575), had considerable success in evangelizing the Arab tribes, who would in due course come to have their own ‘Bishop of the Arabs’. 6 Some of their number would become known in early Islamic

5

See R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus (2 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879–1901: reprint; Hildesheim & New York: Georg Olms, 1981), vol. II, col. 2983. 6 See Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam, pp. 106–110. See too Jack Tannous, “Between Christology and Kalām? The Life and Letters of George, Bishop of the Arab Tribes,” in George A. Kiraz (ed.), Malphono wRabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgians Press, 2008), pp. 671–716.

12

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT times precisely for their bilingualism, speaking both Syriac and Arabic. 7 The situation must have been similar already in the fifth century in Palestine, where the monastic founder St. Euthymius (d.473) evangelized Arab tribesmen and established an episcopal hierarchy among them. 8 In the areas controlled by the ‘Jacobite’ Ghassanids and the ‘Nestorian’ Lakhmids in the sixth century, Arabic may already have been the dominant language, 9 but their ties with the Syriac-speaking ‘Jacobite’ and ‘Nestorian’ churches were continuous. Presumably the same may be said even of the Christian communities in southern Arabia, and particularly in Najrān, where ties with the Syriac-speaking mother-churches seem to have been continuous up to the rise of Islam. 10 In the fifth and sixth centuries the south Arabian tribal group called Kinda gained ascendancy among the Arab tribes even of central and northern Arabia, and there were notable Christian and Jewish converts among them. And while it may well have been the case that the Christians among them played a major role in the spread of the knowledge of Christianity among the Arabic-speaking peoples; their major exploits all seem to have been mostly political in nature and to have transpired normally on the

7 See the report of Michael the Syrian in J.-B. Chabot (ed. & trans.), Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche, 1166–1199 (4 vols.; Paris: Leroux, 1899–1924), vol. II, p. 422 (Syriac) & vol. IV, p. 432. 8 See Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam, 41–42. 9 See the discussion of Louis Cheikho’s claims for pre-Islamic, Arabic literature in Camille Hechaïmé, Louis Cheikho et son livre: Le Christianisme et la littérature chrétienne en Arabie avant l’islam; etude critique (Beyrouth: Dar elMachreq, 1967. See now Irfan Shahid, The Arabs in Late Antiquity: Their Role, Achievement, and Legacy (The Margaret Weyerhaeuser Jewett Chair of Arabic, Occasional Papers; Beirut: The American University of Beirut, 2008); Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. II, part 2, pp. 297–302; 321–337. See also Elizabeth Key Fowden, The Barbarian Plain: Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999). 10 See René Tardy, Najrân: Chrétiens d’Arabie avant l’Islam (Recherches, 8; Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1999).

13

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH Arabian periphery, among the Romans in Palestine or the Persians in Mesopotamia. 11 There is scant, but there is some explicit evidence in the Greek, Syriac, and even Arabic historical sources for a presence of Christians among the Arabic-speaking peoples of central Arabia and the Hijāz in the sixth and seventh centuries, 12 where presumably only Arabic was commonly spoken. And the contents of the Arabic Qur’ān that has its origins in just this Arabic-speaking milieu testifies to the fact that by the first third of the seventh century knowledge of Christianity, of its scriptures, its lore, its doctrines and practices must have been widespread in the Arabic-speaking heartland. For the Qur’ān presumes a fairly detailed knowledge of these matters on the part of its audience. So the question is, how did they acquire it? The answer seems to be that by the time of the Qur’ān, fairly detailed knowledge of the Christian Bible, the Christian creed and liturgy had already spread orally among the Arabs, presumably transmitted originally from those Arameans and Arabs living on the Arabian periphery, who were in more immediate contact, both with the Syriac -speaking Christians whose faith and practice the Qur’ān largely echoes, and the Ge’ez-speaking Christians of Ethiopia and South Arabia, who were themselves influenced by Syriac Christianity. 13 While very few traces of Christian texts in Arabic prior to the rise of Islam have so far come to light, the Arabic Qur’ān itself, given the high quotient of its Christian awareness, emerges as the most important document in evidence of the presence of Aramean Christians in its Arabian milieu.

11

See Irfan Shahid, “Kinda,” in EI, rev. ed., vol. V, pp. 118–120; Gunnar Olinder, The Kings of Kinda of the Family of Ākil al-Murār (Lund: H. Ohlsson, 1927). See also Irfan Shahid, “Byzantium and Kinda,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 53 (1960), pp. 57–73; idem, “Procopius and Kinda,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 53 (1960), pp. 74–78. 12 See Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam, pp. 137–142; Ghada Osman, “Pre-Islamic Arab Converts to Christianity in Meca and Medina: An Investigation into the Arabic Sources,” The Muslim World 95 (2005), pp. 67– 80. 13 See A.M Butts, “Ethiopic Christianity, Syriac Contacts with,” in S.P. Brock et al. (eds.), Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011), pp. 148–153.

14

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT b. The World of Islam After the Arab conquest and occupation of almost all of the territories of the Oriental Patriarchates of the Christians (Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem) in the course of the seventh Christian century, large communities of hitherto Greek, Syriac, Coptic, and Armenianspeaking Christians joined the already Arabic-speaking Christians of the original milieu of Muhammad and the Qur’ān as ‘People of the Book’, living in the midst of the ‘Community of Believers’, with a guaranteed legal status of their own, albeit one that required them to pay a special poll tax and to adopt a low social profile as subaltern citizens in the World of Islam. 14 For in due course, and within about two centuries after the death of Muhammad, the territories under Arab rule grew into the Islamic Commonwealth, 15 and became the World of Islam. As Albert Hourani memorably wrote By the third and fourth Islamic centuries (the ninth or tenth century AD), something which was recognizably an “Islamic World” had emerged. (...) Men and women in the Near East and the Maghrib lived in a universe which was defined in terms of Islam. (...) Time was marked by the five daily prayers, the weekly sermon in the Mosque, the annual fast in the month of Ramadan and the pilgrimage to Mecca and the Muslim calendar. 16

The process of the enculturation of the several communities of Christians into this new world most notably involved the adoption of the Arabic language, not only as the idiom of public life in the caliphate, but as an ecclesiastical, even liturgical and theological language. It began as a project to translate the scriptures and other

14 See Youssef Courbage & Philippe Fargues, Christians and Jews under Islam (trans. Judy Mabro; London & New York: I.B. Tauris, 1997); Yohanan Friedman, Tolerance and Coercion is Islam: Interfaith Relations in Muslim Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 15 See Garth Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). 16 Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab People (New York: Warner Books, 1992), pp. 54–57.

15

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH Church books into Arabic, and to write original theological and apologetic texts in the Arabic of Islamic religious discourse; 17 it culminated in a large Christian presence in the intellectual and cultural life of the classical period of the Islamic Commonwealth, extending well into the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 18 During this half millennium of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim convivencia in the heartlands of the Arabic-speaking peoples after the Islamic conquest, 19 relations between Muslims and Christians were constant, often intellectually and culturally complimentary, mutually comprehensible, but both confrontational and cooperative at the same time.

17

See Sidney H. Griffith, “The Monks of Palestine and the Growth of Christian Literature in Arabic,” The Muslim World 78 (1988), pp. 1–28; “From Aramaic to Arabic: The Languages of the Monasteries of Palestine in the Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51 (1997), pp. 11–31. 18 See Samir Khalil Samir, Foi et culture en Irak au XIe siècle: Élie de Nisibe et l’Islam (Collected Studies Series, 544; Aldershot, UK: Variorum/Ashgate, 1966); Sidney H. Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque:Christians and Muslims in the World of Islam (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008); idem, “Syrian Christian Intellectuals in the World of Islam: Faith, the Philosophical Life, and the Quest for an Interreligious Convivencia in Abbasid Times,” Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 7 (2007), pp. 55– 73. 19 The Spanish term ‘convivencia’ is normally used to describe the living situation of Jews, Christians and Muslims in al-Andalus in the medieval period. Some writers view the period somewhat romantically, envisioning a time of tolerance and enlightenment. See, e.g., María Menocal, The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain (Boston: Little, Brown, 2002). The present writer views this account of affairs in Spain to be more legendary than real; see Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, 154–155. Nevertheless, convivencia is an apt term to suggest the modes of mutual accommodation of Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the wider World of Islam and particularly in reference to Baghdad and its environs from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. See Griffith, “Syrian Christian Intellectuals,” cited in the previous note.

16

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT In the end, from the thirteenth century onward, due to numerous disabling factors, 20 including developments in Islamic religious thinking, 21 the numbers of Christians living in the Islamic world gradually declined to virtual demographic insignificance in some areas, reaching crisis proportions in certain places by the dawn of the twenty-first century, when the twin forces of emigration and antiChristian hostility became entwined to such a degree in some places that they threatened the very existence of a continued Christian presence there. 22 Over the course of the long, early history of Arab Christian relations with Islam, extending roughly from the mid-ninth century to the mid-thirteenth century, in the environs first of Baghdad and then of Cairo, several areas of Christian intellectual and cultural accomplishment stand out. These areas of Arab Christian accomplishment may the most usefully be identified under three headings: translation and cultural assimilation; inter-religious colloquy; and the IslamoChristian cultivation of philosophy, especially in Baghdad and its environs from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. Although the study of Christianity in its Arabic expression is in its infancy, especially in western academic circles, the landmark publication of Georg Graf’s Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur,

20

See the accounts of difficulties, disabilities, and persecutions in Bat Ye’or, The Decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam: From Jihad to Dhimmitude; SeventhTwentieth Century (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1996). One must be aware of the extreme anti-Islamic prejudice of this and other recent publications by Bat Ye’or. Nevertheless, it is to this author’s credit to have highlighted the need for systematic study of the cumulative effects over time of the Islamic legislation regarding the People of the Book on the factual diminution of Jewish and Christian communities in the world of Islam. 21 These developments are discussed with characteristic insight in Fazlur Rahman, Revival and Reform in Islam: A Study of Islamic Fundamentalism (ed. Ebrahim Moosa; Oxford: One World, 2000/2003). 22 See Jean-Pierre Valognes, Vie et mort des chrétiens d’Orient: Des origines à nos jours (Paris: Fayard, 1994); Andrea Pacini (ed.), Christian Communities in the Arab Middle East: The Challenge of the Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).

17

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH completed by the middle of the twentieth century, 23 provided the impetus for a surge of international scholarly interest in Christian Arabic that by now has reached a point that allows the researcher to discern and discuss the main areas of Arab Christian intellectual and cultural accomplishment in the early Islamic period. While there is much yet to be done in the areas of text-editing, translation, and historical interpretation, and especially in the area of the study of the Bible in Arabic, 24 just enough has been achieved to provide the first glimpses of a panoramic view of Christian/Muslim cultural and intellectual relations in the early Islamic period. The problem now is to bring this view to the attention of the present-day scholarly community, who seldom take notice of it. But more important for the present purpose is the question of how inter-Christian relations fared among the Arabic-speaking Christians in the Islamic world. From the very beginnings of Christian Arabic literature, writers in the several ecclesial communities, generally subsumed under the three denominations of ‘Melkites’, ‘Jacobites’, and ‘Nestorians’ in Arabic, carried on with the same church-dividing Christological disputes that had engaged their forebears who wrote in Greek, Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, or Georgian. In fact, the ecclesial identities of the enduring churches in the East did not come to their maturity until well after the rise of Islam. This being the case, and since most of the non-Chalcedonian Christians lived under Muslim rule, one must consider the challenge of Islam as itself having been a factor in the Christian community building process in the Islamic milieu. The several churches came to their maturity largely without interference

23

See Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur (5 vols., Studi e Testi, 118, 133, 146, 147, 142; Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1944–1953. For subsequent general accounts of Muslim/Christian relations in Arabic see Bénédicte Landron, Chrétiens et musulmans en Irak: Attitudes Nestoriennes vis-à-vis de l’Islam (Paris: Cariscript, 1994); Jean-Marie Gaudeul, Encounters and Clashes: Islam and Christianity in History (2 vols.; rev. ed.; Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e Islamici, 2000); David Thomas & Barbara Roggema (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (vol. I (600–900); Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2009). 24 See Sidney H. Griffith, The Bible in Arabic: The Scriptures of the ‘People of the Book’ in the Language of Islam (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013).

18

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT from or significant contact for long periods of time with the patriarchal sees of either Constantinople or Rome. These circumstances provided the historical situation of creedal and cultural estrangement that in turn produced the perception of alienation on the part of the Christians of the Islamic world from their co-religionists in the West. One might even take the appearance of this phenomenon to be the definitive moment in the historical transition in ecclesiastical history from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages. In these circumstances the Nestorians, Jacobites/Copts, and Melkites/Rūm Orthodox, the classical denominations of the Christians in the Islamic world, can be seen emerging in their mature identities, formulating their differences in polemical reactions to one another in tracts most often written in Arabic. Muslim observers of the Christian churches in their midst did their best to describe and understand the differences between those whom the called the ‘Melkites’, the ‘Jacobites’, and the ‘Nestorians’. The Muslims noted that the three mainline Christian denominations, to borrow modern terminology, agreed with one another on almost every point of doctrine, and that their theological divisions were predicated almost solely on their differing confessional formulas in the expression of their several views about how the union of the divine and the human in Christ may the most truthfully be stated. Arabic-speaking Christian writers were well aware of the same issue, though most of them went to great lengths in their Arabic works, in full view of the Muslims, vigorously to defend the veracity of their own denomination’s formulas against those of other Christian adversaries. And it was in this process that the several churches came to what would be the enduring expressions of their differences. Nevertheless, there were also some ecumenists among the Christian writers who thought that in the face of the multiple challenges from Islam it would behoove the Christians to look beyond their mutual differences for the sake of presenting a united defense of Christianity’s claim to be the true religion. For example, in the tenth century, the Melkite Abū ‘Alī Nazīf ibn Yumn (d. after 983) wrote a treatise in which he proposed the then novel idea that Christians living among Muslims should come to some accord among themselves, recognizing that they do in fact confess the same faith, while they express it in different confessional formulas. The Copt, al-Muʽtaman ibn ‘Assāl then took up this idea in the thirteenth century, and in his magisterial work in Arabic, The 19

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH Summary of the Principles of Religion, relying on the Melkite Ibn Yumn’s suggestion, he explained how all the Christian communities and denominations in fact professed the same faith in Christ, albeit that they differed in their theologies. 25 One does not find this idea echoed again until modern times in Pope Paul VI’s and John Paul II’s accords with these same communities. 26 As one looks back from the vantage point of the early twentyfirst century over the course of Christian history in the Islamic world during the period of the growth and development of classical Islamic culture and intellectual life from the late eighth to the thirteenth centuries, one cannot fail to notice the mutually conditioning character of the convivencia of Jews, Christians, and Muslims in this era, prior to fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258. These communities, with their subdivisions, very much constructed their intellectual culture in Arabic both in conversation with one another and over against one another, in a posture at once apologetic and polemical; yielding differently nuanced discourses in Arabic that in turn played an important, contrapuntal role in the processes of community self-definition within the larger Islamic polity. 27 A significant circumstance of this religiously polychromatic, socio-cultural situation was the fact that the hegemonic Muslim community was not yet demographically dominant. In other words, in all probability most people were still not Muslims until well into the thirteenth century. 28 When it came about that Muslims achieved the definitive majority of the population, and the center of Islamic intellectual culture had shifted from Baghdad to Damascus and Cairo in the thirteenth century, the degree 25

See Sidney H. Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque: Christians and Muslims in the World of Islam (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), pp. 129–142. 26 See the references in Pope John Paul II, Ut Unum Sint, par. 62. 27 It was the perception of this phenomenon that lay behind Wansbrough’s insightful study of the early formulations of Islamic ‘salvation history’. See John E. Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978). 28 See Richard Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979); Nehemia Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979). See also Richard Bulliet, The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004).

20

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT of Christian participation in over-all cultural formation in the Islamic world gradually waned and strong anti-Christian positions were articulated in the works of major Muslim thinkers, such as Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), whose book, The Right Answer to those who Changed the Religion of the Messiah, would prove to be definitive for later generations, reaching into the present day. 29 Meanwhile new challenges lay in wait for the Arabic-speaking Christian communities of the Middle East. In Mamluk and Ottoman times, Christians from the west increasingly came into the purview of their Arabic-speaking co-religionists in the World of Islam and in due course they exerted a considerable influence on the cultural and intellectual life of Arabic Christians, effectively turning their attention more to Athens, Rome, Paris, London, and Moscow, rather than to the centers of Muslim culture and scholarship. It began with the Crusades, 30 but by the dawn of the twentieth century, many, especially in the west, seem to have forgotten that Christianity was not just the religion of the west, but it was indigenous in the east and indeed in the World of Islam. Translation into Arabic on the part of Christians continued to be an important activity, but now, with the exception of the Bible and some liturgical texts, it most often concerned bringing western philosophical and theological texts into Arabic; inter-religious colloquy

29

See Nancy N. Roberts, “Re-Opening the Muslim Christian Dialogue of the 13th–14th Centuries: Critical Reflections on Ibn Taymiyyah’s Response to Christianity in al-jawāb al-ahīh li man baddala dīn al-Masīh,” The Muslim World 86 (1996), pp. 342–366; Thomas F. Michel, A Muslim Theologian’s Response to Christianity: Ibn Taymiyya’s al-Jawāb al-Sahīh (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1984); Yahya Michot, Muslims under Non-Muslim Rule: Ibn Taymiyya on Fleeing from Sin, Kinds of Emigration, the Status of Mardin, the Conditions for Challenging Power (Oxford: Interface Publications, 2006). See also Jon Hoover, “Ibn Taymiyya,” in David Thomas & Alex Mallett (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (vol. 4 (1200–1350); Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 824–878. 30 See Johannes Pahlitzsch, Graeci und Suriani im Palästina der Kreuzfahrerzeit (Berlin: Duncker und Humbolt, 2001; idem, “Georgians and Greeks in Jerusalem (1099–1310)” in K. Ciggar & H. Teule (eds.), East and West in the Crusader States III (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2003), pp. 35–51; Christopher MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East: Rough Tolerance (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008).

21

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH became strongly affected by the missionary activities of western Orthodox churches, Roman Catholics and Protestants; 31 and the Christian participation with Muslims in the cultivation of philosophy entered the realm of politics. These were also the times, especially in the Ottoman era, when the Greek Orthodox Church made significant inroads into the affairs of the Arab Orthodox churches of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and in the early colonial period, when the dwindling local Christian churches were further divided by significant numbers of their congregants coming into union with the Roman Catholic Church, bringing the so-called ‘Uniate’ churches of the Middle East into being. 32 At the same time, Protestant missionaries, many of whom had come to the Middle East with the intention of converting Muslims, stayed to convert local Christians instead, and established Arabic-speaking Protestant and Evangelical churches in the area, 33 along with the foundation of such notable institutions as the American universities of Beirut (1866) and Cairo (1919). But the net effect of these western Christian intrusions into the communities of the Arabic-speaking churches of the Middle East, both Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant, was further to divide an already fissiparous body of Christians living in a sometimes hostile environment into yet further groups continually vying with one another all the while their numbers were constantly dwindling.

31

See, e.g.,Valognes, Vie et mort des chrétiens d’Orient; John Joseph, The Nestorians and their Muslim Neighbors: A Study of Western Influence on their Relations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961); idem, Muslim-Christian Relations and Inter-Christian Rivalries in the Middle East: The Case of the Jacobites in an Age of Transition (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1983); J. F. Coakley, The Church of the East and the Church of England: A History of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Assyrian Mission (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). 32 See Robert M. Haddad, Syrian Christians in Muslim Society: An Interpretation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1970); Bernard Heyberger, Les Chrétiens du Proche-Orient au temps de la réforme catholique (Rome: École Française de Rome, Palais Farnèse, 1994); Joseph Hajjar, Les Chrétiens Uniate du Proche-Orient (Nouvelle édition; Paris: Éditions du Seuil / Damas: Dar Tlass, 1995). 33 See Julius Richter, A History of Protestant Missions in the Near East (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1910); Peter Pikkert, Protestant Missions in the Middle East: Ambassadors to Christ or Culture (Scotts Valley, CA: CreateSpace, 2008).

22

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT 2. CLASH OF THEOLOGIES It is evident already in the Qur’ān that the Christian and Islamic creedal systems, while in many ways they share much in the realm of biblical and Late Antique religious life and lore, they nevertheless diverge widely in terms of the constructions they put upon the material they have in common and they are apparently simply incompatible with one another, both in what they affirm about the one God, i.e., the issue of the Trinity, and in what they believe about Jesus, the Messiah, i.e., the doctrine of the Incarnation. An abundant apologetic and polemic literature on these topics, written by both Muslims and Christians over the centuries in Arabic, mushroomed by the thirteenth century into what can only be called a ‘clash of theologies’. 34 It is important however to understand that the theological clash in no way amounted to a ‘clash of civilizations’ in the sense of the phrase made popular in the late twentieth century by Samuel P. Huntington. 35 For within the World of Islam, in spite of their clashing theologies Arabic-speaking Christians and Muslims participated together in the creation of the classical Islamic civilization. 36 It became a heterogeneous, multicultural, cosmopolitan and interreligious commonwealth especially in its heyday in Baghdad and environs from the mid-eighth century to the mid-thirteenth century, which in many ways continued well into the twentieth century in spite of the hardening of the interreligious discourse from the later thirteenth century onward. Within this framework, Christians and Muslims addressed the creedal and communal challenges in colloquies both religious and philosophical as both communities strove to articulate their confessional identities vis-à-vis one another ever more sharply.

34

See in connection with this concept the remarks of Emilio Platti, “Islam et Occident: Choc de théologies’?” Mélanges (Institut Dominicain d’Études Orientales du Caire; Louvain: Peeters), 24 (2000), pp. 347–379. 35 See Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations” Foreign Affairs 72.3 (1993), pp. 22–49; idem, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996). 36 See Samir Khalil Samir, “The Christian Communities, Active Members of Arab Society throughout History,” in Andrea Pacini (ed.), Christian Communities in the Arab Middle East: The Challenge of the Future (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), pp. 67–91.

23

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH a. The Interreligious Colloquy From the very beginning of Christian discourse in Arabic in the mideighth century, Christians have been writing theology, saints’ lives and apologetic tracts in Arabic. And from the very beginning, the ‘Muslim cast’ of the undertaking has been in high profile. A striking case in point is evident in the earliest of the original Christian compositions in Arabic so far known, in the treatise named by its first editor, On the Triune Nature of God. 37 The author quotes from the Qur’ān explicitly and in his work he uses both the vocabulary and the thought patterns of the Qur’ān to commend the credibility of the Christian doctrines that he is defending. In an important way, the Arabic idiom of the Qur’ān had become his religious lexicon. This feature of the work is readily evident throughout the text, but especially in the poetical introduction, which by allusion and the choice of words and phrases obviously evokes the diction and even the style of the Qur’ān. 38 Moreover, in the course of his text the author includes explicit quotations from the Qur’ān as testimonies to the truth, right alongside of the scriptural proof-texts he cites from the Law, the Prophets, the Psalms, and the Gospel, scriptures that he names as they are named in the Qur’ān. The treatise, On the Triune Nature of God, is one of a kind. But the ‘Islamic cast’ of Christian theology in Arabic carried on in the later development of the Christian kalām, a style of apologetic theology that Christian writers patterned on the contemporary develop-

37

See Samir Khalil Samir, “The Earliest Arab Apology for Christianity (c.750),” in Samir Khalil Samir and Jørgen S. Nielsen (eds.), Christian Arabic Apologetics during the Abbasid Period (750–1258) (Leiden: Brill, 1994, pp. 57– 114. For more discussion and bibliography, see Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, pp. 53–57. 38 See Samir, “The Earliest Arab Apology,” exp. pp. 69–70. See also Mark N. Swanson, “Beyond Prooftexting: Approaches to the Qur’ān in Some Early Arabic Christian Apologies,” The Muslim World 88 (1998), pp. 297– 319.

24

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT ment of the ‘ilm al-kalām among the early Muslim apologists and theologians, 39 the mutakallimūn or ‘religious controversialists and conversationalists’ of the ninth and tenth centuries. 40 The most notable of the Arab Christian theologians of the early Islamic period whose names we know were the ‘Melkite’ Theodore Abū Qurrah (c.755– c.830), 41 the ‘Jacobite’ Habīb ibn Khidmah Abū Rā’itah (d.c.851), 42 and the ‘Nestorian’ ‘Ammār al-Basrī (fl.c.850). 43 Two important summaries of the Christian faith were also composed in the Kalām style under ‘Melkite’ auspices in the second third of the ninth century; one now thought to have been written by Peter of Bayt Ra’s (fl.c.875), 44 while the other one, sometimes attributed to Theodore Abū Qurrah, remains anonymous.45 They were followed in the next

39

See Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, esp. pp. 75–105. See W. Montgomery Watt, The Formative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1973; Oxford: Oneworld, 1998); Richard M. Frank, “The Science of Kalām,” Arabic Science and Philosophy 2 (1992), pp. 9–37; Josef van Ess, The Flowering of Muslim Theology (trans. Jane Marie Todd; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); Tilman Nagel, The History of Islamic Theology: From Muhammad to the Present (trans. Thomas Thornton; Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 2000). 41 See John Lamoreaux, “Theodore Abū Qurra,” in David Thomas & Barbara Roggema (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (vol. I (600–900); Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2009), pp. 439–491. John Lamoreaux, Theodore Abū Qurrah: Selections (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, 2005). 42 See Sandra Toenies Keating, “Abū Rā’ita l-Takrītī,” in Thomas & Roggema, Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. I, pp. 567–581; Sandra Toenies Keating, Defending the ‘People of Truth’ in the Early Islamic Period: The Christian Apologies of Abū Rā’itah (The History of Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. 4; Leiden: Brill, 2006). 43 See Mark Beaumont, “‛Ammār al-Basrī,” in Thomas & Roggema, Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. I, pp. 604–610; Sidney H. Griffith, “‛Ammār alBasrī’s Kitāb al-burhān: Christian Kalām in the First Abbasid Century,” Le Muséon 96 (1983), pp. 145–181. 44 See Mark N. Swanson, “Peter of Bayt Ra’s,” in Thomas & Roggema, Christian-Muslim Relations vol. I, pp. 902–906. 45 See Mark N. Swanson, “Al-Jāmi‛ wujūh al-īmān,” in Thomas & Roggema, Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. I, pp. 790–798. 40

25

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH century by the ‘Jacobites’ Yahyā ibn ‘Adī (893–974) 46 and ‘Īsā ibn Zur‛a (943–1008),47 the ‘Copt’ Severus ibn al-Muqaffa‛ (c.905– 987), 48 and the ‘Nestorians’ Abū l-Faraj ‘Abd Allāh ibn at-Tayyib (fl. mid-11th cent.) 49 and Elias of Nisibis (975–1046). 50 In Egypt in the thirteenth century, the remarkable family of Arab Christian scholars, the so-called awlād al-‘Assāl, as-Safī, Hibatallāh, and al-Mu‛taman (fl.1230–1260) in particular, reached the apogee of Christian theology in Arabic. 51 They re-copied and re-circulated many of the treatises of the earlier Arab Christian writers, irrespective of their denominations, and they composed their own comprehensive summaries of Christian faith. Finally, in the early fourteenth century, the ‘Copt’ Shams ar-Ri’āsah Abū l-Barakāt, alias Ibn Kabar, (d.after 1321) composed his famous Lamp in the Darkness and Elucidation of the [Divine] Service, 52 a virtual encyclopedia of Christian faith and practice, complete with a retrospective list of Christian writers in Arabic from all of the denominations in the Islamic world. These are but a selection of the most notable names of the Christian Arabic theologians up to Mamluk times. Thereafter, until the dawn of modern times, most Christian Arabic theologians carried on in the traditions of their forebears in the formative period of both Muslim and Christian Arabic thought, explicating the principal Christian doctrines in language reflecting the influence of the methods, the vocabulary and the intellectual concerns of the dominant Muslim culture. 46

See Emilio Platti, Yahyā ibn ‘Adī: Théologien Chrétien et philosophe arabe; sa théologie de l’incarnation (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 14; Leuven: Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Departement Orientalistiek, 1983). 47 See Cyrille Haddad, ‘Īsā ibn Zur‛a: Philosophe arabe et apologiste Chrétien (Pères et écrivains de l’église en orient; Beyrouth: Dar al-Kalima, 1971); 48 See Graf, Geschichte, vol. II, pp. 300–318; Sidney H. Griffith, “The Kitāb mibāh al-‘aql of Severus ibn al-Muqaffa‛: A Profile of the Christian Creed in Arabic in Tenth Century Egypt,” Medieval Encounters 2 (1996), pp. 15–42. 49 See Graf, Geschichte, vol. II, pp. 160–177; Samir Khalil Samir, “La place d’Ibn at-Tayyib dans la pensée arabe,” Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 58 (2006), pp. 177–193. 50 See Samir, Foi et culture en Irak au XIe siècle. 51 See Graf, Geschichte, vol. II, pp. 387–414. 52 See Graf, Geschichte, vol. II, pp. 438–445; Samir Khalil Samir (ed.), Ibn Kabar, Abū al-Barakāt, Mibāh al-ulma fī idāh al-khidma (2 vols.; Cairo: Maktabat al-Karuz, 1971–1998).

26

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT History too became an important area in which Christian Arabic writers in the early Islamic period strove both to express their Christian identity and to facilitate the enculturation of the lore of the churches into the unfolding patterns of historical consciousness within the World of Islam. One of the earliest to do so was Sa‛īd ibn Bitrīq, who became the ‘Melkite’ patriarch, Eutychius of Alexandria (877–940), whose Annals seem to have had as one of their most important purposes to read local Christian history into the on-going narrative of Arab history as it was being told in contemporary Muslim texts and traditions. 53 Similarly, the famous, multi-authored History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria limned the developing identity of the Coptic Orthodox church in Islamic Egypt through carefully composed accounts of the multiple vicissitudes of the church’s life there under Muslim rule. 54 The tenth century ‘Melkite’ historian, Agapius of Manbij, Mahbūb ibn Qustantīn, composed a universal history, the Kitāb al-‘unwān, only part of which survives. The author seems to have used Muslim sources in some part and to have brought Islamic chronology into the narrative at the pertinent juncture. 55 In the Syrian Orthodox, ‘Jacobite’ community, the chronicle tradition continued in Syriac well into the thirteenth century, 56 culminating in the

53

See Sidney H. Griffith,”Apologetics and Historiography in the Annals of Eutychios of Alexandria: Christian Self-Definition in the World of Islam,” in R. Ebied & H. Teule (eds.), Studies on the Christian Arabic Heritage (Eastern Christian Studies, 5; Leuven: Peeters, 2004), pp. 65–89. 54 See Johannes den Heijer, Mawhūb ibn Manūr ibn Mufarrij et l’historiographie copto-arabe: Étude sur la composition de l’Histoire des Patriarches d’Alexandrie (CSCO, vol. 513; Louvain: Peeters, 1989). 55 Robert Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of the Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, 13; Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), pp. 440– 442. 56 For the earlier period, see Witold Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle of PseudoDionysius of Tel-Mahrē: A Study in the History of Historiography (Uppsala & Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1987).

27

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH major historical compilations in Syriac such as the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian, 57 the Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, 58 and the two-part chronicle, the Chronicon Syriacum, for political and secular affairs, and the Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, for ecclesiastical history, by the polymath, Abū l-Faraj Bar Hebraeus (1226–1286), who himself translated the former text into Arabic. 59 In these texts, the history of Muhammad, the rise and spread of Islam and reports of Muslim/Christian encounters all find a place in the Christian accounts of the experience of the churches in this milieu. 60 Similarly, in the Church of the East, the ‘Nestorian’ Church, Elias bar Shinaya of Nisibis (d.1049), a theologian and religious controversialist of note who normally wrote in Arabic, 61 also produced a chronicle in Syriac and Arabic reaching the year 1018 and including a wealth of information about biblical characters and chronological systems, along with a record of notable events up to the first quarter of the eleventh century. 62 But it was in Damascus and especially in Cairo in the midthirteenth century that looking back the historian can see a turning point in the literature of the Christian/Muslim encounter in Arabic. 57

J. B. Chabot (ed. & trans.), Chronique de Michel le Syrien (4 vols.; Bruxelles: Culture et civilisation, 1963). 58 J. B. Chabot et al. (eds. & trans.), Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens (4 vols, CSCO vols. 81. 82. 14, 15, 56, 154; Paris: J. Gabalda & Louvain: CorpusSCO, 1916–1974). 59 Jean Baptiste Abbeloos & Thomas J. Lamy, (eds. & trans.), Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum (3 vols; Paris & Louvain: Peeters, 1872–1877); Paul Bedjan (ed.), Gregorii Barhebraei chronicon syriacum (Paris: Mainsonneuve, 1890). 60 See Lawrence I. Conrad, “Syriac Perspectives on Bilad al-Sham during the Abbasid Period,” in Muhammad Adnan Bakhit & Robert Schick (eds.), Bilād al-Shām during the Abbasid Period, 132A.H./750 A.D. – 451 A.H./1059 A.D.: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference (2 vols.; Amman: Lajnat Tārīkh Bilā al-Shām , 1991–1992), vol. II,, pp. 1–44; Amir Harrak, “Ah! The Assyrian is the Rod of my Hand!: Syriac View of History after the Advent of Islam,” in JJ. Van Ginkel et al. (eds.), Redefining Christian Identity: Cultural Interaction in the Middle East since the Rise of Islam (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters en Departement Oosterse Studies, 2005), pp. 45–66. 61 See Samir, Foi et culture en Irak au XIe siècle. 62 E.W. Brooks & J. B. Chabot (eds. & trans.), Eliae Metropolitae Nisibeni Opus Chronologicum (2 parts; CSCO, vols. 62 & 63; Paris: E Typographeo Reipublicae, 1909–1910).

28

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT From this point onward the ‘clash of theologies’ becomes ever more evident. From the ninth century onward, in tandem with developments in Christian thought in Arabic, Muslim writers had all along continued Islam’s critique of Christian doctrines and practices both in polemical, anti-Christian tracts and treatises and in pertinent sections of the works of the major Muslim mutakallimūn. 63 One of the most popular of the polemical texts from the early period, which was destined to have a long life in Muslim, anti-Christian literature was the aged convert to Islam, Abū l-Hasan ‘Alī ibn Sahl Rabban at-Tabarī’s (c.780–c.860) ar-Radd ‘alā n-nasārā, which together with the same author’s Kitāb ad-dīn wa d-dawlah, set out both reasons to reject the claims of Christianity and reasons to accept Islam as the true religion. 64 The popularity of at-Tabarī’s anti-Christian polemic seems to have reached its apogee among Muslim scholars in Cairo in the thirteenth century, in the Ayyūbid era. For it was at this late time that the Copto-Arabic writer, as-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl (c.1205–c.1265) was motivated by the widespread influence of at-Tabarī’s ar-Radd ‘alā nnasārā to write a detailed refutation of the work. He dubbed atTabarī’s text, Kitāb an-nasā’ih in view of its proposal to give Christians trustworthy advice about the falsity of their religious claims, 65 and he called his detailed refutation of at-Tabarī’s arguments, Kitāb as-

63

See in this connection, David Thomas, Christian Doctrines in Islamic Theology (History of Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. 10; Leiden: Brill, 2008); Gabriel Said Reynolds, A Muslim Theologian in the Sectarian Milieu: ‘Abd al-Jabbār (d.415/1025) and the ‘Critique of Christian Origins’ (Leiden: Brill, 2004); idem & Samir Khalil Samir (ed. & trans.), The Critique of Christian Origins: Qādī ‘Abd al-Jabbār’s Islamic Essay on Christianity (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2010). 64 See David Thomas, “‘Alī l-Tabarī,” in David Thomas & Barbara Roggema (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (vol. I, 600–900; Leiden: Brill, 2009), pp. 669–674. 65 See Samir Khalil Samir, “La réponse d’al-Safī Ibn al-‘Assāl à la réfutation des chrétiens de ‘Alī al-Tabarī,” Parole de l’Orient 11 (1983), pp. 281–328. See also Wadi Awad, “Al-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl,” in Thomas & Mallett, Christian Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, pp. 538–551.

29

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH Saḥā’ih. 66 Around the same time, as-Safī also wrote somewhat detailed refutations of other anti-Christian texts popular among Cairene Muslims at the time, for example the Radd ‘alā n-nasārā by the late ninth century Muʽtazilī scholar known as an-Nāshi’ al-Akbar, 67 and the anti-Christian remarks of the twelfth century Muslim scholar, Fakhr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī (1149–1205). 68 Meanwhile the Cairene Muslim jurist Sāliḥ ibn al-Husayn al-Jaʽfarī (1185–1270) published a substantial refutation of Christianity under the title Takhjīl man harrafa at-Tawrāh wa l-Injīl, in which he relied heavily on the earlier work of ‘Alī Rabbān at-Tabarī. At the behest of his Patriarch, perhaps Cyril III ibn Laqlaq (1238–1243), as-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl was bidden to write a refutation of al-Jaʽfarī’s Takhjīl. Protesting that he had already effectively countered al-Ja’farī’s arguments in his Kitāb as-Saḥā’iḥ, asSafī nevertheless complied with the request and wrote his lengthy Kitāb Nahj as-Sabīl fī Takhjīl muḥarrifī l-injīl. 69 With these undertakings, a new and more sharply polemical era in Muslim/Christian relations was inaugurated. 70 Into this heightened inter-religiously polemical atmosphere there came as an added stimulus the Melkite bishop of Sidon, Paul of Antioch’s (mid 12th-mid 13th cent.) Letter to a Muslim Friend, the

66

As-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl, As-Sahā’ih fī jawāb an-Nasā’ih (ed., Murqus Jurjis; Cairo: Matbaʽah ‘Ayn Shams, 1927). Bound with the immediately following cited work. 67 See an-Nāshi’s text published in Thomas, Christian Doctrines in Islamic Theology, pp. 19–77. As-Safī mentions his Jawāb an-Nāshi’ al-Akbar several times in his later refutation of al-Jaʽfarī; see n. 69. See also Wadi Awad, “Al-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl,” in Thomas & Mallett, Christian Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, pp. 541–542. 68 See Wadi Awad, “Al-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl,” in Thomas & Mallett, Christian Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, p. 547. See Fakhr ad-Dīn arRāzī, Munāarah fī r-radd ‘alā n-nasārā (ed. “abd al-Majīd an-Najjār; Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islamī, 1986). 69 As-Safī ibn al-‘Assāl, Kitāb Nahj as-Sabīl fī takhjīl muharrifī l-Injīl (ed., Murqus Jurjis; Cairo: Matbaʽah ‘Ayn Shams, 1927). Bound with the just previously cited work. 70 For an historical overview of the situation of Coptic Christians in Ayyūbid times see Kurt J. Wertmuller, Coptic Identity and Ayyubid Politics in Egypt (1218–1250) (Cairo & New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2010).

30

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT most well known of a number of important philosophical and theological texts that Paul wrote and the one with the most lasting effects. 71 In all likelihood Paul composed the letter in the early years of the thirteenth century. In it he tells his correspondent of a journey he had made into Byzantine controlled lands where he met with Orthodox churchmen and theologians and he recounted what these learned Byzantines thought of Muḥammad, the Qur’ān, and Islam, along with what Paul represents as their defense of basic Christian teachings by way of a Christian interpretation of selected passages from the Qur’ān. According to Paul, the Byzantines he met argued that Muḥammad was a prophet sent with the Arabic Qur’ān to the pagan Arabs and not to other peoples; that Christians are believers in the one God and they are not polytheists, nor are they called by God to accept Islam or the Qur’ān. Moreover, Paul reports that these scholars used Qur’ān quotations to support the reasonableness of Christian doctrines, including the doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation, the integrity of the Christian scriptures, and the superiority of Christianity as a religion over Judaism and Islam. 72 What made Paul’s Letter to a Muslim Friend such a cause célèbre in the thirteenth century was the fact that it almost immediately came to be known among the intellectuals of Cairo and none other than the well known Muslim jurist, Shihāb ad-Dīn Aḥmad ibn Idrīs al-Qarāfī (1228–1285) wrote a point by point refutation of Paul’s arguments that he included in an anti-Christian polemical work he compiled between the years 1250 and 1278, 73 in which he also recycled much of 71

See David Thomas, “Paul of Antioch,” in David Thomas & Alex Mallett (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (vol. 4 (1200–1350); Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 78–82. 72 See Paul of Antioch’s text published in Paul Khoury, Paul d’Antioche, évêque de Sidon (XIIe s.) (Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, 1964), pp. 59–83 [Arabic], 169–187. An English translation is forthcoming in Sidney H. Griffith, “Paul of Antioch,” in Samuel Noble & Alexander Treiger (eds.), The Orthodox Church in the Arab World (700–1700): An Anthology of Sources (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2014), pp. 216–235. 73 See Shihāb ad-Dīn Aḥmad ibn Idrīs al-Qarāfī, Al-Ajwibah al-fākhirah ‘an al-as’ilah al-fājirah fī radd ‘alā l-millah l-kāfirah (ed. Majdī Muḥammad ashShihāwī; Beirut: ‘Ālam al-Kutub, 1426/2005). See also Maha El KaisyFriemuth, “Al-Qarāfī,” in Thomas & Mallett, Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, pp. 582–587.

31

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH the material that Sālih ibn al-Husayn al-Jaʽfarī had included in his aforementioned Takhjīl man harrafa at-Tawrah wa l-Injīl. 74 But this was not all. Some years later, in the early years of the fourteenth century, a now anonymous, Arabic-speaking Christian apologist in Cyprus edited and expanded Paul of Antioch’s Letter to a Muslim Friend and sent copies to two prominent Muslim scholars of the day, to Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328) in 1316 and to Ibn Abī Tālib ad-Dimashqī in 1321, both of whom wrote rejoinders to the Cypriot’s considerably revised edition of Paul’s original letter. 75 It was Ibn Taymiyyah’s response however, included in his aforementioned al-Jawāb as-Sahīh li-man baddala Dīn al-Masīh that was destined to become the most forceful expression of a new and more intransigent stance toward Christians and Christianity in the World of Islam from the early fourteenth century onward. 76 Meanwhile, far away from Egypt, in the course of the so-called ‘Syriac Renaissance’ of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in northern Mesopotamia, a number of bilingual, Syriac and Arabic-speaking Christian writers among the so-called ‘Jacobite’ and ‘Nestorian’ communities were busily accommodating themselves to what in their area had by their time become a full-fledged Islamicate culture. 77 Writers such as the ‘Jacobites’ Jacob bar Shakko (d.1241) and Gregory Abū l-Faraj Bar Hebraeus (1225–1286), along with the ‘Nestorians’ Ishoʽyahb bar Malkon (d. before 1232/34) and ‘Abdishoʽ bar Brikhā (d.1318), composed works on both religious and non-religious topics that displayed both their familiarity and even their interaction with the writings of slightly earlier Muslim thinkers such as Ibn Sina (980–1037), al-Ghazali (1058–1111), and Fakhr d-Dīn ar-

74 See the forthcoming study of al-Qarāfī’s anti-Christian polemics in the PhD dissertation of Diego Sarrio Cucarella, Georgetown University, Washington, DC, 2014. 75 For ad-Dimashqī’s response, see Rifaat Ebied & David Thomas (eds.), Muslim-Christian Polemic during the Crusades: The Letter from the People of Cyprus and Ibn Abī Tālib al-Dimashqī’s Response (Leiden: Brill, 2005. 76 See the bibliography in n. 29 above. 77 See H. C. B. Teule, “Renaissance, Syriac,” in Sebastian P. Brock et al. (eds.), Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011), pp. 350–351.

32

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT Rāzī (1149–1209), just to name the most prominent ones. 78 As was the case among the Arab Christian writers in the environs of Baghdad, Damascus, and Cairo, so in their philosophical and theological discourse did these Syriac-speaking, Christian scholars to the north reflect the idiom and topical patterns of the concurrent Islamic scholarly discourse. They adopted a distinctive style of religious thought and expression that in many ways mirrors that of their conversations with Muslims and that might rightly be styled, like the Christian Arabic equivalent, a Syro-Islamo-Christian theology. But after the thirteenth century and the passing of the ‘Syriac Renaissance’, this Christian/Muslim, mostly literary, interreligious colloquy seems gradually to have passed away, to survive into later times only in the continually copied texts of the major works of the authors whose memories were esteemed in the Syriac-speaking churches. Many factors had conspired by Ayyubid and early Mamluk times to sharpen the Muslim antipathy to Christians living in Islamic lands that emerged in the thirteenth century, among them the invasion of western Christian Crusaders into the Levant and Egypt, the Mongol incursions from the east, and efforts to reinforce Sunnī Islamic legitimacy in Egypt and neighboring lands at the hands of the Ayyubids, along with the strongly restrictive policies of the Mamluks during their struggles with the Mongols. The point to make here is that a noticeable change in Christian/Muslim interreligious colloquy followed in the wake of these developments. And one factor in particular attracts our attention; after the thirteenth century, Arabicspeaking Christian writers no longer took their cues from developments in the major centers of Muslim intellectual life, Baghdad, Damascus, and Cairo and their environs as their forbears had done. Rather from the fourteenth century onward, as Christians began their precipitous decline from a significant portion of the population,

78 See the important survey, with pertinent bibliographical references, in Herman Teule, “The Interaction of Syriac Christianity and the Muslim World in the Period of the Syriac Renaissance,” in Dietmar W. Winkler (ed.), Syriac Churches Encountering Islam: Past Experiences and Future Perspectives (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010), pp. 110–128. See also Hidemi Takahashi, “Reception of Islamic Theology among Syriac Christians in the Thirteenth Century: Bar Shakko and Bar Hebraeus,” to appear in a forthcoming issue of Intellectual History of the Islamicate World.

33

SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH downward to demographic insignificance in the major cultural centers of the World of Islam, they more and more turned their attention away from the indigenous culture of the Islamic cities and turned their eyes both inward toward the retrieval of their own patristic heritage in their own canonical languages and westward, toward the intellectual currents outside the Abode of Islam. 79 b. The Philosophical Colloquy The crucial role of Christian translators in the Graeco-Arabic translation movement in Baghdad in early Abbasid times is widely recognized and it has been much discussed in the scholarly literature. 80 But from the perspective of the history of Christian cultural and intellectual life in the Arabic-speaking milieu of early Islam, the discussion has most often not included two important dimensions of the phenomenon. The first of these is the earlier Christian translation movement that one might describe as ‘Greek thought, Syriac culture’ and the second is the Arab Christian participation not just in translating texts, but in actively cultivating the role of philosophy in public life in the cosmopolitan milieu of Baghdad as virtually a mode of interreligious discourse. As a prelude to their participation in the Graeco-Arabic translation movement in Baghdad, Syriac-speaking Christians had long been engaged in translating Greek texts into Syriac, beginning already with the Hebrew and Greek Bible from the mid-second century onward.81 By the early fifth century, theological controversialists in Edessa, and subsequently in Nisibis, were translating the Greek works of their respective Christological authorities into Syriac, works by Cyril of Alexandria and Severus of Antioch for the proto-‘Jacobites’ and the biblical commentaries of Theodore of Mopsuestia for the soon-to-be-called ‘Nestorians’. 82 At the same time, and well into 79 Jean-Pierre Valognes, Vie et mort des chrétiens d’orient: des origines à nos jours (Paris: Fayard, 1994). 80 See Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture. 81 See Sebastian P. Brock, The Bible in Syriac Tradition (2nd ed. rev.; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2006); F. Briquel Chatonnet & Ph. Le Moigne (eds.), L’Ancien Testament en syriaque (Études Syriaques, 5; Paris: Geuthner, 2008). 82 See D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antioch: A Study of Early Christian Tought in the East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, esp. pp. 129–140.

34

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT the sixth and seventh centuries, scholars in both communities were avidly translating a large corpus of Greek monastic literature into Syriac. 83 It was in this context, and very much in view of the ongoing, soon to be church dividing Christological controversies, that Syriac translations of Greek logical and philosophical texts were made by a succession of scholars in the environs of Edessa and Nisibis, with ties reaching back to the philosophical circles of Alexandria in the sixth century. 84 In particular, the religious controversialists were interested in the logical works of Aristotle, Porphyry, and their commentators, 85 because these were the texts that dealt with the borrowed Greek terms enshrined in the rival Christological formulae, the proper definition and deployment of which in theological discourse were considered to be crucial. This Graeco-Syriac translation movement not only anticipated the subsequent Graeco-Arabic translation movement of early Abbasid times, largely accomplished by the Christian heirs of the earlier translators, but it uncannily featured an emphasis on Greek logic, concern for which would become a cause célèbre in the scholarly debates in Arabic among Christians and Muslims in the ninth and tenth centuries. One thinks in particular in this connection of the famous debate about Greek logic versus theoretical Arabic grammar as an arbiter of the truth between the Christian philosopher and logician Abū Bishr Mattā ibn Yūnus and the Muslim mutakallim and grammarian Abū Saʽīd as-Sīrāfī. The debate was held in the presence of numerous scholars and intellectuals in Baghdad in the year 935, in the majlis of the vizir, Fadl ibn Furāt; according to

83 The case of the translation of the works of Evagrius of Pontus from Greek into Syriac is the best studied. See Antoine Guillaumont, Les ‘képhalaia gnostica’ d’Évagre le Pontique et l’histoire de l’Origénisme chez les grecs et chez les syriens (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1962). 84 See John Watt, “Grammar, Rhetoric, and the Enkyklios Paideia in Syriac,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 143 (1993), pp. 45– 71; Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, esp. pp. 106–119. 85 See Henri Hugonnard-Roche, La logique d’Aristote du grec au syriaque: Études sur la transmission des textes de l’Organon et leur interpretation philosophique (Textes et Traditions, no. 9; Paris: J. Vrin, 2004).

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SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH the Muslim reporter of the event, the victory went to as-Sīrāfī. 86 And it is notable that antipathy to Greek logic persisted for centuries among Muslim scholars, reaching well into the fourteenth century when it played a role in the burgeoning estrangement between Muslims and Christians. 87 In the Graeco-Arabic translation movement of early Islamic times, Christians were not just translators, but important figures in inaugurating and developing the philosophical tradition in Arabic, including the promotion of philosophy and philosophical schools as the social means by which the several religious communities in the World of Islam might the most fruitfully discuss with one another the best conditions for fostering human happiness and the common good in society. 88 The concern begins already in the work of the best known translator of them all, Hunayn ibn Ishāq (808–873), 89 whose ideas on the subject are put forward in a work attributed to him, but which in the form in which it has come down to us is certainly not all his, the Ādāb al-falāsifah. 90 In this work Hunayn is presented as offering a quick history of the seven schools of philosophy, beginning in ancient times and culminating in the schools of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics. He suggests that after the Stoics and in the Muslim era, synagogues, churches, and mosques have taken over the role of the old philosophical schools in commending the 86

See D.S. Margoliouth, “The Discussion between Abū Bishr Mattā and Abū Saʽīd al-Sīrāfī,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1905), pp. 79–129; Muhsin Mahdi, “Language and Logic in Classical Islam,” in G. E. von Grunebaum (ed.), Logic in Classical Islamic Culture (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1970), pp. 51–83; Gerhard Endress, “Grammatik und Logik: Arabische Philologie und griechische Philosophie im Widerstreit,” in Burkhard Mojsisch (ed.), Sprachphilosophie in Antike und Mittelalter (Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie, 3; Amsterdam: Gruner, 1986), pp. 163–299. 87 See, e.g., Wael B. Hallaq (trans.), Ibn Taymiyya Against the Greek Logicians (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). 88 See John W. Watt, “The Strategy of the Baghdad Philosophers: The Aristotelian Tradition as a Common Motif in Christian and Islamic Thought,” in Ginkel et al., Redefining Christian Identity, pp. 151–166. 89 Myriam Salama-Carr, La Traduction à l’époque abbaside: l’école de Hunayn ibn Ishāq et son importance pour la tradition (Paris: Didier, 1990). 90 Abdurrahman Badawi (ed.), Hunain ibn Ishâq: Âdâb al-Falâsifa (Sentences des Philosophes) (Safat, Koweit: Éditions de l’Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 1985).

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BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT pursuit of wisdom in society and fostering the development of a humane polity. 91 And in Baghdad in the ninth and tenth centuries, as Hunayn suggests, the pursuit of philosophy was certainly an interreligious undertaking. In the ninth century, the busy translation movement brought numerous works by Aristotle and his commentators into Arabic, along with many other texts, notably those of Galen and the Neoplatonists. The first notable Muslim philosopher, Ya‛qūb ibn Ishāq al-Kindī (c.800–c.867), 92 who was a patron of the translators, was keen to take advantage of the potential of Aristotle’s logic and philosophy “to vindicate the pursuit of rational activity as an activity in the service of Islam.” 93 But it was the ‘Nestorian’ Christian, Abū Bishr Mattā ibn Yūnus (d.940), 94 who was the real “founder of the Aristotelian school in Baghdad early in the tenth century.” 95 He defended the universal validity of Aristotelian logic, albeit reportedly unsuccessfully, in the aforementioned famous debate with a traditionalist Muslim scholar, Abū Saʽīd as-Sirāfī, in the year 937/938 in the majlis of a high Muslim official in Baghdad. 96 But more importantly, Abū Bishr was one of the two Christian teachers, the other one being Yahannā ibn Haylān (d.910), of Abū Nasr al-Fārābī (c.870–950), the famed ‘second master’, after Aristotle, as he came

91

See Sidney H. Griffith, “Hunayn ibn Ishāq and the Kitāb Ādāb al-Falāsifah: The Pursuit of Wisdom and a Humane Polity in Early Abbasid Baghdad,” in George A. Kiraz (ed.), Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2008), pp. 135–160. 92 See Peter Adamson, Al-Kindī (Great Medieval Thinkers; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). 93 Gerhard Endress, “The Circle of al-Kindi: Early Arabic Translations from the Greek and the Rise of Islamic Philosophy,” in G. Endress & R. Kruk (eds.), The Ancient Tradition in Christian and Islamic Hellenism: Studies on the Transmission of Greek Philosophy and Sciences (Leiden: Research School CNWS, School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies, 1997), p. 50. 94 See G. Endress, “Mattā b. Yūnus (Yūnan) al-Kunnā’ī, Abū Bishr,” in EI, new ed., vol. VI, pp. 844–846. 95 Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 14. 96 See n. 83 above and Gerhard Endress, “Grammatik und Logik: Arabische Philologie und griechischer Philosophie in Widerstreit,” in Burkard Mojsisch (ed.), Sprachphilosophie in Antike und Mittelalter (Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie, 3; Amsterdam: Gruner, 1986), pp. 163–299.

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SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH to be called. 97 Al-Fārābī in turn, along with Abū Bishr, was the teacher of the Christian ‘Jacobite’, Yahyā ibn Adī al-Mantiqī (893– 974), who in due course became the “head of the Baghdad Aristotelians in the mid-tenth century,” 98 and who was the teacher and center of a whole circle of Aristotelians, both Christian and Muslim, reaching well into the next century. 99 Perhaps unfairly, they became the foil for the giant of Islamic philosophy in their day, Abū ‘Alī Husayn ibn ‘Abd Allāh ibn Sīnā (980–1037), who reportedly had only disdain for those whom he regarded as the staid and un-adventuresome Aristotelians of Baghdad. 100 Nevertheless, the philosophers and the philosophically inclined theologians who wrote in Arabic in Baghdad in the ninth and tenth centuries were all concerned in their own ways to use the tools of Greek science, logic and philosophy to support the views of their own religious communities, be they Jews, Christians or Muslims. The intellectual culture of the time and place afforded them a common scholarly idiom in which to defend the reasonableness of the doctrines of their several confessional communities. And while we have some record of communication between scholars of the different communities, especially in references found in the works of Yahyā ibn ‘Adī, his teachers, disciples and interlocutors, the common language they used seems to have served them well principally for articulating their own philosophical or religious identities in the intellectual milieu in which they lived together, rather than to have encouraged the development of what moderns would call interreligious dialogue. Nevertheless, it is clear that in the Baghdad milieu in the tenth century, Jews, Christians and Muslims with an interest in Greek science, logic and philosophy could join one another’s study-circles, 97

See Muhsin Mahdi, Alfarabi and the Foundation of Islamic Political Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001); Philippe Vallat, Farabi et l’École d’Alexandrie: Des premises de la connaissance à la philosophie politique (Études Musulmanes, 38; Paris: Vrin, 2004). See too, in connection with present concerns, John W. Watt, “Al-Fārābī and the History of the Syriac Organon,” in Kiraz, Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone, pp. 751–778. 98 Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 101. 99 See Joel L. Kraemer, Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam: The Cultural Revival during the Buyid Age (Leiden: Brill, 1986), esp. pp. 104–139. 100 See Dimitri Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 64–72.

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BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT read one another’s books, and correspond with one another in Arabic. They experienced a measure of scholarly convivencia seldom found in other times and places in the Islamic world, or, for that matter, in any other polity until relatively recent times. This brief and inadequate account of social networking among the philosophers of Baghdad in the tenth century is nevertheless sufficient to show how intimately Christian thinkers were involved with the birth and practice of philosophy in Arabic. They also engaged with the Muslim thinkers of their day in conversations and debates about important issues in social and political philosophy, and about the spiritual exercises requisite for doing philosophy, such as the art of dispelling sorrows, 101 the cultivation of virtue ethics for the common good of the society as a whole, 102 and the role of sexual abstinence in the life of the philosopher and ‘the perfect man’ (al-insān alkāmil).103 Philosophy and its concern for the cultivation of ‘humaneness’ (al-insāniyyah) in the body politic was undoubtedly the area in which Jews, Christians, and Muslims in early Islamic times shared their thoughts and concerns most collegially; it happened in the cosmopolitan milieu of Baghdad in Abbasid times, particularly in the ninth, tenth, and well into the eleventh centuries. 104

101

See Sidney H. Griffith, “The Muslim Philosopher al-Kindī and his Christian Readers: Three Arab Christian Texts on ‘The Dissipation of Sorrows’,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 111– 127. 102 See Yahyā ibn ‘Adī, The Reformation of Morals (ed. Samir Khalil Samir, trans. Sidney H. Griffith, Eastern Christian Texts, vol. I; Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2002). 103 See Sidney H. Griffith, “Yahyā ibn ‘Adī’s Colloquy on Sexual Abstinence and the Philosophical Life,” in James E. Montgomery (ed.), Arabic Theology, Arabic Philosophy: From the Many to the One; Essays in Celebration of Richard M. Frank (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta; Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2006 (pp. 299–333). 104 See Sidney H. Griffith, “Syrian Christian Intellectuals in the World of Islam: Faith, the Philosophical Life, and the Quest for an Interreligious Convivencia in Abbasid Times,” Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 7 (2007), pp. 55–73. See also Amira K. Bennison, The Great Caliphs: The Golden Age of the ‘Abbasid Empire (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), esp. pp. 158–202.

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SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH 3. INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE The philosophical and theological colloquies between Christians and Muslims in early Islamic times, as both communities were struggling to spell out their distinctive identities in Arabic vis-à-vis one another are of more than just historical interest. They show how it came about that over the long centuries of their cultural and intellectual interactions with one another, Christian discourse in Arabic inevitably took on an Islamic cast of language as well as a virtually kalāmic structure of religious discourse. The Christian kalām of Abbasid times is an apologetic Christian theology keyed to the idiomatic modes of current Islamic religious thought. In the Qur’ān, and in Islamic religious thinking more generally, especially after the time of Ibn Taymiyyah and his influential book, al-Jawāb as-sahīh ‘alā man baddala dīn al-masīh as we have seen, it is clear that a coherent Islamic account of Christianity in Islamic terms had emerged, albeit that Christians would quarrel with the sense of most of those terms, as not being adequate expressions of actual Christian beliefs. Nevertheless, on the basis of their own faith commitments, Muslims have elaborated an Islamic theology of Christianity and, with some notable exceptions it is a rejectionist, abrogating theology, which continues to develop largely along the lines drawn by the Cairo Muslim jurists whose works we have mentioned above. And it is notable that in the early twenty-first century new publications of their works continue to appear, and not infrequently in multiple editions. The question then arises, is it possible or even desirable, with the help of a retrieval of the Christian Arabic theology of Abbasid times, for Arabic-speaking Christians of the twenty-first century, and especially those living in the Middle East, to compose an adequate and useful Christian theology of the other in Arabic, articulated within the purview of Islam, and utilizing for that purpose the very idiom and paradigms of Islamic religious thought in its classical expression? It is true that it would be in part a theology of ‘why one is not a Muslim’, but that would seem to have been precisely the stance of Christian Arabic thought in Abbasid times, just as one might view the Islamic kalām of that era and even later as in part a theology of ‘why one is not a Christian’. Such may well be the stance that each member community in a religiously plural convivencia must inevitably assume; they must inevitably construct their own theological discourse within the purview of the other if they are to be in interreligious conversation with one another. But by its very nature such a 40

BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT conversation requires in addition to a common idiom a shared intellectual horizon of meaning. In Abbasid times the discipline of the ‘ilm al-kalām provided just such a hermeneutical frame of reference, as did the shared philosophical goal of commending the values of alinsāniyyah in a de facto pluralistic society, especially among the Platonizing Baghdadī Aristotelians, both Christian and Muslim, in the tenth and eleventh centuries. 105 But by the thirteenth century in Cairo and Damascus as we have seen the interreligious conversations, as intense and detailed as they were, nevertheless degenerated into minutely argued mutual polemics, carried on in a kalām that ultimately estranged the communities from one another, isolating them by Ottoman times into their seemingly mutually impenetrable millets. 106 And by that time, with the notable exception of a flowering in Persia in Saffavid times, the enthusiasm for the cultivation of philosophy among Arabic-speaking, Muslim intellectuals had all but disappeared and along with it their thoughts about encouraging an intercultural, interreligious cultivation of the virtues of al-insāniyyah. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the philosophical and theological concerns of modernity changed their focus in the Arabic-speaking world as elsewhere. Philosophers turned their attention to political affairs under the aegis of secular ideologies, 107 and theologians became ever more concerned with ecumenism within their own communities and with interreligious dialogue beyond their own confessional borders. 108 Ever since the publication in 1965 of Vatican Council II’s Declaration on the Relation of the Church to Non-Christian Religions, Nostra Aetate, cultivating interreligious dialogue between Christians and Muslims has been high on the agenda of interfaith relations in the Middle East and particularly in Arabicspeaking countries. But in the multiple meetings, conferences, and 105 See Kraemer, Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam; Lenn Evan Goodman, Islamic Humanism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). 106 See Mar Julius Mikhael al-Jamil, “The Personal Status of Christians in the Ottoman Empire,” and Martin Tamcke, “Syrian Churches Encountering Islam in the Ottoman Period: Some Aspects,” in Winkler, Syrian Churches Encountering Islam, pp. 130–141 & pp. 142–156. 107 See, e.g., Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1789–1939 (London & New York: Oxford University Press, c.1962, 1970). 108 See, e.g., Jean Corbon, L’Église des Arabes (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1977, re-issued in 2007).

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SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH symposia that have been held in the last fifty-some years, the search goes on to find the common philosophical or religious idiom in which the dialogue might flourish as it seeks to transform the manifest clash of theologies into a mutual recognition of the rights of religious freedom.

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANITY IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH THE WEST: THE CASE OF THE EAST-SYRIANS IN THE DIYARBAKIR REGION BETWEEN THE 16TH AND THE EARLY 18TH CENTURY HERMAN TEULE

LEUVEN / BELGIUM INTRODUCTION In the first decades of the 16th century, the Ottomans established their rule in the Middle East, including the homelands of the EastSyrians, Eastern Anatolia and the region north-east of Mosul. Sultan Selim I conquered Amid on the Persian dynasty of the Safavids in 1515. Under the name of Diyarbakir, the city would become the administrative capital of a large territory, initially extending as far as Mosul. 1 For the first years of the period under discussion, the infrastructure of the Church of the East in this region is not very clear. The patriarchs resided in the broader Mosul region. Most of them were buried in the Monastery of Rabban Hormizd, which apparently was considered as the official patriarchal residence, though de facto he may have resided elsewhere. The limited list of operating dioceses with names as Abanaita (southeast Turkey), Albaq (Hakkari), Atel (Bohtan) suggests that the Church of the East was concentrated in the rural areas and had little contact with the outside world, as was

1

Cf. J. Sourdel Thomine, Diyār Bakr IV Période ottomane, EI² II (1965), p. 355–357.

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE already the case in the previous century. 2 The most important towns were Jazirat ibn ‘Umar (to-day Cizre), Mosul-Nineveh and Nisibis, episcopal and metropolitan sees, though we hardly have information on the incumbents. 3 This situation changes when John Sullaqa, recognized by the Pope as patriarch in 1553, established his residence in Diyarbakir, which would remain an important center for the newly founded Chaldean Church throughout the whole 16th and 17th century. It was the start of the setting up of a rival hierarchy and the establishment of new dioceses and some new monasteries, for example in Si‘ird (today: Siirt in eastern Turkey). More significantly, it was also the beginning of intensive contacts with the European world, ecclesiastical as well as political. In a certain way, these contacts were not entirely new. The Church of the East has a long history with reflection on the relationship between the patriarch of Seleucia-Ctesiphon (alias Bagdad) and his western colleagues, in the first place the Bishop of Rome. The ancient canonical documents do not hesitate to recognize the preeminence of the see of Rome, without however any canonical consequences.4 Rome also receives special attention in some later chronicles, such as the anonymous Abbreviated Ecclesiastical History, composed in the 11th century. 5 This awareness of the other was however one-sided. Until the Crusader Period, European Christians had hardly heard of the Church of the East. Only in the 13th century, the Crusader Period, did travelers and missionaries, especially the Dominicans, discover the “miserable Nestorians”, 6 in their eyes highly heretical, who after the model of the Maronites had to be won for 2

Cf. Th. Carlson, Christianity in Fifteenth-Century Iraq, Cambridge 2018. Cf. J.-M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus. Répertoire des diocèses syriaques orientaux et occidentaux (Beiruter Texte und Studien 49), Stuttgart 1993, pp. 43, 48, 54–55 ; see also D. Wilmshurt, The ecclesiastical Organisation of the Church of the East 1318–1913, CSCO 582, Leuven 2000, esp. pp. 38–124. 4 H. Teule, “Autonomie patriarcale, ministère pétrinien et attitude de l’Eglise d’Orient envers l’Eglise romaine” in Science et Esprit 65,1–2 (2013), pp. 65–82. 5 Cf. B. Haddad (ed.), Muktaṣar al-akhbār al-bī`iyya, Baghdad: al-maktaba alwaṭaniyya, 2000, p. 121. 6 This is the judgment of Jacques de Vitry, Crusader Bishop of Acre (d. 1240) in his Historia orientalis, published by J. Donnadieu, Turnhout 2008, pp. 314–315. 3

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE entering into union with Rome. It is the beginning of an interesting history of encounters and epistolary exchanges between members of the East-Syriac hierarchy and the West, in which the Orientals showed a remarkable openness to their western coreligionists, without however wishing to give up their autonomy and their own articulation of the Christological dogma, which was expected by some of the missionaries. 7 The political circumstances did not allow that those contacts were continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Intellectual activity seems to have come to a standstill and in the middle of the fifteenth century, the Church introduced the system of hereditary succession, by which the patriarchal and episcopal dignity would remain within the same family, the bet Abuna. Whatever the advantages or disadvantages of this system taking into account the specific political circumstances, its uncanonical character may have played a role in the decision of John Sullaqa, the abbot of Rabban Hormizd, to renew contacts with the west, though this is not confirmed by contemporary documents and might be a later Chaldean or Catholic justification of Sullaqa’s initiative. 8 JOHN SULLAQA (1553–1555): “PATRIARCH OF MOSUL” The history of Yoḥannan Sullaqa’s recognition by the Vatican as “Patriarch of Mosul”, i.e. as head of a new Church united with Rome, is relatively well documented and need not be discussed here. 9 It is the beginning of intensive Catholic missionary activity in a region which in the preceding centuries had little contact with the outside world. John Sullaqa travelled to Jerusalem, where he was received by the Franciscans, who recommended him to travel to Rome. Various documents suggest that he would have submitted no less than three 7

Cf. H. Teule, “Saint Louis and the East-Syrians. The Dream of a terrestrial Empire. East-Syrian Attitudes to the West” in K. Ciggaar & H. Teule (eds.), East and West in the Crusader States III (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 125), Leuven 2003, pp. 101–122. 8 See for example J.A. Assemani, De catholicis seu patriarchis chaldeorum et nestorianorum, Rome, 1770 (re-edited Piscataway 2004), p. 215 or J. Habbi, “Signification de l’union chaldéenne de Mar Sulaqa avec Rome en 1553”, L’Orient Syrien XI, pp. 99–132 and 199–230, especially p. 105–06. 9 For example, D. Wilmshurst, The Martyred Church. A History of the Church of the East, London 2011, pp. 316–365.

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE professions of faith to prove his orthodoxy. Though two of these professions still bear the marks of his “Nestorian” background, the final text approved by Pope Jules III is of course fully orthodox in Roman eyes. 10 Returning to his homeland, he did not establish himself in the neighbourhood of his former monastery, but rather in Amid, a region with pro-Roman sympathies. He was accompanied by two Dominican missionaries, Antoninus Zahara and Ambrosius Buttigeg. The latter was even ordained titular bishop of Hauara a few months before leaving for the East, to emphasize the importance Rome attached to his mission. This Roman support was a request by John Sullaqa himself, who needed help to teach his people “the rites” of the Catholic Church. Rites is probably to be understood here in a broader, not strictly liturgical sense. For Rome it was important to monitor the developments of the new Chaldean community and from a letter of Leonard Abel, a later Roman envoy to the Middle East, Buttigeg would have succeeded in realizing some reforms, 11 undoubtedly in a latinizing direction. After the assassination of Sullaqa in 1555 by the Ottoman governor of ‘Amadiyya, Buttigeg and Zahara also feared for their lives and left for India, but the Latin presence somehow continued either through Apostolic delegates such as Nicolaus Fryton, the Latin archbishop of Nakchivan in Greater Armenia, 12 and Leonard Abel, titular bishop of Sidon, or, on

10

Cf. H. Teule, “Les professions de foi de Jean Sullāqā, premier patriarche chaldéen, et de son successeur ‘Abdisho‘ d-Gāzartā” in M.-H. Blanchet & Fr. Gabriel, L’union à l’épreuve du formulaire. Professions de foi entre Eglises d’orient et d’occident (XIIIe–XVIIIe siècle), Leuven 2016, pp. 259–269. See also the interesting article by L. Parker, “The Ambiguities of Belief and Belonging: Catholicism and the Church of the East in the sixteenth Century”, English Historical Review CXXXIII nr 565 (2018), pp. 1420–1445. 11 For the text of a report, sent by Abel to pope Sixtus V, see S. Giamil, Genuinae relations inter Sedem Apostolicam et Assyriorum Orientalium seu Chaldeorum Ecclesiam, Rome 1902, p. 120. 12 Cf. Giamil, Genuinae relationes, pp. 68–69 gives the text of the Pope’s letter to Fryton, whose task it was to assist the Patriarch (‘Abdisho’, Sullaqā’s successor) with good advice and help him respect sacramental practice and other rites approved by the (Roman) Church.

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE a lower level, through itinerant missionaries. 13 In the more religious field (theology, ecclesiology, liturgy), as distinguished from the church-political domain, it is difficult to assess the impact of these Latin missionaries. John Sullāqā’s successor ‘Abdisho‘ IV Maron dGāzartā had a somewhat fluid Christology and had to be helped by the Roman authorities to draft the profession of faith he was expected to submit to the Pope. 14 In a personal letter, Pope Pius IV recommends him to follow the Roman Church in matters of sacramental practice and faith, allowing him to keep ‘rites and ceremonies’ of his own tradition of apparently lesser importance. 15 John Sullaqa’s later successors, despite their contacts with missionaries, failed to obtain Roman recognition, so that de facto with patriarchs Shim’un X (1600–1638), Shim’un XI (1638–1656) and Shim‘un XII (1656– 1662), John Sullaqa’s attempts at establishing an East-Syrian Church united with Rome, came to an end. A NEW START: THE “JOSEPH LINE” – JOSEPH I In the meantime, the newly founded Congregation de propaganda fide (1622) had taken initiatives to establish mission posts in Mesopotamia on a more permanent basis. In 1641, it appointed Bartolomeo Stellini, a member of the Order of the Friars Minor Conventual, as head of a new mission in Amid. An earlier attempt at establishing there Franciscan missionaries had failed. According to Francesco Antonio Benoffi, an 18th century conventual Franciscan and as inquisitor much interested in issues of heresy, Stellini would have been quite successful in converting many Nestorians during the ten years of his apostolate in Mesopotamia, 16 but in a report addressed to Rome the Jesuit Alexander de Rhodes rather suggests the opposite, which in his eyes was due to the fact that Stellini, of Maltese background, only knew Arabic instead of the local languages, Turkish and 13

Cf. H. Murre-van den Berg, Scribes and Scriptures. The Church of the East in the Eastern Ottoman Provinces (1500–1850), Leuven 2015, pp. 44–60. H. Murre-van den Berg also refers to Jerusalem and the Franciscan presence there as a possible channel for Roman influence, cf. p. 54. 14 Cf. Teule, professions de foi, pp. 268–69. 15 Giamil, genuinae relationes, pp. 76–77. 16 See his Compendio di storia minoritica, posthumously published in Pesaro in 1829, p. 292.

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE Armenian. 17 Stellini died in or around 1658 and no successor was found among the Conventuals. A new start was made by the Capuchin fathers, who under the leadership of Jean-Baptiste de Saint Aignan, translator of western theological literature and author on his own merits, founded a new mission in 1667. In this period, however, the intellectual climate had dramatically changed. Aleppo had become the centre of Latin missionaries of various religious orders, including the Capuchins, and many of them considered it their vocation to make post-Tridentine theology available to the Middle Eastern Christians by means of Arabic translations of western theological standard works such as the catechism by Robert Bellarmine or sometimes through original works composed by themselves. 18 Aleppo was closely linked with other mission stations such as Mosul, Mardin and Diyarbakir, which explains how the Latin theological literature became easily available to the East Syriac Christians of the latter city. The regular visits of the French Consul in Aleppo and later Apostolic Visitor François Picquet to Diyabakir is another proof of the strong links between both cities. Picquet was instrumental in obtaining the Roman recognition of the East-Syriac Metropolitan of Diyarbakir Joseph as Patriarch of the Chaldean Nation in 1681, the beginning of a new line of East-Syriac Patriarchs recognized by Rome. Unlike the hesitant three Shim‘uns mentioned above who on the one hand entertained contacts with Rome and were eager to have papal recognition, but on the other were not pre-

17 Cf. A. Lampart, Ein Märtyrer der Union mit Rom. Joseph I, Patriarch der Chaldäer, Einsiedeln 1966, pp. 74–76. 18 Cf. B. Heyberger, Les chrétiens du Proche Orient au temps de la réforme catholique, Rome 1994 (2014²), with an elaborate description of what Georg Graf has labelled ‘katholische Missionsliteratur’ (see G. Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, IV, Città del Vaticano 1951, pp. 169–271). C. Santus in his Trasgressioni necessarie. Communicatio in sacris, coestistenza e conflitti tra le communità cristiane orientali (Levante e Impero Ottomano, XVII–XVIII secolo), Rome 2019, p. 145 states that original works written by missionaries were mainly aimed at a European readership. Some missionaries, undoubted helped by native Arabic speakers, also wrote with eastern readers in mind, see for example the work of the Jesuit Pierre Fromage (Graf, Geschichte IV, pp. 230– 231) or the introductions written by Joannes à Matre Dei to his translation of conciliar texts (see below).

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE pared to give up the ancient customs of the Church of the East, Joseph had an outspoken pro-Roman attitude, as appears from a report by Picquet’s secretary, the Oratorian priest Jean-Baptiste Casmont, one of the informants of the French diplomat and consul of Aleppo, Laurent d’Arvieux. 19 Casmont mentions Joseph’s purification of liturgical texts from the presumed “Nestorian” heresy, a number of liturgical reforms in a latinizing sense (such as the practice of the viaticum or the auricular confession), and some disciplinary measures. 20 These latinizing reforms (and some other minor ones such as the use of the mitre and the introduction of stoups at the entrance of the church) are undoubtedly the result of Joseph’s contacts with the missionaries of Diyarbakir or even Aleppo, a town which he visited several times. On the other hand, the introduction of these novelties is rather superficial and does not really give insight into Joseph’s exposure to western theological ideas. Apart from a number of letters addressed to the Pope or the Propaganda, Joseph does not seem to have composed any other personal writing that could tell us more about his convictions and ideas how he interpreted the connection with the West. The only exception might be a small collection of hymns on the Mother of God (!) and the feasts of the Lord. 21 After his abdication, Joseph left for Rome where he was mostly active as copyist of manuscripts. Still in Diyarbakir, he had already copied several liturgical manuscripts in Syriac and Karshuni; 22 in Rome, he copied next to liturgical texts, poetry by 19

On the close relationship between d’Arvieux and Picquet, see V. Pârnea, “Lettres d’Orient: échanges épistolaires en contexte interculturel dans les Mémoires du Chevalier d’Arvieux”, Arborescences, Revue d’études françaises 9 (2019), pp. 68–80. 20 J.-B. Labat, Mémoires du chevalier d’Arvieux, VI, Paris 1735, pp. 114–123 (German translation in Lampe, Märtyrer, pp. 169–172; correct however p. 171, Pfingstmontag into Ostermontag, the description of the Feast of gayyāsā). 21 Preserved in Ms BrL 282, see W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum acquired since the year 1838, I, London 1870, pp. 213–214. 22 Cf. Lampe, Märtyrer, pp. 202–204, mentions a matrimonial ritual (cf. Murre, Scribes, p. 119) written in 1683 and a composite liturgical manuscript, containing several liturgical texts. Cf. Wilmshurst, Ecclesiastical Organisation, p. 58. Manuscript Mardin Chaldean Cathedral 70 is a Gospel Lectionary in

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE John Sullaqa’s successor ‘Abdisho‘ of Gazarta, including the latter’s history of John Sullaqa. The most original text is however a Karshuni copy of the Bustān al-rahbān, (“the monks’ garden”, preserved in Vat. Syr. 206 23), which seems to be an Arabic translation of the alphabetical collection of the Sayings of the Fathers of the Desert (apophtegmata partum), closely following the Greek text, 24 and significantly not the East-Syriac collection of Sayings of the Fathers by ‘Enanisho‘, which one would assume from the brief description by Lampart. JOSEPH II Joseph II, recognized by Pope Innocent XII as Patriarch of the Chaldeans of Babylon, must have been quite a different personality. More than his predecessor, he introduced the Christians of Diyarbakir to Latin Christianity and this on a more fundamental level. Joseph was born as Ṣlibā d-Bet Ma‘rūf in Tell Kepe in the neighbourhood of Mosul in 1667. It was here that he was trained in the classical Syriac language by “capable and orthodox teachers”, as we can read in the short autobiography, attached to some of his writings. 25 At the age of twelve, he was ordained a deacon. It is not sure whether in his native town he had already met Latin missionaries, as suggested by Wilmshurst, 26 but it is highly probable that contact with

Syriac, written in Amid in 1682. In the colophon (137r–141r) Joseph mentions Pope Innocent XI and praises “Mary, Mother of God”. According to the description of manuscript HMML project number CCM00448, another work belonging to the Chaldean Cathedral of Mardin would have been copied by Joseph I, but the scribe seems rather his successor Joseph II. 23 S.E. & J.S. Assemani, Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae: codicum manuscriptorum catalogus. III, Rome 1759, pp. 493–495. 24 Cf. G. Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur Vol. I, Città del Vaticano 1944, pp. 381–82. 25 See e.g. Giamil, Genuinae relations, pp. 208–210. This autobiography has been transmitted in both Arabic and Syriac, with a few minor differences; see my “Joseph II, patriarch of the Chaldeans (1696–1213/4), and the Book of the Magnet. First Soundings” in R. Ebied & H. Teule (eds.), Studies on The Christian Arabic Heritage, Eastern Christian Studies 5, Louvain 2004, pp. 221–241. 26 Wilmshurst, Ecclesiastical Organisation, p. 224.

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE those missionaries, in Tell Kepe itself or Mosul, 27 is the reason why Ṣlibā at the age of twenty-two moved to Amid to put himself under the obedience of Joseph I, the beginning of a steep ecclesiastical career, culminating into his appointment as patriarch in 1693. For this article, it is in the first place his intellectual development, which I would like to discuss. In his autobiography, he tells that after Joseph I had left for Rome, he started to take lessons in Arabic in a Muslim school, because of the lack of Christian schools in the region. In the introduction to his book The Joy of the Sinners (see below), he rather mentions Joseph I as the one who taught him Arabic. Apparently, living in Tell Kepe, he had not been exposed to Arabic or only on a limited scale. In the eskolās d-Ṭayyaye he was further introduced to various disciplines such as logic, physics, metaphysics and some theology (= the second philosophy, theologia, ‘ilm lāhūt). Looking back at his training in the “school of the Muslims”, he states that he only survived this period of learning from people outside “our flock”, thanks to God’s help! His training in Arabic turned out however to be extremely useful, for as a matter of fact many of his Syriac works are translations or adaptations of Arabic originals. It is somewhat strange that in his autobiography he omits to mention his contacts with the Capuchins. Joseph I had received his instruction in the Catholic doctrine in their convent, possibly from Jean-Baptiste de Saint-Aignan. It is only in their monastery of Amid (and possibly to a lesser degree during a visit to Aleppo) that in his turn Ṣlibā Ma‘rūf can have familiarized himself with Latin theology and liturgical practice. Aleppo in this period had become a hub for missionary expansion, with links and ramifications to the important cities of Mesopotamia, including Diyarbakir, as appears from several travel accounts by Aleppo based missionaries. As mentioned above, François Picquet, the French consul in Aleppo, was personally interested in the situation of the Christians in Diyarbakir. So we may assume that the Capuchins of Diyarbakir thought along the same lines and read the same books as their confratres in Aleppo. A number of recent studies have shown that the missionaries were torn between 27

There was a mission station of the Capuchin in Mosul as early as 1636, see Heyberger, Chrétiens du Proche Orient, p. 284. On Latin missionaries there in the 17th century, see Murre, Scribes, p. 58.

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE two tendencies, on the one hand imposing a strict Tridentine ecclesiological model, on the other, a more lenient attitude taking into account the particular situation of the Middle Eastern Christians under Ottoman domination which posed limitations to the possibility of outing yourself as a catholic, 28 and even an attitude of respect for the oriental traditions. 29 What did the future Joseph II learn from these missionaries? Joseph was a prolific author, writing in Syriac, Arabic and Sureth. 30 Unfortunately, the great majority of his works have not yet been edited or translated into a western language. For some works, it is difficult to establish if he is the original author or if he just paraphrases or translates an external source. In his autobiography, the first work mentioned by him is The Medicine of the Sinners and the Joy of the God-fearing.31 According to an introductory note by the scribe of Ms Alqosh 45 (fol. 1v, HMML project Nr DCA 00045), Joseph wrote it in 1691, when he was still a priest. A note at the end of this manuscript (added by a later hand) informs the reader that this work is a translation (possibly rather a reworking) of a work of “Yuḥannān Eusabius Nieremberg”, unfortunately without mentioning the title. This is no one else than the famous Jesuit Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (1595–1658), the author a great number of spiritual and theological writings in Latin and in Spanish which enjoyed great popularity over whole Europe. Some of his writings were also translated into Arabic and enjoyed a certain popularity in the uniate milieu of Aleppo. 32 The precise relationship between this first work of Joseph and that of Nierenberg needs further investigation. It seems that Joseph translated excerpts; at regular intervals, he announces that he finished translating a particular section from Arabic into Syriac. In order to show how Ṣlibā recommends certain western Christian practices such as annual confession,

28

Cf. e.g. Santus, Trasgressioni, p. 2. J. Hajjar, Les chrétiens uniates du Proche-Orient, Damascus 1995², pp. 228– 229. 30 For a survey of his works, see Teule, Joseph II, Patriarch of the Chaldeans, pp. 221–242 and Murre, Scribes, pp. 339–344. 31 This is the title found in Ms Alqosh; the autobiography gives the title: the Joy of the Just and the Medicine of the Sinners. 32 Cf. Heyberger, Chrétiens du Proche Orient, p. 440. 29 See

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE fasting or attending mass, I give here the literal translation of a catechism-style passage on the six commandments of the Church (78r– 79v), following a paragraph on the Ten Commandments: “On the useful commandments and councils of the Holy Church. Question: Next to the divine commandments, tell (us) more about the smaller commandments that the Church has added. Answer: The commandments of the Holy Church are six in number. The first: we should go to church and hear the holy mysteries on all Sundays and the festival days of our Lord. The second: we should fast during lent and on the other (days of) fasting that have been ordered by the Holy Church. On these fasting days, we should abstain from eating meat and (other) forbidden food as decreed by the Holy Roman Church. We should also abstain from fish, wine and other matters according to the praiseworthy custom of the Easterners. During the whole year, we should abstain from eating meat and (other) forbidden food on Wednesdays and Fridays according to the custom of the Easterners or on Friday and Saturday according to the custom of the Church of Rome. We must confess our sins before a priest at least once a year. We should receive the vivifying mysteries on the Feast of Easter. We should refrain from marrying and intercourse in the forbidden periods”

The interesting point of this fragment is that it betrays a certain embarrassment. On the one hand, the translator is clearly under the spell of Latin practice and devotion as found in the Tridentine Catechism. On the other, he realizes the difference with his own eastern tradition, which to a certain extent he tries to safeguard. The second work mentioned in the autobiography is the Lamp of Light (Lampīd nuhrā). It was written in 1693, when Ṣlibā had already been promoted to the metropolitan see of Amid. This work was edited by Paul Bedjan under the title Compendium conciliorum oecumenicorum undecim (Leipzig, 1988). The original text is preserved in several manuscripts among which the autograph (now: ms Trichur 67). This work is again, as we can read in the introduction, a translation from an Arabic work, which could be identified. It is Al-miṣbāḥ al-lāmi‘ fī tarjamat al-majāmi‘ (“the burning Lamp concerning the Translation of the Councils”), which in its turn is the Arabic translation of an unknown Latin original. The Arabic translator was Johannes Petrus à Matre Dei, a Carmelite from Lyons and a missionary in Aleppo. The 53

HERMAN G.B. TEULE translation was made in the year 1662 and we may assume that one of its copies made its way to the library of the Diyarbakir Capuchins. 33 The eleven councils mentioned by Bedjan are next to the seven classical Ecumenical Councils, the Synod of Constantinople IV (869), the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), the Second Council of Lyon (1274) and the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438), all councils dealing with the Eastern Churches. In order to give an idea of the style and scope of this work, I first give the translation of a brief fragment, taken from the fourth Synod of Constantinople, recognized by the Roman Catholic Church as the eighth Ecumenical Council: The members of this Synod are 383 in number, bishops and metropolitans. They sit on their seats in regular order, each one according to his rank. Therefore, the first seats are occupied by the legates of the Pope, Donatus, the bishop of the town of Ostia, Cardinal (sic) Maryanus (Marinus) and Stephen, Bishop of Naipē (Nepi). The second seat was taken by Ignatius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, the third by Thomas, the metropolitan of the town of Tyrus, on behalf of the Patriarch of Antioch (…). First session: when the Fathers were seated as well as the Emperor, one of the prefects of the Emperor said to the papal legates: bring forward the writings of the Pope, so that we can read them aloud before the Fathers, so that they know what he has ordered …

The main issue to be discussed at this Council was the deposition of Photius. For Joseph however, it was important to emphasize the role of the Pope, much less the issue itself. That no council can be convened without the presence or at least the permission of the Pope is his deep conviction, which he repeats in the description of all eleven synods. It is not always clear why Joseph translated certain fragments, for example the technical discussion between Joachim de Fiore and Peter Lombard (at Lateran IV), which few Chaldeans in Amid will have understood. He probably wanted to follow closely 33 For a study of this text, see H. Teule, “From Aleppo to Khosrova. Paul Bedjan and his Compendium coniliorum oecumenicorum undecim” in J.- M. Auwers & D. Vanysacker, Pulchritudo tam antiqua et tam nova, Bibliothèque de la Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 107, Turnhout 2020, pp. 179–191.

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE the Arabic original, the general spirit of which – Latin orthodoxy and orthopraxis – must have appealed to him very much. From the introduction by Johannes Petrus à Matre Dei (translated also by Joseph), we learn that one of the objectives of his work was to combat the heresies of the Nestorians and the Jacobites, by allowing them to have access to the (Latin) orthodoxy of the Holy Councils. That the dissension with the Nestorians was a burning issue in Joseph’s eyes appears from the exordium, written by him, which has a strongly worded attack on the “Nestorian” community. Some of his other later works confirm this picture. The first part of The Polished Mirror, 34 composed in 1703, is all but a song of praise on papal authority, including the full list of popes until his own days. The Book of the Magnet, composed before or in 1705, abounds in references to European spiritual works. The title Magnet may even have been inspired by Birgitta of Sweden, who is referred to several times in the works of Joseph. In the field of liturgy, he took the work of his predecessor a step further, introducing a number of latinizing reforms. Though Joseph also composed some writings, which show him as someone at home in Syriac literature (for example commentaries on two works of Barhebraeus), the overwhelming majority of his writings show him a diligent student of the European missionaries. Their work in Aleppo, the translation of Latin theology and spirituality into Arabic, was under the influence of Joseph’s Syriac translations also brought eastward, the starting point of a massive influx of European literature into the till then closed Ottoman world of Mesopotamia. By these translations, Joseph contributed to coining a new theological vocabulary in Syriac, an enterprise that in later times would be refined by Paul Bedjan. Joseph died in 1713. His successor, Timotheos Marogin received the pallium in the same year and took the name of Joseph III. However, a report mentions him as a writer of Syriac and Arabic

34

Paul Bedjan did not include this exordium into his edition because of its strong anti-Nestorian character, which he deems counterproductive for making conversions.

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HERMAN G.B. TEULE books, no works of his which could have informed us about his theological orientations seem to have survived. 35 He copied a few works of his predecessor and the same report depicts him as a staunch defender of the Catholic faith, who in the liturgical field walked in the steps of his predecessors (daily mass, auricular confession…). During his office as patriarch, several original works were published by members of his community. They all testify to the westward orientation of the Chaldeans. Adam ‘Aqrāyā (d. 1622), recognized in 1614/5 as Chaldean metropolitan of Amid and Jerusalem, spent several years in Rome, where he acted as legate of the “Nestorian” patriarchs. Initially he tried to demonstrate that the “Nestorian” or generally non-catholic formulas of the creed or otherwise (procession of the Spirit from the Father alone; Mary, Mother of Christ, …) were compatible with the Latin confession of faith, but later he was won over for the Latin formula, which he tried to explain to the members of his Church of origin. 36 The second is an Arabic biography – with strong hagiographic undertones – of Joseph I, written in 1719 by the metropolitan of Amid ‘Abdulaḥad (d. 1728). It is based on an earlier local source and highlights Joseph’s relationship with the Capuchins. Interestingly, this relationship is, according to ‘Abdulaḥad, used by his adversaries to accuse him of being an ifranji, a European, rather than an Ottoman subject. 37 The third is the priest Khidr of Mosul, whose literary output can be compared to that of Joseph II: liturgical compositions (still to be studied, but seemingly with Latin influ-

35 The Book of the Treasure of the Sacraments, sometimes attributed to him, was rather written by Joseph IV (cf. Murre, Scribes, p. 235). For the report, see Giamil, Genuinae relations, pp. 317ff. 36 Adam’s Aqrāyā’s dogmatic writings have been preserved in a Latin translation and were incorporated into the work of Petrus Stroza, De Chaldeorum dogmatibus disputatio, Rome 1617, pp. 27–51 and 232–252. On Adam, see R. Macuch, Geschichte der spat- und neusyrischen Literatur, Berlin-New York 1976, pp. 40–41. 37 Cf. J.-B. Chabot, “Les origines du patriarcat chaldéen. Vie de Mar Youssef Ier, premier patriarche des Chaldéens (1681–1695), écrite par Abdoulahad, archevêque chaldéen d’Amid, et traduite de l’arabe sur l’autographe de l’auteur”, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien, 1 (1896), pp. 66–90 [the translation of this text was made by a Chaldean priest in the time of Patriarch Khayyat (d. 1899)].

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MIDDLE EASTERN CHRISTIANS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE ences), but in the first place translations of Latin theological and spiritual literature such as works of Robert Bellarmine, Francis of Sales and Thomas à Kempis.38 CONCLUSION After Joseph III, the literary production of the Christians of the Diyarbakir region seems to have come to a standstill. Missionary activities however continued and would even be intensified in the 19th century. Positively, one could say that the contacts with the European missionaries offered the Christians a window to the outside world and allowed them to have access to education and foreign protection, which in many cases was denied to them in the closed Ottoman society of the Diyarbakir region. This also explains that the contacts with the European world were not limited to those Christians who eventually decided to join the Roman Church, but remained also strong among members of the hierarchy of both the Rabban Hormizd and the Qodshanes line who refused to take this step and continued to send creeds and letters to Rome. Negatively, the European connection implied giving up of much of the original oriental heritage, which was only very marginally accepted by the Roman authorities, allowing only for a few liturgical elements. It is this ambiguity, which for decades to come would determine the ecclesiastical life of the region.

38

Graf, Geschichte IV, pp. 105–109; Macuch, Geschichte, pp. 44–47.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC LIFE – MIDDLE EAST BERGE A. TRABOULSI BEIRUT / LEBANON

1. INTRODUCTION My intention in this paper is to shed light on the issue of ‘citizenship’ and ‘participation in Public life’ in the 21st century ‘Middle East’. It will only touch upon two main issues pertaining to citizenship in the Middle East: First, it will examine citizenship within the glocal (global + local) 1 context and benchmark its concepts and elements against respective Western paradigms. Second, it will evaluate some activities and practical guidelines for effective participation in public life and comment on their respective paradoxes within the context of change. It is crucial in such and similar studies to avoid viewing the Middle East as a monolithic or unitary entity thus refraining from using any form of simplistic approach to the analysis of the attendant issues of co-existence and pluralism in the Middle East.

1

Patrice Brodeur considered that glocalism is “the conceptual synthesis for the thesis ‘modernity’ and the antithesis ‘post-modernity’. Moreover, he observes four characteristics: “First, at the center of perception is the individual. Second, the use of either ‘local’ and ‘global’ to describe the locality of any individual at any point in time is inadequate. Third, past and future collapse into one ever-changing present. Fourth, the collapse of material/form and meaning/content on both the material and the conceptual level [is observed]” (P. Brodeur, “From postmodernism to ‘glocalism’. In B. Schaebler/R. Mottahedeh (eds.). Globalization and the Muslim world (188– 205). New York: 2004, pp. 191, 196–197).

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI What is the Middle East? The ‘Middle East’ (Ar. Trans. al-sharq al-awsat) is a ‘Western 2/ Eurocentric term’ 3 which dates from the beginning of the 20th century, yet it has also been adopted and used by the peoples of the region to refer to their homelands. 4 At present, the Middle East is conceived of being a vast area with the Arab World at heart; it extends, according to Charles Lindholm, from the Atlantic beaches of Morocco and stretches east across North Africa, into Arabia, through Iran, and finally merges into central Asia and south Asia in northern Pakistan and southern Afghanistan. 5

Uri Davis preferred to identify the modern Middle East as the area comprising the former territories of the Ottoman Empire in South East Asia. 6

It’s clear from the above quotations that there is no agreement of what are the exact territories that comprise the Middle East. The Middle East is a complex and turbulent region. Its complexity lies in the various social and cultural traits 7 characterizing each and every society and community; while many might be shared throughout 2

B. Lewis, The Multiple Identities of the Middle East. New York 1998, p. 5. K. Selvik/S. Stenslie, Stability and Change in the Modern Middle East. London 2011, p. 2f wrote: “‘The Middle East’ is a Eurocentric term. The region is east only from a western European perspective. For an Indian the Middle East is to the west, and for a Russian the region is to the south. The term is of recent origin, and is linked to Captain Alfred Thayar Mahan, an American naval officer and strategist, who used the term in the article “The Persian Gulf and International Relations” in 1902. For Mahan ‘the Middle East’ referred to the area between the Turkish-dominated Ottoman Empire, ‘the Near East’, the expanding Russian empire in Central Asia and the British crown colony India, ‘the Far East’”. 4 Lewis, The Multiple Identities of the Middle East, p. 5. 5 C. Lindholm, The Islamic Middle East: Tradition and Change. (Rev. Ed.). Malden, MA 2002, p. 8. 6 U. Davis, Citizenship and the State: A Comparative Study of Citizenship Legislation in Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon. Berkshire 1997, p. xxv. 7 The traits are many, such as, the shared (or unshared) values, beliefs, institutions, technologies, language(s) and ideas, religion(s), government, economics, arts, architecture, family life, feelings, customs, skills, food and clothing. 3

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST these communities they may not carry the same significations. Moreover, it is a turbulent and unstable 8 region because of the presence of numerous and multidimensional problems; these are mainly demographic, economic, social-cultural, technological, ecological, and political that governments, societies, communities and individuals face in the region. 9 Barry Rubin has aptly emphasized that: during the twentieth century’s second half, the Middle East knew more international wars, repression, civil wars, terrorism, and revolutionary insurgencies than any other area in the world. 10

2. BENCHMARK OF MIDDLE EASTERN CITIZENSHIP, DEMOCRACY AND PUBLIC LIFE AGAINST WESTERN PARADIGM Since the 1990s and after the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), theorists, political analysts, commentators, and academics have been analyzing the impact of globalization on citizenship and the common good, identity, democracy, plurality, multiculturalism, cultural and ethnic diversity, civic virtues, nationality (single and multiple), human rights (mainly, freedom of speech and association, political liberties, religious liberties, gender &

8

See A. Richards, “Long-Term Sources of Instability in the Middle East”. In J. A. Russell (Ed.). Critical Issues Facing the Middle East: Security, Politics, and Economics. New York 2006, pp. 13–36. 9 See J.A. Russell, Critical Issues Facing the Middle East: Security, Politics, and Economics. New York 2006; H. Azzam, The Arab World Facing the Challenges of the New Millennium. London 2002; P. Danahar, The New Middle East: The World After the Arab Spring. New York 2013; I. Elbadawi/S. Makdisi (Eds.), Democracy in the Arab World: Explaining the Deficit. London 2011. The Middle Eastern societies are facing various and diversified problems, such as, globalization, multiculturalism, terrorism, religious fanaticism and radicalism, Arab-Israeli Conflict, citizenship and identity, human rights, democratization, regime change, level of economic development, corruption, environmental problems, food insecurity, health problems, bioethical issues, demographic changes and housing, religious/sectarian conflicts, the use of force and violence in solving disputes, drugs, domestic violence, male sexism, male chauvinism, immigration and brain drain, and many others. 10 B. Rubin, The Tragedy of the Middle East. Cambridge 2002, p. 138.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI women’s rights, and minority rights), individualization, social cohesion, immigration and naturalization, politics, state authority, and economy. As suggested by the title, I will tackle precisely citizenship, identity, secularism, democracy and human rights. A. Citizenship, Identity, and Secularism Until the 1980s, most scholars and theorists tended to study Third World nationalism and Westphalian citizenship in light of the European paradigm. 11 What is ‘citizenship’? Definitions may vary from one context to another, from the Ancient Israel and Classical Greece (5th century BC) up to our present times. 12 Thus, addressing this question in our globalized 21st century calls for a specific stance due to its variety, complexity and sensibility. Some define citizenship on the basis of the citizen’s role. For instance, Jose Ciprut defined citizenship as a bundle of rights and obligations that define a person’s societal role. 13

Elizabeth Cohen rightly pointed out that:

There is little consensus on the meaning of the term. 14

11

Dawa Norbu clarified that this approach “has started with Ernest Renan in the early 1880s and continued in the 1950 by western historians, such as Hans Kohn”. Norbu criticized it saying that “the European paradigm is often uncritically used as the standard measurement for the study of Third World nationalism. But the latter differs from the former in several critical respects: the salience of culture in national identity formation, the voluntaristic process of mass mobilization as a means for a nation-in-the-making, and such as nationality struggling to create or seize state power structure as the basic goal of any non-western nationalism” D. Norbu, Culture and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. London 1992, pp. 5–11). 12 See H. Kohn, Nationalism, its Meaning and History. (Rev. Ed.). Florida 1965, pp. 9–15; D. Kostakopoulou, The Future Governance of Citizenship. Cambridge 2008, pp. 14–44; B. Traboulsi, “Citizenship in Multicultural Lebanon: A Critical Approach”. In Annales de Philosophie & des Sciences Humaines 23 (2007) 100–103. 13 J.V. Ciprut, The Future of Citizenship. Cambridge 2009, p. 17. 14 E.F. Cohen, Semi-Citizenship. Cambridge 2009, p. 13.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST Others rely on the dimension of ‘identity’ to define citizenship. Bernard Lewis argued that: In the Middle East as elsewhere, historical and literary records show that it was not by social or economic, nor yet by generational and gender differences, that people saw the basic definition of their own identity, the dividing line between self and other…. The primary identities are those acquired at birth. The first by blood… The second by place… The third is the religious community. The second broad category of identity is that of allegiance to a ruler, in the past usually a hereditary monarch. This identity is normally acquired by birth. It may be changed by annexation, by transfer of power, or, for the individual, by migration, and, in modern times, naturalization. It is expressed in the obedience owed by the subject to the sovereign and to his multifarious representatives at the various levels at which a subject lives his life – the head of the state or of a department, the governor of a province or city, the administrator of a district, the headman of a village. In most of the world, and for most of the history of the Middle East, these two identities – the involuntary identity of birth and the compulsory identity of the state – were the only ones that existed. In modern times, under the influence of the West, a new kind is evolving between the two – the freely chosen cohesion and loyalty of voluntary associations, combining to form what is nowadays known as the civil society. 15

Most Western literature in the 20th century dealing with citizenship is influenced by Thomas H. Marshall’s Citizenship and Social Class (1950) where he divided citizenship into three parts (or elements), i.e., (1) ‘civil’ which is composed of “the rights necessary for individual rights – liberty of the person, freedom of speech, thought and faith, the right to own property, and the right to justice”, (2) ‘political’ which is concerned with “the right to participate in the exercise of political power”, and (3) ‘social’ which ranges from “the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live according to the standards

15

Lewis, The Multiple Identities of the Middle East, pp. 6–7.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI prevailing in the society.” 16 It should be noted that the principles at the core of each of these elements are similar to those of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), 17 i.e., to articles (1, 19, 18, 2, 10), articles (20, 21), and articles (22, 23, 24, 25), respectively. Ireneusz Karolewski identified three criteria as comprising the components of citizenship which …assume different forms, different scope, different range as well as different degree.

These criteria are: (a) ‘rights’ (i.e., individual entitlements or privileges) that are based on the principle of equality which makes citizenship “attractive and desirable” and “integrate members of the community and ‘close’ the community socially”; (b) ‘obligations’ that force individuals to maintain civic virtues, such as, “solidarity, loyalty or trust, that are necessary features of living in freedom”, and (c) ‘compliance’ which “merges the concept of citizen as a free person” who “processes enough rationality to understand the necessity of compliance to political authority, without which there would be no civilized existence and therefore no citizenship”. 18 Ulrich Preuss examined citizenship in the context of the ‘we’ vs. ‘the other’ approach. He hypothesized that: Political concepts are always polemical concepts.

He also referred to six dimensions that characterize the modern democratic nation-state. These are: (1) ‘the dimension of subject-hood’ (e.g., citizens are exclusively attached to this and not to other state [against multiple loyalties of the citizen]); (2) ‘the legal dimension’ (citizens are empowered and protected legally by equal rights [against the privileges of local and feudal lords]); (3) ‘the political dimension’ (citizens have the right to rule and participate in the political process [against any kind of political dependency]); (4) ‘the identity dimension’ (citizens belong to a 16 T.H. Marshall, “Citizenship and Social Class”. In J. Manza/M. Sauder (eds), Inequality and Society. New York 1950, 148–149. 17 http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml. 18 I.P. Karolewski, Citizenship and Collective Identity in Europe. London 2009, pp. 10–14.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST particular community with particular values, traditions, and cultural habits [against the others who do not share the values, traditions and cultural habits of one’s own polity]); (5) ‘the dimension of social integration’ (citizens have the right to serve the welfare of the state [against the others who cannot be beneficiaries of solidarity]); and (6) ‘the dimension of cultural distinction’ (citizens are tied to the sophisticated culture of the community [against the uneducated and uncivilized individuals who are unable or unwilling to share the cultural capital of the polity]). 19 It is also important to highlight that some stand firm for citizenship that is “centered on exclusive allegiance” 20 to a particular piece of land, more precisely, to the land of the national state 21. Others criticize that exclusivity; they prefer to utilize, such as ‘post-national citizenship’, ‘transnational citizenship’, ‘world citizenship’, ‘global citizenship’, as nuanced efforts that try to capture processes of cross-border inclusions, allegiances and affinities that have occurred in the context of globalization. 22

As a matter of fact, this belonging 23 to a sovereign state within a community is challenged by the transfer of the state’s sovereignty to 19

U.K. Preuss, “The Ambiguous Meaning of Citizenship”, 2003, 14 (A paper presented at the University of Chicago Law School to the Center for Comparative Constitutionalism). http://ccc.uchicago.edu/docs/ preuss.pdf (retrieved November 2, 2013). 20 S. Sassen, “The Repositioning of Citizenship: Emergent Subjects and Spaces for Politics”. In Berkley Journal of Sociology 46 (2002) 4–25. http://transnationalism.uchicago.edu/RepositioningCitizenship.pdf (retrieved November 3, 2013) 21 D. Held, A Globalizing World? Culture, Economics, Politics. (Rev. Ed.). London 2004, p. 2. 22 M. Lister/E. Pia, Citizenship in Contemporary Europe. Edinburgh 2008, pp. 58–59; Karolewski, Citizenship and Collective Identity in Europe, p. 7–8; See also A. Carter, The Political Theory of Global Citizenship. London 2001, pp. 147 176; G. Stoker et al., Prospects for Citizenship. London 2011, pp. 153–173. 23 Nira Yuval-Davis considered that “Belonging is about emotional attachment, about feeling ‘at home’… about feeling safe” (“Belonging and the Politics of belonging”. In J. McLaughlin, P. Phillimore/D. Richardson, Contesting Recognition: Culture, Identity and Citizenship. Hampshire 2011, pp. 20–35, here p. 20.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI supranational organization, such as, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, UNDP, USAID and others, and by the forces of multiculturalism. 24 As a result, state, sovereignty, citizenship, and rights have changed from what we imagine them to have been, but never were,

according to Ronnie Lipscutz and James Rowe, 25 and thus,

the historic covenant between state and citizen, forged in the long twentieth century, has been seriously destabilized, argued Gerry Stoker et al. 26

At this stage, it is important to clarify two important ideas: First, globalization, 27 the ancient-modern phenomenon, should neither be regarded as a curse nor as bliss. 28 It is not just about the Black Death, al-Qaeda terrorism, the clash of civilizations, and capitalism; it is also about the Olympic Games, fighting terrorism, biological discoveries, and dialogue of civilizations. Second, globalization is not synonymous with Americanization although Stephen Mennel considered that:

24 S. Harty/M. Murphy, In Defence of Multinational Citizenship. Cardiff 2005, p. 1. 25 R.D. Lipschutz/J.K. Rowe, Globalization, Governmentality and Global Politics. Regulation for the Rest of Us? London 2005, p. 29. 26 G. Stoker et al., Prospects for Citizenship. London 2011, p. 133. 27 Peader Kirby, while defining globalization, wrote: “its use in the social sciences centres on intensifying processes of transnational interconnectedness across a range of spheres such as the economic, the social, the political, the cultural and the communicational” (“Vulnerability and Globalization: The Social Impact of Globalization”. In B. Turner (ed.). Routledge International Handbook of Globalization Studies. Oxon, 2010, pp. 114–134, here p. 115). 28 The literature on Globalization, according to William Nester, “can be split among relatively balanced studies and those that are either decidedly optimistic or pessimistic about its nature and consequences” (Globalization: A Short History of the Modern World. New York 2010, p. 153).

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST …both globalization and Americanization need to be studied in long-term perspective, but not as two separate things. 29

Andrew Sobel argued that: …globalization consists of multiple processes by which people in one society become culturally, economically, politically, socially, informationally, strategically, epidemiologically, and ecologically closer to people in geographically distant society.

Moreover, he added, …the extent of global influences on our lives, and our interpretation of globalization, varies depending upon where we live, our nationality, our income, our professions the openness and strength of our political economies, and how the processes of globalization affect us at any specific time. 30

Finally, some have expanded their understanding of citizenship to include ecological citizenship, aboriginal citizenship, youth citizenship, parent citizenship and many more. 31 Within this diversified understanding of globalization and citizenship, it is important to reflect on how ‘citizenship’ is viewed in the Middle East, and more precisely, in the Arab World. It is vital to be aware that the Arabic language has at least four words that could be used as translation for the English term “citizenship/nationality”: ra‘awiyya (from shepherds/flocks), taba‘iyya (from belonging, subordinate, or dependent), jinsiyya (passport citizenship), and muwatana (democratic citizenship). 32 Many scholars agree that Traditional Islam as well as the Arabic-Islamic political discourse is not familiar with the conceptualizations of citizen and citizenship; 33 the Quranic 29

S. Mennell, “Globalization and Americanization”. In B. Turner (Ed.). Routledge International Handbook of Globalization Studies. Oxon 2010, pp. 554– 567, here p. 554. 30 A.C. Sobel, Challenges of Globalization: Immigration, Social Welfare, Global Governance. London 2009, p. 1. 31 E. Isin/G.M. Nielsen (eds.), Acts of Citizenship. London 2008, p. 1f. 32 U. Davis, Citizenship and the State: A Comparative Study of Citizenship Legislation in Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon. Berkshire 1997, pp. 6, 35–36; see also, G.P. Parolin, Citizenship in the Arab World: Kin, Religion and NationState. Amsterdam 2009, pp. 24–25. 33 Parolin, Citizenship in the Arab World, p. 23.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI model is the umma, i.e., the Muslim community of believers who are subjects of Allah (3:109). 34 Moreover, Hocine Fetni considered that the concept of citizen and citizenship …was introduced into Arab-Muslim states by colonial powers, through the adoption of secularism and the emergence of the nation-state. 35

34 Here, non-Muslims were not considered as equal to the Muslims, and thus, they were considered subjects of dār al-islām, i.e., dhimmīs, legally bound to it by a bond of submission (Parolin, Citizenship in the Arab World, pp. 45– 46, 61). In other words, “Islamic ‘citizenship’ in practice can be conferred on Muslim subjects only” (H. Fetni, “Citizenship Divided: Muslim Subjects, Arab Citizens, Democratic Dilemma”. In J. V. Ciprut. The Future of Citizenship. Cambridge 2009, pp. 167–190, here p. 171). Finally, the various political changes that shaped the great Muslim empires as of 1699 “put an end to the umma as a monolithic political entity” (Fetni, The Future of Citizenship, pp. 172– 173). The Capitulations (imtiyāzāt), a developed system of dhimmitude, protection granted to non-Muslim foreigners and their goods, consular jurisdiction, and exemption from collective responsibility (Parolin, Citizenship in the Arab World, pp. 71–72). It is to note that dhimmitude was based on the concept of toleration, which was linked to a number of discriminatory obligations in the economic, religious, political and social spheres (B. Ye’or, The decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam from Jihad to Dhimmitude. London 1996, pp. 69–99; B. Ye’or, “Islam and Dhimmitude. Where civilizations collide (Introduction)” 2001, www.dhimmitude.org/archive/i_and_d_wherecivcollide_intro.html (retrieved November 3, 2013). According to Sami Zubaida, The Ottoman Tanzimat reforms in the 19th century tried to reform the millets; “the millet authorities, especially the ecclesiastical hierarchy, were resistant to abolition of the system, and they were backed by the European powers who paradoxically called for equality but wished to maintain separate identity and autonomy”. They managed, however, to transform the practices of political authority which led to the gradual separation of religion from government. In result, “The new notion of ‘adalet (Eng. justice) included the idea of the equality of all subjects before the law” (S. Zubaida, Law and Power in the Islamic World. London 2005, pp. 125–126). 35 Fetni, “Citizenship Divided”, pp. 167–168.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST Moreover, secularism, like nationalism, 36 represents another problematic concept in the Middle East; secular ideologies have developed in Lebanon and the Arab world by theorists and politicians, such as Boutros al Boustany (1819–1883), Chibli Chemayyel (1850– 1917), and Antoun Saadé (1904–1949). Saadé, the founder of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, aimed at separating religion from the state, forbidding the clergy to interfere in politics and national legislation, eliminating barriers between the different faiths and beliefs, abolishing feudalism, and organizing the national economy based on production, the value of work and the maintenance of the value of nation and state. 37 How could this be possible in a region where religion plays such a major role in the life of its people? How could this be achieved in a country whose ‘constitution’ observes the religion of its president or monarch? Adel Daher, a current supporter of secularism, considered that 1) the relationship between religion and state is not part of the essence of the Islamic doctrine; 2) Man is able to manage his business and worldly affairs without resorting to divinity; 3) The role of reason in matters of law is essential to resolve the issues; 4) Only a philosophical and epistemological critique is able to attain the end of the politico-religious reality; and 5) Confessionalism is unable to create a modern state where everyone feels to be a fully-fledged citizen. 38 Finally, George Corm explained the five big events which led to the fall of secularism worldwide, in the 20th century. These events are the following: 1) The success of Saudi Wahhabism; 2) the secession of the Muslims of India and the creation of Pakistan; 3) Zionism and the creation of the State of Israel; 4) the creation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference; and

36

See A. Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair. Princeton 2002; A.F. Khater, Sources in the History of the Modern Middle East. (2nd ed.). Australia 2011; M. Haddad, “The Rise of Arab Nationalism Reconsidered”. In International Journal of Middle East Studies 26 (1994) 201– 222. 37 J. Maalouf, “Religion et Politique: Les Paradoxes de l’association et de la dissociation”. In Politique et Religion: Le Cas du Liban et les Perspectives d’un «Vivre Ensemble» au Milieu du Monde Arabo-Islamique. Jounieh 2010, pp. 207– 230, here 214–216. 38 Ibid. 226–228.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI 5) the religious revolution in Iran. 39 It is clear that the weight of religion cannot be marginalized in the Middle East vis-à-vis the various types of secularism in the West. B. Democracy and Human Rights It is not possible to have a ‘good’ democracy without ‘good’ citizens, active participation in public life, proper preservation of human rights, and an appropriate social and political context. Democracy, like human rights, is identified, according to David Beetham, by the dignity of the individual person, the decision making, the active participation in the collective decisions and policies, the right to a popular controlling influence over public decisions and decision-makers, and the principle of political equality. 40 Two critical questions remain to be answered: First, do the citizens in the Middle East have a universal and homogeneous reading and understanding of the various Human rights principles? Second, do they really want to preserve them as such? If yes, how? It is important at this point to focus on the basic principles of human rights that typify Western societies and which are embodied in three main Human Rights instruments, i.e., the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [UDHR, 1948],41 the ‘Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms’ [CPHR] (1950), 42 and the ‘Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union’ [CFREU, 2000]. 43 The preamble of the CFREU proclaims that the European Union [EU] is founded on the indivisible, universal values of human dignity, freedom, equality, and solidarity; it is based on the principles of democracy and the rule of law.

39

G. Corm, Pour une Lecture Profane des Conflits: Sur le «Retour du Religieux» dans les Conflits Contemporaines du Moyen-Orient. Paris 2012, pp. 77–84. 40 D. Beetham, “Democracy: Its Principles and Achievements” 1998, http://www.ipu.org/PDF/publications/DEMOCRACY_PR_E.pdf (retrieved November 2, 2013), p. 21, 41 http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml 42 http://conventions.coe.int/treaty/EN/Treaties/html/005.htm 43 www.europarl.europa.eu/charter/pdf/text_en.pdf

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST In fact, these rights constitute the foundation of liberal democracy, pluralism, and cultural diversity in the EU. For the purposes of this paper, it is important to point out the following rights: “the right to life” (UDHR, art. 3; CPHR, art. 2; CFREU, art. 2), “Prohibition of torture and inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment” (UDHR, art. 5; CPHR, art. 3; CFREU, art. 4), “Freedom of thought, conscience, and religion” (UDHR, art. 18; CPHR, art. 9; CFREU, art. 10), “Freedom of expression and information” (UDHR, art. 19; CPHR, art. 10; CFREU, art. 11), “Equality before the Law” (UDHR, art. 7; CFREU, art. 20), “Non-discrimination” (UDHR, art. 7; CPHR, art. 14; CFREU, art. 21), “Cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity” (CFREU, art. 22), and “Equality between men and women” (UDHR, preamble; CFREU, art. 23). It should be noted that the Arab and Islamic countries have adopted the ‘Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights’ [UIDHR] (1981) 44 and the ‘Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam’ [CDHRI] (1990) 45 which were developed by the Islamic Council/Muslim World League [IC] and the Organization of the Islamic Conference [OIC] respectively. Both are based on the Qu’ran, the Shari’a (Allah’s laws revealed to humanity), and the Sunnah (the sayings and acts of P. Muhammad), since many Islamic countries did not want to adopt the UDHR in toto due to some fundamental differences pertaining to the spirit and premise of UDHR, which is based on human rationality and is concerned with the ‘free’ individual as the final end [See Appendix 1]. Thus, the Islamic instruments were developed in order to protect the rights of the Umma – the best of peoples (nation), evolved for mankind, enjoining what is right, forbidding what is wrong, and believing in Allah [Aal-Imran 3:110]),

and to put forward the concept of duty and responsibilities prescribed by the Shari’a. The rights declared in the UIDHR and CDHRI’s are “an integral part of the overall Islamic order”; their implementation ‘in letter and in spirit’ is obligatory (UIDHR, Fore-

44 45

http://www.alhewar.com/ISLAMDECL.html http://www.oic-oci.org/english/article/human.htm

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI word) and takes priority over any individual right (UIDHR, Preamble {f}). It seems important to emphasize that Islamic rights and duties are “inviolable and inalienable” (UIDHR, Preamble) and no one as matter of principle has the right to suspend them in whole or in part or violate or ignore them in as much as they are binding divine commandments which are contained in the Revealed Books (CDHRI, Preamble).

The members of the Umma are united through their submission to Allah (CDHRI, art. 1) and their unity is above any individualism. Allah alone is the sole ‘Guide of mankind’, the ‘Source of the Law” (UIDHR, Preamble {a}), the ‘Law Giver’ and the ‘Source of all human rights’ (UIDHR, Foreword). UIDHR affirms that “the rationality by itself without the light of revelation from God can neither be a pure guide in the affairs of mankind nor provide spiritual nourishment to the human soul” (Preamble {d}). For the above reasons, people are invited to the message of Islam (UIDHR, Preamble {e}) since “Islam gave mankind an ideal code of human rights fourteen centuries ago” (UIDHR, Foreword) and the Islamic civilization is “universal and well-balanced in which harmony is established between this life and the hereafter and knowledge is combined with faith” (CDHRI, Preamble). Moreover, they are considered to be supreme and more binding than any other UN or EU man-given document since they are based on the Shari’a which constitutes “the only source for the explanation or clarification to any of the articles” of the CDHRI. At this point, it is instructive to refer to some problematic issues raised by the different approaches to Human Rights embodied in the IC/OIC and the UN/EU: - The Islamic human rights instruments strictly maintain the following principles: 1) Tradition has priority over reason; 2) Islam is both the religion and the state; 3) Man is unable to manage the worldly affairs without divine guidance. - CDHRI states explicitly that women have ‘rights’, and implicitly, it is understood from the study of the Quran and the Shari’a that men and women do not have ‘equal rights’ (cf. UIDHR, preamble and CDHRI, art. 1). 72

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST - Freedom of speech is restricted since people have the right to express their opinion freely only to the extent that would serve Islam and not weaken the Islamic society; it is their duty to never criticize the sacred Text nor defame Islam (cf. UIDHR, art. 12.a & 12.e and CDHRI, art. 22.a & 22.c). - Freedom of religion is restricted since no one has the right and the freedom to leave Islam (cf. UIDHR, art. 2 & art. 13 and CDHRI, art. 10). - To take away life could be justified based on reasons prescribed by the Shari’a (cf. UIDHR, art. 2 and CDHRI, art. 2.a & art. 19.d). Similarly, it is possible to inflict bodily harm (flogging) for a reason prescribed by the Shari’a (cf. UIDHR, art. 7. a-b and CDHRI, art. 2.d). - Polygamy is tolerated (cf. UIDHR, art. 19 and CDHRI, art. 5 and art. 6.a). It is fair to conclude that Human rights is still of paramount importance in various initiatives pertaining to inter-religious dialogues at present. 3. ANALYSIS OF SOME GUIDELINES FOR EFFECTIVE PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC LIFE Many countries, governments, communities, organizations and individuals declare themselves to be democratic, just, or supporters of Human Rights, yet their actions and attitudes do not reflect these principles. Some institutions and people declare themselves ‘apolitical’, not in the sense of being impartial regarding political matters, but of being ‘apathetic’ towards all types of political activities. Others claim to have lost confidence in their political and social institutions and have become passive because of extreme corruption. Participation in public life entails moving the people towards active citizenship, more precisely, towards playing a role in public life in order to preserve its values, to enhance economic development, to strengthen social solidarity, to increase political participation, and to develop what needs development or to change what needs be changed. The main question remaining is, ‘how’ are we going to motivate the citizens towards the goals of citizenship? It is widely accepted that one of the major problems regarding citizenship is “the need to adapt

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI theories of citizenship to the realities of the modern pluralistic societies”. 46 In other words, two main gaps should be bridged: first, the gap between theory and practice, and second, that between the current situation and the desired one by offering practical solutions for effective and efficient participation in public life. Thus, the second part of this paper will tackle two main issues, 1) the roadmap for change, and 2) the paradoxes of participation in public life. A. The Roadmap for Change It is important at this stage to explain in brief the three main phases of the roadmap for change47 [see figure 1]: - Phase One is concerned with ‘Preparing for Change’: The change agents [e.g., NGOs, political parties, grassroots movements, voluntary associations, religious institutions, social movements, civil society organizations, social enterprises and entrepreneurs, educational institutions] 48 should a) analyze the context (i.e., ‘where 46 W. Kymlicka/W. Norman, “Citizenship in Culturally Diverse Societies: Issues, Contexts, Concepts”. In Idem. (eds.). Citizenship in Diverse Society. Oxford 2000, p. 8. 47 W.W. Lee/K.J. Krayer, Organizing Change: An Inclusive, Systematic Approach to Maintain Productivity and Achieve Results. San Francisco 2003, pp. 25–26; L.A Anderson/D. Anderson, The Change Leader’s Roadmap: How to Navigate your Organization’s Transformation. San Francisco 2001, p. 17; D. Anderson/L.A. Anderson, Beyond Change Management: Advanced strategies for today’s transformational leaders. San Francisco 2001, pp. 31–50; J. Kotter, Leading Change. Boston 1996, pp. 21–23; J. Kotter/D.S. Cohen, The Heart of Change: Real-life Stories of How People Change their Organizations. Boston 2002, pp. 1– 13. 48 See M. Edwards (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Civil Society. Oxford 2011; D. Armstrong et al. (eds.), Civil Society and International Governance: The Role of Non-state Actors in Global and Regional Regulatory Frameworks. London 2011; H. James (ed.), Civil Society, Religion and Global Governance: Paradigms of Power and Persuasion. London 2007; J. Garton, The Regulation of Organized Civil Society. Oxford 2009; D. Chandler, Constructing Global Civil Society: Morality and Power in International Relations. Hampshire 2004; H.K. Anheir, Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy. London 2004; T. Brannan et al. (eds.), Re-energizing Citizenship: Strategies for Civil Renewal. Hampshire 2007; J. Van Deth, Private

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST we are now”) and the current situation; b) define the desired situation [e.g., a peaceful ME region, a healthy secularity, liberal/secular democracy, theocracy]; c) establish and communicate a clear vision; d) create awareness and sense of desire and urgency; e) allocate the appropriate resources; f) identify stakeholders [opponents, promoters, hidden opponents, potential promoters, indifferent]; g) form the right teams; h) build support networks; i) benefit from the internal and external drivers and forces of change; j) create policies; k) prepare appropriate strategies [i.e., developmental, transitional and transformational], tactics, and SMART goals, i.e., specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound; 49 and i) plan the right process. Thus, it is important to know ‘what’ goals should be pursued and ‘how to’ achieve them successfully. - Phase Two is concerned with ‘Managing Change’: Change agents should a) lead and implement the process of change effectively and successfully; b) deal firmly and wisely with the internal and external stakeholders who oppose change mainly for cultural, social, emotional, and financial reasons and turn them from defiant opponents and indifferent observers to active supporters, c) overcome the obstacles to change; d) make good use of the resources, achieve short-term wins and build on them. - Phase Three aims at ‘Maintaining Change’: Change agents have a) to evaluate the effectiveness of the change, b) to implement corrective actions, and c) to celebrate successes. This change process, however, does not materialize at a satisfactory pace; actually, public and private organizations, like many people and communities, are often reluctant to change. In his work The Prince (1513), Niccolò Machiavelli wrote: Groups and Public Life. London 1997; H. Van Ewijk, European Social Policy and Social Work. London 2009; M. Schulz, “The Role of Civil Society in regional Governance in the Middle East”. In D. Armstrong et al. (eds.), Civil Society and International Governance: The Role of Non-state Actors in Global and Regional Regulatory Frameworks. London 2011, 166–180; J.T. Ziegenfuss, “Building Citizen Participation: The Purposes, Tools, Impact of Involvement”, 2000, 83–112 (http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/ CLAD/CLAD0038103.pdf, retrieved on November 3, 2013). 49 G.T. Doran, “There’s a S.M.A.R.T. Way to Write Management’s Goals and Objectives”. In Management Review (AMA FORUM) 70 (1981), p. 35f.

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It must be borne in mind that there is nothing more difficult to handle, more doubtful of success, and more dangerous to carry through than initiating changes in a state’s constitution. The innovator makes enemies of all those who prospered under the old order, and only lukewarm support in forthcoming from those who would prosper under the new. 50

Therefore, the difficulties, obstacles, and challenges are expected and constitute an essential part of the process of change that should be kept in mind while moving towards the desired situation. B. The Paradoxes of Participation in Public Life It is often tempting to provide idealistic solutions to complicated problems. One may wonder why most of the change processes do not lead to expected results. The problem lies in the implementation of the change process and not merely in the conceptualization of the desired situation. Thus, on the basis of what has been said so far (and left unsaid), the following recommendations can be made. - The utopian idealistic objectives that people prefer to hear about but not necessarily work hard to achieve, such as ‘democratization’ and ‘secularism’ and freedoms do not really represent the so-called S.M.A.R.T. goals (Specific, Measurable, Attainable, Realistic, and Time-Bound). This is due to the fact that most of the key stakeholders (leaders and followers) are either against such a change or even ignorant of the know-how required. 50

N. Machiavelli, The Prince. Repr. London 1995, p. 19.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST - The attempts to reconcile the two approaches concerning Human Rights usually take four main routes which are equally challenging by: 1) changing the UN and EU principles so that they would become compatible with the Islamic documents and the ‘rule of God’ – this means that the EU will lose its secular identity; 2) changing the Islamic declarations so that they become compatible with the UN and EU principles based on the ‘rule of men’ – this would imply that the Shari’a is incomplete and that Islam needs reformation; 3) producing new UN and EU declarations which excludes and rejects all differences – this would mean that the problems will be ‘solved’ only within each community, since the two systems are incompatible in vital aspects; and 4) creating a new European culture which is derived from acculturation processes – this implies an elusive hope in reaching a common ground for a new European Charter of human rights. - Although Tristan Mccowan emphasized the importance of citizenship education and considered that: While changes in societal structures are certainly necessary, individual and collective learning and development must also play a fundamental role, 51

it is not always true that if one were to know what is right and understands the logic behind change, he/she will accept and implement the change. Finally, all the aforementioned recommendations will remain uncertain and inconclusive due to the many other factures that are not included in this paper, such as economy and politics. 4. CONCLUSION Finally, we will conclude this paper with Bernard Lewis’ conclusive remarks: If the peoples of the Middle East continue on their present path, the suicide bomber may become a metaphor for the whole region, and there will be no escape from a downward spiral of hate

51

T. McCowan, Rethinking Citizenship Education: A Curriculum for Participatory Democracy. London 2009, p. 3.

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BERGE A. TRABOULSI and spite, rage and self-pity, poverty and oppression, culminating sooner or later in yet another alien domination; perhaps from a new Europe reverting to old ways, perhaps from a resurgent Russia, perhaps from some new, expanding superpower in the East. If they can abandon grievance and victimhood, settle their differences, and join their talents, energies, and resources in a common creative endeavor, then they can once again make the Middle East, in modern times as it was in antiquity and in the Middle Ages, a major center of civilization. For the time being, the choice is their own. 52

Thus, we say: YES to a free, secular, liberal and democratic Middle East where there will be enough space for all religions, ethnicities, groups, and minorities. YES to a Middle East that respects Human Rights and effective dialogues; NO to intolerance; and NO to any type of discrimination. In fact, a Middle East that imposes restrictions on particular freedoms, namely freedom of religion and freedom from religion, restricted secularism would not last in certain countries, liberalism would not flourish, and democracy would often be jeopardized. Is raising the voice enough to solve a problem? The gap between the ‘current’ and the ‘desired’ situations in the Middle East will not be easily bridged. Do all stakeholders agree on a homogeneous diagnosis of both situations? Do they really agree on the principles I have just voiced? As a matter of fact, the lack of good leadership and citizenship at all levels will not enhance solidarity and peace in a turbulent Middle East. What would happen in case of failure? What is the worst-case scenario? Are we ready for it? In the last analysis, do we actually need, or even want change? Unfortunately, the very agents of change themselves need to undergo a process of change.

52

B. Lewis, What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle East Response. Oxford 2002, pp. 159–160.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST APPENDIX 1 The Basic Differences between the UDHR and UIDHR & CDHRI: Synoptic Table Theme Equality

Life

UDHR [UN, 1948] 53 “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” (Art. 1)

“Everyone has the right of life, liberty and security of person.” (Art. 2)

UIDHR [IC, 1981] 54 “We believe (g) in our obligation to establish an Islamic order (i) wherein all human beings shall be equal and none shall enjoy a privilege or suffer a disadvantage or discrimination by reason of race, colour, sex, origin or language; (ii) wherein all human beings are born free” (Preamble) “Human life is sacred and inviolable and every effort shall be made to protect it. No one shall be exposed to injury or death, except under the authority of the Law (Shari’a)” (Art. I)

53

CDHRI [OIC, 1990] 55 “All men are equal in terms of basic human dignity and basic obligations and responsibilities” (Art. 1)

“Life is a Godgiven gift and the right to life is guaranteed to every human being… and it is prohibited to take away life except for a Shari’a prescribed reason.” (Art. 2.a)

UDHR: Universal Declaration of Human Rights [UN] www.un.org/en/ documents/udhr/ 54 UIDHR: Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights [IC: Islamic Council/Muslim World League] www.alhewar.com/ISLAMDECL.html 55 CDHRI: Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam [OIC: Organization of the Islamic Conference] http://www1.umn.edu/ humanrts/instree/cairodeclaration.html

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Degrading treatment

“No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” (Art. 5)

Marriage & Family

“Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution” (Art. 16)

Freedom of Religion

“Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to

“Every person has the right to protection against harassment by official agencies.” (Art. VII.a) Whatever is the crime committed by a person, and however the sanction to this crime is defined by the Law (Shari’a), his human qualities and dignities remain protected.” (Art. VII.b) “Every person is entitled to marry, to found a family and to bring up children in conformity with his religion, traditions and culture. Every spouse is entitled to such rights and privileges and carries such obligations as are stipulated by the Law (Shari’a).” (Art. XIX) “Every individual and every people has the inalienable right to freedom in all its forms – physical, cultural,

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“There shall be no crime or punishment except as provided in the Shari’a.” (Art. 19.d) “Safety from bodily harm is a guaranteed right…. and it is prohibited to breach it without a Shari’a-prescribed reason.” (Art. 2.d)

“Men and women have the right to marriage, and no restrictions stemming from race, color or nationality shall prevent them from enjoying this right.” (Art. 5) “Woman is equal to man in human dignity, and has rights to enjoy as well as duties to perform” (Art. 6.a) “Islam is the religion of unspoiled nature. It is prohibited to exercise any form of compulsion on man or

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – MIDDLE EAST change his religion or belief…” (Art. 18)

Freedom of Opinion & Expression

“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” (Art. 19)

The declaration’s authority

“These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.” (Art. 29.3)

economic, and political.” (Art. II) “Every person has the right to freedom of conscience and worship in accordance with his religious beliefs.” (Art. XIII) “Every person has the right to express his thoughts and beliefs as long as he remains within the limits prescribed by the Law (Shari’a)”. (Art. XII.a) “No one shall hold in contempt or ridicule the religious beliefs of others in incite public hostility against them; respect for the religious feelings of others is obligatory on all Muslims.” (Art. XII.e)

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to exploit his poverty or ignorance in order to convert him to another religion or to atheism.” (Art. 10)

“Everyone shall have the right to express his opinion freely in such manner as would not be contrary to the principles of the Shari’a.” (Art. 22.a) “(Information) may not be exploited or misused in such a way as may violate sanctities and the dignity of Prophets, undermine moral and ethical values or disintegrate, corrupt or harm society or weaken its faith.” (Art. 22.c) “All the rights and freedoms stipulated in this Declaration are subject to the Islamic Shari’a” (Art. 24).

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION IN PUBLIC LIFE – INDIA MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE INDIA

More than any other country in the world, Indian society is pluralistic. The adherents of different religions, different ideologies, different languages and different ethnic roots have been living together in harmony since the beginning of recorded history. These people of different religious convictions share the core and mystery of their existence. The Indian sub-continent can be described as a democratic, secular, social and sovereign state with a federal system of government. The plurality in religious, cultural, ethnic and geographic arenas and manifold linguistic features make India unique among the nations. In order to understand the citizenship, rights and duties of a person in India one must first start with the Indian Constitution and its provisions which guarantee the fundamental rights of a citizen of India. SALIENT FEATURES OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION The Constitution of India is the most comprehensive document regarding the administration of India and its people. It is a blend of rigid principals but flexible: it is federal, unitary, presidential and parliamentary. It presents a via-media between the principals of parliamentary sovereignty and judicial supremacy. The Constitution of India contains 448 articles, 12 schedules, 5 appendices and 101 amendments. It has a distinction of being the most lengthy and detailed constitutional record that the world has so far produced. The Constitution of India embodies an impressive list of fundamental rights and offers to all citizens individually and collectively those basic freedom (rights) and living conditions which alone can 83

MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE make life significant and democracy fruitful. Such rights are considered to be essential for the proper moral and material uplift of humanity. The fundamental rights are the inhabitable and unalterable part of the Constitution. They are fundamental in the sense that they are enforceable by the court and are available to all citizens of India, irrespective of the public or social status of the citizen. They are fundamental in that they are binding on public authorities in India, on the Central Government as well as State Governments, Union Territories, Delhi – the union capital territory, and on local self-government bodies. CITIZENSHIP Most of the world’s countries guarantee citizenship to their people in accordance with the rules, provisions, articles and specific acts mentioned in the constitutions of the country in question. Part III of the Indian Constitution relates to citizenship of India. Articles 5 to 9 of the Constitution set out who exactly is an Indian citizen. Article 10 provides for the continuance of such a citizen subject to the provisions of any law that may be made by Parliament. The Constitution does not, however, make any provision with respect to the acquisition of citizenship or other matters relating to citizenship; under article II, the Constitution reserves the power of parliament to make a law to provide for such laws to supplement the provision of the Constitution, and the citizen act 1955 seeks to achieve this object. The bill provides for the acquisition of citizenship, after the commencement of the Constitution by birth, descent, registration, naturalization and incorporation of the territory. It also makes necessary provisions for the termination and deprivation of citizenship under certain circumstances. The bill also seeks to recognize Commonwealth citizenship and permits the central government to extend, on a reciprocal basis, such rights of an Indian citizen, as may be agreed upon, to the citizens of the Commonwealth countries. The citizenship bill was passed on 30th December 1955. 1 A new Bill was introduced in 17th Lok Sabha by the Minister of Home Affairs on 9 December 2019 and was passed on 10 December 2019. The 1

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES The Constitution of India guarantees the citizen the Fundamental Rights and also obliges the citizen to do certain duties enumerated in the Constitution. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS These are the types of rights which are supported and guaranteed by the supreme law of the land, the Constitution of India. The makers of the Constitution have guaranteed certain fundamental rights among other rights. Part III of the Constitution of India guarantees a collection of fundamental rights, in various Articles, from Article 14 to Article 32. These rights are fundamental, because the guarantee of these rights reflects the importance of the objective of the Constitution. India is a country which believes in democratic principles. The Preamble of the Constitution of India denotes the philosophy of the Indian Constitution. By the Constitution of India, the people of India constitute a sovereign, socialist, secular, Democratic, Republic which guarantees social, economic and political justice, liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship, equal status and opportunity to all citizens. Above all, the Indian constitution ensures the dignity of the individual. The provisions of part III of the Constitution are drafted in accordance with the above scheme of the Constitution. The following are the Fundamental Rights: Article 14: Right to Equality This right ensures every person equality before the law and also equal protection of the law. Equality means not conceptual equality, but equality among equals only. Every law may not have a universal or common application for all persons who have not by nature or circumstances attained the same position. Similarly, equal protection only means the right to equal treatment in equal circumstances. For example, a law may be enacted for the special protection of women, bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha on 11 December 2019. This Bill offers amnesty to non-Muslim illegal immigrants from three neighboring countries. The bill provides citizenship to religious minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.

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MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE and special status can be granted to tribal people by making provision in a general statute, etc. The government is also entitled to classify persons or things, in a reasonable and non-arbitrary manner, to achieve public goals and objectives. Article 15: Rights of non-discrimination Every citizen of India has the right or privilege of non-discrimination from the State on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. The citizen has the right to access shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment. They have the right to use wells, tanks, bathing Ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partially out of government funds or dedicated to the use of the general public. Such a right to access or right to use, cannot be denied to a citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. However, the government is empowered to make laws for protective discrimination. The making of laws dealing with special provisions to women and children or laws dealing with special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward class of citizens, or for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, are not prohibited under the Constitution. The scheduled castes or scheduled tribes are special classes of persons, entitled to special privileges under the Constitution. The President of India, in accordance with the provisions in Articles 341 and 342, is empowered to notify by orders, enumerating the classes of scheduled castes or scheduled tribes. Accordingly, in 1950 the President notified the Constitution (scheduled caste) Order and Constitution (scheduled tribe) Order, by enumerating the lists of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Article 16: Right to equal opportunity in employment or appointment Every citizen of India is entitled to equal consideration in public appointment and employment. However, it is open to the authority to lay down some conditions for employment and appointment for ensuring the efficiency or proper administration of the government. The government can fix the minimum qualifications and age limits for public employment, which are only responsible restrictions to ensure the quality of the post. However, there shall not be any discrimination on the ground of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place 86

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA of birth, or residence. However, reserving employment or appointment in favor of any backward class of citizens or making special reservations in a matter of promotion to a scheduled caste or scheduled tribes, is not prohibited in the Constitution. Similarly, for special classes, like heirs of a deceased employee, the government can frame special recruitment policy, under the compassionate appointment scheme. Article 17: Right against untouchability Untouchability was a social evil historically prevalent India which was based on the principles of “Chathurvarnya”, the four castes, Brahmina, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra. However, even after independence, the practice of this evil was common in various parts of the country. Hence the Constitution guarantees a right against untouchability, by abolishing it and prohibiting its practice. Article 19: Right to Freedom The objectives of the Constitution – the assurance of liberty and dignity of the individual – inspired the makers of the Constitution to guarantee certain freedom to its citizens. Accordingly, Article 19 was framed by enumerating certain freedoms which are not absolute, but subject to responsible restrictions. The followings are the six freedoms given to a citizen of India under Article 19: -

Right to freedom of speech and expression Right to assemble peaceably and without arms Right to form association or unions Right to move freely throughout the territory of India Right to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India Right to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.

The fundamental freedom guaranteed in article 19 refers to what are known as the natural or common law rights and its scope differs from the statutory rights provided in various acts. The basic difference is that a right created by a statute can be taken away by the legislature who enacted the statute. But when a right is fundamental

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MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE and subject to the grounds of reasonable restrictions provided in the Constitution, it cannot be taken away by the legislature. The right to freedom of speech and expression guarantees the freedom to express one’s conviction and opinions freely. It can be either by word of mouth, writings, paintings, pictures or by performing dramas, cinemas, etc., in a public platform or through electronic media. It ensures freedom of the press, as collective freedom and freedom of propagation as individual freedom. A right to speech and expression can be curtailed by making reasonable restrictions in the interests of sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. Hence a citizen cannot claim freedom of speech and expression by propagating the ideas of terrorism, by calling for an armed rebellion against the government, visual media, etc., or by criticizing a judge who pronounces a judgment in a pending case. The right to freedom of assembly guarantees the freedom of citizen to meet with each other in a peaceable and unarmed assembly. A citizen or group of citizens can enjoy the right to join a procession in public streets, but such a right is subject to traffic regulations and permissions from the police administration. Because one’s right to assembly should not obstruct another’s right to use public pathways and roads. A right to assemble is subject to reasonable restrictions that may not be against the interests of sovereignty and integrity of nations and public order. The right to form associations and unions grants the citizen the right to form a collective organization or not to take part in the activities of an organization or not take part in the activities of an organization, if he so desires. That means, this right is not only an affirmative right but also a negative right. The incorporation of a student movement for lawful purposes to have a collective bargain for the interest of the student is protected under this right. Also, laborers or employees having collective or identical interests have the power to form a trade union in the industry for propagating their interests. However, the right is restricted, if exercise of such right is against the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India or public order, or morality. Hence a member of the Armed Forces has no right to form an association. Similarly, no citizen has the right to form an association propagating terrorism or armed rebellion against the government. 88

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA The right to freedom of movement ensures the right of a citizen to move or shift throughout the territory of India without any sort of discrimination of nativity, place of birth, etc. Accordingly, a citizen has the right to residence or the right to shift their residence or the right to settle in any part of India. The right of movement and right of residence are subjected to responsible restrictions such as the interest of the general public or protections of the interests of the scheduled tribes. These rights are specifically granted as fundamental rights to promote the unity of the nation, by removing the internal barriers within India or between any of its parts. A person under the surveillance of the police cannot complain about a denial of the right to movement or right to residence, as the Constitution guarantees only the right to physical movement. A watch by the police over the movement of suspect in a crime is not a violation of this right. When a person is under house arrest or detained in jail, as per the law enabling preventive detention, such detentions are part of a responsible restriction of this right. A person suffering from an infectious disease may be prevented from moving, as a measure to prevent spreading of the disease in the interest of the general public. The right to movement or right to residence of the general public in areas notified as ‘tribal areas’ may be curtailed, to prevent interference with tribal life. Every citizen in India has the right to choose his own employment or to take up any trade or business according to the limits and measure prescribed by the government in the interest of public welfare. Accordingly, the right is subject to the law made by the government, prescribing any professional or technical qualification for practicing any profession or carrying on any occupation, trade or business. The government can restrict the right by making a monopoly of trade, business, industry or service with government authorities or a corporation owned or controlled by the state. Thus, the prescription of additional qualifications for teachers of higher educational institutions is not an unreasonable restriction. No citizen has the right to trade or carry on a business of alcohol, as a fundamental right, without the requisite license from the government. When the Advocates act and Medical Council Act prescribe the qualifications for practicing the professions of advocates and doctors respectively, such rights are created by statutes and not by the Constitution. Thus, such rights are subject to the terms and conditions imposed by the respective statutes. 89

MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE Article 21: Right to Life Every person within the territory of India has the right to life and personal liberty and such right or liberty shall not be denied except according to a fair, just and reasonable law, which is valid and enforceable. That means before a person is deprived of his life or personal liberty, strict legal measures are to be followed. The Supreme Court has on various occasions expanded the scope of right to life, by enumerating various other rights, namely the right to medical aid, right to education, right to a pollution-free decent environment, right to residence, right to legal aid, right of access to justice and speedy justice, right to health, right to pollution free water, right to food, right to privacy, etc. Thus, the rights guaranteed under Article 21have a wide scope as they sum up the responsibility of the government to ensure a decent and dignified life for each person. Article 22: Right to be informed about the grounds of arrest and right to consult a legal practitioner The Constitution provides certain safeguards to an offender or persons arrested or detained in custody on the allegation of criminal charges. Such persons are entitled to the right to consult a legal practitioner of their choice. These rights are guaranteed with specific purposes to safeguard and prevent the misuse of power by the police authorities, or by law enforcement agencies. Article 23: Right against exploitation Forced labor is prohibited under the Constitution of India. Trafficking in women and children for immoral or other purposes, such as prostitution, begging, etc., are prohibited and the person has the right not to be exploited in any way. Forced labor is prohibited, but the state is empowered to impose compulsory service for public purposes and in imposing such service the state shall not make any discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste or class. Article 24: Right against child labor Similar to forced labor, engaging children in hazardous employment is also prohibited under the Constitution. Thus, no child below the age of 14 years shall be employed in any factory or mine or in any other industries which are treated as hazardous. 90

CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA Article 25: Right to Freedom of Religion India is a country which follows secular principles. In other words, all religions in the country are entitled to have equal treatment. In a secular state, the existence of a legal right or public duty does not depend on the profession or practice of any particular religion. Thus, all persons in India have the right to freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practice and propagate any religion. These rights are also not absolute like other fundamental rights and are subject to public order, morality and health and other provisions in part III of the Constitution of India. Since freedom is given to every person, the freedom of one cannot curtail the similar freedom of others, and thus forcible conversion of religion, the practice of sati and devadasi, etc., are not protected under the freedom of religion. The government is empowered to make reforms for the eradication of religious practices which stand in the way of the country’s progress. Hence, the practice of bigamy and excommunication are banned in India. Article 26: Rights of Religious Denominations Every religious denomination in India has the right to establish and maintain their institutions for religious and charitable purposes, to manage its own affairs in matters of religion, to own and acquire movable and immovable property and to administer such property in accordance with law, subject to the riders of public order, morality and health. Thus, religious denominations have the right to decide ceremonial law relating to religious institutions. Article 28: Freedom of dissociation from religious instructions The Constitution prohibits religious instruction in any educational institution wholly maintained out of state funds, except in special circumstances. As well, no person attending any educational institution recognized by the State or receiving aid out of State funds shall be required to take part in any religious instructions, against his desire or his guardian’s desire.

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MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE Article 29 and 30: Right to conserve Cultural Rights and Minority Rights Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution guarantee four distinct rights to citizens and minorities to preserve the cultural and linguistic specialties of such groups. Any citizen has the right to conserve their own language, script and culture. No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, or language. On the other hand, every linguistic or religious minority has the right to establish and administer an educational institution of their choice. Additionally, the Constitution mandates a right against discrimination in granting aid to educational institutions, on the grounds that such institutions are managed by religious or linguistic minorities. Article 32: Right to constitutional Remedies The Constitution not only guarantee various fundamental rights, as discussed above, but also the right to remedy whenever a state action violates the exercise of fundamental rights. There is a right to move the court where a fundamental right has been infringed, and the aggrieved person can approach the Supreme Court of India, by filing a petition for enforcement of the fundamental rights under Article 32(1). While considering such a complaint of violation of rights, the Supreme Court has the power to issue direction or orders or writs, including writs of habeas corpus, mandamus prohibition, quo warrantor and certiorari, in appropriate cases for the enforcement of one’s fundamental rights. In the 1970s, the Supreme Court expanded its power widely, opening access to justice to the downtrodden, the poor and persons from unorganized sectors, relaxing the locus-standing principles. Prior to that, the aggrieved person could only approach the court for enforcement of his rights. However, taking Suo moto actions in public interest matters and entertaining public interest litigations filed by public spirited persons, the Supreme Court has widened its jurisdiction. Even letters sent as postcards were treated as validly constituted petitions under Article 32. Thus, any person acting bona fide and having sufficient interest in maintaining reprisal of public injury can approach the Court.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA PUBLIC INTEREST LITIGATIONS It is not always possible for a person to approach the Court, complaining infringement of fundamental rights or of illegal or arbitrary or unreasonable action on the part of the public or governmental authorities, on account of social or economical disabilities. Illiteracy and poverty are the main reasons which deny justice to a person. When the execution of a development project threatens the environment, the aggrieved persons may be numerous or no one in particular. In such cases, an association of citizens may represent them and may approach the court, by filling a public interest litigation seeking a court enquiry, with respect to the disadvantages of the project. When patients in a mental hospital suffer due to the mismanagement of the authorities, any person may approach the court to take action through public interest litigation. Sometimes, courts have entertained public interest litigations in which allegations of mass corrupt practice by government officials were involved and have ordered investigations on the allegations. FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES Originally, when the Constitution of India was framed in the year 1949, there was no enumeration of Fundamental Duties in the constitution. Thus, it was a fallacy to think that the Constitution granted these rights alone. However, in 1976, the Constitution of India was amended by inserting Article 51A. It came into force with effect from 3-1-1977. The following are our fundamental duties, the duties towards the nation and society to form a prosperous, civilized and developed India. Any kind of insult to the national flag or national anthem or the Constitution of India is an offence punishable with imprisonment up to 3 years or with a fine or with both. The Prevention of Insults to National Honor Act, 1971 provides such punishments. We are bounded to cherish and follow the noble ideals which inspired our national struggle for freedom. Sovereignty, unity and integrity are the prime concerns of our nation. We have different cultures, different lifestyles, numerous religions and beliefs spread over different states and union territories. Unity among diversity is our motto. Every citizen in India is bound to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India. 93

MAR TEOPHILOSE KURIAKOSE India has a wealth of human resources consisting of brave, well educated, trained, experienced and hardworking people. We have the second largest population in the world with multi-faceted personalities. It is our duty to defend the country and render national service when called upon to do so. We have people with different religious beliefs. People follow different languages and cultures and ours is a country of diversity. We are bound to promote harmony and a spirit of common brotherhood amongst all people transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities. We have the duty to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Ours is a country having traditional and cultural values of prestige. We have a rich heritage dating back centuries. Of course, we are bound to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture. India has a green heritage of thick forests, hundreds of lakes and rivers and plentiful wildlife. Protection of these is a prime concern today. We cannot grow up healthy and decent without a clean environment. Hence, we have a duty to protect and improve the natural environment, including forests, lakes, rivers and wildlife, and to have compassion for living creatures. We cannot ignore the scientific developments which contribute to the speedy progress of the nation and community. We always have the duty to develop scientific temper, humanism and a spirit of inquiry and reform. Every citizen has an obligation to safeguard and protect public properties and to give up violence. We the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984, which contains penal provisions to deal with those who commit any kind of mischief causing damage to public property. We, being the members of a sensible society, are bound to do our best for excellence in all spheres, both individual and collective, so that the nation rises to higher levels of endeavor and achievement. A citizen of India, who is a parent or guardian, has the duty to provide opportunities for education to his child or ward who is between the age of six and fourteen years.

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CITIZENSHIP AND PARTICIPATION – INDIA A CRISIS IN PUBLIC LIFE Corruption is a widespread phenomenon in today’s public life. In the past 55 years we have virtually institutionalized corruption as an inseparable part of our life. Incorruptible officers and public figures have become a microscopic minority fighting with their back to the wall for survival. The former Chief Election Commissioner of India opined that every patch of Indian society has become corrupt. Corruption at high levels of political leadership leads to corruption in the bureaucracy and other wings of the administration, such as the police or the Public Works Department. It spreads from the top to the bottom. It is a vicious cycle. Along with money power, muscle power has also polluted our elections. People with moral integrity and honesty should contest elections and should be voted to power. A collective mass movement can change the quality of our parliament and state legislatures in a significant way. These legislatures, in turn, would be able to divert the resources siphoned off in corruption, for human resource development and the development of rural and urban India. Even the judiciary is sometimes tempted to embrace this evil. There is a need for a new beginning to make India corruption-free. CONCLUSION India, a country with the world’s second largest population and biggest democracy remains a wonder for others. Modern India’s exceptional nature of religious plurality, cultural, linguistic and ethnic diversity, within the backdrop of geographical diversity, makes India incomparable. We are a land rich in human and natural resources and renewable energy. Governmental control in many public sectors such as health and education, our technological achievements and in manifold other fields, is part of our strength. On the other side of the coin, a lack of basic infrastructure and economic sufficiency for much of the population and growing religious fundamentalism coupled with bigotry, is a threat to India’s great heritage and development. Despite all these realities, the Constitution of India functions as a strong and covering shield to protect the unique features of India, the fundamental rights of its citizens and the unity and integrity of India as a nation.

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA BABY VARGHESE

KOTTAYAM / INDIA The word fundamentalism was originally coined in 1920 by the American Baptist Curtis L. Laws and referred to a set of twelve booklets of essays entitled “The Fundamentals”, published between 1909 and 1915. The Oxford Dictionary of English (Second Edition, Revised, 2006) defines Fundamentalism as follows: Form of Protestant Christianity which upholds belief in the strict and literal interpretation of the Bible – Strict maintenance of the doctrines of any religion, notably Islam, according to a strict, literal interpretation of scripture.

Then The Oxford Dictionary adds in a special caption: Modern Christian fundamentalism arose from American millennia sects of the 19th century and has become associated with rejection of the theory of evolution. Islamic fundamentalism appeared in the 18th and 19th centuries as a reaction to the disintegration of Islamic political and economic power, asserting that Islam is central to both state and society and advocating strict adherence to the Koran (Qu’ran) and to Islamic law (sharia), supported if need by jihad.

The association of Islam with ‘fundamentalism’ is a rather recent entry in most of the European dictionaries. Thus, in the standard French Dictionary Le Petit Robert (1979), we do not find the word ‘fundamentalism’. Similarly, in the Penquin Dictionary of Religions (London, 1984), there is no entry on ‘Fundamentalism’.

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BABY VARGHESE TENSIONS BETWEEN HINDUS AND MUSLIMS: In India, the study of secularism and fundamentalism gained importance after the demolition of the Babar Mosque (Babri Masjid) at Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, on 6 December, 1992 by Hindu fanatics. However, the conflicts between the Hindus and the Muslims go back to the Islamic conquests of India. Though Islam reached the Malabar Coast and Sind before the end of the seventh century, the military conquests took place much later. The first major military invasion took place under Alaud-din Khaliji (1296–1316) mainly for booty and tribute. During the initial conquests a number of Hindu temples were torn down and the materials were used to construct mosques. [e.g. Quwat ul-Islam mosque next to the Qutab Minar in Delhi or the Mosque in Ajmir]. The tension between the Hindus and the Muslims begun during the Mughul rule, continued and was tactfully used by the British to rule India. The Government of the British East India Company was on the whole more unsympathetic to Muslims than to Hindus. The Hindu revivalist movements sprung up in the 19th century to fight against the British as well as against the Muslims. Similar movements originated among the Muslims also. Under the British the Muslims felt more uneasy, for they were used to Muslim rulers for several centuries. It was in this context that the idea of ‘two states’ originated. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, and anti-congress Muslim leader was the first modern Muslim to suggest that Hindus and Muslims constituted two separate nations in India (1880s). 1 ORIGIN OF HINDU FUNDAMENTALIST GROUPS The Muslim idea of a separate state found its impact among the Hindu revivalists. Maharashtra (of which Bombay is the capital) was the centre of anti-Muslim movements in India. After the HinduMuslim riots in Bombay Province in 1893, Balgangadhar Tilak, a prominent figure in the Hindu revivalism, launched a program of organizing the Hindus “to be strong enough to live in peace with the Muslims”. He exhorted Hindus to no more to participate in Muslim festivals, and launched the “Ganapathi festival” (Ganapathi is the 1

See Azziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999: Epilogue: “Modern Separation (1857– 1947), pp. 263–276.

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA elephant headed god), which was modeled on the Muslim Muhram. Tilak took the initiative to introduce the purely political commemoration festival of Shivaji, who had challenged Muslim imperial power in the late 17th century. 2 Until 1947, the heritage of Tilak remained polarized in the pro-Hindu faction of Congress. One breakaway group founded the Hindu Mahasabha in 1928, whose leaders were from Maharashtra. It culminated in the creation of Rastriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), whose early workers were from Maharashtra. Finally, this movement produced Godse, a revivalist fanatic who assassinated Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 for preaching communal harmony and tolerance towards Muslims. Godse was the product of a fascist movement in Maharashtra, which was inspired by Italian and German fascism. 3 [In fact, most of the revivalist/extremist Hindu groups have their origin in Maharashtra: e.g. RSS, Vishwa Hindu Parshad (VHP) and Shiv Sena]. CREATION OF PAKISTAN The ‘Muslim League’ (the political party of the Muslims) came into existence in 1906. In 1909 the British created a separate electorate for Muslims. In 1905, Lord Curzon decreed the partition of Bengal to give Muslims a province in which they would have a majority. But it was annulled in 1911 under Hindu pressure. Muslim separatism was made popular by a poet Muhammad Iqbal. In his presidential address at the annual session of the Muslim League in 1930, Iqbal first put forward the proposal for the creation of a separate Muslim state in India. His idea of Islamic solidarity as social unity in a nation was inspired by the French thinker Ernest Renan. 4 Consequently, a considerable group of Muslims demanded for the creation of ‘Muslim India within India’. Jamal al-din al-Afghani was the first to conceive the idea of a utopian Central Asian and North-West Indian 2

Ibid. p. 266. See Vishal Mangalwadi, India: The Grand Experiment, Farnham, 1997, pp. 282–83. Also The march of Hindutva. Strategies, Stratagems. Reflections on Arun Shoorie’s ‘Anti-others literature with special reference to North East. By North East Thinkers’ Forum, Jorhat, Kohima etc. [No date. Booklet pp. 137] published after 2000 in response to: Arun Shoorie, Harvesting our Souls: Missionaries, their design, their claims, ASA Publications, New Delhi, 2000. 4 Ibid. 272–73. 3

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BABY VARGHESE Muslim state in the 1880s. Iqbal, under al-Afghani’s influence worked out a political philosophy for it in 1930. The feeling of territorial separation was gradually taking shape in the minds of Indian Muslims. After Iqbal’s demand for the creation of a separate Muslim state, a popular name for it was suggested by a group of Muslim students at Cambridge. The name “Pakistan”, which caught the popular imagination was mnemonically formed from the names of Muslim majority areas of North West India: Panjab, Afghania (North-West frontier), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan. 5 [In fact this name was the only contribution of the Cambridge group to the Pakistan Movement]. In March 1942, the demand for Pakistan received its official British recognition in the proposals for India’s self-determination. On 3 June 1947, both Congress and the Muslim League (after several long negotiations) accepted the Mountbatten plan for partitioning the sub-continent into two sovereign states, India and Pakistan. HINDU REVIVALISM AFTER 1947 The partition inflicted a grave wound on the Hindu psyche as it did on that of the Muslims. Any expression of Muslims’ grievances or of Muslim identity reminded many Hindus of the partition and the developments that led to it. 6 The RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha were demoralized after bans were imposed on them in the wake of Gandhi’s assassination on 30 January 1948. Their founder floated Bharatiya Jan Sangh on 21 October 1951. Later Jan Sangh dissolved itself on 1 May 1977 and reemerged as the Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP) on 5 April 1980. Meanwhile the RSS leader M.S. Golwalker founded Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in Bombay on 29 August 1964, which in turn, set up the Bajrang Dal in May-June 1984. The Bajrang Dal acted as a 5

Ibid. p. 275 with Bibliography. In 1923, an insignificant tribal chief Muhammad Gul Khan, in his evidence before the North West Frontier Inquiry Committee, suggested the establishment of separate homelands for Muslims in the North-West extending as far as Agra. (p.275). 6 See A.G. Noorani (ed), The Muslims in India. A Documentary Record, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003, Introduction pp. 1–33. Here p. 9. See also “Hindu Revivalism and Muslim Reaction’, ibid. pp. 186–215.

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA youth wing of the Hindutva Movement (Sangh Parivar) to do dirty work, e.g., direct demolition of Babri Masjid (Dec. 6, 1992). In an interesting study on The Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics: 1925 to the 1990s, Christophe Jaffrelot remarks on the members of these movements: Those who have studied the sociology and Psychology of the karsevaks (= volunteers) and Bajrang Dal find them similar to Siv Sainiks in Maharashtra. They come from unemployed urban youth. They are poorly educated, with no fluency in English, poor performers at work, more often out of work, frustrated, looking for psychological escape in the unreality of films and seeking to imitate the heroes of the Bombay films, keen to fight the Muslims as a way of asserting themselves and displaying their strength. They are not interested in doctrinal rigor or discipline. They are happy with a loose structure in organization. 7

Hindu revivalists were critical of the ‘soft policies’ of the Indian National Congress and of the former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. The ‘memories of the partition’ found expression in the form of communal riots. According to the Union Home Ministry Review (June 1968): From 1954 to 1960, there was a clear and consistent downward trend. This trend was sharply reversed since 1961. North Indian states, especially West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, and Uttar Pradesh were disturbed by riots. 8

From 1964, the VHP began to take up all the Hindu causes; opposing the imagined Muslim aggressiveness and Christian proselytizing efforts, anti-Pakistan, anti-west rhetoric, prevention of Muslim influx from Pakistan and Bangladesh, plea for a Hindu Bomb, struggle against minority privileges, and a drive to reconvert Christians to Hinduism in North-East India. 9

7

Christophe Jaffrelot, The Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s: Strategies of Identity Building, Implantation and Mobilization, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 1996, p. 40. 8 Quoted ibid. p. 11. 9 The March of Hindutva, p.63.

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BABY VARGHESE ANTI-CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT AMONG THE HINDU REVIVALISTS: The tensions in Hindu-Christian relations in India began in the early 19th century. There are two issues behind the ‘anti-Christian attitude of the Hindus: conversion and the ‘foreign character’ of Christianity. 10 Christians were accused of ‘proselytizing through the use of force, fraud and inducement or allurement’. 11 In the 20th century, the Hindu nationalists, namely Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Rastriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) or the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), adopted a clearly hostile attitude. The hostile attitude is reflected in the anticonversion bills passed by a few princely states before the Independence of Indian 1947. Raigarh State Conversion Act of 1936 required that a person seeking conversion needed to obtain a certificate of conversion from the authorities and disallowed preaching for the purpose of conversion. The Patna State Freedom of Religion Act of 1942 meant that a person wishing to convert was required to file an affidavit before the Registrar of conversions. The Surguja State Apostasy Act 1945 insisted that at least three months notice was necessary prior to conversion, and sanction could be obtained only after enquiry by authorities. In 1946, the Udaipur State Anti-conversion Act was passed which severely restricted entry to the State by any ordained Christian priest or minister and forbade them to engage in proselytism. These have certainly influenced anti-conversion bills after Independence. In Independent India, at least five Indian states have passed bills in their legislative assemblies making conversion difficult and even impossible [ e.g. Orissa Freedom of Religion Act: 1968; Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam: 1968; Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act: 1978, followed by Gujarat and Tamilnadu (2002)]. The object of the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act 1968 is stated as: “To provide for prohibition of conversion from one religion to another by the use of force or inducement or by fraudulent means and for matters incidental threats”.

10 See K.P. Aleaz, Dialogical Theologies: Hartford Papers and Other Essays, Kolkotta, 2004 [Ch.XII: Violence against the Gospel: pp. 219–224]. 11 Ibid. p. 219.

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA The Orissa Act defines “force”, “fraud” and “inducement” in the following way: Force shall include a show of force or a threat of injury of any kind including threat of divine displeasure or social excommunication; ‘fraud’ shall include misrepresentation or any other fraudulent contrivance; ‘inducement’ shall include the offer of any gift or gratification, either in cash or in kind, or granting any benefit.

The VHP makes the allegation that Christian missions are not just converting, but denationalizing the people and therefore they urge that the Constitution of India be amended to outlaw ‘foreign priests’ and ‘propagation by foreigners’ (Jan 15, 1999). The Sangh Parivar maintains that through wealth and activities in the field of education and connections with international organizations, Christian organizations serve as the source of western influence in India. According to Hindu Maha Sabha ideology, conversions from Hinduism to Christianity and Islam should be stopped since a change in religion is equivalent to a change in nationality and culture. Ram Singh, a Hindu extremist, declared that …every Christian and every Muslim in India is a disruptive force. 12

Demanding a national debate on conversion, A.B.Vajpayee, former Prime Minister of India, argued: If Christian missionaries continue religious conversion, the Government cannot stop re-conversion. 13

Bajranga Dal has insisted that the Christian Educational Institutions in Karnataka must ‘suffronise’ themselves by installing the image of Sarawathi (the Hindu goddess of education) and chanting ‘Saraswathi Vandana’ (hymns praising the goddess) every day. 14

12

D.E. Smith, India as a Secular State, Princeton, 1963, p. 462. by V. Kanagu Nelson, “The Challenges of Hindutva Movements: Some issues”, in J. Sundera Raj (ed), Theology and Contemporary Challenges: An Encounter, Allahabad, 2010, pp. 80–98. Here p. 73. 14 S.M. Michael, “Real Issues Behind the Violence”, in Mission Today JanMar. 2000, p.12, quoted by V.K. Nelson, p. 74. 13 Quoted

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BABY VARGHESE According to the United Christian Forum for Human Rights (UCFHR), the number of registered cases of communal violence against Christians in 32 years between 1964 and 1996 was 38. This increased to 15 in 1997 and then 90 in 1998. 15 The Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two sons Philip and Timothy were burnt alive in Manohpur, Orissa in 1999. About 40 churches were burnt and church properties were looted in Kandhamal district in Orissa in December 2007 and in the month of September 2008 and in the month of August 2009. This shows the growth of Hindu fanaticism in recent years. INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND THE COMMUNALIST POLITICS

The Congress party which ruled India since 1947 with a few interruptions adopted a soft policy towards Hindu communalism, mainly to get Hindu votes. The Congress party always claimed to be the champion of minority rights, mainly Muslims and Sikhs. Mrs Indira Gandhi was often accused of playing communal politics to ensure her virtual control of the party. The important stages in the communalization of Congress politics are the following: 16 Mrs Indira Gandhi supported Bhindranwala, a Sikh fundamentalist cleric to divide Akali Dal (The political party of the Sikh community which has strong roots in Punjab). Later Bhindran-wala organized a Sikh separatist group which demanded a separate Sikh state (with the support of Pakistan). Finally, Mrs Gandhi had to use military force to suppress the movement. She spoke of Hindu Dharma being in danger after operation Blue Star by which the Sikh militants were flushed out from the Golden temple in Amritsar (Punjab). Certainly, such politics alienated Sikhs from the Hindus, which led to the assassination of Mrs Gandhi on 30 October 1984 and the antiSikh riots led by Congress. This was followed by a blatant communal advertisement campaign of Congress. 15

Nelson. p. 74. See Gabriele Dietrich, “The Rise of Communalism and Fundamentalism in India: A Socio-Economic Religious Perspective”, in David C. Scott & Israel Selvanayagam (ed), Revisiting India’s Religious Traditions. Essays in honor of Eric Lott, ISPCK, New Delhi & UTC, Bangalore, 1996, pp. 205–212. Here p. 207–208.

16

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA The Congress played politics to please the Muslims on the one hand and the Hindus on the other. The Shah Bano case, which shook the nation, is an example of the policy of the Congress party (see below). ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA According to Asghar Ali Engineer, an eminent Islamic Scholar, the Pakistan movement was not a fundamentalist movement. Jinnah did take the help of religion. But he had no faith at all in religion. 17 The Islamic leaders remained a faithful ally of the Indian National Congress and even today Muslims are allies of the Congress Party despite all the anti-Muslim developments in India since 1947. Mr. Engineer points out that the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism in postindependence India took place only in the 1980s: Before that not any sizable fundamentalist among Indian Muslims in this country was to be found. 18

Mr. Engineer maintains that the fundamentalist movements in India emerged on the basis of the rights of women. The Shah Bano case is one example. In 1985, the Supreme Court pronounced a verdict in favour of Shah Bano, a Muslim woman who was divorced by her husband. She claimed maintenance under the Criminal Procedure Code Section 125. According to it, if a woman is divorced and if she has no means of sustenance, then her husband will have to pay maintenance to her. She went to the Madhya Pradesh High Court, which decided in favour of her petition. But her husband, a lawyer, challenged this judgment in the Supreme Court of India and claimed that it was a violation of Muslim personal law. But the Supreme Court confirmed the decision of the lower court in favour of Shah Bano. Her husband approached the Muslim Personal Law Board. Soon a personal issue turned into a political issue which was discussed at the national level. There were riots in some parts of India. 17

Asghara Ali Engineer, “Indian Muslims – Islamic Fundamentalism – Muslim women”, in Andreas Nehring (ed), Fundamentalism and Secularism. The Indian Predicament, Gurukul Summer Institute, Madras, 1994, pp. 207– 221. Here p. 216. 18 P. 217. According to him, “fundamentalism can be defined as going back to the Quran and the Shari’a”. p.207.

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BABY VARGHESE The young Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress government passed a bill to please Muslim male chauvinists, which was strongly resented by Muslim women as well as Hindus. The Hindus alleged it to be a legal coverage for Islamic fundamentalism: The Muslims who were already feeling suffocated and insecure and poured out their feelings of insecurity into the Shah Bano movement. 19

The Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was pressurized by Muslim male chauvinists for nullifying the Supreme Court order by introducing a new bill. On the other hand, the Hindu extremists intensified their efforts to demolish the Babri Masjid, violating the court order. 20 Thus, Congress policy strengthened Muslim fundamentalist and Hindu communal forces. Asghar Ali Engineer writes: Mrs. Gandhi communalized our polity to an unprecedented extent. Yielding to Muslim fundamentalists and communalists in the Shah Bano case, the Rajiv (Gandhi) Government nullified the Court judgment by enacting a separate law for Muslim women. This was seen as a complete negation of secularism by the Hindus and their perception that only Hindus are secular and the minorities are ‘communal’ got reinforced […]. The same Government tried to appease Hindus by opening up Babri Masjid for their worship on 1 February 1986 […] The Narasimha Rao Government got entangled in communal politics over Ayodhya while the BJP and Shiv Sena were playing their own games. 21

The destruction of the 400–year-old mosque at Ayodhya on December 6, 1992 further improved the support of the BJP among fanatic Hindus to consolidate Hindu votes. 22 Moderate Muslim leaders say that, though the Indian Muslims receive some money from Saudi Arabia or other Muslim countries, Islamic fundamentalism in India has no global political linkage. But 19

Engineer, op.cit, p. 220. Babri Masjid is a 400–year-old mosque built at the site of a Hindu Temple. 21 Quoted by Nelson, p. 70. 22 See Paul Bras, The Politics of India since Independence, New Delhi, OUP, 1995, p. 15–16. 20

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RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIA the money is often used to fund the activities of radical groups. However, Muslim leaders admit that the extremists get assistance from Pakistan. Engineer writes: What Pakistan is doing, or the weapons which ISI is sending to Kashmir, or training Kashmiri extremists by Pakistan, has nothing to do with global linkage of Indian Islam, but what is happening there is due to a historical conflict between two countries, which induces Pakistan to do all this, rather than any Islamic motive. Pakistan is trying to take revenge on India for breaking up Pakistan into two. 23

He continues: When trouble started in Punjab, Pakistan jumped in, and when it started in Kashmir, Pakistan interfered. Similarly, India got involved in East Pakistan (in 1971). There are all political wars. It is not Jihad in the strict sense of the word. 24

But often Hindus see the terrorist attacks in Bombay two years ago or occasional blasts in big cities as the manifestations of Islamic fundamentalism, which in turn ignite anti-Muslim feelings among them. CONCLUSION After the Independence and the formation of Pakistan, the Muslims in India found themselves as a scattered, politically powerless, minority community. There has not been any emergence of notable progressive leadership in the community, and the community tends to become exclusive and conservative. This certainly contributed to the growth of communalism and led to tension and conflict with other communities, particularly the majority Hindu community. Following the demolition of the Babri Masjid (Ayodhya), the Muslim community has encountered many difficulties and has suffered at the hands of militant forces. In places like Bombay where the Muslim community had slowly started to move out of ghettos, the postAyodhya scenario made them once more retreat. Since the Muslim community is only around 11% of the population, it is unable to mobilize peaceful demonstrations to redress their grievances. This 23 24

Engineer, op.cit, p. 220. Engineer, p. 220–221.

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BABY VARGHESE has led to violent and wanton destruction of life and property. Peaceful co-existence of Hindus and Muslims is vital for the Christian denominations to continue to make their contributions to the building up of India.

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN INDIA – REALITY, PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES ARCHBISHOP MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL CHANGANCHERRY / INDIA

1. INDIA, A PLURALIST SOCIETY India is a vast subcontinent. It has (after China) the largest population (1.237 billion in 2012) in the world. But, perhaps, unlike China, India has been from early times, a complex reality with a multiplicity of races, ethnicity, cultures and religions. Racially we have Mongolians, Dravidians, Aryans and others. There are several ethnic groups including a large variety of tribals. India has always been a mosaic of cultures. Religiously also we are a heterogeneous country. There are at least eight major religions: Hindus (82.5%), Muslims (12.2%), Christians (2.6%), and Sikhs (2%) Buddhists (0.7%) Janis (0.4%), Parsees (0.35%), and Jews (0.1%). The vast majority is “Hindu” – but they include, according to statisticians, all those who do not belong to the other religions mentioned above. But it may be also noted that Hindus differ among themselves in beliefs and rituals. They are devotees of different deities with differing traditions. Some years ago, one of our prominent politicians asked in his book “Hinduism at Crossroads” what was in common to Hindus in Kashmir and those in Kerala. And his answer was: ‘The joint family and the caste system’. The joint family system has almost disappeared. The caste mentality is there even now, to some extent. However, diversity remains the prominent feature of India. But the feeling of being Hindu is now on the increase. At the same time the caste barrier is still strong in some states, especially in the North. Linguistically and culturally the country is also divided. There are around 25 nationally recognized different languages and over 200 111

MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL dialects. Each language or dialect has its own cultural grouping behind it. Linguistic feelings are so strong that the country had to be divided on a linguistic basis. Now there is great reaction against a politically motivated division of the State of Andhra Pradesh, a large state which had been created on the basis of language soon after independence. Thus, as far as we can see, India has always been a large pluralistic country. India as a whole has never been a unified nation. There have been empires in Indians history, but none of them covered the whole subcontinent. In fact, a sort of unification came only under the British rule. But even under the British, there were also 600–odd large and small kingdoms. In the fight for independence, Gandhiji and others brought about a certain unity, inspired by a sense of nationalism. The National Government set up in 1947 brought all princely states, Provinces…etc under its rule and the Constitution for the whole country came into force on January 26, 1950. On 24th November, 1949 the Constituent Assembly proudly declared: We, the People of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign (“Socialist, Secular” – added later) Democratic Republic and to secure to all its citizens; Justice, social economic and political, Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship, Equality of Status and of opportunity and promote among them all, Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and to the (unity and integrity of the Nation), in our Constituent Assembly this 26th day of November,1949, do hereby adopt, enact and give to ourselves this Constitution.

However, diversity remains a genuine fact. For one thing, India is not a unitary state, but federal in constitution; the diversity that India is remains as ever before. Further, we are also divided politically, economically and communally. The situation is even more complex today on account of another factor. Formerly the different linguistic groups, etc., were gathered in certain areas. But now internal migration occurs on a large scale and therefore we are mixed groups everywhere. We are a pluralistic country through and through; India has been the home of several world religions. The so-called Semitic religions were also here even before the first millennium onwards. Diversity is not a recent phenomenon for us. We have a long tradition of living in a complex 112

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – INDIA pluralistic society, and religion has been an important component of this plurality. 2. THE BASIC NATURE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM There is an increasing craving for freedom in the modern world. As the II Vatican Council states in its declaration on religious freedom, Dignitatis Humanae (DH), people want to enjoy the use of their own responsible judgment in freedom and decide on their actions on grounds of duty and conscience without external pressure or coercion. (DH 1)

They also desire that limits should be set to governments so that governments may not unreasonably restrict the freedom of individuals or groups. This is especially sought in the field of the values of the human spirit – and specifically with regard to the public practice of religion. The II Vatican Council also emphasizes the importance of this right to the human person. This perspective is primarily based on the dignity of the human person. The Council is clear on this point: This Vatican synod declares that the human person has a right to religious freedom. Such freedom consists in this, that all should have such immunity from coercion by individuals, or by groups or by any human. power, so that no one should be forced to act against his conscience in religious matters, nor prevented from acting according to his conscience, whether in private or in public, whether alone or in association with others, within due limits. The synod declares that the right to religious freedom is firmly based on the dignity of the human person as this is known from the revelation of God and from reason itself. This right to religious freedom should have such recognition in the regulation of society by law as to become a civil right (DH.2) There is a widespread misconception that rights are simply granted by the State. Politicians, therefore, often think that they can easily dispense with human rights according to their whims and fancies. In fact, the basic human rights are inherent in the

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MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL human person. They flow from the inner dignity of man as such. 1

The concept of human rights is to be based on a correct vision of the human person. Relativistic notions about the human person cannot sufficiently justify human rights. In the “Universal declaration of Human Rights” of 65 years ago, the universal value of the inherent dignity of the human person and the worth of the human person were deliberately agreed upon as the cornerstone of all rights. This is especially true of religious freedom. In the Christian vision of the world, men have been created “in the image and likeness of God”. Therefore, there is for man an innate relationship to God. Our hearts are restless, as Augustine said, till they rest in God. Therefore, this relationship is of an essential nature. In fact, religious freedom is the most basic right of human beings. Where this is denied, no other freedom can survive. Among the different forms of government, democracy seems to be the best in protecting this right. It is the government by the people, but a people who are aware of their values. For a democracy worth its name, individuals and their rights are important concerns. For a totalitarian Marxist regime or a theocratic state, these are not at all significant. But today democracies are also under severe strain owing to the sweeping power of the new generation media, the allembracing tendency for corruption, increasing threats of terrorist groups and the emergence of radical social activists forming almost “a state with in a state”. Any distortion of democracy is likely to lead to the loss of respect for human rights. 3. RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN THE INDIAN CONTEXT Freedom of religion was an important concern at the dawn of independence in 1947. As we all know India was divided into India and Pakistan on religio-political grounds. In the violence that erupted during and after the division was a traumatic experience that long troubled the people of India. The words of Surdar Patel, a leading statesman and the Chairman of the Advisory Committee were a clear testimony to the feelings that prevailed at that time: 1

Joseph Powathil, The Ecclesial Milieu. Ecclesial Vision and Historical Interventions. Trivandrum 2009, p. 385.

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – INDIA This Committee forms one of the most vital parts of the Constituent Assembly and one of the most difficult tasks that has to be done by us is the work of this Committee. Often you must have heard in the various debates in the British Parliament that have been held on this question, recently and before, when it has been claimed on behalf of the British Government that they have a special responsibility - a special obligation-for the protection of the interests of the minority. They claim to have more special interest than we have. It is for us to prove that it is a bogus claim, a false claim, and that nobody is more interested than us in India in the protection of our minorities. Our mission is to satisfy every interest and safeguard the interest of all minorities to their satisfaction. 2

The protection of religions is an important concern of the Constitution of India. With this in view, part 111, which deals with Fundamental Rights, first of all, declares that all presently existing laws, in so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions in this part are abrogated. Art.13/2 also stipulates: The state shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by this part, and any law made in contravention of this clause shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be void.

In a famous Judgment in the Supreme Court Justice Khanna observed: as long as this Constitution stands as it is today, no tampering with these rights can be countenanced. Any attempt to do so would be not only an act of breach of faith, it would be constitutionally impermissible and likely to be struck down by the courts. 3

Most legal experts would hold that since fundamental rights belong to the “basic framework” of the Constitution, they can be changed

2

B. Shiva Rao, The Framing of India’s Constitution. Selected Documents Vol. 1. New Delhi 1966, p. 64. 3 John Vallamattom, Judgments on Minority Right, Vol.1. New Delhi 1996, p. 280.

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MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL only by a new Constituent Assembly. Neither Parliament nor state legislatures can enact any law limiting the Fundamental Rights. The Constitution then enumerates the various Fundamental Rights to be safeguarded. After enumerating rights to equality, prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race etc., and the freedom of speech, etc., the Constitution takes up the right to Religious Freedom. This, in my opinion, covers articles 25–30. Religion has its individual and social aspects. As the Catechism of the Catholic Church (CCC) puts it, the duty of offering God genuine worship concerns man both individually and socially. (CCC 2105)

There are many today, especially the negative secularists, who would like to consider religion a private affair. Our Constitution, like in any true democracy, takes into account the corporate nature of religious life. That is why the Constitution refers to the right of religious denominations to establish and manage institutions and to own and to acquire movable and immovable property (Art.26). Article 28 refers to the possibility of religious instruction in educational instructions run by private agencies. The Constitution of India, we must say, guaranties full religious freedom Art.25 (1) state clearly that: subject to public order, morality and health and the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion”. (The state certainly retains the right to regulate any economic, financial and political activity associated with religious practice).

This is of course full religious freedom since the Constitution recognizes the corporate nature of religious communities and their right to establish and to maintain institutions – especially educational institutions where religion can be taught. The word ‘Secular’ was added later on in the Preamble of the Constitution. In the minds of the Fathers of the Constitution this was in a way aimed against theocracy. In a famous judgment of the Supreme Court, Justice Khanna explained the meaning of the word ‘secular’ as far as the Constitution is concerned:

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – INDIA There is no mysticism in the ‘secular’ character of the state: Secularism is neither anti-God nor pro-God; it treats alike the devout, the agnostic and the atheist. It eliminates God in matters of State and ensures that no one shall be discriminated against on the ground of religion. The Constitution at the same time especially guarantees freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion. The Constitution makers were conscious of the deep attachment the vast masses of our country had towards religion, the sway it had on their minds and the significant role it played in their lives 4

4. SPECIAL PROTECTION TO EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS In a secular state, religion cannot be taught in the state institutions. The majority can take care of itself either through legislation or through the dominance the majority community has in the total atmosphere of the state. The educational rights of the minority community have to be protected if they are to survive. So, the Constitution makers wanted to afford special protection to minorities. To quote again justice Khanna: to allay all apprehensions of interference by the legislative and the executive in matters of religion, the rights mentioned in articles 25–30 were made a special part of the fundamental rights, and religious freedom contained in those articles was guaranteed by the Constitution. 5

The crucial article states: all minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice” (Constitution of India art 30.1).

This article has been a great bulwark against any attempt at nationalization of our educational institutions which took place in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, soon after they became independent. We do not have the right to teach religion to our students in government institutions because they are secular or “neutral towards religions.

4 5

Ibid. Ibid p. 280f.

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MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL If we do not have the right to catechize our youngsters at least in our schools and colleges, in a country where we are a small minority, the Church’s future will be at great risk. Hence the importance of this right. The right to establish and administer educational institutions of our “choice” essentially mean the following rights: (a) to admit students (b) to set up a reasonable fee structure (c) to constitute a Governing Body (d) to appoint the staff (teaching and non-teaching) and (e) to take action if there is dereliction of duty on the part of any employee. Up to now, by and large, the judiciary has been defending these rights against several attempts at restrict this right. Justice Khanna has summed up the situation thus: The object of articles 25–30 was to preserve the rights of religious minorities, to place them on a secure pedestal and to withdraw them from the vicissitudes of political controversy. The provisions enshrined a befitting pledge to minorities in the Constitution of our country, whose greatest son had laid down his life for the protection of the minorities. 6

Thus, we can say that religious freedom is well protected in India by our Constitution. The judiciary has been so far defending our rights against attempts by state legislatures to restrict our rights. The Central government has been rather cautious in this regard. However, several of the states including Kerala have been trying to control our educational institutions. To quote our Supreme Court once again: although attempts have been made in the past to whittle down the rights of minorities in this respect, the vigilant sections of the minorities have resisted such attempts. Disputes have constituently arisen and come up before this Court for determining whether the impugned measures violate the provisions of the constitution embodied in articles 29 and 30. This Court has consistently up held the rights of the minorities embodied in these articles and has ensured that the ambit and scope of minority rights is not narrowed down.7

6 7

Ibid p. 280. Ibid p. 292.

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – INDIA 5. PRESENT DAY REALITIES AND PROBLEMS Only a liberal mind can understand such rights. It gives importance to tolerance, the growth of individuals and associations, freedom of thought and diversity of cultures and religious groupings. It was this liberal mentality that moved educational experts like Dr. Radhakrishnan (once President of India) to plead for different systems of education and more autonomy for them. The Fathers of the constitution had a broad-minded vision and a great democratic sense. Today perhaps ideologues and extremists are ruling the roost. 8

Many Indians speak of a glorious past. Even a person like Justice Khanna would say: the great leaders of India since time immemorid preached the doctrine of tolerance and a catholicity of outlook. 9

How far this is true we cannot say when we consider that, for example, St. Thomas, St. John de Britto and Devasahayam Pillai (recently beatified) were martyred here in S. India: Ancient India was a country of small kingdoms with a vast variety of policies. We do not know what all happened in those kingdoms. One thing seems certain – that Christianity at one time spread to different parts of the country, but many communities became extinct for reasons we do not know. However, in general, we may say that on the whole this country has been known for its religious tolerance. Many religions co-existed here for long centuries. A liberal democratic mind seems necessary for safeguarding religious freedom in a pluralistic world. That was present in the late nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century. This was the background of our Constitution. But there is a steady decline in this attitude in the different parts of the world. As Jonathan Sacks, the former Jewish Chief Rabbi of the UK observed: Liberal democracy is in danger. Britain and other nation states in the west are becoming places where free speech is increasingly at risk, non-political organizations are becoming politicized, uni-

8 9

Powathil, The Ecclesial Milieu, p. 392. Quoted in Ibid.

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MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL versity campuses are turning in to political arenas and a combination of political correctness and ethnic-religious separatism are eroding the graciousness of civil society. 10

All these elements are at work also in India. (a) Ethnic-religious separatism: In India what we call ‘communities’ (religious denominations) are vying with each other for political power. Hindu extremism and Islamic fundamentalism are perhaps growing. The second major political party in India is supported by extremist groups like the ‘RSS’, ‘VHP’ and ‘Sangha Parivar’. This party itself stands for Hindutva; they dream about a Hindu state in India. Their proposed Prime Ministerial candidate is counted as a strong defender of Hindutva. Probably if he gets power, he may try to make India a theocratic state like all the states that surround India. Islamic extremist organizations like the Mujahid are also are active in India. They often resort to acts of terrorism. So, riots and communal clashes are becoming more common now. There were widespread riots immediately after the partition of India with attacks on Muslims. In 1992 the Babri Masjid (mosque) was destroyed by Hindu fanatics, followed by reactions all over India. In2002 there was the Gothra train burning incident followed by attacks on Muslims. It has been estimated that about 1044 people (756 Muslims and 290 Hindus) were killed in the riots. Many cases of violence against the Church have been reported since 1964. In Odesha (Orissa) churches were burnt and Christians were killed under the pretext of missionary activity in 2008. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom has recently put India on the list of countries which have failed to protect its religious minorities adequately. Besides several anti-conversion bills have been passed by a few states, like MP and Himachal Pradesh. Apparently, the laws were against forced or induced conversions but the result was the abuse of the laws by communal forces to prevent conversion and to harass Christians and Muslims. Further, Hindu extremists have forced Christians to reconvert to Hinduism! 10

Jonathan Saekes, The Home We Build Together. Recreatong Society. LondonNew York 2007, p. 11.

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(b) The rising tide of materialism, theoretical as well as practical. It is the greed for power and riches in the world that often divide people. Power politics often drives people to use any means to gain power. One means often adopted is to exploit the religious feelings of the people for capturing power. This strengthens division and religious separatism. It also weakens the real democratic sense of the people. There are also materialistic ideologies which have deep roots in certain parts of the country. For example, Marxists see religion as a hindrance to their plan of revolution. They are strong in Kerala, Bengal and Tripura. In Kerala they have made several attempts to do away with our “minority rights” referred to above. Bringing education under their control is the surest way of eliminating religion in the minds of the younger generation. Under Marxism we have also extremist groups like Maoists and Naxalists, who revel in acts of violence. (c) Different ideologies are also spreading, different sects are growing. They are politicizing campuses, infiltrating religious organizations etc. Many of them are some way or other moving against religions and religious freedom of minorities, through direct or indirect ways. (d) In the context of all these tendencies, some people who are against religious fundamentalism and involvement of religion in politics are turning towards the western model of “Secularism” which would like to keep religion out of public life. This is the type of negative secularism which is perhaps anti-religious. It would like to confine religions to the private space. This idea is promoted by the Marxists and by many nonbelievers also. 6. PERSPECTIVES AND PROSPECTS We do not know how those trends will develop in the future. There is the possibility of several forces taking over and making India a theocratic or a negatively secularist state. We have examples all around India – Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia and Sree Lanka to some extent. In that situation, on the one hand terrorism will increase and on the other hand persecution of religious minorities is also possible. Being a microscopic minority, it will not be 121

MAR JOSEPH POWATHIL easy for the Christians to resist. So far, the judiciary has been defending us, but under a theocratic state, the situation may totally change. The vigilant minority, of which the Supreme Court spoke of once, may be practically eliminated as has happened in Russia and other places. Our situation could be then like the situation of Christians in the Middle East. Or will our constitution protect in some way our freedom? Left oriented groups may take over in certain cases and that will be a more awful situation for Christians. How far the constitutional protection would help us in the present circumstances remains to be seen. To give an adequate response to these challenges we certainly have to depend on the help of divine providence and that of world public opinion. Meanwhile we are trying to be in contact with the people of the majority community and to be in dialogue with them. We also try to promote Christian unity to the extent possible. How far these could be effective in tiding over the new crisis, we cannot foretell. It may be hoped that these initiatives will have positive results in the emerging Indian scenario!

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN THE MIDDLE EAST – REFLECTING “ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE 26” ARCHBISHOP MAR PAUL MATAR BEIRUT / LEBANON

The benefits arising from the Synod for the Middle East are now becoming apparent in regard both to the region and to its population. Originally held in the interests of the Christians who were suffering from a situation of insecurity leading to a massive exodus, the Synod has affected great numbers since it called on all to have greater faith, greater hope and greater love. So, if at present this East has been struck in its reason and in its heart, from this very fact it finds itself obliged to engage in dialogue and look back on the tragic events that trouble ordinary existence. Here the Synod has served as a platform where all our partners can find a haven for reflection and peace. In this subject, which I have been asked to treat, there is a major problem for those who follow closely the situation in our region, namely that of human liberty considered under all its aspects. This liberty may be considered from points of view both individual and social, economic and political. Nevertheless, there is also a religious side, which opens on perspectives of progress in the spiritual quality of life. It is at this point that we consider more particularly the religious freedom which will effectively give the impetus to all social transformation and will be the force that will guide the East to better days, to a world of greater justice and of more solid brotherhood. FREEDOM OF WORSHIP AND FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE In October 2010, we attended the Synod for the Middle East convoked by Pope Benedict XVI to serve the interests of Christians who 123

MAR PAUL MATAR were suffering from troubles that were afflicting the region and that tragically continue to do so. It was perhaps the new Chaldean Patriarch Mar Louis Sako, for twenty years with us in Pro Oriente, who appealed to the Holy Father on behalf of his country and asked for the Synod to be held. From the very first session, attended by representatives of the Roman curia and of dioceses around the world who joined with the Catholic Patriarchs and Bishops of the East, we noticed that there were two essential themes emphasised during the workings of the Synod. These were liberty of conscience and citizenship. The choice of these two themes indicated the path to be followed without hesitation or restriction for the future of the Christians of the East and even for the future of the region where they live together with fellow nationals of other religions. Although the title proposed for this present talk speaks of religious liberty, we feel that the expression liberty of conscience chosen by the Synod is better suited and fits better with the situation, which we want to clarify in relation to the life of the Eastern Christians. In fact, religious liberty has a global meaning covering two questions, distinct even though closely connected. The first is that of freedom of worship and the second that of freedom of conscience. Freedom of worship means, to be precise, freedom for Christians or for anybody else to practise their religious rites without interference either from the authorities of the country or from its general society. This liberty of worship exists in the general run of the Arab countries in the East, in Lebanon, in Syria, in the Holy Land, in Iraq and in Egypt. The Arab Gulf states fall into two categories, those that tolerate the building of churches in their territory even though perhaps without visible bells or crosses, and those that still do not allow the building of churches such as Saudi Arabia, where allowing Christian worship is still not contemplated. But most Arab countries allow Christians freedom of worship even though sometimes the construction of new churches demands formalities difficult to comply with in order to obtain authorisation. As for the Arab countries of the North West, the Maghreb, Christian worship is allowed there, as is the building of churches, even if most of them are on sites going back to colonial days. However, there are difficulties of another kind, such as Christians being considered as of second class within the national life of the country. 124

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – MIDDLE EAST This leads us to the problem of citizenship which we are going to deal with further on in our talk. Freedom of worship is important, and this importance is shown and confirmed precisely by the problems it faces in certain countries. Now, this freedom of worship is by itself not enough and must be complemented by freedom of conscience, that is to say freedom of belief. This deeper radical liberty demands the ability for any man to follow the religion of his choice, and to leave the religion he was born into in order to adopt another if he so wishes, or even to become an agnostic or to look for truth outside any established religion. This form of liberty also supposes freedom to preach a religion, openly and without constraint imposed by the civil authority. In all the Arab World, Lebanon alone includes in its Constitution liberty of conscience. The other countries of the region at best allow freedom of worship. It is in this sense and for this reason that the Synod wished all the states and all the societies composing them to consecrate liberty of conscience in law and in actual practice. This liberty in fact constitutes the fullness of liberty. It means the right of any religion to work publicly and to diffuse its teachings without being accused of proselytising. The Christian religion, just like the Islamic religion, has the right to be what it is, a missionary religion and to be recognised as such; that is to say it must enjoy the right to receive into its ranks any person wishing to join it, without him suffering any constraint or fear of being pursued by anyone. THE HISTORICAL ASPECT OF THE QUESTION OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Throughout history, the Christian religion knew difficulties of every kind affecting liberty of its practice. Already under the Roman Empire and during the first three hundred years of its existence the emperors allowed it no freedom of worship and no liberty of conscience. This situation lasted until the opening of the Peace of Constantine (313 A.D.). In modern times too, this same religion has suffered bloody persecution under Marxist-Leninism and continues to face difficulties in many corners of the world. Its churches have been attacked and its faithful coldly assassinated on an almost daily basis. In its relations with Islam, particularly in the Middle East, the Christian Church has experienced high points and low points, without so far having found a final platform. We say this while in no way neglecting the positive points of this experience, already fourteen 125

MAR PAUL MATAR centuries old! It is a fact that the Prophet of Islam in person showed respect towards the Christians of his time. The Quran affirms that that those calling themselves Christians are closest in affection to the Muslims, for they include both priests and monks and are by no means conceited. In the same way, the first Muslim leader in history after the Prophet treated the Christians in a spirit of tolerance. He respected their property and let them continue with their business, on the one condition that they should not meddle in politics. There was thus no need for them to bear arms where the new religion had made its conquests. This moderate situation let Christians enjoy private liberties and liberty for worship. They also enjoyed the security created by the newly established authority. However, they had lost their right to take part in public life on an equal footing with Muslims. In other words, they had acquired the status of Dhimmi, that is to say the status of protected persons, therefore ones simply tolerated. This led many Christians to adopt Islam and so it was that the Middle East that had been entirely Christian before Islam underwent a demographic change. This created the present situation where Christians have become minorities rarely counting more than 10% of the population of any one Arab country. The one exception in this general panorama is Lebanon, where a balance has been kept of about 50% Christian and 50% Muslim. The reaction of the Christians faced with this situation has not been negative. They have not sought to isolate themselves or to use force in order to create mini-states for themselves. Far from adopting such an attitude, they have chosen to live together with the Muslims and so to create an open and positive co-existence. At the same time, of course, they seek to acquire or to insist on their rights as full citizens rather than to merely survive, and to be creative in all fields of social, cultural and national life. However, the difficulties facing the Christians of the East during these centuries of co-existence have been many and unending. The notion of the Muslim State has been variously interpreted according to the will of the governors or of the official interpreters of dogma. Through all this time, the problem has been that of the place of the Christians in this State and of the status of full citizenship that the Christians still demand. The arrival of help from abroad has never solved the problem, for we see how the period of Crusader presence was a misfortune for the Eastern Christians, who were in danger of being seen by their Muslim fellow citizens as a “Trojan 126

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – MIDDLE EAST horse” for the West in the lands of the East. This has been the cause of conflicts between these antagonists. Likewise, the presence of various colonial powers in modern times has been no more conclusive despite the common understanding between the Christians of East and West during the colonial period, which incidentally helped the East as a whole to enter the modern world. The fact is that the Western colonial powers have always made their calculations without any concern for the real interests of the Christians of the East, or – for that matter – for the interests of those of the West. For its part, political Islam has operated in several phases, mainly that of the Mamelukes in the middle ages and that of the Ottomans during the four centuries up to 1918. It has always come up against the difficulty of giving complete recognition to the rights and duties of all citizens in a given country and so of producing appropriate constitutions. Already a whole century has passed since the end of the Ottoman phase, during which the Arab countries have obtained independence and also known armed revolutions. During these hundred years, we have still had to wait for the notion of full citizenship to be adopted both totally and clearly. Even today, this same difficulty has come up. The youth of the rising generation in Egypt and Tunisia wished to make a real move in the direction of democracy with full participation. But on the ground they have come up against fundamentalist movements which not only fail to accept the very ideas of fatherland and constitution; they even refuse equality between those who are believers after their own manner and those not of their own shade of belief whom they accuse of infidelity, not allowing them human and civil rights. So once again there is a state of crisis unless perchance there is some future favourable development. RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN THE PRESENT CONTEXT Is it pure chance that the present phase called by some the “Arab Spring” began only a few weeks or months after the conclusion of the Synod for the Middle East? Remember that the Synod ended at the end of October 2010 and that the Egyptian revolution began on January 25th of the following year, and the Tunisian one even before that. To give further consistency to this coincidence, we may point out that from its very inception the Synod made a connection between freedom of religion and conscience on the one hand and citi127

MAR PAUL MATAR zenship on the other. Why was this the view adopted? In fact, religious liberty is not only an individual liberty. It implies freedom for any religious group to live its faith openly and at the same time to enjoy all its rights within the society of its country. Thus understood, freedom is inseparable from equality and even from brotherhood. This gives a universal application to the famous slogan proclaimed by France ever since its Revolution. Equality is a universal condition of the life of society and of humankind. It means the participation of every human being in public life and his right to enjoy all the rights enjoyed by others, whatever his own religion. For my own part, as a Lebanese, I was most happy at the Synod to see liberty and equality associated and becoming the firm demand of the Christians of the Middle East – as indeed of every human person everywhere. I was happy because the centuriesold experience of the Christians of my country, especially those of my Maronite community, shows for me the road that the other countries must follow to attain the goal of the liberty-equality tandem. To sum up the experience of my country, I can best describe it as a painful search for a national sovereignty which ensures freedom of conscience for all and the participation of all in public affairs with equal rights, without distinctions based on religious affiliation on either side. This country has existed and overcome all the difficulties coming from the region, which perhaps wished to reduce it from an exception to a mere curiosity, whereas it was the region that needed it as a model for its own progress and for greater internal liberty, equality and democracy. Note that the great Pope John Paul II, who had called the Synod for Lebanon, concluded his considerations about this country by saying that it was a message, a message of liberty and co-existence for Muslims and Christians, despite the crises. Despite the difficulties of the moment, he said, Lebanon remains a model for the countries of the Middle East to follow in freedom of belief and in equality between all its citizens, whatever their religious attachments.

This attitude of Pope John Paul the Second is not merely personal. It flows from the teaching for the Church, and particularly from that of the Council Vatican II. Turning to the teaching of this Council, and particularly of its Constitution Gaudium et Spes, we discover both the importance for Christians of being with the world in its progress 128

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – MIDDLE EAST and the need for them to enjoy their rights to take part fully in public life. The Council says in its pastoral constitution on the Church Gaudium et Spes (GS): The Christian community recognises its real and total solidarity with the human kind and its story,” saying also that “...those who profess a different religious opinion increase day by day, at the same time wider collaboration is being established capable of announcing for all citizens, and not merely for a privileged few, the effective enjoyment of the rights of the person. (GS 3)

It was on the basis of this teaching of the Council that Pope John Paul II conceived his Apostolic Exhortation “A New Hope for Lebanon”, in which he affirmed that ...one and the same destiny binds Christians and Muslims in Lebanon and in other countries of the region, and Christians and also Muslims are called to build together a future of social harmony and collaboration, with a view to the recognised human development of their peoples. (N° 24)

Following this consideration of the Lebanese experience and its positive aspects, we may turn to other countries of the region to see what is positive and what negative in the new phase commonly called the Arab Spring. Opinion is very much divided about this “spring” in both Christian and Muslim circles. For some this “spring” offers a real opportunity for the birth of religious and civil liberties in the Arab world, as well as for the setting up of true democracies. For that opportunity, it was enough to see dictators topple over and regimes removed from power. Therefore, this would be a true revolution coming from the people and from the educated class. On the other hand, for some the rising tide of fundamentalism and the Takfiri movements means that the revolution has been diverted from the start that religious and civil liberty have suffered a setback, and that now Christians are paying the price of all these disturbances in the Arab World. Already in Iraq, half the Christians have been forced to leave since there is no one to protect them. Further, their churches have been attacked and burnt by others and their clergy murdered. Likewise, the liberties and the very existence of the Christians of

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MAR PAUL MATAR Syria are under threat. In Egypt there is again war between the supporters of liberties and those who deny Christians the right to enjoy them, for they are “enemies of God”. The shadow of exile and death hovers over Christians in all the Middle East, with however some rays of light coming from those who do not wish to give up hope. All this gives the impression that the Muslim Arab world is at a turning point in its history and is due to enter a phase whose outlines are still uncertain. Have we then no perspectives of progress, or do we think that this crisis may finally be shown as simple growing pains? This is the question that will take up our attention in the fourth and last part of this talk. THE FUTURE OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN THE MIDDLE EAST Here we must point out the difference between the future we wish to either arrive at or to avoid, and the future that it is possible to construct given the present trend of history. First of all, that future which we wish to create must not be one which separates us from our fellow citizens, since we consider that co-existence is a mission for Christians as it is for all universally. Christians cannot live with a liberty that isolates them from their brethren in the nation or from humanity as a whole. What we on the contrary are looking to do is to build a common future with our partners in the Middle East. And if they do not all wish for this equal partnership today, they will want it tomorrow, for the future too is to be marked by redemption through grace. Therefore, there must be no mistake about this. The future of the Christians lies in partnership and it is to achieve this end that all our efforts must go. If anybody would ask what our chances are of success, the answer comes from consideration of the positive points to be seen among our fellow citizens, ones that are no less evident than the negative points. In its essence, that is to say in its historical roots, Islam proclaims the value of contact and of piety. Further, this Islam has not produced only difficulties during its history. During the time of the Abbassids it was tolerant and cooperated with the Christians, who took part in power through the public finances and also contributed to the development of the Arabic language and culture. So, if this period of collaboration came prior to the negative fundamentalist wave, it is also possible that this collaboration may continue after the present phenomenon, which may be destined to pass away. 130

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM – MIDDLE EAST It is interesting to turn to the crisis in Egypt, where the fundamentalists have admitted their failure to establish a stable regime in the country, which ejected them from power, although not yet excluding them from the political and social life of the land. This experience is important for any future evolution and for any dialogue of partners willing to learn by experience. For this the values of justice must be looked for in the early origins, together with respect for the values recognised by both sides. So it is that Vatican II has already pointed out the values shared by both Christians and Muslims. Admittedly our religions are different, as the Prophet of Islam himself once said, but it is also true that we have lived side-by-side for fourteen centuries with each party absorbing something of the spirit of the other. Ever since the dawn of Islam, its rulers have lost no time adopting the theocratic regime. This was better suited to the group mentalities and time is needed for progress from the group mentality to the modern mentality of personal liberties. From this point of view, it is the whole East that needs to move towards personal individuality. The German philosopher Hegel said that liberty first appeared in history as liberty of the group and not as that of the individual. It is precisely after this group phrase that liberty becomes personal and individual. This applies to both Christians and Muslims. Individual liberty therefore comes later. Similarly, religious liberty will be accepted more easily when the group mentalities have changed or disappeared. Clearly this is a phenomenon of society before being one of religion, and the hour of religious freedom in the Middle East will come one day. It is a question of waiting for the maturity of history and patience under such conditions is the necessary virtue. CONCLUSION For the moment, efforts should be concentrated on obtaining a cease-fire in Syria and on getting a return to reason in the Arab and Middle-Eastern countries. The world powers should not be seeking to profit from the present conflicts dividing our region, but rather should favour dialogue and contacts between religious and other antagonists. They should act as ones responsible for the future of humanity. Everybody should know that the Christians of this region have paid with their lives for others in the name of minor particularly individual interests. 131

MAR PAUL MATAR The Muslims have for their part another responsibility. It is up to them to start dialogue between themselves, between brothers in conflict, between moderates and fundamentalists. Conscious of their cultural role, they should play their part for the future of humanity. Islam also should sound a clarion call for co-existence. The Christians of the East for their part also have an obligation, that of remaining in the East in order to welcome the renewed brotherhood. Exodus does not reflect a positive attitude even though it may be understandable. Religious liberty cannot exist without love and without sacrifices. The Christians of the Middle East must of course insist on their rights, without which they lose the humanity and dignity of their life. They must be faithful to their duties, to their obligations towards their fellow citizens of whatever religion. A common life is built from day to day. The fight for justice and for progress must be fought by all, by all acting together. This is what is going to make for a peaceful and open Orient. As for the future of religious liberty, this also is being put together day by day, without provocation, by dialogue and understanding. But change of religion is also a social problem and not only a spiritual one. It is something that must come about on its own. So, patience is needed to wait for a time when Christianity is understood as a religion of love and not of provocation and then it will have a better future in the East. For this end the Synod has made a positive approach which we hope will give the region a better opportunity for understanding and progress. Despite all the difficulties of the present moment we may hope for better days, for the future is with God and is therefore in good hands.

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REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION OF BENEDICT XVI AND THE PAPAL VISIT TO LEBANON BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO ALEPPO / SYRIA

I would like first of all to set out some general impressions regarding the Exhortation and the Pope’s visit, and then to comment on a number of passages in the Exhortation and the speeches and homilies given by Benedict XVI during his various meetings and liturgical celebrations in Lebanon in September 2012. I having had, at the end of the 2010 Synod, the good fortune to be an elected member of the post-Synodal council charged with submitting proposals for the final editing of the Apostolic Exhortation, I was able to participate in Rome on four occasions in this work of reflection and editing, together with the other representatives of the Eastern Churches and a number of the Roman Congregations involved. The composition of the texts was a very serious matter, but I was afraid that it might be too academic and difficult to read. I even pleaded that the final text should be accessible to simple priests and the general laity, in order for it to be read with pleasure, admiration and Eastern sensitivity. Having read the Exhortation signed by Benedict XVI on 14 September last, the day of his arrival in Lebanon, in the beautiful basilica of the Paulist Fathers at Harissa, I had the impression that this document is truly the product of the Synod Fathers gathered around the Holy Father. It is a readable text which any Christian can read, understand and appreciate. The text is straightforward, but of admirable simplicity. Furthermore, it directly addresses the different Churches: the Catholics of the Middle East, as well as the Orthodox and Protestants when it touches on the theme of ecumenism. It also addresses Muslims, dealing with very sensitive questions such as that of religious liberty. But it does so always in a 135

BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO spirit of truth and charity, without falling into the trap of polemic. We will return to it. Some weeks after the Pope’s visit to Lebanon and reading his various interventions, the first impression which stays with me is one of closeness: it is the Good Shepherd who knows his sheep and whose sheep know him (John 10:14–15). At every meeting he found the right thing to say, inspired by the Holy Spirit and creating a dialogue of true communion. Except for one, the six Catholic bishops of Aleppo, did not participate in the welcome of the Holy Father in Lebanon. On the other hand, they had met several days earlier in order to send him a joint letter, in order to advise him of the grave and tragic situation in Aleppo and Syria and to ask him to intervene with the major Powers in support of peace. At the end of the Holy Father’s visit to Lebanon, from his statements to journalists on the plane and the speeches which followed, we are convinced that the Pope had listened to the bishops of Aleppo and that he shared our suffering and concerns. THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION E CCLESIA IN M EDIO

ORIENTE

The Apostolic Exhortation is distinguished firstly by its brevity. As is customary, it contains an introduction and conclusion, as well as three main sections. It is clear that all its parts develop the central theme of the Synod, ‘The Catholic Church in the Middle East, Communion and witness’. In the first part, the Pope begins by developing at length a reflection on ecumenism (11–17), insisting on the spiritual ecumenism promoted by Vatican II: as well as the ecumenism of service, underlining the role of the Ecumenical Middle East Council of Churches. Then, in the same section, numbered 19–30, the Pope addresses the question of inter-religious dialogue. The Holy Father speaks first about relations between Christians and Jews in an objective manner, which affirms the Christian faith, while also recognising the religious value of the other. In this context, he reminds Christians of their Biblical roots, showing how Christ made them enter into the faith of the Chosen People, while at the same time the preson of Jesus, as Christ and Saviour, is the cause of separation. In speaking of Muslims, the Pope re-reads Lumen Gentium and Nostra Aetate in the light of the Synod. He underlines the humane and scientific contribution of Christians to the 136

REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION civilisations of the countries of the Middle East. The Exhortation speaks frankly about equality, citizenship, and the religious liberty which drives us to reconsider the anthropological relationship with religion and God (27): Religious tolerance exists in a number of countries, but it does not have much effect since it remains limited in its field of action. There is a need to move beyond tolerance to religious freedom. Taking this step does not open the door to relativism, as some would maintain. It does not compromise belief, but rather calls for a reconsideration of the relationship between man, religion, and God. It is not an attack on ‘foundational truths’ of belief, since, despite human and religious divergences, a ray of truth shines on all men and women. We know very well that truth, apart from God, does not exist as an autonomous reality. If it did, it would be an idol. The truth cannot unfold except in an otherness open to God, who wishes to reveal his own otherness in and thorugh my human brothers and sisters. Hence it is not fitting to state in an exclusive way: ‘I possess the truth’. The Truth is not possessed by anyone; it is always a gift which calls us to undertake a journey of ever closer assimilation to truth. Truth can only be known and experienced in freedom; for this reason we cannot impose truth on others; truth is disclosed only in an encounter of love.

The last part is central and deals with questions within the Catholic Church: how to live out communion and witness in a practical way. The Exhortation addresses every group of people and gives directions to each group: - Patriarchs (39–40) - Bishops (41–44) - Priests, deacons and seminarians (45–50) - Consecrated life (51–54) - Lay-people (55–57) - The family (58–61) - Young people and children (62–65). While the second section had dealt with different categories of people by underlining the task of communion for each group, the third section insists on the aspect of witness, noting the means, which the Church has provided us with from the beginning, in order that we might be witnesses and evanglisers. All these treasures of the Church 137

BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO are there to be rediscovered, shared among Christians and put at the service of all. This section begins by insisting on the place of the Word of God in the countries of the Bible (68–74, cf. 70–81) and its importance for East and West. Then (75–81) we have a full exposition on the liturgy, the Eucharist and the sacraments, with particular attention to the need for in-depth renewal: Throughout history the liturgy has been an essential element in the spiritual unity and communion of the faithful in the Middle East. Indeed, the liturgy is an outstanding witness to the apostolic Tradition as preserved and developed in the particular traditions of the Churches of East and West. A renewal of liturgical texts and celebrations, where necessary, could enable the faithful to draw more deeply from the liturgical tradition and its biblical, patristic, theological and spiritual riches (74) through their experience of the Mystery to which these give access. Such a renewal must of course be undertaken, to the extent possible, in cooperation with those Churches which are not in full communion, yet are also heirs to the same liturgical traditions. The desired liturgical renewal must be based on the word of God, on the proper tradition of each Church, and upon the new insights of Christian theology and anthropology. It will bear fruit if Christians become convinced that the sacramental life introduces them deeply into the new life in Christ (cf. Rom 6:1–6; 2 Cor 5:17) which is the source of communion and witness. (75) In this section, centred as we have said on the witness of the Church in the Middle East, a number of other areas are emphasised as ways of living and announcing the Christian faith. In sections 82– 84, the Exhortation addresses at length the place of prayer and pilgrimage in private life. This is not about social practice but that personal relationship with Christ which transforms the heart of man from within. Witness originates, therefore, from contemplation in prayer of the figure of Christ: “The Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East forcefully emphasized the need for prayer in the life of the Church; through prayer the Church allows herself to be transformed by her Lord, and each member of the faithful allows Christ to live within him or her (cf. Gal 2:20). As Jesus himself showed when he withdrew to pray at decisive moments in his life, the effectiveness of the mission of preaching the Gospel, and thus of Christian witness, has its source in prayer. Through

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REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION openness to the working of God’s Spirit, believers, by their personal and communal prayer, enable the riches of love and the light of hope within them to break through to the world (cf. Rom 5:5). May the desire for prayer grow among the Pastors of the People of God and among the faithful, so that their contemplation of the face of Christ may increasingly inspire their witness and their actions! Jesus taught his disciples to pray unceasingly and not to be discouraged (cf. Lk 18:1). Situations of human suffering caused by selfishness, injustice or the thirst for power can lead to weariness and discouragement. That is why Jesus tells us to pray constantly. Prayer is the true ‘tent of meeting’ (cf. Ex 40:34), the privileged place of communion between God and man. Let us not forget the meaning of the name of the Child whose birth was proclaimed by Isaiah and who brings salvation: Emmanuel, ‘God-with-us’ (cf. Is 7:14; Mt 1:23). Jesus is our Emmanuel, the true God in our midst. Let us fervently call upon him! (82)”

Similarly, in no. 83, the Exhortation insists on pilgrimage as an experience of conversion and seeking God. Here also, Benedict XVI develops a theme dear to him, that of transformation which becomes a path to following Christ: “As the land of biblical revelation, the Middle East soon became a major goal of pilgrimage for many Christians throughout world, who came to be strengthened in faith and to have a profoundly spiritual experience. Theirs was a penitential journey which expressed an authentic thirst for God. Today’s pilgrimages to the lands of the Bible need to recover this primordial insight. Marked by a spirit of penitence aimed at conversion and by the desire to seek God, and walking in the earthly footsteps of Christ and the apostles, pilgrimages to the holy and apostolic places, if undertaken with intense faith, can become an authentic path of discipleship (sequela Christi). They also provide the faithful with a powerful visual experience of the richness of biblical history, which evokes before their eyes the great moments of God’s saving plan. It is fitting that pilgrimages to the biblical sites should be complemented by pilgrimages to the shrines of the martyrs and saints in whom the Church venerates Christ, the wellspring of their martyrdom and their holiness. (83)”

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BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO From sections 85 to 91 there is a lengthy exposition regarding transmission of the faith and the new evangelisation. In fact, the desire that our Churches should be missionary Churches was a great concern of the Synod Fathers. Consequently, in section 88, the Exhortation explicitly reminds the Eastern Churches of the need to rediscover that missionary impetus which was at the origin of their own development: “As heir to the apostolic outreach which brought the Good News to distant lands, each of the Catholic Churches present in the Middle East is also called to renew its missionary spirit by training and sending forth men and women proud of their faith in Christ crucified and risen, and able to proclaim the Gospel courageously both in the region and throughout the diaspora, and even in other countries around the world. The Year of Faith, which is linked to the new evangelization, if lived with intense conviction, will provide an excellent incentive for Churches of the region to evangelize themselves and to consolidate their witness to Christ. To make known the Son of God who died and rose again, the sole Saviour of mankind, is an essential duty of the Church and a grave responsibility for all the baptized. ‘God desires everyone to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth’ (cf. 1 Tim 2:4). As she takes up this urgent and demanding task in a culturally and religiously pluralistic context, the Church is aided by the Holy Spirit, the gift of the risen Lord who continues to sustain his disciples, and the treasury of great spiritual traditions which are a sure guide to all who seek God. I encourage each ecclesiastical jurisdiction and all religious institutes and ecclesial movements to develop an authentic missionary spirit which will serve as a sure pledge of spiritual renewal. In carrying out this work, the Catholic Church in the Middle East can count on the support of the universal Church. (88)”

Finally, this part concludes, in section 93, with a reminder of the fundamental place of the Catechism of the Catholic Church and the Social Teaching of the Church. To conclude our reflection on the Apostolic Exhortation of Benedict XVI, Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, we see the Holy Father confronting, not with fear but with love and trust, the tragic political and economic situation of the Middle East. He asks each and every person to work for peace, the gift of God to humanity through the 140

REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION death and Resurrection of Christ. Despite every difficulty, all the conflicts within and outside the Church, we find no polemical spirit in this text: much to the contrary, the Pope invites us to a respectful personal conversion, in which each may find himself questioned, encouraged to be himself, and to allow himself to be led by the Spirit for the good of all! THE PAPAL VISIT TO LEBANON: 14–16 SEPTEMBER 2012 In the introduction to this presentation I have limited myself to a number of general impressions of the Pope’s visit to Lebanon. I would have liked to have had time to revisit the contributions, speeches and homilies of Benedict XVI, which must include some ten lengthy speeches of a different intellectual level. Each of them merits a close and attentive reading, but that is not my aim here. I will restrict myself to two points: firstly, the place given to the Syrian crisis in the Pope’s contributions, homilies and speeches: and then to the development of a guiding theme with regards to the Churches and societies of the Middle East. The entire media have noted that the Pope has accorded a special place to the Syrian crisis. He spoke of Syria on three occasions and at important moments on his journey, giving us the impression that he was aware of our suffering and difficulties and that he did not wish us to remain inactive spectators. He first mentioned Syria on board the plane carrying him from Rome to Beirut, in a reply to a journalist. These are the Pope’s words: Naturally, there is a great danger of Christians leaving these lands and their presence there being lost, and we must do all we can to help them to stay. The essential way to help would be to put an end to war and violence which is causing this exodus. Therefore the first priority is to do all we can to halt the violence and to open up a real possibility of staying together for the future. The Pope insisted on dialogue as the way towards ending the war and violence, adding: “I also believe that there must be an end to the importation of arms, without which war could not continue. Instead of importing weapons, which is a grave sin, we should import ideas of peace and creativity, we should find ways of accepting each person in his otherness, we should therefore make visible before the world the respect that religions have for one another, respect for man as God’s creation and love of neighbour as fundamental

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BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO to all religions. In this way, using all possible means, including material assistance, we must help to bring an end to war and violence so that all can help rebuild the country.”

The Pope spoke of Syria on a second occasion, when addressing young Syrians among the gathering of young people at Bkerké: “I understand, too, that present among us there are some young people from Syria. I want to say how much I admire your courage. Tell your families and friends back home that the Pope has not forgotten you. Tell those around you that the Pope is saddened by your sufferings and your griefs. He does not forget Syria in his prayers and concerns; he does not forget those in the Middle East who are suffering. It is time for Muslims and Christians to come together so as to put an end to violence and war.”

A final mention was at the end of the solemn Mass at Beirut on 16 September, before the recitation of the Angelus: “Let us turn now to Mary, Mother of God, Our Lady of Lebanon. Let us ask her to intercede with her divine Son for you and, more particularly, for the people of Syria and the neighbouring countries, imploring the gift of peace. You know all too well the tragedy of the conflicts and the violence which generates so much suffering. Sadly, the din of weapons continues to make itself heard, along with the cry of the widow and the orphan. Violence and hatred invade people’s lives, and the first victims are women and children. Why so much horror? Why so many dead? I appeal to the international community! I appeal to the Arab countries that, as brothers, they might propose workable solutions respecting the dignity, the rights and the religion of every human person! Those who wish to build peace must cease to see in the other an evil to be eliminated. It is not easy to see in the other a person to be respected and loved, and yet this is necessary if peace is to be built, if fraternity is desired (cf. 1 Jn 2:10–11; 1 Pet 3:8–12). May God grant to your country, to Syria and to the Middle East the gift of peaceful hearts, the silencing of weapons and the cessation of all violence! May men understand that they are all brothers!”

The second point which I remember from the various contributions of Benedict XVI is his insistence on the theme of transformation of 142

REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION hearts and attitudes. At the end of his allocution before the Sunday Angelus, the Pope returned to this theme, which can be considered as the thread running through all his words: “May we, with God’s help, be converted so as to work ardently to establish the peace that is necessary for harmonious coexistence among brothers, whatever their origins and religious convictions.”

For those of you interested in the various papal interventions in Lebanon, I would suggest as a key to reading them the theme ‘transformation, change, force for change’. On the one hand, the Pope does not ignore the difficulties, challenges, threats even, confronting the countries, people and Christians of the Middle East, but on the other, in a spirit of profound faith in Christ, rooted in his death and Resurrection, he calls for an attitude of conversion, combining different levels and under different circumstances. This theme is also clearly apparent throughout the Apostolic Exhortation (cf. 8, 9. 10, 11, 12, 81). By way of illustration, we may note the theme’s recurrence in the Pope’s speeches in Lebanon: - the speech at Harissa during the signing of the Apostolic Exhortation; - the speech at the presidential palace in Baabda; - the speech to young people at Bkerké - his words before the Sunday Angelus. The response to all violence and threats, the desires of the Arab Spring and for democracy in our countries of the Middle East, is through the heart. Let the heart be transformed. Everyone must hear this message, addressed first of all to all the Eastern Churches, Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant, but also, and why not, through dialogue and mutual respect, to Muslims and Jews, living in these blessed lands of the Fathers and Patriarchs, Prophets and Kings, Apostles, Saints and Martyrs. Believing in peace and seeking to bring it about. ‘My Peace I give you.’ This was the motto of the Pope’s journey to Lebanon. CHRISTIANS IN SYRIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST AFTER THE SYNOD AND APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION With the signing and distribution of the Apostolic Exhortation during the recent visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Lebanon, from the fourteenth to the sixteenth of last month, the Synod of the Catholic 143

BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO Church for the Middle East which was held in Rome in October 2010 enters a new stage, that of implementation. In fact, this Synod, with the title ‘The Catholic Church in the Middle East, communion and witness’, responded to a profound desire for the renewal of these Catholic Churches and the societies of the Middle East. The outbreak of the various Arab revolutions in North Africa (Tunisia, Libya) and the Middle East (Egypt, Yemen, Syria) just after the closing of this ecclesial assembly conferred a prophetic character on it. The Apostolic Exhortation invites us to put it into effect through deeds and actions. Already, the Maronite Patriarch His Beatitude Bichara Boutros Al Raï has invited the Catholic Patriarchs and Bishops of the Middle East to a three-day meeting at the beginning of December, in order to determine the means of implementing the decisions of the Exhortation brought to Lebanon by the Holy Father. The title you have proposed for my second presentation is ‘Christians in Syria and the Middle East after the Synod and Apostolic Exhortation’. I will speak on Syria, which I know best. The situation of Christians and of all Syrians continues to be extremely difficult. In order to address the topic, a degree of historical perspective is necessary, in order to better situate the various conflicts and to provide a Christian vision of the problems. a. Political aspect For some fifty years Syria, as indeed most of the regimes of the region and the Third World, was ruled by a military government. Very often, it was a single party which ensured the cohesion of the country. Including the Ba’ath party, whose Socialist, Arabist and unitary ideology derives from the Christian thinker Michel Aflak, was in power in Syria from virtually 1962. The Marxist and military ideological hegemony of the Soviet Union profoundly marked this period, marked by two wars with Israel, in June 1967 and October 1973. Accustomed to a single and comfortable discourse at every level of the institutions of the state, especially the army, education and the single party, the Syrian people, despite their ethnic, religious and geographical differences, enjoyed a certain stability, with the comfort and progress which that brought. The country’s Christians, like those of Iraq, found in this regime considerable security and a reining in of 144

REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION all religious extremism. We might even say that Christians prospered: in universities, manufacturing, business, etc. … This then is the first aspect of the Syrian crisis, which we can describe as political, and which must always be considered at the local, regional and international level. The fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 undoubtedly represented a new page in world history and the destiny of Powers both great and small. b. Religious aspect We will put the second aspect, that is to say the religious aspect, at the heart of our analysis. While politics insists on Arabism, unity and Socialism, the religious pole, central in our view, is very much involved in the ongoing conflict. At issue is the struggle between the Alawite minority, in power in Syria for some forty years – with the rule of Hafez El Assad and then that of his son Bachar – and the Sunni majority seeking power. Here too, this religious or confessional reality must be situated within a regional framework in which we find two powers, Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi’a Iran – not forgetting the Turkey of yesterday and today. These powers aspire to hegemony over the Arab and Muslim world. At an international level, the great powers are not indifferent to this religious dimension, giving rise to reaction by Islamist movements in global politics. While the two sides in the conflict accuse each other of all the evils in the Syrian conflict wherever they arise, the Christians of the country, in the light of the Apostolic Exhortation, can employ a different discourse, focused on the search for mutual recognition and reconciliation. The Synod, the fruit of which is the apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente (The Church in the Middle East), insisted from the outset on the question of communion between Catholics, between Christians, and finally with Muslims and Jews. These are the three concentric circles which are addressed and developed in turn in order to arrive at a mutual recognition, becoming witness and engagement for the common good of every human person and every society. The introduction to the Exhortation sets the tone for the entire text, which is developed in three substantial sections. Each time, the

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BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO theme of ‘communion and witness’ is boldly addressed, in the affirmation that the mystery of God is the mystery of religious freedom and mutual acceptance in difference. What, in the light of the Apostolic Exhortation, can be the contribution of Christians at the heart of the conflicts shaking the Arab Muslim world? First of all, the rejection of all confessional discourse, showing that communion is a force of love, a dynamic of solidarity for the good of each and all. Arab Muslim history gives us examples of minorities acceding to power. This is an undeniable historical phenomenon. And in view of this, we must have the courage to interpret the current situation positively and resolve it rationally, and accept the accession to power of the Alawite minority at this moment in the history of the country. Here the rich tradition of the Bible teaches us to understand God’s Covenant with humanity through this dynamic relationship between the particular and the universal. In this same understanding, Biblical Israel will take its positive and non-conflictual place in the advent of reconciliation and peace. c. Economic aspect The third point of our analysis is the economic aspect of the Syrian crisis (cf. The Social Teaching of the Church). Despite all the disadvantages of a single party, and a minority in power having given rise to various kinds of corruption, the Syrian people, compared to those around them, have experienced a certain economic stability which has enabled them to feed, house and care for themselves. It is the current war which has caused enormous poverty by its destruction of all economic resources. As Bishop of the Chaldeans of Syria and President of Caritas Syria, I can witness to this surge in poverty. Just as violence rages after suppression of the political and religious language of mediation, so poverty of every kind has invaded and overwhelmed families and districts: hunger, sickness, the closure of schools and universities, and of innumerable factories and shops … Being in Aleppo, I have seen the outbreak of daily violence and the misery which increasingly surrounds us. But at the same time, day by day, I discover the joy of Christians and of those who work with Muslims to serve the displaced people who have taken refuge 146

REFLECTIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION in a hundred and fifty schools (we estimate that some two hundred thousand people have had to leave their homes). By way of example, I will present a number of cases of Church involvement in Aleppo, in order to show that while Christians may be in difficulty, anxious for the future, they are not sitting on their hands: they are capable of offering themselves, especially when motivated by service to others. 1) A team of six young priests from the different Catholic communities of the city are looking after a hundred Muslim refugee families in two schools in Souleimanié – a completely Christian district. First and foremost, they need to obtain medicines and cleaning materials, to build showers, to organise childcare, to listen to families who are suffering. This is a unique experience which has enabled these young priests to come into direct contact with Muslim families. Despite all the risks that this presence may be accused of proselytism – tabshir – priests and families live in communion in their difficulties, get to know each other, and recognise values common to the Christians and Muslims of Syria. 2) In the district of Jabal al Saydé, with its Kurdish majority, a group of Marist brothers and laity, together with priests from the different communities, take care of four schools filled with refugees and three hundred Christian families who have fallen into extreme poverty as a result of unemployment and the cost of living. This is fine initiative of fidelity and a witness of solidarity. Both sides in the conflict recognise and appreciate this effective and discreet Christian presence. 3) A group of Jesuit priests from the Jesuit Refugee Service, together with groups of young scouts, crisscross the city to provide daily meals for five thousand displaced people. Here too, Christians and Muslims witness to common values and provide evidence of a Syria of citizenship, a Syria of positive laicity, to the right to difference and respect for alterity. I could continue to illustrate my point by looking at all the work undertaken by Caritas at Church level throughout Syria. What I wish to say is that, in order to continue their presence in the country, Christians must not close themselves off in fear and discouragement 147

BISHOP ANTOINE AUDO – paths which lead directly to emigration – but must unite, among themselves and with Muslims in order to face the challenges of violence, poverty and ignorance which take root in societies which encourage fanaticism, intolerance and a lack of respect for all difference. In the penultimate section of the Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente (99), Benedict XVI recognises that the witness that the Christians of the Middle East are called to give ‘is not easy’, and for some is even ‘a trial’. These are the Holy Father’s words: “By its witness, may the ‘brotherhood’ of Christians become a leaven in the whole human family (cf. Mt 13:33)! May Christ’s followers in the Middle East, Catholics and other Christians as well, be one in courageously bearing this difficult yet exhilarating witness to Christ, and thus receive the crown of life (Rev 2:10b)! May they know the encouragement and support of the Christian world as a whole. May the trials experienced by some of our brothers and sisters (cf. Ps 66 [65]:10; Is 48:10; 1 Pet 1:7) strengthen the fidelity and faith of all! ‘May grace and peace be multiplied to you … Peace to all of you that are in Christ’ (1 Pet 1:2b; 5:14b)!”

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BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER: QUESTIONS AND REFLECTIONS FRANS BOUWEN

JERUSALEM / ISRAEL The specific approach of my presentation on “Building peace together in the Middle East” has to be seen within the framework of the general theme of the present IVth Colloquium Syriacum, organized by the Pro Oriente Foundation, under the title “Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India” (Vienna, 19–22 November 2013). My aim therefore is not to embark upon a general geo-political analysis of the instability that has been characterizing the situation in the Middle East for generations. Such an analysis is far beyond my competence. As a consequence, I do not all pretend to offer a solution to a number of ongoing problems that several generations of politicians have been incapable of solving. My approach is a personal one, starting from my personal experience of having lived more that 40 years in Jerusalem, which is to some extent the focal point of all that is happening in the Middle East. Muslims, Christians and Jews, who constitute the fabric of the pluralistic Middle Eastern societies, all have their eyes turned to this city that is holy for all of them. However, under the title: “Building peace together”, the “together” will concern mainly the MuslimChristian relations: how can Christians and Muslims work together for promoting a just and lasting peace in the Middle East? Of course, Christian-Jewish relations are equally important in this field, but I will not directly tackle this topic, since these relations are not part of the daily life of most Christians of the Syriac tradition. I am aware that, because of the place I live in, I tend to see the problems from the point of view of the Israeli-Palestinian question, 149

FRANS BOUWEN as being omnipresent in the instability and the violence that prevail in the region. My viewpoint may contradict the experience of other persons present in this Colloquium and may look partial or biased; it needs to be completed by all of you, who have been observing the same instability from the places you have been living in. That is precisely the purpose of this exercise: correcting and mutually completing our approaches, in order to come to a more overall and betterbalanced overview. By putting our different approaches together, we may see more clearly, where we are, and which ways are open to us in the future before us. CRISIS, INSTABILITY AND VIOLENT CONFRONTATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST The present crisis situation in the Middle East is known to all. Moreover, it is not only widely known in almost all parts of the world; it also has a profound impact far beyond the Middle East itself and affects the whole international community. This general instability in the region is not new and goes back at least to the time of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. Since that time, the Middle East has never known real stability and peace for a long period. At the roots of this situation lies the creation of artificial states or nations, within borders decided according to the Western interests, bringing together different and sometimes antagonistic ethnic and religious groups, which in turn are often spread across different states. As a consequence, the Western Powers, mainly Great Britain and France, driven by their own national and economic interests, carry a large degree of responsibility for the turmoil of recent history. In the midst of these developments, the events surrounding the establishment of the State of Israel occupy a central place. Its creation itself was felt as a hostile intrusion and a humiliation by the whole Arab World, and the frustration caused by it remains like an open wound that sometimes seems to be healing but regularly starts bleeding and hurting again. Its mere existence is often seen as a concrete evidence and instrument of Western colonialism and expansionism at the expense of the Arab and Muslim World. The waves of refugees that resulted thereof have unsettled several neighbouring countries and still have not come to rest. To describe the feelings of a large part of the Arab and even the wider Muslim World regarding this complex reality, one could use the image of a tumour or cancer 150

BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER that has infected a body and needs to be cured, otherwise it will continue to poison the relations between the Arab and Muslim World and the West. So much so that no lasting solution of the instability in the region can be found without at least the beginning of a solution to the Palestinian problem. Of course, the Palestinian problem is not the only cause of the overall present situation in the Middle East. However, it occupies, rightly or wrongly, such a central and prominent place in the Arab and Muslim feelings, in particular at the grassroots level of the people, that without a serious attempt to solve it, no real stability will be possible. This centrality of the Palestinian problem was stressed by several bishops at the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East, held in Rome in October 2010, but it is completely absent from the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, promulgated by Pope Benedict XVI in Beirut, 14 September 2012. It was again clearly stated in the appeal published at the conclusion of the Second Congress of Catholic Patriarchs and Bishops of the Middle East, held in Beirut, 3–5 December 2012, in view of the implementation of that Synod. Patriarchs and bishops “invite the international community to make real, serious and efficient efforts to find a just and comprehensive solution of the Palestinian Cause that is at the root of most of the conflicts in the Middle East”. In recent years, this general situation became even more complex with the eruption of the so-called “Arab spring”, starting with Tunisia, and then spreading to Egypt (January 2011) and Syria (March 2011). The popular uprising in these Arab countries was often a spontaneous and unorganized protest and was claiming for more democracy, more freedom and greater social justice. However, unfortunately, these movements were not able to produce the new leadership that is needed for a new Middle East. In fact, the extremist Islamist groups, being the only ones having a solid organization, most of the time took advantage of it and seized hold of power. In the beginning Christians put great hopes in these changes, but very soon they had to recognize that things were not going the way they wanted and they adopted a “wait and see” attitude; new challenges

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FRANS BOUWEN arose and also new apprehensions for the future of the Christian presence. 1 A RELIGIOUS OR A SOCIO-POLITICAL CRISIS? When one attempts to reflect upon the origins and causes of these confrontations, a first crucial question is: are we in the presence of a religious or of a socio-political conflict? In the context of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict this question is frequently raised. For sure, religion is profoundly involved in it, since the Bible is used by the Zionists to justify the appropriation and occupation of the land. And at times religion is used and abused by all sides. But are the deepest roots of the conflict in fact religious? The answer is not simple. To some extent, this is analogically applicable to the entire region. In recent decades, there has been undeniably a tremendous surge in Islamic extremism in the region, but are the roots of these developments in the first place and above all religious? Or are also many socio-political, local and international causes involved? In the first place, is it really possible to separate religion and politics in the present Middle East? The region carries a heavy burden that it inherited from living during many centuries under an Islamic regime and in particular under Ottoman rule. Secondly, also in this case religion is mobilized in a later stage, as a powerful factor more mobilizing people and exacerbating enmities. Nevertheless it seems to me of crucial importance to distinguish both elements and to concentrate on the political, national and economical factors involved. Indeed, if one considers the conflict as fundamentally religious, then the solution becomes even more difficult, because nobody is ready to compromise his religion. While if 1

The events that followed shortly after this IVth Colloquium Syriacum, held in 2013, confirmed many aspects of this analysis and emphasized the urgency of the situation and the need of finding a common approach in view of building a common future for Christians and Muslims. Indeed, the conflict and violence will reach a peak in summer 2014, with the armed conquest of Mosul by ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), the expulsion of Christians from this town and from the plain of Nineveh and the genocide of the Yezidi minority. The consequences were devastating for the Christian presence in Iraq, coming after many years of confusion and harassment, and are still weighing very heavily on the whole region, even when the military power of ISIS seems to be largely defeated.

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BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER one tries to discover and analyze the underlying political factors, maybe something can be done. Such critical approach becomes even more important today when we are confronted with a worldwide reaffirmation and revival of Islam, where the non-distinction plays a decisive role. LINKS WITH THE WORLDWIDE REVIVAL OF ISLAM? Some tensions and conflicts at work in the Middle East go far beyond this region. Similar tendencies can be perceived in the whole Muslim World, from Indonesia to Morocco, while they are more visible in countries like Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Republics of the Southern part of the Russian federation like Dagestan, Chechnya, etc. The Middle East cannot be separated from this larger environment. The presence of armed Jihadist fighters from these countries in the Middle East is the obvious proof. Is it possible to consider this revival – I am not saying “renewal” – of Islam as a purely or essentially religious phenomenon? To what extent do underlying feelings, resentment, frustration, anger, hostility or fear play a significant role? Feelings of humiliation and frustration are largely spread, for a mixture of reasons. The Muslim World in general feels that it has no say in its own financial, political and national interests and future. The predominant impression in many countries is that the important decisions are taken in the West, in view of preserving and consolidating Western political and economic interests. At the same time, the Muslim World sees itself lagging behind the West in scientific and technical fields. Muslim society also experiences fear and breeds resentment towards the West, because it feels its traditional civilisation and religion threatened by the Western degenerate life style and by the pluralism and modernity that are invading the Muslim World with a critical spirit, for which Islam has no response. Islamic fundamentalism is convinced that all these problems will go away if traditional Islam is reaffirmed en bloc. In self-defence against this aggression of which it sees itself the victim, Islam ends up by adopting an aggressive reaction, a hostile attitude towards the West. What the West often perceives as an aggressive attitude of the Muslim World, is in fact the expression of a deep crisis. As a consequence, the West should not attribute this hostility to Islam as such, because then the Muslims feel attacked in their religion and can make no concessions. If, on the contrary the West 153

FRANS BOUWEN tries to do something about the underlying factors, attitudes may change little by little. The underlying motivations that may be present in the worldwide revival of Islam are strengthened and concretized on the local level by a variety of unjust and seemingly hopeless situations in various countries: for instance, unemployment and social injustice in Egypt, injustice, discrimination and occupation in Palestine, dictatorial and sectarian authority in Syria, ethnic strife in Iraq, etc. Indeed, the main slogan of extremist Islamism is: “Islam is the solution”. This slogan, in order to be credible, needs hopeless situations, where all other solutions seem excluded. A careful analysis of the hidden factors and serious attempts to do something about them could reduce tensions, make the situation less hopeless and be a real contribution to peace building. When another solution appears possible, most Muslims prefer the other solution rather than to live under an extremist Islamist regime. A careful analysis of these underlying factors and the readiness to do something about them is therefore a necessary condition for any peace building in a Muslim-Christian context. RELIGION, A WAY OR AN OBSTACLE TO PEACE? However there is another basic question that has to be considered in the Middle East: is religion a way that leads to peace or an obstacle to peace? How can interreligious dialogue and collaboration contribute to peace building? Religion is obviously part of the Middle Eastern problems; should it and can it also be part of the solution? In the Israeli-Palestinian context, experience shows that the majority of the active Israeli peace movements are secular, nonreligious. In fact, there are also some religiously motivated peace groups like “Rabbis for Human Rights”, but in general, meetings across the divide seem to be easier among non-believers. The more so, as more than once injustices or even acts of violence are justified by religious references, by some Jewish and some Muslim extremist movements. How does one make that out? As Christians we easily react by saying that injustice and violence can never be justified in the name of God, and that only misconceptions and misuse of religion can cover up injustices and violence. However, have we ourselves always and everywhere been so clear about that in our teachings and, even more, in practice? How can we explain some passages about violence in the Bible, or some 154

BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER events in history, like the Crusades, for instance, which remain a very sensitive issue in the contemporary relations between Muslim and Christians in the Middle East? Is our attitude sufficiently clear and true so that we can in some way help Muslims and Jews, to join us in this approach? In order to be able to challenge others in their use of religion, we have to recognize our own need of ongoing conversion and purification and to act in true humility. This effort for purification of religion is a preliminary condition for all interreligious dialogue and collaboration and has to accompany the common initiatives all along. BUILDING ON COMMON FOUNDATIONS Interreligious peace building must start with discovering and recognizing solid common bases and values: the dignity of the human person created by God, human rights, care for the poor, the marginalized and the oppressed, etc. The Muslim-Christian dialogue groups I know in Israel/Palestine proceed precisely along these lines. A common theme of interest is chosen: for instance human rights, place of women, education, youth, and lately the Arab revolutions. Muslims and Christians speak about this subject from their own viewpoint and in the light of their own religion, endeavouring to discover and emphasize common values in view of living and working together for better relationships and the wellbeing of all. A SPECIFIC CHRISTIAN CONTRIBUTION TO PEACE BUILDING? However, at the same time it is legitimate to explore whether there is a specific Christian contribution to peace building, following ways and promoting values that are particularly significant to Christians. The first point should be non-violence, in faithfulness to the Gospel and the Person of Christ, together with the love for our enemies. This is in fact the Christian characteristic that Muslims often quote in the first place: “If anyone strikes you on the right cheek, turn the other also”… “Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you” (Mt 5:39,44). Muslims at times quote these sentences in order to show how unrealistic or impossible Christianity is, but that proves at the same how the Gospel intrigues them. The option for non-violence is not an easy one and is often misunderstood by Muslims, as is the case, for instance, with the non-participation of

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FRANS BOUWEN Christians in the armed struggle for the liberation of Palestine. Promoting non-violence does not require less courage; on the contrary, the price to be paid can be very high. The love for one’s enemy does not at all mean that one approves all that the other says or does. On the contrary, if one loves truly one’s neighbour or enemy, it is one’s duty to show and denounce the injustices that he or she may commit, in order that the other may become aware of these injustices and correct them, and become more truly human himself or herself. By their very being Christians are called to be peacemakers and agents of reconciliation, in the footsteps of their Master. One could even say that, before being agents of peace, they are called to be seeds of peace, by their mere presence. We know that, according to Jesus’ words and life the seed has to fall into the earth and die in order to bear fruit. The followers of Jesus have been living this mystery throughout history, sometimes even without explicitly referring to it. Even today it can be verified, at times in surprising ways. I am inclined to see an evidence of this calling in a concrete fact that passes almost unnoticed but is not without a deeper meaning. In Galilee, one can find Arab villages or small towns where Christians and Muslims live together; other ones where Christians and Druses live together, and, thirdly, places where Christians and Muslims and Druses live together. However, there are no places where Muslims and Druses live together without a Christian presence; as if only the presence of Christians makes it possible for Muslims and Druses to live together. I was told that the same phenomenon can be observed in the south of Lebanon. Something similar may also exist in other contexts in the Middle East. Does that not have something to say? As agents of peace and reconciliation and being called to nonviolence, Christians in the Middle East are at times squeezed “between the devil and the deep blue sea”, according to the proverb. Is this pure fatality or can we make some sense of it? It is certainly not a situation that one should desire for itself, but does it not show some similarity with Christ’s mystery of passion and resurrection, the seed that dies in order to bear fruit? In the Middle East Christians can also play a more active role as peacemakers. They often take the initiative to bring together individuals and groups as well as civil and religious leaders of different ethnic or religious communities, because they believe that this is part 156

BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER of their vocation and mission. At the same time, it is probably also because of their powerlessness that they can do it more easily than others, since they do not constitute any threat to anyone. There are numerous examples of such Christian initiatives in Iraq, Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon and Syria today. In this perspective it is surprising that this peacemaking mission is not more explicitly and extensively emphasized in the Post-Synodal Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente. The term “peace” is mentioned 33 times in the text, but mostly in a spiritual meaning, underlining several times that peace is a gift of God. A few times the wish is expressed that Christians might contribute to bring about peace, but most of the time it is only “en passant”, in general terms. The reason is probably that the exhortation wants to avoid referring to the concrete political situation; for instance, not a single country of the Middle East is mentioned by name in the text. However, is it really possible to live as a Christian in the Middle East without referring to the present concrete circumstances? Christians are well aware of the fact that, if they want to have a future in the region, they have to be actively involved in the creation of a more just and free society, and that involves politics. And peace building is a foremost element in this construction. The most explicit passage on peace building in the Exhortation can be found in §55, quoting the homily of Benedict XVI at the closing mass of the Special synod: “Christians as fully-fledged citizens can and must do their part with the spirit of the Beatitudes, becoming builders of peace and apostles of reconciliation to the benefit of all society”. In the final proposition n. 9, the Synod Fathers affirm: “Our Churches commit themselves to pray and to work for justice and peace and call for a ‘purification of memory’, choosing the language of peace and hope and avoiding that of fear and violence”. The final Message states: “We say to our Muslim fellow-citizens: we are brothers and sisters; God wishes us to be together, united in one faith in God and by the dual commandment of love of God and neighbour. Together we will construct our civil societies on the basis of citizenship, religious freedom and freedom of conscience. Together we will work for the promotion of justice, peace, the rights of persons and the values of life and of the family. The construction of our countries is our common responsibility.” 157

FRANS BOUWEN EXPECTATIONS FROM THE MUSLIM PARTNERS In response to their specific contribution, what would the Middle Eastern Christians expect or hope for in return from their Muslim partners? A first and basic requirement for true dialogue and collaboration is to be accepted as fully equal partners. The existence of such a true equality is not an obvious fact in all the countries of the region and remains open to questioning. That is the reason why the final Message of the Special Synod calls upon the political leadership and governments: “We address you regarding the importance of equality among citizens. Christians are original and authentic citizens who are loyal to their fatherland and assume their duties towards their country. It is natural that they enjoy all the rights of citizenship, freedom of conscience, freedom of worship and freedom in education, teaching and the use of the mass media.” The notion of citizenship is also present in the Post-Synodal Exhortation (§25) where it is said: “The Catholics of the Middle East, the majority of whom are native citizens of their countries, have the duty and right to participate fully in national life, working to build up their country. They should enjoy full citizenship and not be treated as second-class citizens or believers.” The final Proposition n. 42 states it in an even firmer way: “It is important to promote the notion of citizenship, the dignity of the human person, equal rights and duties and religious freedom, including both freedom of worship and freedom of conscience.” In fact, the notion of citizenship was put forward by several bishops in the Synod, as the most appropriate way to promote equality of rights and duties. By doing so they cautioned against the use of the notion of “saine laïcité” (“healthy secularity”) that was suggested in the Instrumentum laboris (§25) 2. The Arabic translation of this formula (‘ilmâniyya) clashes head on with the Muslim mentality since it gives the impression of excluding religion from the public forum. The general rapporteur of the Synod, Coptic Catholic Patriarch Antonios Naguib, pointed this out in his report after the debate in the plenary. So many were surprised to see that “healthy secularity” was given so

2

On this point, the Instrumentum laboris refers to the use of the term by Benedict XVI in his speech at the Élysée during his visit in France, in September 2008 (Documentation Catholique 2008, 824–825).

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BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER much importance in the Post-Synodal Exhortation (§29). 3 This notion can be proposed as an ideal for the future, but it is not appropriate to promote it explicitly from the start in the search for full equality among Christians and Muslims. It is obvious that this demand for full equality is linked to the separation between religion and politics, religion and state. This is undoubtedly going to be one of the main challenges that Muslims have to face in the future, both in the traditional Muslim World and in the immigrant Muslim communities in the Western World. This development is not going to be easy. In several modern Arab States equality is already officially recognized in the law, in principle, but the mentalities of the people have not changed at the same pace. Government officers and judges often remained impregnated with the mentality of the past; although the dhimmi system no longer exists in theory in many countries, Christians often have the impression that they are still treated in that same way. Another desire of Christians is that their Muslim partners in dialogue speak out more clearly and more openly against the discrimination and the violence of which they are at times the victims. The Muslim partners in dialogue will say again and again, privately or in closed circles, that acts of violence cannot be justified in the name of Islam, are even contrary to Islam, because Islam is fundamentally a religion of peace. However their voices are not often heard in public. Christians would expect from both religious and civil Muslim leaders to condemn in stronger terms and with a louder voice all acts of injustice and aggression in the name of Islam, and would like them to carry this message inside the mosques. In fact, some Muslim personalities have taken a public stand, but the mass media do not give

3

“The synod fathers spoke a great deal about the favourable conditions for Christians in our countries. The socio-political context is an important factor in this area. ‘Positive laicity’ was evoked as a favourable factor. But the term itself is not well accepted among us, because it is associated with atheism or secularism, which marginalizes the religious dimension and openness to God and the Absolute. We prefer the term ‘civic state’. […] The term ‘citizenship’ is also problematic, inasmuch as its concept is narrower in the East than in the West.”

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FRANS BOUWEN them much space, because they are not interested in moderate Muslims; only extremist Muslims make news. 4 INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY AND SUPPORT The international community has the duty to assist the peoples of the Middle East in finding a solution to their problems and in building a just and durable peace, because the parties involved on the regional level are not able on their own to overcome their divisions and hostilities. The international communities, as we mentioned, also has its own responsibilities in the political decisions and event that contributed to creating the present crisis situation. At the same time, it is in the interest of the international community itself, because the present volatile situation in the Middle East is an important factor of political destabilisation on the worldwide level. The churches around the world also are called to show their effective support and solidarity towards the Christians in the Middle East, as members of the One Body of Christ. Many efforts are in fact being made by various churches and organisations, with the limited means they have at their disposal, and in spite of the enormous difficulties they are faced with in making this aid reach the persons and communities who really need it. The disproportion between this aid and the enormous needs, as well as the desperate circumstances in which many Christians are forced to live, help us to understand that many local Christians still feel abandoned by their brothers and sisters and expect more signs of their effective proximity and support. However, also on this point, the situation is not without a certain danger of ambiguity or misunderstanding. Christians in the Middle East have often been suspected and accused of being agents of Western powers and interests, and that danger still exists. Therefore, it is essential for all churches and Christian agencies who want to support the Christians in the Middle East that they always see and 4

On this point also, important developments have occurred since this paper was delivered in 2013. The most eloquent illustration are the contacts between the Holy See and Al-Azhar University in Cairo that lead to the document on “Human Fraternity for World Peace and Living Together”, signed by Pope Francis and the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Ahmad AlTayyeb at Abu Dhabi, on 4 February 2019.

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BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER help them in their surroundings, without isolating them, for instance, from their Muslim neighbours, with whom they are called to live, to make peace and to build a better human society together. Of course it is legitimate to direct the Christian aid in the first place to the local Christians, however without ignoring or excluding the others, otherwise there could be a real danger of causing estrangement and nurturing the suspicions of which they are too easily the object, in particular in situations of conflict where external powers tend to intervene. PEACE BUILDING, A COMMITMENT OF THE WHOLE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY In the Middle East, building peace together with others – Muslims mainly, but also Jews in Israel/Palestine – has to be a commitment of the whole Christian community, with its two dimensions: on the one hand, on all levels of each local community or church and, on the other hand, all communities and churches together. In the Middle East, for the historical reasons already mentioned, the heads of churches still have a particular role to play in peace building: a role of guiding by their teaching, of unity and coordination, and of speaking out publicly in the name of the community. However, in the context of the contemporary states, the commitment of the lay people is of vital importance: they are called to contribute actively to the building of their country today if they want to have a place in it in the future. Competent lay persons must be encouraged and prepared to take an active part in public life. This commitment is not self-evident in all churches and all countries, again because of history: during the many centuries under Islamic and Ottoman regime, many Christians tended to leave politics to the majority and were more preoccupied with surviving within their own community. Therefore, there is an urgent need for awareness-building in political responsibility. Peace building is at the same time a tremendous ecumenical challenge. In the Middle East, churches have become more and more aware that it is only together that they can effectively work for their future presence in the region. The Middle East Council of Churches plays a central role in this coming together by offering a unique forum for meeting, speaking and acting together. Among the faithful this belonging together is in fact a centuries old experience; the laity is often far ahead of the hierarchy in this field. 161

FRANS BOUWEN On the other hand, working together for peace is equally a source of ecumenical coming together. In many countries, the critical political and humanitarian situation has brought church leaders round to meet, to consult, to speak out and to work together. For instance, the first Palestinian intifada, at the end of 1987, with its violence, suffering and injustice induced the heads of churches in Jerusalem to come together, to speak with one voice and to take a common stand. Their first common statement ever, calling of a just peace, was published in January 1988. Step by step their contacts and meetings multiplied and, from the 1990’s on, these heads of churches publish a common message for Christmas and Eastern every year; they also signed two common statements on the significance of Jerusalem for Christians, in 1994 and 2006. In Egypt, a Council of Churches was officially created in February 2013; it had been in preparation for a number of years, but the recent complex and painful events made it possible to take the final step. This coming together reaches an especially meaningful point in what we can call the ecumenism of martyrdom. The most eloquent example seems to me the kidnapping of the two metropolitans of Aleppo, Gregorios Yuhanna Ibrahim, Syrian Orthodox, and Paul Yazigi, Greek Orthodox, in April 2013. Since then, they whereabouts remain unknown. Are they still alive or have they been executed? They belong to two different church traditions that are not in full communion yet, although a theological agreement exists on the level of an official commission, and a far reaching pastoral agreement of mutual participation in the sacraments exists between them in the Patriarchate of Antioch. A similar pastoral agreement exists between the Syrian Orthodox and the Catholic Church. Both bishops have studied in Catholic Institutions with a scholarship of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity and are both engaged in various ecumenical organizations. Above all, according to Saint Ignatius of Antioch, “where the bishop is, there is the Church” (Smyrn. 8,2). So, we can say that with them their own respective churches and also this whole network of ecumenically linked churches are somehow kidnapped. With them all our churches are facing the same suffering, martyrdom and witness. What does this mean for our search for unity? Is it possible to ignore this reality or should we endeavour to understand and interpret the theological and ecclesiological implications of this ecumenism of martyrdom and draw the inherent conclusions for the ecumenical relations between our churches? The two 162

BUILDING PEACE TOGETHER bishops are experiencing together, in their bodies and in reality, Christ’s mystery of death and resurrection, but they cannot yet concelebrate the sacramental sign of this mystery in the present ecumenical situation, the Eucharist. They are united in the reality of the Paschal mystery, but divided in its sacramental sign. In the image of Christ, they are living together the mystery of the seed that falls into the earth and dies, in order to bear fruit (cf. John 12:24). What does that mean for the urgency of our quest for full visible unity? CONCLUSION Building peace together with Muslim and Jewish believers is of vital importance for Christians in the Middle East in order to preserve their future presence in their birthplace. This task goes far beyond their human capabilities, given their small numbers and their option for non-violence. At the same time, the churches intend to continue fulfilling their mission of proclaiming the Kingdom of God and being its witnesses. Peace is the central value of this Kingdom, in which all barriers will be destroyed. It is in this mission that they find their inspiration and strength to go on serving and hoping, ready to pay the price for peace if necessary, as their Divine Master did.

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A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION: BUILDING PEACE IN INDIA PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL CHANGANCHERRY / INDIA

Religious tolerance has been the basic tenet and hallmark of India’s ancient civilization and history. For centuries, people practicing various religious faiths have lived side by side in peace. India’s rich tradition of religious plurality has been a symbol of social and religious harmony. However, that situation has been changing in recent years as religious intolerance has emerged as a dominant factor in conflicts. Religious violence has increased in recent years in several parts if India. 1 Organised violence, inhuman acts and atrocities against religious minorities were carried out with impunity under the eyes of law enforcement authorities. 2 It is true that the political and religious leaders have the capacity to prevent or to escalate potential religious tensions towards a point of violence. At the same time, a culture of collaboration between the religious communities and different ethnic groups is getting momentum. In fact, religious leaders are in the forefront to promote religious harmony and peaceful coexistence.

1

In 2012, the country had seen 640 incidents of communal violence and 93 deaths – 48 from the Muslim community, 44 Hindus and one police official. A total of 2,067 people were injured last year. The injured includes 1,010 Hindus, 787 Muslims, 222 police officials and 48 others. 2 From 2005 to 2009: In this period of four years 648 people were killed, 11,278 injured in 4,030 incidents of communal violence. On average, 130 people died and 2,200 were injured each year. Incidents were reported from 24 of the 35 states and Union territories (the states in the Northeast are immune).

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL They are trying to promote the traditional tolerance and collaboration of different religious communities in India. It is indeed part and parcel of the great Indian culture. Hinduism has been considered both as a religion and also as a civilization. Therefore, it is necessary to have some understanding of Hinduism and the civilization which promoted coexistence of religions in India. Such knowledge should inspire peace building initiatives and the collaboration of different religious communities everywhere. THE ROOTS OF RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN INDIA – THE PLURALISM OF HINDUISM The Hindu religion is unique in the sense that it is the only surviving major religion today that has retained a continuous link with its hazy origins in antiquity. Hinduism has no founder, no code of beliefs, it never had any religious organization that wielded temporal power over its followers. Its distinguishing characteristics are its diversity and multiplicity. The term Sanatana Dharma, which is also used to refer to this religion, reflects its character – Sanatana means continuing. The religions of the Mesopotemians, ancient Greeks and Romans were similar to Hinduism. Taking a closer look at the methods of worship, Hinduism displays a tendency to change phenomenally over time. Students of Vedas know that in Vedic times nature worship was prevalent. The five forces of nature – the Pancha Mahabhoota included Teja (light) represented by Agni (fire), and Surya (sun), the other four were Vayu (wind), Aapa (water), Akasha (sky), and Prithvi (earth). These forces of nature were the first to be worshipped. The personified Gods like Vishnu with his ten incarnations, came much later. The God Vishnu and his incarnations seem to be suggestive of the theory of evolution and Man’s social progress. Beginning with Matsya, the fish; followed by the amphibious tortoise, Kurma the mammalian boar Varaha; followed by the half beast half man Narasimha, to the dwarf Vamana, the axe wielder Parasurama and the warrior king Rama, the cultivator Balarama and the cowherd Krishna to the enlightened Budha. The last incarnation Kalki is yet to appear. The above incarnations are only a few from the Hindu pantheon, there are many others like Brahma, Shiva, Ganapathi, Shakti, Kartikeya, Sheshnaga, etc. The point that comes from this is the endless multiplicity of objects of worship that has existed in this religion. 166

A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION The Hindu pantheon has been an ever growing one and has grown in an overlapping manner, with constant additions being effected at various times and places. Because of this, a follower of this religion may not even be aware that a said deity forms part of the Hindu pantheon and may not recognize it as such, even if he comes to know of it. Due to this, a Hindu’s religious consciousness has been a vague one and his commitment to his religion has not been as strong as in the cases of monotheistic religions. THE MUSHROOMING OF VARIOUS HINDU SECTS The mushrooming of innumerable local sects of Hinduism has been an inevitable result. This endless and overlapping multiplicity of sects originating from a common system of beliefs, made essential the tolerance of every sect and subsect of each other. At times, the sects disassociated themselves from the main body and went their separate ways as in the case of Budhism, Jainism and Sikhism. But the pluralistic tendency they had inherited from their mother faith re-asserted itself and the process of split and re-split in these offspring religious sects continued. The Buddhists are split into Mahayana and Hinayana sects, apart from Zen, Lamaism, etc. The Jains are split into Shwetambar and Digambar sects. The Sikhs are a small community which are split into innumerable sects like the Akalis, Nirankari, Radhasoamis, Udasis, Nihangs, Niramalas, Sanyasis, Namdharis, etc. ADI SHANKARA’S ATTEMPTS TO ORGANISE HINDUISM The above said character of Hinduism prevented the formation of a central body on which could devolve the authority of taking decisions about Hindu religious affairs. Adi Sankaracharya did make an attempt to integrate Hinduism. His attempts led to the foundation of monasteries (Mutts) in charge of great teachers or heads (Jagadgurus) like the ones at Kanchi, Dwarka, Badrinath and Puri. But even this system failed to weld Hinduism into a monolithic religion. This system did not even receive the following of Hindus all over the country and in the absence of any temporal power to back it up, coupled with the presence of rival centres of spiritual power in the various localized dieties and godmen, the Jagadgurus came nowhere near the heads of other monotheistic religions. This feature which

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL demonstrates the lack of capacity for organization of the Hindu religion has deprived it, from historical times till today, from having any effective institutional means by which it could confront the state and make demands upon it. NO CONGREGATIONAL WORSHIP There is even no congregational worship in Hinduism such as is found in Christianity and Islam. In Christianity the parish church is a centre of organized religious activity and the basic unit of ecclesiastical organization.

The lack of a clearly defined and trained Hindu clergy subject to the discipline of superiors is another point. The hereditary priesthood of the Brahmin caste has not functioned effectively, and relatively few Brahmins these days are priests by actual occupation. The functions of the clergy in Hinduism are performed by a wide variety of temple priests, pandits, astrologers, Sadhus (holy men), Gurus (teachers) and so forth. The Hindu “clergy” is thus not organized for an effective political role, nor do the Sadhus and temple priests enjoy the general prestige which would make for success in politics. 3

HINDUISM IS NOT ONE RELIGION – IT IS A COLLATION OF HUMAN THINKING ON ATTITUDES TOWARDS WORSHIP The tribal origin in antiquity, the multiplicity of cults, sects and deities, the absence of a central authority, etc., has made Hinduism an assimilative religion which tolerated different sects that mushroomed from itself and even absorbed minor sects whose origins lay outside Hinduism (like Saibaba ar Shirdi in Maharashtra) and when it came in contact with religions from other countries it did not resist their assimilation into itself. 4 Even when Hinduism came into contact with aboriginal peoples like the Adivasis no attempt was made to formally convert them

3

Donald Eugene Smith, India as a Secular State. Princeton 1963, p. 28. Crooke. W, ‘Hinduism’, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. James Hastings, 1925, Vol 6, 712.

4

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A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION to Hinduism. They were gradually Hinduised and absorbed into Hinduism. This was sometimes done by incorporating tribal deities into the Hindu pantheon and they became a Hindu cult. Hinduism thus spread by assimilation and acculturation. Thus Hinduism cannot be called one religion, it is more a collation of human thinking on attitudes towards worship. The Vedic seer had proclaimed Truth is one; people call it by various names (Ekam Satya, Viprah Bahuda Vadanti).

THE CHOSEN DEITY – ISHTA DEVATA The Hindu doctrine of having an ishta-devata (chosen deity) invites every Hindu to select his deity from the wide pantheon of various gods and goddesses conceived since time immemorial. While this liberal doctrine was originally applied to numerous deities mentioned in the Hindu scriptures, there is no logical stopping point, and hence the same tolerant attitude is taken towards other religions who have defined frontiers. Hinduism thus holds that there are many ways, many paths which lead towards salvation or spiritual liberation. Historically it has convincingly demonstrated this belief. In addition to Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists, who have emerged as reform movement from Hinduism, we have had communities of Jews, Syrian Christians, and Zoroastrians who settled in India and lived there unmolested. Muslims lived peacefully in India for three hundred years before Islam became as a military force in the eleventh century A.D. Hinduism, unlike Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, is not a missionary religion, and the rejection of proseleytism on principle is regarded by many Hindus as an important part of tolerance.

Thus

tolerance is a strong point in support of the secular state. 5

5

Crooke. W, “Hinduism”, in: Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics vol 6 (ed. James Hastings). Edinburgh 1925, p. 712.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE STATE AND RELIGION IN ANCIENT INDIA As in the West, the idea of separation of the Church from the state has also existed in India since ancient times. Hindu traditions lend strong support to the idea that the functions of the priest and king are to be separated. According to the ‘divinely ordained’ caste system, the priestly functions belonged to the Brahmins while the rulership was vested with the Kshatriyas. The Brahmin priest was expected to advise the king, but could not himself rule as per the caste rules. In ancient India it was the king’s duty to promote dharma. Now the term dharma has a wide connotation involving law, duty, morality and religion. Thus dharma did not just connote administration, it also had ecclesiastical overtones. The king was expected to encourage piety and virtue and also aid religious institutions. Government was not based on a theocracy and considerable impartiality was practiced in the treatment accorded to various sects – irrespective of the sect to which a king belonged. However, the religious overtones of regal policy were very pronounced. The ancient Hindu State, like today’s Indian State, was tolerant towards all religions, was equidistant from all religions and also generally gave equal promotion to all religions. But despite all this it could not be called secular as it was not a non-religious state and the promotion of dharma tied it down to ecclesiastical pursuits which cannot go into the making of a secular state as per the dictionary meaning of the term. In promoting dharma the state in ancient India built temples, granted them large endowments, and exercised strict supervision over their affairs. As the Hindu kings were tolerant towards all creeds and frequently aided them all, the foundations of religious tolerance which is one of the bases of secularism could be said to be indigenous to India. In addition a clear-cut distinction was made in ancient Indian polity between the functions of the priest and the king. There was an intimate relationship between the Brahmin clergy and the Kshatriya nobility. The Brahmin, Purohita (royal chaplain) occupied a prominent position at the court of a Hindu king. The purohita also wielded considerable influence over the king through his rule as the King’s Guru (spiritual preceptor). Bitter curses are pronounced in the Dharmashastras, against rulers who confiscate the cows of Brahmins. “But the Brahminical order never developed the kind of tight-knit organisation which 170

A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION would enable it to enjoy an effective political role comparable to that of the church in medieval Europe. Furthermore, the divinely ordained social system had clearly given the function of governance to the Kshatriyas. The general environment of religious liberty and the official tradition of religious tolerance which prevailed in ancient India, represents one important commonality with that of the secular state in India today. The ancient Hindu state never sought to impose a particular creed upon the people. In the words of Donald Smith …various schools of thought propounded the doctrines of agnosticism, atheism and materialism. Jainism, Buddhism and later Judaism, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Islam were permitted to propagate their teachings, build their places of worship, and establish their respective ways of life. The struggle for freedom of conscience in Europe and America, stretching over many centuries, has no counterpart in Indian History. From the earliest days this right seems never to have been denies (in India).

Thus in India the secular state of today is built upon our substantial ancient historical foundations. According to Donald Smith The Hindu state of ancient medieval, or modern times was not a narrowly sectarian state in any sense; patronage was frequently extended simultaneously to various sects and religions. The British policy of religious neutrality was the direct antecedent of the secular Indian state of today, and the legal and administrative institutions introduced by the British rulers pointed the way to the development of a common citizenship. India’s present system of secular public schools have over a century of history. The mainstream of Indian nationalism, which led to independence in 1947, had a decidedly secular orientation throughout most of its history. 6

RELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPHY IN INDIA According to the 2011 census, the total population is 1.21 billion. The Hindus constitute 80.5 percent of the population, Muslims 13.4 6

Ibid. p. 61 and p. 492. See also ibid. p. 492 and Max Weber, The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism, Gencoe/IL 1956.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL percent, Christians 2.3 percent, and Sikhs 1.9 percent. Groups that together constitute less than 1 percent of the population include Buddhists, Jains, Parsis (Zoroastrians), Jews, and Bahais. So-called “tribal” groups, which are indigenous groups historically outside the caste system and generally included among Hindus in government statistics, often practice traditional indigenous religious beliefs (animism). THE PEACE-BUILDING POTENTIAL OF INDIAN RELIGIONS Very little has been written about the role of religion in peacebuilding in India and it is not within the scope of this paper to conduct specific research into the various organisations motivated by religion. Every religion, as Mohammed Abu-Nimer states, can foster either violence or nonviolence. It is the responsibility of those who follow a particular faith to cull these resources for nonviolence from their religious scriptures. 7

Abu-Nimer attempts to extract these “resources for nonviolence” in the case of Islam and comes up with a list of virtues or attributes, valued within Islam, which can contribute towards peace. These values include the unity and equality of mankind, all as God’s creation; justice and forgiveness, showing mercy regarded more highly than demanding retribution; seeking peace; avoidance of violence; and reconciliation with the enemy. 8 In addition to this, there are many attributes which are not directly linked to peace, but can be useful in the peace-building process, such as patience, which helps when pursuing long-term peace-building goals; the valorisation of collaborative processes above authoritarian ones, which is something also valued by peace-builders; and the concept of the Ummah or Muslim community which emphasizes collective action, which can be utilized for peaceful goals. 9 Besides the values which can be extracted from Islamic texts, Muslims themselves need to be prepared to work towards peace. Denny argues that, despite the reputation Islam has in the West for being inherently violent. 7 Mohammed Abu-Nimer, Nonviolence and Peace Building in Isam: Theory and Practice, Gainsville/FL 2003, p. 183. 8 Ibid. 60–62. 9 Ibid. 73–74.

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A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION (t)he overwhelming majority of Muslims in this period of globalization and constant, necessary, and inescapable international relationships sincerely want peaceful international as well as domestic religious and political relations and the institutions and agreements that can make them secure and stable. 10

Others have attempted to extract similar values from the Hindu religious texts. Rajmohan Gandhi explains that Hindu religious texts tend to emphasise war, especially the epics, but that peace and reconciliation are also represented as worthwile goals. The Ramayana also emphasizes the importance of treating the enemy honourably and Rama’s chariot is described as having “self-restraint as one of its horses, and cords of forgiveness and compassion to harness it.” 11 The epics can also be used as tools for peace if taken allegorically, as a battle between the good and evil inside us instead of a battle between two armies. Other examples, outside of the mainstream Hindu texts, are Bhakti poetry which promote reconciliation between Hinduism and Islam; the example of Asoka, an emperor who became devoted to peace after regretting past violent acts who, despite his conversion to Buddhism, is seem as part of the Hindu past; and Gandhi who claimed that Hindus, Muslims and Christians all worship the same God. 12 Research into peace-building efforts would seem to suggest that Christianity has taken the initiative when it comes to peace-building, especially when compared to Islam and Hinduism. This may, however, only be a reflection of the limited coverage of research and is, in my mind, an encouragement for further research to be done, especially in the case of India, into the role of Hinduism and Islam in peace-building efforts. INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE IN INDIA India is a secular democracy. Its secularism is neither religious nor anti-religious, but an equal recognition of and respect for all religions. India can hardly preserve its unity and make progress if its 10

Frederick M. Denny, “Islam and Peacebuilding: Continuities and Transitions”, in: Harold Coward / Gordon S. Smith (eds.), Religion and Peacebuilding, Albany/NY 2004, pp. 129–146, here 139. 11 Rajmohan Gandhi, “Hinduism and Peacebuilding”, in: ibid. p. 60. 12 Ibid 62–63.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL traditional tolerance does not reassert itself. But that tolerance today can not remain merely passive and negative: privatizing religion or allowing a noninterfering co-existence. It has to be an active tolerance, leading to mutual respect, dialogue, understanding and collaboration in the task of building up a new and better human community. India cherishes the values of non-violence, detachment, frugal living, noncovetousness, love and compassion to all living beings. Veneration of elders, hospitality, simplicity and peaceful coexistence are some of the commendable features of Indian culture. The plurality of faiths in India has made her receptive towards all religions. By and large Indians are not only religious by their nature but they also freely partake of the practices of all religions and thus manifest in their daily lives, unity in diversity. The Church has a vision for inter-religious relationships in India, particularly Hindu-Christian relations. The Catholic Bishop’s Conference of India has a strong dream for Indian inter-religious movements. The Catholic Church takes special care in maintaining the dialogue in its everyday missions in India. DIALOGUE: THE PLACE OF MUTUAL RESPECT AND TRUST – CBCI The Catholic Bishop’s Conference of India (CBCI), Commission on dialogue was started in 1966 as ‘Commission for Ecumenism and Dialogue’; and later in 1970 it was separated as ‘Commission for Dialogue for relations with non-Christian Religions and Others’. It functions as an organ of contact of the CBCI with other religions; promotes the spirit and practice of dialogue in the Church in India; offers inspiration; direction and help where necessary. This Commission works with the help of diocesan promoters of dialogue all over the country. It takes special care for Hindu-Christian dialogue in India. Since India is the birth place of various world religions, the Church in India has a unique role in the inter-religious dialogue. The number of ashrams and centres for interreligious dialogue that are opened in various parts of the country is the best example of this commitment to dialogue. The document of CBCI, Guidelines for Interreligious Dialogue, clarifies what the Church means by inter-religious

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A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION dialogue and provides the theological basis for this dialogue. 13 The Guidelines for Inter-religious Dialogue is addressed to all Catholics in India inviting them to be open to and to foster dialogue with members of other religions. The motive of dialogue is a Christian faith in God’s saving presence in other religious traditions and the expression of the firm hope of their fulfilment in Christ. In the spirit of fraternal love, dialogue is mutual communication and sharing of religious experience, of spiritual and moral values and enriching both the partners in a communion that seek to foster unity among all people and promote the good things found among them. The Church knows herself to be the sign of the gathering of all nations, but she is not a possessive sign, but one that remains always open to all men as they are to whom she is sent ‘to serve and not be served’. This service presupposes as a primary element an attitude of dialogue. Thus dialogue belongs to the very nature of the Church. The service of love in the various forms of Christian witness and ministry namely, education, health services, social work, etc., are also different means of dialogue. The documents of the Church speak about four types of dialogue: of life, of action, of intellectual exchange and of experience. The Dialogue of Life Christians, especially Catholics in India have had a strong presence in the field of education. This continues and grows. Given the demographic conditions of India most of the students in these institutions and some of the teachers are members of other religions. The Catholic institutions respect the religions of the others. They were taught “Moral Instruction”, while the Catholics were instructed in their faith. The teachers too had a good knowledge of other religious beliefs and practices. There were no attempts to proselytize. All the students are also introduced to the doctrines and practices of all the religions as part of their educational programme. The Catholic Church in India runs 12,781 educational institutions including universities, colleges and schools. More than one million students study in these Catholic educational institutions. Nearly 25% of students in these institutions are Christians while others are 13

The Dialogue Commission of the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of India (ed.), Guidelines for Inter-religious Dialogue, Varanasi 1977.

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PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL mostly Hindu or Muslim. Besides, there are 2692 health centres, including five medical colleges and many large hospitals. But more hospitals and schools are functioning in the villages especially in the small villages. These institutions, in fact, working as centres of dialogue with other religious communities. The Dialogue of Action The Church is involved in social and liberative action with many social centers and projects. Much of the activity in this area is interreligious. The Church seeks the collaboration, not only of people of all faiths, but also of secular groups. The beneficiaries of their action also belong to different religions. As a matter of fact, religion is not a prominent element in their programmes. On the contrary one can say that they tend to be critical of all religions for their tendency to legitimize and support unequal and unjust social practices like the caste system and the oppression of women. At the same time, efforts have also been made to highlight the liberation potential of the religious communities. Recent examples could be given. When Tsunami struck the Indian coast, the Jesuit involvement in relief and rehabilitation in certain areas was under the banner of a secular (multi-religious-ideological) NGO, actually animated by the Church. Volunteers of all religions were involved in it. The same NGO has also been leading delegates to the World Social Forum in Mumbai (2004) and Porto Alegre (2005). At the level of reflection and discussion, the Indian Social Institute, New Delhi is collaborating with many governmental and non-governmental organizations as a consultant. Similarly the Indian Social Institute in Bangalore welcomes to its training programmes social activists of all religions and ideologies. There are 6603 social welfare centers run by the Catholic Church in India. These centres help half a million families of the regions. These institutions are the centers of dialogue of action. The Dialogue of Intellectual Exchange The leadership of the Church has taken up the study of Hinduism and Islam, not merely out of an academic interest, but with the aim of reaching out to them. The orientation, however, has been varying. Roberto de Nobili, for instance, studied Hinduism to show the Hindus why it is wrong. In the early part of the 20th century the interest 176

A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION was much more comparative. There was a certain appreciation of Hinduism. But there was an underlying desire to show that Hinduism will find fulfilment in Christianity. A good knowledge of Hinduism was also considered necessary to proclaim the gospel meaningfully to the Hindus. The mood however changed around the time of Second Vatican Council. Hinduism is then appreciated for its own sake, though it is always set in dialogue with Christianity. But the dialogue is much more equal and mutual, with great respect for each other. In this field of intellectual exchange, apart from individual efforts, we have now sixty centres that promote the study of different religions – three belong to Jesuits. In Pune we have an Institute for the Study of Religion, animated by Fr. Francis D’Sa. He has been focusing particularly on the study of the Vedas and the Bhagavad Gita. In Chennai, Satya Nilayam, the Jesuit Philosophate has a research institute recognized by the University of Madras. It has promoted seminars and publications on Inter-cultural philosophy. It publishes also the Hindu-Christian Studies Bulletin, carrying scholarly articles by both Hindus and Christians. This is done in collaboration with an association of scholars in the United States of America. Fr. Anand Amaladass is animating this centre now. The third centre is the Institute of Dialogue with Cultures and Religions, started four years ago, also in Chennai. It is also affiliated to the University of Madras and offers a doctoral programme in inter-cultural and inter-religious studies. This Institute also has his own research projects. Just now it is engaged in a three-year research on Religions and Violence. It is focused on a South Indian city called Coimbatore where there had been Hindu-Muslim conflicts in 1998. It has been collecting data through interviews and reports. Its aim is to find out the reasons for the conflict and search for ways to promote reconciliation and peace. This will be done through collective inter-religious reflection in seminars. This Institute also organizes inter-religious seminars for the students and the general public in collaboration with other similar organizations of other religions. Efforts have also been made to focus on dialogue with the Muslims. India has the second largest group of Muslims in the world with about 125 million of them. Fr. Christian Troll has established a special Department of Islamic Studies at Vidyajyoti College of Theology in Delhi. It has a good library. He also founded The Islamic Studies Association. There are a few Jesuits – 3 or 4 – who are interested in this 177

PHILIP NELPURAPARAMBIL dialogue with the Muslims. These seem open to dialogue with Christians on the platform of minorities in a largely Hindu country (80%). But it is not making much progress. The Bharatiya Sanskriti Peetham has successfully organized five interfaith dialogues, namely, International Seminar on ‘Hindu Christian Cosmology and Anthropology’ wherein Uánkara Advaita was discussed in depth. This was in collaboration with the Institute for Asian Studies, University of Turin, Italy and the Inter religious Monastic Dialogue, Italy in October 1997; it was followed by International seminar on ‘Persons of Peace in a Troubled World’ in collaboration with the Institute for Asian Studies, University of Turin, and DIM, Italy, at Parma-Rome (Italy) in October 1998; International Seminar on ‘Religious and Ethical Foundations of Family and Social Life in Hinduism and Christianity’ in February-March 2000; International Seminar on ‘Mahávákyas in Hinduism and Christianity’ in February 2001; Interfaith Dialogue Symposium on ‘Bhakti in Hinduism & Christianity’ in collaboration with Focolare Movement at Castel Gandolfo, Rocca Di Papa, Rome in June 2002. Every seminar is a step ahead in the field of Dialogue. The new climate of interfaith dialogue has opened the door for a non-confrontational discussion of practice of neighboring religions. Thus the clouds of suspicion and apprehension are being dispelled and the fresh breeze of openminded reception to other faiths will flow. Dialogue of Experience One common expression of the dialogue of spiritual experience is praying together. This has been happening in India for many years. In October 1986, when John Paul II invited the leaders of other religions to come to Assisi and pray for world peace, it was explained very carefully that they were coming together to pray, not to pray together. The Indians have no such inhibitions. Of course, it is not the question of participating in the official ritual of another religion. People of different religions have no problem either in being present respectfully when one particular religious group is praying. Hindus and Christians also find it easy to pray when the attention is focused on God as such and not on any particular religious manifestation like Jesus or Krishna. Ashrams are places where such inter-religious, intellectual and spiritual encounters are taken for granted. There have been some 178

A NEW CULTURE OF COLLABORATION theologians who have spent some time in Hindu or Buddhist ashrams. According to the CBCI commission for Inter Religious Dialogue, more than thousand Catholic centers offer such a possibility for different religious communities to pray together. CONCLUSION The ancient Hindu culture of tolerance still prevails to a great extent in India. Though politically motivated religious violence has nothing to do with the religion they profess, it is the duty of religious leaders and people of good will to promote a culture of collaboration between the faithful of different religious communities. Now, many religious leaders try to do whatever they can to prevent religious violence and to promote cooperation between different religious communities in their region. The Christian Churches with their dialogue of life, action, intellectual exchange and experience are in the forefront to build the civilisation of love that prevailed in ancient India. We hope and pray that these good works will pave the way for a better world of peace, joy and prosperity.

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POST-SYNODAL APOSTOLIC EXHORTATION

E CCLESIA IN M EDIO ORIENTE OF HIS HOLINESS

POPE BENEDICT XVI

TO THE PATRIARCHS, BISHOPS, CLERGY, CONSECRATED PERSONS AND THE LAY FAITHFUL ON THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE EAST: COMMUNION AND WITNESS

Introduction 1. The Church in the Middle East, which from the dawn of Christian faith has made her pilgrim way in those holy lands, today courageously continues her witness, the fruit of a life of communion with God and neighbour. Communion and Witness! This was the conviction which occasioned the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East, which gathered around the Successor of Peter from 10 to 24 October 2010 to discuss the theme, “The Catholic Church in the Middle East: Communion and Witness. Now the company of those who believed were of one heart and one soul” (Acts 4:32). 2. At the beginning of this third millennium, I wish to entrust this conviction, which draws its strength from Jesus Christ, to the pastoral concern of all the Pastors of the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church, and in a more particular way to my esteemed brothers the Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops who together, in union with the Bishop of Rome, oversee the Catholic Church in the Middle East. The natives of these lands include faithful of the venerable Eastern Catholic Churches sui iuris: the patriarchal Church of Alexandria of the Copts; the three patriarchal Churches of Antioch: Greek Melkite, Syrian and Maronite; the patriarchal Church of Babylon of the Chaldeans and that of Cilicia of the Armenians. Also living in the area are Bishops, priests and lay faithful belonging to the Latin Church. Likewise present are Indian priests and faithful from the Major Archbishoprics of Ernakulam-Angamaly of the Syro-Malabars, and from Trivandrum of the Syro-Malankaras, as well as priests and faithful of the Eastern Churches and the Latin Church in Asia and Eastern Europe, and many members of the faithful from Ethiopia and Eritrea. Together they bear witness to the unity of the 183

BENEDIKT XVI faith amid the diversity of their traditions. I wish also to entrust this conviction to all the priests, the men and women religious, and the lay faithful of the Middle East, confident that it will confirm the ministry or apostolate which each carries out in his or her respective Church, in accordance with the charism bestowed by the Spirit for the upbuilding of all. 3. In the context of the Christian faith, “communion is the very life of God which is communicated in the Holy Spirit, through Jesus Christ”. 1 It is a gift of God which brings our freedom into play and calls for our response. It is precisely because it is divine in origin that communion has a universal extension. While it clearly engages Christians by virtue of their shared apostolic faith, it remains no less open to our Jewish and Muslim brothers and sisters, and to all those ordered in various ways to the People of God. The Catholic Church in the Middle East is aware that she will not be able fully to manifest this communion at the ecumenical and interreligious level unless she has first revived it in herself, within each of her Churches and among all her members: Patriarchs, Bishops, priests, religious, consecrated persons and lay persons. Growth by individuals in the life of faith and spiritual renewal within the Catholic Church will lead to the fullness of the life of grace and theosis (divinization). 2 In this way, the Church’s witness will become all the more convincing. 4. The example of the first community in Jerusalem can serve as a model for renewing the present Christian community and making it a place of communion for witness. The Acts of the Apostles give us a simple yet touching early description of this community born on the day of Pentecost: a company of believers who were of one heart and soul. From the beginning there was a fundamental connection between faith in Jesus and ecclesial communion, as becomes clear from the two interchangeable expressions: one heart and soul. Communion is not the result of our own human efforts. It comes about, above all else, by the power of the Holy Spirit, who creates in us the faith, which works through love (cf. Gal 5:6). 1 Benedict XVI, Homily at the Opening Mass of the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East (10 October 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 805. 2 Cf. Propositio 4.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE 5. According to Acts, the unity of believers was seen in the fact that “they devoted themselves to the Apostles’ teaching and fellowship, to the breaking of the bread and the prayers” (2:42). The unity of believers was thus nourished by the teaching of the Apostles (the proclamation of God’s word), to which they responded with unanimous faith, by fraternal communion (the service of charity), by the breaking of the bread (the Eucharist and the sacraments), and by prayer, both personal and communal. It was on these four pillars that communion and witness were based within the first community of believers. May the Church which has lived uninterruptedly in the Middle East from apostolic times to our own day find in the example of that community the resources needed to keep fresh the memory and the apostolic vitality of her origins! 6. All who took part in the Synod assembly had an experience of the unity which exists within the Catholic Church in a broad spectrum of geographical, religious, cultural and sociopolitical contexts. The common faith is practised and made admirably evident in the diversity of its theological, spiritual, liturgical and canonical expressions. Like my Predecessors in the See of Peter, I wish here to state once more my desire to ensure that “the rites of the Eastern Churches, as the patrimony of the whole Church of Christ in which shines forth the tradition coming down from the Apostles through the Fathers, and which, in its variety, affirms the divine unity of the Catholic faith, are observed and promoted conscientiously.” 3 I likewise assure my Latin brothers and sisters of my affection and my concern for their needs and necessities, in accordance with the commandment of charity which presides over all, and the norms of law.

3

Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, Canon 39; cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 1; John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Une espérance nouvelle pour le Liban (10 May 1997): AAS 89 (1997), 346– 347, which deals with the unity between the common apostolic Tradition and the ecclesial traditions which developed from it in the Orient.

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BENEDIKT XVI PART ONE

“We give thanks to God always for you all, constantly mentioning you in our prayers” (1 Th 1:2) 7. With these words of thanksgiving from Saint Paul, I greet the Christians living in the Middle East and assure them of my fervent and continued prayers. The Catholic Church, and with her the entire Christian community, keeps them in mind and acknowledges with gratitude their noble and ancient contribution to the building up of the Body of Christ. She thanks them for their fidelity and assures them of her affection.

The context It is moving for me to recall my journeys to the Middle East. As a land especially chosen by God, it was the home of Patriarchs and Prophets. It was the glorious setting for the Incarnation of the Messiah; it saw the raising of the Saviour’s cross and witnessed the resurrection of the Redeemer and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. Traversed by the Apostles, saints and a number of the Fathers of the Church, it was the crucible of the earliest dogmatic formulations. Yet this blessed land and its peoples have tragically experienced human upheavals. How many deaths have there been, how many lives ravaged by human blindness, how many occasions of fear and humiliation! It would seem that there is no end to the crime of Cain (cf. Gen 4:6–10 and 1 Jn 3:8–15) among the sons of Adam and Eve created in God’s image (cf. Gen 1:27). Adam’s transgression, reinforced by the sin of Cain, continues to produce thorns and thistles (cf. Gen 3:18) even today. How sad it is to see this blessed land suffer in its children who relentlessly tear one another to pieces and die! Christians know that only Jesus, who passed through sufferings and death in order to rise again, is capable of bringing salvation and peace to all who dwell in your part of the world (cf. Acts 2:23–24, 32–33). Him alone, Christ, the Son of God, do we proclaim! Let us repent, then, and be converted, “that sins may be blotted out, that times of refreshing may come from the presence of the Lord” (Acts 3:19–20a). 9. For the sacred Scriptures, peace is not simply a pact or a treaty which ensures a tranquil life, nor can its definition be reduced to the 186

ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE mere absence of war. According to its Hebrew etymology, peace means being complete and intact, restored to wholeness. It is the state of those who live in harmony with God and with themselves, with others and with nature. Before appearing outwardly, peace is interior. It is blessing. It is the yearning for a reality. Peace is something so desirable that it has become a greeting in the Middle East (cf. Jn 20:19; 1 Pet 5:14). Peace is justice (cf. Is 32:17); Saint James in his Letter adds that “the harvest of righteousness is sown in peace by those who make peace” (3:18). The struggle of the Prophets and the reflections of the Wisdom authors were inspired by the hope of eschatological peace. It is towards this authentic peace in God that Christ leads us. He alone is its gate (Jn 10:9). This is the sole gate that Christians wish to enter. 10. Only by beginning with conversion to God, and by showing forgiveness to those close at hand and in the wider community, will the just respond to Christ’s invitation to become “children of God” (cf. Mt 5:9). Only the meek will delight in boundless peace (cf. Ps 37:11). In offering us a life of communion with God, Jesus creates true fraternity, not the fraternity marred by sin. 4 “For he is our peace, who has made us both one, and has broken down the dividing wall of hostility” (Eph 2:14). Christians know that the earthly politics of peace will only be effective if justice in God and justice among men and women are its authentic basis, and if this same justice battles against the sin which is at the origin of division. For this reason, the Church wishes to overcome every difference of race, sex and social condition (cf. Gal 3:28 and Col 3:11) in the knowledge that all are one in Christ, who is all in all. This too is why the Church supports and encourages every peace initiative throughout the world and particularly in the Middle East. She works unstintingly and in a variety of ways to help people to live in peace, while also supporting the international juridical framework which consolidates peace. The Holy See’s positions on the different conflicts which tragically afflict the region and on the status of Jerusalem and the holy places are well known. 5 Yet the 4

Cf. Benedict XVI, Homily at Christmas Midnight Mass (24 December 2010): AAS 103 (2011), 17–21. 5 Cf. Propositio 9.

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BENEDIKT XVI Church does not lose sight of the fact that, before all else, peace remains a fruit of the Spirit (cf. Gal 5:22), one which must constantly be implored from God (cf. Mt 7:7–8).

The Christian and ecumenical life 11. It is in this restrictive, unstable and lately violence-prone context that God has permitted his Church to grow. She lives there in a remarkable variety of forms. Along with the Catholic Church, a great number of venerable Churches and Ecclesial Communities of more recent date are present in the Middle East. This mosaic demands a significant and continued effort to build unity in respect for the riches of each, and thus to reaffirm the credibility of the proclamation of the Gospel and Christian witness. 6 Unity is a gift of God which is born of the Spirit and which must be cultivated with patient perseverance (cf. 1 Pet 3:8–9). We know that it is tempting, whenever our divisions make themselves felt, to appeal to purely human criteria, forgetting the sage counsel of Saint Paul (cf. 1 Cor 6:7–8). He entreats us: “Be eager to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace” (Eph 4:3). Faith is the centre and the fruit of true ecumenism. 7 Faith itself must first be deepened. Unity is born of constant prayer and the conversion which enables each of us to live in accordance with the truth and in charity (cf. Eph 4:15–16). The Second Vatican Council encouraged this “spiritual ecumenism”, which is the soul of true ecumenism. 8 The situation in the Middle East is itself a pressing summons to holiness of life. The various martyrologies are proof that saints and martyrs of every ecclesial community have been – and certainly remain today – living witnesses of this untrammelled unity in the glorified Christ, a foretaste of our “being gathered together” as a people finally reconciled in him. 9 For 6

Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio, 1. 7 Cf. Benedict XVI, Address to the Participants in the Plenary Meeting of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (27 January 2012): AAS 104 (2012), 109. 8 Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio 8. 9 Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Ut Unum Sint (25 May 1995), 83–84: AAS 87 (1995), 971–972.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE this reason, within the Catholic Church herself we need to consolidate the communion which bears witness to the love of Christ. 12. On the basis of the indications set forth in the Ecumenical Directory, 10 the Catholic faithful can promote spiritual ecumenism in parishes, monasteries and convents, in schools and universities, and in seminaries. Pastors should ensure that the faithful come to see themselves as witnesses of communion in all areas of their lives. Communion in this sense is certainly not confusion. Authentic witness calls for acknowledgment and respect for others, a willingness to dialogue in truth, patience as an expression of love, the simplicity and humility proper to those who realize that they are sinners in the sight of God and their neighbour, a capacity for forgiveness, reconciliation and purification of memory, at both the personal and communal levels. 13. I encourage the efforts of theologians who work tirelessly for unity, and I express my appreciation for the activities of local ecumenical commissions at different levels and of the various communities which pray and work for the goal of unity by promoting friendship and fraternity. In fidelity to the Church’s origins and her living traditions, it is also important that all speak with one voice in addressing the great moral questions dealing with the truth about man, the family, sexuality, bioethics, freedom, justice and peace. 14. An “ecumenism of service”, moreover, already exists in the fields of charity and education between Christians of the different Churches and Ecclesial Communities. The Middle East Council of Churches, to which the Churches of the various Christian traditions in the region belong, offers a promising setting for a dialogue which can develop in love and reciprocal respect. 15. The Second Vatican Council points out that, to be effective, the path of ecumenism should be marked “by prayer above all, by example, by scrupulous fidelity to the ancient traditions of the East, by 10

Cf. Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Directory for the Application of Principles and Norms on Ecumenism (25 March 1993): AAS 85 (1993), 1039–1119.

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BENEDIKT XVI better knowledge of one another, by working together and by an understanding attitude towards persons and things”. 11 It would be most fitting for all to draw closer to Christ himself. Jesus draws into unity those who believe in and love him; he gives them the Spirit of his Father as well as Mary, his Mother (Jn 14:26;16:7 and 19:27). These two gifts, different in level, can be a powerful source of help, one that merits greater attention on the part of all. 16. Our common love for Christ, “who committed no sin; no guile was found on his lips” (1 Pet 2:22) and the “close bonds” 12 which exist between the Catholic Church and the Churches of the East not in full communion with her, are an urgent summons to dialogue and unity. In a number of cases, Catholics are linked to the Churches of the East not in full communion by reason of common religious origins. For a renewed ecumenical pastoral outreach in view of common witness, it is helpful to have a clear understanding of the Council’s openness to a certain communicatio in sacris for the sacraments of Penance, the Eucharist and the Anointing of the Sick; 13 this is not only possible but even to be commended in some situations, in accordance with specific norms and with the approval of the ecclesiastical authorities. 14 Marriages between Catholics and Orthodox are numerous and call for particular ecumenical attention. 15 I encourage Bishops and Eparchs to apply, to the extent possible and wherever they exist, pastoral agreements on the gradual implementation of a joint ecumenical pastoral effort.

11

Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 24. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio, 15. 13 Cf. Id., Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 26–27. 14 Cf. Id., Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio, 15; Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Directory for the Application of Principles and Norms on Ecumenism (25 March 1993): AAS 85 (1993), 1086–1088. 15 Cf. Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Directory for the Application of Principles and Norms on Ecumenism (25 March 1993), 145: AAS 85 (1993), 1092. 12

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE 17. Ecumenical unity does not mean uniformity of traditions and celebrations. To begin with, I am sure that with God’s help agreement can be found for a common translation of the Lord’s Prayer, the Our Father, in the local languages of the region, wherever necessary. 16 By praying together in the same words, Christians will acknowledge their common roots in the one apostolic faith which is the basis of our pursuit of full communion. Engaging together in a deeper study of the Eastern and Latin Fathers, and of our respective spiritual traditions, could prove greatly helpful to this end, in the correct application of the canonical norms regulating this material. 18. I invite the Catholics of the Middle East to cultivate relationships with the faithful of the different Ecclesial Communities present in the region. Various joint initiatives are possible. Common Bible study and a wider diffusion of the Bible could, for example, initiate this process. Particularly fruitful forms of cooperation in the area of charitable activities and the promotion of the values of human life, justice and peace could also be developed or expanded. All this will contribute to greater mutual knowledge and the creation of a climate of esteem; these are indispensable conditions for promoting fraternity.

Interreligious dialogue 19. The Church’s universal nature and vocation require that she engage in dialogue with the members of other religions. In the Middle East this dialogue is based on the spiritual and historical bonds uniting Christians to Jews and Muslims. It is a dialogue which is not primarily dictated by pragmatic political or social considerations, but by underlying theological concerns which have to do with faith. They are grounded in the sacred Scriptures and are clearly defined in the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium and in the Declaration on the Church’s Relation to Non-Christian Religions Nostra Aetate. 17

16

Cf. Propositio 28, in which certain of the initiatives proposed are within the competence of local pastoral authorities, while others, which engage the Catholic Church as a whole, will be studied jointly with the See of Peter. 17 Cf. Propositio 40.

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BENEDIKT XVI Jews, Christians and Muslims alike believe in one God, the Creator of all men and women. May Jews, Christians and Muslims rediscover one of God’s desires, that of the unity and harmony of the human family. May Jews, Christians and Muslims find in other believers brothers and sisters to be respected and loved, and in this way, beginning in their own lands, give the beautiful witness of serenity and concord between the children of Abraham. Rather than being exploited in endless conflicts which are unjustifiable for authentic believers, the acknowledgment of one God – if lived with a pure heart – can make a powerful contribution to peace in the region and to respectful coexistence on the part of its peoples. 20. The bonds uniting Christians and Jews are many and they run deep. They are anchored in a precious common spiritual heritage. There is of course our faith in one God, the Creator, who reveals himself, offers his unending friendship to mankind and out of love desires to redeem us. There is also the Bible, much of which is common to both Jews and Christians. For both, it is the word of God. Our common recourse to sacred Scripture draws us closer to one another. Moreover, Jesus, a son of the Chosen People, was born, lived and died a Jew (cf. Rom 9:4–5). Mary, his Mother, likewise invites us to rediscover the Jewish roots of Christianity. These close bonds are a unique treasure of which Christians are proud and for which they are indebted to the Chosen People. The Jewishness of the Nazarene allows Christians to taste joyfully the world of the Promise and resolutely introduces them into the faith of the Chosen People, making them a part of that People. Yet the person and the deepest identity of Jesus also divide them, for in him Christians recognize the Messiah, the Son of God. 21. Christians ought to become more conscious of the depth of the mystery of the Incarnation in order to love God with all their heart, with all their soul and with all their might (cf. Dt 6:5). Christ, the Son of God, became flesh in a people, a faith tradition and a culture which, if better known, can only enrich the understanding of the Christian faith. Christians have come to this deeper understanding thanks to the death and resurrection of Christ (cf. Lk 24:26). But they must always be aware of and grateful for their roots. For the shoot grafted onto the ancient tree to take (cf. Rom 11:17–18), it needs the sap rising from the roots. 192

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22. Relationships between the two communities of believers bear the marks of history and human passion. Misunderstandings and reciprocal distrust have abounded. Past persecutions, whether surreptitious or violent, are inexcusable and greatly to be deplored. And yet, despite these tragic situations, the interplay between both communities over the centuries proved so fruitful that it contributed to the birth and expansion of the civilization and culture commonly known as Judeo-Christian. It is as if these two worlds, claiming to be different or opposed for various reasons, had decided to unite in offering humanity a noble alloy. This relationship, which both unites and separates Jews and Christians, ought to open both groups to a new sense of responsibility for and with one another.18 For both peoples have received the same blessing and the eternal promises which enable them to advance trustingly towards fraternity. 23. The Catholic Church, in fidelity to the teachings of the Second Vatican Council, looks with esteem to Muslims, who worship God above all by prayer, almsgiving and fasting, revere Jesus as a prophet while not acknowledging his divinity, and honour Mary, his Virgin Mother. We know that the encounter of Islam and Christianity has often taken the form of doctrinal controversy. Sadly, both sides have used doctrinal differences as a pretext for justifying, in the name of religion, acts of intolerance, discrimination, marginalization and even of persecution. 19 24. Despite this fact, Christians live daily alongside Muslims in the Middle East, where their presence is neither recent nor accidental, but has a long history. As an integral part of the Middle East, Christians have developed over the centuries a type of relationship with their surroundings which can prove instructive. They have let themselves be challenged by Muslim devotion and piety, and have continued, in accordance with their means and to the extent possible, to live by and to promote the values of the Gospel in the surrounding culture. The result has been a particular form of symbiosis. It is 18

Cf. Benedict XVI, Address at Hechal Shlomo Center, Jerusalem (12 May 2009): AAS 101 (2009), 522–523; Propositio 41. 19 Cf. Propositio 5.

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BENEDIKT XVI proper, then, to acknowledge the contribution made by Jews, Christians and Muslims in the formation of a rich culture proper to the Middle East. 20 25. The Catholics of the Middle East, the majority of whom are native citizens of their countries, have the duty and right to participate fully in national life, working to build up their country. They should enjoy full citizenship and not be treated as second-class citizens or believers. As in the past when, as pioneers of the Arab Renaissance, they took full part in the cultural, economic and scientific life of the different cultures of the region, so too in our own day they wish to share with Muslims their experiences and to make their specific contribution. It is because of Jesus that Christians are sensitive to the dignity of the human person and to freedom of religion which is its corollary. For love of God and humanity, thus honouring Christ’s two natures, and with eternal life in view, Christians have built schools, hospitals and institutions of every kind where all people are welcomed without discrimination (cf. Mt 25:31ff.). For these reasons, Christians are particularly concerned for the fundamental rights of the human person. It is wrong to claim that these rights are only “Christian” human rights. They are nothing less than the rights demanded by the dignity of each human person and each citizen, whatever his or her origins, religious convictions and political preferences. 26. Religious freedom is the pinnacle of all other freedoms. It is a sacred and inalienable right. It includes on the individual and collective levels the freedom to follow one’s conscience in religious matters and, at the same time, freedom of worship. It includes the freedom to choose the religion which one judges to be true and to manifest one’s beliefs in public. 21

20

Cf. Propositio 42. Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Declaration on Religious Freedom Dignitatis Humanae, 2–8; Benedict XVI, Message for the 2011 World Day of Peace (8 December 2010): AAS 103 (2011), 46–48; Address to Members of the Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Holy See (10 January 2011): AAS 103 (2011), 100–107.

21

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE It must be possible to profess and freely manifest one’s religion and its symbols without endangering one’s life and personal freedom. Religious freedom is rooted in the dignity of the person; it safeguards moral freedom and fosters mutual respect. Jews, with their long experience of often deadly assaults, know full well the benefits of religious freedom. For their part, Muslims share with Christians the conviction that no constraint in religious matters, much less the use of force, is permitted. Such constraint, which can take multiple and insidious forms on the personal and social, cultural, administrative and political levels, is contrary to God’s will. It gives rise to political and religious exploitation, discrimination and violence leading to death. God wants life, not death. He forbids all killing, even of those who kill (cf. Gen 4:15–16; 9:5–6; Ex 20:13). 27. Religious tolerance exists in a number of countries, but it does not have much effect since it remains limited in its field of action. There is a need to move beyond tolerance to religious freedom. Taking this step does not open the door to relativism, as some would maintain. It does not compromise belief, but rather calls for a reconsideration of the relationship between man, religion and God. It is not an attack on the “foundational truths” of belief, since, despite human and religious divergences, a ray of truth shines on all men and women. 22 We know very well that truth, apart from God, does not exist as an autonomous reality. If it did, it would be an idol. The truth cannot unfold except in an otherness open to God, who wishes to reveal his own otherness in and through my human brothers and sisters. Hence it is not fitting to state in an exclusive way: “I possess the truth”. The truth is not possessed by anyone; it is always a gift which calls us to undertake a journey of ever closer assimilation to truth. Truth can only be known and experienced in freedom; for this reason we cannot impose truth on others; truth is disclosed only in an encounter of love. 28. The attention of the whole world is fixed on the Middle East as it seeks its path. May this region demonstrate that coexistence is not 22

Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Declaration on the Church’s Relation to Non-Christian Religions Lumen Gentium, 2.

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BENEDIKT XVI a utopia, and that distrust and prejudice are not a foregone conclusion. Religions can join one another in service to the common good and contribute to the development of each person and the building of society. The Christians of the Middle East have experienced for centuries the dialogue between Islam and Christianity. For them it means the dialogue of and in daily life. They know its rich possibilities and its limitations. They have also experienced the more recent dialogue between Judaism and Christianity. For some time now, bilateral and trilateral dialogues have taken place between Jewish, Muslim and Christian intellectuals or theologians. These offer fruitful opportunities for encounter and the study of various issues, and they ought to be supported. An effective contribution in this regard is made by all those Catholic institutions or centres for the study of philosophy, theology and other disciplines which have long been present in the Middle East, and carry on their activity there in sometimes difficult conditions. I express my appreciation to them and I encourage them to continue their work as peacemakers, in the knowledge that every effort made to overcome ignorance and to promote knowledge deserves to be supported. God willing, the happy union of the dialogue of everyday life and the dialogue of intellectuals or theologians will slowly but surely contribute to improving relations between Jews and Christians, Jews and Muslims and Muslims and Christians. This is my hope and the intention for which I pray.

Two new realities 29. Like the rest of the world, the Middle East is experiencing two opposing trends: secularization, with its occasionally extreme consequences, and a violent fundamentalism claiming to be based on religion. Some Middle Eastern political and religious leaders, whatever their community, tend to look with suspicion upon secularity (laïcité) as something intrinsically atheistic or immoral. It is true that secularity sometimes reduces religion to a purely private concern, seeing personal or family worship as unrelated to daily life, ethics or one’s relationships with others. In its extreme and ideological form, secularity becomes a secularism which denies citizens the right openly to express their religion and claims that only the State can legislate on the public form which religion may take. These theories are not new. Nor are they confined to the West or to be confused with Christianity. 196

ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE A healthy secularity, on the other hand, frees religion from the encumbrance of politics, and allows politics to be enriched by the contribution of religion, while maintaining the necessary distance, clear distinction and indispensable collaboration between the two spheres. No society can develop in a healthy way without embodying a spirit of mutual respect between politics and religion, avoiding the constant temptation either to merge the two or to set them at odds. The basis of a constructive relationship between politics and religion is, first and foremost, human nature – a sound understanding of man – and full respect for inalienable human rights. A sense of this correct relationship should lead to the realization that relations between the spiritual (religious) and the temporal (political) spheres should be marked by a kind of unity in distinction, inasmuch as both are called, while remaining distinct, to cooperate harmoniously in the service of the common good. This kind of healthy secularity ensures that political activity does not manipulate religion, while the practice of religion remains free from a politics of self-interest which at times is barely compatible with, if not downright contrary to, religious belief. For this reason, a healthy secularity, embodying unity in distinction, is necessary and even vital for both spheres. The challenges raised by the relationship of politics and religion can be met patiently and courageously through a sound human and religious formation. Constant emphasis needs to be put on the place of God in personal, family and civic life, and on the proper place of men and women in God’s plan. Above all, greater prayer is required for this intention. 30. Economic and political instability, a readiness on the part of some to manipulate others, and a defective understanding of religion help open the door to religious fundamentalism. This phenomenon afflicts all religious communities, and denies their long-standing tradition of coexistence. It wants to gain power, at times violently, over individual consciences, and over religion itself, for political reasons. I appeal urgently to all Jewish, Christian and Muslim religious leaders in the region to seek, by their example and by their teaching, to do everything in their power to eliminate this menace which indiscriminately and fatally affects believers of all religions. “To use the revealed word, the Sacred Scriptures or the name of God to justify our

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BENEDIKT XVI interests, our easy and convenient policies or our violence, is a very grave fault”. 23

Migrants 31. Life in the Middle East is rich in diversity, but all too frequently restrictive and even violent. This affects all the inhabitants of the region and every aspect of their lives. Christians, who frequently find themselves in a delicate position, feel keenly, at times with weariness and little hope, the negative consequences of these conflicts and uncertainties. They experience frequent humiliation. They know from experience that they are often the victims when trouble breaks out. After taking an active part for centuries in the growth of their respective nations and helping to forge their identity and prosperity, many Christians are now seeking more favourable horizons and places of peace where their families will be able to live a dignified and secure life, and spaces of freedom where they can express their faith openly without fear of various constraints. 24 This is a heart-rending decision. It has a profound impact on individuals, families and Churches. It dismembers nations and contributes to the human, cultural and religious impoverishment of the Middle East. A Middle East without Christians, or with only a few Christians, would no longer be the Middle East, since Christians, together with other believers, are part of the distinctive identity of the region. All are responsible before God for one another. Thus it is important that politicians and religious leaders appreciate this and avoid those policies or partisan strategies which would result in a monochromatic Middle East that would be completely unreflective of its rich human and historic reality.

23

Benedict XVI, Address to Members of the Government, Representatives of the Institutions of the Republic, the Diplomatic Corps and Representatives of the Principal Religions (Cotonou, 19 November 2011): AAS 103 (2011), 820. 24 Cf. Benedict XVI, Message for the 2006 World Day of Migrants and Refugees (18 October 2005): AAS 97 (2005), 981–983; Message for the 2008 World Day of Migrants and Refugees (18 October 2007): AAS 99 (2007), 1065–1067; Message for the 2012 World Day of Migrants and Refugees (21 September 2011): AAS 103 (2011), 763–766.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE 32. The Pastors of the Eastern Catholic Churches sui iuris realize with regret and concern that the numbers of their faithful are dwindling in the traditional Patriarchal territories, and for some time now they have had to develop a plan of pastoral care for emigrants.25 I am certain that they are doing all in their power to exhort the faithful to continue to hope, not to leave their homelands and not to sell their possessions. 26 I ask them to continue to show affection for their priests and faithful in the diaspora, and I encourage them to stay in close contact with their families and Churches and above all to remain steadfast in their faith in God through their religious identity, built as it is upon venerable spiritual traditions. 27 By preserving this closeness to God and to their respective Churches, and by cultivating a deep love of their Latin brothers and sisters, they will greatly benefit the entire Catholic Church. I also exhort the Church’s Pastors in those places where Eastern Catholics have settled to welcome them with charity and fraternal esteem, to facilitate the bonds of communion between emigrants and their Churches of origin, and to enable them to celebrate in accordance with their own traditions and, wherever possible, to develop pastoral and parish activities. 28 33. The Latin Church in the Middle East, which has also seen a dramatic decline in the number of its faithful, operates in different circumstances and has to deal with a variety of new pastoral challenges. In countries with strong economies, her Pastors have to respond to a massive influx of workers coming from Africa, the Far East and the Indian sub-continent. These groups, comprising many single men and women or entire families, face insecurity on two fronts. They are aliens in the country where they work, and they frequently experience discrimination and injustice. God has a special concern for the foreigner, who thus deserves respect. The way we treat

25

Cf. Propositio 11. Cf. Propositiones 6 and 10. 27 Cf. Propositio 12. 28 Cf. Propositio 15. 26

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BENEDIKT XVI strangers will be taken into account at the Last Judgement (cf. Mt 25:35, 43). 29 34. These persons, downtrodden, at the mercy of others and unable to defend themselves, bound by contracts which are more or less limited, or even legal, are often the victims of violations of local laws and international conventions. They also face powerful pressure and grave religious restrictions. The task of their Pastors is both necessary and delicate. I encourage all the Catholic faithful and all priests, to whatever Church they belong, to manifest sincere communion and pastoral cooperation with the local Bishop, and I ask the Bishops to show paternal understanding towards all the Eastern faithful. It is by working together and above all by speaking with one voice that, in situations like these, all will be able to live and celebrate their faith, enriched by the diversity of spiritual traditions and remaining in contact with their Christian communities of origin. I also invite the leaders of those countries which receive these new groups to respect and defend their rights, and to allow them freely to express their faith by promoting religious freedom and the construction of places of worship. Religious freedom “could become the subject of dialogue between Christians and Muslims, a dialogue whose urgency and usefulness was reiterated by the Synod Fathers”. 30 35. Some Catholics born in the Middle East, whether out of necessity, weariness or despair, make the dramatic decision to abandon the land of their ancestors, their family and their believing community. Others, full of hope, choose to remain in their country and community. I encourage the latter to reaffirm their praiseworthy commitment and to remain firm in the faith. Other Catholics decide on a course at least as heartrending as that of their brothers and sisters in the Middle East who emigrate; fleeing from unsure prospects in the

29

Cf. Propositio 14. Benedict XVI, Homily at the Closing Mass of the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East (24 October 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 815. 30

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE hope of building a better future, they choose to come to the countries of the region in order to live and work. Native and immigrant Catholics together constitute the current reality of Catholicism in the region. 36. As Pastor of the universal Church, I wish to say a word to all the Catholics of the region, whether native or recently arrived, realizing that in recent years their proportionate numbers have come closer together: for God there is only one people and for believers only one faith! Strive to live in unity and respect, and in fraternal communion with one another in mutual love and esteem, so as to be credible witnesses to your faith in the death and resurrection of Christ! God will hear your prayer, he will bless your way of life and give you his Spirit to enable you to bear the burden of the day. For “where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom” (2 Cor 3:17). To Christians who were experiencing similar situations Saint Peter wrote the following words of exhortation which I willingly address to you: “Now who is there to harm you, if you are zealous for what is right? … Have no fear of them, nor be troubled, but in your hearts reverence Christ the Lord. Always be prepared to make a defence to anyone who calls you to account for the hope that is in you” (1 Pet 3:13–15). PART TWO

“The company of those who believed were of one heart and one soul” (Acts 4:32) 37. The outward aspect of the nascent Christian community was described in terms of spiritual qualities which express the Church’s koinonia: those who believed were of one heart and one soul. This phrase conveys the profound meaning of giving witness, which is the reflection of an interior life both personal and communitarian. By letting itself be inwardly knit together by divine grace, each particular Church can experience anew the beauty of the first community of believers which was united in that faith moved by charity that visibly characterizes the disciples of Christ (cf. Jn 13:35). Koinonia brings consistency and coherence to witness, and demands constant conversion. Conversion for its part brings communion to perfection and in turn consolidates witness. “Without communion there can be no witness: the life of communion is truly the 201

BENEDIKT XVI great witness.” 31 Communion is a gift to be fully accepted by all and a reality to be constantly built up anew. I invite all the members of the Churches present in the Middle East, each in accordance with his or her vocation, to consolidate communion, humbly and prayerfully, so that the unity for which Christ prayed may be realized (cf. Jn 17:21). 38. The Catholic notion of the Church looks to the communion which exists between the universal and the particular. There is a relationship of mutual interiority between the universal Church and the particular Churches, and this identifies and makes concrete the Church’s catholicity. The presence of the whole in each of the parts gives each part an inner impulse towards universality, an impulse that in one sense is manifested in the missionary impulse of each of the Churches and, in another sense, in the sincere recognition of the goodness of the other parts, which includes acting in harmonious cooperation with them. The universal Church is a reality which precedes the particular Churches, which are born in and through the universal Church. 32 This truth is faithfully reflected in Catholic teaching, especially that of the Second Vatican Council. 33 It leads to an understanding of the hierarchical dimension of ecclesial communion and allows the rich and legitimate diversity of the particular Churches constantly to develop within that unity in which particular gifts can become an authentic source of enrichment for the universality of the Church. A renewed and lived awareness of these basic principles of ecclesiology

31

Benedict XVI, Homily at the Opening Mass of the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East (10 October 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 805. 32 Cf. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Letter to the Bishops of the Catholic Church on Certain Aspects of the Church Understood as Communion Communionis Notio, (28 May 1992), 9: AAS 85 (1993), 843–844, especially the statement in the first paragraph: “‘The universal Church cannot be conceived as the sum of the particular Churches or as a federation of particular Churches.’ It is not the result of the communion of the Churches but, in its essential mystery, it is a reality ontologically and temporally prior to every individual particular Church.” 33 Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, 23.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE will allow for a rediscovery of the distinctiveness and richness of Catholic identity in the lands of the East.

Patriarchs 39. As Fathers and Heads of Churches sui iuris, the Patriarchs are visible points of reference and watchful guardians of communion. By nature and mission, they are men of communion, charged with tending the flock of God (cf. 1 Pet 5:1–4), and servants of ecclesial unity. They exercise a ministry which works through charity lived authentically at all levels: between the Patriarchs themselves and between each Patriarch and the Bishops, priests, consecrated persons and lay faithful under his jurisdiction. 40. Patriarchs, whose indefectible union with the Bishop of Rome is rooted in the ecclesiastica communion, which they request from the Pope following their canonical election, show by this special bond the Church’s universality and unity. 34 Their care extends to all the disciples of Jesus Christ living in the patriarchal territory. As a sign of communion in the service of witness, they should strive to strengthen union and solidarity within the Council of Catholic Patriarchs of the Middle East and the various patriarchal Synods, and recognize the need to consult one another in matters of great importance for the Church prior to taking a unified collegial action. For the credibility of their witness, Patriarchs should seek righteousness, godliness, faith, love, steadfastness and gentleness (cf. 1 Tim 6:11), and adopt a sober manner of life in imitation of Christ, who became poor so that by his poverty we might become rich (cf. 2 Cor 8:9). They should also take care to promote concrete solidarity among the ecclesiastical jurisdictions through careful management of personnel and the Church’s resources. This is part of their duties. 35 Following the example of Jesus, who passed through towns and villages in the fulfilment of his mission (cf. Mk 9:35), Patriarchs are to be zealous in making the required pastoral visitations. 36 They ought to do so not only as a means of exercising their right and duty 34

Cf. Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, Canon 76, §1 and §2; Canon 92, §1 and §2. 35 Cf. ibid., Canon 97. 36 Cf. ibid., Canon 83, §1.

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BENEDIKT XVI of vigilance, but also as a practical sign of fraternal and paternal charity towards the Bishops, priests and lay faithful, and especially towards the poor, the sick and the outcast, and those who suffer spiritually.

Bishops 41. By virtue of his ordination, a Bishop becomes both a member of the College of Bishops and the pastor of a local community through his ministry of teaching, preaching and governance. With the Patriarchs, Bishops are visible signs of the unity in diversity which is proper to the Church as the Body whose Head is Christ (cf. Eph 4:12–15). They were the first to be freely chosen and sent forth to make disciples of all nations, teaching them to observe all that the risen Lord commanded (cf. Mt 28:19–20). 37 Hence it is of vital importance that they themselves hear God’s word and treasure it in their hearts. They must proclaim it with courage, defending firmly the integrity and unity of the faith amid the difficult situations which, sadly, are all too common in the Middle East. 42. To promote the life of communion and diakonia, it is important for Bishops to strive constantly for their own personal renewal. This interior vigilance demands “above all a life of prayer, self-denial, sacrifice and listening to others; it also demands an exemplary life as apostles and pastors based on simplicity, poverty and humility; finally it includes a constant concern to defend truth, justice, sound morals and to protect the weak”. 38 The greatly-desired renewal of communities demands that Bishops show pastoral concern for all the baptized, and in a particular way for their closest co-workers, the priests. 39 43. Communion within each local Church is the primary basis of communion between the Churches, which is constantly nourished 37 Cf. John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Pastores Gregis (16 October 2003), 26: AAS 96 (2004), 859–860. 38 Id., Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Une espérance nouvelle pour le Liban (10 May 1997), 60: AAS 89 (1997), 364. 39 Cf. Propositio 22.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE by the word of God and the sacraments, and by other forms of prayer. I encourage Bishops to show concern for all the faithful present in their jurisdiction, regardless of their social condition, nationality or Church of origin. They should shepherd the flock entrusted to them and watch over them, “not domineering over those in [their] charge, but being examples to the flock” (1 Pet 5:3). They should show particular concern for those who do not regularly practise their faith and those who for various reasons no longer practise the faith at all. 40 They should also strive to be Christ’s loving presence among those who do not profess the Christian faith. By so doing, they will promote unity among Christians themselves and solidarity between all men and women created in the image of God (cf. Gen 1:27), the Father from whom all things come and for whom we exist (cf. 1 Cor 8:6). 44. It is the duty of the Bishops to ensure that the temporal goods of the Church are managed wisely, honestly and transparently in accordance with the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches or the Code of Canon Law of the Latin Church. The Synod Fathers called for a serious audit of finances and holdings in order to avoid any possible confusion between personal and Church property. 41 The Apostle Paul calls the servant of God a steward of the mysteries of God: “and it is required of stewards that they be found trustworthy” (1 Cor 4:2). A steward administers property that is not his and which, according to the Apostle, is destined to a higher use, that of the mysteries of God (cf. Mt 19:28–30; 1 Pet 4:10). Such scrupulous and impartial management, called for by the monastic founders – the true pillars of many of the Eastern Churches – should be directed primarily to evangelization and charity. Bishops should see to it that priests, who are their first co-workers, receive a just remuneration so that they will not be distracted by temporal concerns but may devote themselves with dignity to the things of God and to their pastoral mission. Those who help the poor obtain heaven! Saint James insists on the respect due to the poor, their importance and their true place in the community (cf. 1:9–11; 2:1–9). 40 41

Cf. Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, Canon 192, §1. Cf. Propositio 7.

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BENEDIKT XVI The administration of the Church’s goods must therefore become a clear way of proclaiming Jesus’ message of liberation: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord” (Lk 4:18–19). The faithful steward is the one who has understood that the Lord alone is the pearl of great price (cf. Mt 13:45–46); he alone is our true treasure (Mt 6:19–21; 13:44). May every Bishop be a clear example of this to his priests, seminarians and faithful! Moreover, the alienation of Church goods should adhere strictly to the relevant canonical norms and current papal legislation.

Priests, deacons and seminarians 45. By his ordination the priest is configured to Christ and becomes a close collaborator of the Patriarch and Bishop in whose threefold munus he shares. 42 This itself makes him a servant of communion; the fulfilment of this role demands that he remain closely united to Christ and be zealous in charity and works of mercy towards all. Thus he will be able to radiate that holiness to which all the baptized are called. He will teach and encourage the People of God to build up the civilization of evangelical love and unity. To this end he should renew and confirm his flock in the life of faith by wisely passing on God’s word and the Church’s Tradition and teaching, and by celebrating the sacraments. 43 The Eastern traditions are marked by great insight into the practice of spiritual direction. May priests, deacons and consecrated persons avail themselves of this practice and thereby open to the faithful pathways to eternity. 46. Bearing witness to communion also requires a solid theological and spiritual formation which in turn calls for ongoing intellectual and spiritual renewal. Bishops should provide priests and deacons with the means necessary to enable them to deepen their life of faith and thus benefit the faithful, giving them “food in due season” (Ps 42

Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on the Ministry and Life of Priests Presbyterorum Ordinis, 4–6. 43 Cf. Final Message (22 October 2010), 4, 3.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE 145[144]:15). The faithful also rightly expect of them an example of unblemished conduct (cf. Phil 2:14–16). 47. Dear priests, I invite you to rediscover each day the ontological dimension of Holy Orders, which inspires you to live the priesthood as a source of sanctification for the baptized and for the betterment of every man and woman. “Tend the flock of God that is your charge … not for shameful gain, but eagerly” (1 Pet 5:2). Hold in high esteem the practice of living and working together, when possible, as a ministerial team, whatever difficulties this may entail (1 Pet 4:8–10); this will help you to esteem and experience more fully priestly and pastoral communion at the local and universal levels. Dear deacons, in communion with your Bishop and the priests, serve the people of God in exercising your ministry in the specific responsibilities entrusted to you. 48. Priestly celibacy is a priceless gift of God to his Church, one which ought to be received with appreciation in East and West alike, for it represents an ever timely prophetic sign. Mention must also be made of the ministry of married priests, who are an ancient part of the Eastern tradition. I would like to encourage those priests who, along with their families, are called to holiness in the faithful exercise of their ministry and in sometimes difficult living conditions. To all I repeat that the excellence of your priestly life 44 will doubtless raise up new vocations which you are called to cultivate. 49. The calling of the young Samuel (cf. 1 Sam 3:1–19) teaches us that we need competent guides to assist us in discerning the will of the Lord and in responding generously to his call. Hence the flowering of vocations must be supported by a specific pastoral plan. It has to be sustained by prayer in families, parishes, ecclesial movements and educational institutions. Those who answer the Lord’s call need to experience growth in specific centres of formation and be guided by suitable and exemplary formators, who will train them in prayer, communion, witness and missionary awareness. There should be ap-

44

Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on the Ministry and Life of Priests Presbyterorum Ordinis, 11.

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BENEDIKT XVI propriate programmes to deal with the spiritual, intellectual and pastoral aspects of human life, while taking prudent account of differing social contexts, origins and cultural and ecclesial backgrounds. 45 50. Dear seminarians, a reed cannot grow where there is no water (cf. Job 8:11); nor can you be true builders of communion and authentic witnesses of faith without being deeply rooted in Christ, without constant conversion to his word, without love of his Church and selfless love of neighbour. Even today you are being called to live and build communion for the sake of a courageous and blameless witness. The strengthening of God’s People in faith will depend on the quality of your own witness. I ask you to grow in openness to the cultural diversity of your Churches by coming to know other languages and cultures with a view to your future mission. Be open likewise to diversity in the Church and among all Christians, and to interreligious dialogue. A careful reading of my Letter to Seminarians should be of help in this regard. 46

The consecrated life 51. Monasticism in its different forms was born in the Middle East and gave rise to several of the Churches in the region.47 Monks and nuns have devoted their lives to prayer, sanctifying the day and night hours and bringing to their prayers the concerns and needs of the Church and all mankind. May they be a constant reminder to everyone of how important prayer is for the life of the Church and of each member of the faithful. May monasteries also be places where the faithful can find guidance in learning to pray! 52. The consecrated life, whether contemplative or apostolic, is a deepening of the consecration received in Baptism. Men and women religious seek to follow Christ more radically through the profession

45 Cf. Congregation for Catholic Education, Ratio Fundamentalis Institutionis Sacerdotalis (19 March 1985), 5–10. 46 Letter to Seminarians, (18 October 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 793–798. 47 Cf. John Paul II, Apostolic Letter Orientale Lumen (2 May 1995): AAS 87 (1995), 745–774.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE of the evangelical counsels of obedience, chastity and poverty. 48 Their unreserved gift of self to the Lord and their disinterested love for every individual are a form of witness to God and a real sign of his love for the world. Lived as a precious gift of the Holy Spirit, the consecrated life is an indispensable support for the Church’s life and pastoral activity. 49 Religious communities will be prophetic signs of communion in their Churches and throughout the world if they are truly grounded in the word of God, fraternal communion and the witness of service (cf. Acts 2:42). In the coenobitic life, each community or monastery is meant to be a privileged setting for union with God and communion with one’s neighbour. It is a place where consecrated persons learn each day to start afresh from Christ 50 in order to be faithful to their mission in prayer and recollection, and to be for all the faithful a sign of the eternal life which has already begun here below (cf. 1 Pet 4:7). 53. I invite all of you who are called in the Middle East to follow Christ in the religious life: let yourselves be seduced by the word of God, as was the prophet Jeremiah, and hold that word in your heart like a consuming fire (cf. Jer 20:7–9). It is the reason for existing, the foundation and the ultimate and objective reference point of your consecration. The word of God is truth. By obeying this word, you purify your souls so as to love one another sincerely as brothers and sisters (cf. 1 Pet 1:22). Whatever the canonical status of your religious institute, always be open to cooperate, in a spirit of communion with the Bishop, in pastoral and missionary activities. The religious life is one of personal devotion to Christ, the Head of the Body (cf. Col 1:18; Eph 4:15) and it reflects the indissoluble bond between Christ 48

Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, 44; Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of Religious Life Perfectae Caritatis, 5; John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Vita Consecrata (25 March 1996), 14; 30: AAS 88 (1996), 387–388; 403–404. 49 Cf. Propositio 26. 50 Cf. Congregation for institutes of consecrated life and for societies of Apostolic Life, Instruction Starting Afresh from Christ: A Renewed Commitment to Consecrated Life in the Third Millennium (19 May 2002): Enchiridion Vaticanum 21, Nos. 372–510.

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BENEDIKT XVI and his Church. Since this is so, support families in their Christian vocation and encourage parishes to be open to the various priestly and religious callings. This will serve to consolidate the life of communion for the sake of witness within the local Church. 51 Never grow tired of responding to the appeals of the men and women of our time, pointing out the right path and the profound meaning of human life. 54. I would like to add a further consideration directed not only to consecrated persons alone, but to all the members of Eastern Catholic Churches. It concerns the evangelical counsels, which are particularly characteristic of the monastic life, a form of religious life which played a decisive role in the origins of numerous Churches sui iuris and continues to do so in their life today. It seems to me that we ought to meditate long and hard on the evangelical counsels: obedience, chastity and poverty, in order to discover anew their beauty, the power of their witness and their pastoral dimension. There can only be inner rebirth of the faithful, the believing community and the whole Church, if each person, according to his or her vocation, makes a determined and unequivocal return to the search for God (quaerere Deum) which helps us to define and live authentically our relationship to God, neighbour and self. This certainly concerns the Churches sui iuris, and the Latin Church as well.

The laity 55. Through Baptism, the lay faithful are fully incorporated into the Body of Christ and associated with the mission of the universal Church. 52 Their participation in the life and internal activities of the Church is the perennial spiritual source enabling them to reach beyond the confines of ecclesial structures. As apostles in the world, 51 Cf. Congregation for Religious and for Secular Institutes, Congregation for Bishops, Directives for the Mutual Relations between Bishops and Religious in the Church Mutuae Relationes (14 May 1978), 52–65: AAS 70 (1978), 500–505. On the role of monks and nuns in the Eastern Catholic Churches, see: Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, Canons 410–572. 52 Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, 30–38; Decree on the Apostolate of Lay People Apostolicam Actuositatem; John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles Laici (30 December 1988): AAS 81 (1989), 393–521.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE they translate the Gospel, the doctrine and social teaching of the Church into concrete actions. 53 Indeed, “Christians as fully-fledged citizens can and must do their part with the spirit of the Beatitudes, becoming builders of peace and apostles of reconciliation to the benefit of all society.” 54 56. Dear lay faithful, since temporal affairs are your proper domain, 55 I encourage you to strengthen the bonds of fraternity and cooperation that unite you with all people of good will in pursuing the common good, sound administration of public funds, freedom of religion and respect for the dignity of each person. Even when the Church’s mission encounters obstacles in environments where the explicit proclamation of the Gospel is hindered or not possible, “maintain good conduct among the Gentiles, so that ... they may see your good deeds and glorify God on the day of visitation” (1 Pet 2:12). Be concerned to give an account of your faith (cf. 1 Pet 3:15) by the consistency of your daily life and your activity. 56 To make your witness truly bear fruit (cf. Mt 7:16, 20), I urge you to overcome divisions and all subjective interpretations of the Christian life. Take care not to separate that life – with its values and its demands – from the life of your family or from life in society, the workplace, the political and cultural spheres, since all the many areas of the lay person’s life fall under God’s plan. 57 I invite you to be bold for the sake of Christ, in the confidence that neither tribulation, nor anguish, nor persecution can separate you from him (cf. Rom 8:35). 57. In the Middle East, lay people have long had fraternal and lasting relationships with the Catholic faithful of the various patriarchal or Latin Churches, and are used to attending one another’s places of 53

Cf. John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Une espérance nouvelle pour le Liban (10 May 1997), 45, 103: AAS 89 (1997), 350–352; 400; Propositio 24. 54 Benedict XVI, Homily for the Closing Mass of the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East (24 October 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 814. 55 Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, 31. 56 Cf. Propositio 30. 57 Cf. John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles Laici (30 December 1988), 57–63: AAS 81 (1989), 506–518.

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BENEDIKT XVI worship, especially when there is need. To this impressive reality, which demonstrates an authentic experience of communion, one must add the fact that within a single territory various ecclesial jurisdictions overlap in a beneficial way. In this particular area, the Church in the Middle East sets an example for other local Churches in the rest of the world. The Middle East is thus, in a certain sense, a laboratory where the future of the Church is already being developed. Exemplary as it is, this experience also needs to be constantly improved and purified, as does the experience acquired locally in the field of ecumenism.

The family 58. The family, a divine institution founded on marriage as willed by the Creator himself (cf. Gen 2:18–24; Mt 19:5), is nowadays exposed to a number of threats. The Christian family in particular is faced more than ever before with the issue of its deepest identity. The essential properties of sacramental marriage – unity and indissolubility (cf. Mt 19:6) – and the Christian model of family, sexuality and love, are in our day, if not called into question, at least misunderstood by some of the faithful. There is a temptation to adopt models contrary to the Gospel, under the influence of a certain contemporary culture that has spread throughout the world. Conjugal love is part of the definitive covenant between God and his people, fully sealed in the sacrifice of the cross. Its character as mutual self-giving, even to the point of martyrdom, is clearly expressed in some of the Eastern Churches, where each spouse receives the other as a “crown” during the marriage ceremony, which is rightly called a “liturgy of coronation”. Conjugal love is not a fleeting event, but the patient project of a lifetime. Called to live a Christ-like love each day, the Christian family is a privileged expression of the Church’s presence and mission in the world. As such, it needs to be accompanied pastorally 58and supported in its problems and difficulties, especially in

58 Cf. Id., Apostolic Exhortation Familiaris Consortio (22 November 1981): AAS 74 (1982), 81–191; Holy See, Charter of the Rights of the Family (22 October 1983), Vatican City, 1983; John Paul II, Letter to Families (2 February 1994): AAS 86 (1994), 868–925; Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, Nos. 209–254.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE places where social, familial and religious bearings tend to grow weak or to be lost. 59 59. Christian families of the Middle East, I invite each of you to be constantly reborn through the power of God’s word and the sacraments, so as to become more fully a domestic Church which is a place of formation in faith and prayer, a seedbed of vocations, the natural school of virtues and ethical values, and the primary living cell of society. Always look to the Holy Family of Nazareth, 60 which had the joy of receiving life and demonstrating its piety by the observance of the Law and the religious practices of the time (cf. Lk 2:22–24, 41). Look to this family which knew anxiety when the child Jesus was lost, as well as the pain of persecution, emigration and hard daily labour (cf. Mt 2:13ff.; Lk 2:41ff.). Help your children to grow in wisdom, in stature and in grace under the watchful eye of God and of men (cf. Lk 2:52); teach them to trust the Father, to imitate Christ, and to let themselves be guided by the Holy Spirit. 60. After these brief reflections on the shared dignity and vocation of man and woman in marriage, my thoughts turn in a particular way towards women in the Middle East. The first creation account shows the essential equality of men and women (cf. Gen 1:27–29). This equality was damaged by the effects of sin (cf. Gen 3:16; Mt 19:4). Overcoming this legacy, the fruit of sin, is the duty of every human person, whether man or woman. 61 I want to assure all women that the Catholic Church, in fidelity to God’s plan, works to advance women’s personal dignity and equality with men in response to the wide variety of forms of discrimination which they experience simply because they are women. 62 Such practices seriously harm the life of communion and witness. They gravely offend not only women but, above all, God the Creator. In recognition of their innate inclination to love and protect human life, and paying tribute to their specific 59

Cf. Propositio 35. Cf. Benedict XVI, Homily at Mass in Nazareth (14 May 2009): AAS 101 (2009), pp. 478–482. 61 Cf. John Paul II, Apostolic Letter Mulieris Dignitatem (15 August 1988), 10: AAS 80 (1988), 1676–1677. 62 Cf. Id., Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles Laici (30 December 1988), 49: AAS 81 (1989), 486–487. 60

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BENEDIKT XVI contribution to education, healthcare, humanitarian work and the apostolic life, I believe that women should play, and be allowed to play, a greater part in public and ecclesial life. 63 In this way they will be able to make their specific contribution to building a more fraternal society and a Church whose beauty is ever more evident in the genuine communion existing among the baptized. 61. In those unfortunate instances where litigation takes place between men and women, especially regarding marital questions, the woman’s voice must also be heard and taken into account with a respect equal to that shown towards the man, in order to put an end to certain injustices. Here there needs to be a more sound and fair implementation of Church law. The Church’s justice must be exemplary at every level and in every field in which it is exercised. It is absolutely vital to ensure that litigation on marital questions does not lead to apostasy. Christians in the region must also have the opportunity to apply their proper law in the area of marriage and in other areas without restriction.

Young people and children 62. I greet with paternal solicitude all the children and young people of the Church in the Middle East. My thoughts turn to the young who are searching for long-term human and Christian direction for their lives. At the same time I think of all those whose youth has been marked by a gradual move away from the Church, leading them to abandon the practice of religion. 63. Dear young people, I encourage you to cultivate a true and lasting friendship with Jesus (cf. Jn 15:13–15) through the power of prayer. The firmer that friendship becomes, the better it will serve as a beacon to protect you from youthful failings (cf. Ps 25:7). Personal prayer is strengthened by frequent recourse to the sacraments, which make possible an authentic encounter with God and with one’s brothers and sisters in the Church. Do not be afraid or ashamed to bear witness to your friendship with Jesus among your family and in 63 Cf. Id., Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Une espérance nouvelle pour le Liban (10 May 1997), 50: AAS 89 (1997), 354–355; Final Message (22 October 2010), 4, 4; Propositio 27.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE public. In doing so, always be respectful towards other believers, Jews and Muslims, with whom you share belief in God, the Creator of heaven and earth, as well as lofty humane and spiritual ideals. Do not be afraid or ashamed to be a Christian. Your relationship with Jesus will help you to cooperate generously with your fellow citizens, whatever their religious affiliation, so as to build the future of your countries on human dignity, which is the source and foundation of freedom, and on equality and on peace in justice. By loving Christ and his Church, you will come to discern wisely those values in modern culture that will bring you fulfilment and those evils that gradually poison your life. Try not to be seduced by materialism and by some social networks whose indiscriminate use can lead to a distortion of genuine human relations. The Church in the Middle East counts greatly on your prayer, enthusiasm, creativity, know-how and deep commitment to serving Christ, the Church, society and especially the other young people of your age. 64 Do not hesitate to take part in every initiative that will help you to strengthen your faith and to respond to the particular call that the Lord addresses to you. Do not hesitate to follow Christ’s call by choosing priestly, religious or missionary life. 64. Dear children, need I remind you that, in your journey with the Lord, particular honour is due to your parents (cf. Ex 20:12; Dt 5:16)? They are your educators in faith. God has entrusted you to them as a marvellous gift, for them to care for your health, your human and Christian education, and your intellectual formation. For their part, parents, teachers and guides, and the public institutions have a duty to respect the rights of children from the moment of their conception. 65 As for you, dear children, learn how to obey God here and now by obeying your parents, as the child Jesus did (cf. Lk 2:51). Learn also to live the Christian life in your families, at school and elsewhere. The Lord does not forget you (cf. Is 49:15). He is always at your side and he wants you to walk with him by being responsible, courageous and kind (cf. Tob 6:2). Bless the Lord God in everything, ask him to guide your steps and to make your paths and

64 65

Cf. Propositio 36. Cf. Propositio 27.

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BENEDIKT XVI plans prosper; always remember his commandments and do not let them fade from your heart (cf. Tob 4:19). 65. Once again I would like to stress the education of children and young people, which is a matter of the utmost importance. The Christian family is the natural setting for children and young people to grow in faith, their first school of catechesis. In these troubled times, educating a child or a young person is not easy. This indispensable task is made all the more complex by the particular socio-political and religious situation of the region. That is why I want to assure parents of my support and my prayers. It is important that children grow up in a united family that lives its faith simply and with conviction. It is important for children and young people to see their parents pray. It is important that they go with them to church, and that they see and understand that their parents love God and wish to know him better. And it is especially important that children and young people see their parents’ charity towards those in need. In this way they will understand that it is good and beautiful to love God; they will enjoy going to church and be proud to do so, for they will have experienced personally that he is the solid rock on which they can build their lives (cf. Mt 7:24–27; Lk 6:48). For those children and young people who do not have this good fortune, my hope is that they will find authentic witnesses on their journey through life, friends who will help them to meet Christ and to discover the joy of following him. PART THREE

“We proclaim ... a crucified Christ ... the power and the wisdom of God” (1 Cor 1:23–24) 66. Christian witness, the primary form of mission, is part of the Church’s deepest vocation, in fidelity to the mandate received from the Lord Jesus: “You shall be my witnesses in Jerusalem and in all Judea and Samaria and to the end of the earth” (Acts 1:8). When she proclaims Christ crucified and risen (cf. Acts 2:23–24), the Church becomes ever more fully what she is already by nature and vocation:

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE the sacrament of communion and reconciliation with God and between men. 66 Communion and witness to Christ are thus two aspects of a single reality: both draw from the same source, the Holy Trinity, and rest on the same foundations: the word of God and the sacraments. 67. The word of God and the sacraments nourish and give authenticity to other acts of divine worship and the devotional practices of popular piety. Progress in the spiritual life entails an increase in charity and leads naturally to witness. Before all else, the Christian is a witness. To be a witness, however, calls not only for a Christian formation which imparts an understanding of the truths of faith, but also for a life in harmony with that faith, a life capable of responding to the expectations and needs of our contemporaries.

The word of God, soul and source of communion and witness 68. “They devoted themselves to the Apostles’ teaching” (Acts 2:42). With these words Saint Luke makes the first community the prototype of the apostolic Church, that is to say, one that is founded on the Apostles chosen by Christ and on their teaching. The Church’s principal mission, which she has received from Christ himself, is to preserve intact the deposit of the apostolic faith (cf. 1 Tim 6:20), the foundation of her unity, while proclaiming this faith to the whole world. The Apostles’ teaching brought out the relationship of the Church to the Scriptures of the first Covenant, which find their fulfilment in the person of Jesus Christ (cf. Lk 24:44–53). 69. Meditation on the mystery of the Church as communion and witness, in the light of the Scriptures, that great book of the Covenant between God and his people (cf. Ex 24:7), guides us to the knowledge of God; it is a “light for our path” (Ps 119 [118]:105), “lest we stumble” (Ps 121: 3). 67 May the Christian faithful, as heirs of this covenant, always seek truth in the whole of the divinely inspired Scriptures (cf. 2 Tim 3:16–17). The Bible is not a historical curio, but 66 Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, 1. 67 Cf. Benedict XVI, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Verbum Domini (30 September 2010), 24: AAS 102 (2010), 704.

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BENEDIKT XVI “the work of the Holy Spirit, through which we can hear the very voice of the Lord and know his presence in history”68 – our human history. 70. The exegetical schools of Alexandria, Antioch, Edessa and Nisibe contributed significantly to the Church’s understanding and dogmatic formulation of the Christian mystery in the fourth and fifth centuries. 69 For this, the whole Church remains indebted to them. The representatives of the various schools of textual interpretation were agreed on the traditional principles of exegesis accepted by the Churches of both East and West. The most important of these principles is the conviction that Jesus Christ incarnates the intrinsic unity of the two Testaments and consequently the unity of God’s saving plan in history (cf. Mt 5:17). The disciples would only come to understand this unity after the resurrection, once Jesus had been glorified (cf. Jn 12:16). A second principle is fidelity to a typological reading of the Bible, whereby certain Old Testament events are seen as a prefiguration (a type and figure) of realities in the new Covenant in Jesus Christ, who is thus the hermeneutical key to the entire Bible (cf. 1 Cor 15:22, 45–47; Heb 8:6–7). The Church’s liturgical and spiritual writings bear witness to the continued validity of these two principles of interpretation, which shape the ecclesial celebration of the word of God and inspire Christian witness. The Second Vatican Council went on to explain that the correct meaning of the sacred texts is found by considering the content and unity of the whole of Scripture, in the light of the living Tradition of the whole Church and the analogy of faith. 70 For a truly ecclesial approach to the Bible, it would be most helpful to read, both individually and in groups, the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Verbum Domini. 71. The Christian presence in the biblical countries of the Middle East is much more than a sociological factor or a mere cultural and economic success story. By rediscovering its original inspiration and 68

Ibid., 19: AAS 102 (2010), 701. Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio, 14. 70 Cf. Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation Dei Verbum, 12. 69

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE following in the footsteps of those first disciples whom Jesus chose to be his companions and whom he sent out to preach (cf. Mk 3:14), the Christian presence will take on new vitality. If the word of God is to be the soul and foundation of the Christian life, the Bible should be readily available within families; this will favour daily reading and meditation on God’s word (lectio divina). Suitable means must be found to establish a genuine biblical apostolate. 72. Modern communications media can prove an excellent means for proclaiming the word of God and promoting reading and meditation on that word. Simple and accessible ways of explaining the Bible will help to dispel prejudices and mistaken ideas about the Bible, which become the source of needless and demeaning controversies. 71 Here it would be wise to explain the necessary distinction between inspiration and revelation, inasmuch as a lack of clarity about these two concepts in the minds of many people leads to a false understanding of the sacred texts, with consequences for the future of interreligious dialogue. The media can also help to disseminate the teachings of the Church’s magisterium. 73. To achieve these goals, it is important to support the means of communication which presently exist and to work for the development of suitable new structures. The training of specialized personnel in this sector, so critical not only in the light of rapid technical advances but also because of its pedagogical and ethical implications, is an increasingly urgent task, especially in view of evangelization. 74. Nonetheless, for all the importance of a wise use of the communications media, the latter can never take the place of meditating on the word of God, personally appropriating its message, and drawing upon it in order to respond to the questions of the faithful. This will lead in turn to a greater familiarity with the Scriptures, a yearning for a deeper spirituality and a greater involvement in the apostolate and in mission. 72 Depending on the particular pastoral conditions of each

71 72

Cf. Propositio 2. Cf. ibid.

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BENEDIKT XVI country in the region, a Year of the Bible could be celebrated and then followed, if appropriate, by an Annual Bible Week. 73

The liturgy and sacramental life 75. Throughout history the liturgy has been an essential element in the spiritual unity and communion of the faithful in the Middle East. Indeed, the liturgy is an outstanding witness to the apostolic Tradition as preserved and developed in the particular traditions of the Churches of East and West. A renewal of liturgical texts and celebrations, where necessary, could enable the faithful to draw more deeply from the liturgical tradition and its biblical, patristic, theological and spiritual riches 74 through their experience of the Mystery to which these give access. Such a renewal must of course be undertaken, to the extent possible, in cooperation with those Churches which are not in full communion, yet are also heirs to the same liturgical traditions. The desired liturgical renewal must be based on the word of God, on the proper tradition of each Church, and upon the new insights of Christian theology and anthropology. It will bear fruit if Christians become convinced that the sacramental life introduces them deeply into the new life in Christ (cf. Rom 6:1–6; 2 Cor 5:17) which is the source of communion and witness. 76. There is a vital link between liturgy – the source and summit of the Church’s life, which grounds the unity of the episcopate and of the universal Church – and the ministry of Peter which preserves this unity. The liturgy expresses this reality primarily in the Eucharist, which is celebrated in union not only with the Bishop, but primarily with the Pope, the order of Bishops, all the clergy and the entire people of God. 77. Through the sacrament of Baptism, administered in the name of the Holy Trinity, we enter into the communion of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, and are configured to Christ in order that we may live a new life (cf. Rom 6:11–14; Col 2:12), a life of faith and conversion (cf. Mk 16:15–16; Acts 2:38). Baptism also incorporates us into Christ’s Body, the Church, the foretaste and first fruits of a 73 74

Cf. Propositio 3. Cf. Propositio 39.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE humanity reconciled in Christ (cf. 2 Cor 5:19). In communion with God, the baptized are called to live here and now in fraternal communion among themselves, while also growing in genuine solidarity with other members of the human family, whatever their race or religion. In this context, efforts should be made to ensure that the sacramental preparation of young people and adults is of sufficient depth and duration. 78. The Catholic Church regards validly conferred Baptism as “a sacramental bond of unity among all who through it have been reborn.” 75 May the day soon come when the Catholic Church and those Churches which are her partners in theological dialogue can reach an ecumenical agreement on the mutual recognition of Baptism, in view of the eventual restoration of full communion in the apostolic faith! To some extent the credibility of the Christian message and witness in the Middle East depends on this. 79. The Eucharist, in which the Church celebrates the great mystery of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ for the salvation of many, is the basis of ecclesial communion and brings it to its fullness. Saint Paul strikingly made the Eucharist a principle of ecclesiology: “Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (1 Cor 10:17). Since Christ’s Church, in carrying out her mission, suffers from the tragedy of divisions and separations, and is concerned lest her members assemble for their own perdition (cf. 1 Cor 11:17–34), she fervently hopes that the day will soon come when all Christians will at last be able to receive communion together from one bread, in the unity of one body. 80. In celebrating the Eucharist, the Church also constantly experiences the communion of her members in their daily witness in society, which is an essential dimension of Christian hope. As she calls to mind the entire economy of salvation, from the incarnation to the parousia, the Church becomes ever more conscious of the intrinsic unity between eschatological hope and commitment in the world. This notion could be given greater consideration in an age like our 75

Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio, 22.

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BENEDIKT XVI own, when the eschatological dimension of the faith has been attenuated and the Christian sense of history moving towards fulfilment in God has yielded to earthbound perspectives and projects. As pilgrims journeying towards God, following in the footsteps of countless monks, nuns and hermits who devoted their lives to seeking the Absolute, the Christians of the Middle East will find in the Eucharist the strength and the light needed to bear witness to the Gospel, even when, as often happens, this involves going against the grain and encountering countless obstacles. They will draw strength from the intercession of the righteous, the saints, the martyrs and confessors, and all those who were pleasing to the Lord, as our liturgies in both East and West proclaim. 81. The sacrament of Penance and Reconciliation is an invitation to conversion of heart; 76 together with the Synod Fathers, I express my hope for a renewed appreciation and practice of this sacrament among the faithful. Christ clearly tells us: “Before offering your gift at the altar … go first to be reconciled with your brother” (Mt 5:23– 24). Sacramental conversion is a gift which demands to be more widely accepted and used. The sacrament of Penance and Reconciliation certainly remits sins, but it also grants healing. More frequent confession will surely help to form consciences and foster reconciliation, thus dispelling various forms of fear and combating violence. God alone is the source of authentic peace (cf. Jn 14:27). With this in mind, I urge Pastors and the faithful entrusted to their care to work constantly to purify individual and collective memories, dispelling prejudices through mutual acceptance and through cooperation with people of good will. I also urge them to promote every initiative of peace and reconciliation, even amid situations of persecution, and in this way to become true disciples of Christ in the spirit of the Beatitudes (cf. Mt 5:3–12). It is only fitting that the “good conduct” of Christians (cf. 1 Pet 3:16), by serving as an example, should become a leaven in society (cf. Lk 13:20–21), for it has its source in Christ, who calls all to perfection (cf. Mt 5:48; Jas 1:4; 1 Pet 1:16).

76

Cf. Propositio 37.

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Prayer and pilgrimages 82. The Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East forcefully emphasized the need for prayer in the life of the Church; through prayer the Church allows herself to be transformed by her Lord, and each member of the faithful allows Christ to live within him or her (cf. Gal 2:20). As Jesus himself showed when he withdrew to pray at decisive moments in his life, the effectiveness of the mission of preaching the Gospel, and thus of Christian witness, has its source in prayer. Through openness to the working of God’s Spirit, believers, by their personal and communal prayer, enable the riches of love and the light of hope within them to break through to the world (cf. Rom 5:5). May the desire for prayer grow among the Pastors of the People of God and among the faithful, so that their contemplation of the face of Christ may increasingly inspire their witness and their actions! Jesus taught his disciples to pray unceasingly and not to be discouraged (cf. Lk 18:1). Situations of human suffering caused by selfishness, injustice or the thirst for power can lead to weariness and discouragement. That is why Jesus tells us to pray constantly. Prayer is the true “tent of meeting” (cf. Ex 40:34), the privileged place of communion between God and man. Let us not forget the meaning of the name of the Child whose birth was proclaimed by Isaiah and who brings salvation: Emmanuel, “Godwith-us” (cf. Is 7:14; Mt 1:23). Jesus is our Emmanuel, the true God in our midst. Let us fervently call upon him! 83. As the land of biblical revelation, the Middle East soon became a major goal of pilgrimage for many Christians throughout world, who came to be strengthened in faith and to have a profoundly spiritual experience. Theirs was a penitential journey which expressed an authentic thirst for God. Today’s pilgrimages to the lands of the Bible need to recover this primordial insight. Marked by a spirit of penitence aimed at conversion and by the desire to seek God, and walking in the earthly footsteps of Christ and the apostles, pilgrimages to the holy and apostolic places, if undertaken with intense faith, can become an authentic path of discipleship (sequela Christi). They also provide the faithful with a powerful visual experience of the richness of biblical history, which evokes before their eyes the great moments of God’s saving plan. It is fitting that pilgrimages to the biblical sites should be complemented by pilgrimages to the shrines of the martyrs 223

BENEDIKT XVI and saints in whom the Church venerates Christ, the wellspring of their martyrdom and their holiness. 84. Certainly the Church lives in vigilant and confident expectation of the final coming of her Spouse (cf. Mt 25:1–3). With her Lord, she knows that true worship is offered in spirit and in truth, and not restricted to a sacred place, whatever its religious and symbolic importance in the minds and hearts of believers (cf. Jn 4:21–23). Nonetheless, the Church as a whole, and each of the baptized, legitimately feels the need of a return to the sources. In those places where the events of our salvation unfolded, each pilgrim can undertake a path of conversion to the Lord and find renewed enthusiasm. It is my hope that the faithful of the Middle East can themselves become pilgrims to these sites made holy by the Lord, and enjoy free and unrestricted access to the holy places. Pilgrimages to these sites can also be an opportunity for other Christians to discover the liturgical and spiritual treasures of the Eastern Churches. In this way they can help support and encourage the Christian communities in their steadfast and valiant efforts to remain in these blessed lands.

Evangelization and charity: the Church’s mission 85. Passing down the Christian faith is an essential mission for the Church. To respond more effectively to the challenges of today’s world, I have called the entire Church to a new evangelization. If this is to bear fruit, it must be completely centred on faith in Jesus Christ. Saint Paul exclaimed: “Woe to me if I do not preach the gospel!” (cf. 1 Cor 9:16). In troubled and uncertain times, this new evangelization seeks to make all the members of the faithful conscious that the witness of their lives 77 makes their words all the more compelling when they speak of God openly and courageously in proclaiming the Good News of salvation. The Catholic Church in the Middle East is summoned, along with the universal Church, to take an active part in this evangelization, carefully discerning today’s cultural and social context and acknowledging both its possibilities and its limits. Above all else, this is a summons to a new self-evangelization through an en-

77

Cf. Benedict XVI, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Verbum Domini (30 September 2010), 97: AAS 102 (2010), 767–768.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE counter with Christ, a summons directed to every ecclesial community and each of her members. As Pope Paul VI put it: “The person who has been evangelized goes on to evangelize others. Here lies the test of truth, the touchstone of evangelization: it is unthinkable that a person should accept the word and give himself to the Kingdom without becoming a person who bears witness to it and proclaims it in his turn”. 78 86. It is important to come to a deeper appreciation of the theological and pastoral significance of this evangelization, for this will help us to “share the inestimable gift which God has wished to give us, making us sharers in his own life”. 79 This reflection should be open to the ecumenical and interreligious dimensions inherent in the specific vocation and mission of the Catholic Church in the Middle East. 87. For a number of years now, ecclesial movements and new communities have been present in the Middle East. They are a gift of the Spirit for our times. While the Spirit is not to be quenched (cf. 1 Th 5:19), each individual and every community is called to put their charisms at the service of the common good (cf. 1 Cor 12:7). The Catholic Church in the Middle East rejoices in the witness of faith and fraternal communion given by these communities, which embrace Christians from a number of Churches without confusion or proselytism. I encourage the members of these movements and communities to be builders of communion and witnesses of the peace which comes from God, in union with the Bishop of the place and following his pastoral directives, and with due regard for the history, liturgy, spirituality and culture of the local Church. 80 In this way they will show their generous and heartfelt desire to be at the service of the local Church and the universal Church. Lastly, their successful integration will serve as a sign of communion in diversity and contribute to the new evangelization.

78 Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Nuntiandi (8 December 1975), 24: AAS 68 (1976), 21. 79 Benedict XVI, Apostolic Letter issued Motu Proprio Ubicumque et Semper (21 September 2010): AAS 102 (2010), 791. 80 Cf. Propositio 17.

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BENEDIKT XVI 88. As heir to the apostolic outreach which brought the Good News to distant lands, each of the Catholic Churches present in the Middle East is also called to renew its missionary spirit by training and sending forth men and women proud of their faith in Christ crucified and risen, and able to proclaim the Gospel courageously both in the region and throughout the diaspora, and even in other countries around the world. 81 The Year of Faith, which is linked to the new evangelization, if lived with intense conviction, will provide an excellent incentive for Churches of the region to evangelize themselves and to consolidate their witness to Christ. To make known the Son of God who died and rose again, the sole Saviour of mankind, is an essential duty of the Church and a grave responsibility for all the baptized. “God desires everyone to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” (cf. 1 Tim 2:4). As she takes up this urgent and demanding task in a culturally and religiously pluralistic context, the Church is aided by the Holy Spirit, the gift of the risen Lord who continues to sustain his disciples, and the treasury of great spiritual traditions which are a sure guide to all who seek God. I encourage each ecclesiastical jurisdiction and all religious institutes and ecclesial movements to develop an authentic missionary spirit which will serve as a sure pledge of spiritual renewal. In carrying out this work, the Catholic Church in the Middle East can count on the support of the universal Church. 89. For many years, the Catholic Church in the Middle East has carried out her mission through a network of educational, social and charitable institutions. She has taken to heart the words of Jesus: “As you did it to one of the least of these my brethren, you did it to me” (Mt 25:40). The proclamation of the Gospel has been accompanied by works of charity, since it is of the very nature of Christian charity to respond to the immediate needs of all, whatever their religion and regardless of factions or ideologies, for the sole purpose of making present on earth God’s love for humanity. 82 Through her witness of

81

Cf. Propositio 34. Cf. Benedict XVI, Encyclical Letter Deus Caritas Est (25 December 2005), 31: AAS 98 (2006), 243–245.

82

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE charity, the Church makes her specific contribution to the life of society and desires to be at the service of that peace which the region needs. 90. Jesus Christ always drew close to those most in need. Inspired by his example, the Church makes every effort to serve children in her maternity clinics and orphanages, as well as the poor, the handicapped, the sick and all those in need, helping them to become part of the community. The Church believes in the inalienable dignity of each human person; she worships God, Creator and Father, by serving his creatures in spiritual or material need. It is because of Jesus, true God and true man, that the Church fulfils a mission of solace which seeks only to reflect God’s love for humanity. Here I wish to express my admiration and gratitude to all those men and women who have consecrated their lives to this noble ideal, and to assure them of God’s blessing. 91. The Middle East is home to many Catholic educational centres, schools, institutes of higher learning and universities. The men and women religious and the lay people who work in them carry out impressive work which I cannot fail to praise and encourage. Alien to every form of proselytism, these Catholic educational institutions open their doors to students of other Churches and other religions. 83 As an invaluable means for ensuring the cultural and intellectual formation of young people, they show in an inspiring way that living together in respect and cooperation is possible in the Middle East, if young people are trained in tolerance and the constant pursuit of human betterment. These institutions are also attentive to the local cultures, which they support by emphasizing the positive elements that they contain. Greater solidarity between parents, students, the universities and the Eparchies and Dioceses, together with the help of credit unions, will ensure access to education for everyone, especially those lacking the necessary resources. The Church asks the var-

83 Cf. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Doctrinal Note on Some Aspects of Evangelization (3 December 2007), 12, n. 49, which deals with proselytism: AAS 100 (2008), 502.

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BENEDIKT XVI ious political authorities to support these institutions, whose activities contribute in a real and effective manner to the common good, to the building up and the future of different nations. 84

Catechesis and Christian formation 92. In his First Letter Saint Peter writes: “Always be prepared to make a defence to anyone who calls you to account for the hope that is in you, yet do it with gentleness and reverence” (3:15). The baptized have received the gift of faith. This inspires the whole of their lives and leads them to defend it with sensitivity and respect for persons, but also with frankness and courage (cf. Acts 4:29ff.). The faithful also need to receive an adequate formation in the celebration of the sacred mysteries, a basic knowledge of revealed doctrine and encouragement in their efforts to put their faith into practice in daily life and activity. This formation is ensured above all by a catechesis which, to the extent possible, should be carried out in a spirit of fraternal cooperation between the different Churches. 93. The liturgy, and above all the celebration of the Eucharist, is a school of faith which leads to witness. The word of God, proclaimed in a way suited to its hearers, should lead the faithful to discover its presence and power for their lives and for the lives of men and women today. The Catechism of the Catholic Church is a necessary and fundamental resource. As I have already mentioned, the study and teaching of the Catechism is to be encouraged, together with a practical introduction to the Church’s social teaching as expressed particularly in the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church and in the great documents of the papal magisterium. 85 The reality of ecclesial life in the Middle East and mutual assistance in carrying out the diakonia of charity will enable this formation to take on an ecumenical dimension, depending on the nature of each place and in agreement with the respective ecclesiastical authorities. 94. Finally, the involvement of Christians in the life of the Church and in civic institutions must be reinforced by a solid spiritual formation. There appears to be a need to assist the faithful, especially 84 85

Cf. Propositio 32. Cf. Propositio 30.

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ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE those of the Eastern traditions and in the light of the history of their respective Churches, to have access to the treasures of the Fathers of the Church and the great masters of the spiritual life. I invite the various Synods and other episcopal bodies to reflect on how this goal can gradually be attained and how a contemporary presentation of patristic theology can complement and enrich the teaching of Scripture. This would enable priests, men and women religious, and seminarians or novices to draw from the treasures found in the writings of the Fathers and the spiritual masters to deepen their own life of faith, and then faithfully hand those treasures down to others. The teachings of the great spiritual masters of East and West, and of the saints – men and women alike – will assist all those who truly seek God. Conclusion 95. “Fear not, little flock!” (Lk 12:32). With these words of Christ, I wish to exhort all the Pastors and Christian faithful in the Middle East courageously to keep alive the flame of divine love both in the Church and in all those places where they live and work. In this way, they will preserve in their integrity the essence and mission of the Church as willed by Christ. Legitimate historical differences will enrich the communion existing among the baptized with the Father and his Son Jesus Christ, whose blood cleanses us from all sin (cf. 1 Jn 1:3, 6–7). At the dawn of Christianity, Saint Peter, Apostle of Jesus Christ, wrote his First Letter to the communities of believers in Asia Minor who were experiencing difficulties. At the beginning of this new millennium, it was beneficial for the Pastors and faithful of the Middle East, and elsewhere, to gather around the Successor of Peter for common prayer and reflection. The demands of the apostolic mission and the complexity of the moment call for prayer and for renewed pastoral enthusiasm. The urgency of the present hour and the injustice of so many tragic situations invite us to reread the First Letter of Peter and to join in bearing witness to Christ who died and rose again. This “togetherness”, this communion willed by our Lord and God, is needed now more than ever. Let us put aside all that could be cause for discontent, however justifiable, in order to concentrate unanimously on the one thing necessary: the goal of uniting the whole of humanity and the entire universe in God’s only Son (cf. Rom 8:29; Eph 1:5, 10). 229

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96. Christ entrusted to Peter the specific mission of feeding his lambs (cf. Jn 21:15–17) and it is upon him that he built his Church (cf. Mt 16:18). As the Successor of Peter, I cannot overlook the trials and sufferings of Christ’s faithful and especially those who live in the Middle East. In a particular way, the Pope continues to be spiritually close to them. That is why, in the name of God, I ask the political and religious authorities of the Middle East not just to relieve these sufferings, but to eliminate the causes which produce them. I ask them to do all in their power to ensure that peace at last prevails. 97. Nor is the Pope unmindful that the Church – the holy city, the heavenly Jerusalem – whose corner stone is Christ (1 Pet 2:4–7) and which he has received the mission to care for on earth, is built on foundations adorned with precious stones of various colours (cf. Rev 21:14, 19–20). The venerable Eastern Churches and the Latin Church are these brilliant jewels, worn down and made smooth by constant worship before “the river of the water of life, bright as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb” (Rev 22:1). 98. So that men and women may see the face of God and his name marked on their foreheads (cf. Rev 22:4), I invite all the Catholic faithful to let the Spirit of God increasingly strengthen their communion, and to live it out in a simple and joyful fraternity. I know that circumstances at times can lead to compromises which threaten to disrupt this human and Christian communion. Unfortunately, these occur all too often and this “lukewarm” spirit is displeasing to God (cf. Rev 3:15–19). The light of Christ (cf. Jn 12:46) is meant to spread to the farthest ends of the earth and to the hearts of all men and women, even where the darkness is deepest (cf. 1 Pet 2:9). If we are to be lamps bearing the one Light (cf. Lk 11:33–36) and witnesses in every circumstance (cf. Mk 16:15–18), it is important to choose the path which leads to life (cf. Mt 7:14) and to leave behind the barren works of darkness (cf. Eph 5:9–14), resolutely casting them off (cf. Rom 13:12ff.). 99. By its witness, may the “brotherhood” of Christians become a leaven in the whole human family (cf. Mt 13:33)! May Christ’s followers in the Middle East, Catholics and other Christians as well, be one in courageously bearing this difficult yet exhilarating witness to 230

ECCLESIA IN MEDIO ORIENTE Christ, and thus receive the crown of life (Rev 2:10b)! May they know the encouragement and support of the Christian world as a whole. May the trials experienced by some of our brothers and sisters (cf. Ps 66 [65]:10; Is 48:10; 1 Pet 1:7) strengthen the fidelity and faith of all! “May grace and peace be multiplied to you… Peace to all of you that are in Christ” (1 Pet 1:2b; 5:14b)! 100. The heart of Mary, Theotókos and Mother of the Church, was pierced (cf. Lk 2:34–35) on account of the “contradiction” brought by her divine Son, that is to say, because of the opposition and hostility to his mission of light which Christ himself had to face, and which the Church, his mystical Body, continues to experience. May Mary, whom the whole Church, in East and West alike, venerates with affection, grant us her maternal assistance. Mary All-Holy, who walked in our midst, will once again present our needs to her divine Son. She offers us her Son. Let us listen to her, for she opens our hearts to hope: “Do whatever he tells you” (Jn 2:5). Given at Beirut, in Lebanon, on 14 September 2012, the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, in the eighth year of my Pontificate. BENEDICTUS PP. XVI

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REFLECTING ON THE SCOPE AND THE AIM OF PRO ORIENTE’S FORUM SYRIACUM. SOME CONSIDERATIONS ARCHBISHOP PAUL NABIL EL-SAYAH BKEREKE/LEBANON

About three weeks ago I received a nice email message from Professor Dietmar informing me about this Study Seminar in which he says: we decided that a “Study Seminar” among the members of the Forum Syriacum, with the help of an expert present in Lebanon and familiar with PRO ORIENTE’s work – should reflect on the scope and aim of the Forum Syriacum, and how best to proceed with it in the midst of the changes, that are taking place in the Middle East and in Ecumenism.

So, the task was clear: A reflection on the SCOPE and AIM of the Forum Syriacum, and where to go from here with that scope and aim taking into account the evolution both on the political as well as the ecumenical scene. lt is really an honor for me to be asked to be part of this great task, and it is also a pleasure because my association with Pro Oriente goes back to the mid-nineties when I was Associate Secretary to the Middle East Council of Churches, and Director of Faith and Unity. Pro Oriente was at the time of course under the Presidency and leadership of the late Dr. Alfred Stirnemann. 1. THE ORIGINAL VISION In order to look at the scope and aim of Pro Oriente, one should, first of all, go back to go back to the original vision devised by His Eminence the late Viennese Cardinal Franz Konig, hoping that one can remain as faithful as possible to the original vision of such a great ecumenist, while trying to evolve with the needs of the Church, as 235

PAUL NABIL EL-SAYAH he did do at the time. Evolution was an integral part of his ecumenical vision. Therefore, what you are proposing to do today, if I may be allowed to say so, is very commendable indeed because it is simply trying to be faithful to his ecclesial spirit. The foundation was established in 1964, within the context of Vatican II, which opened the Catholic Church’s doors to authentic dialogue with other Churches and Church Communities, in the Decree “Unitatis Redintegratio”. That Decree offered a whole new perspective on Ecumenism in the Catholic Church. The scope and aim of the Foundation was to improve relationships between the Roman Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox churches.

This initiative came as a swift, prophetic and adapted response to the call launched by the Decree on Ecumenism, to give due consideration to this special feature of the origin and growth of the Churches of the East, and to the character of the relations which prevailed between them and the Roman See before the separation, and to form for themselves· a correct evaluation of these facts. The careful observation of this will greatly contribute to the dialogue in view. (Unitatis Redintegratio, 14.)

2. HOW HAS IT BEEN REALIZED Many meetings, conversations, study sessions and publications have served this aim in a fruitful way. One of the important and tangible results was the famous Vienna Christological formula that we all know: We believe that our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, is God the Son incarnate e; perfect in his divinity and perfect in his humanity. His divinity was not separated from his humanity for a single moment, not for the twinkling of an eye. His humanity is one with his divinity without commixion, without confusion, without division, without separation. We in our common faith in the one Lord Jesus Christ, regard his mystery inexhaustible and Ineffable and for the human mind never fully comprehendible or expressible.

Through these great efforts in theological ecumenism much progress has been achieved at the level of personal contacts as well as special236

SCOPE AND AIM OF PRO ORIENTE’S FORUM SYRIACUM ized scientific research. Pro Oriente contributed also to better mutual understanding and deeper insights into the different historical traditions of the individual Churches of both the East and of the West, and contribute also to more conscious recognition of the rich common heritage of the Orthodox Church at large. Looking back today, Pro Oriente can render grace and thanksgiving to God, with joy and satisfaction, for the improvement in relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches. 3. THE EVOLUTION IN THE ECUMENICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXTS

Ecumenical work can never be separated from the concrete concerns and problems that the faithful are facing in their daily lives. This is why ecumenical dialogue has to take into consideration the political context. a) The ecumenical context In the late fifties and early sixties, even here in Lebanon, the atmosphere prevailing between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches was one of great suspicion at all levels. On the pastoral level in particular, mixed marriages, for example, were a big issue, praying together at funerals or other church functions was another source of embarrassment and public scandal at times, and even visiting each other’s churches was considered a grave breach of church discipline. I remember our parish priest warning us as young children that we would be excommunicated if we took part in the popular Orthodox procession of Easter Monday etc. … The reason I am mentioning all this is to point out to the difference of context between then and now. The only possible ecumenical endeavor at the time was mainly theological, and Pro Oriente quite understandably limited itself just to that. But since then there was a huge change in the ecumenical relations on the pastoral level. There is no need for me to go into details on the issue. Mixed marriages have become almost a daily occurrence, Metropolitan George Khodr of the Orthodox Diocese of Mount Lebanon tells me that 75% of Eastern Orthodox marriages are mixed marriages with Maronites. Praying together on special occasions is no more an issue, even receiving communion by Catholics participating in Orthodox Masses and vice versa, on some special occasions is happening because of mutual acceptance of the apostolicity and sacramentality of both Churches. Those are some of the 237

PAUL NABIL EL-SAYAH positive changes on the ecumenical scene. In Ecclesia in Medio Oriente the Holy Father described this scene clearly and we will be getting back to it later. b) The political context Unfortunately, one cannot report the same positive evolution on the political scene. In the fifties and sixties relations among the various ethnic and religious communities were generally peaceful. The Christian Presence was much more substantial and perhaps even better accepted. The Christians played a prominent role in the cultural and social development of the region, and Islam was very moderate. There was an economic as well as a social renaissance, in many of the countries of the region. Here is how the Holy Father speaking of the region in the Apostolic Exhortation now: A land especially chosen by God, (which) was the home of Patriarchs and Prophets. It was the glorious setting for the Incarnation of the Messiah… Yet this blessed land and its peoples have tragically experienced human upheavals. How many deaths have there been, how many Jives ravaged by human blindness, how many occasions of fear and humiliation! lt would seem that there is no end to the crime of Cain (cf. Gen 4:6–10 and 1Jn 3:8–15) among the sons of Adam and Eve created in God’s image (cf. Gen 1:27), (No. 8).

He is referring obviously to what has come to be called “Arab Spring”, which, in reality it does not look like a Spring at all, but more like some so of awakening which appears to be more capable of destroying dictatorial regimes than building better ones. The scope of this presentation does not allow the space to go through changes in the West in both ecumenical and political contexts. But one could say that, all and all, the general orientations are similar, positive on the ecumenical but negative, in some ways, on the ethnic and interreligious contexts. 4. THE WAY AHEAD What new suggestions could one offer mission of Pro Oriente to the Churches in the Middle East? The original mission of Pro Oriente was as we said “to improve relationships between the Roman Catholic and the Eastern and Oriental Orthodox churches.” Reading the signs of the times, you added 238

SCOPE AND AIM OF PRO ORIENTE’S FORUM SYRIACUM a new dimension to its vision and mission by reflecting on what you called: “topics of common concern”. Pro Oriente is now engaged in ecumenical dialogue and in the discussion of topics of common concern. Ecumenical dialogue, like any interaction among people, is impacted by the political context, the day to day concerns of those people. What one could propose is to reflect on the ecumenical as well as political questions that are presently on the minds of the people concerned, both Orthodox and Roman Catholic. It would be too ambitious on my part to claim that I could speak on their behalf, but I shall offer some suggestions, first on the ecumenical level and secondly on the political context in the Middle Eastern region. 5. THE ECUMENICAL LEVEL What I wish to propose is mainly a change in scope in two directions: first widening the scope to include, not only theological dialogue, but some reflections on three other ecumenical dimensions: spiritual ecumenism, pastoral ecumenism and ecumenism of service. Second widening of the scope by shifting some of the activities to where the Churches are. There also you will aim at improving relations among the Churches as people of God and not only as a hierarchy or a theological elite. Here I would propose to work with the clergy of both Churches together and with select lay groups and pastoral movements. This work may be better done in cooperation with local ecumenical institutions, and particularly, for the region, the Middle East Council of Churches. When in 1964 Cardinal Konig determined the scope and aim of Pro Oriente he did not mean to exclude any aspect, but the context was simply different. a) Theological ecumenism Sharing results of appropriate theological studies, and engaging in discussions with the priests who will, in turn, instruct their own audiences accordingly is liable to will ensure the reception of those results by clergy at different levels, as well as committed lay faithful. It is vital that Church leadership and theologians bring their people along with them when they are making progress on ecumenical issues.

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PAUL NABIL EL-SAYAH Pro Oriente as an un-official dialogue could perhaps profit from remaining aware of topics discussed in the various official dialogues between the Roman Catholic and both Oriental and Eastern Orthodox Churches done separately, such as synodality and primacy, level of jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome etc. b) Spiritual ecumenism This is referred to as the soul of ecumenism. Reflections on spiritual ecumenism can be done at all levels of the Church, from Church leaders to clergy, to groups of lay faithful, particularly youth groups. Ecumenism is a pilgrimage which should start with personal and communal conversion. Each and every member of the Church should come to see himself or herself as witnesses of communion. They should be willing to engage into dialogue of truth, learn to exercise patience, simplicity and humility proper to Christians who realize they are all sinners in the sight of God and their neighbor. For this they should develop a greater capacity for forgiveness, reconciliation, healing of memory, etc., at the personal as well as communal levels. c) Pastoral ecumenism Engaging together on issues having to do with the day to day parish life, such as mixed marriages, facilitating pastoral agreements, prayers in common, Bible studies, leisure activities together for families and, more particularly, young people. d) Ecumenism of service Cooperation on relief or medical, social or psychological assistance on the local level, visits of the sick and elderly etc. are the most common activities that the Churches could do together at the level of local communities. Local communities could be attentive to their own particular needs which could be different because of differences of circumstances, etc. Such ecumenical activities, spiritual, pastoral ecumenism and ecumenism of service, in accordance with local needs, could be realized on the ground with the help of existing local and regional ecumenical institutions.

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SCOPE AND AIM OF PRO ORIENTE’S FORUM SYRIACUM In all those areas we should always keep in mind the vital importance of ecumenical formation, especially in seminaries and houses of formation. 6. THE POLITICAL LEVEL The Church is living in an environment; she impacts that environment and is affected by it. The main thing is to keep an attitude of openness and readiness to listen. In all Middle Eastern countries, the main stumbling block consists in the fact that the political system does not separate Religion and State. As a result, in practically all the countries of the region, with the exception of Lebanon, Islam is the religion of the state and the Quran the source of legislation. This means, in practical terms, the absence of equality in citizenship for all, independently of their religious affiliation. That equality is vital for the security of Christians and their future. What does the Church have to say to those societies? Especially in the resent situation of conflict and movement for regime change, etc. The Churches have a better chance to be effective and credible when they speak together, especially when they widen the scope of their work to include such issues as justice, peace, human rights, mutual respect, etc. There is no doubt that bringing the people of the region closer is at the basis of the original vision of Pro Oriente. It seems that interfaith relations, under the present circumstances, constitute for the people a greater source of concern than relations among the Churches. Has the time come for Pro Oriente to look into the possibility of building on its success in ecumenical dialogue to help bring the Churches together into Christian Jewish dialogue, and into Christian Muslim dialogue as well? One could tap into the rich tradition of the various Eastern and Oriental Churches, and particularly the Vatican II documents, and more appropriately the more recent “Ecclesia in Medio Oriente” which offers a very rich section on Interfaith Dialogue, paragraphs 19 to 28. Here is how it introduces the theme which could perhaps be part of the future mission of pro Oriente: The Church’s universal nature and vocation require that she engage in dialogue with the members of other religions. In the Middle East this dialogue is based on the spiritual and historical bonds uniting Christians to Jews and Muslims. It is a dialogue which is not primarily dictated by pragmatic political or social

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PAUL NABIL EL-SAYAH considerations, but by underlying theological concerns which have to do with faith. They are grounded in the sacred Scriptures and are clearly defined in the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium and in the Declaration on the Church’s Relation to Non-Christian Religions Nostra Aetate.[17] … (Par 19).

In conclusion, Pro Oriente seems to feel that the time has come for it, after nearly 50 years of service, to have a serious look at where it has come from and what it has achieved. Then to look ahead, read the signs of the times and listen to what the spirit is saying to her about her future mission, taking into account changes in both the ecumenical as well as the political contexts and the present needs of the Churches. It has achieved quite a lot in terms of theological dialogue and feels that it needs to move on. The question is in what direction? The suggestions we are proposing for reflection include a widening of scope, bringing the ecumenical action closer to the people, spiritually, theologically and pastorally. Branching into interfaith dialogue becomes vital for the future presence of Christians in the region. We have to think especially of the dialogue of life, young people living and working toether, and more particularly through education. While preserving the original aim, Pro Oriente hopes that, in this way, it can be closer to the concerns of the people and more effective in the service of the Church and the region as a whole. I wish Pro Oriente all the best in this very noble mission.

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FOURTH PRO ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM F INAL R EPORT TOWARDS A CULTURE OF CO-EXISTENCE IN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND IN INDIA Vienna, November 19 – 22, 2013 1. PRO ORIENTE’s Fourth Colloquium Syriacum was held at the Pallottihaus, Vienna, on November 19–22, 2013. The topic under discussion was ‘Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India’. The subject had been given by HE Mar Gregorios Yuhanna Ibrahim, Syrian Orthodox Metropolitan of Aleppo, one of the the two bishops kidnapped in April 22nd, 2013, and whose fate and whereabouts remains unknown. 2. Messages of support were received from HB Louis Raphael I Sako, Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church, Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, Archbishop of Vienna and Cardinal Kurt Koch, Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity. 3. Speakers came from Syria, Lebanon, India and USA, as well as from different European countries. 4. The theme of the Culture of o-existence in pluralistic societies, focusing on the Middle East and India, is one of very great practical significance as well as being of theoretical importance as well. From the perspective of the Middle East there is the backdrop of three main crises: the continuing Palestinian problem, the US and UK invasion of Iraq and its aftermath, and the current appalling situation in Syria. It might be noted that the theme is 243

FINAL REPORT also of relevance for Europe as it becomes a more and more pluralistic society, though this is not a direct concern of the Colloquium. 5. In the Inauguration session, as well as the opening addresses by the President of PRO ORIENTE, Dr Johann Marte, and by Professor Dietmar Winkler, the participants heard from Dr Wolfgang Danspeckgruber about the work of the Lichtenstein Institute on Self Determination and its cooperation with PRO ORIENTE over the issuing of a joint declaration involving the Patriarchs of the Middle East on the situation of Christians in the Middle East. 6. The discussion focused on five specific areas: a) Aspects of a ‘culture of co-existence’ in the past, under the Abbasides and under the Ottomans. b) Questions of fundamentalism in both India and the Middle East, and the underlying causes behind these two separate phenomena. c) Citizenship and participation in public life, examining, first aspects of the constitution of India with its excellent sections on human rights and religious freedom; and second, looking at the political situation of Lebanon. d) Church-State relations and religious freedom in both India and the Middle East. e) A culture of collaboration in building peace together with the other world religions in the regions 7. Session 1: Aspects of a culture of co-existence. Two positive moments in history were highlighted. The first one was under the Abbasids, with the interaction among intellectuals of the three faiths, Christianity, Judaism and Islam, in ninth-century Baghdad, thanks to their shared interests in philosophy, medicine and the sciences. The intellectual openness of the 9th century continued until about the 13th century, after there was hardening of opinions, and a fossilizing of the anti-Christian polemic, with Ibn Ta’miyya’s writings setting the scene for the following centuries, continuing to the present day. The second positive moment was in the 19th century under the Ottomans, with the involvement of Christians in the Nahda. 244

FINAL REPORT 8. Session 2: Questions of fundamentalism. The phenomenon of Hindu fundamentalism in India provides an instructive parallel to Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East: Both having as their underlying causes socio-political conditions that provide fertile ground for the exploitation of religion in the pursuit of a particular ideology. Perhaps surprisingly Muslim fundamentalism in India is not an import from Saudi Arabia, but is a phenomenon internal to India. The current turmoil in the Middle East has its roots in a series of crises in Islam caused by new situation - Upset of old Sunni/Shia power bases caused by the West in Iraq and the consequence of that. - New situation for world Islam: in the past the majority of Muslims resided in the traditional territories of Dar al Islam, but now, a significant proportion is outside, and a majority is outside the Middle East - Crisis in relationship between religion and politics. An important observation that emerged was that, whereas global Christianity had been created by the West, its legitimacy and the justification for it was provided by the existence of indigenous Middle East Christianity. 9. Session 3: Citizenship and Participation in public life. In the Middle East problems arise with several different terms of concepts familiar to Western democracies. Not only are there several different definitions of citizenship, but the very idea is not a familiar one in Arabic/Islamic political discourse. Similarly ‘secularism’ is seen solely as a term implying opposition to religion, and not as a neutral term. Another concept causing problems is ‘human rights’, which means something different in Islamic discourse from what it does in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is readily highlighted but comparing this Declaration with the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights. The sections on human rights and freedom of religion in the Indian Constitution, by contrast, are the envy of Middle East Christians and it is much to be hoped that they might be consulted by those responsible for drawing up any new constitutions in the Middle East. 245

FINAL REPORT 10. Session 4: Church-State Implication In India, so far the Supreme Court has successfully foiled attempts by state legislature and other bodies to modify the constitution by restricting the rights accorded to minorities. In the present context, however, the all-pervasive presence of corruption in Indian society makes vigilance on the part of minorities all the more necessary, owing to the existence of certain groups wanting to make India either a theocratic state, or a negatively secularist (and anti-religious) state. In the context of the Middle East, it is important to distinguish, under the heading ‘religious liberty’, two separate elements: a) Liberty, or freedom of worship, and b) Liberty, or freedom of conscience. Whereas the former is present in all countries of the Middle East apart from Saudi Arabia, the latter is only present in Lebanon. In fact, in the Middle East context, the use of the term ‘equal rights’ is preferable, since ‘religious freedom’ can be seen as a Western attack on Islam. 11. Session 5: Culture of Collaboration. In India the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of India had provided specific ‘guidelines for inter-religious dialogue’, addressed to all Catholics, and encouraging dialogue at all levels. On the Level of intellectual exchange, it is notable that, after Vatican II, centres for the serious study of Hinduism and of Islam had been developed. In the everyday Dialogue of Life, the Syriac Churches have a particularly important role to play, since they share a number of specifically Indian religious traditions and are not tainted with the brush of past colonialism. In the attempt to build peace together in the Middle East, the Palestinian question will remain a running sore until a just and comprehensive solution is found. It is essential to get behind the slogans on either side to analyse and attempt to redress the underlying hidden factors. And in any specifically Christian contribution to peace building and reconciliation, providing a witness of non-violence is of particular importance.

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FOURTH PRO ORIENTE COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM – PRESS RELEASE 1. PRO ORIENTE’s Fourth Colloquium Syriacum was held at the Pallottihaus, Vienna, on November 19–22, 2013. The topic under discussion was ‘Towards a Culture of Co-Existence in Pluralistic Societies in the Middle East and in India’. The subject has been suggested by HE Mar Gregorios Yuhanna Ibrahim, Syrian Orthodox Metropolitan of Aleppo, one of the two bishops kidnapped on April 22nd, 2013, and whose fate and whereabouts remain unknown. 2. Messages of support were received from HB Louis Raphael I Sako, Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church, Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, Archbishop of Vienna, and Cardinal Kurt Koch, President Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity. 3. Speakers came from Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, the Holy Land and India, as well as from different European countries and the USA. The discussion focused on five specific areas: a) Aspects of a ‘culture of co-existence’ in the past, both positive and negative, under the Abbasids and under the Ottomans. b) Questions of radical politicization of religion leading to extremist ideologies and the promotion of violence in the name of religion in both India and the Middle East, and their underlying causes. c) Citizenship and participation in public life, examining the issue of human rights as mentioned in the UN-Universal Declaration of Human Rights in contrast with a certain Islamic interpretation. Special attention was given to aspects of the Constitutions of India and Lebanon with their pertinent sections on Human Rights, Religious Freedom and Freedom of Conscience. 247

SHORT PRESS RELEASE d) Church-State relations and religious freedom in particular the problem of a different understanding of certain central terms, such as “freedom of religion” and “secular”. e) Promotion of a culture of collaboration in building peace together with the other world religions in these regions. 4. In the light of these discussions a number of recommendations emerged, in particular: a) In the Christian dialogue with other religions, especially with Islam and Hinduism, there is a need to promote the use of a positive language, avoiding the polemics of the past and focusing instead primarily on issues of common concern and shared interests, e.g. in social ethics, anthropology, evolution, ecology. There is a need to give encouragement and support to positive developments at all levels, but especially at the level of everyday life (Dialogue of Life). b) It is important to show solidarity with, and, where appropriate, co-operate with, Muslim groups or individuals who speak out against extremist interpretations of Islamic texts. c) It is important to emphasize that the fact of religious diversity in societies is a source of enrichment and complementarity, and that ‘difference’ does not necessarily imply opposition. d) In the field of education three urgent requirements might be singled out: i. In the West: the incorporation of Eastern Christianity into the general Christian narrative. ii. In the Middle East: promoting a greater awareness of the Christian contribution to the Islamic culture and history, for example in the field of philosophy and science in the 9th century, and in the domain of literature and the Arab renaissance (Nahda) in the 19th century. iii. In India: highlighting in particular the historic importance of the Syriac Christian tradition in India. 5. Living together with citizens belonging to different religions in the Middle East and in India, the participants of the Fourth PRO ORIENTE Colloquium Syriacum affirm their vocation to witness the Gospel of God’s love for all people. They are profoundly concerned with establishing a fraternal society: in living together in solidarity by sharing joy and pain on the way to justice, reconciliation and peace. 248

FOURTH COLLOQUIUM SYRIACUM LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Expert scholars from the Churches of Syriac Tradition:

Mar Basile Georges Casmoussa, Archbishop of Mosul, Karakosh/Iraq (Syrian Catholic Church) Mar Paul Matar, Archbishop of Beirut/Lebanon (Maronite Church) Mar Joseph Powathil, Archbishop, Changanassery/India (Syro-Malabar Church) Mar Kuriakose Theophilose, Metropolitan Prof. Dr., Ernakulam/India, Malankara Syrian Orthodox Theological Seminary, (Malankara Jacobite Syrian Church) Mar Antoine Audo SJ, Bishop of Aleppo/Syria (Chaldean Catholic Church) Mar Awa Royel, Bishop Dr., San Jose/California (Assyrian Church of the East) Fr. Chediath Geevarghese, Prof. Dr., Kattakada/India, St. Mary’s Malankara Catholic Church (Syro-Malankara Catholic Church) Fr. Karukaparambil Cherian, Dr. Secretary of the Ecumenical Commission of the Syro-Malabar Synod, Changanassery/India (Syro-Malabar Church) Fr. Khoshaba Georges, Dr., Archdeacon, London/Great Britain (Ancient Church of the East) Fr. Nelpuraparampil Philip, Dr., Changanassery/India (Director of Ecumenism and Dialogue at the Syro-Malabar Archdiocese of Changanassery) Fr. Toma William, Dr., USA (Assyrian Church of the East) Fr. Varghese Baby, Prof. Dr. Kottayam, Kerala/India (Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church)

External expert scholars:

Brock Sebastian, Prof. Dr., Oxford University/Great Britain 249

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Griffith Sidney, Prof. Dr., The Catholic University of America, Washington DC/USA O’Mahony Anthony, Dr., Heythrop College, University of London/Great Britain Teule Herman, Prof. Dr., Radboud University Nijmegen/Netherlands Traboulsi Berge, Prof. Dr., Haigazian University, Beirut/Lebanon

Observers:

Fr. George Philip, Changanassery/India (Syro-Malabar Church) Fr. Quicke Gabriel, Dr., Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Rome/Vatican

PRO ORIENTE:

Argárate Pablo, Prof. Dr., University of Graz/Austria Augustin Regina, Dr., PRO ORIENTE general secretariat Fr. Bouwen Frans, Jerusalem/Israel Marte Johann, Dr., President Winkler Dietmar W., Prof. Dr., University of Salzburg/Austria, Director of the Pro Oriente Studies of the Syriac Tradition

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