Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania : 'We Never Sleep, We Dream of Farming' [1 ed.] 9789004187603, 9789004184688

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Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania

African Sources for African History Editorial Board

Dmitri van den Bersselaar, University of Liverpool Michel Doortmont, University of Groningen Jan Jansen, University of Leiden Advisory Board Ralph A. Austen, University of Chicago, USA Wim van Binsbergen, Africa Studies Centre Leiden, Netherlands Karin Barber, Africa Studies Centre Birmingham, UK Andreas Eckert, Humboldt University, Berlin, Germany John H. Hanson, Indiana University David Henige, University of Madison, USA Eisei Kurimoto, Osaka University, Japan J. Matthieu Schoffeleers, University of Leiden, Netherlands

VOLUME 11

Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania ‘We Never Sleep, We Dream of Farming’

By

Frank Gunderson

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010

Cover illustration: Bugobogobo by Donald M. Mpanda, 1980. Permission by the artist. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data Gunderson, Frank D. Sukuma labor songs from Western Tanzania : we never sleep, we dream of farming / by Frank Gunderson. p. cm. — (African sources for African history, ISSN 1567-6951 ; v. 11) Texts of labor songs with translation into English, musical transcriptions, and commentary. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18468-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Work songs—Tanzania—History and criticism. 2. Work songs—Tanzania— Texts. 3. Folk songs, Sukuma—Tanzania—History and criticism. 4. Folk songs, Swahili—Tanzania—History and criticism. 5. Sukuma (African people)—Music— History and criticism. I. Title. II. Series. ML3760.G86 2010 782.42’159309678—dc22 2010015729

ISSN 1567-6951 ISBN 978 90 04 18468 8 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS Editors’ Introduction ......................................................................... ix Acknowledgments .............................................................................. xiii List of Illustrations ............................................................................ xv List of Figures and Maps .................................................................. xvii Key to Abbreviations and Symbols ................................................ xix Notes on Orthography, Translation and Transliteration ........... xxi Key to Sukuma Musical Labor Genres .......................................... xxv Village Locator Chart and Area Maps ........................................... xxix Introduction ........................................................................................ Scope of the Project ...................................................................... Organization and Nature of the Collection .............................. From Work Song to Musical Labor ........................................... Sukuma Song Texts as Sources for History .............................. The History of Sukuma Nganda (Clans) ................................... Sukuma Competitive Performance, Music Aesthetics, and Form ............................................................................................

1 1 4 7 13 15 18

I. Songs of the Bayeye (Snake Hunters) and the Banuunguli (Porcupine Hunters) ................................................................

25

II. Songs of the Bayege (Elephant Hunters) ..............................

73

III. Songs of the Baja Nyalaja (Lake Eyasi Salt Caravaners) ...

112

IV. Songs of the Bapagati (Long-Distance Porters) ..................

121

V. Songs of the Balugu (Warriors) and Barugaruga (Mercenaries) ............................................................................

136

VI. Songs of the Askaris (Conscripted Soldiers) ........................

152

VII. Songs of Reciprocal Village Labor .........................................

171

vi

contents

VIII. Songs of the Bagobogobo (‘Skin Wearers’) and Bakomyaluume (‘Dew Steppers’) Competitive Farming Associations .............................................................................

226

IX. Songs of the Bagobogobo in Praise of the Hoe ..................

264

X. Songs of Balimi (Farmers) Concerning Disease, Drought, and Famine .............................................................

300

XI. Songs of Nationalist Praise for TANU, Julius Nyerere, and Uhuru ................................................................................

332

XII. Songs of Political Discourse during the Ujamaa Epoch (1967–1985) .............................................................................

354

XIII. Songs Concerning the War against Idi Amin ....................

395

XIV. Songs of Praise for the CCM since Julius Nyerere’s Presidency (1985–1995) .........................................................

406

XV. Songs of the Basungusungu (Village Vigilante Associations) ............................................................................

435

Concluding Remarks: The Fluidity of Sukuma Musical Labor Genres .............................................................................................

453

Appendices I. Glossary of Sukuma Music-Related Terms ....................... II. Sukuma Aphorisms Related to Music and Labor ............ III. Significant Events in Sukuma History ................................ IV. List of Interviews Cited ......................................................... V. Extended Oral Biographies of Select Commentators .......

455 470 473 476 481

Bibliographic Sources ........................................................................

487

Indices Song Title (First Line) Index ....................................................... Kisukuma Titles ........................................................................ English Titles .............................................................................

497 497 503

contents Singer Index ................................................................................... Teacher and Composer Index ..................................................... Thematic and Topical Keyword Index ...................................... Personal Name Index ................................................................... Geographical Index ....................................................................... Genre Index .................................................................................... Time Period Index ........................................................................ Region Collected Index ................................................................ Collector Index .............................................................................. Recording Index ............................................................................ Author Index ......................................................................................

vii 511 513 514 519 524 526 527 529 530 531 534

EDITORS’ INTRODUCTION Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania is an important collection of song texts which deepens our understanding of labor experiences and labor conditions in nineteenth and twentieth-century East Africa. It will be of great use for the study of the cultural and social dynamics of agriculture and village life, two issues that have been at the focus of development schedules and ideologies by both colonial and postcolonial governments. Gunderson’s collection in the African Sources for African History series proves that the labor song should not be valued only for its musical and literary content, but also as a vital source for social history, in East Africa and beyond (see Vail and White 1991). Frank Gunderson has produced a monumental bilingual text edition in which he covers an entire available body of sources. The publication of this collection of Sukuma labor songs is a complex, but intellectually rewarding way of representing this field of research in a standardized academic format (the genre of the source publication). Apart from dealing with issues of transcription and translation, it required a critical way of standardizing the sources—both field recordings and the sources produced by others—into accessible and readable texts, without losing the unique character of the songs. Next to stamina, it required a sensitivity and understanding of expertise stemming from a wide range of academic disciplines. The editors would like to emphasize the enormous amount of fieldwork and archival work that is at the basis of this project. The Sukuma songs in this book were collected, in written or audio format, from libraries and archives in many locations, and with local experts in different villages. It demands much patience and many hours of interviewing of and discussion with informants, as well as with interpreters, to grasp the meanings and functions of particular songs. The riches of the comments Frank Gunderson was able to add to his song texts stem from this intensive field work, and could not have been possible without it. Most of the songs in this volume come from Gunderson’s personal ethnographic collection, spanning nearly twenty years of active research and recording in the Sukuma region (1988–2006).

x

editors’ introduction

Gunderson should be lauded for the fact that all of these recordings have been made available at the Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music (IUATM), in Bloomington, Indiana.1 Gunderson’s personal collection is not the only basis for this publication. In this volume all the known Sukuma language song texts dealing with labor are covered. This includes all the classical material (such as Molitor 1913; Velten 1901), as well as unpublished recent and older material (Bischoff et al. 1996; Gibbe n.d.), archival material (from the famous Hans Cory Collection, collected from the 1920s to the 1950s), and thesis material usually only available in the university where the thesis was defended (for instance Makoye 2000; Mkongola n.d.). The format used by the African Sources for African History publication series does not allow for the use of underlining, bold typeface, and the use of different fonts. For the sake of readability Gunderson solved this problem elegantly by writing all Sukuma transcriptions in italics. We support his choice to transcribe Sukuma texts in an up-to-date orthography, which meant—in particular for the ‘classical’ material— that previous transcriptions had to be corrected. The author explains in footnotes to what extent and why. In songs where Sukuma and Swahili were mixed, the use of italics for Sukuma makes the texts accessible. In singing and dancing there is a lot of ‘embodied knowledge’, a category of knowledge difficult to assess because it is ‘non-propositional’— it cannot be talked about. Moreover, it is a category of knowledge not often referred to in collections of historical sources. This volume’s rich descriptions, meticulous translations, and the scholarly annotations guarantee an impressive compensation for any alleged reduction to ‘only’ text: when studying Gunderson’s work the reader may experience that a labor song is indeed more than a text, in spite of its representation as such. Through these songs and this treatment, a reader gains intimate access not only to the historical events in the region, but can also come to a more intimate knowledge of the Sukuma people and their lives, their sense of humor, their struggles, their sense of competition, their desires and their dreams.

1 All songs from Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania have been deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music at Indiana University. Many of the personal recordings by the author can currently be viewed and heard without charge via online streaming media, see Ethnomusicological Video for Instruction and Analysis Video Archive (EVIADA) Online Public Access Video Deposition. 1994–1995 Sukuma, Tanzania fieldwork hi-8 video collection—http://www.eviada.org

editors’ introduction

xi

In the 1980s and 1990s collective labor was often studied from an economic and social perspective. In the aftermath of neo-Marxists’ analysis of African modes of production, collective labor was defined as a form of communal labor, used on poorer soils that could not be cultivated intensely. After reading Gunderson’s work, it will be clear that this economic approach overlooks a—probably more important— cultural factor: collective labor is that kind of labor during which a particular genre was sung: the labor song. Songs without sound, dances without motion: Frank Gunderson accepted a big challenge by publishing a vast body of Sukuma labor songs in a book format. Through his systematic collecting of Sukuma labor songs, Gunderson not only saved much material from disappearing, which is the sad fate of much African intangible heritage. More important is that he made accessible a vast amount of data on Sukuma social history, and, by ‘voicing’ a genre and its performers, enriched this history. The primary point of interest, however, is Gunderson’s particular method of treatment of the songs. In this project, he couples his own interpretative reading to a substantial amount of analysis from the people of Sukuma themselves, enhancing the African perspective on both source material and its uses and meaning. Dmitri van den Bersselaar Michel Doortmont Jan Jansen

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank to thank the following for their friendship, hospitality, collaboration, support, and helpful critique during the research, compilation and writing of this volume. First, I wish to extend my most heartfelt thanks to Nelson Gaspar Suluja for all his work and his patience for my never-ending queries in the final stages of this project about the song texts and their multivalent translation possibilities. Wabeja, ‘Nzoka Yihenge’. Another exceptional teacher who I have worked with over the years on the fine points of these translations is the folklorist Elias Manandi Songoyi. Wabeja, ‘Ikunza lya Mbisu’. I am grateful for the funding this project has received in its various guises. These include the United States National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the Fulbright-Hays Group Projects Abroad (GPA) award, and the Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) Title VI award. Florida State University provided support from their First Year Faculty grant (FYAP), the Committee of Faculty Research Support (COFRS) grant, the KREBS Faculty Summer Research award, and the One Time Activity (OTA) grant. To my professional colleagues and teachers across several disciplines, I owe the greatest thanks to Lois Anderson, Gage Averill, Gregory Barz, Aimée Bessire, James Ellison, John Hanson, Jean Kidula, Ted Levin, Lester Monts, Daniel Reed, Terry Setter, Kay Kaufman Shelemay, Mark Slobin, Ruth Stone, Charlie Teske, and Christopher Waterman. I am thankful to my colleagues and students at Florida State University. Those deserving special mention include those in the College of Music: Michael Bakan, Charles Brewer, Jeffery Kite-Powell, Ben Koen, Dale Olsen, Douglass Seaton, and Denise Von Glahn. I am also thankful to the Dean of the FSU College of Music Don Gibson, who supported this project from its inception, and to music theorist Jane Clendinning, who provided valuable feedback throughout. I would also like to extend thanks to my colleagues in African studies at FSU, Joseph Hellweg, and Heike Schmidt. My graduate assistants and students deserve special praise for their hard work, critical evaluation, and inspiration, especially Lisa Beckley-Roberts, Jillian Bracken, Sara Black-Brown, Elizabeth Clendinning, Robbie Fry, Trevor Harvey,

xiv

acknowledgements

Peter Hoesing, Damascus Kafumbe, Jason McCoy, Mathew Morin, and Bret Woods. To my East African friends and family, I offer my warmest ahsanteni. Special thanks go to my mother Neema Khalif, auntie Fatuma, my sisters Leila, Fozia and Hebo, brother Ramso, auntie Noor Mbakile, Jervase Keverenge, Daniel and Angela Massanja, Primus and Rita Mtenga, Renatus and Dianna Moses, Simon and Suzanna Ndokeji, and Fr. Edward Gorczaty at the Makoko Language School. I am forever grateful to all the project associates who assisted in translations not previously mentioned, to include Betty Kafumbe, Mashaka Juma Kalunde, Joseph Lupande, Paulo Sakiila Lusana, Peter Massesa, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga, and David Pruett. Special recognition is owed to those teachers, friends, and family members who have passed on during the writing of this book: The honorable Paul Bomani, doranne crable, Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo, Ng’ollo Kasonga, Salu Kadelya, Michael Masalu, and my mother, Rebecca Gunderson. Finally, to my wife Leyla Mohamed Meghji, I am most grateful; to find you again was the sweetest of life’s victories! Lastly, I dedicate this book to my sons Max and Damian. FG Tallahassee, Florida January 2010

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Unless noted otherwise, all photographs were taken by the author. 1. Author Frank Gunderson with singer and village oral historian Michael Masalu. Village of Nyamadoke, 13 October 2006 ......................................................................... 2. The singer Salu Kadelya displays wooden ng’hunda cups, dance accoutrements believed to lend power and resonance to the voice. Village of Isangidjo, 21 October 1994 ......................................................................... 3. Drawing of a bunuunguli lead hand drum known as shikiija .......................................................................................... 4. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana in midair performance leap. He is accompanied by the Kujitegemea group in rehearsal. Village of Isangidjo, 15 June 1997 ........ 5. Kisunun’ha Nyumbani in full buganga regalia. Besides various badges and insignia, he is wearing two of his beloved mbogoshi (medicine horns), and carrying a composer’s sing’wanda (flywhisk). Village of Ntulya, 11 December 1994 ..................................................................... 6. The Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani listen to recordings and offer feedback. Village of Ntulya, 20 October 2006 ......................................................................... 7. The buyege drummer and dance leader Njile Kishosha Nyumbani. Village of Ntulya, 21 October 2006 ................... 8. Pius Ngasa Jishosha. City of Dar es Salaam, 23 August 1999 ........................................................................... 9. Sylvester Kema. Village of Makoko, 23 September 2006 .... 10. Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo with kitumba drum used on baja nyaraja journeys. Town of Kisessa, 20 December 1994 ..................................................................... 11. Drawing of the Sukuma caravan leader ‘Pesa Mbili’ seen with trumpet ............................................................................... 12. Wooden shoes (shantalu) used by Sukuma dance associations in the early twentieth century ........................... 13. Bismarck Rock, Lake Victoria-Nyanza. City of Mwanza .... 14. A kadete (one string fiddle) performer encourages and regulates the pace with which the farmers work. Town of Kisessa, 8 January 1994 .............................................................

24

31 47

68

78

82 87 92 103

118 127 155 161

174

xvi

list of illustrations

15. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi. Village of Makoko, 13 October 2006 ...................................... 16. Singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma. Village of Gambos, 12 September 1994 .................................................... 17. Longhorn, or Tarime cattle. Village of Igoma, July 2006 ... 18. Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando. Village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994 ..................................................................... 19. Bugobogobo group of Sambaguli (from left to right): Tagili Ntamanwa, Julius Ntamanwa, Pius Magaka, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Village of Sambaguli, 5 October 2006 ........................................................................... 20. Sagini Kamegayi, early leader of the bagobogobo. 1950s ..... 21. Kalugula Ndaki, early innovator of the bugobogobo dance. 1950s ............................................................................................. 22. Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing a dance routine at the shamba (farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993 ............................................. 23. Elders of the Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing in full dance regalia at the shamba (farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993 ........................ 24. Mwanza-based visual artist Simoni Ndokeji. Town of Kissesa, 23 August 2006 ............................................................ 25. Hand-carved Sukuma hoe, 1930s ............................................ 26. Tagili Ntamanwa demonstrates the hoe-twirling technique of his youth. Village of Sambaguli, September 1995 ........... 27. Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Town of Kisessa, 3 August 1993 ............................................................................. 28. The niingi Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga wears buganga regalia, and performs a song at his home. Village of Seke, 15 January 1995 .......................................................................... 29. Mayunga Ngata. Village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994 ..... 30. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi at her home. Village of Makoko, 12 October 2006 .............. 31. Paul Bomani, late 1950s ............................................................ 32. Kalikali Mbagule rehearsing at Bujora centre, 1970s .......... 33. President Julius Nyerere (right). Date unknown .................. 34. Kang’wina ng’wana Mihumo. Village of Isangidjo, 17 December 1995 .....................................................................

192 196 201

218

233 237 238

247

249 258 267 268 274

286 290 322 335 344 353 360

LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

8.

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

Village locator chart .................................................................. Political map of Tanzania ......................................................... Northwest Tanzania regional map .......................................... Mwanza district map ................................................................. Shinyanga district map .............................................................. Music transcription of common core buyeye rhythm ensemble pattern ........................................................................ Music transcription of Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (‘Little hedgehog, dance with us’) with drum parts and mnemonic referent ............................................................. Music transcription of Komangaga, bug’hunda! (‘Pound, bug’hunda’) drum parts and mnemonic referent ......................................................................................... Music transcription of Ng’wana Wande ................................ Music transcription of Aliselema, alija (‘He is flowing, he is going’) .................................................... Music transcription of Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’) ............................................. Music transcription of Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’) ................................................................ Music transcription of Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’) ..................................................................................... Music transcription of Kanoni kaja (‘The small bird has gone’) ....................................................... Music transcription of Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’) ...................................... Music transcription of Hiiya hee, salenge .............................. Music transcription of common core bukumyaluume rhythm ensemble pattern .......................................................... Music transcription of Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’) ............................................

xxix xxx xxxi xxxi xxxi 33

45

77 119 125 142 148 149 149 160 186 241 273

KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS Throughout this volume an asterix (*) is used in the inline citations to signify oral sources. These sources can be found in Appendix IV. Symbols used in the song texts and in the music transcriptions: (2×) [REPEAT] (C) (R) ___ [?]

2× in parens. Repeat section or verse. Repeat in brackets. Repeat entire section. C in parens. Lead singer’s call. R in parens. Chorus response. Text underline, followed by [?]. Unknown Kisukuma word. [] Text in brackets. Author’s commentary. op Originating pitch (abbreviated). Original pitch found in the recorded performance. For ease of comparison, I have transcribed all songs with pitch content to the key of C. ps Pitch set (abbreviated). Pitches used in the song. MaUnderlined text syllable. Stress on sung text syllable. bpm: ¼ note = 120 Beats per minute. Beats per minute of common note value, for ease of comparison these are expressed as quarter notes.

NOTES ON ORTHOGRAPHY, TRANSLATION AND TRANSLITERATION The Sukuma people reside in a fifty thousand square kilometer region just south of Lake Victoria, Tanzania, constituting roughly twentyfive percent of the population of this nation (Grimes 2008). Materials presented here come from two Bantu language groupings (Kiswahili and Kisukuma), both spoken in the Sukuma region. Kiswahili is the national language of Tanzania, spoken by nearly all Tanzanians. With one or two exceptions, all the musicians and scholars who figure in this work spoke Kiswahili in addition to Kisukuma. Kisukuma is a Bantu language related to Kinyamwesi, a language spoken by a neighboring culture group in central-eastern Tanzania. Both of these languages belong to the same language cluster (Abrahams 1967: 23), but their speakers regard them as separate languages. Within the greater Sukuma region, there are three major dialectical variations, found in the Ntuzu, Shinyanga, and Mwanza areas. The transliteration of Kisukuma into Latin script poses a challenge, in that there are no standardized written conventions. Therefore, I strove for maintaining consistency within the interpretation of particular song texts or specific informant’s interpretations. Furthermore, there is a diversity of pronunciation and use from area to area and clan to clan. For example, the terms heard throughout the Sukuma region for ‘noise’, or ‘commotion’, have a variety of noun class assignations, depending on the dialect area, thus: luyogo, miyogo, or kiyogo. Shinyanga and Ntusu speakers pronounce ‘g’ instead of ‘k’ (what Mwanza dialect speakers use), or when using the plural form of ki- class nouns, they use ji- instead of shi-. Mwanza speakers use the -ga suffix signifying verb tense, whereas Shinyanga speakers use -ja. In cases such as this, the terms and spellings used in the songs were those most often identified by the interview sources who took part in this project. Spoken Kisukuma does not recognize the consonant ‘r’. Where foreign terms or names have been introduced into the language, ‘r’s are pronounced as ‘l’s instead, as in ‘Malia’. I follow this practice in this volume, except in the case of personal names of well-known and

xxii

notes on orthography, translation & transliteration

important political or historical figures, as in Julius Nyerere, where the ‘r’ will remain intact. Kisukuma is a stressed tonal language (see Batibo 1991; Richardson 1959; Yukawa 1989). Syllable tones and stresses shift according to sentence context. A double vowel signifies double stress rather than long pronunciation. A term written as kushoosha, is pronounced as ku-shoh-oh-sha. The application of tonality to the particular set of vocabulary terms that accept tonal assignment will shift according to the term’s syntactical placement in a sentence. Diacritics signifying tone are not present in this work, primarily because they are unnecessary to understand the song texts. As is common in Sukuma sung narratives, rules governing natural language use affect rhythmic stress and syllabic duration of sung texts, and to some degree the contour of the melody. Spoken Kisukuma uses two tones with intervals of a major or minor third apart. Thirds are also the most common intervallic relationship found in Sukuma song. Often in Sukuma song practice, singers will utilize contractions when adjacent words end and begin with vowels. For the sake of clarity, the words will remain separated here. Thus a line sung as ng’om’ililila (‘the ng’oma cried’) will be rendered here as ng’oma ilililia. I will make exception to this with song texts contracted in a previously published text, and I do not have access to any other version, published or recorded. In Kisukuma sung discourse, singers often employ an emphatic indicator in their texts to prove a point, create a sense of drama, provide alliteration, or provide an extra syllable to complete a rhyme sceme. For instance, instead of saying, Nene Washa, nalipanga (‘I Washa, I am arranging’), a composer will quite often add an emphatic vowel (‘u’ here, underlined) for dramatic effect: uNene Washa, nalipanga. Througout this volume, I have retained these emphatics in the Kisukuma song text transcriptions. In both Kisukuma and Kiswahili, personal pronouns do not signify gender, as is the case with English (he or she). As a rule, I translate personal pronouns based on the known gender of the singer or composer. Italics demarcate all Kiswahili and Kisukuma texts in this volume, except in those instances where Kiswahili narratives refer to Kisukuma terms or phrases. I signify these cases with an underline font.

notes on orthography, translation & transliteration

xxiii

A list of common Kisukuma terms used throughout this volume is found in Appendix I. A handful of common Kisukuma terms are difficult to render concisely into English, or their meanings differentiate substantially according to context. These terms, which the reader should become familiar with before reading the book, are as follows: baba: Translated as father. Can refer to one’s father, grandfather, the father of one’s children, one’s husband, any married man, male friend, or any male ancestor or deity. In song performance, this is often a sigh, interjection, or exclamation. in the case of deity, it can mean Lord. buganga: The art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines. bugota: Medicines, medicinal accoutrements, medicinal power. In Kiswahili, this is dawa. mayu: Translated as madame (mother). This can refer to one’s birthmother, grandmother, the mother of one’s children, one’s wife, or any married mother. In song performance, this is often a sigh, interjection, or exclamation. m’biina: Signifies drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event, featuring competitive drumming, dancing, and song. ng’oma: Pan-Bantu term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring drumming and dancing. In Kiswahili, this is ngoma (without an apostrophe, pronounced with a hard ‘g’). ng’wana: Child, child of. Found most often in the context of a personal name, where one differentiates oneself from the parents by referring to themselves or others as ng’wana so-and-so (‘child of so-and-so’). In Kiswahili, and in some archaic written forms of Kisukuma, this is mwana. I do not italicize the term ‘ng’wana’ in translation, as it is a common form of address. niingi: Singer, arranger, composer, poet, singer, music group leader (pl., baliingi). wa ng’wa: literally, ‘of that of ’ or ‘of those of ’. Used throughout this book concerning students and their ‘belonging’ to leaders, thus, Nang’wa, wa ng’wa Mhogota, akabatinda bose (‘Nang’wa, of that of Mhogota, defeated them all’). Welelo: God, fate, destiny, the universe.

KEY TO SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES Throughout this volume, a key conceptual underpinning is genre. This genre key will thus serve as a guide for the readers’ orientation. Music, in itself, is considered from the Sukuma perspective. The closest term the Sukuma have for ‘music’ is ng’oma. This can mean any performative event featuring instrumental performance, drumming, dancing, dance drama, poetry narration, and any kind of singing. The primary genre or ‘meta’ genre concerned with here is Sukuma musical labor. Specific Sukuma musical labor genres are named after the labor associations with which they are associated. The bu- prefix signifies genre, whereas the ba- prefix signifies the people, social groupings, and ethnicities that perform the genre. For instance, the statement, ‘the bagobogobo perform bugobogobo’ should be understood as, ‘those who are members of the “dirty skins” dance association, perform the “dirty skins” music genre’. Another emic Sukuma music genre classification centers on groupings of songs (as opposed to groupings of dances), whereby the songs performed are called mimbo ga (. . .), or ‘songs of (. . .)’, for instance mimbo ga itula, or ‘songs for beating millet’. For a complete list of terms related to Sukuma music, see Appendix I. baja nyalaja: Music performed by the baja nyalaja, those that made the caravan trips to the natural salt lake Nyalaja (Eyasi) to obtain salt. Short call-and-response choruses sung while on the road characterized this music. beni: Well-known late nineteenth and twentieth-century music found throughout East Africa. Modeled after German and British military and police brass bands, the music had a sarcastic and bawdy nature. See also pubha. bucheye, bucheyeeki: Twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments made up for these dances (Cory Papers #192). The dance was associated with ‘dressing smart’. See also wigaashe. budimi: Livestock herding song genre, usually associated with teen and preteen boys. bug’hunda: An elephant hunting music genre associated with the bag’hunda, a hunting association that preceded the bayege. Bayege

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key to sukuma musical labor genres

performers still perform this as instrumental drum music. See also buyege, kahena. bugobogobo: Music of the bagobogobo, literally, ‘the old skin wearers’. A farmers’ dance with complex choreography featuring hoes. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bakomyaluume. See also bukomyaluume. bukomyaluume: Music of the bakomyaluume, literally, ‘the dew steppers’. A farmers’ dance with complex choreography featuring hoes. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the bagobogobo. See also bugobogobo. bulugu: Music of the balugu (warriors). Music used to prepare the chief’s warriors before going into battle, during armed conflict, and in post battle celebrations of heroes. See also mimbo ga barugaruga. bunuunguli: Music of the banuunguli (porcupine hunters). The hunters use this music while preparing medicines to hunt for porcupines, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bayeye. See also buyeye. busumba: Music of the reciprocal farming labor group known as the basumba. See also salenge. buyege: Music of the bayege (elephant hunters). The hunters used this music while preparing medicines to hunt for elephants, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Few groups remain today. See also bug’hunda, kahena. buyeye: Music of the bayeye (snake hunters). The hunters use this music while preparing medicines to hunt for snakes, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the banuunguli. See also bunuunguli. kahena: Music of the legendary elephant hunter, ng’wana Malundi. See also buyege, bug’hunda. man’he: Genre performed by women around the man’he or community grindstone. mimbo ga askaris: Songs of conscripted soldiers. See also beni. mimbo ga bagaalu: Songs performed by one of the two medicinal dance moieties that developed in the nineteenth century. See also mimbo ga bagiika.

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mimbo ga bagiika: Songs performed by one of the two medicinal dance moieties that developed in the late nineteenth century. See also mimbo ga bagaalu. mimbo ga barugaruga: Songs of the barugaruga, nineteenth century warrior-mercenaries associated with the Nywamwezi chief Mirambo. See also bulugu. mimbo ga banigini: Songs of children. mimbo ga basungusungu: Songs associated with the basungusungu, the village vigilante associations that began in the early 1980s. mimbo ga budimi: Songs performed by young boys while tending to livestock. mimbo ga bulimi: A general term for farming songs. See also bugobogobo, bukomyaluume, and busumba. mimbo ga bupagati: Songs associated with nineteenth-century longdistance porterage. mimbo ga itula: Songs used to accompany threshing millet. mimbo ga kaale: Literally, songs of long ago, or ancient songs. mimbo ga kugon’gola: Songs of praise. mimbo ga kuhembeka: Songs associated with initiations. mimbo ga kulema: Literally, songs of complaint. mimbo ga kuhang’ha: Songs associated with bahang’hi (those who can predict events). These contain predictions, or allude to the ability to make predictions. mimbo ga kuimela: joking songs. mimbo ga nzala: Songs that document or discuss famines. mimbo ga pointi: ‘Songs with points’, or having deep and specific meanings that are easily remembered by the listener. mimbo ga walwa: Songs associated with drinking alcohol. pubha: Nyamwezi or southern Sukuma village variant of beni. See also beni. salenge: Music associated with reciprocal farming, which predated the basumba. See also busumba. taburu: Nineteenth century wooden shoe dance, may have given rise to the bucheyeeki genre. wigaashe: Literally, the ‘sitting dance’, a genre that developed in the early twentieth century. Wigaashe displays prodigious singer-poets known as baliingi, who compete in elaborate song competitions that can go on for days. Wigaashe singers are associated with one of the two medicinal dance moieties known as the bagiika and the bagaalu. See also bucheyeeki. winga: Wedding music.

VILLAGE LOCATOR CHART AND AREA MAPS Mwanza is the primary commercial and administrative city in the Sukuma region, and is the second-largest city in Tanzania. Since independence, the Sukuma area encompasses two administrative regions, Mwanza and Shinyanga, and seven districts, those of Bariadi, Geita, Kwimba, Magu, Maswa, Mwanza, and Shinyanga. Different ministries (wizara) and departments (idara) work at the regional (mkoa), district (wilaya), division (tarafa), and ward (mkata) levels. Representatives of the government are the regional commissioner and the district commissioner, whose jobs are to coordinate the various departments of the government. In the following chart, readers can trace the song source locations to their respective wards, divisions, districts, and regions. Fig. 1. Village locator chart. Village/Town (kijiji)

Ward (kata)

Division (tarafa)

District (wilaya)

Region (mkoa)

Bujora Gambos Isangidjo Kisessa Magu Miswaki Mondo

Kisessa Gambos Kisessa Kisessa

Sanjo Ntuzu Sanjo Sanjo

Ikungu Misungwi Mondo Mwadui Ikungu Nyangasamo Samuye

Ntuzu

Magu Bariadi Magu Magu Magu Bariadi Misungwi Kishapu Kishapu Bariadi Magu Shinyanga Magu Magu Magu Magu Magu Magu Maswa Kishapu

Mwanza Shinyanga Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Shinyanga Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Shinyanga Mwanza Shinyanga Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Mwanza Shinyanga Shinyanga

Ng’wasubuya Ng’unga Ng’wajiginya Nhobola Njicha Mpya Nyamadoke Nyang’asamo Sambaguli Sanga Sayu Sayu Seke

Kisessa Kisessa Nyang’asamo Kisessa Nyangasamo Buchambi Seke

Maganzo Maganzo Ntuzu Kivukoni Ndagalu Sanjo Sanjo Kivukoni Sanjo Kivukoni Nung’hu Maganzo

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village locator chart and area maps

Fig. 2. Political map of Tanzania (courtesy of the University of Texas Libraries, the University of Texas at Austin).

village locator chart and area maps

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Fig. 3. Northwest Tanzania regional map.

UKEREWE NYAMAGANA ILEMELA SENGEREMA MAGU

BARIADI SHINYANGA URBAN MASWA

GEITA KWIMBA MISUNGWI

BUKOMBE KAHAMA

MEATU

KISHAPU SHINYANGA RURAL

Fig. 4. Mwanza district map.

Fig. 5. Shinyanga district map.

INTRODUCTION Scope of the Project This volume is an interpretive analysis of a collection of 335 song texts treated as primary historical sources. The collection highlights the recurring cultural practices that link music with labor in Sukuma communities in northwestern Tanzania. These linkages are evident in the specialized music of the elephant, snake, and porcupine hunting associations that flourished in the precolonial epoch, in the nineteenth-century regional and long-distance porter associations, and in the farmer associations that have proliferated since the beginning of the twentieth century.1 Acting primarily as collector, translator, and interpretive editor, I have spent several years conducting research in Tanzania, where I collaborated with Tanzanian scholars, musicians, cultural commentators, and translators. In 1988–1989, 1993–1995, 1999, 2004 and 2006, I conducted interviews and recorded several hundred songs from prominent Sukuma singers and composers, many collected in this volume. Other song texts in this volume come from a variety of sources, including recordings and manuscript materials from collections housed in public and personal archives, as well as published materials found in the public domain. The collection is significant because it makes available in print the depth and breadth of a particular culture group’s song heritage. With Mwanza becoming the fastest growing urban area in all of East Africa (Bessire 1997: 10), and with the attraction and rapid spread of mechanized farming, many labor-specific traditions documented in this collection are in a state of uncertain transformation. This is a polyvocal ethnography featuring song texts and discourse about song texts, with no one interpreter, no one meaning, no complete or ‘correct’ version.2 These are the songs themselves, and stories

1 All Sukuma labor associations have had a seasonal recreational component that highlights dance and dance competitions. Thus, these ‘labor’ associations have also been called ‘dance’ associations or ‘dance’ societies (Ranger 1975). 2 My influence for this approach is Stephen Tyler’s evocative article ‘Post-Modern Ethnography: From Document of the Occult, to Occult Document’, found in James

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about songs. The treatment accorded these songs has been both quantitative and qualitative: quantitative in that nearly an entire collection is being treated, and qualitative in that they been classified, translated, interpreted, and contextualized historically. After recording3 or collecting these songs, I approached musicians and other specialists for further comment. These individuals read or listened to the songs, and then responded in immediate reflection. This process had much to reveal both about the person and about the song itself. Further, I discovered that a song could make a kind of sense to one person, and an entirely different kind of sense to another, and that both could illuminate aspects of deeper meaning. Prior to the interview, I told the collaborators that their discourse about the songs would be published, verbatim. To finalize this part of the process, I compared, analyzed, and rendered the commentaries for each song further for clarity into an interpretive essay. I further contextualized the song texts, narratives about the songs, and interpretive renderings with supplementary materials collected from extensive archival collections in Tanzania, which included in their holdings local newspapers, film archives, and personal collections. These mission, colonial and travel accounts were assessed for clues concerning musical practice from the late nineteenth century to the present. I matched interview data and songs with historical references with written records for historical dates. Descriptive and evaluative terms were collected and fed back to subsequent interview sources, with the aim of developing a two-way inter-subjective research process that reflected not only the aims of the researcher, but the aims of all parties involved. Historical periodicity was determined on a case-bycase basis. Sometimes, the singer whom I interviewed was the composer of the song, and more exact dating was relatively easy. Usually, however, the singer transmitted texts that the composer had taught to them, or they passed along and transformed texts whose original author was unknown. In other cases, the text or genre itself provided clues to the time of the song’s composition. For example, I used texts found in the Hans Cory Papers housed in the University of Dar es Salaam’s East African Collection in feedback Clifford and George E. Marcus’s edited volume Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986). 3 I recorded songs in a variety of environments, to include performances during musical labor, dance competitions, as well as in musicians’ homes.

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interviews to ascertain whether living musicians could remember the melody and form of songs documented in text form some eighty years ago. The songs texts were from several important Sukuma genres associated with labor, a rich testimony to how much accommodation and resistance to colonial farming requirements of the time were remembered, and ‘performed to life’. Often, this was a fascinating and emotional experience in memory retrieval for those involved. For instance, when I asked Sukuma elders if they knew any baja nyalaja songs (a salt caravan music genre from the nineteenth and early twentieth century), I was confronted with polite but blank stares. When I cued them with the Cory texts, however, the floods of memory (amid much laughter and tears) would bring forth the melodies of the texts that Cory collected, together with extra verses not documented by Cory, as well as further songs associated with the Cory texts.4 This was evidence that Sukuma musicians often do not remember songs of older origin as particular to any work-related genre. I then discussed resulting performances and song interpretations with other farmer musicians and composers, whose commentary provided further insights. This project foregrounds two types of translations: those of the song texts and those of the narratives. I present the song texts in their original Kisukuma, translated into English. Each song has a particular narrative structure, the translation of which requires a critical and in depth approach. I display the song texts according to the inner logic of the song, with special attention paid to pauses, breaths, repeats, and clauses, with lines arranged according to the strength of the image. In the cases where they exist, I provide multiple versions of the same song, with multiple interpretations by the commentators. In several cases, I provide a published text, together with the sung version of the same text still extant in oral tradition. In cases such as these, I give primacy in the narrative to the sung text (the previously published text and its translation are in the footnotes). The song texts have accompanying explanatory and contextual commentary provided, either by the singers of the songs themselves, or by people who have demonstrated an intimate knowledge about the texts and the traditions from which

4 Slobin proposes music’s tripartite strata in memory consciousness, of ‘(. . .) current, recent, and long term, all of which occur simultaneously in the present. The current is always at the forefront of attention, claiming primacy through policy or persuasion (. . .) the recent is the seedbed of the current (. . .) the long term operates at another level of memory in this archeology of music cultures’ (Slobin 1996: 11).

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they come. These commentaries are signified by an asterisk (*), and their oral source reference can be found in Appendix IV. This research project has had the benefit of several translators from different dialect areas within the Sukuma region, each lending their particular regional understanding and nuance. In the case where the meanings of words or phrases in the songs have shifted or changed over time, were disputed or in the end, were lost or unknown, I consulted these language experts, sometimes together with old Sukuma mission dictionaries and wordlists,5 and usually succeeded in finding a reasonable working translation. In cases where I have failed, the translation is thus marked with a (?). The narratives about the songs are usually in Kiswahili, and I have translated them into English. These narrative interpretations are an important part of the collection, since indigenous interpretive readings may tell particular kinds of stories about poetic expression, or provide details about oblique references in the song that would elude someone not born of the tradition. Whenever possible, these translations capture the fluid colloquial flow and personality of each individual speaker’s narrative style. However, I have rendered them for clarity and for grammatical and temporal consistency. Organization and Nature of the Collection I have organized the songs in this volume into fifteen chapters, falling under four loosely defined rubrics. In Chapters I and II, I treat hunters’ songs. In Chapters III–VI, I discuss the songs of carriers (porters) and soldiers. In Chapters VII–X, I feature the songs of farmers, and in Chapters XI–XV, I document songs of political discourse related to Uhuru (independence) and Ujamaa (socialism). I have not organized the individual songs in this volume in strict chronology. The labor genres assigned to each chapter are in chronological sequence.

5 The following dictionaries and word lists were consulted. These terms were then used in feedback interviews with Sukuma musicians for further evaluation and verification, elucidation, related terms, and contextual and historical meaning. 1) Dahl, E. Nyamwezi Wörterbuch (Hamburg: L. Friederichsen & Co., 1915); 2) English-Kisukuma Dictionary (Mwanza: African Inland Mission (n.d.); 3) Julian, B. ‘Kisukuma-English Dictionary’ (n.p., n.d.); 4) Maganga, C., and T. Schadenberg. Kinyamwezi: Grammar, Texts, and Vocabulary. Köln: Koppe Verlag, 1992); 5) Scheven, Albert. KisukumaEnglish Dictionary (n.p., n.d.) Scheven Collection.

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For instance, we know that porcupine-hunting songs, as a labor genre, were one of the earliest types of Sukuma music (preceding farming songs), so they are arranged accordingly here (in the first chapter). Contemporary porcupine hunting songs, which succeed many farm labor-related songs in chronology, are for continuity sake in this first chapter. With Sukuma music, there are many instances where a particular song may share several genre classifications. A song may originate with one labor genre, and then later be identified with other labor genres. In cases such as this, I classify the song according to its earliest known genre distinction. To help with issues such as these, I have provided an assortment of indexes that will assist the researcher to find songs according to song title, singer, composer, topic, genre, period, region collected, and collector. Most of the songs in this volume come from my personal ethnographic collection, spanning nearly twenty years of active research and recording in the Sukuma region (1988–2006). I accomplished these interviews and collections with the permission of the Tanzanian government. Archival permission was not an issue, and performers granted oral and written permissions based on human subject guidelines at the time of recording. Most of these recordings are at the Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music (IUATM), in the Gunderson Sukuma Collection. This volume represents as well all the known Kisukuma language song texts, published or in archives, having to do with labor.6 These include recordings from collections housed in archives, manuscript materials housed in archives, and published materials found in the public domain. The most important collections found in this volume outside my own are as follows: • Bischoff, Mads, and Lone Lee, editors. Afrikanske Sange Fra Sukumaland Og Omegn (n.p., 1996). This is a collection of labor songs compiled by an organization that sponsors exchanges between musicians in the Sukuma region and

6 A second volume, currently planned, is a collection of the sung poetry known as wigaashe, and will include examples of all of its various manifestations. Wigaashe arose in the late nineteenth century as a public debate between two competing healing societies called the bagiika and the bagaalu, and has become the most artful means of public discourse about everyday life in Sukuma society. This volume will also include songs of ancestral veneration, initiation, and specialized spiritual healing.

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•

•

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introduction Denmark (Shirika ya Daraja la Wakulima na Utamaduni Yao). Bischoff translated the songs from Kisukuma into Danish. Cory, Hans. Hans Cory Collection, University of Dar es Salaam, East Africa Collection, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. This is a research archive housing the song collection of a Tanganyikan government anthropologist who was active from the 1920s to the 1950s. This source is important because the majority of the texts were collected from elderly male and female singers during the 1930s, when the British colonial government was implementing monocrop agricultural policies that have had longterm effects on labor to the present. Cory’s work as an anthropologist and collector served the aims of the colonial power: to prevent social unrest and promote the shift from subsistence production to the production of cheap export crops for European markets and a money economy in general. Though Cory published English versions of these texts (Koritchoner 1937; he changed his name to Cory after World War II), the English translations are poor (Songoyi 1990). I assessed and cited the original materials from the Hans Cory Papers in this collection, because they contain the original language transcriptions, as well as the musician’s names. Gibbe. Untitled (n.p., n.d.). Author’s personal collection. This is a notebook of Kisukuma songs collected by an unknown researcher in the late 1970s, identified in the manuscript only as ‘Gibbe’. Dr. Elias Songoyi at the University of Dodoma owns the original collection. Makoye, Herbert Francis. ‘The Dance Culture of the Sukuma of Tanzania’ (University of Ghana, PhD, 2000). A PhD dissertation by Herbert Makoye (now a professor of arts at the University of Dar es Salaam). Makoye’s translations from Kisukuma into English are excellent, and for the most part remain intact here. Mkongola, N. E. Mabadaliko ya Dhamira na Sanaa Katika ya Wigashe (n.p., Department of Kiswahili, University of Dar es Salaam, 1983). An undergraduate thesis from the University of Dar es Salaam, which explores Sukuma wigaashe song. The translations from Kisukuma into Kiswahili are excellent. Molitor P. H. ‘La Musique chez les Negres du Tanganika’. Anthropos (VIII, 1913) 714–735.

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This is a collection of song choruses collected by a French White Father missionary working in the Tabora region in the early twentieth century. Most of the songs are in Kinyamwezi, but a handful of them are in Kisukuma. Most of the Kisukuma songs have been translated from into French. • Velten, Carl. 1901. Lieder und Sangesweisen und Geschichten der Wanyamwezi, Von Einem Früheren Schüler des Orientalischen Seminars in Berlin. Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin. Dritte Abteilung, Afrikanische Studien, Redigirt von Dr. C Velten und Dr. J. Lippert, Berlin und Stuttgart: Commissionsverlag von W. Speman. This collection of seventy song text fragments comes from Semboja Kalungwa ng’wana Likisemmewuyaga, a female Sukuma singer kidnapped in a war raid by the well-known Nyamwezi chief Mirambo in the 1880s. In 1901, Carl Velten interviewed Semboja in Berlin, and collected these remarkable song texts. The themes that emerge from these songs are those that praise Mirambo, his kin, and his allies; barugaruga soldier praise; sexual instruction for the wedding night and boasting of sexual exploits;7 songs to accompany millet grinding; and repeated humorous pleas for gifts of clothing. Unfortunately, the translations into German of many of these songs are either woefully inaccurate, or their meanings as glossed and published by Velten have changed considerably. The original transcriptions however provided in this publication are true gems of historical consciousness. The press, Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen an der Königlichen FriedrichWilhelms-Universität zu Berlin, operated from 1898–1934/5, and no longer exists. From Work Song to Musical Labor For little more than two months, just after the onset of the first rains that routinely fall from late November to early February, the 7 This is a song genre known as winga, or wedding music (literally, ‘departure’, as the bride departs her parent’s compound to join that of her husband). These songs tease the bride during her ritual seclusion before her wedding night, and they are sung to her when she is accompanied to the home of the groom to negotiate the bride price.

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everyday rural soundscape of the Sukuma region of northwest Tanzania is transformed from a state of tranquility, to one of cacophony. This is a result of the intense competing drums found in neighboring farms, and heard for as far as the ear can hear, the rambunctious shouts and song of farmers, and the thud and clang of hoes striking the earth in rhythmic unison. Occasionally, the farmers act on cue, one by one or in groups of twos and threes, to abandon their work all together, and to throw their hoes into the air and catch them, or to twirl them to the beat at lightning speed, in choreographed and rehearsed unison over their heads, through their legs, and around their chests and waists. It would be difficult to avoid the engrossing soundscape and field performance art produced by these cotton-planting farmers’ associations, who begin their treks to the fields as early as five-in-the-morning, to get an early advantage on the heat of the midday sun. It is the totality of these experiences of music at the labor site, the reflective reception, and compelling production of songs laden with creative metaphors and evocative allusions to local realities past and present, that gives the participants such a rewarding aesthetic experience. When bound with the intense physicality and bodily knowledge derived from labor ‘performed’ for long durations, together with their lived community that is at the same time synchronized to, and constantly surrounded by call-and-response choruses and repetitive-cycle drum rhythms enhanced with some variation, the participants experience euphoria and joy. The concept of work song has captured the imagination of many scholars. Several earlier studies situated more within the politics of human labor history than within the study of music have had significant influence on subsequent scholarship. Early discussions contained Romantic musings about the role of work song in the evolution of human consciousness. The nineteenth century German musicologist Karl Bücher, for instance, argued that speech evolved from the reflex actions of the vocal organs incidental to the muscular efforts involved in the use of tools. He believed that as the hands became more finely articulated, so did the vocal organs, until the awakening consciousness seized on these reflexes, and elaborated them into a socially recognized system of communication. Labor cries evolved into ‘variable’ poetic improvisation and ‘constant’ labor chorus (Bücher 1896: 60). Though deemed important in the role of the developing human consciousness, work-song was typically characterized by nineteenth century scholarship by its ‘(. . .) lack of individuality, the homogenous state

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of the primitive throng, the absence of deliberation and thought, the immediate relation of emotion to expression, and the accompanying leap or step of the dance under conditions of communal exhilaration’ (Gunmere 1897: 27). Anthropologists working in Sub-Saharan Africa began to investigate work song and work song texts in more detail during the twentieth century, and read them in a functionalist light, declaring their usevalue as secondary to the labor rhythm itself. Evans-Pritchard in his research on the Dinka found that the ‘(. . .) freedom to chant obscenities made manual labor appealing to men, and hence, the relaxation of restrictions helped get laborious tasks done’ (Evans-Pritchard 1929: 312)). Finnegan called work-song text in Africa a ‘(. . .) fixed formulaic utterance of a non-innovatory genre’ (1970: 207), ‘(. . .) simple with many nonsense words to fill up the rhythm effectively’ (1970: 231– 232), where there is an ‘(. . .) alternation and repitition of two different phrases, sometimes with variation’ (Finnegan 1970: 236). In labor folklore scholarship, classificatory terminologies of genre and subgenre have been a predominant concern. The category ‘occupational song’ has been used to denote a musical piece in which descriptions of work, work conditions, or attitudes toward work form an important textual element. ‘Labor song’ serves as a subcategory of ‘occupational song’, geared toward trade unionism. The rubric ‘work song’, identifies an item sung only during the work process, implying that it established whether a particular song accompanies work (Cohen 1993: 332). Cohen breaks work-song down further, into domestic work-songs, agricultural and pastoral work-songs, sea shanties, songs and chants of direction for the coordination of work, and gang worksongs, ‘(. . .) tending toward greater melodic and lyrical complexity’ (Cohen 1993: 334). I have found that this approach to song classification has been helpful to a point. When applied however to Sukuma music culture and history, it risks being oblivious to the creative origins, multiple labor sites, music and labor relational processes, and historical trajectories within and beyond labor use to include leisure contexts, that a single song can have. The concept of ‘musical labor’8 is more useful, to avoid 8

My concept of ‘musical labor’ was inspired by Don Donham’s use of the term ‘festive labor’ (1985), though Donham refers not to the nature of labor in-process, but to what happens after labor, in situations where farmers are lured to work on a neighbor’s field with the promise of post-labor beer and festivities.

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the overly deterministic underpinnings of ‘work-song’, and to draw attention to the context and processes of those activities surrounding labor activity where music is present, which include composition, performance, transmission, as well as the song and song text itself. Whenever possible, I underscore how a particular song has been used at multiple labor sites throughout history, and emphasize the Sukuma worldview which understands musical labor as a kind of human experience that is both related to and different from labor, a performative behavior that is neither strict music performance nor strict labor, neither work nor play but somehow both. Farm labor and post harvest competition are inherently dependent on the yearly rhythm of the agricultural cycle, ‘(. . .) a macro level rhythmic activity that defines agriculture as a kind of performance’ (Agawu 1995: 25). During the rainy season, farm labor goes on from dawn until late afternoon, thus the time for art or recreation is found within the working hours. When farmer composers are not planting or harvesting, they are relaxing, composing songs, and competing. Musical performance at labor sites lightens the workload and transforms work into something more playful, as well as creates an environment where everyday village discourse and political commentary are encouraged, enjoyed, and reflected upon. Working together with music becomes more than only a technical means of finishing agricultural tasks; it plays a critical role in establishing closeness, mutual support, and community solidarity. Through song, workers argue, negotiate, and challenge, in order to persuade others and effect changes in their roles and behaviors. Labor practice and song culture extend into the leisure time forum of post-harvest dance competitions, where the farmers’ labor groups compete for prizes of cattle as well as for prestige. The pageantry, spectacle, and scandalous behavior of singers in these dance competitions draw potential recruits and future employers toward the side of the winning group. Musical labor and post harvest song competitions are activities that serve as models for how one should think and act about local historical events, creativity and cosmological understanding, heroism, individuality, and the development and maintenance of a work ethic. The realm of musical labor is thus an expressive domain that articulates the ground rules about power, status, honor, glory, and what it means to be Sukuma. Labor songs in the rural Sukuma area create shared ‘maps of experience’ (Vail and White 1991: 40), which open the intellectual, emotional, and moral life of the region more clearly and dramatically than any other source.

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Musical labor mediates between disparate social realities and provides for symbolic spaces, which can reconstruct disjointed social relations. At the farm site, farmers may argue, negotiate, and challenge through sung discourse to persuade others and effect changes in their roles and structures. Song topics range thus from scolding lazy farmers and praising local and national leaders to taking on the bigger world socioeconomic system. In the Sukuma musical labor environment, coordinated, repetitive rhythmic labor movements are less tiring than movements in which exertion and release of effort do not form an ordered sequence. The simplest form of such coordinated farm labor activity, namely hoeing, is two-phased, with one phase in the exertion and the second phase in the brief few seconds of recuperation from the effort (Bartenieff and Lewis 1980: 73–74). Coordinated timing of muscle movement contributes to group solidarity, avoids accidents, and accomplishes the work in a timely manner (McNeill 1995: viii). This said, there is always a range of uncoordinated hoeing that is not synchronized with the rest of the group, which, together with drumming and raucous singing, contributes to making the labor seem informal, festive, and fun. In the various Sukuma labor associations, the primary function of music is to make the work easier, or as one bagobogobo musical labor group member put it (Misuga*): ‘kurahisisha kazi’ (to cause the work to be easier, or to ‘easify’ the work). Music accomplishes this task in the several ways that I have outlined here, as the following testimonies bear out. • Music at the labor site creates a desire to work, and to work together with others, thus creating good values in impressionable youth. Muziki huu unasaidia vijana kufanya kazi, ile hatakaa tu. Kila mmoja atapata hamu ya kulima, kufanyia upande wake. (This music helps youth to work, so they are not just hanging around. Every individual gets the desire to farm, to do his part – Masayi*.) • Music at the labor site provides one with the ability to work more hours without being tired. Kama muziki upo, mtu anaweza kumalizia hectare nne, lakini kama ng’oma hazipo, sitaweza kulima hata kidogo. (When the music is there, one can finish 4 hectares, but if there is no ng’oma, I will not farm, hardly at all – Kihamuja*.) Bila muziki, unaanza kuchoka, ni kama unateswa. (Without the music you just get tired, it is as if you are being tortured – Chiila*.) Tunafanya kazi kutoka saa kumi na moja asubuhi mpaka saa sita,

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mara tatu kila wiki. Kama kawaidia, tunafanya kazi zaidi na saa nzima bila kupumzika, ni muziki ambazo inasababisha kuzoea kazi ngumu. (We work from six in the morning till noon, three times a week. We work for more than an hour at a time without resting, and it is music that helps us get used to the work – Munegela*.) Baada ya kufanya kazi muda kiasi, mtu hataweza kuhisi uzito wa jembe lake au kama ardhi ni vigumu. Akaendelea kufanya kazi tu, mpaka wimbo umechoka. Pale pale atahisi uchovu, mpaka wimbo wingine umeanzishwa, halafu ataendelea kufanya kazi! (After working to music for some time, the person will not feel the weight of his hoe, nor will he feel how hard the earth is. He will just continue working, until the song is worn out. He will feel tired then, until another song is there for him, then the work will continue! – Misuga*.) • Music at the labor site calms its listeners and focuses their mental energies and organizational skills. Muziki unatuliza mawazo kama mvua. Unatuliza mawazo ya vijana ambao wanazo vitendo vingi shambani, vitendo ambavyo havina matumizi. (Music lulls the farmer’s consciousness like rainwater. It calms the thoughts of young people who have a lot of wild energy at the farm site, more than is needed for the labor itself – Chiila*.) Wakati tunacheza muziki huu shambani, hatuna mawazo mengi vichwani. Mawazo yote yanasimamia pale pale, na tunafikiria kazi tu na jinsi ambavyo muziki unachezwa. (When we are playing this music in the fields, we do not have a lot of other thoughts running through our heads. All our thoughts stop right there, and we are concerned with the work at hand, and the manner in which the music is playing – Kifaru*.) Another testimony, however, finds that rather than focusing thought, the music spurs many productive thoughts (for instance, on plans for the day): Una mawazo kama, ‘Leo nitaenda na fulani, na nitakutana na fulani, na nitafanya hivi na hivyo’. (You have thoughts such as, ‘Today I will go with so-and-so and meet so-and-so, I will do this and that’ – Chiila*.) • Music at the labor site creates joy in the worker, casting off worry and suffering. Muziki ni lazima kwenye maisha ya mkulima, sawa na vyakula. Muziki inakusanya raha na inatusaidia sana. (Music is as necessary to the Sukuma farmer as eating. Music gathers and focuses our joy and greatly benefits us – Kifaru*.) Tukisikia kilio cha ng’oma, moyo inahisi raha tu, unaendelea kulima, unasahau matatizo, na unaimba bila shaka. (When you hear the crying of the drums, the heart knows only joy, you just go on farming, forgetting

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your worries, you sing without doubt or fear – Misuga*.) Mtu akiimba kazini, hana mawazo uzito, anafikiria mawazo mazuri tu. (The person who sings during work, has no heavy thoughts, he thinks only good and pleasant ones – Mihumo*.) Ng’oma zinaingia kichwani kama bhangi, zinaingia na zinachanganya na zinasababisha kilimo kinaendelea vizuri na kwa raha, kusikiliza midundo yake, Piga! Piga! Piga!, unaendelea kufanya kazi na raha. (Ng’oma gets into your head like marijuana does, it gets in there and mixes up and just makes you farm quickly and with joy, just to listen to its beat, Piga! Piga! Piga!, you go along working with joy – Ntamanwa*.) Bugobogobo unaathirika wakulima kama jinsi ambavyo hela zinaathirika wafanyakazi ofisini, unaathirika ubongo hivyo sawa, unarahisisha uzito, na unatuliza mawazo. (Bugobogobo music effects farmers the way a raise in pay effects office workers; it effects the mind in the same way, lightens the load, eases the mind – Mihumo*.) • Songs at the work site contain important life testimonies and teachings. Wimbo wa bugobogobo zinasifa wafanyakazi, na watu wanahisi vizuri na wanafanya kazi na bidhii zaidi. (Bugobogobo songs praise the hard workers, people feel proud to be subjects of these songs, and work even harder – Massesa*.) Kama ukisikia vibaya, au unakosa mke wako, unaweza kuimba kuhusu mambo haya. Kuimba kuhusu vitu kama hivyo unahisi vizuri moyoni. (If you are feeling pain, if you are missing a wife, you can sing about that. Singing about these things can lift your heart – Mihumo*.) Sukuma Song Texts as Sources for History Music and performance can illuminate aspects of culture that fall outside conventional sources for political or economic history. Song texts can elucidate many historical questions, including questions about power relations. Songs, besides presenting events, are also points of views about events, reflections of both the past and the present in a single breathe. The performer uses history as an argument, as a proof, as a legitimizing force concerning current events. Songs retain much more of their form and content in transmission over many generations, compared to other verbal utterances. Topical and political songs that commemorate events of lasting interest have persisted in some traditions for generations. Vansina informs us that ritual institutions in Africa that are associated with kingship are more likely to

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be settings where ‘song as history’ remains relatively intact (Vansina 1985: 35). As I will show in this volume, in the Sukuma region, traditions that encode historical events, albeit those of common farmers, have been safeguarded and transmitted across musical labor genres, from porcupine and elephant hunters, to porters, to medicine healers, and to farmers. Sukuma songs thus have had a way of taking on a life of their own, finding themselves transmitted in varying contexts beyond their original intent. A nineteenth-century porter song sung in the first-person telling us about the hardships of life on the road, is performed today by teenage Sukuma farmers at work in their fields, and is used by farmers’ dance societies as a ‘warmup’ before going into competition. This may be because Sukuma labor song exists in a context that ritualizes the labor event, enabling the transmission of the song, even across the constructed boundaries of different types of labor. What is difficult to assess about historical materials concerning song are the ‘social facts’ and beliefs about particular songs, song genre, dance, and long-gone producers of song. A Sukuma farmer might be too quick to attribute a song they know to be ‘old’, to a well-known singer of long ago, or, they might remember music-related history in the Sukuma area as ‘who started what, what dance begat what’. This allows the recaller to view all music genre history as a series of ‘breakaway’ groups. Asking questions about pre-colonial dance history in particular was frustrating in this sense, as what had been passed on in transmission was not information about the dance step itself as much as the long-codified knowledge of ‘which dance/dance personality begat what dance style’. These particular ways of codifying Sukuma history are useful to the researcher to get at approximate dates. Dance genres, for example can be contextualized, by becoming familiar with the genealogies of significant performers. Lineages and associated historical occurrences (like famines, floods, and reigns of kings) are more likely to be remembered than ‘when a dance was popular’ or ‘how a dance was done’, which leads to the methodological dilemma of differentiating between who started a dance in general, and who spread it in a local area. Memories about song lore, however, are valuable in their own right. What and how people think and know about the origins of a dance idiom, as expressions of local history, knowledge and philosophy, are just as important as the dance’s actual origins. How we remember shapes and replicates culture. The Sukuma believe that all song and dance originated in work-related music. This belief reinforces attitudes about music and work in general, and shapes practice.

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The History of Sukuma Nganda (Clans) Sukuma music practice is the result of interactions of multiple ethnic streams over several centuries. Precolonial music history in the Sukuma region is about the movements and interactions of a variety of social units in the area, to include the clan, the extended family, the royal family, and the voluntary association. Chiefdoms created an environment where these different musical streams could take root, grow, and interact. Interlacustrine chiefdoms9 acted as musical magnets, drawing talented musicians, musical styles, and musical instruments under the royal sphere of influence. Chiefdoms gave those musical resources more exposure, and codified them as legitimate traditions worthy of support. The adoption of a common regional dialect made transmission and exchange of ideas concerning music quicker and easier. A key theme in Sukuma oral literature is the ‘breakaway’ origin story. It also establishes a model for the Sukuma ideal for a composer’s career. A young man or woman interested in learning the musical arts, with all of its attendant lore, skills, and medicines, goes in search of a respected teacher. In most versions of this narrative, they go to find a teacher who lived the distance of a several days’ journey to ‘the south’, in the Nyamwezi region, where it is said they can find the best medicines and teachers. After several years of training, the novice returns to their home village and becomes a much-respected singer and dance leader with many followers. In time, one of the better pupils challenges the teacher, usually over a dispute about musical innovation or use of dance medicines, and subsequently breaks away from the group to form his or her own. This story mirrors the economic and immigrant history of the Sukuma region. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, breakaway clans from the Buganda and Bunyoro kingdoms in Uganda migrated to settle in uninhabited parts of what is now western Tanzania (Itandala 1983: 67). After several generations in one settled area, the regenerative cycle of breaking up and moving on to set up new homesteads (kayas) continued because of finite land resources. In many celebrated cases, these clan schisms were antagonistic in nature, and led to armed conflict.

9 The interlacustrine area spans from west of lake Turkana in northern Kenya to south of lake Victoria-Nyanza in western Tanzania, and northeast of lake Tanganyika, to include Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and the northeastern Republic of Congo.

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The Kisukuma term luganda (pl., nganda), roughly translated as ‘clan’, is an important cover term signifying a variety of social groupings that needs to be outlined in brief, to further understand the texts published in this project. First, is its use concerning one’s lineage or ancestral heritage. Second, is its use concerning labor associations, since all labor associations, whether having music, are nganda. As in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, Sukuma culture aligns around cooperative social networks that include and extend beyond kinship and age-grade systems (Little 1965; Lloyd 1966; Meillassoux 1968). Ordinarily every person past puberty belonged to one or several such groups outside his family to which he owed allegiance. These ‘voluntary associations’ created new community contexts concerned with survival, success, and reputation of members, acting as welfare societies, as sources of prestige, and as suppliers of skills. Throughout known Sukuma history the clan, extended family, luganda, or voluntary association has been its primary cohesive unit. Traditions in East Africa thus belong to migrating clans and voluntary associations, not to stretches of country. Precolonial ethnicity in northwestern Tanzania was amorphous and fluid, nothing like the discreet, compact, and identifiable boundaries drawn up by the German and British authorities early in the twentieth century. Incoming ethnicities adopted the growing local Nyamwezi-Sukuma dialect, and those who had already settled regarded them as nganda. An essential reason for strong clan identity was territorial mobility, or the need to move from overpopulated and exhausted areas to less congested or uninhabited areas. Sukuma chiefdoms began in the bush after a man picked out an area. ‘There wasn’t anyone who could dispute his ownership. This was his land, and his clan was his blood’ (Makanga*). The Sukuma region was a crossroads and host to wave after wave of migrating communities, both because of its strategic location as a gateway to Uganda on its northwestern side and to the Swahili coast to its farther eastern border, and because it has been historically rich in game and arable land. Historians agree that several waves of immigrant groups moved into and around the Sukuma region between the fifteenth and eighteenth century, from kingdoms in what are now Uganda and Rwanda. These immigrants, known as Bahima, were the likely descendants of Nilotic and Afro-Asiatic cattle herders from ancient Ethiopia who had colonized the interlacustrine area. This early immigrant group, which came to call themselves Sukuma, now claims

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about seventeen generations. In time the new leader-immigrant clans adopted the proto-Sukuma-Nyamwezi language of those Bantu pastoralist immigrants who preceded them, and went on to lead these groups, following the dream of building a centralized polity that they had initiated elsewhere (Holmes and Austen 1972: 24). For almost a century, independent nganda colonized the region with their followers until population growth and movement brought them into more frequent and hostile contact. Eventually, seven major nganda coalesced. From them came thirty-seven Sukuma kingdoms, of which the Babinza luganda remained the largest and most prominent, controlling fifteen kingdoms (Itandala 1983: 59). Chiefs, or batemi10 (s., ntemi), became the ideological leaders of luganda. Their primary functions were to safeguard emblems and royal drums11 (which symbolized the power and strength of the luganda), to keep the peace among them (mhola),12 to protect against longtime enemies like the nearby Maasai, to provide the means for the long-term storage of grain, and to control natural resources, like making rain. Batemi either were rainmakers themselves, or kept in their employ ritual rainmakers. Ritual became part of the political because political institutions required the collaboration of otherworldly forces that could communicate with natural forces (Koponen 1988: 193). The batemi introduced the bafumu (s., nfumu), a kind of general practitioner of medicinal arts. Bafumu provided batemi with ritual medicines

10 Literally, ‘those who cleared the brush away’. From the Sukuma verb kutema, to cut, or clear out. 11 It is clear that the majority of royal drums found preserved in the Sukuma region today conform to the conical ‘Uganda style’ of laced double-headed cylindro-conical drums with tapered bottoms that are documented by Wachsmann (1971) and Thiel (1977) throughout Uganda. These should however be seen in practical terms as singleheaded drums, because only the skin stretched across the top of the frame is used for playing. The second skin at its base does not actually count as a membrane but only forms a part of the lacing device. Royal drums came in several shapes and sizes. Smaller drums were made of hollowed tree trunks from the nkola tree (afzelia quanzensis), and the larger six-foot ‘Muansa’ drums documented by Richard Burton (1872) such as those on display at the Sukuma Museum of Bujora were made from mihama trees (borassus flabellifer). Other smaller drums found in the royal court were hand drums covered with lizard skins (Kollmann 1899: 164). 12 Literally, ‘the cool state’, or the state of peace and good relations among men and women, between clans, between the living and the dead, and between humans and their earthly environment.

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and blessings for crop planting and harvests,13 technologies for creating rain, and rituals for maintaining wealth in cattle. The batemi brought to the musical mix elaborate drum ensembles and drum lore, as well as chief-praising song traditions. The religious luganda brought egalitarian female-centered deities, ritual learning institutions, and subversive musical ideas, which empowered the dispossessed. Migrating warriors from the south brought self-praising competitive traditions, which mixed with the chief-praising traditions of the Uganda immigrants. Competition between bafumu for favors from the batemi spread to the singers and composers of songs, the baliingi. To praise the chief was to praise the clan. The near-mythological institution of the chief as the self-made ‘clearer of brushes’ and head of clans staking out claims to territory, inspired the baliingi to not only compose odes to the chief, but also to anyone of individual power and means, including themselves. Sukuma Competitive Performance, Music Aesthetics, and Form At the onset of the colonial era, a new competitive music aesthetic emerged, where singers began to praise their deeds, and to see themselves as regal conveyors of knowledge, medicines, and power. The Sukuma music soundscape under the aegis of the chiefs began to change for a number of reasons. Because of the new realities of the colonial power structure, baliingi began to disassociate from batemi patronage, and realign not with the colonial powers, but with the emerging powerful voluntary medicinal and labor associations, where powerful alliances and affinities developed through the sharing of labor, medicinal knowledge, new political ideas, and song. The banning of nganda skirmishes and witchcraft by the Germans sent the energies of these particular modes of social conflict into the competitive performative realm of the labor associations.

13 Sukuma chiefdoms had elaborate rituals involving crop planting and harvests. Though the chiefdoms differed in their terminologies and practices, they were variations played on a cultural theme. Seeds were blessed before planting, by mixing them with special substances. Then, they were distributed throughout the chiefdom, by the chief’s council. Families blessed their hoes before using them for planting. Finally, before the harvest, special beers were brewed, livestock were sacrificed, and the ntemi was ritually shaved. See also Itandala (1983: 169–170); Pambe (1978: 228–251); and especially Cory (1951: 171–174).

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Post harvest village music competitions thus became the primary forum of public music performance and popular entertainment in the Sukuma region. During the German colonial era in Tanganyika (1884–1914), a fierce competitive relation between two shamanistic healing societies developed, when Gumha ng’wana Misinzo, a student of Igulu ng’wana Wandela (otherwise known as Ngika), broke away from his teacher’s medicinal organization the bagiika in a split over medicinal differences. Gumha formed his own powerful medicinal society, the bagaalu.14 Today, all musical labor associations proudly align with one side or the other of the bagiika-bagaalu competitive complex, and draw their ritual, medicinal, and esoteric musical knowledge from these groups. Bagiika-bagaalu-affiliated dance competitions are led by baliingi (s., niingi), the dance leaders, and organizers of the musical labor associations or dance societies. The term baliingi also has supernatural implications, as an important aspect of the baliingi’s work is their communication with ancestors (masamva), considered by many to be the assumed source of new musical compositions. As the living relatives of ancestors, baliingi have the power to invoke, transform, manipulate, and destroy through their words and deeds, a power held in awe and fear by ordinary people. Masamva whose names and deeds are still remembered by their families, transmit songs to baliingi through ritual dreams, signifying the critical first step of the creative process. The Sukuma believe that their masamva are neutral forces, who occasionally favor living entities with whom, they have special interests. Ancestors have a ‘multivalent pervasiveness’ in everyday life (McCall 1995: 258) and are most felt present in the compound early in the morning before dawn (Millroth 1965: 115). All Sukuma theoretically have access to their ancestors via dreams, but some are better at negotiating such contacts than others. It is thought that those rich with cows get rich because they have strong masamva. The Sukuma public feel that it is particularly the musically inclined who receive these special favors: ‘You are always meeting people who, since their childhood, they just want to dance. The masamva are indeed helping that one’ (Ng’wana Njile*).

14 This important event in Sukuma music history coincided with the spread of the competitive beni dance phenomenon throughout East Africa, a case documented in Ranger’s Dance and Society in Eastern Africa (1975).

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Baliingi and their song culture are an indispensable aspect of Sukuma intellectual life. They are important culture creators, transmitters, and entertainers. Ideas about creative musical processes are discussed openly, freely and often among baliingi and their initiates. What is secret, are only the specifics of medicine preparation, the open knowledge of which would be harmful if placed in the hands of competitors. Public knowledge about compositional and transmission processes from dream inception to competitive performance is essential to teaching initiates, and is important because it enhances the status of the composer. Baliingi understand that demystifying their creative processes is beneficial. By making known the artistry involved in song composition, they demonstrate that the masamva favor them. Though baliingi agree about the components required so to be favored to compose a song (clan affiliation, ancestral dreams, willful desire, belief, medicines), there are philosophical discussions about the role each component plays. This variance depends on the composer’s personal experience and clan affiliation, educational background, or dance specialty. The well-known niingi Idili ng’wana Dukiila*, who comes from a clan recognized for its powerful composers, prepares medicines to receive his masamva, but claims that the songs only come as faint impressions that are barely remembered, and that it is his willful labors and artistic ability that enables him to craft the melody and text upon waking. Ng’wana Hilya* believes, however, that with composition, there is not really any work or agency involved on the part of the composer, except learning about and preparing medicines. This debate over ‘inspiration or perspiration’ is a central tenet of Sukuma composer discussions. Though ancestors require respect and represent ‘the collective past’, the Sukuma believe that their presence encourages competitive individuation. In masamva-inspired songs, will power and stylistic differentiation are encouraged. As ng’wana Hilya* put it, Masamva wanataka watu wao washinde, sababu ni sawa na kuwasifia. Kutunga wimbo nzuri ni sawa na kushinda kwenye maisha (The masamva want their people to do well in competition, because doing well glorifies them. To compose a good song is the same as making it in life). Though the Sukuma believe that their songs have supernatural sources, Sukuma composers lay authorial claims to their music work. The performer of a composition whose author is unknown, will be asked who the composer is, because the musical experience would be incomplete without that knowledge.

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Baliingi routinely cite mimbo ga pointi, or ‘songs with points’15 as an important organizing principle in Sukuma song culture. These, are songs that stick in the mind of the spectators who come to see the baliingi and their groups. Ng’wana Chiila* mentions that: Mimbo bila maana na wasikilizaji wake zitapotea. Kama unazo mimbo ga pointi, watu wataziimba na wengine watazisikiliza. Kwa hivyo nyimbo zinahitaji utamu na maana, ile watu ambao wanasikiliza watazichukua nyumbai kwao (Songs without relevant meaning to its listener will be lost easily. So if you have mimbo ga pointi, people will sing them and others will pick them up. For this to happen the song needs to have sweetness and meaning so that those who listen will take it home with them.) Songs are considered teachings, as evident in the Sukuma proverb mukulanga gashi amimbo gakulagaga, or ‘there are a school of teachings in ten songs’ (for further Sukuma music and labor-related proverbs, see Appendix II). Dance associations have been called schools by those who could not afford schooling, or who were on the periphery of the reach of government and private schools. The extent to which dance associations have been considered ‘alternative’ or traditional educative institutions is evident also in the well-known aphorism, shikome sha malika or, ‘the hearth teaching of the dance society’. This refers to how the teachings that happen at malika (older term for dance associations) are similar to the traditional evening fires of Sukuma homesteads (shikome), where youth were taught via storytelling, riddling, and song. At the labor site, the niingi assesses the temporal flow of the labor, the nature of the specific task being accomplished, as well as the mood, vitality, and verbal and unspoken cues provided by the group, in making decisions about song performance and song repetoire. The niingi determines whether song phrases are expanded or contracted, and the ordering of verses and choruses within the song; whether they are repeated once, twice, or innumerable times over several hours. The niingi determines whether the song remains constant in speed, or is sped up or slowed down, whether a song’s performance is random, fixed, or makes intertextual references to other songs, and whether

15 Though the term pointi is clearly of foreign origin, its use in describing exceptional songs is common throughout Sukuma society.

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a song contain a limited or wide range of improvisational play. Furthermore, the niingi determines whether the songs sung are trivial, frivolous, topical, personal, contemporary, ancient, political, deeply profound, or all of the above. Though individual Sukuma composers are known for their unique styles especially in their employment of song content and overall arrangement, there is an aggregate of commonalities which most Sukuma sung compositions share regardless of genre. Compositions are in flexible meters conducive to farm labor or walking, with rhythms bounded by the sung phrase. Longer sung narratives such as wigaashe are just that: half-sung, half-recited choruses, sung in unison. The niingi is freer to sing variants of the melody while the chorus repeats the primary melodic motif without variation. The most common structural forms are binary units such as AABB, AABA, ABA, and ABB. Stanza divisions are marked with a falling tone, together with a clap or marked visual cue. Vocal counterpoint is achieved by overlapping the end of the solo with the beginning of chorus parts. Choruses are contractions of the melodic phrases elaborated by the niingi. All songs are in the major mode. Melodic intervals of thirds and sixths are most common. A common song trait is alternating quarter and eighth notes, or eighth and sixteenth notes, with the longer pulse corresponding to the natural stress of the language. Final cadences and ends of phrases tend to be held longer. Verses do not rhyme, but do alliterate. Longer narrative styles normally begin with the singing style known as kusukila. This style is one of contrasts, sung either in a high, loud and explosive voice that descends in register, or in a very soft and meditative bass voice that slowly ascends. In this section, the niingi tells who he/she is, for instance ‘It is I, son of so-and-so’. This section is sung freely, without attention to meter, and slowly develops into a metered narrative that will define the song. The competitive dance form that most expresses the public side of baliingi is the sung poetic discourse with group initiate chorus response called wigaashe. Wigaashe, or ‘sitting dance’, has, for the last seventyfive years, been the dance genre of choice at the bagiika-bagaalu competitions, and is considered the most respected and revered of all Sukuma musical art forms. In sung narratives that can go on for hours, wigaashe singers expound upon their personal exploits, while degrading their singing opponents. Singers insult their opponent’s eating habits, drunkenness, lack of sexual vigor, or incompetence in medicinal ability, while bragging about their compositional and singing skills,

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birth lineage, witchcraft knowledge, farming ability, and undefeated competitive record (real or imagined). Wigaashe composers are full of hyperbolic self-praise concerning their authenticity and possession of the right medicine coming from the hands of the right master initiator. Their songs contain the same sort of informational content as a letter to the editor of a daily local newspaper, testimonials laden with local and historical sociopolitical context. They are also full of obscure innuendos or multivalent local references understood to only a few, giving them a powerful and abstract charm. Much wigaashe song imagery consists of taming the wild, taming an audience, and taming what is potentially controllable, such as clearing the bush or planting seeds, all images consistent with the territorial expansion that the Sukuma have been doing for centuries. Though technically a competitive genre, nearly all wigaashe narratives will also refer to farmers or farm labor, either as praise, or as a complaint about lazy people (directed of course at the opponent). It is common to weave epithets such as Natalalaga niganika ilima (‘I never sleep, I dream of farming’) or Tudimagi igembe chiiza (‘Let us grab the hoe properly’) into the wigaashe narratives. Other common tropic images found in wigaashe relate to fire, such as Jipembele makwii (‘I shall burn the big fire’) or Nasen’ha ng’wii (‘I gather firewood’), both referring to burning medicines, burning the opponent, or carrying on the tradition of the ancestors by keeping the hearth warm at night. Though wigaashe is not a musical labor song genre, many songs found in this volume were labor association adaptations from wellknown wigaashe verses and choruses, which contained hunting, farming, or political discourse. However, just as many of the musical labor songs contained herein were adapted by baliingi into wigaashe choruses, where they became more widely distributed, well known, and remembered. When known, I will address the nature of this chickenegg question in the song’s interpretive treatment.

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Illus. 1. Author Frank Gunderson with singer and village oral historian Michael Masalu. Village of Nyamadoke, 13 October 2006.

CHAPTER ONE

SONGS OF THE BAYEYE (SNAKE HUNTERS) AND THE BANUUNGULI (PORCUPINE HUNTERS) Two of the oldest musical labor societies in the Sukuma region are the banuunguli1 (s., ng’uunguli) or ‘porcupine hunter’s association’, and the bayeye (s., nyeye) or ‘snake hunter’s association’.2 Porcupine hunting dance associations have been noted elsewhere among Tanzanian ethnic groups, to include the Luguru, Kutu, Kwere, and Zaramo, who, interestingly, all have joking relationships (and thus a history of contact), with the Sukuma-Nyamwezi. By the mid eighteenth century, the banuunguli-buyeye competitions were as renowned and anticipated in this region as the bagiika-bagaalu competitions are today (Abrahams 1967: 64). Several sources claim that both societies spread through migrant labor and porterage from Ufipa in southwestern Tanzania to the Tabora region in the early 1800s (Abrahams 1967: 64; Bosch 1930; Mayalla 1994). According to the tradition shared by both societies, long ago the bayeye3 and the banuunguli societies were one. The joking relationship between the banuunguli and the bayeye is more cordial than other Sukuma dance rivalries, and many dance practitioners are members of both groups. As with all of the other celebrated dance group splits in the Sukuma region, participants remember the split between the banuunguli and the bayeye being between teachers and prominent students over differences about medicines. This tradition may have some basis, as the complex ritual training of both societies is nearly indistinguishable. The time of the split of the bayeye into the separate bayeye-banuunguli dance teams is uncertain, but informants claim that

1

From Kisukuma nunguli, meaning porcupine. Two other snake hunting societies mentioned both in the academic literature and in oral narratives, are the bagoyangi and bazwilili. These have all but ceased to exist, except in remote areas, but the terms are still used and refered to in oral narratives, nicknames and in songs. See also Cory (1946). 3 From Kisukuma kuyeyeka, to move like a snake. The term describes the wriggling movements that the dancers make with their upper torsos, what they call ‘dancing the shoulders’, in opposition to their lower torso. 2

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it occurred at the end of the nineteenth century, at roughly the same time as the breakup between the bagiika-bagaalu. In the case of the old bayeye-banuunguli moieties, the associations’ professional duties were similar: to discover the whereabouts of snakes and porcupines, to hunt them down and to capture them. Porcupines were dangerous to crops, especially corn, and well, snakes were just dangerous. Because porcupines and snakes live and coil up together in the same holes, it was important that those trained in hunting one or the other know about the problems they might run into if they met with the opposing party. The students of these groups were also taught that both animals react to sound in the same way: They are disoriented by loud repetitive percussive noises (like drumming), and thus can be manipulated easily and in entertaining ways during music performance. The bayeye dance societies are specialized as snake hunters and healers of poisonous snakebites.4 The hunters capture the snakes by hand, or by traps (Werther 1898: 65). They are pinned to the ground using forked sticks, and they remove their poisonous teeth every five to six days (Cory Archives #188). In their dance competitions with the banuunguli, the bayeye dancers reveal the snakes, which they refer to as ‘their children’ (bana biswe), and provoke them to move, much to the horror and delight of the audience. Other groups demonstrate the proficiency of their medicines by dancing with the poisonous snakes, even allowing themselves to be bitten. At this point, other members will be on hand to apply the appropriate medicines. The bayeye, though they preceded the bagiika-bagaalu medicinal associations, share an affiliation with the bagiika. Of all the dance societies of older origin still operating today, the bayeye have the longest and most elaborate initiation period.5 Recovered snakebite patients are sometimes required to join in the association as a form of payment. As with the banuunguli, some bayeye groups closer to urban areas have gone through a transition period, where the medicinal practices of the association have diminished, and the groups exist only for competing and dancing with non-poisonous but crowd-pleasing snakes.6 Like the bagobogobo

4 Kisukuma terms for the most common poisonous snakes are as follows: nswila (spitting cobra), ng’haga buganga (cobra), and nhimbiji (black mamba). 5 These initiations are described by Cory (1946) and Millroth (1965: 148). 6 Oral accounts and local newspapers report numerous incidents involving the death of bayeye dancers due to snakebites. See Mambo Leo 1925; ‘Nzoka Yabulaga Bazwilili Babili’ 1958; ‘Ngoyangi Akagongwa Nyoka’ 1963.

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farmers’ associations discussed later in this volume, the bayeye snake dancers are known throughout Tanzania, and their dance routines have been adopted by the national and commercial dance troupes who perform ‘ethnic ngoma’ in Dar es Salaam (see also Askew 2003; Lange 1995).7 After breaking from the bayeye, the banuunguli affiliated with the bagaalu medicinal association. According to local reports, the founder of the banuunguli association was Kisatu, who lived in Tabora and brought the medicines and rituals from Ufipa in the mid-nineteenth century (Mihumo*). In one of its earlier incarnations in the Nyamwezi region the bunuunguli dance was called banyema (Magongo*). During the late 1920s, the banuunguli association spread to the Sukuma region via workers digging and laying track for the Tabora to Mwanza railroad.8 When it first moved into the southern Sukuma region, it arrived as a variant called bushilombo, and later bashila tembe, or ‘those who have nothing but mud to wear’, a parody name that may have originated with the bayeye, alluding to the group members’ poverty as well as their vigorous and dust-inducing acrobatic dancing (‘Bunungule Bukandya Kinehe?’ 1963).9 The bunuunguli dance today is arguably the most popular dance among young people in the Sukuma region, eclipsing even the more serious poetic art dances like wigaashe, much to the consternation of Sukuma elders. Since the dance competitions began to be judged according to audience headcount rather than the aesthetic evaluation

7 Snake dancing and performance are regarded as an exciting but highly unreliable dance antic at the urban shows because the snakes, advertised as a part of the overall ‘show’, are always dying in captivity and they can be hard to find on short notice. The bayeye have long made themselves available for noncompetitive and commercial dancing shows for the authorities. Blohm (1933) describes their snake shenanigans displayed before appreciative batemi, and they reportedly danced at a celebration of Kaiser Wilhelm’s birthday prior to World War I (Iliffe 1979: 238). 8 Evidence that the banuunguli had reached the Sukuma region by this time comes from a White Father’s diary entry, who wrote that he had asked the nearby ntemi to tell the banuunguli dancers to move away because they were disturbing his sleep (Diaire du Poste de St. Michel de Msalala et Mbuli 1892–1974). 9 In some areas, bayeye to this day joke with their banuunguli rivals during competition with the following ritual exchange: Wagwa mutembe unamuji! (‘He has fallen into the mud, my baba!’), or Liku galagalaga litugije (‘He has fallen down, he is not that intelligent’). The banuunguli reply with a drum pattern on the mbeha drum, which emulates the syllables and pitch contours of the spoken phrase, ‘Paga nakubinze lukunu’ (which literally means ‘I will keep dancing in this fashion until I bust my ass!’ (Lusana*).

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of talent, the major attractions of dance competitions in the Sukuma region has shifted toward sure-fire crowd pleasers like dancing with wild animals and acrobatics.10 Most banuunguli societies no longer transmit hunting lore to their members, but are only dance groups. Buyeye and bunuunguli songs are typically associated with medicinal arts such as gathering and preparing medicines, hunting for and capturing snakes and porcupines, healing snakebites, ritual instruction for initiates, and humorous dance competition polemics aimed at their rivals. Another common theme with these songs is their dual utility as both hunting songs and competitive songs. Their songs consist of short, repeated call-and-response verses alternating with choruses. Bunuunguli songs are easy to remember, and they lend themselves well to adaptation to farm labor. (001) Selema (‘Move’) Selema, selema Nzoka yane, selema Nakutwale kaya, nzoka yane! Selema, nakutwale kaya

Move, move My snake, move Let me take you home, my snake! Move, let me take you home

Interpretation: This haunting song of older origin, collected by Lubasa (1985), is used by bayeye snake hunters when hunting and handling snakes. It is a song designed to give the singer/hunter courage. The hunter tries to pacify the snake through singing, and convince the snake to let him take it home. Furthermore, the hunters perform the song in a competitive environment, where the conversation between hunter and snake becomes a conversation between a performer and a snake, in front of an audience. There are numerous references in the historical record of buyeye musicians being killed by the poisonous snakes they perform with, indeed this danger is part of the attraction this group has had with the audience.11

10 Another reason is that the dance is a favorite of a Danish cultural exchange program that recruits the best dancers it can find to go back to Denmark for the summer. This cultural exchange has resulted in several dozen Danish and Sukuma-led dance groups existing in Denmark, where they compete and perform in big summer festivals. Sukuma musicians can make lucrative money there, and this fact has begun to affect the dances performed by younger musicians in Mwanza. 11 See especially Anonymous. Mambo Leo #35, October 1925 (niingi killed by a cobra); Anonymous. ‘Nzoka Yabulaga Bazwilili Babili’ 1958 (two buyeye dancers

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Concerning the ability and bravery of these hunters, the local historian Michael Masalu* said: Wanaweza wakashika hata watatu kupeleka nyumbani kufanya watulie wawe wa kuchezea kwenye m’biina. (The hunters can grab even three, to take them home to calm them, so they can be played with at the m’biina.) Juma Mashaka Kalunde*, a cultural affairs officer working in Mwanza, agreed, and mentioned the calming effect that the singer has on a snake: Niingi anaimba kama sala wakati anapokeana na nyoka, wanakubaliana ili kumshika na kumweka chini ya himaya ya binadamu. Anatamka maneno ili kumfanya hata nyoka mkali sana kama koboko, apoe na awe rafiki wa binadamu. (The niingi sings as if in prayer when handling a snake, so the snake will agree to be grabbed and placed beneath the authority of human beings. He recites these words so even a very dangerous snake, such as a koboko [mamba], will ‘chill’, and become friendly with human beings.) (002) Nibande (‘Let me hide’) Nibande ng’wisaka lya ng’honge Na mayoka galimo! (2×) Baliniwila ‘Gavinyage, pye!’ (2×) Eng’haga buganga Ikabulagaga, mayu Eng’haga buganga Ukachibaga na nzila Aah, ha nawile, aah

Let me hide in the bush of sisal And the big snakes are there! (2×) They tell me ‘Catch them, all!’ (2×) The cobra It kills, mayu The cobra It blocks the way Aah, let the night become, aah

Interpretation: This is a lively buyeye hunting song of unknown origin, performed by Salu Kadelya at his home in Isangidjo.12 In recent years, bayeye and banuunguli initiates were required to undergo formal training that took several years, where they lived together and underwent several steps toward full membership. The first step, Ntanda, required initiates to stay naked in the bush for a period, enduring various hardships such as those outlined in this song. The initiate hunter/singer reiterates the expectation held by his group’s elders, that the initiate should capture all the snakes at this site. The singer laments thus, that

killed in the process of handling snakes); Kapongo 1963 (nyeye killed by a snake when Guinian president Sekou Toure came to Independence celebrations). 12 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 November 1994, IUATM song #158.

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a cobra is there, on guard. The singer knows that in the end, this work is going to take some time, perhaps well into the evening, and resigns to this fact. Hunters also perform the song after the hunt, in competition. Salu learned it from his teacher, Nyeyewaza N’hindilo, a prominent leader of the bayeye in the early 1980s, but whether he composed the song is unknown. The buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* had this reminiscence about Salu’s teacher: Alikuwa mkali sana, na aliweza kukamata nyoka wa kila aina. Aliziweka shingoni, na kutembea nazo. Na wimbo huu, nakumbuka, alipenda sana kuimba, mara kwa mara! Alimfundisha Salu, mwimbaji huyu, na kila mara walicheza pamoja. (He was very fierce, and he could handle snakes of every variety. He just placed them on his shoulders, and went his way. Now this song, as I recall, he loved to sing it, all the time! He taught Salu, this singer, and they always sang this song together.) (003) Mling’huba Ndelema (‘You are offending Ndelema’) You are offending Ndelema Mling’hubya Ndelema You are offending the snake hunter Mling’huba unyeye You are teasing Calmer-of-the-BigM’limela Lukondya-Mayoka Snakes He has outdone them since long ago Akalwishaga nakale (2×) (2×) Before, when you were not there! Mbele, aho ng’wali mtiho! Before, here at Sengerema Mbele, aha Sengelema ‘He packed up the mats’ (2×) ‘Akafunganya shilago’ (2×) You are offending Ndelema Mling’huba Ndelema You are offending the snake hunter Mling’huba unyeye You are teasing Calmer-of-the-BigM’limela Lukondya-Mayoka Snakes He has outdone them since long ago Akalwishaga nakale Interpretation: This song, composed by the nyeye Salu Kadelya at some time during the 1980s,13 castigates those backbiters who do not believe that he is ‘the real thing’. Kadelya, known for his pensive, introspective songs, began composing in the buyeye genre in 1977. Salu Kadelya* had this personal reflection about the circumstances surrounding his

13

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 November 1994, IUATM song #157.

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Illus. 2. The singer Salu Kadelya displays wooden ng’hunda cups, dance accoutrements believed to lend power and resonance to the voice. Village of Isangidjo, 21 October 1994.

song: Nilikuwa nawaeleza waliokuwa wakinitania kuwa, hawakuwapo siku za nyuma pale watu walishangaa sana, nilienda kucheza Sengerema watu walishangaa sana, ndiyo nikajisifu hivyo. (I explain to those who make fun of me that, they were not there in earlier days when people were amazed [at my work]. I went to perform in Sengerema, and people were so amazed, indeed, I am praising myself like this.) In another narrative, Salu Kadelya* had this revealing discussion of the nature of his work as a composer in general: Labda nitasikia niingi ya wigaashe mahali fulani, na wimbo wake, itaanza kushikwa kichwani changu. Wimbo huu utacheza kwa muda, halafu utaanza kubadilisha, maneno na sauti. Mambo yote yatatokea kawaida wiki mzima, na nyimbo hizi kama kaswaida zinabadilisha hivi, wakati ninalima hasa. Au, nikiwa nyumbani, na hauna mtu yoyote, naota kuhusu maana ya

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wimbo: Nafikiria maneno, na subject yake, nikaanza kutunga wimbo. Baada ya hapo, naanza kutafuta sauti, pole pole, paka nimeuzoea. Halafu, najaribu kuimba wimbo huu, pamoja na sauti yake kama nimeusikia kwenye kichwa changu. (Perhaps I might hear a wigaashe niingi some place, and his song, it starts to stick in my head. The song plays for a while, and then it starts to alter, both the words and the tune. This process usually takes about a week, and these songs usually work themselves out into a new form in this way, especially while I am farming. Or if I am at home and there is no one around, I dream about what the song will be: I think out the words, and the subject, and begin to compose the song. Once this has finished, I start looking for the voice, slowly, slowly, until I have gotten used to it. Then, I try to sing the song, adding the voice as I heard it in my head.) Sukuma singers have a number of personal dance-related phrases or nicknames that they accumulate over their careers. These are names or phrases that they have composed, phrases that others have composed about them, or phrases adopted from other songs and singers. They know the dance names of their friends and associates. These personal appellations refer to their physical and moral characteristics, their family relations, and their deeds. Members of dance luganda such as the bayeye have common ancestors, and aspects of their dance names can refer to these common ancestors. Sukuma dance names can be jewels of poetry. They are hyperbolic, exaggerated statements, meant to frighten or shock, or make people laugh. They ring boastful, arrogant, presumptuous, snobbish, abhorrent, and sometimes true. In the first line, Kadelya tells his opponents outright, ‘you are offending Ndelema’. Ndelema is a mythical ancestor of the bayeye, and a common personal dance nickname among bayeye members. It is also a term of endearment for a young python. The singer then praises himself with another of his dance appellations, Lukondya-Mayoka (‘Calmer-of-theBig-Snakes’). Michael Masalu*, himself a member of the bayeye as a younger man, had this insight regarding bayeye dance names: Ndelema ni jina la nyoka, nyoka mkubwa, mfano wa chatu. Ukitaka kuingia kwa bayeye, unachanjwa, unawekewa bugota, unaitwa na jina la buyeye. Bayeye, mara nyingi, wanaleta majina ya nyoka mbalimbali, kama ndelema, shanashana, simbi: kwa hiyo, unaitwa na jina na kufuata na tabia yako, na kufuata na aina fulani ya nyoka. (Ndelema is the name of a type of snake, a large snake, a type of python. If you want to enter the bayeye association, you are incised with bugota, and you are given a buyeye name. The bayeye, as is common, can give [the initiate] the

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name of various kinds of snakes, such as ndelema, shanashana, simbi: so you are given a name to follow that of your character, following the character of a particular type of snake.) In the fourth line and in the last line, the singer sings about himself in the third person, ‘He outdid it since long ago’. He refers to the act of outdoing, packing up, or ‘cleaning up’ after the competition; this was how decidedly he felt he had defeated his opponent. He ends his song with a well-known aphorism for victory found at the dance competitions, ‘He packed up the mats’, meaning the winner had packed up his dance paraphernalia to go home. In other words, he had finished or wrapped things up. bpm: ¼ note = 120.

Fig. 6. Music transcription of common core buyeye rhythm ensemble pattern.

In the drumming pattern that accompanies this beni-influenced ng’oma, the midrange igomba drummers alternate anchoring beats with the doubled bass igunya and treble mbeha parts in a stately call and response fashion. Over this rhythmic grid, one or several shikiija lead players can take turns articulating crisp and steady staccato eighth note pulses after every cycle of 32 pulses (4 bars). While the drummers play, the dancers come out, and with a historical reference to the German colonial period, mock goose-step to the beat, all while arranging themselves into a continually moving circle (See also songs #95–98). At first, the snakes remain in their boxes. Salu Kadelya (the lead dancer) then brings the snakes into the middle of the dancers’ circle. He alternates between singing to the snakes in a soothing voice and taunting them, daring them to bite him. In the end, he wears the snakes around his neck like jewelry, much to the horror and delight of the audience.

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(004) Wasama winga (‘He has moved from’) He has moved from Wasama winga Moved from buyeye Winga mu buyeye He left me with the ng’oma Wandeleka ishing’oma Young man, Yamulinga Sumba, Yamulinga I am indeed a snake hunter (2×) Nu nene ndi nyeye (2×) I am coiled in the fashion of a snake Nilinga hu nzoka He has moved from Wasama winga Moved from buyeye Winga mu buyeye He left me with the ng’oma Wandekela ishing’oma Interpretation: This buyeye song, collected by Joseph Lupande (1995)14 and attributed by him to Yamulinga, tells about someone who shifted from buyeye to another dance, most likely to the side of the enemies, the banuunguli. The singer implies that although this person has moved on to join another ensemble or to start his own, it would have no effect on the group or its dance. This is a common drama played out in dance groups. The singer finds solace in the fact that the deserter left him with the group’s ng’oma. He means, what remains behind, is either the physical drums used to perform this music, or the performance skills held by the singer, skills that, once acquired, cannot be lost. Magdelena Lubimbi*, an instructor for the Makoko Language School in Musoma, had this comment about Sukuma dance association rivalries and recruiting practices: Mara nyingi watunzi huwa hawasemi wazi vitu vyao. Inawezekana kweli akawa ni mwanamuziki mwenzake, na mara nyingine mchezaji anaweza akawa hapa, lakini akaitwa sehemu nyingine. Ni sawa na wachezaji wa mpira leo, anaweza akawa anachezea timu hii, kesho akaitwa kwingine na wanapoondoka wanakuwa wameacha pengo kubwa. (There are many situations [about which] composers do not speak openly. It is indeed possible that this is about one of the musician’s associates, [someone who] can be here one day, but then, they can be called or recruited to go elsewhere. This is comparable to soccer players today. They can be the player for this team, and then, tomorrow they can be called to another [team], and upon their departure, they can leave behind a huge vacancy.)

14 Lupande’s English translation: ‘He has moved out / Moved out from Buyeye / He left me working dependently / Son of Mulinga / I do as my father / Coiled as snakes do / He has moved out / Moved out from Buyeye / He left me dancing / Dependently’.

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The well-known pubha singer Sawaka of southern Shinyanga, when asked what he would do should one of his students breakaway from his group and join the other side, said: Ningekasirika mno, halafu ningemloga, maana amekosana sana. Alifahamu siri zao! Ningemfuata, nampigia kiboko! Ningemkasirika mno, kwa maana nilikua mwalimu wake, na sasa ananichezea, sikuwa na raha yo yote. Ningeweza kumnyamazia, maana ninafahamu jinzi ambavyo anafanya kazi. (I would be pretty pissed off, then, I would bewitch him, should it be he has really made this mistake. He knows our secrets! I would follow him, and whip him. I would be so pissed off, because I was his teacher, so for him to play around with me, I would not be happy at all. I would be able to shut him up because I would know how he did his work.) (005) Nenda gucha (‘I almost died’) ‘Nenda gucha, Ndelema’ Kale kale, nimbaga giki! Ng’wana wa nchilu Nandyu gulajiwa Nganza Hagunwa na Welelo Bana bane Mukwangalila kulola mashitabo Kusula mu mbogoshi

‘I almost died, Ndelema’ Long ago, I sang like this! Child of a fool I was almost killed [by] Something unusual I was helped by Welelo My children Take care to look at books To study the medicine pouch

Interpretation: Paulo Lusana remembers this buyeye15 song taught to him by his lifelong friend and teacher Salu Kadelya. Kadelya learned the song from Muleka, of Bung’hwi (Masalu*). As with song #003, the singer addresses Ndelema, both the name of a spiritual ancestor of the bayeye associated with the group’s origins, and one of the personal dance appellations that this singer uses. In other words, the singer is addressing his most important ancestor, or as an aside, himself, or both. The singer recounts the hard times of his earlier years as a snake hunter. In the end, with help from the Sukuma supreme deity Welelo, he survived this turmoil.16 He thus implores his children to study to

15

Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. Welelo is the most common term for Supreme creator deity, and translates as God, fate, destiny, or the universe. Other terms for Supreme deity acknowledged by people of various backgrounds in the Sukuma region include Mungu or Mulungu (a pan-Bantu term that gained widespread use through Christianity), Lyuba (literally, 16

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gain knowledge, both from books, as well as from ‘the medicine pouch’ (the art of healing and accoutrements associated with healing). Fitta ng’wana Liku discusses how medicines were carried by previous generations of baganga: Mbogoshi, zamani, kulikuwa na kamkoba kama kangozi. Akitaka kutembea au kufanya kitu kingine ambacho kinahitaji bahati, anaweka humo kama ya kutembelea, ya wanawake, biashara, ya uchawi anaweka humo humo. Na pia, huo mkoba aliuvaa shingoni, akitaka kufika mahali pabaya, anatoa humo kwenye mbogoshi, hiyo bugota, anakwenda. (Mbogoshi, long ago, was a kind of small pouch made of animal skins. If they [the singers] wanted to travel or do anything needing luck, they would just apply it [the medicines] there, [for purposes] such as for travel, for acquiring women, for doing business, or for [enacting, or protecting against] witchcraft, they would just apply it. This was a kind of pouch, thus, worn on the waist. If someone wanted to go somewhere dangerous, they could remove it from the pouch, this bugota, apply it, and then be on their way.) There is some discussion of the meaning of the term nganza (line 4), the ‘unusual thing’, which almost killed the singer. It is a term of older origin seldom used today. To one commentator, it meant anything bad or unusual that can happen, or ‘a tornado’ (Liaku*). To another, it referred to a lion (Masalu*), a snake (Lubimbi*), or even a mythical ‘lion-snake’17 (Mafanyanga*). (006) Stelia (‘Stelia’) Stelia, kalumbu Ng’oga magehu Ng’wilu wane Nulu ndi’boneka Shitushika ga umunda seke Nitulo yadama Mtoto wa kung’wa Ndelema Nguno ya kukwizuka Stelia, ng’wilabuzu Uli kagundo ho

Stelia, my sister One who bathes with little water My light-complexioned one Even when I am eating It [food] does not reach my stomach Even sleep is hard Child of [that of ] Ndelema Because of remembering you Stelia, the dark-complexioned one You are a knot

the Sun deity), Kube, and Katavi (a snake deity acknowledged by the banuunguli and bayeye, that lives beneath lake Victoria). 17 The myth that the speaker is referring to is unknown to the author.

songs of the snake hunters and porcupine hunters Aha babukwingwa Ako kadamya mipango Wa kung’wa Ndelema Ulushiku Ndakinja Balamanicha, abana chalo Uwa masala, akumana Stelia, ng’wilabuzu

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Those [from] the in-laws Those who have made plans difficult Of [that of ] Ndelema’s family One day I [will] take her from [them] They will foretell, those of the village Those who are intelligent, will know Stelia, the dark-skinned one

Interpretation: The collector Herbert Makoye attributed this topical buyeye song (2000)18 to the nyeye singer Mabanga ng’wana Nguno, from the village of Usende. In this love song, the singer praises a certain desirable woman, and encounters difficulty coming to an agreement with the woman’s family about marrying her. This song is a good example of how flexible Sukuma song genres can be, allowing for a variety of topicality. Nelson Suluja*, a Sukuma graduate student attending Florida A&M University, pondered this text and asserted that the desired woman is given every manner of praise. An example of poetic parallelism, the singer praises her light as well as dark complexion (color does not matter, as it is all the same to the singer). The singer refers to his love as a ‘knot’, as in the knot of a tree, something marvelous, complex, or significant to behold. The singer jokes about her in-laws, who are making things difficult (her father is nicknamed Ndelema, or is of the ‘Ndelema’ clan – a fellow buyeye member). Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* explained the lovesick emotions expressed in this song: Yeye anavyomsifu, hata akioga maji kidogo tu, atasafishika. Yeye hatakula hali vizuri tu kwa sababu ya kumfikiria. Kulala kwenyewe ni shida, kwa sababu ya mawazo yake tu anamfikiria! Hajui akafanyaje kwa ajili ya huyu, huyu msichana. Rangi yake ni mweupe, na mweusi, ndio uzuri wake

18 Makoye cites his source as a recording of a Radio Tanzania broadcast, 17 February 1981; a broadcast found also on a commercial cassette (RTD Tanzania Traditional Music Collection #793). Makoye’s English translation: ‘My sister Stelia / One who uses little water to bathe / When I eat / The food does not kill my hunger / I am sleepless / I cannot sleep / The son of Ndelema / Because of missing you / Stelia with brown complexion / You’re a knot / At the family where you’re married / Which hold together the family’s affairs / She who belongs to Ndelema’s family / The day I will remove it (the knot-Stelia) / All villagers will realize / The brave one will know / Stelia who has brown complexion’.

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ni wa peke, yaani kama mafumbo! Zaidi, yeye anashindwa, atamtoaje kwa baba na mama. Lakini kuna siku kale kafumbo akatoa. Anasema hivi ‘Kuna siku kikwazo hicho kitatoka tu’, na watakuwa wote pamoja. (Regarding the one that he [the singer] is praising, even if she bathes with just a small bit of water, the amount will be enough. He cannot keep food down very well, because of thinking about her. Even sleep itself is difficult, because of his thoughts about her, he is just constantly thinking about her! He does not know what he will do about her, this young woman. Her skin is somehow both light, and dark, indeed her goodness stands by itself, alone, she is indeed a mystery! Further, he is defeated, to know what he will give as a dowry to her father and mother. There is a day, however, when he will remove the mystery. He says this, ‘there is a day that the preventive obstacle will be removed’, and the couple will finally be together.) The following songs prominently feature pet hyenas that have escaped. Many bunuunguli songs celebrate the fact that banuunguli hunters have a special fondness for hyenas. The banuunguli consider the hyena as one of their token creatures, and the hunters proudly display them at their dances. The Sukuma people consider hyenas to be the companions of witches, and the banuunguli like to promote the socially dangerous possibility that they might be witches, because they are friends with these animals. Bunuunguli songs jokingly contain images of hunters cavorting with hyenas in the evening, alluding to the strength of their medicines.19 (007) Wibonile mbiti? (‘Have you seen the hyena?’) Have you seen the hyena? Wibonile mbiti? Ya ng’wa sengi, ilinga kusuma? Of my aunt, coming from hunting? Have you seen it? (2×) Wibona kinehe? (2×) You are liars! Bingwe bahwahwa! Mhayo ndito, uyu gulamuyanje This is a heavy affair, it will trouble you Go to the courthouse! Jagi mahakamani!

19

Another animal having special significance to the banuunguli is the gakakuona, or pangolin.

songs of the snake hunters and porcupine hunters (008) Mbiti yane (‘My hyena’) Mbiti yane, Kubini Ikunitila mihayo Yatolokile bujiku! (2×) Yapi ukulinomo Mbiti, yape amagulu Yatolokile bujiku!

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My hyena, Kubini It will cause me trouble It escaped at night! (2×) It is black on the lips Hyena, with white legs It escaped at night!

Interpretation: Little is known about the context of the anonymous song Wibonile mbiti?, remembered by Paulo Lusana.20 The singer asks if anyone has seen his auntie’s pet hyena, involved in some kind of transgression that required settlement in court. He then calls the listeners ‘liars’, and wishes to take the matter to the courthouse to be resolved. Balele Ngoya sang Mbiti yane. He attributed the song to Masoli ng’wana Butilaga, who sang it often in the mid-1980s.21 The song jokingly laments the troubles caused by the singer/owners’ pet hyena. Because hyenas are not easily domesticated, this song attests to the special ‘witchlike’ powers of the singer. Ngoya* relates this story, as told to him by the composer Butilaga. Ngoya assumes the voice of his teacher, and tells the story in the firstperson narrative: Mimi nilienda mlimani kutafuta fisi. Baada ya kumpata nikamleta nyumbani, nikaanza kumfundisha sheria zangu, mpaka akaelewa. Basi, nilimwita jina Kubini, akawa tunatembea naye, hata shambani, akawa mfano wa mbwa. Baadaye siku moja nilimwacha, nilipomwacha nyumbani akaona chakula hakipo akatoroka. Akatoroka usiku muda wa saa sita, akamuua mbuzi wa mtu. Sasa, mwenye mbuzi alikuja na kusema, ‘Fisi wako, mweusi kwenye midomo, pia mweupe miguuni, amekula mbuzi wangu, sasa tuna kesi na wewe’. Wote tulienda kushuhudia kama kweli huyo mbuzi ameliwa. Baada ya kufika pale, nikamwita yule fisi Kubini, akaja mpaka kwenye miguu yangu, yule mwenye mbuzi akanipiga faini elfu saba. Na hii ndiyo, maana ‘Itaniletea matatizo’. (Me, I went to the mountain regions to look for a hyena. After I found it, I brought it home, where I began to teach it my

20

Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 March 1995, IUATM song #636. 21 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 25 February 1995, IUATM song #300.

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rules, until it understood. So, then I gave it the name Kubini,22 and we just traveled around together, even to the farm, as if it were like a pet dog. Later one day I left it, I left it at home without food, and it ran off. It took off in the evening around midnight, it grabbed the goat of a certain neighbor. So, then the owner of the goat came and said, ‘This hyena of yours, black on the lips, and white on the feet, it ate my goat, so now we have a case against you’. So, then we all went to investigate whether it was really true, that the goat had been eaten. After arriving there, I called my hyena Kubini, it came up to my feet, and the owner of that goat charged me seven thousand shillings. Indeed this is the meaning of the words, ‘It will cause me trouble’.) (009) Mlulu (‘Small hyena’) (C) Mlulu, usanja mabala (2×) (R) Walibona iNungu lyabita! (2×) Mbiti yane alisesejaga! Mlulu, usanja mabala

(C) Small hyena, moves here and there (2×) (R) You saw it The porcupine has passed! (2×) My hyena is galloping! Small hyena, moves about here and there

Interpretation: Mlulu, usanja mabala is a well-known song used in the post harvest recreational bunuunguli dance competitions. Bischoff collected this text (1996: 36).23 The song describes the antics of the porcupines and hyenas let loose in the dance arena during competition. Another reading, suggested by the painter Simon Ndokeji*, is that the song describes the actions and admirable qualities held by the singer and members of the singer’s dance group: Anatumia jina la ‘Fisi’, huyu, ili kuonyesha kwamba usiku huo fisi alilia sehemu mbalimbali kwa kutamba kuwa yeye ni shujaa anayetawala usiku wote, mtu bila mpinzani yoyote. Anatumia jina la ‘Nungunungu’, kwa maana huyu mnyama ana silaha mwili mzima, yaani miiba yake hivyo si rahisi

22 A common name given a ‘pet’ hyena, or a joking name for a good bununguli dancer. 23 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Lille sjakal løb ud i verden / se på strudsen der løber forbid min lille ven / den kan vel nok løbe gør du ligeså / løb ud i verden’ (Little jackal ran into the world / Look at the ostrich which runs past / My little friend / It can probably run / As you likewise, ran into the world).

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mtu ye yote kumshika kirahisi. (He uses the name of ‘Hyena’, this guy, because at night the hyena cries out in various places, to establish that he is a hero who rules the night, someone without enemies. He uses the name of ‘Porcupine’, because this animal has weapons covering its entire body, meaning that because of its thorns, it is not easy for anyone to grab him.) (010) Ilelo hulala haa (‘Today I will sleep here’) Today I will sleep here iLelo hulala haa Today I will sleep here iLelo hulala haa The hyena, mayu liMbiti, mayu Comes with the greeting Jinang’aluche ‘How are you, how are you ‘Ng’wadila, ng’wadila How are you this morning?’ Na mwangaluke?’ ‘How are you, how are you ‘Ng’wadila, ng’wadila How are you this morning?’ Na mwangaluke?’ Interpretation: Bunuunguli songs can be humorous and laden with irony, as in Ilelo hulala haa, a song sung from the perspective of a witch, which, as already mentioned, is a dangerous point of view for anyone, especially a woman, to assume publicly. The late singer and dance leader Ngollo Kasongo (1961–2003) sang this song with great joy while cutting down a tree in her backyard.24 It is about staying up all night to hunt, and meeting the hyenas when they come around in the morning. The song is associated with the manhe genre of graingrinding preparation as well, where the grinders also joke and exaggerate with one another about their long hours at the task (Lupande*; Mafanyanga*). Mothers sing the song to their children to scare them into doing their chores, lest they have to do the work at night and the early morning, when the hyenas are moving about. Kasongo attributed this song to Gindu Nkiima, the infamous competitor of ng’wana Malundi (see Chapter II), active toward the end of the nineteenth, and beginning of the twentieth century. Gindu Nkiima was associated with the banuunguli-bayeye association before it split completely into two competing associations. Gindu Nkiima is still revered as a revolutionary by contemporary Sukuma women baliingi

24

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 March 1995, IUATM song #626.

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like Kasonga, namely for her ability to have made her way in the world on her terms. Every Sukuma schoolgirl can tell you that Gindu Nkiima had a powerful medicine horn that she carried in her vagina, and that any man who dared anger her, especially in competition, would die immediately when she pointed the horn in their direction. There is evidence to support the general belief among those I interviewed that there were many more well-known and powerful female baliingi before the onset of the colonial period, when women had more spheres of influence and power than under colonial rule. Several of the more prominent Sukuma clans followed matrilineal descent until 1905, when the Germans abolished the practice (Itandula 1983: 86; Cory Papers #328). Today, women baliingi have a much more difficult time. The expectation is that women should marry and manage large households, spending their days doubly bent with babies on their backs and hoes in their hands. Women who compose and perform music are considered by many men to be promiscuous, or they are thought to be shirking their strict gender-defined duties. The painter Simon Ndokeji* had this opinion about the song, which he had learned as a young child: Wimbo huu ni kuhusu huyu mtu alikuwa ameamua kulala sehemu ambayo alijua kuwa hiyo sehemu au huo mji ulikuwa na mambo ya uchawi. Alimwambia huyo mama ambaye nahisi alikuwa mchawi sana, ‘Kuna fisi zako, zisalimie! Kesho yake, na asubuhi kama tabia za watu wa Kisukuma za kusalimiana’. (This song is about someone who decided to sleep in an area or town, where the singer thought there was witchcraft. The singer told this woman, whom I feel must have been a witch, ‘There is your hyena, you should greet it! Tomorrow, in the morning, in the manner which Kisukuma speakers greet each other’.) (011) Lilufu lyane (‘My death’) Lilufu lyane Nene Ulu nucha nalachila mu mashibili Nchimi wa ngoya! (2×) Bukagi, ba Kabesi! Washika Ulumala ngoya (2×) Alinga mu mashibili

My death Me Perhaps I shall die among anthills Killer of the porcupine! (2×) Wakeup, people of Kabesi! I arrived The finisher of the porcupine (2×) I am just from among the anthills

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Interpretation: This song collected by Bischoff (1996: 33)25 celebrates the work and life of the banuunguli, and holds the sentiment that a porcupine hunter can choose their destiny. Better yet if it is a life, which meets a noble end while on the hunt ‘among the anthills’. Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* discusses this work of hunting porcupines: Ni kama wakati anatafuta nungunungu, huwa wanaingia kwenye mashimo. Wanaingia humo, wanatafuta nungunungu. Ndio wanasema kwamba yaani ‘Atakufa’. Anaingia kwenye machongo hayo kila mara. Huyu mwimbaji, yeye anatabiri kifo chake. Kwa kuwa yeye ni mwindaji wa nungunungu, yeye anasema kwamba, kifo chake atakipatia huko kwenye uwindaji wa nungunungu, labda kwenye mashimo ya nungunungu, ndio atafia kule. Na anawaambia hata wengine wawe chonjo, wanapokwenda kufanya hiyo kazi ya nungunungu. Nadhani yeye anavyojisifu kwamba yeye amemaliza nungunungu kutoka kwenye mashimo, hakuna shimo la kumshinda. (On the occasion when someone is looking for porcupines, they need to go into their holes. They go inside looking for the porcupines. Indeed, those outside will say [joking], ‘He will die’. He goes in on guard, under precaution. This singer, he predicts his own death. Because he himself is a porcupine hunter, he says that he will meet his death on the porcupine hunt, maybe even in the porcupine hole, indeed, that is where he will be buried. Anyhow, he tells the other to go in on guard when they are going about this business of hunting porcupines. I think he is praising himself, because he has finished all the porcupines that were in these holes, and in the end, there is no hole that can defeat him.) (012) Pembagi moto (‘Kindle the fire’) Pembagi moto Kindle the fire Moche ibupu [for] Frying the lungs Lya ngoya Of the porcupine

25 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Den dag jeg dør / vil jeg begraves i en hulepindsvinehule / Jeg tilhører bunungulefolket / som alle er velkomne hos mig’ (The day I die / I will be buried in an anthill / I belong to the bununguli people / Whom all are welcome to join me).

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Interpretation: In this well-known chorus of older origin collected by Cory (Cory Archives #146), and commonly found throughout the Sukuma region, the singer instructs the initiates to start the fire, so the innards of porcupines that have been caught in the hunt, considered a delicacy, may now be eaten. Because hedgehogs and porcupines are a nuisance to crops, especially corn, farmers pool their information and resources concerning how to capture these animals. The elders send the young men into the holes, accompanied by drummers, who gather outside the hole. They are protected by medicines called salalira, hung on spears outside the hole (Cory Archives #146), to ward off the spells of the bayeye, and to enable the hunter to put his hand and part of his body into the hole. If there are any snakes inside in any of the underground galleries used by the porcupine, they will not attack the hunter. The hunter who goes inside immobilizes the creature with medicines that he blows into its face, and he may kill the creature with a spear or with his bare hands. Buyeye singer Balele Ngoya* mentioned that the grandfathers (baba buhemba) of the association will be there, waiting as the hunters come out. They will ask: ‘Je, kuna wanyama wangapi? Watano? Basi, mbona huwezi kuleta wote nje?’ (‘So, how many are there? five? well, why not bring them all out?’) As the hunters consider their intestines sweet to eat, the captured porcupines are slaughtered and eaten, or the porcupines are placed on display at the dance competitions.26 (013) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (Little hedgehog’) (C) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage! (2×) (C) Little hedgehog, dance with us! (2×) (R) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage! (2×) (R) Little hedgehog, dance with us! (2×) Interpretation: This well-known drummers’ mnemonic chorus is used by the banuunguli in public dances as well as when the captured hedgehogs and porcupines are brought out on display. The song is a common niingi cue or sung chorus, as well as a children’s song. The banuunguli musicians play it while the porcupines are brought into

26 The banuunguli believe that the meat of the porcupine is the best deterrent against bayeye witchcraft, and that those who eat it become immune to snakebite (Cory Papers #146).

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the dance arena. The core rhythm consists of an igunya bass drum playing a stately ostinato figure, which provides a tension to the mbeha tenor drum triplet pattern and shikiija lead part. A niingi will chant the phrase twice, and a lead drummer will answer the sung cue or chorus with the associated trademark mnemonic drum pattern on the shikiija drum. The drummer can also play the phrase without the vocal cue at any point, to the delight of the audience. The shikiija lead drum rhythm corresponds to the natural rhythmic contours of the text, with tones played by all three drums supporting the stressed vocables. bpm: ¼ note = 160.

Fig. 7. Music transcription of Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (‘Little hedgehog, dance with us’) with drum parts and mnemonic referent.

Paulo Lusana sang this song, with vigorous accompaniment by Balele Ngoya on a shikiija hand drum.27 The song is described in detail, by the late nineteenth century German explorer Richard Kandt. Kandt puzzled over the actions of his porter’s ‘hedgehog club’, who organized themselves to hunt the animals and then sang songs to draw them out of hiding: ‘Nsassa (sic),28 4 September. Today one of my people trapped a hedgehog. I did not know, if it is erinaceus albiventr Wagner, because it rolled itself together and I could not see its flesh. The Wanyamwesi knew immediately, the thing to do. They formed a circle around the hedgehog, clapped a beat [or tempo] with their hands and sang. The hedgehog immediately rolled over, nodded its head to the beat [or tempo] of the song and began to run around. Maybe someone

27 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 16 April 1995, personal collection of author. 28 Should be Nassa.

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will try the same thing with a German hedgehog some time’ (Kandt 1904: 55).29 After having seen similar hedgehog behavior on several public competitive occasions, my only explanation is that the animal becomes confused by the sound of music and goes into a kind of trance, while the drummers alter the tempo of their playing to follow the footsteps or head-wagging of the animal. They (the drummers) thus create the illusion that the porcupines are actually dancing to the triplet pattern provided by the musicians. (014) Ulu kalilia (‘When it sounds’) When it sounds, the small drum Ulu kalilia, kang’oma To wait to go, no! uKulinda nukija, yaya! Perhaps I am ill Numho nalisata Because [we have] fragile bodies Iki mamibili madoto Lubala, tuzenge masamva Lubala, let us acknowledge our ancestors Those of the bow and the backbone Ya buta na migongo We should be stabbing some porcupines! Tubi tuchima ngoya! Interpretation: A common trope in banuunguli songs is to discuss the inexplicable resignation one feels upon hearing the beat of the drum, to be called to it as if in a trance, like that of a porcupine when it hears the call the drum, to drop everything and just go and play. In Ulu kalilia, a song collected by Bischoff (1996: 48),30 the singer acknowledges one’s own inexplicable behavior, being unable to stop from going to the dance whenever the drum cries out. Perhaps it is because of youth, or because of a frail body or will. The singer asks his comrade Lubala to join in acknowledging the ancestors, both on the side of their father’s

29 Heute fing einer meiner Leute einen Igel. Ich wusste nicht ob es ‘erinaceus albiventr Wagner’ ist, da er sich zusammengerollt hatte und ich seinen Leib nicht sehen könnte. Die Wanjamwesi wussten gleich Rat. Sie bildeten um den Igel einen Kreis, klatschten im Takt in die Hände und sangen. Der Igel rollte sich sofort auf, nickte mit dem Kopf im Takt des Liedes und fing an, umherzulaufen. Vielleicht versucht jemand dasselbe einmal mit einem Deutschen Igel. 30 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Når der lyder trommer / kan intet forhindre mig i at komme / kun hvis jeg bliver syg / og kroppen er svag / Lubala (høgen) vi bygger en helligdom / og husker fortiden / og hvordan vi får ra på “svinet”’ (When [they] sound, drums / Nothing can prevent me from coming / Only if I become ill / And the body is weak / Lubala we build a shrine / And remember the past / And how we will attack pig).

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Illus. 3. Drawing of a bunuunguli lead hand drum known as shikiija (from Kollman 1899: 163).

lineage (signified by buta, ‘bow’), and on the side of the mother’s lineage (migongo, ‘backbone’). In the last line, the singer gleefully adds, ‘we should go stab some porcupines’, the duty of all banuunguli. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana* expressed how he used to feel about older ng’oma styles: Wakati nilikuwa mtoto, sikupenda sana ng’oma, nilifikiri washenzi walizipenda. Mimi nilimpenda Michael Jackson tu. Lakini siku hizi, kama nikisikia zile midundo za ng’oma, basi, tayari, nikakimbia po pote uko kucheza, nakusahau kazi na matatizo yote yangu. M’biina ni ‘perfect’. Hata kama watu wanasikiliza labda pop, hip-hop, or reggae; kama m’biina zipo, kila mtu ataenda. (When I was a child, I did not like ng’oma very much, I thought it was just the ‘bush people’ who played it. I was just a fan of Michael Jackson. However, nowadays, if I hear those beats of the ng’oma, that is it, I am ready, I run anywhere it is at all, in order to play, and I will forget all

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my work and my troubles. M’biina is perfect. Even if someone listens to pop, hip-hop, or reggae, if the m’biina is there, everyone will go.) (015) Nigwa kamuziki (‘I have heard a bit of music’) I have heard a bit of music, Nigwa kamuziki, kulila! (3×) sounding! (3×) Let us go, I have risen Tujage, nabuka To shake the shoulders, at the Kukanegulila, kwing’oma ng’oma Fupe, I have risen early in the Fupe, nabuka mg’kingilima morning welape Me, I have come to joy Nene, niza kubuyeyu Much joy, we are grateful (3×) Furaha sana, twalumba (3×) Interpretation: In the anonymous text Nigwa kamuziki performed by the bununguuli musician Paulo Lusana,31 the singer implores her associate, Fupe, to accompany her to the dance. Once there, they will kukanegulila (‘shake the shoulders’), a particular kind of dance movement associated with both the banuunguli and the bayeye, involving rotating the shoulders forward and backward in an exaggerated manner, while bending slowly, increasingly, toward the ground. The singer uses the diminutive ka- case of the term music (kamuziki), signifying something small, irrelevant, inconsequential. Regardless, for, as in song #14, the singer cannot seem to help himself: once he hears the music, all is lost, and he must go! (016) Ililila (‘It sounds’) Ililila, ing’oma ya Kujitegemea Nene, nabuke Naje Nakadegeleke kuba Lusana (2×) Yalila ing’oma, ya kumichezo

31

It sounds, the ng’oma of Kujitegemea Me, I should rise I should go I should listen to the Lusana group (2×) The sound of the ng’oma, of/at the dance

Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

songs of the snake hunters and porcupine hunters Tukaibone na niingi kuba Lusana (2×) Nadosa Nadosiwa Kujitegemea, basumba Nulu na kubiinaga, nusekaseka (2×) Nguno ya kudosa (2×) Iti ya kushoka numa Ilija mbele! (2×)

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We could go see a lot at Lusana’s (2×) I am proud And proud of Kujitegemea, young men Even when I dance, I giggle (2×) Because of pride (2×) There will be no returning back Going forward! (2×)

Interpretation: In Ililila, composed by Salu Kadelya in 1993 and performed in rehearsal by the Kujitegema (Kiswahili, ‘self-reliance’) group,32 the singers beam with pride over the success of their group at the dance. Paulo Lusana*, a prominent member of this group who is mentioned in the song, reiterated the explanation heard so often about bunuunguli music, concerning the inexplicable draw the music has on its members: Akiisikia tu inalia, tayari, alikuwa tayari kukimbia kwenda kule. (If someone hears the drum cry, ready, he is ready to run over there.) (017) Libuziku lilaa (‘Night has fallen’) Night has fallen, night has fallen Libuziku lilaa, libuziku lilaa Wakeup, Kisatu! Buka, Kisatu! Let us go to court [them] Tukakanye Ng’ashanda kung’wa Ndelema In Ng’ashanda at Ndelema’s I have not lost my head! Natusalaga!’ Interpretation: Libuziku lilaa is an anonymous song from the Ntuzu region. This humorous song highlights a conversation between men. The topic is courtship. This conversation took place at a dance, where the banuunguli had been invited to perform. The singers, all banuunguuli members in their youth (Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani),33 desire to go to the lyeja, or late evening dance, a place where they know they will be able to meet and seduce women. The

32 Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 March 1995, IUATM song # 304–305. 33 Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #196.

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singer implores their friend Kisatu (a common bunuunguli dance name), to go with them to the Ng’ashanda area, at Ndelema’s (where the bayeye are). Another interpretation signifies the common multivalent utility of Sukuma hunting songs. The song uses the verb kukanya, meaning to entreat, to beg, to conquer, to negotiate, to court, to be persistent, or to seduce. This led another commentator, folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga*, to suggest that this song is used in competitive circumstances, and the ones who need to be ‘seduced’ or ‘conquered’ are the followers of Ndelema, the famous ancestor of the dance competitors of the banuunguli, the bayeye. Michael Masalu* agreed, stating: Ni kama kusema wapinzani wake ni wanawake tu, hawachezi vizuri, ni kama kuwadharau. (It is as if to say their enemies are like women, they do not play well, it is as if to rebuke or scorn them.) The lyeja is where lesser-known baliingi or up-and-coming musicians practice their skills in front of an appreciative neighborhood audience, normally in the late evening to early morning hours, by the light of the moon. In earlier times, they were more formalized, and were associated with the village kisumba (Lubasa*). The lyeja is thought a good opportunity for those less experienced members of the group who have not had a chance to try mimbo they have composed to do so with the rest of the group, to gain practice in the group and to cultivate public appeal. It is a chance to perform compositions worked out on the shamba in a more public forum. Or, it is a time to hone drumming skills with the rest of the group for a longer period not necessarily afforded at the more formal practice sessions. Neighbor youth who are not members of the group may come and take part, and this gives them an opportunity to audition if they like. This affair may take place between 8 and 1 a.m., but may even go until 4:00 in the morning. More established baliingi use this opportunity to teach their songs to a general audience outside their group members. This insures that at the next big public competition, the song performance will be enhanced with large, rehearsed, audience-driven choruses. It is common to see musicians at the lyeja joking with one another, boasting, or deriding one another, as they might do in competitive performance. Or, musicians pose derogatory riddles to one another in song, as in these examples remembered by Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Odoha nkimbili giti kolokolo wa bugwi. (‘Your waist is as thin as a wasps’); Nzugu, nzugu, okula ntwe giti kishama-

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panda onhananagu. (‘Let us go, let us go, a head as big as the path a cow needs to pass!’); Nizilage, nizilage, odundya miso giti kinamhala kabundi! (‘Come, look, big eyes like those of an old ostrich!’) The bunuunguli niingi Mashishanga ng’wana Gombo* mentioned how the lyeja works: Ni mpango mzuri kufundisha washabiki kwenye lyeja, maana, unaweza kuwakusanya baada ya chakula cha usiku, halafu mnaanza lyeja, kukesha, mpaka wanaenda kulala. Mnaweza kufanya zoezi hili hata siku tatu mpaka [switches to Kisukuma] balimana lulu ilwimbo. (It is a good idea to teach the fans at the lyeja, meaning, you can gather them after the evening’s meal, then you can start the lyeja, through to daybreak, at which point they will go off to sleep. You can do this kind of exercise even for three days, until they are familiar with the song.) (018) Ngosha, bebe (‘Man, you’) Man, you, [do] you love me? Ngosha, bebe, unitogilwe? I will see you at the dance Nakakubona ku m’biina You have jokes Uli na mameli Maybe you are reading [in school]? Hamo ukasomaga? Who cheated you? Walemva na nani? Ngosha, bebe, hamo ukasomaga? Man, you, maybe you are reading? Interpretation: This anonymous song, Ngosha, bebe, was collected by Makoye (2000: 275–276). It is a recreational dance piece sung from the perspective of a female participant at the dance. The woman asks her suitor why he is looking at her so intently, as if he were reading a book. It is common knowledge that the best place to meet members of the opposite sex is at the dance. Juma Mashaka Kalunde* mentioned that: Huko ndiko huanza kutafuta wachumba tayari kwa kuoa na kuanza maisha. Kwani hukutana pia na wasichana. (This is indeed where one begins to look for engagements with those ready to marry and start a new life. It is the place to meet young women.) The common theme that is found in the following four bunuunguli song texts, is a dance leader who is speaking to his followers, encouraging them to go into competitive song battle. Songs like this are performed in a ritual fashion just before going into competition or while in competition with their opponents.

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(019) Mahahila (‘Mahahila’) Mahahila, aka ng’oma Katulagi ho! Aka bunuunguli, tacheleja Tukujubishiwa ng’holo Nzagamba ya ngabo Kwibanga, kwibanga

Mahahila, this small ng’oma Beat them here! Of bunuunguli, we are late We will be fined a sheep And a bull of offering At a council meeting, a council meeting Where we eat Huko tukalyaga Hamli ya kubulaga bamunhu [came] The order of killing people The witches have no rear [defense] Balogi batina nyuma (020) Mayu, namuwile (‘Mayu, I should tell you’) Mayu, I should tell you Mayu, namuwile Mayu, sing ululations! Mayu, tuli mhundu! He has come, ‘Finisher-of-Porcupines’ Wiza(u), Lumala-Ngoya People of the ng’oma, [of] the anthills Wa ng’oma, shibili Ichimu lyane, mayu, nalibuche My spear, mayu, I should carry it I am going into the dance Ndija kumichezo (021) Mulababugilije (‘You should ask them’) You should ask them Mulababugilije Ask them all Babujagi abose Those who have already heard me Abo banigwa Who have already seen me (2×) N’abo baniboba (2×) In the Sukuma region, and in iSukuma, ni Ng’wanza Mwanza I should settle, me Nisuge, nene All the way to Shinyanga (2×) Mpaka Shinyanga (2×) (022) Nalibapula mashilanga (‘I am grabbing weapons’) I am grabbing weapons Nalibapula mashilanga They will know my worth [since] Balanimaneja kale long ago Elder, ng’wana Mija, of Gamale uNamhala, ung’wana Mija, uGamale He has broken me Wanibinzikija He has put me aside in a nice place Wanhemela hangi

songs of the snake hunters and porcupine hunters Leka, nabalalile Ndinang’we Nukimana mabugota uMulele, baba, akushikijaga Aligula mabala

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Leave it, I will sleep over, so to be early I am together with him He who knows bugota And Mulele, baba, has already arrived He is opening up his arena

Interpretation: Competitive music performance in Sukuma culture draws freely from competitive social modes such as warfare, witchcraft, and sport. After the Germans actively suppressed witchcraft and warfare (Koponen 1995: 75), many elements of precolonial inter-clan warfare transferred directly to the bagiika-bagaalu arena. War in nineteenth century East Africa included extensive cattle raiding and bewitching between clans. Soldiers and war chiefs acquired war medicines from bafumu in much the same way composers go to get competitive medicines today. A further look at contemporary performance practice bears out a historical connection between Sukuma music competition and modern warfare as well. Competitors send out spies known as basherikaale (from Kiswahili serikali, or government, alluding to the work of ‘government agents’) during competition to assess what the other side is doing, while group members hide in strategic spots before moving into the dance arena so as not to disclose the number of members in the group, or who is scheduled to perform. Sukuma dance groups, like many other dance groups found throughout Tanzania since the influential interregional rise of beni, divide themselves into specialized ranks that draw their names from authority positions in the government, such as kingi or mfalme (‘king’), karani (‘clerk’), or mwenyekiti (‘chairman’). Many competitive groups use language in their song duels similar to what might have been used in warfare. Dance society initiates known as bomu sweepas are employed to clear the path to the competition area of witchcraft medicines. The well-known bugiika composer Siita Mabushu ng’wana Mhogota of Busumabu compares the devastating effects of his medicines to the power of a nuclear bomb, adding that they are therefore weapons that he must use with extreme discretion (Mhogota*). The well-known wigaashe composer Idili ng’wana Dukiila* told me that he felt music competition was the same as war: Maana kama ukishinda kujitayarisha utauwawa, au utaumwa kabisa. Bahemba watakuja kwangu kuniuliza, ‘Je, utaenda kushindana

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na nani?’ Nitawaambia, na wataniambia, Sawa, fanyeni vizuri, kwa maana hii ni vita, na tutapigana nawe kabisa. (Because if you do not prepare yourself properly, you can be killed, or at least seriously hurt. My followers will come to ask me, ‘So, you are going to compete with whom?’ I will tell them who, and they will say ‘Well do it right, because this is war, we will fight against you completely’.) Dance competitions have long been associated with violence. In a weeklong competition in Kahama district in the 1970s, a missionary noted this in his journal: ‘Yesterday was the last competition day. Unfortunately, one of the sides of the losers threw a stone at somebody and hurt him. A real battle ensued, and the crowds dispersed at once, and a poor old man broke his leg when he fell’ (Nyegezi Seminary Diary 1971: 669). In Mahahila, from the Gibbe collection (n.d.), the singer decries the fact that their group was late to the competition, and that as a result, the judges would fine them. Nevertheless they were given orders to ‘kill the witches’ (their competitors), and that is what they claim they will do. Mayu, namuwile, is a recreational dance chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 34).34 The singer reminds his listeners that as hunters, they are ‘of the anthills’, that is, they know their way around the wilderness, and asks his female supporters to sound the welcome with celebratory ululation upon his group’s arrival at the dance arena (see also song #27). In Mulababugilije, remembered by Paulo Lusana,35 the singer brags to his followers while in the heat of competitive battle, about his leadership and fame, known all the way to Shinyanga. In Nalibapula, also performed by Paulo Lusana,36 the singer is going into competitive battle with Gamale, a title of high rank associated with both the bayeye and banuunguli, meaning ‘the one who finishes or settles everything’. Like a good commander, the singer tells his followers that he has lost the battle, but not the war, and that reinforcements are on the way.

34 Bischoff ’s English translation: ‘Mor lad mig sige til dem, mor at de skal juble / Han er kommet Lumala Ngoya (ham der fanger hulepindsvin) / for at jag Shibili / mit spyd, mor lad mig tage det / jeg gar med i dansen’ (Mother let me say to them, the mother that they should cheer / He has come, Lumala Ngoya (he who catches the porcupine) / To hunt Shibili / my spear, mother let me take it / I go to the dance). 35 Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. 36 Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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(023) Twali na Banzoza (‘We were with the Nzoza people’) We were with the Nzoza people Twali na Banzoza And with those of the Kubini people Na ba Kubini Those who are of the banyema dance Kubi ng’wa banyema Even should they come, their mothers Nulu bize nabo baninabo It is I who provoke the hedgehog Ndi lusaganya ngoya It has scared those of the cobra Ya bapambula bakung’wa ng’hoboko You will be hit by artillery, Malyalya Mlaholomokelwa mijinga, Malyalya Even should they come, their mothers Nulu bize nabo, baninabo It is I who provoke the hedgehog Ndi lusaganya ngoya Interpretation: In Twali na Banzoza, collected by Bischoff (1996: 47),37 the singer mentions the various local groups and individuals he knows who are affiliated with the banuunguli competitive challenge, and he reminds them that he is the only one who provokes and hunts the hedgehog, the only one who can scare ‘those of the cobra’. The singer reminds the followers that they have known their dance enemy since long ago. The banuunguli know that they are descended from the bayeye, and thus they realize their strengths and weaknesses, because of this intimate connection. (024) Kamegayi (‘Kamegayi’) Kamegayi, I tell you Kamegayi,38 nang’wilile Namanile usabo, namanile I know their father, I know their father usabo And their grandfather, oh my! Nu guku wabo, shu! [Who] knows dance accoutrements Kimana mabinda

37 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Vi har Nzoza og Kubini og Kubingwa / som stadig fødes af deres mødre / til at jage “svinet” (i hulen) / I kappestrid tabt I / Slangefaengere, og ved gentagelse / vil I få meget mere gas i hovedet / For de fødes stadig af deres mødre / til at jage “svinet” (i hulen)’ (We have Nzoza and Kubini and Kubingwa / Still fed by their mothers / To hunt ‘pig’ [in a cave] / The rivalry lost / In [?] and by repetition / I would have much more [?] in the head / For those still fed by their mothers / To hunt ‘pig’ [in a cave]). 38 Bischoff renders this name as Yamagaji.

56 Bamana buniyomba Bamana bunisiga Bana ba nzoka Balandya kwenha lumanilo Bahilya Malyalya Nagusola untumba Nabagadije hangi Abana ba nzoka

chapter one They are used to talking about me They are used to backbiting me Children of the snake They are getting accustomed [to this] The clan of Malyalya I take my medicine gourd Let me hit them again Children of the snake

Interpretation: The well-known dance competition song Kamegayi was composed by Sagini Kamegayi, opponent of the buyeye dancer ng’wana Liaku (see Chapter VIII). The song was collected by Bischoff (1996: 48).39 He opens the song by declaring his name, Kamegayi, and then insults his opponents by telling them that he was the one who taught their father and grandfather. This is a reminder to all listeners that the banuunguli and bayeye were once one group, until the banuunguli broke away from the bayeye. He knows the bayeye are gossiping about him, but he has hardly begun the battle! Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* emphasized that the strength of one’s ancestral lineage is important in the competitive dance arena: Baba yao, babu yao, ameshawajua, kwa hiyo atawashinda tu. Hasa ni kuhusu bugota, analinganisha bugota zake na za hao, yeye anajua bugota zake ni juu zaidi. (Their fathers, their grandfathers, he [the singer] already knew and understood them, so [because of his knowledge of the ways of his ancestors] he will just beat these guys also. Especially if it is concerning bugota, in comparing his medicines with theirs, he knows that [what he has] is stronger than theirs.) The following two competitive songs both mention Shing’weng’we, a large mythical creature mentioned often in Sukuma folklore, likened to everything from a tornado or a hurricane, to a giant reptile or dragon, giant chicken, or a giant ape, and evidently so ferocious that when angered, it could swallow hundreds of cows at once.

39 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Yamagaji jeg har hørt at / Slangedanserne fra Lugeye taler ondt om Bunungulefolk / Yamagaji lav medicin til slangedanserne / den skal stoppe dem i at tale ondt om os’ (Yamagaji, I have heard / That snake dancer from Lugeye talking bad about Bununguli folk / Yamagaji [?] medicines to the snake dancer / It must stop them from vilifying us).

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(025) Tumba gwane (‘My medicine gourd’) My medicine gourd Tumba gwane I should prepare-prepare (2×) Nagubejebeje (2×) The bayeye have not seen me yet Abayeye batinambona (2×) (2×) The bagoyangi Bagoyangi I have a calabash of sagala Nali ntumba lya sagala Mayu, nabulaga lishing’weng’we! Mayu, I have killed Shing’weng’we! (026) Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we (‘I comb the mohawk [of ] Shing’weng’we’) I comb the mohawk Ndi sasula isunzu [of] Shing’weng’we (2×) Shing’weng’we (2×) I comb the mohawk Ndi sasula isunzu [of ] ng’wana Gamale (2×) Ng’wana Gamale (2×) [to] Bung’hwi, to the banyema, to Bung’hwi, ku banyema, kuli Mlela Mlela To the initiates Ku bayanda They should know their ancestry Badebe kungongo Ng’wana Malole Ng’wana Malole They should know their ancestry Badebe kungongo It is refused Jikalemaga To be settled with the noises of Kukindilwa ng’wano defeat I have been waiting Nabi bukimale Gamale, he has finished me, uGamale, wanimala, unyema nyema It is refused Jikalemaga To be settled with the noises of Kukindilwa ng’wano defeat Interpretation: The first song, Tumba gwane, collected by Bischoff (1996: 46),40 praises the strength of the malevolent bugota used by the

40 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Jeg laver en lille medicin kalabas /for slangedanserne bliver jeg usynlig / I vil få problemer med min medicin / mor – jeg har slået Shing’weng’we ihjel’ (I have a little medicine kalabash / For snake dancers, I will be invisible / I will have problems with my medicine / Mother – I have beaten Shing’weng’we to death).

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banuunguli known as sagala (literally, ‘reckless’), when up even against the ‘the monsters’, the bayeye and their associates the bagoyangi.41 The Mwanza-based painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this comment: Huu wimbo unahusu hasa uwezo wa mabugota yao. Anaandaa chombo cha kutunza bugota ili aweze kuwafanya kweli wapinzani wake, hawa bayeye. Kama hawajamuona, basi leo watamwona! (This song is especially about the ability of their bugota. He prepares the utensil for protecting the bugota so he can really ‘do in’ his enemies the bayeye. If they have not seen him yet, today they will see him!) In the second dance competition song collected by Bischoff (1996: 40),42 the singer sings while warring in the dance arena with his dance enemy, Gamale. He claims to have tamed his enemy (this creature) by combing its mohawk.43 Then he regroups with his initiates, evoking the ancestors of the banuunguli, the banyema. He tells them they should refuse to give in, and that they should come to know the true nature of their ancestry. The buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku had this explanation of the metaphorical dimensions of this term, when singers uses it in the dance arena: Shing’weng’we ni kitu kikubwa. Zamani, kihistoria, Shing’weng’we ilikuwa inameza watu. Inakusanya watu, inameza watu hata kumi, ng’ombe, mbuzi na kila kitu inameza. Sasa, huyu alibakia peke yake, akaiua. Eeh, ni adui yake, ni lenyewe kabisa, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa anapambana na mtu mkali sana, mchezaji ana nguvu. Wakati ule alipambana naye akamshinda sasa, yule Shing’weng’we akampa jina sasa sababu yeye alikuwa na nguvu mkali. (Shing’weng’we was a very large thing. Long ago, in history, Shing’weng’we could swallow people. It could gather people, and swallow even ten, together with 41

Bagoyangi is an older regional variant or nickname for the bayeye. Bischoff ’s Danish translation: Jeg reder min hårtop, som Shing’weng’we / jeg reder min hårtop som søn af Gamale / i Bung’hwi hos barnebarnet af Mlele / unge hulepindsvinedansere med nummer på ryggen / som oldefar Malole’s born med numre på ryggen /der aldrig blev drillet for at tabe i kamp / vi bader selvom vandet er knapt / hos gamale’s hulepindsvinedansere går det godt / vi bliver aldrig drillet for at tabe i kamp’ (I comb the top of my hair, of Shing’weng’we / I comb the top of my hair, the son of Gamale / Bung’hwi grandchild of Mlele / Young porcupine dancer with the number on the back / Great-grandfather Malole’s, born with numbers on their backs / Never settled to lose in the fight / We bathe even if there is little water / Gamale’s porcupine dancer, it is good / We will never settle to lose in battle). 43 A mohawk is a hairstyle named after the native Mohican peoples of the northeastern United States, popularized by British ‘punk-rockers’ in the 1970s and 1980s. It is a haircut with a coxcomb standing in the middle of an otherwise clean-shaven head. 42

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cows, goats, or anything else that it could swallow. Now, this person who remained behind could kill it. Yes, he [the singer] is alluding to his enemy, it was indeed him, because he was competing with a very fierce opponent, a dancer with great strength. When he competed with him he beat him, so he attributed him with the name ‘Shing’weng’we’, to openly attest to his opponent’s strength.) (027) Banyema (‘Banyema’) Banyema namuwile Washika Ndelya Tukangishagi na lubango Gise mapanda tukajaga mshibili Twakayumba twagodoka Sumbagwa na kukindwa (2×)

Banyema, let me tell you Here is Ndelya Let us go to greet him with blessings Ours are ways leading us into anthills We take a walk and come back Let alone, to be defeated (2×)

Interpretation: In this anonymous bunuunguli song text collected by Lubasa (1985),44 the singer reminds the listener that it is only in working together, that they can beat their opponent Ndelya, leader of the bayeye. The singer evokes ‘anthills’, a common trope in bunuunguli songs. The anthill is the wilderness that the banuunguli roam in, the place where porcupines are. It is also, in this case, the name given to competitions of a smaller scale, known as m’biina ya shibili, or m’biina ya hashigulu, literally, ‘dance of the anthills’, where lesser-known baliingi compete against one another in the hopes of being discovered and invited to the larger pubic competitions. The bunuunguli niingi Mashishanga* discussed how budding baliingi set up an ‘anthill’ competition: Vijijini, unaeanda unamwambia mtu, ‘Labda tushindane’, akajibu, Uhuh, sawa’. Basi, unatafuta mbuga au mahali ambao itafaa. Unakubali na malipo, kama nani atashinda nini baada ya kumaliza, labda ni hela, au cigareti, au sabuni au nguo, hata kitu kirahisi kama viberiti! Kama ukiimba vizuri, unaweza kushinda vitu vizuri kweli, halafu siyo kutoka adui yako tu, ni washabiki ambao watalipa! Lakini

44 Lubasa’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Banyema-banuunguli niwaambie / Amefika Ndeleya / Tukamsalimuni na tabasamu / Sasa huenda mapanda tunaenda kwenye kichuguu na shimo / Tunatembea tunarudi / Sembuse na kushindwa’ (Banyema I tell you / Ndeleya has arrived / Let us greet him with smiles / Now we go to the hills we go to the anthills and holes /We go we return / Left alone to be defeated).

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siku hizi, baliingi wengi wanasubiri kualikwa na matajiri au wanasiasa tu. (In the village, you can go and just tell someone [a potential opponent], ‘Maybe we should compete’, and they will answer, ‘Uhuh, right’. So, you look for a field or any other suitable place. You agree upon the payment, what the winner will receive after finishing, perhaps money, or cigarettes, or soap, or clothing, something even as simple as a box of matches! If you sing well, you can win some really nice things, and not just from your dance enemy, even fans will give you gifts! However, these days, many baliingi just wait for invitations from rich people or the government for sponsorship.) (028) Buyeye bucha (‘Buyeye died’) Buyeye bucha Buyeye died Bucha ng’wamuyeye It died at the nyeye’s Bundekela ishing’oma They left me with the dance/drums Interpretation: All that is known of this recreational dance chorus text collected by Bischoff (1996: 94)45 is that it is a victory song performed by the banuunguli after they beat the bayeye. The text indicates that the singer’s opponents were so soundly defeated that they just left their drums and went home. (029) Kunonela (‘To taste sweetness’) To taste sweetness, mayu Kunonela, mayu Lemons, to taste sweetness (2×) Mandimu, kunonela (2×) He ate the nyeye, mayu Wagalya unyeye, mayu Lemons, to taste sweetness (2×) Mandimu, kunonela (2×) Interpretation: This song, remembered by the bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana,46 is a victory song that the singer attributed to ng’wana Gumbulu. The buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* described the situation well: Hapo, alimshindwa nyeye, mtunzi alipomshinda nyeye, alitunga wimbo huu. Nilimwona, alikula mandimu wakati alimshinda. Mandimu, sisi tunakula kwa haraka tu, unatumia muda mchache, nay-

45 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Slangedansegruppen erpløst /slut med ng’wanamuyeye / de efterlod trommerne’ (The snake dance group has died / It ended with the snake dancer / They left the drums). 46 Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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eye alimshinda kwa muda chache. (Here, when the nyeye was beaten, when the composer beat the nyeye, he composed this song. I saw him, he ate a lemon while he was competing. Lemons, we eat with haste, you consume in just a short time, and now this guy beat his opponent in a short time.) Mwanza-based painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this point to add about the metaphor of the lemon used in this song: Ndimu siyo tamu, ni chungu. Kwa hiyo anashangaza watu kusema ladha yake mandimu, bado ni tamu. Mimi nimeona bila shaka maana yake ilikuwa ni kusema ushindi ndiyo mitamu. (A lemon is not sweet, it is sour. Therefore, he surprises his listeners by saying the taste of his enemy, though that of a lemon, is still sweet. Me, I am certain that he means that victory itself, though difficult, is indeed sweet.) (030) Aho mkanizila (‘When you came for me’) When you came for me (2×) Aho mkanizila (2×) I was still making those leg rattles Nali natali nusula ng’hinda My children Bana bane Dancing skirts Mabuyombe Even if I wander Nulu nayele Young girls Baniki Kolongo, to the east Kolongo, lya sukuma Dancing skirts are there Mabuyombe kule Interpretation: In this jaunty bunuunguli dance song performed by Ng’ollo Kasongo together with her group Kujitegemea,47 the singer decries to her students the perceived loss of traditional practices, evident in the fact that the personal preparation and use of dance accoutrements such as leg rattles and dancing skirts is no longer as prevalent as it once was. Instead, most musicians and dancers buy their dance accoutrements and uniforms readymade from specialists or from shops in town. According to this singer, there are areas on the outskirts of the region, however, namely Kolongo in the east, where the practice of preparing one’s costume from scratch can still be found.

47

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10 March 1995, IUATM song #628.

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(031) Ulu nakamala milimo (‘If I finish the job’) If I finish the job Ulu nakamala milimo May you let go of the inheritance, Himba mkulyohela, baba baba My horn, that of ng’wana Sengeka Ilipembe lyane, lya ng’wana Sengeka That of the Forcer-of-Witches Lya Ng’walugagaja-Balogi It fears nothing! Litatininhaga! Come and behold! Nzugwi ng’wilolele! It is spinning around Kalipilima This sewing thimble Aka nduti Daughters and old women Bashike na bagikulu Are pampering children Bakongolaga bana To come and behold Nzalalila Kwiza kunola Nzalalila Interpretation: In this song, performed here by Balele Ngoya48 and attributed to his teacher ng’wana Butilaga, the singer asks his teacher, the owner of the ‘horn’, when he will release the horn to his students. The horn here is both a physical clan heirloom, and a metaphor for the skills and blessing required for the student to continue his teachers’ work. The singer asks his enemies and friends alike if they can really understand how powerful this horn is, which belongs to the ‘Forcer of Witches’, or the one who brings witches out into the light. The social use of witchcraft as psychological warfare, and the use of public ‘performative’ witchcraft and manipulation of supernatural beliefs play a big role in Sukuma music. The general Sukuma public believes that most baliingi practice witchcraft. Therefore, the question of how ‘baliingi as witches’ are different from ‘witches as witches’, in terms of public acceptance, needs to be addressed. Why are baliingi allowed to brag about their witchcraft (bulogi) exploits and to perform their deeds in public without the fatal punishment meted out to non-baliingi who are accused of witchcraft? Perhaps one reason is baliingi only bewitch other baliingi, in public. There is no doubt who is doing the bewitching, how they are doing it, and to whom. Thus, when one calls a niingi a witch, it is a much less dangerous accusation. It is assumed that the one bewitched should have the necessary skills and resources to counter any attack. Makanga made the point that dance

48

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #296.

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witchcraft was bulogo wa banja, or ‘cleverness’ witchcraft, as opposed to malevolent witchcraft used to harm in everyday life. There are many supernatural beliefs associated with rhinoceros and wildebeest horns in eastern Africa. They are thought of as protectors of the home against witchcraft (Hilya*), or as having a conscious living spirit that can be sent out to bewitch others. Baliingi use them as divinatory devices, to assess their luck in the competition field. Questions most often asked are those concerning outcomes of competitions, specific intentions of their opponent and types of medicines they will use, and suggestions for types of medicines most suitable for use in defense. The bunuunguli composer Migelegele discussed the nature of the questions a potential competitor might ask in divination: Kama ukimuliza, ‘Je nitashindwa?’, na jibu lake ni ‘Ndio’, baliingi wengi watakataa kabisa kuingia kwenye mashindano. Wao wenye masala, wakabadilisha swali yao, ‘Kama nikishindwa, afadhali nitumie bugota gani?’ (If you ask it [the horn], ‘Will I be defeated?’ and if its answer is ‘Yes,’ many baliingi would refuse to compete). The clever ones will then rephrase the question, ‘If I am to be defeated, what medicines should I use?’) The niingi ng’wana Hilya* outlined two methods used when consulting the horn: Pembe hilo tunatumia njia mbili: 1) Pembe linaulizwa, na huyu mwenye swali anaanza sasa kuchora kwenye michanga picha za luganda ambalo linahusiano na bugota ya kutumia kwenye mashindano, au 2) Pembe linatupwa ovyoovyo michangani, na alama yake kwenye michango zitaonyesha njia. (The horn is consulted in two methods: 1) The horn is asked the question, whereupon the questioner begins to draw the outcome in the sand, in symbols implicating the clan associated with the medicines that will be used in the competition, or 2) The horn is thrown randomly into the sand, and its positioning or its markings in the sand will provide the path.) Visual artist Simon Ndokeji* elaborated on the conversation between niingi and masamva in this song: Huyu bwana, alikuwa anauliza kwa baba yake iwapo ataacha hii kazi ya ng’oma, hili pembe lake alilokuwa anatumia kwenye michezo. ‘Kuna mtu mwinigine ambaye atarithishwa?’ Mzazi akifa, mtoto wa kwanza hasa wa kike huwa anapewa aidha ng’ombe au kitu chochote, hata kama ni mbuzi, ili kutimiza miko fulani ambayo iko kwenye familia hiyo. Kwa hiyo katika wimbo huu huyu bwana alipenda kikae daima kama kumbukumbu ya maisha yake aliokuwa anaishi, ili kila anayezaliwa alikute hilo ‘pembe’ kama historia ya familia. Pembe hilo lilikuwa limetengenezewa mabugota makali ambalo mtu yeyote hawezi kumfanya kitu. (This guy asks his

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medicine father, when will he leave behind this work, this horn that he has used in the dance? [He asks his father] ‘Is there anyone else who is eligible to receive this inheritance?’ When a parent dies, the firstborn child, especially if a male, is given cattle, or anything at all, such as goats, to honor family custom. Therefore, in this song, this guy wants to sit forever with the memory of his father and how he lived, so everyone born into the family should be able to meet this ‘horn’, as an example of their family history. This horn fears nothing, and was prepared with dangerous bugota, with which, no one can do anything to stop him.) 49 (032) Najimija ntumba gwane (‘I have lost my medicine container’) I have lost my medicine container Najimija ntumba gwane Ng’wana Mahenge Ng’wana Mahenge Najimija ntumba gwane (2×) I have lost my medicine container (2×) Was it a lie? Wali buhwahwa? Likanihanga lin’hwa liMatabila It was predicted for me by Matabila49 ‘Ukatinde mahala’ ‘You should win somewhere’ Baba nkulu, kabuka My great-grandfather, stand firm Ukilugula mayila (2×) Open the ways (2×) Na mihwa uniingije And thorns you should remove Gatizunichima [So] they should not pierce my feet Ugalihya nzila You widen the way Interpretation: Asking the ancestors for guidance in ‘opening the way’ is a common trope in many buyeye and bunuunguli songs. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana sings this song50 from the perspective of a medicine healer who has lost his medicine, or has somehow lost his strength and power. It was revealed to him in prophecy, that his medicine gourd would guide him in victory. So, he asks, ‘Was this prophecy a lie’? He then pleads with his ancestors for the strength, foresight, and ability to continue to do his work.

49 This line could also be heard as Likanihanga lin’hwa limtabila, translated as, ‘It was predicted for me by a fortune teller’ (mtabiri, Kiswahili, fortune teller). 50 Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimibi* further explained the singer’s situation (as he understood it): Mwimbaji yeye alipoteza chombo chake cha kuwekea bugota. Kwa hiyo, hicho chombo ambacho alichopoteza, alikuwa ametabiriwa kwamba kila anapokwenda kuimba, lazima atashinda. Hakuna kumshinda yeye. Na sasa yeye anaomba wahenga wamsaidie, kila anakokwenda, njia zifunguke kuwa wazi, na asichomwe wakati wa kutembea, asichomwe na miba, usimsumbue njiani, njia azipanue, kwa hiyo anapita tu bila wasiwasi. Hasa maana yake ni kwamba, njia zipanuke, ‘miiba’ hapa ni kama ‘wachawi’. (The singer has lost his special container for guarding his bugota. In fact, regarding this container that he has lost, it had been predicted [for him] that everyplace that he goes to sing, he will definitely win. Every area he will win, there is no one who can defeat him. So, now, he asks his ancestors to help him, so everywhere he goes, the paths will be open, that he not be skewered wherever he goes, that he not be pierced by thorns, that he should not have to worry about the path, it should spread wide for him, so he can pass without fear. By ‘thorns’ here, he means ‘witches’.) (033) Sing’wanda shane (‘My flywhisk’) My flywhisk (2×) Sing’wanda shane (2×) I have left it, grasping it Noileno kushidime My flywhisk (2×) Sing’wanda shane (2×) If she comes from Kahama, Ulu wiza muna Kahama, my wife nke wane I cure Nulagula I am rich with cattle Nusaba na ng’ombe Interpretation: This song collected by Bischoff (1996: 41)51 comes from the perspective of a retired and successful niingi or healer, who feels he might return to this work if his wife returns. The image of the act of grasping the sing’wanda or flywhisk52 evokes both the art of conducting and healing. The reference to a ‘wife’ may also refer to the singer’s

51 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Min sing’wanda / det er laenge siden jeg grab den / min sing’wanda / Når min kone kommer fra Kahama / får vi mange køer’ (My flywhisk / It is long since I grabbed it / My flywhisk / When my wife comes from Kahama / We will have many cows). 52 In some regions, this is called mabuushi.

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patron spirit, as marriage is a common image linking spirit mediums to spirits throughout the interlacustrine region. Baliingi cue their followers in song performance with their sing’wanda, made from the tail of a wildebeest, mule, hippopotamus, or cow, depending on the niingi’s access to resources. Once a power object associated only with batemi, the sing’wanda’s use is different with every niingi. When a student first receives a sing’wanda from his teacher, its power must be activated through a small tug-of-war ritual between them. The act of cueing itself, businga, is named after the tail section of the sing’wanda. When raised high, singers are cued to get ready; lowered slowly, the chorus is cued to begin; held high, singers are cued to sing in a higher register or volume; low, singers are cued to sing in a lower register or volume; forward, everyone sings; arms in front and pulling in toward the body, signifies to the chorus and audience to listen; pushing arms forward directly, signifies the act of kugumila, ‘throwing’ the song to the banyalaali chorus singers. The niingi and nfumu ng’wana Makanga* mentioned several other ways the sing’wanda is used: Kazi ya sing’wanda ni jivutio ja banhu. Inatumiwa hasa kwenye vita wakati unaweza kupima utashindwa. Unazitupa hewani, unaziviringisha. Halafu bafumu wengi wanzazitumia nyumbani tu, kutoa baraka na kuleta mhola. (The work of the shig’wanda is attracting crowds. It is used strategically, when it appears that you might be falling behind. You throw it up in the air, and you shake it all around. A person might just use it at home, to bless the home so to keep it safe and peaceful.) (034) Soleli unti gwane (‘Gather my tree’) Gather my tree Soleli unti gwane Whistle and growl (2×) Hulula na milundumo (2×) I treat Ng’halagulaga Wa kaswende na bunyoro (2×) Those with syphilis and gonorrhea (2×) Even those who seek fertility Nulu wize wa bulwile Even if an abnormal case Nulu wabugonzo I will diagnose Ng’wene nunagula I will take him to the banyema Nunfila sibitali ya banyema hospital

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Interpretation: This anonymous song, remembered by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,53 captures a conversation between a bunuunguli healer who specializes in curing sexually transmitted diseases, and his student. Mihumo learned bunuunguli as a child in the 1920s when the dance began to spread in the Sukuma region from Tabora. The singer tells his student to gather medicines, and sing properly (‘whistle and growl’) while doing so, so he may be able to better treat his patients. If it is a difficult case, he will take them to the banyema hospital, that is, the traditional center associated with the older ways of the banuunguli. (035) Kilunguja-Mizengo (‘Calmer-of-Villages’) Calmer-of-Villages Kilunguja-Mizengo Ng’wana Lemi, of those of Ng’wana Lemi, wa ng’wa Lufunga Lufunga All the elders are discussing Banamhala pye bakuyombaga Lishinhu, ng’wenulu, kubuganga The giant, this one, having buganga Interpretation: In this anonymous song performed by Paulo Lusana,54 the singer brags about his medicinal and competitive prowess. This singer begins with his personal dance appellation, ‘Calmer-of-Villages’, and reminds the listener that the elders recognize good talent when they hear and see it. (036) Milimo ya buganga (‘The work of buganga’) The work of buganga Milimo ya buganga You must learn and guard iFunzagi muyangalile My son, I will leave work for you Ng’wanone, ndakulekela nimo To heal people Ulagula banhu Lubala, my son Lubala, ng’wanone

53 54

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1994, IUATM song #234. Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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Nene hene, ndakulekela milimo Angalilaga, kulola mu mbogoshi Ugengagenga

Me anyway, I will leave work for you Be watchful, look into the medicine pouch Be careful

Interpretation: This song, performed by Paulo Lusana,55 discusses the seriousness one must bring to bear on the work of healing. Sung from the perspective of a teacher to the student Lubala, the song encourages the student to continue this work with vigilance and diligence after his teacher has gone. The composer of the song is unknown. The continuation of legacy is an important concern found in many Sukuma songs having to do with healing and hunting.

Illus. 4. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana in midair performance leap. He is accompanied by the Kujitegemea group, in rehearsal. Village of Isangidjo, 15 June 1997.

55

Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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(037) Nakizilwa Bihalamulo (‘I was summoned to Biharamulo’) I was summoned to Biharamulo Nakizilwa Bihalamulo I passed by the village of Chato Nakabita mu chato In Nyamilembe Mu Nyamilembe I was with the ward secretary, Tuli nu tarafa, Babili Babili Holding a spiral spear Nadimaga ichimu lya bubote Obtained from the Maasai Likinga ku Bashigela Eaters of better milk Kubali ba ngaka I found a man lamenting Nasanga munhu alidaya Lyantungaga ibambahili ha lubazu Wrapped by a puff adder at his ribs The bayeye were just sitting Abayeye bigashaga They had failed to heal him Badumaga kumpija I washed the cloth, he vomited Naligufula ung’wenda, waluka He started talking Akandya na kuyomba Interpretation: In this song, the singer Paulo Lusana56 brags about how he was called to do a healing session for someone who had been bitten by a puff adder. This was after the bayeye, who are supposed to specialize in snakebites, had failed to heal them. This type of snake, according to Fitta ng’wana Liaku*, is very dangerous: Usipowekewa bugota mapema, unaoza mguu, unaoza au mkono unaoza (If you are not given bugota early, you could lose a leg or an arm.) William Lubimbi* summarized the intent of the composer: Kwa hiyo, kama anawacheka hawa kwamba hamna bugota: ‘Mimi mnungule, ndio nina bugota zaidi kuliko ninyi. Mmeshindwa kumponyesha huyu, mimi nimemponyesha’. (So, it is as if he is laughing at those who should have bugota but do not: ‘Me, the ng’nuunguli, I am the one who has bugota with ability, compared to you. You were defeated in being able to heal this person, and me, well, I healed him’.) (038) Sabuni, naligaiwa (‘Soap, I have none’) iSabuni, naligaiwa Soap, I have none Na maguta naligaiwa (2×) And oil I have none (2×) iMyenda nalizwala And these clothes I am wearing

56

Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

70 Madaso mamenyelee (2×) Bembeleza ng’wana Chalice Tulibabili nu Sophia Babinilage Balole Toya na koya

chapter one I have torn to pieces (2×) Say nice things there to ng’wana Chalice We are here together with Sophia We should play for them They should witness We leave at that

Interpretation: Little is known about this topical bunuunguli recreational dance piece. Directed toward the visitors Chalice and Sophia, it laments the condition of poverty that the singer has found herself in (Bischoff 1996: 30).57 Several commentators attributed the song to Ngollo Kasongo from the early 1990s, for the occasion of her performance before a litany of visitors from Denmark, visitors whom the singer asks to be witnesses (Julius Ntamanwa*; Liaku*). (39) Ng’wizukulu mpemba (‘Grandaughter of Mpemba’) Grandaughter of Mpemba, let me Ng’wizukulu Mpemba, tell you nakutambulile Daughter-in-law of the banyema (2×) Ng’winga obanyema (2×) My wife, ng’wana Mashauri Nke one, ng’wana Mashauri Utizuhugila kushiba masunzu Do not be delayed plaiting your hair The sun has set (2×) Ilimi lya gwaga (2×) Dimaga ni hela ya kugula sato Take [get] this money for buying tilapia Here is one hundred Kalili igana Get change yourself (2×) Ukabunze ng’wenekele (2×) Jila sage jako Utubonaga igarama Shilingi hamsini, giti uligula nyama ya m’huli! (2×) Bei ya matawa! (2×)

Whatever remains is yours Do not you see expenses Fifty shillings, as if you are buying elephant meat! (2×) The price of hyenas! (2×)

57 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘øv saebe har jeg ikke, og olie har jeg ikke / mit tøj er istykker, det er laset og beskidt / Den eneste trøst du har, barn af Charle og Sofia / er at når vi danser, taenker du ikke på det’ (Soap I have none, and oil, I do not have / Clothes I wear are tattered and dirty / The only consolation, child of Charle and Sofia / Is that when we dance, thinking you’re not on it).

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Interpretation: In this song, performed at his home by Balele Ngoya58 and attributed to ng’wana Butilaga sometime in the early 1980s, the singer gives his wife money to buy fish for the evening’s dinner, and demonstrates his generosity by telling her she can keep the change. As a historical text performed in a contemporary setting, the song carries multivalent meaning depending on its temporal interpretation. The text is either a stern rebuke to a wife who is ungrateful for the remaining sum of 50 shillings (an early 1980s reading, as 50 shillings would have been a large sum), or a humorous self-demeaning text where a husband jokes with his wife about the paltry sum he gave her, which should be enough money to buy elephant meat or hyena meat (not the meat that people would pay a lot of money for). Making puns and jokes such as this is a common feature found in bunuunguli songs. (040) Igete (‘It is like this’) Igete, ng’wikanya one Ulinsheji, nakuwile (2×) Shali sha nani isho olyaga mmatanda? (2×)

It is like this, my date You are stupid, let me tell you (2×) Whose [food] was it that you were eating at the enclosures [food stall]? (2×) You pick a [chicken] thigh Osola itango And the bag, you dropped (2×) Ni libegi, ulagaja (2×) So, I have spoken, stop! Nandikile, komesha! No, should even you kill me! Komesha, nulu mnibulage! Where is mayu? uMayu aliheyi? And where is baba? (2×) Ka nubaba aliheii? (2×) Wait, I should cry Lenda nalile Nalile nashoke ng’wipolu (2×) I should cry and return to the bush (2×) Indeed I cry from being an orphan (2×) Ndilila bupina (2×) Interpretation: The bunuunguli drummer and singer Balele Ngoya offers this topical song, composed in the mid-1980s.59 The song is about his bad luck with a woman he fancied who led him to spend his money, and then dumped him for another man. In the end, the singers’ pride has been hurt. Songs like this are used to good effect in competition, offering comedic relief in the heat of battle.

58 59

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #301. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 25 February 1995, IUATM song #298.

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The composer elaborates further: Mimi nilienda katika kilio, nikamkuta huyu mpenzi wangu, tukasalimiana naye. Baada ya kusalimiana naye, nikamwambia, ‘Tuingie kwenye hoteli!’ Nikamuliza unataka nini? Akasema, ‘Ninataka wali kwa kuku’, na mimi nikasema, ‘Safi sana’. Nami nikajifalangua kwenye mfuko wangu, nikampa muhusika pesa, naye akatuletea chakula, tukala, baadaye mwenzangu akashiba basi nikamwambia ‘Wote twende nyumbani’. Baada ya kutoka hapo na kutembea kidogo, mwanamke aliomba arudi peke yake pale ambapo tulipokula, kwa maana alisahau begi lake, nilipomsubiri muda mrefu, na hakurudi, baada ya masaa matatu nilirudi nyumbani peke yangu. Kesho yake nimesikia ameenda na mtu mwingine, wimbo nikiuimba utakuwa ni mzuri, sababu mimi baba alikufa mama naye amekufa. Sasa nikaona huyu nimepata mama sasa wa kunitunza, kumbe, mama naye ni malaya, unaona. Sasa ndiyo nikaimba huo wimbo nafuu kuishi porini tu, itakuwa vizuri sana sababu mimi baba na mama wote wamefariki, nikaona afadhali mimi nijitegemee hata mbugani tu kule ni hivyo. (I had gone to a funeral, and, I met this one, my sweetheart there, and we greeted one another. After greeting her, I said to her, ‘Let us go to a cafe!’ I asked her, ‘What would you like to eat?’ She said, ‘I would like rice with chicken’, and I said, ‘Great!’ Now, I was rummaging in my wallet to give her some money to pay for the food. Then, the food was brought, we ate, and after my acquaintance had enough, I said to her, ‘Let us go home’. After leaving there, and walking for a bit, this woman asked permission to go back to the place where we had eaten, but by herself, as she claims she had left her bag there. I waited there for her for a long time, but she did not return. After three hours, I returned home alone. The next day I heard that she had gone off with another man. I felt that this song was good to sing, because me, both my father and my mother have died. I had thought that I had found a woman to look after me, but alas, she was a prostitute, you see. So I thought this song would be suitable for a life alone in the bush, it would be good because both my parents had died, it would be better just to live in the wilderness.)

CHAPTER TWO

SONGS OF THE BAYEGE (ELEPHANT HUNTERS) An important and fascinating Sukuma musical labor association, active primarily in the nineteenth century, was the elephant hunters association, popularly known as the bayege (s., nyege), literally translated as those who diagnose, or predict.1 Elephant hunting was a popular and prestigious occupation, considered having been a heroic endeavor. This association is recognized today as an important and influential source of varied music-related practices, and their expressive culture is remembered in several current ritual and labor-related contexts. To provide a quick historical synopsis, elephant hunting had always been a popular occupation, for even nominal agro-pastoralists like the Sukuma, as elephants roamed freely in herds throughout the lake Victoria Nyanza region, and were a handy source of food. By the midnineteenth century, Arab traders had begun to secure a stronghold in the region, where towns like Tabora and Mwanza, and chiefdoms like Kageye and Unyanyembe became important slave, porterage, and elephant tusk trade centers. The international ivory boom of the 1850s1890s contributed to the expansion of the elephant-hunting frontier (Rockel: 2006: 36). Bayege elephant hunters were implicated in this regional trade, and they helped to open up the region to the growing international demands for ivory. Under the control of the chiefs, this association spread north to the southern Sukuma region by hunters following game (Itandala: 1983: 230; Little 1987: 53), reaching as far north as the island-peninsula of Ukerewe in Lake Nyanza-Victoria (Hartwig 1969: 43).2 Elephant hunting was profitable and required exceptional hunting skills and courage, as well as extensive diagnostic knowledge about the elephants’ seasonal migratory habits. Members of the association underwent lengthy and rigorous apprenticeships with medicinal 1

From the Kisukuma verb, kulagua. Hartwig asserts that the inhabitants of Ukerewe Island treated the buyege songs that they learned from Sukuma hunters as an indispensable part of hunting elephants. These Sukuma songs were not supposed to be translated into Kikerewe, out of fear of disturbing their inherent magic. 2

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specialists and divinational seers (Werther 1898: 68) with whom they learned as much as possible about the elephant, and from whom they acquired powerful hunting medicine. Medicinal amulets of a sympathetic variety were prepared before journeys, rubbed into cuts made on the forearm or the chest to insure success and luck on the hunt (Reichard 1892: 426). These included ingredients such as the marrow of an elephant’s leg bone, its front footpad, its heart, or its toenails (Cory n.d.). Bayege songs performed on the road were humorous and celebratory songs, which commended hunters for work well done, and boasted of the bravery, strength, and resilience required for the hunt. The songs encouraged initiates to follow their leaders’ footsteps after leaving this world, bragged that the work of hunting elephants was more compelling than spending time with their wives or family, or poked fun at rival hunting groups with whom they had contact. The majority of buyege songs, however, praise the elephant. The image of the elephant shows up often as a common inter-textual trope, evoked as a symbol for something which frightens, something dangerous, something well-known, or something (or someone) that leaves a big mark. The ‘elephant’ is a metaphor for the head of the household, for a worry that one might have, or often, for dance competition medicines, which would have a deadly impact on one’s dance enemy. (041) Tigu, tigu (‘Move, move’) Tigu, tigu iM’huli yatigula ipembe (3×)

Move, move The elephant carries tusks (3×)

Interpretation: I recorded this song on two occasions in 1995, with ng’wana Chiila in Ng’wajiginya, and with Salu Kadelya together with Paulo Lusana in Isangidjo.3 The song is known for its inter-contextual utility. It is a chorus of unknown, older origin, used to this day for any kind of labor or ritual labor, especially labor having to do with digging (roots, graves, minerals) or preparing medicines. The term tigu itself is possibly an older ideophone, a Sukuma exasperation made while performing strenuous labor.

3 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 April 1995, IUATM song #612; recorded by author, village of Ng’wanjiginya, 9 August 1995, IUATM song #346.

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According to the musician and local historian Michael Masalu*, the song is performed when people are working together carrying heavy materials over long distances: Kusema ‘Tigu, tigu’, watu wanataka kuchukua kitu kizito, na kitu kizito ni sawa sawa na uzito wa tembo. (When people say ‘Tigu, tigu’, they want to carry something heavy, that is, something the same weight as an elephant.) The healer George Nyumbani* mentioned that this association with carrying heavy loads is linked in many singers’ minds with the buyege genre, where the labor is one of hunting, or carrying tusks and meat: Sasa wimbo huu, ni wa buyege kweli. Lakini pia unatumiwa kama wimbo wa matambiko sehemu zote. Hasa wakati unatoa kitu fulani, au unaimbwa wakati watu wanaingia kwenye michezo. (Now, this song, is of buyege, really. It is also used, however, as a ritual song in all contexts, especially at the time when you are removing, offering, or sacrificing something. Or it is sung at the time before people go into a performance.) Buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* linked the song to victory at dance competitions: Kama walikuwa wakishindana, huyu aliposhinda anachukua ushindi, na anaweza kuimba wimbo huu. Ni kama wa ufalme kidogo; wamepata ufalme sasa. (In the event of competition, the one who wins now, who takes the victory, he can sing this song. It has the sense of royalty about it; they have received the kingdom.) There has been some variation in the transmission of this text. Paulo Lusana* learned this as Tiku tiku, m’huli yatigula itende, or ‘Carry, carry, the elephant carries dates’. Magdelena Lubimbi* learned this with the verb -tigula in the passive tense, as Tigu, tigu, m’huli yatigulwa ipembe or ‘Move, move, the elephant has been detusked’. (042) Komangaga, bug’hunda! (‘Pound, bug’hunda!’ ) Komangaga, bug’hunda! Pound, bug’hunda! Interpretation: Music and dance performed before and during the hunt had a sympathetic and mimetic dimension. Descriptions from nineteenth-century travelogue accounts attest to a pre-hunt drummers’ ng’oma where individual buyege ensemble drummers took inspired turns lumbering into the circle to take an improvisational break, crouching and waddling with their drums held firmly with their lower calves, in a manner emulating the gait of an elephant:

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chapter two The hunting party, consisting of fifteen to twenty people, proceeds before departure to sing and dance, to drink and drum for a consecutive week. The women form a line and perambulate the village, each striking an iron jembe or hoe with a large stone, which forms an appropriate accompaniment to the howl and vigelegele, ‘lullilooing’, or trills of joy. At each step the dancer sways herself elephant-like from side to side . . . The line, led by a woman . . . who holds two jembe in one hand, but does not drum, stops facing every Arab house where beads may be expected, and performs the most hideous contortions . . . imitating the actions of various animals (Burton 1860: 473).

Other early European observers remarked that the drummers’ dance movement resembled that of a wounded elephant lumbering through the bush (Hall n.d.), or that of an elephant’s playful dance. As evidence that Africans felt that specific movements of an elephant constituted their dancing, the German explorer Werther (1898: 22) mentions a remark that one of his porters made regarding elephants seen on their caravan journey: ‘Herr, das sind Elefanten, sie spielen und tanzen gerade’. (Sir, those are elephants, right now they are playing and dancing’.) Cory felt that dancers emulating the elephant in performance, was a carryover from their initiation into the association, a time when initiates were expected to learn as much as possible about elephants through the mimicry of their movements (Cory Papers #192). Wilhelm Blohm described a funeral for an elephant hunter that he had observed, where the drums played for three days, and dancers emulated an elephant clearing obstacles in the brush (1933: 109). This buyege piece of unknown origin, performed by the Banam’hala of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani,4 is a drummers’ mnemonic device that emulates the primary pulses of the signature sound of the bug’hunda genre. It was originally performed in a pre-hunt, ‘good luck’ performance context. Most of the musicians play this recurring drum motif based on a ten pulse eighth-note cycle (notated here as 5/4), marked by a stronger accent played on the first and seventh pulses. The motif is a mnemonic referent, corresponding to the spoken command, Komangaga bug’hunda. (‘Pound the bug’hunda rhythm’.) Bug’hunda was a buyege style of ng’oma performed by healers, used either to give the doctor and patient strength, or after a patient has been cured, to give

4 Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 19–21 October 2006, personal collection of author.

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thanks.5 Some musicians break up the pattern between them as a twopart call-and-response, and others improvise over the pattern. bpm: ¼ note = 140.

Fig. 8. Music transcription of Komangaga, bug’hunda! (‘Pound, bug’hunda’) drum parts and mnemonic referent.

Consistent with descriptions from the nineteenth century, when inspired to do so, drummers may also slowly move into the semicircle performance space while continuing to play, individually or in pairs, crouching over their drum with their drum held firmly with their lower calves, and making slow waddling steps to the stronger pulse. When asked about this movement into the circle, performers were unaware of its special significance, explaining that: Ni kitu ambacho tumefanya kutoka zamani, maana inaleta raha! (It is what we have always done, because it is fun!) (043) Nyalali one (‘My honorable follower’) My honorable follower Nyalali one Ng’weng’we ng’wana Nkwimba Ng’weng’we ng’wana Nkwimba From Masekela uMna Masekela You who were decorating yourselves Ng’wishonishaga Greet him! Ngishagi! I am still at the m’biina Unene natali ku m’biina The song, carry it home! Lyimbo, lichalagi kaya! Indeed, my honorable follower (2×) Niyo, nyalali one (2×) Baba, me Baba, nene Bug’hunda bombita Mashinyali Bug’hunda, it overwhelms Mashinyali

5 The genre began as the music of the bag’hunda medicinal association, the origins of which are obscure. It is possible that the term has some connection with the nineteenth-century chiefdom of Ug’hunda, which was in southern Unyamwezi.

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Bukanilechaga na milimo Boninja ku bake bane Unene, ubuyege butaale Nabutula mung’holo (2×) Nyanzobe na ba Njile, na pye Jiloti oNjicha, Mhina na Wile ong’wa Masanja (2×) Ulu nimbilaga Ukugubona ng’hale kuba Lubasha Mang’oma, buli Ng’wana Nyanzobe (2×)

It causes me to leave work It has taken me from my wives I, of the great buyege My heart beats for it (2×) Nyanzobe and those of Njile, and everyone Jiloti of Njicha, Mhina and Wile of Masanja (2×) If I sing You will see ng’hale at Lubasha’s place Mang’oma, again Ng’wana Nyanzobe (2×)

Illus. 5. Kisunun’ha Nyumbani in full buganga regalia. Besides various badges and insignia, he is wearing two of his beloved mbogoshi (medicine horns), and carrying a composer’s sing’wanda (flywhisk). Village of Ntulya, 11 December 1994.

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Interpretation: This song exemplifies the common buyege theme regarding legacy, in this case the student followers who will carry it on. The song is performed by the Banam’hala council6 of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani, a nyege healer from the village of Ntulya (born in 1923), who passed away in 1999. Today there are only a handful of bayege groups remaining. Those that do perform, play primarily for village entertainment, tourists, or when called upon for political functions. Kisunun’ha Nyumbani was a student of the singer Kisinza, who was himself a nephew of the founder of the bagaalu, Gumha ng’wana Misinzo. He was introduced to the healing arts by his grandmother, who in a classic shamanic scenario, took him to be schooled by his ancestors who live beneath a lake, probably Lake Victoria-Nyanza, for seven years sometime during or after World War II. To reach there, he traveled to the south lake region, where the water parted for him and he began a three-day journey to reach a particular large rock, where he headed ‘downward’. Kisunun’ha was a nyege dance leader as a young man, but he was never a hunter. He gave up the dance when he became a healer, and had recently taken it up again until his death. Kinunun’ha’s followers and assistants in day-to-day chores were patients Kisunun’ha had cured. It was common for those cured of life-threatening diseases or spiritual problems to attach themselves to the community of a healer. The number of followers living at the compound of a healer symbolized to others his strength and record of success. Under Kisunun’ha’s direction, they were one of the few groups who have kept the buyege recreational dance alive. The singers attributed this song to Mang’oma ng’wana Nyanzobe, a famous composer active between the two World Wars. It follows a routine call-and-response pattern, where a verse is sung by the leader first, and is then repeated by the student chorus. The opening verse is sung freely by the leader, in a relatively slow, unmetered, and improvised manner, known as kusukila. The composer reintroduces himself to his student, who he has not seen for some time, and relates that given a choice, bug’hunda has shown him what is most important to him, that the work of hunting elephants is more compelling than spending time with women. Such sentiment could only be meant to poke fun at himself, and, at the long days he must spend on the hunt or at the dance. He then mentions the names of his students (lines 15–16), and tells them that when he sings, his ancestral tree comes to life. 6

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #190.

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The singer mentions ng’hale, a type of horn with ritual significance to many Sukuma medicinal societies. Masekela here is a personal name, signifying a person of considerable ability. Commentators had similar comments about the motivations of the singer. One of the members of this group, Njile Kishosha Nyumbani*, had this explanation: Wimbo huu, alisifu wale wafuasi wake. Yeye anapolala, anaota ng’oma zake. Wimbo huu hasa kawaida anawasisitiza wafuasi wake, ili waweze kufuata mambo yote, wasiache, wafuasi wake. (In this song, he [the teacher] praises his followers. While he sleeps, he dreams of his ng’oma. In this song especially, he encourages his followers, so they can follow all the things they are supposed to do, they should not leave, his followers.) Steven Mbuni*: Huyu bwana, anazungumza kwamba, ‘Ng’oma hii, iko ndani ya moyo wangu, inanifanya niache hata zile kazi zote nyumbani, niende kwenye ng’oma hii, inanifanya niacha hata wake zangu niende kwenye hii’. (This guy says, ‘This ng’oma, it is there inside my heart, it makes me want to just leave all my work at home, so I should just go to this ng’oma, it makes me want to just leave my wives so I can go to this [event]’.) The local historian Michael Masalu*: Ninaona kama mtu anapenda kuwataja wachezaji na wafuasi wake. Anawataja kila mmoja, na wanajisikia: ‘Kiongozi anatupenda kwa sababu anatutaja katika wimbo’. Anawataja kama anawasalimu. Kwa sababu ya michezo ameacha wake zake, kama akitoka nyumbani, hajui kama atarudi lini. Anaacha hata watoto wake! (I see that this guy likes to mention his players and followers. He mentions every one, and they hear that, ‘The leader loves us because he mentions us in his song’. He mentions them as if he is greeting them. Because of this dance, he has left his wife, if he leaves home, he does not know when he will return. He leaves even his children!) (044) Nene, ng’wana Kubunga (‘I, ng’wana Kubunga’) I, ng’wana Kubunga Nene, ng’wana Kubunga We will leave signs (2×) Bise tulaleka ngemelo (2×) We will leave tracks Bise tulaleka lukundiko They will always say (2×) Balamanuyomba (2×) That is, so, girls Iyene, buli, baniki Dwellings of bayege, baba Mizengo ya bayege, baba Ng’wana Kubunga, father uN’gwana Kubunga, baba Ng’wana Kubunga Ng’wana Kubunga We will leave signs Bise tulaleka ngemelo

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Interpretation: In this song attributed to ng’wana Kubunga (date unknown) and performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani,7 the singer expresses confidence to the women of the homestead that the hunting work will be successful, and reminds his listeners that his group will have a legacy, ‘they will leave signs’ that they were here in the world. The singer George Nyumbani* elaborated on this issue in his commentary: Baada ya kuondoka duniani, mwimbaji huyu ataacha historia hapa nyuma, kwa watu ambao watakuja siku za mbele, watajua kwamba hapa, walikuwa bayege kwenye sehemu hii. (After leaving this earth, the singer will leave history here behind, so those who come in the future days, they will know that here, there were bayege in this place.) (045) Mhindi yii! (‘Mhindi yii!’) Mhindi yii! Mhindi yii! oNg’wa Lubasha Huna bing’we ng’watin’ha kuleka machalo Ga muli masanza ng’wiina (3×) Amabala! Mabala na mabala! Ng’wagayombya Ng’wana Nyanjige Iki namuwile Muli masanza ng’wiina (2×)

Mhindi yii! Mhindi yii! Of Lubasha It is indeed you who have given us reason to leave the homesteads Those, the little crocodiles (3×) Throughout the countryside! Every region! You have caused them to gossip Ng’wana Nyanjige Let me tell you You are little crocodiles (2×)

Interpretation: Sukuma composers are not just performers and entertainers, but are also thought of as role models, as ‘grandmothers’ or ‘grandfathers’, or teachers to their initiates and coworkers. One young composer with a primary school education, ng’wana Hilya*, said that: Baliingi wanaongeza elimu kuhusu ulimwengu sawa na walimu (Baliingi add to your knowledge about the world in the same way that teachers do). According to ng’wana Chiila*: Sisi ndiyo ni walimu. Tunawafundisha, hii ndiyo ni shule. Tunahakikisha wapo kujifunza, na tunawafundisha nyimbo. Tunawajifunza jinzi la kucheza (We are indeed teachers. We are putting out our teachings, and this is school.

7

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #186.

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Illus. 6. The Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani listen to recordings, and offer feedback. Village of Ntulya, 20 October 2006.

We make sure they are there to learn, and we teach them with our songs. We teach them how to play). New initiates in dance associations are bahemba (from the verb kuhembeka, ‘to initiate’). These are the students wishing to become baliingi. The head student is the ng’hemba ntaale, a go between or assistant to the niingi, who also helps with teaching responsibilities. Rank-and-file members are called banyalaali (from bunyalaali, “smartness” or capable). Banyalali are the preteen youth, neighbors, fans, or family members who are members of the dance society, but are not initiated bahemba. Children are admitted when quite young (as early as twelve years) to take part in the dances if their parents are members of the society. They are useful to the overall performance of song at competitions, playing the role of ‘repeaters’ and ‘voice amplifiers’ of the niingi, who kugiling’hanya (literally, to ring, echo, resound) or arrange themselves strategically throughout the audience and sing the chorus parts that they know. As bahemba, the initiates first learn basic musicianship. Initiates help the teacher in his or her work, by contributing to their support, rallying around them in times of crisis, and obeying their orders without

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hesitation. Initiates take on the family names of their teachers when they have graduated. This further establishes a composer’s lineage, and links the student to the ancestor of his teacher, even if the student and teacher are not related by blood. Thus, a student from a strong blood lineage of composers who takes on a teacher outside his clan can have access to multiple ancestral lines, once he or she takes the medicine and the name of the new teacher. This is a common occurrence, as not everyone who is from a strong bloodline of prominent composers can have access to them, as his relatives might be deceased or living far away. Leaders of different dance genres have varying expectations of their students as far as time commitments are concerned. Many composers who live closer to urban centers wax poetic about the ‘good old days’ when students were expected to go and live at the compound of the dance leader for up to three years. Nowadays, with government school requirements, only those students who cannot afford to go to public school or those out of reach of the public school system spend a long time on their teachers’ compound. The initiate stays at the home of the composer, under his watchful eye, helping with all types of jobs such as digging for medicines from the bushes. After some time, he will be tested in compositional skills, leadership ability among the lower initiates, and in the ability to produce slanderous rhetoric for competitions. It is the apprentice himself, who will ask for graduation when he sees that he has stayed long enough and has learned enough. Many students remain at that stage, and may never actually become composers. After getting the required training and the initiates are ready to start out on their own, he will be given certain special medicines, gourds, spears and other accoutrements that belong to the teacher. This lively song was performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani, at their village in Ntulya.8 They attributed it to Mabrika, a singer known in the years prior to World War II. The song leader praises his followers, to give them strength as well as the credit they deserve. The key image in this song for the students is masanza ng’wiina, or ‘little crocodiles’, which refers to either a small species of crocodile, possibly the African caiman, or quite literally young crocodile babies riding on the back of their mother. This metaphor links 8

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #187.

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the teacher and her students. The students ride on the back of the teacher, learning their art before venturing out into competition on their own. The singers that makeup this group all had various comments about the meaning of this song. About the image of ‘little crocodiles, George Nyumbani* said that: Wimbo huu unataja ‘masanza ng’wiina’. Hawa ‘masanza ng’wiina’ ni wanyama ambao wanakaa mgongoni kwa mamba. Sasa kila kitu kipo juu ya mamba, huwa hakitoki, vinajikusanya, hakuna mtu anaweza kumtoa kwenye sehemu hiyo. Na jina hilo ni kama jina la kuwasifu wanafunzi wake. Ndiyo anawapa nguvu ya kujulikana, kuongeza zaidi, ili watu waweze kuwafahamu. (This song mentions the ‘little crocodiles’. These ‘little crocodiles’ are creatures which sit on the back of larger crocodiles. Now, all of them are right there on top of the crocodile, they do not leave, they collect themselves, and there is no one who can remove them. Now, this name is like an appellation to praise the students. Indeed, he gives them strength, so they are known, they are the ones who will continue the work, that people will recognize him.) Petro Nyumbani* reiterated some of the previous points with discussion of the masanza ng’wiina: Wimbo huu, hasa una maana kwamba, yeye Mhindi, amejulikana kwa sababu wale bahemba wake. Wakati wanafunzi wake wanakuja wanamtangaza hasa katika eneo hilo, hawezi kujulikana ila kwa sababu yao. Anawasifu wao, wanafunzi wake. Na kwenye m’biina, kuna pande mbili, huyo na huyu. Na wale masanza ng’wiina hawatoki. Na wale watazamaji hawatoki, ndiyo wote ni ‘masanza ng’wiina’. (This song is about this guy Mhindi, who is known because of his students. When his students come, they broadcast his name throughout this area, as he could not be known otherwise. He praises them, his students. Now, at the m’biina, there are two sides, that guy and this guy, and those ‘little crocodiles’ do not leave, those watching do not leave, indeed all them are ‘little crocodiles’.) Buyege performer Kuba Nyumbani* discussed the makeup of students in a niingi’s dance group: Sasa, ule wimbo, ulikuwa kwa sababu ya mchezo. Anasema hivi, ‘Mimi, watu wananifahamu kwa sababu ya wanafunzi wangu nyinyi, akina Lubasha’. Iko hivi, kama wewe ukianza kuwafundisha mchezo wa muziki. Shule ya wanafunzi wako wacheze muziki, basi unawaimbia. ‘Lubasha’ hapo ni jina lake la mfuasi wake. Sasa kwa hiyo, yeye aliimba kwa sababu alivyowakusanya, alikuwa na malengo ya kuwasifu zaidi, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa alijulikana zaidi

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kwa sababu ya vitendo vya wanafunzi wake. (Now, this song is there for the dance. He says, ‘Myself, people know me because of my students, you all, associates of Lubasha’. That is how it is, when you are starting to teach music. The school is made up of your students, who are there to play music, this is how you teach them. ‘Lubasha’ here, is the name of his student. Therefore, he sings because he has brought them together, he has the goal to praise them further, because he is known more because of the actions of his students.) Njile Kishosha Nyumbani* made this point about the origins of the utility of the song: Wimbo huu ni kutoka ukoo wangu, naufahamu sana, ndiyo sababu niliimba hivyo nilikuta wimbo huu wakati nilipozaliwa. Tunaimba wimbo huu ili tukaweze kupata bugota zaidi nzuri. Tunaimba wimbo huu wakati tunatengeneza bugota. (This song comes from my clan, I know it well, indeed the reason I sing it is that I met this song when I was born. We sing this song to get further bugota. We sing this song when we are preparing bugota.) Finally, Michael Masalu* had this detailed commentary about the song: Anataka kuwaambia, wafuasi wake au wachezaji wake, ‘Wewe, Mhindi, unaingia sehemu zote, unashinda kila sehemu unavyoenda’. Kila sehemu wanavyoenda, watu wanamzungumzia, wanafurahia nyimbo zao na ng’oma zao, kwa hiyo anawasifu wafuasi wake, kwamba wanaingia kila sehemu. ‘Masanza ng’wiina’ ni wafuasi wake, wana tabia kama jamii ya mamba, wadogo wadogo. Ni kitu cha kutisha, na mwimbaji anawasifu kama ni mashujaa. Wameacha vijiji vyao kufuata michezo, wakiingia kwenye michezo, wanatia nguvu kabisa. Hakuna mtu yo yote kuwarudisha kule, hamna kuogopa, wanajua wanashinda tu. Wale mamba wadogo wadogo wanakaa juu ya mgongo wake wa huyu mamba mkubwa wakati anatembea. (He wants to tell them, his followers or players, ‘You, Mhindi, you enter every area, you defeat every area that you enter’. Every area that they go, people talk and they are happy with their songs and their ng’oma. Therefore, he praises his followers, who can enter every area. The ‘little crocodiles’ are his followers, they have the personalities of a kind of small crocodile. It is something very scary, and the singer praises them as heroes. They left their villages to go to the dances, and when they go to the dances, they give all their strength. There is no one at all who can remove them from that place, there is no one to fear them, they know they are there to compete. Those ‘little crocodiles’, they sit on top of the back of the larger crocodiles when they move around.)

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(046) Nakenhelwa habari (‘I was brought the news’) I was brought the news last evening Nakenhelwa habari igolo mhindi Folks, I feel I am surprised Bayinga na kakumya angu Really Ng’hana uNg’wana Masele ya mpula Ng’wana Masele has been snatched by a crocodile ing’wiina But it has become night, night Aliyo wila, wila Words are not said, when related to Mihayo itahayiwagwa, ya witches kuibanga ku balogi Work Milimo Milimo mitale, ikapelagwa na Important work, causes people to run banhu So you have seen, my friend Aliwabona, ng’wichane Interpretation: In this anonymous buyege song performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani at their village compound in Ntulya,9 the singer relays the news that one of their own (ng’wana Masele) has abandoned them for the side of their competitors, indeed he has been ‘snatched by a crocodile’. Coordinating difficult work such as hunting elephants, curing the sick, or competing in song, demands careful leadership skills. Inevitably, some group member can feel dissatisfied, wishing either to move out to form their own group, or to join a rival group. (047) Ng’oma iyi ikulila (‘This ng’oma will sound’) This ng’oma will sound Ng’oma iyi ikulila Watch [for] baba, mayu Lolaga baba, mayu I will meet you (2×) Ng’hukusanga (2×) I will meet you Ng’hukusanga I have left without eating Ninga nakulya yaya I am indeed a lighter of fires Ndi lupemba mamoto Woman of the homestead Mayu ng’wanisale Nizile nu kukulola shigongo I am coming to witness your mercy (2×) (2×)

9

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 13 March 1995, IUATM song #633.

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Illus. 7. The buyege drummer and dance leader Njile Kishosha Nyumbani. Village of Ntulya, 21 October 2006.

Ng’hukusanga Ninga nakulya yaya Ndi lupemba mamoto

I will meet you I have left without eating I am indeed a lighter of fires

Interpretation: In this song performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunhun’ha Nyumbani at their village compound in Ntulya10 and attributed to Ng’wenda ng’wana Jibina, the singer reiterates a common theme found among Sukuma musicians, that of the occasion of the ng’oma being just as important if not more important than

10

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #188.

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family life. This song is performed in the context of a music competition, or celebration. The narrator is most likely talking to his wife, ‘the woman of the homestead’, to whom he proclaims his having strength at the ng’oma, and underscoring his ability to ‘light fires’, that is, to make things happen at the ng’oma. He has come to test her mercy and receive her blessing, which he desires to gain strength for his dance. Simoni Ndokeji* found humor in this song: Wimbo huu unanichekesha. Huyu bwana, mawazo yake yote alikuwa ameyaweka kwenye ng’oma. Aliposikia ng’oma zikilia, hakujali hata kupata chakula nyumbani ambapo mke wake ametengeneza! (This song cracks me up! This person, he has directed all his thoughts at the ng’oma. If he hears the drum cry, he cannot agree to get even food at home that his wife has prepared!) Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* discussed the use of bugota referred to in the song: Huyu anataka kujisifu katika wimbaji wake, kuwaambia ng’oma yake ni kali kama moto. Wakiitwa kuingia kwenye michezo, wanatumia bugota, bugota ambazo zinawekwa kwenye moto, hii ni kama mitambiko kusudi bugota ni kweli, huita mizimu na moshi ili wafanye kazi kabisa kwa nguvu. Na anaomba ‘mama mji’ ambarikie, kwa sababu akimkasirika, atashindwa, atakaa tu, lakini akipata baraka kutoka ‘mama mji’, akisikia vigelegele, atajua atashinda. (If they are called to go into the ng’oma, they use bugota, bugota placed in the fire. This is like a ritual to verify that the bugota is real, to call the spirits of the fire so they will do the work with strength. He also prays to the ‘mother’ of the homestead to bless him, because if she is angry with him, he will be defeated. He will just sit there, but if he gets a blessing from the ‘mother’ of the homestead, if he hears ululations, he will know he will win. This guy wants to praise himself for his singing, to tell them his ng’oma is hot like fire). Njile Kishosha Nyumbani*, who says that he ‘met this song when he was born’, had this detailed reflection: Yeye Ng’wenda Jibina, alienda kwa mtoto wake wa bugota, alipofika pale hakupewa chakula, alienda na alitoka bila kupata chakula. Akaimba wimbo huu, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa akipenda kuchukua moto kutumia kwenye mchezo, ndiyo alijulikana hivyo. Halafu pia, alikuwa na uwezo kukaa juu ya moto bila kuungua. Alienda kumwona, ‘Akidhani ni mtu mwenye huruma, labda angenipikia, lakini kumbe hamna. Na mimi nimeungua na moto tu, nitarudi na njaa’, na akaanza kuimba sasa. (This person, Ng’wenda Jibina, he went with his student of bugota, upon reaching there, he

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was not given food, he went and left without getting food. He sang this song, because he had gone to get fire to use in his ng’oma, indeed he was known for this [using fire in his ng’oma]. Also, he could sit on top of fire, without getting burned. He went to see her, ‘Perhaps she would be compassionate, and perhaps she would cook for me, but actually, nothing. And then, I was burned. I would eventually return hungry’, so he began to sing like this.) (048) Yamalila (‘Yamalila’) Yamalila, mayu Musomansowu Twalya ning’we! Na wa Makende Tukawele kuwelulila Tukawele

Yamalila, mayu You elephant-hunting spear-wielders We eat with you! And those of the Makende We are going to sift and sort We are going to sift

Interpretation: Upon completing the kill, and journeying home with the meat, the hunters would sing boastful songs of celebration. Arriving at the chief’s compound, the hero-hunters would divide the meat. Then, they were received with raucous and extended celebrations and songs of praise. In a rare public gesture recognized as a moment of equality with the chief, the chief would allow the leader of the bayege group to sit on his throne for the evening (Noble 1970: 178; Reichard 1892: 433). This is a song collected from a praise singer of the Nyamwezi court of Mirambo, which praises the bayege upon their return from the hunt (Velten and Lippert 1901: 43).11 The singer, Semboja Kalungwa ng’wana Likisemmewuyaga, praises the hunters visiting chief Mirambo’s compound, and informs them that they will prepare food for them and eat with them, together with their associates, the clan of Makende.

11 Velten’s German translation: ‘Yamalila / Oh, der ist ein Elephantenjäger / Wir wollen essen mit euch / Den Leuten mit den Zahnlücken / Wir sind nicht im Stande mehr / Das Korn für Anderen zu reinigen / Wir sind nicht im Stande mehr’ (Yamalila / Oh, he is an elephant hunter / We want to eat with you / The people with the tooth gaps / We are not in a position anymore / To clean the seeds for others / We are not in a position anymore). In Velten’s translation, the last two lines are negated, this however is incorrect.

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(049) Nashifate m’huli (‘Let me follow the elephants’) Let me follow the elephants Nashifate m’huli It has tread on the paths, hiihii! Shakuba mapanda, hiihii! Of Nyansolo Ong’wa Nyansolo Yaching’wa m’handi na Lubasha, Pierced with a spear by Lubasha, hii! hii! Let me follow, let me follow (3×) Nashifate, nashifate (3×) Fierce young man, ng’wana Shamataweta nyanda, ng’wana Kahabi Kahabi They leave footprints, hii! Shayuleka nyamigweso, hii! Interpretation: Members of the Banam’hala council of the healer Kisunun’ha Nyumbani remembered and performed this song at their village compound in Ntulya.12 They attributed the source of this song to ng’wana Lutelemba, a well-known buyege singer active during the British colonial epoch prior to World War II. Where ng’wana Lutelemba was from is unknown. The singer praises the elephant hunt and the elephant hunters. The song is directed toward the followers and initiates of the bayege hunting association, one of whom is mentioned by name here, ng’wana Kahabi. The song may also be interpreted as praise for those who follow their leaders, metaphorically veiled here as ‘elephants’. According to the traditional healer Hezron Masuka Manyanga*, the ‘elephant’ here, is a metaphor for something that is a fright: Siyo kusema anafuata tembo yeye, anafuata njia ya kitu ambacho kinatisha, kitu ambacho ni maarufu, anaacha alama kubwa. (It is not to say that he follows the actual elephants, he follows the path of something which frightens, something that is well-known, which leaves a big mark.) The composer thus urges his followers to consider the meaning of being followers, and encourages them to follow not only the elephants, but his footsteps even after his death. On the road, the hunters used the same portable, handheld drum used by other Sukuma interregional hunting and labor associations. This drum, known as kitumba, had a skin made from elephant ears, which required a special medicinal coating to make its sound brighter (Reichard 1892: 432). A special branch of the bayege known as the baswagi (‘ruckus makers’), used drumming together with controlled

12

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #189.

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burning to scare the elephants into wooded areas or canyon entrapments, where a specially prepared ‘elephant-nip’ type of medicine was placed, to further attract and confuse them.13 Here, other hunters waited, perched in trees with arrows and spears, ready to attempt to insert a plain, un-poisoned spear at the vulnerable point on the elephant’s head where the trunk meets the skull. In line 4, the singer mentions a ritually significant spear made from ebony used by the hunter Lubasha, a weapon often used in particular by the bayege to wound the creature. Sometimes, bugota was used to entice the elephant into the entrapment area. Buyege singer Kuba Nyumbani* had this insider’s knowledge about the use of bugota on the hunt, knowledge passed on to him from his father: Waliwafuata na ng’oma, na mikuki yao. Ili kuwaua miongoni mwao anapanda kwenye miti. Ameshapanda, sasa anatengeneza bugota yake. Inawaita na wanawatega, ndiyo wanawaua kwa mikuki. Haina sumu, wanaitwa na wanakuja tu, inawavuta mpaka wanauawa. (They followed them with ng’oma, and with their spears. To kill them, one of them would climb up into a tree. After he had climbed it, he would prepare his bugota. The bugota calls them and they can trap them, indeed, they would then kill them with spears. It [the bugota] is not poisonous, they are called by it, and they just come on their own, it draws them until they are killed.) (050) M’huli (‘The elephant’) The elephant, the elephant in this house M’huli, m’huli mkaya iyi Let us slaughter Tubusinze [a branch] Of an nkonola tree Wa nkonola The work of medicines, baba Bufumu, baba Cattle, father Ng’ombe, baba They have finished the migongwa tree Jamala migongwa Another Lingi Is piercing holes in the brush Lilibinza masaka Another is paving ways Lingi lilichibula mayila This elephant Ili’puli With swaggering walk, father Ili maligende, baba Thinned by buganga Hukondiwa buganga

13

Recorded interview with author, personal collection. Chicago Il, 16 May 1998.

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Illus. 8. Pius Ngasa Jishosha. City of Dar es Salaam, 23 August 1999.

Interpretation: Another text employing the elephant metaphor is attributed to Igulu ng’wana Malundi, a famous elephant hunter who attained the status of a trickster figure in Sukuma folklore. Of all the buyege singers in Sukuma history, ng’wana Malundi (d, 1936) was the most awe-inspiring and infamous. According to accounts, ng’wana Malundi could point at a forest and turn it into firewood, or with the flick of his flywhisk, he could traverse Lake Victoria-Nyanza with one leap. If he walked or climbed upon a rock, he would leave huge sunken permanent footmarks. Like so many other composers during the late nineteenth century, he was trained in the buyege association. He gained his reputation independent of the bagiika-bagaalu associations, which were in their infancy at the time. According to the singer Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo*: Ng’wana Malundi alitumia aina ya lukago iliitwa jitangambulende, fimbo kubwa ambao imetengenezwa na majani na imewekwa katikati ya mahala pa kucheza, ile

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watu wangeweza kuziona kutoka kilometer nyingi. Maadui zake wengi walimjaribu kumharibu kitu chake, lakini walikufa tu pale pale tu. Ng’oma yake kama imeanzia, angejificha mpaka wakati nzuri, hasa baada ya kuvaa kanzu yake maalum nyeuzi ambayo ilimfunika mwili wote sehemu yote. Alivaa viatu vikubwa vilitengenezwa na ngozi ya ng’ombe. Alivaa kitu kama kitenge cheusi juu ya kichwa chake, nyewele na macho, hukuweza kuona uso wake mpaka alianza kuimba. Halafu ungeona alivaa kitu kama matope kwenye uso wake. Alibeba mkuki ilifungwa pamoja na kibuyu cha dawa zake. Alipenda kukaa wakati aliimba, na aligeuka hivi sehemu za mashariki, mahali baba buhemba alizikwa. (Ng’wana Malundi used a protective device called jitangambulende, a large pole made up with grasses and placed in the center of the dance arena, placed so people could see it for miles. Many of his enemies tried to burn this thing, and they just died on the spot. When his ng’oma started, he would hide himself until the appropriate time, especially after he had put on his special black kanzu that covered his whole body. He wore big shoes prepared from cowhide. He also wore a big black wrap covering on his head, hair and eyes so you that you could not see his face until he started to sing. Then you could see he had a kind of black mud that he wore on his face. He carried a spear tied up with his small gourd of medicines. He liked to sit when he sang, and would look to the east, in the direction towards the place where his father of medicines lay buried.) The singer from whom this song was collected, Pius Ngasa Jishosha,14 is the grandson of the composer. The singer discusses the work of elephant hunting, as well as the work of manipulating bugota. The singer refers to himself as an elephant, as well as to a herder and controller of cattle, implying that he has the strength and largesse either to become or to control these animals. Nkonola refers to a common dance medicine taken from the root of a kind of thorny tree known as pod mahogany (afzelia quanzinsis). The Mwanza-based painter Simoni Ndokeji had this interpretation: Tembo huyu ni mnyama mkubwa anayetisha. Kumwondoa inabidi utumie silaha yenye nguvu zaidi yake, kwa mfano fimbo ya mti muhimu kwa waganga, ambao unaitwa nkonola. (The elephant, this is a big animal that frightens. To take him out, you had better use weapons 14 Recorded by author, Dar es Salaam, 23 August 1999, personal collection of author.

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with more strength then it has, for instance a branch of a special tree from medicine specialists, called nkonola.) Several commentators made the point that ‘the elephant’ itself, in its use here, could also be seen as a metaphor for ‘medicines’. The traditional healer Stephen Mbuni had this point to make about the term m’huli: M’huli hapa, anacho maanisha tu ni zile bugota zake, zinamtengenezea njia akitaka kwenda mahala, bugota zake anaziweka mbele atafika bila matatizo. Hata ng’ombe zake alizo nazo, zinamfanya, kumfanikisha zaidi, apate yale ambayo ya kuongeza zile bugota zake. (M’huli here, he means just his medicine, it prepares for him the way if he wants to go someplace, his bugota he places before him, and he will arrive without problems. Even the cattle that he has, it works for him, it gets more for him, he should get that which will lead him through bugota.) The Kisukuma language instructor Sylvester Kema concurs: Hapa, inazungumzia ‘m’huli’ kama shida ambalo iko ndani ya nyumba hiyo. Anataka kusema kwamba, ‘Tutafute bugota ambalo litaweza kumalizia shida hiyo’. Nadhani kwamba ukiwa na ng’ombe, kama una ng’ombe unaweza ukamaliza shida, lakini kusema kweli una shida nyingine zaidi. Shida hiyo kama inavunja machaka (Here, this song discusses ‘the elephant’ as if it is a problem inside the home. He wants to say, ‘Let us look for medicine which will be able to finish this problem’. I think that when you have cattle, if you have cattle you can finish your problems, but to tell the truth you also have further problems. Problems such as [cattle] breaking fences). Kema’s colleague, Magdelena Lubimbi, agreed with these previous assessments: ‘M’huli’ ni shida hiyo au matatizo yaliopo, na huyu baba mwimbaji anajaribu kutafuta suluhisho. Sasa suluhisho hili atalipataje? Na kwa kuwa Wasukuma tunajua unapokuwa na shida basi inakubidi uende kwa nfumu au kwa mganga. Bado anasema kuwa angekuwa na ng’ombe au angekuwa na pesa, basi angeweza kumaliza shida hii. Na ni shida mbali mbali; inawezekana labda ni shida kwa watoto, shida kwa mke, shida katika ukoo wake. Sasa matatizo haya yanakuwa yanabadilika badilika, leo akisuluhisha hili, kesho jingine linajitokeza. Akimaliza hili, jingine linajitokeza, na matokeo yake anakonda, sababu akimaliza hili anapata hili. (The ‘elephant’ is a worry or problem that is there, and this man the singer is trying to find a reconciliation. Now this reconciliation, where will he get it? Now the Sukuma people know that when you get problems it is best you should go to the nfumu or medical specialist. Then he narrates that if he should have cattle or if

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he should have money, well he would be able to finish this problem. Now, there are different kinds of problems; it is possible perhaps this is a problem with children, a problem with the wife, a problem with his clan. Now, the nature of these problems can change, today if he resolves this problem, tomorrow another will arise. If he finishes this, another comes up, so as a result he gets thin, because if he finishes this, this comes up.) (051) Bing’we mukujaga kaya (‘You, who are going home’) You, who are going home Bing’we mukujaga kaya Go greet my children Mukabagishe bana bane The elephant having many children M’huli ya bana bingi You who are going home Bing’we mukujaga kaya Go greet my children Mukabagisha bana bane The elephant having many children M’huli ya bana bingi Mpandachalo, ng’wana Mbalu Mpandachalo, ng’wana Mbalu Mashala Mashala Here, we have arrived Ukunu, twashika kunu Who will weep for us? Tulalilwa na nani? Haii, Jagadi ng’wana Jilala Haii, Jagadi ng’wana Jilala He no longer comes Oya na kwiza My follower Ung’hemba wane Those of you who are going home Abo mukujaga kaya Greet my children Mukabagisha bana bane Interpretation: This song, attributed to ng’wana Malundi by the singer Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga,15 relates the feelings of the composer that he experienced in prison. In 1904, Malundi was imprisoned by the German government on a small island near Dar es Salaam, because of a series of insubordinate altercations over several years involving the German cotton farmer Julius Wiegand, coupled with power struggles with the young Sukuma chief Masanja of Nera (Austen 1968: 50–51; Turnbull 1926).16 He remained in prison until

15

Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, August 1995, IUATM song #323. According to popular myth, however, ng’wana Malunde had been imprisoned because he had murdered so many people in his dance competitions. While imprisoned he was reported to have been seen on several occasions on the mainland, which led to the legend that he could walk on water. 16

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after World War I and retired in Seke near Shinyanga where he died in 1936. The composer, calling himself ‘the elephant having many children’, tells one of his visitors to relate to his family and followers at home that he is still alive. Kishosha Nyumbani* heard this song as a youth: Baada ya kukamatwa, akafungiwa ndani. Basi wimbo huu nikumwimbia mfuasi wake, ‘Ukirudi nyumbani, waambia baado nipo duniani’. (After being captured, he was locked up. So then this song was sung to his follower, ‘If you return home, tell them I am still of this world’.) (052) Chikungu (‘Chikungu’) Chikungu Chikungu I am used to escorting Namanila kushindigija [that of ] Aunties, all lined up Ya masengi, hilili I shall sleep with thirst Natalala na bukanga Mama Sengo and mama Nsanyiwa Mama Sengo na mama Nsanyiwa My charms marry Shilungu shitola The large ng’oma are early Man’goma ganguhaga Let us enter, sitting in a relaxed mood Twingile, tukasengemele Shinyanga and Busanda Shinyanga na Busanda On the plains of Mangala Kwibunga lya Mangala Interpretation: This song, attributed to ng’wana Malundi by the collector Hans Cory (n.d. #192),17 is a buyege song associated with competitive dance. The singer brags to Chikungu about being able to escort ‘aunties all lined up’. This metaphorical language refers either to the act of accompanying the female voices of the group (perhaps ‘mama Sengo’ or ‘mama Nsanyiwa’), or as Cory suggests in his notes, accompanying the voices of a specific type of drum in the buyege set. It is common in Sukuma music culture to name drums after members of the family (in this case, ‘aunties’), but whether this is the case with the older historical practice of buyege drumming is unknown. The line

17 Cory’s English translation: ‘Chikungu I am used in the hut of the bayege to beat the drums which are there lined up / I shall sleep without drinks / O mama Sengo and mama Nsamira / With your special distinction of your position / My sweetheart is my drum / I tell you go ahead / We will dance in Shinyanga and Busanda / On the plains of Mangala’.

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‘my charms marry’, means that his medicine charms have joined in an effective way. The following songs (or versions of the same song) are by the niingi ng’wana Malundi. They demonstrate some of the remarkable attributes associated with this person. (053) Ng’wenhwa-Ndege (‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-By-a-Bird’) He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-By-a-Bird Ng’wenhwa-Ndege I pushed down the tree of Bukumbi Nene nashindika linti lya Bukumbi War, mayu Bulugu, mayu Sent me out of Bukwimba Bukaninja mu Bukwimba I forgot my dance charms Niba na shilungu shane I realized they were mixed up [with] Nitulwa lisanjasanjiwa Na Bazungu ho ha Manawa These Europeans there at Manawa (054) Mutatulembage bise (‘Do not lie to us’) Do not lie to us (2×) Mutatulembage bise (2×) For we have been to the bird Iki tashika ukwinoni That lost its feathers Lyashila boya War, mayu, war Bulugu, mayu, bulugu Bukaninja ng’wa Bukwimba Drove me out from Bukwimba Bakaniba na shilungu shane They stole my shilungu Haiii! Brought by a bird Haii! Ng’wenhwa ndege For I have cut my tree (2×) Iki nane nabinzagula nti gwane (2×) Interpretation: The performer here of both of these texts is Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo, who learned them as a young man in the 1930s.18 Kang’wiina was cued to remember these songs, after viewing the texts collected by Hans Cory (Cory Papers #188).19 The songs contain some

18

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 22 December 1994, IUATM song #533; recorded by author, Bujora centre, 22 December 1994, IUATM song #816. 19 Cory provides two translations for Ng’wenhwa ndege: (1) ‘He-who-has-beenbrought-by-an-airplane’ / I pushed down the tree of Bukumbi / War, oh mother, sent me out of Bukwimba / Even, I forgot to carry with me my charms / I just found that Europeans were involved in this issue at Manawa’; (2) I have been brought back by a bird / In Kumbi I have pounded a tree / O mother, their fight has expelled me from Bukwimba / I lost my royal insignia / Hard was the war in Manawa and a close fight’.

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fascinating references. Malundi called himself, ‘He who was brought by a bird’, a relatively common dance name. According to a popular account, when Malundi left prison just after World War I, he was returned to Mwanza in an airplane, though this would have been impossible, as it was too early in the history of aircraft to have had any kind of viable travel between Dar es Salaam and Mwanza. The song mentions some kind of war or trouble in Bukumbi. This may refer to a dispute between the Bukumbi and Kwimba chiefdoms (Kishosha Nyumbani*), which the Germans were somehow involved in, or it was an issue involving the White Fathers mission in the region. The buyege association member Kishosha Nyumbani* had these memories about Malundi, as spurred by this song: Huyu ng’wana Malundi, yeye mwenyewe alikuwa anatumia sana miujiza. Wakati alipokuwa Kwimba, vita vilikuwa vingi vya kila sehemu, lakini kwa kuwa alikuwa anapenda kwenda na kuangalia, kuona na kutuliza na kuwasaidia wale. Alikwenda huko akachanganyikana na Wazungu huko Manawa (ni sehemu ya Nera). Kwa kuchanganyikana na Wazungu, yeye alikuwa anafanya kazi ya kuokoa. Watu walishindana alitaka kuwatoa Wazungu. (This guy ng’wana Malundi, he himself he loved to use medicines. When he was in Kwimba, war was raging in every region, but he wanted to go and witness, to see for himself, to be a calming influence, and to be of help. He went there and mixed up with the Europeans there in Manawa [a village in the Nera region]. To mix with the Europeans, meaning, he wanted to do the work of liberating the people. They were at war, he wanted to remove the Europeans from the situation.) Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had this extended narrative about Malundi: Katika masimulizi ya ng’wana Malundi, wanasema watu kusema kuwa alikuwa na uwezo wa ajabu. Kwa sababu aliweza kuonyesha kidole chake mti ni mbichi. Akasema kwamba ‘Ukauke!’, na ‘Akina mama, wapikie!’ na kweli unakauka. Na uwezo wake huo ameutumia sehemu nyingi. Alitokea sehemu za Bukwimba, yaani Kwimba. Na vita ilikuwa vita ya kabila kwa kabila, au ukoo kwa ukoo au utemi kwa utemi. Na katika masimulizi pia wanavyosema huyu baba aliwahi kufungwa sababu ya uwezo wake. Cory’s English translation of Mutatulembage bise: ‘Do not deceive us / Look here we arrived with a bird which has no feathers / War, mother, war had taken me away from Bukwimba / I forgot my shilungu / Ahaaa, I arrived here because of the bird / I cut the trees into small pieces / War, o mother, war!’

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Aliokuwa anatumia huo kama manabii, tunaweza kusema kama manabii wa uongo. Alikuwa akisema hiki kitu na kweli kinatokea, kitu hiki na kweli kinatokea. Basi alifungwa, na wakati anarudi aliletwa kwa ndege Ulaya. Kwa kuongezea tu, anasema kwamba yeye alistukia tu yuko katikati ya Wazungu huko sehemu za Manawa. Inawezekana hawa Wazungu ndio walikuwa wamisionari, kwa sababu pale Manawa kuna parokia moja inaitwa Buhingo, ilikuwa ya Wazungu, maana anasema alistukia tu yuko katikati ya Wazungu. (In the narratives about ng’wana Malundi, people say that he had magical powers because he could point his finger at a tree that is alive. He then said, ‘Dry up!’, and ‘Womenfolk, cook for them!’, and really, the tree dried up. He came from the area of Bukwimba, otherwise known as the region of Kwimba. Now the war indeed was a war between tribes, or between clans, or between chiefdoms. Now in theses narratives they also say this guy had been jailed because of his abilities. He who claims these abilities, say, in a prediction, we might say they are lies. But, if he were to say something would take place, really it would take place. Therefore, he was jailed, and when he returned, he was brought back in a European plane. To continue, he says that he was surprised to find himself among the Europeans there in the region of Manawa. It is possible that these Europeans were missionaries, because there in Manawa there is a Catholic mission called Buhingo, indeed this is why he says he is surprised to find himself among the Europeans.) (055) Shiba, shiba (‘Weave, weave’) Weave, weave Shiba, shiba Weave for me, the village Kanishinilage, kagunguli Elephant hunter Nyege So that I may tie myself well Nitunge siza Interpretation: A song performed by ng’wana Chiila,20 which he attributed to the son of ng’wana Malundi, Sitta Jishosha ng’wana Malundi. Sitta was the founder of the vigilante association known as the sungusungu (see also Chapter XV). The song expresses a common theme found in Sukuma narratives about nganda. This concerns the younger apprentice wanting to break away from their leader and set up their own homesteads or dance groups. The image of weaving evokes the

20

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, August 1995, IUATM song #591.

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sense of creation of a new dance family, or reintegration into a new, independent homestead or community. William Lubimbi* had this comment about the intentions of this composer: Huyu niingi hasa, anatafuta kijiji cha kukaa. Inaonekana kwamba alikuwa akikaa na wenzake ambao walikuwa na m’biina mbalimbali. Sasa yeye anataka kukaa kama nyege mwenyewe, akapata ‘kijiji’ chake tu. Kwa hiyo yeye anaomba, akipata kijiji chake, atapata uhuru kufanya mambo yake. ‘Shiba, shiba’, maana yake, ‘Jaribu hasa kunitafutia kijiji changu mimi mwenyeye’. (This niingi especially, is searching for his village where he might stay. It is evident that he has stayed long with his friends who had their various m’biina. Now he wants to stay in his nyege camp, so he wants his own ‘village’. Therefore, he is requesting his own village, where he will have the freedom to do what he wants. ‘Weave, weave’, means, ‘Try especially to prepare for me my village’.) (056) Kidangu shafumilila (‘A storm is coming’) Kidangu shafumilila mu Lubumbo A storm is coming from Lubumbo21 Kwinga Ng’wadui shukila mu Seke From Mwadui passing Seke Shiiza shogasanja amabala When it came it spread everywhere Chalo shikucha shikubi Villages will die out and become bush Mapolu baba, makungu duhu (2×) Wilderness baba, just scrubland (2×) Nalotaga si ja batemi jayugikaga I dreamed of the land of the chiefs stirred Tambilijagi ntwe gwane Direct my head Miso ng’wani (3×) Eyes facing the coast (3×) Bebe, Ng’wana Mshing’wanda You, ng’wana Mshing’wanda Natiko kulemba I cannot lie Mlashibona shihangaji You will see what was predicted

21 This was the last station stop from Tabora going toward Shinyanga. Luhumbo is the contemporary spelling of this train stop; Lubumbo, the old Kisukuma spelling.

songs of the elephant hunters Onene, nadalomalomaga Banhindilo na Muhoja Bandigije Buhabi shikimayi Bakinga na kutoba godi yaaya Shiku itandatu ng’wipolu Na yu maana nu pandilwa Toba, Mugongo Halinhiwile buli? Kitangonyoka iki, ni miligo nayo Yatuheba Nulu wibucha, ikikuba Shayugang’hila, shukanila Giti ng’ong’ho Nyagaranyagata Giti aha na Mhulya Nu tungana nu yilaho nonono Lyubi giti lyingaho ilibeja Ntondo nhugubuchaga, hia Hugombojiwa

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Me, I cannot lie Those of Nhindiko and Muhoja Delayed me Poverty arrived They left without paying taxes Six days they hid in the bush Suddenly I was told To pay for them, Mugongo Tell me why? It slims, carrying this baggage of yours It overwhelms us When you carried them, the chest Limping, heaving Like a gun Here and there Like here and Mhulya Then I gasped then sweated very much It was like I had lost a shoulder Tomorrow I am not going to carry it, no! I will be relieved.

Interpretation: Bayege predictions of the coming of the Europeans were prevalent in the late nineteenth century. Specifically, predictions of the coming of a ‘snake’ (the railroad) or giant ‘birds’ (airplanes) carrying white-skinned people with ‘fire in their pockets’ (guns), inspired the imaginations of many (for several similar accounts found throughout East Africa, see also Anderson and Johnson 1995). According to widespread oral tradition, Siita, a buyege prophet, foresaw the coming of the Europeans in the 1850s, as well as the eventual destruction of Sukuma traditional life, claiming that, ‘(. . .) people who are half human and half birds [presumably, able to fly] would come’ (Itandala 1983: 191). Another Sukuma prophet, Sugilo, was believed to be the premier prophet in all of German East Africa. He earned his fame in part by accurately predicting the coming of the Europeans, as well the specific devastation caused by several late nineteenth-century famines.

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The song Kidangu shafumilila was performed on two occasions, by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo22 and Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma,23 two elders who had learned the song in the 1920s. I cued singers’ memories with the text of the song collected by Hans Cory. The textual performances of their sung versions were similar, with minimal variation, but the melodic content of their performances was widely divergent. The song text exemplifies a common signifier associated with the bayege, that of the ability to predict the future. Composed by the buyege prophet ng’wana Mugongo Muhekela, news of this short sung narrative spread very quickly throughout the Sukuma region, where today it is a well-known and oft-cited song among elder members of the community. The song has been interpreted in multivalent ways over the past ninety years, especially concerning the understanding of the specific period of the events revealed in the prediction. According to these singers, this lyimbo lya kuhang’ha or ‘prediction song’, composed around the time of World War I, predicted the building of the railroad between Mwanza and Tabora (which came to be built in 1927–1938), and cited the major stops that would be made along the way. The song may have had a different form in its earliest version, with an entirely different intent by the composer, as well as an entirely different popular interpretation (for instance rinderpest, warfare). For instance, the singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma had this revealing retrojective testimony: Ndiyo la Mugongo hilo, ya kutabiri, alitabiri treni, ndiyo alitabiri Wazungu kubeba mizigo, halafu walikuja Busumabu. Tena anasema hivi, kama itakuja vingine, ndiyo kusema hivi, alitabiri. (Indeed, this one of Mugongo, [he] used to predict, he predicted the train, yes, he predicted that the Whites would come carrying their things, and then they came to Busumabu. He predicted this.) Two of the translators who worked on this composition, Paulo Lusana and Juma Mashaka Kalunde, in their thirties and forties respectively, insisted, when interviewed, that the song describes the chaos that came about because of President Julius Kambarage Nyerere’s forced villagization programs of the 1970s. The narrative is ambiguous and does

22 23

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 22 December 1994, IUATM song #105. Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #60.

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Illus. 9. Sylvester Kema. Village of Makoko, 23 September 2006.

not mention the coming of a train, but of a ‘strange thing’, and then describes the emptying of villages. It is probable that farmers resistant to Nyerere’s movement adopted this old song for their purposes. Makoko Language School instructor Sylvester Kema had this reflection about the song: Huyu mwimbaji anajaribu kutabili maajabu ambayo yatatokea Lubumbo, ambayo yatatokea Ng’wadui. Anasema yatafika mpaka Seke, hata kuenea sehemu kubwa, yaani sehemu nyingi, yataenea. Na anavyosema maajabu hapa haya ni vijiji vitakwisha. Anatabili anawaambia vijiji vitakwisha, yatakuwa ni mapori tu. Miji haitakuwepo, anasema ameota hivyo. Sasa, zamani kulikua na watu wanaota ndoto kama hizo, kutabili mambo yatakayokuja. Sasa anawaambia wajaribu kumsikia haya mambo yatakayo tokea baadae. Pia anatabili mambo ambao yatawasumbua yaliosumbua, kwa mfano ya kulipa kodi. (This singer is trying to predict the ominous event that which will take place in Lubumbo, which will take place in Ng’wadui.

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He says it [the ominous event] will come all the way to Seke, even to spread throughout this huge area. Now he says that this ominous thing will be that, all the villages will die out. He predicts, he tells them that villages will die out, they will become bush. Homesteads will no longer be there, he says that he dreamed this. Now, long ago there were people who had dreams like these, to predict things that would happen. Now he tells them they should try to understand these events that would take place later. He also tells them things that will worry them later, things which they have already worried about, for instance paying taxes.) Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* had this extended analysis: Alikuwa anatabili kitu kitatoka mashariki. Anatabili kwamba, ‘Utawala utatoka mashariki kuja hapa katika nchi yetu kugeuza, kuleta mageuzi, utemi utavunjwa’. Sasa hayo yote nayasema hakika itatokea. Na baada ya kutokea mimi wakati huo sitakua na nguvu hata kubeba mizigo, nikibeba kifua kinabana. Naweza nikabeba hatua kidogo tu, basi kinabana ninashindwa. Haya mambo yote mutayaona mbele. Mambo yote alikuwa anatabili yanapatikana kwa mfano kama siku hizi. Nyerere alipotoka sehemu ya mashariki, ni Rais24 Nyerere akavunja utemi sehemu ambayo hayo yanaonekana (He predicts something which will come from the east. He predicts that, ‘Leadership from the east will come here in our country to change, to bring changes, chiefdoms would be broken’. [Masalu then switches his perspective to that of the singer] ‘Now all these things I have said I am certain they will take place. Now after these things take place, myself, I will not have the strength even to carry loads, if I carry them I will be overcome with pneumonia. I will be able to carry for just a few steps, it will press down on me, and I will be defeated. All these things you will see in the future’. Everything that he predicted we would see, for instance in these times. President Nyerere came from the east, and he was the one who broke up the chiefdoms in the areas mentioned [in the song].) Finally, William Lubimbi* had this perspective: Wimbo huu ambao unahusu utabili, huyu kweli alivyotabili mambo yatatokea sehemu za kutokea Shinyanga huko, ilitokea kweli! Itatokea jambo ambao watu watapata shida, na tuseme vijiji, sehemu, itabaki mapori tu. Yeye alivyotabili, alitabili kwa kuota, yaani ndoto yake aliota kabisa akasema kwamba vijiji vingine vitakuwa mapori. Hakuna watu, na watu wata-

24

Rais (Kiswahili) is the official title of President, and is always capitalized.

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teseka, na watemi nao hawatakuwepo. Na watu watapata shida kwa ajili ya kodi, watakimbia na mizigo yao, na wengine mpaka wanashindwa hata namna ya kubeba hiyo mzigo kwa sababu ya uchovu kwa sababu hasa wanaogopa kodi. Sasa yeye anasema, ‘Mfikirie tu ndoto yangu itakuwa ya kweli. Macho yenyewe yanaona, wala hayaogopi lakini katika ndoto yangu yenyewe itakuwa ya kweli, sasa mtaona’. Kweli, alivyotabili huyu baada ya miaka ya sitini, baada ya kupata Uhuru haikupita hata miaka miwili, watemi walianza kuachishwa kazi. Baadaye, kodi ilianza kupanda moto, watu walianza kukimbia kwa kuogopa kulipa kodi. Kwa kweli, waliacha miji yao wakakimbia kuhamia maporini. (This song is about prophecy, this guy who predicted these things would happen there in the area of Shinyanga, they really happened! It would happen, something that would cause people to have problems, we could say that the village, in places, would become wasteland. This guy, the way that he predicted, he predicted through dreaming, meaning, that in his dream which he dreamed completely, he said other villages would become brush. There are no longer any people there, or the people will have troubles, and the chiefs themselves will no longer be there. People will be troubled with taxes, they will run off with their baggage, and there will be others there, defeated even in the manner of carrying their loads, because of being tired, because they fear this tax. Now he says, ‘One should consider my dream as the truth. The eyes themselves they see, they do not fear, but my dream itself it will become true, now soon you will see’. Really, what this guy predicted [that would happen] sixty years later, was Uhuru [Independence]. It had not passed even two years, that the chiefs began to be forced from their work. Later, taxes began to climb high, and people started to run off out of fear of paying taxes. Really, they left their towns and left to move into the bush.) (057) Ng’wana Kaliyaya (‘Ng’wana Kaliyaya’) Ng’wana Kaliyaya Ng’wana Kaliyaya Mayu, you are snubbed out, ee Mayu, ng’wajima, ee Left medicine containers in hundreds Kileka mihambo igana Chaniila, you are snubbed out Chanila, ng’wajima O baba, let us weep for her uBabaye, tunile Mayu, eeh, let me cry for her Mayu eeh, nanile My fellow healer, let me cry for her Nfumu ng’wichane, nanile [she] Has died by hanging Gawacha lwa kanungejiwa

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Interpretation: Sukuma buyege prophets were known for their powerful, visions that could sway public opinion. A prophet in Mwagala who had predicted that all the Europeans would leave caused a riotous disturbance, which spread to Sengerema, Nunho and Nera (Bukumbi Diary 1879). Because of this, the Germans were brusque in their dealings with them. After the Majimaji crisis of 1906–1908 in southeast Tanganyika,25 they began indiscriminately jailing and hanging Zauberer26 as troublemakers throughout the colony. Jige Malele remembered and performed the buyege song Ng’wana Kaliyaya.27 She was cued by the text documented in both Lupande (n.d. 39)28 and Imani Za Jadi (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utmaduni 1988: 222), with some minimal grammatical variation. Malehe learned this haunting song as a young woman, when she was living on the compound of her brother-in-law, ntemi Massanja. The song discusses the hanging of the bayege prophet Kaliyaya by the Germans, for allegedly practicing witchcraft. Kaliyaya had apparently made the diagnosis that a man had killed the brother of those who had consulted her, thus she was hanged in front of the houses of the regional commissioner as a lesson to those who would make false claims of supernatural power (Kamati ya Utafiti ya Utamaduni 1988: 222). According to Juma Mashaka Kalunde, an officer at the Mwanza branch of the government cultural affairs office, this song is remembered on multiple occasions: Hutumika kwa kuwakumbuka wahenga, kwa kutibu na kuwaomba msaada wasaidie au kusamehe yale tuliyokosea. (It is used for remembering ancestors, to heal and ask for help on behalf of another, or to ask for forgiveness for those actions for which we have fallen short.)

25 Maji-Maji was a faith-based rebellion that took place in south-central German East Africa (1905–1907). The adherents believed that magic water (maji) could make them immune to bullets. German settlers, missionaries, and traders were murdered, and the towns of Liwale and Kilosa sacked. The Germans reacted with a scorchedearth policy, which according to some accounts was directly responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people (Iliffe 1979: 168–202). These actions ended the rebellion but greatly retarded economic development. 26 German. A derogatory term for ‘sorcerers’. 27 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #225. 28 Lupande’s English translation: ‘Son of Kaliyaya / Chaniila is dead / He left a hundreds of work / Chaniila is dead-hu / Let us weep him / My fellow medicine man-let weep him / Killed by hang sentence’.

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(058) M’huli ya nkondo (‘The elephant with the tusk’) The elephant with the tusk M’huli ya nkondo It is about to finish people Iki yahay’umala banhu There Kidokeji there Kwenuko Kidokeji uko He goes to Sabasaba Akajaga Sabasaba There remained Buliho bulunda A pile of black cloth (2×) Wa myenda yapi yike (2×) In collaboration Sangi sangi With the Manyema people Na Bamanyema In collaboration with the Belgians Sangi sangi na Babiligiti In collaboration with the Sangi sangi na balya banhu eaters-of-men Today, young people of the coast Lelo, bayanda ba ng’hwani Have you astonished again?29 Ng’wibangila buli hangi? Alikimukashimizaga na njinga Because you walk around with a cannon30 Gashi ng’watulembaga! But you have deceived us! Ngong’ho na ngongo jibonaga Guns and the back see one another Mulem’ukoma ilihema lya bulugu You have pitched a tent of war Mukakabulaga You were killed Akagikulu [That of ] the special old woman Wana Kidokeji wakalenda mu Mr. Kidokeji is resting in the ng’weli west Watung’wa na akagikulu He was sent by the special old woman Wading’wa, Walibula n’ilibanga He was caught, he gave up secrets Shing’wanda shing’we shili he? Where is your flywhisk? Ng’wajilekela indama jonghya! You have left the calf to suck! Malunguya ng’wa Saili Zanzibar, with Saili [Swahili] Ili hihi, he? Ili kule Is it close, where? It is far Tulakabule nanali? When will we go to press charges? Tulondelonde We should follow Mapanda ga m’huli The ways of the elephant Jakukulwa bujiku Surprise attack at night

29

Mihumo performed this line as Tulababule nanali? ‘When will we charge them?’ Hendriks’ version: Ng’wahayaga mukamshiminzaga na linjinga, ‘You say you walk around with a cannon’. 30

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Interpretation: ‘Bwana Kidokeji’ or ‘Ndokeji’ was Charles Stokes, an enterprising Irishman who went to East Africa in 1877 in the employ of the Church Missionary Society. Given the task of organizing the caravans that transported goods and people from the coast off Zanzibar to Buganda 600 miles inland, he quickly grew adept at the kind of bush-wise bargaining with chiefs and Arab merchants that safe passage required. Oblivious to the racial inhibitions of colonial society, Stokes took an African wife and, later, several African mistresses, and was promptly dismissed from missionary service. Using his acquired skill and contacts, he continued as an independent trader. He was famous for his organization of large expeditions into newly discovered country. He became rich and influential, and a threat to some of the colonial powers. In 1895 he was captured (through trickery) by a Belgian military unit, accused of gunrunning, and summarily hanged. There was an international furor, in which Queen Victoria and her nephew King Leopold of Belgium became involved, and eventually a large compensation was paid (Harman 1986: 197–198). In this buyege song, performed by Kang’wina ng’wana Mihumo,31 the singer laments the news of the death of Stokes. The singer attributed the song to ng’wana Malundi, and the White Father Jan Hendricks Chenya, who published the song in Imani za Jadi (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni 1988: 220–221), attributed the song to Ng’wakulinga.32 31

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10 October 1995, IUATM song #450. Hendriks published his observations about the song, in Kisukuma: Wana Ndokeji, ndiganika wali Mungeleja, ulu kulenda w’ipandi lya Scotland. Bukwabi wakwe wali wa mino ga m’huli inonono. Aho washika Busongo, unsanga Ntemi Ntinginya alita bulugu na Kiyumbi, Ntemi wa Nhobola. Ntinginya umpelela Milambo, Ntemi wa Bulyambuli na Buyoba. Hanuma unomba n’uNzungu ng’we-nuyu Ndokeji ang’wambilije. Wana Ndokeji akenha njinga, na henaho Kiyumbi utindwa. Henaho Ntinginya ung’winha Ndokeji mino abili ga m’huli na ng’wana wakwe nkiima. Ndokeji utogwa no, untola ng’wana wa Ntemi Ntinginya, ubi lulu nkwilima wa ng’wa Ntemi Ntinginya. Ng’hangala niingi akakoma ihema lyakwe ha ng’walo gwa Kitongo ya Bukumbi. Mu ng’waka gwa 1889 lushiku lumo akatwala Mwanga, Kabaka wa Buganda, paka lubimbi lwa Buganda mu potipoti yakwe. Kunguno makanza genayo Kabaka Mwanga wali wapelela ku Bapadri ba Bukumbi aho Baganda ba-mpeja mu si yabo. Ndokeji akazenga numba nhale ng’w’ijinga lya Bukerebe. Aho numba yeniyo yashila akinga Busongo usamila Bukerebe. Kwimanila hangi usegenela mapandi ga Ng’weli ku Bamanyema, ukazuma-lilako. Mu talehe 15/6/1895. Bapadri ba Bukumbi bupandika ng’hulu giki Wana Ndokeji wamalile kuzumalika. Kwike kazumalikile kakwe bikala batadebile chiza. Hambunu walaliho niingi wa Bagunda, lina lyakwe Ng’wakubilinga ya Nera; kwinga kwenuko akazenga Seke, huko akazumalikila mu lushiku lwa talehe 8/2/1936. Nigwa giki akazumalika abadisije (‘Mr. Ndokeji, I think was an Englishman, or maybe from Scotland. His trade was primarily with the tusks of elephants. When he 32

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Many circumstances and details in this song are lost to history, but the general gist of the song is that the singers are addressing Stokes’ killers, promising retribution for his death, in the guise of an ‘elephant with a tusk’ which finishes people. Of Stokes’ death, the image used is, ‘only a pile of black cloth remained’. The killers were the Belgians, in collaboration with the ‘Manyema’, an amalgamated social category associated with immigrants from the Congo (Iliffe 1969: 194), who were commonly hired by the Belgians as soldiers, and rumored in Sukuma folklore from this time period to be vicious cannibals with filed, pointed teeth. ‘Eaters of Men’ was an epithet applied to both the Belgians, and the ‘Manyema’ (Harman 1986: 197–198, see also song #098). It is possible that the ‘special old woman’ referenced here is Queen Victoria, as Stokes, in his various collaborations, was accused, at one time or another, of being a spy for the British. The phrase ‘guns and the back see one another’ refers to carrying guns on the back. The singer Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo* had this quick summary: Ndokeji alifika Usukumani, kwa ajili ya kutembeza watu, aliwaambia kuacha kuimba na kucheza. Kwa maana alikuwa na silaha ya ajabu, halafu alienda ngw’eli kwa Balundi, aliuawa na bale Wabeligiki. (Stokes arrived in the Sukuma region to march around on safari, he told them to stop their singing and dancing, he could do so because he had a fantastic weapon, then he went west to Burundi, where he was killed by the Belgians.)

arrived in Busongo, he found chief Ntinginya at war with Kiyumbi, chief of Tabora. Ntinginya ran to Mirambo, chief of Bulyambuli and Buyoba. Later he begged the European Ndokeji to help him. Mr Ndokeji brought him his cannon, thus Kiyumbi was defeated. Then Ntiginya gave Ndokeji two elephant tusks as well as the hand of his daughter. Ndokeji was very happy, and married chief Ntinginya’s daughter, becoming chief Ntinginya’s son-in-law. Frequently he pitched his tent at the shores of Kitongo, Bukumbi. In the year 1889, one day, he sent Mwanga, the Kabaka of Buganda, up to the boundary of Buganda in his canoe, because at that time Kabaka Mwanga had run to the Bukumbi Fathers when the Baganda expelled him from their land. Ndokeji built the large house on the island of Ukerewe. When the house was finished, he moved from Busongo to Bukerebe. Suddenly he went farther west among the Bamanyema, where he died among them. On 15 June, 1895 the Bukumbi Fathers received news that Mr. Ndokeji has already died. Nevertheless, they still did not know how he died. But there was a singer of the elephant hunters’ group who knew, his name was Ng’wakubilinga of Nera; from there he lived in Seke, there was where he died the date of 8 February, 1936. I heard he died baptized’).

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(059) Habutongi (‘In the future’) In the future, in the future Habutongi, habutongi Maybe the elephants shall be freed Hamo jikulekelwa im’huli So that we can spear them, Mazengo Tubi tuchima, Mazengo Europeans have encroached upon us Bazungu batushitilija Maybe the elephants shall be left Hamo jikulekelwa im’huli So that we can spear them, Mazengo Tubi tuchima, Mazengo Interpretation: After World War I, the new British-led government enforced strict licensing requirements to hunt elephants, and abolished all hunting in the reserves soon thereafter. Legal hunting thus tapered off and came to a stop by the mid-1930s (Hall n.d.). Songs were composed to express dissatisfaction with this unpopular move. Bayege responded to these new economic realities by focusing exclusively on public music performances, which the British apparently encouraged with generous gifts (Kiyogo*). According to buyege drum-maker Njile Kishosha Nyumbani, drumming did not become a mainstay of bayege public music performance until well into the colonial period. Public performances were rare, and rehearsals were kept secret (Lutonja*). This song, attributed to ng’wana Kazwenge and performed by the grandson of ng’wana Malundi, Pius ng’wana Jishosha (Makoye 2000: 152), documents the sentiment of hunters during this era. Several commentators read this song as a prediction song, with ‘the elephant’ commonly used as a metaphor for something unusual or dangerous. The painter Simoni Ndokeji* saw the act of hunting the elephant in this song as a metaphor for Uhuru (Independence): Anasema Wazungu wametubana, tumeshindwa kufanya mambo yetu. Lakini kule mbele, alivyokuwa akiona yeye, mbele kule kutabaki watu wa kutuongoza sisi badala ya Wazungu. (He says that the Europeans have pressed upon us, and now we cannot do the things we want. However, there in the future, as this person sees it, there will remain those who will lead us, other than the Europeans.) William Lubimbi* expanded upon this idea about the song: Hii maana yake ni kwamba enzi za ukoloni tu. Sasa, yeye alikuwa anaelezea kwamba mbeleni wanaweza wakatoka Wazungu, tukaachiwa Uhuru. Hii ‘m’huli’, ilikuwa na maana kwamba watatoka Wazungu, tutapata raha, ule utumwa utaisha. Kwa maana kwamba huyu nusu ni kama mtabiri, sio kama wimbo tu. Yeye alikuwa anatabiri huko mbeleni uko uwezekano Wazungu wanaweza wakatuachia tukajitawala. (This song is referring to colonialism. Now, he is explaining that in the future,

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it is possible that these Europeans will leave, they will leave us with Uhuru. This ‘elephant’, it means that they will leave, these Europeans, we will receive joy, this slavery will end. So really, half of this song is a prediction, it is not just a song. This person is predicting that in the days to come, the Europeans will leave us to lead ourselves.)

CHAPTER THREE

SONGS OF THE BAJA NYALAJA (LAKE EYASI SALT CARAVANERS) The first Sukuma and Nyamwezi trading expeditions were local journeys controlled by chiefs, who oversaw the redistribution of trade goods like iron hoes, salt, ivory, and disc shells (Gray 1970: 25; Hartwig 1976: 71–74). Salt caravans proved an important interregional economic undertaking. These were known as baja nyalaja, or ‘those who go to lake Nyalaja’, the saline Eyasi lake that is south of the Serengeti immediately southwest of the Ngorongoro Crater in the Crater Highlands. The ten-day to one-month trips covering approximately 150 miles were done every two or three years in the dry season of August-November, when there were no swamps or rivers to cross. Up to 30,000 people were making the trip yearly in the 1930s (Senior 1966: 87). The baja nyalaja trips were halted in the late 1930s when the British outlawed Eyasi salt, claiming that it was ‘poisonous’ (Songoyi 1988).1 These caravans were comprised of young men and women numbering anywhere from twenty-five to three-hundred. Salt caravan participants were divided into special ranks, based on gender and level of experience. Those who were on their first visit were the batini (Millroth 1965: 148). The caretaker, or mundeeba, carried medicinal supplies and brought up the rear. The bagole were a special group of women who prepared ritual foods and medicines for the journey, the preparation of which was accompanied by special songs (Makanga*). The leader of the caravan, or ntongeji, was the most experienced traveler, familiar with all the pitfalls the group might encounter along the way. The ntongeji wore leg rattles or ng’hinda, and blew the nhan’hinga horn to round up the villagers to announce the departure of the caravan (Senior 1966: 87), so the villagers would bring food and supplies out to the departees (Shing’oma*). These expeditions were vulnerable to attacks from wild Serengeti animals like lions and

1 It is unknown whether the British wished to outlaw indigenous salt production in order to create a market for imported salt (as they had done in India around the same time), or whether there really was a danger of poison.

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rhinoceros as well as the Maasai who live in the lake Eyasi area, a fact that prevented many Sukuma from taking this trip (Baumann 1894: 247). Singing and making noise on the road were thus encouraged as they promoted courage and created the illusion of strength in numbers. Group leaders played the same small kitumba drums2 used by all the various interregional caravans at this time, and they led the members in song. According to ng’wana Makanga*, special welcome parties were there to assist the returnees when they still had ten kilometers to reach home, to help them with fresh food, water, and other supplies. The returned travelers adorned themselves with ostrich feathers that they had picked up in the Eyasi area.3 Safe returns found much celebration, horn blowing, singing, and dancing (Chiila*). Mimbo ga baja nyalaja, or baja nyalaja songs were typically short repeatable call-and-response choruses, easy to remember. They praised the caravaners for their bravery, gave instruction on how to prepare for the journey, outlined the journey’s inconveniences on personal family life, ridiculed those who abandoned the journey en route, and reminded travelers of the dangers of the road. (060) Ku Bahi (‘To Bahi’) Ku Bahi, ku Batindigu Ku bing’wana ba kulala Bakulala mu malugulu Sundi alilomela

To Bahi, to the Batindigu To the sleeping ones Those who sleep in the mountains Sundi is narrating

Interpretation: Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo performed this song,4 cued by the text first published in Lumuli (‘Magembe’ 1958). The text discusses going on the nyalaja trip to the lake Eyasi region to get salt, in the place where the Batindiga people live. The singer attributed the

2

One legend has it that the small kitumba drum was the first drum created by man, and was one time played only by bafumu in their communications with deities. After ntemi Kube of Ng’wagala first attempted to make a drum by placing a cow skin over a hole in the ground, the trickster Ningwa came down from the sky and implored, ‘Why do you play that thing like that? Why do not you make something out of a tree, and play it with sticks, not your hands, so that we can hear it in the heavens’. Thus, the man made a small drum played with sticks, which could be heard in the heavens (Lumuli 1951; Makanga*). 3 Though the Sukuma have long stopped their nyalaja trips, individual musicians still make the journey in order to procure ostrich feathers, antelope horns, and wildebeest tails for their dances. 4 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 September 1995, IUATM song #503.

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song to the legendary late-nineteenth-century singer G’hindu Nkiima, known to have taken the nyalaja trip on several occasions, but this is difficult to verify. All that we know, is that someone associated with the song was Sundi, who, following common practice, added their name as a ‘tag’ at the end of the verse.5 Bahi is the name of one of the smaller lakes making up the Eyasi lake complex. The name also refers to the people who live there. ‘Batindigu’ is a Sukuma gloss for the Batindiga, an ethnic enclave of hunter-gatherers related to the Hadza or Hadzabe, who also live nearby. They are perceived by the Sukuma as lazy, thus the line, ‘to the sleeping ones’. When the Maasai moved into the Ngorongoro and Serengeti regions, the Batindiga made the area around Lake Eyasi their home. (061) Nulu mugatwile (‘Even if you add’) Nulu mugatwile Even if you add [it] Mutalagumala You will never finish it Gwamala bakali It has already finished the fierce ones Bakulala mumayila Those who slept along the way Bajile miyeye, alibabo The salt bringers, now look at them Badegelakagi! Listen to them! Bandolobo The Bandolobo people Badegelekagi! Listen to them! Bandolobo The Bandolobo people Kaching’wa mhela, hii! Gored by rhinoceros, hii! Tubalole Banamyeji kiya Look at these people in the east Sha magengeli Salt clumps pressed together Bajile miyeye The bringers of salt Interpretation: Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo6 remembered and performed this song. He first heard it performed by the well-known baja nyaraja singer, Mabuku ng’wana Garuba, sometime in the 1950s at Bujora centre. The text was also collected by Hans Cory (#192 ‘Sukuma Songs and Dances’)7 directly from the composer Mabuku ng’wana

5 Another possibility is that the song belongs to Kilangira Makambi ng’wana Sundi, a well-known singer from Nera who operated in the 1930s. 6 Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 15 October 1995, IUATM song #495. 7 Cory’s English translation: ‘Even if you put salt in every relish, you will never finish it / Strong men bring the salt and they have to sleep on the road / Those salt providers, we hear from them that the lazy ones are killed by rhinoceros / Let us look

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Garuba. Kang’wiina sings this song in the same way people sing when they are walking along the road, in a haphazard fashion, repeating lines whenever they like. The singer feels sympathy for the Nyamwezi people, who live too far from the salt source to make the journey. He says, ‘Even if you keep adding it (‘it’ meaning salt, to the carrier’s salt box, or to one’s food), you will never finish it’. The singer thus reminds the salt carriers that the salt will always be there and the source for salt will never end, but that many have died on the journey. The singer further reminds the listener that tragedies such as being killed by rhinoceros, should be left to fall upon those who already live there, the Bandolobo.8 In a personal conversation, the singer Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo* related that, Njia ya kwenda Nyalaja ilikuwa shida zake nyingi, kama nyoka, fisi, tembo, na Maasai. (The road to Nyaraja lake was fraught with many dangers, such as snakes, hyenas, elephants, and [rivals] the Maasai.) About the expression ‘gored by rhinoceros’, Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi had this aside: Mpaka sasa hivi, katika kumbukumbu ya wazee, bado wanatumia maneno hili kwa vijana. Mtoto anapokosa, anapomkosea anamwambia, ‘Utoke hapa uende uchomwe na faru huko’. Hii ni misemo ya kuwaambia ‘Sikilizeni wazazi wenu, au utapata matokeo mabaya’. (Up to now, in the memories of elders, they still use this expression with young people. If a child makes a mistake, the one who recognizes the mistake tells them [the child], ‘Should you go from here, you might be gored by a rhinoceros there’. This is a saying, to tell them, ‘Listen to your parents, or you could have bad results’.) (062) Ng’ohalala (‘Break into smaller pieces’) Ng’ohalala, bamayu Break into smaller pieces, bamayu Ng’ohalala Break into smaller pieces Interpretation: The baja nyalaja travelers used songs such as this one remembered and performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma9 to accompany this work of breaking the salt clumps into smaller pieces so they could be packed into large wicker baskets called maganana for

at the Banyamwezi in the east, where they have no shining stuff (salt) / The box is filled with salt; pressed together / Yes the bringers of salt’. 8 Another Sukuma term for the Bahi, or Batindigu (see song #60). 9 Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, personal collection of author.

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easier transport home. Shing’oma, born in 1916, heard many of these songs in his youth. The salt on the shore of lake Nyalaja was found either already dried and in large rock-like clumps which needed to be broken down, or still damp, in which case they needed to use their hands to squeeze the surplus moisture from it. (063) Mayu, ndema twikisangila (‘Mayu, you refuse us meeting together’) Mayu, you refuse us meeting Mayu, ndema twikisangila (2×) together (2×) Of baba Yunge Ng’wa baba Yunge I have remembered you Nakukumbula [by] Fetching nyalaja salt (2×) Kujila miyeye (2×) My sleeping blanket has gone Eng’handa yane yaja na bangi with others When you have refused me at Ulu ndumile ku makungu home Nalema gashika kujila miyeye (2×) I refuse to go to fetch nyalaja salt (2×) Interpretation: This baja nyalaja song was performed by the singer Kangwiina ng’wana Mihumo.10 He attributed the song to Kitereja Mabuku ng’wana Garuba, from Ndagalu. The singer laments that his loved one, ng’wana Yunge, has run off with another. The missing loved one is associated with the image of an ng’handa, or a ‘sleeping blanket’, an item that covers one and keeps one warm. Because of being spurned by his lover, and because of his heartache, the singer refuses to go on the nyalaja trip to fetch salt again. The next two songs are from the perspective of a polygynous man (one man having more than one wife). The singers are complaining, albeit in a joking fashion, about the problems that this kind of family arrangement can have, concerning going on lengthy journeys like the baja nyalaja trip. Although polygyny is still common among the Sukuma in rural areas, to take on more than one wife requires considerable resources, and the equitable treatment of multiple wives can be difficult if not impossible.

10

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 12 December 1994, IUATM song #238.

songs of the lake eyasi salt caravaners (064) Gashi! (‘My!’) Gashi! Imhali jilina yombo! Gashi! Imhali jilina yombo! Jikasangilaga Kusangila ngosha sha bubi (2×) Jikagombelaga Kusangila ngosha sha bubi Gashi! Imhali jilina yombo! Gashi! Imhali jilina yombo!

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My! Polygyny has chaos! My! Polygyny has chaos! The marriage of sharing To share a man is bad (2×) It is [about] grumbling and complaining To share a man is bad My! Polygyny has chaos! My! Polygyny has chaos!

(065) Kubaga Lukomolo (‘Seek love charms’) Seek love charms Kubaga lukomolo Do not seek to bewitch me Utizanikobela bulogo Find love charms Ukobe lukomolo This is a home, my companion Yiniyo kaya, ng’wichane You are teaching me Ulinilangila I think [that] Niganika The homestead which is planned Wa numba shapanga Will not die Shitachaga Be certain Kolaga chiza [that] She does not surpass you Utahenilwe nulu nu ng’wiyo You have caused all of this upon Wiyenheleja bebe ng’wenekele yourself Because of lacking intelligence Kunguno ya kugaiwa masala Interpretation: The anonymous song Gashi, which the singer Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo11 learned from his grandfather in the 1930s, outlines the difficulty inherent in polygyny when the male leaves to make the baja nyalaja trip for salt. This lively song teaches that it is most important for the husband to remember not to favor one wife over the other, as this can cause unneeded resentment and disturbances at home. Mhola, or peace, is an important and desired state in Sukuma home life. Anytime that home life is disturbed, the disturbance can have repercussions on the luck of those on a journey. The Sukuma believed that the Nyalaja trip, because it was fraught with

11

497.

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #237, 263,

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Illus. 10. Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo with kitumba drum used on baja nyaraja journeys. Town of Kisessa, 20 December 1994.

many possible dangers, needed to remain blessed, in every way, by the stable actions of those who remained at home. Family members who stayed at home were required to keep the homestead swept clean, to abstain from specific foods, and to say special prayers (Makanga*). According to the singer, this song is also required when twins (mapacha) are born, to remind the mother and father not to favor one child over the other. The singer Kang’wina ng’wana Mihumo* had this commentary about the problems that arise with polygyny: Wimbo huu ni kutoka kwa babu zangu. Kama unao wanawake wawili na unawaacha wakati unachukua safari ya baja nyalaja, watagombana. Waimbaji wanaacha wanawake zao nyuma wakati wanaenda safari hii. Niingi anasema, ‘Usiwe na wanawake wawili, maana watagombana wakati unatoka. Ukirudi, watagombana juu ya nani atachukua nini’. (This song is from my grandfather. If you have two wives and you leave them behind when you do the baja nyalaja trip, they will quarrel. The singers leave their wives behind when they go on this trip. The niingi says, ‘Do not obtain two wives, because the two wives will just fight while you are gone. When you return, they will just be fighting, over whom will take what’.) Kubaga lukomolo, performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha12 and attributed to Ipembe-lya-N’gombe (‘Cow-Horn’), is

12

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #195.

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also from the point of view of a polygynist. He is telling one of his wives, who apparently feels neglected and is going to bafumu specialists to procure witchcraft medicine, to ‘find love charms’ instead, and not to follow the bad habits set by the example of the other wife (who had also gone to bafumu for witchcraft advice). (066) Ng’wana Wande (‘Ng’wana Wande’) Ng’wana Wande kubi ngokolo Ng’wana Wande has become lazy Kushika mu Bukumbi, On reaching Bukumbi, he sat kuyenzemala (2×) down (2×) bpm: ¼ note = 72.

op = F.

ps = CDEFA.

Fig. 9. Music transcription of Ng’wana Wande.

Interpretation: This is a well-known Sukuma chorus. It is a morality aphorism, adapted to song, and aimed at those who cannot finish what they start. Bukumbi is a region that was passed the baja nyaraja caravans on the way to lake Eyasi. The Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha13 performed the song at their home compound in Ntulya. Njile Kishosha Nyumbani*, a singer in that group, had this to say about the lazy man depicted here: ‘Kubi ngokolo’, maana yake ni kwamba ameshindwa. Sasa akishindwa hawezi kufika Bukumbi ameshindiwa pale. Sasa, wimbo kama huu unaimbwa kama kumsuta kwamba hawezi kazi. Ni kama wakumcheka kwamba ameshindwa kufika wapi? Nyalaja Eyasi, kutafuta chumvi. (‘Kubi ngokolo’, this means that he was defeated [in reaching that place]. Now, he was beaten down, and cannot go to Bukumbi because he was defeated there. Now, a song like this is sung to confront the one that cannot do work. It is as if they are laughing at him, because he was defeated to reach lake Eyasi, to search for salt.)

13

Recorded by author, village of Ngulyati, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #206.

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Michael Masalu* echoed these sentiments with this comment: Safari ya kwenda Nyaraja, ilikuwa safari ndefu. Kwa hiyo mmoja wao, ng’wana Wande, alishindwa kutembea na mbio, akachoka. Baada ya kuchoka, akashindwa kwenda kutafuta chumvi. Akaanza kutembea karibu karibu tu. Kwa hiyo, akashindwa, akarudi, akatembeatembea karibu tu, hakufika kwenye chumvi. Ni kama mvivu, akashindwa. Hakuwa na afya kutembea mpaka kule, kwa hiyo alikoswa na chumvi, alikoswa na mali. (The journey to go to Nyaraja was indeed a long journey. One among them, ng’wana Wande, was unable to go by foot, as he was tired. Because of fatigue, he was unable to go to look for the salt. He started to just loiter around, nearby. He was defeated, he returned, walking around locally, without going to get the salt. It was evident he acted like a lazy person, in the end he was defeated. He did not have the health to make it there, therefore he missed the salt, he missed the wealth.)

CHAPTER FOUR

SONGS OF THE BAPAGATI (LONG-DISTANCE PORTERS) Porterage constituted one of the most ancient and massive forms of labor migration in African history (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1978: 11). Kisukuma and Kinyamwezi-speaking men1 were sought above all others, as porters of choice for caravan travel, because of their experience as traders, their knowledge of their home region (the destination of so many ivory and slave traders, missionaries and explorers), as well as the pride they took in their work (Stanley 1899: 41). The Scot explorer Burton preferred to employ them because they were willing to hire themselves out on the return journey but he complained that on their turf they would not carry loads any further, unless for extra pay (1860: 144). Porterage was thought by the Sukuma-Nyamwezi to be a test of supreme manliness (Burton 1860: 35), and indeed even the sons of kings were found taking part in this rite of passage. Sukuma-Nyamwezi traditions suggest that pioneer trading princes traveling east to sell iron and replenish their seed supplies in Ugogo, had heard of the existence of the Indian Ocean, and thus ventured to the coast in search of conus-shaped disc shells to be used as ritual items for chiefs (Koponen 1988: 107–108). Regular caravans to the coast were organized soon after, in journeys called kuja kukwaba ng’wani, or ‘to go and get property from the coast’. Caravan organizers employed local connections and wage incentives to attract and maintain the production and labor personnel required by the expanded regional trade (Cummings 1975: 195). The expansion of local trade to long-distance trade was exacerbated further with the rise of the Zanzibar-based trade system (Koponen 1988: 107), which introduced the slave trade, the ivory trade, and the European expeditions. The primary trade routes using Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters were the ‘central route’ from Bagamoyo to Ujiji on Lake

1 In the travelogue literature from this period, all porters from the Sukuma-Nyamwezi area were called ‘Nyamwezi’, regardless of what part of the Sukuma-Nyamwezi diasporan region they were from (Bosch 1930: 8).

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Tanganyika, and from Tabora north toward Buganda and Bunyoro. Arab merchants began using these established African routes in the 1820s and 1830s (Simpson 1975: 3). Major centers of trade sprang up along these routes. At the beginning of the colonial period, more than 100,000 porters covered the caravan routes yearly (Stuhlman 1894: 16) and up to 30,000 porters could be found in Bagamoyo waiting for a load at the beginning of the caravan season in September. Caravans could be as large as three or four thousand men (Krapf 1860: 421). The retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this general comment about porterage: Zamani, Waarabu walipokuja walikuwa wanakuja pwani. Walitafuta watu wa kubeba mizigo, kwenda mahala fulani. Sasa, Basukuma ambao wangekuwepo, watalipa posho kidogo, halafu watachaguliwa wafanya kazi watabeba hiyo mizigo. Lakini kweli ni safari ndefu kwa miguu. (Long ago, when the Arab people came, they arrived at the coast. They were looking for people to carry loads, to go to a particular place. Now, the Sukuma people, if they were there [at the coast], they [the Arabs] would offer them a little payment, and then, they would be chosen as workers to carry these loads. But really, it would be a long journey to go by foot.) When traveling to the coast porters carried not just hired loads but their own provisions and personal trade goods such as chickens, goats, hippopotamus teeth, and ostrich feathers, which they traded on the coast for a profit (Cummings 1975: 198). Many young men used their porter’s wages to begin trading, often combining with others to form caravans of their own (Roberts 1968: 128). Thus employment in trade provided the occasion for the youngest (often, teens), and the most adventuresome to acquire the means to liberate themselves from the control of the group, and launch themselves into individual enterprise. A young Sukuma man could earn cloth up to the value of fifteen cows and three bulls on a single trip to the coast (Itandala 1983: 229). Music accompanied nearly every imaginable activity on the caravan, but never more than while on the road and upon the occasion of arrivals and departures.2 Several authors including Baumann (1894: 8) and the legendary slave marauder Tippu Tip (Mohammed El Murjebi: 1971: 14) spoke of a special rhythm or tune called the ng’oma 2

In fact there is so much mention of music in connection with this aspect of the road that it, along with the evening ng’oma, should be considered both a common occurrence and a common literary trope of European expedition literature, subject to exaggeration for effect.

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ya safari that was used to signal to the caravan that it was indeed time to go. It was also called the mganda ya safari,3 because the style was reportedly used as a kind of military drill in Uganda (Baumann 1894: 8; Werther 1894: 195; Decle 1900: 455) It was customary according to Burton (1860), never to return once this style of marching rhythm accompanied by barghun or antelope horn had begun. While marching there was evidently a lot of shouting back and forth between the fore-and-aft groups that made up the caravan, to make sure that there were no ambushes or desertions. Since larger caravans were divided into sections based on clan, utility, or gender, with the Sukuma-Nyamwezi carriers toward the front and the servants, freed or escaped slaves, and women4 toward the rear, competitions in noise and song between the groups emerged (Smith 1978: 151). Caravans were so noisy, hunting could rarely be done while on the march as animals, ‘scared by the interminable singing, shouting, bell jingling,5 horn blowing, and other such many noises of the moving caravan, could be seen disappearing into the distance’ (Speke 1863: 30). The occasion of the evening ng’oma is another well-documented event of the caravan. These were either smaller, porter-organized evening affairs that took place en-route after setting up camp and eating dinner, or they were large village-sponsored bashes that took place either on the night of arrival, upon payment of hongo, or on the evening prior to departure. Ng’oma dances on the road could become quite raucous all-night events, where pombe or millet beer flowed freely, and where time was kept by striking spears or rifles loudly on the ground: Slowly the circle of dancers moved round, while single performers, six at a time, hopped into the center and, swinging their weapons to the time of the measure, sprang at regular intervals into the air (. . .) the guns, loaded almost to bursting with powder, going off now and then. The dancers stepped out of the circle to fire, pointing their weapons to the ground, stretched out as far as possible in front of them, springing into

3 Whether there is any connection between this rhythm and the style of dance known as mganda found today throughout southern Tanzania and northern Malawi is unclear. One might be led to believe that there is a connection, because the Malawian mganda is said to have originated as a competitive march-like dance, inspired by the German military drills predating beni (see also Ranger 1975: 117–122). 4 In a few cases (Burton, Baumann) wives accompanied their porter husbands. 5 As with the interregional caravans, porters strapped small bells called ng’hiinda to their legs, which emphasized the beat of the march (Hore 1971: 63).

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chapter four the air as they pulled the triggers. Then they resumed their places in the circle, with as proud an air as if they had performed some feat of valor with making all that noise (Hohner 1894: 181).

Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters carried their own ng’oma style and repertoire from their home areas on the road with them, influencing village festivities along the way. Substantial evidence exists that SukumaNyamwezi traders were influential in the inland spread of specialized dance society competitions (See also Gunderson 2001; Hartwig 1976; Ranger 1975; Iliffe 1979). Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters developed joking relations with the ethnic groups along the way whom they met. Sukuma-Nyamwezi travelers introduced drums to Usandawe, and spread their specialized snake and porcupine hunting associations throughout western and central Tanganyika (Iliffe 1979: 80). Ng’oma would take place at important centers of trade along the route such as Tabora,6 where crews from up to three or more caravans might be present (Thomson 1962: 57). Bapagati from various caravans would ‘(. . .) makeup all kinds of grotesque costumes, imitating the songs and dances they learned from the natives’ (Hohnel 1894: 167). Bapagati, were likewise influenced by the diverse communities through which they passed. They seemed for instance to be quite infatuated with Maasai dances.7 Inspiration for the large lammelophones found in the Nyamwezi region came from nineteenth-century bapagati having contacts with Congolese musicians (Kubik 1997: 317). However rosy a picture the European traveler might have painted of merry Sukuma-Nyamwezi life on the road, it was certainly a difficult and brutal life, as the bones of porters used as landmarks on the route to lake Nyanza could attest (Thurston n.d.: 94). As one porter put it, ‘A journey inland has many troubles; like sleeping on an empty stomach, or spending a day thirsty. There is no comfort, not even once’ (Selemani 1965: 121). At a purely functional level, song practice was about pacing the group in regular steps over long distances. Music established enthusiastic camaraderie and courage among strangers not necessarily affiliated by clan. Performance contexts associated with the departure and

6

Other important centers included Ujiji, Bagamoyo, Taveta, and Arusha. Hohnel (of the Count Teleki expedition) describes numerous encounters with Maasai on their expedition through Kenya, including the fear with which Maasai warrior dances were received (Hohnel 1894: 74), and the excitement surrounding subsequent performances of Maasai dances by porters upon arrival at Lake Stephanie (Hohnel 1894: 188). 7

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arrival of these groups became commonplace. Music styles and paraphernalia associated with these interregional groups spread quickly. Portable instruments like the kitumba drum and ng’hinda bells were used on the baja nyalaja salt caravans, and were adopted later by all the groups. The adornment of exotic ostrich feathers from lake Eyasi or cowry shells from the coast became a social marker of travel to faraway places, as did the temporary adoption of more purely affiliated Arabic singing styles from the coast. Besides being used both to coordinate work and to critique it, music performance on Sukuma-Nyamwezi caravans functioned to allay fears on the trail, as a social lubricant between widely divergent and potentially hostile ethnic groups, and to regenerate lagging spirits and help re-create aspects of lost self-respect. It gave the Sukuma-Nyamwezi man courage to face another day of life on the road, and provided a means by which he could better understand the chaotic and amazing worlds he helped shape in nineteenth century East Africa. (067) Aliselema, alija (‘He is flowing, he is going’) He is flowing, he is going (2×) Aliselema, alija (2×) Today we have arrived Lelo twashika He is flowing, he is going (2×) Aliselema, alija (2×) Until we reach there Mpaka tushike He is flowing, he is going (2×) Aliselema, alija (2×) bpm: ¼ note = 120.

op = F#.

ps = CDEG.

Fig. 10. Music transcription of Aliselema, alija (‘He is flowing, he is going’).

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Interpretation: This well-known song, performed in his home by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,8 is said in popular discourse to have originated with bapagati carrying chiefs from place to place (Kezilihabi 1981: 130),9 thus the line, ‘He is flowing, he is going’. This metaphor expanded to include the presence of any dignitary or charismatic leader on the caravan. It was later used by porters going to the coast for goods, by soldiers during World War I and II, and according to Nelson Suluja*, it is used today by the compulsory youth service Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa (‘Soldiers for Building the Country’). The Mwanza-based visual artist Simon Ndokeji* confirmed that this was a well-known and popular work song: Wimbo huu hasa unatumika wakati mnafanya kazi pamoja, hasa kama mmebeba kitu kizito kwa pamoja. (This song is used specifically when workers work together, especially when carrying something heavy together.) Mashauri Budaka* concurred with the analysis that this was a labor song: Huu unatumika kama ni watu wengi wanavuta kitu kizito. Kitu kizito, kwa mfano kitu kama jiwe. Au, wanabeba pengine, kutoka hapa kwenda pale. Zamani, Wasukuma hawakuwa na mashine za kusaga. Walikuwa wanaenda mlimani. Wanaalikwa vijana. Akina mama kwanza, wanaenda mlimani, wanalitayarisha jiwe hili, wanaona kwamba linatosha kusagia, basi sasa wale vijana ndio wanambiwa kufunga kamba. Na wazee wapo, wakuwaelekeza kwamba, ‘Fungeni hivi fungeni hivi’. Wanafunga kamba sasa, labda wanatoa mlimani huko kuleta kijijini kama huko. Kama ni jiwe zito, ni vizuri kuwa wengi, watano au zaidi. Itakuwa ni rahisi kulipeleka mahali wanakotaka kulipeleka. Ndio wakawa na wimbo, wakuchukua, ndio wanapeleka polepole kwa nguvu ya pamoja. (This [song] is used whenever there is the case of many people pulling something very heavy. Something heavy, for example something like a rock. Or they use it while carrying someone else, to go from here to there. Long ago, the Sukuma people did not have anything like machines for grinding. They would go to the mountains, and they would call these young men. The women would go first, they would go to the mountain, they would prepare a stone, one that was good enough for grinding food with, and then these young men would be told to tie it with

8

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1995, IUATM song #240. Kezilahabi provided this Kinyamwezi version of the song, together with a Kiswahili translation: ‘Aliselema /Alija / Selema selema /Alija /Aliselema / Kavuvi kavuvi / Kuminso /Mavala mavala / Ga nsumbi’. Kezilahabi’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Anatemba juu juu hewani / Anakwenda / Tembea, tembea / Anakwenda / Utando utando / Machoni / Mabaka mabaka / Ya chui’ (He travels above in the heavens / He goes / Go, go / He goes / A covering, a covering / The eyes / Spots spots / Of the leopard). 9

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ropes to move it. Now the elders there, they would explain to them, ‘Tie it like this, tie it like this’. So, they would tie it, and perhaps they would pull it away from the mountain to bring it back to the village. If it were a heavy rock, it would be good to have on hand many people, perhaps five or more. And, indeed, they would have this song, they would carry it, indeed, slowly, slowly, with strength together.) (068) Ndashige (‘When I arrive’) When I arrive at the home [of the] Ndashige mu numba important one bwana mkubwa ‘Do not separate’, I plead ‘Usigawe’, naomba Food is wealth Chakula ni mali ‘The government,’ I plead ‘Sirikali,’ naomba Who is there to fear? Wakuhofu ni nani? When I arrive Ndashige I should be taken Nimupelekage Taken to the big house of the Mu peleka jumba na bwana important one mkubwa The lion Simba Milima godoka, bwana mkubwa Mountains flatten, the important one

Illus. 11. Drawing of the Sukuma caravan leader ‘Pesa Mbili’, seen with trumpet (from Götzen 1899: 205).

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Interpretation: An important figure on the caravan was that of the kirangozi (Kiswahili), or ntongeji (Kisukuma), the caravan leader. He commonly was the more experienced caravan member who knew the route well, who was often involved with hiring bapagati, and set and altered the pace on the road through blowing a barghum or antelope horn (Hohnel 1894: 38), or through leading topical marching songs. The kirongozi led the singing, and inspired the rank and file. Next came the aristocracy of the caravan, and the ivory carriers with tusks poised upon the shoulders (Koponen 1988: 112; Cory Papers #153). The song Ndashige (‘When I arrive’), was collected by the German traveler Karl Weule in the early years of the twentieth century (Weule 1909: 292),10 and was sung by the well-travelled Sukuma caravan leader known as Pesa Mbili (‘Two Cents’), on the occasion of reaching an area in the Makonde region believed to be haunted.11 The singer pleads in a mix of Kiswahili and Kisukuma for his comrades to stick together in the face of the unknown, and to stay and eat at the home of a local administrator, someone for whom ‘mountains flatten’(all obstacles can be leveled). (069) Tukukeyula (‘We will stay up’) We will stay up until morning light12 Tukukeyula paka kweupe Tukukeyula mu meli We will stay up on the ship Waa waa! Waa waa! Tukutia na nanga We lower an anchor Uluke, uwone tabu Should you vomit, you will see trouble Waa waa! Waa waa! Tabu yafuma kweli Trouble has really come Yakuwulaga, yukufulu Mungu It kills, it will blaspheme God Bismillahi wa kibaru In the name of Allah the great

10 Weule’s English translation: ‘We shall arrive with the great master / We stand in a row and have nothing to fear about getting our food and our money from the government / We are not afraid / We are going along with the great master / The lion / We are going down to the coast and back’. 11 See also Goetzen (1899: 19) for a discussion of ‘Pesa Mbili’. 12 Weule’s English translation: ‘We were on board day and night / Till the day dawned / And then we cast anchor / The Baharia (sailors) on board said / “You Washenzi [pagans, bush people] from the interior / You will vomit yourselves to death” / But we came safe to Lindi after all, and said [to the sailors] / “You mocked at God” [by saying that we should die] / But we came safe to land’.

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Interpretation: The influence of the Swahili coastal musics on porters via exposure to Islam and long internment on the coast was substantial (Kubik 1980).13 Bapagati counted off their marches in Arabic (Baumann 1894: 8). Arabic influence of wind instruments like the barghuni antelope horn, and zomari horns originating from North Africa were evident. Smaller percussive instruments like upato, a tin can beaten by stick, or kayamba, a common bamboo rattle from the Swahili coast, were also described (Stigand 1913: 200). Sadakas (blessings) were given by permanently established Muslim traders to the bapagati during Islamic holidays or when sending off caravans. These were for the most part feasts, where departure times were decided amid ritual and prayer (Hohnel 1894: 204), and then celebrated with music performance (Thomson 1962: 147). In these contexts, Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters converted to Islam during their long stays on the coast or their visits to Tabora, where curious porters ‘(. . .) were kept up at night by the Arabs with their prayers’ (Wolf 1976: 58): About two hours after sunset, through the noise and the merriment of the camp, a voice each night rose with impressive effect. As the sonorous and musical sound gathered volume, voices were hushed, conversation ceased, and a striking reverence reigned throughout the camp. The sound that thus reechoed was the sacred call to prayer. Every word was articulated with great distinctness and sung out as far as breath would last, and as it filled the reverberating woods with its thrilling power, even we infidels felt inclined to lift our hats in respect (Thomson 1962: 66).

The Sukuma were famed for their endurance and good humor in marching and singing, and their songs were considered by their employers as ‘unsurpassed’ (Lambert 1963: 18–21). Songs were sung either in Kisukuma, or in a mixture of Kisukuma or Kinyamwezi, Kiswahili, English, and Arabic. According to the collector Weule (1909), this song, performed by the young leader Pesa Mbili (‘Two Cents’), was sung around his porters’ camp at night. Bapagati composed songs in the evenings to muster courage in the face of hostile territory, or to express concerns for being left in the wilderness. They would specifically address amazing places they had seen, or adventures and

13

Though bapagati most likely adopted the melisma and the heptatonic scales that characterize musics of the Arabic music diaspora that Kubik describes as existing in the Nyamwezi region in the 1960s, this influence is felt today only in the wealthy Nyamwezi-Arab households in the urban center of Tabora.

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misfortunes they witnessed, as in this sung description of a first time at sea.14 In this somewhat cryptic text, the singer tells his comrades not to abandon hope while on a journey over water. While waiting on the Swahili coast for work on caravans inland, porters were sometimes conscripted as sailors (Ewald 2000: paragraph 2). Simoni Ndokeji* had this conjecture about the experience of the porters, based on his reading of this text: Huyu mwimbaji anawatia moyo wa safiri wenzake wa kwenye meli. Nadhani kulikuwa na wasafiri ambao hawajaenda kwa meli na baharini. Na kila mara bahari ina mawimbi mengi makubwa. Sasa anawaambia kwamba, ‘Tukipata shida na meli tutatia nanga, na kwa kutia nanga hapo ni kama kupumzika. Tukiendelea zaidi, wengine wanaweza kutapika kwa sababu ya mawimbi’. (This singer tells what is on his heart about his companions who accompanied him on a journey, on a ship. It is evident, that these were travelers who had never been on a ship on the ocean before. All the time, on the ocean, there are giant waves. Now he tells them, ‘If we get into trouble, we will drop anchor, to drop anchor, indeed as if we are resting. If we are to go any further there, there are those among us who will vomit, because of the waves’.) A common theme in bapagati song is waiting in the coastal towns for the next caravan going inland. While on the coast, Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters would wait for periods up to six months for caravans making the return trip inland. Often, their labor contracts were negotiated by members of a social category known as walung’wana, or waung’wana. These were a loose grouping of ‘freeborn’ Swahili elites or urban-dwelling Sukuma-Nyamwezi Muslim converts (Deutsch 2003: 174),15 or occasionally, Hindi commercial agents (Glassman 1995: 62). Walung’wana are the subject of the two bapagati songs which follow.

14 Bapagati serving as sailors, for both the British and the German navies, seems to have been a common occurance. There are several reports of bapagati singing European tunes such as ‘The Bay of Biscay’, ‘Home Sweet Home’, and ‘God Save the Queen’, tunes which they had picked up while serving on warships in the Indian Ocean (Burton (1860: 249; Roscoe 1921: 249; Thomson 1962: 166). 15 Deutsch nuances this category further by positing that those who self-identified as waung’wana may have even been slaves who were once ‘freeborn’ (Deutsch 2003: 174).

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(070) Mayu wane (‘My mayu’) Mayu wane, mayu wane, nahuu! My mayu, my mayu, nahuu! Walung’wana kutukongola! The walung’wana swindle/pamper us! Wamaweta! Our mayu! (071) Indweka (‘On the shoulder’) On the shoulder, you see Indweka, mwaziona On the shoulder (2×) Indweka (2×) To spread [the loads] Kutawanya To spread [the loads] Kutawanya It is [the work of ] the walung’wana Ni malung’wana You see, on the shoulder Mwaziona, indweka Interpretation: In Mayu wane, collected by Velten (1903: 248–250) and performed by Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, the narrator discusses the treatment given the carriers by the walungwana. The verb -kongola, depending on the tonal emphasis, could either mean ‘to trim’ or ‘to steal’ (-końgólá), or ‘pampering’ (-kongolá). The original translator (Velten) chose the latter. The meaning of ‘Wamaweta!’ is unknown; it is most likely a bad original transliteration of the Kiswahili phrase mama wetu (‘our mother’), indeed how Velten translates it. In Indweka, collected by the White Fathers missionary P. H. Molitor (1913: 734, #39),16 the singer discusses the work of the walungwana of distributing loads to the porters before they leave for travel up-country. (072) Mwaleta lunanda (‘You have brought friction’) Mwaleta lunanda (2×) You have brought friction (2×) Wazungu masambazi! (2×) Europeans are thugs! (2×) Interpretation: Aside from being subjected to long workdays and months away from home, porters were compelled to obey a leader whose orders, whims, outbursts of temper and standards of judgment would be inexplicable (Simpson 1975: 2). This song, sung in a mixture of Kisukuma and Kiswahili collected by Molitor (1913: 733, #37)17

16

Molitor’s French translation is missing. Molitor’s French translation: ‘Vous nous créez des ennuis en nous amenant les Européens / ce sont des promeneurs’ (You create trouble by bringing the Europeans / They are walkers). 17

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expressed a common sentiment about the behavior of the Europeans.18 The song exemplifies the well-known explorer Speke’s feeling that his porters mimicked and parodied him in song at every opportunity (Speke 1863: 60). (073) Tomba mbwa! (‘Go fuck a dog!’) Tomba mva! Go fuck a dog! Interpretation: This chorus excerpt, collected by the German explorer Baumann in the late nineteenth century (Baumann 1894: 107), reflects the bawdy side of life on the road. The oral historian Michael Masalu had this comment: Hii ni kama matusi kumtukana mtu kama mtoto kwa hasira, kumtendea kama mtoto wa nyumbani, ni kama kusema ‘mshenzi!’, au, ‘Huna adabu?’ Pia ni kama kutania, unaweza kusema hiyo na mtu na huyo atacheka tu, hasa kama hana makosa. (‘This is an example of swearing to belittle a person like a child, to treat them like a child at home, it is the same as saying ‘imbecile’, or asking, ‘Have you no manners?’ Also, it is a kind of joking relationship, you could say this to someone, and they would just laugh, especially if they have done nothing wrong’.) (074) Lwa maige (‘The locust’) Lwa maige, muchalo (2×) Bagosha, kwaheri kasumbi kiswe oLya maige oLwa maige muchalo

The locust, in the home area (2×) Men, good bye to our small chairs Oh the locust Oh the locust in the home area

Interpretation: A bapagati song collected by Molitor (1913: 734, #38)19 that laments the arrival of the locust. The image of the locust is found in several songs, and can mean any unknown catastrophe, or any great being with incomparable strength with the ability to wreak havoc. Further, it is apparent there were fierce locust plagues throughout the 1880s and 1890s (Kjekshus 1976: 139). According to the song, when the locust arrives, there is no more sitting around comfortably.

18 An interesting point here is that the collector translates the Kiswahili phrase Wazungu masambazi as ‘the Europeans are spreading’. This would be correct if the phrase were rendered as Wazungu wasambazi. 19 Molitor’s French translation: ‘Les sauterelles envahissent le pays’ (The locusts invade the country).

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(075) Aho Nyanza (‘There at Nyanza’) Aho Nyanza There at Nyanza Kwa mayu! With mayu! Interpretation: Just prior to arrival at known village resting places, caravan members’ spirits would lift, and songs would start up again, led by the ntongeji (Cameron 1877: 102). They would sing short choruses about what awaited them. Upon arrival at a long-awaited destination, odes composed along the way would be revealed, and then performed. In this carriers’ chorus (Werther 1894: 79), the singers pine after the comforts of home. Nyanza in Kisukuma refers to any large body of water, however, it most often refers to lake Victoria-Nyanza, considered the ‘home area’ of the Sukuma people.20 Musician and local historian Michael Masalu* had this comment about returning porters waiting for the end of the rainy season to make it home: Hawa bapagati walikuwa wakirudi kutoka safari ndefu, wanafika kwenye bahari, wanasubiri kama bahari ikame, kwa sababu maji yalikuwa mengi na walishindwa. Waliomba kwamba bahari ikiisha, watafika nyumbani kwao kwa mama yao. (These porters were returning [home] from a long journey [to the coast], and when they reached the water [flooded lake region], they had to wait for the rainy season to end, because the water was too much for them to cross. They prayed for the water to decrease, so they could reach home to be with their mamas.) (076) Shayunga (‘They make their rounds’) They make their rounds, they go, hii! Shayunga, shaja, hii! Since long ago they make their rounds Shikayungaga nakaale They make their rounds, hii! Shayunga hii! They go, ng’huu! Shaja, ng’huu! The Jimalidas know them (2×) Bajimanile Bajimalida (2×) Interpretation: This song, performed by the banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha, praises the carrier who has traveled and returned.21 The singers remind the carrier that he is not the only one who has ever done this task; there were those who went and returned before him.

20 21

‘Nyanza’ was glossed as Mwanza by the Germans. Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #202.

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The term ‘Jimalidas’ refers either to a powerful coastal family, who may have been sponsors of inland expeditions, or likely, to ‘Jemadar’, a term associated with Indian platoon leaders in the British colonial army. Michael Masalu* discussed the business of porterage evident in this song: Huyu niingi anazungumzia wabeba mizigo. Walikuwa wanabeba mizigo ya kupeleka kwenye biashara. Hawa walikuwa na furaha ya kupeleka kitu wakapate mali, hela au mbuzi au ng’ombe au kitu kingine. Wanatembeza kitu cha kununuliwa, kama majembe au mizigo nyingine kama nguo. (This niingi is discussing the carriers of loads. They were carrying loads for business purposes. They were happy to carry loads, because they knew they would receive wealth as a result, money or goats or cows or another thing. They would carry these things for selling, such as hoes or other loads like clothes.) (077) Ya nderule (‘The nderule’) Ya nderule, ya nderule Mabwana makubwa na nderule Ya mabwana madogo na nderule Ya basumba na wanyha142 na nderule Ya nderule, ya nderule

The nderule, the nderule The important ones have this nderule The young ones have this nderule The young men and young women have this nderule The nderule, the nderule

Interpretation: This anonymous busumba song, documented by both Cory (Milimo #3) and Weule (1909: 392) and performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,23 has a varied and somewhat mysterious performance history. According to the singer, basumba males would sing the song while young women were off grinding millet (see Chapter VII). The men would then tease the women with this song. Lupande* called it a song of celebration. Weule called the song simply ‘(. . .) the chant of the long trail, the glorification of travel for its own sake, the element to the Nyamwezi man as necessary as his porridge (1909: 392).

22

Should be banyha, young women. Weule transcribes this as wogi. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 11 October 1995, author’s personal collection. 23

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Further, it is not entirely clear what an nderule is. Both Kishosha* and Lusana* claimed that this is an obscenity, for vagina, from the Nyamwezi region. Kang’wiina* said that nderule was a type of bird, while Suluja* claimed that it was a sound that a kind of bird makes.

CHAPTER FIVE

SONGS OF THE BALUGU (WARRIORS) AND BARUGARUGA (MERCENARIES) Besides the context of calendar-based ceremony and batemi coronation, an important setting for music in the royal arena had to do with war preparations and war hero celebrations. The Sukuma had celebratory traditions related to stealing cattle from the Maasai.1 The Sukuma have had many known skirmishes with the Maasai to the present (Songoyi*). Chiefs rewarded warriors that had stolen cattle, killed other men in battle, or had killed a lion in battle, and decreed them heroes in a celebration dance lasting for several days known as lugaya.2 Dancers wore ostrich feathers gotten on the regional baja nyalaja salt procurement trips, smeared themselves with cow dung, and wore one bow with associated quiver for each man slain: For war dances in grand style, hundreds of men arrange themselves in files of five or six, led by the sultan. Singing, he begins slowly to move forward, and the whole troupe follows singing incessantly and holding aloft sticks, clubs, and lances. When the warriors return from the field or from the march, they are welcomed by their wives with the widely known trill with the tongue, which they accompany by pelting their husbands with grains of rice, and for those occasions, they smear their face with white paint (Kollman 1899: 164).

By the mid-nineteenth century, the batemi had to deal with an unusual military force migrating from the south, known as the Bangoni. The term has been applied to all South African Zulu and Siswathi-speaking ethnic groups in general, and to those nineteenth century migrant refugee-warriors led by the charismatic Zwangendaba into southeastern Africa in particular (Ebner 1987: 9), who exerted considerable cultural and political influence on whom they subjugated. The spread of Bangoni culture traits was the result of a dramatic and fearful process of state-mandated assimilation. They spread throughout Malawi and

1 It is fair to note that the Maasai had special songs celebrating raiding cattle from the Sukuma. 2 Some chiefdoms celebrated heroes during the seasonal royal milyaango ceremonies. In other places, lugaya was the name of the royal ceremonial event.

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southwestern Tanzania, and as far north as the Kahama area of the Sukuma region (Ebner 1987: 33). The Bangoni introduced specific kinds of music practice and musicrelated terminologies,3 to include root terms like -biina, to dance, or to sing in a ritual context (Coplan 1988), characteristic dance accoutrements like spears and shields, as well as instrument types such as the unbraced musical bow (Rycroft 1976: 50–60). Bangoni musical practices centered on fierce, warlike, competitive dances. They included izibongo-style praise songs4 for chiefs and self-praise poetry linked to warriors returning from battle (Coplan 1995), practices strikingly similar to contemporary competitive practice found throughout the areas they settled (Friedson 1996: 15). The Bangoni influenced the rugaruga, and by association the Sukuma-Nyamwezi bapagati (porters), who asserted their cultural influence throughout the region via long-established trade routes during the latter half of the nineteenth century (Glassman 1995: 58–64). The rugaruga were the armed retainers of central Tanganyikan chiefs, often shifting their alliances once a particular chief could no longer supply them with war booty (Austen 1968: 18). The rugaruga may have originated as independent bands of wandering Bangoni, but they later inspired local youths from ethnic groups that included the Sukuma-Nyamwezi to join them in an occupation more rewarding than agriculture. The Rugaruga were a heterogeneous collection of ex-war prisoners, deserters from caravans, and runaway slaves without roots or family ties, who wreaked destruction and waste over wide central areas from Ugogo to Buha, and from Ukimbu to Shinyanga. Armed with muskets and spears, skillfully adorned long hair, and often under the influence of hashish, they descended on a chosen village, killed the men who resisted and took the women and children prisoners. The missionary Hannington wrote: When shortly I arrived there, I found the greatest excitement prevailing: the drums were being beaten furiously, and an aged warrior was addressing a ferocious looking band of younger men, and, to make himself look more savage, he had taken a piece of brain, which I strongly suspect

3 Kubik (1997: 320) found that the practice of harmonizing in fifths found throughout southeastern Africa is due to Bangoni influence. This practice is less common in the Sukuma region, owing more to the influence of Christian missionary communities (Gunderson 1991). 4 Izibongo is a pan-Zulu tradition of praise singing. Like the Sukuma term lwiimbo, Izibongo means both ‘praise’, and refers to one’s personal clan name.

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chapter five had been taken from the head of the murdered man, and had tied it to his hair, and there it was hanging down over his eyes while he spoke. I could not fully understand the address that he was delivering to the murderous-looking gang around him (Hannington 1886: 60).

Mirambo, the well-known Nyamwezi chief of the 1870s, is reported by Stanley to have said about the rugaruga, ‘In all of my wars with the Arabs, it was an army of youth that gave me victory, boys without beards’ (Stanley 1878: 111). Mirambo (1840–1884) was a military leader who transformed a minor Nyamwezi chiefdom into a powerful polity that dominated most of Tanzania’s important trade routes. Known locally as Lupemba, or ‘the scorcher’ and as ‘the Napoleon of East Africa’ by European adventurers because of his ravaging military campaigns, he brought one thousand warriors as far north as Shinyanga to the Sukuma region, where he devastated fields, burned villages and drove away prisoners and cattle (Cory Papers 185). After 1875, Mirambo received many European administrators, traders, and missionaries, most of whom were quickly impressed with his organizational abilities. In 1883 and 1884, Mirambo’s army suffered a series of defeats at the hands of the northern Ngoni and the southern Nyamwezi. After the success of Mirambo in Unyamwezi, SukumaNyamwezi chiefdoms developed their rugaruga organizations, resulting in an intense period of inter-clan skirmishes just before the German colonial period (Austen 1968: 18; Cory Papers 185). Rugaruga also hired themselves out as seasonal interregional porters between Tabora and Mwanza, thus when they were not on the road themselves, they could occupy themselves by terrorizing porters coming inland from the coast. Rugaruga went into battle wearing blood-colored vests, and carried small deadly spears, accompanied by drums (Finnegan 1970: 209) playing ‘(. . .) a single, unbroken steady loud beat, however with a faster and faster tempo, nearly rolling’.5 They sang melodies composed of short, repeated refrains.6 Their nickname for themselves was kanoni,

5 Velten: ‘(. . .) so werden zuerst einige ganze laute, starke, langsame Schläge geschlagen, von da aber in immer schnellerem und schnellerem Tempo, und immer laut, fast wirbelnd’. 6 This is apparent in the sketchy transcriptions of rugaruga songs made by Molitor (1913). Other known Sukuma-Nyamwezi song transcriptions from this period were made by Karl Weule (1909), based on cylinder recordings of his porters’ songs. The comparative musicologist Erich von Hornbostel listened to these recordings and dismissed the rhythmic basis of Weule’s transcriptions in his cursory article ‘Wanyamwezi Gesänge’ (1909), though the tonal data is comparable to contemporary Sukuma

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or small bird, as reflected by several of the choruses here. Rugaruga songs reflected their boisterous and dangerous way of life. In song, they laughed at the how their enemies fled, praised their war-chief Mirambo, reminded themselves of the joys of plunder, and made bold declarations of war (Molitor 1913; Velten 1910). (078) Sonone busunun’ha (‘Wounds healed’) Wounds healed Sonone busunun’ha He yelled, bamayu Wanile, bamayu He has been injured by a leopard Wasononilwe subi The young man, who is armed Sumba, washilanga He has been injured by a leopard Wasononilwe subi (079) Nene ndifuma kiiya (‘I am indeed coming from the eastern side’) (C) I am indeed coming from the (C) Nene ndifuma kiiya eastern side (R) I am indeed the leopard (2×) (R) Ndi subi (2×) (C) Go and ask Nyahinga (C) Kambujage Nyahinga (R) I am indeed the leopard (2×) (R) Ndi subi (2×) (C) I am coming from the eastern (C) Nene ndifuma kiiya side (R) I am indeed the leopard (2×) (R) Ndi subi (2×) (C) Me, I am indeed the leopard (C) Nene, ndi subi (R) The leopard, I am indeed the (R) Subi, nene ndi subi leopard (080) Sumba lumiho (‘Young man Lumiho’) Young man, Lumiho (2×) Sumba, lumiho (2×) Kabuson’hon’he, buson’hon’he (2×) Decorations, decorations (2×) Let us eat to honor ng’wana Lyalu Tunile ng’wana Lyalu He has been decorated Wason’hon’hilyeshu The young man, with weapons Sumba, washilanga He has been decorated, like a Gawason’ho, nhilye nsubi leopard village song practice. The whereabouts of these recordings is unknown. In the 1930s, the catechist Ambroise Kaseka (n.d.) transcribed a handful of Nyamwezi melodies, noteworthy for having captured the Islamic musical influence found in Tabora at the time (see also Kubik 1980). Rose Brandel published a few excellent transcriptions of multi-part Sukuma wedding music, based on the recordings Hugh Tracey had made on his recording safaris in the late 1940s and early 1950s (Brandel: 1961).

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Interpretation: The content of these three itula millet-threshing texts suggests that they are most likely older warriors’ songs that made their way into itula song practice. All three of these songs use the metaphoric imagery of the ‘warrior as leopard’ or ‘the warrior wounded by the leopard’. The leopard was a common topic of Sukuma warrior’s song, and itula song practice came to be a common ‘repository’ for previous Sukuma work song genres. The first song,7 performed by Salu Kadelya at his home in Isangidjo, evokes imagery of wounds sustained by a leopard. In the second song, the singer likens himself to a leopard (Anonymous n.d.: 56). The ‘leopard decorations’ mentioned in the third song (Sumba lumiho), performed by Edward Shing’oma,8 are referring to wounds of war. The first song, Sonone busunun’ha, praises the wounded warrior who has survived attack. When this song is sung by a hardworking millet-threshing chorus, the song gives strength to the workers as well, as is evident in this testimony by the Mwanza cultural officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Manju atia wafanya kazi hamasa kwa kumsifu kijana anayepiga mtama kwa bidii, kuwa atakukwaruza. Na ama kukuumiza tokana na kuwa anaonekana, mwenye nguvu za kuweza kupiga mtama hata ungekuwa mwingi kiasi gani. Hivyo vijana hupandisha jazba na kufanya kazi kwa bidii. (The composer provides the workers with motivation, by praising the young man who beats the millet with strength. As if he is the one who has been injured, here, he is still seen among us, having strength and the ability to beat millet, even when there is still much work yet to be done. In this way, the young man’s example urges a consciousness toward working hard with haste and strength.) Sumba lumiho was also a warrior’s welcome song that made its way into the repertoire of millet workers by at least the 1920s. The singer, Edward Shingoma,9 remembers the song from when he was a youth in the millet fields. Mwanza local historian Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had this remark about of the violence suffered by the protagonist in this song: Amechomwa mikuki mwili wote, ni kama matundu matundu, damu inatiririka kila sehemu, inaonekana kama madoa madoa, ni kama ngozi ya chui. (He was stabbed with 7 8 9

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 November 1994, IUATM song #160. Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #100. Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #100.

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spears throughout his body, with many holes, blood was pouring from every area, to the point where it looked like spots, like the hide of a leopard.) (081) Ichimu lyane (‘My spear’) Ichimu lyane Limakingwa, mbeho (2×) Yaya, bamayu Makingwa, mbeho (2×) Kilikili, makingwa, mbeho Nu kunu makingwa, mbeho

My spear It is protected, shelter (2×) No, bamayu Protected, shelter (2×) Kilikili, it is protected, shelter And here it is protected, shelter

Interpretation: In this song collected by Bischoff (1996: 69)10 in the context of itula (millet threshing), the singer discusses the efficacy of his spear, something that protects, and provides protection and comfort. The age of this song is unknown. The term mbeho can mean coldness, drought, attacks, shade, or shelter. Without further context, any of these terms could be applied. (082) Waja (‘They flee’) Waja, shimagi! Wanawiza, waja walila wowa

They flee, sting them! They come, they go, they cry in cowardice

Interpretation: Songs that inspire soldiers to fight with bravery in the heat of the battle, are another common theme found in these songs. In Waja, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 60),11 the singer Kalungwa ng’wana Sembeewe Likisemmewuyaga sings a bulugu chorus that mocks the cowardice of their enemies.

10 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Mine våben sikrer mig mod kulden “i skyggen” / vær blot rolig kvinder de sikrer mig mod smerter / våbenes klirren sikrer mig mod dødens kramper i / slagmarkens kamp’ (My weapons ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / Please just be calm women, ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / Kilikili ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / The battle field match). 11 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Sie gehen [fliehen], stecht sie nieder / Die Wanawiya, sie gehen, sie schreien aus Furcht’ (They go [to flee], stab them down / The Wanawiya, they go, they cry out of fear).

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(083) Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’) Nani wapemba numba yane? Who has burned down my home? Ng’wana Ibelenge (2×) Ng’wan’Ibelenge (2×) Ng’wana Ibelenge, comrades Ng’wan’Ibelenge, bagosha Hihi, ng’wana Ibelenge Hihi, ng’wan’Ibelenge Tukantule machimu abili (2×) We will pierce him with two spears (2×) Ng’wana Ibelenge. Ng’wan’Ibelenge bpm: ¼ note = 115.

op = C.

ps = CDFGAA#.

Fig. 11. Music transcription of Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’)

Interpretation: This well-known song documents an event from the 1898 war skirmish between the armies of Sengerema and Ntuzu, at Itilima. It refers to Ibelenge, a war mercenary for Chief Balele of Ntuzu. The text documented here was performed by Kabujiku Jige Malehe, together with some of her neighbors.12 In a series of retributive raids against Chief Balele’s uncle Mashindike, who was leading an uprising against the throne, Ibelenge burned and raided villages suspected of involvement. Like other war and migrant songs from this period, the song has made its way into new contexts, to include being sung by salt caravaners, by soldiers (askari) and work camp laborers during both world wars, and by medicine healers (bafumu) to this day, while preparing dance competition medicines. The text is also performed by musicians when they go into competitive ‘battle’. The song asks, ‘Who has burned down my home? Ibelenge. We will pierce him with two spears’.

12

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #223.

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The singer Kabujiku Jige Malehe had this understanding of the precolonial warfare practices of the late nineteenth century that are portrayed in this song: Kama ya vita yao ya watu weusi, tulikuwa tunajichoma hivi nichukiwe ardhi hii hivi hii, walikuwa wanasemwa walikuwepo waganga wa vita ya kuchomana, hivi wachukue ardhi hiyo hivi nao iwe kubwa. Mitambiko ya waganga, kubariki, kupokea watu ambao wanaenda vitani. (During old skirmishes between Africans, we burned one another’s homes, and stole one another’s land like this. If we burned one another in this fashion, we would be spoken about as great warriors, having taken their big pieces of land. This is a ritual song used by medicine healers for blessing, and to welcome those going to war [who have returned].) Kangwiina ng’wana Mihumo* had a rich understanding of this song: Msukuma mmoja, ng’wana Belenge, huyu ndiye alikuwa mkali sana wa vita, alikuwa wa Ntuzu. Alikuwa mkali wa kupigana vita tu. Mwanajeshi, halafu na hapa, sehemu ya Sengerema, alikuwa ng’wana Mandi aliuwawa na Wajereumani. Huyo naye alikuwa mkali sana kati ya Wasukuma. Halafu wakaimba nyimbo. Mpaka sasa hawa wanajeshi wa siku hizi wanaimba nyimbo hiyo ya ng’wana Ibelenge. Kwa sababu ng’wana Ibelenge aliwashinda, basi walienda kuchoma nyumba zake zote kijiji kizima. Wakachoma moto, na washindani wake wakaimba nyimbo hiyo, mpaka sasa bado inaimbwa na kutumiwa. Walianza kuimba wakati ya vita kati ya Wajerumani na Waingereza. (This Sukuma man, ng’wana Iberenge, was indeed a fierce warrior, he was from Ntuzu. He was known for his fierceness in battle. In Sengerema, there was another soldier known as ng’wana Mandi, who was eventually killed by the Germans. He was also known among the Sukuma as very fierce. So, ng’wana Iberenge, he set out to find this enemy (Mandi), to beat him. As a result, this song was created. Until this day, this song is sung whenever any soldiers go forth to fight, to honor ng’wana Iberenge. Because ng’wana Iberenge defeated him, he went and burned down his home, indeed his whole village. A great fire was the result, and to this day, this song is remembered and used. They started to sing it around the time of the first war between the Germans and the British.)

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(084) Bikenya banamugi (‘Men skirmished’) Men skirmished Bikenya banamugi Bana Bulima na bana Bukumbi Men from Bulima and Bukumbi They fought Bikenya of Kiganga and Lunyalula Ba Kiganga na Lunyalula They raised a spear Bakabucha ichimu Imagine, they argued over a warthog! Angu, bakaguganila ngili! You, if you were truly fierce men Ing’we ulu ni ng’wali bakali Why would you fight over a warthog? Mukalwila ngili yaki? You should have fought over an Mulem’ ulwila m’huli elephant Now that could cause a spear to be Ikabucha ichimu raised Because an elephant is enormous Ikiyene nhale im’huli They got Muhandikila, and killed Bampandika Muhandikila, him! bamulaga! Interpretation: This song collected by Jan Hendriks in Imani za Jadi (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni 1988: 213), published and translated also by Makoye (2000: 187),13 documents one of several skirmishes that took place between the years 1883–1887 between Bulima and Bukumbi chiefdoms. The war started between two hunting groups from the two chiefdoms, because of an argument over which side had killed a warthog. Each hunting group claimed that it was the group to have speared it first (thus establishing that it was the rightful owner of the meat). This war was seen by women as an unnecessary endeavor, so older women composed a song to ridicule the men who participated in that war.

13 Makoye’s English translation: ‘Men fought / From Bulima and Bukumbi / Kiganga and Lunyalula fought / They picked a spear / They argued over a warthog / If you were real men / Why did you fight over a warthog? / You should fought over an elephant / Which took a spear / Because an elephant is big / They got Muhandikila and killed him’.

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(085) Tubasange (‘Let us meet them!’) Let us meet them, let us meet them! Tubasange tubasange! The spear eats its own (2×) Ichimu lililya walyo (2×) Who are these among us Banani bise In this land of ours? (2×) Mu si yise? (2×) Let us press them, let us press them Tubakandile, tubakandile Let us skewer them with spears (2×) Tubachime machimu (2×) Ooh, they have destroyed homesteads Aga igete, babulagiji makaya In Tubasange, collected by Bischoff (1996: 70),14 the singer implores his comrades to attack specific invaders in a retributive raid. According to local historian Michael Masalu*, who knew this song from his childhood, the song was about an incident experienced by the Sukuma living in Kayenze. This is a village where both the Roman Catholic White Fathers and the Church Missionary Society European missionaries first set up their missions on the southeastern side of lake Victoria in the 1860s and 1870s (Holmes 1971: 482). He explained that: Sehemu za Kayenze kulikuwa na mwanangu huyo, ndiyo alikuwa kama kutuliza na kusema kwamba, ‘Acheni kwanza’. Wasukuma, walikuwa wakitafuta silaha ili wapigane na Wazungu, lakini, ilionekana kwamba walikomea maneno tu, na kweli, Wazungu, walikuwa wachache sehemu ya Busukuma. Walikuwa wanavuka tu kutoka sehemu za Ulaya, kwa sababu hapo Kayenze kulikuwa wanavukia huko watu kutoka kwenye meli. Kwa hiyo, walitaka kufanya vita, Wasukuma na Wazungu, lakini wakaacha kwanza. Ilikuwa siku za zamani kama 1902. (In the area of Kayenze, there was someone there, who indeed tried to calm them down by saying, ‘Leave it be, first’. The Sukuma searched for weapons so they could fight against the Europeans, but it was seen that they just stopped with their talk, and, really, the Europeans in the end were very few in Mwanza. They crossed over from Europe, and to get to Kayenze, they had to get there by boat. Anyways, there was talk of war between the Sukuma people and the Europeans, but in the end, it was stopped. This was around 1902.)

14 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Lad os mødes vi går dem i møde / vores spyd skal smage blod / hvem er det der kommer i vort land? / Vi presser dem tilbage vi presser dem tilbage / vi stikker dem med spydene / ak ja desværre vi må stoppe deres slægt’ (Let us meet we move them in meeting / Our spears must taste blood / Who is coming into our country? / We are pressing them back, we will push them back / We are sticking them with spears / Ah yes, unfortunately, we have to stop their kin).

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(086) Barugaruga (‘The Rugaruga people’) (C) The Rugaruga people! (2×) (C) Balugaruga! (2×) (R) The Rugaruga people! (2×) (R) Balugaruga! (2×) (C) When will we hit the war (C) Tulikapumula nanali ground? (2×) kwihala? (2×) (R) The war ground! (R) Kwihala! (C) People of respect, respect (C) Bamashima mashima (R) Ooh, the war ground! (2×) (R) Ooh, kwihala! (2×) We are enjoying ourselves! Twiyagalule! Interpretation: This song, sung by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,15 has had an interesting and varied history. The song has its origins with the barugaruga, the mercenary soldiers of chiefs like Mirambo, who wreaked havoc all over inland Tanganyika in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The song later came to be used by long-distance porters, carriers, and soldiers during both world wars, and by the national youth service after independence. The singer urges his comrades, the other soldiers, carriers, and workers that they should strengthen their heart and spirit for the work, the work of fighting, or of building the country. The term kwihala has several meanings, any of which could apply here in this song. It could mean cave, arena, exercise ground, war ground, or fortress. (087) Nilile lwane lwa masasi (‘My cries are of bullets’) My cries are of bullets Nilile lwane lwa masasi We, who have lots of dwellings Bise, babuzengo wingi The ones who carry things on the Banyakabega shoulder Nuko tujile, kabupanga buliko And where we are going, life is there We, even work we do not have Bise, na milimo tutinayo Work and more work, we do not have Milimo na milimo, tutinayo We are for slaughtering people! Bise bakuhenga banhu! Interpretation: In this rugaruga song, the singer declares that he expresses himself with the report of his rifle, he has many dwellings because of his life on the road, and that his group has no work, except to kill people. These groups got rifles as payment by Arab traders for

15

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #239.

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ivory. What is fascinating about this song is the multiple ways it has been put to use, to include as a soldiers’ song during both world wars, as a government youth league song in the 1960s and 1970s, and as a farmers’ song. The song is well known, and commentators are quick to point out that in popular memory, it is associated with the marching of long-distance porters, soldiers of World War I and World War II, and soldiers in the Tanzanian war against Idi Amin. This song is performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,16 who had this to say about its origin: Huu wimbo ni wa kwenye vita, hasa hasa ya wale barugaruga wa Mirambo, wakati wanajeshi walianza kutumia bunduki tu na risasi. Hawakuwa na sehemu ya kukaa ya imara, mara huko mara huko. (This song is one of war, especially those of the barugaruga of Mirambo, in the days when soldiers began to use rifles and bullets. They had no time or place where they could sit peacefully, as they were always moving about here and there.) This version uses the term kuhenga (‘slaughter’), signifying a connection to the barugaruga. Other versions use kuheka, or ‘to carry’, signifying porter/labor use. Mashauri Budaka* mentioned that he knew the song from a competitive context: ‘Ajililie’, siyo kwa ajili ya vita ya risasi, ni vita ya mabugota. Kwa sababu yeye hana kazi nyingine, hata wanavvyokwenda wanaona watashinda Yaani, wao ni wa kuwakata tu. (‘He should cry’, not because of a war using bullets, but because of a war with bugota. Because he says, he has no work, wherever it is they go they will win. They are just for cutting others.) (088) Twalali lelo (‘We are here today’) We are here today, huu! Twawali lelo, huu! We are here today with the people Twawali lelo na bantu We beat them, we beat them! Twawalya, twawalya! Au! Flags, the flags! Au! Maunga, ni maunga! Tear the flags! Matatula maunga! Interpretation: This is a burugaruga victory song collected by Molitor (1913: 732, #32).17 The anonymous singer exhorts his comrades to find the flags carried by the other side, and to tear them, to leave no doubt who the victors are.

16 17

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #241. Molitor did not provide a translation for this song.

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A common thematic motif in barugaruga songs was that of ‘the small bird’. The ‘small bird’ stands for the barugaruga themselves, always found in rough and heroic circumstances, though it is also possible that the term is a diminutive rendering of Ngoni,18 the ethnic group most associated with the origins of the barugaruga. These three songs were collected by Molitor, from the barugaruga carriers and soldiers who were in his employ. (089) Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’) Kanoni kalya um’msanga The small bird eats in the abandoned sands Titiliti! (2×) Titiliti! (2×) op = E.

ps = EFGBD

Fig. 12. Music transcription of Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’).19

(090) Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’) Kanoni kungu The small bird in the bush Kakulya wantu! (4×) Eats the people! (4×)

18 This linguistic possibility was pointed out by Velten and Lippert (1901: 5). The ka- prefix in kanoni signifies a diminuitive state, and could just as easily be rendered as banoni, ‘the bird people’, or even bangoni. 19 Transcription by Molitor.

songs of the warriors and mercenaries op = D.

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ps = DEFGABC.

Fig. 13. Music transcription of Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’).20

(091) Kanoni kaja (‘The bird has gone’) The small bird has gone, has seen us Kanoni kaja, katulolela It sings ululations (2×) Katula mhundu (2×) And those of Kapembe Na wa Kapembe It sings ululations (2×) Katula mhundu (2×) And those of the Kanyampa Na wa Kanyampa It sings ululations (2×) Katula mhundu (2×) op = C.

ps = CDEFGAB

Fig. 14. Music transcription of Kanoni kaja (‘The small bird has gone’).21

20 21

Transcription by Molitor. Transcription by Molitor.

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Interpretation: In Kanoni kalya (1913: 733, #36),22 the barugaruga sing about their rough lives on the road, eating among the ‘abandoned sands’.23 In Kanoni kungu (1913: 730, #27),24 the singers praise the heroic victors of war, who ‘eat’ their enemies. Kanoni kaja (1913: 723, #11)25 was performed by women, for celebrating the victors of war. They mention all the singers individually by name (‘Kapembe’,26 ‘Kanyampa’), and the song has finished when all present have been named. In the following three songs collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 7), the singer Kalungwa ng’wana Sembeewe Likisemmewuyaga, a Sukuma praise singer who worked for chief Mirambo, praises the exploits of the chief, signified here by his family name, ng’wana Kassanda. (092) Niingishi (‘Greet me’) Niingishi, wanyemela M’huli na noni Kulimila itshimu, lya mwana Kassanda Mweli Muli wahumbu, kuhigila Linsalala

Greet me, rich ones Elephant and bird Farm with the spear, of ng’wana Kassanda You of the western region You are crazy, to close in on Linsalala

(093) Tinginya linti (‘Shake the tree’) Shake the tree Tinginya linti Shake the bush Tinginya lihuya Ng’wana Kassanda Mwana Kassanda Their ‘grabbings’ reach a Madimwa gali kuseha kihumbi thousand-fold Their braveness Wakali wagwe They were expelled by the Walisulwa ku Bangoni Ngoni soldiers

22 Molitor’s French translation: ‘L’oiseau chante dans les sables: Titiliti’ (The bird sings in the sand: Titiliti). 23 Spellig (1929: 251) collected a similar version of this song that he heard as a millet-threshing chorus: Kanoni kalya musenga (The small bird eats millet). 24 Molitor’s French translation: ‘L’oiseau de la forêt mange les hommes’ (The bird of the forest eats men). 25 Molitor did not provide a translation for this song. 26 Kapembe could also mean quite literally, ‘those having the small horn’.

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(094) Filagi Anzuika (‘Send to Anzuika’) Send to Anzuika of Milolangulu Filagi mu Anzuika Milolangulu People of Beda Wambeta They should beat the ng’oma! Kalitulagi ng’oma! Government of the chief Kuwi serikali wa ntemi Interpretation: In Niingishi, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 7),27 the singer ng’wana Sembeewe praises the chief for being rich with elephants and birds- metaphors for soldiers. The singer continues her praise, telling Mirambo and his men that ‘they farm with the spear’, that is, they gather benefit from soldiering and hunting under Mirambo’s leadership. In Tinginya linti, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 23),28 the singer ng’wana Sembeewe gives ng’wana Kassanda further honor as a soldier who has gathered bounty from war, who has put his Ngoni soldiers, the ones who expelled the enemy, to great use. In Filagi mu Anzuika, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 21),29 the singer ng’wana Sembeewe, in a song attributed to Iguwa (a friend of the singer), mentions a secret message sent from Mirambo to his neighbor, chief Kaswika of Milolangulu.

27 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘An gar vielem bist du reich / an Elephanten und Vogeln / mit dem Speer zu pflügen, für den Sohn des Kassanda / Munyamweli, ihr seid dumm, zu bekriegen Linsalala’ (In so many things you are rich / Elephants and birds / With the spear to plow, son of Kassanda / Munyamweli, you are stupid to war with Linsalala). 28 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Schüttle den Baum / schüttle den Krieg heraus / Sohn des Kassanda / Beute ist zu rauben tausendfach / die Tapferen sollen fallen / sie werden belauert von den Wangonis’. ‘Shake the tree / Shake out the war / Son of Kassanda / To deprive thousands, as prey / The brave should fall / They are expelled by the Wangonis’. 29 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Bringt zu Anzuika sein ganzes Gebiet / Leute von Beta / geht und schlagt die Trommel / zu sein die Soldaten des Königs’ (Bring to Anzuika his entire area / People of Beta / Go and hit the drum / To be the soldiers of the King).

CHAPTER SIX

SONGS OF THE ASKARIS (CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS) The German Colonial Army (Schutztruppe) employed native African soldiers, known as askaris, in its colonies. The askaris were well paid but harshly disciplined. 11,000 askaris and their European officers commanded by Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck managed to resist the numerically superior British, Portuguese and Belgian colonial forces until the end of World War I in 1918 (Koponen 1995: 133–134). After World War I, the British employed askaris in Tanganyika, as members of the KAR (Kings African Rifles). Sukuma men were highly regarded as soldiers for their discipline and endurance. The musics most associated with Sukuma askari military life were the genres known as beni and pubha. Although Ranger prefaced his landmark study acknowledging that, ‘Beni, with its apparently overwhelmingly imitative character, turns out in the end to be deeply rooted in precolonial dance and competitive modes’ (1975: 6), there is a tendency in the work to equate beni’s pre-European origins solely to coastal Swahili traditional society, since the documentary paper trail provides evidence for this. A review of the early history of the bagiika-bagaalu voluntary societies, compared to the early history of beni, reveals some striking similarities. In fact, the beni dance associations and the bagiika-bagaalu complex were so similar in function and emergence in time and place, it would be hard not to conjecture that there was some inspirational or common member influence between the two. Informant interview testimony, however, denies this possibility, claiming that in their understanding of history, the bagiika-bagaalu had nothing to do with beni. Ranger described beni as follows: The ng’oma takes its name from its essential musical feature- the attempt to reproduce the effect of a military brass-band, though the elaboration of this attempt might vary from the provision of a full bugle, pipe, and drum detachment to the beating of a single big drum in some rural variants of beni. The dances done to this Beni music have also varied considerably but all have been based on the idea of military drill. Sometimes the dance took the form of a parade, a procession, a march past; sometimes it took the form of a dance in platoon form; sometimes it took the form of a circling drill step (1975: 5).

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Like the Sukuma bagiika-bagaalu groups, beni dance teams competed against one another as famously paired opposites, sometimes for the duration of their careers. Beni teams drew their constituency from opposing sides of the village, and modeled themselves after the war maneuvers of the turn-of-the-century German and British colonial powers. Beni was first documented as having reached the Tabora area in 1919 just after WW I, when soldiers returning home to Tabora were regrouped into new village concentrations to avoid the further spread of a recent outbreak of sleeping sickness (Ranger 1975: 109). In unpublished research from the 1930s, the government anthropologist Hans Cory cited an elderly man from Tabora who remembered from his childhood that the pubha dance,1 well known as a village variant of beni in the Nyamwezi/Sukuma area, originated as a war victory dance by the barugaruga armies of Chief Mirambo in the 1870s (Cory Collection #188). The pubha dance has an interesting history in the Sukuma region, as all sources claim that it is the same dance as beni, yet few sources realize the nature of its true origin in militarism and colonial contact. If you watch pubha closely you will notice a stepping style that the baliingi do as they walk around the inner circle of the bahemba that might be construed as marching or goose-stepping, but the baliingi today claim to me that it is ‘just a fun dance step’. Historically, pubha needs to be considered the village equivalent of the beni competitions. One tradition claims that pubha emerged as a dance form started by Ntalimbo in the mid-nineteenth century that both the bayeye and the banuunguli dance groups used as a less rigorous alternative in competition (Makanga*; Chiila*). Luzuba ng’wana Ngomage was a fondly remembered composer affiliated with the buyeye and the bagiika. He spread the pubha/beni dances north to the Sukuma region (Nzega and South Shinyanga). He was also known to have gone to the coast as a migrant laborer, and he was the innovator responsible for bringing pubha and beni under one conceptual umbrella (Sawaka*). The dance spread because of further breakaways, when the composer Nkuli broke away from the Luzuba clan. By the 1940s, pubha was making its way to other parts of the Sukuma region well to include Maswa, where it was adopted by the musicians of the court of the renowned music patron Chief Mjebele (Chiila*).

1 Pubha, Kisukuma, meaning an unformed piece of iron that is yet to be sharpened into a spear.

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The beni, pubha, and askari songs that I collected were used in marching, brush clearing, and various other labor details. The following two askari songs are about their German leaders, describing their strange clothes, and describing their shoes made of wood. (095) Liloliza (‘That which is coming’) That which is coming, it sweats Liloliza, lyuyilaga His clothes frighten! Magodi galyo gatumula! Shilatu shalyo, lubela miti, bwana! His shoes, natural like trees, man! Even one’s eye can burst! (2×) Nulu liso lyutanduka! (2×) The sorrowful matter you are Ili bupina mkulihayaga speaking of Chagua will go to kill for me Chagua nenda kubulagilwa [because of ] Words in the village Mihayo mumachalo Now it is like this Niyo ulu giki Remove your clothing, man Kizula, bwana To the logs, with the men Ku magogo, kung’wa bagosha (096) Nzungu (‘European’) Nzungu, hona upanda Nin’hage nane shilatu Cha n’hunila Nalabapande hamala Bing’wana balilaga, pe pe pe Naliko uko kunzila, nalabande

European, so you stepped Bring me shoes The high-heeled kind So that I will step on their nails They were crying, pe pe pe I am on the way, I will hide

Interpretation: Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo learned the song Liloliza lyuyilaga2 from his father, who sang the song while they were beating millet together in the 1930s. The song mentions magogo, a kind of indentured road-building labor that entailed cutting through brush and trees. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had this interpretive analysis: Wajerumani walivaa vitu vya kutisha; kofia, viatu vyao. Watu waliogopa na kweli hawakufurahi walipowaona. Kwa hiyo walipoona viatu kama hivi, waliogopa na hawakuwa na raha. Walivaa viatu vya miti au ya ngozi vya tembo au kifaru. Na ngao kwa chuma hizo, zilikuwa ngumu sana, hata mishale na mikuki hawezi ikaingia. Na hawa ‘ndugu’ zetu Wajerumani pia walikuwa na sheria kalikali

2

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #294.

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ambazo watu waliogopa. Na jambo hili liliwapa watu wengi mawazo mengi: ‘Wajerumani si wao wanafanya kazi nzito sana’. Sasa huyu mwimbaji alikuwa anaelezea kwamba yaani kule ni kazi ya kiume kwa Mjeremani huyo. (The Germans wore things that were a fright; their hats, their shoes. People were very much afraid, and really, they were not happy when they saw them. Therefore, when they saw shoes such as these, they were afraid and had no joy. They wore shoes made of wood, or from the hides of elephants and rhinoceros. And, their armor made of iron, it was very hard, even arrows or spears could not pierce it. Now, our ‘comrades’, the Germans, also had very fierce laws that many people feared. Now, all these circumstances had people thinking very hard: ‘Now, these Germans they have come here and their work is very difficult’. Now, this singer is explaining that this work for the Germans, it is the work of real men.) In Nzungu, collected by Cory (Cory Papers #192),3 attributed to Singali ng’wana Finduli, and recalled and performed by Kang’wii’na Mwami

Illus. 12. Wooden shoes (shantalu) used by Sukuma dance associations in the early twentieth century. Courtesy of SABCC.

3 Cory’s English translation: ‘You Europeans from Shinyanga / Give me your boots so artfully bent / I wish to tread on them with my toes / On these smaller men of the white race / There he stands on the road / I shall tread on him with my toes’.

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ng’wana Mihumo and Phillipo Balabala,4 the narrator recognizes the novelty brought by the German’s style of footware, and asks that they bring him some. Finduli was known for his dangerous bugota, and is rumored to have killed several of his competitors (Mihumo*). The Sukuma singers of his time were infatuated with German military foot-ware. They were symbols of power and terror, and were valued for their cache in the dance competition arena. Because of this interest, they developed dance genres that highlighted the use of wooden clogs. While demonstrating one of these dances for me at Bujora, Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo* accompanied his leaps with an associative ‘hiyaagh’ sound and a heavy dust-raising stamp on the ground, claiming that this was the way the Germans were remembered by the Sukuma people, always stamping about, making lots of noise and raising large clouds of dust. One of the early wooden clog dance societies, iginya, was one of several direct predecessors to wigaashe in Mwanza (Seso*). The dance may have been started by Malesa of Usmao, a niingi also associated with early wigaashe (Makanga*), who claimed its associated medicines, when smeared on the lips and forehead or placed in the mouth and swallowed, guarantied for the singer a perfect voice and popularity in the dance (Hall n.d.). Eyewitnesses report the dance’s existence in south Busiya as late as the 1930s, and found that their members plaited their hair like Waswahili women (Malcom 1953). Another report from the same period found that iginya was very popular in the Maswa area, where, ‘The bariingi have evolved a sort of uniform of which the principle features are double terai hats, black vests, bead aprons, ostrich feathers, a large number of bangles as well as badges indicating position in the society. A special mark is the possession of a muzzleloading gun (Hall 1936: 94). In another document, Hall describes the dance as having three movements: a shuffle with the right foot, a tapping of the left shoe against the right and a mighty jump (Hall n.d.). Bugidu was another wooden clog dance form thought to be an ancient predecessor to wigaashe. The dance was named after the onomatopoeic sound of many feet hitting the ground with force (gidi). According to the singer Idili ng’wana Dukiila*: Wachezaji walisimama kama walikuwa na mawazo, halafu kwa ghafla waliruka juu, na walikanyaga

4

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 15 October 1995, IUATM song #466 and #590.

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ardhi kwa sauti. (Players stood like they were thinking about something, then suddenly jumped high and brought their feet down in a crash.) At some point in its history, performers began sitting during portions of the dance (Dukiila*), providing loud stamping accompaniment rhythms with their feet, which were clad in the large wooden shoes. The dance forms’ most famous singer of memory was ng’wana Maselele (Mkongola 1980: 18). Michael Masalu* had this interpretation: Walikuwa na viatu kama miti; wakitembea, kinapiga kelele. Alitamaani sana, aombe apate hicho ili aweze kuwakanyaga wengine kwenye miguu! Waumie, kwa sababu yeye hataki kupata manju mwingine wa kumshinda. Yeye akipata awakanyage walie kwa sababu hawana kitu chochote. (They had shoes made of wood, and when they walked they made a racket! So, he [the singer] desires this very much, he begs to receive this type, so he can stomp on others with his feet! He should hurt them, because he does not want any other singer to defeat him. If he could get these, he would stomp on his enemies until they cry because they would not have anything at all to defeat him.) (097) Badachi (‘Germans’) Badachi, ng’wasangwa! Buli nose mukalika Muli nayingi Mijinga ya Bangeleja? Nose mukukalika Muli nayingi

Germans, you have been met! At the end you will be wiped out You have others [reinforcements] The cannons of the British? At the end you will be wiped out You have others [reinforcements]

Interpretation: This beni piece performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo and Phillipo Balabala,5 was collected by Cory (Cory Papers #192)6 and attributed by him to Kalumani ng’wana Ngoso. The narrator points his query at the Germans, who were taking a beating by the British. Kang’wiina learned this song while threshing millet as a youth.

5

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 15 October 1995, IUATM song #473. Cory’s English translation: ‘You Germans have been attacked and finally you will be annihilated / But you are many / The cannons of the English will finish you in the end / But you are many’. 6

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The singer and drum maker Phillipo Balabala* had this quick comment: Wajerumani walikuwa wengi, lakini walipigwa mizinga, na hao walikuwa na bunduki tu. Walikuja wengi, walirudi wachache. (The Germans were many, but they were ambushed by cannons, because they only had rifles. They came as many, but returned as few.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* mentioned that: Wimbo huu mfupi ni wimbo wa kuwaonya hawa Wajerumani. Anawaambia ‘Nyinyi Wajerumani, mnakutwa sasa, mwishowe mtakwisha. Labda mkae chonjo, kama mna mengine, ya kusema nasikia hiyo mizinga ya Waingereza. Kama muna mengine museme’. (This short song is to warn or admonish the Germans. The singer tells them, ‘You Germans, you have been met, in the end you will be finished. Perhaps you should be on guard, perhaps you have reinforcements, because I have heard the British have cannons. If you have reinforcements, you should make it known’.) The buyege singer George Nyumbani* had this insight about the singer as a prophet: Alikuwa anaimba alikuwa ni mtabili. Maana yake, alitabili aliona litakalokuja kule mbele. Aliwatabilia kwamba, nyinyi mtakutwa na mtakwisha bila kuelewa, mtakutwa na Mwingereza, atakuja na mizinga yake. Kwa hiyo na kwa kweli, walimalizika, Waingereza wakatawala na Wajerumani wakasambaa. (‘He sings as if he were a prophet. The meaning is, he predicts and sees that which will come in the future. He predicts that, ‘You people will be met and you will be finished without understanding. You will be met by the British, they will come with their cannons’. So it came true, they were finished, the British came to lead, and the Germans dispersed.) (098) Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’) Boulders fighting one another on Shiganga jilikenya ku mabala the plain The Germans and the English Bajelemani na Baengeleja They run about taken to flight Balikiling’himya n’hambo Because of cattle (2×) Linguno ya ng’ombe (2×) It is known only [by] Lilongije Kube, God, baba Katavi7 (2×) liKube, liMulungu, baba liKatabi (2×)

7

These are all local terms for a supernatural higher power.

songs of the conscripted soldiers Liligotola banhu Simba sana, ng’wana Makoma Nhobola yabi ya bangi Ya Mabiliji, babalya banhu! (2×) Shiganga jilikenya ku mabala Bajelemani na Baengeleja Balikiling’himya n’hambo Linguno ya ng’ombe

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That which is knocking the people Dig deep, ng’wana Makoma Tabora belongs to others The Belgians, eaters-of-men! (2×) Boulders fighting one another on the plain The Germans and the English They run about taken to flight Because of cattle

Interpretation: The singers featured here, the pubha dance practitioners Jiyoga Hamala ng’wana Chiila and ng’wana Makanga,8 immediately recognized this song as one that had been adapted by their grandfathers as a work chorus for voluntary farming groups in the 1930s. According to Cory’s meager typewritten notes (Hans Cory Papers #3; 192),9 the song was composed by ng’wana Matonange sometime during World War I. A note mentions that the song enjoyed some minor popularity as a pubha and busalenge song in dance competitions during the 1920s, before being collected, transcribed, and archived by Cory. Kang’wii’na ng’wana Mibumo*, upon being read the text, could not recall the melody, but said that he learned the song as a youth to accompany beating millet (itula). He also heard it sung by Sukuma soldiers who returned from their foreign service in Burma, just after World War II. The song documents one of the last skirmishes between the Germans, the British and their Belgian allies. At Mwanza, the Germans held their lake position until an actual British landing took place in July, 1916. The German Mwanza forces dug trenches at Seke, in the southern Sukuma region, and managed to delay the British advance for several weeks. This position was finally surrendered in September 1916, when the British independently overran Tabora. Finally, in 1917, there was a final skirmish at Ikoma, where a German mobile column attacked a persuing British-Belgian unit at Ikoma (Austen 1968: 112). The composer cited by Cory, ng’wana Matonange, was apparently a soldier who composed the song so to explain to his comrades why the

8

Recorded by author, Ng’wajiginya, 18 August 1995, IUATM song #362. Cory’s English translation: ‘Men fight in the land / The Germans and the English / The God of the European alone knows / What business of cattle is theirs / But our God will bring back our men / Dig, o son of Makoma, trenches in Tabora / Others will arrive / The Belgians, who eat men’. 9

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op = A

ps = CEFF#GA

Fig. 15. Music transcription of Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’).

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Fig. 15. Continued.

Illus. 13. Bismarck Rock, LakeVictoria-Nyanza. City of Mwanza.

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Germans and the British, described here as ‘boulders’, were fighting in his country during WW I. The reference to ‘boulders’ has special meaning to Sukuma area dwellers. Perhaps the most striking feature of the Sukuma landscape are the numerous surreal glacial deposits of ‘kopjes’, or ‘(. . .) masses of granite, everywhere tumbled into hills, or piled in solitary grandeur over the rock-strewn plain’ (Stokes 1877: n.p.). Mentioned often in song, these outcroppings are used as foundations or walls of homes, make for irregular paths between residences and villages, and are the cause as well of irregularly shaped fields for farming. ‘Boulder’ is also a slang/affectionate term for a person of strength. Matonange implicitly understood the economic basis of this war, symbolically rendered in Sukuma terms here as cattle. The last line refers to the widely feared Belgians, the allies of the British who approached the area from the east. The notoriety of the Belgian soldiers was because of their ruthless sacking in 1916 of the German stronghold in Tabora, and fueled by the word-of-mouth stories of genocidal atrocities committed by King Leopold’s personal army in the Belgian Congo. The ‘eaters of men’ trope could also reference those African troops in the employ of the Belgians, the ‘Manyema’, an amalgamated social category associated with immigrants from the Congo (Iliffe 1969: 194), who were hired by the Belgians as soldiers, and rumored to be cannibals (see also song #058). The singer ng’wana Chiila had this extended narrative about the song, worth quoting in full: Eee, niimbe ya mapambano ya mimbo ya wakati wa mapambano yale, ya Waingereza na Wagerumani. Eeehe, sababu alikuwa yupo mwimbaji baba yangu, aaa babu ndiye alikuwa upande wa Wajerumani hasa. Alikuwa yeye mwimbaji wa kilimo, kwa sababu kilimo nacho kilikuwa na wimbaji wake kama wana mkusanyiko wa watu ndiyo wanawaambia nje muimbe kwangu, ndiiyo wanaimba sasa. Aliitwa Masanja. Sawasawa. Aliimba hivi. . . . Sasa, nieleze basi. Sasa, Wajeremani na Waingereza wakati ule walikuwa wanapigana [Narrator switches to Kisukuma]. Tuhaya giki, ‘Balikeneja kwa ajili ya ng’ombe.’ Ku nguno bise twali bafugaji tulina ng’ombe, nguno naboyi twababonaga nubiza nahene baliloga he? Ng’ombe. Sana. Hii giki, ‘Bangeleza na Bajerumani balikiliminhya n’hambo ali nguno ya ng’ombe’. Ulu bayogelaga ajili ya ng’ombe, maguta. Balye duhu nabo bapejiwe abangi binge. Abubyulya abooyi bikenaja gwenuyo duhu, Ali Nhobola lulu iyene, gakiza maBiliji koyi, ii Nhobola yene kuyulya abangi. Gakiza

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maBiligiji gangi gakiza iNhobola, Nhobola yabile ya bangi yaMabiliji amalya banhu. Gabalyaga abanhu lya pelanaga gete. Lelo iNhobola hangi yabile yabangi yamabiliji amalya banhu. Iii yali yagabanyiwa insi yise Tabola. Yagabanywa uko kabiligwa uko kabiligwa. (All right, let me sing about the conflict, a song about the time of conflict between the British and Germans. Ahah, because my father was there, a singer, I should say, my grandfather, he was on the side of the Germans, to be exact. He was a farmers’ singer, indeed the act of farming requires singers, to bring the farmers together. They told him, ‘Come, sing to us’, then they sang. His name was Masanja. Allright, he sang like this [sings song]. Now, let me explain. Now, the Germans and the British at that time were fighting one another. We say, ‘They were fighting because of cattle’. Because we are the cattle herders who have cattle, because we saw them, we knew. Why was it they were doing their witchcraft? For cattle. Very much so. Indeed, like this, that is the way it was, the British and the Germans causing one another to run around, because of cattle. That is why they were arguing, because of cattle, fat. They should only [be the ones to] eat, and others, should be expelled. [They were the ones] who ate, because of fighting there. As for Tabora, The Belgians came there, Tabora was eating others [?]. These others, the Belgians, came to Tabora. Tabora belongs to other people, the Belgians who ate people. They ate people, because they were very angry and fierce. Where the Germans and the British were. Today [at that time] Tabora again belongs to the Belgians, who ate people. Indeed our country divided up. It was divided up, this side here, and that side there.) (099) Buganga (‘Buganga’) Buganga Wakujiganija ng’holo yapi Badachi bumalaga ivita Zugumaga m’biina Nalipela, Mang’ombe Nihadikije, ng’weneyo m’biina Naganyala, ng’wana Chiila Unene, nali ng’wana Chiila Chairman wa Balyungu Ng’wenelyo idale

Buganga Prepared mixed with a black sheep The Germans have finished the war Shake up my dance I am running, Mang’ombe I will squeeze it, this dance I make these demands, ng’wana Chiila I, am ng’wana Chiila Chairman of the Balyungu The owner of the herd

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Interpretation: This beni song is performed by the retired beni dance leader Jiyoga Hamala ng’wana Chiila.10 He attributed the song to the well-known Mang’ombe from Malya, active in the early part of the twentieth century, even though Chiila makes the song his, by referencing himself several times.11 The singer is in competition, preparing medicines before going into dance battle. He makes a veiled reference to the Germans at the end of World War I, perhaps comparing his competitor to them and alluding to how he will share their fate. The singer mentions balyungu, a well-known dance from this time, remembered for its prodigious use of large bells (Mihumo*). (100) Wa ha bomani (‘At the District headquarters’) At the District headquarters Wa ha bomani You have become proud [because of ] Wadoshiwe Guns of your fathers iNgong’ho ja baso A lot of words Ama mihayo salasyama Sulking and getting angry Ningwa na kulumva na kukolwa We will dash into the graves Tukwisangagija mmashigila We should run away from you Tumtoloke twinge People of the meat, ihi! Wana nyama, ihi! People of the meat, ihi! Wana nyama, ihi! You have another [idea] in the head Uli na gungi guli muntwe To persevere Komeja Because it will be said to oppress the Iki ukahayaga kuluhya helpless mhina You should persevere Ukomeje You give us hyenas Utwinhile mabiti The Germans Unzelemani You drove them into their camp Upugila lya ng’hambi You should go, really really Uje, ng’hana ng’hana Interpretation: This beni song, found in the Gibbe collection (n.d.), had little context provided. However, we can see in the text, that a troublesome game warden is addressed, sometime shortly after the British defeated the Germans (most likely after World War I). Programs

10

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajigiinya, 16 August 1995, IUATM song #348. Chiila is himself a well-known composer and singer of the pubha genre, well known for his dance medicines. 11

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initiated by the British government to protect wildlife in East Africa were notoriously misunderstood by the local populations, to the point that game wardens, known as ‘people of the meat’, were suspected of wanting to control the use of wild animals for their own benefits, or even of being vampires (White 2000). A common complaint was that by corralling, fencing off or restricting the traffic of wild animals was actually bringing hyenas into the area. (101) Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba (‘The leaders have made mistakes’) The leaders have made mistakes Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba The leaders have made mistakes Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba Unleashing [people] as hunting dogs uKugumila giti mva We have been beaten, beaten Tukalimbagulwa Tortured so much Toli twalula noyi A struggle, of the Province, students Yikutobanaga, yi mikowani, bahemba He should come help us Ize atungunanhe Salu of Susu (2×) uSalu, ng’wa Susu (2×) Interpretation: This anonymous beni song from around the time of World War II performed by Mbonje ng’wana Matembe12 provides an image of complaint about the treatment suffered under the conditions of wartime. Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* had this point about the text: Wakati wa vita, mtu kama mamaanju hao walikuwa walitaka kulalamika kwa sababu ya hali ya kuishi, lazima akazifanya kwa siri. (During wartime, someone who was a composer who wanted to complain because of the living conditions, would have to do so in secret.) (102) Ng’wayegile (‘You were happy’) You were happy on seeing your Ng’wayegile neyo ng’wabona fathers basing’we You were wandering without work Ng’wayuyela na kanimo biya You are wandering with gunny Ng’wayuyela na magunila (2×) sacks (2×)

12

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 25 July 1994, IUATM #047.

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Ng’wayuyela Na magodi ging’we na mateketela Ipande, lekaputi (2×) Bangi, mletwalwa ng’hani Aho ulu yushilako emilimo Ubuzuka bomupandwa

You are wandering With your loose gowns and shorts On the [outer] side, overcoats (2×) Some of you, brought by stubbornness When the work are finished Nakedness closes in

Interpretation: This song was performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma at his home in Gambos.13 He attributed the song to Maliganya Swetula, a soldier from around the time of World War II. The singer mentions the return of soldiers from the British campaign in Burma. The British sent East African conscripts to Burma to fight the Japanese (Dowling 2005: 156). Many returned disillusioned. In this song, the soldiers are dressed in sloppy, worn-out clothes that seem to signify they are poverty-stricken, ‘wandering with gunny sacks’. The singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma had this point: Walipotoka kule kwenye jeshi la vita, naye kijana mmoja naye tena akaanza kuimba. (When they came back from their military service in the war, one of the youth among them again began to sing. Nelson Suluja* thought that the stubborness referenced here was the stubbornness of the soldiers not able to find work, who were thus conscripted into the army. Michael Masalu* had this observation: Maaskari walirudi nyumbani kwa sababu walikuwa wamemalizia kazi huko ya jeshi kupigana, huko walikuja kama kupumzika. Sisi wakaaji wa Tanzania au wakulima, tuliwaona kama wanatembea tu bila kulima, bila kazi nyingine. Walivaa nguo zilitatanisha, tukaona nguo nzito sawasawa na magunia! Basi, walikuwa wakitembea na mashati mazito wao, na walitembea na kaptula. Basi, inaonekana kwamba wao wanaletwa, wanakuja kufanya kibarua, kwa sababu hawaambiwi. Baada ya kufanya kazi hiyo, watashikwa na matatizo, nguo hizo zitawatoka, kwa hiyo ilikuwa ni kama hiyo. (The askaris returned home because they had finished their work there, fighting as soldiers, now they have come here to rest. We who remained behind in Tanzania, the farmers, we saw them moving around without farming, without other kind of work. They wore clothing that was all ripped up, we saw

13

Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #93.

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they wore heavy clothes that resembled gunny sacks! So, they were moving about with their heavy shirts, and they moved around with their shorts. So, it seems they had been brought, they were here to do manual labor, because it seems they hadn’t been warned. After doing this work, they were afflicted with all kinds of problems, their clothes would be falling off, so indeed that is the way it was.) William Lubimbi* had this interpretation: Hawa walikuwa ni askari ambao walichukuliwa zamani kama kwenda kupigana wakati wa vita kati ya Wajerumani na Waingereza. Sasa huyu mwimbaji, yeye anawaambia kwamba labda, ‘Nyinyi mlifurahi kwa sababu hamna kazi yoyote huko, mulifurahi kwa sababu mulipewa nguo za aina kama magunia, na mkaona ni safi mmeacha kuvaa ngozi. Mlifurahi kwa kupewa mashati, mlifurahi kupewa kaptula pamoja na makoti marefu. Wengine nadhani mlivyofurahi hivyo mlikwenda tu kwa sababu ya ujeuri wenu tu. Sasa kazi ilipokwisha mambo, yalirudi yale yale ya kuja kuvaa tena vitu mlivyokuwa mmeviacha kuvivaa’. Sasa ndiyo anawaambia sasa, ‘yako wapi?’, kama anajaribu kuwacheka. Alisema, ‘Mlikwenda kwa furaha lakini sasa mmerudi tena kwenye shida’. (These people were the soldiers who were taken long ago to go off to fight during the wars between the Germans and the British. Now this singer, he tells them that, ‘You people were happy because there was no work at all there, you are happy because you were given these gunny sack clothes, and you thought it was great because you were no longer wearing skins. You were happy to be given shirts, you were happy to be given shorts, together with long coats. Others of you, I think, were happy just out of your stubborn insolence. Now the work is over, you have returned to your previous condition of wearing those things which you have left behind’. So indeed he tells them this, ‘Where are yours now? As if he is laughing at them. He says, ‘You went with great joy but now you have returned again in troubles’.) (103) Hiyo lilee, baba (‘Hiyo lilee, baba’) Hiyo lilee, baba Hiyo lilee, baba The boys have finished Bayanda yibamala manamba (2×) manamba (2×) Hiiyo lilee Hiiyo lilee Do not grimace in disapproval (2×) Utashilimange (2×)

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Interpretation: This beni chorus, performed by Mbonje ng’wana Matembe,14 discusses the young men returning home from manamba, a particular kind of migrant indentured labor on sisal plantations at coastal towns like Tanga. Sukuma men and women signed contracts for term labor on the coast because of their need to raise funds for hut taxes. If they could not pay their taxes, or if they were seen as rebellious, they had to take part in migrant labor schemes on the coast. In 1944, Tanganyika’s sisal growers opened up a recruiting agency called the Sisal Recruiting Bureau (SILABU), which used surplus military vehicles to provide transport for laborers and organized networks of local agents who brought recruits to its induction centers. In return for transport to and from sisal estates, workers signed fixed nine-month contracts on a designated plantation (Gibbe 2005: 111). This work came to be called manamba (‘numbers’) because of the degradation imposed, to include impersonal medical examinations, classifications, and being loaded up and delivered via lorries (Gibbe 2005: 139). The term applied specifically to sisal workers working in Tanga, but in the years after World War II, came to refer to any conscripted seasonal labor of this type. Sukuma men and women agreed to such conditions, because of the bright prospects painted by recruiters, because of the tradition of porterage, because of a desire to see the wider world, and because of a wish to buy imported cloth and other trade goods. Further, they wanted to escape from the traditional social controls by elders. Farmers abandoned their plots to wander about in search of work, and they returned for the planting season. The singer asks those who would listen not to grimace or show disdain toward these workers. Michael Masalu* remembered the real nature of this kind of work: Manamba ilikuwa kama kufanya kazi kwa mikonge, kwa watu wa mbali kama Arusha, ni mashamba yalikuwa ya mikonge kule, mikonge, korosho. Sasa watu walishikwa na watemi, watemi waliombwa kama kuna watu. Ni kama mfano wa adhabu kupeleka watu wakafanye kazi huko, sio KAR. Ni kama ya watu matajiri walikuwa wanatafuta kwa watemi watu wanachukuliwa kwa nguvu na kupelekwa huko. Unakwenda kufanya kazi kule, baada ya mwaka mmoja wanalipa huko, wanakatiwa kufanya kazi ya kupanda mikonge na mamikorosho, na kazi nyingine kwa matajiri,

14

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 25 July 1994, IUATM song #51.

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halafu baadae wanarudi. Walikua wanashikwa na kukamatwa vijana, ndiyo maana ya manamba, kazi ya kupelekwa na matajiri. (Manamba was about working with sisal, with people faraway such as Arusha, there are farms with sisal there, sisal and cashews. Now people were grabbed by the chiefs, the chiefs were begged for [by the recruiters], for any laborers. It was like an example of shame to carry people there to do this work, it was not like the KAR [Kings African Rifles]. It was rich people going to the chiefs, to look for people who could be dragged there by force, and taken there. You would go and do work there, after a year they are paid, their salaries arranged for working the sisal and cashews, and other work with this rich person, then after a while they were returned. They were grabbed and held, these young men, indeed the meaning of manamba, the work of being taken by the rich.) (104) Ahii, yaya, ahii! (Ahii, no, ahii!) Ahii, no, ahii! Ahii yaya, ahii! To farm for the Europeans Kulimila aBazungu Is to arrange Nu kwitonda We should arrange payment Twitonde Payment of a debt, ahii! Twitonde, ahii! Interpretation: This beni song, collected by Gibbe (n.d.), has littleknown context. The composer uses the technique known as piling, where an image introduced at the end of one line is reiterated with further elaboration, at the beginning of the next. The song shows that farming for the Europeans during the colonial epoch was a precarious endeavor, involving the ‘payment of a debt’. Either the worker owes the debt in question to the white landowner as labor (as in the indentured labor found on large block cultivation schemes), or the debt is owed to the worker as payment, which might be late in coming. (105) Bise enaba (‘We the very ones’) We the very ones, we of Ng’humbu Bise enaba, tuli mung’wa Ng’humbu We are of the religion of ng’oma Tuli mung’wa dini ya ng’oma We farm on Sunday Tukalimaga ulwa nyuma Our father he has prohibited Ise ilemile The chief, ng’wana Doto Untemi, ng’wana Doto As if we would break commandments Angu tukukilanya malagilo Of that of God, the giver Ga ng’wa Seba, ngawa

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Interpretation: In this beni song performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga15 and attributed to Nkuli ng’wana Funuki, the singer relates that his group has been given a difficult time from their chief, who was a convert to Christianity, because they had been farming on Sundays. He declares in defense, ‘We, of the chiefdom of Ng’humbu, we are of the religion of ng’oma’, referring either to traditional modes of veneration and worship, or simply to ng’oma performance as an alternative pastime to attending church. The singer, taking on the first-person voice of the composer, recalled this point about the song: ‘Sisi tupo kwenye utawala wa ntemi Ng’humbu. Sasa, ntemi wetu alikuwa na dini, alikuwa ametukaza kulima jumapili, ambaye ni siku ya Mungu’. Basi naye alisema hivi: ‘Sisi kwa kweli chini ya utawala ya Ng’humbu, tumo kwenye “dini ya ng’oma”, hatulimi sisi siku ya jumapili, ntemi alishakatwa’. (‘We are here under the leadership of chief Ng’humbu. Now, our chief was religious, he had refused us the practice of farming on Sunday, which is the day of the Lord’. Therefore, he [the composer] said this: ‘We are surely under the leadership of Ng’humbu, we who are of the “religion of the ng’oma”, we cannot farm on Sunday, as the chief has already refused’.)

15 Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, 17–18 August 1995, IUATM song #358.

CHAPTER SEVEN

SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR Before the colonial epoch, the mutual aid and village age-grade associations performed every manner of farm labor in the Sukuma region. These associations were known as the kisumba or basumba.1 These were village associations of physically capable men and women. Their work consisted of various public works affairs of the village, which included planting and harvesting the common crops of a village,2 mutual farm labor on association members’ plots, work on the plots of the newly arrived or infirm, road or dam construction and repair, firefighting, building cattle feeds, and building and repairing huts. The kisumba association was a variation on a cultural theme, found in most places but not all, primarily mandatory but in some places voluntary, inclusive of women but in some places exclusive. They were groups ranging from five to thirty people. If the group got too big, it would take too long to go through everyone’s mutual aid farming needs. Payment varied from livestock held and owned collectively, to food and beer for the workers. Variable factors regarding payment included the number of people needed, the type of soil to be tilled, the size of the beast to be slaughtered for payment, and whether or not the hide would be retained by the owner. Often, the group rested content with a small advance and waited to settle their accounts after the cotton harvest. It would elevate the status of a person in the eyes of his neighbor, if he summoned the kisumba to hoe his land, and then remunerate them handsomely with food and drink. One of the oldest and most common types of Sukuma kisumba labor was buyobe or ‘neighbor’s help’. This was an ad hoc reciprocity-based labor that mobilized when needed, and was shared among friends, neighbors, and relatives. For their labor, members received gifts of ugali corn meal, or beer. The cultivation of sorghum millet was

1

The language variation here depends on whether the association is regarded as a collection of persons (ba-prefix), or as an organization (ki- prefix, signifying noun). 2 ‘Traditional’ crops included millet, bananas, sweet potato, cassava, cowpeas, pigeon peas, rice, corn, groundnuts, pumpkin, and cucumber.

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the primary work of these groups. Large areas were cultivated, with three to five acres per household as the average. The crops were left alone, until grain heads formed and seeds began to set. From planting time until the grain was stored in baskets, there was a strict division of labor on age and gender lines. Children were responsible for keeping watch against small birds until harvest time. At harvest, women collected the grain heads and stored them aside, as described here by the explorer Grant: The reapers consisted of women and girls, who sang pleasantly (. . .) those who had small knives cut the stalk four or five inches below the grain, and held it in their left hand till the hand was full, when it was placed in a huge tub of bark lying in the field (1864: 62).

Men then threshed the grain with threshing sticks (migati), and women winnowed and stored the seeds (Magoti 1984: 27). The cultivation of sorghum millet was a primary site for musical labor activity, and a number of ancient songs exist in the memories of elderly farmers. Some of these songs are taught to the children’s associations, or bayanda, who tend to these crops today.3 Labor associated with the production of millet also included the women’s labor genre known as manhe. Manhe was a cover term for any activity having to do with grinding millet. It was a specific music genre, it was the name for a nearby granite rock on the homestead, it was any type of domestic labor using the manhe stone, or it was a ritualized courtship activity. Varkevisser (1972: 242) writes: There used to be a manhe in every neighborhood, a large rock with a number of holes gouged in its surface at regular yard intervals. When women had to brew beer for various festivals, they ground millet in these holes. At work, they sometimes gossiped and played games and sometimes took off their clothes and slid down the rock. The young men of the neighborhood always knew when the girls had gone to the manhe and used the rock as a place of courtship. A youth watched carefully to see which of the girls did the best work and then stepped in and tried to prevent her from moving her grinding stone until she shook hands with him as a sign that she would allow him to escort her some distance along the road toward home.

3

The Sukuma join the bayanda rank at the age of ten, until puberty. ‘Children train their muscles by working hard and they learn to work collectively. They also practice speaking in public, and they learn the rules that govern behavior in the adult neighborhood organizations’ (Varkevisser 1972: 264).

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For large village festivities such as weddings, manhe work was highly organized and coordinated. Magoti (1984: 39) writes: Large grinding stones were sought, and fish were brought for the grinders. These were usually women from a wider area, fifty or more in number. They turned up on the appointed day toward evening, some with their own grinding stones. A few of their husbands and young men also dropped in on the following morning to slaughter the bull given to the women by the candidate’s father. The grinding usually lasted all night and well into the afternoon of the following day. It was hard work, but the womenfolk enjoyed it very much. One of the old ladies used to beat the drum while the others sang at their grinding, or occasionally, jumped about in rude mimics.

Kisumba labor societies depended upon the mfuji wa nhembe, or horn blower, to wander the village compounds either the morning of work, or the evening prior, to remind and call together group members. Every group had its distinctive calling style, so to be distinguishable from the others. The horn used, known as n’haninga,4 was either a hollowed-out cow or antelope’s horn, or more specifically, a type of reed instrument witnessed at the end of the nineteenth century by Kollman in Ntuzu. This was a reed aerophone fashioned from a millet plant, with ‘A sounding funnel made of a calabash; the blowhole on one end of the mitama (millet) tube; its sound not unlike that of an alpine horn’ (Kollman 1899: 164). Today the n’haninga is made from other materials available at shops in town, such as plumbing funnels, surgical tubing, or PVC pipe. A common attribute of kisumba songs is to encourage the farmer to work hard, and to shame those who do not. Mimbo ga itula (milletthreshing songs)5 characteristically praised the self-determination of the hardworking farmer and admonished the laziness of ‘thieves’ and ‘parasites’ who would live off the labor of others. As with other laborrelated music in the Sukuma region, in many documented cases these earth-pounding songs are the choruses to well-known songs of old, which found new longevity in the millet labor context. Since most Sukuma labor is gender-specific, much of the content in these songs is about men’s relations with women or vice versa, to

4

This reed aerophone is also commonly called ntandala in the Sukuma region, a variant of the nkangala Bangoni mouth bow described by Kubik (1997: 321–322) which uses the same reed plant for its building material. 5 Literally, ‘songs for beating’.

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include discussions of courtship, love gained and love lost, as well as reprimands directed toward the other sex for their perceived misbehaviors. Manhe songs are generally concerned with gossip, marriage, family, and life cycle issues. Women have always adapted their wedding songs, drinking songs, and age-grade ritual songs to the community kisumba farm labor context, where they sing about the joy and pain of childbirth, problems associated with growing and harvesting crops, and the difficulties of living with men. Through song, women are able to express their ideas and feelings, on topics which they may feel could get them into trouble if placed and perceived in everyday discourse. (106) Tukingila Buha (‘We came from Buha’) We came from Buha Tukingila Buha The red soil really stuck on us Ijula nakana teletele I shake my head, bamayu Ndishingisha, bamayu The rainy season, mayu Kidiku, mayu Has really arrived! Shatimulila huu! To the bamayu (2×) Ku bamayu (2×)

Illus. 14. A kadete (one-string fiddle) performer encourages and regulates the pace in which the farmers work. Town of Kisessa, 8 January 1994.

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(107) Tukingila Mabuha (‘We came from the Buha regions’) We came from the Buha regions Tukingila Mabuha We carried high, small children, Kujula twana, teletele so many Ndishingisha, bamayu I shake my head, bamayu Kidiku, mayu The rainy season, mayu Jaludimulila Herded toward [them] Ku bamayu (2×) To the bamayu (2×) Interpretation: This song is a fascinating case study. The singer knew about two versions of the song. According to the singer Kang’wiina Mwami ng’wana Mihumo, many people insist that the song came with one of the many migrating clans pouring into the Sukuma region in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the first version (#106),6 the singer relates that the red earth, together with the conditions of the rainy season, really made a strong impression on this singer. It is unclear whether the red earth and rain are what the singer left in Buha, or are the conditions the singer faces now in the Sukuma region. In the second version (#107),7 the singer is traveling with ‘small children, so many’. They are being ‘herded’ and directed toward the women at home. (108) Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza (‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’) Nkanda, the great one of Babinza Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza The Sukuma people, we know Basukuma, tumanile It is indeed the country of frightful awe Lyene ihanga lya makanji The clans of Babinza Baluganda lwa Babinza Are indeed the leaders of the Sukuma Hu bataale ba Sukuma Interpretation: This anonymous itula (millet-threshing) song, collected by Bischoff (1996: 118),8 documents the Balongo-Babinza clan migration led by the conqueror hero Nkanda or Ntanda, who left Geita with a group of two hundred fifty men and women, and arrived in an area seventeen miles north of Mwanza sometime in the early 1700s. The

6 7 8

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #293. Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, personal collection of author. Bischoff did not provide a translation of this text.

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Balongo-Babinza, whose clan emblem is the iron hoe, were forgers of iron. They claim, however, to have originally been hunters and fishermen, from either Bunyoro or Busoga in Uganda. The Babinza, whose name means ‘those who sell salt’, may have originated the Sukuma practice of caravaning to Lake Eyasi for salt. According to local tradition, Nkanda proclaimed that he was the leader of the area, by sounding the local king’s ng’oma (Lupande*). Indeed Sukuma oral literature is full of instances illustrating the point that anyone who sounded the ng’oma in the manner of the chiefs indicated an act of high treason, which brought punishment by death or banishment. Nkanda is a very beloved folk hero to the Wasukuma. Magdelena Lubimbi* emphasized that: Wimbo huu unamkumbuka Nkanda. Nkanda ni jina la mtu ambaye alikuwa mashuhuri, mkubwa kwa ukoo wa Babinza. Mpaka sasa hivi wako sehemu nyingi, watu wema, na wengi wao utawakuta ni wakulima. (This song remembers Nkanda. Nkanda is the name of someone who was very famous, the leader of the clan of Babinza. Up to now they are in many areas, they are good people, and many of them you will find are farmers.) (109) Lyasolaga nanga (‘It has taken sticks’) Lyasolaga nanga It has taken sticks Lilitula busiga It is threshing millet Mbogoshi limu na Nyalaja Mbogoshi from Nyalaja Interpretation: This itula song, performed by Kabujiku at his home,9 links two domains of labor in the Sukuma region: that of beating millet and that of going on the salt caravan trip to Nyalaja. The protagonist here is Mbogoshi, a legendary figure from Nyalaja, who took to the seasonal labor of threshing millet when not on the salt journey. The term Mbogoshi as used here, is a person’s dance name. The term also refers to a bag of charms used to ward off danger while on the Nyalaja trip. The third-person pronoun reference ‘it’, alludes to the subject as a creature with unusual strength, not a man but a ‘thing’. To local historian Michael Masalu*, Mbogoshi was an historic figure, not a mere legend: Mbogoshi alikuwa mtu mashauri kama kiongozi wa nyimbo za kupura mitama. Alichukua fimbo ya kupura mitama, anasikika kama ni mtu kuwaimbisha watu wa kupura mitama. Watu

9

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #229.

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wa Nyalaja walijulikana kama watu wenye nyimbo nyingi, zikiwemo kwa ajili ya safari, kupura mitama, na nyimbo nyingine za vita. (Mbogoshi was a man well-known as a leader of millet-threshing songs. He carried a stick for threshing millet, indeed he was known as a leader with these songs for threshing millet. Those Nyalaja travelers were known as people who had many songs for going on journeys, for threshing millet, and for going to war.) (110) Mayu, naluha (‘Mayu, I have agonized’) Mayu, I have agonized Mayu, naluha I have agonized, myself (2×) Naluha, nene (2×) The train breaks through Liteleni likatulaga Through mounds of dirt, it breaks Na magengeli, likatulaga Through those of Mhela, it breaks Abo ng’wa Mhela, likatulaga (2×) (2×) Of Lili, where will you find her? Ong’wa Lili, li mu kumonela hei? On Saturday, where will you find Ulwa katandatu, mu kumonela her? (2×) hei? (2×) Interpretation: This is an itula labor chorus for motivating workers while threshing millet, performed one time by Miswaki Primary School students,10 and on another occasion from memory by Michael Masalu.11 The verses here are interchangeable, sung randomly as the musicians see fit. Primary school students in Tanzania are required to cultivate small farm plots, and millet is a common crop cultivated in this environment. The best plots are showcased in regional, interregional, and national competitions, thus bringing prestige and visibility to the winning school (Document #3, A/3/20, Agriculture: School Shambas and Competitions, 1953–1960). The worker compares himself to a train forging through the countryside, intrepid and unstoppable. As Fitta ng’wana Liaku* puts it: Treni, inapigilia tu, inapita po pote. Ukiweka jiwe, inapitia, ukiweka ng’ombe, inapitia, ukiweka gari, inapitia. Wale waimbaji, wanashika jembe, au wanashika fimbo wakati wanapura mtama. Wanaulainisha, hadi wanapiga ardhi. Hakuna kitu cha kuwasimamisha! (The train, it just forges through, it passes anywhere at all. If you put a stone before

10 11

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUTM song #619. Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 July 2006, personal collection of author.

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it, it passes through, if you put a cow in front of it, it passes through, if you place a car in front of it, it passes through. Those singers, they can carry a hoe, or they carry sticks when they thresh millet. They make it soft until they beat the earth. There is nothing that will stop them!) (111) Tukapande (‘Let us tread’) Tukapande na kise Wa ng’wana Wile Mayu, tukapandagile Iki akahimbiwagwa na banhu Elelo tukapandagile (2×)

Let us tread upon the millet pile Of ng’wana Wile Mayu, let us tread upon it Because he is praised by people Today let us tread upon it (2×)

Interpretation: The singer Jige Malehe12 praises ng’wana Wile for being such a productive farmer, and encourages the work group to thresh the pile of millet he has produced. She says that it is a motivational song: Niingi anahamasisha kila aliyeshika fimbo. Aliyekuja kwenye uwanja wa kupura mtama, ahamasike na aongeze bidii, ili kupiga mtama uwe tayari kupepetwa tayariwa kutumiwa. (The niingi motivates everyone who can grab a millet stick. When he came to the field for millet threshing, he saw he should motivate and lead with speed, to thresh millet that is ripe, to winnow it, and ready it for use) The following two songs encourage farmers to diversify their crops in the face of famine, to include not only millet, but also other crops including different types of famine-resistant millet. (112) Tulimagi busiga (‘Let us cultivate millet’) Let us cultivate millet (2×) Tulimagi busiga (2×) Let us cultivate cotton and Tulime buluba na ngalabuto sweet cassava Wealth we have received Imali twikunga Let us cultivate cotton Tulime buluba Because its price is rising (2×) Iki ilongejiwa ibei (2×)

12

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #222.

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(113) Twalima wilu (‘We cultivate wilu millet’) (C) We cultivate wilu millet (C) Twalima wilu (R) Wilu! (2×) (R) Wilu! (2×) (C) And manjajani millet (C) Na manjajani (R) Wilu! (2×) (R) Wilu! (2×) (C) And mangowa millet (C) Na mangowa (R) Wilu! (2×) (R) Wilu! (2×) (C) Ng’holongo tembe millet (C) Ng’olongo tembe (R) Wilu! (2×) (R) Wilu! (2×) (C) I cultivate nkula millet, (C) Ng’halima nkula, bayanda young men (R) I cultivate nkula, you will (R) Ng’halima nkula, ukusanga meet (it) I cultivate nkula, there on the Ng’halima nkula, ukwilago! rich soil! (C) Ng’halima nkula, ong’wa baba (C) I cultivate nkula, that of baba (R) I cultivate nkula, there on the (R) Ng’halima nkula, ukwilago rich soil Masanja and Sani Masanja na Sani I cultivate nkula, there on the rich soil Ng’halima nkula, ukwilago Interpretation: Tulimagi busiga, performed by a bacheyeeki group in rehearsal,13 encourages the farmers to cultivate a variety of crops, including cotton, because the price paid by the wholesaler is going up. In Twalima wiluu, a well-known song that I recorded from three sources (Masanja Sotinge Ng’wana Masunga,14 the Banam’hala of Kisunun’ha,15 and Jige Malehe),16 the singer lists the types of millet that he cultivates to fight the effects of famine. Millet is cultivated in this area for beer, bread, and porridge. Although a song of much older origin, it came into prominence again in the 1930s as a response to the colonial government’s policies on monocrop cotton farming. The song is still performed today. The singer mentions several types of millet: wilu, a variety of millet having white seed; manjanjani (otherwise known as manzanzani), a variety of millet with red seeds found in the

13 14 15 16

Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 August 1994, IUATM song #625. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song#006. Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #207. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song#220.

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Ntuzu region; mangowa, another variety of millet with red seeds found in the Ntuzu region; nkula, a variety of millet with dark brownish red seeds that is a favorite of farmers because of its resilience (eleusine coracana); and ng’holongo tembe, a variety similar to nkula. The Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* provides this fascinating interpretation of the song, and mentions also that millet workers in some regions are accompanied by kadete (onestring fiddle, an instrument common throughout East Africa having Sudanese origins): Wimbo huu ni kuhimiza wakulima kulima aina ya mtama mbalimbali, ambao huhimili katika ukame na mvua kidogo, na ambao huokoa watu katika kipindi cha njaa. Mtama ni zao zuri kuponya njaa. Manju anahimiza hasa mtama mwekundu huwa haufi hata wakati wa jua kali huleta nguvu mwilini na chakula bora. Ni maamuzi muhimu kwa wakulima, kujua watalimaje wakati huo. Inawezakana wimbo huu ulitumika wakati wa ukoloni kulalamika dhidi ya kulazimishwa kulima pamba tu. Mara nyingi waimbaji walitumia kadete pia shambani, pamoja na wimbo huu, na zana nyingine ambazo zinafanana, maana kadete ina sauti tamu kurahisisha kazi (This song encourages farmers to cultivate various types of millet, those which can survive drought and rain, and can save people during a year of famine. Millet is an excellent crop to ward off hunger. The composer especially praises red millet, because it does not die even in the hot sun, it provides strength for the body and is good food. An important decision concerning farmers, is to know what, in this day and age, should we cultivate? It is possible that this song was used as a protest song, against those who would make them plant cotton. Many times singers would use the kadete in the fields with this song, together with other songs that resemble it, because the kadete has a sweet voice that makes work easier.) (114) Ngawa (‘Ngawa’) Ngawa, abalimi Bebe ule nigo lyakidika Lya ngado gosegose Hechene wakundika mahala Ulazugilwa malililwa

Ngawa, those who harvest You are a load to carry on the head It is heavy all in all That is why you have overturned silos You will be cooked what remains

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Interpretation: In this anonymous itula song from the Ujamaa epoch remembered by the singer Jige Malehe,17 the composer makes a warning example of Ngawa, saying that she will be a burden to those who farm if she does not do her share of the labor. She ‘will be cooked what remains’, meaning she will only eat those things left by others. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this statement: Bidii kazini ni msingi wa matokeo bora. Niingi anahimiza, ‘Ukifanya kazi kwa bidhi, ndipo hata majirani utawatia moyo na kuja kukusaidia. Kwani hutawakera kwa kuombaomba chakula? Ukifanya uvivu na uzembe daima utakuwa unapikiwa mabakibaki’. (To work thoroughly is the foundation of good happenings. The niingi urges that, ‘If you work hard, you will give even your neighbors the heart to come and help. Why should you aggravate them with begging-begging for food? If you are lazy, you will always just be cooked [the food] that remains’.) (115) Ng’wamalile uwing’we (‘You have finished yours’) You have finished yours Ng’wamalile uwing’we Ng’wayutungwa kunyenyeka! (2×) You will depend on stealing! (2×) Works inflict pains Milimo ikasataga We may greet you as Tulamugishe ng’wa ‘Masala’ (2×) ‘Cleverness’ (2×) Interpretation: This anonymous itula song encourages farmers to work hard, and not to live off the labor of others. Those who do so seem clever, but in truth, they are thieves. I collected the song on three occasions, from the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani,18 Paulo Mafanyanga,19 and Jige Malehe.20 Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this comment about the ethical teaching found in this song: ‘Usiwe mvivu wa kulima’. Niingi anahimiza kila mtu hula kwa jasho lake. Hivyo, ukifanya uvivu kulima hutapata mazao mengi. Matokeo yake, utatumia na kumaliza. Kwa vile kulima kupalilia, kuvuna kupiga ni kazi ngumu na nzito, watu wakupita na

17 18 19 20

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #221. Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #208. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #226. Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 July 2006, personal collection of author.

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kuwa wanakusalimia kwa utani na kukebehi tokana na uvivu na uzembe. Wimbo unahimiza kilimo na hasa zao linalostahili ili kujihami na ukame, zao kama mitama. Na kwamba kukwepa kusaidia kupiga mtama, kuna sheria. (‘You should not be lazy with farming’. The composer encourages everyone to eat as a result of their own sweat. It is like this, if you are lazy in farming, you will not harvest plentiful crops. Based on your actions, you will finish what food you have. In this regard, to farm, to weed, and to harvest, you will find the work difficult and a burden, so people will pass and they will greet you with jokes, based on your laziness. This song urges farming, and especially, plenty of crops that will merit protection from drought, crops like millet. And, for [those] that avoid helping thresh the millet, there are sanctions’.) Magdelena Lubimbi* elaborated on this point about shirkers: Hata kama utakuwa umeshamaliza labda wewe ya kwako, lakini ni vyema ukawa umeendelea tu, siyo ukae. Unapoambiwa kufanya, unajifanya kama wewe ni mgonjwa, kwa watu watabadilisha hata salaam zako, watakusalimu kama wewe mwenye akili baado. (Even if you have finished perhaps your own work, it is decent if you could just continue [helping others], you should not sit. When you are told to do something, [if ] you pretend as if you are sick, then people will start even to change how they greet you, they will greet you as if you have not yet any intelligence.) William Lubimbi*, however had another opinion, feeling that the song’s primary use was during competition between two labor groups while working the fields: Sasa kikundi kimoja, kimeshamaliza kuweka bugota wao, na hiki kikundi cha pili, kipo tayari. Sasa ndiyo wanaanza kuchekana sasa: ‘Sasa ninyi hamna bugota, unaanza kukwepakwepa. Lakini sasa hivi kwa kuwa ninyi hata kazi hamna, huwezi kwenda kutengeneza bugota, unategemea yetu. Na sisi tupo chonjo, hatuwezi kutoa mara moja’. (Now one group, they have finished placing their bugota, and this second group, their bugota is ready. Now indeed, they start to laugh at one another: ‘Now you folks have no bugota, you are starting to shirk around. But now, even work you have none, you cannot go and prepare bugota, you depend on us [to do the work]. Now we are quarreling, we cannot reduce it all of a sudden’.)

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(116) Lya ku Welelo (‘Of Welelo’) Of Welelo Lya ku Welelo No one can compare to God Kuduhu uSeba There is no one who tells the truth Kunduhu nuntungilija Even should you harvest millet Kuni’ulu upone busiga All right, you have problems Nahene, uli makoye Even should you excel at home Nulu ubakije kaya All right, you have problems Nahene, uli makoye Even should you excel with clothing Nulu ubakije myenda All right, you have problems Nahene, uli makoye Even when you become fat Nulu ubakile ubinghinu All right, you have problems Nahene, uli makoye Hit by a snake, it has wounded you21 Kong’wa nzoka, akusataga Baba, abamana buganga Baba, those who know the buganga Basimba sigulu The diggers of the anthills Balogi, bahunga, babulaga na Witches, defrauders, killed grandfather guku Ng’wan’Ikililijo Ng’wana Ikilijo Wandeka, na kutola? Biya we, He left me, to marry? No, no biya Interpretation: In this anonymous itula song performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani,22 the composer reminds his audience that there is no discrimination regarding shortfalls and tragedy in this world. Only God provides. No matter who you are, bad circumstances can strike anyone at any time. This singer’s grandfather was killed by people skilled in medicinal manipulation. Then, the young man was left to fend for himself in the task of raising a bride price. (117) Lyahenda (‘The sun has set’) (C) The sun has set (C) Lyahenda Let us go to the grinding place Tuje ku manhe (R) Today, mayu (R) Lelo, mayu Indeed, where I will be chosen (2×) Ndikasukulwa (2×)

21 Kong’wa nzoka, ‘hit by a snake’, a curse or exclamation at any sudden misfortune. 22 Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #209.

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Interpretation: This manhe song sung by Paulo Lusana23 references the well-known alternate function of the collective manhe grinding stone, a place where women meet in hopes of being ‘chosen’ by male lovers and potential grooms-to-be. A woman is singing to a female friend, asking her for company to the manhe site. (118) Waligumilile (‘You have taken shame upon yourself’) You have taken shame upon yourself Waligumilile Ng’wana Makwi Ng’wana Makwi Before the gathering of people Hambimbilikano ya banhu For accepting a young man Hakozunya nsumba While [people were] mourning Aliyo uli halufu Before the gathering of people Hambimbilikano ya banhu Interpretation: In this anonymous, well-known and oft-cited story set to song (see also song #191), the singer Jige Malehe24 castigates the young woman Makwi for accepting and acting on the advances of a young man in an inappropriate setting, that of a relative’s funeral. The phrase waligumilile, ng’wana Makwi is an aphorism that castigates anyone who does anything in an inappropriate way or in a careless manner. (119) Natali nu nakomanga (‘I am still pounding’) I am still pounding [at] the Natali nu nakomanga manhe grinding stone Pounding [at] the grinding stone Nakomanga manhe Sayings from [the] west (2×) Sumo ja ng’weli (2×) Those whom it has taken Abo lya batwala And those whom it has broken Na babo lya babinza milundi their shins (2×) (2×)

23

Recorded by author, Chicago, IL (USA), 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. 24 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #563.

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(120) Mawe gakwila (‘Stones have increased’) Stones have increased Mawe gakwila Nyanguge and Kisessa towns Nyanguge ni Kisessa You have held to your money Mahela ging’we ng’wagadimila I would like the flour ground Naluhayaga ukashelwa If you ask a little they turn hostile Niyo shakulombela shido kali Palms are throbbing Shilifutila ishinganza I am tired of grinding on the stone! Nene nanogile ukusha h’iwe! Interpretation: In the manhe song Natali nu komanga, performed by Ng’ollo Kasongo together with the Kujitegema group,25 the singer laments that she is still doing this kind of work, work that has taken many to the grave. She decries the debilitating physicality of the work of grinding flour by hand. Mawe gakwila, collected by Lupande (1995: 38),26 is a modern manhe song that discusses the mills that have begun to replace manhe labor. This singer complains about the price charged for using the flour grounding mills, even though the ‘stones’ (flour mills) have increased. The singer calls the mill owners stingy for not allowing everyone to use them. (121) Bikilagi ifugo (‘Place the porridge pot’) Bikilagi ifugo Place the porridge pot [on the fire] Damalaga ugusha We have finished grinding Interpretation: The collector and translator Patrick Kija attributed this manhe song to Kasiya Ndaha of Seke (1985: 21). After the work was completed, the girls sang this song to inform the parents of the girl whose grain they were grinding, that their work was finished, and that it is now time to cook the corn meal. The song is thus a public and ritualized means of communication from a younger generational group to an older one, letting them know that they too are members of the community workforce.

25

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo. 10 March 1995, IUATM song #629. Lupande’s English translation: ‘There are many flour mills / Nyaguge and Kisessa / You still keep your money / I will like to use the flour mills / It is not easy to be assisted / The palms are pulsative / I am tired of (working) with a hand stone mill’. 26

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(122) Hiiya hee, salenge! (‘Hiiya hee, salenge!’) (C) Hiiya hee, salenge! (C) Hiiyahee, salenge! (R) Let us be quick and diligent! (R) Tuseseme! (C) Hiiya hee, salenge! (C) Hiiyahee, salenge! (R) Let us be quick and diligent! (R) Tuseseme! Hiiya! Let us go drink this milk! Hiiya! Tukang’we mabele! Hiiya! Of our mayu! Hiiya! Ng’hana mayu! Hiiya! Be quick and diligent! Hiiya! Sesema! bpm: ¼ note = 65.

op = G.

ps = CDEFGB.

Fig. 16. Music transcription of Hiiya hee, salenge.

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Interpretation: Though one source claimed, tongue-in-cheek, that all the kisumba ever did regarding music was ululation27 (Nzwilendo*), the fact is that song was a critical component to kisumba labor. The genre of music most associated with the early kisumba associations was isalenge. Of all Sukuma music genres, isalenge28 has the most contentious and mythical history. The origins of isalenge, as a song, a genre, or a kisumba-like labor association are unclear. Informants say that there were isalenge farmer societies in the Nyamwezi area, related to the bak’honongo, the legendary farmers’ group said to have started the bugobogobo dance (see Chapter VIII). This claim relates to another claim, which found isalenge to be the name of a precolonial hoe-gathering ceremony, where the hoes of the community, gathered before the beginning of the agricultural season, were blessed by the chief (Malcom 1953: 38). In another account, the legendary ng’wana Malundi was the originator of this dance (Turnbull 1926). Mashauri Budaka* had these points to make about the isalenge genre: Huu mchezo wa busalenge, zilikuwa na wimbo ambao ni fupi tu, ambazo ni kulimia, ili wakulima waende pamoja, kusudi watumie nguvu zao pamoja wakati wanalima. Inaweka tamaa ya kulima, wote wanalima kwa raha, pamoja. Uko wengine wanashangalia, tena hasa ilikuwa wa zamani. Vilikuwa vijana wa zamani, na walilazimishwa. Baada kumaliza hapo, unaenda kwa majirani yako, na unaendelea mpaka kijiji chote kimemaliziwa, na unaenda na kijiji kingine sasa pamoja. (This dance of busalenge, it just had songs that were very short, for farming, so the farmers could go together, with the purpose they should use their strength together when they farm. It places the desire to farm, [where] everyone farms with joy, together. Others there make some joyful noises, and again, especially it was of long ago. It was done by the young, long ago, and they were required to do this. After finishing here, you would go to your neighbors. You would continue until the whole village was finished, and then you would go to another village as a group together.) The song most associated with salenge labor was a song known as Salenge, tuseseme, which found its way into the repertoire of labor

27 Known in Kiswahili as vigelegele and Kisukuma as lupuundu, ululation is hardly an insignificant act in African music, but a crucial type of pointed but affirmative commentary by the female chorus members and the audience. 28 Also known as busalenge, salenge, or sawenge.

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societies all over the Sukuma region at the beginning of the twentieth century, and thus had many variable origin stories associated with it. I recorded the song text provided here from Nunhya ng’wana Jonge, who sang the piece together with assistance from his neighbors.29 According to older sources, the song is among the most popular and well-known songs in the Sukuma region. Sources claim that it was either the chorus of an old wigaashe tune attributed to Ngwanilongho Gotolo, an ngaalu and rival of ng’wana Malundi (Masalu*), or, it was composed by Sawenge, of Bulima (Mihumo*). It is remembered as having been around as late as the 1920s (Mihumo*). It was sung by kisumba societies while they worked (Mihumo*), by porters on the road, by warriors going to battle (Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani*), and it has been appropriated by the more recent, thieftracking sungusungu asociations, sung while chasing after lost cattle (Misuga*). (123) Naliho na khonong’a (‘I possess khonong’a’) I possess khonong’a Naliho na khonong’a A person, and ng’wana Nkanda Munhu, na ng’wana Nkanda It overwhelms, small cloud, soar! Kalamuna, kalunde, selema! Those of you who were dancing Abung’wabinilaga isalenge isalenge30 Yali ng’wakilela njiye You stepped over boundaries Yali ya mapinda mu mbazu! Those having pockets on the ribs! Interpretation: Clearly this song, collected by the author on two occasions (from the bucheyeeki singer Lushita ng’wana Nzwilendo,31 and Michael Masalu),32 found its way into the isalenge performance context via musicians who were versed in ritual medicinal preparation, as that is what the metaphors here allude to. The composer begins by announcing that he has k’hononga, a kind of root used as a charm in dance associations, and deemed important in some Sukuma ritual practices (line 1). The singer addresses himself as human, and then specifically aligns himself with Nkanda, the mythical explorer hero of

29 30 31 32

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 27 June 1994, IUATM song #3. Michael Masalu sang the line as: Ako, nabinilaga salenge (There, I dance salenge). Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 November 1994, IUATM song #181. Recorded by author, town of Magu, 30 July 2006, personal collection of author.

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the Babinza clan (line 2, see also song #108). The narrator then mentions kalamuna, the name for a container used specifically for holding k’hononga root (line 3). The narrator castigates his competitors, the salenge dancers, for ‘crossing over the line’ (lines 4–5). Finally, the narrator evokes the common trope of competitive bragging, mapinda mu mbazu, or ‘pockets on the ribs’, referring to the arsenal of protective charms that the singer carries close to his body (see also song #196). Michael Masalu* mentions that this medicine helps him with his work: Niingi anaamini bugota hiyo, inaweza kumfanyia vitu vyote. Ashinde na wapinzani, apate watu wa kucheza pamoja, na ana imani na bugota hii kwa sababu alipewa na baba yake. (The niingi believes in this bugota, it can do anything for him. He should be enabled to beat his competitor, he should get people to play with, and he believes in his bugota, because it was given to him by his [medicine] father.) (124) Bunyika ng’wana wane (‘Bunyika, my child’) Bunyika, my child Bunyika, ng’wana wane Powdered buganga Bubu buganga Just a little, my child, store it for me Budo na budo, ng’wanone, umbikile Kwike utizung’wolekeja nu noko But do not show even your mother She will kill me Akunikenangula Women [can be] enemies Amakiima mahadui They get angry easily Gali mangu kusaya They have small hearts Gali na ng’holo ndo Like that of a rat Giti ya ngoso She oppressed me, my wife Akandemela, unke wane Then I told her to relocate Huna nung’wila kusama Women have small hearts Amakima galena ng’holo Like that of a rat Ndo giti ya ngoso I have no more to say Nene nela Interpretation: This anonymous isalenge song from Geita has little context, though it was transcribed by Gibbe (n.d. 30) and published without commentary by Mkongola (1980: 64).33 From the text, we 33

Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Bunyika mtoto wangu / Chukua dawa hii / Chukua kidogo tu / Mtoto wangu niwekee / Ila tu usimwonyesha mama yako / Ataniangamiza / Wanawake adui / Wepesi kuchukia / Wana mioyo midogo / Kama ya panya / Mke wangu / Tulishindana / Nikamwambia ahame / Wanawake wana mioyo midogo /

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can see that the singer is addressing one of his medicine adepts. After warning the male adept about the problems of living with women, the singer asks the adept to store the medicines given him, but to hide the medicines from the adept’s mother. (125) Wakulisimba wa mining’halaga (‘You will dig it with furrowed brow’) Wakulisimba wa mining’halaga You will dig it with furrowed brow Its potato slices Nu muchembe gwaho Have no comparison Guti nangemelo Until you have an ax Paga mbasa [Then can] you cut them Ukuchemba Ng’wana Malushu Ng’wana Malushu That’s how you cut them Huna guzunya kuchemba You will dig it with furrowed brow Wakulisimba wamining’halaga Interpretation: In this song remembered by Fitta ng’wana Liaku,34 the singer reminds the listener that the work of cultivating potatoes is difficult, but that it will pay off. The song was collected also by Joseph Lupande (1995: 40).35 Fitta ng’wana Liaku says: Umechimba, umekunja uso kabisa, mpaka umetumia nguvu, kwa ajili ya kukata viazi vikubwa vya kuweka juani, hauna mfano. Unatumia shoka kulikata. Anasemea kwa vijana tu, wakati wanacheza ndono. (You have dug, you have scrunched your face, until you have used strength, because of cutting big potatoes, and placing them in the sun, there is no comparison. You use an ax for cutting. He tells the young men this while they play ndono.)36 Kama ya panya Sina zaidi’ (Bunyika my child / Take these medicines / Take just a little /My child store it / Just do not show your mother / She will press upon me / Women are the enemy / Quick to anger / They have small hearts / Like that of a rat / My wife / We fought / I told her she should move out / Women have small hearts / Like that of a rat / I have no more to say). 34 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 23 August 2006, personal collection of author. 35 Lupande’s English translation: ‘This is a huge potato / Its digging means exhaustion / It gives incomparable slices / You need an axe to cut it / Son of Malushu / For this agrees / Its digging means hard work’. 36 From the verb kudona, ‘to vigorously disturb a wire or string’. This was a sixfoot braced monochord musical bow with a permanently attached gourd and tension noose. In some areas, it I called nzoli. This is the same monochord zither found throughout southern and central Africa, discussed by Kubik (1999: 17). The healer Kisunun’ha Nyumbani used the ndono in order to facilitate his diagnosis of patients, whereby he received inspirational instructions from his clan ancestors for the appro-

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(126) Watogwa walwa (‘He loves alcohol’) He loves alcohol, Masindi Watogwa walwa, Masindi He will not eat (2×) Atubulya (2×) (C) He likes to roam around (C) Atogilwe kuyela (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (C) To roam around (C) Kuyela (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (C) He likes to sleep (C) Atogilwe kulala (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (C) To sleep (C) Kulala (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! He’ll have no harvest Atupona Interpretation: This anonymous busumba song collected by Mkongola (1980: 42),37 was sung to substantiate and predict the actions of a lazy man named Masindi, who liked to loiter without doing work. His ‘work’ was to be drunk, and to sleep, therefore, he could not harvest anything. The song acts as a reminder to the lazy ones that there are serious consequences to their inactions, when it comes to farming. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this comment: Wimbo huu unamhusu mtu ambaye anapenda zaidi kinywaji. Hapendi kufanya kazi, hasa kazi ya kilimo. Sasa mwimbaji anamwambia kwamba, yeye safari hii, hatapata chakula cha kutosha. Ngoja atalima, lakini hatapata. Yeye anapenda kulala, anapenda kutembeatembea, anapenda kunywa pombe. (This song is about a man who loves alcohol more than anything else. He does not like to work, especially the work of farming. Now this singer tells him that, on this journey, he will not get food to suffice. To wait, he might farm, but he will not harvest anything. He likes to sleep, he likes to move around from place to place, and to drink.)

priate cure to use for his patient. The string was divided into two sections of unequal length, and therefore plays two different tones. The musician vibrated the opening of the resonator against the musician’s chest for varying timbral effects, and held a seed shell (idiophone) in the same hand that he used to strike either of the two string sections of the ndono with a plectrum crafted from a small stick. 37 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Masindi anapenda pombe / Hatakula / Anapenda kuzurura / Kuzurura hatakula / Anapenda kulala / anapenda kulala / hatavuna’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘Masindi loves to drink / He will not eat / He loves to loaf around / To loaf around he will not eat /He loves to sleep / He will not harvest’.

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Illus. 15. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi. Village of Makoko, 13 October 2006.

(127) Ng’wana Mukeje (‘Ng’wana Mukeje’) Ng’wana Mukeje Ng’wana Mukeje We leave [without] eating at all Tukaninga kulwa kabisa He is an infirm person Wali ngokolo He did not farm Walatalimaga Shame will not end with him Minala yaliitashilaga aha ng’wakwe He has nothing now we should see Huna lulu tubone giki We should leave Tuninge Perhaps he will see shame Hamo akubona minala Interpretation: In this song performed by the bacheyeeki of Miswaki,38 the singer lambastes the lazy farmer. The bucheyeeki genre was an early twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments that

38

Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 9 July 1994, IUATM song #605.

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were woven into costumes for these dances (Cory Papers #192), and may have once been associated with the verb kucheyeeka, ‘to sway’. The dance started to spread in popularity in the 1930s, and enjoyed a heyday period in the 1950s (Seso*). In the past forty years, the dance has lost its associations with competitive performance and has become known strictly as a reciprocal aide farmer’s assistance association, where each member takes a turn inviting the other group members’ to come help work on his/her fields. William Lubimbi* explains: Wimbo huu uliimbwa ili kumwonya mtu ambaye alikuwa mvivu wa kulima. Kila mara kwenye mji wake njaa ilikuwa haishi. Watu wanapata shida, hamna chakula, hamna mali nyingine. Kila siku tu, labda wakikuwa walikaa tu. Sasa huyu mwimbaji, badala ya kuenda moja kwa moja kuwaambia uso kwa uso, akaona aimbe wimbo, wakumwonya ili aanze nayeye kulima kwa kujitegemea. Kwa sababu wimbo huu utaimbwa na watu wengi, watakaosikia, wakati wa kuimba, labda ataanza kujifikiria, ‘Kila mmoja ananiimba, wanafikiri vibaya kuhusu mimi, labda afadhali nianze kulima ili njaa iishe kwangu’. Kwa hiyo anaonywa kwa wimbo kwa njia ya wimbo. (This song was sung to warn someone who was lazy in farming. Perpetually, in his homestead, famine never ends, it seems. People get serious problems, there is no food, and there is no additional income. Daily they just sit. Now this singer, instead of going directly there to tell this guy to his face, he sees that he should sing this song, to warn him that he should farm, and thus depend on himself. Because this song will be sung to many people, they will hear it, and at the time it is sung, perhaps they will start to think to themselves, every one of them, ‘He is singing about me, they think ill of me, perhaps better I should start to farm so famine will leave my side’. Therefore, he warns with this song, via song.) (128) Ng’wana Balinago (‘Ng’wana Balinago’) Ng’wana Balinago Ng’wana Balinago I am not threatened because of Natukalajiwagwa ng’uno yilima farming As we have farmed since long ago Ng’uno twalima kale no (2×) (2×) Because of miseries Ng’uno ya maluho So, to become intelligent Gashi, huu kupata masala

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Interpretation: In this song collected by Bischoff (1996: 116),39 the singer expresses his pride as a farmer and as a worker. The Mwanzabased painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this interpretation: Anasema hatashiki na mambo ya kilimo. Kama ni kilimo ni muda mrefu mno tumelima sababu ya shida, lakini shida ndiyo zinaleta maarifa, yaani akili za kujikomboa na shida. (He says he is not afraid of farming. If it is farming, for a long time we have farmed to decrease our suffering. Suffering, however, indeed brings knowledge, in other words, it brings forth the wits to save us from further problems.) Pius Magaka* had this point: Yeye hatashiki na kilimo kwa sababu ameshaanza kulima tangu zamani. Kwa hiyo hapati usumbufu, kwa ajili ya jembe. Amepata shida, lakini kwa sababu ya jembe amelishinda, kumbe, mateso nikufundisha mtu ajitegemea. (He is not afraid to farm because he has started farming since long ago. Therefore, he does not worry, because of the hoe. He has received problems, but because of the hoe, he has defeated these problems, so, problems indeed teach one to depend on themselves.) (129) Igolo (‘Yesterday’) Igolo nakabuka mhindi mhindi Najile kuli nimi obuluba Ng’wa Gumha, kuli kilela mhina (2×) Mpangamchu nu Haha, bibasa Kuli Tungu kanatukadilaga Buluba bukuyanjiwagwa mapalala Mandege gakuyanjiwagwa mapalala Busiga bukuyanjiwagwa mapalala (2×) Unene, najile ukudila biya Mpangamchu nu Haha, bibasa (2×)

Yesterday I set off late in the evening Going to the cultivator of cotton Of Gumha, nurturer of orphans (2×) Mpangamchu and Haha, the twins At Tungu’s place I will not be long The cotton is getting overwhelmed by leftover grass and leaves The corn is getting overwhelmed by leftover grass and leaves The millet is getting overwhelmed by leftover grass and leaves (2×) I am going, and no delaying Mpangamchu and Haha, the twins (2×)

Interpretation: This song, recalled with enthusiasm by folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga and attributed by the singer to Kanigini ng’wana Song’oma

39

Song translation not provided by Bischoff.

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in the early 1980s,40 reminds that it is important to pick and pack your cotton immediately because otherwise the common debris of dirt and leaves will make the harvest less attractive to the buyers at the ginnery mill. The singer uses as his protagonists in this song Mpangamchu and Haha, twin characters who show in up in many Sukuma children’s stories and folktales. The singer recalls this anecdote: Manju anahimiza kulima na kutunza mazao haswa pamba. Yafaa kuivuna mapema kabla haijaharibika kwa kunasa takataka. Hii yote ni kumuhamasisha mlimaji asicheke, aendelee kulima na haswa kulima pamba. Sasa, wakati waliimba hivyo, sasa yeye mwimbaji alikuwa akiwaongoza ambao wanalima. Anakwenda ugeni, ni anaenda kusalimia. Badaaye anarudi kwenye kilimo chake mapema, ili isichafuke na majani. Watu Mpangamchu na Haha ni watu kama wa mapacha, watu wa kuzaliwa siku mmoja. Ni wachezaji wake au wafuasi wake, wote hawa wajue kwamba chakula kama mitama au chakula kingine, anahimiza, ni vizuri kupalilia majani. Kwa maana ni kama mapacha, Wasukuma wanaamini, ukiwafundisha, kila wimbo wanajua wote, wakajua kwa haraka sana. Kwa hiyo analinganisha wenzake Mpangamchu na Haha kama mapacha, kwa sababu wanajua mambo yote kwa haraka kama huyu mwimbaji. (The composer tells the farmers that they should really watch their crops, especially cotton. It is best to harvest early, before it [the crop] is destroyed, from debris sticking to it. This song is all about convincing the farmer he should not joke around, he should continue in farming, to cultivate cotton. Now, at the time they sang this, the singer was the one leading those who were farming. He took off somewhere to be a guest, he went off so he could visit and greet someone. Afterward, he returned early to tend to his farming, so that it would not be destroyed by grass and dirt. These people, Mpangamchu and Haha,41 are twins, people who are born on the same day. They are his players or his followers, and he urges them to be aware that when dealing with crops like millet or other kinds of food, that it is good [practice] to weed well. Now, about twins, if you teach them, every song that they learn they will learn well quickly. Therefore, he compares his colleagues Mpangamchu and Haha to twins, because they come to know things very quickly, like this singer.)

40 41

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #34. Common name given to twins in Sukuma culuture.

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(130) Lelo, aah lelo (‘Today, aah today’) Today, aah today Lelo, aah lelo Today what is the reason they were Lelo aba nguno ki backbiting us? balutusikimbaga? Tulelemako abo twitunga de? (2×) We who have tied ourselves tight? (2×) I have a lot of millet and cassava Naponile busiga na maliwa Famine away! Umuna nzala kule! The family homestead will not Ikaya baba itundemela defeat me For I, a person who has tied Iki niyo naliniitunga de himself tight I have tied myself to cultivating Nitunge nkuyu kulima buluba cotton Alu Nkunula nang’we alinilomela And Nkunula he is talking to me In clothes that are borrowed Myenda ya kulanda

Illus. 16. Singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma. Village of Gambos, 12 September 1994.

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Interpretation: This song, attributed to Maliganya Swetula, was recalled by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma.42 The composer was perplexed by those who doubted his abilities as a farmer, but he found solace in those who stood by him as well. Now that the crop is in, the ones who gossiped about him are in a sorry state, as they did not follow his example. The singer references a phrase used often by Julius Nyerere when he was campaigning in the 1950s, ‘I who have tied myself tight’. The phrase refers to tying one’s kanga (wrap-around skirt) tight around the waist, and is an allusion to getting down to the business of working hard in the face of difficult times. The singer says that the responsibilities of family life will not defeat him, for he is a person who has ‘tightened up his act’, just as a soldier might do. According to Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Niingi anawasuta wanajamii walikuwa wakimfuatafuata na kumsakama kwa maneno ya kumtetea juu ya uvivu wake. Sasa amelima kwa nguvu, na bidii, hadi ameivisha mtama, na pamba, na anazo hela. Sasa ameshaachana na njaa, sio kama wao ambao walikuwa huishi kwa kuombaomba na kuazima hata nguo. (The niingi is making charges against those who believed and were trapped by the rumors that he [the singer] was lazy. So now, he has farmed, and he has worked with strength, and has harvested his cattle and millet, so he has money. Now, there is no hunger in his household, not like those who are stuck begging and borrowing their clothes.) Historian Michael Masalu* says: Mwimbaji anataja watu ambao wanavaa nguo pamoja na mkanda, kama askari wa zamani walijiita ‘witunga de’. Kwa hiyo huyu mwimbaji ni mkulima ambaye anavaa nguo kama askari, namna kama hii ili nguo zake zisiangukie. (The singer mentions people who wear clothes together with a belt, like soldiers in the old days used to do, who called themselves ‘tied tight’. Therefore, this singer is a farmer who wears clothes in the style of a soldier, in a fashion that his clothes should not fall.) William Lubimbi* makes this point: Wimbo huu ni kuhusu kukinga njaa. Mkulima mmoja ambaye amekuwa mkulima hasa hodari, mwingine alikuwa mtembezi. Sasa, wameanza kuchekana, nani atakuwa na njaa kamili? Sasa huyu ambaye alikuwa mkulima hodari, alilima mazao ya chakula na mazao ya biashara hasa pamba, lakini

42

Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #94.

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huyu ambaye anamcheka mwenzie, yeye halimi. Sasa mwenzie anamwambia kwamba, ‘Wewe, nguo zako ni za kuazima. Hata familia yako wakitaka kuvaa, lazima waende kwa jirani kuazima nguo’. (This song is about preventing famine. One farmer might be especially ableminded, while another is a malingerer. Now, they start to laugh at one another [asking], who will have more hunger? Now, this one who was an expert farmer, he cultivated food crops and crops for his business such as cotton, but the one laughing at him, he does not farm. Now the good farmer, he tells his associate, ‘You, your clothes are borrowed. Even your family if they want to wear clothes, they must go to their neighbors to borrow clothes’.) (131) Temaga lukuba! (‘Strike lightning!’) Strike lightning! Temaga lukuba! Lightning should fill cattle troughs! Kabula wokoje malambo! Let us see these who farm while Tubalole abakulima sulking! bushing’hihala! We who are used to being Bise twamanile yakuwilwa slandered We the lazy ones! Tulibazobu! Let us see these who farm while Tubalole abakulima sulking! bushing’hihala! Interpretation: In this Ujamaa epoch work song collected by Nkuli (1974),43 the singer is pleased about the prospects of rain, and warns those who run from the farm work associated with rain. The singer scoffs at an unknown party, perhaps a dance competitor, telling them ‘even though we are known as lazy ones, we will show them who the lazy one really are’. Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji* tells us: Mvua ijaze madimbwi, ana maana ya mvua nyingi, kwa hiyo tendo hili la mvua wengine, wapo ambao hawapendi kulima. Ndiyo maana alisema mvua inyeshe ili ambao wasiopenda kulima wawaangalie, maana wakati wa kilimo wao hawapendi wao ni kukunja uso tu, ili watu wawaogope wasiwasumbue kulima. (The rain will fill the watering troughs, this means there will be lot of rain, and inevitably, when there is a lot of rain, there will be those that do not like to farm. Indeed, it is why he said that the rain

43

Nkuli did not provide a translation of this song.

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should show those that do not like to farm, that they should be outed, meaning that when it is time to farm, there are those that just contort their faces so people should fear them, so they will not be bothered to farm) (132) Natulagwa mbula (‘I have been rained on’) I have been rained on Natulagwa mbula Balinaba, natulagwa mbula (2×) Balinaba, I have been rained on (2×) Lufungulo, please open for me the Lufungulo, unifungulile door So I may bask near the fire Note moto Interpretation: In this anonymous busumba chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 37),44 the singer complains that he and his group had been caught in a rainstorm, so he seeks shelter and the warmth of a fire. (133) Angu, nakuwile (‘So, let me tell you’) Angu, nakuwile, ng’wana Kabula So, let me tell you, ng’wana Kabula Cry a little bit (2×) Lilaga hado (2×) Cry a little bit, fellow (2×) Lilaga hado, banga (2×) Cry a little bit Lilaga hado Interpretation: In this anonymous farming chorus performed by the bacheyeeki of Miswaki,45 the singer tries to encourage his colleagues to ‘show a pulse’ and make some noise while working in the fields. Choruses such as this are strung together with countless others throughout the farmers’ day, to make the work go easier. (134) Twapandika bumeme (‘We have received electricity’) We have received electricity Twapandika bumeme At Nyang’ombe iNyang’ombe At the place of ng’wana Masindi Kuli ng’wana Masindi Nicholas Masindi Nikola Masindi We have received electricity Twapandika bumeme At Nyang’ombe iNyang’ombe

44 45

Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song. Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 9 July 1994, IUATM song #610.

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Interpretation: This song, attributed to Ng’wizilya ng’wana Lumanicha, was collected by Herbert Makoye (2000: 275).46 It concerns the occasion of getting electricity in their area of Nyan’gombe. Masindi was the leader who enabled the acquisition of electricity in their village. (135) Jitali nshiku ukunegela (‘The days are not yet near yet’) The days are not near yet Jitali nshiku ukunegela I will remind you I am not refusing Nukwizucha natulemaga He has died Wachagu Ibambangulu, ng’wana Malundi Ibambangulu, ng’wana Malundi The Mihambos, and the Kadis, Aba Mihambo, na Bakadi, ng’wana Geja, where are they? ung’wana Geja, alihali? He is laying on the hand Wagulalia unkono Interpretation: This song was performed by the beni singers Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga and Jiyoga ng’wana Chiila.47 Ng’wana Chiila learned the song on the farm as a child from an elderly man. He remembers also, the song was performed by laborers on the rail line that was built in the 1930s, from Tabora to Mwanza. The singer ng’wana Makanga asks what has happened to so many Sukuma heroes who have lived on the earth for a short time, and then disappeared, at the whim of God (the one who ‘lays on the hand’). Ng’wana Malundi, Ibambangulu,48 and several others are mentioned. This existential question is raised in connection with the ultimate meaning of progress that is associated with this rail line. When questioned, the singer asked: Wale mashujaa wa zamani, akina ng’wana Malundi, wameenda wapi? Akina Mihambo, na wengine kwenye kikundi chake, akawambia sasa. Mimi kufa sitaki, lakini siku zangu bado kutiumia lakini kufa sikatai. (Those heroes of long ago, those such as ng’wana Malundi, where have they gone? Those of Mihambo, and others who were in his group, he told them this now. Me, I do not want to die at a menial

46 Makoye’s English translation: ‘We have got electricity at Nyangombe / At the son of Masindi’s / Nicholas Masindi / We have got electricity at Nyang’ombe’. 47 Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, August 1995, IUATM song #363. 48 Ibambangulu was a famous nineteenth-century medicine man who lived near Tabora, who in competition could reputably inflate himself so much he could fill up an entire house.

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task], but in my days, though I have not used them, I will not refuse death when it comes.) (136) Nsabi wa ng’ombe (‘Owner of cattle’) Owner of cattle Nsabi wa ng’ombe He is ng’wana Huya! Wali ng’wana Huya! He who became rich, mayu Huwa saba, mayu Castrated cattle having horns Mayiku gamapembe gikomile (2×) enfolded (2×) Interpretation: Traditionally the Sukuma people are cultivators, but livestock are an important asset both economically and socially. The Sukuma reference their wealth in cattle, whether cattle are actually owned. Livestock provides a feeling of security, a means of legitimizing marriage, a means of establishing social relations and an insurance against old age. In this budimi song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), the singer praises the wealthy one, the cattle owner, having cattle with horns folded. This is a reference to a specific type of highly prized longhorn Zebu cattle, known locally as ‘Tarime’ (named after the region in northwestern Tanzanian region where they are most common).

Illus. 17. Longhorn, or Tarime cattle. Village of Igoma, July 2006.

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(137) Nagalole (‘Let me watch’) Nagalole Nagakusataga Kamabala mamunda, ga ng’wana Lusanya Wahayagi Luhondo, ‘Lala’ liNg’wana Mabula likanemeja ‘Iti lala, madilanha’ Utobonaga jihelaga Ing’washi ni buluge? Wahayaga uLuhondo Likanemeja ‘Iti lala, madilanha’

Let me watch Those that are hopping Spotted bellies, of ng’wana Lusanya Said Luhondo, ‘Gazelle’ Ng’wana Mabula opposed him ‘It is not gazelle, [but] calves’ ‘Do not you see, they are in rows The black and white, the cream colored?’ Said Luhondo He was opposed ‘It is not gazelle, [but] calves’

Interpretation: In this budimi song performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga,49 the singer makes fun of one of his cattle-caring associates, because he mistook his neighbor’s newborn calves for gazelles. The singer Makanga elaborated: Alikuwepo jamaa moja, alisimama akatazama ng’ombe za mjomba wake Lusanya. Sehemu akaziona ng’ombe zake, ndama wanarukaruka. Sasa wakati alipoangalia hivi ndama akafikiri ni swala, siyo ng’ombe hao. Akakataa, si ng’ombe ni swala. Basi wakati huo, mwingine alikuja, walipoangalia pamoja, na jamaa yake akakataa. ‘Jinzi wanavyorukaruka hiyo, siyo swala, ni ndama wa ng’ombe. Wa nani? Si wa Lusanya, ni ng’ombe hao?’ (There was this person, he was standing and watching over his uncle Lusanya’s cattle. Where his cattle were, the calves were frolicking. Now while he was watching these frolicking calves, he somehow thought they were antelope, not calves. So then, someone else came [ng’wana Mabula], they were looking at them together, and the other person refused. ‘The way that they are jumping, these are not antelope, they are the calves of cattle. Of whom? Aren’t these of Lusanya, these cattle?’)

49 Videorecorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, 17 August 1995, IUATM song #365.

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(138) Ndilimila ng’ombe (‘I am using cattle to farm’) I am using cattle to farm Ndilimila ng’ombe Ng’wana Nyakayanza (2×) Ng’wana Nyakayanza (2×) Lakes Rower Kibuga Manyanza Becomes thin from too much work Aligaidiwa mamilimo Let me entertain myself Niburidishe nane Ng’wana Kandi (2×) Ng’wana Kandi (2×) Let me entertain myself Niburudishe With ng’wana Makoye (2×) Na ling’wana Makoye (2×) I am using cattle to farm Ndilimila ng’ombe Ng’wana Nyakayanza (2×) Ng’wana Nyakayanza (2×) He who passes milk, much work Mpita maziwa, makazi I entertain myself, ng’wana Kandi (2×) Nijiburudishe, ni ng’wana Kandi (2×) I entertain myself, ng’wana Makoye Nijiburudishe, ni ng’wana (2×) Makoye (2×) Interpretation: In this song, performed by the Banam’hala of Kisu’nunha Nyumbani50 and attributed to ng’wana Mabrika (nicknamed Kibuga Manyanza, or ‘Lakes Rower’), the singer exhorts with pride his use of cattle in plow farming. He is opposed to the other more common and less expensive labor means found in the Sukuma region, such as the hoe, which he thinks is slow and a hindrance to modernity and progress. (139) Kikalile ka Basukuma (‘The lifestyle of the Sukuma people’) The lifestyle of the Sukuma people Kikalile ka Basukuma It will defeat me (2×) Kakwendagundemela (2×) Cattle, ninety Ing’ombe, makumi kenda [but] Sleeping place, on the sisal Ndalo ha makatani And hides dry, wrinkled and rough (2×) Na ndili ya buhele (2×) The family head, owner of cattle Namugi, sabi wa ng’ombe Eat corn and beans only Nukulya masangu duhu Throughout the day, roast potato (2×) Limiji, ocha numbu (2×)

50

Recorded by author, village of Ngulyati, 17–21 March 1995, IUATM song #252.

204 Nene, nke wane Nanemeja Ukuyoba makonda (2×) Welelo yanizwika Maguta giki Huna nuyobelwa makonda Numho nalusalo munda

chapter seven Myself, my wife I prohibited her Plucking wild okra (2×) Welelo has adorned me Fat like this I cannot eat wild okra Unless mad in the stomach

Interpretation: This humorous wigaashe song fragment, composed by Kalikali Mbagule and collected by Mkongola (1980: 53),51 lends itself well to the context of busumba labor. It complains about how the Sukuma people have wealth, but they do not know how to use it. A man can have ninety cattle, but since they are not allowed to sleep in their separate bounded area, they trample instead on the family sisal crop. An owner of cattle having means might only eat only corn and beans, or roast potato, or wild okra, instead of something more ‘upscale’. The singer says that since fate has made him well off, he cannot let his wife pick or cook wild vegetables, unless he had somehow lost his mind. Mkongola had this further explanation: Malenga aliimba wimbo huu kuukosoa mtindo au utaratibu ambao wafugaji wengi wa Kisukuma wanao. Wafugaji hawa huwafuga ng’ombe kama mali iliyopo kwa ajili ya kazi moja tu – yaani kuolea. Tajiri wa ng’ombe katika Usukuma aliamini na mpaka leo anaamini kwamba ng’ombe wakiuzwauzwa kila mara wanakwisha. Hivyo mfugaji hata kama ana ng’ombe mia tatu au zaidi, akibanwa tatizo linalohitaji fedha, ataenda kukopa fedha ambazo atarudisha baada ya kuuza mavuno na huku ng’ombe wapo. Kwa hali hii utaona kwamba, malazi na chakula cha wafuaji hawa ni duni. (The poet sings this song to criticize the style which many Sukuma speaking herders live. These herders keep their cattle with just one goal in

51 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Maisha ya Msukuma / Yananishinda (2×) / Ng’ombe anao tisini / Lakini analalia katani / Na ngozi chafu yenye upele / Tajiri mwenye mji / Anashindia makande / Huku akichoma viazi (2×) / Mimi mke wangu / Nimemkataza / Kuchuma mboga za mlenda (2×) / Ulimwengu umenijalia unono / Siwezi kula mlenda / Labda nipate kichaa’ (The life of the Sukuma person / It has defeated me (2×) / Cattle he might have ninety / But he lies among sisal mats / Together with dirty skins having sores / Rich person of the homestead / Morning to night just eating corn / There if he cooks potatoes / Myself my wife / I have refused him / To pick slimy vegetables (2×) / The universe has granted me comfort / I cannot eat slimy vegetables / Unless I should become crazy).

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mind: that of marrying. Someone rich in cattle believes even up to this day that if cattle are sold, and sold all the time, they will be depleted. Therefore, a herder, even if he has three hundred cattle or more, if he is found struggling with some problems that need money, he would rather go and borrow money and return it based on his crop harvest, even when the cattle are just there. With this behavior, you will see that, the sleeping area, together with the food taken by these herders, are mediocre.) (140) Ahee, tunge (‘Ahee, the bat’) Ahee, tunge Ahee, the bat Mayu, tunge, niganya Mayu, the bat, a conjurer Akalolelaga, ntwe gwakwe hasilili He looks around, with head downwards (141) Shilamba (‘A fire ant’) Shilamba, nali shilamba Shilamba, kubudo wane Shilamba, uling’wikungu Shilamba, milimo mitale Shilamba, ulikado, heuee Shilamba, masala mingi

A fire ant, I am a fire ant A fire ant, my smallness A fire ant, there in the brush A fire ant, the work is plenty A fire ant, small A fire ant, much intelligence

(142) Chi chi chwii (‘Chi chi chwii’) Chi chi chwii Chi chi chwii The child is crying Ng’wana walia What does he want? Walisibwa ki? He wants his mother Walisibwa nina His mother has gone from here Nina agile ha She has gone to cultivate Agile kulima To cultivate cotton Kulima buluba Ehyo, they cultivate Ehyo, bakasi bulima (143) Uko ukashika (‘Wherever you go’) Wherever you go Uko ukashika You belong to Jiji Uli wang’wa Jiji Even if you reach Ntuzu Nulu ukashike Ntuzu You belong to Jiji Uli wang’wa Jiji Even to Europe Nulu Bulahya You belong to Jiji Uli wang’wa Jiji

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Interpretation: These busumba choruses are associated with children and children’s labor. Children’s songs often contain an element of mimicry of adults and adult behavior, to include adult musical labor. In Ahee, tunge, and Shilamba, animals are given human qualities, and animals are then identified with as role models, either positive or negative. About Ahee, tunge, collected by Cory (n.d. #192),52 Bununguuli dancer Paulo Lusana* felt that the composer is saying that it is better to take the bat as an example to follow, a creature that minds its own business and keeps its head low. Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji* felt, however, that: Wimbo huu hasa unamhusu mtu mwongo, maana anakuwa na tabia kama popo. Ambaye, tabia yake akipanda juu ya mti au mahali popote atakapoona, anaweza kusimama. Hawezi kusimama moja kwa moja mara tu; huwaga anageuza kichwa chake chini. Hivyo hata mtu mwongo huwaga hawezi kusimama kwenye ukweli alivyoona au alivyosikia yeye; hupenda kugeuza maneno toka kwenye ukweli. (This song, especially, is about someone who is deceptive, meaning someone who has the character of a bat, whose character is such. Someone who, if he climbs high in a tree or any place to see where it is able to sit, he is unable to just sit; it looks about [shamefully] turning its head down. Likewise, even a person who is a liar can sit with the truth that he sees or hears; [instead] he likes to alter his words from what is the truth.) Shilamba is a busumba chorus (Utamaduni Sangboden n.d.: 122) espousing the qualities of a fire ant. These are qualities that all basumba members should have: hardworking, ‘lethal’ (at work), and not to critical. In Chwi chwi chwii, a children’s busumba song collected by Varkevisser (1972: 202) in Bukumbi, children imitate their older brothers and sisters who have permission to go to the ng’oma. Uko ukashika, an anonymous busumba song collected by Gibbe (n.d. 32), the singer tells her child that wherever she goes, even if it is all the way to Europe, she must not forget her mother Jiji. The following three songs are basumba songs that document the yearnings of a young man pining after the affection of a young woman.

52 Cory’s English translation: ‘A butterfly mother, a butterfly is a clever thing, he looks with his head to the ground’.

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(144) N’hung’wa nalindila (‘N’hung’wa, I am waiting’) N’hung’wa, I am waiting N’hung’wa, nalindila The girl, to see her? No! Ng’waniki, kumwona? Yaya! In my heart, I had thoughts-a-plenty Mung’holo, nukaikwija ‘Maybe they have prevented her’ ‘Kolaga bakalemejaga’ In my heart, I had thoughts-a-plenty Mung’holo nukaikwija She became late Kakabi diyu She appeared, and it was said Kunitokela, kuyomba ‘Are you angry, Lubuga’? ‘Wakolagwa, Lubuga’? ‘No, I had work ‘Yaya, nali na mamilimo’ I have put on the stove, wild spinach Najengaga, ikubi Even now, I am going to pound Nulu igiki, nalikapula I have left the old woman complaining Nanekaga ungikulu udukana ‘I will not be late ‘Natudila I am going to fetch water Ndikadaha na minzi With those who go to school’ Na baja shule’ (145) Nsumba wane (‘My fiancé’) My fiancé, you are poor Nsumba wane, uli ng’habi Open the door Igulaga lwigi What will you put? Ukutula ki? Anyway, I will put a shilling and fifty Nahene, inakutula ilobo na sumuni Nakukwenhela kitenge, mayu I will bring you cotton printed cloth, mayu Do not reject me Utizendema What will my rupee go with? Rupi lya lwane lukuja na ki? (146) Lya mang’ombe (‘Of cattle’) Of cattle Lya mang’ombe Lya mang’ombe ni ya butende Of cattle and the one without It lasts forever Iguhangamaga They do not differ, ng’wana so-and-so Jidikilile ng’wana mbati Let me take you home Nagutwale kaya Go before me, infant Tongelaga, ng’welele Let me take you to uncle Nagutwale kuba mjomba You appear, you will go settle down Ulimanyike, ujukalende To my maternal side Kuba ngongo gwane In Ukirugulu, let us go make a home liBukilugulu, tukabeje kaya

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Interpretation: In Nhung’wa nalindila, collected by Gibbe (n.d.), the male protagonist wonders aloud and relays a conversation via reported speech. He wants to know whether the object of his affections is prevented from seeing him by her family, as it seems they give her too many chores at home. In Nsumba wane, performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,53 collected by Cory (Cory Papers #192),54 and attributed to Singali ng’wana Finduli, the singer begs the attention and favors of his fiancé, whom he promises to lavish with gifts. In Lya mang’ombe from the Gibbe collection (n.d.), the singer begs a woman’s hand in marriage. He implores her to come home with him to be in his family. He is going forth to pick out the cattle for the bride price, and tells the bride’s family that thus far, there is no difference between them. These two songs discuss refused advances that men made toward women. (147) Nakanya nkiima (‘I made a pass at a woman’) I made a pass at a woman Nakanya nkiima At a dance at Itumbili Ku m’biina y’Itumbili And she replied to me [with] Nang’hwe uniwila kamhayo some words ‘Myself, a pass made toward me? ‘Nene, nakanyiwe? I am married Nalitolile The one who finishes troubles Lyamala Mayanga Myself, what for? Nene, lyaki? He mocks me Likunigimbaga He should make a pass Ni likabakanyage At those of ng’wana Mahuma’ Ba ng’wana Mahuma’ I got angry and replied: Nane nukolwa nushokeja ‘It is true, ng’wana Mbilingi ‘Guli chene, ng’wana Mbilingi Myself, how could I accumulate Nene, najikwija kinehe All the cattle and sheep Ng’ombe na ng’holo That I could afford to you all Mhanda matongo Stay well, Solile, I return home Ikalaga, Solile, nashoka kaya Even if you reject me Nulu undeme

53

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10–15. October 1995, IUATM song #465. Cory’s English translation: ‘My lover you are poor / (but he says) Open the door / But what will you give, really? / I shall give you a shilling and a sumni I shall add / But, O mother do not refuse my rupia / What property will you have when you die?’ 54

songs of reciprocal village labor Kiti wazunyaga Makima gatulwa shimba Makima gangi gakutolagwa manyalali Al’ubebe na kawinga biya Lolaga akushimulaga giti nyalali Nu wiza wiza wakwe butabonagwa Muna bugikulu, koyaga! Nangh’we ushimbe Walaluka miso giki

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It is like you have agreed Women beaten by lions Many women married when youngsters But you have never even been engaged Look at her smiling like a young one Her beauty is not recognized Old age, deal with it! [Of ] the unmarried mother of children She has red eyes

(148) Numba nanzengela (‘A house I have built for her’) A house I have built for her Numba nanzengela And the tap I brought, of water Ni libomba nulileta ilya minzi She would cause me [so that] Agunenheleja To stab myself with a knife Nichime lushu Kundi, tell [her], children of Shija uKundi, mkang’wile bang’wana Shija Tell it to ng’wana Mabuga Mnomele ung’wana Mabuga Interpretation: The song Nkanya nkiima, collected by Lupande (n.d. 38),55 contains a dialogue between the man making the pass and the woman who refuses it. The woman claims to be married, and the man mocks her in return, in disbelief. In Numba nanzengela, from the Gibbe collection (n.d.), the singer is shocked to the point of contemplating suicide at being refused, after going as far as building a home with running water for Kundi. The singer is relating this information to Shija, whom he hopes will tell Kundi.

55 Lupande’s English translation: ‘I made courtship to a lady at Itumbili dance / She replied me by saying how can courtship be made to a married man with no problem / I do not like him, he fools me / He can make love to Mahuma daughters / I got angry and replied to her / Is it true daughter of Mbilingi / I do not have all the cows and sheep / That I could afford to you all / Solile stay well / I go home / Whether you like me or not, is all the same / There are women everywhere-scattered (lions) / A lot of ladies marry too when young / But you have never even been engaged / Alas look at her smiling as the beautiful one / Her beauty is not seen / Old age take care of the widow / She is angry with red eyes’.

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(149) Sumba wane (‘My beloved’)56 Sumba wane My beloved Wayombaga yose You have told me everything Hamo ulibila yako na gangi Perhaps you have forgotten other words Amajingi kumpindo nali lugulu [of ] Lovers over behind the mountains Kumpindo, ya Mwanza galiko Behind, in Mwanza there Na gangi majingi56 Other lovers Interpretation: In Sumba wane (Cory Archives #192, ‘Winga #6’), the anonymous singer asks his lover if there is anything she has forgotten to tell him, perhaps about other lovers who live over the mountains in Mwanza. (150) Nali ng’habi (‘I am poor’) Nali ng’habi Na ponya Mayu Natola, gwashila Kumala bupina Kwita kayako Umala

I am poor I lost Mayu I married, it is done To end misery To have your own house It is done

Interpretation: This song, collected by Cory (n.d. #192),57 is the lament of a youth who has nothing but hope. We know that the singer is male, because of the verb -tola: In Kisukuma, men marry (-tola), and women are married (-tolwa). The singer hopes that his recent marriage will end his misery. He married to end sorrow, but he is not reaping the benefits of marriage.

56

Cory’s English translation: ‘My beloved one / You have told me everything / But perhaps you have forgotten other words / Lovers exist over there behind the mountains / There in Mwanza’. 57 Cory’s English translation: ‘I possess nothing / I buried my mother / I married already / My sorrows I have ended / I have to build my home in order to end the trouble’.

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(151) Nali nankanije ng’wana Mpemba (‘I did date ng’wana Mpemba’) Nali nankanije ng’wana Mpemba I did date ng’wana Mpemba Ulitala liluseko She let out a laugh ‘Nene natukanyiwagwa n’ing’we’ ‘I cannot be dated by you’ Ng’wana Mpemba, ulina luhya Ng’wana Mpemba, you have heat Wa ntwe giti kamonyela With a head like a club And thighs like a [?] Na matango kiti liswilima Interpretation: In this anonymous busumba song collected by Gibbe (nd. 12), the male singer jokes that he dated ng’wana Mpemba briefly, but she refused him on the account of his looks. Songs having risqué topics concerning women are common among men’s musical labor groups, as is evident in these four male busumba choruses. (152) Nagemeho nane! (‘Let me try also!’) Let me try also! Nagemeho nane! Try here ahee, women are Gemaga ahee, bakiima, sweet! (2×) bunonu! (2×) If they were being cultivated Ulu bakalimagwa I would farm, I would try hard Ninalime, nagagajaga During even the dry season Mpaka na mchu (153) Ntombana Njaluwa! (‘Fuck you Jaluo guy!’) Ntombana Njaluwa! Fuck you Jaluo guy! Ili nkono ulileka mu nyo You have left your hand in the vagina (154) Nkiima, bebe! (‘Woman, you!’) Nkiima, bebe! Woman, you! Megelejege so Take care of your daddy Ulu abise twengele mu boya If it is we who will enter your hair (155) Akuchimagwa (‘It is impaled’) Akuchimagwa, umunanyo It is impaled, the vagina Uchibya, umna lushindo It is plugged, the anus

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Interpretation: Nagemeho nane!, performed by the bacheyeeki group of Miswaki,58 articulates the dreaming of young men while they work the fields. If it were women that were being cultivated, the singer proclaims, men would try to farm even during the dry season. Ntombana Njaluwa!, Nkiima bebe!, and Akuchimagwa, all collected by Kija (1985), utilize explicit imagery to express the young men’s yearnings. (156) So (‘Your father’) So Na kaganda Na kazwala madaso So ni baba! Nulu alashile mino So, so Akasosolela noko Kwinga kwimbala

Your father Even if he thins Even if he wears rags Your baba is [still] baba! Even if he loses his teeth Your father, your father He went for your mother Since long ago

Interpretation: This wigaashe fragment was composed by Kalikali Mbagule in the late 1950s, remembered and performed by John Seso.59 He learned it in the setting of a busumba labor group, as a teenager. According to Seso*, the composer had some kind of misunderstanding with the ng’wanang’wa (headman): Lakini wakati huo huo, malenga huyo aliwahi kufanya mapenzi na mama wa ng’wanang’wa huyo! Kwa mafumbo makubwa Jumbe lipigwa kejeli na Malenga kwa kuambiwa kwamba ‘Unakosa adabu mbele ya baba yako’. Malenga aliimba hivi! (But at that time, the composer had already made love to the mother of this ng’wanang’wa. So, in secret, the ng’wanang’wa is ridiculed by this composer, [he is told that] told that, ‘You have no respect in the presence of your father’. The composer sang like this!) A key theme found in the following three songs is men reprimanding women. (157) Bakiima, bakiima (‘Women, women’) Bakiima, bakiima, lekagi Women, women, cease lies! (2×) buhwawa! (2×) Mukubulagwa na bagosha You will be killed by the men

58 59

Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 9 July 1994, IUATM song #609. Recorded by author, town of Shinyanga, 19 August 1995, IUATM song #369.

songs of reciprocal village labor Igolo, igolo Undembalemba (2×) Ni lelo hangi Wanilemba (2×)

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Yesterday, yesterday You deceived me (2×) And today again You have deceived me (2×)

(158) Yaya, buli (‘No, never’) No, never, a woman that I should Yaya, buli, nkiima nantole? marry? Allowing her to preach to me? Wikale undomela? As if she paid herself, the bridewealth Giti akajifunya weyi, igwalala Be silent my wife! Humulaga, nke one! The head of the family is speaking! Unamugi akuyombaga! Noise is bad, we will separate Yombo yabubi, tulalekana Settle in Nassa at the Village-of-Peace Zengagi iNassa iNg’wamanyili Do not settle at the Village-ofUtizuzenga Ng’wagagabali Arguments (2×) (2×) (159) Bakiima, ilekebishagi (‘Women, correct yourselves’) Women, correct yourselves Bakiima, ilekebishagi Women, staying without a home is Abakiima, kwigasha bila not good makao haifai Even if your relatives come Nulu baduguyo biza It is at home where they should find Ha kaya bu kusanga you Ehe, hakaya yako, ehe, hakaya Yes, at your home, yes, at home Whose thanks is it? Hili lumbi lya ba nani? Of people Lya banhu Now if you are a wanderer Lelo ukuyela yela How will people come to drink water Bakwiza kung’wa minzi ho there? kinehe? Your wandering alone has no Busengija wing’wene butina meaning solobo Interpretation: In Bakiima, bakiima, a song collected by Bischoff (1996: 100),60 the singer tells women to stop their lying lest they be killed by their husbands. In Yaya buli, performed by folklorist Paulo

60

Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song.

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Mafanyanga and composed by James Msombi,61 the singer complains about his wife whom he feels has no right to preach to him, as she was paid for, in cattle. He tells her to settle in ‘the village of peace’, not the ‘village of arguments’. In Bakiima ilekebishagi, performed by the Bacheyeeki of Miswaki group,62 the singers reprimand women who move about from one man to another, who cannot stay put. In the words of one of the singers: Kulikuwa na mama mmoja, yeye hakuna na makao. Sasa haifai, kuwa anatangatanga, ndiyo maana nikaimba hivyo. (There was a woman, she had no home. Now it is not proper, to just move about, place to place, indeed, this is why I sang this song) The following two songs celebrate preparing food for guests. The Sukuma people feel that receiving a guest is a blessing, and they work hard to keep their guest’s palates satisfied. (160) Naizuga masangu (‘I cook maize and beans’) Naizuga masangu, masangu I cook maize and beans, maize and beans (4×) (4×) Lubala, my child (3×) Lubala, ng’wana wane (3×) Maize and beans, very nice (6×) Masangu, gawiza no (6×) Maize and beans, nice (2×) Masangu ya wiza (2×) Balanogu ukusungulasungula They will tire of picking picking (3×) (3×) I am complaining complaining Nakudayadayaga (2×) (2×) Much talk! (4×) Mihayo maganda! (4×) (161) Tubalimile (‘Let us farm for them!’) Tubalimile! (2×) Let us farm for them! (2×) Balize kulya! (2×) They should come and eat! (2×) Interpretation: In Naizuga masangu, performed by Paulo Lusana,63 the singer discusses the foods harvested and cooked for the guests. The singer predicts that those who are in the fields picking these foods should grow weary. In the chorus Tubalimile, performed by Suzanna

61 62 63

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #28. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 9 July 1994, IUATM song #607. Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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Martin Maduka,64 the singer exhorts her family and neighbors to prepare for guests. She explains: Sasa wanao kuja labda ni wageni, labda ni marafiki, labda wamekaribishwa! (Now, those who are coming perhaps are guests, perhaps they are friends, perhaps they have been welcomed!) (162) Sumba ng’wichane (‘My friend’) My friend, Mabula Sumba ng’wichane, Mabula I should sing the song Nalile lyimbo We are used to one another Twalitwitogilwe We never hated each other (2×) Twalitutikolagwa (2×) People [of ] the belly Wananchi munda Interpretation: In this simple competitive dance chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 43),65 the singer expresses the desire to remain friends with his/her clan member (‘people of the belly’) through whatever troubles, come what may. (163) Nina wa ng’wana (‘Mother of the child’) (C) Mother of the child, here is work (C) Nina wa ng’wana, kayiyo milimo (C) You should award me (C) Nisambage nane (R) Mother of the child (R) Nina wa ng’wana (C) Even a shilling (C) Nulu shilingi (R) Mother of the child (R) Nina wa ng’wana Interpretation: In this anonymous busumba chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 76),66 the singer jokes with the woman whose farm they are laboring on, that they should get some small reward for their efforts.

64 Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, 12 October 2006, personal collection of author. 65 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Min elskede Mabula lad mig / sørge over dig md en sang / Vi elskede hinanden / vi har aldrig hadet / Du har, med din død, stukket mig i hjertet’ (My beloved Mabula let me / Serenade over you with a song / We loved one another / We have never hated / You, with your death, I was stuck in the heart). 66 Bischoff provides no translation for this song.

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(164) Utizuhubila kunidima shoulder’) Utizuhubila kunidima kabega Mkichafucha buhulu wise Bigwe ba Machela

kabega (‘Do not mistake touching my Do not mistake touching my shoulder To dirty our freedom Should the Machela [clan] hear

Interpretation: In this anonymous busumba chorus collected by Gibbe (n.d.: 2), the singer tells her lover not to touch her in public, lest they be seen, presumably by her husband’s family, and have their relationship spoiled. Songs in praise of childbirth are a favorite theme among women’s kisumba labor groups. The following songs celebrate the joys of childbirth, specifically the birth of baby girls. Male children are preferred, but girls are adored and cherished as well. (165) Obyala kinanda hii! (‘To give birth to this instrument!’) To give birth to this instrument! Obyala kinanda hii! To give birth to this instrument! Obyala kinanda hii! Wait, she should be known Kaleka, akumuke Kilyabasali has reason to be liked (2×) Kilyabasali wahumbya (2×) Ng’wana Madede Ng’wana Madede The girls gather villages Baniki lusangija chalo When she goes into the wilderness (2×) Ulu wajile ng’wipolu (2×) (166) Kubyala ng’wana nkiima (‘To give birth to a female child’) To give birth to a female child Kubyala ng’wana nkiima Seen by people, in gangs – Kwilolela banhu, kaganda – in gangs (2×) kaganda (2×) Mtumonaga nina wa nkiima? Do not you see the mother of the girl? She dances proud with graceful airs Alibina wisundasunda To give birth to a male child Kubyala ng’wana ngosha Seen by people, in gangs – in gangs Kwilolela ban’hu kaganda – kaganda Do not you see the father of the boy Mtumonaga ise wa nkiima He dances proud with graceful airs Mtumonaga ise wa nyanda

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Interpretation: A new mother is praised in Obyala kinanda hii, a song performed by the Banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha.67 This mother has given birth to a daughter, someone who ‘makes sound like a musical instrument’, who will eventually ‘attract villages’, or will attract men ‘in gangs’ from all around (Suluja*). Kubyala ng’wana Nkiima, performed by Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando,68 is a reminder to the child about the troubles or difficulties in giving birth. The human child is born without the ability to walk or to do anything, unlike a calf. Then, when they are older, they are ogled by others, and then courted by them. (167) Nsabi (‘The one who is rich’) The one who is rich, since long ago Nsabi, na kale She has no uphill struggle Atina nima She does not stumble on tree stumps Atigumhaga mashiki Ng’ombe sha ng’wana Chibya The cattle of ng’wana Chibya They have brought a mirror, baba Jenhile ilole, baba A straight girl [with a good shape] (2×) Ng’waniki ng’ololoku (2×) Interpretation: This anonymous women’s busumba farm labor song, performed by Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando,69 praises the ones who are rich in cattle, because they are the ones able to overcome difficulties easier than others. They are the ones who can provide for their families. Then, ng’wana Chibya is praised, because he has brought the bride price, together with a mirror as a gift, to make an impression on ‘a girl with a good shape’. Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando grew up together in the same village, and have worked and sung together for years. Both of them are married to well-known baliingi, who support their wives efforts in making music.

67 68 69

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #205. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994, IUATM song #135. Recorded by author, Miswaki village, 11 September 1994, IUATM song #131.

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Illus. 18. Leya ‘Limi’ Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando. Village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994.

The following songs, performed by women, discuss the debilitating effects of loose morality on one’s personal and family life. Prostitution is not tolerated because it spreads diseases and destroys families. Both of these anonymous song texts come from the Gibbe collection (n.d.). (168) Mabukoye (‘Difficult work’) Difficult work Mabukoye Plaiter of my hair Nsuki wa nzwili jane Of that of Masanja Wa ng’wa Masanja The young baby with shiny white teeth Ung’welele wa mino gape Stepping with tiptoes in the shades Pandaga winenekeja mmakingwa mbeho You have fallen ill of syphilis Walwala ma kaswende Gonorrhea, they are saying Mapakija, balihaya You have been driven to Burundi Waswaga Bulundi They will carry you on a stretcher Balakutenenhe

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(169) Watola li mazazi (‘He has married a prostitute’) He has married a prostitute Watola li mazazi I was telling their child Nang’wilaga ng’wana wabo He has brought a cook Walitile nzugi But in farming, a laggard Al’ukwilima, manegela Her work is keeping the house Kazi yakwe ya kukayumba And plaiting hair, ng’wana Sale Na kusuka nzwili, ng’wana wa Sale Interpretation: In Mabukoye, the singer Masanja addresses her hair stylist, and laments what has happened to her. The singer remembers the girl’s innocence. She had been a child with shiny white teeth, but she has now fallen ill with a sexually transmitted disease. She will soon be carried on a stretcher to her home in Burundi, perhaps to die. In Watola li mazazi, the in-laws at home complain about the new bride brought home by the son. Although she can cook and keep house, she would rather spend her time plaiting her hair. She sleeps around, and she refuses to do the required work on the farm. (170) Makiima gabi mawa (‘Women have become dogs’) Women have become dogs Makiima gabi mawa Even if they are married Nulu litolilwe They signify where to meet young men Lyulagila basumba We will meet there in the cassavas Tulamanhije uko ku maliwa So that we should meet again Tukihame hangi My husband, has rage like fire Ngoshi wane, nkali giti moto My lover, I love him very much, Nsumba wane, nantogwile, girls baniki Ng’wana Maria, who consumes Ng’wana Maria, umaji wa things mihayo Interpretation: In this song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), the singer complains with bitterness about the behavior of women cheating on their husbands, and reveals that she is doing so herself. (171) Nabi giligita (‘I have become a tractor’) I have become a tractor Nabi giligita To my in-laws, I have become a tractor Uku nkwano, nabi giligita Because I do not give birth Iki natabyalaga If I were fertile Ulu nalimyile Lwise lumo nukija u kwilima One day I did not go farming Wilinda has slept with fever Wilinda walalaga na swiza

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Interpretation: In this anonymous busumba song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), the singer Wilinda laments her intolerable condition, being unable to conceive. Because of this, her in-laws treat her merely as a farm laborer, a ‘tractor’. If she could only conceive, she would be spared this fate. (172) Ngoshi wane (‘My husband’) My husband Ngoshi wane He paid bride price in herds Wanikwa mitugo Then appeared another scarecrow Lilonga nalingi limashishiwa The flock was rejected, mama Sheleleng’wa, mama They were turned back Shileshoshiwa They are eaten, they are offered to Shileliwa, mvwa shagabeliwa dogs They are ignoring him, the destroyer Ng’wanolile, lwenye itumbalike Interpretation: This busumba song, recalled and performed by Jige Malehe,70 laments that the potential ‘husband’ who impressed her most, is being rejected by her male gatekeepers, even though he offered and paid the requested bride price. Instead, the cattle meat he paid is ‘offered to dogs’ and another ‘scarecrow’ is being considered. In the following three songs, a key theme is the joy women experience in playing and dancing ng’oma. The songs complain about their troubles with men (fathers, brothers, and husbands) who do not want them to join dance associations. Many men believe that women who spend their time with this activity fail to keep the household running smooth. (173) Nene, nakubiinaga (‘Myself, I dance’) Myself, I dance Nene, nakubiinaga I am looking for a path (2×) Nulola nzila (2×) I married into a bad place Natolilwe habi The sun is setting, mayu (2×) Limi lyagwa, mayu (2×) I am afraid [to be beaten by] clubs Nakogohaga abuhili (2×) (2×)

70

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #227.

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(174) Ulu nasuma (‘When I harvest’) When I harvest Ulu nasuma I finish these thoughts (2×) Nakamalaga mawazo buli (2×) When I harvest Ulu nasuma Words, so many Mihayo, buyoyo Look, it has died! Haha, ambu yacha! He has stopped our dance! Atabulagija m’biina yise! And you, who are you? Niyo ubebe, uli nani? Ng’wiza kutubulagija m’biina yise! You have all come to kill our dance! ‘It is for women only’, they have ‘Ya bakiima duhu’, bawilagwa! been told! ‘We were just helping, just helping’ ‘Bise tuli bagunana gunana’ It has consumed completely Lyashila pye Worries in the body (2×) Mawazo ili mili (2×) Mayu, let me give birth Mayu, ndekagi nabyale Women, this has troubled me so Bashike, lyakanigagabaja much They will keep saying Bakuma nuhaya ‘Mayu, whose is this?’ ‘Mayu lya ng’wana nani?’ It is mine, myself Lyane, ng’wenekele I too, should receive the reason to Nane, napandike akazumile brag My comrades (2×) Badugu bane (2×) (175) Limi lyagwa (‘The sun has set’) The sun has set Limi lyagwa Women, we should go home Bashike, tuje kaya Lest we shall meet the husbands Tukabasange na banamugi Them, they are roaring Nabo, balidondoma It is dark like this Wilaga giki ‘Where have you been?’ ‘Ulihali?’ ‘And dancing, [it is] to be reduced ‘Ilim’biina, kalipungujagi buli?’ when?’ ‘You are learning prostitution’ ‘Wilangwa bumalaya’ ‘And dancing, [it is] to be reduced ‘Ilim’biina, kalipungujagi buli?’ when?’

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Interpretation: In Nene nakubiinaga, recalled and performed by Jige Malehe,71 the singer laments the problems in her marriage, and finds solace in the dance. In Ulu Nasuma, performed at the farm site by the Buyobe Bakiima group of Ng’wasubuya village,72 the singers complain about the attitudes their men have toward their dancing, and then asks why she should not be able to have a child as well. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* expressed his opinion about the song: Manju anamdhihirisha mumewe kuwa ni vizuri sana aendapo ng’omani, kwani kwanza huko ni wanawake tu hivyo nao pia hubadilishana mawazo na kushaauriana kuhusu namna na mbinu za kuishi katika ndoa. (The composer substantiates to her husband that it is better she be able to go to the ng’oma, because first off, there are only women there, who exchange thoughts and give one another advice about the system of living in a marriage.) Limi lyagwa was collected from two sources, Ng’ollo Kasongo,73 and Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma singing together with Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando.74 The singers complain about the attitudes their men have toward their dancing. Ng’wana Mahuma and ng’wana Malando, who claim to have composed the song, provided further elaboration: Nisema kwamba, mume wangu huyu, anataka kuwa kidomokidomo, nijaribu tu kumweleza kwa wimbo, kwa hiyo wimbo huo. Wanaume wanaweza kukataa wake zao kuingia kwenye vikundi. Wakienda kufanya mazoezi usiku, wanaweza kupigwa wakirudi. Hajaziona burudani zetu, lakini akiendelea kunikatalia kuingia kikundi chetu, atakuta na hali mbaya nyumbani. Baada ya kulalamika, anaweza kurudi kikundi chake pamoja na jibu la mume wake, kuwaelezea uwoga wa mume wake. Kwa hiyo wanaenda sasa, kama kikundi, kulalamika na wanaume wao, kuwauliza kama walienda wapi usiku. Kwa hiyo wimbo huu unaimbwa ili wanaume wanahisi vibaya, wanaweza kuona sisi wanawake wapo pamoja na mambo haya. (I say that, this man, my husband, he wants to ‘flap’ his lips. I just wanted to explain to him through song, to explain through this song. Husbands might refuse their wives to enter ng’oma groups. If they do go and

71 72 73 74

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #231. Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 23 July 1994, IUATM song #42. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 March 1995, IUATM song #302. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994, IUATM song #130.

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practice at night, they might be beaten when they return home. He has never even seen the entertainment that we do, but if he continues to prevent me from entering our group, he will meet with bad conditions at home. After complaining, she might return to the group with her husband’s response, to explain to them about the cowardice of her husband. So they, as a group, should decide to go and complain to these men, and ask them where it is they go at night. So this song is sung so the men will feel shame, they will see that we women are together on this issue.) (176) Kaya yane (‘My homestead’) My homestead, my homestead Kaya yane, kaya yane Has been killed by the litre, hiyaa! Yabulagilwe lita, hiyaa! Including millet beer Buyaga mapuya Including millet beer (2×) Buyaga mapuya (2×) The husbands, the husbands Abanamugi, abanamugi When returning from drinking Ulu binga ku walwa Words bundled, words Mihayo kaganda, mihayo bundled (2×) kaganda (2×) I am beaten, I am beaten Nakutulagwa, nakutulagwa And I am told this Nuwilwa na giki Go home, go home (2×) Jaga kaya, jaga kaya (2×) Our wealth, our wealth Mali yiswe, mali yiswe We toiled together like this Dokoyelaga giki Never shall I go away Biy’ukwinga Never shall I go away (2×) Biy’ukwinga (2×) Forcing me to leave, sons-in-law Undeche, bakwilima Forcing me to leave, sons-in-law Undeche, bakwilima And grandchildren Na bizukulu Biy’ukuzunya, biy’ukuzunya (2×) I cannot accept, I cannot accept (2×) Interpretation: This song, transcribed and collected by Songoyi (1990: 106), and presented here with little variation, comments on the drunkenness of the men from the village of Miswaki. It discusses how their behavior has destroyed good family life in some of the homesteads. Despite her man’s behavior and drunken condemnation, the singer is determined to share the good life and wealth they have created together in the homestead.

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(177) Wanitula buli (‘You have hit me thus’) You have hit me thus, my husband Wanitula buli, ngoshi wane You had just forgotten! Wali wibaga duhu! You have hit me Wanitula When it is not even evening yet! Litali nakushika mhindi! Today I will not cook for the cattle Lelo natuzigilaga abadimi herders Today you are not holding the body Lelo utudimaga ilimili I will run Nakuchenja Perhaps with Lutambi Nulu na Lutambi Maybe with Luswetula Nulu na Luswetula I should leave you! Namleke! You should cook for yourselves Mkwizugila [like the] Unmarried ones with children. Nyashimbe Interpretation: In this song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), the singer laments the violence inflicted upon her by her husband. She tells him that, because of his behavior, she will not cook for him and his coworkers, and that she may go out with her friends, or even be seen with other men. A common attribute of busumba songs is that they are often song fragments and choruses of songs whose original meaning and context has been lost. That is the case with the texts that follow, collected from basumba labor groups. (178) Uli ng’wana Guliho (‘You are ng’wana Guliho’) Uli ng’wana Guliho ehe You are child of Guliho ehe Nafuma kule no Buswegi I am coming from faraway Buswegi ndani inland (179) Bakwilonja (‘They will take care of themselves’) Bakwilonja They will take care of themselves Aba ng’wenda gumo ha mhili Those having one dress on the body (180) Buchagi (‘Carry’) Buchagi Baba, bing’we Mukutangilwa ha Kulolela lya ng’wa Kiyungayunga Ulubuchanganya ubumoja Bamayu, ikalagi hihi

Carry Baba, you Others will be early at the place To watch those of Kiyungayunga When togetherness is in full swing Bamayu, stay near

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Interpretation: Uli ng’wana Guliho is a busumba chorus, as performed by Kulwa Butemi while building his house.75 There is no known information about the background of the song. The contextual meaning of the anonymous busumba song text fragment Bakwilonja, collected by Gibbe (n.d. 12), has been lost. Likewise, the meaning of Buchagi,76 a busumba song fragment performed by the Bakiima Buyobe (‘Women’s Self-help’) group of Sumve, has been lost.

75

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 6 July 1994, IUATM song #603. Recorded by author, village of Mondo, 13 March 1995, personal collection of author. 76

CHAPTER EIGHT

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO (‘SKIN WEARERS’) AND BAKOMYALUUME (‘DEW STEPPERS’) COMPETITIVE FARMING ASSOCIATIONS The role of monocrop cotton farming on the day-in and day-out life ways of the Sukuma people cannot be underestimated. After the introduction of cotton as a cash crop, the age-grade, mutual-aid, and to some degree the hunting associations, such as the banuunguli transformed into entrepreneurial farm enterprises. Because cotton production was so demanding, it restructured the rhythm of everyday life, affected short-term and long-term strategies of production and consumption, as well as the timing of important social events and religious ceremonies. Although hand-woven cotton production existed on a small scale before the arrival of the Europeans (Burton 1860: 318; Grant 1864: 60), it was German farmers at the turn of the century, who were responsible for its expansion on a wider scale. A German farmer named Julius Wigand, who settled in Nera in 1902, was the first to attempt growing an improved variety of cotton. He met limited success because of problems with sustaining interest in sharecropping among his African laborers (McCall 1980: 227), and because of the regular loss of his workers to dance leaders like ng’wana Malundi. The German District Commissioner Gunzert saw potential in cotton and required a local chief, Simba, to commit a percent of his subject’s acreage to it. As was so often the case, he could convince or coerce his followers that cotton would bring them prosperity, thus initiating the process that soon made Mwanza the greatest exporter of cotton in the protectorate. Between 1909 and 1913, Mwanza’s export of cotton lint rose from 123 to 3735 bales (Magoti: 1984: 42). After the post-World War I handover of the Protectorate to the British, the British quickly became committed to improving on and sustaining cotton production. The British wanted cheaper cotton, which was too expensive to buy from the United States (Mabulla 1988: 18). As early as August 1917, District agricultural officers were sent to Mwanza, to promote the local cotton crop. The local administration even resorted to closing mission schools during peak harvesting

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and sowing seasons (Austen 1968: 126). The rise in cotton production from 1924 (Manyanda 1974: 28) were the most pronounced. Eventually farmers began growing cash crops themselves, so they would not have to work on the cotton plantations or migrate to the coast (Manyanda 1974: 19). After the Mwanza-Tabora railway was completed in 1928, more Sukuma farmers witnessed the benefits of growing and marketing their own cotton crops, inspiring many to abandon altogether migrant labor to the coast (Rounce: 1949: 71). During the Depression, many more Sukuma became cotton growers (Cory Papers #153). When cotton prices were high, profits could be used to buy cattle. In bad years, cattle could be sold as food. Cotton growing enabled people to earn money and have time for dancing. The essential aim of the kisumba organization was to help the village community as a whole in those matters affecting everyone, including the food needed for subsistence. Once some farmers began acquiring larger areas of land, and individualistic cash cropping started, it no longer seemed suitable for the village organization, with its automatic membership, to perform its services for food only. When people moved away from the dense villages to dispersed settlements to start cash crop production, an expansion of the cotton labor force was required (Knudsen 1977: 68). Therefore, the kisumba started claiming large sums of cash and food from wealthy families. The traditional kisumba association could not keep up with the demands for labor, so other associations which specialized in cotton farming, like the bagobogobo (s., ng’obogobo) and bakomyaluume, (s., nkomyaluume) moved into the void.1 Because these dance groups saw that they could streamline their operations and personnel and thus charge less for their labor than the kisumba, by the time of independence in 1961, the kisumba had diminished in most parts of the Sukuma region. One of those farmers’ groups who stepped in to meet the demand for cotton labor groups were the bagaalu-affiliated bagobogobo. One of the most well known dance genres in the Sukuma region today, bugobogobo has captured the attention of many Tanzanians. Since

1 These new entrepreneurial farming and self-help groups adopted a kind of ‘rebel’ aesthetic, and took on humorous, risque, self-promoting or self-demeaning names, such as matako: the ‘butts’; bapiga pasi: ‘those who iron their clothes’; basekeleja: ‘the ridiculed’; bahubya: ‘the bad guys’; bachiluchilu: ‘the fools’; bapina: ‘the orphans’, and bajingi: ‘the fuckers’.

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the early 1980s, it has been considered the primary Sukuma contribution to Tanzanian national culture, appropriated, promoted, and celebrated at the national level by the Nyerere administration as an example of the ideal of peasant consciousness through musical labor. The way the bagobogobo are regarded by many is best summed up by this statement from Paulo Mafanyanga*: Ni watu ambao wanacheza bila woga, wanacheza bila mashaka, bila kuogopa mtu yo yote. Wanacheza kama wanafuraha tu, nyingi, na wana heshima na desturi yetu. (They are people who perform without any fear, they perform without any doubts, without fearing anyone. They play with great joy, and they respect our cultural traditions.) According to most sources, the bagobogobo group began as the bak’honongo (s., nk’honongo). It is unclear what the origins of this term are, but many believe that it originated in reference to a group of people who migrated from Konongo, a linguistic group related to the Sukuma and Nyamwezi, residing just south of the Nyamwezi area in the northwest corner of Mpanda District. A related explanation has it that those occupying the area south of the Ugalla river (the Warungwa), had historically been famous smelters and traders of iron hoes called Konongo, thus the term bak’honongo was a kind of nickname applied to anyone who became a trader of hoes (Kilasa 1972).2 The bak’honongo dance groups were reported to have used these small handheld hoes (masuka) as dance props, as the bagobogobo continue to do to this day (Mihumo*).3 In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the terms bak’honongo and bagobogobo began to be used in reference to dance-labor groups in the Sukuma region, in the Bulima and Ndagalu areas (Shing’oma*; Ntamanwa*).4 Tagili Ntamanwa remembered that the bagobogobo started spreading by 1938, the same time as the Mandege or ‘corn’ famine, named so for the corn relief distributed by the British to all the chiefs (Ntamanwa*).5 By the time of the subsequent 2 Another hoe-related explanation is that bak’honongo is a combination of the famous ironsmith clan names bakanga and balongo (Hendriks 1963: 7). 3 Further evidence that the bak’honongo figured prominently in the early history of the bagobogobo, exists in their ritual greetings. Speaker 1: ‘Bagobogobo’. Speaker 2: ‘Igembe Bak’honongo’ (Hoe of the Bak’honongo). Speaker 1: ‘Solobo’ (Prosperity), repeated by Speaker 2, at which point both raise their hands high (Tagili*). 4 According to the agricultural officer Rounce, these were the most highly cultivated areas in the Sukuma region, with 85% of the farms cultivated with tie ridges (Rounce 1949: 32). 5 Another author claims bugobogobo started during the famines of Sugilo and Mitundu between 1882 and 1897, but does not cite his sources for this information

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Legu Legu famine of 1949, the bak’honongo group had resolutely changed its name to bagobogobo (Kiyoga*). One source believed that the early ranks of the bagobogobo came from the banuunguli, bayeye, and baja nyalaja societies (Masuha 1963: 31). The drums used by the early bagobogobo were reportedly from the same clan of drum makers who made drums used by the bayeye and the baja nyalaja (Kadelya*). Another source mentioned that the bagobogobo wear costumes fashioned out of ostrich feathers, an animal not found in the Sukuma region but found in the lake Nyalaja area where the salt caravans used to go (Tagili*). Songoyi* reported claims his father had made, that the leaders of the baja nyalaja and the bagobogobo were one and the same, doing seasonal work. The term bagobogobo (meaning ‘the wearers of animal skins’)6 became their nickname because of their traditional manner of dress. This signifies an early association with the bagaalu-affiliated banuunguli, known for their expertise in hunting small animals. The bagobogobo adorned themselves with the skins of hunted animals such as foxes, hyenas, jackals, and leopards, porcupine quills (Cory 1954: 55), and the feathers of ostriches (Shing’oma*). They prepared these skins to cover the entire body, except for the head. The clothing they wore was considered a joke, so to draw spectators (Misuga*), as the skins were dirty and were never washed (Ntamanwa*). They decorated their hoe handles with ng’hiinda bells (Shing’oma*) which created a kind of complimentary rhythm, to that produced by the hoe when it struck the earth. The bagobogobo group recruited its members from the mandatory kisumba village youth farming societies, and in its early history, the group drew criticism from elders for this reason. Nevertheless, by all accounts, the bagobogobo were older and more experienced farmers than the village age-grade kisumba, and could do in two hours what it took the kisumba two days to finish (Ntamanwa*). Since they specialized in cotton farming, they could charge for their services. Kisumba groups did not consider themselves professional dance groups, and just sang Salenge (see song #122) among themselves in their shambas, (Kang’wezi 1972: 8). All my sources believe the group started and began to spread in the 1930s. 6 From the Kisukuma term ngobo, meaning skin; ngobongobo or mangobo, many skins; bagobogobo, the skin wearers. This term, at the time of its inception, would have meant ‘those who uphold the traditional values of wearing traditional clothing’, as the Sukuma people were known to be wearing animal skins up to the 1890s (Koponen 1988: 254).

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or as Buseng’wa Ng’wana Bulahya put it, ‘Before bugobogobo came along, people were just listening to their hoes’ (Bulahya*). As the fame of the bagobogobo spread, they came to be affectionately known as batuji ba bagaalu (‘drum beaters of the bagaalu’), because the bagaalu relied on them as an ancillary performance attraction during competitions (‘Kinship Organization’ n.d.).7 The bagobogobo stopped wearing their animal skins at the time of independence, as members began to feel unease about wearing stinky old skins at ng’oma (Misuga*), and began instead wearing uniforms made of hemp or sisal (Dukiila*; Ntamanwa*). The popular mythologies about their leaders began to spread to the point where, today, people have anecdotes or stories about the origins of the bagobogobo and the split of the bakomyaluume from them. The bagobogobo were known for their penchant for farming in the evenings and early morning hours by the light of the moon. ‘They would go and sleep at the farm site and start cultivating about midnight, returning about ten in the morning’ (Ntamanwa*). ‘The bagobogobo would do all the work at night except planting the seeds. A group might split into two sections, one working in the day planting seeds, the other at night, thus working around the clock’ (Nzwilendo*). They used medicines that they could stay up all night, and farm several hectares in one session. It was this reputation of working instead of sleeping that earned them the nickname Batalalaga, or ‘They who never sleep’. The bakomyaluume, on the other hand, rarely made it out to the fields before 5 am, thus they were nicknamed by the bagobogobo as ‘The ones who step in the dew’. Because of this, their rivals consider the bakomyaluume a lazy, rowdy, and uncouth bunch. This is a contradiction, since the bakomyaluume align with the bagiika, the more austere of the two dance moieties.8 The bakomyaluume tried to differentiate themselves from the bagobogobo in other ways as well. Rather than using the larger drums made from ihama trees that many associate with the bagobogobo, the bakomyaluume began the innovation of using steel drums cut into halves (mapipa), a practice later copied by

7 It is important to note that both the bagobogobo and the bakomyaluume assign great importance to the musical role of the drummers in their groups, and all farmers who are members are expected to perform. 8 Most Sukuma however are still impressed with the discipline required to get up and out into the fields a full two hours before most anyone else.

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the bagobogobo because of the subsequent scarcity of trees9 and now more associated with them than with the bakomyaluume (Dukiila*). The bakomyaluume are also known for their acrobatics, play-acting shenanigans, live animals like monkeys and hyenas, and their adoption of puppets as props in their dance routines. Another innovation that according to popular oral accounts has come to be associated most with the bakomyaluume, were the stylized military drill-like maneuvers with hoes and wooden AK-47s that were fine-tuned for the post harvest bagiika-bagaalu performances. In fact, the bagobogobo are now better known for this, and had been doing this from their early days as well.10 These drills are known simply as magembe, developing as a result of the Nyerere government’s interest in appropriating farmers’ art. According to ng’wana Chiila*, the message was one of political consciousness and vigilance towards nation building: Kila mmoja achukue bunduki awe tayari, kama wakulima wanafanya kazi pamoja na jembe (Everyone must be ready to take up arms and be vigilant, just as farmers are ready to work together with hoes). At first, the colonial government was suspicious of groups like the bagobogobo, calling them lazy or ‘antidevelopment’. They were perceived as spending more time playing ng’oma then farming. This assumption provided a pretext to investigate these groups as the nation rose toward independence. However, since the late 1960s, the bagobogobo dance groups have found themselves ‘validated through visibility’, because of a sustained socialist and now post-socialist national political consciousness that romanticized and promoted the role of the peasant farmer. Bagobogobo groups are praised to this day, because of the role they play in development. They are seen as using limited resources to their fullest potential. One government official called the farm labor groups an example of ‘good culture’.11 Another bragged that the villages in his district ‘never went hungry’, because 9 Many performers however find the ihama drums from trees superior in quality to those made from oil drums, and will go to great lengths to find them. In a letter from the director of the Cultural Affairs Office Mwanza Branch to the Director of Development Mwanza Branch, the writer appeals for permission to organize a trip to go to nearby Ukerewe island to search for the appropriate trees for drum making (‘Kuondoka Wilayani Kuenda Ukerewe Kutafuta Vifaa vya Kuchezea’ 1977). 10 One elderly informant remembers skipping school to go and watch their hoe routines in 1931 (Shing’oma*). 11 Other examples of traditional ng’oma cited as utamaduni mzuri (‘good culture’) included kisumba work, buyobe (neighbor’s help), and isalenge (Mkutano wa Viongozi wa Mwanza Music Festival na Afisa wa Utamaduni, 22 July 1967).

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of bugobogobo. Bugobogobo dances are now taught in primary schools, secondary schools, teacher-training colleges, and universities all over the country. A common aspect of bugobogobo and bukomyaluume songs is their dual utility, as both farming songs and competitive songs. Their songs are typically associated with medicinal arts such as gathering and preparing medicines, praise of their ancestral groups such as the bak’honongo, and humorous dance competition polemics aimed at their rivals. (181) Mbele mbele (‘Forward forward’) Mbele mbele, bak’honongo! Forward forward, bak’honongo! Interpretation: The bagobogobo groups did not use the hoes with long handles which the Sukuma normally use in cultivation because it was difficult to ‘toss and swing’ them round their bodies. Hence, they borrowed the short-handled hoes, introduced to the Sukuma by the Konongo, migrant workers coming to the southern Sukuma area to work in the cotton farms. The use of these hoes, as evident in this song collected by Makoye (2000: 206), inspired others to refer to them as bak’honongo. To date, when the bagobogobo salute or greet one another during dance performances, they refer to themselves as bak’honongo. (182) Baba Tagili (‘Baba Tagili’) Baba Tagili, say! Baba Tagili, buli! Stretch the drum skin Libambage So to frighten them again, eeh Libalubalile hangi, eeh I am saying, nk’honongo (2×) Nalihaya, nk’honongo (2×) Staggering Daadi dandagu Let us help them walk again (2×) Tubadadije hangi (2×) I sing while I look at the bakyoma Nimba nalibalola bakomya Mimbo gane gali na meng’ho My songs have signs Signs, hee! Meng’ho, hee! I am composing and singing, Shigela Naliliinga, Shigela (2×) (2×) Yes mayu, I have parted with you [all] Kalame mayu, namulaga I am carrying you [to the] nurses Namuchaga uyaya I am going into the competition (2×) Nalija mu michezo (2×)

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Illus. 19. Bugobogobo group of Sambaguli: (from left to right) Tagili Ntamanwa, Julius Ntamanwa, Pius Magaka, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Village of Sambaguli, 5 October 2006.

Interpretation: In this song performed in rehearsal by the Bugobogobo group of Sambaguli,12 the composer Julius Ntamanwa addresses the elder of the group, Tagili Ntamanwa, and asks him to prepare a special drum for an upcoming competition, that they may beat their scoundrel opponents, the bakomyaluume. The singer refers to himself as an nk’honongo, that is, someone who plays bugobogobo in the ‘ancestral’ style. The singer utilizes the onomatopoeic phrase daadi dandagu, to imply that his enemies are staggering, and in need of help, as young children do, when they are learning how to walk. He says his songs have signs, and are so deep, that they have to be read between the lines to understand them. The singer utilizes a colloquial term for the Maasai, Shigela. This refers to the singers’ nickname, signifying fierceness. The singer mentions yaya or nurse. This is a specialist role played by some women in dance competitions. Their job is to take care of those bewitched during the m’biina, and to provide essentials of sustenance such as medicine, drinks, and snacks. 12 Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 12 November 1994, IUATM song #163.

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The composer of this song, Julius Ntamanwa*, mentioned that: Wimbo huu nilitunga, kwa sababu huyu bwana ni mtaalam wa kuwamba ng’oma, ni mtalaam sana, tangia zamani. Na sisi tulitunga wimbo huu, kusudi atutengenezea ng’oma, kushindana na hawa wapinzani. (This song I composed, in honor of this guy who is an expert at stretching a drumhead, indeed [he was] very much an expert since a long time ago. Now we composed this song, with the intention that he should prepare for us a drum, so we could compete against our enemies.) (183) Aho akatinda (‘When he won’) When he won, the nkomyaluume Aho akatinda, nkomyaluume He shouted as if awarded a goat Uyoga no giti watonwa mbuli Lusana, my village leader Lusana, ng’wanang’wa wane He was explaining Uyusombola ‘Let them win ‘Galekelage gatinde Those Konong’ho’ Aba Konong’ho’ Interpretation: In this song recalled by Tagili Ntamanwa of the Bugobogobo group of Sambaguli,13 the singer is complaining about the uncouth boasting of his competitor, who apparently won this battle, but according to Tagili, not the war. The singer’s dance leader evokes, in his encouragement to the group, their ancestors the bak’honongo, who he declares to be the true (long-term) winners. Mwanza cultural officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* makes the point that: Niingi anadhihirisha kuwa palikuwepo na mashindano kati yake na mpinzani nkomyalume. Mpinzani alishinda, na walifurahia sana ushindi huo kiasi, kwamba ulionyesha maudhi kwao bagobogobo. Lakini walijipa moyo kuwa waacheni nao washinde hao ni bak’honongo. Yaonyesha kuwa huenda bagobogobo walikuwa washindi wa mara kwa mara hapo nyuma na safari hii wameshindwa. (The niingi clarifies that there was a competition between himself and his enemy, an nkomyalume. His enemy won, and they were very happy about their victory a bit, because it provoked the annoyance of the bagobogobo. However, they should take heart and know that, those who should have really won are the bak’honongo. It is known that the bagobogobo are the real

13

Recorded by author, village of Matale, 4 November 1994, IUATM song #504.

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winners over the duration, and it is only during this journey, that they have been defeated.) The term ng’wanang’wa is used here as ‘leader’. In precolonial times, this meant ‘member of the village council’. During the British colonial era, the term meant ‘village head man’. Since independence, the term has come to mean ‘ten cell’ leader, referring to the localized leadership structure used by the government. (184) Mang’ombe ha (‘Mang’ombe here’) Mang’ombe here, I have become bitter Mang’ombe ha, nalula Mang’ombe has beat [them] Mang’ombe hangadeja Gwabelela, ng’witulo gwane It has excelled, my song style Angels have come to my help Bamalaika bunangulila It cries, the ng’oma Jililila, ng’oma I haven’t [yet] quenched their Namulebya expectations Ng’wana Kabila, man! Ng’wana Kabila, ngosha! I haven’t [yet] quenched their Namulebya expectations It sounds, the ng’oma Jililila, ng’oma Interpretation: This song, performed by Lushita ng’wana Nzwilendo,14 is a verse that may have been part of a longer narrative sung initially by a famous wigaashe-turned- bugobogobo singer from the early twentieth century, named Man’gombe Kusela (Lupande*). The singer is clearly in the middle of competition, and is narrating to his followers that he is winning, that his singing style has excelled, he has received help in the form of ‘angels’ (possibly referring to unexpected dancer reinforcements from aligned groups), but he has not yet finished. His dance ancestors, calling through the voice of the drums, have not yet been satisfied. In the context of labor, the singer is doing well, but has not yet completed the work.

14 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 November 1994, IUATM song #184.

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The following four pieces shared by the singer Paulo Lusana,15 reference a competitive dialogue that took place in the early years of the bagobogobo-bakomyaluume competitions. They are unique, for they can be sung, as well as drummed, as mnemonic devices: the syllables of the words can be ed as specific rhythmic configurations on the drums. (185) Kalagula (‘Kalagula’) Kalagula, nakula Nakula nabi umambi ong’oma Nakula

Kalagula, I have grown up I have grown into a maker of ng’oma I have grown up

(186) Jiji ngobo jako (‘Here are your skins’) Jiji ngobo jako, Kalagula Here are your skins, Kalagula Bise twaaja We are leaving you (187) Nkomyaluume (‘Nkomyaluume’) Nkomyaluume Nkomyaluume Kazengage Ndagalu (2×) You should build in Ndagalu (2×) (188) Lugalaga, Sagini! (Close up, Sagini!’) Lugalaga Sagini, Sagini! Close up Sagini, Sagini! Tubachibi aba basana ngobo (2×) Let us block those who rip up skins (2×) Interpretation: What people remember most about the early composers of bugobogobo, is that at some point in the 1940s and early 1950s, Sagini Kamegayi, the supreme leader (malamala) of the bak’honongo-bagobogobo in the Mwanza region, was challenged by Kaboja Majimbili,16 from Ndagalu (Songoyi*), in a dispute over strict dance rules and beer consumption. Those followers siding with Kaboja Majimbili, then broke away to form the bakomyaluume, or ‘dew steppers’ (Ntamanwa*). Kamegayi was challenged again by Kalugula Ndaki, 15 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 27 April 1995, personal collection of author. 16 In sorting out this narrative from sources, I later realized that the stories about ‘Kaboja’ and ‘Majimbili’ were about the same person.

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Illus. 20. Sagini Kamegayi, early leader of the bagobogobo. 1950s. Courtesy of SABCC.

from Busumabu. Ndaki saw an opportunity to develop the bagobogobo elsewhere, and is thus credited after his break with Kamegayi in popularizing the dance throughout the Sukuma region (Nzwilendo*; Masalu*).17 Kaboja was trained in the bagiika-based buyeye dance, thus his split from the bagobogobo to form the bagiika-based bakomyaluume, to later compete with Kalugula (an ex-bunuunguli dancer who remained an ngalu), was understood as consistent with Sukuma dance history (Dukiila*).

17

Several reports however tell of a ng’wana Sonda who spread bugobogobo to Maswa and Geita prior to the emergence of Kalugula, but the dance did not last very long there (Kang’wiina*; Lubasa*). Another source claims that ng’wana Sonda started the breakaway group the bakomyaluume, sometime around 1957 (Lupande*).

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Illus. 21. Kalugula Ndaki, early innovator of the bugobogobo dance. 1950s. Courtesy of SABCC.

In the 1950s, ng’wana Liaku of the then-recently-established bakomyaluume, reintroduced the use of large wooden puppet figures into performances, and perfected an enviable hoe dance routine.18 The bagobogobo responded with routines of their own, and subsequently began to outdo the bakomyaluume in hoe-twirling performance (Buhondo*). By the early 1970s, stylized hoe dance routines, now known by the moniker magembe (‘hoes’), had become standard practice with all the bagobogobo and bakomyaluume groups, each with their particular version.19

18

Ng’wana Liaku had seen these large puppets used by a group at the Ngudu agricultural show of 1954. 19 Magembe dance styles that I have observed in the Mwanza region include ng’olongolo, mwaka mpya, msewe, manyule, machemba, and mapinduzi.

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In the first piece, Kalagula, the composer Kalagula Ndaki tells his audience that he has matured as a performer and is ready for anything. The singer explains that he has followed the course of helping others to farm. The second piece, Jiji ingobo jako, attributed to ng’wana Liaku, is a direct competitive response to the first. It documents and recreates the moment that the bakomyaluume broke away from the bagobogobo, over their trademark wearing of old animal skins. In the third piece, Nkomyaluume, Kalagula retorts that his former students, the members of the bakomyaluume who betrayed him, should pack up their things and move faraway. In the fourth piece, Lugalaga, Sagini, the bakomyaluume regroup and convince their members that they should avoid these people led by Sagini Kamegayi who wear ripped up skins. The following songs were composed by the bukomyaluume composer, and student of Kalagula, Hoja ng’wana Liaku (see also songs #185–188). Liaku, a skilled iron worker and bayeye leader, who was impressed by the puppet work of the bakomyaluume, returned to his home area of Sima and convinced his bayeye group to become bakomyaluume. Liaku and his group went on to become the best-known bakomyaluume group until Liaku’s death in 1994. Liaku’s hoe choreography performances were legendary, he was courted often by the government for various public education campaigns, and he was rewarded handsomely in automobiles and property (‘Ziara ya Kikundi cha Ngoma ya Bakomyaluume cha Lugeye Unguja Wakati wa Sherehe za Mapunduzi ya Unguja’ 1978). Both of these songs remind the listener that the singer is someone important, that he is a person of respect and honor, someone for whom, upon his death, a drum will someday cry. (189) Kangilijaga! (‘Hurry up!’) Hurry up! Makanuka Kangilijaga! Makanuka The hoe has raised me Igembe lyanikujaga I am a person whom an ng’oma cries Ndi mulilwa n’goma! for! Let me speak Kisukuma, mama Nayombe Kisukuma, mama I am a person whom an ng’oma cries Ndi mulilwa ng’oma! for! Ili ng’oma lya Batimba, mayu The ng’oma of Batimba, mayu I am a person whom an ng’oma cries Ndi mulilwa n’goma! for

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(190) Nene ulu nucha (‘If I die’) If I die Nene ulu nucha [If ] I died, ng’wana Liaku Nachaga, ng’wana Liaku You will brew beer Mlazuga na walwa They will come out, the ng’oma (3×) Gufuma, aman’goma (3×) When he dies, Liaku Alachaga, Liaku They will be happy, all Balayega, abose They will roar, the ng’oma Guhilima, man’goma He dies, ng’wana Liaku Wacha, ng’wana Liaku They will cook alcohol brew Balazuga na walwa They will make ululation Balatula lupundu They will roar, the ng’oma (3×) Guhilima, man’goma (3×) Interpretation: In Kangilijaga, collected by Bischoff (1996: 104),20 the singer boasts to one of his students nicknamed Makanuka (onomatopoeic sound of a crackling branch), that the hoe has honored the singer, that is, it has provided a lifetime of sustenance. The Bagobobogo group of Sambaguli (Liaku’s long-time rivals), performed Nene ulu nucha, apparently out of genuine respect for their opponent, killed in a hit-and-run motorcycle accident shortly before the recording of this song.21 The singer tells his followers not to mourn him upon his death, but to celebrate. The composer’s son, Fitta ng’wana Liaku*, recalled that Wimbo huu aliimba mzee mwenyewe, wakati angali hai. Aliwaimbia watoto wake na wachezaji upande wake, ‘Mimi nikifa, watapika chakula, na sana sana watapika pombe, pamoja na kupiga, kwa sababu watafurahi, kwa kufa mimi’. Alikuwa akiomba hiyo, na walifanya hivyo! Sikuenda, nimesikia tu, walikesha, walicheza kwenye kaburi lake. Walifanya hivyo kwa ng’wana Liaku. Kuna kipindi tulienda kwenye mchezo, halafu tulipotoka kwenye mchezo akaanza kutunga wimbo huu wakati alipiga vyuma vyake. Badaaye aliweka wimbo huu kwenye kikundi. Bado tunautumia sana wimbo huu, huyu mzee, alipofariki, watu walikuwa wengi mno, walikuja kunywa pombe, walicheza ng’oma, kutoka kila sehemu Usukumani, walikula nyama. Tuliwalisha ng’ombe nane, hamna mtu wa kulia, labda kupiga tu, tulienda kwenye kaburi lake, tulipiga, watu wengi sana. Na yeye alikataa tusilie, hapana, alikataa

20

Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song. Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 12 November 1994, IUATM song #650. 21

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kabisa. (This song was performed by the old man himself, when he was still alive. He sang to his children and players on his side, ‘Myself, if I die, they will cook food, and especially they will prepare beer, together with playing ng’oma, because they should be joyous, upon my death’. He requested this, and they did this! There was a time when we went to play, then when we left that dance he started to compose this song while he was working iron. Afterward he gave the song to his group. We still use this song a lot. The old man, when he died, there were so many people there, they came and drank beer, they performed, from every region of Sukuma, to eat meat. We fed them eight cows, there was no one who cried, just to play ng’oma. We went to his grave, we played ng’oma, there were so many people. And, he refused that we should mourn, no, he refused.) bpm: ¼ note = 120.

Fig. 17. Music transcription of common core bukumyaluume rhythm ensemble pattern.

The rhythm that accompanies this song is distinguished by a hoe blade acting as a timeline played at a very brisk pace; while the shikiija lead hand drum plays the group’s signature rhythm motif. (191) Wamlembaga (‘He deceives them’) (C) He deceives them, ng’wana (C) Wamlembaga, ng’wana Liaku Liaku (R) He deceives them, ng’wana (R) Wamlembaga, ng’wana Liaku Liaku That he is rich in cattle (2×) Giki nsabi wa ng’ombe (2×) (C) Aha, most are goats! (C) Gashinaga, itinda lya mbuli! (R) Aha, most are goats! (R) Gashinaga, itinda lya mbuli! Ng’wana Lyaku akusulaga mamiholo Ng’wana Liaku is a scythe-monger (2×) (2×)

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Interpretation: In this song, attributed to Sagini Kamegayi and performed by the Bagobogobo group of Sambaguli,22 the singer slings mud at his chief rival, ng’wana Liaku. Kamegayi calls ng’wana Liaku a liar for saying he is a cattle herder, when actually he is just a smalltime goatherder. When asked about what he knew about this song, folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* mentioned: Ni kweli kabisa alikuwa na ng’ombe wachache tu, siyo nyingi. Kazi yake hasa ni mfuaji wa vyuma tu, njuga, panga, na mambo mengine, basi. Hakuna kazi nyingine, labda mchezo ya ng’oma tu, bakomyaluume, hasa ni kazi hiyo tangia kijana. (It is completely true that he had few cows, not many. His work especially was just smelting iron, bells, scythes, and other things, that is all. He had no other work, except maybe playing, [with the] bakomyaluume, it was especially this work that he did, since when he was young.) Fitta ng’wana Liaku* had this response looking at the work of his father: Hehee! Wimbo huu baado sijasikia! Na mimi ni mtoto wake kwenye kikundi chake huyu Liaku! Huyu wimbaji, alikuwa akisikia tu, au alipofika nyumbani kwa ng’wana Liaku, huko kule nyumbani, ‘Eti mfugaji wa ng’ombe?’ Hamna! Ng’ombe hazipo! Yaani alimkuta akipiga tu vyuma. Alipotoka pale, alitunga wimbo ule sasa. ‘Kumbe ni mjinga, ni mbuzi tu!’ Kwa sababu mzee Liaku alidanganya watu, ‘Mimi ni mfugaji wa ng’ombe’. Na mimi nikisikia wimbo huu siwezi kusikikia vibaya, kwa sababu wao ni kama watani wa jadi. Angekuwepo mzee Liaku angesikia wimbo huu, lazima angetunga angerudisha nyingine sasa. (Hehee! This song I have yet to hear! And, I am a child of his group, of this guy Liaku! This singer, he just heard a rumor, or he arrived at Liaku’s home. ‘Cattle owner? Never! There are no cows there!’ So, he met him seeing he was just an iron forger. When he left there, he composed this song. ‘So, a fool, just a goat!’ Because old man Liaku deceived people, ‘I am a keeper of cattle’. Now, me, if I hear this song I am unable to feel bad, because these people are our ancestral joking relatives, if old man Liaku were there [here], and heard this song, it would be necessary for him to compose another now in return.)

22 Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 12 November 1994, IUATM song #164.

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(192) Bakanivuluga (‘They agitated me’) They agitated me Bakanivuluga Those of Isendelo (2×) Abana Isendelo (2×) Aho nabalinga buli na bagikulu When I composed about old ladies They looked around Bakandolalola I overwhelmed them Nabayanja Indeed I am no good Ndi lya bubi Pointing fingers at people Kusondagula ban’hu (2×) Sound the big ng’oma, Chananja Ulija mang’oma, Chananja I am proud, I am throwing you Nadosa, nalimuheneja down Ng’wana Busia (2×) Ng’wana Busia (2×) Intepretation: In this song performed by Tagili Ntamanwa23 and attributed to ng’wana Busia, the niingi calls his competitors ‘old women’, and then mockingly chastises himself for pointing his finger at others. He calls for the support of his colleague Chananja to sound the big drum, and he tries to explain to people of the village of Isendelo that he will continue to defeat them and to compose songs directed toward all who dare to back-bite him, as they had toward him. He will tell them, and explain to them and reveal their secrets. (193) Kanundo (‘Kanundo’) Kanundo, twankobolela pesa Nukutumamila yaya! (2×) Wabeja, ufate ya bucheye! KaLusana, kalemile katinga Nguno batumaja na pesa (2×) Wabeja, ufate ya bucheye!

Kanundo, we raised money for him We have not even used him! (2×) Thanks, follow the bacheye! The young Lusana refuses to leave Because they finished the money (2×) Thanks, follow the bacheye!

Interpretation: The niingi Tagili Ntamanwa,24 together with his group, held a fundraiser for this most promising group member, ng’wana Kanundo. Kanundo got his start singing in kisumba groups in his youth, where he was designated oshikuba, or the one with the strongest, most attractive voice. He went on to become a very well-known 23

Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 3 November 1994, IUATM song #155. 24 Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 3 November 1994, IUATM song #154.

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singer, known especially for his ability to emulate his competitors’ voice in reported speech within his songs, as well as to take on the sonic characteristics of a lion (see songs #254, 255, 284). According to this singer, Kanundo showed his gratitude by taking the money and leaving the group, joining their rivals the bacheye. The niingi thus mobilized his followers so they should add effort in their work. By saying that one had left to join the bacheyeeki, and then nothing good came of it for him, the singer gives a good example for others why they will not benefit if they leave. According to the composer: Mwenzetu akahama kutoka na chama chetu, akakwenda kwenye chama kingine, bucheye. Sisi tulikuwa na mchango wa kutoa pesa. Akamaliza mchango wetu, akatukimbia, halafu akajihudumu mwenyeye. Sisi tulimpenda arudie kwenye chama chetu. Huyu Kanundo alikuwa ni mtu mmoja mcheshi, na ndio maana tu alipokwisha kuiba zile pesa akaingia kwenye chama kingine. Sasa tulimuimba kusudi apate kumuumiza. Wimbo huu zilikuwa zilimpata sana mtu sasa. Kwa namna moja au nyingine, akabadilika akaona kwamba lakini, ‘Kumbe, nimefanya makosa’, akajirudi. Ni mtu mmoja mzuri mno, ndio maana tulimfanya arudi. (Our colleague left from our group, to join another group, the bacheye. We held a fundraiser, asking people to give money. He finished this off and left us, then, he helped himself. We still wanted him to return to our group. This guy Kanundo was a joker, which was why, when he finished stealing money from our group, he went to join another ng’oma. Indeed, we sang him this song in order that we might shame him. This song might be able to reach a person, really. Indeed, as a result, or for another reason, he changed his ways, he said that, ‘I have made a mistake’, and he returned on his own accord. He is a good man, that is why we did this to him, so he would return.) (194) Lya lyungaga (‘It hovers and buzzes’) It hovers and buzzes Lya luyungaga The bee when it is about to sting Liyuki ulu lyahaya kuluma (2×) (2×) When it is about to sting Ulu lyahaya kuluma He suddenly jumps, ng’wana Wisatula, ong’wa Migonga Migonga Again, it releases it Hangi, lyalekeja [REPEAT] [REPEAT]

songs of the ‘skin wearers’ and ‘dew steppers’ Ni ng’wandeka unene! (2×) Amabala nagalube, ngosha luyombya machalo Nalinalyo ili kumbulilo lya ng’wana Shimba [REPEAT]

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You had better leave me alone! (2×) Several places I shall overturn, man Uproar caused in various locations I have the medicine stick belonging to ng’wana Shimba [REPEAT]

Interpretation: In this song attributed to Buhimila ng’wana Kahangala in the 1980s and ebulliently performed here by folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga,25 the niingi compares his prowess in the competitive arena to that of an aggressive bee looking to strike a foe. He mentions that he is the possessor of a dangerous family heirloom, kumbulilo, which wreaks havoc wherever it is unveiled and unleashed. Kumbulilo is a multipurpose digging or sweeping stick used by baliingi, and thought to have supernatural protective qualities. The singer makes this point: Wimbo huu ni kuhusu wapinzani wawili ambao wanashindana, ng’wana Migonga, na Buhemela ng’wana Kahangala. Ng’wana Migonga alikuwa mwimbaji mashauri sana. Kahangala alikuwa mwimbaji mdogo. Kahangala alitaka kushindana na Migonga, na ng’wana Migonga alikataa. Ndiyo ni sababu ng’wana Kahangala alitunga wimbo huu. Huu wimbo maana yake ni, hii nyuki inatambaa, inataka hasa kuuma mtu. Na yeye huyu mtu, anakwepa, na anastuka na anakimbia. Na huyu nyuki, wimbo huu, mwimbaji maana yake ni kama mfano wa mtu, kama wimbaji huyu, ng’wana Kahangala. Ng’wana Shimba ni jina lingine ya ng’wana Kahangala. Shimba alikuwa babu yake, mganga, kwenye ng’oma. Baado yupo, ana bugota nyingi. Nchi yote ya Usukumani, yeye ni mtawala, ng’wana Kahangala, kwa sababu yeye anacho kitu cha kuwapigia, fimbo ya kupigia mtu. Akija fulani anapigwa anashindwa, akija mwingine, anashindwa. Kwa hivyo anasema hivi, Mniache tu, kwa sababu ninayo bugota’. (This song is about two enemies who compete, ng’wana Migonga, and Buhimila ng’wana Kahangala. Ng’wana Migonga was a very well-known singer. Kahangala was less known. Kahangala wanted to compete with ng’wana Migonga, but he refused. This was indeed why ng’wana Kahangala composed this song. The meaning of this song is, this bee moves around, it really wants to sting someone. Now this man, he shirks, he is surprised and he runs off. Now this bee, in this song, what the singer

25

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #031.

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means, is that this is actually a man, this singer, ng’wana Kahangala. Ng’wana Shimba is another name for ng’wana Kahangala. Shimba was his father, a medicine healer. He is still around, and has much bugota. In the whole country of Sukuma, he is the leader, ng’wana Kahangala, because he has this thing to hit with, a stick to beat people with. Whoever comes around will be beaten, and when another comes, he will be beaten. Therefore, he says, ‘Just leave me alone, because I have this bugota’.) (195) Aha Ntuzu (‘Here at Ntuzu’) Here at Ntuzu, just here (2×) Aha Ntuzu, henaha (2×) Makoye and Madako Makoye nu Madako Preserve this forest! Lemejagi kaporu! For me also Iki nu nene I have preserved the forest Nalemeja iporu Even Madako Nu weeyi Madako Never to reach there, never Nduhu shiniyo nukushika, biya Those bakomyaluume Abo bakomyaluume At Kininiga iKininiga I have preserved a forest Nalemeja iporu At Mwamugoba iNg’wamugoba I have preserved a forest Nalemeja iporu At Lulayu iLulayu I have preserved a forest Nalemeja iporu At Miswaki26 iMiswaki Nalemeja iporu I have preserved a forest Biya nukushika, biya Never to reach there, never Abo bakomyaluume Those bakomyaluume Interpretation: In this song composed by Izanghi Ng’wanangwa, and performed by the Bakula Kalang’ha group of Miswaki, the niingi advises his neighbors and dance group members that they should remain strong, and take preventive measures against the bakomyaluume.27 This song references a recent concern about Sukuma musicians and their relation to the environment. Musicians are getting

26 Kininiga, Lulalayu and Miswaki are villages spread out in the division of IkunguBashashi. 27 Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 13 July 1994, IUATM song #019.

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Illus. 22. Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing a dance routine at the shamba (farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993.

involved with protecting the environment by joining tree planting brigades and pollution awareness campaigns, in part to combat the negative public image that musicians have concerning this issue. Several high profile poaching cases had been in the public eye involving musicians looking for lion hides, ostrich feathers, and wildebeest horns and tails for dance accoutrements such as drum skins and flywhisks (‘Kibali cha Kupiga Nyama Poli Mbuni, Nyemela’ 1986). These public concerns led to the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife banning the possession of any type of game trophies unless one had a registered certificate for the object (Pambe 1977: 381). Before the bakomyaluume began to use halved steel drums in their performances, they used large ihama drums, which required the trunks of ihama trees. Thus, they were blamed for the destruction of the environment, though in this song, this is all allegory: what is really being ‘prevented’ here, is the bakomyaluume from winning the competition. Folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga* had this comment: Huu wimbo, anasema yeye ni kiongozi mkubwa wa Bakula Kalang’ha, hawezi kushindwa na mtu. Yeye ndiye ni mkubwa, anaweza kuwaongoza mambo yote ya m’biina, mtu anaweza kushindwa. Amekatilia kama eneo kubwa ya Nassa na Ntuzu, watu wanafahamu yeye tu peke

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yake, ni kiongozi wa maeneo haya. Wimbo huu una maana maluum ya baliingi. Siyo pori kabisa ya miti, ina maana ya wale baliingi amekatalia yeye sehemu hizo zote. Wale bakomyaluume hawaweza kufika kwake. ‘Iporu’ hapa, maana yake ni mashindano kati ya bagobogobo na bakomyaluume. Hapa mahali ambapo anataja ni ipori tu, hakuna mtu kuingia. (This song, the singer says he is the leader of the Bakula Kalang’ha, he cannot be defeated by anyone, he is the leader who can lead in all matters of m’biina, anyone who messes with him, will be defeated. He has preserved a large area of Nassa and Ntuzu, people know that he alone is the leader of this area. This song has special meaning among singers. He is not speaking of ‘wilderness’, it means he has prevented other singers from entering this whole area. Those bakomyaluume cannot reach him. ‘Wilderness’ here, the meaning is, his side at the competition, between the bagobogobo and the bakomyaluume. These places that he mentions are wilderness spots that no one else can enter.) (196) Ng’wila giko Ngogo (‘Tell this to Ngogo’) Ng’wila giko Ngogo, witaidi (2×) Tell this to Ngogo, to try hard (2×) You should tell him Mung’wile giki Ndiya mapinda mu mbazu (2×) That I have pockets on the ribs (2×) While trying the river Shimiyu (2×) Ukungima Shimiyu (2×) Removed [clothes] to swim (2×) Uzula kwelema (2×) The swimmer failed (2×) Ung’welema uduma (2×) I am a wildebeest, ng’wana Lufega Nali mbogo, ng’wana Lufega I am not stood against (2×) Natachamagwa (2×) Interpretation: This bugobogobo song composed and performed by Izang’hi Ng’wanang’wa and the Bakula Kalang’ha group of Miswaki,28 is sung in a standard wigaashe song performance mode. The verses are shorter than most, as they have been adapted from the older poetry genre predating wigaashe called buheheme. The clue about the older style comes from the banyalali chorus/response, repeating and then finishing the sentences that the niingi cues them with (not a practice usually found in bugobogobo). The song is used as a rallying cry for the group when they compete, both in informal warm-up rituals and

28

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 3 July 1994, IUATM song #15, 17, 18.

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Illus. 23. Elders of the Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing in full dance regalia at the shamba (farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993.

at strategic points in the competition. The niingi warns his competitor that he has ‘pockets on the ribs’, referring to the arsenal of protective bugota which he keeps in various places on the body (see also song #123), and that his strength is like that of the mighty river Shimiyu in Ntuzu, which no one can cross. Finally, he compares himself to a wildebeest, the token animal of the Bak’hula Kalang’ha, an animal whose strength is beyond comparison. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* discussed the images and allusions found in this song: Niingi anatamba uwezo wake katika mapambano ya m’biina. Ni makubwa, sawa na mto Shimiyu. Kazi yake ni kubwa kwa kiasi: ambayo huwezi kuogelea. Yeye, kwa kuimba wimbo, alijibandika cheo kujisifu kwa majina ya mto. Kwa mfano, kuna mto mkubwa, Shimiyu, ambao siyo kitu cha kuchezea. Huwezi kupitia au kuogelea wakati umefurika. Sasa yeye anajisifu, anasema ni ‘msimamo wa mwisho’ haupitiki. Kuvuka mto Simiyu ni lazima uvue na kuanza kuogelea, hii ina maana yeye ni mchezaji hatari ambapo ukiamua kucheza naye ni lazima uwe umekamilika kimichezo na bugota. Nguvu zake, niingi huyu, ni sawa na nyati, ambaye huwezi kumdhibiti kulingana na nguvu zake. (The niingi delineates his abilities

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at the m’biina competition. They are considerable, as big as the river Shimiyu. His work is just as big: you cannot ‘swim’ in it or cross it. For example, there is this large river, Shimiyu, not something to play with. You cannot cross it or swim it when it is flooded. To cross the river Shimiyu, you must remove your clothes to swim, in other words this guy is a dangerous player whom if you decide to play with him, you must be precise in your play and in your use of bugota. The strength of this composer is similar to that of a wildebeest, whose strength one cannot manage to measure.) (197) Bing’we National (‘You people of National’) You folks of National Bing’we National Followers of Makenzi Abanyalali nu Makenzi With fury, Rexon Ng’wa pelana, Lekisona With fury (2×) Ng’wa pelana (2×) Tanzania, you are praising me Tanzania, muliyunihimbilija And Mariam, Susanna (2×) Nu Malyamu, Suzanna (2×) I am in Uganda (2×) Natali nu Buganda (2×) The magistrate Hakimu He told you we should firm Nang’hwe akuyombaga ourselves up tunganagi with the bagaalu (2×) bagaalu (2×) Shokashokaga nhula kabili ngalu Go back and forth twice, ngalu Ng’wana Lufeja, even those of Ng’wana Lufega, uni Ntuzu Ntuzu Many of them, I have defeated (2×) Bingi, nabahebeleja (2×) Interpretation: This song, composed by Izang’hi Ng’wanang’wa and performed by the Bakula Kalang’ha group of Miswaki,29 was sung together with several other farmers at an evening drinking party held at Benjamin Moshi’s home. After dinner, Moshi provided beer and food, as the Bakula Kalang’ha group had spent the last three days helping him to harvest his cotton. Drinking went on from about 8 p.m. to about 10:30 p.m. The singer both mentions his followers and cajoles his dance enemies by name, calling out to them by their nicknames, inciting them to rise to the challenge of the competitive fight. Concerning the nicknames used in this song, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyana mentioned that: ‘National’ hapa, ni kama jina la mtu au shirika, 29

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 13 July 1994, IUATM song #021.

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jina la kutumia kwenye mapambano makubwa, kama imara. ‘Tanzania’, na ‘Uganda’ pia ni majina ya watu. Wachezaji wengi wanajiitia hivyo. ‘Lexon’, ‘Tanzania’, Mariamu na Suzanna wote ni wafuasi wa Makenzi, kiongozi wa ‘National’, adui wa huyu mwimbaji. (‘National’ here, is like the name of a man or a company, to be used in a big competition, a name that signifies something firm and stable. ‘Tanzania’ and ‘Uganda’ are also names of people. Many players name themselves in this fashion. ‘Lexon’,30 ‘Tanzania’, Mariamu, and Suzanna all are followers of Makenzi, the leader of ‘National’, enemy of this singer’.) (198) Bukagi (‘Wakeup’) (C) Bukagi, ba Madako (R) Ba Madako Bukagi, ba Madako Mje mkamone unimi obuluba (2×)

(C) Wakeup, those of Madako (R) Those of Madako Wakeup, those of Madako He should go and see the cotton farmer (2×) Of Mtumba oKung’wa Mtumba Mayu, ng’wana Saku, utuzugile (2×) Mayu, ng’wana Saku, cook for us (2×) Of Malando oKung’wa Malando He has farmed a lot, call the Olima no, kulagilija Bakula (2×) Bakula (2×) Interpretation: This song, composed by Izang’hi Ng’wanang’wa31 and performed in competition by the Bakula Kalang’ha group of Miswaki, tells Madako and his associates that he should see what the farmer Mtumba has done with his crops. Madako, a joking name meaning ‘buttocks’, is a member of the singers’ group, the Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’). According to folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga*: Mtumba ni jina la mtu ambayo ni bwana mji. Sasa akasema mama mji wa pale, ng’wana Sako, anaomba wapikie wa kwa Malando. Yeye ng’wana Sako, baba yake ni Malando, akasema sasa, wamelima mno. Kufika, na kuagiza Bakula kuja kuwasaidia. (Mtumba is the name of the person who

30 Rexona is the name of a popular Unilever handsoap product, made in Uganda and distributed in East Africa. 31 Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, July 13 1994, IUATM song #014, 016.

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is the headman of that compound. Now he says to the head woman of that place, ng’wana Sako, he inquires that she should cook for them.) Mkina Makoye* elaborated: Sasa wimbo huu ambao umeimbwa, ni kwa kumsifu mtu mmoja na mali yake. Sasa, alikuwa akiita baadhi ya watu kuenda kuangalia, wakashuhudie kama ni kweli amelima sana. Yeye baada ya kuwaita, hawa Bakula, yaani hawa wacheza m’biina, waende kumsaidia na hiyo kazi, kama wanaalika kwenda wakashuhudie kwamba analima safi, amepata mavuno makubwa, anamwambie mke wake akawapikie chakula, wale kingi, chakula mpaka kubakiza. Wimbo huu una maana hiyo hiyo tu, kusifa wakulima. (Now, this song that was sung, is to praise a certain man and his wealth. Now, he calls a group of people to go and see for themselves, if it is true that he has farmed a lot. After calling them, the Bakula group, meaning the m’biina players, to go and help with this work and to go and see for themselves, that he has farmed well, that he has a big crop, he asks the woman of the house to cook food for them, they should eat a lot, so much food that there are leftovers. This is what this song means, to praise the farmer.) (199) Ku bise (‘At our place’) Ku bise lya bogije lulu

At our place there is a fertile smell now So they should be merry, the Giki gaseke, masamva ancestors In composing Umubulingi I have become like Mishingilwa Ubizaga Mishingilwa (2×) (2×) That little mountain Killimanjaro Kamlima yi ka Killimanjaro To the mountain! Kulilugulu! Lylemeja ng’humbi kulala (2×) It has prevented termites from flying (2×) Kapandagi chiza abalinga numa Step carefully you who are coming forward Interpretation: In this song, the singer Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga32 brags about his skills in competitive arenas. He makes it clear

32

Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #270.

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that his homestead is blessed, and is fertile, and that his compositional abilities are comparable to this fertile state. The singer compares himself to Mount Killimanjaro (albeit a ‘little’ version of it), and then calls his opponent a termite. Buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* had this to say about the first line: Mara nyingi, yaani kama mvua ikinyesha sana sana kubwa, wakati unatoka nje unakanyaga, unaingia kabisa kwenye matope, na kuna harufu ya ajabu. Kwa hiyo huyu, alikuwa na maana kule kwetu limepiga kabisa, yaani kila kitu kiko sawa sawa, yaani yale masamva wanafurahi sana. (Many times, when there is a really heavy rain, when you go outside and you stomp and slosh around, you have entered into the mud, there is a heavy fertile smell. So this person, he means that there at home, it has rained hard, therefore everything is just fine, indeed the ancestors are very happy.) (200) Abise ukung’wa Jijabu (‘We of the Jijabu clan’) Abise ukung’wa Jijabu, ukuli Sonji We of the Jijabu clan, from Sonji We have been taught the lesson Twalangwa kozi Ask us, the baliingi belonging to Ukutubuja, abaliingi ba kung’wa Seba (2×) Seba (2×) Ask your father Mujagi using’we He ran, the man from Mondo Akapela, umuna Mondo (2×) (2×) Ulu kabili, ung’wana akukubuna For the second time, the child will crush You will not do it again Utalashokeja He has seen it (2×) Nuwe wa ibona (2×) He, in a home, he who walks on Nuwe, na kaya ndadila maguta ropes He was made to run from the Mpaka upela m’biina dance I danced while opponents were Nabina wakati ni shisambo amassing shuseleleka into a crowd umu banhu Young man, Buhondo Nyanda, Buhondo Young man, ng’wana Huma Nyanda, ngwana Huma He was their young brother Huna hu ndo wabo He arrived in a hurry Uhikilijaga

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Interpretation: This song, composed and recalled to me by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga,33 was performed during a specific competition in the 1970s. The singer tells his opponent that his group has seen trial by fire, and that his singing group is in the hands of Seba (God). He tells his opponent that he has even beat his father, thus he should know better than to compete against him, and now, he will be crushed. He ridicules his adversary for relying on outmoded tricks and ‘small time’ dance shenanigans, such as walking on ropes. Finally, he was made to flee, and the crowds came instead en masse to his side. (201) Nene, amajisigo nagazunya (‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’) Nene, amajisigo nagazunya Myself, gossips I have accepted I take them [worn] as clothes Nagema shizwalo I have exposed the body Natega ilimili Welcome, liars Makaribu, balomolomo Ng’wana ngosha kumila iwe A male child should swallow a stone Even should they gossip Nulu bayombe They will be brought to rest by Welelo Bakwifujiwa Welelo If you come from doing late night Ulu ofumila kuweja dances Why should you be mingled by Ali ni yaki ugulubalubiwa gossipers? basigani? Me, I am never threatened Nene yaya, nadakangagwa Ng’wana Misuga Ng’wana Misuga Rewarded the children Ubatona abana You would think from mercy Uhaya ga shigongo It is true, bamayu Ng’hana, bamayu They became all, Buhondo Kubi gose, Buhondo Interpretation: This song, composed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga from the village of Seke and collected by Kija (1980: 3),34 discusses the destructive potential of gossip. A person needs to harden oneself

33

Videorecorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #618. Kija’s English translation: ‘I have accepted gossips / I regard them as my clothes for my body to wear / Even if they gossip / The world will force them to rest / If you are in this world / Why get worked up by liars? / I do not mind gossipers / The son of Misuga / Slaughter a cow for gossipers / It is true, dear mothers / In this world there is joy and sorrow, Hondo’. 34

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(‘swallow a stone’), to ward against it. The context for this song could either be a dance competition, or life in general. In the end, the gossipers will be brought to rest by Welelo. The phrase ‘rewarded the children, you would think from mercy’ is directed specifically at the transgressors, but its specific meaning is unclear. (202) Nyalali jane (‘My follower’) My follower, who opens ways Nyalali jane, shigula mayila (2×) (2×) Kiti Lutubiga, shigula mayila (2×) Like Lutubiga, who opens ways (2×) To go further, going to the Kubitilija, ulija mang’oma (2×) ng’oma (2×) This stump blocks the way Nalili kitinde luchiba mayila Interpretation: This song collected by Makoye (2000: 275) and attributed to ng’wana Mholisha, discusses how it is customary, when going into a competition arena, for the leaders of the group to be preceded by the student-followers of the group, the banyalali. The path is fraught with many perils, to include malevolent medicines, as well as jeers and taunts by supporters of the opposing group. Only the bravest followers are allowed to take this journey. Buyeye dancer Fita ng’wana Liaku* made this point: Huyu anakuwa anawasifu wachezaji wake, banyalali bake, vijana vyake. Wakati unakwenda kwenye ng’oma, lazima ukawasifu, kikundi chako. Yaani shigula mayila ni kama mnataka kuondoka lazima ukafuta kufagua njia sasa, labda kwenye pori wanaenda. (This person praises his dancers, his followers, his youth wing. When you go to your ng’oma, you have to praise them, your group. Now this phrase shigula mayila, this is as if you want to go there, you have to sweep the way now, perhaps it is in the bush where they are going.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* said: Huyu mwimbaji anawasifu wafuasi wake, kwamba ni hodari zaidi, kila wanapokwenda njia iko wazi, ndio kusema kwamba wanashinda kwenye ng’oma mbalimbali. Na yeye, mpiga ng’oma, ni hodari hizi ng’oma zao za bugaalu hizi. Hawa akina wapiga bakomyaluume wanavyopiga. Kila sehemu wakisikia zile tu, basi watu wote wanaanza kumshangalia. Na yeye ni shina ya mti, ambalo, tuseme ndiyo mkuu hasa, ni mkuu wa hii, hana mashaka yo yote na watu wengine, yeye anapita tu. (This singer praises his followers, and tells them that they are the

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most expert, everywhere they go the path is open, indeed, it is to say that they win at their various dances. Now this person, this drummer, is an expert of the dances of the bagaalu, who the bakomyaluume are. Everywhere this dance is performed everyone starts to celebrate. Now he is the trunk of the tree, which means, shall we say, the primary leader especially. The leader of this ng’oma, no one has any doubts about him, he just passes through.) (203) Hali tulikahoya? (Where will we talk?’) (C) Where will we talk? (C) Hali tulikahoya? To the children of Holo? Na bang’wana Holo Baba Charles, baba the merciful Baba Chalice, baba o shigongo You were left by Tungu and Olekwa na Tungu na Bamayeji Bamayeji Left by Manyinya (2×) Olekwa na Manyinya (2×) (R) Continue your culture (R) Wendeleze butamaduni Your kingdom (2×) Kwitemelo lyako (2×) Interpretation: During the Ujamaa period, representatives from the government sought out ng’oma groups that were open to promoting their policies of development. Bugobogobo groups, as representatives of farmers and ‘farming culture’, were especially wanted, enticed with monetary awards distributed through official, well-publicized competitions.35 Bugobogobo groups, in turn, were enthusiastic about elevating their public image and working towards promoting values that were consonant with government policy. One of these values was ‘butamaduni’,36 or ‘traditional cultural awareness’, that is, awareness about the importance of maintaining long-held cultural traditions, as a part of nation building. As traditional ng’oma artist Paulo Lusana* explains: Mpaka sasa, watu wengine wanafahamu kwamba ‘utamaduni’ ni ng’oma za asili tu, basi! Hawajakosea. Lakini hii pia ni sehemu tu ya utamaduni wa taifa. Mimi sasa hivi nikiacha kucheza, kuna kip35 ‘Mashindano ya Sanaa za Maonyesho na Lugha, Ufundi, Manispaa, Mwanza’. Cultural Programme, Acc. #2, UTV/C.80/11/Vol II, Document #56 (n.d.) NAUMM; Hotuba ya Waziri wa Utamaduni na Vijana wa Taifa: Makisio ya Mapato na Matumizi ya Fedha 1974-75. AMNMMK. 36 From utamaduni (Kiswahili). Though translated literally as ‘culture’, in the context of government policy this term is more specifically associated with ‘tradition’ or ‘traditional knowledge’.

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indi utamaduni utapotea, mjukuu wangu hawezi hakufuata (Up to now, other people understand that ‘traditional culture’ is just traditional ng’oma, that’s all! This is not a mistake. However this is also a part of national cultural consciousness. My thoughts are, if we stop our playing, there is a day when our cultural heritage will be lost, and our grandchildren will not be able to follow us.) In this bugobogobo song excerpt performed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga,37 the singer laments that his teacher’s friends and associates (whom he lists by name), have all passed on, leaving him alone to carry the torch of butamaduni work. His chorus responds that he nevertheless should continue this work of promoting culture. The local historian Michael Masalu* explained: Anasema, ‘Umeachwa na wazazi, umeachwa na Tungu, na Bamayeji, na wengine, endeleza na utamaduni’. Kwa sababu hii kazi ni nzuri, watu wengi wanazipenda. Nendeni kwenye ‘ofisi ya utamaduni’ wako, ofisi ya ntemi, kuna nyimbo, kuna watu ambao wanaenda uko kuzipata. (He says that, ‘You have been left by your parents, you were left by Tungu, and the Mayeji people, and others, continue spreading your culture’. Because this is good work, many people appreciate it. Continue your ‘cultural office’, the office of ntemi, there are songs, there are those who go there to visit and to receive them.) As evident in the two songs that follow, what the bagobogobo wear at their dance competitions is a perpetual topic of discussion and gossip by friend and foe alike. (204) Ingagi umuchalo (‘Get out of the village’) Get out of the village! Ingagi umuchalo! Nchimani is cursing Nchimani akatukanaga Your hides of striped polecats Magobo ging’we ga chonja They are foul smelling to the elders Galimunug’hila bataale So says Lyawaji Akuhayaga Lyawaji The wild dogs do what that is wrong? Inyamhawa jakenya ki? The striped polecats do what wrong? Ichonja jakenya ki? They are surrounded in the fields Jiligobiwa mu matongo

37

Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #276.

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(205) Buchilu butushila (‘Ignorance will never end’) Buchilu butushila aha Ng’hubila Ignorance will never end here at Ng’hubila I found them wearing sisal fiber Nagasanga na mabunela skirts Come and see them Nzugwi mlole How the young men arrange Umo jikwipangilaga isumba themselves38 Ng’wana, mlole The child, you see him Akubi giti galani wa N’hobola He’ll be as smart as a clerk at Tabora39

Illus. 24. Mwanza-based visual artist Simoni Ndokeji. Town of Kisessa, 23 August 2006.

38 39

Makoye translates this as ‘the way the youths dance’. N’hobola is the localized pronounciation of Tabora.

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Interpretation: In Ingagi umuchalo performed by the bununguuli dancer and singer Paulo Lusana,40 the niingi on the side of the bakomyaluume slanders his competitor and wants him to leave this village, leave together with his dirtiness and his dancing gear, which disturbs others. His accoutrements were prepared with hides of wild animals that, according to the singer, are not proper for ng’oma. Nchimani, mentioned in the song, was the leader of the bakomyaluume of Kwimba region (Tagili*). The song Buchilu butushila was collected by Makoye (2000: 310). Prior to independence, bagobogobo groups abandoned wearing animal skins, and began wearing uniforms made of hemp and sisal instead. Sources date this change to the 1956 royal visit to Tanganyika by Princess Margaret of England. The word went out throughout the Sukuma area to bring together the best performers available for her arrival, with the warning, however, that ‘some ngomas (sic) will not be suitable’ (Royal Visit Announcement n.d.). Several banuunguli and bayeye dance groups, among others, were there at the airport to greet her (Baragumu 1956). ‘There was a huge celebration, with about seventy groups. Our group (bagobogobo) went with our dirty skins, and they just refused us, so we just returned and played in the villages’ (Ntamanwa*). By the mid-1960s, bagobogobo dancers began to wear skirts made from sisal. They also wore pajama or pit shorts underneath, for freer movements of the legs. However, the sisal fiber costumes did not last long before they lost taste and became unpopular. Thus, they were replaced, by cloth costumes having different designs. Dancers who were adamant about refraining from using the sisal fiber costumes, were mocked by their fellow dancers, as is illustrated in this song. The painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this interpretation: Huu wimbo unahusu mambo ya kudharau watu wa eneo la Ng’hubila, ambao walikuwa ni wajinga mno wala hawakutaka kubadilika kabisa toka kwenye tabia yao ya ujinga. Hivyo mtunzi wa wimbo huu aliwakuta na bunela ambao aliona kwake ni ujinga mkubwa. Aliita watu wengine ili waone, jinsi wavulana walivyokuwa wanapangana. Inaonekana walikuwa wanapangana ili kupata mahawala. Nafikiri huyu mtoto wa Malole alikuwa anawaandika majina hawa wavulana ambao walikuwa wanajipanga ili kupata wasichana yaani mahawala. (This song is about talking negatively about people of the area of Ng’hubila, whom he says are

40

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 April 1995, IUATM song #526.

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the real fools because they do not want to change at all from their foolish personae. The composer of this song met them with their bunela, which he thought was foolishness. He called other people around that they should come and see, how these young people are decorating themselves: it looks as if they decorate themselves to get money.) (206) Nani akunilimilaga buluba? (‘Who is cultivating cotton for me?’) Who is cultivating cotton for me? Nani akunilimilaga buluba? Lugeye, Idebe ng’wana Kafuhishi Lugeye, Idebe ng’wana Kafuhishi Bagobogobo are cultivating for me Bagobogobo balinilimila Idebe is going to farm with Idebe alija kulima nu ng’wana ng’wana Nkila Nkila Others are receiving farmers Bangi bene balanukula balimi He farms while laughing Likalimaga lyaseka Lyabachiwa moto huna lyalima When the fire is lit that is when he farms Interpretation: In this song collected by Kija (1985: 57), the singer praises his comrades the bagobogobo for coming to help him cultivate his cotton with good speed. There is a reference to ‘lighting fires’ when farming, which refers to the speed of the group, and possibly as well to the use of marijuana, for which the bagobogobo are well known. (207) Twite fayi! (‘Let us tell the truth!’) Let us tell the truth! Twite fayi! I am ng’wana Ng’walu Ndi ng’wana Ng’walu Na Luge, baba wa makingo (2×) And Luge, baba of the dawn (2×) I have an army boy, ng’wana Nali ni jeshi nyanda, ng’wana Monde Monde I am like that Na naliwachene I always leave a legend (2×) Jileka ngano (2×) My dance [group] has been invited Ilin’goma lyane lyitanilwe Sayi to Sayi Gidima, father, let me tell you (2×) Gidima, baba, nakuwile (2×) My sisters, Mary and Maggie Balumbu bane, uMaly na Makkie Bahati, mayu Bahati, mayu Let us be prompt for one another Twiyanguhile (2×) (2×)

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Interpretation: This song, composed and performed by Mashishanga ng’wana Gombo,41 boasts of the legacy that the singer will leave. It is a song for farming, to get people to come to work early, and it can call people to work. The composer is a work leader of his group. The composer of the song explains: Nilitunga wimbo huu wakati tulilima. Wimbo huu ni kusisitiza watu kuwahi kulima. Wakati tulilima, walinichagua kama kiongozi wao. Mpaka leo wanaimba wimbo huu. (I composed this song during the time we were farming. The song is there to convince people to be early in farming. When we farmed, they chose me as their leader. Up to now, they sing this song.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this extended commentary: Huyu bwana, tuseme kwamba anajisifu uhodari wake na nyimbo zake. Anasema nyimbo zote ambazo anaimba ni kweli, na anaanza kujitambulisha kwamba yeye ni mtoto wa nani, na mama yake ni nani, yeye anajitambulisha. Pia huyu mwimbaji yeye ana jeshi lake, siyo jeshi la vita, ni jeshi la mwimbaji. Nyimbo zake zinajulikana kila sehemu anapokwenda, kila anachokwenda watu wanazungumzia kuhusu yeye. Hata dada zake, Maria na Maggie, wao wanafahamu uhodari wake, pamoja na Bahati, jina la mama yake, anawaambia wasogelee kwake kumsaidia kuimba. (This guy, we should say that he praises his expertise in his songs. He says that all the songs that he sings are true, and he starts to mention that he is the child of so-and-so, and his mama is so-and-so, indeed this is how he introduces himself. Also, this singer has the ability of a soldier, not as a soldier of war, but a ‘soldier of singing’. His songs are known, everywhere he goes; everywhere he goes, people talk about him. Even his sisters, Maria and Maggie, they know of his fame, together with Bahati, the name of his mother, and he tells them to move closer, to help him to sing.) (208) Leka namubuje (‘Let me ask you’) Leka namubuje ng’wa Sabale (2×) Let me ask you folks from the Sabale clan (2×) Ng’wana Peleka and ng’wana Ng’wana Peleka nu ng’wana Gwanchele Gwanchele

41

Recorded by author, village of Sayu Sayu, 6 August 1995, IUATM song #311.

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Nkiima uyu, gashina atolilwe! Nibonile nang’hwe Itumbili Kumuja nang’hwe, akunizunyaga Unilomba ja kugula malinda Makungilo-gamva atazwalaga Izigizaga yene akalulaga (2×) Hang’wila giki, aha ngelelo Utizunikangija matendele Ga ku matu, gakukumaja masala Nu Monde nang’we akunilolaga (2×) Lyalia ng’oma, uku matongo (2×) Ng’wana Mayala Buchaga imbiyu uje uku matongo (2×) Ku matongo ka natukadilaga (2×) Nakaja, obeja

This woman, so she is married! I saw her at Itumbili42 Imploring her, she accepted me She asked me for money to buy gowns The makungilo-gamva she never wears And the zigzaga makes her bitter (2×) I told her that, here in the end You should not impress me with earrings On the ears, they fade your intelligence Even Monde is beholding me (2×) It cries the ng’oma, here in the fields (2×) Ng’wana Mayala Take the seeds, and go to the fields (2×) To the fields, I will not be late (2×) I go, thank you

Interpretation: The song Leka namubuje, performed by folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga43 and attributed to Kanigini ng’wana Song’oma, was a well-known song in the 1980s. It warns listeners not to get involved in relationships with others without knowing more about their personal histories. The niingi, using his experience as an example, warns others not to get involved with women who lie, who love to cultivate their appearances more than they love cultivating in the fields. The singer plied this woman with the only gifts he could afford, but in the end, these were unacceptable to his object of affection. These included makungilo-gamva, a very low quality cloth common in the 1980s during the scarcity of clothes and other commodities that

42 43

An old term for the town of Magu, no longer in use. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #254.

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followed the end of the Tanzania-Uganda war, and zigzaga, another type of poorly tailored, un-waxed cloth. He was tempted, as Juma Mashaka Kalunde* relates, but after a while: Anasisitiza kuwa ilikuwa inamwita shambani ili aenda. Watu ambao wanapenda hereni, ni watu ambao hawapenda kulima. (He stresses that the drum called him to the fields, so he saw that he should just go and farm. People that like earrings, are people who do not like to farm.) Magdelena Lubimbi* had insight into the motivations and point of view found in this song: Huyu mama ameulizwa, lakini hakusema ukweli kama ‘mimi nimefunga ndoa’. Na hii ni desturi ambayo iliokuwepo tangu mwanzo, labda kwa sasa hivi ije ibadilishwe tu. Sababu mwanzoni, mtu akikuuliza kuwa ninakupenda, haikuwa vizuri kumkataa kusema ‘sitaki’ au ‘wewe ni mbaya’. Kwa hiyo akina mama walijaribu kuomba kitu ambacho kiko juu ya uwezo wake, na ndiyo ilikuwa njia ya kumkataa. Huwezi kukataa kiwaziwazi, unamwambia tu mimi nataka nivaae ‘waxi’, ambayo gharama yake ni juu, na yule baba ni mchezaji wa ng’oma, hawezi kuipata. (This woman was being inquired about, but she did not tell the truth, such as, when she says, ‘I have already married’. Now, this was a custom, there since long ago, maybe these days it has changed. Because long ago, if someone said to you, ‘I am fond of you’, it was not good manners to refuse them by saying that ‘I do not want you’, or ‘You are no good’. In other words, women would try to beg for something beyond the ability of the man asking about them, and this was indeed the way of refusing someone. You could not refuse someone openly, you would just tell them, ‘I want to wear the “waxed” style of cloth’, which was very expensive, and since that guy was just an ng’oma player, he clearly would not be able to afford it’.)

CHAPTER NINE

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE Hoe imagery is a prominent and historically recurring trope in Sukuma song texts. Besides the fact that the hoe symbolizes the essence of hard work, the hoe has associations with the origins of the royal clans that first brought iron making into northwest Tanzania, thus linking it with the desire for ancestral continuity and congruence. A part of this immigrant collective was the Balongo iron smelting clan,1 who first introduced iron and hoe making technology to Northwest Tanzania. Upon settling, this clan, whose emblem was the iron hoe, emerged as the dominant political and economic power. According to several oral testimonies that I collected, one migrant from this period proclaimed that he was the leader of the area by sounding the local king’s drums, and by planting his clan hoe upright, firmly in the ground. This association with drums, hoes, and power is a historic trope found throughout the interlacustrine area. Further, the first hoes made from each smelt were presented to the chief as a tribute. In some areas, the chief rang out a rhythm on an old worn-out hoe, initiating the cultivating season, and signifying the chief’s relationship to the fertility of the land. The residence of the chief’s first wife, whose official title translated as ‘queen of the hoe’, contained at the apex of the roof of their residence a small earthen pot containing soil, and an iron hoe standing erect in its middle, symbolizing the hoe breaking and entering the earth. An important interregional caravan in the nineteenth century, were the trips to Geita to trade with the Balongo-Sinza iron forgers for hoes and nghiinda bells.2 Hoes very quickly became a major unit of trade,

1 The Balongo were likely descended from the Batembuzi ‘blacksmith kings’ of Bunyoro who reigned before the Bahima-Batutsi migrated to Uganda (Itandala*). 2 Ng’hiinda (Mwa), nchiinda (Shy), ikiinda (Nyamwezi) are all cover terms for any type of small bell worn on the legs, once prepared by the Balongo. These come in a variety of shapes, like a small cone or boat, or double bells shaped like a bursted fruit. Rattles inside are called kaana ka nghiinda or gololo. Cowbells are called ng’hiinda ya ngombe. To cause the ng’hiinda to sound out is kulija ng’hiinda, or kugilingh ̣ anya, or kushadama, ‘Ng’hiinda shadamaga’ (‘the ng’hiinda sounds out’). Zozo (Sukuma) or Ṃyiinba (Nyamwezi) are smaller ng’hiinda bells worn on drums, not on the legs, used by the banuunguli. Large bells are called kamiyemba or tumiyemba. Large bells left in

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and thus became the reason for interregional travel to the Balongo iron forger settlements, to procure hoes. This journey, known as kujila mageembe or (‘to go and get hoes’), would depart under the chiefs’ directives to trade grain and livestock for hoes (Makanga*), and later bring them back to sell in their communities. Iron implements led to an increase in production in all spheres of the economy, and soon ebony hoes were replaced. Hoes were used as currency, as was salt (Burton 1860: 397). A hoe was worth two goats, and vice versa. Wornout hoes were also important for trade. The local iron forgers made artifacts such as spearheads, arrowheads, knife blades and metal fish hooks from the shafts of the worn-out hoes. Iron implements led to an increase in production in all spheres of the economy (Magoti 1984: 37). While in Geita, the Sukuma hoe caravaners had a chance to view their clan brethren engaged in a kind of musical labor specific to making iron. Bellows operators all over Sub-Saharan Africa accompanied their labor with music, and believed that music was critical for making good iron (cf. Herbert 1993: 67). This musical labor process was documented in an eyewitness account of Balongo smiths operating in Kahama in the 1940s: One bellows man would look at another with a challenging expression and start doing energetic variations of the rhythm on his engine. One half of the bellows would thump four or five times faster than the other, then both would give a few more simultaneous heavy thumps followed by a staccato beat and one or two more variations after which the engine would resume its normal rhythm (Rosemond 1943: 15).

Contemporary composers are hired by local and national political leaders to compose songs with hoe-praise motifs, with the exhortation to ‘grab the hoe’ lest one finds oneself in economic ruin, a common example. Farmers who compose and perform music, introduce themselves in public discourse as farmers first, Mimi ni mkulima, nashika majembe (‘I am a farmer, I carry a hoe’), and as musicians second, Mimi ni mchezaji, na viringisha magembe (‘I am a dancer, I twirl a hoe’). A compilation of some of the more salient hoe-related sayings and aphorisms that make their way into songs follow: ‘Let us grab the hoes now’, ‘The hoe is wealth, grab it’, ‘Try the hoe, my child, it won’t let you down’, ‘God will bless you if you grab the hoe’, ‘Do not be a

the doorway for good luck and fertility are known as gungulu, bungulu(i), ibungulu, or ngh ̣ ulyungu (Ntusu).

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thief, grab the hoe’, ‘The hoe ends misery’,’Fear the hoe, you will not eat’, ‘The hoe is wealth, it will bring you cows’, ‘The hoe is wealth, it will bring you a woman’, ‘Stand firmly by the hoe, remove shame’, ‘Do not leave the hoe, you will grow thin’ (see also Appendix II). The sentiments expressed in these aphorisms are borne out further by enthusiastic statements by farmers in interviews, such as this salient testimony about the utility of the hoe (Budaka*): Watoto wangu, familia wangu, walitoka mavumbi kwa ajili ya jembe langu. Kwa jembe langu, nililima buluba, nilizivuna, niliziuza kwenye cooperative. Nilinunua ng’ombe wawili, ziliongezeka, nilikuwa niliweza kupata mke wangu, ambaye alinizalia watoto wanaume wawili. Jembe ni mali, jembe ndiyo ni mali. Jembe linaweza kufanya kitu cho chote, hasa kwa wakulima linaweza kufanya kitu cho chote, lakini halina masala lenyewe, linalima na linalisha wakulima tu. Hii ndiyo ni sababu tunaishi na jembe! Kila mkulima anajua mambo haya, na kila mkulima ni mbingwa na jembe lake. Nyimbo hizo zinatufundisha jinsi ya kushika jembe, kulima, zinatuambia tusiwe na njaa nyumbani kwetu. (My children, my family, sprang from the earth from my hoe. With my hoe I planted cotton, I harvested it, I sold it at the agricultural cooperative. I bought two cattle, those cattle multiplied, and I could get my wife, who bore me three sons. The hoe is wealth, the hoe is indeed our wealth. A hoe can do anything, and for a farmer does everything, but it has no cleverness on its own, it just farms and feeds the farmers. This is why we live with the hoe! Every farmer knows this, and every farmer is an expert with the hoe. These songs teach us how to grab a hoe, how to farm, and they tell us let us not have hunger in our homes.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* sums up the importance of the hoe succinctly: Katika jembe, inatoa vitu vingi, ukitaka utajiri, mambo utapata humo humo. Ukitaka chakula, utapata humo humo. Ukitaka mji, utapata mke humo humo, kwenye jembe. (The hoe, it brings many things, if you want riches, you will get them right there. If you want food, you will get it right there. If you want a homestead, you will get it right there, all from the hoe’.) (209) Nakomange lya gembe (‘I should hammer with the hoe’) (C) Nakomange lya gembe (C) I should hammer with the hoe (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa!

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Illus. 25. Hand-carved Sukuma hoe, 1930s. Photograph courtesy of SABCC.

Interpretation: This is a well-known bugobogobo chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 113).3 The term gembe, can be interpreted in two equally important ways, as either ‘hoe’, or as the kind of wood that early Sukuma hoes were made from, ebony. Suzanna Maritin Maduka* explained: Kuna mti inaitwa gembe, kwa Kiswahili ni mpingu. Anasema ‘nimepigilia mpingu’. Labda anatengeneza mpini, au anatengeneza bugota. Alifanya hivyo kwa sababu ule mti ni ngumu, hautavunjika, wala hautakatika. (There is a kind of tree called gembe, in Kiswahili it is mpingu [ebony]. She says ‘I pound mpingu’. Perhaps she is preparing a hoe handle, or she is preparing bugota. She does this because this wood is hard, it will not break, nor will it be cut.)

3

Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song.

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Sylvester Kema* mentions: Kama ni ‘jembe’, anasema anatengeneza matuta kwa ajili ya jembe, au anatengeneza maisha yake, kwa ajili ya jembe. ‘Maisha yangu ni vizuri kwa ajili ya jembe’. (If it is ‘hoe’, she says she prepares tie ridges because of the hoe, or she prepares her life, because of the hoe. ‘My life is good because of the hoe’.) (210) Tusukambe (‘Let us squat’) Tusukambe, guku, tusukambe Let us squat, grandfather, let us squat Basuka magembe, tusukambe Wavers of hoes, let us squat

Illus. 26. Tagili Ntamanwa demonstrates the hoe-twirling technique of his youth. Village of Sambaguli, September 1995.

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Interpretation: In this song attributed to Kalugula and performed by Lushita ng’wana Nzwilindo,4 the singer tells his comrades they should begin their work with the intent to succeed. The song is also used to alert the bugobogobo dancers to get ready for their hoe-twirling dance routine, where hoes are waved and twirled in highly stylized and fast-paced choreographed movements. The verb -sukamba means to crouch, as if poised to throw a spear, or in this case, to toss a hoe. Fita ng’wana Liaku had this point about the composer: Huyu Kalugula alitoka Kwimba-Bulima, na ‘alichezea’ yale magembe. Kuna kipindi ng’wana Liaku alialikwa kwenda kwenye michezo, kuwasaidia kupambana. Ng’wana Liaku alienda mpaka kule, Bulima, wakati alikuwa ‘akicheza mbega’ tu. Na wakati walipopambana, ng’wana Liaku alisema ‘Kumbe, wenzangu wanacheza hivi, na sisi tutaenda kujifunza’. (This person Kalugula was from Kwimba-Bulima, and he ‘played’ the hoes [see also song #185]. There was a time when ng’wana Liaku was invited to go and play, to help them in a competition. Ng’wana Liaku went there, to Bulima. At the time, he was just ‘dancing the shoulders’, and when they had competed, ng’wana Liaku said, ‘Gosh, my comrades play in this style, now we should go and learn from them’.) .

(211) Oja magembe (‘One goes to the hoes’) One goes to the hoes Oja magembe He who has been beaten by Akatulagwa buhabi poverty You who will have become of Hamwabi mwa ng’hwani the coast He is beaten by dust Akatulagwa nang’we lububu Me, my coast is the work of Nene, wa ng’wani yane, ya buganga buganga Me, dust Nene, lububu To prepare perhaps, the student Ng’wabeja himba inyali Me, buganga, to return to it Nene, buganga, okumbula Interpretation: This inyongo song was recalled upon cue by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo.5 The song was documented by Cory (Cory #192;

4

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 November 1994, IUATM song #180. Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #589. 5

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Inyongo #1),6 and he attributed it to Kisinza. Sung from the perspective of a healer, the composer compares his healing work with farming (‘one goes to the hoes’), and with going to the coast as a porter. In the end, he alludes to his experience with the ‘coast’, in other words his livelihood, healing. His experience of ‘dust’ (further alluding to the experience of those who go to the coast), is comparable to preparing his student in the buganga arts. William Lubimbi* explained further: Huyu mwimbaji wa zamani anajilinganisha na mtu ambaye anakwenda safari za pwani. Zamani, walikuwa wanakwenda pwani kutafuta hata chakula, hata vitu ambavyo haviko huku bara. Sasa, anapofika kule, anakuwa na huzuni ya kufikiria nyumbani, anapata shida. Lakini yeye ambaye anabaki huku, yeye ilikuwa kazi yake ni ya kutafuta miti shamba ili ya kuwaponesha watu, hana shida. Kwa hiyo yeye ‘pwani’ yake ya kuenda kule, ni kama amekwenda porini na anatafuta bugota. (This singer of long ago compares himself with the person who goes to the coast. Long ago, people used to go to the coast to look for food, or other things that they could not find inland. Now, when they reach there, they would have longings for home, they would have problems. But this guy who stays behind, his work is just to look for medicinal herbs to heal others, he has no problems. Therefore, his ‘coast’ is just to go into the wilderness to look for herbs.) (212) Ng’waka, ulu lyashika (‘The new year, when it arrives’) The new year, when it arrives Ng’waka, ulu lyashika Prepare hoe handles, ready for Mupunza ni mipini, kuja kw’ farming ilima Children of Shinyanga Bana Shinyanga The new year has arrived Ng’waka gwashika Get prepared [for] modern Ng’witegeleje ukulima kwa farming kisasa Farmers, be careful Balimi, ng’wangalile

6

Cory’s English translation: ‘Driven out by poverty one man goes to hoe / The other is like dust blown away to the coast as a porter / For me my medicines are the coast / I sitting at home am myself the whirlwind / You the medicines may make foolish, but not me’.

songs of the bagobogobo in praise of the hoe Kwandya, ukuyuponeja imbolela malale mgabeje Ulu muhaya kuhamba buluba Ni selena, mtizukija Nguno yene ikupejaga nzala wanguwangu Ni mihogo Amashiliwa ayo gatigwaga limi Mugabiba mabubele mung’waga Ukumabala Abana N’hobola nabene chene Na bana Dodoma na Singida Mpaga Ng’wanza Kukandya Musoma ku balimi Tungazingatiagi Nguno yene ikupijaga nzala Wanguwangu

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First, make sure you use fertilizers to boost your harvests When you want to plant cotton Also red millet, do not forget to plant Because that is what chases out famine quickly And cassava The food crops not affected by the sun Also sow sorghum In all your fields People from Tabora do the same And those in Dodoma and Singida Up to Mwanza Including all farmers in Musoma We should take note Because these can withstand famine Quickly

Interpretation: This song, collected by Makoye (2000: 135)7 from the village of Usende, and attributed to Mabanga ng’wana Nguno, instructs farmers in what they need to do to prepare for the coming season. He instructs them to farm using contemporary methods so they will receive a good harvest. When the month of farming arrives, fertilizer should be placed before planting crops, so the harvest will be plentiful. The singer tells the workers to plant selena, a kind of red millet less

7 Makoye’s English translation: ‘When the new year arrives / Prepare hoe handles, ready of cultivation / People of Shinyanga / Get prepared, the new year has arrived / Go for modern farming / Peasants be careful / First make sure you use fertilizers to boost your harvests / When you start planting cotton / Also do not forget to plant serena / Because it is the relief food which discards famine / And cassava, the crops which are resistant to drought / Also sow sorghum in all your fields / People from Tabora do the same / And those in Dodoma and Singida / Up to Mwanza / Including all farmers in Musoma / We should take note of all these / You people in Ndala beware of the droughts / Use modern culture to transplant cotton, millet and other food crops which can withstand drought’.

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desirable to use because of its bitter taste, but known to grow steadfast during harsher climates (see also itula songs #106–115). According to Makoye (135), ‘The first half of October is normally dry and toward the end of the month the rain starts. Once the rain starts, people start telling one another that, ng’waka gwafuma, or ‘the year has started’. During this time, some people have already started to prepare their fields by clearing and burning bushes. It is a period for repairing and making new instruments for farming like hoe handles, axes and sickles. At the same time, dancers sing to remind people about the advent of a new year, that they should start working in their fields’. (213) Nene nalintaji wa maduta (I am a creator of tie ridges’) I am a creator of tie ridges Nene nalintaji wa maduta Bender-of-Hoes Lugonda-Magembe Huna nene ng’wenuyu, M’hangwa That’s me exactly, M’hangwa I have the ability and respect Ndinayo ishingilima I have taboos (2×) Ndina mjigo (2×) To steal? I never steal Kwiba? Natibaga And to defraud? Never! Nu kuzulumu? Yaya! Lutandagula, I have not yet! Lutandagula, natali! Do you see him, since being Ukumbona byalilwa? (2×) born? (2×) I am a truth teller Ndi msema kweli Interpretation: In this song, attributed to Gembe Lutandagula and sung here by an enthusiastic ad hoc wigaashe group in Miswaki,8 the niingi testifies that he is a tie-ridge creator, the one who breaks the earth and builds it up into mounds so erosion will not destroy the crops. Lutandagula, who died in the early 1990s, was affiliated with the bagiika, and was well known in Ntusu for his lovely voice and for his mimbo ga pointi (‘songs with points’) which praised farmers (Nkwabi*). This singer, as a ‘bender of hoes’, is so strong a farmer that he ruins and goes through many hoes in his work. He has a personal code, or a ‘taboo’, that he lives by: never to lie, steal, or oppress others. In line seven he implores, ‘Have you seen him doing this, since being

8

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #149.

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born?’ The niingi explains to his colleagues that his riches are from his efforts of farming, continually causing him to receive enough food for selling, so he can get money for daily use. Because of this they should not be jealous, or claim that, ‘Perhaps he steals, which is why he is seen to move around with money’. (214) Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’) Gembe nagema ng’wanone (2×) I have made the hoe my child (2×) Carried on the back (2×) Lya kuhekela ku ng’ongo (2×) Lya ku ng’ongo, ‘Fulikaga!’ (2×) On the back, ‘Be silent!’ (2×) ‘Ukusangwa na li Belegedi’ (2×) ‘You will be met by the Beregedi’ (2×) Interpretation: In this song performed during a lengthy walk by the composer Paulo Mafanyanga,9 the singer considers the hoe as a member of the family, literally as his child. He scolds it like a child and bpm: ¼ note = 90.

ps = CDEFGA

Fig. 18: Music transcription of Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’).

9

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #033.

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jokes with it, telling it not to complain about the work it is doing, lest it be thrown into the great river Beregedi, in the Shinyanga region. The song is sung freely, with no set ordering of lines. Discussing his song, Mafanyanga said: Wimbo huu, nilikuwa nikiimba wakati nilicheza ng’oma ya bukomyaluume. Ina maana kwamba: Jembe, wakati unapochukua jembe kwanza kilimo kikifika masika. Inakuwa sina taabu, sina wasiwasi na jembe. Na kilimo, tunalima bila wasiwasi. Nikichukua jembe, nitafanya kazi ya kulima asubuhi na jioni, bila hata kuchoka, tulikuwa na maana tu hiyo. Na kama unalima, huwezi kuogopa, hata kama ikija mambo ya njaa, au ya jua

Illus. 27. Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Town of Kisessa, 3 August 1993.

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kali, huwezi kuogopa, na utapata chakula kingi nyumbani. (This song, I sang at the time I was playing the ng’oma of the bakomyaluume. Its meaning is that, the time that you first grab the hoe for farming, is during the April–May rainy season. I have never had any problems, and I have never had any doubts with the hoe. Indeed, concerning farming, we farm without doubts. If I grab the hoe, I will do the farm work morning and night, without even tiring, this is just what was meant. And when you farm, you cannot be afraid, even if something like hunger comes, or the hot sun, you cannot be afraid, and you will receive plenty of food at home.) (215) Igembe lyane (‘My hoe’) (C) Igembe lyane (R) Igembe lyane lutobangula matongo Ga banamugi Olila ung’welele one

(C) My hoe (R) My hoe evens out the fields Belonging to the husbands My little child cries

Interpretation: This song remembered by Makoko Language instructor Magdelena Lubimbi10 is about the business of farming. The composer and performer of this song praises her hoe, convincing listeners that her hoe is very robust, has qualities that are masculine, and is certainly not defeated in farming. ‘My child’, meaning ‘my hoe’, cries when it is farming. (216) Hayaga no (‘You will talk a lot’) You will talk a lot! Hayaga no! When you hear the ‘boom’ of hoes Ulu galibuma a magembe You will talk a lot! Hayaga no! When it is cultivating the fields Ulu galilima umu matongo Child of baba oNg’wa baba When the ng’oma are sounding Ulu jililila ng’oma Manyakenda Manyakenda When are you cultivating the fields? Ulu mulilima umatongo?

10 Recorded by author, town of Musoma, 13 October 2006, personal collection of author.

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(217) Ng’wana ngosha (‘Young boy’) Young boy Ng’wana ngosha Kudima igembe, abone shiliwa To grab a hoe, one should see food Let me place it when it is early Nahigiki litale dilu morning Young boy Ng’wana ngosha Interpretation: These songs encourage youngsters not fear the work of farming. In Hayaga no, performed by bunuunguli singer and dancer Paulo Lusana,11 the singer praises the importance of farming together with ng’oma that sound, so to work harder and with speed. Ng’wana ngosha, collected by Bischoff (1996: 116),12 encourages the young boy, that it is good to consider farming, so one can get enough food in the homestead. (218) Nene nalisombola (‘I am explaining’) Nene nalisombola, abanhu I am explaining, to the people Ng’wandye kudegeleka mambo You should start to listen to issues Mgachibule amatu You should unblock the ears Mgakundulile Uncover them Ng’wandye kudekelega mambo You should start to listen to issues Ayo nakahayaga Which I am saying Kale kale no Very long long ago Aha lubaga lwane At my compound Nali na ng’wana ha ng’wape I had a child on the open Ha lubaga lwane At my compound Hapelana, umunda kalubala I got mad, in my stomach I got angry Nukalipamila il’gembe I stumble on the hoe Nashitule chuma I should hit the metal Nakabonha itumbati loya I saw tobacco leaves in plenty buyobe Ninja shibanda shihumbi I obtained a thousand folds Na magana abili and two hundred

11 12

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 13 April 1995, IUATM song #526. Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song.

songs of the bagobogobo in praise of the hoe Nakaja imaBukoba Nukaipandika isabo Niza ndibuja tu ng’ombe Bakanisekela, abanhu Ukusombola Ulu ujikila ingulu ja Kijima Ulilolela libuga Il’buga lyane

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I took off to the Bukoba region I received the wealth I came asking for cows They were laughing at me, people To explain If you go past the hills of Kijima You will spot the grassland My grassland

(219) Magembe, magembe (‘Hoes, hoes’) Hoes, hoes Magembe, magembe I got last year Napandikile ing’wakizo one hundred and thousand Laki na shihumbi I cultivated cotton two plants Nakalima pamba matina abili I got plenty with laughter Nupona kiti na seko seko Modoka jalocha j’usomba wane Trucks spend the day ferrying mine I closed (for others) the buying Mna chama hanugala center They weighed for nine days Bukaping’wa shiku kenda The clerk wrote me Kalani akanandika So, Kiduka Makungu Igete, Kiduka Makungu You have insomnia with farming? Ugakeyulaga kwilima? You have emptied this safe yourself Sefu yeneye wikuma bebe The manager shook his head Meneja akashingisha I left panting Nakinga nakufutilaga The richness of Tanzania Sabo ya Tanzania Ng’wana Mhindi Ng’wana Mhindi I am glad for myself I will flourish Hwilumbaga nahohola I arrived in the evening I was Hajushika mhindi nuyilaga sweating Currency are almost bringing me Lwa manoti lulandunigwisha down And I have thrown away the clothes N’ung’wenda naponyaga When I arrived the next day Nagashika intondo I am pushing a bag Nakushindikijaga na lifuko When I poured them out the next Nagajisuka intondo day They filled a whole silo Jokola ikologoto igima

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Najingi nujigabanya bamunhu Abo bakakela iDalisalamu Ukung’wa Nyerere, iDalisalamu Lina lyane lashika likasombolwaga Jikandikwa ilatili Jili m kitabo Gwa ng’hana, zawadi ikunisanga Nakuhundilwaga ndege

Other I offered people Those who got a poor harvest Dar es Salaam To Nyerere, Dar es Salaam My name has arrived it is being told The pounds were written down They are in a book It is true, a reward will follow me

They are manufacturing for me a plane Kalulumila [and] others are hating Kalulumila bangi bang’holwa me They stopped even visiting Boya na kupanda Even if you hate and purge Nulu mkwolwe muyupanza I Washa, I am arranging uNene Washa, nalipanga hundreds magana I am eating of my own hand Ndilya sha nkono gwane Lubasha Mapuli ng’wana Shema Lubasha Mapuli ng’wana Shema Interpretation: These songs were collected by Gibbe, and feature a farmer who is proud of his work, who brags about the praise he receives from prominent members of the government, to include the president. Buhimila Hunda ng’wana Washa of Sayusayu composed both of these songs.13 In Nene nalisombola, the singer implores his listener (possibly an opponent), that he should listen to what he has to say concerning farming, because he has been very successful in that profession. He reminds his opponent that he should not backbite or underestimate him. Many people have scorned him, but in the end, he produces bountiful crops and beautiful grasslands. In Magembe magembe, composed for the occasion of a competition with Lubasha Mapuli ng’wana Shema, the singer humorously discusses his bountiful cotton harvest that even Julius Nyerere has come to know about. In the end, his wealth all began with the hoe together with his effort.

13 Sources agree that the first Sukuma composer to be featured prominently on the radio in the Mwanza and Shinyanga regions in the late 1950s was Buhimila Hunda ng’wana Washa, of Sayusayu (Seso*; Makanga*).

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(220) Msoloji (‘Tie-ridge builder’) Tie-ridge builder Msoloji I explain to you, my comrades Namuwile, badugu bane It is not true, that this one is full Mtina giki, uyu ntale grown You have deceived me Mnisobile [saying] That these trousers have Ni surubale jile na dabali been patched up There is nothing to it Twenuto tutina [saying] That this one is Uyaha wa magaka praiseworthy Uncivilized, liar (2×) Shenji tu, lomolomo (2×) They’ve deceived me, child of Twansobile, ung’wana mbati so-and-so ‘Wali ng’wiza nuwe nguhinguhi’ ‘She is nice and very short Her face is pleasant’ (2×) Ni wa bushu bulabu safi mlelema (2×) And she had teeth Na mino Kitu jibunza ja bulele, alinisata In the fashion of a rash, she hurt me Man, I won’t stop saying Ngosha, natuleka kuhaya After she had finished my Aho mbaja kina magana hundreds hang’wisha Sodas in a house made of wood, Soda kwinumba lya ng’wa I fed her fimbo ganisha Forty, and other things Mabufote, na mengineyo She got very fat Ugina na kugina Interpretation: The performer and composer of this song, Migelegele ng’wana Hilya,14 said that he sang the song in competition with his dance opponent, who called him a woman. The singer answered with this humorous and self-depreciative song, to show that he indeed once had a girlfriend, but things did not work out. The bugobogobo dance leader Julius Ntamanwa* had this interpretive elaboration: Mimi wimbo huu nimeuona, yule mtunzi wa wimbo huu alikuwa anampenda mwanamke fulani, halafu watu ambao wenye

14

Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 13 August 1995, IUATM song #316.

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wivu wakawa wanapita na maneneo yao kuzuia asiwe na yule bwana. Aliona kwamba hawa watu wenye wivu sasa. Walimwambia huyu bwana hana nguo nzuri, hana vitu vyovyote, kumzuia. Lakini huyo bwana alikuwa amempa na soda foti. Wivu umefanya akashindwa kumpata huyo mwanamke. (Me, I have heard this song, the composer of this song loved a certain woman, then some jealous people were spreading words around to prevent this woman from being together with this man. He saw that these people were just jealous. They told her that this guy had no good clothes, that he had nothing at all, to prevent her from being with him. Even after he bought her forty sodas and other things to make her very fat. Jealousy was the cause of his inability to get this woman.) (221) Nakashikaga ahigembe (‘I grab the hoe’) I grab the hoe Nakashikaga ahigembe I call out, baba Nitana, baba Later I call for mayu Hanuma hangi nitana mayu It soothes me, my sister Unikonga, ilumbu iyane The hoe is wealth! Igembe sabo! If you need Tarime cows Uhaye Tarime They will come Jugusanga If you want Maria Uhaye Malia They will come Ugusanga The hoe is wealth! Igembe sabo! Take for instance me, Hangwa Gisi unene, Hangwa I married because of the hoe Nagatojiwa igembe I am giving birth to children of Bana nakubabyalaga ba Welelo Welelo Whom no one can claim Badina ntondi The hoe is wealth! Igembe sabo! Interpretation: In this song sung by Robert Kija and collected by his son Patrick Kija (1985: 28),15 the singer reminds the audience the

15 Kija’s English translation: ‘Whenever I hold the hoe / I always call my father / Then I call mother / Console my dear sister / The hoe is wealth / If you want Tarimetype cows / They will come / Even if you want a woman / She will meet you / The hoe is wealth / For instance I Hangwa / I married of the hoe / I bring children to the world whom no one can claim / The hoe is wealth’.

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importance of farming. Through the hoe, one can get a good crop, one can get cash for the crop, one can then buy cattle, and one can then pay the dowry for a wife (‘Maria’ here, is a euphemism for a woman). Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji explains: Wimbo huu unahusu na ufahamu jembe kama ni mzazi wako kama baba au mama. Jembe ndiyo litamaliza shida zote, kama wazazi wanavyoweza kumaliza shida. Jembe linaleta ng’ombe, ukitaka ng’ombe kutoka ‘Tarime’ utapata. Hata vyakula vingi utapata; kwa ujumla jembe ni mali! Huyu Hangwa kwa ujumla hawezi kudharau jembe, maana hata mke amempata kutokana na mali za kilimo. (This song is about understanding that a hoe is like a parent, like a father or mother. The hoe will indeed finish all problems in the same way parents are able finish all problems. The hoe brings cattle, if you want cattle of the Tarime variety, you will get them. Even if you want much food you will get it, indeed the hoe is wealth! This guy Hangwa is unable to talk badly about the hoe, meaning he was even able to get himself a wife, because of the wealth begotten through farming.) (222) Gutaponyaga, mpini (‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’) It does not betray, the hoe Gutaponyaga, mpini handle Not even a little Nulu hado Let us hold it Tugudimilagi Some they died Abangi bagaya Their fathers and their mothers Basabo na baninabo They have left Welelo Binga ku Welelo But the hoe has taken care of Aliyo lya balalang’hana iligembe them More than gold in the fields Kwikija dhahabu matongo If you see the small tie ridge Ulu ubona lyandi You get a hundred and a Uhila laki na shihumbi thousand shillings And God does not deny (2×) Nu Mungu atagobaga (2×) For instance, how do you see it? Gisi, mulimona kinehe? Ng’wana Bukwimba, Maliganya Ng’wana Bukwimba, Maliganya He has set up a home Wahumuja kaya It is as if he were born having Wabiza giti giki wabyalwa na cattle ng’ombe

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Gashinaga, akasimba ngobi Yunzunilija iWelelo ayupona Busiga buli ng’waka Nguno wandya na kuyinza Giti ulu giki wikinuja ha luganga lakwe Nulu utubile namna gani Bakafulaga Ushileka mgiseme Ulu giki ukatumilaga nyama ya kocha Ni yene yugusanga Ulu giki ukang’waga chai ya asubuhi Ni yene yukusanga Pye shose shili speya Hang’wa nimi lwa kugaiwa ng’humbi

Alas, he uprooted weeds And God rewarded him Plenty of millet each year The reason he started selling some Was because if you drop into his place No matter how hungry you are You will get satisfied Leaving food in the plates Or if you like barbequed meat You will get plenty of it If you are a morning tea drinker That will find you Everything is in spare [plentiful] It is a question of the stomach not being big enough

Interpretation: This is a song in praise of the hoe, performed by the composer Hoja ng’wana Butemi at Benjamin Moshi’s home in Miswaki.16 Two commentaries are presented here in full. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Anasifu kazi ya kilimo kuwa ndiyo pekee ya uhakika, zaidi hata ya uchimbaji madini! Anasifu na kuongeza, kuwa kuna waliofiwa wazazi wao, lakini watazame katika kilimo kutumia jembe, wanaendelea na maisha tokana na jembe. Niingi anaendelea kusifu ardhi na jembe, kuwa ndiyo vinaweza kukupa utajiri wowote unaoutaka, kama ni ng’ombe. (He praises the work of farming as indeed the only sure work, more even than that of digging for diamonds! He praises in addition, those who have lost their parents, but if they should look to farming and using the hoe, they will move along with their life through using the hoe. The niingi continues praising the earth and the hoe, things that bring indeed any kind of wealth you want, such as cattle.) Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji*: Anasisitiza ni vizuri tulishikilie jembe, kama unataka kuishi maisha mazuri ya utajiri. Ona wengine baba na

16

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 7 September1994, IUATM song #090.

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mama zao wameshakufa, ila jembe ndiyo limewatunza kama ndiyo wazazi walivyokuwa wanawatunza. Kama unataka kuwa na dhahabu nyingi, ni kuwa na mashamba mengi, sababu kuwa na mashamba ni sawa na kupata dhahabu nyingi. Kwa ujumla, ana maana kwamba kama ukimaliza kulima tuta, moja ni sawa na kupata elfu moja. Anasema Mungu hanyimi mtu. Ona huyu ng’wana Bukwimba Maliganya. Ametengeneza mji, hakuna mfano, ng’ombe amekuwa kama amezaliwa nazo. Yaani, amekuwa tajiri mno wa ng’ombe kutokana na ukulima, yeye ni mkulima tu, basi, kutokana na bidii yake kwenye ukulima. Basi, Mungu alifikia juhudi zake, akaamua kumpa huo utajiri wa ng’ombe. Kutokana na mazao aliyokuwa anauza kutoka kwenye nguvu zake za ukulima, hasa zao ambalo lilimpa utajiri kama huo ni mtama, ambao alikuwa anabadilisha kwa ng’ombe wakati wa njaa. Hata kama ukafika kwake ukiwa na njaa ya kufa, basi utakula mpaka vyakula utajaza kwenye vyombo. (This guy says this about the hoe: do not disregard it. He recommends it is better we should grab a hoe, if you want a good life with riches. Look at these people whose fathers and mothers have already died, yet the hoe indeed looks after them as if it is their parents looking after them. If you want riches like gold, it is the same as having many farms, indeed to have farms is the same as having a lot of gold. In general, he means that if you finish farming just one ridge, it is the same as [being on the way toward] getting one thousand. He says God denies no one. Look at this person, ng’wana Bukwimba Maliganya. He has prepared his homestead, there is no comparison, he has cattle as if he were born with them. It is to say, he is very rich with cattle from his farming, he is just a farmer that is all, from his hard work at farming, so, God came to his side, and decided to give him riches in cattle. As a result, he could sell his harvest because of his strength in farming, especially a crop that gave him riches such as millet, which he could exchange for cattle during a time of hunger. Even were you to go to his place having near-death hunger, you would just be able to eat until the food would be packed, filling all the containers.) (223) Kulyumila ligembe (‘Hold firm the hoe’) Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila Hold firm the hoe, hold firm Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila, Hold firm the hoe, hold firm, Malang’wa Malangwa

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Lyabatindiza bang’wana Ng’wandu (2×) Ng’hajusanga lyamuga mu numba (2×) Lyabatindiza bang’wana Ng’wandu (2×) Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila (2×) Lyabatindiza bang’wana Ng’washi (2×) Kujusanga lyabikwa mu numba Lyabatindiza bang’wana Ng’washi Igembe kimala bupina (2×) 17

It defeated17 the children of Ng’wandu (2×) I met it hidden in the house (2×) It defeated the children of Ng’wandu (2×) Hold firm the hoe, hold firm (2×) It defeated the children of Ng’washi (2×) Found stored in the house It defeated the children of Ng’washi The hoe puts an end to misery (2×)

Interpretation: In this song, performed by Tagili Ntamanwa,18 the singer makes the point that there is no use keeping the hoe locked up in the house, or one will go hungry. The singer visited the home of his competitor (Ng’wandu), and found that, shamefully, he could not take care of himself or his family. This was evident because the hoe was just sitting there resting on the wall. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde emphasized: Niingi anasifia jembe kuwa ndiye mkombozi kwa mtu anayeamua kulitumia kama zana maluumu ya kudumisha heshima na utu wa mtu kwa kufanya kazi. Anahimiza na kuelezea umuhimu wa jembe. Zana muhimu ya kazi anasisitiza ni jembe pekee. Anahimiza litunze na kulihifadhi ndani kwako ili ulitumie. (The niingi praises the hoe, as the savior of the person who decides to use it as an important tool to bring respect, and as the backbone of a man at work. He urges and explains the importance of the hoe. An important instrument of work, he emphasizes, is the hoe, alone; it always brings peace. He urges that it should be guarded and preserved inside your place, so it can be used.)

17

Kija transcribes this as lyabatendeza, which has an entirely different meaning; ‘The hoe has treated well’. Masalu transcribed this as lyabatindija, ‘It was enough for’, which provides another meaning. 18 Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 4 November 1994, IUATM song #153.

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Fitta ng’wana Liaku* made a similar comment: Huyu ni mkulima, analima kwa nguvu, kutafuta chakula. Hao ambao wanafanya hivi wanunua ng’ombe, wanajenga nyumba, wanapata chakula kingi, wanaleta mavazi, hela zipo. Yaani, kila kitu ambacho wanafanya ni kwa ajili ya jembe, hakuna matatizo hakuna njaa, mvua ikaanza, shika jembe tu! (This guy is a farmer, he farms with strength, to look for food. Those who do this kind of thing, they buy cows, they build homes, they get a lot of food, they have things to wear, money is there. So, everything which they want is because of the hoe, there are no problems, there is no famine, the rain comes, just grab a hoe!) (224) Ikozi nakalang’wa pye (‘I was taught the full course’) I was taught the full course Ikozi nakalangwa pye I was told, I should hold the hoe Nuwilwa, nagudime umpini handle By baba, ng’wana Salawi Na baba, nu ng’wana Salawi He taught he taught me Akalanga aganimala everything My child, the hoe gives Ng’wanone, iligembe solobo advantage It puts aside sadness Likatalaga ibengwe Only because of this Ni gisi Ng’wana Misuga blessed by Ng’wana Misuga wafuhiwa Welelo Welelo Farming ends up reduced Amalima gakashilaga ganyala Years, father, have changed to Miaka, baba, yabipile the worst We cannot domesticate cattle Tudusaba in’gombe If you try this, father Ulu wihamba giki, baba It comes back to you Yakushogela Child, what should I do, ng’wana uNg’wana, nite buli, ng’wana Misuga? Misuga? For this is the way of God Iki liWelelo Let us cry with reservation, Tulilage dusaja, Jidayi Jidayi We will see each other next year Tukubona hang’waka I should farm at night also, Nalime na bujiku, Gahondo Gahondo

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Illus. 28. The niingi Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga wears buganga regalia, and performs a song at his home. Village of Seke, 15 January 1995.

Mungu nigwage, unanukule jisoga Kabuli, ng’wene agagabang’hyiwagwa Mpaga nayisi, Jigalu Nisagiliwe

God hear me, receive me well So, everybody is given [what is theirs] Even ours, Jigalu I hope so

Interpretation: In this song composed and performed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga from Seke village, and collected by his student, the folklorist Patrick Kija (1985: 29), the singer explains the teachings that come from a life of farming, comparable to a university degree, ‘the full course’. The singer told Kija: ‘It is just a life of grabbing the hoe. The hoe brings respect and wealth. My father, son of Salawi, taught me everything about farming. He taught me that the hoe is wealth, it brings one respect, even to this stubborn person ng’wana Misuga. God gave him the intelligence to do farming work, even getting rich in cattle’.

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(225) Mbula ikudungulumaga (‘The rain is roaring’) The rain is roaring Mbula ikudungulumaga It is in the cloud iliNg’wilunde Are you ok up there? Mulema’uhola ungwigulya? The rain is coming farmers Mbula ikwiza balimi On the eighth month Umungweji gwa kanane The cloud will fall Kakukonoka kalunde It’s time to take hoes, farmers Isola magembe, balimi Nkwimba let us get up Nkwimba tubuke To take out the small hoe Dukakafunye kagembe Even here it is farming Kwilima nukunu The ihama drums tells us Likututambulilaga ihama For, will you look for young men? Nguno ukugoba basumba? Carry it, let us go Lifunge, tuje He cuts the land Lyitema isi I guffaw in the stomach Nalusekela na munda Interpretation: This song, collected by Kang’wezi (1974) in Bukwimba, discusses waiting for the rainy season, so the farming may begin. The singer mentions ihama, (s., ihama), the name of a hardwood tree used to make the drums played in bugobogobo ensembles, and the designated name of the large drum made from the trunk of this tree. William Lubimbi* had these comments: Mtunzi wa wimbo huu yeye anazungumzia kuhusu kilimo, na kilimo kinaanza hasa wakati wa majira ya mvua. Sasa yeye aliposikia ngulumo kutoka mbinguni kutoka hasa kwenye wingu, basi anawaambia kwamba kilimo imefika. Sasa anawauliza tena swali, ‘Nyinyi ambao mnakaa huko mbinguni mko salama?’ Anaogopa juu ya ngulumu ambao unaunguluma. Sasa yeye anasema, ‘Mvua inakuja; wakulima mkae tayari kwanza kulima’. Hasa mwezi huu wa nane ndiyo wa kilimo, kwa hiyo muanze kulima. Hata ng’oma ile kubwa, ile inaoitwa ihama, inatwambia kwamba sasa ni wakati wa kilimo, ‘Tutoe majembe sasa nje yaende mashambani na kwa sababu hiyo, vijana ambao mnatumia hii, tokeni na haya majembe kwenda mashambani kwenda kulima, kwa sababu sasa mvua imeanza, yaani imeanza kunyesha, na maji yako tayari sasa, ili tupate chakula na matumbo yetu’. (This composer is talking about farming, farming which starts especially during the rainy season. Now he hears the rumble from the heavens, especially from the clouds, so he tells them that

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farming has arrived. Now he asks again a question, ‘You, who sit there in the clouds, are you all right?’ He is afraid, from the sound that was sounding forth. Now he says, ‘The rain has come, farmers should sit ready first to farm’. Especially this eighth month, indeed the month for farming. Even this big ng’oma, the one called ihama, it is telling them now that it is time to farm, ‘Therefore let us pull our hoes out to go to the farm site to farm. Because the rain has begun, and your water is there, ready, so we can get food in our bellies’.) (226) Kalakala (‘Quickly quickly’) Quickly quickly, take the hoes Kalakala, ku magembe Ng’wana Mushilu, Paulo Ng’wana Mushilu, Paulo Do not leave it, the hoe! Utizulilekela, iligembe! You will grow thin in the end Ukukonda nose I have beaten the hairy hyena! Nahigika mbiti ya nzwili! Ng’wana Noni oNg’wa Noni Interpretation: The niingi, calling himself ng’wana Noni (‘child of a bird’), encourages his fellow workers to utilize the hoe, lest they run into trouble. Performed by Robert Kija, the song was collected by his son, the folklorist Patrick Kija (1985: 27). The song is used both at the farm site, and in competition. The singers’ reference here to the ‘hairy hyena’ is a derogatory term for a possible dance competitor. Makoko Language School Teacher Magdelena Lubimbi* had this observation: Niingi wa wimbo huu, anasisitizia kuhusu jembe, na anamwambia ng’wana Mushilu asilegee kutumia jembe, na wala asije kuliacha jembe maishani mwake akafanya kitu kingine. Kwake, anaona kuwa jembe ni mali, na mtu akishika jembe, maishani mwake hatapata shida, na hataweza kukonda. (The niingi of this song recommends the hoe, and he tells ng’wana Mushilu not to be loose in using the hoe, nor should he leave the hoe from his life and do something else. On his side, he knows that the hoe is wealth, and if a person grabs a hoe, in his life he will not meet trouble, and he will not get thin.) William Lubimbi* paraphrases the sentiment expressed in the song: ‘Fanyeni haraka haraka sasa, kila mmoja ashike jembe. Sasa mvua imeanza, kilimo kimeanza, na kama unaanza kulima, usifanye uvivu, hasa shika kabisa mpini wa jembe, lima hasa. Na usipofanya hivyo kilimo kitakufa mwishowe utakonda kule, kwa sababu chakula hakuna’. (‘Do it quickly now, every one of you grab a hoe. Now that the rain has

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started, the farming has started, thus, if you start to farm, do not be lazy, especially, grab the handle of the hoe, farm with purpose. And if you do not do this, your farming will die and in the end you will grow thin, because there will be no food’.) (227) Mayu, solaga mpini! (‘Mayu, grab the hoe handle!’) Mayu, solaga mpini! Mayu, grab the hoe handle! Nalongole kuli baba Let me head toward [to be] with baba Let me head toward father, mmm! Nalongole baba, mmm! You will find me, with father Ulanisanga, ong’wa baba You will find me Ulanisanga I am in the mango district Nali wilaya kuminyembe Tabora, of the big mangos Nhobola, wa kuminyembe dodo Where the big mangos are Kuminyembe dodo I am in the mango district Nali wilaya kuminyembe Tabora, waah! N’hobola, waah! You will find me, with father Ulinisanga, ong’wa baba You will find me Ulanisanga Take the hoe handle Solaga mpini Let me head toward my father Nalongole kuli baba Head toward father Nalongole baba You will find me, of father Ulanisanga, ong’wa baba You will find me Ulanisanga I am in the mango district Nali wilaya kuminyembe Tabora, where the big mangos are Nhobola, kuminyembe dodo Interpretation: In this wigaashe song composed and performed by Mayunga Ngata,19 the singer addresses his mother, telling her he is taking the hoe to go to Tabora where his father is, to assist him on the farm. He wants to make it to Tabora, where the mangos are legendary. The composer had this point to make about his song, saying that it was just a simple song for farming: Wimbo wa wakulima tu, wakati mnalima. Sasa sisi huku tupo, kwa mfano tunazo za kulimia. Wakati unalima ni lazima kuwepo na nyimbo, huku na ng’oma inalia. Wimbo huu, ninawasisitiza jembe ni kitu cha msingi sana, ndiyo uti wa mgongo

19

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM song #076.

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Illus. 29. Mayunga Ngata. Village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994.

wa wakulima. Yaani, hakuna kazi nyingine inayofanya mtu aishi kwa mila zetu! Yaani, bila jembe huwezi kupata chakula cha kutosheleza. Itakuwezesha kupata hela, utaweza kujitibisha, ndiyo, kutokana na jembe. (It is just a song for farmers only, for when you farm. We are there, with music for the farmers. When you farm, the songs have to be there, the ng’oma crying out. In this song, I urge that the hoe be at the foundation, to indeed be the backbone of farmers. That is, there is no other work that allows a person to live in our culture! In other words, without the hoe you cannot get enough food. It will cause you to get money, so you can take care of yourself, yes, with the hoe.) The following two songs mention the birds which gather right before the rainy season, signaling that the farming is about to begin. (228) Gongaga gongaga (‘Rumble rumble’) Rumble rumble Gongaga gongaga You should dance for us, woman Tubine, nkiima There are crows Ku makungulu Birds are there, crows Manoni galiho, makungulu Grab the hoes Shika magembe When I sleep, I dream of farming Nakulalaga, niganika ilima

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(229) Namutambulile (‘Let me inform you’) Let me inform you that Namutambulile ulu I have become angry, Yikobela Nakolagwa, Yikobela And my followers are discontent Na bahemba bane balubaga Let me tell you, there is no way out! Namuwile, nduhu inzila! You fear the hoe! Ogoha igembe! You look at me with wrinkled brow Ulinilola unishimulila Am I the one who brought Huna nene nalyenh’a ililima? farming? Curse the malwelwe, these birds Gadukage malwelwe, amanoni aya They are the ones who brought Hagene galyen’ha ilima farming Stand fast! Imilaga no! Alililima mulajisenga shilembelile Farming you will meet quite yet You fear the hoe, do not you Ogoha igembe, ukalyaga? [want to] eat? You fear the hoe! Ogoha igembe! Interpretation: During the brief periods around the two annual rains, the community exerts great effort to complete cultivation requirements. Rainfall can be very patchy with heavy rains in one area, with little rain a kilometer away. The first rainy season starts normally in October, yet can start as late as the end of December. March and April are usually the wettest months. In Gongaga gongaga, performed in rehearsal by the bugobogobo group of Butimba Teachers Training College (BTTC),20 the singers announce that the birds have arrived.21 The song ends with the commonly heard aphorism, Nakulalaga niganika ilima (‘When I sleep, I dream of farming’). Namutambulile is a bugobogobo song performed for the author by folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga.22 The songs were further documented by Kangwezi (1974) and Mkongola (1983: 7–8). The singer admonishes the lazy farmer, to stop shirking from work, and to stop blaming others for causing the farming season to start. With humor, the singer says instead that it is the malwelwe

20

Recorded by author, village of Butimba, 31 November 1994, IUATM song #611. At Butimba Teacher’s Training College, students can get a diploma in education, and a possible chance to go on to university. Bugobogobo has been taught there for ten years, and fulfills a traditional music requirement in the syllabus (Lubasa*). 22 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 July 2006, Recorded by author, village of Matale, 13 October 2006, author’s personal collection. 21

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birds, which have brought the farming season. Malwelwe, or Abdim’s storks (sphenorhynchus abdimi), are the seasonal birds that appear before the short rains in November/December. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* filled in further details about the song: Wimbo huu unamfanya mtu asionekane ni mmoja wa wale wanaokwepa kazi ya kilimo. Unahusu jinsi mtu anapolima huwa uso wake kaukunja kama mtu aliyekasirika. Lakini mtu huyu si kwamba kakasirika, bali tu ni uchovu. Kuna ndege ambao huonekana wakati wa masika tu, kwa hiyo wanapoonekana huku kwetu ndio ni kipimo cha majira ya kilimo kuanza mara moja. Kwa mkulima, huonekana amekasirika kwa kuzikasirikia ndege hizo kwa nini zimekuja. Kwa hiyo anayemkasirikia, mwimbaji anamjaribu hivyo. (This song requires a person not to be like one of those who avoids the work of farming. This is about how a person who farms always making his face scrunched up like one who is angry. But this person who does this is not angry, they are just tired. There is a bird that is only seen during the time of the heavy rains, so when they are seen among us, it is indeed the time of the rainy season, and farming will begin at once. With this farmer, he has become angry toward these birds, wondering why they have come. So, this person who becomes angry, the singer queries him in this way.) (230) Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe (‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’) Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe, Idili is not speaking about cattle, no! yaya! He should grab a hoe Alishike ligembe I speak about farming, ng’wana Naliyombela kilimo, ng’wana Kasasala Kasasala Yee, they should have more cattle Yee, nibanikijage ing’ombe than I Today, food that will be picked Lelo, shiliwa lenilo nkonolilo That [is what] helps me (2×) Shikunigunana (2×) Interpretation: This is a popular verse of a wigaashe song, which has found its way into farmers’ basumba choruses. The singer and composer Idili ng’wana Dukiila23 tells his listener that being rich with cattle

23

Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, June 1995, IUATM song #548.

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is admirable, but having food in the hand which one can use based on one’s own efforts is quite another. Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji* had this to say: Katika nyimbo nyingi za kujisifu, kama ana bugota anashinda wengine. Sasa anazungumzia juu ya kilimo kuliko hata ufugaji wa ng’ombe. Anasema tu kwamba, hata wamshinde ufugaji wa ng’ombe, lakini ‘mimi nitaendelea na kilimo, niwe na chakula kingi. Hicho chakula naweza nikawauzia. Kwa hiyo, ‘Mimi hata wanishinde ng’ombe lakini mimi nitawashinda kwa chakula’. Anasema wafuasi wake waangalie kilimo kinawaletea faida nyumbani. (As with many songs of self-praise, he declares that if he has bugota, he will beat the others. Here he discusses farming compared to the keeping of cattle. He just says that even should they surpass him in cattle breeding, ‘I will continue in farming, I will have food a plenty. This food I will be able to sell. Therefore myself, even if they beat me in cattle myself I shall surpass them in food’. He says his followers should see that farming brings benefit at home.) (231) Mutategemelage shakwiba (‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’) Do not depend on that which is Mutategemelage shakwiba stolen Ning’we ng’wugadima magembe You too [should] hold the hoes of Hongo ba Hongo Ning’we ng’wugadima magembe You too [should] hold the hoes Regarding the tax of that of Ba godi ya ng’wa Masanja Masanja Your eyes have bulged Ng’wa kapembeka na miso It is still a little while Ya shigaga hoi hado After selling cotton Bada ya kujinja bupamba You will start looking attentively Ng’wayukengelu tuyila at ways Should an old man appear Kize na kanamhala You corner him Ng’wakanyama Interpretation: In this song composed by Kalikali Mbagule in the late 1950s, performed here by Kang’wina Mwami ng’wana Mihumo24 and

24 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #455.

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documented by Mkongola (1980: 85),25 the singer tells people who avoid taxes and steal, that they should grab a hoe and use it instead. Chief Masanja (of Nera), was known for his efficiency in following through with collecting taxes from his subjects. A common phrase among thieves in those times, when they were about to rob someone, would be to declare, ‘Now for the tax of Masanja’. The singer thus tells his audience in general to stop stealing from others and to depend instead upon the hoe. Local historian Michael Masalu* had the insight that Kalikali was directing his invective toward a competitor: Anawaambia kwamba, sasa wao wanaoshika majembe, ndiyo waweze kupata chakula cha kulisha familia yao. Sasa katika shuguli yake hiyo, wapinzani wake aliwaambia kwamba, ‘Sasa mwishowe mtapata hiyo kodi ya Masanja’. Kulikuwa na msemo watu wengine walikuwa wanatafuta hela, wanakosa chakula kwa sababu ya kuacha kulima. Ni kama majambazi walikuwa wanavizia watu njiani kuwaomba hela na kuwaambia, ‘Lipa kodi ya Masanja’. Kwa hiyo hawa wapinzani wake aliwaambia kwamba, ‘Mwishowe mtakuwa watu kama hawa wanaosema lipa kodi ya Masanja, kwa sababu mtakuwa mnazurura mnakosa chakula’. (He tells them that, those who grab a hoe are the ones who should be able to receive food to feed their families. Now in his line of work, his competitor will say, ‘Now, in the end, you will get this tax of Masanja’. There was this saying among people who were looking for money, they had no money because they refused to farm. They were like thugs who shook people up on the road, who would tell them, ‘Pay now the tax of Masanja’. Therefore, regarding his competitors, he tells them, ‘In the end you will become like these people who demand the payment of Masanja, because you are lazy and you have no food’.)

25 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Msitegemee cha wizi / Nanyi shikeni majembe, akina Hongo / Nanyi shikeni majembe / Mfanyao ‘kodi ya Masanja’ / Mmeiviona macho / Sasa bado kidogo / Waanze kuuza pamba / Muanze kushinda msituni / Mkinyemelea njia / Kaje kazee nako / Mukashike’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘Do not depend on thievery / You all should grab hoes, of those of Hongo / You all should grab hoes / Those of you with the “tax of Masanja” / You see the eyes / Now, not yet / They should start to sell cotton / You will start to be defeated in the wild / Looking around for a path / Should an old person come your way / You then grab him’.

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(232) Magembe galihamo (‘Hoes are together’). Hoes are together Magembe galihamo They do not fail to touch, Mode Gatakijaga kwikumya, Mode The daughter in-law of ng’wana Ng’winga wa ng’wana Waliya Waliya Calm down, cook for your children Lembelaga, zugilaga bana bako Should you listen to liars Oladegeleke bahwahwa Bamana mihayo, okugaya solobo They know words, you will miss value (2×) (2×) If you keep listening to them Ulamanu badegeleka The gossipers, the liars are bad Balomolomo, abahwahwa, babubi They will cheat your intelligence Bakukudanganya masala And you will destroy your Nikaya ulobagala household You will be troubled Ukuyungala Mode, if you listen to peoples Mode, uladegeleke ya banhu Destroyers of your household Babulagi ba mji goko Ng’wana Mungamila Ng’wana Mungamila Child of ng’wana Waliya Ng’wana wa ng’wana Waliya Settle, you have never suffered Igashaga, utinaluha Cook for your children Zughaga bana bako Whatever you need Ijuotogwe bebe There is no objector Itina nkumi Interpretation: In this wigaashe song composed and performed by Shing’wenda ng’wana Sitta,26 the singer pleads for his wife Mode not to listen to gossip, and pleads for her to come back to her family. He begins the song with a common Sukuma aphorism, magembe galihamo, gatakijaga kwikumya (‘[when] hoes come together, they do not fail to touch’), meaning two people who live close together in a household cannot fail to disagree now and then. The singer had the point that Mke wangu alipata mashauri mabaya, kutoka kwa watu ambao siyo ndugu zetu, ndio ni sababu nilitunga wimbo huu. (My wife was given bad advice by people who were not our kin, indeed this is the reason I composed this song.)

26

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 8 September 1994, IUATM song #122.

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(233) Lelo, banimila nomo (‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’) Today, those who cultivate by the Lelo, banimila nomo mouth You will depend on the shin Mkutungwa nundi Swahili people, you are wandering Baswahili, mkoyungayunga They walk around with sacks Bayuyela na magunila bukola searching Cassava flour and salt for their Budaga na mamunhu gabo basket mkitambuka The hoe has terrified them Lyabogohije ligembe These Swahili, ‘Salaam Aleikum’ Aba Swahili, Basalaameleko people The hoe has terrified them Lyabogohije igembe These Swahili, ‘Salaam Aleikum’ Aba Swahili Basalaamaleko people Children of Muhammad Bana bang’wa Mohamadi They cultivate in the evening Bakalimaga mhindi At noon, them? Saa sita, bene? No! Yaya! Interpretation: This bugobogobo song performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma27 is aimed at city folk, specifically Muslims, who are perceived by many rural Sukuma farmers as not knowing the meaning of work. Banimila nomo (‘Those who cultivate by the mouth’) is a derogatory reference to those whose only skill in life is how to use their mouths. Lelo mkutungwa nundi is a well-known Sukuma proverb, cited toward those who dislike work: ‘You will depend on the shin’ means that because you have not farmed, you will spend your time begging on your knees, or you will become tired, moving around from place to place with sacks, begging and looking for food. The ‘Salaam Aleikum people’ is a derogatory reference toward Muslims living in Mwanza, as well as the coastal Swahili people, perceived by many as ‘city dwellers’ who cannot farm. Mwanza began as a Muslim trading center in the mid-nineteenth century, and maintains a strong Muslim base. Michael Masalu* had this comment: Wimbo huu

27

Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #244.

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unazungumzia juu ya watu hawapenda kulima, wanapenda kufanya biashara tu kuuza chumvi, lakini chakula utapata taabu, jembe inaleta chakula. Wanaogopa jembe, wale ‘Salaam Aleikum’. Chakula chao ni cha kutafuta, wakilima wanalima kidogo tu, ili wasitoka jasho sana. Hawa, wana tabia ya kuzungumza tu, bila kufanya kazi. Kazi yao ni kutembea. Kupata chakula, wanaenda kwa jirani yao tu. Kazi yao ni kuenda msikitiki, kusali tu, hawashika jembe, wanakunywa chai tu. (This song discusses people who do not like to farm, they only like their business of selling salt, but in the case of getting food, they will get problems. They fear the hoe, these ‘Salaam Aleikum’ people. Their food is something to be searched for, if they farm they farm only a little, so they won’t sweat very much. These people, they have the trait of talking only, without doing work. Their work is to walk around. To get food, they can only go to their neighbors. Their work is just to go to the mosque to pray, they do not grab the hoe, all they do is drink tea.) (234) Balinisayila (‘They tell lies about me’) They tell lies about me Balinisayila That I go to Malawi Hajaga, uku Malawi [that] I bring the radio, it cries to Nakenha ladio, ikundililaga me Ni Bulyang’hulu, ng’wana Maza To Bulyang’hulu, ng’wana Martha Ntuzu is vast liNtuzu butale I crow here at home (2×) Nahilila ha kaya (2×) The hoe gives me advantage Igembe lyaninha faida Nakoyaga maki ndikapondagula I am upset [when] I go crash stones mawe Interpretation: This song performed for the author by Michael Masalu28 and documented also by Makoye (2000: 30), is about a youth who managed to make some achievements by working in the farms. Because of this, he could buy a portable radio, now heard by neighbors. His neighbors pretend not to see the realities of the boy’s possession of the radio. They seem not to believe he has one, and they are saying that the boy had once gone to the gold mines in Geita District,

28 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 15 August 2006, personal collection of author.

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a place known as Bulyang’hulu. In defense, the boy confirms that such a report is just a malicious rumor. According to him, there is no need to go there, because what he is doing in the farms is enough to make him sustain his life. Apart from the fact that the boy is refuting the false information spread by his neighbors, there is also a important message within the song itself. Many young boys in Mwanza and Shinyanga are going to Geita in search of gold, which, as they believe, will make them rich. ‘Uku Malawi’, means ‘at Malawi’. In nearby Geita are Bulyang’hulu and Nyarugusu, both nicknamed ‘Malawi’, because Malawi is famous for its diamond deposits and migrant labor. Such places have attracted a number of people with different interests. There are those who seriously engage themselves in digging for the mines. There are also robbers, thieves, bandits, and prostitutes. Thus, security there is in jeopardy. The boy is cautioning his friend that even though Bulyang’hulu can provide wealth, one has to prepare himself to endure all the hardships pertaining to the job itself. The singer says that to avoid all these, the best way is to work hard and remain at home. (235) Kagembe kamala (‘The hoe has finished’) The hoe has finished my relatives! Kagembe kamala badugu bane! (2×) (2×) The hoes are heavy Magembe madito It killed us Likatubulaga Death eats us Lilufu likatulyaga It finishes us Likatumalaga It brings sorrow to us Likatusunduhajaga It has no cure Lutina It cannot be escaped Lutapelagwa You may dodge rain, you may Ushige mbula, ushige na lume dodge dew Death is bad Lilufu lya bubi The hoes have finished Igembe lyamala Burying Kubajika My relatives! Badugu bane! Interpretation: A song collected by Gibbe (n.d.) that bemoans the fate of death, which awaits everyone. The song acknowledges the role that the hoe plays in the burial of loved ones who have passed away. The hoe is cleverly associated with death in a morbid way, as the song

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couples the image of the hoe with that of death by using the same verb form, -mala (finish). The hoe has a role in bringing forth life, in planting and cultivating crops, and it breaks the earth while sending loved ones on, and ‘finishes’ (buries) them. Another layer of interpretation is that the life of working the land with a hoe is a hard one, a life of hard labor that in the end brings death. Folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* had this commentary: Hapa ni mafunzo tu, anatoa mafunzo kati ya kuelimisha jembe ni sawasawa na kifo, kwa sababu kale kajembe kataanza kuchimba, pale pale mtu atazikwa humo kwa hiyo tuzoe. Anavyoeleza kwamba hakuna ujanja kwa jinsi yeyote, ile kifo ni cha lazima kwa hiyo hata kama tukifanyaje lazima tutakufa. (This is a bit of a mystery, it is as if to remind us that the hoe is a harbinger of death, because it is the hoe that begins the process of opening up the earth, where someone will be placed, therefore in the end we must get used to this. He explains that there is no amount of cleverness that one can summon to escape this fate, death is necessary no matter what we do.)

CHAPTER TEN

SONGS OF BALIMI (FARMERS) CONCERNING DISEASE, DROUGHT, AND FAMINE In the Sukuma oral tradition, as in many other traditions of eastern and southern Africa, the distant past is reckoned by older generations in epochs demarcated by the reigns of chiefs, as well as by catastrophic events such as epidemics, droughts, and famines. For instance, a person might relate that they were born at some time in the last years of chief Masanza’s reign, one farming season after the famine of legu legu (‘famine of maize flour’) which would have occurred in 1949. Famines are named after either their cause, as in the 1933–1934 nzala ya nzige (‘famine of locusts’), or after their solution, as in the 1948–1949 nzala ya legu legu (‘famine of maize flour’), where baskets of maize flour were brought in from the outside to alleviate those suffering from the drought. Memories about the experiential specifics of drought and famine are codified most succinctly in the oral traditions of farmers, the demographic that stands to suffer the most during these times. Farmers’ songs, especially, have a way of codifying memories about calamities in a heightened, dramatic, and succinct manner. Further, Sukuma farming songs which commemorate calamity, have an intertextual quality, in that verses and poetic images from songs of previous generations can be re-appropriated and creatively applied in novel ways to meet the needs of the current situation. Similarly, Sukuma farming songs about calamity have an inter-temporal quality, in that the same song composed for instance on the occurrence of a contemporary famine can also evoke specific famines of the past, as well as make metaphorical claims signifying the specifics of famines yet to occur. One theme that emerges from these songs is the despair about the circumstances that the calamity brings, admonishment for the lazy farmer who lets famine get the best of him, and praise for the hardworking farmer who survives against all odds.

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(236) Nzala ya nhinje (‘The famine of nhinje’) The famine of nhinje wrecked him Nzala ya nhinje ika’ng’hongola Ng’wana Nyawilu, nabyukumya Ng’wana Nyawilu, I was wandering This is not a famine, this is a Itizala iyi, mahona hii! (2×) calamity! (2×) A child is not seen twice Ng’wana atabonagwa kabili Sayi my child, he was Sayi uSayi ng’wanone, wabile Sayi Who will weep for me? Kwikunilila? This famine Hizala iyi It is a calamity hii! Mahona hii! This is not a famine Itizala iyi It is a calamity hii! (2×) Mahona hii! (2×) Interpretation: This beni song performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga and Jiyoga ng’wana Chiila at Chiila’s home in Ng’wajiginya,1 was attributed by the singers to Weja, a well-known wigaashe composer of the early twentieth century, and a competitor of ng’wana Malundi. The singer discusses the late nineteenth century nzala ya nhinje, or ‘famine of nhinje trees’, the likes of which no one had ever seen before that time. According to Elias Songoyi*, the famine was named after a specific tree that bears a very bitter fruit, which people resorted to during this famine. In other parts of the Sukuma region, the famine was called the nzala ya mitindu, or ‘famine of tree bark’, as people were forced to consume a kind of thick bark that was normally used for making baskets for carrying food. According to the singer (Chiila*), the famine most likely occurred sometime kabla ya Wajerumani (before the Germans), perhaps between 1897 and 1905 (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni 1988: 189). The singer laments losing a child, ‘who cannot be seen (born) twice’. The song uses a term seldom used today, but common in songs from the nineteenth century, the term mahona, for calamity. The song emphasizes that ‘this is not a famine, it is a calamity’.

1

Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, August 1995, IUATM song #364.

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(237) Lufu lutapelagwa (‘Death is not run off ’) Death is not run off, ng’wana Lufu lutapelagwa, ng’wana Milalu Milalu Makadundu, if you grow Makadundu, ukipanda He kept singing for . . . Wali wa kukimbila . . . Death was patient with him Kalufu kangoyelaga Kwilasa, it got him Kwilasa, kampandikile It came to get him Kakampandika kubi It told him! Kungw’ila! ‘I knock you down ‘Nakupame They will find you dead’ Bakusang’ichire’ He kept singing for… Wali wa kukimbila . . . Death was patient with him Kalufu kangoyelaga Kwilasa, it got him! Kwilasa, kampandikile Interpretation: There were a number of serious sleeping sickness outbreaks recorded between 1910–1924, and the outbreaks were only reduced after several successful slash-and-burn campaigns designed to eradicate brush and swamp (Swynnerton 1925), and after the Sukuma people abandoned large portions of their land (Iliffe 1979: 163). Music was performed as a response to this epidemic, a means to get the word out about its dangers (Mwanza District Reports 1927–1928). This is a song published as a letter to the editor from the catechist Fabiano Lufunzo, in Lumuli (‘Lufu Lutapelagwa’ 1930). The singer articulates what witnesses saw during a 1916 sleeping sickness epidemic. People moved about from one place to another to escape the disease. Kwilasa took his children to a new place, ‘singing’ for an unknown resolution, possibly ‘mercy’, but the children died even there. (238) Ng’wana Nkwimba (‘Ng’wana Nkwimba’) Ng’wana Nkwimba Ng’wana Nkwimba You hold the harvest of Masota! Ukudima lyangala lya Masota! Something which beats the heart! Itula ng’holo! You can say but you have finished Yombaga umalile Ng’wana Kulindwa, ng’wana Ng’wana Kulindwa, ng’wana Malulu! Malulu! Batemi bagimva bangi basuluja The chiefs have been turned into retailers Bakung’wa Shimba batububona Those from Shimba will not see us

songs of farmers on disease, drought, famine Yaluma mbula, ili Mankula Iki nene, mayu Nabile nuyumba Nubala shiseme Bakung’wa Shimba batububona

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It has thundered, the rain, at Mankula For I, mayu I have moved from one place to another Counting household items Those from Shimba will not see us

Interpretation: Although there were some Sukuma farmers who benefited from colonial-era cotton-growing practices, cotton cash crop production resulted for the most part in a significant loss of crop diversity, and Sukuma nutrition suffered.2 Famine broke out on the average of once per decade between 1910 and 1950. Food shortages during this time related directly to human-caused famine (Little 1987: 3). The colony’s adoption of new high yield crops like maize, were easier to grow but less resistant to drought, and more difficult to store for long periods (Koponen 1988: 138). Furthermore, there was a decline in the art of cultivation, because of the heavy outflow of migrant labor (Koponen 1988: 135). Because of the inequality between the food crop sector and the money sector of the economy, cash crops were grown at the expense of food crops. As farmers increased their cash crop production, food crop production fell. This song, collected by the missionary Augustiny (1923: 163),3 documents a famine that took place several years prior, a famine that caused much chaos and confusion. This was most likely the nzala ya maharagwe, or ‘famine of beans’, a multiyear famine caused by food shortages in the years following World War I (Magongo*), and was called by one scholar the ‘worst famine in Sukuma history’ (Little 1987: 65). According to this song, the chiefs were forced to become retailers, and people were scrambling here and there to survive. However, the

2 The risks of disease became greater, with the quality of diet affected by the addition of low protein high carbohydrate staples like cassava and maize, and the elimination and reduction of high protein grains like peanuts and sesame, which became export crops, and the reduction of high protein grains like millet. 3 Augustiny’s German translation: ‘Sohn der Nkwimba / Nimm die Ähre vom Masota! / Fasse Mut! Erzähle alles / Sohn des Kulindwa / Sohn des Malulu / Die sogenannten anderen Häuptlinge treiben Handel / Bei den Leuten des Shimba werden sie keine (Hirse) finden / Es donnert (regnet viel ) in Mankula / Darum bin ich, Mutter / Herumgegangen und habe die gefasste gezählt: / Bei den Leuten des Shimba werden sie nichts finden’.

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singer, in his narrative, is hopeful that this year things would be better, as the rain has been plentiful. William Lubimbi* had this remark: Sasa, mwimbaji anasema chakula mwaka huu ni kingi sana, kwa hiyo hakuna kukata tamaa. Ingawaje watu wengi wanafahamu hivyo, ingawaje watemi walijaribiwa kwamba eeh kama wachuuzi. Lakini mwaka huu, chakula ni tele, kwa hiyo usiwe na wasiwasi. (Now, the singer says food this year is so plentiful, therefore there is no point in losing hope. If only a lot of people could understand this, that the chiefs had tried to be like retailers! But this year, there is much food, therefore do not lose hope.) (239) Nakasombolaga (‘I always narrate’) I always narrate Nakasombolaga I, Jifaru Unene, Jifaru I see a star with a tail Nabonile sonda ya nkila Having adornment (2×) Ilina bulenji (2×) The star suddenly streaks across Sonda yichamika Coming from the east Iifumile mkiya Heading west (2×) Ilitunga mng’weli (2×) I always narrate Nakasombolaga I, Jifaru Unene, Jifaru I see a white star Nabonile sonda yape Having adornment (2×) Ilina bulenji (2×) At the famine of Masanzo Aha nzala ya Masanzo And that of Balugwa (2×) Ni ya Balugwa (2×) Others run away fast (2×) Bangi busima nhambo (2×) Others married Bangi batolaga They leave their families Balekaga kaya jabo Because of the famine (2×) Kunguno ya nzala (2×) Interpretation: This song, recalled and performed by the banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha,4 has two narrative streams of thought associated with it. The song was attributed by Kisunun’ha to Jifaru, who, it is said, once sang the song about the nzala ya legu legu, or ‘famine of maize flour’ (1948–1949), a devastating famine where many families starved to death (Magongo*) and half a million cattle died (Rounce

4

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 17–31 March 1995, IUATM song #310.

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1949: 17). The song evokes a common signifier associated with the bayege, that of the ability to predict the future (kuhanga). The image is a ‘warning’ comet streaking across the sky. When such a comet is seen, it is thought that calamity will soon occur. This image associates the singer with this ability, who then, goes on to mention two famines by name. The song mentions the nzala ya masanzo, or ‘famine of baskets’ (1901),5 associated with people from Ukurewe island bringing food and seeds in baskets to Mwanza, to, according to the source, either help the Basukuma (Mihumo*) or take advantage of their misery (Koponen 1988: 121). The song also mentions the nzala ya Balugwa or ‘famine of Balugwa’ (1929), named after the area (undetermined) where food could still be found. One of the banam’hala singers, Petro Nyumbani*, mentions that the song: (. . .) zinatabiri siku za mbele anayokuja. Kwa mfano ya njaa itatokea, watu watakuwa wataacha miji yao, wataenda sehemu nyingine, wataacha familia. Njaa kubwa itatokea. (. . .) predicts the days ahead that are yet to come. For example, [concerning] famines that will take place, people will leave their towns, they will go elsewhere, and they will leave their families. A big famine will occur.) Historian Michael Masalu* shared the opinion that the song was composed before these famines: Yeye Jifaru, anasema maneno kama kutabiri, kitu ambacho kitaonekana mbele. Kwa sababu anazungumzia nyota, eh, inatoka mashariki. Ni kitu ambacho inaonyesha anaweza kujua siku za mbele. Baada ya kusema maneno haya, ilitokeza njaa, ilikuwa ikiitwa ‘masanzo’. Ndiyo hayo maneno yalitabiri, hii nyota ilitabiri, kutoka mashariki, njaa itajitokeza. Kabla ya njaa, watu walikuwa wakipata chakula, badaaye, chakula kikaisha, watu walipata matatizo. (This guy Jifaru, he speaks words of prophesy, something which will be seen in the days ahead, because he is speaking of a star, which comes from the east. It is a vision that shows he is able to see into the future. After saying these words, there was a famine, called ‘masanzo’. Indeed these words predict, this star predicts, from the east, that a famine will occur. Before the famine, people were getting food, afterward, the food was gone, people encountered problems.) Kisunun’ha Nyumbani*, who taught the song to these singers and learned the song on the occasion of the nzala ya gada (‘famine of gada’)

5 It is possible that this was also known as the Nzala ya Mitindu, or ‘Famine of Bark’ (see also song #236).

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of 1975 (in other regions known as the nzala ya magembe or ‘famine of hoes’), disagrees with this sentiment, and claims that the singer to whom the song is attributed (Jifaru), is not predicting anything, but comparing the famine he is currently experiencing (the ‘famine of legu legu’ in 1949), with what he had remembered or heard about the two previous famines: Mimi, nilijifunza wimbo huu 1975, baada ya nzala ya gada. Wimbo huu ulikuwa kuhusu nzala ya Balugwa [1929], na masanzo [1901]. Wakati ule, watu wengi walihama kutoka nyumbani kwao. Ulitungwa wakati wa nzala ya legu legu [1949], kwa sababu njaa hii ya masanzo [1901] na Balugwa [1929] ilifanana na ile ya legu legu [1949]. (Me, I learned this song in 1975, after the ‘famine of gada’. This song was composed about the famines of ‘Balugwa’ [1929] and ‘masanzo’ [1901]. In those times, many people left their homes. It was composed at the time of the famine of ‘legu legu’ [1949], because these famines of ‘masanzo’ [1901] and ‘Balugwa’ [1929] resembled that of ‘legu legu’ [1949].) Mashauri Budaka* concurred, feeling that the coming of the star just at the onset of the famine was common knowledge, not privy to one person, and that the memory of this ‘star’ sighting is remembered in relation to the subsequent famines: Sasa, wakati njaa ilianza kuingia, kulikuwa inshara ilipangwa na Mungu, kama nyota. Hiyo nyota ilikuwepo kabla ya njaa, kuonyesha mwaka mbaya utatokea. Sasa huyu mwimbaji, siyo mhangi, alitunga wimbo huu baada ya matokeo haya. Baada ya kupita njaa, aliutunga. Kama ilikuwa wimbo wa kuhanga, asingesema halisi kama nini imetokea. Hii ni kama simulizi tu. (Now, when the famine started to come, there was a sign brought by God, like a star. This star was there before the famine, to show that it would be a bad year. Now this singer, is not a prophet, he composed this song after these events occurred. After there was a famine, he composed this song. If it were a prediction song, he would not say exactly what would take place. This is just a narrative.) (240) Nchilu Blacka (‘The fool Mister Black’) The fool Mister Black Nchilu Blacka He cheated us Alitudanganya People, we suffered! (2×) Banhu, twaluha! (2×) To be removed from the mountains Kupejiwa mumalugulu To go down into lower areas Kuja kusilili To make contour ridges Kulima maduta

songs of farmers on disease, drought, famine Kulima buluba Mungu twambilijage Bangereja bashoke ku kaya (2×) Kuhadikijiwa kulima mabuluba Ng’weji gwa mili Ntemi Ng’waya ng’wana Ng’wandu Ubagema bawana shamba Kubalisha mabuluba Akatulwa no (2×) Akaliwa mafaini Akoya na koya

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To cultivate cotton God help us The British should go home (2×) To be forced to cultivate cotton In the month of November Local chief Ng’waya, ng’wana Ng’wandu Tried the agricultural officers To feed them cotton He was much beaten (2×) He was fined He stopped altogether

Interpretation: As crop-growing campaigns intensified, such as the ‘Plant More Crops’ campaign from 1932 to 1945, every region had one or more Bwana Shamba (literally, ‘Mister Farm’) or agricultural field officer, who went out to the villages holding seminars and making sure that farmers complied with the new particulars of various programs and schemes. These requirements included making sure every cultivator of cotton would have to uproot and burn the cotton plants after harvest (Government Notice 221/1929), prohibitions to mix white and pink cotton (Government Notice 75/1935), prohibitions against growing other crops in the same fields as cotton (Government Notice 75/1935); and requiring every taxpayer to cultivate and maintain an acre of cotton (Government Notice 177/1942; Manyanda 1979: 36). It used to be that during the time when people were required to plant cotton, there was much complaint, and one local chief ’s councilor heard many such cases (Gamaya*). Resistance to cotton colonialism however was ambiguous and rarely amounted to much more than illegal inter-cropping, planting in poor soils, permitting hybridization, and refusing to sell their harvest to the export sector. The farmers disliked most of all the requirements to build tie-ridges, or matuta. Bwana Shamba campaigns were at the forefront to build matuta, and by 1936 people were complaining about it (Bulahya*). Before this time, the method of cultivation for all crops was sesa, or flat cultivation, which consisted of hoeing the soil to a depth of 3.5 cm and planting without ridging, thus encouraging soil erosion. Ridging began as a preventive measure against erosion. At first, only one ridge was prepared, on the upper part of the field, and later the whole field was ridged. Large pinches of seed, were placed into the ridge in a row,

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forty to seventy centimeters apart (Mihumo*). Ridging functioned as a fertilization method as well. The shambas were at first given a light ridging at the beginning of the rains, when new. For old shambas, the ridges were split back to form new ones over the old furrows, burying weeds at the same time (Magoti 1984: 30). Matuta production was much more labor intensive, and when farmers did not do it right they were fined (Masunga*). Sukuma farmers later realized that matutas demonstrably yielded more crops. ‘At first, people were angry with the matuta business, then they started to see they were actually getting results, that they really held water’ (Nkwabi*). Farmers soon realized that they could get the job done quicker if they adapted the old kisumba labor groups to the task. Later farmers groups like the bagobogobo began the novel approach of accompanying their work with drums as well. Each person has his ridge, moving in parallel lines, each completing the work at his speed, but working in synchronization with the group to the rhythms provided by the drummers. Kang’wiina Mwami ng’wana Mihumo recalled and performed this song.6 The composer is unknown. Ntemi Ng’waya tried to get the British to stop requiring people in his area to plant cotton. The composer here is complaining about the government agricultural officer, a ‘Mister Black’, who is trying to introduce cash cropping in the area, together with tie ridging. The singer praises ntemi Ng’waya, who according to oral tradition received a big fine for serving the visiting ‘Bwana Shamba’ with meat, sprinkled with cotton seeds. It was common for singers to be employed by batemi, with the expectation that they would compose songs for the occasion of visits by other batemi or, during the colonial period, visits by government officials (Tanner Diary 1952). It was unusual, however, to have such a blatant breaking of social codes as is exemplified by this song, and it is unknown whether the singer sang the song sometime during the event that is immortalized in the song, or whether it was sung sometime afterward. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had several revealing points to make about this song: Manju anaelezea juu ya mkoloni alivyoanzisha kilimo cha pamba Tanganyika, kwa kulazimisha watu kulima na kupanda pamba, haswa kwa kutumia matuta wakati watu walizoea kulima mazao ya chakula mchanganyiko. Hivyo waliona

6

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #244.

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kuwa wanadanganywa, ili kusudi washambuliwe na njaa hapo. Baadaye japo wananchi walipata msaada wa ntemi Ng’waya, lakini ntemi alipigwa faini kubwa kwa kuwalisha ‘Mabwana Shamba’ nyama kwa mbegu za pamba. Hii yote ilikuwa ni kupinga kilimo cha pamba, kuwa hakitakiwi, na kwamba kinachotakiwa ni mazao ya chakula kwanza. (The composer explains how the colonialists started cotton farming in Tanganyika, through requiring people to farm and to grow cotton, especially to use tie ridges in a time when people had gotten used to farming a mixture of food crops. On this point, they saw they had been deceived, to the point that they were attacked by famine here. Afterward citizens received help from chief Ng’waya, but the chief was hit with a big fine for mixing the visiting Bwana Shamba’s meat together with cotton seeds. This was all in the fight against farming cotton, because it wasn’t wanted, and what was wanted by the people was the cultivation of food crops first’.) Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had this alternate viewpoint: Wasukuma wanapendelea kuchunga ng’ombe na kulima chakula tu. Mwingereza alipowaletea maendeleo ya uchumi kama kulima pamba. Kufanya matuta ilikuwa ni shida sana, wakajua tu kwamba anakuja kuwatesa, Mwingereza. Kumbe, aliwaletea maendeo na kutengeneza vizuri. Walikuwa wanamsifu ntemi Ng’waya, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa walimpeleka kizamani, na alikubali wachunge ng’ombe. Kwa hiyo ndiyo maana aliona afanye kitu cha kuwafurahisha wakaaji wake. Anajaribu makarani wa ‘Bwana Shamba’ kuwalisha pamba badala ya kuwatengenezea chakula. Kuwalisha pamba, ina maana kwamba wasiendelee kuambia watu kulima pamba, lakini Mwingereza alikuwa anawasaidia. Kwa hiyo yeye mtemi, alikuwa anapendelea wakaaji wake, na yeye vile vile hakuona mbele mambo ya uchumi. Pamba ni kama mali ya kuwasaidia, inaonekana walikuwa hawajui. Waliambiwa kutoka kwenye milima, kwa sababu waende wakajenge kwa pamoja. Kama mtu akiishi milimani, ni tabu sana kutengeneza mabarabara mazuri ya kuchukua hata mizigo. Wakati wa ntemi Ng’waya, mimi nilikuwa kama kijana, nilisikia habari yake, nilisikia habari ya watu wake. Walipenda sana mambo ya kuchunga bila kuambiwa maendeleo. (The Sukuma people love to just look after their cattle and farm their food. The British brought economic development such as cotton farming. To use tie-ridges was very difficult, people thought this guy had come to torment them, the Brit. Alas, he was bringing development and a good plan. They praised chief Ng’waya, because they had supported him since long before, and he

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agreed they should raise cattle. Therefore, this indeed was the reason he decided he should do this thing to make his citizens happy. He tested this clerk of the Bwana Shamba campaign, to feed him cotton instead of preparing food for him. By feeding him cotton, it had the meaning that they should not continue to tell people to just plant cotton, even though in the end the Brit was there to help them. So this chief, he supported his subjects, and he did not take into account economic development. Cotton is a kind of wealth that helps, it was possible that they just did not know. They were told to come down from their mountains, because they should build together. For instance, persons who live on the mountains have a difficult time getting good roads to carry their loads. During the time of [ntemi] Ng’waya, I was just a teenager, but I heard about him, and heard about his people. They liked very much to raise cattle, and did not like to be lectured about economic development.) Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these observations: Wengi walikuwa wanachukia kuhusu huyu ‘Bwana Shamba’ huyu, sababu kilimo cha pamba ilikuwa ni kwamba, walikuwa wanawahimiza. Aliwaambia, ‘Ukimaliza kuvuna pamba, kata miti yote na choma miti yote. Na wengi kwa wakati huo hawakutaka, lakini ‘Bwana Shamba’ aliwaambia, ‘Kama utakata miti na kuichoma, wadudu hawawezi wakaenea tena’. Lakini, basi, wao waliona ni kama wanadanganywa na walichukia sana hizo kazi, na walipokuwa wanamuona anakuja, basi wanachana mbuga kuenda milimani kujificha. (Many felt hatred toward these Bwana Shamba people, because concerning planting cotton, they were required to do so. The Bwana Shamba told them, ‘If you finish harvesting cotton, cut and burn all the trees’. Now many from this time did not want to do this, but the Bwana Shamba told them, ‘If you cut and burn the trees, you will kill off all the insects’. But, after some time, they saw that they were deceived on this account, and they came to hate very much this work, so when they saw him coming, they would go and hide themselves in the mountains.) (241) Bwana Shauri (‘Mister Advice’) ‘Mister Advice’ of Ngudu ‘Bwana Shauri’ wa Ngudu Lies! Bulomolomo! Confusing people (2×) Kusong’hanya banhu (2×) Sengerema, Malya, to become iSengelema, iMalya, yubi Kwimba? Bukwimba?

songs of farmers on disease, drought, famine Shiku ndo mukwiyenha inhebo Hu nabing’we mukujenha li ‘Mabu Mabu’ Mulibakwija banghulu

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In just a matter of time you’ll bring trouble It is people like you who bring Mau Mau You have plenty of mountains

Interpretation: This wigaashe verse was performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,7 and has been attributed to Kalikali Mbagule from around the time of the late 1950s. It was documented by Mkongola (1980: 47),8 and was reported by Songoyi as well (1990: 171).9 In 1955, the British wanted to unite the chiefdoms of Sengerema, Malya, and Bukwimba to form one chiefdom, for easier administration. In this song, the District Officer (D. O.), refered to as Bwana Shauri (‘Mister Advice’), is called a liar, one who is fond of provoking people to violence. The singer knew about the Mau Mau crisis in Kenya, saying it was people like this District Officer, who brought the Mau Mau. He tells the D. O., Mulibakwija banghulu, or ‘You have plenty of mountains’, a common aphorism which roughly means, ‘You are troublemakers’, or ‘You have issues’. The singer Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo* had this recollection: Huyu ‘Bwana Shauri’, alikusanya batemi uko Malya, walipelekwa uko. Waliambiwa kuacha majembe ya balongo, na waliambiwa kubadilisha majina ya districts, kutoka Malya, kuanzia kutumia kwimba. (This ‘Mister Advice’ guy, gathered together batemi in Malya, they were taken there. He told them to get rid of the Balongo hoes. He told them they were changing the district names of Malya to Kwimba.)10

7 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #477. 8 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Bwana Shauri / Mwa Ngudu mwongo sana / Anachonganisha watu / Sengelema-Malya iwe Kwimba Shikundo / Munaleta matatizo / Ndiyo nyie mletao Mau Mau / Mna maneno mengi’ (Mister Government Advice / From Ngudu, such a liar / He is causing people to be sharp-tongued / Sengerema, Malya, Kwimba, Shikundo / He has brought problems to all these places / Indeed that is what he does / He has brought to them Mau Mau / You all have nothing but words). 9 Songoyi’s English translation: ‘The District Officer of Ngudu / Liar and provoker of people / Sengerema and Malya / How can they become Bukwimba? / It is a matter of days you’ll bring war / It is people of your kind who bring / Mau Mau / You are full of destructive words’. 10 Gagabali and Nyakabindi are villages in Bariadi district.

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(242) Iliho nzala Ushashi (‘There is a famine in Shashi’) There’s a famine in Shashi Iliho nzala Ushashi With those of Jonjo Aba Jonjo They get thin like this Bakonda giki His Shashi people Na Bashashi bakwe Obondikije failed to get millet Obondikije okelile ubulegi He eats what he begs [for] (2×) Okalyaga sha kulanda (2×) He cheers the Shashi people Akalungujaga Bashashi And this tobacco he begs Na aka tumbati akalanda I finish preparing the groundnuts Nabisha ng’halanga You deceived me Ukandemba Let me have maize and beans with Ninhage masangu na busiga millet Ng’wana Makondo comes today uNg’wana Makondo wizile lelo Helper of people uG’hunani wa banhu Shashi people, you have come Bashashi ng’wapindile kunu around here We are at the squanderers, ho! Tuliku bashingwaga, ho! You refused them Wabalemile Ng’wana Midongo and Koncha have uNg’wana Midongo nu Koncha declined the Shashi people ukulagula aBashashi Shashi of the ears should leave Shashi abamatu ni bingane They should leave with their ears Ni bingane abamatu I myself never liked them uNene, nabatogagwa Them, they have left me alone Babo, baja bandeka They are engaged by their poison Bakalungijegwa busungu business In Gagabali, Nyakabindi,10 and the Mu Gagabali Nyakabindi, ni ng’hwani coast Interpretation: This competitive song was associated with ng’wana Makondo, active in the 1950s. Performed by the Banam’hala of Kisunun’ha,11 the singer derides his competitor Jojo, who lives in proximity to the Bashashi ethnic group, cattle herders and farmers who live near the town of Musoma, a people whom the singer despises. The sentiment is that they do nothing to alleviate hunger, they only

11

Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #193.

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get food by begging for it, by stealing, or by selling ‘poison’. In this song, ‘poison’ is a derogatory slur: the Shashi people are known for their business of trading medicines. Another interpretation finds that the Shashi people are also known for selling poisoned arrows to local traditional security guards. The singer, in deriding the Shashi people, also derides his competitor by his association with them. According to local historian Michael Masalu*, the Shashi people are regarded by many as lazy: Kazi yao ni kutembea tu, na kutunza masikio yao, kwa sababu wanafanya masikio kama kitu cha kupendeza tu. Wanatoboa masikio, wanavaa shangaa, anaona wanafanya kazi hiyo tu. (Their work is just to move around, and ‘to guard their ears’, because they treat their ears as something to be pleasing to the eye. They make holes in their ears, they wear earrings, he [the composer] sees that they only do this kind of work.) (243) Kakacha akanigini (‘It died, an infant’). It died, an infant Kakacha, akanigini From Tabu’s Kakuba Tabu They were hurt by meat Bakaminyiwa nyama Others were praising its sweetness Bangi ba kumyaga kali bunonu They defecated in the reeds Bakanya mmabingo Interpretation: This busumba song from the Gibbe collection (n.d.) documents an outbreak of disease that killed a child. The disease referred to, not mentioned, is most likely either cholera or dysentery. Outbreaks of cholera or dysentery are common in this region, especially in times of drought, followed by heavy flooding rains. (244) Baba Mungu (‘Lord God’) Baba God, so baba Baba Mungu, ga Baba Guardian of the earth, creator it Mtenda nsi, nsumbi hu bebe! is you! We have been met by this famine Tukusangagwa nzala iyi Tanzanians, baba, we are suffering Batanzania, baba, toluha God please help us Mungu gatusaidie We should come to know, baba Tugundue, baba This famine Nzala iyi God helped me Mungu akanambalija

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Kung’waka gwenuyo tukaluha abanhu Tukinwa ikamali Tuyukindwa biya kuguja Shashi Tukapela no, bangi tu gunanwa Julius ng’wene akambilija Akatugunanha abalimi Tukabiza na jipelelo jawizawiza Nakayizukwa ha giki Ha nzala ya kale Bangi balyaga na ndili ikabiza Balyaga nhanda, abaTanzania! Bali batina nguzu Yali nduhu jipelelo Tukagunanwa ejipelelo Aba Tanzania Nidoshila abanhu, baba nkujiwa

In that year we suffered, people We were given the wealth We were unable to sell it in Shashi Many of us fled, and some were helped Julius himself helped He helped us farmers We had excellent means of fast movement I began to remember that During a long past famine It came to be that others ate hides They were eating hawks, the Tanzanians! They had no energy There was no fast means of movement We were helped by these fast means The Tanzanians We would have perished, supreme father

Interpretation: In this wigaashe song, performed by the composer Ng’weshemi ng’wana Mhyeni at his home,12 the singer gives thanks to Julius Nyerere, and his plan to give bicycles to farmers so they could move about during the famine, to look for food, and to be with their families. Despite the fierce criticisms of his administration, one of the hallmarks of the Nyerere legacy has been his quick and rapid response to regions in need of aid in times of drought or famine. The composer had this to say: Kweli, zamani Tanzania, waliokuwa hawana uwezo wa kukimbiza baisakeli, wakati wa njaa, wengine walikuwa wanakula nguo. Kwa hiyo Rais Nyerere alisaidia akaona anatoa magari na bisikeli. Akawasaidia watu, waliokuwa na uwezo. (Really, a while ago in Tanzania, people did not have access to bicycles, so during the famine, many were even eating their clothes. Therefore,

12

Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #126.

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President Nyerere helped, he saw this, and could provide vehicles and bicycles. He helped people, so they had the means of transport’.) William Lubimbi* had these further thoughts and recollections: Kwanza, mwimbaji anamwomba Mungu awasidie. Mwaka huo kulikuwa na njaa kali sana, na watu walipata shida ambayo walikuwa hawajawahi kuiona. Kila mara walikuwa wanaomba, ‘Mungu tusaidie’ na kweli, Mungu aliwasaidia. Ila aliyewasaidia zaidi alikuwa ambaye wanasema ni Julius Nyerere. Kuwasaidia kwake kwa kuwa kulikuwa na vitu vya kuenea chakula. Kama njaa iko sehemu nyingine mbali, kwenda kuleta chakula ilikuwa shida kwenda kusafiri. Lakini kwa mwaka ule, huyo; mwimbaji alipoimba, kulikuwa na usafiri wa magari, kwa hiyo walikwenda wakaleta chakula. (First, the singer begs God for his help. That year there was a very bad famine, and people received troubles the likes of which they had never seen. At every instance they asked God, ‘Help us’, and really, in the end, God helped them. But the one that helped them even more, they say, was Julius Nyerere. His help came in the form of the means to distribute the food, like vehicles. If there was a famine in some faraway area, to go and bring them food could be difficult because of travel. However that year, as the singer explains, there was the means to travel by vehicle, therefore they went and brought food.) (245) Wangaluka bujiku (‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’) You were up all night to greet the Wangaluka bujiku dawn To greet the dawn Wangaluka And it has broken Wela nu’bubu Month of December Uwa ng’weji gwa mili Ng’wana Kishema it [dawn] has Ng’wana Kishema, wela broken nu’bubu He left, the one with the big loose Utoloka, umutelang’humbi belly The homestead, left with hunger Kaya, wilekile na nhuba Children there beg for spinach Bana balikomba makubi You cut [out] fast Utandula nhambo I said to you, ‘Sita, grab a hoe Nakuwilaga, ‘Sita, dimaga handle’ mpini’ I was showing you stars Nakolechaga sonda And you were looking at clouds Nang’ho ulola malunde

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Tumbafu wa niingi Ili’ gembe nsabo, ng’wana Shema Shikizaga ni shali shitiho Nulu mu Talime, ukenha ng’ombe Ulu ulingosha, giti liMazumila Agatasholaga mpini Gisi, unene Nali namugi, chamba mabala Nalina kaya Ndi namugi, chamba mabala Nilinumba litemele Lya maswa madito Libimbilile chuma Mahandago, wa nghumbi Ulina makoye! Kusanja na limili lya kinamhala Siita, ukucha nyayungiyungi Iki wihambahamba

Foolishness of a niingi The hoe is wealth, ng’wana Shema That which was not there will come Even to Tarime, you can go to buy cattle If you are a man, like Mazumila He should not fear the hoe handle It is like, myself I am master, covering all the places I have homes Indeed I am master, covering all the places I have a home sitting majestically Having the heavy grass It is covered with iron Mahandago, of the belly You have problems! To meet with the body of an old man Siita, you will die moving around aimlessly For you have decided so [yourself ]

Interpretation: Mkongola documented this song performed in competition by the wigaashe singer Nzagabulu Kilyamangondi in 1969, against Sita ‘Mahandago’ ng’wana Shema (1980: 87).13 The singer tells

13 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Umekucha usiku umekucha / Na huu umekucha usiku / Wa mwezi Desemba / Nao umekucha / Mtoto wa Kishema umekucha / Tumbo tumbo akatoroka / Mji akauacha na njaa / Akakimbia / Nilikuambia / Sita shika jembe / Nilikuwa nakuonyesha nyota / Unaangalia mawingu / Malenga mjinga / Jembe ni mali / Unapata kila utakacho / Hata Tarime unweza kwenda kununua ng’ombe / Kama wanaume kama Mazumila / Asiyeogopa jembe / Mimi ni mnamugi kamili nina mji / Na nyumba ninayo / Ya kudumu ya bati / Mahandago wa tumbo / Una taabu / Pamoja na mwili wa kizee / Una taabu / Sita utakufa mtembezi’ (You were up all night to greet the dawn to greet the dawn / And it has broken / Month of December / And it has broken / Ng’wana Kishema it has broken / Big belly has left / The homestead, left with hunger / He took off fast / I said to you / Sita, grab a hoe handle / I was showing you stars / And you were looking at clouds / Balingi are foolish / The hoe is wealth / You will get everything you desire / Even to Tarime, you can go to buy cattle / If you are a man, like Mazumila / He should not fear the hoe / I am master, covering all the places / And homes, I have them / I have a home with a tin roof / Mahandago, of the belly / You have problems / Together with the body of an old man / You have problems / Sita, you will die moving around aimlessly).

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his opponent that he must stop being lazy, he will reap what he sows. He must stop dreading picking up the hoe, so he may alleviate the hunger of his family. He ridicules his opponent with a famous aphorism, Nakolechaga sonda, nang’ho ulola malunde (‘I was showing you stars, and you were looking at clouds’), meaning the opponent was easily distracted, and missing the singers’ point. Bugobogobo singer and farmer Julius Ntamanwa* had this take on the song: Huyu Nzagabule alikuwa anamwimbia mpinzani Sita kwamba kazi yake yeye ni mzembe, hakutumia jembe. Anamwambia kwamba, ‘Nakuonyesha nyota, wewe unaangalia mawingu’, ndio maana yake ni husikii ninalokuelezea. ‘Sasa watoto huwa unakimbia unawaacha, wanalia na njaa. Lakini jinsi ninavyokwambia, ukafanyie kilimo. Kama mimi nina nyumba iliyojengwa na nyasi nzito, yaani imejengwa imeezekwa na bati, imepigwa na nyundo, lakini wewe uzembe wako pamoja na mwili wako wa kizee utakufa ovyo ovyo’. Ndio maana yake. Maana ya pili ilikuwa kwenye bugota, kwamba bugota yake yeye aliyoitoa huyu Nzagabule ni nzuri na imara, ni kali kuliko ya huyu. Kwa sababu walikuwa wanashindana kimchezo, na Siita anakimbia anaacha watoto wake. ‘Watoto wake’ ni hawa wanyalali wake. (This guy Nzagabule he sings to his competitor Siita, [telling him] that his work is being a lazy person, he does not use a hoe. He tells him that, ‘I show you a star and you look at the clouds’, which indeed means: ‘You do not listen to what I have explained to you. Now you have run off and left your children, they cry from hunger. Further, as I have explained to you, you do not do farming. My example is there for all to see, my home has been built from the heavy grass, indeed it was built and covered with a tin roof, and it has been hammered with nails, but you, your laziness, together with your having a body of an old man, you will die pointlessly’. That is indeed the meaning of this song. A second meaning concerns bugota, that is, his bugota that he pulled out. This guy Nzagabule, is good at protection, and is harsher compared to that of this other guy. This is evident in the fact that they competed at a dance, and as a result, Sita ran off and left his children. ‘His children’ in this case, are his students.) (246) Elimi lya bakile no (‘The sun shone brightly’) Elimi lyabakile no The sun shone brightly Lyapembile mkijiji It shone in the village Tutwale maombi ng’wa Nyerere Let us take our pleas to that of Nyerere

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Tukahungane Banhu pye abose, twitogagwi Tilandagi, baba Tubudaga Bakalye abana

Let us go confess All people let us love one another Let us offer one another, baba Cassava flour So that children may eat

Interpretation: This song documents the nzala ya gada (‘famine of gada’), also known as the nzala ya magembe (‘famine of hoes’, see also songs #247–250) which took place in the mid-1970s. The singer Jige Malehe14 tells her associates that they need to bring their pleas to Julius Nyerere to be heard directly, ‘So the children may eat’. Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this interpretation: Ujirani mwema ni kusaidiana. Manju anahimiza kuwa kama wanawake, wazazi, walezi basi wakati wa matatizo na haswa wakati wa njaa, ni vema tukasaidiana kwa kuazimana. Unga, angalau wa uji, ili kuwawewesha watoto wapate angalau uji ili kuendeleza taifa. Ametaja na kumtumia Nyerere kama kiongozi, kuwa kiongozi wa kweli, kama baba au mama nyumbani. Watu wake wanaishi kwa amani na salama, pia wanapata mahitaji yao. (Good neighbors help one another. The composer convinces women, parents, and upbringers, that when there is a problem such as a famine, it is good to help one another. Flour, even though for porridge, should be there to strengthen the children, indeed it is to say, porridge develops the nation. He mentions and uses the example of Nyerere as a leader, a real leader, like that of a father or mother at home. His people live with peace and security, also they get everything that they need.) The following four songs discuss surviving the nzala ya magembe (‘famine of hoes’), which occurred in the mid-1970s. The famine was named thus because it caused farmers to travel with their hoes to other regions to find food. This was a difficult year for farmers, as the famine occurred during Nyerere’s planned mass village relocation project. Farmers were forced to endure the shame of moving temporarily to other less-affected regions, where they were hired as migrant and conscripted laborers on wealthy landowners’ farms.

14 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 December 1994, IUATM song #230.

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(247) Tofuma mlyani (‘We have come out of the trap’) We have come out of the trap Tofuma mlyani This famine tormented people! Inzala iyi yalulya banhu! Husbands and daughters (2×) Banamugi na bashike (2×) It is not a lie when it passes by Guti godembi ulu ya bita Ibasi ya lundaga imagembe (2×) The bus with piled hoes (2×) It is coming from Kikubiji going to Ifumile Kikubiji kuja Mamhalo Mamhalo (248) Nzala iya magembe (‘This “famine of hoes” ’)15 This ‘famine of hoes’ Nzala iya magembe Caused us to wander to Salawi15 Ikatuyunja kuja mu Salawi Na bangi kuja ng’wa Mahande And others went to those of na ng’wa Mahande and Mabungabunga (2×) to those of Mabungabunga (2×) Na bashike kujipande And daughters did casual labor Utalagema kulemeja You could not try to prevent them Banamugi tulimagi mihogo Husbands let us cultivate cassava Tujihadhali (2×) Let us take precautions (2×) (249) Nzala iyi (‘This famine’) Nzala iyi, ng’wana Liku Banamugi bose na bagikulu Ung’wile wangu Atalagema ukwiba Galimayanga! Nulu uje hali uko Akukupeja! Jaga ukalale kungi! Untwale ng’wa balozi wa chalo

This famine, son of Liku All husbands and old women Tell him quickly He will never forget it Sure, they were troubles! Wherever you go He will chase you away! Go to sleep elsewhere! Send him to the village leaders

The translator Paulo Mafanyanga rendered this as ikatungaga kuja mu Salawi, ‘is heading toward Salawi’. 15

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(250) Nakwambaga shiganza (‘I am spreading my hands’) I am spreading my palms toward Nakwambaga shiganza u kuli God Mungu I should ask of him to bless me Nanombe nane anibalikile To hold fast to the hoe Kumagana kwigembe I may put aside the shame Nane nalitule ibeng’we likwizaga coming on the door (2×) ha nyango (2×) We came from Bukoba, Bise twafuma Bukoba, Buhondo Buhondo They move out, the rats (2×) Jikusamaga, na ngoso (2×) When I heard Aho nigwa Nakashingisha niingilaga ibeng’we I shook my head with shame (2×) (2×) At a poor person’s, even Ukung’wa ng’habi nukwene Food is cooked (2×) Bukazugagwa bopya (2×) Interpretation: Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga performed these songs at his home in Seke. The composer had this point to make about his songs: Nyimbo hizi niliziimba mwaka 1976 huu, wakati tunatoka nyumbani kwenda vijiji vipya mwaka 1974 na mwaka 1975. Ulikuwa mwaka wa njaa sana katika mkoa wa Shinyanga, hata wanawake iliwabidi waende kwenye vipande yaani vibarua, hata kushinda wiki saba kule. Ndiyo maana baada ya kupita janga hilo, nikaimba wimbo huo, wa kuwaelezea kuwa kumbusha wananchi kuwa hiyo njaa ilikuwa kubwa sana, na ni ngumu kweli. (These songs, I sang them in 1976, when we came from our homes to go to the new villages in 1974 and 1975. It was the year of a nasty famine in Shinyanga, even women needed to go elsewhere for whatever work they could get, even to be gone for seven weeks. Indeed after this calamity took place, I sang this song, to inform people that this was a huge famine, and was very difficult.’) In the first song, Tofuma lyani,16 the famine is likened to a trap (lyani), specifically, a large hole dug in the ground for catching animals like wildebeests and elephants. It is usually deep with pointed sticks, and covered with thin soil and grass. When an animal steps onto it, the animal falls, and is pierced and killed. In the second song, Inzala lya magembe,17 the composer further elucidates that families

16 17

Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #271. Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #273.

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were torn apart by this disaster. In the third song, Nzala iyi, collected by Kija (1985: 32), Buhondo Digili ng’wana Mhondo explains to his associate Liku, that the problem of famine that they are seeing begets other social problems, like thievery. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* shared his perspective about these songs: Alivyoona njaa iliwatabisha sana na watu wote kuanzia wazee, vijana, hata watoto wadogo. Kila mara alipoona basi limejaza majembe juu. Anaanza kujiuliza, ‘Hayo majembe ni ya nini’? Ninavyoona, ni kwamba katika desturi hasa wakati wa njaa, watu huwa wanakwenda na majembe; mtu anachukua jembe, halafu anaenda kutafuta chakula, anaambiwa, ‘Lima sehemu, halafu utapata chakula’. Sasa huyu, alipoona majembe kwenye basi, alijua kwamba majembe haya yote hawa ni watu wanatoka kulima kwa ajili ya njaa, ili, wapate chakula. Njaa hii imeenea kila sehemu, kila mara tu, anaona basi hilo limejazwa majembe juu. (The way [this singer] saw this famine, it caused serious problems for so many people, starting with elders, teenagers, and even small children. Every time he looked around they could be seen, buses filled with hoes up above. He starts to ask himself, ‘What is with these hoes?’ As I see it, with this culture, especially during a time of famine, people move around with hoes; a person takes a hoe, then he goes to look for food. He is told, ‘Farm in this area, and then you will get food’. So this person, he saw the hoes on the bus, he knew that these hoes were [belonging to] people going out to farm because of the famine, so they could get food. This famine had spread everywhere, now all the time he sees the buses filled with hoes.) Magdelena Lubimbi* had a perspective that is worth quoting here in full: Mtunzi anamuomba Mungu ambariki katika ‘kazi zake za mikono’, hasa kwa jembe anapolima. Akipata baraka kwa Mola ataondoa ile aibu au huzuni, sababu mavuno yatakapo kuwa mengi, basi atakula na kushiba. Kama anavyosimuliwa au anvyoambiwa, kuwa Bukoba kuna chakula kingi, kwa sababu Bukoba mazao yao ni ya kurithi migomba, kuwa ipo kila siku inakatwa na kuchipua, tena kazi yao ni kukata inachipua tena. Kwa hiyo yeye akipata baraka hizo, atafanana kama watu wa Bukoba, ambako kwa kweli shida ya chakula si kubwa sana. Lakini zaidi, ni kwamba anamuomba Mola aweze kumjalia apate. Mfano, mwanzoni wa mwaka huu [2006], tulikuwa na shida ya njaa, mpaka hata serikali imeingilia kati ikawa inagawa chakula au msaada kwa watu wasiyojiweza. Njaa hii iliwafanya waende huko na huku ili kwenda kuhemea, na sasa hivi anasisitiza kuwa walime mihogo kwa

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Illus. 30. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi at her home. Village of Makoko, 12 October 2006.

tahadhali. Hii ni kweli kabisa, sababu kuna sehemu nyingine ambazo Shinyanga huko au Bariadi, zao la mihogo kwao lilikuwa sio zao la muhimu sana. Kwa hiyo walilima mahindi, au mtama, waweze kula ugali mweupe. Lakini ukweli ni kwamba mihogo, ni zao ambalo linavumilia sana jua. Kwa hiyo ukipanda mihogo mvua ikipotea au isiponyesha ni sawa. Na sehemu ambazo watu wanalima mihogo, kwa kweli inasaidia sana wakati wa njaa, sababu watu wengi waliweza kutoka sehemu nyingine na kwenda kununua mihogo au udaga kwa ajili ya chakula. (The composer asks God for the blessing of his ‘work of the hand’, especially that of the hoe, which he uses to farm. If he gets

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blessing from God, he should remove all shame, because the harvest will be plentiful, therefore he will get enough to eat. As he had been told, in Bukoba there was much food, because in Bukoba the crops they have inherited are banana plants, being cut daily, and then again, they sprout. The work there is just to cut them, and they grow again. Therefore, if he were to get this blessing, he would be like those of Bukoba, for whom the problem of food is not so serious. However even more important, is that he prays to God, that he should agree that he should get something. For example, at the beginning of this year [2006], we had this problem of famine, until even the government intervened to divide food, or to aid people not able to help themselves. This famine caused them to go here and there, looking for food, and now he urges them they should cultivate cassava as a matter of prevention. This is completely true, because there are places like Shinyanga or Bariadi where it seems cassava is not a very important crop. So they cultivate corn, they like to cultivate corn, or millet, so they should be able to eat red corn meal. But the truth is, that cassava is a crop which can sit and grow nicely in the sun. Therefore if you plant cassava and the rain does not show, it is all right. Now in the places where people farm cassava, really, it helps people during famine, because many people can go from one place to go and buy cassava or cassava flour18 for food.) In the fourth song, Nakwambaga shiganza, composed and performed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misugo,19 the singer gives thanks to God for surviving this calamity. There were several overlapping points made by the commentators, quoted here in full. Mwanza visual artist Simoni Ndokeji*: Huu wimbo, una maana ya kuwa huyu mtu alikuwa anamuomba Mungu, ili amsaidie kushika jembe, ili aweze kufanikiwa kimaisha. Aliona watu walianza kuudharau mji wake. Nafikiri ni sababu ya umasikini ambao familia yake ilikuwa nao. Hata panya wanahama, naona hili linaonyesha ni mfano ya kuchekesha tu aliyotumia. (This song demonstrates that this person prayed to God, in order to grab a hoe, so they may be able to have a good life. He saw that people started to slander his homestead. I think this was because

18 Udaga, or cassava flour, made from fermented cassava roots cleaned and crushed or pounded into smaller pieces. Afterward, the pieces, with a diameter ranging from 2 mm to 6 mm, are dried for about four days, and sold. Udaga is normally pounded into flour and consumed as a stiff porridge. 19 Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #277.

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of the poverty in his family. Even the rats were leaving, I see that this is just a humorous example he is giving.) Michael Masalu*: Anaimba wimbo wa kuomba, apate baraka. Mungu ampe baraka, na uwezo wa kutafuta mali katika familia yake. Kwa sababu anaambiwa yeye kama maskini. Wanamsema hana chochote. Kwa hiyo, yeye anaomba apate baraka za kuishi vizuri hata umaskini wake, aishi hivyo hivyo hata asipate utajiri. Anasema kukuwa na mali kidogo, mtu anataka kumuibia. (He sings this song as if to pray, so he should receive blessing. God should give him blessing, and the ability to search for wealth for his family. This was because he was told he was impoverished. They say about him that he has nothing. Therefore, he prays to receive blessing to live well even in his poverty, he should just live like this without getting rich. He says to receive some wealth, a person will want to steal from him.) The following wigaashe songs were composed because of a devastating famine in 1979 known as nzala ya yanga, or the ‘famine of yellow corn’, named after of the type of corn brought in and distributed by foreign aid agencies. (251) Nakalima (‘I cultivated’) Nakalima, nakalimila mahindi, ndi Ng’wa Machibya, bebe! Nabahebela Mimbo gane ndi Ng’wa Machibya Banyalali ba m’biina, badugu bane Bambudula nu Mashaka Natahemelaga Jadembe ku ngongo Nene nali subi jitachang’wa oNg’wana Mang’ondi Mlibayanda, bakujudima Sing’we akupangaga Ning’we, ng’wiyita iNzala ya kijiji

I cultivated, I cultivated for you maize, yes Of Machibya, you! I have defeated them (because of ) My songs, yes Of Machibya The disciples of this dance, my comrades Those of Mbudula and Mashaka I never shake Insignias on the back I am a leopard who is never prevented Ng’wana Mang’ondi You are young boys for grazing cattle Your dad still rents And you, you pretend The famine of the village

songs of farmers on disease, drought, famine Tutudula ukuyomba iNzala ya kijiji Tukushila, badugu bane Yafungwa na Lyuba Inzala iyi – ya hangwa na nani? Na bamhangwa aba batonga ikaale (252) Kijiji ishi (‘In this village’) Kijiji ishi, shitakalika biya imihayo Nene, ng’wana Sakumbi iNzala iyi ya kwandija Ng’wasabini na tisa uNene, natubayombya Ng’wasabini na tisa Unene, natubadilika Yee! Nalemaga duhu, bandulilu

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We are unable to say The famine of the village We will perish, my comrades [The way] has been closed by God This famine – who predicted it? By the prophets who preceded long ago

Twen’helagi, baba, ihuduma m’twambilije Tukushila, banhu Tukumalwa nzala Ng’wana Ging’hinyali

In this village, the events never end I, ng’wana Sakumbi This famine which began In 1979 I cannot say enough In 1979 Me, I will not change Yee! I have refused only, the local militias Bring us, baba, the services to help us We will perish, people We will be finished by famine Ng’wana Ging’hinyali

(253) Nzala iyi (‘This famine’) Nzala iyi, yakundikile mbigili Banhu balilile noyi Bakudayaga Mu mamisaka Twapila kukalika, abalimi Tulina bupina (2×) Twalukoyaga kibi no Twalulila na nzala Nke wane Monde Ng’wana wa ng’wana Makeja Iki lyashila iliyala Twite shingukulu twifurahishe

This famine, it has has upset livestock compounds People have cried a lot They are lamenting In the abandoned homes We survived perishing, farmers We have sorrows (2×) We were struggling a lot We were crying of famine My wife Monde The child of ng’wana Makeja Because the famine is over Let us make a feast day to celebrate

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Tugule ng’ondi (2×) Nulu itiho Nakujugula ng’wa Mhina Tulye nguzu jane Twali twaluhile noyi Ukudila nzala Walalila Witungaga ng’weko munda (2×) Topila kukalika, abalimi Tulina bupina (2×) Tuyubala ilivita ili ilyang’wa Mayunga Nose twaheba (2×)

Let us buy a ram (2×) Even if I do not have one I will buy one from Mhina Let us eat [the result of] my efforts We were suffering a lot Staying without food during the day Sleeping without dinner Tying your cloths to your belly (2×) We survived perishing, farmers We have sorrows (2×) We considered Mayunga’s war as finished At last we won (2×)

Interpretation: In Nakalima, performed and composed by Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana Mhoja20 on the occasion of slandering his opponent, the composer attended a competition where he tried to give confidence to a local politician whom it seemed had lost the heart for his work in the face of a difficult famine. After paying homage to his disciples Mhudula and Mashaka, the singer tells the politician he must look to him (the singer) as an example, a productive farmer, a leopard who never wavers, disciple of the great composer Mangondi. The composer had this to say about the song: Sasa, wimbo huu, niliwaambia wote, mpaka alikuwa kiongozi, ng’wana Machibya, siyo? Wakati niliimba wimbo huu, bado hajapata uongozi wake. Mwenyekiti alikuwa amechoka kazi yake, basi nilianza kuimba wimbo huu, mwishowe tulianza kupata mahitaji yetu. Aligunduliwa, mwenyekiti huu, alifaulu, ng’wana Machibya, alifanya kazi yake miaka kumi. Mwishowe niliwaelezea asili ya tatizo la njaa ni la Mungu, lipo daima, kuwa tangu asili ya kuwapo kwa watu. (Now in this song, I convinced everyone, until he succeeded in becoming leader [known as] ng’wana Machibya, you see? When the song was sung, he had not yet become a leader. The chairman was tiring of this work, then I began to sing this song, and in the end we began to get from them what we needed. He was discovered, this chairman, he succeeded, ng’wana Machibya, he continued his work for ten years. In the end, I explained to them that

20

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #140.

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the root of the problem of famine is from God, it will be there forever, [and it has been there] since the beginning of humankind.) The song Kijiji ishi, also performed here by Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana Mhoja,21 is attributed to ng’wana Sakumbi. It captures the frustrations felt by many, where any help would be accepted, save for perhaps the local private vigilante militias (called here the bandulilu, or ‘horn blowers’), which came to be known as the sungusungu (see chapter XV), who had not yet gained the trust and popularity that they achieved in the 1980s. Magdelena Lubimbi had this memory from this period: Ulikuwa mwaka wa kupigana na Idi Amin. Mvua haikunyesha, kila kijiji kilikuwa na mahangaiko kwa sababu hiyo. Watu hawakutulia, baadaye mvua haikunyesha, kwa hiyo kwa kweli kijiji lazima kulikuwa na shida hapa na pale. Na pia wale sungusungu, wale vijana walianza kuwepo vijijini wakati ule, na walikuwa na nguvu kweli, lakini watu hawajaanza kuwaamini, kwa ajili ya matokeo maarufu mbalimbali. (It was the year that we went to war with Idi Amin. The rain had not fallen, so really every village was under duress because of these problems here and there. Furthermore, it was the time when the sungusungu [see Chapter XV] started to emerge there, those young men were there in the village at that time, and they were gathering strength, but people had not begun to trust them the way in the way that they do now, because of various well-publicized scandals with which they were involved). Nzala iyi, performed by Shing’wenda ng’wana Siita,22 celebrates with weary relief the end of this famine of 1979. It was remembered as a time when people had to sell or slaughter their cattle, miss meals, and tie up their waists tight with wrap around cloth, to deal with the hunger pangs. Finally, the composer praises his wife and tells her that they need to prepare a celebration and kill a big ram, to give thanks for making it through the war against mayunga, a term for ‘calamity’, but also the name of a well-known Ugandan general in the war against Amin, waged the year before. Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* had this to say about famines in general: Njaa, kweli, ilisumbua watu. Wengine walikuwa wakihama, mpaka wakaenda wengine mbali. Na watu walikuwa hawana

21 22

Recorded by author, 11 September 1994, IUATM #141. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 8 September 1994, IUATM song #117.

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baisikeli, hawana motokaa, walikuwa wanabeba chakula kutoka mbali, kutoka hapa Magu, kufika Mwanza mjini. Wanatembea na miguu na kutafuta chakula, wengine walikuwa walikoswa nguvu, hakuna kutembea. Tulilazimishwa kuuza ng’ombe zetu, hatuna ng’ombe tena, tumeuza zote, mke wangu, njaa imekwisha, sasa tununue ng’ombe, tufurahishe, tusahau mambo haya yametokea, tuchezee ng’oma! (Hunger, really it disturbs people. Some will move elsewhere, until they leave faraway for good. Others may have no transportation like bicycles, or they have no vehicles, they carry their food from faraway, from Magu for example, all the way to Mwanza town. They travel by foot looking for food, others have no strength to do so, they cannot walk. ‘We were required to sell our cattle, we had no more cattle, we sold them!) In the following two songs, the singers discuss the horrors of the AIDS crisis in the context of everyday life. (254) Nafumaga Bulige (‘I was coming from Bulige’) I was coming from Bulige Nafumaga Bulige I met a certain young girl Numanhya na kaniki Sharpened and glimmering Kinolaga kutemagila She was asking me Kuyuniwila ‘Could you carry me too, Dolwa? ‘Nibuchage nane, Dolwa? Carry me and send me to Unibuche unifile Ng’washitolyo Ng’washitolyo I am going to the ng’oma’ Nalija hang’wa ng’oma’ On her feet she wore shoes Ukumagulu kalina na shilatu And her head, plaited Ukuntwe, kalina busuke I asked myself, and then I refused Nibuja nane, nulema ‘We shall be carrying AIDS’ ‘Tukubucha Juliana’ Which is finishing people Ilimala banhu Fornicators, you are finished Bajingi, ng’washila (255) Buking’wi nose bulatumala (‘AIDS will finish us all’) AIDS will finish us all Buking’wi nose bulatumala Because we do not want to listen Ikitutigwaga Let us contain our sexuality Tupunguje lunhya Mothers and fathers Bamayu na bababa The world is no longer safe Duniya yahalibukile We’re acquiring incurable Tobil’unyola bunyolo sexually transmitable diseases butinanaguji

songs of farmers on disease, drought, famine Nul’uje kiisibitili nhale wilemba Nulu maMuhimbili Nul’ukaja Bugando Ukashilila koili Matibabu gagayile Siku moja Nilikutana na bwana afya Akaninha baluba ni tangazo Nulibandika ha nyango hang’wane Bay’ulisoma bigya pyi Linasema kwamba Haha ul’ukabona nkiima Wakuteganilaga Mchunguze kwanza Nul’ukabona ngosha Wakuhonga jihumbi Mchunguze kwamza H’umane uko akigashaga Ni jitendo jakwe Alul’unjimilwa Biya kunzunya na kuzunyiwa Nemage umpambuke Maisha tugalang’hane Noni jategelilwe hi lambo Ahabung’welo bojo Yahayile kukalik’idunia Ul’ukasomaga Bibliya mkanisa W’isome lulu witegeleje Gashikag’amamihayo Ayo tukalekelwa na Yesu mu Nazaleti Aho atinalala kuja ng’wigulu

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Even when you go to major hospitals Even when you go to Muhimbili Even when you to Bugando You’ll end there There is no cure One day I met a health officer He gave me a letter and a banner I stick it on my door So that everybody can read it It says that Nowadays if you see a woman If she is after you Inquire about her background Even if you see a man Ready to give you cash in thousands Inquire about him So that you can know his background Including his lifestyle If you’re not sure Do not accept his or her proposals Stay away from her or him We have to take care of our lives A trap for birds has been set at a pond Where they drink water The world is about to come to an end If you read the Bible in your church Read carefully now Those words have come Which Jesus of Nazareth left Before he flew into the heavens

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Akaja mulugulu Ali jumla na bahemba bakwe Amo akuyombelaga Abajua bandikila hajitabo Nalegelaga kwiza Ng’u jibon’imeng’ho jane Galabiho mayala na mahuya Na masilimu mahuya Na majipindupindu mahuya Jagelejag’ishiku Pandagi ng’uzona Nu buyeji bo mujini mu bupunguje Humo ipangile iSilimu Uku kijiji itiko biya Butubashijaga yaya Ulu giki bayibuga Yaponangije bingi Bakuyipulaga bapipa nno Yinga gik’isula ya munhu Ul’usanga yangwasha chiza Uhadika kunila Akweshemhaga Baliy’uhalisha na kuganda Obiza guti kasonga N’amaguhw’gitenga Nene noyil’ukujinga Nasanya nke one

He went to the mountain With all his Apostles He says It is written that When I am about to come You will see all the signs There will be hungers and calamities ‘Slim’ calamities And cholera calamities The days are approaching Be careful Stop wandering in towns It is where Slim is ‘renting’ It is not in the villages It does not spare them Once they catch it It has killed many Once infected they become ugly They lose their human face If you find one trapped by it You may start mourning him While he is breathing They suffer from diarrhea and weight loss They become as thin as an arrow They look like mere skeletons I have stopped chasing women I take pride in my wife

Interpretation: These bleak wigaashe songs collected by Makoye (2000: 159), document the AIDS crisis as described in the 1980s by the blind niingi Shitome ng’wana Kanundo. The first cases of HIV/AIDS (‘Slim’) in Tanzania were reported in 1983, although for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole the problem began to surface in the late 1970s. The epidemic has evolved from being rare and new disease to a common household problem, which has affected most Tanzania families. The development of the HIV/AIDS epidemic have its clear impact on all sectors of development through not only pressure on AIDS cases care and

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management of resources, but also through debilitation and depletion of economically active population especially young women and men. In Nafumaga Bulige, the singer discusses a woman he met whom he felt must have been a likely candidate for a carrier of the AIDS virus. She asked him for a ride to the ng’oma, but he refused her. In the end, he castigates her and others for bringing this disease. In Buking’wi nose bulatumala, the singer implores his listeners to be careful about their sexual partners, and to do some research on their backgrounds first. Even though development has brought modern hospitals to the Mwanza region,23 because of ‘Slim’ (AIDS), the only thing waiting for them will be death itself.

23 Muhimbili and Bugando are two big hospitals in Tanzania mentioned in this song. Muhimbili hospital is situated in Dar es Salaam, while Bugando hospital is situated in Mwanza, the capital city of Mwanza region.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, JULIUS NYERERE, AND UHURU This section contains songs that celebrate TANU (Tanganyikan African National Union), and their fight for and subsequent victory over colonialism. After converting the Tanganyikan African Association (TAA) into TANU on 7 July 1954, the new party demonstrated its popularity by winning important victories in the 1958 and 1960 elections, and by forming Tanganyika’s first independent government.1 As the postwar movement for independence in Tanganyika intensified, the Sukuma region fostered the most active and politically oriented African voluntary associations in Tanganyika during the ten years between the end of the war and the birth of the Tanganyika African National Union in 1954 (Maguirre 1969: xxiv). In the wake of these developments, and because of events such as the 1954 Mau Mau terror in Kenya, the British passed the Societies Registration Act, which required associations to seek government registration, as well as obtain police permission before collecting subscriptions or holding public meetings (Iliffe 1979: 553). No African civil servants would be allowed to be members of these organizations (Government Circular 1953), and all applications had to go through the District Commissioner together with written constitutions and a ten shilling application fee. Every organization of ten or more persons, or with office bearers such as president, had to register (Societies Ordinance 1954). Sukuma farmers responded with song. Sometimes veiled and sometimes blatantly open, these songs debated these restrictions, complained about agricultural policies and the officers sent to enforce them, as well as other issues related to the colonial presence. The harshness of the colonial government’s policies further provoked Sukuma farmers to turn their musical labor into a form of protest, however ambiguous, in the face of world capitalist relations. Anti-hegemonic song at the worksite was the sole form of protest that made any sense to them,

1 Tanganyika gained independence in 1961, and changed its name to Tanzania on 26 April, 1964 after merging with Zanzibar.

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 333 and it created group solidarity, fostered joy, and enabled the groups to get the required work done quicker and more efficiently, thus enabling them to earn more money. Singing at the cotton farm was not private escape or false consciousness, but transformative and empowering action. This early political awareness was later identified by local Sukuma political activists as critical in garnering support for the subsequent political action groups that fought for independence. The majority of these songs castigate the colonial leaders, and tell them to be on their way back to their home country. They ask Julius Nyerere to be vigilant in his fight and in his newly won freedom. The following three songs are in praise of Paul Bomani, the early TANU leader, civil rights leader, and cotton cooperative organizer who rose to prominence in the 1950s. (256) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka (‘Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka’) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka Sonda, ng’wana Kimogele Sonda, ng’wana Kimogele Ng’wizukulu Chama cha Masuka Grandchild, the party of Masuka How are you my friends? Kinehe bayangu bane? Hezeron, ng’wana Sekai Hezeron, ng’wana Sekai I salute you, those of Batendi Ndikugisha, ng’wa Batendi I arrived in Ng’wagulanja Nashika iNg’wagulanja Nakimbila chama yose ya Nassa I sung for all the parties of Nassa Good morning, my comrades Ng’wangaluka, badugu bane Force yourself, husbands, to open Ihadikijage, namugi, kwigula the door lwigi! Paulo, maboma gako gali mingi! Paulo, your fortresses are many! ‘Must’, you are spreading into ‘Lazima’, ukusangija mabala every region Slowly slowly, this important Pole pole, imilimo ya ntaale work spreads all over! ikusangija mabala! In Bukwimba there is your fortress iBukwimba liliko iboma lyako Of things! Lya shikolo! iMasanza, liliko iboma lyako lya In Masanza, there is your fortress of things! shikolo! Kalemela na Businza, hela niingi Kalemela and Businza, a lot of money Nalimanija, n’a Bahindi kuheba! I guess, even more than the Indians! In every township, they are there Buli magunguli jiliko

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(257) Nalina buyegi (‘I have happiness’) I have happiness in my heart Nalina buyegi mu ng’holo yane Let us welcome our chief Tunsumbile ntemi wise The leader of farmers Ntaale wa Balimi Let us welcome him Tunsumbile He had gone to the coast Wali waja ng’hwani He went to be taught a profession Kuja kulangwa milimo Paulo, baba, ukalalila mu ndege! Paulo, baba, you flew in a plane! And on coming back, father N’ukwiza, baba You flew in a plane! Ukalalila mu ndege! Of [that of ] Kabindo Mazela and Uwa ng’wa Kabindo Mazela na Sonda, you are there! uSonda, muliko! Ng’wana Malanguga and of [that Ng’wana Malanguga na ng’wa of ] Zebulon Zebulon You will go to greet my clerk Ukujungisha ukalani wane! And those of Sayayi Na wa ng’wa Sayayi Madilisha, ng’wana Sekai Madilisha ng’wana Sekai And ng’wana Makambi, elder Na ng’wana Makambi ntaale And of [that of] Italicha Na wa ng’wa Italicha Bing’we muli banam’hala b’ibanza You are elders of the council And those of Phillipo Na ba Fillipo And another, my relative Shimba Na ungi, ndugu wane Ushimba Shimba of [that of] Mapalala Shimba wa ng’wa Mapalala! (258) Kale, abaliingi bali kulubigili (‘Long ago, singers were in the stable’) Long ago singers were in the stable Kale abaliingi bali ku lubigili But now they stand in the backyard Ali haha bima ku njingo Paulo ng’wana Bomani, chamaga Paulo ng’wana Bomani, stand firm Kishamapanda and Juma Mbogo Kishamapanda na Juma Mbogo Mine, stand firm, you are clever! Wane, chamaga, muli bakalaganu! They were very stubborn, the Bali badosa, kibi aBahindi Indians Nu kadosa, nu kayuga makungu I became stubborn, and stirred the areas We belong to Jesus Tuli bang’wa Yesu Iki ntaale uWelelo For the Great is Welelo Tuli bang’wa Yesu We belong to Jesus Na mugi Welelo! The teacher of the world!

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Illus. 31. Paul Bomani, late 1950s. Courtesy of SABCC.

Interpretation: Paul Bomani became well known after protesting the middlemen Hindi traders who cheated Sukuma farmers by not paying them enough for their cotton. Active in the lake province of TANU, Bomani kept TANU alive in the Sukuma region after party activities were banned and the registration of TANU branches was prohibited in the province in 1954 (Geiger 1997: 93). Several songs were composed in his honor in the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1960s, he was made Minister of Finance and Planning in Julius Nyerere’s government, and later he was appointed Tanzanian Ambassador to the United States, a post he held for twenty years. Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* knew Bomani well, and had this testimony about him: Aliwaokoa wakulima, kwa sababu walikuwa wanapeleka chakula chao kwa Wahindi, beyi haikueleweka, na masoko yalikuwa machache. Yeye alipofanya kazi, Paulo Bomani, akaongeza masoko, watu wakapeleka karibu karibu. Akajenga store kila sehemu, kwa hiyo katika maendeleo, alituendeleza sana sisi, ndiyo

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tulikuwa tunamshukuru. (He was the savior of the farmers, because they had been taking their crops to the Hindi, the price was not satisfactory, and the buying markets were few. The work that he did, Paul Bomani, was to increase the number of markets, so people could take their food nearby. He built stores in every region, and, as a result, in the area of development, he developed us very much, and indeed, we are grateful to him.) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka and Nalina buyege were both composed by Siita ng’wana Malundi, published in (‘Kushoka Kwa ng’wa Paulo Bomani’: 1955). Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka was composed on the event of a fundraiser for Bomani. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this discussion of the multivalent utility of this song, acting simultaneously as a song of praise and as a song of competitive slander: Wimbo wa mwimbaji huu, ninavyoona, una sehemu tatu. Sehemu ya kwanza ni juu ya kuwasalimia wakubwa kama watemi, ndiyo kusema wakubwa wake Bomani hasa. Yeye alifanya hivyo akawasalimu wote, akamaliza, hivyo ndiyo sehemu ya kwanza. Sehemu ya pili, anaoizungumzia kuhusu ugonjwa wa kaswende. Ukiangalia, siyo kaswende hasa, ni hasa bugota yake aliyokuwa amekinga. ‘Huyu adui yangu, ataipita hii bugota yangu kweli?’ Na yeye alikuwa anabishi kwamba anaweza akapita. Na yeye anamuonya kwamba, ‘Huwezi ukachezea hiyo bugota yangu. Huwezi ukapita kwa sababu ni ugonjwa mbaya sana’. Ni kusema ni bugota mbaya sana, afadhali achezee kitu kingine tu. Ya tatu, sasa alichukua njuga ilikuwa kubwa sana, alipoanza kuitikisa tu, labda mwenye ikulu, ndani ya ikulu. Wote walisimama, wakaanza kufurahi, wakasema, ‘Sasa hakuna cha kuhuzunika tena, sasa twendelee tu na kufurahi’. (The song of this singer, as I see it, has three sections. The first section is about greeting all the important ones gathered at this place, such as the chiefs, indeed to say, the important ones gathered on behalf of Bomani. He starts with this greeting, he salutes them all, he finishes, this is indeed the first section. In the second section, the singer is talking about gonorrhea. If you look at this song, it is not about gonorrhea per se, but about the medicine that [someone] uses to prevent it. ‘Can this guy, my enemy, surpass this bugota really?’ And he is arguing that he can surpass it! So then, he tells them, ‘You should not play with this bugota of mine. You cannot surpass it because it is a very bad disease’. That is to say, the bugota he uses is really strong, better he should just play with something else. In the third section, he mentioned that he grabbed a leg rattle that was very large, he just started to shake it, perhaps it was at the statehouse, inside. Everyone was standing, they

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 337 were all very happy, they all said, ‘Now there is no reason for sorrow again, now let us move along with joy’.) In Nalina buyege, the same singer continues with praise in this setting, and begins to focus on Bomani. Michael Masalu* had these points about the text: Yeye anazungumzia maneno ya kushukuru kazi ya Paulo Bomani. Yeye alisema kwamba Paulo Bomani ni kama ‘mtegi’ wa maendeleo wa kulima. Manju huyu alisema kwamba aliposikia Bomani alienda pwani kama Dar es Salaam, kwenda kujifunza kazi ya kuwasaidia wakulima. Alisafiri kwa ndege na kurudi kwa ndege. Pamoja na wenzake aliwataja, wafurahi pamoja na yeye. (He offers words of thanks, for the work of Paul Bomani. He says that Paul Bomani is like the ‘trapper’ [channeler] of development for farmers. The composer says that he had heard Bomani had gone to the coast, someplace like Dar es Salaam, to go and learn the work of helping farmers. He went in a plane and came back in a plane.2 Together with all these people he mentions, they are all happy.) Kale abaliingi was performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo.3 The composer is unknown. Here, the singer tells Bomani to continue his work of pressing the Hindi traders to pay more for their cotton, and to stop worrying the citizens. Magdelena Lubimbi* had this to say about Bomani’s work: Na hapo mwanzoni, Wahindi ndiyo walikuwa wananunua pamba, na inawezekana labda bei yao hawakuongeza, walitaka wajinufaishe wao wenyewe tu. Na Paulo Bomani amekuja kubadilisha mambo yao, kwa hiyo hapa wanamsifia, wanasema awe imara. (Here at first the Hindis, it is possible when they bought the cotton, they would not raise the price they paid [the suppliers], they just wanted to reap the benefits themselves. So Paul Bomani came along to change their thinking, therefore here they [the Sukuma farmers] praise him, asking him to stand firm.) (259) Ndimu ja masala (‘Animals having intelligence’) Ndimu ja masala Animals having intelligence Jikulwilaga butale Are fighting for power Alatindwe ni nani? Who will be defeated?

2 This statement links the regard the singer has for Bomani with that accorded to other Sukuma heroes such as ng’wana Malundi, who was most famous for having traveled in a plane sometime during the early part of the twentieth century. 3 Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #243.

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Nzungu wa ha Geita Hadikija mamihayo Gubayombya bamunhu Gitulu nizukwa mabomu Ng’holo yane ikalyaga malinjaji (2×) Kugaya shilanga, numho ninabasusubya Welelo ikujaga yugalukija mashiwangala Baluyombaga giki Umung’weli bitawalile Mungu wabunga wabunguligu wishinja Kunumu Nyerere (2×) Seba wisalikula Sugi wa ngulu na mawe! Nulu twitabale Yay’ingobo Twikale munyazunguzungu, abalimi

The European of Geita He forced the issues They caused people to quarrel Especially when I remember the bombs My heart eats bitterness (2×) Lacking weapons, I would chase them Welelo changes clothes They were saying that The western region has self-governed God has covered the secret Nyerere came later (2×) God has turned back around The piler of mountains and stones And when we are self-governing No more hides We should remain [dressed] in the European style, [we] farmers

Interpretation: Kalikali Mbagule composed this wigaashe song. The ngalu Kalikali Mbagule, otherwise known as ng’wana Kilyamangondi, ngwana Mpalamino (‘son of the scraper of teeth’), and ngwana Makungu, ‘son of the wilderness’ (Songoyi 1988: 28), was the most famous Sukuma wigaashe singer, active from the 1950s till his death in the mid-1980s. He was thought of as the consummate ‘composer’s composer’ (Makanga*), and was one of the last of the great secondgeneration wigaa’she singers.4 Born in Bukwimba, he was beloved, because he was not afraid to speak his mind about issues affecting farmers.

4 By second generation, I mean those who followed the first generation of wigaashe singers active from the 1920s–1940s. Others of this generation who were active in the 1950s-1970s who are recently deceased include Sii’ta Kishosha, Sii’ta Mhogota, ng’wana Liaku, Lutandagula, Samike, and ng’wana Kanundo.

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 339 The song was collected by Mkongola (1980: 52).5 The results of the 1958 elections encouraged Tanganyikans, as TANU had won the majority of the votes and independence was certain to follow. In May of 1959, a government formed with Julius Nyerere as Chief Minister, and the date of full independence was set. Kalikali’s message was that everyone should be prepared to receive independence with a change of attitude. Kalikali critiqued the way of life of the Sukuma peasants who had much wealth in cattle, yet led miserable lives. Even the rich ones moved about in rags, some still wearing hides. They ate poor quality food, and slept on dusty floors in small, dirty huts. For Kalikali, independence also signified a radical modernist transformation in the lives of people. The song discusses the ‘Geita rebellion’, which erupted because of the colonial government’s attempts to institute multiracial councils over the population of Geita district, to claim full cooperation of the populace, in the face of the push for independence by TANU. The British government proposed that local councils should have Africans, Europeans, and Asians in equal numbers. There was to be a tripartite voting system whereby the voters were to cast three votes: one for a European candidate and another for an Asian, and a third for an African in each constituency. At the level of district councils, Geita District was selected for the experiment. The people of Geita and the Lake Province, in general, objected, and marched from Geita through Sengerema to Mwanza, assembling for days at what has since been known as Nyamagana (Nyamagana, literally ‘a place of hundreds’, as hundreds of demonstrators assembled

5 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Wanyama wenye akili / Wanagombea ukubwa / Atashindwa nani? / Mzungu wa Geita / Analazimisha mambo / Yamewashinda watu / Nikumbukapo mabomu / Moyo wangu unachukia / Sina silaha, ningewafukuza / Ulimwengu unabadilika / Walikuwa wanasema / Geita wamejitawala / Mungu kafunika siri / Nyerere kaja nyuma / Mungu amecharuka / Mtunza milima na mawe / Hata tutakapojitawala / Tusivae ngozi / Tukae maridadi / Wakulima wote’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘Animals having intelligence / Having a big fight / Who will the winner be? / Euopean of Geita / He is requiring things / Things that have defeated the people / When I remember the bombs / My heart feels bitterness / I have no weapons, or I would chase them out / The universe is changing / That is what they say / Geita has been leading themselves / God has covered the secret / Nyerere came from behind / God has taken up this issue / Stacker of mountains and stones / Even should we come to lead ourselves / We shall not wear hides / We will sit beautifully / Farmers all’.

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there). Nyerere was asked to visit the region. He drew large crowds, later dispelled forcefully by teargas (Geiger 1999: 153). Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had these memories about this song: Katika mkutano wa kupinga ‘siasa ya mseto’ iliyoanzishwa na serikali ya mkoloni, polisi waliwatupia watu mabomu ya kutoa machozi ili kuwatawanya kwenye mkutano. Mpaka leo, wenyeji wengi Geita na Usukuma yote kwa ujumla hukumbuka sana tukio hilo. Manju aliendelea kusema kwamba, ‘Mungu anafanya mambo mengi ya kumlinda Nyerere, alimpa baraka nyingi akae muda mwingi’. (During the meeting to protest the ‘politics of mixing’ initiated by the colonial government, the police threw teargas at the crowd to disperse them. Until today, many inhabitants of Geita and the Sukuma region in general remember these sorry events. The composer continues by saying, ‘God has done much to protect Nyerere, and has given him much blessing him so he should sit [in power] for many years’.) (260) Nene nikale nali mpanga (‘Myself, I should stay alive’) Myself, I should stay alive Nene, nikale nali mpanga Of Welelo, in God’s creation Ng’wa Welelo, ng’wa Mulungu I should stay alive Nikale nalimpanga We should see Independence, Tubulole uBuhulu, wiyabi freedom The work of that of Nyerere! Kaji ya ng’wa Nyerere! [so that] The ancestral spirits be Ni lisamva liseke merry And my children should be Na bana bane basome educated We should see Independence, Tubulole uBuhulu, wiyabi freedom The work of that of Nyerere! Kaji ya ng’wa Nyerere! Interpretation: This song collected by Mkongola (1980: 54)6 expresses the sentiment of someone, before Uhuru (Independence), who wants

6 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Naomba nikae hai / Duniani mwa Mungu / Nikae mzima / Tujionee Uhuru, kazi ya Nyerere! / Masamva yakubali / Watoto wangu wasome / Tujionee Uhuru / Kazi ya Nyerere’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘I pray I should be allowed to live / In the world belonging to God / I should stay healthy / So we can see Uhuru, the work of Nyerere! / Our ancestors will agree / Our children should study / Let us see Uhuru / The work of Nyerere’.

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 341 to stay alive to see the results of Nyerere’s nation-building work. Mkongola had this analysis (1980: 55): Malenga aliimba wimbo huu nyakati za kukaribia Uhuru. Uhuru ulitegemewa kuleta mabadiliko ya maisha ya watu, ndiyo maana anaonyesha hali ya matumaini ambayo jamii yake imekuwa ikingoja kwa hamu kubwa. Nyimbo nyingi ziliimbwa kuusifia utawala wa watemi na pia kuukosoa. (The composer sang this song during the time Independence was nearing. Independence was depended upon to bring changes to people’s lives, this is indeed why he outlines the condition of wishes which people were having and waiting for with great interest.)

The following songs are attributed to Kalikali Mbagule, from the time just prior to and following independence (1961). No foreigner is spared: Europeans, Indians, and Arabs alike are castigated as ‘devils’, with the Arab slave traders getting the brunt of the blame. (261) Bazungu shetani (‘The Europeans are devils’) The Europeans are devils Bazungu shetani And the Indians are devils Na Bahindi shetani And the Arab people are the head Na Balabu shetani ntaale devils They used to kill us Batubulagaga Batukomaga misumali ku magulu They forced nails into our legs When we cried, they stroked their Ulu twalila, bayuduta ndezu beards [while] Dancing at the dance Bubina m’biina [while] Preparing a festival Bubeja shigukulu Let the truth be known Gubi ng’wanghana We have come to lead ourselves Twitabalile Ng’wana Mbagule Ng’wana Mbagule (262) Bing’we Bahindi (‘You Indians’) You Indians Bing’we Bahindi Since you have been trading Kumbo ng’wasulugija Haven’t you become rich enough Mutali ukusaba To leave now, Tanganyika? Mukileka lulu, iTanganyika? Hamo abing’we ng’wiza ng’hana Maybe you have come to live permanently ng’hana Then say so! Yombagi!

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Tumutolele! Tumulange Kuyola muyanga Na kusola magembe Kakukubya nakubi Hamo abingwe ng’wiza ng’hana ng’hana Yombagi! Tumutolele!

So that we may marry! We could then teach you To collect the cow dung And to take the hoes [and] Preparing and preserving vegetables Maybe you have come to live permanently Then say so! So that we may marry!

(263) Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere (‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’) Chief, ng’wana Nyerere Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere Rule Tanganyika peacefully Ilabilage chiza iTanganyika Children of the land may dwell Banasi bigashe With peace and joy Mhola na buyegi So they may laugh and eat Bakumanuseka bulya nduhu without trouble makoye Countrymen, let us eat Banasi, twilya iTanganyika Tanganyika Indians, your days are over Bahindi, jashil’ishiku Let me tell you Namuwile Because you relish anger Iki ng’watogwa bupelanu And your babas of long ago Na basing’we baba ikaale They finished the cattle Bakamala na ng’ombe They drank milk Bang’waga na mabele As if they had given them [the Giti balibatukweleja cattle] to us Countrymen, let us eat Banasi twila iTanganyika Tanganyika (264) Degelekagi (‘Listen’) Degelekagi nane, nayombe Ya ku Welelo Alu wazili Kawawa Waziri wa bamunhu Nu Kambona, waziri mu Tanganyika Nghukumi wa banhu

Listen to me, let me say Of Welelo And Minister Kawawa A minister of the people And Kambona, minister in Tanganyika The judge of the people

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 343 Nyerere, hold the country The British should leave Let him go, loitering Let him leave Tanganyika The Indians and the Arabs Trouble, they only play with their beard They are now drinking coffee Babiling’wa kahawa Kunu bulola na nzila ya kupelela While looking at the way to escape Bahindi bing’we, ng’walula gaga You Hindi people, you have become bitter Nyerere, idimage isi Ngeleja agodoke Aje, uyungayunga Winge uTanganyika Abahindi na Baalabu Makoye, ukuduta ishilezu

Interpretation: Bazungu shetani 7 and Bing’we Bahindi8 were recalled by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo, and documented by Songoyi in (1990: 54)9 and (1990: 171).10 Retired Makoko Language instructor William Lubimbi* had this reflection on these songs: Yeye anawafananisha na shetani, kwa sababu ya vitendo vyao walivyokuwa na wanatutendea hapa Afrika: kutuuza na kutupiga misumari kama alivyopigiwa Yesu. Sasa, wakati huo wanapopigilia msumari, mtu unalia sasa unapolia, wao wanashika ndevu zao huku wanaanza kufurahi tu. Walituuwa, walitufunga miguu, walifanya sikukuu, walicheza na ng’oma, walifuraishwa na hayo. (He compares them [the colonialists] to Satan because of the actions they did to us here in Africa: to sell us, and to crucify us with nails in the way that Jesus himself was crucified. Now, during this time that they were being crucified, the victim would be crying out, and while they were crying, the Arabs would stroke their 7 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 September 1995, author’s personal collection. 8 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 September 1995, author’s personal collection. 9 Songoyi’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Wazungu shetani / Na wahindi shetani / Waarabu / Shetani mkubwa / Walikuwa wanatuua / Wanatupigilia misumali / Tunapolia / Wanavuta ndevu / Wanacheza / Wanakula sikukuu / Iwe kweli tumejitawala / Mtoto wa Mbagule’. Songoyi’s English translation is the same as the author’s. 10 Songoyi’s English translation: ‘You Indians / You have been trading for quite a long time / Haven’t you become rich enough / To leave Tanganyika? / Maybe you have come to live here permanently / Then say, so that we can marry your daughters / We will then teach you / To collect the cow dung / And take it to the farms / And to carry hoes on your shoulders / And to prepare and preserve vegetables / May be you have come to live here permanently / Then, say, so that we can marry your daughter’.

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Illus. 32. Kalikali Mbagule rehearsing at Bujora centre. 1970s. Photograph courtesy of SABCC.

beards with satisfaction. They killed us, they tied our legs, they had their days of celebration, they played ng’oma, they were happy because of this.) Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere, collected by Songoyi (1990: 172),11 implores Nyerere to rule with peace and honor, castigating the Hindi population for its perceived collaborative role in colonial rule. In the final line, the singer asks his countrymen to ‘eat’, or enjoy the newly won benefits, of Tanganyika. Degelekagi nane, a well-known and fondly-remembered song performed here by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo12 and attributed to

11 Songoyi’s English translation: ‘Chief, son of Nyerere / Rule Tanzania peacefully / So that the people may live / Happily and peacefully / That they may laugh and eat / Without being troubled / Countrymen, Let us eat Tanzania / Indians your days are over, let me tell you / Because you cherish in anger / And your fathers finished our cattle in those days / They drunk milk as if they had given us the cattle / Countrymen, let us eat Tanzania’. 12 Recorded by author, village Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #452.

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 345 Kalikali Mbagule, was sung just after achieving independence. The singer praises the newly appointed minister (soon to be vice president) Rashid Kawawa. The song also praises Minister of Home Affairs Oskar Kambona, and tells the British and Hindi populations to stop ‘loitering’ and be on their way. Kambona was a charismatic leader who also had influence among the leaders of the African liberation movements based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (second only to Nyerere), after the country won independence. He was a shining star in the constellation of Tanganyikan (later Tanzanian) politicians and it was widely believed that he would be the next president of the country if Nyerere no longer ran for office, or if he were to step down for any reason. His stature as Nyerere’s heir successor was enhanced when in 1964, as Minister of Defense, he calmed down soldiers who could have overthrown the government. Kambona later left Tanzania because of his disagreement over Nyerere’s turn toward socialism in 1967, and was implicated (but not convicted) in a coup attempt in 1969 (Mwakikagile 2005: 359). The following two songs discuss the two issues that Sukuma farmers were complaining about most at that time, mandatory destocking, and the use of fertilizers. Destocking, or punguja, was enforced as an alternate means to pay taxes and to curtail soil erosion, however, the program was peddled by the government to the Sukuma people as a reminder toward personal family and household development. Families were encouraged to sell 20% of a household’s cattle to buy tin roofs and pay school fees for their children. Each household was required to plant one acre of cotton, to tie ridge one acre of cultivated land, and to remove or sell all stock above the optimum carrying capacity. Destocking benefited the larger cattle owners by raising the value of stock compared with that of grain (Illife 1971: 35). For the most part, the population resisted this campaign. Another source of protest in the Sukuma region was the government order that the peasants should use fertilizers (cow dung) in their farms. The supervision was done by experts from the Ukuliguru Agricultural Research Institute13 (called ‘Bukuligulu’ in these songs), and by all accounts, the implementation of this program was done in a heavy-handed manner.

13

Now the Ministry of Agriculture Training Institute Ukiriguru (MATIU).

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(265) Akulumba (‘He is grateful’) He is grateful Akulumba He is a Shashi, Nyerere Nu Nshashi, uNyerere He has untied the bracelet Walitaligulila ilitendele That had tied the hands Lyali lyatunga mumakono Reducing has been rejected Punguja yalemilwe And the tax and custom duty Ni godi ya bushulu It has been rejected Yalemilwe And this of stalks Ni ya mabelele It has been rejected Yalemilwe And of Bukiligulu Niya Bukiligulu (266) Aha akwandyaga (‘When he started’) When he started, ng’wana Aha akwandyaga, ng’wana Nyerere Nyerere They derided his efforts Basukiligaja They said, the Sukuma people, that Bahayaga, aBasukuma, giki He was telling mere stories Akuyombaga lugano Unless bugota was there (2×) Kolaga na bugota buliho (2×) To our surprise destocking was Twahayile imanila punguja no longer there toyiliga Nor the tins of fertilizer Na madebe ambolela And Bukiligulu died Ni uBukiligulu bocha We started to believe what he said Twandya kuzunya abanhu (2×) (2×) This small man knows how to King’wana kenaka kama ni talk ukuhaya We told one another to listen to Twinilaga iTANU tukadegeleke TANU This small man will help the Kakugunana abanhu (2×) people (2×) This slender slender person Akagandu gandu Will help the people Kakugunanha abanhu When you pull off the covering Ung’wenda uhandutya sheet The owner is asleep Ng’wenekele alalile When he wakes up Ulu akamisha You tell him he has failed Ung’wila giiki waleba mbuga Shigelile kutajiwa wangu wangu He deserves for the sheet to be snatched

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 347 Ushoka mmadaso (2×) Nibashokanyage baje bakabule iBulaya Giki, ‘Twaleba mbuga Gamishija ameneyo’

For him to go back to rags (2×) Let them go back to complain in Europe That, ‘We have missed the land The owners have awakened’

Interpretation: Akulumba is a wigaashe song performed by Kuliga ng’wana Gamaya.14 When Julius Nyerere first came on the scene in the 1950s, many Sukuma people did not believe he could accomplish what he said he was going to do. They thought he was just a common politician making empty promises. Then when he started to follow through with the things he said he would do, they were sure he must have special powers. Aha akwandyaga, performed at his home in Miswaki by Masanja Sotinge,15 discusses how when Nyerere began his work, many Sukuma people thought he was a sorcerer, somehow just on a lucky streak, and when his medicine ran out, he would no longer have any power. Then, after seeing him lobby the British government to end their campaign to require destocking in the Bukiligulu region, they began to have faith in him and they supported him. William Lubimbi* had these reflections: Wimbaji wa nyimbo hizi yeye anasifu Nyerere sana kwa ajili ya kuondolewa kodi. Kodi walikuwa wanalipa wananchi wote. Lakini wengi walikuwa wanaogopa hasa, na wengi walikuwa wanashikwa. (The singers of these songs are praising Nyerere for removing this tax. This tax was something everyone had to pay. Many were reticent about having to pay this, and thus many were thrown into jail.) (267) Gwa sisi (‘We for ourselves’) We for ourselves (2×) Gwa sisi (2×) Today, let me ask you Lelo namubuje, bebe How are you today, Europeans? Ng’walalaga kinehe, Bazungu? You look depressed, weak and Iki ng’wabil’ikala ng’wazongaga gloomy Are you thinking about Ng’wagandaga ng’walubaga giki

14

Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 9 August, 1995, IUATM song #38. Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 10 May 1994, personal collection of author. 15

348 Ng’wilek’ inyam’indoto? Twilye na ng’wana Wishi Nu Nchimani oNg’wa Masanja Nu Madeleke nu Magina Twikamye Akuyombag’uNyerere Twendeshagi TANU Twazunya makonw’abili Hanuma na Bazungu Nabo bagata TANU Yakij’ukushekana Bali batuyanjayanja Nabil’umanhya nabo mu lubala Nulwiali ha ga pigipigi Kimilaga pigipigi Owilwa, ‘Buhulu!’ Ozunya Ingholw’ikolilwe duhu Ni nghol’ukushekanabiya Nzogomile babehi Isanja mu somhe Ikucholaga shizeze Bukolola ong’wa Munyeti Muli basumba batale Ba muli Tanganyika iNg’ombe ni ng’ombe Nzobe ni nzobe Ituhayiwagwa ng’ombe Lyene likihongwe Nulu liliduta maswa Nakadagunile kalikingi Nakashiminzile duhu Ba Tanganyika Tabeji’ gwa sisi gwa sisi Bazungu biya

chapter eleven The fresh meat you are about to leave? We shall eat it with the son of Wishi With Nchimani The son of Masanja With Madeleke and Magina We shall consume it all Nyerere says Let us join TANU We accept it with both hands But when Europeans Join TANU, too It does not sound proper They had given us a lot of trouble These days you meet a European on the plain Even when he is on a motor-bike The bike stops You are saluted ‘Uhuru’! You accept the salutation Inside, the heart boils with anger The heart is not happy Nzogomile has mixed itself Among the somhe It is only looking for the sweet things Bukolola son of Munyeti You are among the leading youths in Tanganyika A cow is a cow A donkey is a donkey It is never called a cow Among the tall grass Even when it is eating grass The way it chews is different The way it walks is different, too People of Tanganyika Better to have unity and practice equality among us Never with Europeans

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 349 Akulemag’uMabimbi Gwa sisi gwa sisi Biswe biya kupanda Bulaya Boyi bashika Tanganyika Buzenga na guzenga Ulu gulichene Nane nahaye Ng’wana Makungu nane nahaye Ikaya yan’ikuja Bulaya Ulu guli chene nane nahaye Mbagule Makungu nane nahaye Ikaya yane’ikuja Bulaya Tuje tukazenganwe nang’hwe uLizabeti, ha mbuga Huna nazuny’igwa sisi gwa sisi.

Mabimbi does not accept this Unity and equality [with Europeans] When we do not go to Europe While they come to Tanganyika And make their homes here! If that is the case Then let me say Son of Makungu let me say My family shall go to Europe, then If that is the case, let me say Mbagule Makungu let me say My family shall go to Europe, then So that we become neighbors with Elisabeth, on the plain Then I shall accept unity and equality

Interpretation: Kalikali Mbagule composed this song, collected by Songoyi (1990: 47).16 In this song, Kalikali rejects the idea of forming a union with the Europeans and the Indians, because both of them had inflicted suffering. In the late 1950s when it had become evident that Tanganyika would soon get its independence from the British,

16

Songoyi’s English translation: ‘We for ourselves (2×) / Let me ask you today / Europeans, how are you today? / You look depressed, weak and gloomy / Are you thinking of the fresh meat / That you are about to leave? / We shall eat it with the son of Wishi / With Nchimani / The son of Masanja / With Madeleke and Magina / We shall consume it all / Nyerere says / Let us join CCM / We accept it with both hands / But when Europeans join CCM, too / It does not sound proper / They had given us a lot of trouble / These days you meet a European on the plain / Even when he is on a motorbike / The bike stops and you are saluted: / ‘Uhuru’ / You accept the salutation / Inside, the heart boils with anger / The heart is not happy / Nzogomile has mixed itself among some / It is only looking for the sweet things / Bukolola son of Munyeti / You are among the leading youths in Tanganyika / A cow is a cow / A donkey is a donkey / It is never called a cow / Even when it is eating grass / The way it chews is different / The way it walks is different, too / People of Tanganyika / It’s good to have unity / And to practice equality / Among ourselves / Never with Europeans / Mabimbi does not accept this / Unity and equality with Europeans / When we do not go to Europe / While they come to Tanganyika / And make their homes here! / If that is the case / Then let me say / If that is the case / Son of Makungu let me say / My family shall go to Europe, then / If that is the case / Let me say / Mbagule Makungu let me say / My family shall go to Europe, then / So that we become Elisabeth’s neighbours / On the plain / Then I shall accept / Unit and equality / With Europeans’.

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some Europeans tried to join TANU. Kalikali warned his compatriots, saying that equality with Europeans is impossible, since it would always be based on hypocrisy and opportunism, Those who seem to support TANU do so because they have realized that soon they will be leaving Tanganyika. The only way to prolong their stay is to identify themselves with the nationalist movement. Songoyi explains that to Kalikali, these Europeans are like the bird nzogomile trying to mix with the bird somhe to get ‘sweet things’.17 The nzogomile (red-winged anaplectes)18 is a small yellow bird with a short sharp beak. It eats grains and is very noisy. Its name is derived from the word kuzogoma, to make noise. The somhe (fire-crowned bishop)19 is a small bird also, smaller than the nzogomile. It has a long beak adapted to eating nectar from flowers. The two usually do not mix, just as the Africans and the Europeans did not mix (Songoyi 1990: 47). (268) Lyaholelwa (‘It has been released’) It has been released, that of Lyaholelwa, lya ng’wa Nyerere Nyerere Guests, we are sending you off Bageni, twamulaga Go for good! Mukache malali! The hide is now dry, flies go Banangikunza, lyuma kaya! home! And the Indians who are hesitating Na Bahindi abalitawatawa Go! Jagi! Go tell it Muje mukanonole Interpretation: This song, collected by Mkongola (1980)20 and composed by Sitta ng’wana Bushu of Magu around the time of independence, was performed at TANU rallies during this time. Mkongola had this interpretation (59):

17

The species of these birds are unknown to the author. Anaplectes melanotis. 19 Euplectes hordacea. 20 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Limelia la mgambo / La mgambo la Nyerere / Wageni tuna wageni / Mwende moja kwa moja / Ngozi sasa imekauka / Inzi ondokeni / Hata Wahindi wenye mashaka / Nendeni / Nendeni mkaeleze’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘The proclamation cries / The proclamation of Nyerere / Guests, we have guests / They should leave one by one / The hide has now dried / Flies leave / Even the Hindis having doubts / Leave / Leave explain to them’. 18

songs of nationalist praise for tanu, nyerere, uhuru 351 Katika wimbo huu, malenga aliwataka Wakoloni, pamoja na wafanya biashara wa Kihindi, waondoke mara moja. Mwamko wa siasa uliokuwa unaongozwa na Julius Nyerere. Mkoloni alifananishwa na inzi. Malenga kadhalika ameifananisha nchi yetu (Tanganyika) na ngozi mbichi iliyowambwa. Unyevunyevu wa damu na mafuta yenye uvundo ya ngozi iliwavutia sana inzi kuinyonya ngozi hii; baadaye ngozi hii ilikauka kudai Uhuru na kujitawala. (In this song, the composer wants the colonialist together with their Hindi business partners to leave at once. This political awakening was led by Julius Nyerere. The colonialist is compared to a fly. This composer compares our country [Tanganyika] to a raw hide that has been spread. The dampness from the blood and fat, which caused the stink of the hide, has drawn very much the flies to suck from this hide; but in the end, the hide has dried, resulting in Independence and self-rule.)

As independence in 1961 approached, the celebration of the end of an era and the beginnings of a new one became the new priority. Large-scale celebratory ng’oma were held all over the country on the first of May. Many of these celebrations were organized months in advance by local chiefs who sponsored song writing competitions and lent their own royal drum ensembles to the festivities.21 The following three songs celebrate independence, as well as the fact that the colonial powers had left Tanganyika for good. (269) Tulabilage mung’hana (‘Lead us with great care’) Lead us with great care Tulabilage mung’hana Julius, ng’wana Nyerere Juliusi, ng’wana Nyerere We are glad TANU brings Tulifurahi TANU ilenha development maendeleo It has set us free of our problems Yatwinja mu buluhi The constitution says Ikatiba iliyomba ‘No capitalism ‘Biya ububepali Or exploitation, no!’ Nu bukupe, yaya!’ Colonialists left crying, Bakoloni baja buliliha, Tanganyika Tanganyika They caused us problems Batuhangaishaga

21 See ‘Ng’omas All Over the Country 1961’; ‘Independence Celebrations’ 1961; .‘Independence Day Expences’ 1961; Letter from Unyamwezi Joint Committee to Tabora P.C.s and D.C.s 1961; ‘Minutes of Meeting of the Executive Committee’ 1961;‘Minutes of the Independence Celebration’s Meetings’ 1961; ‘Minutes of the Independence Celebration Program’ 1961.

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(270) uKung’wa Nyerere (‘With that of Nyerere’) uKungwa Nyerere, buliko buyegi With that of Nyerere, there is happiness There is Independence, freedom Buliko Buhuru, wiyabi And celebrations (2×) Na mashuda (2×) Here there are celebrations (2×) Nu kunu mashuda (2×) (271) Baja kaya (‘They went home’) They went home Baja kaya They tore out running Bagatandula nhambo They went, the British have Baja, Bangeleza bashila finished They, the ones who came to suck Benabo, balibiza bunyonyaji Tanganyika Tanganyika Denhelage, ng’wana Nyerere, baba Bring us, ng’wana Nyerere, baba Peace has come over Lubango luwimila Carry on roaming, my lion, Zumaga, shimba yane, respected one ng’weshimiwa He has liberated us, you Watukombola, bebe Interpretation: In the bunuunguli song Tulabilage, documented by both Lupande (1995: 39)22 and Bischoff (1996: 44),23 the singer implores Nyerere to lead his newly formed nation with care. Folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* elaborated on this point: Wimbo huu unamshukhuru Nyerere kwa kuleta TANU na kuwatoa Wakoloni, mabepali, na makupe. Na wametoka na kuziacha Tanzania yetu, Ndio wimbo huu ni wa kusifu TANU. (This song thanks Nyerere for bringing TANU and for removing the colonialists, the capitalists, and the exploiters. Now

22 Lupande’s English translation: ‘Lead us with great care / Julius son of Nyerere / We are glad TANU brings development / It has set us free of our problems / The constitution says no capitalism, or exploitation / Colonialist / They left Tanzania while weeping / There were problems’. 23 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Se til at alt er iorden / Julius af Nyerere slægten / Vi er glade for at partiet skaffer udvikling / at overvinde ondskaben / Loven den siger: / Udnyttelse skal man sige nej til / Kolonialisterne / Holdt op med at hærge Tanzania / De har hærget os længe nok’ (See that everything is in order / Julius son of Nyerere / We are pleased to acquire development / To overcome evil / The law says: / We must say no / To colonialists / Stop the rampage Tanzania / That has plagued us for long enough).

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Illus. 33. President Julius Nyerere (right). Date unknown. Photograph courtesy of Julius K. Nyerere.

they have gone and left our Tanzania. Indeed this song is to praise TANU.) In uKung’wa Nyerere, collected by Gibbe (n.d.: 5), the singer is ecstatic, as was the entire mood of the country, about the Independence Day celebrations. In Baja kaya, collected by Gibbe (n.d.: 6), the singer gloats at the speed with which the colonialists ran home.

CHAPTER TWELVE

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE DURING THE UJAMAA EPOCH (1967–1985) The Arusha Declaration was made by Julius Nyerere on 5 February 1967, outlining the principles of Ujamaa (Nyerere’s vision of socialism) to develop the nation’s economy. The declaration called for an overhaul of the economic system, through African socialism and selfreliance. The villagization program, implemented in 1973–1976, sought to transform the pattern of rural settlement by congregating the rural population, which previously had been resident predominantly on dispersed family smallholdings in nucleated villages of sufficient size to be efficient (in bureaucratic terms) units for the delivery of services. Involved in this plan was the idea that the new villages could also become the basis for a socialist system of production. Because of their impressive communicative potential in communities, baliingi became targets of appropriation by the TANU government. By the time of the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere’s governmental policies had turned toward the use of music competitions to promote official cultural values. These were held sporadically at four rounds at each of the village, district, regional, and national levels. Adjudication criteria, initially developed by the British for East African schools, were subsequently elaborated on by the Nyerere government, and fine-tuned at the local level for each performance. For example, during one 1967 festival, participants were expected to come up with songs praising the revolution, the nation, and the politics of self-determination (Mkutano wa Mwanza Music Festival 1967). Any festivals with official affiliation to the government were subjected to censorship, ‘to make sure that all songs had to do with the history of the development of political consciousness in our nation’1 (Nyimbo za Wanafunzi za

1 ‘Makusudi ya ombi hili ni kwamba nyimbo hizi ni za kihistoria katika maendeleo ya kisiasa na jamii ya taifa letu’.

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Kisiasa 1967). Local music organizations in Mwanza like TUNNU,2 whose members were made up of primary and secondary schoolteachers, advised school choirs with concise rules for how to play and what to wear: ‘(. . .) ili kuleta mapinduzi ya haraka kwa ndugu zetu wacheza na waimbaji’ ([‘. . .] so to speedily bring the revolution to our comrades who are singers and players’.) TUNNU also held independent noncompetitive music festivals that used similar criteria to bring out a pleasing standard in the music (Mkutano wa Mwanza Music Festival 1967). In 1977, the CCM was formed from a coalition between TANU (from the mainland) and the Afro-Shirazi party (ASP, on Zanzibar). It sought to establish a socialist democratic state by encouraging selfhelp at all levels of society. The politics of the CCM were built on those principles laid down in the Arusha Declaration. Cultural events, which included dance performances, contests, and festivals, were organized by the regional government agencies. The Tanzanian government also encouraged and sponsored music competitions between the workers of various cooperatives for the sake of morale. Cooperatives in Mwanza that sponsored registered music groups included Victoria Investment, Mwatex (Mwanza Textiles),3 and Pamba Ltd. The Mwatex organization, described in one letter as a kind of model workers’ recreation site complete with netball, darts, and table tennis facilities, took pride in the fact that its workers understood the importance of cultural heritage (Afisi Utamaduni Mwanza n.d.): Utamaduni katika kiwanda unayo sura nzuri, wafanyakazi pamoja na wananchi wa sehemu hiyo wamesisimuka vya kutosha na wanaelewa umuhimu wa michezo wa utamaduni kwa ujumla katika maisha bora ya Watanzania. (Cultural heritage, in our factory, has made a pleasant appearance, as workers together with the people who live in this area have really stirred up plenty of pleasant thought and inquiry in this regard, and they understand the importance of musical heritage in general for the better life of the Tanzanian citizen.)

The Mwanza Cotton Board, which operates eleven ginneries in and around the Sukuma region, sponsored music competitions for prizes

2 Tafrija ya Umoja na Nyimbo na za Utamaduni, or ‘Cultural Heritage Celebration of Song and Dance Togetherness’. 3 Mwatex became well known as an innovator in the bugobogobo ‘magembe’ dance technique (see also Chapters VIII and IX).

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like bikes and radios among its workers throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Most of the songs in this chapter are about socialism, designed to praise the ruling political party and its leaders. This chapter also contains songs that critique TANU and the CCM. To complain about the policies and actions of TANU and the CCM could elicit swift retribution from the security forces, with jail time a frequent occurrence for several of the singers featured here, namely Kalikali Mbagule. Yet these singers really cared about their country and the freedoms promised them by their government, and felt it was their right and duty to put into words their grievances.4 (272) Azimio lya Arusha (‘The Arusha Declaration’) The Arusha Declaration Azimio Lya Arusha Has been grasped by the hands of Lya ungilwe lya nkono na Nyerere Nyerere The Honorable one Ng’weshimiwa He started from Musoma Ofumilile Musoma He walked by foot Akushiminzaga magulu Until he reached Bugalika4 Mpaga ushika mu Bugalika Nti nogu gutabinzagwa nyaga A resilient tree is never broken by the wind Abiswe tuli manti We are the trees uNyerere nyaga gwiswe Nyerere is our wind Ulu uko kolol’unyaga Wherever the wind turns To managa duhu We shall only follow Interpretation: This song was composed and performed by Kalikali Mbagule in 1967, collected by Songoyi (1990: 65).5 In 1967, two years after Kalikali’s release from detention, Nyerere made his Arusha Declaration. All over the country, there were demonstrations and long-distance walks to support the ideas and policies outlined in the Declaration. Kalikali joined in celebrating the Declaration and prais-

4

Neighborhood on the outskirts of Mwanza. Songoyi’s English translation: ‘The Arusha Declaration / Has been supported / By Nyerere, the Honourable / He started from Musoma / Walking up to Bugalika / A resilient tree / Is never broken by the wind / We are the trees / Nyerere is our wind / Wherever the wind turns / We shall only follow’. 5

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ing Nyerere, singing this song in September 1967 after Nyerere arrived in Mwanza (having walked all the way from Musoma). (273) Somagi, Bayanda! (‘Study, boys!’) Study, boys! Somagi, bayanda! To leave it? No! Kuleka? Biya! When you come from school Mulinga kwisomelo Go plant the cotton Ngw’ukahamba buluba Afterward again Hanuna hangi Go cut the sisal Ng’wuja ng’ukachemba katani My children Bana bane Freedom and work Wiyabi na milimo Interpretation: This is a verse to a wigaashe song by the ngaalu Kalikali ng’wana Mbagule, performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,6 and documented by Mkongola (1980: 85).7 The verse is remembered by many farmers as a busumba chorus, but the rest of the song has been forgotten. Kalikali, known primarily for his songs that complained about the British colonial government and praised the subsequent TANU and CCM governments, had five wives and several children. In this song, he reminds his children that the fight for independence was not so citizens could sit around. They needed to be vigilant as well as productive for their livelihood and country. They needed to study to better themselves, and work to better their individual and collective economic livelihood, so their newly freed nation would be strong. As local CCM administrator Steven Mbuni* put it: Wimbo huu ni kama wa kisiasa. Baada ya Uhuru, kulikuwa watu wengi ambao hawapendi watoto wao waendi shule. Lakini huyu mtungaji wa wimbo huu, alikuwa aliwasukuma! Alitaka kuwafundisha watoto wake wende wasome. Lakini wameshatoka kule shuleni kusoma, wasikae tu, wakafanya kazi. Kuna kazi ya kupanda pamba, hakuna kukaa bure! Ule Uhuru siyo kukaa bure, wafanye kazi! (This song is about politics. After Independence, there were many people that did not want their children to go to school. However, the composer of this song, pushed

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Recorded by author, Bujora center, 10–15 November, IUATM song #456. Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Vijana someni / Someni msiache / Mtokapo shuleni / Mnaenda kupanda pamba / Halafu tena / Mnaenda kukata katani / Watoto wangu / Uhuru na kazi’. 7

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them! He wanted to teach his children that they should go and study. After leaving school, they should not just sit, but work. There is the work of planting cotton to be done, no sitting idle! The meaning of Independence is not to sit idle, people should work!) (274) Kalihaya (‘It is said’) Kalihaya Kuboy’ ubulingi Nabutule ha mhelo Nafate gwa kukundula mashitabo Kunguno watemile Nyerere Twandye butemi bungi Nafate baluba na kusoma sala Igisi ubuchiluchilu Atuhayag’ untaale Julias ng’wana Nyerere Wasoma Makerere Wigaluch’ iWelelo

It is said To stop baliingi work I should lay it aside [so that] I may follow the opening of books Because in the reign of Nyerere We should begin a new reign [so that] I may follow letters and pray prayers Ignorance is disliked extremely So say the leaders Julius ng’wana Nyerere Who studied at Makerere Has changed Welelo

Interpretation: This song, collected by Noble (1968: 208), dealt with a national news issue, that of a high-powered government education drive. It was widely sung in the Sukuma region in the early 1960s.8 Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi mentioned that: Mwimbaji huyu, yeye ni kama anajionya yeye mwenyewe anataka aache kazi ya umanju, afuate mambo ya kusoma kama alivyosoma Nyerere. Yeye [Nyerere] alisoma mpaka Makerere huko Uganda, na yeye huyu manju naye anataka aache upumbavu yeye, afuate tu mambo ya kusoma, sala na mambo mengine yenye faida. (This singer, he praises himself, saying he should leave the work of singing, and he should follow instead the example of Nyerere, to study like he did. He [Nyerere] studied all the way to Makerere University in Uganda, and

8 Noble’s English translation: ‘I want to stop conducting songs / And lay aside that job / So that I may follow the opening of books / Because in the reign of Nyerere / We should begin new careers / So that I may follow letters and praying / Our leader dislikes ignorance extremely / Julius son of Nyerere who studied at Makerere / Has changed the world’.

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this composer says he should leave behind his foolishness, and follow instead the business of studying, praying, and similar things having value.) (275) Kanumbagi Nyerere (‘Go thank Nyerere’) Go thank Nyerere Kanumbagi Nyerere He brought us elections Watwenhela buchaguzi We accepted, we banuunguli Tuzunya, bise banuunguli We elected the hoe Tuchagula igembe This is number one (2×) Hii namba wani (2×) Paulo ng’wana Bomani, live long! Paulo ng’wana Bomani, hangama! You brought us road development Waten’helile maendeleo ga balabala Hii namba wani ya balimi (2×) This is number one with farmers (2×) Interpretation: This song was composed in 1968 for the occasion of a TANU celebration. It was composed and performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,9 and it was collected and published by Bischoff (1996: 30).10 The composer praises Nyerere for allowing the right to vote for political leaders in the upper echelons of power. Paul Bomani, who by the mid-1960s was a member of Parliament and was Minister of Finance in the mid1960s, is singled out for special praise for his support of road development in the region (see also songs #256–258; 279, 286–290). The concluding sentiment in this song, calling road development the primary concern with farmers, is commented on here by retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi*: Wimbo huu hasa unamsifu zaidi Mwalimu Nyerere kwa kuleta hasa Uhuru. Na wakati huo huo, mbunge wa kwanza ambaye alichaguliwa huko

9 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #245. 10 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Vi som er hjemme med Nyerere / vi går til valgurnerne / Vi samles Bunungulefolk, for at vælge hakken / for det er vores nummer – vi bønder / Paul (søn af Bomani) gjorde ret da vi stemte på ham /i at gennemføre udviklingen af vejbyggeriet /for det er vores nummer –vi bønder’ (We who are home with Nyerere / We go to the ballot box / We gather Bunungulefolk, to select / For it is our number-we peasants / Paul (son of Bomani) was right when we voted for him / In the implementation of the development of road building / For it is our number-we peasants)

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Illus. 34. Kang’wina ng’wana Mihumo. Village of Isangidjo, 17 December 1995.

Mwanza alikuwa Paulo Bomani. Wakati wa uchaguzi huo, au wakati wa kupiga kura, kuna alama mbili ambazo zilikuja. Ilikuja ‘jembe’ na ‘nyumba’, na jembe ndiyo ilikuwa alama ya Paulo Bomani, kuwa na ilitumika kama alama ya chama tawala, na Paulo Bomani na kweli alishinda. Paulo Bomani alikuwa ndiyo mwenyekiti wa chama cha pamba, na alama yake ya uchaguzi ilikuwa jembe. Jembe ndilo Wasukuma wanaliamini zaidi, na linaleta mali nyingi zaidi. Na kwa kuwa walitumia hii alama ya jembe, ndiyo maana alishinda kwa kishindo kikubwa sana. Kwa hiyo sasa hivi pia, mwimbaji anaendelea kumshukuru Paulo Bomani, na pia anamtakia kila la heri, kwa sababu

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ameleta maendeleo, amewatengenezea mabarabara. Na jembe ni alama ya chama tawala, na ndiyo ni namba ya kwanza kwa wakulima. (This song especially praises Mwalimu11 Nyerere for bringing independence. Now at this time, the first parliamentarian who was chosen there, who came forth there in Mwanza, was Paul Bomani. At the time of this election, there were two different party symbols used. There was the ‘hoe’ and the ‘home’, and the ‘hoe’ was indeed the symbol used by Paul Bomani, as it was the symbol of the leading party. Paul Bomani was indeed the chairman of the cotton cooperative, and its sign of choice was that of the hoe. The hoe is something the Sukuma people could trust in more, this is indeed why he could win with huge margins. So now, this singer thanks Paul Bomani, and further, he wishes him every success because he brought development, and he prepared roads for them [the Sukuma people]. Now, the hoe is the sign of the leading party, and is indeed the first choice for farmers.) These anonymous songs collected by Gibbe (n.d.) praise some of the post independence TANU leaders on the scene in the late 1960s and early 1970s. (276) Wabeja, Karume (‘Thank you, Karume’) Thank you, Karume Wabeja, Karume Thank you, Nyerere Wabeja, Nyerere For bringing Tanzania’s freedom Kuleta buhulu wa Tanzania And the Socialist village Na kijiji cha Ujamaa Freedom torch shine on them Ng’wenge ubatimwa Torch sweep them, the treasonous Nchenge ubapyangula, abapindula si Where are they, we are setting them Bali hali, twabitegela aside Why are you again bringing revolt? Kwa nini hangi mlita na mapinduzi? Tutuhayaga hangi, aba kalimi We do not want it again, we farmers

11 Kiswahili, teacher. Used as a respectful title for school and choir teachers. Nyerere was a secondary school teacher before he became a political leader, and he continued to be addressed respectfully as Mwalimu throughout his life.

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(277) Baba Raisi (‘Baba President’) Baba president, our teacher Baba Raisi, ng’walimu wetu Ni Nyanza, tuliungana aba kadi And Nyanza, we join those having cards Mayu of Mgaya uMayu wa Mgaya Mother of Kambarage Nina wa Kambarage He is giving light to people Alitimija banhu And Kawawa Nu Kawawa He is giving light to people Alitimija banhu And Abdul Jumbe Na Abdul Jumbe They are giving light to people Balitimija banhu A hoe is wealth Shigembe sabo Interpretation: In Wabeja Karume, Julius Nyerere and Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume, the first president of Zanzibar and vice president of Tanzania, are thanked by the singer for their leadership. The leaders are asked to be vigilant in their fight against treasonous people. In 1969, Tanzania’s first treason trial took place, and several leading politicians were imprisoned for their supposed involvement. In Baba Raisi, from the early 1970s, president Nyerere, his mother, Rashidi Kawawa the prime minister, and the nation’s second vice president Aboud (Abdul) Jumbe are all praised. All ‘those having cards’ (party members) are also praised. In the last line, the common epithet ‘a hoe is wealth’ signifies respect toward the farmers (see also chapter IX). (278) Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere (‘Perhaps the honorable Nyerere’) Perhaps [concerning] the Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere honorable Nyerere Development came from the Amaendelea akaginginja kuba people munhu Kumagulu tano, kumakono tano Five on the feet, five on the hands Alu Kumbalyela, kumi na nane But for Kumbyalela, eighteen Wamala kupunguka’ho wang’wa Finishing less that of Nyagaki Nyagaki But I, ng’wana Wilwa Alu nene, ng’wana Wilwa Nali shitili mpaga mumino gane I am strong even into my teeth (3×) (3×)

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Interpretation: This humorous pubha song, composed by Subi ng’wana Wilwa and remembered by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga,12 brags about the composers’ ability to mobilize people, to surpass even that of Nyerere. Nyerere, who had ‘five on the legs (toes), five on the hands’ (fingers), depended on the goodwill and the faith of the people to do his work. A local chief from the previous generation, Kumbyalela, who was held in even higher regard than Nyerere by this singer, had the ability of someone with eighteen fingers and toes. But alas, even Kumbyalela was surpassed by the powers held by this singer. (279) Kalibu, tuliho (‘Welcome, we are here’) Welcome, we are here Kalibu, tuliho Those from England Ba muEngeleja Come greet us Nzugwi mutugishe See how Tanzania has become Ng’wilol’iTanzania umo yashikilile We parted peacefully Tukalekana kwike We did not quarrel, Englishmen Tutikenije, Bangeleja We did not shoot at one another Tutipigile masasi Let us visit one another as guests Ka twigeniha ulu mabugeni Guests just visiting one another Bugeni wa shikw’ibili two days Three days, four days Shikw’idatu, shikw’ine Then you start going back home Ng’wandya kushoka uko mukikalaga Eleven years have now passed Miaka yashika ikurai na gumo gete Since you left Tanzania Ng’wingil’umu Tanzania Come and see us Nzugwi mutulole We have plenty of iron roofed Tokwija mabadi houses And the bicycles Hii baisikeli Everyone is pushing one, a Jabile kila munhu akugwesaga, li bicycle basikeli Men and women Wanaume na wanawake

12 Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, 17–18 August 1995, IUATM song #361.

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Babilugula pigipigi Mabalabala na gene Gakwil’umu Tanzania Imodoka ni jene Jakwil’umu Tanzania Ni sheli ni jene Jakwil’umu Tanzania Guti ndembi gwa ng’hana Nulu mukiza kulola Aho ng’winga Bangeleja Gigela ho mabasi Malupondije na bana bakwe Na ma Tanganyika Bus Na ma Magoma Na ma Shuka Ngunda Ni shule umu Tanzania Jabiza kil’igunguli shule Uk’ulilola shule Na banamhala shule Ni shibitali Jabiza kil’igunguli shibitali Umu Tanzania Sosaiti ni jene Jabiza kil’igunguli Banhu baliguj’u buluba Ulu ng’wana numho oshiminzile Akupelaga nhambo Obili’uwilwa jilaga minzi Ojila simbila Yahilil’ingoko, yufunya mhando Ala hakikoloni Ni Kiswahili talitutajigwaga Nene natibaga mihayw’iya kale Degelekagi namuwile: Nakazunyiwa Kaswahili

Are now buying motorcycles The number of roads Has increased in Tanzania The number of motorcars Has increased in Tanzania The number of ploughs Has increased in Tanzania This is not a lie Even if you come to see When you left, Englishmen There came to be many bus services Lupondije and his associates As well as Tanganyika Bus And Magoma Bus And Shuka Ngunda Schools in Tanzania In every village a school Wherever you look there is a school Even old men go to school Dispensaries In every village a dispensary In Tanzania Cooperative societies Are in every village People are selling their cotton with ease If [Tanzania] were a child It has started walking People send it to fetch water It fetches water If it were a cock, it already crows During colonialism We did not understand even Kiswahili I normally do not forget past events Let me tell you: I seduced a Swahili girl

songs of political discourse Twilemelelwa ha kuyomba Kakanikalibisha kuniwila mhayo ‘Unashindaje, Bwana’ Nane nuhaya ‘Lushinge natinalo nalekaga kaya’ Kunikalalila kuniwila kungi Kashike kuniwila na ‘Ninakutamani wana’ Nane nuhaya ‘Matama mapanga Biya kutusataga’ Kunikalalila kuniwila kungi Kashike kuniwila na ‘Nenda zako’ Kulugala na kulugala Alaho twitawala Tushugulikilwa na Nyerere Kusoma shule na batale Ni Kiswahili jabi kakeng’enhele Nulu hahaya kuyomba ‘Wageni walikuja jana’ Numho giki ‘Bageni abo bakiz’igolo’ ‘Wengine walikuja juzi’ Numho ‘Mazuli bashikile lyashil’ilidata’ Butambala shilanga Twalitulalile, twandya na kumisha Haha liso kungulu Seba Mulungu Ukabeja kutusumbil’uNyerere Ukatutundila nkomoji Otukomola tulilumba gete Py’a bana Tanzania Nati nene wiyene

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We could not understand one another She invited me at her home and asked me ‘How are you, Sir?’ I answered ‘I do not have the needle, I left it at home’ The girl was puzzled She looked at me, and said ‘I love you, sir’ I answered ‘My cheeks are alright They are not aching’ The girl was puzzled She looked at me and said ‘Get out ’ And slammed the door before me When we became independent Nyerere worked hard for us Even adults went to school We now speak Kiswahili fluently For instance when one says ‘Wageni walikuja jana’ It means ‘The visitors arrived yesterday’ ‘Wengine walikuja juzi’ That is ‘Those who came the day before yesterday’ Truly, the confusion is no more We had been asleep, we began to wakeup We have now awakened Lord God Thank you for creating Nyerere for us You created us a savior He has saved us All of us in Tanzania Are giving thanks

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Ihaha tukushughulikaga Na kijiji ba Tanzania Tushibejebeje, Batanzania Batanzania ikijiji tuzengagi Banhu ba ng’wa Nyerere Twikondelagi Ba ng’wa Paulo Twikondelagi Ba ng’wa Kawawa Twikondelagi

It is not I alone Village[s] for Tanzania Let us build them nicely, Tanzanians Tanzanians let us build the villages Nyerere’s people Let’s work together Paul’s people Let’s work together Kawawa’s people Let’s work together

Interpretation: Kalikali Mbagule composed this song, collected by Songoyi (1990: 65).13 Kalikali reached his peak as a praise singer in

13 Songoyi English translation: ‘Welcome back, Englishmen / Come and see how Tanzania has become / We parted peacefully / We did not quarrel, Englishmen / We did not shoot at one another / Let us visit, one another / If it is just visiting one another / Two days / Three days / Four days / Then you start going back home / Eleven years have now passed / Since you left Tanzania / Come and see us / We have plenty / Of corrugated iron roofed houses / And the bicycles / Every one is pushing a bicycle / Men and women / Are now buying motorcycles / The number of roads / Has increased in Tanzania / The number of motorcars / Has increased in Tanzania / The number of plows / Has increased in Tanzania / This is not a lie / Even if you come to see / Englishmen / When you left / There came into existence / Many Bus services / Lupondije and his followers / Tanganyika Bus / Magoma Bus / And Shuka Ngunda / Schools are in every village / Wherever you look / There is a school / Even old men go to school / Dispensaries are in every village / In Tanzania / Cooperative societies / Are in every village / People are selling / Their cotton with ease / If (Tanzania) were a child / It has started walking / People send it to fetch water / It fetches water / If it were a cock / It already crows / Its legs have grown thorns / If it were a bull / It is now digging up the anthills / With its horns / It is no longer a calf / During colonialism / We did not understand even Kiswahili / I normally do not forget past events / Let me tell you: I seduced a Swahili girl / We could not understand one another / She invited me at her home / She told me something: “How are you, Sir?” / I answered: / “I do not have the needle / I have left it at home” / The girl was puzzled / She looked at me and said “I love you, Sir” / I answered / “My cheeks are all right / They are not aching” / The girl was puzzled / She looked at me and said / “Fuck-off ” / And slammed the door before me / When we became independent / Nyerere worked hard for us / Even adults went to school / We now speak Kiswahili fluently / For instance when one says: “Wageni walikuja jana” / It means, “The visitors arrived the day yesterday” / “Wengine walikuja juzi” / That is “Those who came / the day before yesterday” / Truly, the confusion is no more / We had been asleep / We began to wakeup / We have now woken up / Lord God, thank you / For creating Nyerere for us / You created us a savior / He has saved us / All of us in Tanzania / Are giving thanks / It is not I alone / Now we are building / Ujamaa villages / Let us make them good / Tanzanians / Tanzanians let

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1971 when Tanzania was celebrating the tenth anniversary of its independence. He composed a long wigaashe song in which he applied his talent as a traditional Sukuma singer to recount Tanzania’s achievements since 1961, and to praise Nyerere’s leadership. The song recounts Tanganyika’s achievements since independence. The official line was that the country had made a lot of progress in every field. The former colonial officials were invited to come and witness these achievements. Kalikali’s song repeats, in artistic images, what the official reports had said. Kalikali enumerates the achievements made, noting that bicycles, motorcycles, cars, buses, and number of roads had increased in number. The country now had schools, hospitals, health centres, and dispensaries in every village. Cooperative societies and Ujamaa villages have been established all over the country. Kalikali’s conclusion was that Tanzania had now grown up. The images of the child, the rooster, and the bull are used in this song to give a concrete perception of the progress made by the country. The power behind this tremendous progress, according to Kalikali, is Nyerere’s leadership. Kalikali describes Nyerere as a Savior, sent by God to save the Tanzanians. The Tanzanians can thank Nyerere only by accepting and following his policies and working hard in building Ujamaa villages. One example of the humorous aspect of this song, is illustrated by the story of the singer’s encounter with a Kiswahili-speaking woman. The story is based on the common local ’yokel’ theme about a man from the rural areas who goes to town for the first time and finds that everything is strange. He mistakes a table-fork for a comb, bread for a sponge, and margarine for skin ointment. He also misunderstands Kiswahili words and confuses them with words in his mother tongue of Kisukuma, because of their sounds. For him, the greeting, ‘Unashindaje bwana’, sounds like ‘Do you have a needle?’ in Kisukuma, and ‘Ninakutamani bwana’, sounds like matama, ‘cheeks’, in Kisukuma, hence, his clumsy answers to every question from the young woman. This funny story effectively conveys the idea that Nyerere has saved the peasants from embarrassement, a result of the ignorance that had prevailed under colonialism. Through adult education programmes, the peasants learned Kiswahili, and can now communicate easily with one another.

us build / The villages / Nyerere’s people / Let’s work together / Paul’s people / Let’s work together / Kawawa’s people / Let’s work together’.

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These two wigaashe songs from the TANU period praise Julius Nyerere, as well as the worker who uses the hoe for a living. (280) Bise basimba ngobi (‘We who dig out the tough weeds’) We who dig out the tough weeds Bise basimba ngobi Farmers of sorghum millet Balimi ba busiga Farmers who weed the fields Balimiji ba ngese We are number one with Nyerere Tuli namba wani ukung’wa (2×) Nyerere (2×) Leave these thieves Kuleka amasambo aya Those not having their own land Amalimilija They have forgotten farming Ukulima gajimililwe We, to steal, we do not! Bise nukwiba, tutibaga! We eat that of the hoe handle Tukalyaga sha mpini The hoe tossers Basuka magembe Tukilishaga, bise bung’wene (2×) We feed ourselves, we ourselves (2×) (281) Ahsante sana, ndugu (‘Thank you very much, comrade’) Thank you very much, comrade Ahsante sana, ndugu Ng’wana Nyerere Ng’wana Nyerere We are happy, carriers of the hoe Tulina fulaha, bachukua jembe He leads himself [us] well Alijiongoza safi He said one word Akasema neno moja Farming Kilimo Cha kufa na kupona balimi (2×) To die or live [depends on] farmers (2×) Let us farm Tulimagi Every person six acres Buli munhu eka sita Wa nguzu, na kwendelea mbele Those having strength, will go even further The honorable one speaks (2×) Ng’weshimiwa kuyombaga (2×) Gisi batutogagwa bayongayonga Then maybe they will not be pleased Those who spend their time at bao Abo bakikalaga ha masolo (2×) (2×) How can we be neglectful? Hamatulaleke kinehe? Abajiongozi baligwisha kwilima [if ] The leaders are spending a day farming

songs of political discourse Nu Eria, kubuchagi gembe Na bajitambi, tulibabona Bakuganyalaga na magembe Na bamajeshi, tulibabona Bakuganyalaga na magembe Tujadiliane na magembe Na shule kusoma bataale

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And the Area Commissioner, carries a hoe And those with pot bellies, we see them They are walking majestically with hoes And the military people, we see them They are walking majestically with hoes Let us debate with hoes And adult education

Interpretation: Bise basimbi ngobi was performed by Lushito ng’wana Nzwilindo.14 He attributed the song to the famed composer Samike ng’wana Ikanga, from around 1968. The song was also documented by Songoyi (1990: 68–69)15 and Lupande (1994: 40).16 Samike ng’wana Ikanga was an infamous ngaalu from the village of Ng’wamagili in Shinyanga, well known for his witchcraft both in the dance arena and in life. He was a student of Kiyamang’ondi ng’wana Wishi, and he competed often with Sitta Kishosha ng’wana Malundi. Testimonials concur that he was a true sorcerer. He could disappear at a whim (Nzwilendo*), or according to ng’wana Kuliga Gamaya*, Akisema

14

Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, 23 October 1994, IUATM song #151. Songoyi’s Kisukuma transcription: ‘Bise basimbi ngobi / Balimi ba busiga / Balimiji ba ngese/ Tulinamba wane / Uku ng’wa Nyerere / Kuleka amasambo aya / A mamilija / Ukulima gajimililwe / Bise nukwiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga ja mpini / Basuka majembe / Tukilishaga bise bung’wene / Kuleka amasambo aya / A mamilija / Ukulima gajimililwe / Bise nukwiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga ja mpini’. Songoyi’s English translation: ‘We who dig out the tough grass / We who sow the sorghum / We who weed the fields / We are number one in Nyerere’s rating / Not these big thieves / These suckers / Who do not know how to cultivate / We do not steal from anyone / We eat the products of the hand hoe / We the hoe pushers / We feed ourselves / Not these thieves / These suckers / Who do not know how to cultivate / We do not steal from anyone / We eat the products of the hand hoe’. 16 Lupande’s Kisukuma transcription: ‘Bise basimba ngobi / Balimiji ba ngese / Tulinamba wane / Ukung’wa Nyerere / Kuleka amasambo /Aya mamilija / Ukulima gajimiliwe / Bise nuk’wiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga shaampini / Bakamata jembe lukilishaga benebo / Kuleka amasambo’. Lupande’s English translation: ‘It is us elephant grass up-rooters / Field weeders / Millet farmers / We are number one to Nyerere / Leave away the bandits / Exploiter / They do not know farming / We even do not steal / We eat what we grow / Hoe workers / We feed ourselves / Leave away the bandits’. 15

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‘Utakufa leo’, utakufa tu (If he were to say, ‘You will die today’, you would just die). He composed and sang this song in 1968 during the first recorded Peasants’ Day, known as Nane Nane (literally, ‘Eight Eight’), celebrated annually on the eighth of August, a huge celebratory event complete with dance competitions, and exhibitions of farm products and livestock. The song praises the Sukuma people as good tillers of soil. The phrase basimba ngobi (‘those who dig out the tough weeds’) refers to ‘farmers’, or to those who ‘dig out’ corruption. Ngobi is a kind of creeping grass (elephant grass, Pennisetum purpureum), tough, and difficult to uproot. Cultivation is described thus as ‘digging out’ this kind of grass (see also song #222, 309). The work is difficult, yet enjoyable. The farmers eat as a result of their own sweat. They eat what they produce from the mpini, the handle of the hoe. The word masambo, derived from busambo (‘stealing’) means ‘thieves’, but it has a wider meaning than this. Implied here is the socialist critique of acquiring property through dubious means. The persons involved in such activities are not respected in the community, although they may be wealthy. In Ahsante sana ndugu, collected by Mkongola (1980: 91)17 attributed to Gembe Lutandagula from Ndagalu, the singer thanks Julius Nyerere and those who use the hoe for a living. The singer castigates ‘those who play bao’ as idle gossips, bao being a popular board game found throughout North and East Africa. Folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* had this point: Manju huyu Gembe Lutandagula anawafundisha kufanya kazi hasa kilimo, na anatoa shukuru kwa Nyerere kwa kuwa ni viongozi safi. (This composer Gembe Lutandagula teaches them to

17 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Asante sana / Ndugu mtoto wa Nyerere / Tuna furaha wakulima / Ni kiongozi safi / Alisema neno moja / Kilimo cha kufa na kupona wakulima / Tulimeni / Kila mtu eka sita / Mwenye nguvu aendelee nibele / Mheshimiwa anasema / Huenda hawapendi wale wavivu / Washindao kwenye bao / Tutaachaje? / Viongozi wanashinda shambani / Kamishina wa Wilaya / Anachukua jembe / Na wenye vitambi tunawaona / Wanatembea na majembe / Na Wanajeshi tunawaona / Wanatembea na majembe / Tujadiliane na majembe / Na kisomo cha watu wazima’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘Thank you very much / Brother, child of Nyerere / We the farmers are very happy / A wonderful leader / He said one word / Farming will live and die at the hands of the farmers / Farm! / Every man six acres / The one having strength should fore ahead / The Honorable One says this / To continue, they do not like the lazy ones / The ones sitting and playing bao / How shall we leave them? / Our leaders are successful at the farm / The regional commissioner / He carries a hoe / And those having bellies we see them / They walk around with hoes / And the soldiers we have seen them / They walk around with hoes / Let us debate with hoes / And adult education’.

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do work, especially farming, and he thanks those of Nyerere for being good leaders). Local historian Michael Masalu* reiterates: Huyu manju alimshukuru Rais Nyerere kwa muundo wa kuwaweka wakulima katika mstari wa mbele. Mwalimu Nyerere alisisitiza sana juu ya ukulima, alisema kila mtu achukue jembe mpaka hata wenye vitambi wanachukua jembe wanalima. Ma-area commissioner, ma-regional commissioner nao, wanalima. Kwa nini sisi tusifanye hivyo? Kwa hiyo, na sisi tuchukue majembe twende tukalime. Siyo kukaa kama wale ambao wanacheza karata tu mitaani. Hiyo haitakiwi. (This singer is thankful to President Nyerere for his plan to place farmers first in line. Nyerere recommended very much, farming, he said that every able person should grab a hoe, until even those with beer bellies could be seen grabbing hoes and farming. The area commissioners and regional commissioners all, they farm. Why cannot we do the same? Therefore, we should grab hoes and go and farm. Not to sit around like those who just play cards in the neighborhoods. This is not wanted.) (282) Siasa ya Tanzania (‘The policy of Tanzania is farming’) The policy of Tanzania is Siasa ya Tanzania ya kulima agriculture We are in two groups Duli makundi abili Others work with pens Bangi bakatumamilaga kalamu They were given this [power] by Nabo bagabilwa nili mu Dimi God Development is going forward Maendeleo gagujaga butongi Due to intelligence Nguno ya masala Baba, we are being educated in Baba, dugulangagwa ni kilimo farming Let us propagate it Kadujendelezagi Exploitation itself is no longer Ubunyonyaji ichene wanted gabududakilagwa Racketeers are running away Abahujumu basi bagumanagupela Others, their properties are Bangi, bagutajiwagwa ijikolo confiscated Let them try a second time Bageme lo kabili If they will manage Ulu baguhebya If they got the wealth legally Ulu busaba bo halali

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Bagusaba kabili Ulu bowepapa, baba Bagucha lya mugutu uNg’wana Nyerere Ulema uwibi bo macho macho Buli ng’wene alime, baba Nu okalamu nang’hwe ayitumamile Banhu duginhwa nili Mudimi Buli ng’wene, gipaji jakwe Utizumona undalaha Nuyu agandikaga nuyu agulimaga Nabo binhwa nali Kube Bushirikiano na maendeleo Bana CCM

They will get it again If they were evading, father They will die poor Ng’wana Nyerere Has refused stealing openly Everybody should work, father And the one with a pen should use it People were given [this power] by God Everybody having their own talent Do not undermine him The one writing or digging They were both given by God Cooperation and development Members of CCM

Interpretation: This bugobogobo song, composed by Sylvester Buhondo ng’wana Misuga and collected by Kija (1980: 35),18 praises the work of Nyerere and the newly formed CCM. The composer reminds the populace that everyone needs to pull together to make the nation develop: whether farmers, teachers, or politicians. William Lubimbi* explains the ideological points of the song: Wimbo huu unahusu hasa siasa ya Tanzania. Na hapa Tanzania, kuna makundi ya watu wawili, mkulima na mfanyakazi. Sasa, huyu mtunzi wa wimbo huu anasisitiza, kila mtu alichaguliwa, ‘Kama wewe ni mkulima, endelea na kilimo, ushike jembe bila kuyumbayumba. Na kama wewe ni mfanyakazi, shika kalamu vizuri na uendelee na kalamu yako, kwa kuifanyia kihalali’. Sasa, kuna wengine ambao wanatumia

18 Kija’s English translation: ‘The policy of TZ is agriculture / We are in two groups / Others deal with pens / They were given this power by God / Development is being achieved / Due to hard work and intelligence / We are being educated / To improve agricultural labor / Lets follow the directives / Exploitation is no longer wanted / Racketeers are running away / Their properties are confiscated / Let them try again if they will manage / If they got the wealth / They will get it again / If they were stealing / They will die poor / The son of Nyerere / Has refused stealing / Everybody should work / Those who use pens / Let them deal with it / It is Gods will / Everybody has a talent / Do not undermine him / The one writing or digging / They were both given by God / Cooperation and development / The members of CCM’.

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kalamu, kalamu hiyo wanaitumia vibaya. Wanaigeuza katika ofisi hiyo, mahesabu wanachanganya halafu wanaiba pesa kwa sababu ya hiyo kalamu. Na mtunzi huyo hataki na serekali pia haitaki. Ndiyo maana serikali wakati mwingine inawanyanganya vitu. Yeye tayari ni tajiri, lakini anataka kujiongezea. Na huyu mtunzi naye anasema kwamba hiyo si vizuri kwa kujiongezea hivyo. Na ingewaje kila mtu amepewa kipaji chake na Mwenyezi Mungu, wewe kama umesoma, hiyo kalamu ndiyo kipaji chako, usimdharau huyo ambaye hakusoma. Ambaye hakusoma naye amepewa kipaji chake cha ushikaji jembe, yeye anaposhika jembe naye anakuwa tajiri kwa ajili ya jembe. Sasa, mwishowe, mtunzi anasema, ‘Afadhali tushirikiane na CCM, tuwe “bega kwa bega” ili twendeleze nchi hii’. (This song is especially about the politics of Tanzania. Now here in Tanzania, there are two types of people, the farmer, and the government worker. Now, the composer of this song recommends to every person [whose fate] has been chosen a way of life, that, ‘If you are a farmer, go and farm, you should grab a hoe without hesitation. And if you are a worker, grab your pen, and go along with your business of writing, but do it legitimately’. Now, there are others who work with the pen, who use the pen toward bad ends. They do various things in their offices; accountants mix things up and steal money as a result of the pen. Now this composer does not want this, nor does the government. This is indeed why the government has been known to confiscate things. Someone who is already rich wants to continue enriching themselves. Now this composer says that this is not good to enrich oneself in this way. Now, although every person has been given his intelligence by almighty God, if you have studied, this pen is indeed your intelligence, you should not insult the one who has not studied. The one who has not studied, he has been given the intelligence to grab a hoe, and he who grabs a hoe gets rich because of the hoe. Now, in the end, the singer says, ‘Better, if we come together with the CCM “shoulder to shoulder”, so we may drive the nation’.) (283) Igembe faida Batanzania (‘The hoe benefits Tanzanians’) The hoe benefits Tanzanians Igembe faida Batanzania Let us hold it firmly Tulidimilagi It will get us out of orphanhood Likutwinja mu bupina Others get rich through treachery Bangi balihilila mu bunyoli We get rich through farming Bise tukuhiliaga ng’wilima We have comfort (2×) Tuli na buhondo (2×)

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The chair person of CCM Is encouraging agriculture And you go to drink illicit spirit This year you will be beaten Like a pig If you escape being beaten You will be sent to Kitengule Or Malya, the number one prison You will return with your head opened For you have pursued foolishness Iki wafata buchilu (2×) (2×) Because you have refused to take Iki walema kuchukua jembe the hoe Spending all day burning rubbish Kuyulocha uchoma mapalala Abibi bakutulagwa mpaga bacha Thieves are beaten to death Until they leave Welelo (2×) Mpaga kwinga ku Welelo (2×) Bebe, uli namugi na ndezu jako You, family man with a beard All day spent in the marketplace Ulocha musokoni Selling small tomatoes Unauza-uza tu nyanya Ng’wenye Kiti wa CCM Alihimiza kilimo Bebe waja ku gongo Ing’wakono ulitulwa Giti muna ngulube Ulakije kutulwa Ulitwalwa Kitengule Nulu Malya, kujela ya kwandya Ukwiza kwigukil’untwe gwako

Buli ng’wene kushugulika n’ilima, makaji Bulekagi ubuyongayonga Py’abose, ku matongo (2×) Ulu lyashika saa sita Lyaja ku ng’wa Malundi Likumana lyubatula mvemve Lilitegeya’ngu babubiishe Nukumega makuy’ukugangalila Wangaliaga kwinja nyama Makoy’ukubundagula (2×) Niyo git’u Katibu Mage Atabatogagwa batatumamaga Abaligula nzwigi Bubomagula ma milyango Benabo tubadebe (2×)

Let everyone be concerned with farming, work Leave out foolishness All of you, to the farms (2×) When the sun is at noon He goes at Malundi’s home He’ll tell one story after another Waiting for the food to be ready Making big clumps [of corn meal porridge] Picking large pieces of meat Terribly stuffing his mouth (2×) But Mage the secretary Does not want those who do not work Who open other people’s doors The breakers of doors These, we have to identify them (2×)

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And especially the economic saboteurs They have been told to Bawililwe giki Be friends with the hoe Kunonyia busumba n’igembe Stop being funny Mutizagutonja makelege All of you to the farms! (2×) Py’a bose, ku matongo! (2×) You have been brought up Ng’wali ng’washigwa kishimbe without fathers Cheating us, Tanzanian Sha kutuchenga, Tanzania Hiding the commodities in the Ishikolo ng’wabisa ku mijingo backyard You really are thieves (2×) Muli banyoli simbiila (2×) The soap for washing utensils Isabuni ya kogeja shiseme It is what we used to bathe with Hiyo togela abana Tanzania Tanzanians The people of Mwanza region Umukoa gwa Ng’wanza The region of cotton growers Kubalima buluba The people of Mwanza region Umukoa gwa Ng’wanza Let us be alert Twiyangslile It is sorrow for Tanzania (2×) Masikitiko Tanzania (2×) Ulu’yo upandikwa watulag’igendo Anyone caught doing illegal trade Will go to prison, where there is Uja magelezani, uko nshahala no salary gutiko The salary will be slapped and Unshahala kupalwa na kicked kupandwa And clearing forests Numholi nakukoya na mapolu Until the palms become red-redLya makono zazaza (2×) red. (2×) Niyo git’abahujumu

Interpretation: This wigaashe song was composed and performed by Kishosha ng’wana Bulambu,19 and documented by Songoyi (1990: 180– 185).20 The social and political context of this song, is what was known 19

Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, June 1995, IUATM song #551. Songoyi’s English translation: ‘The hoe is profit Tanzanians / Let us hold it firmly / It will get us out of orphanness / Others get rich through treachery / We get rich through digging / We have comfort / The chair person of CCM / Is encouraging agriculture / And you go to drink illicit spirit / This year you will be beaten / Like a pig / If you escape being beaten / You will be sent to Kitengule / Or Malya, the number one prison / You will return with your head opened / For you have pursued foolishness / Because you have refused to take the hoe / Spending all day burning rubbish / Thieves 20

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as ‘the war against economic sabotage’. Ng’wana Bulambu composed this song in 1980. Tanzania had just emerged from the Kagera war (1978–1979) with Uganda. The economy had collapsed. There were no commodities in the shops. Commodities such as soap, sugar, rice, and flour were sold behind doors at higher prices. Uhujumu (‘saboteur’) is a word that came to refer to persons who were involved in illegal trade, such as smuggled and hoarded goods. In the first line, ‘those who hold the hoe firmly’ (a common farmers’ aphorism), have comfort. The banyoli (those who earn through treachery) have none. When Nyerere declared war against black marketeering and economic saboteurs, those who had accumulated wealth through treachery or dubious means, were arrested and detained. Commodities and even cash were thrown out, abandoned in the streets. The second and final stanzas emphasize the dangers of abandoning the hoe, and getting engaged in such treacherous business. By continuing in this kind of activity, one may finally end up at Kitengule and Malya prisons.21 Following Nyerere’s declaration against black marketeers and economic saboteurs, many were arrested and detained. (284) Tanzania bara (‘Tanzanian mainland’) The Tanzanian mainland and Tanzania bara na visiwani the islands They were united Jikaunganishiwa In the year of ‘64, the month of Mu ng’waka go 64, ng’weji go April Aprili

are beaten to death / Until they depart from the world / You, family man with beard / All day spending in the marketplace / Selling (small) tomatoes / Let everyone be concerned with farming, work / Leave out foolishness / All of you to the farms / When the sun is at noon / He goes at Malundi’s home / He’ll tell one story after another / Waiting for the food to be ready / Making big balls of (ugali) / Picking large pieces of meat / Terribly stuffing his mouth / But Mage the secretary / Does not want those who do not work / Who open other people’s doors / The breakers of doors / These we have to identify them / And especially the economic saboteurs / They have been told to / Be friends with the hoe / Stop being funny / All of you to the farms / You have been brought up without fathers / Cheating us Tanzanians / Hiding the commodities / In the backyard / You really are thieves / The soap for washing utensils / That is the one we used to bathe with Tanzanians / The people of Mwanza region / The region of cotton growers / The people of Mwanza region / Let us be alert / It is sorrow for Tanzania / Anyone caught doing illegal trade / Will go to prison / Where there is no salary / The salary is to be slapped and kicked / And clearing forests / Until the palms become red / red-red-red’. 21 Kitengule is in the town of Kagera, and Malya is in the town of Shinyanga.

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The date of the 26th Tanganyika and Zanzibar Were joined in leadership Becoming one nation Then it was united (2×) Ng’wana Nyerere contemplated in his heart Together with the late Karume He also contemplated in his heart They were in the office Bali mu ofisi They formed the opinion Buunda mhayo Unity is strength, diversity is Ubumoja nguzu, butengano weakness libugokolo Let us unite to get along well Tiungetiigwe (2×) (2×) A nation was assembled Itaifa lyu sangijiwa There remained two (political) Shusaga chama ijeneshalishibili parties TANU and AFRO, those were TANU na AFRO, hisho functioning shatumamaga They are the ones who brought Na jene shenha mapinduzi revolution They removed the colonialists Shinja bakoloni They got out of our sights (2×) Butingila mumiso (2×) 1977 in the second month, CCM 77 mug’weji go kabili, yuzaliwa was born CCM The fifth day Tarehe 5 There were great processions Galimadamano matale Bendela ya chama yikapandishiwa The flag of the party was raised With the hoe and a hammer (2×) Ya jembe na nyundo (2×) Come quickly Europeans Nzugwi bazungu haraka Open [your] eyes Mufungue macho See the politics of Tanzania Nubone isiasa ya Tanzania We have progressed Bise tendele Do you see the roads and the Uukalolaga mabalabala na madbridges araja We have blocked rivers Myongo tichibila but when you were still here Halaho ng’waliho You left Lubana and Shimiyu Ng’walimulekanigije Lubana na liShimiyu Tarehe 26 Tanganyika na Zanzibar Judimanyiwa na butale Yubi taifa moja Huna yu unganishiwa (2×) Ng’wana Nyerere akibujabuja mu moyo Kihamo nu hayati Karume Nang’hwe wibujabuja mu moyo

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Galya Baafrica bingi Na bing’we muliho (2×) Muna sema nini, Bainglishi? Jang’humilile ighumbi mmakono Jangi gitimo jikajila njige Malkia Elizebethi Wingwe ng’wantongelaga (2×) Ni kisomo ijakusoma na batale Nijene ng’wali ng’watubisila Lakini sasa Tulilangilija ukwandika Nu kusoma ahakitabo (2×) Ye ikatiba ya CCM Yene ya bura hang’wape Binadamu wote ni sawa Atigela ntaale hisoma Ili mhayo ili lyali bakoloni duhu Talifutia, abise! (2×) Tuli uhulu Nulu ukilema akalangangwa Omana kusoma Kunguno nang’we ng’wana damutaifa Na weyi, yaya ukuchangula (2×) Tunajivunia nchi yetu Bafanyakazi na balimi (2×) Bamutanzania

[to] Eat many Africans While you were there (2×) What are you saying, British? Termites have dried in your hands Go forever, like how locusts went Queen Elisabeth You should lead her (2×) It was books to be read by the adults You had hidden But now We learn to write And to read books (2×) The CCM constitution Has declared openly All human beings are equal There is no over age in learning Such a word was only for the colonialists We have wiped it, we! (2×) We are free Even the disabled are taught And learn to read Because he is also child of the nation For him, there is no discrimination (2×) We are proud of our country Workers and farmers ( 2×) Of Tanzania

Interpretation: This wigaashe song, composed in the mid-1980s by ng’wana Kanundo, was released on a cassette, and sold on the streets in the mid-1990s.22 The song documents the history of modern Tanzania and Nyerere’s leadership. Makoko Language School instructor

22 Tanzania Bara, from the cassette Kanundo ‘94 (Mwanza: ABC Photo/Music Centre, 1994). Personal collection of author.

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Magdelena Lubimbi* had this further explanation: Wimbo huu unaeleza juu ya muungano wa bara na kisiwani, na kupata neno ‘Tanzania’. Pia anasema ni tarehe ngapi, na ni mwezi gani, tulipata muungano. Na Zanzibar na Tanganyika viliunganyishwa na Mwalimu Nyerere, pamoja na hayati Karume wakiwa pamoja ofisini, wamekubaliana. Na anasema, ‘Umoja ni nguvu, utengano ni udhaifu’. Na pia, anaendelea kusema kuwa mwezi huo, anasema mwezi wa pili, CCM ilizaliwa mwaka sabini na saba. Na ansema maandamano yalikuwa makubwa, bendera ya chama cha CCM ilipandishwa ambayo ina alama ya jembe na nyundo. Basi, anawaalika Wazungu wafumbue macho, waone siasa kuwa Tanzania inaendelea na mabarabara, madaraja mitoni, bwawa. Anataja mito Lubana, Shimiyo, anasema mito hili liliua Wafrika wengi. Lakini pia hawa wenzetu Wazungu walikuwepo wanaangalia, lakini hawakusema kitu. Na pia anasema kuwa Wazungu waende kama jinsi nzige zilivyoenda. Anamgusa na Malkia aliekuepo kipindi hicho Elizabeti. Lakini vilevile, anajaribu kueleza maendeleo na matukio. Anaeleza kuwa kuna kisomo cha watu wazima, ambacho watu walikuwa wanaenda wanajifunza kuandika na kusoma. Bado anaendelea na kueleza kuhusu katiba ya CCM ambayo inasema, ‘Binadamu wote ni sawa, hakuna mkubwa au mdogo’. Basi, mwishowe anasema tuko Uhuru, tunajivunia nchi yetu, kwa hiyo fanya kazi na balimi’. (This song explains about the joining of the mainland and the islands, and getting the name ‘Tanzania’. Also, it mentions which date, and which month, we joined. Zanzibar and Tanganyika were joined by Mwalimu Nyerere, together with the late Karume when they were in office, they agreed together. Now he mentions the saying, ‘Unity is strength, division is weakness’. Also, he continues to say in that month, in February, CCM was born in 1977. He says there were great marches, and the flag of the CCM party ascended, carrying the symbol of the hoe and the hammer. So, he invites the Europeans to open their eyes, they should see that the politics of Tanzania has developed with roads, bridges over rivers, dams. He mentions the rivers Lubana and Shimiyo, and says that these rivers have killed many Africans. Now also these people, our Europeans, they were there just watching but they never said a thing. Also, he says these Europeans should just go in the way that the locusts have left. He touches on the Queen that was reigning at this time, Elisabeth. However, in addition, he tries to explain about development and other happenings. He explains that there is adult education, where people go and teach themselves how to write and read. He continues to explain about the constitution of the CCM, which says, ‘All people

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are equal, there is no one of greater or lesser value’. So, in the end he says that we are having Independence, we are reaping the harvest of our country, therefore do work with the farmers.) (285) Muyanga (‘Cow dung’) Muyanga go ng’orabe solobo uhale Balimi bichane mutakupembage Aha jikome tulishoka ku numa Mugusomba mutwala kungunda Pye na mashi ga ngoko Kutwala ku mashikalanga Gashi nayo mbolela Balimi bichane Ung’walimu ojilimo oniwilile Nu Mangula nang’we oniwilile Nane nalimuwila, balimi bichane Mbolela twishughulikile

Cow dung is useful Fellow peasants do not burn it Burning it will retard our progress Collect and take it to the fields Even the chicken droppings Take them to the orchards They are also good manure Fellow peasants The teacher of agriculture has told me so Mangula has also told me so And I am telling you, fellow peasants Let us make use of manure

Interpretation: In 1980, Kalikali Mbagule participated in a competition organized by the Kwimba District administration during the eighth of August celebrations. He sang this wigaashe song, which won. In this song, collected by Songoyi (1990: 77) and provided here with minimal alteration, Kalikali urges fellow peasants to use manure to improve agricultural production. The peasants should not wait for fertilizers from factories, as cow dung and chicken droppings are very useful, too. In this song, Kalikali plays the role of the messenger of the agricultural officer and the District Party Secretary, whom he cites as the sources of the information he is transmitting to the peasants. The following five songs, composed by Kalikali Mbagule, document a drama that played out over the course of a few years in the early 1960s after independence. Paul Bomani, the celebrated labor leader who became Tanzania’s first Minister of Finance, is critiqued for his role in raising the amount paid for cotton by the government during the planting season (presumably to encourage farmers to plant cotton) and then lowering the price of cotton just prior to harvest.

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(286) Ng’wana namyala (‘A child I have given birth to’) A child I have given birth to Ng’wana namyala It turns against me Anibengeleje I have become fool number one, Nabize nchilu wakwandya, Mabimbi Mabimbi This child, I have no debt Ng’wana ng’wenuyu, nene nala As long as I have finished giving Iki namala kubyala birth I have no debt Nene nela The knife cuts the one who Lushu lukanchimaga noji sharpens it (287) Ukwitawala twitawalile (‘We have really received self rule’) We have really received self-rule Ukwitawala twitawalile The people of Tanganyika Abana Tanganyika Truly we have achieved self-rule Ng’hana twitawalile They are giving thanks for Bakulumbaga witawaja independence The ones with big jobs Abo balina milimo mitale The ones who earn hundreds, Abo balipandika magana, buli month after month (2×) ng’weji buli ng’weji (2×) But the growers of cotton Al’abalimi buluba Have nothing to gain Nduhw’iyakupandika Slavery has not ended Litingagili busese As the planting season comes Ililima lyingine We plant cotton Tubyulima buluba As the selling season comes Buguji bushike The price falls Guchel’umpango We are fattening these people Tuliginya sumba Ng’wana Mbagule Ng’wana Mbagule They are really eating Ming’wana gakwigutaga Looking at watches is their only Kulola ha sa kwesa job And blowing their noses in Na kumigija mu shitambala handkerchiefs

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(288) Ndebawa (‘My skin is itching’) My skin is itching Ndebawa I cannot stop scratching myself Natulekaga ukwishina My skin is itching, child of Ndebawa, ng’wana Mbagule Mbagule I cannot stop scratching myself Natulekaga ukwishina I have harvested much cotton Nalinapona mabuluba The price falls Guchel’umpango Paul ng’wana Bomani uPaulo ng’wana Bomani Never turned to look back Nukwikibuka biya He does not care for the peasants Atubamanaga abilimi His price is at fifty cents only Mpango gokwe ha sumuni It is better to grow sweet potatoes Hambu hambu kulima and sorghum numbu na ngalya (289) Nene natupingaga chama (‘I am not against the party’) I am not against the Party Nene natupingaga chama Mbagule, I am not against TANU Mbagule, natupingaga TANU I am asking about the price of Nakubujaga bei iya mabuluba cotton Ng’waitelemsha no, badugu bane You have lowered it much, my comrades You are troubling us Ng’watuyanja They are wondering, all those who Balikumya abose abakalimaga farm It is not the son of Kilya alone Ng’wana Kilya natinene bung’ wene It cannot be compared with anything Beyi yingwe mashiging’hi It is first, very much by itself Wa kwandya, solo gete It is compared to nothing Yakulenganija na lisagala Beaten by a hyena Yakukilwa na mbiti Gnawing on an orphan of a sheep Ikushonaga habi wa ng’holo On an anthill Ha lishigulu (290) Gakanigunana, amabuganga (‘They helped me, this buganga’) They helped me, my buganga Gakanigunana, amabuganga Baba, when I was imprisoned Baba, aho natungagwa There were great troubles Gali makoye madimu They helped me Gakanigunana

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I was inoculating them Nabatemaga na mabukonze Na bashirikale bikalaga bunibuja And the wardens kept asking me About buganga (2×) Buja iyabuganga (2×) Interpretation: Ng’wana namyala, performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo23 and documented by Mkongola (1980: 22),24 is a veiled critique of the TANU government. He sings in the fashion of a parent scolding a child, citing the common proverb, ‘the knife cuts the one who sharpens it’. Mkongola had this point to make about the song (23): Anachokizungumza malenga ni kitu muhimu sana katika maisha ya kila siku ya mwanadamu. Kisu ni chombo muhimu katika maisha ya watu. Hali kadhalika, kisu ni silaha kali na ya hatari sana ikitumiwa vibaya dhidi ya binadamu. Watu wametumia kisu kuulia watu wengine. Mtumiaji wa kisu lazima awe mwangalifu sana kwani anaweza kujikuta kisu kinamkata baada ya kukinoa. Malenga huyu aliimba wimbo kwa niaba ya wakulima wote wa pamba akiulizia bei ya pamba iliyokuwa dunia kila mwaka. Nguvu za utawala zilimshika na kumtia ndani. (The thing this composer is discussing is very important in the everyday life of a human. A knife is something very important in the life of human beings. Usually, a knife is a sharp weapon and very dangerous if used in a bad way toward human beings. People have used knives to kill other people. The one who uses a knife needs to be very careful because he can cut himself after sharpening it. The composer sings this song on the behalf of farmers of cotton everywhere. He inquires about the price of cotton, which was becoming lower every year. By the power of the government, he was grabbed and locked up.)

Ukwitawala twitawalile was composed by Kalikali Mbagule in 1964, performed by Kang’wii’na Mwami ng’wana Mihumo25 and documented by Songoyi (1990: 57). Songoyi’s transcription and translation are provided here with minimal alteration. The government raised the price of cotton at the time of planting, to motivate the farmers. Then

23 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #457. 24 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Mtoto nimzae / Halafu anidharau / Anifanye mjinga / Anidharau / Mtoto huyu / Sina neno naye / Nilisha mzaa / Sina neno naye / Kisu humkata mnoaji’. Author’s English translation: ‘A child I have given birth to / Then shows contempt for me / He does foolishness toward me / This child / I have nothing to say to him / I have already given birth / I have nothing to say to him / The knife always cuts the sharpener’. 25 Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1994, IUATM song #462.

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the government dropped the price at harvest time. This infuriated the farmers. Kalikali sang the song before hundreds of people, after which time, he was thrown in jail. Kalikali had begun to see that independence had brought nothing of value to the peasants. Local historian Michael Masalu* had this remembrance of this wellknown event: Wimbo huu ulikuwa unawachunguza viongozi, kwa sababu ulikuwa unasema kwamba, ‘Bei hii sio nzuri, bei ndiyo ni chini kabisa. Sisi tunalima, wakulima hatutapata hela ya kutusaidia kututoa katika umaskini, kwa sababu, sisi tunalima, watu wanashiba wengine. Hao walioshiba tulikuwa kama tunawalimia tu, sisi tunapata tabu, wao tunawashibisha. Tuliowashibisha wao ni watu maofisa wa kuangalia saa tu, halafu na kutolea makamasi kwenye kitambaa, wanavuta matumbo’. (This song critiques the leaders, because it says, ‘This price is no good, the price is too low. We farm, but the farmers do not get enough money to help them to remove their poverty, because we are farming, others are benefiting. Others are getting their fill, as if we are farming for them, we receive troubles, they get their fill. Those whom we are feeding are agricultural officers who just look at their watches, and blow their noses in their handkerchiefs; they pull upon their bellies’.) In Ndebawa documented by Songoyi (1990: 59),26 Kalikali continues to be much agrieved by the attitude of the government to the problems of the peasants. What disappointed him the most was that Paul Bomani, who earned his reputation as someone being on the side of the farmers, was now no longer listening, he was just following the advice of the party functionaries. This was very discouraging to the peasants, who had spent their time in their field growing cotton at the expense of the food crops. Kalikali critically concluded his song with a suggestion that it perhaps better to grow sweet potatoes and sorghum than cotton. Magdelena Lubimbi* had this interpretation: Anasema yeye alikuwa amevuna pamba nyingi tu ya kutosha, lakini bei ya pamba ilikua chini sana. Na anamlalamikia huyu ng’wana Bomani, sababu yeye ndiye alikuwa kama kiongozi. Basi, mawazo yake ni kwamba Paulo Bomani

26 Songoyi’s English translation: ‘My skin is itching / I cannot stop scratching myself / Son of Mbagule my skin is itching / I have harvested much cotton / But the price fell / Paulo the son of Bomani / Never turned to look back / He does not care for the peasants / His price is at fifty cents only / It is better to grow / Sweet potatoes and sorghum’.

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aweze kugeuka nyuma ili awasaidie. Kalikali aliona wale wafanyakazi makarani wengine walikuwa wanapata hela zaidi kuliko wakulima. Akalalamika na kusema kwamba, ‘Sasa huyu Paulo Bomani na watumishi wenzetu. Hawatukumbuki sisi wakulima. Tunaona afadhali tuache kulima pamba, tulime labda viazi au na karanga na vyakula vingine, kwa sababu tunaumia kulima pamba. Hela hiyo inakatwa watumishi na maofisa wengine, sijui Paulo anafanya nini’. (He says that he has harvested so much cotton, but the price paid for cotton is so low. So he is complaining to this guy Paul Bomani, because he is indeed their leader on these matters. So, his thoughts are that Paul Bomani should change and return [to the farmers] so he can help them. Kalikali saw that the workers such as the clerks were getting more money compared to the farmers. So, he complains and says that, ‘This guy Paul Bomani is our servant. He no longer remembers us farmers. We see now that it would be better to leave farming cotton, let us farm instead potatoes, or peanuts, or another kind of food, because we are hurt by farming cotton. This money is being cut between the civil servants and the other officers, I do not know what Paul Bomani is up to’.) Nene natupingaga, was performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,27 documented by Welsh (1974: 378),28 and attributed to Kalikali Mbagule just after getting out of prison (after he tried to teach the government that they were wrong). He was accused of inciting the peasants against the government. He denied these accusations in this song. Kalikali was much agrieved by the attitude of the government to the problems of the peasants. His songs were spreading far and wide, from Mwanza to Shinyanga. Local historian Michael Masalu* had these further thoughts: Ilikuwa mara ya kwanza kabisa bei ya chini ililingana sawa na bure, ililingana sawa na fisi anamalizia kula mtoto wa kondoo. Katika hali hiyo, anaomba chama cha TANU kiangalie wakulima. Anasema kwamba TANU chama kifanye bei ya pamba. Anaomba CCM isimamie. Hii vile vile, wakulima hawatatoka katika umasikini. Nasikia, aliwekwa ndani lakini aliwekwa ndani kwa sababu ya maneno haya ya chini (last verse), 27 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10–15 October 1995, IUATM song #458. 28 Welsh’s English translation: ‘I am not speaking against CCM / Not even against the Party / I just complain with reference to the price of cotton / You have set the price too low, comrades / Your price is so poor, the poorest / Poorest next to nothing / Better the situation of a barren sheep / We are tired of you / All those who cultivate wonder what the situation is! / It is not me alone, therefore / Ng’wana Mbagula’.

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sababu yeye alilinganisha bei hiyo analinganisha na fisi wakati anakula mtoto wa kondoo. (It was indeed the first time that the price of cotton could be compared to so little, it was the same as a hyena chewing on a lamb. Given this condition, he asks that the TANU party intervene on behalf of the farmers. He says that TANU should set the price for farmers. He begs for TANU to stand firm. In this condition, farmers will not leave behind their poverty. As I recall, he was put in prison, but he was put in prison for this last verse alone, where he compared the price of cotton to that of a hyena eating a lamb.) Gaganigunana amaganga was performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,29 and attributed to Kalikali Mbagule after he had left prison. He brags about the efficacy of his medicines, and how the prison guards were begging him for medicinal inoculations to help them in their daily lives. William Lubimbi* had this remark: Alikuwa anaendelea kusema kwamba, ‘Nilipata matatizo wakati nimefungwa. Familia yangu ilikaa peke yake, sikuweza kuwasaidia, niliona tu kwamba walikuwa wanapata tabu, wake zangu, watoto zangu’. Halafu alikuwa anasifu zaidi bugota yake. Wakati alipokuwa amewekwa ndani, bugota yake ilimsaidia. Yeye alilamba tu, halafu na kuangalia kwenye jua na kuomba. ‘Basi wale waliokuwa wamemkamata, sijui bugota iliwafanyaje mpaka wakamua wao wakasema, ‘Afadhali tumuachie tu’. Kwa hiyo, yeye anashukuru sana hiyo bugota, ilimsaidia sana. (He goes on to say that, ‘I faced great problems when I was put in jail. My family stayed alone, I was not able to help them, I just saw that they came into problems, my wife, my children’. Then he goes on to praise his medicines. When he was put into prison, his medicines helped him. He tasted them, then he looked at the sun and prayed. Then, concerning those who had captured him, I do not know what his bugota did to make them just say, ‘Better we should just let him go’. Therefore, he is thankful for this bugota, it ended up helping him very much.) (291) Bana Tanzania (‘People of Tanzania’) People of Tanzania, we have Bana Tanzania, twalilile no cried a lot Years and years Shikungu na shikungu People of Tanzania, we have Bana Tanzania, twalilile no cried a lot

29

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1995, personal collection of author.

songs of political discourse Tuyomba hanomo Tanzania, ya Ng’wanza, na Ilemela Yatugwisijihano Nunkoloni walitichene Bali batanyong’angwa Njelemani nkali wabatandikaga Wabatulagagwashila Ulu’kugola, ng’watugolile Tanganyika ngima Pye, ng’watugolile Iki nu Nyerere nkujiwa, akaduma Ho lyapandiki’limhayo Akaduma gete Aho wagiwasimu ikuyombaga Giki Ilemela yamala banhu Alisababu ya godi Yamala banhu uNyerere akidima ha nomo Akantuma Kawawa Akiza mundege, kujulola banhu Huna ukabasanga’banhu Balagije giti mamba halutala Akagayiwa ilishosho Bing’we bafanyakaji Ulu ng’wita mashitambi Ng’wayutulola giti mva ilihanyango Balamuji na batwale Ng’wayutulola giti mva ilihanyango Mutinishima ng’wahubijeno Kutukenangula abalimi Tulipona mchele

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We said with our lips Tanzania, of Mwanza and Ilemela Has brought us astonishment Even the colonialist was not like that They were not hung The mean German canned them He beat them and it was over If it is disgracing, you have disgraced us The whole of Tanganyika All, you have disgraced us Even the honorable Nyerere, was dumbstruck When he got the word He was dumbfounded When he heard on the phone That Ilemela has exterminated people Because of taxes It has exterminated people Nyerere held his mouth He sent Kawawa He came on the plane, to see the people Then he found people Laid like gilled lungfish on a stick grill He lacked words You civil servants When you get fat You look at us like a dog is on the door Magistrates and other leaders You look at us like a dog is on the door You have really wronged us To kill us farmers We harvest a lot of rice

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While you are just seated Ng’wigasije duhu Showing off your pot bellies Mugweaga ng’humbi Ihaha ubupinabulitusheleja hamoyo Now the sorrow is gnashing our hearts People being wiped away Abanhu ukushila Like water dried up on fish Humadilo gakamilwa minzi He is angry, ng’wana Makonge Wakolilwe, ung’wana Makonge Ng’wana Kadikilo Ihumilo Ng’wana Kadikilo Ihumilo By exterminating people Hakumala bamunhu You carry shame Ulukugumila Like ng’wana Makwi Ng’wana Makwi Who accepted a date at a Uywa’kazunya nsumba halufu mourning She was charged by Madinda Akabulwa na kaMadinda This song reached faraway Ilembo lyenilo likasegendela It spread in the villages likasanja machalo You Batwale Bing’we Batwale Of Mwanza, Ilemela Bana Ng’wanza, Ilemela Your shame Ilitule ling’we Will spread in villages, lands Likusanja machalo, masi na masi and lands Interpretation: This song, composed by Ihumilo ng’wana Kadikilo in 1968, and performed by Kang’wii’na ng’wana Mihumo,30 discusses the sorrowful day in 1968 when thirteen people suffocated in an overcrowded prison cell called Ilemela (near Mwanza), after being held on the charges of tax evasion. Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had these memories about this infamous event: Ngwana Kadikilo alitunga huu wimbo wa kusikitika na kuwakumbusha Watanzania wote wasikitike kwa sababu ya kitendo cha wafanyakazi wa Mwanza Ilemela. Waliwachukua watu zaidi ya ishirini kuwaweka katika ‘lock-up’ ndogo sana, wakakoswa hewa. Walikoswa hewa, na humo kulikuwa na hewa ya mkojo, mavi sasa, wakabanana, wakashindwa kupumua. Hicho kitendo hata Nyerere aliposikia akajishika mdomoni na kushangaa, na Watanzania wengi walishanga. Wakasema kwamba, hawa wafanyakazi, waliona

30

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10–15 September 1995, IUATM song #459.

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hao watu ni kama mbwa inakaa kwenye mlango. Wao hawakumbuki kwamba hawa walikuwa ni wakulima, walikuwa wanalima mpunga, mtama, mihogo, hawakumbuki kama hao wanakula nini. Na hawa wafanyakazi walipata adhabu nyingi, hawakupata baraka. (Ng’wana Kadikilo composed this song of sorrow to remind all Tanzanians that they should be mourning, on account of these actions of those in the employ of Ilemela prison in Mwanza. They placed more than twenty people inside a small ‘lockup’ room, and they could not breathe. They had little air, and it had the fumes of urine and feces. They were pressed together, they could not breathe. Even Nyerere, when he heard this, he was dumbfounded, as were many Tanzanians. They say that, those workers lorded over those inside like a dog sitting at the door. They had forgotten that those inside were farmers: they farmed rice, millet, and cassava. They had forgotten where it was that they got their food. Now those prison workers received much shame, they did not receive any blessing for this.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had these memories and thoughts about this event: Wakati hasa wa kodi, huko Ilemela, watu wengi walikamatwa halafu wakaenda kuwekwa kwenye ‘lock-up’ ambako walikufa. Sasa, nakumbuka wakati huo. Na walivyokuwa wakilalamika hao waliokufa, na waliokuwa mle ndani, walianza kupiga makelele, ‘Tumekoswa hewa, tunakufa’. Sasa maaskari ambao walikuwa kule nje nao wanaitikia, ‘Kufeni, kufeni!’ Sasa, na wao sijui walidhani kwamba wanasema tu sio kweli au vipi, na kweli walianza kufa kwa ajili ya hewa. Na chumba kilikuwa kidogo, halafu madirisha madogo sana ambayo yako juu. Na kweli wakati huo, Nyerere aliposikia, haukupita muda akafuta kodi, kwamba sasa kodi inafutwa kwa sababu hasa Ilemela watu walikuwa wanateswa mno. (During the time of taxation, there at Ilemela, there was an instance where many people were imprisoned and put into ‘lockup’, where they died. Now, I remember this time. Those who were there were crying that they were dying, the ones that were there inside, they started to make a lot of racket, ‘We have no air, we are dying’. Now, those guards who were there outside, were shaking their heads, saying ‘Die, then’. Now, those outside, whether they thought anyone was really dying, no one knows, but really they started to die because of the air. It was a small room, with a small window at the top. Now Nyerere, when he heard this, it wasn’t long before the tax was abolished, indeed the tax was abolished because of these actions at Ilemela, where people really suffered’.)

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(292) Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo (‘I do not like the cotton of development’) I do not like the cotton of Natatogwagwa buluba wa development maendeleo Nyerere came to Tanzania! Nyerere wizile Tanzania! Buluba wa maendeleo waliselagwa The cotton of development is sprayed from a container na madebe I do not like the cotton of Natatogwagwa buluba wa development maendeleo Interpretation: In this song collected by Heijnen, from the Bukumbi region (1968: 145), the singer is complaining about block cultivation schemes, which used mechanized cultivation, chemical fertilization, and whose planning was run by committees. There were enormous costs with little results, compared to what was happening on individual farms. The song was quite popular in Bukumbi. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these memories about the village cultivation schemes: Watu walikuwa wanalimia mashamba ya kijiji. Baada ya kuhamia kijijini, kuna sehemu ilitengwa kwa ajili ya mashamba ya kijiji, ili kuleta maendeleo kijijini. Inaonekana mtunzi anamueleza Mwalimu Nyerere kuwa, ‘Pamba ya maendeleo, kwa kweli ingekuwaje? Mmesema tulime pamba ili tulete maendeleo, lakini mimi kwa kweli sipendi maendeleo ya pamba hii’! Na walikuwa wanavuna madebe madebe mengi, lakini watu hawakuona faida ya humo. Nadhani yeye hakupenda ‘maendeleo’ haya, kwa sababu waliokuwa wanafaidika zaidi ni viongozi wa kijiji, mwenyekiti, katibu, na mtunza fedha. Sababu walikuwa wanavuna pamba madebe mengi, lakini pesa zilikuwa hazionekani, kwa hiyo alisema, hapendi huu mtindo wa maendeleo watu kwenda kulima. (People were farming the village farms. After moving to the village, there was an area built for the common purpose of the village farm, to bring development to the village. It is evident that the composer is asking Mwalimu Nyerere, ‘This cotton of development, what is it about? You tell us we should farm so we can receive development, but me, really, I do not like this development, as a result of this cotton!’ Because they were harvesting container after container, but no one was seeing the benefit from this. I think people disliked this ‘development’, because the ones who were benefiting the most from this were the leaders of the village, the chairmen, the clerks, the treasurers. Because indeed if they were harvesting

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container after container, but no money was to be seen, he says that he does not like this plan of ‘development’ where people are going to farm.) (293) Nosenagi (‘At last’) Nosenagi, ng’watukola Ning’we Batarafa Ng’watukola Giti nyama ya kocha (2×) Kijiji twipange, Saidi Tulihaya kusamiwa (2×) Tugaleka amakologoto Twalima Nu ba’ba Budelele Machungwa twapija Na mababayu haling’walida Gayo mahamisho uNyerere, tulinsayila Sababu ya tukatibu (2×) Gwike nalilomba Mulekejulutandaja Gukubi tufubyamabofu Nakulya masuku (2×) Umhay’untaale ha bake bane Mugambo, ulilemba Kwizumpalibega mbehi Kanunkaba munhingo Hamo bunipiga magulu (2×)

At last, we have had enough of you You division executive officers We have had enough of you Like meat that is roasted (2×) In the village we should line up, Saidi We are about to be relocated (2×) We will leave behind grain silos We have cultivated With the father of those of Budelele Oranges have thrived As have papayas in our homestead There is relocation Nyerere, we are accusing unjustly Because of the secretaries (2×) But I am imploring you Not to pile us together Characters will not match up I am eating something with no salt (2×) The important thing is my wives Militia, you are cheating yourself I will knock a man’s shoulder Strangle his neck Maybe they will shoot me in the legs (2×)

Interpretation: This wigaashe song, composed by Malenga Saidi Budelele and documented by Mkongola (1980: 56),31 complains about

31 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Sasa tumewachoka / Ninyi Katibu Tarafa / Tumewachoka / Kama nyama ya kuchoma / Saidi nikajipange kwenye kijiji / Tunataka kuhamishwa / tuache maghala yetu / Tumelima na babangu Budelele / Machungwa na mapapai / Yamekuwa kwenye mji wetu / Huu uhamishaji / Nyerere tunamsingizia bure / Matatizo ni ya Vikatibu / Lakini nawaomba / Situpange karibu / Maisha hayatafanana

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the forced villigization projects of the mid-1970s. On 6 November 1973, Julius Nyerere decreed that ‘to live in a village is an order’. The impetus behind this project was to bring scattered outlying people together so the government could better provide everyone with clean water, schools, and health facilities. The government implemented this policy, by rounding up millions of peasants and moving them to Ujamaa communal villages. During these resettlement operations, the authorities destroyed much private property and used force against peasants who wanted to remain on own farms. By 1977, 13,506,044 people, or about 80% of the population, resettled into 7,373 registered Ujamaa villages, all of which supposedly contained schools, dispensaries, and clean water (Ofcansky and Yeager 1997: 188). Often, peasants had to contend with extremely harsh living conditions, which, because of excessive population densities and insufficient agricultural technologies, which led to extensive resource depletion and soil erosion. The Ujamaa experiment became a rural policy disaster that crippled the agricultural sector and seriously compromised Nyerere’s political standing throughout Tanzania. The zeal and cruelty with which the villagization operation was carried out in the Sukuma region and many other places in Tanzania was devastating. Anxious to get recognition and praises from their bosses, the division executive officers and other local administrators carried out the operation enthusiastically with great inhumanity. Houses were demolished, and burnt. People together with their families were thrown into vehicles, forcibly moved from their traditional settlements and dumped at places which had been designated to be Ujamaa villages. They left their property and other things of value, including their ancestral shrines. Women and children were hassled while men were beaten and tortured.

/ Jambo kubwa ni wake zangu / Mgambo unajisumbua / Atakayewashika begani / Nitamkaba shingo / Wanipige bunduki’. Author’s translation of Mkongola: ‘Now we have tired of you / You branch clerks / We have tired of you / In the manner of roast meat / Saidi I should line up in the village / We want to be moved / We should leave behind our grain silos / We have farmed with my father Budelele / Oranges and papayas / They were there at our homestead / This immigration / Nyerere we have accused him uselessly / This problem is of the clerks / But I beg of you / You should not arrange us so close / Lifestyles are not similar / A big matter is my wives / Militia you are deceiving yourselves / One will grab a shoulder / I will grab a neck / They should hit me with their rifle.’

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Local historian Michael Masaalu* had these memories of this period: Malenga huyu analiona tatizo la vijiji limesababishwa na viongozi wa ngazi za chini. Yeye anaona tatizo haliko kwa Rais Mwalimu Nyerere. Yeye alilaumu kitendo cha kujipanga kijiji, kwa sababu zamani tulikuwa tunajenga kila mmoja anapopenda. Yeye anajenga juu, yeye anajenga chini, bila kujipanga. Yeye anazungumzia hasara yake, lakini aliona na kushangaa kwamba watu wengine walisema Nyerere anasababisha kitu kama hicho. Yeye alikuwa anasema kwamba wanatuletea hasara kuacha matunda, kuacha miti ya matunda, mapapai na nini, kujipanga sehemu ambako hatukupanda pale, na kuenda kugawiwa kwenye shamba la mtu mwingine, kulazimishwa kukaa hiyo sehemu. Na yeye vile vile alikuwa anapata hasara tu hiyo, lakini hasemi vibaya, Nyerere hamsemi vibaya. Sabini na nne, ndiyo vijiji vilianza. Sehemu nyingine walikuwa hawataki kuhama, lakini serekali na watu watumishi wengine walifanya kuwapeleka kwa nguvu, kwa sababu walikuwa hawajui kama kuna maendeleo mbele ya kuweza kufanya vizuri. Kwa sababu kujipanga ni kurahisisha kuduma, kama kupata maji yanakuja bomba moja na linawasaidia wote. Siyo kusema kwamba mwingine mlimani, mwingine wapi? Basi, mwishowe walizoea na kufurahi na kuona huko kujipanga. (This composer sees that the problem experienced by the villages has been caused by the leaders of the lower ranks. He sees no problem with President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. He complains about the action of the planned village, because long ago, we were able, every one, to live however we wanted. This guy built on high ground, this one built on low, without any organized planning. So, he is discussing his anger, but he also shows surprise at those who say Nyerere has caused this kind of thing. He says that they bring us problems, telling us to leave our fruits, our fruit trees, our papaya and others, in order to follow this scheme where we cannot plant there, and to go and divide among the farms of others, and to be required to go and live at this place. Now he has this anger, but he has not said anything bad, he has not said anything bad about Nyerere. In 1974, that is indeed when they started these planned villages. In other regions, people refused to move, but the government and their various servants used force to move them, because [the population] did not realize the benefit that would come of this. Because to arrange things in this way, it would be easier to receive services, such as getting water from one pump which would help everyone. It was not to say that there is one person on the mountain, another one where? So, in the end they got used to this, and they were happy to see the results of this arrangement’.)

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Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these memories of this period: Wakati watu walipohamia vijijini, wengi walichukia walimchukia, Mwalimu Nyerere. Lakini agizo la Mwalimu Nyerere halikuwa hivyo. Wale watekelezaji hao waliokuja kutekeleza, wao ndiyo walifanya kinyume na Mwalimu Nyerere alivyosema, sababu wao walitumia nguvu, walipiga watu, na walichoma nyumba za watu. Kwa hiyo sasa hivi anasema, ‘Nyinyi ndiyo wabaya, lakini agizo la Mwalimu Nyerere halikuwa hivyo’. (At the time people were moving into villages, many truly hated Mwalimu Nyerere. But, the orders from Nyerere were not what transpired. The executives who came to execute these plans, they indeed did the opposite of what Nyerere ordered, because they used force, they beat people, and they burned homes. So indeed the singer says, ‘You people are indeed bad, but the order from Mwalimu Nyerere was not like this’.)

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN This section contains songs about the ‘Kagera’ war against Idi Amin. In 1978, Idi Amin, ‘president for life’ of Uganda, claimed that Tanzanian President Nyerere, his perennial enemy, was at the root of all his troubles. Amin accused Nyerere of waging war against Uganda by way of multiple border skirmishes, and, hoping to divert attention from his internal troubles and rally Uganda against the foreign adversary, Amin invaded Tanzanian territory and formally annexed a section across the Kagera River boundary on 1 November 1978. Declaring a formal state of war against Uganda, Nyerere mobilized his citizen army reserves and counterattacked, joined by Ugandan exiles united as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). The Ugandan army retreated steadily. Tanzania and the UNLA took Kampala in April 1979, and Amin fled by air, first to Libya and later, to a permanent exile at Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Songs concerning the war against Idi Amin were extremely popular, and were most associated with the bakomyaluume and bagobogobo groups and their militarized magembe drama routines, in many cases commissioned by the government. Elias Songoyi had this first hand testimony of a magembe performance in the early 1980s: The soldier-dancers kept the rhythms of the drums, and entered the arena in a single file, carrying guns on their shoulders. They were in combat khaki dress with jungle hats and rubber boots. The commander marked time with “Left-right left-right”! In the arena, the soldiers went through parade inspection, then they started to prepare for battle, with battle drills. The soldiers stood at attention while the leaders sang a song depicting Amin as a foul smelling snake. Then the soldiers went into battle. (1988: 55)

These songs praise the Tanzanian soldiers, denounce Amin, and ask the citizens to be bold in their sacrifices in this trying time.

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(294) Mpigaga ache! (‘Hit so he should die!’) Hit so he should die! Mpigaga ache! Do not let him slip away Mutizunekela akapuluguka Idi Amin (2×) Idi Amin (2×) He has given us thoughts Watwinhile mawazo He has reduced [us to] the cowshed Wapungugije na lubigili That [one] at Shitobelo’s Lwa hang’wa Shitobelo That of ng’wana Makongolo is gone Ba ng’wana Makongolo bajile They have gone to manamba (2×) Bali ku manamba (2×) Then, when I think about it Niyulu niganika I, Nzugamawe Sheniki, Nzugamawe I should go into the army Ize naje kujeshi Ng’wana Shitobelo oNg’wa Shitobelo We should go to crawl (2×) Tukagukube (2×) Interpretation: This song text, composed by the well-known wigaashe composer Kiduha Shitobelo and transcribed by Gibbe (n.d.), personalizes the war. The singer comments on his neighbor’s children going off to the war, and mentions that he has been axed heavily, but willingly. He had to ‘reduce the cowshed’, or give up cattle for the war effort. He jokes that his beloved ng’wana Makongolo, a prize bull, has gone off to manamba, a term usually used to refer to conscripted labor, but in this case, referring to the compulsory war draft (see also song #103). This was understood by listeners as an important sacrifice, both economically and symbolically. In the end, the singer contemplates joining the army himself (though he is too old), and learn how to crawl in the trenches. Retired Makoko Language School instructor Willliam Lubimbi* had this extended commentary about the conflict, as well as thoughts about this composer’s perspective about the war: Wananchi wa mkoa wa Mwanza, sawa na wananchi wote Tanzania, hawakupenda uvamizi uliofanywa na ‘nduli’1 Idi Amin. Katika mchango wao wa kupigana na nduli huyu, wengi walitoa sehemu ya mali yao kama alama ya kuunga mkono juhudi za kuyang’oa majeshi ya uvamizi. Wafugaji wengi walitoa ng’ombe, malenga; mmoja wapo wa wafugaji, alitoa ng’ombe wake aitwae ng’wana Makongolo. Ni kawaida ya wafugaji

1

A common Kiswahili epithet leveled at Amin, meaning ‘murderer, savage, thug’.

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kuwapa ng’ombe wao majina. Si hivyo tu, malenga alianza kujishauri ili naye aende katika uwanja wa mapambano akapigane. Ingawa yeye hakwenda, lakini wimbo wake ulisaidia kuchochea ari ya vijana wengi kwenda vitani. Yeye amejiita ‘Nzugamawe’, yaani ‘mpika mawe’. Mtu amfikiriapo malenga huyu anamwona ni mtu hatari asiye na mchezo. Jina hili linaonyesha ushujaa. Mawe yasiyopikika yeye ndiyo huyapika. (The citizens of Mwanza District, together with the citizens of the entire country of Tanzania, did not want this ruckus caused by the murderer Idi Amin. During their fundraising [done] in order to fight this criminal, so many put up [their] wealth, in a way to show that they were joining hands, to remove these soldiers of chaos. Many cattle herders were giving up cattle. This composer, who was also a cattle herder, gave up his bull named ‘ng’wana Makongolo’. It is common for cattle owners to give names to their cattle. Not just this, the composer is giving himself advice so he should go to the war grounds and fight. Even though he did not go, his song helped many young men decide to go to the war He called himself ‘Stones Cooker’.2 Someone who reflects on this composer can see that he was very dangerous and was not someone to play with. This name, for instance, demonstrates heroism. Stones cannot be cooked, yet this was something that he claimed he could do.) Local historian Michael Masalu* remembered the chaos of this time: Huyo Idi Amin anasababisha tukapungukiwe na ng’ombe katika zizi letu. Sasa tulikuwa na ng’ombe wengi lakini tulipoambiwa na Nyerere tujitolee mwingine chakula. Alitaka kusema tu, ‘Tufanye umoja na nguvu na kujitolea chochote ili tumufukuze mtu mbaya’. Alisema kwamba anasababisha na ng’ombe wakapungua, lakini anataka wamkimbize kabisa aende mbali. (This guy Idi Amin caused us to reduce our herds of cattle from our compounds. Now, we had many cattle, but we were asked by Nyerere to remove others, for food. He said, ‘Let us work together in strength, and put all our resources together so we may chase out this bad man’. He [the composer] says that even though he [Amin] is causing our cattle to decrease, we should do what we can to make this guy run as away far as possible.)

2 Nzugamawe (‘Stones Cooker’) was also the name of a famous nineteenth-century medicine healer. The praise name ‘Stones Cooker’ refers to how tough the singer is, so tough that he can cook and eat stones.

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(295) Idi Amin wikumyaga (‘Idi Amin was bragging’) Idi Amin was bragging that he Idi Amin wikumyaga ngosha was a man He ran out of weapons Akamali’shilanga What can you do? Utafanya nini? In Tanzania we are men! iTanzania tuli bagosha! Those kindled in fire Bakwipemba moto They cannot invade us carelessly Batiko kutuvamia sagalasagala (2×) (2×) And the Libyans know us Na bana Libya batumanile In the end they throw [away] Ng’halilo kuponya shilanga their weapons Bullets have broken heads Nsasi jabela mitwe Invaders of Tanzania Bavamia mu Tanzania He gave up, Idi Amin Utagula, uIdi Amin The land now has peace and more Huna shuhola peace (2×) Na kuhola (2×) The one who holds two things? Mshika mbili? One is going to drop Moj’ikamponyokaga Here, if you break the law Aha ulu ugakilanija malagilo You will see the tornado Ugubona ung’wehela Cleverness, he ran out of it Butundu, wanshilile Your mean fellow Unkali ng’wiching’wi And the presidency, he has lost Nu buraisi, wangayile Because of recklessness (2×) Kulwa bubuluguku (2×) He leaves Uganda Uyilekela iBuganda It [Uganda] is saying ‘Hurray! iKuyombaga, ‘Hoye! Hoye!’ Hurray!’ Amin, die on your own! Amin, chaga lwako! Go and eat greens in your Jaga ukalye makubi na village magungulu With your children Na bana bako Because you pretended (2×) Iki wihambagalaga (2×) The deceased Bishop, you killed Marehemu Askofu, ukamulaga him You beat him without cause Untulagula na mhayo biya This sin follows you (2×) Zambi ikukwandamaga (2×) Wagabona majeshi ga Tanzania Have you seen the Tanzanian armies?

songs concerning the war against idi amin Gansula umbehi giti munigembe Waja Libya Wakalenda kubizukulu bakwe Abo bonembagulaga (2×) Usirudie tena, kwishambulia Tanzania Komaga, gitumo ukagilila Wapamilwe mhela Ugunwa Muammar Ni watobagukile (2×)

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They have forged this guy like a hoe He has gone to Libya Gone to settle with his grandchildren [and] Those there who deceived him (2×) Do not repeat, to attack Tanzania Cease, like how you were weaned You have been pummeled by a rhinoceros You were saved by Muammar [Quadafi] Otherwise you would have been smashed (2×)

Interpretation: This song was attributed to the niingi Buguhi Kabambo. The text was collected and transcribed by Mkongola, and is provided here in full (1980: 61).3 The text is straightforward. The singer scoffs

3 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘‘Idi Amin alijidai mwanaume / Alimaliza silaha / Utafanya nini? / Tanzania tu wanaume wa moto / Hawawezi kutuvamia ovyo ovyo / Hata wa Libya wanatujua / Mwisho kutupa chini silaha / Risasi zatoboa vichwa / Wavamia Tanzania Kakimbia Idi Amin / Nchi sasa salama / Mshikambili moja humponyoka / Usipofuata maagizo / Utakiona kimbunga / Utundu mwenzenu umekwisha / Na uraisi ameukosa / Kutokuwa mwangalifu / Ameiacha Uganda / Inaimba hoye hoye / Amin kufa uliko / Nenda kale vibaya na watoto wako / Kwa vile uliyataka / Marehemu Askofu ulimwuua / Ukampiga bila sababu / Dhambi inakuandama / Umeyaona majeshi ya Tanzania / Yamemfua kama jembe / Ameenda Libya kukaa kwa wajukuu wake / Waliokuwa wakimdanganya / Usirudie tena / Kuishambulia Tanzania / Koma kama ulivyoacha ziwa / Umepigwa kifaru / Ukasaidiwa na Muhama / Ungevunjwavunjwa’ (Idi Amin bragged he was a man / He finished up his weapons / What can you do? / Tanzania has only men of fire / They cannot invade us recklessly / Even the Libyans know us / In the end, to throw down their weapons / Bullets have pierced heads / Invaders of Tanzania / He ran off, Idi Amin / The country is now at peace / The one two things in the hand /One always falls / If you do not follow orders / You will see the tornado / Your cleverness has finished / And leadership, he has lost / Because of not being careful / He has Uganda / The country sings ‘hoye hoye’ / Amin die where you are / Go eat lousy spinach with your children / Because it is what you wanted / The Bishop who passed on, you killed him / You beat him without cause / The sin follows you / Have you seen the Tanzanian soldiers? / They have forged this guy like a hoe / he has gone off to sit in Libya together with his grandchildren / They deceived him /Do not return again / To ambush Tanzania / Stop, as if you have ceased drinking your mother’s milk / You have been beat by a rhinoceros / You were helped by Muamar / You should have been broken into pieces).

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at Amin, for pretending to be a man, in the face of Tanzanians, ‘kindled in fire’. He was a coward, the one who assassinated the Anglican Bishop of Kampala Janani Luwum in 1977. The Libyans knew what they were getting into in this war, which was why they committed so few resources, and abandoned their tanks on the battlefield. Amin left Uganda, ran off to Saudi Arabia and then to Libya, and the country of Uganda rejoiced. The singer tells Amin to go and retire in Libya, eating poor quality greens, because soon he will be out of funds and it is all he will be able to afford. Local historian Michael Masalu* had this reflection: Anamsema Amin ni mtu mbaya sana, kwa sababu alifanya makosa mengi katika vita hiyo kwa Tanzania. Kulikuwa na Askofu huko, akamuua kwa sababu alikuwa anafundisha dini, mambo ya kukataa ya kukataza vita, yeye akamuua! Kwa hiyo, alifanya dhambi kubwa sana. Kwa hiyo yeye anajidai kwamba atashinda. Na alikimbia. Alipigwa bomu, ndiyo akakimbia kukimbilia nchi nyingine. (He says that Amin is someone very evil, because he did so many bad things in this war with Tanzania. There was a Bishop there, he [Amin] killed him because he taught religion, and taught how to refuse war, so, he killed him! Therefore, he committed an outrageous sin. Then he bragged that he would win, but in the end, he ran. He was hit by a bomb, and indeed, he ran off to another country.) (296) Jeshi la Tanzania (‘The army of Tanzania’)4 The army of Tanzania left Jeshi la Tanzania kwinga From [the country] of Nyerere Ku ng’wa Nyerere Let us greet one another, men Digishagi, bagosha You have come with blessings, Ng’wiza na lubango, mukaya home Balumba, abose abana Tanzania They are thankful, all the Tanzanians Our children, you have sacrificed Bana biswe, ng’watamba Even when you greet us, ‘I grasp Nulu mulitugisha, ‘Shikamoo’ your feet’ We respond, ‘How delightful’4 Niswe tuzuny’i, ‘Marahaba’

4 Kiswahili greeting between a younger person and an elder one. The younger person initiates the greeting, ‘Shikamoo’, literally, ‘I grasp your feet’. The elder responds, ‘Marahaba’, ‘How delightful’.

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We have gladness in our hearts Young men, you have come back What shall we slaughter for you? Goats and bulls and rams and ducks And the chickens, we’ll slaughter them Munanzoka, ng’wantulila maguta The snake, you poured in kerosene Winga umung’obo, uja alisubala [it] Left its hole, [and] went urinating While crying, Amin Kunu ulila, Amini He will not return again Atalashokeja hangi As we heard that Aho dang’wigwa giki You [soldiers] stayed in Kampala Ng’wikala iKampala We began to contribute heads of Dandya kuchanga na ng’ombe cattle Every home, every home Buli kaya, buli kaya Even from that of Kalikali’s Na ha ng’wa Kalikali Came a big bull Likinga ili ng’ombe Having horns, long-curved Lya mapembe, kigomile I gave out a big bull Nakalifunya iyiku li dunya Driven by stones and scythes Lyakuswagila mawe na mholo It is perplexing to describe it Litabatabile Tuli na buyegi mu ngholo Bayanda, ng’wizile Tumutone ki? Mbuli na ng’ombe na ngholo na mbata Na magoko, tukabulage

Interpretation: A song by Kalikali Mbagule collected and transcribed by Elias Songoyi (1990: 75).5 As the Tanzanian troops returned from the war in 1979, they were welcomed by Tanzanians with song. In Mwanza, a grand reception was arranged, and singers were invited to participate. Kalikali was among them, and he sang this song, congratulating the soldiers. The song expresses the Tanzanians’ appreciation of 5 Songoyi’s English translation: ‘The Tanzanian army from Nyerere / Let us greet one another, men / You have come home with blessings / All the Tanzanians are thanking you / Our sons, you have conquered / Even when you greet us Shikamo / We respond Marahaba / With hearts full of joy / Young men, you have come back / What shall we slaughter for you? / Goats and bulls, rams and ducks / And the chickens we’ll slaughter them / You put kerosene into the serpent’s hole / The serpent went out running, urinating / While he (Amin) cried he will not repeat / As we heard the capture of Kampala / We began to contribute heads of cattle / House to house / Even from Kalikali’s homestead / A big bull was contributed / I gave out a big bull / With long curved horns / A bull driven by stones and swords / It is hard to describe its features.

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the role of the Tanzanian army in the war. Following Nyerere’s speech declaring war with Amin, the Tanzanians had supported the troops with contributions of money, food, and livestock. Thus, their heroic return was a victory for all Tanzanians. Idi Amin is portrayed as ‘a serpent in a hole’ (an epithet given him by Julius Nyerere). The soldiers’ action to drive him away, is described as putting kerosene into the hole to force the serpent out. The posters displayed during the campaigns against Amin portrayed him as a serpent or a monster clad in uniforms decorated with medals and emblems made of human skulls and bones. Local historian William Lubimbi* had these points about this song: Huo ni wimbo ni wimbo wa shukrani. Mwimbaji anawashukuru wanajeshi walipotoka Uganda. ‘Sasa, wamekuja kwa furaha, wamekuja kwa baraka’, sasa, tuwape zawadi gani? Tuwachinjie nini’? Anaanza kutaja mifugo, ng’ombe, mbuzi, kondoo, mwishowe hata akataja na kuku pamoja na bata. Kwa hiyo, yeye anafurahi mno kwa kitendo ambacho walikifanya huko Uganda. Na anajaribu kusema kwamba, ‘Nadhani Amin hatarudia tena kwa kitendo alichokifanya hicho’. (This song is a song of thanks. The singer thanks the soldiers returning from Uganda. ‘Now, you have come with joy, you have come with blessings, now, what kind of gift shall we give you? What shall we slaughter for you?’ He starts to name livestock, cows, goats, and sheep. In the end, he even mentions chickens and ducks. Therefore, he is very happy with the actions that they completed there in Uganda. He tries to say that, ‘I think Amin will not return again’.) (297) Aha baba! (‘Here baba!’) Aha baba! Yashilile, ilivita! Banhu, tung’we walwa lelo Lyashilile, ilivita (2×) Amini nang’we, usema n’hambo Amini nang’we, usema n’hambo Ali Malibya uko Akingila kuba Alabu bakwe (2×) uBebe nang’ho, ungema Nyerere? Ung’wiyo wasoma Wasomela imilimo

Here baba! It has come to an end, this war! People, let us drink alcohol today It has finished, this war (2×) Amin now, he ran galloping Amin now, he ran galloping He is there in Libya He has run off to be with his Arabs (2×) And you, can you test Nyerere? That one is a scholar He has studied for this work

songs concerning the war against idi amin Kuutalashokeja (2×) Wajibone ndege ja Barusi Lelo, Idi Amin Walota, wahaya giki ‘Nasangwa hangi’ (2×) Wayibone Tanzania? (2×) Ya kocha moto lelo Kuutalashokeja (2×)

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You will never repeat (2×) You should see the plane from the Russians Today, Idi Amin You dreamed, you say that ‘I am being met again’ (2×) Have you seen Tanzania? (2×) It has burned you with fire today You will never return (2×)

Intepretation: This song of thanks was remembered and performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma.6 He attributed its origin to the composer Makelema. The singer laughs at the cowardice of Idi Amin, and urges people to celebrate after a difficult fight, now that the war is over. The singer praises the efficiency of the aircraft lent to the Tanzanian government by the Soviet Union, and promises Amin that he will never return. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this interpretation: Huyu mwimbaji anasema, ‘Vita imekwisha, kwa kuwa vita imekwisha tufurahi tu. Tunywe pombe, wachezaji tucheze, kwa kuwa huyu Amin tumeisha mfukuza, amekimbia’. Idi Amin yeye alijidai kwamba anafahamu kupigana, lakini Nyerere, huyo alikuwa anasoma, anasomea elimu ya kupigana. Kwa hiyo Idi Amin alishindwa, alikosa akili kupigana vizuri, alikosa ndege hizo hizo kutoka na Urusi, na Nyerere alikuwa na uhusiano nao, walimpa ndege nzuri. (The singer says, ‘The war is over, the war is over, let us just be happy. Let us drink beer, performers, let us perform, because this guy Amin, we have sent him away, he has run off ’. Amin bragged that he knew how to fight, but Nyerere was a scholar, a scholar of war. As a result Amin was defeated, he did not have the intelligence to fight well, he did not have these planes given to him by the Russians, whereas Nyerere had a relationship with them, and they gave him good aircraft.) (298) Kambarage, ng’weshimiwa Nyerere (‘Kambarage, the honorable Nyerere’) Kambarage, ng’weshimiwa Kambarage, the honorable Nyerere Nyerere Watukombola You saved us

6

Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #95.

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Wayimala ivita ya bana Buganda Mnanzoka wantula ilihindi Aligalagala Agulalaga majigulu Wabile wigwa chagachaga, obanda Ogohagai Tanzania Aho akatuvamia Twalitulembelile Tuli ng’wa walwa Tulisoma na kusoma Nikumbaga yabuyaga Tuhimbulwa njinga (2×) Aho nigwa guli giki ya binwa, iBugando Ing’holo yukolwa ‘Yulya malumba na malumba’ Bugando baliko Baliko, balema bingi Na bakubyalaga na balinda Baliko bingi Nang’ho ulihaya Kupiga njinga! iTanzania, ibulage Wayibona indege nyukilia Ya kunya lyochi ukunuma? Ukubutongi, balishila Bakwanaga buyaga ‘Baganda, toshila’

You finished the war with those of Uganda The snake you hit on the tail It is rolling over He takes refuge in the anthills When he hears movements, he hides He fears Tanzania At the time when he attacked us We were tranquil We were drinking liquor We were studying and studying I had plenty to cover myself with We were hit by a mortar (2×) When I heard that it was hit, Bugando My heart was bitter [like] ‘Eating bitter herbs’ In Bugando they are there They are there, many disabled And those giving birth and pregnant They are many And you are planning To hit [us] with a mortar! Tanzania, in order to kill it Have you seen the nuclear plane That spits smoke from the back? In the front, they are being finished They are wailing in desperation ‘Ugandans, we are finished’

Interpretation: This song was composed and performed by Mayunga Ngata,7 congratulating Nyerere on a job well done. The song stresses how surprised Tanzanians were, attacked in this way. People were just going about their business, some were partying, others studying, when

7

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM song #73.

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Amin attempted to bomb the Bugando Medical Centre in Mwanza (he missed). The thought of this makes the singer bitter (‘eating bitter herbs’). There were doctors, nurses, and patients there! In the end, the singer praises the aircraft lent to Tanzania by the Soviet Union, which got the job done. The singer had this to say about what inspired him to compose this song: Mwalimu Nyerere, kwa ujasiri wake aliofanya mpaka akatuweka kwenye hali nzuri na usalama, alitumia jitihada ya kuweza kumkimbiza huyu ‘ndugu’ Idi Amini, pale Bugando, pale Mwanza hospitali wamo watoto, wamo akina mama waja wazito, wamo wagonjwa wa kila namna, wamo wadaktari na waaguzi! (Mwalimu Nyerere, in his heroism, which he exercised until he placed us in a good and peaceful way, used his diligence in order to chase off this guy, ‘brother’ Idi Amin. There at Bugando, there at Mwanza at their hospital, there are children, there are pregnant women, there are sick people of every kind, there are doctors and nurses!) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* shared this conversation about the song: Wimbo huu ni wa kushukuru kuhusu vita ya Uganda ilipotokea. Mwimbaji anashukuru sana, kwa kumshukuru mweshimiwa Raisi wa kwanza, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Anashukuru kwamba vita imekwisha, sasa tunafurahi, na yule mtawala wa Uganda Idi Amin, walimuita kwa jina la ‘nyoka’, ni mbaya sana. Lakini kwa bahati, huyu mtawala wetu, huyu Nyerere, alimpiga alipoivamia Tanzania, kwa sababu mwimbaji anasema, wakati huo tulishtukia tu! Tulishtushwa, tulipokuwa tunakunywa pombe, na kusikia mizinga inalia, na wengine walikuwa wanasoma sasa, tukawa tunasambaa-sambaa tu. (This song is a song of thanks for the war with Uganda which took place. The singer thanks very much, thanks the respected first president, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. He [the composer] is thankful that the war is over, ‘now we are happy’, and that the leader of Uganda, Idi Amin, whom they called ‘the snake’, is very bad. But, with good luck, this leader of ours, this one Nyerere, he hit him, as he was causing trouble in Tanzania. Because the singer says, at that time we were just surprised! We were surprised, we were drinking our beer, but then to hear the cannons fire, while others were studying, we just spread out, we scattered everywhere.)

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE JULIUS NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY (1985–1995) As Tanzania sank deeper into debt because of the Kagera war with Amin, Nyerere found himself increasingly at odds with his stated socialist ideals. Far from being self reliant, Tanzania was more dependent than ever. The economy had virtually collapsed, agriculture was barely sufficient for subsistence needs, the country was saddled with a debt burden and one third of Tanzania’s budget was now accounted for by loans to donor countries and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). With the donors now demanding economic liberalization and privatization, Nyerere resigned from the presidency in 1985. The 1985 elections ushered in a Union government headed by a pragmatic reformer, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who began a ten-year tenure (he was reelected in 1990) characterized by the wholesale desertion of Nyerere’s Ujamaa policies, economic reforms, and liberalization, the implementation of IMF-imposed austerity measures, and corruption on all levels. Furthermore, the Tanzanian government opened up its closed political system to a multiparty one, holding its first democratic election in 1995. During the Mwinyi years, government-sponsored songwriting focused on campaigns like reforestation, eradication of the tsetse fly, and radio spots featuring development issues such as ‘health’, ‘water’, and ‘roads’ (Kurekodi Nyimbo 1988).1 The government ‘peasants’ holi1 A set of guidelines from 1991 (‘Mwongozo wa Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha ya Wilaya’ 1991) gave directives as to what the content of songs should be: 1. Kampeni ya upandaji miti ambayo katibu wa chama wa mkoa ameshatoa maagizo kuwa kila mwananchi ashiriki kampeni hii kwa kupanda miti; 2. Vita dhidi ya rushwa, magendo, ubadhilifu na ufujaji wa mali ya umma, uzembe na upuuzaji wa kutekeleza sheria za kazi kwa watumishi na kutowajibika kwa wakulima. Wimbo usisitize juu ya kujiwekea akiba ya chakula ikiwa ni kinga kwa adui njaa. Nyimbo za asili- Kampeni juu ya vita dhidi ya imani ya uchawi, imani inayotawala kanda yetu ya ziwa na hasa mikoa wa Mwanza na Shy (1. The campaign for planting trees, which the Party Secretary of the province has already ordered every citizen should embrace; 2. The war against bribery, black markets, misuse wastage of the public wealth, and the negligence and disregard for labor laws regarding irresponsibility towards farmers. The song should emphasize putting aside food for storage as prevention against hunger. Traditional songs – The

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day Nane Nane on the 8th of August, already utilized for propaganda purposes by the Nyerere administration, became a primary focal point for disseminating government policy via local composers’ songs (‘Ratiba ya Sikukuu ya Kuadhimisha Miaka 10 ya Muungano wa Tanzania’ 1974). Following the standard set by Ujamaa-era policy makers, government-sponsored song competitions towards the end of the Nyerere presidency and during the post-Nyerere years had increasingly elaborate rules detailing how song should be composed and performed (‘Taarifa ya Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha Kitaifa’ 1984; ‘Mwongozo wa Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha ya Wilaya’ 1991).2 Radio also received a new focus under the Mwinyi administration. Many songs were recorded and aired by Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam, then the sole state radio station which could be heard all over the country. Singers were paid token stipends every time they were visited by the radio personnel who came to record these songs. Government-sponsored Sukuma dance competitions during this period continued to be judged in a democratic fashion. Judges at government-sponsored competitions were respected members in the community, usually relatively well off, and were typically card-carrying members of the CCM. As with nongovernment sponsored village

campaign for the war against belief in witchcraft, beliefs that dominate our lake areas especially in the Mwanza and Shinyanga provinces). 2 A government report from 1984 (‘Taarifa ya Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha Kitaifa’ 1984) outlined various rules of competitive engagement for ngoma ensembles and choirs: 1. Kuubakiza katika uasili wake mwafaka ufanyiwe utafiti ili utumike ule wa asili ya wimbo. Kisha kuchunguza ‘combination’ ya sauti zikiwa zaidi ya moja. 2. Mtindo wa utungaji wa urahisirahisi unaotufaa kwenye uasili, na kutuacha hewani na wala si kizungu uachwe. Utungaji huu uliokuwa na ubovu huu: -ghani inakuwa hamna na tunakuwa tunaimba mwafaka au ‘chorus’ tu; -ghani unakuwa fupi mno na kwa hiyo kuona kuwa na beti nyingi mno za maneno; -ghani itambe, mwafaka usanifiwe na kuwe na usanii wa hali ya juu ndani ya wimbo. Tuache mwafaka wa kikanisakanisa. Tusipayuka au kuimba kwa kushindana. Kiongozi aratibu uimbaji ili wimbo uwe na mizania (balance). Musiki wa ala: Ala zinazoonekana zipewe na nafasi ya kusikika na kutamba. (1. To sustain acceptable traditional styles, and perform research in order to maintain the tradition of the song. To search for proper arrangements / ‘combinations’ if there is more than one voice; 2. The style of the composition should be very easy and suitable for its tradition, and foreign styles should be left behind. Compositional styles having this problem include those where:- the melodic arrangement is unsuitable and there is only a ‘chorus’; -the melodic arrangement is too short resulting in too many verses having too many words; should the melody be popular, the harmonies should be cleaned up and be of high artistic value inside the song. Let us leave behind church-related harmonies. We should not promote nonsense or compete with each other. The leader should guide the singing so that it has balance. Instrumental music: instruments should be visible and with audible voicings.

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competitions, competing dance teams aligned themselves on opposing ends of a large, unused, open space, usually a soccer field. Spectators congregated between the two competing groups, while judges aligned themselves off field near the space’s halfway point. Winning dance teams were assessed by head count: the dance teams, musicians, and singers that attract the larger number of spectators during the allotted performance time were declared the winner. Judges acted as neutral clock keepers and officiators, raising and lowering flags to start and stop the performances, receiving council from respected elders chosen from the ranks of both the bagiika and the bagaalu, who watch their respective sides. Three members apiece of the bagiika bagaalu stood together with the judges, and were asked who the winner was. If split in their decision, the judges counted heads. The government continued to support competitions between worker cooperatives. These competitions signified that something of importance was at stake to their participants and viewers, evident in the several letters of complaint on record at the Mwanza District Office of Culture Archives. Workers complained that the competitions were held at the wrong time of the year, during harvest and not afterward, as is done with the unaffiliated village competitions (Uthamini wa Mpango . . . n.d.). Another complaint shed light on competitive practices reminiscent of those in the villages. Those writing (Pamba Ltd) claimed that the competitors (National Bank of Commerce) should have been disqualified, because they had bewitched them as they arrived in their bus, slandering them through song (Muhtasari wa Kikao . . . 1990). Most of the complaints, however, were directed at the organizers of the competitions, imploring them to do something about incompetent judges who were accepting bribes from the highest bidders (Mkutano wa Maofisa Sanaa 1991). The writers argued that judges looked the other way when competing groups played for fifteen minutes and not ten, when the competition stole songs from music heard on Radio Tanzania, and when the drumming and the singing were not synchronized. Some lamented that the judges knew nothing about music (Kiwanda cha Nguo n.d.). Song from this period congratulate Nyerere for his hard work in leading the nation, encourage Mwinyi to follow in the footsteps of Nyerere, congratulate the government for opening the political dialog to a multiparty system, while at the same time calling the desire to abandon the CCM a dangerous and unnecessary move.

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(299) Mabukoye, Rais (‘Hard work, President’) Hard work, President Mabukoye, Rais You have labored, respected elder Wakoyaga, namhala You are tired, you have broken Wanoga, watandula si the ground It is true, for the country Na ng’hana, isi You have built development Waizengela maendeleo And the politics of Ujamaa Ni siasa ya Ujamaa It is socialism Ni ujamaa Tanzania is moving forward iTanzania iendelea mbele And arrogance has been rejected Nduhu ni ng’hani jalemilwe Interpretation: This is a song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), congratulating Nyerere toward the end of his presidency for the work completed. The politics of Ujamaa have resulted in real ujamaa, that is, cooperation, togetherness, and unity. What follows are four songs in praise of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, the second president of the republic of Tanzania (1985–1995). (300) Hoyela (‘To discuss’) Hoyela, twajaga Ga kuhoyela, twajaga (2×) Bulumbi, tulilumba, ntaale

[in order] To discuss, we have gone For discussing, we have gone (2×) Thankfulness, we are thankful, elder We should compose them short Tugatunge magupi We should push them round Tugashindikije mabiliga For discussing, we have gone (2×) Ga kuhoyela, twajaga (2×) Nyerere, he sat in seclusion uNyerere, akigasha mshandalo Huna wali ng’wibanza shiku ibili He was in a meeting for two days Unkoloni upandagila na lume (2×) The colonialist stepped in the dew (2×) Nyerere, our chief of the CCM uNyerere, ntemi wise wa CCM revolution mapinduzi Long live, baba Hangamaga, baba And Mwinyi Na Mwinyi Nang’ho baba, hangamaga baba And you baba, live long baba (2×) (2×) Capitalists, [at] farming Mabepari, bulima They are crying in the wilderness Balilila mu mahanga

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Iki Tanzania kubiza na raisi wa kabili Tanzania (2×) Bulumbi Tulilumba, ntaale Kuli baba Nyerere Kututongela, Tanzania Kutushikisha Bujamaa (2×)

For Tanzania is to have a second president Tanzania (2×) Thankfulness We are thankful, elder To baba Nyerere To lead us, Tanzania To get us into Ujamaa (2×)

(301) Buhaya, ba Magaji (‘They said, those of Magaji’) They said, those of Magaji Buhaya, ba Magaji They were with Nyerere and Twali na Nyerere na Ng’winyi Mwinyi They told me that Buniwila giki We should tend to the Party Tuhudumie iChama Security and the hoe (2×) Busalama ni gembe (2×) The politics of Ujamaa, we should Siasa ya Ujamaa, twishangalie! rejoice! Words of the big leaders Mihayo ya bataale Long live Tanzania Idumu iTanzania (302) Tulija kusumbila Juliasi (‘We are going to receive Julius’) We are going to receive Julius Tulija kusumbila Juliasi We should greet him Tungishe And Mwinyi, we should greet him Nu Mwinyi, tungishe Honorables, let us greet one Bakujiwa, twihamagi another Farmers, we have been called Abalimi, twitanilwe To receive the great one Kujusumbila ntaale The respected one, Nyerere Ungweshimiwa, Nyerere (303) Abacheza ng’oma (‘Players of ng’oma’) Players of ng’oma Abacheza ng’oma Let us dance for Mwinyi Tubinile Mwinyi Mwinyi, where are his faults? Mwinyi, babi ki? Let us rejoice him, really! (2×) Tunshangilie, ng’hana! (2×) Players of ng’oma Abacheza ng’oma Let us see what he has done, Mwinyi Ushilole, Mwinyi Let us rejoice him, really! Tunshangilie, ng’hana Players of ng’oma Abacheza ng’oma

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Interpretation: The first song, the wigaashe song Hoyela, was submitted anonymously to the Cultural Office of Mwanza District (Ofisi ya Utamaduni ya Wilaya ya Mwanza)3 for approval to be performed at an unnamed event in 1985. I do not know whether the song was approved. The song thanks Julius Nyerere and welcomes Ali Hassan Mwinyi to his new position as president. The song memorialized the meetings that the British held with Nyerere’s new government leaders, to expedite and finalize the transition of power. ‘The colonialist stepped in the dew’, means the British were made to get up early in the morning to finalize this transition. The composer imagines that the British should be fuming because Nyerere’s revolution would now continue twenty-three years hence under the leadership of a new president, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, and the composer says that the capitalists (meaning the British) are ‘crying in the wilderness’, because they have lost this opportunity, and because they really do not know how to farm. William Lubimbi* had this reading of the text: Wimbo huu ni wimbo wa kushukuru kwa ajili ya kujitawala. Na mwimbaji anaanza kusema kwamba, ‘Kwa kuwa tumeshaanza safari, basi tujaribu kuimba kwa kifupi tu au tuseme maneno kwa kifupi’. Anaanza kumsifu Nyerere, Nyerere alikaa kwenye mkutano kwa muda wa siku mbili. Baada ya siku mbili Wakoloni waliomba kwamba, ‘Hapana, hizo siku mbili ni kama miaka mingi’, wakaanza safari ya kukanyaga umande, maana yake ni kurudi kwao. Lakini, baada ya mkutano huo wa Nyerere kufanyika kwa muda wa siku mbili, nao walikubaliana naye kwamba, ‘basi sisi tutaondoka’. Kwa hiyo Nyerere dumu milele, na wewe Mwinyi, Rais wa pili, na wewe udumu milele. (This is a song of thanks for selfrule. The singer says that, ‘Although we have begun our journey, let us try to sing a short song where we might say a few short points’. He starts to praise Nyerere, who was staying at a meeting that lasted two days. After these two days, the colonialists begged off, ‘These two days have been like two years’, so they started their journey ‘grabbing the dew’, meaning they departed early for home. However, after this meeting held by Nyerere for two days, they indeed agreed, ‘OK, we shall leave’. Therefore, ‘Nyerere, live long, and Mwinyi, the second President, live long’.)

3 ‘Fani ya Ng’oma za Asili’, n.d. Document #110, UTV/C8/011/V II: Cultural Programme, Acc. #2, Nyaraka Ofisi Ya Utamaduni Mkoa Mwanza.

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Buhaya ba Bagaji performed and composed by Migelegele ng’wana Hilya,4 is a wigaashe song which praises Nyerere, Mwinyi, the CCM, and the party holding to the values espoused in the campaign slogan, Amani na Jembe (‘Security and the Hoe’).5 The significance of the person mentioned in the first line, Magaji, is uncertain, though he is probably a local CCM party functionary, and he is an associate of the composer, who had this reflection: Tulikuwa na Magaji, alikuwa mtoto wangu wa bugota. Sasa alisema kwamba tulikuwa na Nyerere na Mwinyi, walisema ‘Tutangaze usalama na CCM’, yaani maana yake, ‘Idumu Tanzania, siasa, idumu, tuyatangaze kwa juu ili adumu kabisa’. (We were there with Magaji, he was my student in bugota. Now, we were there with Nyerere and Mwinyi, and they said, ‘We should advertise the security provided by the CCM’, in other words, ‘Long live Tanzania, [Tanzania] politics long live, let us advertise it with strength, so it lives long, truly’.) Tulija kusumbila Julius, sung by Paulo Lusana,6 and Abacheza ng’oma, collected by Bischoff (1996: 28),7 are both short bunuunguli choruses in praise of president Mwinyi. These songs were attributed by Simon Ndokeji to Edward Ntemi. Songs such as these were composed in the event of the composer being called to go the airport, or to go to the hotel where the president was staying, in order to perform. The song might then make its way into the standard performance repertory of the group that the composer works with, as a testament that the composer was well connected. (304) Luyombya chalo (‘Stirrer of villages’) Stirrer of villages Luyombya chalo I am a man Nali ngosha I am very ferocious (2×) Nalinkali unene (2×) Grandchild [of] Mhoja Ng’wizukulu Mhoja I am wagering cattle Nakesaga ng’ombe Ng’wana [that of] Shimba, I (2×) Ng’wana oShimba, nene (2×)

4

Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 8 August 1995, IUATM song #317. This was an old TANU slogan revised for the CCM campaign of 1985. 6 Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. 7 Bischoff ’s Danish translation: ‘Trommedansere, vidanser for Mwinyi / Ham skal vi virkelig fejre, trommedansere / Shilole og Mayuka, vi skal fejre Mwinyi’ (‘Drum dancers, we dance for Mwinyi / We should really celebrate, drum dancers / Shilole and Mayuka, we will be celebrating Mwinyi’). 5

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Let me go start my own home Those who keep cattle Ng’wana Magema and [that] of Bufufu (2×) Together with ng’wana Makeja Cattle and sheep have been bred They tend [to] a thousand (2×) The branch of Miswaki has a pure heart So many cattle have been bred, Ja sawa no ing’ombe, yii! yii! They tend thousands Bakadimaga shihumbi Chairmeni uPorini, nakanumbaga Chairman Porini, I thank him Together with the secretary Kihamo nu katibu I thank him Nakanumbaga And the administrator, that of Nu balozi, ong’wa Kisolwa Kisorwa Ng’wana Yombo uNg’wana Yombo I cannot hate myself Natukolwa unene I also thank him (2×) Nu ng’wene nakanumbaga (2×) Tumamagi miaka, milele na milele Serve many years, forever and ever He should serve many days Mtumamile shiku niingi You are developing Bing’we ng’wendelea Naje hizugile Basaba ng’ombe Ng’wana Magema na ong’wa Bufufu (2×) Kihamo nu ng’wana Makeja Ja sawa ing’ombe na ng’holo Bakadimaga jihumbi (2×) Itawi lya Miswaki lyelwa ng’holo

Interpretation: The singer Paulo Mafanyanga8 attributed this song to Ngalula ng’wana Shimba, from the mid-1980s. The singer begins by praising himself as a ‘stirrer of villages’ who is very ferocious, evidence that the context for this song was a wigaashe competitive dance sponsored by the government. He then praises the wealthy cattle owners in his village (ng’wana Magema and ng’wana Bufufu), and finishes by praising the local CCM administrators (Chairman Porini, ng’wana Kisorwa, and ng’wana Yombo) for the work they have done in the village. In the two songs that follow, president Mwinyi is praised for following through on a perplexing issue that disturbed the singer. The issue was described in a letter written to the president by the singer

8

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #30.

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and composer Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma. The songs were performed by her group Kazwala Shiiza Bakiima ba Kugunana Ng’wasabuya (‘Nice Clothes Women’s Self-help Group of Ng’wasubuya’), while weeding a cotton field. (305) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (‘Myself I was written by Mwinyi’) (C) Myself I was written by Mwinyi (C) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (R) Myself I was written by Mwinyi (R) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (C) I am satisfied (C) Natosha (R) I am satisfied, I am satisfied (R) Natosha, natosha (4×) (C) An answer (C) Ilijibu (R) An answer from the CCM (R) Ilijibu ku CCM (C) An answer from the CCM, mayu (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, mayu (R) An answer from the CCM (R) Ilijibu ku CCM (C) An answer from the CCM, even! (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, niyo! (R) An answer from the CCM (R) Ilijibu ku CCM (C) An answer from the CCM, even! (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, niyo (R) An answer from the CCM (4×) (R) Ilijibu ku CCM (4×) (C) My child should go home (C) uNg’wanone ize kaya (R) My child should go home (R) uNg’wanone ize kaya (C) My child should go home (C) uNg’wanone ize kaya (R) My child should go home (R) Ng’wanone ize kaya (C) I should look after her (C) Nantunze I should look after her Nantunze (C) Or something special (C) Nulu nuispesho (R) Or something special (R) Nulu nuispesho (C) Or something special (C) Nulu nusipesho (R) Or something special I will (R) Nulu nusipesho nungulila buy for her I will buy for her Nungulila (C) One with a load (C) Ng’wene miligo (R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ng’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One with a load never feels it, mayu mayu (R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ng’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One with a load never feels it, baba baba (R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ng’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One having a load never feels it, even niyo (R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa (R) One having a load never feels it

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(306) Mtalehe tisa (‘On the ninth’) On the ninth, I sold it Mtalehe tisa, ng’haguja buluba Niyo mayu, shubiza sha matatizo And mayu, [it] became problematic Ukubokela shubiza sha matatizo Being paid became problematic To be paid (2×) Ukubokela (2×) It became a threat to farming Shikabiza shogohya nu bulimi Baba Mwinyi when he saw this Baba Ng’winyi aho wabona Ufunya amri, g’hunana tubokela He gave an order, we were paid (3×) (3×) Bring me promptly 500 shillings Nanguhijage ipajero iyakuyinza for forage You with your ‘changes’ ‘Bamageuzi’ ging’we No matter what you do Ga nzwuguli iyo chanjo Defeat CCM? Ukwitinda CCM? [not] Until you question yourselves Mpaga ng’wibuje Interpretation: In Nene nandikwa na Ng’winyi,9 the composer saw that the farmers in her region were not paid in a timely fashion by the cooperatives for the cotton they harvested, thus she wanted to complain directly to president Mwinyi via letter, who heard the complaint and ordered they should be paid. The song thanks president Mwinyi for helping them on this issue, and boasts that Mwinyi wrote to her directly. In Mtelehe tisa,10 the singer continues to thank Mwinyi on this issue, and reminds listeners that the opposition parties in the upcoming election of 1995 have no say in matters such as these, that they make promises of quick cash but cannot deliver. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these perceptions about this case: Wimbo huu unaohusu kuuza pamba. Inaonekana wakati mtunzi huyu alipotunga wimbo wake, alipouza kukawa na shida kidogo. Pesa hazikupatikana, yeye aliuza tu lakini hakupewa pesa. Sasa, alisubiri alisubiri, lakini hakupata. Baadaye wakaona kwamba, ‘Ah, sasa hii tutapata lini? Afadhali tumuone hata Rais?’ Wakati ule Rais alikuwa Mwinyi, alipopata habari, yeye alitoa tu amri

9

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 5 and 11 September 1994, IUATM song #78 and 137. 10 Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994, IUATM song #131.

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kwamba wapewe hela zao. Sasa huyu mwimbaji yeye anasema, ‘Afadhali mlete haraka hizo pesa’, anasema, ‘Leteni haraka, ili twende tukanunue vyakula’. Sasa, kuna wengine ambao walianza kusema kwamba, ‘Lakini sasa, kwa kuwa hela haziji, labda ni kwa sababu ya CCM’. Lakini mwimbaji anasema kwamba, ‘kuishinda sisi mpaka mjiulize kwanza, ndipo labda mnaweza kuishinda. Na wao walianza kuingilia kununua pamba, na wao wakawa wanatoa keshi, wakawa wanalipa hao wa vyama vingine, matajiri wengine, ili chama cha CCM kionekane ni kibaya, hakina pesa’. Lakini mwimbaji anasema, ‘Hakuna wa kuishinda CCM, mpaka mjiulize’. (This is a song about selling cotton. It is evident that at the time this song was composed, the composer had some kind of problem in selling. She did not get her money, she delivered the cotton but received no money. Now, she was waiting and waiting, but still received nothing. After a bit she saw that, ‘Ah, we will receive this when? Would it not be better if I contacted the president?’ At that time, the president was Mwinyi. Upon receiving this news, he gave the order that they be given their money. So this singer, she says, ‘Better you should give me this money quickly’, she says ‘Bring it fast, so I can go and buy some food’. Now, there were others who started to say, since the money is not coming, maybe it is because of the CCM’. However, the singer retorts, ‘We cannot know what is happening here until we ask ourselves first. Now those who are going to buy cotton, and those who pay in cash are the other parties, or they are the rich people, who are trying to make the CCM look bad, as if it hasn’t any money’. So this singer is saying, ‘There is no defeating the CCM, until we ask ourselves this’.) The following four songs all discuss various aspects of the multiparty elections of 1995, and address specifically aspects of the Nane Nane (‘Eighth of August’) celebrations. Over the years, an increasing number of local dissidents and foreign observers have accused the CCM of corruption and incompetence. In 1992, under growing domestic and international pressure, the Tanzanian government authorized the formation of opposition parties. Within months, several new organizations emerged. By 1992, government songwriting campaigns focused more on the multiparty elections of 1995, and were interested in countering accusations of high-level bribery, and of course pushing the agenda and objectives of the party. Village party committees began to seize the opportunity of patronizing dances in order to raise funds for running their political activities. Usually, they used this opportunity

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to ask the dance groups that they sponsored to sing propaganda songs praising the ruling party, and local and national party leaders. (307) Chama na serikali (‘The party and the government’) The party and the government Chama na serikali I saw Masanja at the ward office Nakamone uMasanja aha kata The heart is glad! Moyo goyegaga! With those of Malu and those of Kuba Malu na ba Mahalozi Mahalozi With this togetherness Kub’umoja bone I should move forward (2×) Naje kubutongi (2×) The CCM will never sway much iCCM ituyumbaga gete Until they are worn out Paga bakunoga Abasujisuji benaba, aba Mapalala These voyeurs, those of Mapalala (2×) (2×) Work for us, Mrema Tuntumamilage, uMrema The heart is glad! Moyo goyegaga! We shall be rewarded in the Tuyupelwa na majihumbi thousands The government is saying (2×) Ni iserikali ikuhayaga (2×) (308) Angu, tarehe (‘So, the date’) (C) So, the date (C) Angu, tarehe This date of the eighth Tarehe hii nane The month, the month is August Ng’weji, ng’weji gwa kanane I will arrive Nyangasamo Ndishika Nyangasamo (R) Let me talk to baba (R) Nahoye nu baba The Opener-of-Ways Jigula Mayila We should talk to baba (2×) Tuhoye nu baba (2×) (C) I have nothing to say, I have (C) Nu nene natina mhayo, arrived nashikaga We will talk talks Tukuhoya mahoya You will do good to welcome me Ukubeja kunikaribisha Those of that of Mhyeni Wa ng’wa Mhyeni This celebration, let us deal with it iSherehe yeniyi, tuyigidingile Ours Yise Of the up-rooters of weeds Ya ‘basimba ngobi’ They uproot the roots at the Badubuji ba jiduha mu farms mamigunda

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Babilingi ba mandi Gwanuyo gwashila Duhaye na gungi CCM Mageuzi, namba ya kwandya! Chama kitukufu Chama namba ya kwandya! Isetwatonga kulyuba Tulibana ba ntemi Kung’wa Welelo Tukafungulilwa li mlyango Nu Julius, CCM, songa mbele Tudutogagwa kushoka numa (2×) Na babunge, songa mbele Na badiwani, songa mbele Na bajumbe, tudutogagwa kushoka Ng’wenyekiti, songa mbele Ma veo, songa mbele Ma vitongoji, songa mbele Wanaushirika, songa mbele Wenyekiti wa ushirika, songa mbele Halmashauri ja bushirika, songa mbele Harakisha kabisa, songa mbele Tudutaligula lugoye, bana CCM Tudikomile kutaligula lugoye ulodotunga Malechela nu Ng’winyi, lutungagi Nu Mrema, lutungagi Ng’ongeje ukudadila Lutizutyuka

Makers of contour ridges That matter has finished We should say something else CCM the Changers, Number One! The supreme party Party number one! Were going first to the world We are the children of the chief To Welelo Doors were opened for us With Julius, CCM, push forward We do not want to go back (2×) Members of Parliament, push forward Councilors, push forward Advisers, we do not want to go back Chairman, push forward Village executive officers, push forward Ten cell leaders, push forward Cooperative members, push forward Chairmen of cooperative unions, push forward Cooperative executive councils, push forward Hurry up, push forward Do not unfasten the rope, CCM members We are not likely to unfasten the rope Malechela and Mwinyi, tie it And Mrema, tie it Add to tie fast It may not unfasten

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(309) Angu, mbaluba ying’we (‘So, your letter’) So, your letter Angu, mbaluba ying’we It found me, Phillipo (2×) Ikanisanga, Fillipo (2×) The letter, it found me, saying Mabaluba, ikanisanga, ikuyombaga I should come, of Maige (2×) Wiize, ong’wa Maige (2×) We should praise baba Tukanamwe ubaba The only thing which remained (2×) Ushigakulamiwa (2×) Muswanzali, let us greet one Muswanzali, twigishe (2×) another (2×) Take an example, when I got sick Gemela, aho nakasata You came to see me Oliza gakunisutila Every day you came to peep on Buligwa uliza kunisula (2×) me (2×) You have compassion Ulina shigongo Nkila, thank you Nkila, ng’wabeeja Kunikalibisha, bana Ngunga (2×) To welcome me, people of Ngunga (2×) With the CCM Ku CCM We should meet the village Twibone nu veo executive officer Let us shake hands with ng’wana Twishike mkono ng’wana Lameck Lameki Let us leave early, daughters Ipunagi, bashike Tomorrow morning (2×) Ntondo dilu (2×) Let us watch Mandago, in the CCM Tukanole uMandago, ku CCM That of Kisula, Philippo Ong’wa Kisula Fillipo I greet you guys from Ngunga Humugishaga bana Ngunga In the CCM Kwenye CCM Who can challenge the party? Nani opinga chama? The CCM party, who can Ni CCM wipinga? challenge [it]? We are not coming back, no Tutushokaga, biya CCM, push forward CCM, songa mbele And the government, good Na serekali, madila (2×) afternoon (2×) Myself I am saying that Nene nahayaga giki I have not seen Mandago Natinamona uMandago Father responded Ise waidika Serve, father Tumamaga, baba Forever and ever (2×) Milele na milele (2×)

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(310) Nagahugana kuja Nyang’asamo (‘I made a mistake going to Nyang’asamo’) I made a mistake going to Nagahugana kuja Nyangasamo Nyang’asamo (2×) (2×) I am with Ng’humbu Sayi Nali na Ng’humbu Sayi The husband-owner of the house Na namugi ng’weneyo kaya (2×) (2×) Chairman Nyang’asamo Mwenyikiti Nyang’asamo Kakonoki of Nyang’asamo (2×) Kakonoki muna Nyang’asamo (2×) Malamula, I greet you Malamula, namugisha Humugishaga wanguwangu (2×) I am greeting you in haste (2×) I am with Ng’humbu, a real guy Nali na Ng’humbu, ba mbehi Be of a good spirit Bejaga ng’holo Watch over the works (2×) Wangalia imilimo (2×) The factory, you should take care Ukiwanda, ukibeje (2×) of it (2×) Ng’wana Mayanda, baba Ng’wana Mayanda, baba Reward me with a cloth Kanisambage ng’wenda Together with baba, that of Kihamo nu baba, ong’wa Mhogota Mhogota Father of Ngele Baba ng’wa Ngele Nalyagwata Madila (2×) Nalyagwata Madila (2×) And ng’wana Gashi Na ng’wana Gashi Dwellers of Nyang’asamo Bazenga Nyang’asamo Na ng’wana Syeya Madilo, Nane And ng’wana Syeya Madilo, Eighth of August Nane We are enjoying in Tanzania (2×) Yeniyi tukayegelaga, iTanzania (2×) Eighth of August, belongs to the Nane Nane, ya balimi (2×) farmers (2×) Namutambulile giki, Nyanza ise Let me inform you that, our Nyanza co-op Was brought by the hoe (2×) Ikenhwa ni gembe (2×) Ni CCM, ni gembe (2×) And CCM, by the hoe (2×) Yu saba, iTanzania Tanzania, it became wealthier Na mabati pepepe With white corrugated iron sheets Tulagi yombo! Make noise! Tugadegeleke ama mihayo So that we may listen to the words

songs of praise for the ccm since nyerere’s presidency Ichama niingi ishi sha ndemelile Ni nani akuchagulugwa? (2×) Nene nalija kunundo Kunundo ni gembe (2×) ‘Ki tubadegeleke amageuzi genaya?’ Genhile wiizi Tanzania (2×) Mwinyi, bashambuliage Batuwilaga giki ‘Lelo balipima buluba’ (2×) ‘CCM, twibinze Nabo balihe?’ (2×) Bayanda, namuwile umhayo utaale (2×) Ng’hulima buluba Ng’hulima na mangala (2×) Imbolela ng’hwitule Isamadi ya ng’ombe Kimalu akwandikaga (2×)

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These multiparties are incomprehensible Who is being chosen? (2×) I am going to the hammer The hammer and the hoe (2×) ‘Should we listen to these changes?’ They have brought theft to Tanzania (2×) Mwinyi, attack them They were telling us that ‘Today they are weighing cotton’ (2×) ‘CCM, let us dissolve [it] Where are they?’ (2×) Boys, let me tell you the critical word (2×) I will cultivate cotton I will cultivate millet (2×) Fertilizers should be placed The manure of cows Kimalu is writing (2×)

Interpretation: In Chama na serikali, a wigaashe song composed and performed by Mayunga Ngata in 1994,11 the singer encourages voters to stick with the CCM, and not to listen to the opposition. He praises local functionaries for their work (ng’wana Masanja, ng’wana Malu, and ng’wana Maholozi). The singer praises Augustine Mrema, a wellknown opposition leader who at the time of the performance of this song, was still the Minister of Labor in the CCM. Mrema left the CCM in 1995 shortly after this song was composed, and formed a new political party, NCCR-Mageuzi (National Convention for Construction and Reform-Changes). In the first multiparty election for the presidency in 1995, he came in third place. The song calls James Mapalala, already a leading crusader against the one-party system, a ‘voyeur’, implying that he is someone who merely watches, but cannot follow through with his actions to serve the people.

11

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM #74.

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The composer had this to say about the song: Nilikuwa nimeenda kusherekea Nane Nane Gambos, na niliimba wimbo huu. Nilikuwa nimeamua kuimba wimbo huu, kwa sababu mimi ni Mtanzania, na kiongozi kwenye Chama. Kwa hiyo, na wauliza, ‘Mbona tunakuwa na hizi mageuzi, haya maswala mapya ya hivi karibuni? Nilikuwa nalitaka viongozi wetu kunisikiliza, kwa hiyo nilitunga wimbo huu, kusifu Augustini Lyatonga Mrema. (I went to celebrate the Eighth of August at Gambos, and I sang this tune. I decided that I would sing this song, because I am a Tanzanian, and a leader in the Party. So, I am asking them, ‘Why are we having these new changes, these new questions of the day?’ I wanted the leaders of the party to listen to what I had to say, so I composed this song, to praise Augustine Lyatonga Mrema.) In Angu, tarehe, a wigaashe song composed and performed by Ng’weshemi ng’wana Mhyeni,12 the singer pays homage to Eighth of August celebrations held that year in Nyang’asamo, and advices all members of the CCM, local and national, to push forward. The singer begins the song with a call-and-response dialogue with his followers. He tells his listeners that he will be arriving in Nyang’asamo for the Nane Nane celebrations, to compete there. His followers respond, ‘We should talk with father, the Opener of Ways’, meaning that they should communicate with their leader (but let him have his say). The singer uses the common poetic metaphor of basimba ngobi, or ‘uprooters of weeds’, which usually refers to farmers, but here refers to both farmers and those who ‘uproot’ political corruption, the CCM (see also song #222, 280). He mentions that the CCM are the true ‘changers’ of Tanzania, implying that the major opposition party, NCCR-Mageuzi (NCCR-Changes), are ‘changers’ by name only. The singer then praises Julius Nyerere, and exhorts all CCM members, from president Mwinyi and his cabinet, to the members of Parliament, to the village leaders, to push forward, and do not ‘unfasten the rope’. Mwanza Cultural Affairs officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this analysis: Manju anaanza kwa kutakia baraka za baba fundi wake, ili ambariki na kuzibariki shughuli zote zitakazofanyika katika kuadhimisha sikukuu hiyo. Anaisifia kuwa ni sikukuu ya wakulima, wachimba, wang’oa magugu, na watengenezaji wa matuta na cotton wote, chini ya uongozi chama tawala CCM. Anamsifu mwanzishi wa CCM, Julius Nyerere, na kuwahimiza viongozi wengine waongeze jitahada maarifa

12

Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #124.

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na bidii ili kuendeleza CCM kwa maadili bora na imara. Vile vile aliendelea kusema, hawa viongozi wengine nao walikuwa wanafahamu kuendeleza. Alimtaja na Malechela, na Mwinyi halafu na Mrema, wakati huo alikuwa na yumo katika chama kimoja. (The composer first begins by asking for blessing from his maker, so he should get blessing for all the work that he will do to prepare for this holiday. The niingi praises the day belonging to farmers, miners, and ‘weed pullers’, the cotton tie-ridge builders, all who are under the leadership of the leading party the CCM. The niingi praises the founder of the CCM, Julius Nyerere, and pleads with the new leaders, that they should lead with haste to develop the CCM with righteous stability. Further, the niingi goes along to say that these other leaders indeed know how to lead. He [the niingi] mentions Mamchela, Mwinyi, and Mrema, who at that time was still in the CCM.) In Angu mbaluba ying’we, and Nagahugana ukuja Nyang’asamo, two wigaashe songs performed in 1995 at the Nyang’asamo Eighth of August competition by Shipewa ng’wana Mayige, the singer praises the CCM party leaders on the eve of the elections in 1995. In Angu, Mbaluba Ying’we,13 the singer, after discussing how she received an invitation by letter to go to the Nyang’asamo competition, praises the goodness and ability of the CCM, and mentions as well local leaders who are in agreement that there are problems that need to be worked out. In Nagahugana ukuja Nyang’asamo, Shipewa ng’wana Mayige14 explains that she made a mistake to come to Nyang’asamo, but then she does not say why. She goes on to praise the Eighth of August festivities, the leaders of Mwanza District, the leaders of Ngunga village, and those working at Nyang’asamo ginnery. She sings that the Nyanza Cooperative Union,15 the CCM, and the wealth of Tanzania, are all the result of the work of the ‘hoe’, the farmers. Indeed the farmers should thus support the CCM, the party of ‘the hammer and the hoe’ (the emblem of the CCM). She (the singer) speaks about the multiparty system, and says, that the CCM is indeed the only party to trust in buying cotton, and tells them to go along, to defeat their opponents.

13

Recorded by author, town of Ngasamo, 31 July 1994, IUATM song #70. Recorded by author, town of Ngasamo, 31 July 1994, IUATM song # 71. 15 The Nyanza Cooperative Union, formerly the Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions, is the parent body for 400–500 local cooperative boards, and in 1995, was the sole buyer of cotton in Mwanza. 14

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Finally, she tells farmers to use cow manure as fertilizer, to obtain a good harvest. An anonymous CCM official attending this performance had this to say afterward: Alikuwa anawapongeza juu ya Nane Nane, na juu ya Tanzania inavyo sherekea sikukuu hiyo ya Nane Nane. Anawapongeza viongozi wa Nyanza, viongozi wa ushirika Ngunga, na hasa viongozi vya jineri ya Ngasamo. Anazungumzia juu ya Mageuzi. Mageuzi wanasema ‘hatuna pamba’, lakini CCM ndiyo ni chama cha kununua pamba ya wakulima. Kwa hiyo akina mama wanapongeza CCM ya kuendelea juu. (She is congratulating the Eighth of August celebrations, and how Tanzanians have celebrated this holiday of the Eighth of August. She congratulates the leaders of Nyanza cooperative, the leaders of the Ngunga cooperative, and especially the leaders of the ginnery of Nyang’asamo. She converses about the Mageuzi party. The Mageuzi party claims ‘There is no cotton’, but CCM is indeed the party that buys the farmers’ cotton. Therefore the women [Shipewa Maige’s singers] congratulate the CCM as the party having the most development.)16 (311) Historia niisome (Let me read the history’) Let me read the history first Historia niisome tame Of Tanzania Iya Tanzania The famine is over Yashilile inzala Ng’winamila let us erect shops Ng’winamila tubeje na maduka (2×) (2×) This year Ling’waka lyenili Is pounding long words16 Likupulaga mihayo milihu Tuligunanhwa gete We are helped greatly Yashilile inzala The famine is over Ng’winamila tubeje na maduka Ng’winamila let us erect shops (2×) (2×) Tanzania yabiza Tanzania has become Ya kuhoya na banhu badito The talk of important people Iti ni halaka getegete It has no hurry at all Hugemelaga I am giving an example Abakimbizi aba Rwanda The refugees from Rwanda

16

Many things are happening which need to be discussed at length.

songs of praise for the ccm since nyerere’s presidency Ukung’wa Nyabusu Baligunwa Tanzania Yabela, ng’wana Monde Niibagunanhage Ibahene mashiku Abazenga nwako Batizuyanga Mpaga itubegeje miito Homa, nalitogwa Nkalalilwa nene Bakulumbaga, abanhu bose Tanzania tugunanilwe bingi Niyo bebe, Ng’wana Monde Wa kung’wa Ngassa Bula Nalinumba Bazanaki Imisaada yeniyi ikufumaga makule Mpaga maBulyusi Ng’wenhwa ndege Mpaga mabuJapani Nkanjiwa nene Tulgunanhwa gete Jikumya Ngalilwa nene, ng’wana Ngata Ng’wana Monde iliWelelo Yandakuna iWelelo Hama nageme kudadila, oNg’wibazu Nalimba, nongeja ndikumya Ngaliwa nene Ng’wana Ngata, Ng’wana Monde Iliwelo tutuluha, bageshi 17

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At Nyabusu [they] Are assisted by Tanzania It has become good, child of Monde Let it [the nation] help them Give them good days Your neighbors [so] They may not be frustrated To the point of doing us bad things Homa, I am happy I Nkaliwa They are thankful, all the people Many Tanzanians are helped Again you, child of Monde Of Ngassa Bula I thank the Zanaki This aid is coming from far As far as from Russia Brought by airplanes As far as from Japan I Nkanjiwa say We are assisted I Jikumya Ngaliwa, child of Ngata Child of Monde Welelo Chewed by Welelo So let me try to stagger on, of Ng’wibazu I am singing, while wondering more I Nkaliwa Child of Ngata, child of Monde The world we cannot suffer, bageshi17

17 Bageshi is a term of endearment, literally ‘brother’. What a married male calls any male who is related by blood to his wife (in-laws).

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Mpaga nageme kusimiza ongwa Ibazu Nashike iDodoma, kubawaziri Nakamone untale Mayunga John Malecela Nalikulumbilija Amito gako gawiza ubebe Nkulya ng’wichane Watubegeja yawiza bei abana Tanzania nalinumba, Shigila nalumbija Nalinabulumbi Mulibatumami bane

Until I try to walk, child of Ibazu To Dodoma, to the ministers To go to see Mayunga John Malecela I thank you For your good actions my fellow Nkulya You have set a nice price for us your children Tanzania I thank him, I thank Shigila I have gratitude You are my servants

Interpretation: In this song,18 the singer and composer Mayunga Ngata discusses a famine that received substantial help from several sources, to include the Tanzanian government, as well as from elsewhere. The singer is grateful for this help, and praises especially Nyerere’s government for its work. He reminds the listener that the Tanzanian government has had a history of helping the poor both during famines, and in the recent crisis in Rwanda, where so many refugees crossed into Tanzania in need of help. Nyerere is affectionately called ‘the Zanaki’, referring to the former president’s ethnic group. The composer had this to say about his song: Niliwashukuru, maana tulikuwa na njaa. Ilibidi tupewe msaada na serikali wanaanchi raia kwa kweli serikali imefanya ikatuhudumia ikatutoa kwenye jalala la njaa, kwa hiyo baada ya kupita njaa tena ee nilirudia tena kwa kuwa nina utaalamu wa nyimbo wa wigaashe. (I am giving thanks, because we had had a famine. It was necessary we be given help by the government. The people, the citizens, the government provided us with aid for the famine, therefore after the famine passed, I returned to my wigaashe songs.) The Mwanza Cultural officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde had this perspective: Anaeleza taatizo kubwa la Tanzania ilikuwa ni njaa, sasa imekwisha na nchi ni amani. Anaelezea uzuri wa Tanzania ni kuwapo amani, maana tunaweza hata kuwatunza wakimbizi ikiwa ni pamoja,

18

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM song#75.

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na kusaidia makazi, chakula, n.k. Anasifu pia uwezo wa badhi ya mawaziri. Anawasifa mawaziri Malecela, na hasa Mwinyi na Nyerere, kwa kuijali Tanzania. Alikuwa anatoa historia ya njaa kubwa uliotokea, anasema hata watu wa Tanzania wamefurahia mno kwa misaada ulioletwa na mzanaki Nyerere, pamoja na viongozi wenzake. Tunaweza kusema hata wimbo huu una mafunzo, kwa sababu huyu niingi anataka kuzungumzia juu ya kutokuwa matatizo ya njaa. Aliona Tanzania imeishiwa na njaa, watu wanalima chakula, watu pamoja na mvua, watu walipata chakula kingi, wanaendelea kupata hata biashara. (He explains that a difficult problem for the Tanzanian is the famine, now it has been warded off, and the country is at peace. He explains the goodness of Tanzania as peacefulness, meaning we can look after refugees if together, and to help them with work, food etc. He praises also the ability of several ministers. He praises Minister Malecela, and especially Mwinyi and Nyerere, for supporting Tanzania. He gives a brief history about the famine that just took place, and says that the people of Tanzania were especially thrilled for the help they received from the Zanaki man, Nyerere.19 We can even say that the song in a way is a kind of puzzle, because the niingi wants to discuss everything but the problems of this famine. He sees that Tanzanians have survived this famine, they are growing food, people, besides rain, are getting so much food, and they are returning to their businesses.) (312) Tututawalagwa na vyama multiparties’) Tututawalawagwa na vyama vingi Twalema kwinga kale Kwandija ha buhuru Tukalema gete Na ng’walimu, wa ng’wa Nyerere Huyo tukang’wanukula Tanzania Nguno munhu wa masala Tukitawala

19

vingi (‘We will never be ruled by We will never be ruled by multiparties We rejected [them] since long ago Starting from independence We totally rejected [this] And Mwalimu, of that of Nyerere He is the one we accepted in Tanzania because he is a person of intelligence We became independent

Mzanaki here refers to Nyerere’s ethnic group, the Zanaki.

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Bila kung’waga damu Tukatumila masala, akibyali Isiasa, nose tupandika uongozi Banga abo bakategana?

Without shedding blood We used intellect, inborn Politics, at last we got leadership How many struggled?

Interpretation: This song, performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,20 complains about the proliferation of political parties since the early 1990s in Tanzania. This sentiment would have been encouraged by the ruling CCM party, and they would have rewarded handsomely those composers who expressed this in song. William Lubimbi* had this perspective on this sentiment: Mwimbaji wa wimbo huu anazungumzia hasa mambo ya vyama vingi. Anasema yeye ni mwana CCM lakini ni ajabu, wakati ule wale wa vyama vingi walikuwa wote wana chama tawala. Lakini badaye walianza kujitenga wakaondoka. Kama mmoja alitoroka, Kambona alitoroka akaenda Ulaya ili aje apindue nchi lakini alishindwa. Na aliporudi alikuta chama kiko imara. Halafu, na wengine pia walianza tena kuunda vyama vyao na vyama vyao vyote hivyo vimeshindwa wamekuta tena CCM iko imara. Kwa hiyo huyu mwimbaji anaisifu sana hii CCM na anamsifu mwanzishi wake Nyerere kwamba ni hodari na ameleta vitu vingi. Ameongeza shule, hospitali, na elimu pia, elimu ya watu wazima nayo imefanya wakaenda shule. Sasa analalamika kwamba kama tunakubali hawa watu wengine wa vyama vingine vije, tutakoswa mambo mengi, hata sabuni hatutapata vitu vingine vyote hatutapata. (The singer of this song discusses especially the issues of multiparties. He says he is a member of CCM, but, it is a wonder, at that time, those who were advocating the multiparty system were still entirely a part of the ruling party. However, after some time, they began to leave. One of these who left, Kambona, left and went to Europe to revolt but he was defeated. Then, on his return, he saw that the leading party was standing firm. Then, another also started to join with other parties, but those other parties were defeated, as CCM stood firm. So, this singer praises CCM and praises the founder of the party, Nyerere, for being such an expert and for bringing many things. [CCM] had brought schools, hospitals, education, adult education, [and] indeed promoted adults to take the opportunity to go to school. He thus complains that if we are to agree with

20

Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, personal collection of author.

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the leadership of other parties, we might miss these benefits, indeed, even soap we will not be able to get in the store.) The following three songs, all by different composers, concern the specifics of local politics in the Shinyanga region in the early 1990s. (313) Kalagu (‘A story!’) (C) Kalagu! (R) Kize! Lelo naliganila, balimi Nadaloya uluganda Aba Robert nu Nyerere Ng’wana Dube, mudizuleka ng’wiza Ng’wibitile nu ogu ng’wa Masanja

(C) A story! (R) Come! Today I give a story, farmers I will not leave the farmer’s association Those of Robert and Nyerere Ng’wana Dube, do not hesitate to come Pass by, and come with those of Masanja

(314) Ng’wana Guligu (‘Ng’wana Guligu’) Ng’wana Guligu Ng’wana Guligu Work for us, baba! Katutumamilage, baba! Chairman of the cooperative union Ng’wenyekiti wa bushilika From Massanja Mna Massanja They love you, the farmers Gakutogilwe, abalimi They love you, the farmers Gakutogilwe, abalimi And the accountant, Robert Nu muhasibu, Robert And the council Ni halmashauri Serve, the years, forever and ever Tumamagi, miaka, milele na milele And father Enos Na baba Enos (315) Chaimeni Mussa (‘Chairman Mussa’) Chairman Mussa, of the family of Chaimeni Mussa uwang’wa Nkondo Nkondo And the branch secretary Nu katibu wi tawi Of the family of Ntobi Wa ng’wa Ntobi Silvester, you sent me Silivesita, mkanenhela A letter for being a guest Baluwa ya bugeni I will come to the celebration at Nene natukij ukushigukulu Mahaha iMahaha

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I will also see the car of the farmers Which you bought It will help you in your work Development will be carried through Akanipandika, uJosefu Masanja He came to me, Josefu Masanja He said to me Akuhayaga ‘Welcome, those of the family of ‘Kalibu, wa ng’wa Kanundo’ Kanundo’ He told me, ‘Let us go Akanilomela, ‘Bukaga You will sing for us songs Ukatwimbile mimbo Yamalile, ikamati kukuchagula It has already, the committee, chosen you They have confirmed your Yizuniligije ni saini yatulile nomination So that you can praise us Utugongole You have to publish us in Lumuli Utuchapemo umu liLumuli You’re the one who makes people Ulimakumucha bebe’ famous’ You did a good thing to invite me Mkabeja ukunizukwa Charles Makingi Chalesi Makingi Sahani ng’wana Komanya Sahani ng’wana Komanya You had a council of truthfulness Mwali n’ibanza lya ng’hana The development which you have Maendeleyo ayo mlinago attained I will make it to be known to Nakuga kumucha ku banhu everyone All the places will know them Buli kwene bagadebe Starting with the farm of the village Kwandij’ishamba lya kijiji It does not give poor harvest Ilyene litakelaga Because you always use fertilizers Mkafulilaga mbolela You got a bountiful harvest of Bwaponek’ubuluba cotton Na hangi, ni mashini ya kusha On top of that, there is a milling machine busu Which you have already ordered Ne yene ng’walagegije He is there, the accountant Robert Atiho, mhasibu Robati He is an expert in financial affairs Ali ntalamu wa masabu mani Even I, I am his witness Nu nene, nahakikisha Nakalole na gali ya balimi lyo mkatelemsha Ikumtula jeki uku milimo Maendeleyo igabuche

songs of praise for the ccm since nyerere’s presidency iMilimo, watumama kale nno Ni wa bipya lina Mahaha itinapandika bupunguju Ng’wenyeji Ukukapani Ne kalamu, ayaminile Itanembalembaga Shidugij’ukusonga mbele iKijiji sha Mahaha Shile na basugi bakalaganu Baliho bajumbe bataale Ba ng’wana Kabonele Nu wangu Luswetula Nu ng’wana Kuzenza Na ba Jidefano ng’wana Mbisu Chalesi Huya Ishijiji, ng’washelelwa ng’holo Shitalashoka numa Abo bakigashaga mkamati Na kupanga mipango Paulo Sitta na ba ng’wana Seso Ul’ukuhaya bajumbe Ng’wiyigwa mjilaka Ng’wana Sweya Chalesi Mmanile kugolola mihayo Yaya mtigumhaga Ihalimashabuli ya kijiji Hi na milimo mingi Ulu yigasha muhofis’ itafumaga Bakamanag’ufunya Ajenda bajidilila

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This work, he has done since long ago Still he has a very clean record Mahaha hasn’t received any reductions He is a natural Using the weighing machine He trusts his pen, too It does not cheat him There are signs of development In the village of Mahaha The village has dynamic leaders They are good leaders Like ng’wana Kabonele And ng’wana Luswetula And ng’wana Kuzenza And those of Jidefano ng’wana Mbisu Charles Huya For the village, the heart is being put into it The village development will never go back The members of the committee Set developmental programmes Paul Sitta and those of ng’wana Seso In fact, to say all members of the committee You have one common goal Ng’wana Sweya Charles You know how to present your ideas You do not contradict them The village executive committee It has much work It does not just sit during meeting sessions Before going for a break They normally discuss the agenda

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Uyo ali n’iwazo lya wiza Alifunije ku biye Nabo buunga mkono Masumbi mlekanile Ng’wana Sogoni halimashabuli Wa ng’wa Mbogoshi Ng’wenyekiti bushilika Idala mlekanile Imiladi ya hali kaya ng’wagabanhile Yose mkamalamajaga Ng’wana Majebele Na ba ng’wana Misalaba Ng’wanitogisije katumamile Chalesi Nzugiji Ng’huna bing’we, na ba Giligita iMahah’ iyendeshagi Ng’wan’Ibushi Na Malikiori Kafula, kamanda Na Bangili Joni Itawi ng’wakalitenganija Nu kusaba lyasabile uNg’walimu ntaale Ha shule ya Mahaha Jakisoni Kabote Isimin’akajulangwa iElimu wibucha Wabelimisha banafunzi bingi nno Ulu mitiyani bakahebaga Bali na milimo mitale Wa ng’wa Nkondo chaimeni Igashaga hi sumbi lyako

Anyone with a good idea Is free to present it to others Then it will be discussed and accepted You hold different positions Ng’wana Sogoni is a committee member Of that of Mbogoshi Chairman of a village cooperative union You head different departments You have divided the projects among your departments You performed all the duties Ng’wana Majebele And those of ng’wana Misalaba Your performances have impressed me Charles Nzugiji And you, of those of Giligita Village of Mahaha, drive forward Ng’wana Ibushi And Malikiori Kafula, commander And Bangili Joni The branch you have managed very well It is now very rich The head-teacher Of Mahaha school Jackson Kabote He went to a college for further study He has acquired tremendous knowledge He has taught many students Even their tests, they always exceed Now they hold important posts That of Chairman Nkondo Sit well in your chair

songs of praise for the ccm since nyerere’s presidency Nu katib’ uwang’wa Ntobi Itawi ling’we ng’walitunza Ng’walilola miso abili Litalanyala

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And the secretary Ntobi You have administered well your branch You have taken care of it with both eyes It will never wither out

Interpretation: In all three of these songs, many of the same key local functionaries are praised for their hard work. In Kalagu kise, performed by Buhondo and collected by Kija (1985: 36), the singer vows never to leave the party that supports the farmers. In Ng’wana Guligu, performed by Ng’weshemi ng’wana Mhyeni,21 several local party workers are praised for their diligence at a party function, and they are told emphatically that the farmers support them. In Chaimeni Mussa, collected by Makoye (2000: 110),22 the composer ng’wana Kanundo

21

Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #127. Makoye’s English translation: ‘Chairman Mussa of Nkondo family / And the branch secretary the son of Ntobi / Silvesta, you gave me an invitation letter / I will come to the celebration at Mahaha / I will also see the farmers’ car / Which you bought / It’ll help you in your activities / It will activate development / Josefu Masanja came to me / He said to me, welcome the son of Kanundo / He told me let us go / You will sing songs for us / The committee has already nominated you / They have confirmed your nomination / So that you can praise us in your songs / You have to publish us in Lumuli / You’re the one who makes people famous / You did a good thing to invite me / Charles Makingi / Sahani the son of Komanya / You had a good meeting / The development which you have attained / I will make them to be known to everybody / All the places will know them / Starting with the village’s farm / It does not give poor harvest / Because you always use fertilizers / You got a bountiful harvest of cotton / On top of that there is a milling machine / Which you have already ordered / Robati is an accountant / He is an expert in financial accounts / Even I, I’m his witness / He has been on the post for long time / Still he has a very clean record / Mahaha has not experienced any loss / Anything else against him is just a mere fabrication / He is good in using the weighing machine / He trust his pen too / It does not cheat him / There are signs of development / In Mahaha village / The village has dynamic leaders / They are good leaders / Like the son of Kabonele / And the son of Luswetula / And the son of Kuzenza / And Jidefano the son of Mbisu / Charles Huya / You’re working very hard for the village / The village development will never go back / The members of the committee / Set developmental programmes / Paulo Sitta and the son of Seso / In fact all members of the committee / You have one common goal / The son of Sweya Chalesi / You know how to present your ideas / You do not mumble / Contradict themselves / The village executive committee / It performs many things / It does not have break during meeting sessions / They normally discuss all the agenda before / going for a break / Any member who has a good idea / Is free to present it to others / Then it will be discussed and accepted / You hold different positions / The son of Sogoni is a committee member / Mbogoshi is a chairman of a village cooperative union / You head different departments / You have divided the projects among 22

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relates how he was chosen by party functionaries in a selective process to be at this performance at Mahaha village. Then, these same functionaries (more than a dozen) are singled out by the composer for their hard work and sacrifice in carrying on the work of the CCM at the local level. He outlines the qualities of each, and he discusses how well they work together as a committee team.

your departments / You performed all the duties / Son of Majebele / And the son of Misalaba / Your performances have impressed me / Chalesi Nzugiji / And you Giligita / Push forward the village of Mahaha / Son of Ibushi / And the commander Malikiori Kafula /And Bangili Joni / You have managed the branch very well then / It is now very rich / The Head-teacher / Of Mahaha school / Jakisoni Kabote / He went to a college for further study / He has acquired tremendous knowledge / He has taught many students / They always lead in their exams / Now they hold big posts Chairman Nkondo / Hold well your post / And the secretary Ntobi / You have administered well your branch / You have taken care of it with both eyes / It will never wither out’.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

SONGS OF THE BASUNGUSUNGU (VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS) Since the late 1970s, and throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the Tanzanian government suffered one major economic crisis after another. As a result, government-sponsored education campaigns and funding for celebrating holidays like Eighth of August have been lacking. The lack of money for basic civil amenities like law enforcement in rural and peripheral areas has fueled the proliferation of organized cattle theft. Rising cynicism and public outrage over this has led to the organization of associations in the Sukuma region known as sungusungu, vigilante groups who track down thieves and administer quick justice.1 The idea has caught on nationwide in Tanzania since the mid-1980s, to the point where even urban areas are now patrolled at night by armed citizens. Thieves, once caught, are fined, ostracized, or even in some extreme cases, executed. This section contains songs associated with these village groups. These are songs that ridicule and debase all types of criminals, especially cattle rustlers. Bare-foot and bare-chested, carrying poisoned arrows and spears, the sungusungu dance and sing in a circle around the apprehended thief until the early hours of the morning. The sungusungu use songs when they are tracking down thieves, and they also have songs that they use to taunt the thieves once they have been captured. These songs are also used in presidential welcomes, government-sponsored parades, and touring choir competitions to which the sungusungu find themselves increasingly invited (Kibali cha Kufanya Ziara 1987; Ratiba ya Vikundi 1989). In the 1980s and early 1990s, sungusungu songs received considerable airplay on the official government radio station, Radio Tanzania. The songs are sung on farms, and they make good drinking songs. Their song repertoire praises local leaders and vigilante heroes, and like the millet-beating song genre

1 Depending on the source, the term means either ‘those who cooperate in doing jobs’, ‘the fire ants’, ‘the people with poison arrows’, or ‘the people from Busungu’.

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known as itula, their songs berate those who would live off the labor of others and turn to thievery. (316) Mbiling’ili (‘Mbiling’ili’) Mbiling’ili, kawali Twaja mataa (2×) Hugishi baba hule (2×) Wabulagwa na biye, kabule (2×) iNg’ombe jitijabo, kabule (2×) Gishi ng’wana Longoye, kabule (2×) Akulamilija kuja (2×) Gukabapandikila mzila (2×) Na ba Buselele Nya idale lya bukubile (2×) Kukinena balugulu (2×)

Mbiling’ili, carry We go with lamps (2×) Greet baba there (2×) He was killed by his associate, they say (2×) The cows are not theirs, they say (2×) Greet ng’wana Longoye, they say (2×) He is grateful to go (2×) They caught up with them on the way (2×) And those from Buselele They rolled into a big herd (2×) [so] To climb the mountains (2×)

Interpretation: The song Mbiling’ili, from the cattle-herding budimi genre that predates busungusungu, was recollected by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,2 and was attributed by the singer to the female composer ng’wana Sato. The song came to be appropriated by the sungusungu as a song to accompany the hunt for criminals, and it stands as evidence that cattle-rustling has been a problem in this region for some time. Kang’wiina relates that the protagonists in the song had their cattle stolen by neighboring Maasai or Nyaturu people, and that they are now seeking retribution. Skirmishes between the Sukuma and Maasai over cattle are a well-documented occurance in Sukuma historical narratives (Shetler 2007: 149; Tanner and Wijsen 2002: 69). The singer entreats the listener, Mbiling’ili, to gather lamps for the night journey, to track down the thieves.3 One of their associates was

2

Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1995, IUATM song #570. Following in the spirit of forming luganda in order to get tasks accomplished, thieves in the Sukuma region also form themselves into voluntary associations, and give themselves names such as baja na ngombe (‘those who get away with cattle’), bamalwa mbeshi (‘those who are devoured by vultures, not buried when they die’), or batula giti (‘those who walk in darkness’). 3

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double-crossed, had his cattle stolen, and was killed. The singer reinforces the urgency of this situation by ending several repeated lines in a row with the chorus-like phrase indicating reported speech, kabule (‘they say’). The singer then asks Mbiling’ili to greet and join with a fellow clan leader, ng’wana Longoye, en route, as well as to meet up with another faction from Buyele. The singer switches to past tense narration, and recalls that several groups (either the hunters or the hunted) had joined forces (‘rolled into a big herd’), to accomplish a monumental task (‘climb the mountains’), a phrase that can be taken literally, or figuratively. The following two songs praise the leader and founder of the sungusungu, Kishosha Mang’ombe ng’wana Sitta (literally, ‘Returner of Cattle’), the son of the legendary ng’wana Malundi (see also chapter II). (317) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi (‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’) (C) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi (C) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi She gave birth into sorrow Wakabyalile ka masikitiko He spoke while in his mother’s Ng’wan’uyombela munda womb (R) Ngollo went to get prophecy (R) uNgollo akaja uhangilwa in Ntuzu Ntuzu Then she gave birth to Kishosha Ng’huna umyla Kishosha The son of Malundi Ng’witunja Malundi Who pointed his finger at trees Olotaga miti [and] Dried them Yuma (318) Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe (‘That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’) (C) Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe (C) That of Kishosha Mang’ombe (R) Sitta, of Kahama (R) uSitta, umuna Kahama Has told us to make bows in every Watuwilile tukungee buta buli village kijiji To carry quivers of arrows on our Yikala na shegi uku migongo backs We should kill all thieves (2×) Tubabulage pye abibi (2×) Interpretation: Kishosha ng’wana Malundi was performed by Michael Masalu,4 composer unknown. The text was also collected by Makoye

4

Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author.

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(2000: 216),5 singer unknown. Kishosha Man’gombe ng’wana Sitta, the son of ng’wana Malundi, was raised in an environment where he was surrounded by myths about his father. This undoubtedly contributed immensely toward allowing people to have trust in the sungusungu movement that Kishosha later initiated. This sungusungu song provides us with a glimpse of some of the mythology that surrounds Kishosha and his father. The song tells how Kishosha, like his father, was born mysteriously, and could speak when he was still in his mother’s womb. His mother Ngollo, like his grandmother (mother of ng’wana Malundi) went to the Ntuzu area, and received the prophecy that she would have a male child, this son of the man who could point his finger at trees and then dry them immediately (see also songs #050–055). Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe, collected and translated by Massesa and provided here with minimal alteration (1993: 18), praises Kishosha for giving the public order to go to war against cattle thievery in the rural areas. The singer and composer of this song are unknown. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* elaborated about Kishosha: Kweli, Sitta huyu, kwa wana sungusungu, ni mtu muhimu sana, ni mtu mashuhuri sana sababu alikuwa kama ntemi wao. Na kweli, bugota na mambo mengi waliweza kuchukua huko sehemu za Kahama. Mwimbaji anasema amewaambia kila kijiji waanzishe sungusungu, na kweli wengi au sehemu nyingi kila kijiji walianzisha sungusungu, na walileta watemi kuja kama kuwasimika. (Really, this Sitta, in the esteemed opinion of the sungusungu, is a very important person, he is a very famous person, because he was somehow like their chief. Now really, with bugota and other things, they could adapt to the Kahama area. The singer relates that he [Sitta] has said, that every village needs to open a sungusungu association, and indeed in many places, in every village, they started a sungusungu branch, and they have brought their leaders, in order to install them.) The next two sungusungu songs discuss the act of calling the alarm to the other sungusungu members, to chase the cattle rustlers. They also discuss the sequence of events that will transpire once the alarm has been called, and the hunt for the criminals is underway. The songs use the image most associated with calling the alarm, the ndulilu, an 5

Makoye’s English translation: ‘Kishosha the son of Malundi / He who was mysteriously / He spoke while still in his mother’s womb / Ngolo went to Ntuzu where she got the prophecy / Then she borne Kishosha / The son of Malundi / He who was pointing finger at trees and they dried immediately’.

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ocarina made from a calabash or a semicircular cow horn, with large lateral holes bored in the sides at either end and stopped by the players’ thumbs. Ng’wana Chiila* says: Ukisikia hii kitu utajua ng’ombe wako or ng’ombe za jirani zimeibiwa, sisi tunaenda mpaka kijiji kingine kuipuliza, baada ya kugundua. (If you hear that you know your own or someone else’s cows have been stolen, we go to the next village and blow that after we find out.) The songs are themselves a warning of sorts, to would-be criminals. The ndulilu are played in conjunction with hoe blades in a complex system of intra-village communication. The sungusungu also have specific rhythms played on hoe blades to signify different kinds of emergencies. Designated listeners in each village will also take up the call as it is heard, thus passing the message on for several kilometres (Lutonja*). (319) Jalila (‘It cries’) Jalila, ndulilu Jalila, ndulilu Mayu, ndulilu Buchagi masonga, basalama Tubite mu kijiji Kulondela basambo Biibi ba sabo jise Tubatule hape

It cries, the ndulilu It cries, the ndulilu Mayu, the ndulilu Bring your arrows, basalama Let us pass through all the villages Searching for the culprits Stealers of our wealth We should bring them to public view

(320) Ng’wilagi winge (‘Tell him he should run’) Tell him he should run, the Ng’wilagi winge, untulija criminal Tell him I had better not find him Ng’wilagi natizusanga It will sound for him, the ndulilu Ikunililila, indulilu Warn him we had better not find Mumanye tutizusanga him They have stolen since long ago, Batwiba kale no, ing’ombe our cattle It will sound for him, the ndulilu Ikunililila, indulilu And the cooking pot is outcast Ni fugo yaho nhulija The horn will sound for him Ikunililia im’hembe

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Interpretation: Jalila was collected and translated by Makoye (2000: 215–216), and is provided here with minimal alteration.6 The singer and composer are unknown. The singer ends each of the first three lines with the term ndulilu, to make clear that the song is a ‘call to arms’. The text commands the basalama (‘people of peace’), an alternate term for the sungusungu, to gather weapons, and then to search for and capture the culprits.7 Then, once caught, the singer tells his associates that they should shame the criminals in public. To shame captured criminals is a common practice among the sungusungu, and public shame is a recurring image found in sungusungu songs. Sungusungu members are required to own bows and arrows. The second song text, Ng’wilagi winge, was performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga.8 The composer is unknown. The singer informs his associates that they need to let the thieves know what will be in store for them, after they have been caught. He jokingly warns criminals that they had better not be caught, or else they shall receive dire punishment from the sungusungu. The ndulilu will sound, letting everyone know that the criminal has been caught, and that the criminal will be prevented from living and eating with others in the village (‘the cooking pot is outcast’). The singer elaborated about the admonishment and treatment of the criminals once they have been captured: Kipindi hicho tunawazunguka hawa, kusubiri polisi, tunawaimbia. Tunawaitia, ‘Sawa, fulani, umetulia, wewe ni mharifu, tokeni! Nendeni kutayarisha moto wako na chumvi yako mwenyewe. Kama ni mgonjwa, unaweza kwenda hospitali, kama una shida na serikali, nenda nao, baada ya kumaliza, rudieni nyumbani. Unaweza kutengeneza chakula na watoto wako peke. Huna ruhusu kuenda na majirani kuongea nao. Huwezi kufanya kitu cho chote kipindi hicho, kwa maana wewe ni mharifu. Utamalizia shida zako peke. Utakunywa pombe peke yako, nyumbani, huwezi kutoka. Tumekubali wote mambo haya. Utakuwa kwenye hali hii mpaka tukafanya mkutano wetu tena. Utawapa pole, na watakuuliza kama umefanya nini, na watakuambia usizifanye tena au malipo zitaongezeka. Baadaye, utawalipia’. (At this point we are circling these guys, waiting for the police, we are singing this song. We call out their names, ‘Ok, 6

Makoye’s translation of the term ndulilu in the song Jalila ndulilu, omits the English article ‘the’. 7 Sungusungu groups arm themselves with machetes and bows and arrows. 8 Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 11 August 1995, IUATM song #339.

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so-and-so, you have calmed down, you are a destroyer, get out! Go and prepare your own fire, go and prepare your own salt [find a new hearth and home to prepare your food]. If you have a sickness, you go to the hospital, if you have a problem with the government, go to them, if you finish with that, you go on home. You can eat your food together with your children alone. You will not be allowed to go visit with your neighbors to discuss anything. You cannot do anything until this time is up, because you are a destroyer. You will handle your problems alone. You will drink beer at your own place, no going out. We have all agreed upon this. You will be in this state until there is another council meeting. You will apologize to them, and they will ask you specifically what you have done and say, “All right, now do not do this again or we will increase your penalty”. So after this occurs, you pay them’.) (321) Tujilejagi ndulilu jise (‘Let us blow our ndulilu’) Let us blow our ndulilu Tujilejagi ndulilu jise Let’s name the thieves Tugataje amibi Niyo kite aho Iponya, abaharamia Especially at Iponya, the robbers They are present I hear, and Baliho buli nakwigagwa, na Ng’wangula Ng’wangula He had stolen dresses, was Wale wibanamamyenda, expelled uhukubiwa He went to settle in Ntuzu Akajulihila mu Ntuzu He has come back again (2×) Washokanije hangi (2×) Soldiers, wear feathers Banajeshi, zwalagi nzoya Sound the whistle, gather Mlije ejipenga, ng’wibilinge Reaching there Tukashike We fine the one of Ng’wangula Duntulije wa Ng’wangula And the strokes [?] Neshiboko akulandikayi And the electricity Nu bumeme He should plunge into [it] (2×) Awibugeyi (2×) You are poor yourself Bebe ulemasluginhi nang’ho You came, from immigrating Wingile, buhamiayi Where do you get paces Okofunya he n’hanilo When you are chased Olu okubiwayi The heart never dies Omoyo gudachaga He has been silenced and is alive Ahaujiwe nangwe alingimayi He cannot fail a job (2×) Atulemehwa nimo (2×)

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Ekaka lindundu namaginginyiikayi Wali na bunduki jakupandagila Na magulu Akadelilwa sungusungu LiBusalamwa likanonjayi Fumbagwa nuTanafa wanaswela, yii! Pagagusemba ng’omoyi (2×) Egike wadumo kulima Ninalomba msaada Nakwambilijiwa, yii! Kubeka okwiwinga na banyoli? Ogucha lute lwako, yii! Okomalijiwa Ne limi litenasebayi Okoja kwiSelamagaji (2×) Ohi olantongeje bupugwi Okwisanga woshila mijuyi Nielufu lwako luti lwakupini haka nzengo Batali gosha boyo Eniva mli etigolaga ngongo Tumamile chene Ng’watogwa kusohola mangondi Mbingiwana Hene olugulila ung’wano Lwagucha ulisunga makono Ulinaga Welelo Wabalaga nabatulija bujo Nakazenga bujimile buli Natalashoka

[?] He had guns to operate And legs He was dealt with by the sungusungu The ‘security’ straightened him up How about Tanafa of Swela, yii! He had to dig a pit (2×) He had failed to farm I would ask for help I would be helped, yii! [?] Why did you join robbers? You will die before your day, yii! You will be finished Before the sun heats up You will go to Iselamagaji (2×) If you put forward stupidity You will find yourself without use And your death won’t shock the village There won’t be mourning days The dog will not give you its back We know that You like stealing sheep You guys But if a dangerous alert sounds It is dying with raised hands Saying ‘bye’ to Welelo And saying farewell to your accomplice I am going to live to the unknown place I will never come back

Interpretation: In this song composed and performed by Hoja ng’wana Butemi,9 a captured thief is told what will happen to him because of

9

Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 7 September 1994, IUATM song #109.

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his reckless way of life. Many of the specifics of this song are cryptic, and Michael Masalu had these points about the song in general: Huyu alizungumzia juu ya kazi ya sungusungu. Anasema, ‘Tujileja je ndulilu’, kwa sababu kulikuwa wanatengeneza firimbi au pembe za kupuliza. Wakati wakitaka kuitana kuelekea kwenye uwanja zinalia hizo, zinalia, zinalia kila sehemu, kila upande au kijiji kizima. Watu wengi wanaanza kujua kwamba na wahalifu wale wizi wa ngombe, wizi wa mali nyingine, hata wizi wa bunduki. Wenyewe hawaogopi, hata uwe askari namna gani, wanamzingatia, walikuwa wanafuta na vitu kama maduka walikuwa wanatunza. Kwa hiyo, sungusungu ilikuwa na umoja sana wa kulinda ngombe, mali, na kutafuta bunduki ambazo zilikuwa zinatumiwa na wizi. Yeye aliendelea kusema kwamba hii sungusungu ilitawala, katika kijiji ilitawala. Mtu akisemwa kama mwizi, anapewa adhabu kubwa. Kwanza, anaambiwa halale apigwe viboko halafu aanze kujieleza. Baada ya kujieleza wanachunguza kama akiwa na kitu nyumbani wanamupeleka, wakamsindikiza wakamwambia, ‘Nenda ukatupe’. Kama yeye alikuwa anaiba vitu akamaliza kuvitumia, lazima alipe kitu kingine. Kwa sababu hiyo, wale walikuwa wanapigwa wengine walipigwa mpaka kufa. (This person is discussing the work of the sungusungu. He says, ‘Let us sound the ndulilu’, because they have prepared these horns and they are there ready to blow. When they want to meet so to go about their work these things are sounded, sounded, sounded in every corner, every area or village. Many people are coming to know that there are destroyers, cattle thieves, and thieves of other kinds of wealth, even thieves of weapons. Themselves, they have no fear, even if you are some kind of guard they will consider you, they will just clean out everything from the shop that you are guarding. As a result, the sungusungu came together in order to guard cattle, wealth, and to search for the weapons used by thieves. This singer goes on to say that these sungusungu are the leaders, in this village they are the leaders. If it is said, then, that someone is a thief, he is shamed in in a big way. First, he is told that he should not sleep and he will be whipped until he begins to explain himself. After explaining himself they look to see if he has anything in his home, they take him there, and they tell him ‘throw everything out’. If he has stolen something that has already been used up, he will have to pay for it. As a result of actions like this, many who are beaten in this way are beaten until they die.)

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(322) Tulihaya (‘We say’) Tulihaya, eeh! Abasambo Yabela, tubatule chuma uNsambo, ulu ng’wambanaga Ntulagi buta nulwi ichimu Tuntulagi bamayu Tuntulagi

We say, eeh! These thieves It is fit, let us hit them with iron A thief, if cornered Hit him with an arrow or spear Let us beat them, bamayu Let us beat them

Interpretation: In this anonymous song collected by Bukurura (1995: 296) and printed here without alteration, the unknown singer implores his colleagues to make haste, and to attack the enemies ‘with iron’, without mercy. William Lubimbi*, a retired sungusungu member, takes on the perspective of the singer: ‘Piga chuma, hata mshale, wewe ua mara moja, sio kusamehe. Ukimuona tu, wewe mbane tu, piga mshale, usimuachie kabisa nafasi’ (‘Hit them with iron, even arrows, you kill them at once, without forgiveness. If you see them, you should press them, hit them with arrows, you should not leave them with a chance at all’). The three songs that follow discuss the justice given to the thieves after the sungusungu have captured them. (323) Basambo, yabita teleni (‘Thieves, the train passes’) Thieves, the train passes (2×) Basambo, yabita teleni (2×) Today you will pack yourselves in Lelo mkwimbakila Lawbreakers (2×) Batulija (2×) Robbers align themselves in the Abanyoli nabo bakwipanga rear kunuma (324) Sungusungu ni kali no (‘The sungusungu are very fierce’) The sungusungu are very fierce, Sungusungu ni kali no, baba baba They never sweet talk (2×) Yitabembelejaga (2×) You have grown accustomed Ng’wamanila To eating from defrauding (2×) Kulya shanyahunga (2×) You should know that Mumane giki Today you are dying (2×) Lelo ng’wacha (2×)

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(325) Nigwa balila (‘I hear they cry’) I hear they cry, the thieves Nigwa balila, abasambo They complain, baba Bayudaya, baba Namanhya na bakubija ng’ombe I have met with those that follow cows (2×) (2×) I am very troubled Naluha no Namanhya na bakubija ng’ombe I have met with those that follow cows (2×) (2×) Interpretation: The anonymous song Basambo, yabita teleni, performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga,10 uses the image of a train’s arrival, to convey to the thieves the nature of the justice they are about to receive. A train is powerful, quick in its delivery system, and full of room for its payload of transgressors. William Lubimbi* paraphrases the song’s message: ‘Sasa gari la moshi lilipopita’. Kwa hiyo anawaambia wote waingie ndani ya gari la moshi waondoke katika sehemu hiyo. Wajipange nyuma kwa hiyo wasionekane katika sehemu hii yote. (‘Now the train is passing’. Therefore, he [the singer] tells them all they should get inside the train so they can leave this place. They should pack themselves into the back, so they cannot be seen here ever again.) The anonymous song Sungusungu ni kali no is performed by Michael Masalu,11 someone who used to be an ntemi (chief) of the sungusungu in his region. The singer tells the thieves to ready themselves for death, for their crimes of defrauding others. Sungusungu batemi, also called kommandas, need to be knowledgeable about medicines as well as be able to command authority, and be proficient in music performance. In Nigwa balila, an anonymous song performed by the Banam’hala of Kisunun’ha,12 the singers confide with their colleagues that they found the thieves crying and complaining about being caught. William Lubimbi* recognizes a touch of pity in the song: Mwimbaji alisikitika tu, akasikia sauti wanalia, hao wizi waliokuwa wameiba ng’ombe. Sasa akajua tu kwamba wameshakamatwa, na anajua kama nini itatokea, watapigwa (The singer has some pity, he heard the voices of those who

10

Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 11 August 1995, IUATM song #338. Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author. 12 Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 17–21 March 1995, IUATM song #306. 11

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cry, those thieves who have stolen cows. Now he just knows that they have been caught, and he knows what will happen next, they will be beaten). The next three songs continue the discussion of justice meted out to thieves once they have been caught. They also reference Iselamagazi (literally, ‘The place where blood is shed’), the legendary nineteenth century fortress-prison of Mirambo, a place where unspeakable acts of torture were rumored to have been performed on captured enemies. The basungusungu call their home base of operations Iselamagazi. This identification of this frightful historical image with the sungusungu inspires fear into the hearts of would-be criminals. (326) Buchagi masasi (‘Carry bullets’) Carry bullets Buchagi masasi Including your ndulilu Ni ndulilu jing’we People who do sungusungu Bana busungusungu Let us go to fight these offenders Tukamanhye nabo abatulija Where blood is shed, to the fortress Ukwibologelo kw’Iselamagazi Let us go and poison the offenders Tukabatule busungu’abatuluja Bring bullets Buchagi masasi People who do sungusungu Bana busungusungu It is already daybreak Bujiku wela (327) Alilila (‘He is crying’) Alilila untulija Batukangila magobole Tukubatwala hali, basalama? Kwi’Iselamagazi Nadadile baba, nadadile Basungusungu nadadile Kubakooba abasambo Tuunngane bose Basungusungu tuungane Kubakooba abasambo

He is crying, the criminal They threatened us with homemade guns Where will we take them, basalama? To Iselamagazi Let me set off baba, let me set off Sungusungu people, let me set off To search for criminals Let us all unite Sungusungu people, let us unite To search for criminals

songs of the village vigilante associations (328) Bawilagi (‘Tell them’) Bawilagi Abasambo na bahumi Bawilagi Yashika ingelelo ya bahumi na abakunga mayiku Baba, wibona ikalakala Iselamagazi! Baba, wibona ikalakala?

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Tell them Thieves and those who cry like hyenas Tell them The end has come for hyena callers And cattle rustlers Baba, do you see the speed of things At Iselamagazi! Baba, do you see the speed of things?

Interpretation: In Buchagi masasi, collected by Makoye (2000: 218),13 the singer tells ‘the people who do sungusungu’ to bring both ‘bullets’ (metaphor for weapon in general), and an ndulilu to the hunt. They are also told not to be late, because it is already daybreak. Alilila, collected by Makoye (2000: 217),14 mentions that the basalama (‘people of peace’), are taking the thieves, who threatened them with fake weapons, to Iselemagazi, ‘the fortress where blood is spilled’. The singer implores his comrades to continue to look for criminals. In Bawilagi, sung by Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu15 and collected on a separate occasion by Massesa (1993: 20), the singer gives a name to the captured cattle thieves, calling them ‘those who cry like hyenas’. This alludes to their cowardly nature, as well as to their status as ‘friends of hyenas’, or witches. According to Massesa*, this is a song sung in ritual greeting between sungusungu members. In the end, the singer warns the thieves that at the sungusungu Iselamagazi ‘fort’, justice comes fast. Magdelena Lubimbi* had this point about the

13 Makoye’s English translation: ‘Carry bullets / Including your ndulilu / Members of poison / Let us go to fight the offenders / To the place where blood is shed / Let us go and poison the offenders / Members of poison carry bullets / It is already daybreak’. 14 Makoye’s English translation: ‘The criminal is crying / They used to terrify us with home made guns / Basalama, where will we take them? / Let us take them where blood is spilled / Father, let me set off / The members of poison, let me set off / To search for criminals / Let us all unite / The members of poison let us unite / To search for criminals’. 15 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author.

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song: Mwimbaji hapa anawawekea tahadhali: ‘Waambieni wizi, yaani imefikia mwisho wao. Imefikia mwisho wa kuiba ng’ombe madume, yale makubwa makubwa yale’. (The singer here places before them a precaution: ‘Tell the thieves, now their end has come. Their end has come to steal bulls, those big ones’.) (329) Nalikuganila (‘I implore you’) (C) I implore you, my husband (C) Nalikuganila, ngoshi wane Refrain, you will be staying in the Oyaga ukumanushinga cold mumalunyili Look you have become scarred Lolaga wabi malanda malanda scarred (R) Your back is scarred (R) Ungongo malanda Your waist is scarred Nkimbili malanda Your belly is scarred Ng’humbi malanda Your hands are scarred Makono malanda Your feet are scarred Magulu malanda The face is scarred Bushu malanda Your shoulders are scarred Mabega malanda Interpretation: In this anonymous sungusungu song of warning performed by Verdiana N. Masindi and recorded by Makoye (2000), the singer implores her husband to stop stealing cattle, for now he has been caught, and, because of his thievery, he has been horrifically beaten by the basungusungu. The chorus repeats the image of malanda (scars), to emphasize the seriousness of the husband’s physical condition. The following three songs are pleas to President Julius Nyerere for continued state funding and support for the sungusungu. (330) Ng’wana Nyerere (‘Ng’wana Nyerere’) Ng’wana Nyerere, I should climb Ng’wana Nyerere, nalinhe minti the tree I should go to the hills Naje mlugulu To look for arrows Kujuchola isonga Myself, I arrived to the East Nene, nashikile nu mukiya I met them Nabasanga Bakuyungagwa mbeshi na njololo They are circled by vultures and ferrets Baba, the arrows are finished Baba, isonga lyajimila

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(331) Nandya (‘I start’) Nandya, moja, abahalamia

I start, point number one, destroyers I do not like them, myself Natabatogagwa, nene They kill people Bakugulajaga banhu Baba, I do not like them, myself Baba, natabatagagwa, nene Abasambo, natabatogagwa, nene Thieves, I do not like them, myself Of the second point Ugwa kabili Abasambo, natabatagagwa, nene The thieves, I do not like them, myself Nguno bakuswagaga ng’ombe (2×) Because they take cattle (2×) Ng’wana Nyerere Ng’wana Nyerere Please give me a shield Ninhage lumuda Let us beat and kill them (2×) Tubatule tubabulage (2×) (332) Baba, ntemi (‘Father, chief ’) Baba, chief Baba, ntemi We’ve brought peace at your Twenhaga busalama kung’wako place Shilanga shishe buta na masonga Our weapons are bows and arrows To fight the thieves Ga kulwila basambo We do not beat or bully anybody Tutabatulaga nulu kubiboneela We’re looking for peace only Bise tulikoba mhola duhu Interpretation: These three songs were performed by local historian Michael Masalu16 (composer unknown) and collected by Massesa (1993: 48–50). In all three of these songs, the singer addresses president Nyerere, telling him personally that he must provide new resources (‘arrows and shields’) for this work at hand, because the basungusungu have nearly exhausted all his resources in his fight against the thieves. In Ng’wana Nyerere,17 the singer explains to Nyerere that the thieves

16 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author. 17 Massesa’s English translation: ‘Son of Nyerere / I climb the tree, go in hill find arrow / No one arrived to the East / I met them / Are flied vultures and ferrets / Father, arrow lost’.

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are now surrounded by ‘vultures and ferrets’, but the resources to continue this work (‘arrows’) have been depleted. ‘Vultures’ and ‘ferrets’ could refer either to the hunters themselves, or this could be an allusion to the fate awaiting the thieves, death, and then to be consumed by vultures and ferrets. In Nandya,18 the singer has two points he wants to share with Nyerere: 1) the thieves are destroyers and killers, and 2) they steal cattle. They are not wanted (by this singer, or by society), and they should be beaten and killed, as a lesson to others. In Baba, ntemi,19 the president of the nation is addressed as a chief, and is reminded that peace has come as a result of the work of the basungusungu. The singer is trying to discourage Nyerere from listening to those who say the basungusungu themselves are a threat to society, because of rumored cases where they tormented and bullied the innocent. (333) Sokoine (‘Sokoine’) Sokoine wali salama Wagongwa gali Guseka, amasambo Galilile no, amataifa Kila bupande, masikitiko Mungu, Welelo Tunile, nise, uSokoine Tunombele bupolo

Sokoine was a bringer of peace He was hit by a car They rejoiced, the thieves They cried very much, many nations Every direction, sorrow God, Welelo We cry, we, [for] Sokoine We pray for him good people

Interpretation: This song, Sokoine, was collected by Massesa (1993: 53).20 As a result of the vigilante excesses of some sungusungu groups in Tanzania, there was discussion in the upper echelons of the Tanzanian government to abolish or at least curtail the power held by the groups. Many felt that it was through the efforts of the late Prime Minister Edward Moringe Sokoine that the movement was allowed to

18 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author. 19 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author. 20 Massesa’s English translation: ‘Sokoine was bringer of peace knocked car / Rejoiced thieves / Cry many nations / Every direction sorrow / God the world cry we Sokoine / We praying him good people’.

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continue, indeed it was through his efforts that the sungusungu eventually gained legal authorization throughout the country and (Mtenga*). They believe, that it was Sokoine who argued that it was time for the state to admit its failures in providing security in outlying areas of the country. On 18 March 1983, Edward Sokoine initiated an economic sabotage campaign to fight ‘detestable’ social evils such as black marketeering, smuggling, cattle rustling, hoarding. The National Assembly soon passed an economic crimes bill that authorized special tribunals, party and vigilante searches, property seizures, and arrests (Ofcansky and Yeager 1993: 73). When Sokoine died in a car accident in 1983, many sungusungu members could not believe the news, and suspected foul play, because they knew he had many enemies. Many feared that the government was at last going to abolish the sungusungu when he died, but this was actually not the case. Sukuma farmers have used song to express their dissatisfaction with the excesses and false accusations of the sungusungu, as is evident in these two songs. (334) Nalilomba lazi (‘I beg forgiveness’) I beg forgiveness Nalilomba lazi Women and men Bakiima na bagosha Thay say that Balihaya giki ‘I cheated people’ Nadanganya ming’wana I have been summoned Nitanilwe To Nyamatongo Mu Nyamatongo To the village government office Iki ku ofisi ya kijiji I am going to dance, the Ndi kacheza, nkonong’ho nkonong’ho Village militia are there Na mugambo guliko They are guarding the dancers Gulilinda abachezi (335) Igete lyali lyeja ki? (‘What night dance was this?’) What night dance was this? Igete lyali lyeja ki? Those sungusungu (2×) Yali sungusungu (2×) Why were they beaten with a Kulwaki batulagwa shiboko? whip? For no reason (2×) Na sababu yaya (2×)

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Interpretation: The first song, Nalilomba lazi, is an anonymous bugobogobo song that was performed by Michael Masalu21 and was collected on a separate occasion by Makoye (2000: 207).22 The song was composed as a reaction to the arrest of one of the niingi’s dancers by the mugambo (another, more idiosyncratic term for basungusungu), because he had been accused in a theft case, but the niingi managed to convince the village leadership of his innocence, and he was released. In this song, the niingi refers to himself as an nkonong’ho, or an ‘old school’ bugobogobo singer. The second song, Igete lyali lyeja ki?, an anonymous bunuunguli song performed vigorously by the banuunguli group Kujitegemea of Isangidjo,23 makes it evident that not everyone was happy with the vigilante work of the sungusungu. In this case, the ‘transgressors’ were kept up all night and beaten ‘for no reason’. The singer asks: ‘what kind of people are these sungusungu?’

21 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author. 22 Makoye’s English translation: ‘I beg to be forgiven / Women and men / I cheated people / I have been summoned to go to Nyamatongo / To the village government office / I am going to dance, I nkonongo / Village militia are there / They are taking care of dancers / I have been summoned to go to Nyamatongo / I am going to dance, I nkonongo’. 23 Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, January 1995, IUATM song #529.

CONCLUDING REMARKS: THE FLUIDITY OF SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES A key conceptual underpinning throughout Sukuma song history is the idea that all Sukuma social networks, whether family clans, chiefdoms, medicinal associations, or specialized musical labor groups, have had a fluid propensity for transmission and exchange of common cultural tropes, what Bourdieu would call ‘transposable dispositions’ (1990: 52). This concept illustrates how songs have moved so fluidly, from association to association, and from genre to genre, over time. Group members draw on their inter-societal connections with other affinity groups to spread their musical ideas and materials through migration, breakaway-rifts, new societal formation, innovation, and emulation. Like other informational networks such as the various ‘-scapes’ discussed by Appadurai (1990) and Slobin (1992), these intergenerational and interregional ‘dance-scapes’ share knowledge and belief systems that underlie song repertoire, styles and compositional practice, competition and composition-related medicines, dance and dance-related paraphernalia, ideas about leadership and societal rank terminology, musical instruments and ideas about instruments such as drums and their use in the establishment of chiefdoms, as well as initiate lore, taboos and ideas about secrecy. Today’s Sukuma farming associations borrowed their personnel, songs, music, and music paraphernalia from the hunting, medicinal and porter associations prominent in the nineteenth century. In the precolonial era, joining a voluntary interregional travel-related musical labor association such as the porcupine hunters (banunguli), the snake hunters (bayeye), the salt caravaners (baja nyaraja), or the porters’ association (bapagati) was an initiation into adulthood, in a culture without formal age-grade or puberty ceremonies. Membership in these groups was seasonal, and thus it was easy for their membership to be interchangeable (See also Baumann 1894: 68; Blohm 1933: 171; Gunderson 2001, 2008; Williams n.d.). With the onset of the ivory trade, Sukuma men proved their manhood by taking journeys to the coast. Interregional salt bearers and porters from the coast took up farming when they were no longer on the road, creating multiple labor sites where they often performed the same corpus of music, with both

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textual and musical content applicable to both contexts. In the twentieth century, agricultural labor, even when supported by the State, retained ritual behavior of the prior labor societies, and came to maintain precolonial ritual behavior, including being treated as divine, enacted to ‘activate’ the growth of crops. At the onset of the twenty-first century, a novice in a musical labor group is mentored by a charismatic leader, is still initiated with medicines, and learns the choruses of his teacher, as well as the important foundational songs of his/her group. In the Sukuma cultural and historical tableau, songs have been interchanged between multiple functional contexts, their tropes and images have been transmitted and re-embedded within multiple songs, and they have been read and interpreted in multiple and creative ways. Musical labor songs have had a distinctive inter-textual dimension, as their verses and poetic images from songs of previous generations have been appropriated, and resituated. Musical labor songs have also had an inter-functional dimension, in that it is possible for one song to serve several functions over time. As discussed, this has happened innumerable times with Sukuma song texts. The reciprocal labor busumba genre was flexible in this regard, acting as a repository for choruses and fragmented verses from other genres, to include hunting songs, warrior songs, porter songs, askari songs, courtship songs, and other farm labor song genres, such as bugobogobo and bukomyalume. This has happened as well with melodies, where, for instance, porcupine, snake, and elephant hunting melodies joined with new texts for praising Julius Nyerere’s TANU party, and in turn after independence, the CCM. Farmers evaluated, rejected, or adapted these songs, both at the farm site and in their competitions. Finally, in several instances, for example the case of many bayege (elephant hunters) prophecy songs, musical labor has had an inter-temporal dimension, a simultaneous presence of historic layers of signification mediating between synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Genre fluidity is thus a prominent and distinctive feature within Sukuma musical labor practices and performance. These songs are revealed to future generations, who understand and interpret them in creative ways. Traditions, in all these cases, are both under transformation (Bakan 2007) because of their reproduction (Sahlins 1987), and have an inherent multivalent flexibility that is expected, understood, commented on, and acted on by its producers and listeners. This genre flexibility has long been an identity marker and source of pride for all Sukuma.

APPENDIX ONE

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS This glossary was compiled from a variety of sources, to include dictionary entries and feedback interviews with indigenous speakers. Verbs in Kisukuma are preceded by the ku- prefix. Adjectives and adverbs, which take the noun class prefix of the term modified, are prefixed with a short dash (-). Kiswahili cognates are marked as such at the end of the entry in parentheses (Kiswahili). If applicable, terms are listed according to their plural quantity, and their singular forms are indicated within the definition. A separate list of common Sukuma music genres can be found in the Preface. -chiiza (adj.): nice, lovely, good. -do (adj): small; shilaka shiido: a ‘small’, weak, or low voice. -leho: little; mimbo mileho: little song. -liihu: long; mimbo maliihu: long songs. -ilyehu (adj): soft, smooth; shilaka shilyehu: smooth voice. -kumuuku (adj): famous, well known; baliingi bakumuukile: famous musicians. -nonu (adj): sweet; lyiimbo linonu: sweet song. -nsilili (adj): low, under; shilaka shinsiliili: a low voice. -taale (adj): famous, great, memorable; baliingi bataale: the great, memorable singers. askari: generic term for guard, soldier, warrior (Kiswahili). baba: father, grandfather, the father of one’s children, one’s husband, any married man, male friend, or any male ancestor or deity. in song performance, the term is used often as a sigh, interjection or exclamation. baba buhemba: the teacher, dance group leader, or healer who initiates new members (see also kuhemba). babini: dancers. See also kubiina. baboji: the ones who sing bass in a reedy, grave, harsh, jarring manner. used to emphasize maleness. bachawi (s., mchawi): witches, sorcerers (Kiswahili). See also balogi. bafumu (s., nfumu): healer, one who diagnoses and treats patients. See also baganga. bagaalu (s., ngaalu): one of the two umbrella group medicinal dance moieties which developed in the nineteenth century. founded by Gumha ng’wana Misinzo. See also bagiika. baganga (s., nganga): healer, one who diagnoses and treats patients (Kiswahili). See also bafumu. bagiika (s., ngiika): one of the two umbrella group medicinal dance moieties which developed in the late nineteenth century. See also bagaalu.

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bagikulu (s., ngikulu): older married women, of the same rank as banam’hala. bagobogobo: farmers’ musical labor association, literally ‘the old skin wearers’. the association began in the late 1930s affiliated with the bagaalu, they compete with the bakomyaluume. bagunani: general helpers of the baliingi. applies to audience members, to temporary group members, or to members of the bagiika-bagaalu, who help one another’s groups in competition. bahabi (s., nhabi): the poor, literally, ‘those who have no cattle’. bahemba (s., ng’hemba): initiates, learners, disciples, followers. those wanting to become baliingi. to sing high with a sharp, fierce voice, but not necessarily skillfully. to decorate the song. ‘to sing in a high voice you can hear faraway, sung this way for a long duration. when you sing this way you think about reaching your goals (Lubasa*). baja nyalaja: musical labor association (now defunct) that made caravan trips to the natural salt lake Nyalaja (Eyasi) to obtain salt. balamuji: dance competition judges. balimi (s., nimi): farmers. baliingi (s., niingi): singer, arranger, composer, poet, music group leader. See also kulinga. balogi (s., nogi): witches, those who perform witchcraft. See also kuloga. balongo: iron workers of the Basinza clan who live in Geita district. balugu: warriors. balungu: special elite class of bafumu healers who were responsible for performing divinations and predictions of outcomes of various adventures, wars, hunts, journeys etc. for the chiefs. bak’honongo: Nyamwezi-related ethnic group found in the region south of Tabora. Became the bagobogobo. See also bagobogobo. bakomyaluume: farmers’ musical labor association, literally ‘the dew steppers’. the association began in the 1940s. affiliated with the bagiika, they compete with the bagobogobo. bamang’a (s., manga): matriarchal divination society who contact ancestors through dreams. banyema: what the banuunguli used to call themselves. See also banuunguli. banam’hala (s., nam’hala): council members for the batemi or for important village leaders, usually family men over the age of forty. banuunguli (s., nunguli): porcupine hunters. the hunters use music while preparing medicines to hunt for porcupines, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. those who perform the dance are affiliated with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bayeye. See also bayeye. banyalaali: dance initiates, followers, students, or lower tier musicians. bapagati (s., npagati): most common Sukuma term used for nineteenth century porters who carried goods from the Indian ocean back to the Sukuma region (Kiswahili: bapagazi). barghuni: antelope horn trumpet (Kiswahili). basabi: people having wealth, especially in cattle. literally, ‘cattle owners’.

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basherikaale: government officials. a lower administrative rank in several dance associations. bashoosha: the guards who stop members from the other side from coming too close to the group’s singers and causing a ruckus. basombi: archaic form, carriers in a nineteenth century caravan from the Sukuma region to the coast. See also bapagati. basumba (s., nsumba): reciprocal farming labor group. See also salenge. baswagi (s., nswagi): the drummers for the bayege (elephant hunters) association. batemi: ancestral leaders were those who first migrated into the Sukuma region, having cleared the way for those clan and family members who followed; kutemwa, kutemagwa: to be ritually cut. See also kutema. batuji (s., ntuji): player who strikes, strums, or hits an instrument, in a figurative sense, namely, a drummer, or kadete player. See also kutula. bayanda: young adolescent males. older meaning, young male teens’ mandatory labor association. bayege (s., nyege): elephant hunters. the hunters used music while preparing medicines to hunt for elephants, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. few groups remain today. bayeye (nyeye): snake hunters. the hunters use music while preparing medicines to hunt for snakes, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the banuunguli. bazungu (s., nzungu): people of European descent, whites (Kiswahili: wazungu, s., mzungu). beni: well-known late nineteenth and twentieth-century music found throughout East Africa. modeled after German and British military and police brass bands. the music is sarcastic and bawdy in nature. See also pubha. bose: everyone, chorus. boya: rest period. bucheye, bucheyeeki: twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments made up for these dances (Cory Papers #192). the dance was associated with ‘dressing smart’. See also wigaashe. budakwa: intention, idea, or mood, of a song, poem, or other narrative work. budimi: herding songs. budito: state of heaviness. literally, ‘a burden’; ilaka idito: a ‘heavy’ bass voice; lyimbo idito: a ‘heavy’, sad song. budula: capability, talent. budula bo kwimba: capability or talent to sing. bufumu: the art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines; what bafumu do. See also buganga. buguta: shorts worn by men for dancing or playing football. buganga: the art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines; what baganga do (Kiswahili). See also bufumu.

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bugota: cover term for medicines, medicinal accoutrements, medicinal power (Kiswahili, dawa). bukombe: festival meal given at bride wealth ceremony, wedding dance. bulabuka: an offshoot dance of the bugobogobo, literally, ‘not to hurt themselves’, named after their use of medicines to protect themselves in trademark feats of danger in competition, such as throwing themselves off houses into thorn bushes. they use large drum ensembles, and get out to farm early in the morning like the bakomyaluume. bulingi: compositional ability. See also kulinga. bulogi: witchcraft. See also kuloga. buluba: cotton. bumaani: knowledge. bumaani bo kubeeja mimbo: compositional ability. bunela: ostritch feathers worn by bugobogobo dancers on their backs. bupugu, bupugo: joking relationship (Kiswahili: utani). See also wimeji. busiga: sorghum (millet). businga: the tail section of the mabuushi, or niingi’s baton made of wildebeest tail. refers to cues made by the niingi with the mabuushi, for example when raised it signifies to start the song, lowered it signifies the song has finished. (Kiswahili: usinga). See also mabuushi. buta: bow, or anything bowed or bow-like, to include weapons used to shoot arrows, the bowed frame of the ndono, or the bowed sisal fibers used to play kadete fiddles. butamaduni: culture (Kiswahili: utamaduni). butundi: creativity. See also kutunda. buyegi: joy. buyobe: informal reciprocal labor between neighbors and friends. See also basumba. buyombo: women’s calf-length half skirt made of sisal fiber, used for dancing. CCM: Chama Cha Mapinduzi: ‘Party of the Revolution’, Tanzania’s socialist government party, founded by Julius Nyerere in 1977. du: complete silence. gembe: see magembe. higulya: a high place, or high point; kwimba higulya: a general term for singing in a high register, literally ‘singing as if on a hill, heavenward’. a very high falsetto. to sing/play louder; kwimba hiigulyagulya: to sing even higher, with emphasis. igimbulilo: digging stick. a multipurpose digging or sweeping stick used by baliingi. See also kugimbula. ichimu: spear. igenya: ancient competitive ‘wooden shoe’ dance. igomba: medium-sized Sukuma drum, used in bukomyaluume, bugobogobo, and bunuunguli ensembles. igunya: bass drum found in bunuunguli and bugobogobo dance ensembles. ihama: name of a hardwood tree used to make drums played in bugobogobo ensembles, and the name of the large drum made from the trunk of this tree; creeping plant, which when dried out makes a rattling sound, used to adorn buyombo dance dresses.

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ihane: informal initiation into adulthood. ipembe (pl., mapembe): generic term for animal horn, used as aerophone. kapembe: whistle, small horn (Kiswahili: pembe). See also m’hembe. inyongo: popular nineteenth century dance, predecessor to wigaashe. Iselamagazi: the legendary nineteenth century fortress-prison of the Nyamwezi chief Mirambo, a place where unspeakable acts of torture were rumored to have been performed on captured enemies. literally, ‘the place where blood is shed’. The basungusungu call their home base of operations Iselamagazi. The identification of this frightful historical image with the sungusungu inspires fear into the hearts of would-be criminals. isuka: worn hoe with only a few inches of blade, used as a time-line instrument or labor summons. itula: millet threshing labor, performed by basumba association. jitangambulende: a special dance accoutrement used by ng’wana Malundi in his dance competitions. it was a large pole made up with grasses and placed in the center of the dance arena so people could see it from a distance. kadete: one-string fiddle with wooden neck and gourd or animal horn resonator, played with small bow. kafuula: the most distinctive competitive medicine of the bagaalu; a ‘last resort’ medicine. a mixture of the important medicines used by the bagaalu, the entire collection is kept in small calabashes which hang on small sticks with branches and is bound together by a larger calabash, or the entire collection is kept in an mbogo (wildebeest horn). its preparation takes a lot of expertise and experience. songs are used to prepare the medicines, and the n’hangale horn is blown by an initiate during its mixture. in competitive practice, the kafuula is displayed or placed in a hole on or near the competition site. supernatural lore is associated with these medicines, it is thought that it’s presence disturbs the performance of the bagiika and it is believed that if you travel anywhere with it, it is inevitable that you will return with money or cows, therefore much energy is spent protecting the apparatus from theft when transporting it to the dance site. See also m’hiindi. kalamije: song’s chorus, the noises of a crowd, the banter that elders make when they are together drinking. kalilile: sound, soundscape; kalilile lya ng’oma: the sound produced by a dance group, or by a single drum; the overall soundscape of more than one dance group, as found at a dance competition, where sounds may be coming from multiple sources; the sound of many drums, rhythms, or polyrhythms, but coming from one group. kalyimbo: short, little song. See also mimbo. kanga: brightly colored wrap around cloth fabric (Kiswahili). kanzu: a white or cream colored robe worn by men in East Africa, associated with but not specific to Islam (Kiswahili). kapembe: whistle, small horn. See also m’hembe. kapundu: shrill cry, higher pitched ululation performed by women. K. A. R.: Kings African Rifles. kihamo: to do together, kubiina kihamo: to dance/play together.

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kihang’ho: prophecy. See also kuhang’ha. kiloti: dream. kinanda: any musical instrument (Kiswahili). kisumba: see basumba. kizwaalo: clothing, costume. See also kuzwaala. kh’ononga: a kind of root used as a charm in dance societies, also deemed significant in several ritual contexts. kubamba: to stretch, tie and loop a skin on a drum, to cover a drum (Kiswahili: kuwamba). kubanda: climb; kubandisha shilaka: to climb in register; kubandwa: to be visited by the ancestors in trance dance. literally, ‘to be climbed upon’; to draw admirers in a dance (Kiswahili: kupanda). kubeeja: to harmonize; to ‘compare voices’; to ornament, ‘(. . .) so the rest of the group can take off’ (Banaam’hala ba Kisunun’ha*); to prepare, to compose, to arrange, to adapt, to fashion in a nice way; kubeejabeeja: to embellish. kubiina: to dance, to perform; kubiinabina: to dance vigorously; what the ‘warmup’ dancers do, to get the crowd excited for the main attraction; kubiinariija, kubiniliija: to dance wildly, to toss oneself about when dancing, or jumping about in a personal style; kubinisha, kubinya: to cause to dance. to lead the dancers as an example; kubiniila: to tune or prepare an instrument; to play for; kubibinya, kubibina: to shake the shoulders, waist or torso when dancing. See also m’biina. kucheja, kuchega: to sing quietly; to lower the volume at the end of a song. Chejagi shilaka! (‘Lower your volume’). kudegeleka: to listen. kudima: to herd. See also budimi. kudomola: to lower the volume, or to lower the pitch; to go slowly while singing a song. kufumbula: to uncover, to discover, to diagnose. See also bafumu. kufupa lwanga, kufuuha lwanga: to spit a mixture of liquid millet flour toward the four corners in an act of propitiation to ancestors. done by some baliingi before going into competition. kugaba: to donate, to give gifts, to make an offering, to pass on; kugaba ng’oma: said when a chief dies, ‘to pass on the drum’. a chief’s insignia and drums are passed on to his successor upon death, thus the chief’s office never really dies, but is passed on; kugabila: to worship and petition in the proper manner for good crops. kugaka: to place a dance medicine so it will exert its spell. kugabila masamva: to make an ancestral offering. kugana, kuganula: to narrate, to tell a story. See also ngano. kugeha: to diminish, to pull, to reduce; to reduce volume (ng’wana Chiila*); to diminish the enemy’s audience, to sing lower in pitch. kugesa: to harvest, to reap. See also magesa. kugimbula: to dig with exertion; to dig for medicines. kugiling’hanya: to ring, echo, resound. what initiates and non-initiates alike do at competitions, playing the role of ‘repeaters and ‘voice amplifiers’ of

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the niingi, scattering themselves throughout the audience and singing the chorus parts that they know. kugong’ola: to glorify, to sing the praises of, usually used in association with baliingi’s praise of the chief or of high-ranked political officials, or banyalali’s (dance association followers) praise of their leader. kugumila: the performative act of ‘throwing or ‘delivering’ the song to the banyalaali chorus, what the niingi does when finished singing a line. A cue. See also businga. kugunana: to assist, to help. See also bagunani. kugwasha: to capture; kugwasha mimbo: literally, ‘capturing the song’, the act of remembering songs after dreaming them. kugweesa: to pull, to drag; to sing slowly, to sing clearly and well, to teach the song so to be understood; to ‘pull’ the audience away from the dance enemy. technique used by baliingi when they have grown tired in the middle of a competition, and they still have a long way to go. also done by the banyalaali when they practice among themselves, singing together slowly, in unison, so to get the song. kuhama: to shout, to be audible, to sing loudly, or to make noises to chase after birds. kuhamukila: to call someone loudly; kuhamukana: to act out as loud as possible; kuhamuka, kuhabula: to articulate, to say or sing vividly, audibly, to accentuate, to ‘open up the voice’, to pronounce openly, to speak the truth. to raise the key so to accentuate the song differently. to raise the volume. kuhana: advise, instruction. See also ihane. kuhang’ha: to predict. kuheema: to breathe, to blow. kuhemba: to make adepts; kuhembeka: to initiate, to baptize, in work that requires a long period of training. See also bahemba, baba buhemba. kuhimbila: singing loudly and alone, as when walking, drunk, or at work. kuhimbola (mza.), kutimbola (shy.): to sing bass in a reedy, grave, harsh, jarring manner. to growl like the big loud voice heard in church. used to emphasize maleness, or ‘craziness’. See also baboji. kuholeja, kuholeleja: to sing together slowly, repeating the chorus, but with strength, intensity, and animation as the male chorus members or the banyalaali do. kuhum, kuhuma, kuhuhuma, kuluma, kuhuluma: to speak or sing with a hoarse voice, grunt, growl, murmur, grumble, snore, howl, hoot like an owl; the voice of a wild animal. also, voice of a drum. to howl, what a hyena does, derogatory noises associated with the bagaalu at dance competitions, noise associated with milangaale (trumpet), a scratchy, scraping quality to the voice to breathe, to blow; kuhumula, kuhulima: to become silent; kuhumulijya: to remain silent, after a long duration of singing. kuhwaba: to obtain, derive, borrow; lyiimbo walihwabile hali? (‘Where did you get that song?’). kuidika: to answer. to sing the chorus response, or to repeat selected segments of the niingi’s verse. command sung by the niingi to followers, Idikaga! (‘Answer the call!’) (Kiswahili: kuitika).

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appendix one

kuigila, kuigilia: to copy; kuigilija: to cause to imitate, to entertain (Kiswahili: kuiga). kuikomya: to cause noise, confusion, intent to fight; to destroy the other side’s performance in competition. kuimela, kwiimeja: to make scandalous jokes about someone, to speak with irony. mimbo ga kwimela: joking songs. lina lya wimeja: joking name assigned for dance purposes. See also bupugo, wimeji. kujika: to bury; kujikija: to bury medicine horns into the ground for power during dance competitions. kukaga: to take precautions for defense; to make safe; to cut, to incise. See also lukago. kukaja: to finish work; kukaja ng’oma: to tighten up a drumhead. kukala: to dry; kukala n’g oma: to dry out a drum skin. to warm a drum skin, so to gain its normal pitch. kukanya: to entreat, to beg, to conquer, to negotiate, to be persistent, or to seduce. kukengela, kukeng’en’ha: to ring, to resound, literally, like a bell; to sing with a high wavering falsetto, close in pitch to a ululation, but without vibrato; wavering, continual, the goal of which is to ‘push’ the song with a chorus that increases in intensity and repeats. done by women, together in unison, during wigaashe, together with, or as a response to, men who kukenza. starting very high, and coming down, either in volume or pitch. to cut; someone in the dance moves away from the dance to ‘cut’ the enemy by drawing the audience toward them, or to further praise the head singer. See also kukenza. (Kiswahili: kengele [ma]: bell). kukenza: to produce a very high, thin, sharp and skillfully articulated female or male voice or voices, some described as solo, but not necessarily (Songoyi*). thought of as a decoration. May be same as kukengela, depending on the area and what people are used to in practice. kukeyuka: to stay up all night singing or dancing. kukola: to apply body paint for dancing at ng’oma. kulaanga: to teach, to raise up to a higher level, to rehearse. See also wilaangi. kulila: to cry; kulija: to cause to cry; kulija: to make the drum cry (Kiswahili: kulia). kulilika, kulalika: to cause to gather together, to string together; to ‘throw’ verses. how singing contests were conducted before the bagiika-bagaalu. composers would agree upon the contest at a specific time and place, and would compete in their memory ability to sing, stringing together hundreds of stanzas or dozens of songs. Kilyamangondi ng’wana Wishi was the last well-known composer to compete in this way, in the 1920s and 1930s (Chiila*). modern use refers to managing the gatherings of students, groups, and singers, organizing which group will sing when, and at what point in the composition. kulima: to cultivate. See also milimo. kulinga: to compose, to sing about, to surround, to hem in, to scandalize; kulingalinga: to envelop, to wrap up, to sing around; kulingila: to lead an

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m’biina. kulingula: to do ritual acts, to unfold, to unravel; kulingatila: to sing about, literally, to ‘sing around someone’. See also baliingi. kuloga: to bewitch. See also balogi. kulota: to dream; kulotalota: repeated dreaming; kulolota: to interpret a dream. kulotolera: to interpret or recount one’s dream to someone else. kulula: to whisper, chirp, sing, whistle; kulula m’luli: to whistle. kulunduma: to hum or buzz, as in the noise produced by a car, or in the stomach; to thunder, to roar, to growl, to rumble, to mutter, to murmur. kukingin’ha: to dance wildly; ‘tramping about, really working yourself up and making your heart beat’ (Songoyi*). kukuba nghubi: to clap; kukubiila: to clap for, applaud, a show of respect. kulaanga: to teach, to raise up to a higher level, to rehearse; kulaanga na kulaangija: to teach and to be taught, to teach and to copy, to feed the students information and to be copied. See also wilaangi. kulamija, kulagumila: to sing in a chorus, to cue singers for a response chorus. baliingi ask for their members’ names, and they respond with ‘tuliho baba’ (‘we are here, father’). See also kalamije. kulepalepa: to dance with bells or other ornaments. kuliija: to sound out; kuliija ng’hiinda: to resound the ng’hiinda bells. kulila: to cry; kulija: to cause to cry; kulija ng’oma: to make the drum cry (Kiswahili: kulia). kulima: to cultivate (Kiswahili). See also milimo. kuloga: to bewitch. See also balogi, bulogi, malogo. kulota: to dream; kulotalota: repeated dreaming; kulolota: to interpret a dream. kulotolera: to interpret or recount one’s dream to someone else. See also kiloti. kunamaga: to walk with measured or counted steps. kunegula: to perform a well-known dance move, shaking the shoulders with intense vigor. kungwizuka: to remember. kuoya: to stop working. See also boya. kupamba: to decorate (Kiswahili). kupanga: to arrange (Kiswahili). kusaba: to become rich. See also basabi. kusagija: to make noise, to cause confusion, and to sing loudly so the competition cannot be heard. kusamba: to give a gift, to a singer or a dancer. To moan in sorrow, in showing respect for departed loved ones. See also samba. kusasa: to hoe in rows. kusesa: to hoe, to clear grass during the first phase in making tie ridges. kusha: to grind. kushikija: to mask, to hide from view, to protect. See also shikija. kushikila: to rest a little, before finishing a journey. The niingi sings to a certain point before completing a piece, makes a sign, and then the followers sing from the beginning all the way to the end of the song. kushindika: to push, or to drive; kushiindikila: to accompany (Kiswahili: Kusindikiza).

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appendix one

kushingisha: to shake, to shake one’s torso in dance. kushoma: to speak or sing in a dialect. See also lushomi. kushoosha: to answer, to cause to return, the act of responding in a chorus; to lower, in volume or in pitch; kushoosha shilaka: to ring, to reverberate, to return; to sing high (volume or pitch), then return to low (volume or pitch); to bring the voice back to a normal state of operation. in the case of drums, tightening them up after much playing, to return the drumhead to its proper state. See also bashoosha. kusobanya: to sing out of tune; to be out of step, line, or tune; to play in a different or wrong tempo. kusombola, kusombula: to rehearse; to explain through discussion. kusondangula: to criticize in a negative manner, searching for ‘sore spots’. what baliingi do in competition. kusukila: singing hard, fast, with strength, after one has been slowed down. to begin a song, the opening line. in wigaashe, the singer sings slowly, freely, deliberately, without meter, in a reflective manner. kusumba: to create. kutanbila: to sing and dance freely, joyously, not necessarily in a formal setting. dancer may be called on to do so to take his/her solo turn in the arena by leader of the dance troupe; victory dance over the enemy in war, or competition; to ululate, in victory. kutema: to cut, to cut down, to incise, to be outstanding, to excel. See also batemi. kutinda: to surpass in a competition. term used most often regarding dance competition; kutindwa: to be defeated (Kiswahili: kushinda). kutiniila: to cut, to receive; a cue at which point the niingi finishes singing the line (‘to cut’), and the chorus picks up where he/she leaves off (‘to receive’); to cut off, to sing the beginning of a line in expectation of the baheemba response; response to niingi, completing his/her statement. this is done when the niingi is tired, or when he has not yet arrived to sing. the lower-ranked musicians warmup the dance before the primary niingi comes; balitiniila m’biina (‘they warmup the dance’). to divide the chorus into groups during the singing while teaching, kutiniila lyiimbo (‘singing the song part by part’), after which the whole song is sung. kutonga, kutongeja: to lead. to go first. ntongeji: soloist, literally, ‘the starter’. (Kiswahili: Kuongeja, Kirongozi). kutula: to beat, to play, to strum, or to hit; to play the drum(s). kutumama: to work. kutunda: to create, the act of creating (Kiswahili: kutunga). kutuunga: to compose (Kiswahili: kutunga). kuyega, kuyegela: to be joyous, to entertain. the genre bayege, or elephant hunters’ society, is said to come from this verb, after the way that they celebrated their successful hunts. See also buyegi, mayego, and the genre buyege. kuyengela: to sway while dancing. kuyeyeka, kuyeyema: to move like a snake. the term describes the wriggling movements that dancers make with their upper torsos, what they call

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‘dancing the shoulders’, in opposition to their lowers torso. See also the genre bucheyeki. kuyunga: to move about, wandering aimlessly, without meaning; to play or perform badly; to shake. kuweja: to stay up all night. See also lyeja. kuzunya: to agree, to consent; to sing the refrain. kuzwaala: to wear. See also kizwaalo. kwilisha: to compete with another at a dance competition. See also kulinga. kwimba: to sing; kwimbila: to sing about; to sing to several students until they get it. kwimbia; kwimbisha: to sing to a large group, a performance; kwimbanijya, kwimbanija: to sing about, to sing together as a group, for instance when a new song is taught, in unison, or uniformly, singing together in a group to see who is the best, as in two different groups in a competition, to sing simultaneously; kwimbya: to be one of the chorus, or to lead the chorus or the singers (Kiswahili: kuimba). lubuuga, lubuunga: small enclosed private area, where dancers practice; any enclosed area where competitions are held; playground, courtyard. lukago: defense medicine used in music competitions, used to remove a spell from a dance competition area, used for protection against malevolent forces. See also kukaga. lulembo: bag for storing medicines. lumuda: wooden quiver carried on back which holds ornamental ostrich feathers, worn by dancers. lupingu: triangular shaped protective conus shells worn in honor of the maternal ancestors. See also shilungu. lushomi: dialect, vocal style; lushomi lubupu: an easy style, quick to pick up; lushomi lyawiiza: nice style. lyeja: a dance practice session, or an informal dance that takes place in the late evening. m’beha: literally, ‘reduced’. the smallest drum of a drum set, having the highest pitch. m’biina: a term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring competitive drumming, dancing and song. m’biina ya ha shigulu; m’biina ya shibili: literally ‘dance of the anthills’, where lesser-known baliingi compete against one another, in the hopes of being discovered and invited to the larger pubic competitions. See also kubiina. m’hela: the most famous medicine of the bagiika. named after the token animal of the bagiika, the rhino. m’hembe: generic term for animal horn, used as aerophone; mhembe ya ntemi: labor crew of the chief, literally ‘horns of the chief’, or those who call / are called together by the horn (Kiswahili, pembe). See also ipembe. m’hiindi: bagaalu medicine used in conjunction with kafula, but kept in a different vessel. One of the original medicines brought forth by Gumha (the original mbogo container reputedly bled full time). activated in competition by swirling around the head and pointing it at the opponent. See also kafuula.

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appendix one

m’hola: literally, ‘the cool state’, or the state of peace and good relations among men and women, between clans, between the living and the dead, and between human beings and their earthly environment. m’hundu: ululation; tula mhundu: to ululate, without adornment (Kiswahili: vigelegele). See also kapundu. mabinda: stunts, shenanigans, or items used to draw a crowd in competition. can also include any kind of medicine or mixtures of medicine props, carvings, statues, initiation articles etc. See also maleba. mabuushi (s., mbuushi): niingi’s wand, made from a tail of wildebeest or mule or cow, depending on resources. Its use varies with every composer. held high, singers are cued to sing high; if low, singers cued to sing low; forward, everyone should sing; both arms in front and pulling in, to pull the listeners in; pushing arms forward directly, giving the song to the banyalaali (ng’wana Makanga*) (Kiswahili: shing’wanda). See also businga. mafipa, mapipa (s., fipa, pipa): drums fashioned from large oil cans, and cut into various sizes, used by the bugobogobo; used to replace ihama drums. maigele (s., igele): the general crowd of followers who follow the dance groups when they go to the competition. this procession could start from up to a few kilometers away from the dance site. this group is made up of member of the composer’s village, or from his particular bagiika-bagaalu affiliation in the area. magembe (s., gembe): hoes (Kiswahili: majembe). magesa: harvest. See also kugesa. makamba (s., ikamba, kamba): strings made from sisal. traditional material used for string of musical instruments; wire string for kadete or ndono instruments (Kiswahili). maleba: dance accouterments, props etc. designed to draw a crowd at a competition. See also mabinda. malika: a term of older origin meaning association or society. malingililo: couplets of a song. See also kilinga. malogo: witchcraft, witchcraft medicines; malogo ga m’biina: ‘performative’ or dance-related witchcraft. See also kuloga. mambi wa ng’oma: drum skin replacer or repairer. man’he: community grinding rock, genre of song performed around the man’he or community grind stone. mapacha: twins. masala: intelligence; masala ba kubeja mimbo: compositional ability, literally, ‘the intelligence one has to compose’; masalo: heritage. masamva (s., isamva): ancestral spirits. mashamba (s., shamba): farmlands (Kiswahili). mashindano: competition (Kiswahili). mashuda: feast. masuka (s., isuka): worn hoes with only a few inches of blade, used as a timeline musical instrument, or use or summoning labor. mayego: entertainment, enjoyment. Use: tujage ko mayego ga ng’oma (‘let us go take part in the enjoyment of the ng’oma’). See also bayege.

glossary of sukuma music-related terms

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mayu: mother. This can refer to one’s birth mother, grandmother, the mother of one’s children, one’s wife, or any married mother. it is often used as a sigh, interjection or exclamation, in song performance. mbeha: tenor ostinato drum found in bugobogobo and bunuunguli ensembles. literally, ‘reduced’. mbogo: wildebeest horn, considered the emblem or totem of the bagaalu medicine group. mbogoshi: horn used for medicine storage. mbuga: valley, where dark heavy clay soils used for growing sorghums are found. mbuki: meaning, beginning, foundation. midati (s., dati): sticks wrapped in leather, used to beat millet. migilo (s., mgilo): taboo (Kiswahili: mwiko). milanga (s., langa): herding sticks. milimo: work, labor. See also kulima. mimbo (s., lyimbo): songs; mimbo can also mean genre or song type. mitumba (s., ntumba): medicine gourds. miyeye: salt. An older Sukuma term for salt which comes from lake Nyaraja. mpini: hoe handle. Mwalimu: teacher. term of endearment and form of address for Julius Nyerere. n’hambu: history, remembrance, tradition; advice, good talk, good words, wisdom. n’hang’ala, n’handala, n’hang’ali, n’hangale, n’hantala: large (6–8 foot) aerophone horn made from Kudu antelope, or from a tree branch; has a mouth hole in the side of the horn a little below the tip. used by herders and for work association assemblies, used by bagaalu in competition and ceremony, used to convene meetings, was also used by the baja nyalaja to announce departure of the salt caravans to lake Eyasi. n’haningha: aerophone (cow horn or gourd with a stem) with a special bamboo reed, used to call work societies to the work site, introduced to Sukuma region by the Bangoni. in contemporary use, made with plastic tubing and cow horn, because of shortages of wood. See also n’hang’ala. nanga: stick; nanga gwa ng’oma: drumstick. ndeji, ndezi: a circular conus shell insignia worn on the wrist or around the neck, most associated with batemi of the Babinza states. before conus shells reached Usukuma from the east coast, ostrich eggshells were used (Itandala 1983: 45). since chiefdoms were abolished at independence, ndeji are only worn by prominent baliingi or bafumu. Baliingi wear them in their hair, or on their mabuushi (flywhisks) to show that one has won a competition. ndono: an instrument often associated with the balungu but not exclusive to them; a four to six-foot braced monochord musical bow with a permanently attached gourd and tension noose of Hutu origin. the string is divided into two sections of unequal length and therefore plays two different notes, adjusted to suit the vocal range of the performer. the opening of the resonator is vibrated against the player’s chest for varying timbral effects. players hold a seed shell idiophone in an inverted V pattern in the

468

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same hand that they strike either of the two string sections of the ndono with a plectrum crafted from a small stick, creating a percussive rhythm that emphasizes the tones played. ndulilu, ndululu, ndulele: ocarina-like aerophone made from the neck of a calabash or a semicircular cow horn, with large lateral holes bored in the sides at either end and stopped by players’ thumbs. used by the sungusungu vigilante association for calling members to meetings or for emergencies. See also ndulu. ndulu: cry of alarm at dance or battle. See also ndulilu. nganda (s., luganda): clans. ng’hang’hi: prophet. See also kuhang’ha. ng’hiinda: cover term for any kind of bells worn on the legs. a small bell with a small ball inside, shaped like a small cone or boat; ng’hinda ya ng’ombe: cowbell. ng’hunda: drinking cups used as dance accoutrements. believed to lend power and resonance to a singer’s voice. ng’oma: a proto-Bantu term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring drumming and dancing. in Kiswahili, this is rendered as ngoma (pronounced with a hard ‘g’). ngula: reddish rock that is ground, mixed with water, and used for body and facial paint, for dancing. ng’wana: child. most often used in the context of a personal name, where one differentiates oneself from their parents by referring to themselves or others as ng’wana so-and-so (child of so-and-so). ng’wanang’wa: in precolonial times the term referred to wealthy coastal dwellers who sponsored nineteenth century inland caravans. during the British colonial period, the term meant ‘village head man’. since independence the term has come to mean ‘ten cell’ leader, referring to the localized leadership structure used by the CCM. ngano (s., lugano): story; ngano ja baliingi: mythical stories or ‘tall tales’ about baliingi. ngula: reddish rock that is ground, mixed with water, and used for body and facial paint, for dancing. nkola, nkonola: a common dance medicine taken from the root of a kind of thorny tree known as pod mahogany (afzelia quanzinsis). nsumo (s., lusumo): proverbs, dictums, allegories, parables, metaphors; the moral of the story; styles, slogans, tricks in plays, or shenanigans brought the dances. ntindiko: protective medicines. ntindiko ga m’biina (Kiswahili: mazindiko). ntundi: a creative person. See also kutunda. oshikuba: singer in kisumba association or competitive farming association having the strongest, most attractive voice. the group leader. pubha: Nyamwezi or southern Sukuma village variant of beni. punguja: literally, ‘reduction’. the mandatory destocking campaign enacted by the British in the 1950s. samba: ‘charm’ or ‘attractor’ medicines used in dance competitions and everyday life. some of the more well-known samba type dance attractors

glossary of sukuma music-related terms

469

include luhaga, nkonola, sekela, mbeshi, nkanya, kalulume, ikombeja, ihahula, and nkulungu. shantalu: wooden shoes worn by baliingi during the German colonial period. sing’wanda: niingi’s wand, made from a tail of wildebeest or mule or cow, depending on resources. Its use differs with every composer. held high, singers are cued to sing high; if low, singers cued to sing low; forward, everyone should sing; both arms in front and pulling in, to pull the listeners in; pushing arms forward directly, giving the song to the banyalaali (Makanga*) (Kiswahili: shing’wanda). See also businga, mabuushi. shigela: a colloquial Kisukuma term for the Maasai. shigiti: stage, platform, or raised area to store food, or where the niingi stands in performance. designated area where groups’ dance icons like shields and spears are prominently placed when they perform. staff with multiple branches which hold dance medicines. shikiija: name of lead drum in bunuunguli and bukomyaluume; players play rhythms that direct the dancers. shikome: the traditional evening fires of Sukuma homesteads where youths were taught via story-telling, riddling, and song. shilaka: voice, melody. shilungu: protective charm, made from a variety of materials depending on the region (agate, shell, beads, wood, herbs, and roots). worn together with lupingu. a composer will wear it out of respect for paternal masamva, to help him to sing. See also lupingu. shitongelejo: personal belongings of ancestors kept as a pledge of constant remembrance of the ancestors, in order to protect against evil or misfortune. shitumba (s., kitumba): cover term for any kind of small drum, made from anything from tin cans to small trees. used today in buyeye, bugobogobo, bunuunguli, bukomyaluume. TANU: Tanganyikan African National Union. tula m’hundu: to ululate, without adornment. See also m’hundu. ugali: corn meal porridge (Kiswahili). utani: joking relationship (Kiswahili). vigelegele: ululation (Kiswahili). Welelo: fate, God, destiny. wigaashe: the ‘sitting dance’, a genre that developed in the early twentieth century. wigaashe showcases prodigious singer-poets known as baliingi, who compete in elaborate song competitions that can go on for days. wigaashe singers are associated with one of the two medicinal dance moieties known as the bagiika and the bagaalu. See also bucheyeeki. wilaangi: time set aside for teaching, exercise. See also kuilaanga. wilingi: a kind of singing that seeks to scandalize the opponent. See also kulinga. wimeji: joking relationship. See also bupugu, kuimela. yaya: nurse. this is a specialist role played by some women in competitive dance groups; their job is to take care of those bewitched during the m’biina, and to provide essentials of sustenance such as medicine, drinks, snacks etc.

APPENDIX TWO

SUKUMA APHORISMS RELATED TO MUSIC AND LABOR I began collecting Sukuma aphorisms related to music and labor after discovering a collection of published and unpublished papers housed at the Sukuma Archives at the Bujora Cultural Centre. As aphorisms were collected, they were used as cues in feedback interviews for further commentary, corrections, and additions. Aphorisms such as these are used in everyday conversation, and they are used by baliingi to make well-known points in their songs. Bambila ng’oma mwenge nang’hwi udutila. (To cover up a chink in a drum you have worked on.) To tighten the hide on a drum, the drum maker must use his wits. Bugaya nimo bukatwala mva kw’ikulu. (The men without work take a dog to the chief’s house.) Those who do not work are prone to foolish behavior. Bukilimaga buli mungunda. (That which does the farming is in the field.) Those materials that you need to do the work (hoes), and those whom you can rel y on to do the work (farmers), are found in the place where the work is done. There is no point in looking anywhere else for them. Buli mwaluko gulina m’biina yago. (Each age has its own songs.) Fashions come and go over time. Bulugu wa ng’humbi bukapiganilagwa igembe. (The war of the stomach is fought and won with the hoe.) Busiga buli h’iwe bukimbilagwa. (As long as the sorghum is on the grindstone, the singing continues.) Until the matter has finished, the discussion will go on. Deba nzila, utizudeba m’biina. (Know the way, not the dance.) When trying to solve an issue, do not get hung up on the particulars. Fumaga ilima, utizufuma mu nhung’wa. (Leave your farming but not your good ethics.) When the opportunity arises whereby one can leave the work of farming, do not forget the work ethic that comes with farm labor. Gutu gutalembaga. (The ear does not lie.) Those things that one can perceive based on their own experience can be trusted. Gwacha mpini: milimo yacha. (The hoe handle is broken, the work is dead.) Igembe litazumalaga. (The hoe provides recovery.) The hoe will not let anyone down, or forget anyone. Igembe ni ikulu. (A hoe is a great fortress.) The hoe protects the homestead, guarding against poverty and suffering. Igembe litabonaga. (The hoe will be seen.) It is no secret who uses a hoe, to provide for themselves. It is evident in their crops, full stomachs, and outlook on life.

sukuma aphorisms related to music and labor

471

Igembe lyalya bingi. (The hoe has eaten many.) The hoe has buried many. The work of the hoe is difficult, and has seen many of its purveyors come into this life and go. It has itself also buried many. Igembe litalembaga. (A hoe does not lie.) The use of the hoe is the true measure of one’s worth. Igembe ihojo lya myanya yose. (The hoe brings good luck to all ritual endeavor.) Igembe sabo. (The hoe is wealth.) This is an oft-heard aphorism as well as a political slogan. Ilale lya bubi litalimilagwa nguzu. (A poor field is not farmed with great strength.) There is no point in investing time in a project that will yield so little. Ishabulaja ng’wanya nasho ng’wanya. (That which used up your time needed time.) Itagwaga na bulimi. (Rain does not fall because of cultivating.) Some work is useless, sometimes it is best to wait for the right moment. Kali mu ng’oma kamanwa mambi. (That which is in the drum is known by the drum maker.) Some thoughts are hidden in the heart, and are known only by that person. Ku ng’wimbila njibe ukumala mimbo. (To sing to a deaf man is to finish all your songs.) To sing to a deaf man is useless, you are better off taking your songs elsewhere. Kushela ushela winong’ha. (To grind meal, and grind yourself a gift.) Initiative has its rewards. Ludo ludo, nswa nose gingila. (Little by little, the ant enters the rock.) Any large task needs time and concentrated effort, a bit at a time. Lwala lutatobaga buki. (One finger does not collect honey.) It takes the collective labor of many to get the farming task done. Magembe gali hamo abili gatakijaga kwikumya. (Two hoes eventually strike together.) Two people working together in a marriage are bound to come to conflict. Makono: Nina wa munhu. (The hands: The mother of a man.) The labor produce by the hands are the true provider. Malika gatashilaga wiza. (The goodness and usefulness of a farmers’ association is never used up.) Voluntary associations provide labor support, encouragement, and entertainment to its members, and should not be taken for granted. Mambi lya ng’oma akadutilaga kwipande lyakwe. (The drum maker pulls the hide to his side.) Just as in dance competitions, so in life; every individual will build himself up. The parents of the daughter about to be married will claim that their daughter treats farming as play. Mambi lya ng’oma atajibinilaga n’iwe. (The maker of the drum does not dance to it.) The father does not marry his child, but sends her off. The same is true with the drum maker, who produces items that inevitably belong to someone else. Mibi ungi, nu nhelembi ungi. (The sower is one man, the harvester another.) Every task in this life requires a specific kind of temperament.

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Mihayo miliji kutindya ng’oma. (Words cry louder than a drum.) Words carry more weight than mere sounds. If you say something malicious to child, they will remember it until you die, while the drum has already stopped a long time ago. Milimo ya kwandya ina gojo. (The first work is to practice.) Preparation in any endeavor is critical. Ndilile itibaga wimba. (The man who has eaten his fill does not forget to sing.) The one who has eaten well has much for which to be thankful. Ng’oma ulu kulila no ikatandagukaga. (If the drum is beaten very hard it breaks.) If you teach someone, pushing them too hard, they will leave and just go on their own business. Or, if you praise a child too much they will become spoiled. Nsimbiji wasimbilile chiza tudegeleka ha kulumba. (The digger dug well, lets see how they do with the roof.) The work has begun well and is under way, let’s see how it gets completed. Omjika majembe akibaga. (The one who has grown old forgets his hoes.) It is important to forgive the shortcomings of the elderly, in the same way that they forgave you when you were young. Ubibila mu mhangala. (To plant in the dry month [January].) To do a foolish thing. Ugutu halina maskini. (The ears are not poor.) To rely on one’s experience will suffice. Ukwipuna kulima ukunkija nani? (So you get out early to plant, who are you ahead of?) The rains come when they come, there is no point in expecting them. Ulitulila ng’oma mu minzi. (You are beating your drum under water.) Told to someone who is wasting time, ‘casting pearls before swine’. Zinzi yane na binila ijima na lyela. (I have used both newly used and wornout hoes to play at my wedding dance.) It takes all kinds to makeup a society.

APPENDIX THREE

SIGNIFICANT EVENTS IN SUKUMA HISTORY History in Sukuma culture is accounted for according to significant events of memory, concerning specific, commonly-recognized temporal epochs. Songs are remembered in relation to these epochs and events. What follows is a timeline of some of the more significant historical occurrences referenced by the songs in this collection. Many dates prior to the mid-nineteenth century are approximations based on mission records, genealogical data, and oral narratives. Nganda (Clans) Epoch (1500s–1800) –1600s 1700s [late]

The hero Nkanda’s migration to the Sukuma region from Uganda. Bangoni migrations from the south. Butemi (Chiefdoms) Epoch (Late 1700s–1890)

1820s–1850s 1852 1858 1870–1880 1870–1884 1872–1896 1883 1883–1884 1884–1885 1885–1886 1889–1890

First documented Sukuma-Nyamwezi caravans to the coast. An Arab trading center is established at Tabora. English explorer Richard Speke reaches lake Victoria (Nyanza). Bagiika medicinal association founded. Reign of ntemi Mirambo in Unyamwezi. Makanza ga Ndokeji (Active period of the Scot trader Stokes). White Fathers set up mission in Bukumbi. Bulugu wa Bukumbi na Bulima (war between Bukumbi and Bulima). Bulugu wa Busagala na Nera (war between Busagala and Bulima). Bulugu wa Sengerema na Bulima (war between Sengerema and Bulima). Stanley passes through the Sukuma region. German Colonial Epoch (1890–1919)

1890 1897 1897–1900 1901

German colonial government established. First German ‘Hut tax’ established. Nzala ya mitindu (‘Famine of tree bark’). Nzala ya masanzo (‘Famine of baskets’).

474 1902 1905–1919 1906–1908 1912 1914–1918 1919

appendix three German farmer Wiegand begins cotton plantation in Nera. Sukuma prophet ng’wana Malundi jailed for sedition. Maji Maji crisis in southern Tanganyika. Simba Sana (‘Dig Deep’; Tie-ridge building campaign). World War I. Nzala ya maharagwe (‘Famine of beans’). British Colonial Epoch (1919–1961)

1920 1922 1920 1923 1924–1925 1926–1928 1929 1931–1932 1933–1934 1936 1938 1939–1945 1945 1948–1949 1951 1952 1954–1959 1953 1954 1954

German East Africa is renamed Tanganyika Territory. Declaration of Mandated Territory of Tanganyika under British rule. Instigation of British ‘hut tax’; multiple wives tax. Formation of TACSA (Tanganyika African Civil Servants Association). Cotton established as chief cash crop of Mwanza province. Mwanza-Tabora railway is built. Nzala ya Balugwa (‘Famine of Balugwa’). British ‘Plant More Crops’ campaigns. Nzala ya nzige (‘Famine of locusts’). British make ivory hunting illegal. Nzala ya mandege (‘Famine of corn’). World War II. Sukuma chiefdoms become federated under colonial rule. Nzala ya legu legu (‘Famine of maize flour’). First radio station established in Dar es Salaam. VCFU established (Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions). Mau Mau crisis in Kenya. Julius Nyerere returns from study abroad. First Ngudu agricultural show. TANU (Tanganyika National Union) political party formed. Uhuru (Independence) Epoch (1961–1968)

1961 1962 1962 1964 1965 1965 1967 1968

Tanganyika wins independence, Julius Nyerere becomes Prime Minister. Julius Nyerere becomes president of Tanganyika. Chiefdoms abolished nationwide. Tanganyika is renamed United Republic of Tanzania. Julius Nyerere reelected for second five year term. Paul Bomani loses seat as Finance Minister. TANU adopts Julius Nyerere’s Azimio la Arusha (‘Arusha Declaration’). Ilemela prison disaster (thirteen people suffocated in crowded prison cell).

significant events in sukuma history

475

Ujamaa (Socialist) Epoch (1968–1992) 1973 1974 1977

Julius Nyerere announces ‘villagization’ policy. Nzala ya gada or nzala ya magembe (‘Famine of hoes’). CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi) Party of the Revolution established. 1979–1980 Tanzania’s war against Idi Amin in Uganda. 1983 Prime Minister Edward Sokoine initiates campaign against ‘economic sabotage’. 1985 Ali Hassan Mwinyi accepts presidency. 1992 Tanzanian government legalizes opposition parties. 1995 First multiparty elections held, Benjamin Mkapa wins presidency.

APPENDIX FOUR

LIST OF INTERVIEWS CITED All interviews herein were conducted in Kiswahili and Kisukuma. They were recorded in a variety of formats to include hi-8 and digital videocassette (DVC), audio cassette tape, and minidisc (MD). Sukuma personal names carry an intricate sense of personal identity, and literally consist of a first name given at birth, a family or clan name, and the name of the person’s father (signified by ‘ng’wana’, or child-of ). Some people may have Christian or Muslim names that they prefer to go by as well. Further, Sukuma musicians have ‘dance’ names, adopted from their teachers, as well as names of derision that are used by their dance opponents that they nevertheless may be known by. Thus Hamala ng’wana Chiila (ng’wana Chiila being ‘child of Chiila’ or son of the biological father) could also be Hamala Chiila ng’wana Shing’hini, or ‘child of Shing’hini’, his niingi teacher. For interviews with musicians, the person’s most prominent dance name was used in this research. For other interviews, the birth and family name were used. bacheyeeki dance association. Village of Miswaki. Group interview, 7 July 1994. banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani (elder’s council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani): Ng’wana Njile Kishosha Nyumbani, George Ng’wandwi Nyumbani, Kuba Nyumbani, Ndege Nyumbani, Petro Nyumbani, Salasala Nyumbani. Village of Ngulyati. Group interviews 10–14 December 1994; 17–21 March 1995; 19–21 October 2006. Budaka, Mashauri. Born 1946. Farmer, fisherman. Town of Magu. Interviewed 22 August 2006. Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana. Born 1973. Pubha singer. Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed 6 August 1995. Bulahya, Buseng’wa ng’wana. Born 1916. Nfumu (healer) and retired bucheyeeki, wigaashe and malingishe singer. Village of Fumagila. Interviewed 20 November 1994. Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana. Born 1963. Farmer and katibu msaidizi (assistant clerk) of Bakula K’halanga (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) farming dance group. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed on several occasions July to October, 1994. Butemi, Hoja ng’wana. Born 1970. Farmer and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 7 September 1994. Buyobe Bakiima of Ng’wasubuya (Women’s Neighbor Association of Ng’wasubuya). Village of Ng’wasubuya. Interviewed 23 July 1994. Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’humbi Shing’hini ng’wana. Born 1937. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and pubha dance leader. Village of Ng’wajigiinya. Interviewed on several occasions 15–19 August 1995.

list of interviews cited

477

Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana. 1939–2005. Wigaashe singer. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed 21 December 1994. Gamaya, Kuliga ng’wana. Born 1905. Farmer, former ng’wanang’wa (chief’s councilman). Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed 9 August 1995. Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana. Born 1966. Bunuunguli singer & nfumu (healer). Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed by 8 August 1995. Itandala, Buluda. Professor of History, University of Dar es Salaam. Interviewed 23 October, 1995. Jishosha, Pius Ngasa. Born 1934. Nfumu (healer). City of Dar es Salaam. Interviewed 23 August 1999. Jiyoga, Sawaka ng’wana. Born 1937. Pubha dance leader. Village of Ng’wajiginya. Interviewed 17 August 1995. Jonge, Nunhya. Born 1924. Farmer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed by author June 1994. Kabujiku. Born aprox 1920. Farmer, Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed 20 December 1994. Kadelyia, Salu. 1956–1998. Farmer, buyeye dance group leader. Village of Isangidgo. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994. Kalunde, Juma Mashaka. Born 1954. Mwanza Cultural Affairs administrator and secondary school teacher. City of Mwanza. Interviewed on several occasions July 1994 to October 1995; July 2006. Kasongo, Ng’ollo. 1961–2003. Bunuunguli dancer and Kujitegemea (Self-reliance) dance association leader. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed on several occasions December 1994 to October 1995; and July 1999. Kema, Sylvester. Born 1960. Teacher, Mary Knoll Language School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, September–October, 2006. Kifaru (Rhinoceros). Born 1960. Bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995. Kihamuja, Kadenge. Born 1958. Farmer, bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995. Kiyogo, Njile. Born 1958. Farmer, bugobogobo dancer and leader of Bakula Kalang’ha (Ground Nut Pickers) farming dance group. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 13 July 1994. Liaku, Fitta ng’wana. Born 1961. Farmer, bukomyaluume dance leader. Town of Magu. Interviewed 16 September 1995; 23 August 2006. Lubasa, B.A. Born approx. 1940. Teacher (Butimba Teacher’s Training College) and folklorist. Village of Butimba. Interviewed 2 August 1995; September 2006. Lubimbi, Magdelena. Born approx. 1959. School teacher, Mary Knoll Language School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, September– October, 2006. Lubimbi, William. Born approx. 1940. Retired school teacher, Mary Knoll Language School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, September–October, 2006 (see Extended Oral Biographies of Select Commentators). Lupande, Joseph. Born 1951. Folklorist and healer. Bujora centre and town of Magu. Interviewed on several occasions 1988, 1993–1996, 2006.

478

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Lusana, Paulo ‘Kisatu’. Born 1968. Bunuunguli dancer and Kujitegemea (Selfreliance) dance group member. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed on several occasions December 1994 to October 1995; December–May 1998. Lutonja, Lameck Masele. Born 1965. Music student, University of Dar es Salaam. City of Mwanza. Interviewed 3 August; 23 October 1995. Maduka, Suzanna Martin. Born approx. 1975. Housewife, farmer. Town of Kisessa. Interviewed on several occasions 1993 to 1996, 2004, 2006. Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila. Born 1964. Folklorist, bugobogobo dance leader. Bujora centre. Interviewed on several occasions August 1993; June 1994– October 1995; 1999; 2004; 2006. Magaka, Pius Makoye ng’wana. Born 1966. Farmer, musician, Village of Matale. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995, October 2006. Magongo, Busiya. Born 1905. Retired bucheyeeki singer, Village of Miswaki. Interviewed July 1994. Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana. Born 1972. Farmer, Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) women’s group singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 11 September 1994. Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana. Born 1947. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and pubha singer. Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed on several occasions August 1995. Makoye, Mkina. Born 1951. Farmer, nfumu (healer). Town of Magu. Interviewed 22 August 2006. Malando, Maria ‘Semeni’ Sago ng’wana. Born 1971. Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) women’s group composer, wife of Charles Kasubi. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 11 September 1994. Malehe, Jige. Born 1924. Manga (woman’s healer) and wigaashe singer. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed 20 December 1994. Manyangu, Hezron Masuka. Born 1941. Farmer, retired secondary school teacher. Town of Magu. Interviewed 1 August 2006. Masalu, Michael. 1933–2006. Farmer, bucheyeeki singer and founder of Shirika ya Daraja la Wakulima na Utamaduni Wao. Village of Nyamadoke. Interviewed on several occasions, 23 September 1995; July–October 2006. Massesa, Stephen Peter. Born approx. 1972. Folklorist and program coordinator of Plan International Mwanza. City of Mwanza. Interviewed on several occasions 1994–1995. Masunga, Sotinge Masanja ng’wana. Born 1946. Farmer, mfumu (healer) and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 6 July 1994. Masunga, Inara. Born 1977. Pubha musician. Village of Ng’wajiginya. Interviewed 16 August 1995. Masayi, Earnesti. Born unknown. Farmer, bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995. Matembe, Mbonje ng’wana. Born 1944. Farmer, bucheyeeki singer. Village of Bunamhala. Interviewed 25 July 1994. Mbuni, Steven. Born 1941. Farmer, CCM local administrator. Town of Magu. Interviewed 27 July 2006.

list of interviews cited

479

Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana. Born 1959. Farmer and bucheyeeki composer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 12 September 1994. Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana. Born 1962. Wigaashe dance group leader and farmer. Village of Sang’a. Interviewed 9 September 1994. Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana. 1915–2001. Farmer and retired bunuunguli dance leader. Village of Isangidjo and Bujora centre. Interviewed on several occasions 20 and 22 December 1994; 23 February 1995; October 1995. Miswaki wigaashe singers. Machimu ng’wana Ndoga, Mishaka ng’wana Ng’webeya, ng’wana Nyamu, ng’wana Tundo, ng’wana Nyanda, Edward Shing’oma, and Siita ng’wana Mabushu. Village of Miswaki. Group interview 12 September 1994. Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili ng’wana. Born 1938. Farmer, bugobogobo dance group leader. Village of Seke. Interviewed 15 January 1995. Mhogota, Siita Mabushi ng’wana. Born 1930. Farmer and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 26 July 1994. Msombi, James. Born approx. 1940. Bucheyeeki dance leader. Village of Bujora. Interviewed September 1995. Mtenga, Primus Akwaanza. Associate Professor of Engineering, Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU). City of Tallahassee, FL. Interviewed 25 December 2008. Munegela, Lukas Miludumo ng’wana. Born aprox. 1975. Farmer & banuunguli (porcupine hunters) dance society leader. Town of Kisesa ‘B’. Interviewed 6 January 1995. Ndokeji, Simoni. Born 1959. Painter. Town of Kisessa. Interviewed on several occasions 1988 to 1996, 1999, 2003, 2006. Ng’ata, Mayunga. Born 1970. CCM Mwenyekiti (Chairman) of village of Miswaki and wigaashe bugidu singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 1 September 1994. Ng’humbi, Bundu. Born approx. 1940. Farmer. Village of Ng’wajigiinya. Interviewed 16 August 1995. Ngoya, Balele. Born 1958. Farmer, bunuunguli (Porcupine Hunters) drummer and Kujitegemea (Self-reliance) dance society member. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed December 1994 to April 1995. Ng’wanang’wa, Izang’hi. Born 1966. Farmer and Bakula Kalang’ha (Ground Nut Pickers) farming dance group member. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed on several occasions July to October 1994. Nkwabi, Kalulumila ng’wana. Born 1905. Farmer. Village of Ng’wasubuya. Interviewed 20 July 1994. Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili. Born approx. 1940. Farmer, bugobogobo dance leader. Village of Matale. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995; October 2006. Ntamanwa, Julius. Born 1960. Farmer, bugobogobo dance teacher. Village of Sambaguli. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995; August 2004; October 7th, 2006. Nyumbani, Njile Kishosha ng’wana. Born approx 1942. Farmer, drum maker and buyege dance association member, Village of Ngulyati. Interviewed 21 March 1995; October 2006.

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Nzwilendo, Lushita ng’wana. Born 1932. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and retired bucheyeeki dance leader. Village of Kisessa. Interviewed 23 October 1994. Seso, John. Born 1950. Farmer. Village of Seke. Interviewed 19 August 1995. Shing’oma, Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’. Born 1912. Cotton farmer and retired school teacher. Village of Gambos. Interviewed August 26; 12 September 1994. Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana. Born approx. 1979. Wigaashe singer. Village of Sanga. Interviewed 8 September 1994. Songoyi, Elias Manandi ‘Ikunza lya Mbisu’. Professor of Literature, (University of Dodoma, formerly of University of Dar es Salaam and The Open University, Dar es Salaam). Interviewed on several occasions May-July; October 1995; July 1999; June 2004; July 2006. Suluja, Nelson. M.A. student, Florida State University. Interviewed on several occasions May 2005–October 2007.

APPENDIX FIVE

EXTENDED ORAL BIOGRAPHIES OF SELECT COMMENTATORS Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’humbi Shing’hini (ng’wana): Mimi, ninatoka Tabora. Nilikuwa mchezaji, mlogi, na mganga. Wakati nilizaliwa, jina langu lilikuwa Kiyoga, maana nilikuwa nililia sana. Kuitwa hilo siku hizi, ni heshima kubwa, maana mpaka sasa ninalia na ninapiga kilele sana mbele ya watu. Najua dawa kwa ajili ya kuloga watu, dawa ambazo nimezipata kutoka na bacheye na banuunguli, nimelipa ng’oma kwa ajili ya mambo haya. Nimeanza kama mchezaji wa iginya, baada ya kujifunza kutoka rafiki mmoja, ambaye alikuwa mfuasi ya Pembe. Nilianza kufanya mambo haya wakati nilifika umri wa kumi na moja, wakati nilifanya mashindano, na nilishinda, lakini sikujulikana wakati ule. Nilicheza ng’oma hii mwaka mzima. Baadaye, nilienda Mwadui, kazi yangu ilikuwa kuchunga ng’ombe wa bw. William. Niliona walikuwa na iginya pale pia, lakini iliitwa bucheyeeki. Halafu nilianza buzoli, niliifanya mwaka mzima, halafu nilirudi na iginya. Wakati ule nilikutana na mtu ambaye alinifundisha dawa zaidi. Kwa maana uko nyumbani, dawa hizo hazifai, tulikuwa na dawa za kutibu watu na kupasuka kuku tu. Basi, nilikuwa umri wa kumi na tano wakati nilianza utafiti zaidi wangu wa dawa. Nilianza kutibu watu, na kutibu watoto. Nilitumia mazindiko. Halafu niliacha kufanya iginya, nilitoka Mwadui, na nilienda kwenye kampi kuchunga ng’ombe karibu na numbani yangu, na nilianza kucheza bucheye. Wakati ule hatukuwa na mambo ya bagiika na bagaalu, hawajatufikia. Banuunguli tu, banuunguli ya kweli, wao ambao wanaingia kwenye mashimo kuwinda. Wakati ule bacheye na banuunguli walikuwa kikundi kimoja. Hapo kwenye kampi ya bucheye, tulijifunza kweli mambo ya dawa ya mashindano. Tulijifunza kweli jinzi ya kufanya mambo mabaya, hata jinzi ya kuua watu. Wakati ule, bunuunguli ulikuwa tofauti kabisa. Wakati ule, tulitumia njuga. Michezo miwili zilikuwepo pamoja. Basi, watu walicheza na njuga, na ‘walicheyeka’. Tulikuwa na kiongozi, ambaye aliituimbia, na alisambaza nyimbo zote kati wote. Bayeye walivaa mavazi nzuri na walionekana vizuri. Bado ya hapo, nilianza kufanya pubha. Pubha zilianza na michezo nyingine zilipungua. Wakati ule nilianza kuitwa Hamala ng’wana Chiila. Nilikuwepo Busia. Nilianza kushindana na Butemele, kutoka Malili, mfuasi wa Luzuba, ndiyo tulikuwa pamoja kwenye kikundi kimoja cha bucheye. Wakati uli, ulilazimishwa kuangalia kila hatua barabarani, kwa hiyo ulibeba nzindiko. Ng’oma hizo zilikuwa mashauri sana, uliweza kuenda mahala asubuhi na imeshajaa na watu. Ndiyo ni wakati nilianza, nilijaribu, niliuliza mwalimu wangu ruhusa. Nilikuwa nilianza kucheza nyumbani, halafu asubuhi yake nilienda kwenye mbuga. Kwa hiyo, wakati ule, nimeshaanza kuleta silaha zote kwenye mbuga ya kucheza. Pia, nimeshapata wafuasi wengi. Wakati huu wa kwanza ulitokea wiki mzima.

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Tulianza kucheza pubha. Halafu kulikuwa watu wengi wakakimbia hapo na pale, walilogwa, tulisikia adui yetu alishindwa, sauti yake zilikauka, au mwili yake ulivimba. Kama hii ulitokea, basi ameshindwa. Baada ya hapo tulienda nyumbani, tulichinja ng’ombe, zilete na wanafunzi wote na mashabiki. Nimeshamua, nilimshinda. Halafu tulikuwa na sherehe kubwa. (Me, I am from Tabora. I have been a dancer, a bewitcher, and a healer. When I was born, my nickname was Kiyoga, because I made a lot of noise when I was born. To be called that today is a real honor, because I can make a lot of noise in front of people. I understand medicine for bewitching, medicine that I got from the bacheye and the banuunguli, I paid cows for that stuff. I started out as an iginya dancer, after having learned from a friend, who was a follower of Pembe. I started doing this when I was about thirteen years old, this was indeed when I did my first competition, and won. But people did not really know about me yet at that time. I played this ng’oma for about a year. Afterward, I went to Mwadui, my job was to watch the cows of bw. William. I saw that they had iginya over there also, but there it was called bucheyeeki. Then I started buzoli, I did that for a year, then I went back to iginya. By then I met someone who taught me about some more medicines. Because there at my home, the medicines were truly terrible, we only had medicines for treating people, and for doing chicken divinations. So, I was about fifteen when I started the dawa research. I started to treat people, and to treat children. I used mazindiko. Then I stopped doing iginya, at the time I left Mwadui, and went to the camp where I was watching cattle near my home, and I started to play bucheye. There was no word at this time yet of the bagika and the bagalu, it had not reached us. Only the banuunguli, the real banuunguli, the ones who went into holes for hunting. At that time the bacheye and the banuunguli were the same group. Here at the bucheye camp, is was where I really learned about the competition medicines. We really learned how to do some nasty stuff, even how to kill people. In those days bunuunguli was something different. In those days we used leg rattles. Both of those dances were there together, banuunguli and bayeye. So, people would dance with leg rattles, and ‘danced their shoulders’. We had our leader who would sing to us all, and spread the songs among everyone. Bayeye wore nice clothes, and looked really nice. After that, I started to do pubha. Pubha caught on and the other dances in our area disappeared. This was when I started to be called Hamala ng’wana Chiila. I was at Busia at the time. I started to compete with Butemele, from Malili, a follower of Luzuba, indeed we were together in the same bucheye group. At that time, you had to watch your step on the road, because you could be bewitched with medicines, so you had to carry around the antibodies. Those ng’oma were wildly popular, you could go in the morning and the dancing ground would already be filled up. That is when I decided I would try, I would ask my permission of my teacher. I would start our dance around the home, then, the next day we would move to the territory. So at that time, I was already bringing all my weapons to the dance site. I also already had so many followers. This first occasion lasted for about a week. We started to play pubha. Then there was a lot of running around, going over there and getting bewitched, you would hear that your enemy was beaten, his voice dried up, or his whole body was swollen. If that were to happen, then indeed he has lost,

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this would be the decision. After that, we would go home, slaughter a cow, give it to the dance students and to the fans. I already killed him, I won. We would then have a big celebration.) Kema, Sylvester: Nimezaliwa Sayu Sayu, Wilaya ya Maswa. Kwa sasa naishi Kidema. Nimesoma mpaka darasa la saba, nikamaliza, nikaanza mambo ya kufundisha katichista, kama mwalimu, miaka mengi sana. Na nimekuja hapa kama kijana sana mpaka sasa. Wazazi wangu walikuwa watu wa madawa madawa wote. Baba alikuwa niingi, lakini amefariki, na baba mdogo alikuwa nfumu, alitwa Ng’home, ni kipofu lakini alikuwa alijulikana kila sehemu. Kwa kifupi ni hivyo. (I was born in Sayu Sayu, District of Maswa. Up to now I live in Kidema. I studied up to grade seven, I finished, and I started to teach as a catechist, as a teacher, for many years. Now I came here as a very young man, up to now. My parents were people of medicines, both. My father was a niingi, but he has passed on, my uncle was a medicine man, named Ng’home. He was blind, but he was known everywhere. In short, that is it.) Liaku, Fita (ng’wana): Mimi, natoka kijiji cha Lugeye, wilaya ya Magu. Mimi ni ng’wana kikundi cha mzee Liaku. Mzee Liaku alikuwa kiongozi wa kikundi wanaitwa bakomyaluume. Bakomyaluume, walitokana na ng’oma ya bagobogobo. Wakati bugobogobo upo bukomyaluume ulikuwa hayupo, ulikuwa buyeye. Yule babu, ng’wana Liaku, alikuwa mdogo, wakati alikuwa, ng’oma ilikuwa pale nyumbani. Wakati anacheza, yule mtoto ng’wana Liaku, naye alikuwa alifuata kwa nyuma, wakacheza buyeye. Badaaye, akaanza kulima, baada ya kulima pale, wakapambanishwa na bagobogobo. Walikuwa wakapewa na ng’ombe, wakaanza kulima, wakatumia mashindano. (Me, I am from the village of Lugeye, Province of Magu. I am a ‘child’ of the group of the elder Liaku. Elder Liaku was the leader/founder of the bakomyaluume. The bakomyaluume, they came from the ng’oma of the bagobogobo. When the bugobogobo dance was there in its prime, the bukomyaluume dance was not there, it was the buyeye dance that was there. This grandfather, ng’wana Liaku, when he was young, the ng’oma was there at his home. When he played, this young boy ng’wana Liaku, he followed along when they played buyeye. Later, he began to farm, after farming there, they broke away from the bagobogobo. They were paid with cattle, and when they started to farm, they competed.) Lubimbi, Magdelena: Mimi naitwa mama Lubimbi, Magdelena, binti Sultan. Nimezaliwa 1951. Mimi nimezaliwa Mkoa wa Mwanza, kijiji cha Bukumbi. Nimesomea hapo shule, na, badaaye, nimemaliza elimu ya msingi darasa la saba. Badaaye, nimekuja kujiendeleza shule ya secondary, na nimefikia kidatu cha nne. Nimekuwa mwalimu wa Shule ya Lugha, tangu mwaka 79, lakini kabla ya hapo, niliweza kufundisha watoto wadogo. Mpaka sasa hivi, mimi ni mwalimu, mimi ni mama hapa nyumbani, nafundisha Kiswahili, vile vile nafundisha Kisukuma. Nilipenda kuimba, nilipenda kucheza, tangu nilikuwa mtoto. (Me, I am called mama Lubimbi, Magdelena, daughter of Sultan. I was born in 1951. I was born in Mwanza province, the village of Bukumbi. I was taught in school there, and, afterward, I finished my primary school education, seventh grade. Afterward, I came to continue my secondary school

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education, where I completed form four [twelfth grade]. I have been a teacher at [Makoko] Language School since [19]79, but before that, I also taught primary school. Until now, I am a teacher, I am a mother at home, I teach Kiswahili, and sometimes I teach Kisukuma. I love to sing, and I love to dance, since I was a child.) Lubimbi, William. Nimezaliwa mkoa wa Mwanza, nchi ya Tanzania, 1942. Na nimesomea uko uko Mwanza. Nimesoma mpaka darasa la nane. Baadaye nikaoa, 1967. 1968 nimekuja kufundisha, Shule ya Lugha. Na nimefundisha muda mrefu, tangu 1968, hadi 1998, nikastaafu. Na kabla ya pale, tulikuwa tulienda semina mbalimbali, hasa za utunzi za vitabu vya lugha na utamaduni, uko Mwanza, Bujora. Sasa hivi nipo hapo tu nyumbani. Nilipokuwa kijana, nilikuwa nilicheza bugobogobo, buyeye, na ndono. Hizo ndiyo nilikuwa nilizicheza. (I was born in Mwanza region, the country of Tanzania, 1942. I studied there in Mwanza. I studied up to the eighth grade. Afterward, I married, in 1967. In 1968 I came to teach, at the Language School. Now I taught for a long time, from 1968 to 1998, then I retired. Before that time, we had attended several seminars, especially those for putting together books for language and culture, there in Mwanza, Bujora. Nowadays I am just here at home. When I was a teenager, I played bugobogobo, buyeye, na ndono. These are indeed the dances I performed.) Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela (ng’wana). Mimi, nilianza na beni, wakati nilikuwa karibu na miaka ishirini na tano. Wakati ule nilikuwa mwanafunzi, nilikuwa mwanafunzi karibu na miaka kumi na tatu. Halafu wakati nilifikiri nilikuwa na mafunzo ya kutosha, na nilikuwa tayari pamoja na uwezo ya kuvuta washabiki, niliamua kuanza kutumia dawa hizo ambazo nilifundishwa nao. Baada ya beni niliingia sasa na wigaashe. Nilifanya hii karibu na miaka tano, nilitaka kujua kama ningejifunza nini kutoka na ng’oma hii, kunisaidia badaaye. Halafu niliingia na bugobogobo, wakati wa karibu na miaka mitatu, maana nilikuwa na sehemu nya ardhi ambao nilikuwa nilianza kulima. Nilianza kuona kwamba nilipata vitu kweli kutoka na ng’oma hii. Wakati huu nilianza kuitwa jina hilo mpya (ng’wana Makanga), ni kwa sababu nilikuwa safi mno, jinzi ambao nilikuwa nilivaa. Halafu nilianza kutibu watu, na ugonjwa kama maumivu ya nyoka. Nilikuwa nili ladha na kutumia sehemu ya michezo hizo mbalimbali, kujifunza mambo zote, na kuacha sehemu ambazo hazifai kwangu. Nilikuwa nilialikwa na watu wengi na vikundi vingi, kwenda kuimba au kutoa shauri kuhusu mambo fulani, au kuwasukuma na kuwasindikiza kwenye michezo fulani. (Me, I started with beni, when I was about twenty-five years old. At that time I was a student, I had been a student for about thirteen years. Then it seemed that I had had enough of that, and that I was ready, I could draw a crowd, thus I decided to start using the medicines I was learning. After beni I went to wigaa’she. I was involved with that for about five years, I wanted to see what I could learn from that ng’oma, which might help me later. Then I got into bugobogobo, for about three years, because I had a piece of land that I was starting to farm. I saw the advantages that you could really get something from this ng’oma. It was at that time that I started getting this new name (ng’wana Makanga), because I was the best, and

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I was having the best clothes. Then I went on to cure people, of some minor ailments such as snakebites. I was taking and choosing all the good aspects of these various dances, learning from all them, and leaving those not suitable. Many different kinds of groups would then invite me to come sing, to come and be a part of this, come be a part of that, or to give some advice on this thing or that, or even to see them off when they go to play an ng’oma.) Masalu, Michael: Nimezaliwa Mwanza, 1935. Mimi ni mzee, lakini bado ninazungumza, baado ninafanya kazi! Nilikuwa na kaka watano, wane, wamefariki. Na nina dada wawili, wako Sinza na mji yao. Mimi, nilipokuwa mdogo, nilianza kucheza mchezo kidogo, na wachezaji wenginie, kama bucheye, wigaashe, halafu badaaye, nilianza kuingia mafunzo ya dini. 1959, nilianza kufundisha dini Bujora, kwa sababu ya Padre Klementi. Yeye alipenda nifundisha, mimi. Nilikaa Bujora, hapo Bujora tulianza kufanya kazi ya makumbusho, ya kutafuta vitu. Mwaka 64, tukafanya kumbusho ya kwanza, na tulijaribu kufanya kazi haya kweli. Mwaka 63, nilioa mwanamke, na ninayo mpaka sasa, tulizaa mtoto mmoja, mwanaume. Katika maisha ambalo niliishi Bujora, zaidi ya miaka ishirini, kutoka 59 mpaka 84, ndiyo ni mwaka nilimaliza kazi yangu Bujora. Nikarudi nyumbani. Nikaendelea kufundisha dini, kanisani hapa Nyamadoke. Halafu baadaye, tukaanza shirika kidogo, la Daraja [ya Wakulima na Utamaduni Wao], na tukapata marafiki, kutoka Denmaki, na tuliwafundisha pamoja na Edward Ntemi. Elf moja mia tisa themanini na tano, tulianza kujenga tawi Nyamadoke, kuendelea kukaribisha wageni, na tulifanya hivyo mpaka 2001. Sasa, mimi na mke wangu tunaishi hapo, kama wazee. Tunasaidiana, na tunakaribisha kazi mbalimbali, na wageni mbalimbali, ndugu zetu, na jamaa zetu. Haya ndiyo ni maisha yangu na historia yangu, kwa kifupi. (I was born in Mwanza, 1935. I am an elder, but I can still speak, I am still working! I [am of a family of ] five brothers, four, have passed on. I have two sisters, they are there in Sinza with their homesteads. Me, when I was young, I started to play [ng’oma] a bit, such as bucheye and wigaashe, then afterward, I began my religious training. 1959, I started to teach religion at Bujora, because of Padre Clements. He wanted me to teach. I stayed at Bujora, and there at Bujora we started to do museum work, the work of looking for [cultural] items. The year of [19]64, we opened up the first museum, and we really started to do this work. In the year of [19]63, I married a woman, and I am with her up to now, we raised one child, a son. During my life that I lived at Bujora, more than twenty years, from [19]59 to [19]84, that was the indeed when I finished my work at Bujora. I returned home. I began to teach religion, at the church here in Nyamadoke [village]. Then later, we started this small cooperative, of ‘The Bridge [for Farmers and Their Culture]’, and we made many [overseas] friends, from Denmark, and we taught them together with Edward Ntemi. [19]85, we started to build a branch office in Nyamadoke, in order to continue welcoming [overseas] guests, and we did this until 2001. Now, my wife and I we live here, as elders. We help one another, we welcome many different kinds of work, and many different guests, our comrades, and our family. This is indeed the story of my life and my history, in short.)

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Ntamanwa, Julius: Mimi kuzaliwa kwangu, ni humu kijijini humu, mwaka kuzaliwa, 1956. Mimi ni mkulima tu. 1963 nikaanza shule. Halafu nikawa mgonjwa, nikatoka nikaenda sehemu za Geita. Nikaacha shule, baada ya kutoka kule, nikatoka huku nikaanza kucheza ng’oma, yaani ng’oma yenyewe tukiita pachanga. Baada ya kuendea na pachanga, nikaona haina maana, nikaona afadhali nikafuata utamaduni uliokuwa ulichezwa na wazee, hawa ambao walianza kucheza bugobogobo wakati walikuwa vijana. Nikaufuatia sasa mchezo huo. Ni kazi ya wakulima tu, mimi ni mkulima. (Me, I was born right here in this village, year of birth, 1956. I am just a farmer. In 1963, I started school. Then I became sick, I left and went to Geita. I left school, after leaving there, I left and started to play ng’oma indeed the ng’oma known as pachanga. After doing pachanga, I saw that it had little meaning, and that it would be better if I followed the cultural traditions played by the elders, those that started to play bugobogobo when they were young. I followed now this genre. Just the work of a farmer, I am indeed a farmer.) Sawaka, Jiyoga (ng’wana): Mimi, ninatoka kijiji cha Jijongo, umri wa sitini na sita. Kutoka zamani, nimecheza beni, nimeanza na ng’oma hii. Nilifundishwa na Chiila. Siwezi kuanza kuhesabu watu wangapi nimeshindana nao. Na ninaweza kushindana, na hasa kuloga watu. Nimeshindana na Nguta (ngalu), Gasema, ng’wana Kagikulu, Ishembe (nyeye, wa Nkuli), na Mhondelo (wa Luzuba). Hadi sasa, bado nashindanana, lakini ninafundisha ng’oma zaidi, na mimi ni msaidizi wa kikundi cha vijana fulani. Hakuna kazi nyingine ambazo ninaweza kufanya. Kwenye mashindano yangu ya kwanza, Inalo alikuja kwangu, maana alitaka kushindana, hakupenda kushindana na vijana. Kwanza nilikataa, nilimwambia ‘Wewe ni mtoto tu, sitaki kuharibu jina langu’. Wengene wangesikia ningalishindana naye, wangekasirika mimi. Lakini alinisukuma, kijiji chake walimtaka kushindana nami, na kumbe nilitoka kijiji kwao, kwa hiyo ningekataa je? Mwishowe tuliamua ‘Ndio, tunaweza kufanyia, tupange wakati’, na tulikubali na zawadi. Tulishindana kwa ajili ya elf thelathini [shilingi]. (Me, I am from the village of Jijongo, and I am 66 years old. I have always played beni, I started with that ng’oma. I was taught by Chiila. I could not even begin to be able to count how many people I have competed with. And I can really compete, and especially bewitch people. I have competed with Nguta (mgalu), Gasema, ng’wana Kagikulu, Ishembe (myeye, of Nkuli), and Mhondelo (of Luzuba). Up to now, I am still competing, but I am teaching more ng’oma, and I am an advisor to a certain youth group. There really is no other work that I know how to do. For my first competition, Inalo came to me, because he wanted to compete, he did not like competing with youngsters. At first I refused, I told him, ‘You are just a child, I do not want to destroy my good name’. If others heard that I was to compete with him, people would get angry. But he pushed, his village wanted him to compete with me, and I was someone who was from their place, so how could I refuse? So finally we decided, ‘Yes, this would be okay, let us put together a time’, and we agreed upon the prize. We competed for thirty thousand [shillings].)

BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES Significant Archival Sources Used in the Collection The following archives, libraries, and missions in Tanzania were consulted for this research: BTTC HCP COSTECH EANC KS AMNMMK NAUMM NM NSA NSSRI SABCC SPA TNA TNCL UDSMLEAC WFT

Butimba Teachers’ Training College music and drama thesis collection. Hans Cory Papers, East African Collection, University of Dar es Salaam. Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology library, Dar es Salaam. East African Newspapers Collection, University of Dar es Salaam. Kipalapala Seminary library. Afisi Mfawishi Nyaraka Mkoa Mwanza/Kilumba (Mwanza District Archives, Kilumba Branch). Nyaraka Afisi ya Utamaduni-Mkoa Mwanza (Mwanza District Office of Culture Archives). National Museum of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam. Nyegezi Seminary Archive, Nyegezi. Nyegezi Social Science Research Institute. Sukuma Archives, Bujora Cultural Centre, Mwanza. Sumve Parish Archive, Sumve. Tanzania National Archives, Dar es Salaam. Tanzania National Central Library. University of Dar es Salaam Library, East Africa Collection, Dar es Salaam. White Fathers District Branch library, Tabora. Unpublished Works

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Swynnerton, C.F.M. ‘An Experiment in Control of Teste-Flies at Shinyanga, Tanganyika’. Imperial Bureau of Entomology (1925) 313–363. Thiel, Paul. 1977. Multi-Tribal Music of Ankole: An Ethnomusicological Study Including A Glossary of Musical Terms (Tervuren: Belgique Annales, Musee Royal de L’Afrique Centrale, Serie #91, 1977). Thomson, J. Through Masailand (Northwestern University Press, 1962). Thurston, A.B. African Incidents. London: J. Murray, n.d.). Tyler, Stephen. ‘Post-Modern Ethnography: From Document of the Occult to Occult Document’. James Clifford and George E. Marcus, editors. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986). 122–140. Vail, L., and L. White. Power and the Praise Poem: Southern African Voices in History (Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 1991). Vansina, J. Oral Tradition as History (London: Currey, 1985). Varkevisser, C. Socialization in a Changing Society: Sukuma childhood in rural and urban Mwanza, Tanzania (The Hague: Center for Study for Education and Changing Societies, 1972). Velten, C. ‘Lieder und Sangesweisen und Geschichten der Wanyamwezi, Von Einem Früheren Schüler des Orientalischen Seminars in Berlin’. Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin Dritte Abteilung, Afrikanische Studien, Redigirt von Dr. C Velten und Dr. J. Lippert (Berlin und Stuttgart: Commissionsverlag von W. Speman, 1901) 45–62. Wachsmann, Klaus. ‘Musical Traditions in the Kigandan Tradition and their Place in the East African Scene’. Essays on Music and History in East Africa (Klaus Wachsmann, editor. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971). Werther, C.W. Die Mittleren Hochländer des Nördlichen Deutsch-Ost-Afrika (Berlin: Verlag von Hermann Paetel, 1898). Weule, K. Native Life in East Africa (New York: Appleton and Co, 1909). White, L. Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000). Wijsen, F. There is Only One God: A Social, Scientific, and Theological Study of Popular Religion and Evangelism in Sukumaland (Kampen: Uitgeverij Kok, 1993). Wijsen, F., and R. Tanner. I am Just a Sukuma: Globalization and Identity Construction in Northwest Tanzania (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi B.V., 2002). Wolf, J.B., editor. The Central African Diaries of Walter Hutley (Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1976). Yukawa, Y. ‘A Tonological Study of Sukuma Verbs’. Studies in Tanzanian Languages (n.p., 1989) 339–404.

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX Songs in this index are referred to by the first line of the sung narrative. This follows Sukuma practice. They are listed in alphabetical order here, and cross-referenced to their song numbers assigned in this book. Kisukuma Titles Abacheza ng’oma (‘Players of ng’oma’) Abise ukung’wa Jijabu (‘We of the Jijabu clan’) Aha akwandyaga (‘When he started’) Aha Ntuzu (‘Here at Ntuzu’) Aha baba (‘Here baba’) Ahee, tunge (‘Ahee, the bat’) Ahee, yaya (‘Ahee, no’) Aho akatinda (‘When he won’) Aho mkanizila (‘When you came for me’) Aho Nyanza (‘There at Nyanza’) Ahsante sana (‘Thank you’) Akuchimagwa (‘It is impaled’) Akulumba (‘He is grateful’) Alilila (‘He is crying’) Aliselema, alija (‘He is flowing, he is going’) Angu, nakuwile (‘So, let me tell you’) Angu, mbaluba ying’we (‘So, your letter’) Angu, talehe (‘So, the date’) Azimio lya Arusha (The Arusha Declaration’)

303 200 266 195 297 140 104 183 030 075 281 155 265 327 067 133 309 308 272

Baba Mungu (‘Baba God’) Baba ntemi (Father chief’) Baba Raisi (‘Baba President’) Baba Tagili (‘Baba Tagili’) Badachi (‘Germans’) Baja kaya (‘They went home’) Bakanivuluga (‘They agitated me’) Bakiima, bakiima (‘Women, women’) Bakiima, ilekebishagi (‘Women, correct yourselves’) Bakwilonja (‘They will take care of themselves’) Balinisayila (‘They tell lies about me’) Bana Tanzania (‘People of Tanzania’) Banyema (‘Banyema’) Barugaruga (‘The Rugaruga people’) Basambo, yabita teleni (‘Thieves, the train passes’) Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba (‘The leaders have made mistakes’) Bawilagi (‘Tell them’) Bazungu shetani (‘The Europeans are devils’) Bikenya banamugi (‘Men skirmished’) Bikilagi ifugo (‘Place the porridge pot’) Bing’we Bahindi (‘You Indians’)

244 332 277 182 097 271 192 157 159 179 234 291 027 086 323 101 328 261 084 121 262

498

song title (first line) index

Bing’we mukujaga kaya (‘You who are going home’) Bing’we National (‘You people of National’) Bise basimba ngobi (‘We who uproot dig the tough weeds’) Bise enaba (‘We the very ones’) Buchagi (‘Carry‘) Buchagi masasi (‘Carry bullets’) Buchilu butushila (‘Ignorance will never end’) Buganga (‘Buganga’) Buhaya, ba Magaji (‘They said, those of Magaji’) Bukagi (‘Wakeup’) Buking’wi nose bulatumala (‘AIDS will finish us all’) Bunyika ng’wana wane (‘Bunyika my child’) Buyeye bucha (‘Buyeye died’) Bwana Shauri (‘Mister Advice’)

051 197 280 105 180 326 205 099 301 198 255 124 028 241

Chaimeni Mussa (‘Chairman Mussa’) Chama na serikali (‘The party and the government’) Chi chi chwii (‘Chi chi chwii’) Chikungu (‘Chikungu’)

315 307 142 052

Degelekagi (‘Listen’)

264

Elimi lya bakile no (‘The sun shone brightly’)

246

Filagi Anzuika (‘Send to Anzuika’)

094

Gakanigunana, amabuganga (‘They helped me, these medicines’) Gashi! (‘My!’) Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’) Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere (‘Perhaps the honorable Nyeyrere’) Gongaga gongaga (‘Rumble rumble’) Gutaponyaga, mpini (‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’) Gwa sisi (‘We for ourselves’)

290 064 214 278 228 222 267

Habutongi (‘In the future’) Hali tulikahoya? (Where will we talk?’) Hayaga no (‘You will talk a lot’) Hiiya hee, salenge! (‘Hiiya hee, salenge!’) Historia niisome (Let me read the history’) Hiyo lilee, baba (‘Hiyo lilee, father’) Hoyela (‘To discuss’)

059 203 216 122 311 103 300

Ichimu lyane (‘My spear’) Idi Amin wikumyaga (‘Idi Amin was bragging’) Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe (‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’) Igembe faida Batanzania (‘The hoe benefits Tanzanians’) Igembe lyane (‘My hoe’) Igete (‘It is like this’) Igete lyali lyeja ki? (‘What night dance was this?’) Igolo (‘Yesterday’) Ikozi nakalang’wa pye (‘I was taught the full course’) Ilelo hulala haa (‘Today I will sleep here’) Iliho nzala Ushashi (‘There is a famine in Shashi’)

081 295 230 283 215 335 040 129 224 010 242

song title (first line) index

499

Ililila (‘It cries’) Indweka (‘On the shoulder’) Ingagi umuchalo (‘Get out of the village’)

016 071 204

Jalila (‘It cries’) Jeshi la Tanzania (‘The army of Tanzania’) Jiji ngobo jako (‘Here are your skins’) Jitali nshiku ukunegela (‘The days are not yet near yet’)

319 296 186 135

Kagembe kamala (‘The hoe has finished’) Kakacha akanigini (‘It died, an infant’) Kalagu (‘A story!) Kalagula (‘Kalagula’) Kalakala (‘Quickly quickly’) Kale (‘Long ago’) Kalibu, tuliho (‘Welcome, we are here’) Kalihaya (‘It is said’) Kalunguyeye, tubinage (Little hedgehog’) Kambarage (‘Kambarage’) Kamegayi (‘Kamegayi’) Kangilijaga! (‘Hurry up!’) Kanoni kaja (‘The bird has gone’) Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’) Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’) Kanumbagi Nyerere (‘Go thank Nyerere’) Kanundo (‘Kanundo’) Kaya yane (‘My homestead’) Kidangu shafumilila (‘A storm is coming’) Kijiji ishi (‘In this village’) Kikalile ka Basukuma (‘The lifestyle of the Sukuma people’) Kilunguja-Mizengo (‘Calmer-of-Villages’) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi (‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’) Komangaga Bug’hunda (‘Pound, bug’hunda’) Ku Bahi (‘To Bahi’) Ku bise (‘At our place’) Kubaga Lukomolo (‘Seek love charms’) Kubyala ng’wana nkiima (‘To give birth to a female child’) Kulyumila ligembe (‘Hold firm the hoe’) Kunonela (‘To taste sweetness’)

235 243 313 185 226 258 279 274 013 298 024 189 091 089 090 275 193 176 056 252 139 035 317 042 060 199 065 166 223 029

Leka namubuje (‘Let me ask you’) Lelo, aah lelo (‘Today, aah today’) Lelo, banimila nomo (‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’) Libuziku lilaa (‘Night has fallen’) Liloliza (‘That which is coming’) Lilufu lyane (‘My death’) Limi lyagwa (‘The sun has set’) Lufu lutapelagwa (‘Death is not run off’) Lugalaga, Sagini! (Close up, Sagini!’) Luyombya chalo (‘Stirrer of villages’) Lwa maige (‘The locust’) Lya ku Welelo (‘Of this world’) Lya lyungaga (‘It hovers and buzzes’)

208 130 233 017 095 011 175 237 188 304 074 116 194

500

song title (first line) index

Lya Mang’ombe (‘Of cattle’) Lyahenda (‘The sun has set’) Lyaholelwa (‘It has been released’) Lyasolaga nanga (‘It has taken sticks’)

146 117 268 109

M’huli (‘The elephant’) M’huli ya nkondo (‘The elephant with the tusk’) Mabukoye (‘Difficult work’) Mabukoye, Rais (‘Hard work, President’) Magembe galihamo (‘Hoes are together’) Magembe, magembe (‘Hoes, hoes’) Mahahila (‘Mahahila’) Makiima gabi mawa (‘Women have become dogs’) Mang’ombe ha (‘Mang’ombe here’) Mawe gakwila (‘Stones have increased’) Mayu wane (‘My mayu’) Mayu, naluha (‘Mayu, I have agonized’) Mayu, namuwile (‘Mayu, I should tell you’) Mayu, ndema twikisangila (‘Mayu, you refuse us meeting together’) Mayu, solaga mpini! (‘Mayu, grab the hoe handle!’) Mbele mbele (‘Forward forward’) Mbiling’ili (‘Mbiling’ili’) Mbiti yane (‘My hyena’) Mbula ikudungulumaga (‘The rain is roaring’) Mhindi yii! (‘Mhindi yii!’) Milimo ya buganga (‘The work of buganga’) Mling’huba Ndelema (‘You are offending Ndelema’) Mlulu (‘Small hyena’) Mpigaga ache! (‘Hit so he should die!’) Msoloji (‘Tie-ridge builder’) Mtalehe tisa (‘On the ninth’) Mulababugilije (‘You should ask them’) Mutategemelage shakwiba (‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’) Mutatulembage bise (‘Do not lie to us’) Muyanga (‘Cow dung’) Mwaleta lunanda (‘You have brought friction’)

050 058 168 299 232 219 019 170 184 120 070 110 020 063 227 181 316 008 225 045 036 003 009 294 320 306 021 231 054 285 072

N’hung’wa nalindila (‘N’hung’wa, I am waiting’) Nabi giligita (‘I have become a tractor’) Nafumaga Bulige (‘I was coming from Bulige’) Nagahugana (‘I made a mistake’) Nagalole (‘Let me watch’) Nagemeho nane! (‘Let me try also!’) Naizuga masangu (‘I cook maize and beans’) Najimija ntumba gwane (‘I have lost my medicine container’) Nakalima (‘I cultivated’) Nakanya nkiima (‘I made a pass at a woman’) Nakashikaga ahigembe (‘I grab the hoe’) Nakasombolaga (‘I always narrate’) Nakenhelwa habari (‘I was brought the news’) Nakizilwa Bihalamulo (‘I was sent for in Biharamulo’) Nakomange lya gembe (‘I should hammer with the hoe’) Nakwambaga shiganza (I am spreading my hands’) Nali nankanije ng’wana Mpemba (‘I did date ng’wana Mpemba’)

144 171 254 310 137 152 160 032 251 147 221 239 046 037 209 250 151

song title (first line) index Nali ng’habi (‘I am poor’) Nalibapula (‘I am grabbing weapons’) Naliho na khonong’a (‘I possess khonong’a’) Nalikuganila (‘I implore you’) Nalilomba lazi (‘I beg forgiveness’) Nalina buyege (‘I have happiness’) Namutambulile (‘Let me inform you’) Nandya (‘I start’) Nani akunilimilaga buluba? (‘Who is cultivating cotton for me?’) Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’) Nashifate m’huli (‘Let me follow the elephants’) Natali nu nakomanga (‘I am still pounding’) Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo (‘I do not like the cotton of development’) Natulagwa mbula (‘I have been rained on’) Nchilu Blacka (‘The fool mr. Black’) Ndashige (‘When I arrive’) Ndebawa (‘My skin is itching’) Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we (‘I comb the mohawk [of] Shing’weng’we’) Ndilimila ng’ombe (‘I am using cattle to farm’) Ndimu ja masala (‘Animals having intelligence’) Nenda gucha (‘I almost died’) Nene nalintaji wa maduta (‘I am a creator of tie ridges’) Nene nalisombola (‘I am explaining’) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (‘Myself I was written by Mwinyi’) Nene natupingaga chama (‘I am not against the party’) Nene ndifuma kiiya (‘I am indeed coming from the eastern side’) Nene nikale nali mpanga (‘Myself, I should stay alive’) Nene ulu nucha (‘If I die’) Nene, amajisigo nagazunya (‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’) Nene, nakubiinaga (‘Myself, I dance’) Nene, ng’wana Kubunga (‘I, ng’wana Kubunga’) Ng’ohalala (‘Break into smaller pieces’) Ng’oma iyi ikulila (‘This ng’oma will sound’) Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe (‘That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’) Ng’waka, ulu lyashika (‘The new year, when it arrives’) Ng’wamalile uwing’we (‘You have finished yours’) Ng’wana Balinago (‘Ng’wana Balinago’) Ng’wana Guligu (‘Ng’wana Guligu’) Ng’wana Kaliyaya (‘Ng’wana Kaliyaya’) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka (‘Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka’) Ng’wana Mukeje (‘Ng’wana Mukeje’) Ng’wana namyala (‘A child I have given birth to’) Ng’wana ngosha (‘Young boy’) Ng’wana Nkwimba (‘Ng’wana Nkwimba’) Ng’wana Nyerere (‘Ng’wana Nyerere’) Ng’wana Wande (‘Ng’wana Wande’) Ng’wayegile (‘You were happy’) Ng’wenhwa-Ndege #1 (‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’) Ng’wenhwa-Ndege #2 (‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’) Ng’wila giko Ngogo (‘Tell this to Ngogo’) Ng’wilagi winge (‘Tell him he should run’) Ng’wizukulu mpemba (‘Grandaughter of Mpemba’) Ngawa (‘Ngawa’) Ngosha, bebe (‘Man, you’)

501 150 022 123 329 334 257 229 331 206 083 049 119 292 132 240 068 288 026 138 259 005 213 218 305 289 079 260 190 201 173 044 062 047 318 212 115 128 314 057 256 127 286 217 238 330 066 102 053 054 196 320 039 114 018

502

song title (first line) index

Ngoshi wane (‘My husband’) Nibande (‘Let me hide’) Nigwa balila (‘I hear they cry’) Nigwa kamuziki (‘I have heard a bit of music’) Niingishi (‘Greet me’) Nilile lwane lwa masasi (‘My cries are of bullets’) Nina wa ng’wana (‘Mother of the child’) Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza (‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’) Nkiima, bebe! (‘Woman, you!’) Nkomyaluume (‘Nkomyaluume’) Nosenagi (‘At last’) Nsabi (‘The one who is rich’) Nsabi wa ng’ombe (‘Owner of cattle’) Nsumba wane (‘My fiancé’) Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere (‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’) Ntombana Njaluwa! (‘Fuck you Jaluo guy!’) Nulu mugatwile (‘Even if you add’) Numba nanzengela (‘A house I have built for her’) Nyalali jane (‘My follower’) Nyalali one (‘My honorable follower’) Nzala iya magembe (‘This “famine called hoes”’) Nzala iyi #1 (‘This famine’) Nzala iyi #2 (‘This famine’) Nzala ya nhinje (‘The famine of nhinje’) Nzungu (‘European’)

172 002 325 015 092 087 163 108 154 187 293 136 167 145 263 154 061 148 202 043 248 249 253 236 096

Obyala kinanda hii! (‘To give birth to this instrument!’) Oja magembe (‘One goes to the hoes’)

165 211

Pembagi moto (‘Kindle the fire’)

012

Sabuni, naligaiwa (‘Soap, I have none’) Selema (‘Move’) Shayunga shaja (‘They make their rounds’) Shiba, shiba (‘Weave, weave’) Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’) Shilamba (‘A fire ant’) Siasa ya Tanzania (‘The policy of Tanzania is farming’) Sing’wanda shane (‘My flywhisk’) So (‘Your father’) Sokoine (‘Sokoine’) Soleli unti gwane (‘Gather my tree’) Somagi, Bayanda! (‘Study boys!’) Sonone busunun’ha (‘Wounds healed’) Stelia (‘Stelia’) Sumba lumiho (‘Young man Lumiho’) Sumba ng’wichane (‘My friend’) Sumba wane (‘My lover’) Sungusungu ni kali no (‘The sungusungu are very fierce’)

038 001 076 055 098 141 282 033 156 333 034 273 078 006 080 162 149 324

Tanzania bara (‘Tanzanian mainland’) Temaga lukuba! (‘Strike lightning!’) Tigu, tigu (‘Move, move’) Tinginya linti (‘Shake the tree’)

284 131 041 093

song title (first line) index

503

Tofuma mlyani (‘We have come out of the trap’) Tomba mbwa (‘Go fuck a dog’) Tubalimile (‘Let us farm for them!’) Tubasange (‘Let us meet them’) Tujilejagi ndulilu jise (‘Let us blow our ndulilu’) Tukapande (‘Let us tread’) Tukingila Buha (‘We came from Buha’) Tukingila Mabuha (‘We came from the Buha regions’) Tukukeyula (‘We will stay up’) Tulabilage mung’hana (‘Lead us with great care’) Tulihaya (‘We say’) Tulija kusumbila Juliasi (‘We are going to receive Julius’) Tulimagi busiga (‘Let us cultivate millet’) Tumba gwane (‘My medicine gourd’) Tusukambe (‘Let us squat’) Tututawalagwa na vyama vingi (‘We will never be ruled by multiparties’) Twalali lelo (‘We are here today’) Twali na Banzoza (‘We were with the Nzoza people’) Twalima wilu (‘We cultivate wilu millet’) Twapandika bumeme (‘We have received electricity’) Twite fayi! (‘Let us tell the truth!’)

247 073 161 085 321 111 106 107 069 269 322 302 112 025 210 312 088 023 113 134 207

Uko ukashika (‘Wherever you go’) Ukung’wa Nyerere (‘With that of Nyerere’) Ukwitawala Twitawalile (‘We have really received self rule’) Uli ng’wana Guliho (‘You are ng’wana Guliho’) Ulu kalilia (‘When it sounds’) Ulu nakamala milimo (‘If I finish the job’) Ulu nasuma (‘When I harvest’) Utizuhubila kunidima kabega (‘Do not mistake touching my shoulder’)

143 270 287 178 014 031 174 164

Wa ha bomani (‘At the District headquarters’) Wabeja Karume (‘Thank you, Karume’) Waja (‘They flee’) Wakulisimba wa mining’halaga (‘You will dig it with furrowed brow’) Waligumilile (‘You have taken shame upon yourself’) Wamlembaga (‘He deceives them’) Wangaluka bujiku (‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’) Wanitula buli (‘You have hit me thus’) Wasama winga (‘He has moved from’) Watogwa walwa (‘He loves alcohol’) Watola li mazazi (‘He has married a prostitute’) Wibonile mbiti? (‘Have you seen the hyena?’)

100 276 082 125 118 191 245 177 004 126 169 007

Ya nderule (‘The nderule’) Yamalila (‘Yamalila’) Yaya, buli (‘No, never’)

077 048 158 English Titles

‘A child I have given birth to’ (Ng’wana namyala) ‘A fire ant’ (Shilamba) ‘A house I have built for her’ (Numba nanzengela) ‘A storm is coming’ (Kidangu shafumilila)

286 141 148 056

504

song title (first line) index

‘A story! (Kalagu) ‘Ahee, no’ (Ahee, yaya) ‘Ahee, the bat’ (Ahee, tunge) ‘AIDS will finish us all’ Buking’wi nose bulatumala ‘Animals having intelligence’ (Ndimu ja masala) ‘At last’ (Nosenagi) ‘At our place’ (Ku bise) ‘At the District headquarters’ (Wa ha bomani)

313 104 140 255 259 293 199 100

‘Baba God’ (Baba Mungu) ‘Baba President’ (Baba Raisi) ‘Baba Tagili’ (Baba Tagili) ‘Banyema’ (Banyema) ‘Boulders are fighting one another’ (Shiganga jilikenya) ‘Break into smaller pieces’ (Ng’ohalala) ‘Buganga’ (‘Buganga’) ‘Bunyika my child’ (Bunyika ng’wana wane) ‘Buyeye died’ (Buyeye bucha)

244 277 182 027 098 062 099 124 028

‘Calmer-of-Villages’ (Kilunguja-Mizengo) ‘Carry bullets’ (Buchagi masasi) ‘Carry‘ (Buchagi) ‘Chairman Mussa’ (Chaimeni Mussa) ‘Chi chi chwii’ (Chi chi chwii) ‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’ (Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere) ‘Chikungu’ (Chikungu) ‘Close up, Sagini!’ (Lugalaga, Sagini!) ‘Cow dung’ (Muyanga)

035 326 180 315 142 263 052 188 285

‘Death is not run off’ (Lufu lutapelagwa) ‘Difficult work’ (Mabukoye) ‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’ (Mutategemelage shakwiba) ‘Do not lie to us’ (Mutatulembage bise) ‘Do not mistake touching my shoulder’ (Utizuhubila kunidima kabega)

237 168 231 054 164

‘European’ (Nzungu) ‘Even if you add’ (Nulu mugatwile)

096 061

‘Father chief’ (Baba ntemi) ‘Forward forward’ (Mbele mbele) ‘Fuck you Jaluo guy!’ (Ntombana Njaluwa!)

332 181 154

‘Gather my tree’ (Soleli unti gwane) ‘Germans’ (Badachi) ‘Get out of the village’ (Ingagi umuchalo) ‘Go fuck a dog’ (Tomba mbwa) ‘Go thank Nyerere’ (Kanumbagi Nyerere) ‘Grandaughter of Mpemba’ (Ng’wizukulu mpemba) ‘Greet me’ (Niingishi)

034 097 204 073 275 039 092

‘Hard work, President’ (Mabukoye, Rais) ‘Have you seen the hyena?’ (Wibonile mbiti?) ‘He deceives them’ (Wamlembaga)

299 007 191

song title (first line) index

505

‘He has married a prostitute’ (Watola li mazazi) ‘He has moved from’ (Wasama winga) ‘He is crying’ (Alilila) ‘He is flowing, he is going’ (Aliselema, alija) ‘He is grateful’ (Akulumba) ‘He loves alcohol’ (Watogwa walwa) ‘Here are your skins’ (Jiji ngobo jako) ‘Here at Ntuzu’ (Aha Ntuzu) ‘Here baba’ (Aha baba) ‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’ #1 (Ng’wenhwa-Ndege) ‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’ #2 (Ng’wenhwa-Ndege) ‘Hiiya hee, salenge!’ (Hiiya hee, salenge!) ‘Hit so he should die!’ (Mpigaga ache!) ‘Hiyo lilee, baba’ (Hiyo lilee, father) ‘Hoes are together’ (Magembe galihamo) ‘Hoes, hoes’ (Magembe, magembe) ‘Hold firm the hoe’ (Kulyumila ligembe) ‘Hurry up!’ (Kangilijaga!)

169 004 327 067 265 126 186 195 297 053 054 122 294 103 232 219 223 189

‘I almost died’ (Nenda gucha) ‘I always narrate’ (Nakasombolaga) ‘I am a creator of tie ridges’ (Nene nalintaji wa maduta) ‘I am explaining’ (Nene nalisombola) ‘I am grabbing weapons’ (Nalibapula) ‘I am indeed coming from the eastern side’ (Nene ndifuma kiiya) ‘I am poor’ (Nali ng’habi) ‘I am not against the party’ (Nene natupingaga chama) ‘I am spreading my hands’ (Nakwambaga shiganza) ‘I am still pounding’ (Natali nu nakomanga) ‘I am using cattle to farm’ (Ndilimila ng’ombe) ‘I beg forgiveness’ (Nalilomba lazi) ‘I comb the mohawk [of] Shing’weng’we’ (Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we) ‘I cook maize and beans’ (Naizuga masangu) ‘I cultivated’ (Nakalima) ‘I did date ng’wana Mpemba’ (Nali nankanije ng’wana Mpemba) ‘I do not like the cotton of development’ (Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo) ‘I grab the hoe’ (Nakashikaga ahigembe) ‘I have become a tractor’ (Nabi giligita) ‘I have been rained on’ (Natulagwa mbula) ‘I have happiness’ (Nalina buyege) ‘I have heard a bit of music’ (Nigwa kamuziki) ‘I have lost my medicine container’ (Najimija ntumba gwane) ‘I have made the hoe my child’ (Gembe nagema ng’wanone) ‘I hear they cry’ (Nigwa balila) ‘I implore you’ (Nalikuganila) ‘I made a mistake’ (Nagahugana) ‘I made a pass at a woman’ (Nakanya nkiima) ‘I possess khonong’a’ (Naliho na khonong’a) ‘I should hammer with the hoe’ (Nakomange lya gembe) ‘I start’ (Nandya) ‘I was brought the news’ (Nakenhelwa habari) ‘I was coming from Bulige’ (Nafumaga Bulige) ‘I was sent for in Biharamulo’ (Nakizilwa Bihalamulo)

005 239 213 218 022 079 150 289 250 119 138 334 026 160 251 151 292 221 171 132 257 015 032 214 325 329 310 147 123 209 331 046 254 037

506

song title (first line) index

‘I was taught the full course’ (Ikozi nakalang’wa pye) ‘I, ng’wana Kubunga’ (Nene, ng’wana Kubunga) ‘Idi Amin was bragging’ (Idi Amin wikumyaga) ‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’ (Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe) ‘If I die’ (Nene ulu nucha) ‘If I finish the job’ (Ulu nakamala milimo) ‘Ignorance will never end’ (Buchilu butushila) ‘In the future’ (Habutongi) ‘In this village’ (Kijiji ishi) ‘It cries’ #1 (Ililila) ‘It cries’ #2 (Jalila) ‘It died, an infant’ (Kakacha akanigini) ‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’ (Gutaponyaga, mpini) ‘It has been released’ (Lyaholelwa) ‘It has taken sticks’ (Lyasolaga nanga) ‘It hovers and buzzes’ (Lya lyungaga) ‘It is impaled’ (Akuchimagwa) ‘It is like this’ (Igete) ‘It is said’ (Kalihaya)

224 044 295 230 190 031 205 059 252 016 319 243 222 268 109 194 155 335 274

‘Kalagula’ (Kalagula) ‘Kambarage’ (Kambarage) ‘Kamegayi’ (Kamegayi) ‘Kanundo’ (Kanundo) ‘Kindle the fire’ (Pembagi moto) ‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’ (Kishosha ng’wana Malundi)

185 298 024 193 012 317

‘Lead us with great care’ (Tulabilage mung’hana) ‘Let me ask you’ (Leka namubuje) ‘Let me follow the elephants’ (Nashifate m’huli) ‘Let me hide’ (Nibande) ‘Let me inform you’ (Namutambulile) ‘Let me read the history’ (Historia naisome) ‘Let me try also!’ (Nagemeho nane!) ‘Let me watch’ (Nagalole) ‘Let us blow our ndulilu’ (Tujilejagi ndulilu jise) ‘Let us cultivate millet’ (Tulimagi busiga) ‘Let us farm for them!’ (Tubalimile) ‘Let us meet them’ (Tubasange) ‘Let us squat’ (Tusukambe) ‘Let us tell the truth!’ (Twite fayi!) ‘Let us tread’ (Tukapande) ‘Listen’ (Degelekagi) ‘Little hedgehog’ (Kalunguyeye) ‘Long ago’ (Kale)

269 208 049 002 229 311 152 137 321 112 161 085 210 207 111 264 013 258

‘Mahahila’ (Mahahila) ‘Man, you’ (Ngosha, bebe) ‘Mang’ombe here’ (Mang’ombe ha) ‘Mayu, grab the hoe handle!’ (Mayu, solaga mpini!) ‘Mayu, I have agonized’ (Mayu, naluha) ‘Mayu, I should tell you’ (Mayu, namuwile) ‘Mayu, you refuse us meeting together’ (Mayu, ndema twikisangila)

019 018 184 227 110 020 063

song title (first line) index

507

‘Mbiling’ili’ (Mbiling’ili) ‘Men skirmished’ (Bikenya banamugi) ‘Mhindi yii!’ (Mhindi yii!) ‘Mister Advice’ (Bwana Shauri) ‘Mother of the child’ (Nina wa ng’wana) ‘Move, move’ (Tigu, tigu) ‘Move’ (Selema) ‘My cries are of bullets’ (Nilile lwane lwa masasi) ‘My death’ (Lilufu lyane) ‘My fiancé’ (Nsumba wane) ‘My flywhisk’ (Sing’wanda shane) ‘My follower’ (Nyalali jane) ‘My friend’ (Sumba ng’wichane) ‘My hoe’ (Igembe lyane) ‘My homestead’ (Kaya yane) ‘My honorable follower’ (Nyalali one) ‘My husband’ (Ngoshi wane) ‘My hyena’ (Mbiti yane) ‘My lover’ (Sumba wane) ‘My mayu’ (Mayu wane) ‘My medicine gourd’ (Tumba gwane) ‘My skin is itching’ (Ndebawa) ‘My spear’ (Ichimu lyane) ‘My!’ (Gashi!) ‘Myself I was written by Mwinyi’ (Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi) ‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’ (Nene, amajisigo nagazunya) ‘Myself, I dance’ (Nene, nakubiinaga) ‘Myself, I should stay alive’ (Nene nikale nali mpanga)

316 084 045 241 163 041 001 087 011 145 033 202 162 215 176 043 172 008 149 070 025 288 081 064 305 201 173 260

‘N’hung’wa, I am waiting’ (N’hung’wa nalindila) ‘Ng’wana Balinago’ (Ng’wana Balinago) ‘Ng’wana Guligu’ (Ng’wana Guligu) ‘Ng’wana Kaliyaya’ (Ng’wana Kaliyaya) ‘Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka’ (Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka) ‘Ng’wana Mukeje’ (Ng’wana Mukeje) ‘Ng’wana Nkwimba’ (Ng’wana Nkwimba) ‘Ng’wana Nyerere’ (Ng’wana Nyerere) ‘Ng’wana Wande’ (Ng’wana Wande) ‘Ngawa’ (Ngawa) ‘Night has fallen’ (Libuziku lilaa) ‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’ (Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza) ‘Nkomyaluume’ (Nkomyaluume) ‘No, never’ (Yaya, buli)

144 128 314 057 256 127 238 330 066 114 017 108 187 158

‘Of cattle’ (Lya Mang’ombe) ‘Of this world’ (Lya ku Welelo) ‘On the ninth’ (Mtalehe tisa) ‘On the shoulder’ (Indweka) ‘One goes to the hoes’ (Oja magembe) ‘Owner of cattle’ (Nsabi wa ng’ombe)

146 116 306 071 211 167

‘People of Tanzania’ (Bana Tanzania) ‘Perhaps the honorable Nyerere’ (Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere)

291 278

508

song title (first line) index

‘Place the porridge pot’ (Bikilagi ifugo) ‘Players of ng’oma’ (Abacheza ng’oma) ‘Pound, bug’hunda’ (Komangaga Bug’hunda)

121 303 042

‘Quickly quickly’ (Kalakala)

226

‘Rumble rumble’ (Gongaga gongaga)

228

‘Seek love charms’ (Kubaga Lukomolo) ‘Send to Anzuika’ (Filagi Anzuika) ‘Shake the tree’ (Tinginya linti) ‘Small hyena’ (Mlulu) ‘So, let me tell you’ (Angu, nakuwile) ‘So, the date’ (Angu, talehe) ‘So, your letter’ (Angu, mbaluba ying’we) ‘Soap, I have none’ (Sabuni, naligaiwa) ‘Sokoine’ (Sokoine) ‘Stelia’ (Stelia) ‘Stirrer of villages’ (Luyombya chalo) ‘Stones have increased’ (Mawe gakwila) ‘Strike lightning!’ (Temaga lukuba!) ‘Study boys!’ (Somagi, Bayanda!)

065 094 093 009 133 308 309 038 333 006 304 120 131 273

‘Tanzanian mainland’ (Tanzania bara) ‘Tell him he should run’ (Ng’wilagi winge) ‘Tell them’ (Bawilagi) ‘Tell this to Ngogo’ (Ng’wila giko Ngogo) ‘Thank you, Karume’ (Wabeja Karume) ‘Thank you’ (Ahsante sana) ‘That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’ (Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe) ‘That which is coming’ (Liloliza) ‘The army of Tanzania’ (Jeshi la Tanzania) ‘The Arusha Declaration’ (Azimio lya Arusha) ‘The bird has gone’ (Kanoni kaja) ‘The days are not yet near yet’ (Jitali nshiku ukunegela) ‘The elephant with the tusk’ (M’huli ya nkondo) ‘The elephant’ (M’huli) ‘The Europeans are devils’ (Bazungu shetani) ‘The famine of nhinje’ (Nzala ya nhinje) ‘The fool mr. Black’ (Nchilu Blacka) ‘The hoe benefits Tanzanians’ (Igembe faida Batanzania) ‘The hoe has finished’ (Kagembe kamala) ‘The leaders have made mistakes’(Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba) ‘The lifestyle of the Sukuma people’ (Kikalile ka Basukuma) ‘The locust’ (Lwa maige) ‘The nderule’ (Ya nderule) ‘The new year, when it arrives’ (Ng’waka, ulu lyashika) ‘The one who is rich’ (Nsabi) ‘The party and the government’ (Chama na serikali) ‘The policy of Tanzania is farming’ (Siasa ya Tanzania) ‘The rain is roaring’ (Mbula ikudungulumaga) ‘The Rugaruga people’ (Barugaruga) ‘The small bird eats’ (Kanoni kalya) ‘The small bird in the bush’ (Kanoni kungu)

284 320 328 196 276 281 318 095 296 272 091 135 058 050 261 236 240 283 235 101 139 074 077 212 136 307 282 225 086 089 090

song title (first line) index

509

‘The sun has set’ (Limi lyagwa) ‘The sun has set’ (Lyahenda) ‘The sun shone brightly’ (Elimi lya bakile no) ‘The sungusungu are very fierce’ (Sungusungu ni kali no) ‘The work of buganga’ (Milimo ya buganga) ‘There at Nyanza’ (Aho Nyanza) ‘There is a famine in Shashi’ (Iliho nzala Ushashi) ‘They agitated me’ (Bakanivuluga) ‘They flee’ (Waja) ‘They helped me, these medicines’ (Gakanigunana, amabuganga) ‘They make their rounds’ (Shayunga shaja) ‘They said, those of Magaji’ (Buhaya, ba Magaji) ‘They tell lies about me’ (Balinisayila) ‘They went home’(Baja kaya) ‘They will take care of themselves’ (Bakwilonja) ‘Thieves, the train passes’ (Basambo, yabita teleni) ‘This famine’ #1 (Nzala iyi) ‘This famine’ #2 (Nzala iyi) ‘This “famine called hoes”’ (Nzala iya magembe) ‘This ng’oma will sound’ (Ng’oma iyi ikulila) ‘Tie-ridge builder’ (Msoloji) ‘To Bahi’ (Ku Bahi) ‘To discuss’ (Hoyela) ‘To give birth to a female child’ (Kubyala ng’wana nkiima) ‘To give birth to this instrument!’ (Obyala kinanda hii!) ‘To taste sweetness’ (Kunonela) ‘Today I will sleep here’ (Ilelo hulala haa) ‘Today, aah today’ (Lelo, aah lelo) ‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’ (Lelo, banimila nomo)

175 117 246 324 036 075 242 192 082 290 076 301 234 271 179 323 249 253 248 047 320 060 300 166 165 029 010 130 233

‘Wakeup’ (Bukagi) ‘We are here today’ (Twalali lelo) ‘We came from Buha’ (Tukingila Buha) ‘We came from the Buha regions’ (Tukingila Mabuha) ‘We cultivate wilu millet’ (Twalima wilu) ‘We for ourselves’ (Gwa sisi) ‘We are going to receive Julius’ (Tulija kusumbila Juliasi) ‘We have come out of the trap’ (Tofuma mlyani) ‘We have really received self rule’ (Ukwitawala Twitawalile) ‘We have received electricity’ (Twapandika bumeme) ‘We of the Jijabu clan’ (Abise ukung’wa Jijabu) ‘We say’ (Tulihaya) ‘We the very ones’ (Bise enaba) ‘We were with the Nzoza people’ (Twali na Banzoza) ‘We who uproot dig the tough weeds’ (Bise basimba ngobi) ‘We will never be ruled by multiparties’ (Tututawalagwa na vyama vingi) ‘We will stay up’ (Tukukeyula) ‘Weave, weave’ (Shiba, shiba) ‘Welcome, we are here’ (Kalibu, tuliho) ‘What night dance was this?’ (Igete lyali lyeja ki?) ‘When he started’ (Aha akwandyaga) ‘When he won’ (Aho akatinda) ‘When I arrive’ (Ndashige) ‘When I harvest’ (Ulu nasuma)

198 088 106 107 113 267 302 247 287 134 200 322 105 023 280 312 069 055 279 040 266 183 068 174

510

song title (first line) index

‘When it sounds’ (Ulu kalilia) ‘When you came for me’ (Aho mkanizila) ‘Where will we talk?’ (Hali tulikahoya?) ‘Wherever you go’ (Uko ukashika) ‘Who has scorched my home?’ (Nani wapemba numba yane?) ‘Who is cultivating cotton for me?’ (Nani akunilimilaga buluba?) ‘With that of Nyerere’ (Ukung’wa Nyerere) ‘Woman, you!’ (Nkiima, bebe!) ‘Women have become dogs’ (Makiima gabi mawa) ‘Women, correct yourselves’ (Bakiima, ilekebishagi) ‘Women, women’ (Bakiima, bakiima) ‘Wounds healed’ (Sonone busunun’ha)

014 030 203 143 083 206 270 154 170 159 157 078

‘Yamalila’ (Yamalila) ‘Yesterday’ (Igolo) ‘You are ng’wana Guliho’ (Uli ng’wana Guliho) ‘You are offending Ndelema’ (Mling’huba Ndelema) ‘You have brought friction’ (Mwaleta lunanda) ‘You have finished yours’ (Ng’wamalile uwing’we) ‘You have hit me thus’ (Wanitula buli) ‘You have taken shame upon yourself’ (Waligumilile) ‘You Indians’ (Bing’we Bahindi) ‘You people of National’ (Bing’we National) ‘You should ask them’ (Mulababugilije) ‘You were happy’ (Ng’wayegile) ‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’ (Wangaluka bujiku) ‘You who are going home’ (Bing’we mukujaga kaya) ‘You will dig it with furrowed brow’ (Wakulisimba wa mining’halaga) ‘You will talk a lot’ (Hayaga no) ‘Young boy’ (Ng’wana ngosha) ‘Young man Lumiho’ (Sumba lumiho) ‘Your father’ (So)

048 129 178 003 072 115 177 118 262 197 021 102 245 051 125 216 217 080 156

SINGER INDEX This is an index of the documented and known singers of these songs at the time when they were collected. These are not necessarily the composers of the songs (for composers, see Teachers and Composers Index). bacheyeeki dance association of Miswaki 112, 127, 133, 159 Bak’hula Kalang’ha of Miswaki 195, 196, 197, 198 Banam’hala of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani 017, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047, 049, 065, 066, 076, 113, 115, 116, 138, 242, 325 Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana 283 Butemi, Hoja ng’wana 222, 321 Butimba Teachers Training College (BTTC) 228 Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’humbi Shing’hini ng’wana 041, 055, 098, 099, 135, 236 Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana 230 Gamaya, Kuliga ng’wana 265 Gembe, Lutandagula 281 Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana 207 Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana 220, 301 Jishosha, Pius Ngasa 050, 059 Jonge, Nunhya ng’wana 122 Kabambo, Buguhi 295 Kabujiku 109 Kadelya, Salu 002, 003, 041, 078 Kamegayi, Sagini 024 Kanundo ng’wana 254, 255, 284, 315 Kasonga, Ngollo 010, 030, 038, 119, 175 Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) women’s group 305, 306 Kija, Robert 221, 226 Kujitegemea group of Isangidjo 335 Liaku, Fitta ng’wana 125 Lubimbi, Magdelena 215 Lufunzo, Fabiano 237 Lumanicha, Ng’wizilya ng’wana 134 Lusana, Paulo 005, 007, 013, 016, 021, 022, 029, 032, 035, 036, 037, 041, 117, 160, 185, 186, 187, 188, 204, 302, 203 Mabanga, Nguno ng’wana 006 Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila ng’wana 115, 129, 194, 208, 214, 216, 229, 304

Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana 167, 305, 306 Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana 051, 105, 135, 137, 278, 320, 323 Malehe, Jige 057, 083, 111, 113,114, 115, 118, 172, 173, 246 Malenga, Saidi Budelele 293 Malando, Maria ‘Semeni’ Sago ng’wana 167, 305, 306 Malundi, Igulu ng’wana 052 Masalu, Michael 123, 234, 317, 324, 328, 330, 331, 332 Masindi, Verdiana 329 Matembe, Mbonje ng’wana 101, 103 Mayige, Shipewa ng’wana 309, 310 Masunga, Sotinge Masanja ng’wana 113, 266 Mbagule, Kalikali ng’wana 139, 231, 259, 260, 267, 272, 279, 285, 288, 290, 296 Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana 251, 252, 253 Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana 244, 308, 314 Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana 034, 053, 054, 056, 058, 060, 061, 063, 064, 067, 077, 086, 087, 095, 096, 097, 106, 107, 145, 240, 241, 258, 261, 262, 263, 264, 273, 275, 286, 287, 289, 291, 312, 316 Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili ng’wana 199, 200, 201, 203, 224, 247, 248, 249, 250, 282, 313 Miswaki village primary school students 110 Msombi, James 159 Mwinyi Bakari, Mtoro 070 Ndaha, Kasiya 121 Ngata, Mayunga 227, 298, 307, 311 Ngoya, Balele 008, 031, 039, 040 Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili ng’wana 183, 223

512

singer index

Ntamanwa, Julius 229 Nzagabulu, Kilyamangondi ng’wana 245 Nzwilendo, Lushita ng’wana 123, 184, 280, 210 Pesa Mbili 068, 069 Sambaguli Bagobogobo group 182, 190, 191, 192, 193 Sembeewe, Likisemmewuyaga ng’wana 048, 082, 092, 093, 094

Seso, John 156 Shing’oma, Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ ng’wana 056, 062, 080, 102, 130, 233, 297 Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana 232, 256, 257, 268 Wigaashe singers of Miswaki 213 Yamulinga 004

TEACHER AND COMPOSER INDEX Often throughout this collection, singers have offered songs that have been passed down to them, either by the original composers, or by prominent teachers in a musical lineage. When it can be reasonably determined who the composer or teacher of any given song is, their names will be included in this index. Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana 283 Bushu, Sitta ng’wana 268 Butemi, Hoja ng’wana 222 Butilaga, Masoli ng’wana 008, 031, 039 Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana 230 Finduli, Singali ng’wana 096, 145, 105 G’hindu Nkiima 010, 060 Garuba, Kitareja Mabuku ng’wana 061, 063 Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana 207 Gumbulu ng’wana 029 Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana 220, 301 Garuba, Kitereja Mabuku ng’wana 063 Iguwa 094 Ihumilo, Kadikilo ng’wana 291 Ipembe lya Ng’ombe 065 Jibina, Ng’wenda ng’wana 047 Jishosha, Pius Ngasa 055 Kabambo, Buguhi 295 Kadelya, Salu 003, 005, 016 Kahangala, Buhimila ng’wana 194 Kamegayi, Sagini 024 Kanundo, ng’wana 254, 255, 284, 315 Kasonga, Ngollo 038 Kazwenge, ng’wana 059 Kilyamangondi, Nzagabulu 245 Kubunga, ng’wana 044 Liaku, ng’wana 186, 190 Lumanicha, Ng’wizilya ng’wana 134 Lutandagula, Gembe ng’wana 213, 281 Lutelemba 049 Mabrika ng’wana 045, 138 Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila ng’wana 214 Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana 305, 306 Makelema 297 Makondo, ng’wana 242 Malando, Maria ‘Semeni’ Sago ng’wana 305, 306 Malenga, Saidi Budelele 293 Malundi, Igulu ng’wana 050, 051, 052, 053, 054

Mang’ombe 099 Matonange 098 Mbagule, Kalikali ng’wana 139, 156, 241, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 267, 272, 273, 279, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 296 Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana 251, 253 Mholisha 202 Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana 314 Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana 275 Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili ng’wana 199, 200, 201, 203, 224, 247, 248, 249, 250, 282, 313 Muhekela, Mugongo 056 Muleka 005 Ndaha, Kasiya 121 Ndaki, Kalagula 185, 187, 210 Ngata, Mayunga ng’wana 227, 298, 307, 311 Ng’wanang’wa, Izangi ng’wana 195, 196, 197, 198 Ngoso, Kalumani ng’wana 097 Ngoya, Balele 040 Nguno, Mabanga ng’wana 006, 212 Nhindilo, Nyeyewaza 002 Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili 193 Nyanzobe, Man’goma 043 Sakumbi 252 Samike 280 Sato, ng’wana 316 Sembeewe, Likisemmewuyaga ng’wana 092, 093 Shipewa, Mayige ng’wana 309, 310 Shitobelo, Kiduha 294 Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana 256, 257, 232 Song’oma, Kanigini ng’wana 129, 208 Swetula, Maliganya 102, 130 Washa, Buhimila 218, 219 Weja 236 Wilwa, Subi ng’wana 278 Yamulinga 004

THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX This index contains general song themes as well as topical terms mentioned in the songs. accident 333 animal 259, 267 animal-bat 140 animal-bees 194 animal-bird 053, 054, 077, 089, 090, 091, 092, 229, 255 animal-crocodile 045, 046 animal-crow 228 animal-dog 073, 101, 170, 172, 204 animal-elephant 039, 041, 049, 050, 051, 058, 059, 084, 092 animal-ferret 330 animal-fireant 141 animal-gazelle 137 animal-goat 183 animal-hawk 244 animal-hyena 007, 008, 010, 039, 100, 226, 289, 324 animal-leopard 078, 079, 080, 251 animal-lion 068, 147, 271 animal-locust 074 animal-pig 283 animal-polecat 204 animal-porcupine 009, 011, 012, 013, 023 animal-rat 124, 250 animal-rhinoceros 061 animal-snake 001, 002, 003, 004, 024, 037, 116, 298 animal-termites 199 animal-vulture 330 animal-warthog 084 animal-wildebeest 196 anthill 011, 020, 027, 289 body 179 body-anus 155 body-bathing 006 body-beard 264 body-defecation 243 body-ear 218, 242 body-feet 032 body-hair 168 body-heart 043, 284 body-intestine 012

body-itch 288 body-lips 291 body-mohawk 026 body-nudity 102 body-obesity 220 body-ribs 037, 123, 196 body-scarification 229 body-shin 119, 233 body-shoulder 015, 071, 087 body-skin 288 body-stomach 006, 139, 218, 222, 225, 245 body-teeth 156, 220, 278 body-vagina 153, 154, 155 catastrophe 074 celebration 297, 298 clothing 038, 145, 95, 201, 208, 219, 253 clothing-bracelets 265 clothing-earrings 208 clothing-gunnysack 102 clothing-overcoat 102 clothing-rags 156, 266 clothing-shoes 095, 096, 254 clothing-trousers 220 condition-abandonment 004, 028 condition-disgrace 291 condition-shame 118 condition-suffering 115, 232, 240, 244 criminals 072 crop 288, 293 crop-beans 139 crop-cassava 112, 130, 170, 212, 233, 246 crop-cotton 112, 130, 142, 198, 206, 212, 219, 231, 240, 273, 287, 288, 289, 292, 310 crop-groundnuts 242 crop-maize 129, 139, 160, 242, 251 crop-millet 109, 111, 112, 113, 116, 129, 130, 176, 212, 222, 242, 280, 288, 310 crop-okra 139 crop-orchards 285

thematic and topical keyword index crop-potato 125, 139 crop-sisal 002, 273 crop-tobacco 218, 242 culture 203 day-dawn 245 day-evening 002, 017 day-Sunday 105 death 002, 005, 011, 028, 135, 235, 222, 237, 291, 324, 243 death-mourning 057, 118 devils 261 disability 298 discourse-accusation 334 discourse-admonishment 066 discourse-backbiting 130 discourse-blessing 027 discourse-deception 058, 157, 220, 240, 241, 283 discourse-encouragement 133 discourse-gossip 003, 024, 095, 201 discourse-greeting 010 discourse-implore 001 discourse-invitation 014, 015 discourse-letter 314 discourse-newspaper 315 discourse-rebuke 159 discourse-thanks 281 disease 069 disease-AIDS 254, 255 disease-gonorrhea 034, 168 disease-infertility 171 disease-syphilis 034, 168 disease-vomit 037 diversity 284 domestic-cook 169 domestic-cooking 161, 230, 232 dream 056 drink 126 drink-alcohol 283 drink-beer 176, 190 drink-coffee 264 drink-milk 037, 122, 138, 263 drink-tea 222 dust 211 eating 040 economy-capitalism 269 economy-development 278, 292 economy-socialism 276 education 005, 224, 281 education-book 005, 018, 219, 273, 274 education-school 273, 279 electricity 134

515

elements-fire 012, 047, 132, 206 elements-water 006, 148, 159 emotion-astonishment 291 emotion-cowardice 082 emotion-cries 040, 133 emotion-depression 267 emotion-fear 095 emotion-humor 010, 016, 040 emotion-joy 015 emotion-lament 150 emotion-loneliness 040 emotion-mercy 201 emotion-pride 016 emotion-sorrow 291 family 039, 057, 159 family-ancestor 013, 026, 199 family-birth 165, 166, 317 family-bride price 158, 172 family-children 107, 142, 163, 167, 168, 245, 286 family-clan 162 family-daughter 031, 044 family-elder 035 family-father 044, 057, 156, 221, 222, 227 family-grandfather 024, 032 family-guest 315 family-husband 172, 175, 176, 215, 256 family-in-law 006 family-marriage 158, 173 family-mother 023, 057, 070, 142, 143, 156, 163, 166, 221, 222, 227 family-orphan 283 family-parents 040, 255 family-polygyny 064, 065 family-sister 221 family-son-in-law 176 family-uncle 146 family-wife 033 famine 130, 212, 224, 242, 244, 251, 252, 253, 311 famine-balugwa 239 famine-gada 246 famine-magembe 247, 249, 250 famine-masanzo 239 famine-nhinje 236 farmers 225, 233, 244, 257, 280, 282, 285, 288, 302, 313, 315 farming 128, 142, 152, 161, 169, 212, 228, 281, 282, 283, 285, 306 farming-ax 125 farming-fertilizer 212, 265, 266, 285, 310

516

thematic and topical keyword index

farming-fields 204, 222, 285 farming-harvest 114, 219, 288 farming-hoes 189, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 235, 275, 277, 280, 283, 232, 233, 234, 310 farming-land 281 farming-mills 120 farming-plough 279 farming-scythe 191 farming-seeds 208 farming-silos 114 farming-soil 106 farming-storage 293 farming-tie ridge 240, 220, 308 farming-tractor 171 farming-weeds 280 fate 139 fertility 034 food 245 food-beans 160 food-chicken 40 food-fish 039 food-meat 267, 293 food-porridge 121 food-preparation 048 food-vegetables 262 forest 195 forest-trees 093, 095, 317 fortresses 256 fruit-lemon 029 fruit-mango 227 fuel 285 future 059 gifts 145 good-mirror 167 goods-blanket 063 goods-container 292 goods-handbag 040 goods-handkerchief 287 goods-hides 259, 267 goods-lamp 316 goods-pen 282 goods-soap 315 goods-soda 220 goods-thimble 031 goods-watch 287 government 100, 308 government-Arusha-Declaration 272 government-August-Eighth 308, 310 government-clerk 205, 219, 257, 282 government-colonialism 072, 104, 269, 284, 291

government-cooperative 314 government-courthouse 007 government-destocking 265, 266 government-fine 019, 321 government-independence 260, 267, 268, 270, 287, 312 government-local 281, 293, 314, 315, 334 government-militia 252 government-multiparty 312, 314 government-politics 309, 312, 314 government-relocation 293 government-revolution 284 government-tax 056, 231, 265, 266 government-Uhuru 267 government-Ujamaa 299, 300, 301 government-village 019, 037 health 033, 034, 035, 036, 037, 099, 116 health-doctor 255 health-hospitals 255 hiding 002, 025 home-roof 279, 310 homestead 045, 047, 051, 074, 083, 085, 087, 159, 175, 178, 218, 232, 245 hunting 049 hunting-elephant 055 hunting-porcupine 012 hunting-snake 001, 002, 004 injury 078, 080, 220 injury-sting 194 justice 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 322, 323 324, 325, 326, 327, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335 kingdom

203

labor 046, 062, 087, 095, 102, 103, 104, 111, 115, 119, 122, 138, 256, 315 labor-grinding 119, 120 labor-lifting 041 labor-pounding 042 labor-weaving 055 lake 075 landscape-coast 056, 058, 211, 257 landscape-mountain 060, 068, 259, 316 landscape-plain 098, 267 landscape-sand 089 landscape-stones 098, 234, 259 language-Kisukuma 189 leaders 068, 108, 256, 295 leaders-chief 056, 067, 094, 238, 256, 332

thematic and topical keyword index legacy 031, 036, 044, 045, 049, 122, 135, 207 liars 007, 232 livestock-cattle 019, 033, 098, 099, 131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 146, 147, 177, 191, 221, 224, 230, 253, 296, 304, 324 livestock-sheep 019, 147, 253, 304 media-radio 234 medicine 034, 035, 036, 053, 054, 057, 065, 099, 123, 124, 211, 266, 290 medicine-flywhisk 033 medicine-gourd 024, 025, 032 medicine-horn 031 medicine-pouch 005, 036 medicine-root 050 migration 106, 107 mineral-gold 222 mnemonic 013, 042, 186, 187 money 193, 220 money-debt 286 money-payment 104, 306 money-price 289 money-rupee 145 money-shilling 163, 222 months-April 284 months-December 245 myth-giant 025, 026, 035 ng’oma 001, 002, 004, 009, 012, 013, 014, 016, 018, 038, 043, 047, 052, 053, 054, 094, 099, 105, 173, 174, 175, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 201, 202, 208, 225, 244, 254, 303 ng’oma-bug’hunda 042, 043 ng’oma-buyege 043 ng’oma-buyeye 003, 028 ng’oma-competition 003, 019, 020, 021, 022, 023, 024, 025, 026, 027, 028, 029, 032, 182, 188, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 195, 196, 200, 201, 202 ng’oma-dance 016 ng’oma-horn 321 ng’oma-instrument 165 ng’oma-lyeja 017 ng’oma-medicine 022, 052, 196 ng’oma-ndulilu 319, 320, 326 ng’oma-rattle 030 ng’oma-rehearsal 335 ng’oma-salenge 123 ng’oma-skin 139, 186, 188 ng’oma-skirt 030 ng’oma-song 315 ng’oma-ululation 021, 091 ng’oma-whistle 034, 321

517

oppression 100, 101, 282 oppression-protest 241, 289 oppression-slavery 287 peace 295, 332 poverty 038, 056, 150, 211 power 259 praise 090, 256, 309, 313, 314 praise-self 003, 021 prison 051, 290 prison-warden 290 prophecy 032, 056, 251, 317 prostitution 169, 175 recreation-games 281 relations 161, 162 relations-beloved 149 relations-courtship 018, 039, 144, 151, 117 relations-fiancé 145 relations-love-longing 051 relations-love-loss 006, 063 relations-male-female 118, 220, 254 relations-romance 164 relations-seduction 017 relations-sexuality 154, 155, 254, 255 religion-angels 184 religion-prayer 274 risqué 073, 077, 152, 153, 154, 155 roads 279 ship 069 ship-anchor 069 ship-sailors 069 signs 044 sleep 060 sun 175 swimming 196 taboos 213 teacher 258 teacher-student 026, 030, 043, 051 theft 321 theft-livestock 053, 054, 229, 318, 316, 319, 320, 322, 324, 331, 333 thorns 032 threat 201 trade-baskets 233 trade-cloth 037, 058 trade-salt 061, 062, 063, 233 trade-tusks 041 trait-bravery 093 trait-cleverness 115, 258 trait-diligence 122 trait-foolishness 005, 283

518

thematic and topical keyword index

trait-forgiveness 334 trait-ignorance 205 trait-intelligence 128, 259, 282, 312 trait-laziness 066, 127, 131 traits-stubbornness 102, 258 travel 060, 067, 075, 076, 077, 089, 143 travel-aircraft 053, 054, 219, 257, 298 travel-auto 279, 315 travel-bicycle 244, 279 travel-bus 279 travel-motorcycle 267, 279 travel-paths 202 travel-train 110, 229 travel-truck 219 unity

284

village 006, 056, 095, 204, 293, 315 violence 057, 058 violence-abuse 176 violence-bloodshed 312, 324 violence-cannibalism 058, 098 violence-domestic 177 violence-murder 057, 058, 087, 157, 291, 316, 318, 331 violence-torture 229, 335 war 023, 053, 054, 082, 083, 085, 086, 087, 088, 090, 097, 098, 099, 294, 297, 298 war-booty 093

war-cries 087 war-flag 088 war-military 281, 321 war-trenches 098 wealth 136, 167, 176, 218, 221, 282 weapon 022 weapon-arrows 332, 318, 319, 330, 332 weapon-bomb 259 weapon-bullet 087, 295, 326 weapon-cannon 058, 097 weapon-clubs 173 weapon-gun 100, 324 weapon-iron 322 weapon-knife 148, 286 weapon-mortar 298 weapon-poison 326 weapon-shield 331 weapon-spear 020, 037, 059, 081, 083, 084, 085, 322 weapon-whip 335 weather-lightning 131 weather-rain 106, 107, 225, 238 weather-storm 056 weather-tornado 295 wilderness 040, 056, 090 witchcraft 010, 019, 046, 065, 116, 202 women 031, 047, 062, 152, 157, 159, 170, 173, 175, 201, 228 year-1964 year-1977 year-1979

284 284 252

PERSONAL NAME INDEX Names listed here are all personal, clan and family names mentioned in the songs, who are not the singers or composers. Also included are deities, nationalities, and names for corporations and organizations. Specific musical labor group names, when referenced in the song, are included here as well. AFRO 283 Allah 069 Amin 294, 295, 296, 297, 298 Anzuika 094 Arabs 261, 264

Bukwimba 222 Bula 311 Bulige 254 Bunyika 124 Busia 192

Babili 037 Babinza 108 Bacheye 193 Bagobogobo 206 Bagoyangi 025 Bahati 207 Bajanyalaja 061, 062, 066 Bakomyaluume 182, 195 Bakonong’ho 181, 334 Bak’hula Kalang’ha 198 Balinaba 132 Balinago 128 Barugaruga 086 Balyungu 099 Bamayeji 203 Bandolobo 061 Bangoni 093 Banhya 077 Banuunguli 275 Banyema 023, 026, 027, 034, 311 Banzoza 022 Basalama 319, 327 Basukuma 254 Basumba 077 Basungusungu 324, 325, 326, 327, 335 Batendi 256 Batindigu 060 Batwaale 291 Bayege 024, 025, 029, 044, 048, 037 Belgians 058, 098 Black 240 Bomani 256, 257, 258, 275, 279, 288 British 097, 240, 261, 271, 279, 284 Budelele 293 Bufufu 304 Buhondo 200, 224, 250 Bukamile 219

CCM 283 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310 Chagua 095 Chalice 038 Chananja 192 Chanila 057 Charles 203 Chibya 167 Chikungu 052 Dolwa 254 Doto 105 Dube 313 Enos 314 Europeans 053, 054, 059, 072, 096, 104, 259, 261, 267, 283 Gamale 022, 026 Geja 135 Germans 097, 099, 100, 291 Gidima 207 Ging’hinyali 252 God 116, 244, 250, 251, 258, 259, 308, 321, 333 Guligu 314, Guliho 178 Gumha 129 Gwanchele 208 Haha 129 Hindi 256, 258, 261, 262, 263 Holo 203 Homa 311 Hondo 201 Huma 200 Huya 136

520 Ibambangulu 135 Ibelenge 083 Idebe 206 Idili 230 Ikilijo 116 Jagai 051 Japan 311 Jesus 255, 258 Jidahi 224, Jifaru 239 Jigalu 224 Jijabu 200 Jiji 143 Jilala 051 Jiloti 043 Jimalida 076 Jonjo 242 Julius 308 Jumbe 277 Kabila 184 Kabula 133 Kadis 135 Kafuhishi 206 Kahabi 049 Kalagula 185, 186 Kalikali 296 Kaliyaya 057 Kalulumila 219 Kambarage 277 Kambona 261 Kamegayi 024 Kandi 138 Kanundo 193, 315 Kanyamba 091 Kapembe 091 Karume 276, 283, Kasasala 230 Kassanda 092, 093 Katavi 097 Kawawa 261, 277, 279 291 Kebesi 011 Kidokeji 058, Kiganga 084 Kilya 287 Kimogele 256 Kininiga 195 Kisatu 017 Kishamapanda 258 Kishema 245 Kisorwa 304 Kitengule 283 Kiyungayunga 180

personal name index Koncha 242 Konongo 183 Kube 097 Kubingwa 023 Kubini 008, 023 Kubunga 044 Kujitegemea 016 Kulindwa 238 Kumbyalela 278 Kundi 148 Kwilasa 237 Lameck 309 Lemi 035 Liaku 190, 191 Libyans 295 Liku 249 Lili 110 Limiho 080 Longoye 316 Lubala 014, 036 Lubasha 045, 049 Lubuga 144 Lufega 196 Lufunga 035 Lufungulo 132 Luge 207 Lugeye 206 Luhondo 137 Lukondya Mayoka 003 Lulayu 195 Lunyaluha 084 Luo 153 Lusana 016, 193 Lusanya 137 Luswetula 177 Lutambi 177 Lutandagula 213 Lutubiga 202 Lyalu 080 Lywawaji 204 Maasai 037 Mabimbi 286 Mabuga 148 Mabula 137, 162 Machela 164 Machibya 251 Madako 195, 198 Madede 165 Madeleke 267 Mage 283 Magema 304 Mageuzi 306

personal name index Maggie 207 Magina 267 Mahahila 019 Mahalozi 307 Mahandago 245 Mahande 248 Mahenge 032 Mahuma 147 Maige 309 Makadundu 237 Makanuka 189 Makeja 253, 304 Makende 048 Makenzi 197 Makoma 097 Makondo 242 Makongolo 294 Makoye 138, 195 Makungu 219 Makwi 118, 291 Malamula 310 Malando 198 Malanguga 257 Malanguka 256 Malangwa 223 Malechela 308 Maliganya 222 Malole 026 Malu 307 Malulu 238 Malundi 135, 317, 283, Malushu 125 Malya 283 Malyalya 023, 024 Manamba 103, 294 Mang’ondi 251 Mang’ombe 099, 184, 317, 318 Manyema 058 Manyinya 203 Manzumila 245 Mapalala 307 Mapandachalo 051 Maria 170, 221 Mariam 197 Martha 234 Mary 207 Masanja 113, 168, 231, 267, 307, 313, 314, 315, Masele 046 Mashaka 251 Mashala 051 Mashauri 039 Mashinyali 043 Masindi 126, 134

521

Masota 238 Masuka 256 Matabila 032 Matumba 198 Maumau 241 Mayanda 310 Mayunga 253 Mazela 257 Mazengo 058 Mbagule 261, 287, 289 Mbilingi 147, 316 Mbogo 258 Mbogoshi 109 Mbudula 251 Mgaya 277 M’hangwa 213 Mhina 043 Mhina 253 Mhindi 045 Mhindi 219 Mhogota 310 Mhoja 304 Mhyeni 308 Midongo 242 Migonga 194 Mihambos 135 Mija 022 Milalu 237 Mishingilwa 199 Misuga 201, 224 Mlela 026 Mode 232 Monde 207, 253 Mpangamchu 129 Mpemba 151 Mpemba 311 Mrema 307, 308 Mshing’wanda 056 Mugambo 334 Mugongo 056 Muhammed 233 Muhandikila 084 Muhoja 056 Mulele 022 Mungamila 232 Mushilu 226 Mussa 315 Muswanzali 309 Mwamugoba 195 Mwinyi 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 306, 308 National 197 Nchimani 203, 267 Ndelema 003, 005, 006, 017

522

personal name index

Ndelya 27 Ng’humbu 310 Ng’walu 207 Ng’wandu 223 Ng’wangula 321 Ng’waya 240 Ngaliwa 311 Ngawa 114 Ngele 310 Ng’hoboko 023 Ng’humbu 105 Ngogo 196 Ngollo 317 Ngoya 020 Ngunga 309 Ng’washitolyo 254 Nhindiko 056 N’hung’wa 144 Njicha 043 Njile 043 Nkaliwa 311 Nkanda 123, 254, Nkanjiwa 311 Nkila 206, 309, Nkomyalume 183, 187 Nkondo 315 Nkonongo 182 Nkunula 130 Nkwimba 043, 225, 238 Noni 226 Nsanyiwa 052 Ntobi 315 Nurses 182 Nyagaki 278 Nyahinga 079 Nyakayanza 138 Nyanjige 045 Nyansolo 049 Nyanza 277 Nyanzobe 043 Nyawilu 236 Nyerere 219, 244, 246, 259, 260, 261, 263, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 291, 292, 293, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 312, 313, 330, 331, 332 Nzalalila 031 Nzugamawe 294

Quadafi 294, 295

Obondikije

Uganda

242

Peleka 208 Phillipo 309 Porini 304

Rexon 197 Robert 313, 314 Russia 311 Sabale 208 Sagini 188 Saidi 293 Saku 198 Sakumbi 252 Salawi 224 Sale 169 Sani 113 Sayi 236, 257, 257 Seba 200 Sekayi 256 Sengeka 031 Sengo 052 Shashi 265, 266, Shema 219, 245 Shibili 020 Shigela 182 Shija 148 Shimba 194, 238, 304, Shingweng’we 025, 026 Shitobelo 294 Silvester 315 Sita 245 Sokoine 333 Sonda 257 Sophia 038 Stelia 006 Sukuma 266 Sundi 060 Sungusugu 321 Susanna 197 Susu 101 Swahili 058 Swahili 233, Tabu 243 Tagili 182 Tanafa 321 TANU 266, 283, 287 Tanzanians 244, 295, 296 Tarime 245 Tungu 129 Tungu 203 298

Waliya 232 Walung’wana 070, 071 Wande 066

personal name index Washa 219 Welelo 005, 201, 222, Wile 111 Wilinda 171 Wilwa 278 Wishi 267

Yamalila 048 Yamulinga 004 Yikobela 229 Yunge 063 Zanaki 311 Zebulon 257

523

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX All villages, towns, cities, regions, nations, and bodies of water mentioned in the songs are included in this index. Bahi 060 Beda 094 Beregedi 214 Biharamulo 037 Bugalika 272 Bugando 255, 298 Buha 106, 107 Bukilugulu 146 Bukoba 218, 250 Bukumbi 053, 054, 066, 084 Bukwimba 053, 054, 256 Bulima 084 Bung’hwi 026 Burundi 168 Busanda 052 Buswegi 178 Butimba 189 Buyele 316 Chato 037 Dar es Salaam 219 Dodoma 212, 311 Europe 143 Gagabali 242 Ilemela 284 Iponya 321 Iselemagaji 321, 324, 326, 328 Itumbili 147, 208 Kahama 033, 318 Kampala 296 Kijima 218 Kikubiji 247 Kilimanjaro 199 Kisessa 120 Kolongo 030 Kwimba 241 Lake Eyasi 060 Libya 295 Linsalala 092 Lubana 284 Lubumbo 056 Mabungabunga 248 Mahaha 315 Makerere 272 Malawi 234

Malya 241 Mamhalo 247 Manawa 053, 054 Mangala 052 Mankula 238 Masanza 256 Masekela 043 Matumba 198 Mhela 110 Mhulya 056 Milolangulu 094 Miswaki 304 Mondo 200 Muhambili 255 Musoma 272 Mwadui 056 Mwanza 021, 149, 283, 284, 212 Nassa 158, 256, Ndagalu 187 Ng’wagulanja 256 Ngasamo 308, 309, 310 Ng’ashanda 017 Ng’hubila 205 Ngudu 241 Ntusu 143, 195, 317, 321 Nyabusu 311 Nyakabindi 242 Nyalaja 109 Nyamatongo 334 Nyamilembe 037 Nyang’ombe 134 Nyanguge 120 Nyanza 075 Rwanda 311 Salawi 248 Sayi 207 Seke 056 Sengerema 003, 241 Shashi 243, 244 Shimba 238 Shimiyu 196, 284 Shinyanga 021, 052, 212 Singida 212 Sonji 200

geographical index Swela 321 Tabora 205, 212, 227 Tanganyika 262, 271, 291

525

Tanzania 219, 263, 279, 282, 284, 285, 298 300, 301, 309, 311, 312 Uganda 295, 298 Zanzibar 058, 284

GENRE INDEX Because of the nature of Sukuma musical labor, many of the songs in this collection are performed across multiple labor-related genres. This index provides a reference to all the known genres that a particular song can be associated. (?) 237, 238, 240, 246, 270, 271, 276, 277, 292, 299, 305, 306 askari 083, 095, 096, 097, 098, 101, 103, 104 beni/pubha 097, 098, 099, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 135, 236 bucheyeeki 133, 152, 159 budimi 136, 137, 316 bug’hunda 042 bugobogobo 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 282, 313 bukomyaluume 188, 189, 190 burugaruga 071, 072, 074, 078, 086, 087, 088, 089, 090, 091, 092, 093, 094 bulugu 071, 072, 074, 079, 080, 081, 082, 083, 084, 085, 086, 087, 088, 089, 090, 091, 093 bunuunguli 007, 008, 009, 011, 012, 013, 014, 015, 016, 017, 018, 019, 020, 021, 022, 023, 024, 025, 026, 027, 028, 029, 030, 031, 032, 033, 034, 035, 036, 037, 038, 039, 040, 269, 275, 302, 303 busumba 106, 107, 108, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169,

170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 243 busungusungu 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335 mimbo ga: bajanyalaja 060, 061, 062, 063, 064, 065, 066, 083 banigini 142 bapagati 067, 068, 069, 070, 071, 072, 073, 074, 075, 076, 077, 088, 089, 090, 091, 092, 093 butemi 067 kuhanga 056, 057, 239 matusi 073, 077, 153, 154, 155 buyege 017, 041, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047, 048, 049, 50, 051, 052, 053, 054, 055, 056, 057, 058, 059 buyeye 001, 002, 003, 004, 005, 006, 041 itula 078, 079, 080, 081, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116 kahena 053, 054 manamba 103 manhe 010, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124 salenge 122, 123 wigaashe 139, 156, 200, 213, 230, 231, 232, 241, 242, 244, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 272, 273, 274, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300, 301, 304, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315

TIME PERIOD INDEX This index provides exact and estimated time references to the origins of songs in this volume. If the exact date is known, it is listed. An approximate timeframe is signified by a range of years (1940–1960). A dash preceding a year (–1960) signifies that the song is known only to have been composed sometime before the year cited, the year that it was collected. 1860–1913 071, 072, 074, 088, 089, 090, 091 1860–1914 076 1865–1890 086, 087 1870–1901 092, 093, 094 1880–1909 068, 069 1880–1890 085 1883–1887 084 –1890 067 1890–1930 236 1890–1936 050, 052 1890–1940 184 1894 058 –1894 073, 075 1894–1918 095, 096 1894–1961 104 1898 083 1900–1930 –1901 1901–1975 –1903 –1904 1904–1914 1906–1917 –1909 1914–1918 1914–1927 1914–1940 1916–1930 1917–1920 1918 –1920 1920–1940 1920–1960 1923 –1930

099 048, 082 239 070 013 051 057 077 097 056 043, 045, 049 237 053, 054 098 010 100 105 238 078, 079, 080, 081, 106, 107, 113, 122 1930–1960 055 –1937 012, 061, 140, 145, 149, 150, 211

–1940

1940–1995 1940–1996 1940–2000 1940–1950 1940–1960 1945–1970 1950–1960 1950–1970 1950–1980 1950–1994 1955 1958–1961 1958 1960–1995 1960–1970 1961–1994 1961 1965 1967 1968–1970 1968–1974 1968–1979 1968–1985 1968–2000 1968 1969 –1970 1970–1980 1970–1985 1970–1995 1970–2000 –1970 1970–1980 1971

041, 042, 044, 059, 060, 062, 063, 064, 065, 066, 109, 123, 124, 135, 181, 209, 240 204 189 202 210 101, 102, 103 024 156, 185, 186, 187, 188, 193, 231, 242, 258 130 192 183 241, 256, 257 260, 261, 262, 267 259 230 273, 274 120 263, 264, 268, 269, 270, 271, 286, 287, 288 289, 290 272 281 131, 276, 277, 278 299 114, 206 212 275, 280, 291, 292 245 118, 265, 266 201 224 199, 203, 220 205 316 200, 218, 219, 243, 244, 246 279

528 –1972 1974–1978 –1974 1975 1977–1980 –1979 1979 1980–1994 –1980 1980–1985 1980–1994 1980–1995 1980–1999 1980–2000 1980–2006 1980 1980–1990 1984–1994 –1985

time period index 142 293 225 248, 249, 250, 247 282 019, 136, 143, 144, 146, 148, 151, 164, 168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 235 251, 252, 253, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298 318 002, 126, 139, 141 313, 314, 315, 328 190, 191, 195, 196, 197, 198, 214, 222, 227, 232, 304, 321, 335 320, 322, 323, 325, 330, 331, 332 317, 319, 326, 329, 334 327 234, 324 283, 285 003, 038, 039, 040, 182, 194, 208, 254, 255, 301 333 001, 027, 121, 153, 154, 155

1985–1995 1985–1996 –1985 1985 –1990 1993 1993–1995 1993 –1994

–1999

207 302, 303 221, 226, 284 300 129, 176 016 312 305, 306 034, 110, 111, 112, 115, 116, 127, 133, 138,147, 152, 159, 165, 166, 167, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 213, 223, 228, 233 307, 308 004, 005, 007, 008, 017, 030, 031, 046, 047, 119, 125, 137, 158, 180, 216 309, 310, 311 009, 011, 014, 020, 023, 025, 026, 028, 033, 108, 128, 132, 157, 162, 163, 217 015, 021, 022, 029, 032, 035, 036, 037, 117, 160, 161 006

–2000 –2006

018, 134 215, 229

1994 –1995 1995 –1996 –1998

REGION COLLECTED INDEX This index references all the known locations where songs in this volume were collected. This is not to say that the song necessarily originates from this region, only that this was the area it was collected. The Village Locator Chart and Area Maps in the preface can be used to further situate these locations. Berlin 048, 082, 092, 093, 094 Bujora 061, 067, 095, 106, 107, 316, 330 Bukwimba 225 Buswelu 328 Butimba 228 Chicago 021, 022, 029, 035, 036, 037, 161, 302, 303 Dar es Salaam 050 Gambos 056, 102, 130, 233, 297 Isangidjo 002, 003, 005, 007, 008, 010, 016, 030, 034, 039, 040, 041, 053, 054, 056, 057, 058, 060, 063, 064, 077, 078, 083, 086, 087, 096, 097, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118, 119, 121, 145, 172, 173, 175, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 204, 210, 211, 216, 231, 240, 241, 246, 261, 262, 264, 275, 286, 289, 287, 289, 312, 335 Kisessa 283 Magu 115, 123, 125, 229, 234, 317, 324, 331, 332 Miswaki 110, 112, 113, 122, 152, 159, 165, 178, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 208,

213, 222, 227, 232, 251, 252, 253, 258, 264, 266, 273, 290, 298, 304, 305, 306, 307, 311, 321, 215 Ng’asamo 309, 310 Ng’wajiginya 041, 055, 098, 099, 105, 135, 137, 236, 278, 101, 103, 129, 133, 174, 214 Ntulya 017, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047, 049, 051, 065, 066, 113, 116, 138, 180, 239, 242, 325 Sambaguli 182, 183, 190, 191, 192, 193, 223 Sanga 244, 308 Sayusayu 207, 220, 265, 301, 320, 323 Seke 199, 200, 201, 203, 224, 247, 248, 249, 250, 282, 313 Shinyanga 071, 072, 074, 082, 088, 089, 090, 091, 121, 154, 155, 156 Tabora 082, 092, 093, 094 Usende 006, 212 Welamasonga 230, 241

COLLECTOR INDEX Anonymous 079 Augustiny 238 Baumann 073 Bischoff 009, 011, 014, 020, 023, 024, 025, 026, 028, 033, 038, 081, 085, 108, 128, 132, 157, 162, 163, 189, 209, 217, 269, 275, 302, 303 Bukurura 322 Chenya 084 Cory 012, 052, 053, 054, 056, 061, 096, 097, 140, 145, 149, 150, 211 Gibbe 019, 100, 104, 124, 136, 143, 144, 146, 148, 151, 164, 168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 218, 219, 235, 243, 270, 271, 276, 277, 294, 299 Gunderson 002, 003, 005, 007, 008, 010, 013, 015, 016, 017, 021, 022, 029, 030, 031, 032, 034, 035, 036, 037, 039, 040, 041, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047, 049, 050, 051, 053, 054, 055, 056, 057, 058, 060, 061, 062, 063, 064, 065, 066, 067, 077, 078, 080, 083, 086, 087, 095, 096, 097, 098, 099, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 137, 138, 145, 152, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 180, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 203, 204, 207, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 220, 222, 223, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 236, 239, 240,

241, 242, 244, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, 252, 253, 258, 261, 262, 264, 265, 266, 273, 275, 278, 283, 286, 287, 289, 290, 291, 297, 298, 301, 202, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 316, 317, 320, 321, 323, 324, 325, 328, 330, 331, 332, 335 Heijnen 292 Kandt 013 Kang’wezi 225, 229 Kija 121, 153, 154, 155, 201, 206, 221, 224, 226, 249, 282, 313 Lubasa 001, 027 Lumuli 060, 237, 256, 257 Lupande 004, 120, 125, 147, 269, 280 Makoye 006, 018, 059, 134, 181, 202, 205, 212, 254, 255, 315, 317, 319, 326, 327, 329, 334 Massesa 318, 328, 330, 331, 332, 333 Mkongola 126, 139, 229, 231, 245, 259, 260, 268, 273, 281, 293, 295 Molitor 071, 072, 074, 088, 089, 090, 091 Nkuli 131 Noble 274 Songoyi 176, 263, 267, 272, 279, 280, 283, 285, 287, 288, 296 Varkevisser 142 Velten and Lippert 082, 092, 093, 094 Velten 048, 070 Welsh 289 Werther 075 Weule 068, 069, 077

RECORDING INDEX The recordings referenced in this collection come from field recordings made by the author. Copies of all interview transcripts, together with the cassette recordings, have been deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music located at Indiana University (IUATM). Here, the songs are cross-listed from the IUATM accession numbers to the song numbers assigned in this volume. 003 006 014 015 016 017 018 019 021 028 030 031 033 034 042 047 051 060 070 071 073 074 076 078 090 093 094 095 100 105 109 117 122 124 126 127 130 131 135 137 140

122 113 198 196 198 196 196 195 197 158 304 194 214 129 174 101 103 056 309 310 298 307 227 305 222 102 120 297 080 056 321 253 232 308 244 314 175 306 166 305 251

141 149 151 153 154 155 157 158 160 163 164 180 181 184 186 187 188 189 190 193 195 196 202 205 206 207 208 209 220 221 222 223 225 226 227 229 230 231 234 237 238

252 213 280 223 193 192 003 002 078 182 191 210 123 184 044 045 047 049 043 242 065 017 076 165 066 113 115 116 113 114 111 083 057 115 172 109 246 173 034 064 063

239 240 241 243 244 244 245 252 254 263 270 271 273 276 277 293 293 294 296 298 300 301 302 304 305 306 310 311 316 317 323 338 339 346 348 358 361 362 363 364 365

086 067 087 258 233 240 275 138 208 064 199 247 248 203 250 106 107 095 031 040 008 039 175 016 016 325 239 207 220 301 051 323 320 041 099 105 278 098 135 236 137

532 369 450 452 455 456 457 458 459 465 466 473 477 495 497 503

recording index 156 058 264 231 273 286 289 291 145 096 097 241 061 064 060

504 526 526 529 533 548 551 563 570 589 590 591 603 605 607

183 204 216 335 053 230 283 118 316 211 096 055 178 127 159

609 610 611 612 618 619 625 626 628 629 633 636 650 816

152 133 228 041 200 110 112 010 030 119 046 007 190 054

Here, the songs are cross-listed from the song numbers assigned in this volume, to their relative IUATM accession numbers. 002 003 007 008 010 016 016 017 030 031 034 039 040 041 041 043 044 045 046 047 049 051 053 054 055 056 056 057 058 060 061 063 064 064 064 065

158 157 636 300 626 304 305 196 628 296 234 301 298 346 612 190 186 187 633 188 189 323 533 816 591 105 060 225 450 503 495 238 237 263 497 195

066 067 076 078 080 083 086 087 095 096 096 097 098 099 101 102 103 105 106 107 109 110 111 112 113 113 113 114 115 115 116 118 119 122 123 127

206 240 202 160 100 223 239 241 294 590 466 473 362 348 047 093 051 358 293 293 229 619 222 625 006 220 207 221 208 226 209 563 629 003 181 605

129 120 133 135 137 138 145 152 156 158 159 165 166 172 173 174 175 175 178 182 183 184 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 196 196 197 198 198 199 200

034 094 610 363 365 252 465 609 369 028 607 205 135 227 231 042 130 302 603 163 504 184 650 164 155 154 031 019 015 017 018 021 014 016 270 618

recording index 203 204 207 208 210 211 213 214 216 220 222 223 227 228 230 231 232 233 236 239

276 526 311 254 180 589 149 033 526 316 090 153 076 611 548 455 122 244 364 310

240 241 242 244 246 247 248 250 251 252 253 258 264 273 275 278 280 283 286 289

244 477 193 126 230 271 273 277 140 141 117 243 452 456 245 361 151 551 457 458

533 291 297 298 301 304 305 305 306 307 308 309 310 314 316 320 321 323 325 335

459 095 073 317 030 078 137 131 074 124 070 071 127 570 339 109 338 306 529

AUTHOR INDEX Abrahams, xxi, 25 Agawu, 10 Appadurai, 453 Askew, 27 Augustiny, 303 Austen, 17, 95, 137, 138, 159, 227 Bartenieff and Lewis, 43 Batibo, xxii Baumann, 113, 122, 123, 132, 453 Bessire, 33 Blohm, 27, 76, 453 Bosch, 25, 121 Bourdieu, 453 Brandel, 139 Bücher, 8 Bukurura, 444 Burton, 17, 76, 121, 123, 130, 226, 265 Cameron, 133 Cohen, 9 Coplan 137 Cory, x, xxxii, 2, 3, 6, 18, 25, 26, 42, 44, 74, 76, 96, 97, 98, 102, 114, 128, 134, 138, 153, 155, 157, 159, 193, 206, 208, 210, 227, 229, 269, 270, 457 Cummings, 121, 122 Dahl, 4 Decle, 123 Deutsch, 130 Dowling, 166 Ebner, 136, 137 El Murjebi, 122 Evans-Pritchard, 9 Ewald, 130 Finnegan, 9, 138 Friedson, 137 Geiger, 335, 340 Glassman, 130, 137 Götzen, 127 Grant, 172, 226 Grimes, xxi

Gunderson, 124, 137, 453 Gunmere, 9 Hall, 76, 110, 156 Hannington, 137, 138 Harman, 108, 109 Hartwig, 73, 112, 124 Heijnen, 390 Hendriks, 107, 144, 208 Hohnel, 124, 128, 129 Holmes and Austen, 17 Holmes, 145 Hore, 123 Hornbostel, 138 Iliffe, 27, 106, 109, 124, 162, 302, 332 Itandala, 15, 17, 18, 73, 101, 122, 467 Kandt, 45, 46 Kang’wezi, 229, 287 Kaseka, 139 Kezilihabi, 126 Kija, 185, 212, 260, 280, 286, 288, 321, 372, 433 Kilasa, 228 Knudsen, 227 Kollman, 17, 47, 136, 173 Koponen, 17, 53, 121, 128, 152, 229, 303, 305 Krapf, 122 Kubik, 124, 129, 137, 139, 173, 190 Lange, 27 Little, 73, 303 Lloyd, 16 Lubasa, 28, 59 Lupande, 34, 106, 185, 190, 209, 352, 369 Maganga, 4 Magoti, 172, 173, 226, 265, 308 Maguirre, 332 Makoye, x, 6, 37, 51, 110, 144, 200, 232, 255, 258, 259, 271, 272, 297, 330, 433, 437, 438, 440, 447, 448, 452 Malcom, 156, 187 Manyanda, 227, 307

author index Masuha, 229 Mayalla, 25 McCall, J., 19 McCall, M., 226 McNeil, 11 Meillassoux, 16 Millroth, 19, 26, 112 Mkongola, x, 6, 157, 189, 191, 204, 291, 294, 311, 316, 339, 340, 341, 350, 357, 370, 383, 391, 392, 399 Mpanda, iv Mwakikagile, 345 Noble, 89, 358 Ofcansky and Yeager, 392, 451 Pambe, 18, 247 Ranger, 1, 19, 123, 124, 152, 153 Reichard, 74, 89, 90 Roberts, 122 Rockel, 73 Roscoe, 130 Rosemond, 265 Rounce, 227, 228, 304 Selemani, 124 Senior, 112 Shetler, 436 Simpson, 122, 131

535

Slobin, 3, 453 Songoyi, 6, 112, 223, 311, 338, 343, 344, 349, 350, 356, 366, 369, 375, 380, 383, 384, 395, 401 Speke, 123, 132 Spellig, 150 Stanley, 121, 138 Stigand, 129 Stokes, 162 Swynnerton, 302 Tanner, 308, 436 Turnbull, 95, 187 Tyler, 1 Vail and White, 10 Vansina, 13, 14 Varkevisser, 172 Velten, x, 7, 89, 131, 138, 139, 141, 148, 150, 151 Wachsmann, 17 Welsh, 385 Werther, 26, 74, 76, 123, 133 Weule, 124, 129, 134, 138 White, 165 Wijsen, 436 Wolf, 129 Yukawa, xxii