Sukuma labor songs from Western Tanzania: "we never sleep, we dream of farming" 9789004187603, 9789004184688

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Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania

African Sources for African History Editorial Board

Dmitri van den Bersselaar, University of Liverpool Michel Doortmont, University of Groningen Jan Jansen, University of Leiden Advisory Board

Ralph A. Austen, University of Chicago, USA Wim van Binsbergen, Africa Studies Centre Leiden, Netherlands Karin Barber, Africa Studies Centre Birmingham, UK Andreas Eckert, Humboldt University, Berlin, Germany John H. Hanson, Indiana University David Henige, University of Madison, USA Eisei Kurimoto, Osaka University, Japan J. Matthieu Schoffeleers, University of Leiden, Netherlands

VOLUME 11

Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania ‘We Never Sleep, We Dream of Farming

By

Frank Gunderson

BRILL LEIDEN » BOSTON 2010

Cover illustration: Bugobogobo by Donald M. Mpanda, 1980. Permission by the artist.

This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

Gunderson, Frank D. Sukuma labor songs from Western Tanzania : we never sleep, we dream of farming / by Frank Gunderson. p. cm. — (African sources for African history, ISSN 1567-6951 ; v. 11) Texts of labor songs with translation into English, musical transcriptions, and commentary. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18468-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Work songs—Tanzania—History and criticism. 2. Work songs—Tanzania— Texts. 3. Folk songs, Sukuma—Tanzania—History and criticism. 4. Folk songs, Swahili—Tanzania—History and criticism. 5. Sukuma (African people) —Music— History and criticism. I. Title. II. Series. ML3760.G86 2010 782.42’ 159309678—dc22 2010015729

ISSN 1567-6951 ISBN 978 90 04 18468 8

Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

CONTENTS Editors’ Introduction oo... eeseeesseceecesseceeceececeeseceeeeaeeeeaeeeeeeeeseeeaees ix Acknowledgments oo... eseseeceseeeeeeeeceeeeceeeeeeeseeeeseeseeeeseeteeeesteeeeeeeeeee | XI

List of Illustrations oe eeeeeeeseeceseeeceeeeseeeeeeseeeeseeeeesseeesseeeetees = XV List of Figures and Maps ou... eeesececeseeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeteeteeeeeeneene XVII

Key to Abbreviations and Symbols oe eeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeeeeneee = XUK

Notes on Orthography, Translation and Transliteration ......... 0 xxi Key to Sukuma Musical Labor Genres oo. eeeeeereeeeeneeeees = XXV Village Locator Chart and Area Maps. ou... eeesececeeseeeeeeeeeteeseeeeee XXUK Introduction oo. eeeeeceeeessesesceeceecseeecsceacseeseeessceesseeeceasseeaceeseeeesseeases

Scope Of the Project occ eeessesseceseesseeseeceeeeceeseeseeseeeeeeeseeseeeaeenees l

Organization and Nature of the Collection ow eee 4 From Work Song to Musical Labor oe... eeeeseeeeeceeeeeeeeeees 7

Sukuma Song Texts as Sources for History wee 13

The History of Sukuma Nganda (Clans) oer 15 Sukuma Competitive Performance, Music Aesthetics, and FOL woes. eescesscesscesscsssecssscssscssscsssssssscssssssscsssssscsssssssssscssssssssees 18

I. Songs of the Bayeye (Snake Hunters) and the Banuunguli (Porcupine Hunters) oo... cceeesessescceceescsssssssssssstsssestststsees 20

II. Songs of the Bayege (Elephant Hunters) were 73 III. Songs of the Baja Nyalaja (Lake Eyasi Salt Caravaners) .... 112

IV. Songs of the Bapagati (Long-Distance Porters) «0.00... 121 V. Songs of the Balugu (Warriors) and Barugaruga (MEercenarieS) ......ccceeescssssscccsssscccsssssccssssssccsssrscscsstsscssssssscesssreee — 136

VI. Songs of the Askaris (Conscripted Soldiers) wwe = 152

VII. Songs of Reciprocal Village Labor wo... LZ]

vl CONTENTS VII. Songs of the Bagobogobo (‘Skin Wearers’) and Bakomyaluume (‘Dew Steppers’) Competitive Farming ASSOCIATIONS ooo. eecesseeeeeessceseessesscessesscessssssssssssssssstsssssstssersssteess — DLO

IX. Songs of the Bagobogobo in Praise of the Hoe ow. = 264 X. Songs of Balimi (Farmers) Concerning Disease, Drought, and Famine oo... eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeteeeeeteeeeee 300

XI. Songs of Nationalist Praise for TANU, Julius Nyerere, ANG UAUr oeeeecesseesceseseeseeecsseececcsceceseeaseeeaseeteseateeeeseeteseeteeeseere — 332

XII. Songs of Political Discourse during the Ujamaa Epoch

XIII. Songs Concerning the War against Idi Amin ow. = 395 XIV. Songs of Praise for the CCM since Julius Nyerere’s Presidency (1985-1995) we eseeesseeeeeeeeseestesteetseseeteeereee — 406

XV. Songs of the Basungusungu (Village Vigilante ASSOCIATIONS) .....eeeeeeeseccessssecccsessscccccessssececcessssccscssstssssessttterseee 435

Concluding Remarks: The Fluidity of Sukuma Musical Labor GENTES oo. ceecescesscsscsseeecsssesscesscsscsssessesssssssssscssesssesssssssssssssssessssrsess — 49

Appendices

I. Glossary of Sukuma Music-Related Terms oe 455 II. Sukuma Aphorisms Related to Music and Labor ............. 470

III. Significant Events in Sukuma History oes 473 IV. List of Interviews Cited oe eeeeeeeseeeeeeseeteeeteeeeeeenee 476

V. Extended Oral Biographies of Select Commentators ....... 481 Bibliographic SOULCES oot sseeeseeeeseeeeeeeeececeetsseesseeeteteeeeseetetseeeere — 487

Indices Song Title (First Line) Index woe eeeeeeeeeteeeetseeeeeetseeteneene 497 Kisukuma Titles oo eescesesceseeeseseeeeeseeeeseeeeseeteseesseeeteeseeeeees 497

English Titles oo. eesesseeeeseseeeeeeeseeeeeeeesseesseeeseessseestetteeeeees 003

CONTENTS Vil Singer INdex oe eseeseeseeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaceeeeeeeeseeesteetsesteetettteeeeere OL]

Teacher and Composer Index ....... ccc eeeeeststtettrttteeee 913

Thematic and Topical Keyword Index oer 914 Personal Name Index ou... essessscsceeeceeeeseseesseeessestsetseetesteetees DLO Geographical Index oo. eeeeseeeeseeseeeeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeasteeeseeseetesteeetere O24 Genre Index oc ccccssesssesccseeseeseeeeseceeeseessestseeseseeseetseseseeeees — D26 Time Period Index wi..ececceeeesscssessesceseceeeeeessesesseesessesesseeeteene O27

Region Collected Index ote eesesseseeeseeesseeeesesteeseeesseeeeeteene O29 Collector [Index oo. eeessseeseessesseteeseesseeeeeeeeeeseetsesetseteetseteteere 930

Recording Index oo. eesseseceeeeceeeeeeeeeeeseeeeseetsetsteeteeeene OSL Author Index oc ccsesssssesseceeceseseeseeeesseseeeeesessssessessssssssstsstssessssteene ODA

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EDITORS’ INTRODUCTION

Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania is an important collection of song texts which deepens our understanding of labor experiences and labor conditions in nineteenth and twentieth-century East Africa. It will be of great use for the study of the cultural and social dynamics of agriculture and village life, two issues that have been at the focus of development schedules and ideologies by both colonial and postcolonial governments. Gunderson’s collection in the African Sources for African History series proves that the labor song should not be valued only for its musical and literary content, but also as a vital source for social history, in East Africa and beyond (see Vail and White 1991). Frank Gunderson has produced a monumental bilingual text edition in which he covers an entire available body of sources. The publication of this collection of Sukuma labor songs is a complex, but intellectually rewarding way of representing this field of research in a standardized academic format (the genre of the source publication). Apart from dealing with issues of transcription and translation, it required a critical way of standardizing the sources—both field recordings and the sources produced by others—into accessible and readable texts, without losing the unique character of the songs. Next to stamina, it required a sensitivity and understanding of expertise stemming from a wide range of academic disciplines. The editors would like to emphasize the enormous amount of fieldwork and archival work that is at the basis of this project. The Sukuma songs in this book were collected, in written or audio format, from libraries and archives in many locations, and with local experts in different villages. It demands much patience and many hours of interviewing of and discussion with informants, as well as with interpreters, to grasp the meanings and functions of particular songs. The riches of the comments Frank Gunderson was able to add to his song texts stem from this intensive field work, and could not have been possible without it. Most of the songs in this volume come from Gunderson’s personal ethnographic collection, spanning nearly twenty years of active research and recording in the Sukuma region (1988-2006).

xX EDITORS’ INTRODUCTION Gunderson should be lauded for the fact that all of these recordings have been made available at the Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music (IUATM), in Bloomington, Indiana.’ Gunderson’s personal collection is not the only basis for this publication. In this volume all the known Sukuma language song texts dealing with labor are covered. This includes all the classical material (such as Molitor 1913; Velten 1901), as well as unpublished recent and older material (Bischoff et al. 1996; Gibbe n.d.), archival material (from the famous Hans Cory Collection, collected from the 1920s to the 1950s), and thesis material usually only available in the university where the thesis was defended (for instance Makoye 2000; Mkongola n.d.). The format used by the African Sources for African History publication series does not allow for the use of underlining, bold typeface, and the use of different fonts. For the sake of readability Gunderson solved this problem elegantly by writing all Sukuma transcriptions in italics.

We support his choice to transcribe Sukuma texts in an up-to-date orthography, which meant—in particular for the ‘classical’ material— that previous transcriptions had to be corrected. The author explains in footnotes to what extent and why. In songs where Sukuma and Swahili were mixed, the use of italics for Sukuma makes the texts accessible. In singing and dancing there is a lot of “embodied knowledge’, a category of knowledge difficult to assess because it is ‘non-propositional’— it cannot be talked about. Moreover, it is a category of knowledge not often referred to in collections of historical sources. This volume’s rich

descriptions, meticulous translations, and the scholarly annotations guarantee an impressive compensation for any alleged reduction to ‘only’ text: when studying Gunderson’s work the reader may experience that a labor song is indeed more than a text, in spite of its representation

as such. Through these songs and this treatment, a reader gains intimate access not only to the historical events in the region, but can also come to a more intimate knowledge of the Sukuma people and their lives, their sense of humor, their struggles, their sense of competition, their desires and their dreams.

' All songs from Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania have been deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music at Indiana University. Many of the personal recordings by the author can currently be viewed and heard without charge via online streaming media, see Ethnomusicological Video for Instruction and Analysis Video Archive (EVIADA) Online Public Access Video Deposition. 1994-1995 Sukuma, Tanzania fieldwork hi-8 video collection—http://www.eviada.org

EDITORS’ INTRODUCTION XI In the 1980s and 1990s collective labor was often studied from an economic and social perspective. In the aftermath of neo-Marxists’ analysis of African modes of production, collective labor was defined as a form of communal labor, used on poorer soils that could not be cultivated intensely. After reading Gunderson’s work, it will be clear that this economic approach overlooks a—probably more important— cultural factor: collective labor is that kind of labor during which a particular genre was sung: the labor song.

Songs without sound, dances without motion: Frank Gunderson accepted a big challenge by publishing a vast body of Sukuma labor songs in a book format. Through his systematic collecting of Sukuma labor songs, Gunderson not only saved much material from disappearing, which is the sad fate of much African intangible heritage. More important is that he made accessible a vast amount of data on Sukuma social history, and, by ‘voicing’ a genre and its performers, enriched this history. The primary point of interest, however, is Gunderson’s particular method of treatment of the songs. In this project, he couples his own interpretative reading to a substantial amount of analysis from the people of Sukuma themselves, enhancing the African perspective on both source material and its uses and meaning. Dmitri van den Bersselaar Michel Doortmont Jan Jansen

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to thank to thank the following for their friendship, hospitality, collaboration, support, and helpful critique during the research, compilation and writing of this volume. First, I wish to extend my most heartfelt thanks to Nelson Gaspar Suluja for all his work and his patience for my never-ending queries in the final stages of this project about the song texts and their multivalent translation possibilities. Wabeja, ‘Nzoka Yihenge’. Another exceptional teacher who I have

worked with over the years on the fine points of these translations is the folklorist Elias Manandi Songoyi. Wabeja, ‘Ikunza lya Mbisu’. I am grateful for the funding this project has received in its various guises. These include the United States National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the Fulbright-Hays Group Projects Abroad (GPA) award, and the Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) Title VI award. Florida State University provided support from their First Year Faculty grant (FYAP), the Committee of Faculty Research Support (COFRS) grant, the KREBS Faculty Summer Research award, and the One Time Activity (OTA) grant. To my professional colleagues and teachers across several disci-

plines, I owe the greatest thanks to Lois Anderson, Gage Averill, Gregory Barz, Aimée Bessire, James Ellison, John Hanson, Jean Kidula, Ted Levin, Lester Monts, Daniel Reed, Terry Setter, Kay Kaufman Shelemay, Mark Slobin, Ruth Stone, Charlie Teske, and Christopher

Waterman. I am thankful to my colleagues and students at Florida State University. Those deserving special mention include those in the College of Music: Michael Bakan, Charles Brewer, Jeffery Kite-Powell, Ben Koen, Dale Olsen, Douglass Seaton, and Denise Von Glahn. I am also thankful to the Dean of the FSU College of Music Don Gibson,

who supported this project from its inception, and to music theorist Jane Clendinning, who provided valuable feedback throughout. I would also like to extend thanks to my colleagues in African studies at FSU, Joseph Hellweg, and Heike Schmidt. My graduate assistants and students deserve special praise for their hard work, critical evaluation, and inspiration, especially Lisa Beckley-Roberts, Jillian Bracken, Sara Black-Brown, Elizabeth Clendinning, Robbie Fry, Trevor Harvey,

XIV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Peter Hoesing, Damascus Kafumbe, Jason McCoy, Mathew Morin, and Bret Woods. To my East African friends and family, I offer my warmest ahsanteni. Special thanks go to my mother Neema Khalif, auntie Fatuma, my sisters Leila, Fozia and Hebo, brother Ramso, auntie Noor Mbakile, Jervase Keverenge, Daniel and Angela Massanja, Primus and Rita Mtenga, Renatus and Dianna Moses, Simon and Suzanna Ndokeji, and Fr. Edward Gorczaty at the Makoko Language School. I am forever grateful to all the project associates who assisted in translations not previously mentioned, to include Betty Kafumbe, Mashaka Juma Kalunde, Joseph Lupande, Paulo Sakiila Lusana, Peter Massesa, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga, and David Pruett. Special recognition is owed to those teachers, friends, and family members who have passed on during the writing of this book: The honorable Paul Bomani, doranne crable, Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo, Ngollo Kasonga, Salu Kadelya, Michael Masalu, and my mother, Rebecca Gunderson. Finally, to my wife Leyla Mohamed Meghji, I am most grateful; to find you again was the sweetest of life’s victories! Lastly, I dedicate this book to my sons Max and Damian. FG

Tallahassee, Florida January 2010

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Unless noted otherwise, all photographs were taken by the author. 1. Author Frank Gunderson with singer and village oral historian Michael Masalu. Village of Nyamadoke, 13 October 2006 one eeeeeeseseeeeseeeeeceeeeeeeeeseeeeseeeeseeteteseetteereeeee 24

2. The singer Salu Kadelya displays wooden ng*hunda cups, dance accoutrements believed to lend power and resonance to the voice. Village of Isangidjo, 21 October 1994 wi eseeeeeseeeeeeesseeesteeeeeeesseeestteeee OL 3. Drawing of a bunuunguli lead hand drum known as SHURA .eeeseesesseescececesceccecenceceeceaceceaseecsceeceeeaceeseeaseeeaseessetsceetsseneene AZ

4. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana in midair performance leap. He is accompanied by the Kujitegemea group in rehearsal. Village of Isangidjo, 15 June 1997 ........ 68 5. Kisunun’ha Nyumbani in full buganga regalia. Besides various badges and insignia, he is wearing two of his beloved mbogoshi (medicine horns), and carrying a composer's sing wanda (flywhisk). Village of Ntulya, 11 December 1994 oie eeeseeeeseeeeseeeceteeeseeeetseeeseseeeteeereee 78

6. The Banam‘hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani listen to recordings and offer feedback. Village of Ntulya, 20 October 2006 oe eeeseeceseseeeeeeceeeeeceessseseesseeetsteesseeterseeeees OD

7. The buyege drummer and dance leader Njile Kishosha

Nyumbani. Village of Ntulya, 21 October 2006 wo. 87 8. Pius Ngasa Jishosha. City of Dar es Salaam, 23 AUGUSt 1999 Li eceseesseseeeseecsscsssessssssesssesscsssessersessteess OD

9. Sylvester Kema. Village of Makoko, 23 September 2006 ..... 103 10. Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo with kitumba drum used on baja nyaraja journeys. Town of Kisessa, 20 December 1994 wo eeseeceseeeesseeeeceeeesteeessstetseeseeeeseee — 118

11. Drawing of the Sukuma caravan leader ‘Pesa Mbili’ seen With truUMPet oo... eececeessssessecsesteesesseeeesestessesesesteeeetestseseteetee 127

12. Wooden shoes (shantalu) used by Sukuma dance

associations in the early twentieth century oe = 155 13. Bismarck Rock, Lake Victoria-Nyanza. City of Mwanza .... 161 14. A kadete (one string fiddle) performer encourages and regulates the pace with which the farmers work. Town of Kisessa, 8 January 1994 woe csseseescsssssessessesesssenseeee 174

XV1 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 15. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi. Village of Makoko, 13 October 2006 weet eeseeteeeeereeee 192 16. Singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma. Village of Gambos, 12 September 1994 ou eecseseessstetesteetsteesseeee — 196

17. Longhorn, or Tarime cattle. Village of Igoma, July 2006 ... 201 18. Leya (Limi?) Kimwaga ng’wana Mahuma and Maria Sago ‘Semeni’ ng’wana Malando. Village of Miswaki,

11 September 1994 oi cescssesseseeeetesesetestssseee 218 19. Bugobogobo group of Sambaguli (from left to right): Tagili Ntamanwa, Julius Ntamanwa, Pius Magaka, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Village of Sambaguli, 5 October 2006 oo eeeseeceseeceseeeeseeeeceessceseeseeeeseseessseetseeeseneee 233

20. Sagini Kamegayi, early leader of the bagobogobo. 1950s ...... 237 21. Kalugula Ndaki, early innovator of the bugobogobo dance. 22. Bakula Kalangha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing a dance routine at the shamba (farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993 oo eseeeeeeeeteeteteeteees 247 23. Elders of the Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) group rehearsing in full dance regalia at the shamba

(farm site). Village of Miswaki, August 1993 wee 249 24. Mwanza-based visual artist Simoni Ndokeji. Town of Kissesa, 23 AUgUSt 2006 ee eeeeseeeeeesecreeeseetsetsseetseereetreeeree 208

25. Hand-carved Sukuma hoe, 19308 oo. eeseeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeereere 207

26. Tagili Ntamanwa demonstrates the hoe-twirling technique

of his youth. Village of Sambaguli, September 1995... = 268 27. Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Town of Kisessa, 3 AUQUSt 1993 Lccecscesceseeecsectscsscsssetscssctcsscsscseceee 274

28. The niingi Buhondo Digili ng’;wana Misuga wears buganga regalia, and performs a song at his home. Village of Seke, 15 January 1995 oe eescssecseeessecsssessesesessescssecssscsssessetsesesees — LOO

29. Mayunga Ngata. Village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994 ...... 290 30. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi at her home. Village of Makoko, 12 October 2006 0.0.00... 322 31. Paul Bomani, late 1950s oe eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeteeeess SOD

32. Kalikali Mbagule rehearsing at Bujora centre, 1970s .......... 344

33. President Julius Nyerere (right). Date unknown .......0..... 353 34. Kang’wina ng’ wana Mihumo. Village of Isangidjo, 17 December 1995 ie eesseeeseseeseeeeeceeeeseeeeseeeesestesseteeeteeeeteree — 300

LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS 1. Village locator Chart oo. esesseeseeeeeceeeeeeeesseeeseesteesteeeee XXIX

2. Political map of Tanzania 0... eeeeseessetessseeeseetestetsteetees XXX 3. Northwest Tanzania regional Map... ee eeeeeeeeeeteeeeteeteeeee XXX A. Mwanza district Map... .cecsesesteetestsessssseeestsetesssstesteetensee XXXI 5. Shinyanga district Map 0... eeseseeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeeeeeeeee XXKI

6. Music transcription of common core buyeye rhythm ensemble pattern oc. ccesccssscsseeeeeeeceseesssessssesesstesstststeeee OO

7. Music transcription of Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (Little hedgehog, dance with us’) with drum parts ANd MNeEMONIC referent oe eeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeteeteeetetteees AD

8. Music transcription of Komangaga, bug’hunda! (Pound, bug*hunda’) drum parts and mnemonic TELETENt eee eeeeeeeseeeeseeecseeeeececcscseeececeeseceececeecaceecesestasseeesseeeseteese 77

9. Music transcription of Ne’'wanda Wand e Queene 119 10. Music transcription of Aliselema, alija (‘He is flowing, he is going’) oe eeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeteeeeeeeeteerere 125

11. Music transcription of Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home??’) oo... eesseeteeeteeeteeeteeere 142

12. Music transcription of Kanoni kalya (The small bird eats’) oe eeeesscecessreccesssrecsssssrreessreeeeee 148

13. Music transcription of Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’) wc eeceesssscccsscssssecssssssesssssssssssssssssttesessssteeeee 149

14. Music transcription of Kanoni kaja (‘The small bird has gone’) oo. eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeetseeeeteteeere — LAY

15. Music transcription of Shiganga jilikenya

(‘Boulders are fighting one another’) oo... eee 160 16. Music transcription of Hiiya hee, salenge weiss 186 17. Music transcription of common core bukumyaluume rhythm ensemble pattern 0... eeeeeeseeeeeeteeeeteeteeeteeeeeee 24D 18. Music transcription of Gembe nagema ng’wanone

(‘TI have made the hoe my child’) oe eeseeeteeeterneee 273

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KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

Throughout this volume an asterix (*) is used in the inline citations to signify oral sources. These sources can be found in Appendix IV. Symbols used in the song texts and in the music transcriptions:

(2x) 2x in parens. Repeat section or verse. [REPEAT] Repeat in brackets. Repeat entire section.

(C) C in parens. Lead singer’s call. (R) R in parens. Chorus response.

ka Text underline, followed by [?]. Unknown Kisukuma word.

[ | Text in brackets. Author’s commentary. op Originating pitch (abbreviated). Original pitch found in the recorded performance. For ease of comparison, I have transcribed all songs with pitch content to the key of C.

ps Pitch set (abbreviated). Pitches used in the song.

Ma- Underlined text syllable. Stress on sung text syllable.

bpm: 4 note = 120 Beats per minute. Beats per minute of common

note value, for ease of comparison these are expressed as quarter notes.

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NOTES ON ORTHOGRAPHY, TRANSLATION AND TRANSLITERATION

The Sukuma people reside in a fifty thousand square kilometer region just south of Lake Victoria, Tanzania, constituting roughly twentyfive percent of the population of this nation (Grimes 2008). Materials presented here come from two Bantu language groupings (Kiswahili and Kisukuma), both spoken in the Sukuma region. Kiswahili is the national language of Tanzania, spoken by nearly all Tanzanians. With one or two exceptions, all the musicians and scholars who figure in this work spoke Kiswahili in addition to Kisukuma. Kisukuma is a Bantu language related to Kinyamwesi, a language spoken by a neighboring culture group in central-eastern Tanzania. Both of these languages belong to the same language cluster (Abrahams 1967: 23), but their speakers regard them as separate languages. Within the greater Sukuma region, there are three major dialectical variations, found in the Ntuzu, Shinyanga, and Mwanza areas. The transliteration of Kisukuma into Latin script poses a challenge,

in that there are no standardized written conventions. Therefore, I strove for maintaining consistency within the interpretation of particular song texts or specific informant’s interpretations. Furthermore, there is a diversity of pronunciation and use from area to area and clan to clan. For example, the terms heard throughout the Sukuma region for ‘noise’, or ‘commotion’, have a variety of noun class assignations, depending on the dialect area, thus: luyogo, miyogo, or kiyogo. Shinyanga and Ntusu speakers pronounce ‘g’ instead of ‘k’ (what Mwanza dialect speakers use), or when using the plural form of ki- class nouns, they use ji- instead of shi-. Mwanza speakers use the -ga suffix signifying verb tense, whereas Shinyanga speakers use -ja. In cases such as this, the terms and spellings used in the songs were those most often identified by the interview sources who took part in this project.

Spoken Kisukuma does not recognize the consonant ‘r’. Where foreign terms or names have been introduced into the language, ‘r’s are pronounced as ‘l’s instead, as in ‘Malia’. I follow this practice in this volume, except in the case of personal names of well-known and

XXll NOTES ON ORTHOGRAPHY, TRANSLATION & TRANSLITERATION

important political or historical figures, as in Julius Nyerere, where the ‘r will remain intact. Kisukuma is a stressed tonal language (see Batibo 1991; Richardson 1959; Yukawa 1989). Syllable tones and stresses shift according to sentence context. A double vowel signifies double stress rather than

long pronunciation. A term written as kushoosha, is pronounced as ku-shoh-oh-sha. The application of tonality to the particular set of vocabulary terms that accept tonal assignment will shift according to the term’s syntactical placement in a sentence. Diacritics signifying tone are not present in this work, primarily because they are unnecessary to understand the song texts. As is common in Sukuma sung narratives, rules governing natural language use affect rhythmic stress

and syllabic duration of sung texts, and to some degree the contour of the melody. Spoken Kisukuma uses two tones with intervals of a major or minor third apart. Thirds are also the most common intervallic relationship found in Sukuma song.

Often in Sukuma song practice, singers will utilize contractions when adjacent words end and begin with vowels. For the sake of clarity, the words will remain separated here. Thus a line sung as ngomililila (‘the ng’oma cried’) will be rendered here as ng’omaa ilililia. I will make exception to this with song texts contracted in a previously published text, and I do not have access to any other version, published or recorded. In Kisukuma sung discourse, singers often employ an emphatic indicator in their texts to prove a point, create a sense of drama, provide alliteration, or provide an extra syllable to complete a rhyme sceme. For instance, instead of saying, Nene Washa, nalipanga (‘1 Washa, I

am arranging’), a composer will quite often add an emphatic vowel Cu’ here, underlined) for dramatic effect: uNene Washa, nalipanga. Througout this volume, I have retained these emphatics in the Kisukuma song text transcriptions. In both Kisukuma and Kiswahili, personal pronouns do not signify gender, as is the case with English (he or she). As a rule, I translate personal pronouns based on the known gender of the singer or composer.

Italics demarcate all Kiswahili and Kisukuma texts in this volume, except in those instances where Kiswahili narratives refer to Kisukuma terms or phrases. I signify these cases with an underline font.

NOTES ON ORTHOGRAPHY, TRANSLATION & TRANSLITERATION = XXill

A list of common Kisukuma terms used throughout this volume is found in Appendix I. A handful of common Kisukuma terms are difficult to render concisely into English, or their meanings differentiate substantially according to context. These terms, which the reader should become familiar with before reading the book, are as follows:

baba: Translated as father. Can refer to one’s father, grandfather, the father of one’s children, one’s husband, any married man, male friend, or any male ancestor or deity. In song performance, this is often a sigh, interjection, or exclamation. in the case of deity, it can mean Lord. buganga: The art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines. bugota: Medicines, medicinal accoutrements, medicinal power. In Kiswahili, this is dawa. mayu: Translated as madame (mother). This can refer to one’s birth-

mother, grandmother, the mother of one’s children, one’s wife, or any married mother. In song performance, this is often a sigh, interjection, or exclamation. m’biina: Signifies drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event, featuring competitive drumming, dancing, and song. ng’oma: Pan-Bantu term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring drumming and dancing. In Kiswahili, this is ngoma (without an apostrophe, pronounced with a hard ‘g’). ng wana: Child, child of. Found most often in the context of a personal name, where one differentiates oneself from the parents by referring to themselves or others as ng’wana so-and-so (‘child of so-and-so’). In Kiswahili, and in some archaic written forms of Kisukuma, this is mwana. I do not italicize the term ‘ng’wana’ in translation, as it is a common form of address. niingi: Singer, arranger, composer, poet, singer, music group leader (pl., baliingi).

wa ng’wa: literally, ‘of that of’ or ‘of those of’. Used throughout this

book concerning students and their ‘belonging’ to leaders, thus, Nang’wa, wa ng’wa Mhogota, akabatinda bose (‘Nang’wa, of that of Mhogota, defeated them all’). Welelo: God, fate, destiny, the universe.

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KEY TO SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES

Throughout this volume, a key conceptual underpinning is genre. This genre key will thus serve as a guide for the readers’ orientation. Music, in itself, is considered from the Sukuma perspective. The closest term the Sukuma have for ‘music’ is ng’oma. This can mean any performative event featuring instrumental performance, drumming, dancing, dance drama, poetry narration, and any kind of singing. The primary genre or ‘meta’ genre concerned with here is Sukuma musical labor. Specific Sukuma musical labor genres are named after the labor associations with which they are associated. The bu- prefix signifies genre, whereas the ba- prefix signifies the people, social groupings, and ethnicities that perform the genre. For instance, the statement, ‘the bagobogobo perform bugobogobo’ should be understood as, ‘those who are members of the “dirty skins” dance association, perform the “dirty skins” music genre. Another emic Sukuma music genre classification centers on groupings of songs (as opposed to groupings of dances), whereby the songs performed are called mimbo ga (...), or ‘songs of (...)’, for instance mimbo ga itula, or ‘songs for beating millet’. For a complete list of terms related to Sukuma music, see Appendix I.

baja nyalaja: Music performed by the baja nyalaja, those that made the caravan trips to the natural salt lake Nyalaja (Eyasi) to obtain salt. Short call-and-response choruses sung while on the road characterized this music. beni: Well-known late nineteenth and twentieth-century music found throughout East Africa. Modeled after German and British military and police brass bands, the music had a sarcastic and bawdy nature. See also pubha. bucheye, bucheyeeki: Twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments made up for these dances (Cory Papers #192). The dance was associated with ‘dressing smart’. See also wigaashe.

budimi: Livestock herding song genre, usually associated with teen and preteen boys.

bug’ hunda: An elephant hunting music genre associated with the baghunda, a hunting association that preceded the bayege. Bayege

XXvi KEY TO SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES

performers still perform this as instrumental drum music. See also buyege, kahena. bugobogobo: Music of the bagobogobo, literally, ‘the old skin wearers’. A farmers’ dance with complex choreography featuring hoes. Those who perform the dance afhliate with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bakomyaluume. See also bukomyaluume. bukomyaluume: Music of the bakomyaluume, literally, ‘the dew steppers. A farmers’ dance with complex choreography featuring hoes.

Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the bagobogobo. See also bugobogobo.

bulugu: Music of the balugu (warriors). Music used to prepare the chief's warriors before going into battle, during armed conflict, and in post battle celebrations of heroes. See also mimbo ga barugaruga. bunuunguli: Music of the banuunguli (porcupine hunters). The hunt-

ers use this music while preparing medicines to hunt for porcupines, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bayeye. See also buyeye. busumba: Music of the reciprocal farming labor group known as the basumba. See also salenge. buyege: Music of the bayege (elephant hunters). The hunters used this music while preparing medicines to hunt for elephants, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Few groups remain today. See also bug’hunda, kahena.

buyeye: Music of the bayeye (snake hunters). The hunters use this music while preparing medicines to hunt for snakes, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. Those who perform the dance affiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the banuunguli. See also bunuunguli. kahena: Music of the legendary elephant hunter, ng’wana Malundi. See also buyege, bug’hunda. man’he: Genre performed by women around the man’he or community grindstone. mimbo ga askaris: Songs of conscripted soldiers. See also beni.

mimbo ga bagaalu: Songs performed by one of the two medicinal dance moieties that developed in the nineteenth century. See also mimbo ga bagiika.

KEY TO SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES XXVIl

mimbo ga bagiika: Songs performed by one of the two medicinal dance moieties that developed in the late nineteenth century. See also mimbo ga bagaalu. mimbo ga barugaruga: Songs of the barugaruga, nineteenth century watrior-mercenaries associated with the Nywamwezi chief Mirambo. See also bulugu. mimbo ga banigini: Songs of children.

mimbo ga basungusungu: Songs associated with the basungusungu, the village vigilante associations that began in the early 1980s. mimbo ga budimi: Songs performed by young boys while tending to livestock.

mimbo ga bulimi: A general term for farming songs. See also bugobogobo, bukomyaluume, and busumba. mimbo ga bupagati: Songs associated with nineteenth-century longdistance porterage. mimbo ga itula: Songs used to accompany threshing millet. mimbo ga kaale: Literally, songs of long ago, or ancient songs. mimbo ga kugon’gola: Songs of praise. mimbo ga kuhembeka: Songs associated with initiations. mimbo ga kulema: Literally, songs of complaint.

mimbo ga kuhang’ha: Songs associated with bahanghi (those who can predict events). These contain predictions, or allude to the ability to make predictions. mimbo ga kuimela: joking songs. mimbo ga nzala: Songs that document or discuss famines.

mimbo ga pointi: “Songs with points’, or having deep and specific meanings that are easily remembered by the listener. mimbo ga walwa: Songs associated with drinking alcohol. pubha: Nyamwezi or southern Sukuma village variant of beni. See also beni. salenge: Music associated with reciprocal farming, which predated the basumba. See also busumba. taburu: Nineteenth century wooden shoe dance, may have given rise to the bucheyeeki genre. wigaashe: Literally, the ‘sitting dance’, a genre that developed in the early twentieth century. Wigaashe displays prodigious singer-poets

known as baliingi, who compete in elaborate song competitions that can go on for days. Wigaashe singers are associated with one of the two medicinal dance moieties known as the bagiika and the bagaalu. See also bucheyeeki. winga: Wedding music.

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VILLAGE LOCATOR CHART AND AREA MAPS

Mwanza is the primary commercial and administrative city in the Sukuma region, and is the second-largest city in Tanzania. Since independence, the Sukuma area encompasses two administrative regions, Mwanza and Shinyanga, and seven districts, those of Bariadi, Geita, Kwimba, Magu, Maswa, Mwanza, and Shinyanga. Different ministries (wizara) and departments (idara) work at the regional (mkoa), district (wilaya), division (tarafa), and ward (mkata) levels. Representatives of the government are the regional commissioner and the district commissioner, whose jobs are to coordinate the various departments of the government. In the following chart, readers can trace the song source locations to their respective wards, divisions, districts, and regions. Fig. 1. Village locator chart.

Village/Town Ward Division District Region

(Kijiji) (kata) (tarafa) (wilaya) (mkoa) Bujora Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza Gambos Gambos Ntuzu Bariadi Shinyanga Isangidjo Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza Kisessa Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza

Magu Magu Mwanza Miswaki Ikungu Ntuzu Bariadi Shinyanga Mondo Misungwi Misungwi Mwanza

Mondo Maganzo Kishapu Mwanza Mwadui Maganzo Kishapu Mwanza Ng’wasubuya _—_ IIkungu Ntuzu Bariadi Shinyanga Ng'unga Nyangasamo Kivukoni Magu Mwanza Ng’wajiginya §Samuye Shinyanga Shinyanga Nhobola Ndagalu Magu Mwanza Njicha Mpya __ Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza

Nyamadoke Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza Nyangasamo Nyangasamo’- Kivukoni Magu Mwanza Sambaguli Kisessa Sanjo Magu Mwanza

Sanga Nyangasamo _ Kivukoni Magu Mwanza Sayu Sayu Buchambi Nung’hu Maswa Shinyanga

Seke Seke Maganzo Kishapu Shinyanga

XXX VILLAGE LOCATOR CHART AND AREA MAPS

> S wa Oyfoe a ENN Peraria Sate { pee oe The following dictionaries and word lists were consulted. These terms were then used in feedback interviews with Sukuma musicians for further evaluation and verification, elucidation, related terms, and contextual and historical meaning. 1) Dahl, E. Nyamwezi Worterbuch (Hamburg: L. Friederichsen & Co., 1915); 2) English-Kisukuma Dictionary (Mwanza: African Inland Mission (n.d.); 3) Julian, B. “Kisukuma-English Dictionary (n.p., n.d.); 4) Maganga, C., and T. Schadenberg. Kinyamwezi: Grammar, Texts, and Vocabulary. Kéln: Koppe Verlag, 1992); 5) Scheven, Albert. KisukumaEnglish Dictionary (n.p., n.d.) Scheven Collection.

INTRODUCTION 5 For instance, we know that porcupine-hunting songs, as a labor genre,

were one of the earliest types of Sukuma music (preceding farming songs), so they are arranged accordingly here (in the first chapter). Contemporary porcupine hunting songs, which succeed many farm labor-related songs in chronology, are for continuity sake in this first chapter. With Sukuma music, there are many instances where a particular song may share several genre classifications. A song may originate with one labor genre, and then later be identified with other labor genres. In cases such as this, I classify the song according to its earliest known genre distinction. To help with issues such as these, I have provided an assortment of indexes that will assist the researcher to find songs according to song title, singer, composer, topic, genre, period, region collected, and collector.

Most of the songs in this volume come from my personal ethnographic collection, spanning nearly twenty years of active research and recording in the Sukuma region (1988-2006). I accomplished these interviews and collections with the permission of the Tanzanian government. Archival permission was not an issue, and performers granted oral and written permissions based on human subject guidelines at the time of recording. Most of these recordings are at the Indiana University Archives of Traditional Music (IUATM), in the Gunderson Sukuma Collection. This volume represents as well all the known Kisukuma language song texts, published or in archives, having to do with labor.° These

include recordings from collections housed in archives, manuscript materials housed in archives, and published materials found in the public domain. The most important collections found in this volume outside my own are as follows: ¢ Bischoff, Mads, and Lone Lee, editors. Afrikanske Sange Fra Sukumaland Og Omegn (n.p., 1996). This is a collection of labor songs compiled by an organization that sponsors exchanges between musicians in the Sukuma region and

* A second volume, currently planned, is a collection of the sung poetry known as wigaashe, and will include examples of all of its various manifestations. Wigaashe arose in the late nineteenth century as a public debate between two competing healing societies called the bagiika and the bagaalu, and has become the most artful means of public discourse about everyday life in Sukuma society. This volume will also include songs of ancestral veneration, initiation, and specialized spiritual healing.

6 INTRODUCTION Denmark (Shirika ya Daraja la Wakulima na Utamaduni Yao). Bischoff translated the songs from Kisukuma into Danish. ¢ Cory, Hans. Hans Cory Collection, University of Dar es Salaam, East Africa Collection, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

This is a research archive housing the song collection of a Tanganyikan government anthropologist who was active from the 1920s to the 1950s. This source is important because the majority of the texts were collected from elderly male and female singers during the 1930s, when the British colonial government was implementing monocrop agricultural policies that have had longterm effects on labor to the present. Cory’s work as an anthropologist and collector served the aims of the colonial power: to prevent social unrest and promote the shift from subsistence production

to the production of cheap export crops for European markets and a money economy in general. Though Cory published English versions of these texts (Koritchoner 1937; he changed his name

to Cory after World War II), the English translations are poor (Songoyi 1990). I assessed and cited the original materials from the Hans Cory Papers in this collection, because they contain the original language transcriptions, as well as the musician’s names. e Gibbe. Untitled (n.p., n.d.). Author's personal collection. This is a notebook of Kisukuma songs collected by an unknown researcher in the late 1970s, identified in the manuscript only as ‘Gibbe’. Dr. Elias Songoyi at the University of Dodoma owns the original collection.

e Makoye, Herbert Francis. “The Dance Culture of the Sukuma of Tanzania’ (University of Ghana, PhD, 2000). A PhD dissertation by Herbert Makoye (now a professor of arts at the University of Dar es Salaam). Makoye’s translations from Kisukuma into English are excellent, and for the most part remain intact here.

e Mkongola, N. E. Mabadaliko ya Dhamira na Sanaa Katika ya Wigashe (n.p., Department of Kiswahili, University of Dar es Salaam, 1983).

An undergraduate thesis from the University of Dar es Salaam, which explores Sukuma wigaashe song. The translations from Kisukuma into Kiswahili are excellent. ¢ Molitor P. H. “La Musique chez les Negres du Tanganika’. Anthropos (VIII, 1913) 714-735.

INTRODUCTION 7 This is a collection of song choruses collected by a French White Father missionary working in the Tabora region in the early twentieth century. Most of the songs are in Kinyamwezi, but a handful of them are in Kisukuma. Most of the Kisukuma songs have been translated from into French. e Velten, Carl. 1901. Lieder und Sangesweisen und Geschichten der Wanyamwezi, Von Einem Friiheren Schiiler des Orientalischen Seminars in Berlin. Mittheilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin. Dritte Abteilung, Afrikanische Studien, Redigirt von Dr. C

Velten und Dr. J. Lippert, Berlin und Stuttgart: Commissionsverlag von W. Speman. This collection of seventy song text fragments comes from Semboja Kalungwa ng’wana Likisemmewuyaga, a female Sukuma singer kidnapped in a war raid by the well-known Nyamwezi chief Mirambo in the 1880s. In 1901, Carl Velten interviewed Semboja in Berlin, and collected these remarkable song texts. The themes that emerge from these songs are those that praise Mirambo, his kin, and his allies; barugaruga soldier praise; sexual instruction for the wedding night and boasting of sexual exploits;’ songs to accompany millet grinding; and repeated humorous pleas for gifts of clothing. Unfortunately, the translations into German of many of these songs are either woefully inaccurate, or their meanings as glossed and published by Velten have changed considerably. The original transcriptions however provided in this publication are true gems of historical consciousness. The press, Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen an der Koniglichen FriedrichWilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin, operated from 1898-1934/5, and no longer exists. From Work Song to Musical Labor

For little more than two months, just after the onset of the first rains that routinely fall from late November to early February, the ’ This is a song genre known as winga, or wedding music (literally, ‘departure’, as the bride departs her parent’s compound to join that of her husband). These songs tease the bride during her ritual seclusion before her wedding night, and they are sung to her when she is accompanied to the home of the groom to negotiate the bride price.

8 INTRODUCTION everyday rural soundscape of the Sukuma region of northwest Tanzania is transformed from a state of tranquility, to one of cacophony. This is a result of the intense competing drums found in neighboring farms, and heard for as far as the ear can hear, the rambunctious shouts and song of farmers, and the thud and clang of hoes striking the earth in rhythmic unison. Occasionally, the farmers act on cue, one by one or in groups of twos and threes, to abandon their work all together, and to throw their hoes into the air and catch them, or to twirl them to the beat at lightning speed, in choreographed and rehearsed unison over their heads, through their legs, and around their chests and waists. It would be difficult to avoid the engrossing soundscape and field performance art produced by these cotton-planting farmers’ associations, who begin their treks to the fields as early as five-in-the-morning, to get an early advantage on the heat of the midday sun. It is the totality of these experiences of music at the labor site, the reflective reception, and compelling production of songs laden with creative metaphors and evocative allusions to local realities past and present, that gives the participants such a rewarding aesthetic experience. When bound with the intense physicality and bodily knowledge derived from labor ‘performed’ for long durations, together with their lived community that is at the same time synchronized to, and constantly surrounded

by call-and-response choruses and repetitive-cycle drum rhythms enhanced with some variation, the participants experience euphoria and joy.

The concept of work song has captured the imagination of many scholars. Several earlier studies situated more within the politics of human labor history than within the study of music have had significant influence on subsequent scholarship. Early discussions contained

Romantic musings about the role of work song in the evolution of human consciousness. The nineteenth century German musicologist Karl Bucher, for instance, argued that speech evolved from the reflex actions of the vocal organs incidental to the muscular efforts involved in the use of tools. He believed that as the hands became more finely articulated, so did the vocal organs, until the awakening consciousness seized on these reflexes, and elaborated them into a socially recognized system of communication. Labor cries evolved into ‘variable’ poetic improvisation and ‘constant’ labor chorus (Biicher 1896: 60). Though

deemed important in the role of the developing human consciousness, work-song was typically characterized by nineteenth century scholarship by its ‘(...) lack of individuality, the homogenous state

INTRODUCTION 9 of the primitive throng, the absence of deliberation and thought, the immediate relation of emotion to expression, and the accompanying leap or step of the dance under conditions of communal exhilaration’ (Gunmere 1897: 27). Anthropologists working in Sub-Saharan Africa began to investigate

work song and work song texts in more detail during the twentieth century, and read them in a functionalist light, declaring their usevalue as secondary to the labor rhythm itself. Evans-Pritchard in his research on the Dinka found that the ‘(...) freedom to chant obscenities made manual labor appealing to men, and hence, the relaxation of restrictions helped get laborious tasks done’ (Evans-Pritchard 1929: 312)). Finnegan called work-song text in Africa a “(...) fixed formulaic

utterance of a non-innovatory genre’ (1970: 207), ‘(...) simple with many nonsense words to fill up the rhythm effectively’ (1970: 231232), where there is an ‘(...) alternation and repitition of two different phrases, sometimes with variation’ (Finnegan 1970: 236). In labor folklore scholarship, classificatory terminologies of genre and subgenre have been a predominant concern. The category “occu-

pational song’ has been used to denote a musical piece in which descriptions of work, work conditions, or attitudes toward work form an important textual element. ‘Labor song’ serves as a subcategory of ‘occupational song’, geared toward trade unionism. The rubric ‘work song’, identifies an item sung only during the work process, implying that it established whether a particular song accompanies work (Cohen

1993: 332). Cohen breaks work-song down further, into domestic work-songs, agricultural and pastoral work-songs, sea shanties, songs and chants of direction for the coordination of work, and gang worksongs, ‘(...) tending toward greater melodic and lyrical complexity’ (Cohen 1993: 334). I have found that this approach to song classification has been helpful to a point. When applied however to Sukuma music culture and history, it risks being oblivious to the creative origins, multiple labor sites, music and labor relational processes, and historical trajectories within and beyond labor use to include leisure contexts, that a single song can have. The concept of ‘musical labor’® is more useful, to avoid ’ My concept of ‘musical labor’ was inspired by Don Donham’s use of the term ‘festive labor’ (1985), though Donham refers not to the nature of labor in-process, but to what happens after labor, in situations where farmers are lured to work on a neighbor’s field with the promise of post-labor beer and festivities.

10 INTRODUCTION the overly deterministic underpinnings of ‘work-song’, and to draw attention to the context and processes of those activities surrounding labor activity where music is present, which include composition, performance, transmission, as well as the song and song text itself. Whenever possible, I underscore how a particular song has been used at multiple labor sites throughout history, and emphasize the Sukuma worldview which understands musical labor as a kind of human experience that is both related to and different from labor, a performative behavior that is neither strict music performance nor strict labor, neither work nor play but somehow both. Farm labor and post harvest competition are inherently dependent on the yearly rhythm of the agricultural cycle, “(...) a macro level rhythmic activity that defines agriculture as a kind of performance’ (Agawu

1995: 25). During the rainy season, farm labor goes on from dawn until late afternoon, thus the time for art or recreation is found within the working hours. When farmer composers are not planting or harvesting, they are relaxing, composing songs, and competing. Musical performance at labor sites lightens the workload and transforms work into something more playful, as well as creates an environment where everyday village discourse and political commentary are encouraged, enjoyed, and reflected upon. Working together with music becomes

more than only a technical means of finishing agricultural tasks; it plays a critical role in establishing closeness, mutual support, and community solidarity. Through song, workers argue, negotiate, and challenge, in order to persuade others and effect changes in their roles and behaviors. Labor practice and song culture extend into the leisure

time forum of post-harvest dance competitions, where the farmers’ labor groups compete for prizes of cattle as well as for prestige. The pageantry, spectacle, and scandalous behavior of singers in these dance

competitions draw potential recruits and future employers toward the side of the winning group. Musical labor and post harvest song competitions are activities that serve as models for how one should think and act about local historical events, creativity and cosmological understanding, heroism, individuality, and the development and maintenance of a work ethic. The realm of musical labor is thus an expressive domain that articulates the ground rules about power, status, honor, glory, and what it means to be Sukuma. Labor songs in the rural Sukuma area create shared ‘maps of experience’ (Vail and White 1991: 40), which open the intellectual, emotional, and moral life of the region more clearly and dramatically than any other source.

INTRODUCTION 11 Musical labor mediates between disparate social realities and provides for symbolic spaces, which can reconstruct disjointed social relations. At the farm site, farmers may argue, negotiate, and challenge through

sung discourse to persuade others and effect changes in their roles and structures. Song topics range thus from scolding lazy farmers and praising local and national leaders to taking on the bigger world socioeconomic system. In the Sukuma musical labor environment, coordinated, repetitive rhythmic labor movements are less tiring than movements in which exertion and release of effort do not form an ordered sequence. The simplest form of such coordinated farm labor activity, namely hoeing, is two-phased, with one phase in the exertion and the second phase in the brief few seconds of recuperation from the effort (Bartenieff and Lewis 1980: 73-74). Coordinated timing of muscle movement contributes to group solidarity, avoids accidents, and accomplishes the work in a timely manner (McNeill 1995: viii). This said, there is always a range of uncoordinated hoeing that is not synchronized with the rest

of the group, which, together with drumming and raucous singing, contributes to making the labor seem informal, festive, and fun. In the various Sukuma labor associations, the primary function of music is to make the work easier, or as one bagobogobo musical labor group member put it (Misuga*): ‘kurahisisha kazi (to cause the work to be easier, or to ‘easify’ the work). Music accomplishes this task in the several ways that I have outlined here, as the following testimonies bear out. ¢ Music at the labor site creates a desire to work, and to work together with others, thus creating good values in impressionable youth. Muz-

iki huu unasaidia vijana kufanya kazi, ile hatakaa tu. Kila mmoja atapata hamu ya kulima, kufanyia upande wake. (This music helps youth to work, so they are not just hanging around. Every individual gets the desire to farm, to do his part - Masayi*.) e Music at the labor site provides one with the ability to work more hours without being tired. Kama muziki upo, mtu anaweza kumali-

zia hectare nne, lakini kama ngoma hazipo, sitaweza kulima hata kidogo. (When the music is there, one can finish 4 hectares, but if there is no ngoma, I will not farm, hardly at all - Kihamuja’.) Bila muziki, unaanza kuchoka, ni kama unateswa. (Without the music you just get tired, it is as if you are being tortured - Chiila*.) Tunafanya kazi kutoka saa kumi na moja asubuhi mpaka saa sita,

12 INTRODUCTION mara tatu kila wiki. Kama kawaidia, tunafanya kazi zaidi na saa nzima bila kupumzika, ni muziki ambazo inasababisha kuzoea kazi ngumu. (We work from six in the morning till noon, three times a week. We work for more than an hour at a time without resting, and it is music that helps us get used to the work - Munegela*.) Baada ya kufanya kazi muda kiasi, mtu hataweza kuhisi uzito wa jembe lake au kama ardhi ni vigumu. Akaendelea kufanya kazi tu, mpaka wimbo umechoka. Pale pale atahisi uchovu, mpaka wimbo wingine umeanzishwa, halafu ataendelea kufanya kazi! (After working to music for some time, the person will not feel the weight of his hoe, nor will he feel how hard the earth is. He will just continue working, until the song is worn out. He will feel tired then, until another song is there for him, then the work will continue! - Misuga*.)

e Music at the labor site calms its listeners and focuses their mental energies and organizational skills. Muziki unatuliza mawazo kama mvua. Unatuliza mawazo ya vijana ambao wanazo vitendo vingi shambani, vitendo ambavyo havina matumizi. (Music lulls the farmer's consciousness like rainwater. It calms the thoughts of young people who have a lot of wild energy at the farm site, more than is needed for the labor itself — Chiila*.) Wakati tunacheza muziki huu shambani, hatuna mawazo mengi vichwani. Mawazo yote yanasimamia pale pale, na tunafikiria kazi tu na jinsi ambavyo muziki unachezwa. (When we are playing this music in the fields, we do not have a lot of other thoughts running through our heads. All our thoughts stop right there, and we are concerned with the work at hand, and the manner in which the music is playing - Kifaru*.) Another testimony, however, finds that rather than focusing thought, the music

spurs many productive thoughts (for instance, on plans for the day): Una mawazo kama, ‘Leo nitaenda na fulani, na nitakutana na fulani, na nitafanya hivi na hivyo’. (You have thoughts such as, ‘Today I will go with so-and-so and meet so-and-so, I will do this and that’ — Chiila*.)

e Music at the labor site creates joy in the worker, casting off worry and suffering. Muziki ni lazima kwenye maisha ya mkulima, sawa na vyakula. Muziki inakusanya raha na inatusaidia sana. (Music is as necessary to the Sukuma farmer as eating. Music gathers and focuses our joy and greatly benefits us - Kifaru*.) Tukisikia kilio cha ngoma, moyo inahisi raha tu, unaendelea kulima, unasahau matatizo, na unaimba bila shaka. (When you hear the crying of the drums, the heart knows only joy, you just go on farming, forgetting

INTRODUCTION 13 your wotries, you sing without doubt or fear - Misuga*.) Mtu akiimba kazini, hana mawazo uzito, anafikiria mawazo mazuri tu. (The person who sings during work, has no heavy thoughts, he thinks only good and pleasant ones - Mihumo”’.) Ngoma zinaingia kichwani kama bhangi, zinaingia na zinachanganya na zinasababisha kilimo kinaendelea vizuri na kwa raha, kusikiliza midundo yake, Piga! Piga! Piga!, unaendelea kufanya kazi na raha. (Ng oma gets into your head

like marijuana does, it gets in there and mixes up and just makes you farm quickly and with joy, just to listen to its beat, Piga! Piga! Piga!, you go along working with joy - Ntamanwa*.) Bugobogobo unaathirika wakulima kama jinsi ambavyo hela zinaathirika wafanyakazi ofisini, unaathirika ubongo hivyo sawa, unarahisisha uzito, na unatuliza mawazo. (Bugobogobo music effects farmers the way a raise in pay effects office workers; it effects the mind in the same way, lightens the load, eases the mind - Mihumo”.) e Songs at the work site contain important life testimonies and teachings. Wimbo wa bugobogobo zinasifa wafanyakazi, na watu wanahisi vizuri na wanafanya kazi na bidhii zaidi. (Bugobogobo songs praise the hard workers, people feel proud to be subjects of these songs, and work even harder — Massesa*.) Kama ukisikia vibaya, au unakosa mke wako, unaweza kuimba kuhusu mambo haya. Kuimba

kuhusu vitu kama hivyo unahisi vizuri moyoni. (If you are feeling pain, if you are missing a wife, you can sing about that. Singing about these things can lift your heart - Mihumo*.) Sukuma Song Texts as Sources for History

Music and performance can illuminate aspects of culture that fall outside conventional sources for political or economic history. Song texts can elucidate many historical questions, including questions about power relations. Songs, besides presenting events, are also points of views about events, reflections of both the past and the present in a single breathe. The performer uses history as an argument, as a proof, as a legitimizing force concerning current events. Songs retain much more of their form and content in transmission over many gen-

erations, compared to other verbal utterances. Topical and political songs that commemorate events of lasting interest have persisted in some traditions for generations. Vansina informs us that ritual institutions in Africa that are associated with kingship are more likely to

14 INTRODUCTION be settings where ‘song as history remains relatively intact (Vansina 1985: 35). As I will show in this volume, in the Sukuma region, traditions that encode historical events, albeit those of common farmers, have been safeguarded and transmitted across musical labor genres, from porcupine and elephant hunters, to porters, to medicine healers, and to farmers. Sukuma songs thus have had a way of taking on a life of their own, finding themselves transmitted in varying contexts beyond their original intent. A nineteenth-century porter song sung in the first-person telling us about the hardships of life on the road, is performed today by teenage Sukuma farmers at work in their fields, and is used by farmers’ dance societies as a ‘warmup’ before going into competition. This may be because Sukuma labor song exists in a context that ritualizes the labor event, enabling the transmission of the song, even across the constructed boundaries of different types of labor. What is difficult to assess about historical materials concerning song

are the ‘social facts’ and beliefs about particular songs, song genre, dance, and long-gone producers of song. A Sukuma farmer might be too quick to attribute a song they know to be ‘old’, to a well-known singer of long ago, or, they might remember music-related history in the Sukuma area as ‘who started what, what dance begat what’. This allows the recaller to view all music genre history as a series of “break-

away groups. Asking questions about pre-colonial dance history in particular was frustrating in this sense, as what had been passed on in transmission was not information about the dance step itself as much as the long-codified knowledge of ‘which dance/dance personality begat what dance style’. These particular ways of codifying Sukuma history are useful to the researcher to get at approximate dates. Dance genres, for example can be contextualized, by becoming familiar with the genealogies of significant performers. Lineages and associated historical occurrences (like famines, floods, and reigns of kings) are more likely to be remembered than ‘when a dance was popular’ or ‘how a dance was done’, which leads to the methodological dilemma of differentiating between who started a dance in general, and who spread it in a local area. Memories about song lore, however, are valuable in their own right. What and how people think and know about the origins of a dance idiom, as expressions of local history, knowledge and philosophy, are just as important as the dance’s actual origins. How we remember shapes and replicates culture. The Sukuma believe that all song and dance originated in work-related music. This belief reinforces attitudes about music and work in general, and shapes practice.

INTRODUCTION I5 The History of Sukuma Nganda (Clans)

Sukuma music practice is the result of interactions of multiple ethnic streams over several centuries. Precolonial music history in the Sukuma region is about the movements and interactions of a variety of social units in the area, to include the clan, the extended family, the royal family, and the voluntary association. Chiefdoms created an environment where these different musical streams could take root, grow, and interact. Interlacustrine chiefdoms’ acted as musical magnets, drawing talented musicians, musical styles, and musical instruments under the royal sphere of influence. Chiefdoms gave those musical resources more exposure, and codified them as legitimate traditions worthy of support. The adoption of a common regional dialect made transmission and exchange of ideas concerning music quicker and easier. A key theme in Sukuma oral literature is the ‘breakaway’ origin story. It also establishes a model for the Sukuma ideal for a composer's career. A young man or woman interested in learning the musical arts, with all of its attendant lore, skills, and medicines, goes in search of a respected teacher. In most versions of this narrative, they go to find a teacher who lived the distance of a several days’ journey to ‘the south’, in the Nyamwezi region, where it is said they can find the best medicines and teachers. After several years of training, the novice returns to their home village and becomes a much-respected singer and dance leader with many followers. In time, one of the better pupils challenges the teacher, usually over a dispute about musical innovation or use of dance medicines, and subsequently breaks away from the group to form his or her own. This story mirrors the economic and immigrant history of the Sukuma region. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, breakaway clans from the Buganda and Bunyoro kingdoms in Uganda migrated to settle in uninhabited parts of what is now western Tanzania (Itandala 1983: 67). After several generations in one settled area, the regenerative cycle of breaking up and moving on to set up new homesteads (kayas) continued because of finite land resources. In many celebrated cases, these clan schisms were antagonistic in nature, and led to armed conflict.

° The interlacustrine area spans from west of lake Turkana in northern Kenya to south of lake Victoria-Nyanza in western Tanzania, and northeast of lake Tanganyika, to include Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and the northeastern Republic of Congo.

16 INTRODUCTION The Kisukuma term luganda (pl., nganda), roughly translated as ‘clan’, is an important cover term signifying a variety of social groupings that needs to be outlined in brief, to further understand the texts published in this project. First, is its use concerning one’s lineage or

ancestral heritage. Second, is its use concerning labor associations, since all labor associations, whether having music, are nganda. As in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, Sukuma culture aligns around cooperative social networks that include and extend beyond kinship and age-grade systems (Little 1965; Lloyd 1966; Meillassoux 1968). Ordinarily every person past puberty belonged to one or several such groups outside his family to which he owed allegiance. These ‘voluntary associations created new community contexts concerned with survival, success, and reputation of members, acting as welfare societies, as sources of prestige, and as suppliers of skills.

Throughout known Sukuma history the clan, extended family, luganda, or voluntary association has been its primary cohesive unit. Traditions in East Africa thus belong to migrating clans and voluntary associations, not to stretches of country. Precolonial ethnicity in northwestern Tanzania was amorphous and fluid, nothing like the discreet, compact, and identifiable boundaries drawn up by the German and British authorities early in the twentieth century. Incoming ethnicities adopted the growing local Nyamwezi-Sukuma dialect, and those who had already settled regarded them as nganda. An essential reason for strong clan identity was territorial mobility, or the need to move from overpopulated and exhausted areas to less congested or uninhabited areas. Sukuma chiefdoms began in the bush after a man picked out an area. “There wasn’t anyone who could dispute his ownership. This was his land, and his clan was his blood’ (Makanga*). The Sukuma region was a crossroads and host to wave after wave of migrating communities, both because of its strategic location as a gateway to Uganda on its northwestern side and to the Swahili coast to its farther eastern border, and because it has been historically rich in game and arable land. Historians agree that several waves of immigrant groups moved into and around the Sukuma region between the

fifteenth and eighteenth century, from kingdoms in what are now Uganda and Rwanda. These immigrants, known as Bahima, were the

likely descendants of Nilotic and Afro-Asiatic cattle herders from ancient Ethiopia who had colonized the interlacustrine area. This early immigrant group, which came to call themselves Sukuma, now claims

INTRODUCTION 17 about seventeen generations. In time the new leader-immigrant clans adopted the proto-Sukuma-Nyamwezi language of those Bantu pas-

toralist immigrants who preceded them, and went on to lead these groups, following the dream of building a centralized polity that they had initiated elsewhere (Holmes and Austen 1972: 24). For almost a century, independent nganda colonized the region with their followers until population growth and movement brought them into more frequent and hostile contact. Eventually, seven major nganda coalesced. From them came thirty-seven Sukuma kingdoms, of which the Babinza luganda remained the largest and most prominent, controlling fifteen kingdoms (Itandala 1983: 59). Chiefs, or batemi'® (s., ntemi), became the ideological leaders of luganda. Their primary functions were to safeguard emblems and

royal drums" (which symbolized the power and strength of the luganda), to keep the peace among them (mhola),” to protect against longtime enemies like the nearby Maasai, to provide the means for the long-term storage of grain, and to control natural resources, like making rain. Batemi either were rainmakers themselves, or kept in their employ ritual rainmakers. Ritual became part of the political because political institutions required the collaboration of otherworldly forces that could communicate with natural forces (Koponen 1988: 193). The batemi introduced the bafumu (s., nfumu), a kind of general practitioner of medicinal arts. Bafumu provided batemi with ritual medicines

'° Literally, ‘those who cleared the brush away’. From the Sukuma verb kutema, to cut, or clear out. '' Tt is clear that the majority of royal drums found preserved in the Sukuma region today conform to the conical ‘Uganda style’ of laced double-headed cylindro-conical drums with tapered bottoms that are documented by Wachsmann (1971) and Thiel (1977) throughout Uganda. These should however be seen in practical terms as singleheaded drums, because only the skin stretched across the top of the frame is used for playing. The second skin at its base does not actually count as a membrane but only forms a part of the lacing device. Royal drums came in several shapes and sizes. Smaller drums were made of hollowed tree trunks from the nkola tree (afzelia quanzensis), and the larger six-foot “Muansa’ drums documented by Richard Burton (1872) such as those on display at the Sukuma Museum of Bujora were made from mihama trees (borassus flabellifer). Other smaller drums found in the royal court were hand drums covered with lizard skins (Kollmann 1899: 164).

Literally, ‘the cool state’, or the state of peace and good relations among men and women, between clans, between the living and the dead, and between humans and their earthly environment.

18 INTRODUCTION and blessings for crop planting and harvests,’ technologies for creating rain, and rituals for maintaining wealth in cattle. The batemi brought to the musical mix elaborate drum ensembles and drum lore, as well as chief-praising song traditions. The religious luganda brought egalitarian female-centered deities, ritual learning institutions, and subversive musical ideas, which empowered the dispossessed. Migrating warriors from the south brought self-praising competitive traditions, which mixed with the chief-praising traditions of the Uganda immigrants. Competition between bafumu for favors

from the batemi spread to the singers and composers of songs, the baliingi. To praise the chief was to praise the clan. The near-mythological institution of the chief as the self-made ‘clearer of brushes’ and

head of clans staking out claims to territory, inspired the baliingi to not only compose odes to the chief, but also to anyone of individual power and means, including themselves. Sukuma Competitive Performance, Music Aesthetics, and Form

At the onset of the colonial era, a new competitive music aesthetic emerged, where singers began to praise their deeds, and to see themselves as regal conveyors of knowledge, medicines, and power. The Sukuma music soundscape under the aegis of the chiefs began to change

for a number of reasons. Because of the new realities of the colonial power structure, baliingi began to disassociate from batemi patronage, and realign not with the colonial powers, but with the emerging powerful voluntary medicinal and labor associations, where powerful alliances and affinities developed through the sharing of labor, medicinal knowledge, new political ideas, and song. The banning of nganda skirmishes and witchcraft by the Germans sent the energies of these particular modes of social conflict into the competitive performative realm of the labor associations.

'§ Sukuma chiefdoms had elaborate rituals involving crop planting and harvests. Though the chiefdoms differed in their terminologies and practices, they were variations played on a cultural theme. Seeds were blessed before planting, by mixing them with special substances. Then, they were distributed throughout the chiefdom, by the chief's council. Families blessed their hoes before using them for planting. Finally, before the harvest, special beers were brewed, livestock were sacrificed, and the ntemi was ritually shaved. See also Itandala (1983: 169-170); Pambe (1978: 228-251); and especially Cory (1951: 171-174).

INTRODUCTION 19 Post harvest village music competitions thus became the primary forum of public music performance and popular entertainment in the Sukuma region. During the German colonial era in Tanganyika (1884-1914), a fierce competitive relation between two shamanistic healing societies developed, when Gumha ng’wana Misinzo, a student of Igulu ng’wana Wandela (otherwise known as Ngika), broke away

from his teacher's medicinal organization the bagiika in a split over medicinal differences. Gumha formed his own powerful medicinal society, the bagaalu.* Today, all musical labor associations proudly align with one side or the other of the bagiika-bagaalu competitive complex, and draw their ritual, medicinal, and esoteric musical knowledge from these groups.

Bagiika-bagaalu-afhliated dance competitions are led by baliingi (s., niingi), the dance leaders, and organizers of the musical labor associations or dance societies. The term baliingi also has supernatural implications, as an important aspect of the baliingi’s work is their communication with ancestors (masamva), considered by many to be the assumed source of new musical compositions. As the living relatives of ancestors, baliingi have the power to invoke, transform, manipulate, and destroy through their words and deeds, a power held in awe and fear by ordinary people. Masamva whose names and deeds are still remembered by their families, transmit songs to baliingi through ritual dreams, signifying the critical first step of the creative process. The Sukuma believe that their masamva are neutral forces, who occasionally favor living entities with whom, they have special interests. Ancestors have a ‘multivalent pervasiveness’ in everyday life (McCall 1995: 258) and are most felt present in the compound early in the morning before dawn (Millroth 1965: 115). All Sukuma theoretically have access to their ancestors via dreams, but some are better at negotiating such contacts than others. It is thought that those rich with cows get rich because they have strong masamva. The Sukuma

public feel that it is particularly the musically inclined who receive these special favors: “You are always meeting people who, since their childhood, they just want to dance. The masamva are indeed helping that one’ (Ng’wana Niile”).

4 This important event in Sukuma music history coincided with the spread of the competitive beni dance phenomenon throughout East Africa, a case documented in Ranger’s Dance and Society in Eastern Africa (1975).

20 INTRODUCTION Baliingi and their song culture are an indispensable aspect of Sukuma intellectual life. They are important culture creators, transmitters, and entertainers. Ideas about creative musical processes are discussed openly, freely and often among baliingi and their initiates. What is secret, are only the specifics of medicine preparation, the open knowledge of which would be harmful if placed in the hands of competitors. Public knowledge about compositional and transmission processes from dream inception to competitive performance is essential to teaching initiates, and is important because it enhances the status of the composer. Baliingi understand that demystifying their creative processes is beneficial. By making known the artistry involved in song composition, they demonstrate that the masamva favor them. Though baliingi agree about the components required so to be favored to compose a song (clan affiliation, ancestral dreams, willful desire, belief, medicines), there are philosophical discussions about the role each component plays. This variance depends on the composer’s personal experience and clan affiliation, educational background, or dance specialty. The well-known niingi Idili ng wana Dukiila*, who comes from a clan recognized for its powerful composers, prepares medicines to receive his masamva, but claims that the songs only come as faint

impressions that are barely remembered, and that it is his willful labors and artistic ability that enables him to craft the melody and text upon waking. Ng’wana Hilya* believes, however, that with composition, there is not really any work or agency involved on the part of the composer, except learning about and preparing medicines. This debate over ‘inspiration or perspiration’ is a central tenet of Sukuma composer discussions. Though ancestors require respect and represent ‘the collective past’, the Sukuma believe that their presence encourages competitive individuation. In masamva-inspired songs, will power and stylistic differentiation are encouraged. As ng wana Hilya” put it, Masamva wanataka watu wao washinde, sababu ni sawa na kuwasifia. Kutunga wimbo nzuri ni sawa na kushinda kwenye maisha (The masamva want their people to do well in competition, because doing well glorifies them. To compose a good song is the same as making it in life). Though the Sukuma believe that their songs have supernatural sources, Sukuma composers lay authorial claims to their music work. The performer of a composition whose author is unknown, will be asked who the composer is, because the musical experience would be incomplete without that knowledge.

INTRODUCTION 21 Baliingi routinely cite mimbo ga pointi, or ‘songs with points’? as an important organizing principle in Sukuma song culture. These, are songs that stick in the mind of the spectators who come to see the baliingi and their groups. Ng’wana Chiila* mentions that: Mimbo bila maana na wasikilizaji wake zitapotea. Kama unazo mimbo ga pointi, watu wataziimba na wengine watazisikiliza. Kwa hivyo nyimbo zinahitaji utamu na maana, ile watu ambao wanasikiliza watazichukua nyumbai kwao (Songs without relevant meaning to its listener will be lost easily. So if you have mimbo ga pointi, people will sing them and others will pick them up. For this to happen the song needs to have sweetness and meaning so that those who listen will take it home with them.) Songs are considered teachings, as evident in the Sukuma proverb mukulanga gashi amimbo gakulagaga, or ‘there are a school of teach-

ings in ten songs’ (for further Sukuma music and labor-related proverbs, see Appendix II). Dance associations have been called schools by those who could not afford schooling, or who were on the periphery of the reach of government and private schools. The extent to which dance associations have been considered ‘alternative’ or traditional educative institutions is evident also in the well-known aphorism, shikome sha malika or, ‘the hearth teaching of the dance society’. This refers to how the teachings that happen at malika (older term for dance associations) are similar to the traditional evening fires of Sukuma homesteads (shikome), where youth were taught via storytelling, riddling, and song. At the labor site, the niingi assesses the temporal flow of the labor, the nature of the specific task being accomplished, as well as the mood, vitality, and verbal and unspoken cues provided by the group, in making decisions about song performance and song repetoire. The niingi

determines whether song phrases are expanded or contracted, and the ordering of verses and choruses within the song; whether they are repeated once, twice, or innumerable times over several hours. The niingi determines whether the song remains constant in speed, or is sped up or slowed down, whether a song's performance is random, fixed, or makes intertextual references to other songs, and whether

'S Though the term pointi is clearly of foreign origin, its use in describing exceptional songs is common throughout Sukuma society.

22 INTRODUCTION a song contain a limited or wide range of improvisational play. Furthermore, the niingi determines whether the songs sung are trivial, frivolous, topical, personal, contemporary, ancient, political, deeply profound, or all of the above. Though individual Sukuma composers are known for their unique styles especially in their employment of song content and overall

arrangement, there is an aggregate of commonalities which most Sukuma sung compositions share regardless of genre. Compositions are in flexible meters conducive to farm labor or walking, with rhythms bounded by the sung phrase. Longer sung narratives such as wigaashe are just that: half-sung, half-recited choruses, sung in unison. The niingi is freer to sing variants of the melody while the chorus repeats the primary melodic motif without variation. The most common structural forms are binary units such as AABB, AABA, ABA, and ABB. Stanza divisions are marked with a falling tone, together with a clap or marked visual cue. Vocal counterpoint is achieved by overlapping the end of the solo with the beginning of chorus parts. Choruses are contractions of the melodic phrases elaborated by the niingi. All songs are in the major mode. Melodic intervals of thirds and

sixths are most common. A common song trait is alternating quarter and eighth notes, or eighth and sixteenth notes, with the longer pulse corresponding to the natural stress of the language. Final cadences and ends of phrases tend to be held longer. Verses do not rhyme, but do alliterate. Longer narrative styles normally begin with the singing style known as kusukila. This style is one of contrasts, sung either in a high, loud and explosive voice that descends in register, or in a very soft and meditative bass voice that slowly ascends. In this section, the niingi tells who he/she is, for instance ‘It is I, son of so-and-so’. This section is sung freely, without attention to meter, and slowly develops into a metered narrative that will define the song. The competitive dance form that most expresses the public side of baliingi is the sung poetic discourse with group initiate chorus response called wigaashe. Wigaashe, or ‘sitting dance’, has, for the last seventyfive years, been the dance genre of choice at the bagiika-bagaalu com-

petitions, and is considered the most respected and revered of all Sukuma musical art forms. In sung narratives that can go on for hours, wigaashe singers expound upon their personal exploits, while degrad-

ing their singing opponents. Singers insult their opponent's eating habits, drunkenness, lack of sexual vigor, or incompetence in medicinal ability, while bragging about their compositional and singing skills,

INTRODUCTION 23 birth lineage, witchcraft knowledge, farming ability, and undefeated competitive record (real or imagined). Wigaashe composers are full of hyperbolic self-praise concerning their authenticity and possession of the right medicine coming from the hands of the right master initiator. Their songs contain the same sort of informational content as a letter to the editor of a daily local newspaper, testimonials laden with local and historical sociopolitical context. They are also full of obscure innuendos or multivalent local references understood to only a few, giving them a powerful and abstract charm. Much wigaashe song imagery consists of taming the wild, taming an audience, and taming what is potentially controllable, such as clearing the bush or planting seeds, all images consistent with the territorial expansion that the Sukuma have been doing for centuries. Though technically a competitive genre, nearly all wigaashe narratives will also refer to farmers or farm labor, either as praise, or as a complaint about lazy people (directed of course at the opponent). It is common to weave epithets such as Natalalaga niganika ilima (‘I never sleep, I dream of farming’) or Tudimagi igembe chiiza (‘Let us grab the hoe properly’) into the wigaashe narratives. Other common tropic images found in wigaashe relate to fire, such as Jipembele makwii (‘I shall burn the big fire’) or Nasen’ha ng’wii (‘I gather firewood’), both referring to burning medicines, burning the opponent, or carrying on the tradition of the ancestors by keeping the hearth warm at night. Though wigaashe is not a musical labor song genre, many songs found in this volume were labor association adaptations from wellknown wigaashe verses and choruses, which contained hunting, farming, or political discourse. However, just as many of the musical labor songs contained herein were adapted by baliingi into wigaashe choruses, where they became more widely distributed, well known, and remembered. When known, I will address the nature of this chickenegg question in the song’s interpretive treatment.

,

24 INTRODUCTION

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From Kisukuma kuyeyeka, to move like a snake. The term describes the wriggling movements that the dancers make with their upper torsos, what they call “dancing the shoulders’, in opposition to their lower torso.

26 CHAPTER ONE it occurred at the end of the nineteenth century, at roughly the same time as the breakup between the bagiika-bagaalu. In the case of the old bayeye-banuunguli moieties, the associations’ professional duties were similar: to discover the whereabouts of snakes and porcupines, to hunt them down and to capture them. Porcupines were dangerous to crops, especially corn, and well, snakes were just dangerous. Because porcupines and snakes live and coil up together in the same holes, it was important that those trained in hunting one or the other know about the problems they might run into if they met with the opposing party. The students of these groups were also taught that both animals react to sound in the same way: They are disoriented by loud repetitive percussive noises (like drumming), and thus can be manipulated easily and in entertaining ways during music performance. The bayeye dance societies are specialized as snake hunters and healers of poisonous snakebites.* The hunters capture the snakes by hand,

or by traps (Werther 1898: 65). They are pinned to the ground using forked sticks, and they remove their poisonous teeth every five to six days (Cory Archives #188). In their dance competitions with the banuunguli, the bayeye dancers reveal the snakes, which they refer to as ‘their children’ (bana biswe), and provoke them to move, much to the horror and delight of the audience. Other groups demonstrate the proficiency of their medicines by dancing with the poisonous snakes, even allowing themselves to be bitten. At this point, other members will be on hand to apply the appropriate medicines. The bayeye, though they preceded the bagiika-bagaalu medicinal associations, share an afhliation with the bagiika. Of all the dance societies of older origin still operating today, the bayeye have the longest and most elaborate initiation period.” Recovered snakebite patients are sometimes required to join in the association as a form of payment. As with the banuunguli, some bayeye groups closer to urban areas have gone through a transition period, where the medicinal practices of the association have diminished, and the groups exist only for competing and dancing with non-poisonous but crowd-pleasing snakes.® Like the bagobogobo

* Kisukuma terms for the most common poisonous snakes are as follows: nswila (spitting cobra), ng’haga buganga (cobra), and nhimbiji (black mamba). > These initiations are described by Cory (1946) and Millroth (1965: 148). * Oral accounts and local newspapers report numerous incidents involving the death of bayeye dancers due to snakebites. See Mambo Leo 1925; ‘Nzoka Yabulaga Bazwilili Babili’ 1958; ‘Ngoyangi Akagongwa Nyoka’ 1963.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 27

farmers associations discussed later in this volume, the bayeye snake

dancers are known throughout Tanzania, and their dance routines have been adopted by the national and commercial dance troupes who perform ‘ethnic ngoma’ in Dar es Salaam (see also Askew 2003; Lange 1995),’

After breaking from the bayeye, the banuunguli afhliated with the bagaalu medicinal association. According to local reports, the founder of the banuunguli association was Kisatu, who lived in Tabora and brought the medicines and rituals from Ufipa in the mid-nineteenth century (Mihumo”%). In one of its earlier incarnations in the Nyamwezi region the bunuunguli dance was called banyema (Magongo”). During the late 1920s, the banuunguli association spread to the Sukuma region

via workers digging and laying track for the Tabora to Mwanza railroad.* When it first moved into the southern Sukuma region, it arrived as a variant called bushilombo, and later bashila tembe, or ‘those who have nothing but mud to wear’, a parody name that may have originated with the bayeye, alluding to the group members’ poverty as well as their vigorous and dust-inducing acrobatic dancing (‘Bunungule Bukandya Kinehe?’ 1963). The bunuunguli dance today is arguably the most popular dance among young people in the Sukuma region, eclipsing even the more serious poetic art dances like wigaashe, much to the consternation of Sukuma elders. Since the dance competitions began to be judged according to audience headcount rather than the aesthetic evaluation

’ Snake dancing and performance are regarded as an exciting but highly unreliable dance antic at the urban shows because the snakes, advertised as a part of the overall ‘show’, are always dying in captivity and they can be hard to find on short notice. The bayeye have long made themselves available for noncompetitive and commercial dancing shows for the authorities. Blohm (1933) describes their snake shenanigans displayed before appreciative batemi, and they reportedly danced at a celebration of Kaiser Wilhelm’s birthday prior to World War I (Iliffe 1979: 238). ’ Evidence that the banuunguli had reached the Sukuma region by this time comes from a White Father’s diary entry, who wrote that he had asked the nearby ntemi to tell the banuunguli dancers to move away because they were disturbing his sleep (Diaire du Poste de St. Michel de Msalala et Mbuli 1892-1974). > In some areas, bayeye to this day joke with their banuunguli rivals during competition with the following ritual exchange: Wagwa mutembe unamuji! (“He has fallen into the mud, my baba!’), or Liku galagalaga litugije (“He has fallen down, he is not

that intelligent’). The banuunguli reply with a drum pattern on the mbeha drum, which emulates the syllables and pitch contours of the spoken phrase, ‘Paga nakubinze lukunu’ (which literally means ‘I will keep dancing in this fashion until I bust my ass!’ (Lusana”).

28 CHAPTER ONE of talent, the major attractions of dance competitions in the Sukuma region has shifted toward sure-fire crowd pleasers like dancing with wild animals and acrobatics.'” Most banuunguli societies no longer transmit hunting lore to their members, but are only dance groups. Buyeye and bunuunguli songs are typically associated with medicinal arts such as gathering and preparing medicines, hunting for and capturing snakes and porcupines, healing snakebites, ritual instruction for initiates, and humorous dance competition polemics aimed at their rivals. Another common theme with these songs is their dual utility as both hunting songs and competitive songs. Their songs consist of short, repeated call-and-response verses alternating with choruses. Bunuunguli songs are easy to remember, and they lend themselves well to adaptation to farm labor. (001) Selema (‘Move’)

Selema, selema Move, move

Nzoka yane, selema My snake, move Nakutwale kaya, nzoka yane! Let me take you home, my snake!

Selema, nakutwale kaya Move, let me take you home Interpretation: This haunting song of older origin, collected by Lubasa (1985), is used by bayeye snake hunters when hunting and handling

snakes. It is a song designed to give the singer/hunter courage. The hunter tries to pacify the snake through singing, and convince the

snake to let him take it home. Furthermore, the hunters perform the song in a competitive environment, where the conversation between hunter and snake becomes a conversation between a performer and a

snake, in front of an audience. There are numerous references in the historical record of buyeye musicians being killed by the poisonous snakes they perform with, indeed this danger is part of the attraction this group has had with the audience."

'0 Another reason is that the dance is a favorite of a Danish cultural exchange program that recruits the best dancers it can find to go back to Denmark for the summer. This cultural exchange has resulted in several dozen Danish and Sukuma-led dance groups existing in Denmark, where they compete and perform in big summer festivals. Sukuma musicians can make lucrative money there, and this fact has begun to affect the dances performed by younger musicians in Mwanza. 't See especially Anonymous. Mambo Leo #35, October 1925 (niingi killed by a cobra); Anonymous. ‘Nzoka Yabulaga Bazwilili Babili’ 1958 (two buyeye dancers

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 29

Concerning the ability and bravery of these hunters, the local historian Michael Masalu* said: Wanaweza wakashika hata watatu kupeleka nyumbani kufanya watulie wawe wa kuchezea kwenye mbiina. (The hunters can grab even three, to take them home to calm them, so they can be played with at the m’biina.) Jama Mashaka Kalunde”, a cultural affairs officer working in Mwanza, agreed, and mentioned the calming effect that the singer has on a snake: Niingi anaimba kama sala wakati anapokeana na nyoka, wanakubaliana ili kumshika na kumweka chini ya himaya ya binadamu. Anatamka maneno ili kumfanya hata nyoka mkali sana kama koboko, apoe na awe rafiki wa binadamu. (The niingi

sings as if in prayer when handling a snake, so the snake will agree to be grabbed and placed beneath the authority of human beings. He recites these words so even a very dangerous snake, such as a koboko [mamba], will ‘chill’, and become friendly with human beings.)

(002) Nibande (‘Let me hide’) Nibande ng’wisaka lya nghonge Let me hide in the bush of sisal

Na mayoka galimo! (2x) And the big snakes are there! (2x)

Baliniwila They tell me

‘Gavinyage, pye!’ (2x) ‘Catch them, all!’ (2x)

Enghaga buganga The cobra Ikabulagaga, mayu It kills, mayu Eng haga buganga The cobra

Ukachibaga na nzila It blocks the way

Aah, ha nawile, aah Aah, let the night become, aah Interpretation: This is a lively buyeye hunting song of unknown origin, performed by Salu Kadelya at his home in Isangidjo.’”* In recent years, bayeye and banuunguli initiates were required to undergo formal train-

ing that took several years, where they lived together and underwent several steps toward full membership. The first step, Ntanda, required initiates to stay naked in the bush for a period, enduring various hardships such as those outlined in this song. The initiate hunter/singer reiterates the expectation held by his group’s elders, that the initiate should capture all the snakes at this site. The singer laments thus, that

killed in the process of handling snakes); Kapongo 1963 (nyeye killed by a snake when Guinian president Sekou Toure came to Independence celebrations). ' Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 November 1994, IUATM song #158.

30 CHAPTER ONE a cobra is there, on guard. The singer knows that in the end, this work is going to take some time, perhaps well into the evening, and resigns to this fact. Hunters also perform the song after the hunt, in competition. Salu learned it from his teacher, Nyeyewaza N’hindilo, a prominent leader of the bayeye in the early 1980s, but whether he composed the song is unknown.

The buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* had this reminiscence about Salu’s teacher: Alikuwa mkali sana, na aliweza kukamata nyoka wa kila aina. Aliziweka shingoni, na kutembea nazo. Na wimbo huu,

nakumbuka, alipenda sana kuimba, mara kwa mara! Alimfundisha Salu, mwimbaji huyu, na kila mara walicheza pamoja. (He was very fierce, and he could handle snakes of every variety. He just placed them on his shoulders, and went his way. Now this song, as I recall, he loved to sing it, all the time! He taught Salu, this singer, and they always sang this song together.)

(003) Mlinghuba Ndelema (‘You are offending Ndelema’)

Mling’hubya Ndelema You are offending Ndelema

Mlinghuba unyeye You are offending the snake hunter Milimela Lukondya-Mayoka You are teasing Calmer-of-the-BigSnakes

Akalwishaga nakale (2x) He has outdone them since long ago (2x)

Mbele, aho ng’wali mtiho! Before, when you were not there!

Mbele, aha Sengelema Before, here at Sengerema ‘Akafunganya shilago’ (2x) ‘He packed up the mats’ (2x)

Mling’huba Ndelema You are offending Ndelema Mling’huba unyeye You are offending the snake hunter Milimela Lukondya-Mayoka You are teasing Calmer-of-the-BigSnakes

Akalwishaga nakale He has outdone them since long ago Interpretation: This song, composed by the nyeye Salu Kadelya at some time during the 1980s,’ castigates those backbiters who do not believe that he is ‘the real thing’. Kadelya, known for his pensive, introspective songs, began composing in the buyeye genre in 1977. Salu Kadelya*

had this personal reflection about the circumstances surrounding his

'S Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 November 1994, IUATM song #157.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 31

“| vd -| tin 2i ie . JaicFe ( ws 5 aay :fan —-. ' “1 ‘aA 4

(> >w:om ; =, |la, ™4 | Sd | PS >, |

:»y.

il La y “eae 1 | f i

an y _— ? ~ , 7, y ~ as :

> - ¥. ¥ % , Bpa: 37Ms/eeYE ‘ x eay.:| |

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Illus. 2. The singer Salu Kadelya displays wooden ng’hunda cups, dance accoutrements believed to lend power and resonance to the voice. Village of Isangidjo, 21 October 1994.

song: Nilikuwa nawaeleza waliokuwa wakinitania kuwa, hawakuwapo siku za nyuma pale watu walishangaa sana, nilienda kucheza Sengerema watu walishangaa sana, ndiyo nikajisifu hivyo. (1 explain to those

who make fun of me that, they were not there in earlier days when people were amazed [at my work]. I went to perform in Sengerema, and people were so amazed, indeed, ] am praising myself like this.) In another narrative, Salu Kadelya* had this revealing discussion of the nature of his work as a composer in general: Labda nitasikia niingi ya wigaashe mahali fulani, na wimbo wake, itaanza kushikwa kichwani changu. Wimbo huu utacheza kwa muda, halafu utaanza kubadilisha,

maneno na sauti. Mambo yote yatatokea kawaida wiki mzima, na nyimbo hizi kama kaswaida zinabadilisha hivi, wakati ninalima hasa. Au, nikiwa nyumbani, na hauna mtu yoyote, naota kuhusu maana ya

32 CHAPTER ONE wimbo: Nafikiria maneno, na subject yake, nikaanza kutunga wimbo.

Baada ya hapo, naanza kutafuta sauti, pole pole, paka nimeuzoea. Halafu, najaribu kuimba wimbo huu, pamoja na sauti yake kama nimeusikia kwenye kichwa changu. (Perhaps I might hear a wigaashe niingi some place, and his song, it starts to stick in my head. The song

plays for a while, and then it starts to alter, both the words and the tune. This process usually takes about a week, and these songs usually work themselves out into a new form in this way, especially while I am farming. Or if I am at home and there is no one around, I dream

about what the song will be: I think out the words, and the subject, and begin to compose the song. Once this has finished, I start looking for the voice, slowly, slowly, until I have gotten used to it. Then, I try to sing the song, adding the voice as | heard it in my head.) Sukuma singers have a number of personal dance-related phrases or nicknames that they accumulate over their careers. These are names or phrases that they have composed, phrases that others have composed

about them, or phrases adopted from other songs and singers. They know the dance names of their friends and associates. These personal appellations refer to their physical and moral characteristics, their family relations, and their deeds. Members of dance uganda such as the bayeye have common ancestors, and aspects of their dance names can refer to these common ancestors. Sukuma dance names can be jewels of poetry. They are hyperbolic, exaggerated statements, meant to frighten or shock, or make people laugh. They ring boastful, arrogant, presumptuous, snobbish, abhorrent, and sometimes true. In the first line, Kadelya tells his opponents outright, “you are offending Nde-

lema’. Ndelema is a mythical ancestor of the bayeye, and a common personal dance nickname among bayeye members. It is also a term of endearment for a young python. The singer then praises himself with another of his dance appellations, Lukondya-Mayoka (‘Calmer-of-theBig-Snakes’). Michael Masalu*, himself a member of the bayeye as a younger man, had this insight regarding bayeye dance names: Ndelema ni jina la nyoka, nyoka mkubwa, mfano wa chatu. Ukitaka kuingia kwa

bayeye, unachanjwa, unawekewa bugota, unaitwa na jina la buyeye. Bayeye, mara nyingi, wanaleta majina ya nyoka mbalimbali, kama ndelema, shanashana, simbi: kwa hiyo, unaitwa na jina na kufuata na tabia yako, na kufuata na aina fulani ya nyoka. (Ndelema is the name of a type of snake, a large snake, a type of python. If you want to enter the bayeye association, you are incised with bugota, and you are given a buyeye name. The bayeye, as is common, can give [the initiate] the

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 33

name of various kinds of snakes, such as ndelema, shanashana, simbi: so you are given a name to follow that of your character, following the character of a particular type of snake.) In the fourth line and in the last line, the singer sings about himself in the third person, “He outdid it since long ago’. He refers to the act of outdoing, packing up, or ‘cleaning up’ after the competition; this was how decidedly he felt he had defeated his opponent. He ends his song with a well-known aphorism for victory found at the dance competi-

tions, ‘He packed up the mats’, meaning the winner had packed up his dance paraphernalia to go home. In other words, he had finished or wrapped things up.

| | | | ie ee bpm: % note = 120.

igunya bass | fy rN p P S : Y

igomba midrange | : mbeha tenor @ P P P P : shikija lead Lh —} \

y

Fig. 6. Music transcription of common core buyeye rhythm ensemble pattern.

In the drumming pattern that accompanies this beni-influenced ngoma, the midrange igomba drummers alternate anchoring beats with the doubled bass igunya and treble mbeha parts in a stately call and response fashion. Over this rhythmic grid, one or several shikiija lead players can take turns articulating crisp and steady staccato eighth note pulses after every cycle of 32 pulses (4 bars). While the drummers play, the dancers come out, and with a historical reference to the German colonial period, mock goose-step to the beat, all while arranging themselves into a continually moving circle (See also songs #95-98). At first, the snakes remain in their boxes. Salu Kadelya (the lead dancer) then brings the snakes into the middle of the dancers’ circle. He alternates between singing to the snakes in a soothing voice and taunting them, daring them to bite him. In the end, he wears the snakes around his neck like jewelry, much to the horror and delight of the audience.

34 CHAPTER ONE (004) Wasama winga (‘He has moved from’)

Wasama winga He has moved from Winga mu buyeye Moved from buyeye

Wandeleka ishingoma He left me with the ng’oma

Sumba, Yamulinga Young man, Yamulinga Nu nene ndi nyeye (2x) I am indeed a snake hunter (2x)

Nilinga hu nzoka I am coiled in the fashion of a snake

Wasama winga He has moved from Winga mu buyeye Moved from buyeye

Wandekela ishingoma He left me with the ng’oma Interpretation: This buyeye song, collected by Joseph Lupande (1995)"* and attributed by him to Yamulinga, tells about someone who shifted from buyeye to another dance, most likely to the side of the enemies, the banuunguli. The singer implies that although this person has moved on to join another ensemble or to start his own, it would have no effect on the group or its dance. This is a common drama played out in dance

eroups. The singer finds solace in the fact that the deserter left him with the group's ngoma. He means, what remains behind, is either the physical drums used to perform this music, or the performance skills held by the singer, skills that, once acquired, cannot be lost. Magdelena Lubimbi*, an instructor for the Makoko Language School in Musoma, had this comment about Sukuma dance association rivalries and recruiting practices: Mara nyingi watunzi huwa hawasemi wazi vitu vyao. Inawezekana kweli akawa ni mwanamuziki mwenzake, na mara nyingine mchezaji anaweza akawa hapa, lakini akaitwa sehemu nyingine. Ni sawa na wachezaji wa mpira leo, anaweza akawa anachezea timu hii, kesho akaitwa kwingine na wanapoondoka wanakuwa wameacha pengo kubwa. (There are many situations [about which] composers do not speak openly. It is indeed possible that this is about one of the musician’s associates, [someone who] can be here one day, but then, they can be called or recruited to go elsewhere. This is comparable to soccer players today. They can be the player for this

team, and then, tomorrow they can be called to another [team], and upon their departure, they can leave behind a huge vacancy.)

‘4 Lupande’s English translation: ‘He has moved out / Moved out from Buyeye / He left me working dependently / Son of Mulinga / I do as my father / Coiled as snakes do / He has moved out / Moved out from Buyeye / He left me dancing / Dependently’.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 35

The well-known pubha singer Sawaka of southern Shinyanga, when asked what he would do should one of his students breakaway from

his group and join the other side, said: Ningekasirika mno, halafu ningemloga, maana amekosana sana. Alifahamu siri zao! Ningemfuata, nampigia kiboko! Ningemkasirika mno, kwa maana nilikua mwalimu wake, na sasa ananichezea, sikuwa na raha yo yote. Ningeweza kumnyamazia, maana ninafahamu jinzi ambavyo anafanya kazi. (I would

be pretty pissed off, then, I would bewitch him, should it be he has really made this mistake. He knows our secrets! I would follow him, and whip him. I would be so pissed off, because I was his teacher, so for him to play around with me, I would not be happy at all. I would be able to shut him up because I would know how he did his work.) (005) Nenda gucha (‘I almost died’)

‘Nenda gucha, Ndelema’ ‘I almost died, Ndelema’ Kale kale, nimbaga giki! Long ago, I sang like this!

Neg’wana wa nchilu Child of a fool

Nandyu gulajiwa I was almost killed

Nganza [by] Something unusual Hagunwa na Welelo I was helped by Welelo

Bana bane My children

Mukwangalila kulola mashitabo Take care to look at books

Kusula mu mbogoshi To study the medicine pouch Interpretation: Paulo Lusana remembers this buyeye'’ song taught to him by his lifelong friend and teacher Salu Kadelya. Kadelya learned the song from Muleka, of Bung’hwi (Masalu*). As with song #003, the singer addresses Ndelema, both the name of a spiritual ancestor of the

bayeye associated with the group’s origins, and one of the personal dance appellations that this singer uses. In other words, the singer is addressing his most important ancestor, or as an aside, himself, or both. The singer recounts the hard times of his earlier years as a snake hunter. In the end, with help from the Sukuma supreme deity Welelo,

he survived this turmoil.'° He thus implores his children to study to

'S Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. '© Welelo is the most common term for Supreme creator deity, and translates as God, fate, destiny, or the universe. Other terms for Supreme deity acknowledged by people of various backgrounds in the Sukuma region include Mungu or Mulungu (a pan-Bantu term that gained widespread use through Christianity), Lyuba (literally,

36 CHAPTER ONE gain knowledge, both from books, as well as from ‘the medicine pouch’ (the art of healing and accoutrements associated with healing). Fitta ng wana Liku discusses how medicines were carried by previous generations of baganga: Mbogoshi, zamani, kulikuwa na kamkoba

kama kangozi. Akitaka kutembea au kufanya kitu kingine ambacho kinahitaji bahati, anaweka humo kama ya kutembelea, ya wanawake, biashara, ya uchawi anaweka humo humo. Na pia, huo mkoba aliuvaa shingoni, akitaka kufika mahali pabaya, anatoa humo kwenye mbogoshi, hiyo bugota, anakwenda. (Mbogoshi, long ago, was a kind of small pouch made of animal skins. If they [the singers] wanted to travel or do anything needing luck, they would just apply it [the medicines] there, [for purposes] such as for travel, for acquiring women, for doing business, or for [enacting, or protecting against] witchcraft, they would just apply it. This was a kind of pouch, thus, worn on the waist. If someone wanted to go somewhere dangerous, they could remove it from the pouch, this bugota, apply it, and then be on their way.) There is some discussion of the meaning of the term nganza (line 4), the ‘unusual thing’, which almost killed the singer. It is a term of older origin seldom used today. To one commentator, it meant anything bad or unusual that can happen, or ‘a tornado’ (Liaku*). To another, it referred to a lion (Masalu*), a snake (Lubimbi”), or even a mythical ‘lion-snake’’’ (Mafanyanga”).

(006) Stelia (‘Stelia’)

Stelia, kalumbu Stelia, my sister

Ng’oga magehu One who bathes with little water Neg’wilu wane My light-complexioned one Nulu ndi boneka Even when I am eating Shitushika ga umunda seke It [food] does not reach my stomach

Nitulo yadama Even sleep is hard

Mtoto wa kung’wa Ndelema _— Child of [that of ] Ndelema

Neuno ya kukwizuka Because of remembering you Stelia, ng’ wilabuzu Stelia, the dark-complexioned one

Uli kagundo ho You are a knot

the Sun deity), Kube, and Katavi (a snake deity acknowledged by the banuunguli and bayeye, that lives beneath lake Victoria). '? ‘The myth that the speaker is referring to is unknown to the author.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 37

Aha babukwingwa Those [from] the in-laws Ako kadamya mipango Those who have made plans difficult Wa kung’wa Ndelema Of [that of ] Ndelema’s family

Ulushiku One day

Ndakinja I [will] take her from [them] Balamanicha, abana chalo They will foretell, those of the village

Uwa masala, akumana Those who are intelligent, will know

Stelia, ng’ wilabuzu Stelia, the dark-skinned one Interpretation: The collector Herbert Makoye attributed this topical buyeye song (2000)'* to the nyeye singer Mabanga ng’wana Neguno, from the village of Usende. In this love song, the singer praises a certain desirable woman, and encounters difficulty coming to an agreement with the woman's family about marrying her. This song is a good example of how flexible Sukuma song genres can be, allowing for a variety of topicality. Nelson Suluja*, a Sukuma graduate student attending Florida A&M University, pondered this text and asserted that the desired woman is given every manner of praise. An example of poetic parallelism, the singer praises her light as well as dark complexion (color does not matter, as it is all the same to the singer). The singer refers to his love as a ‘knot’, as in the knot of a tree, something marvelous, complex, or significant to behold. The singer jokes about her in-laws, who are making things difficult (her father is nicknamed Ndelema, or is of the “Ndelema’ clan - a fellow buyeye member).

Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* explained the lovesick emotions expressed in this song: Yeye anavyomsifu, hata akioga maji kidogo tu, atasafishika. Yeye hatakula hali vizuri tu kwa sababu ya kumfikiria. Kulala kwenyewe ni shida, kwa sababu

ya mawazo yake tu anamfikiria! Hajui akafanyaje kwa ajili ya huyu, huyu msichana. Rangi yake ni mweupe, na mweusi, ndio uzuri wake

'§ Makoye cites his source as a recording of a Radio Tanzania broadcast, 17 February 1981; a broadcast found also on a commercial cassette (RTD Tanzania Traditional Music Collection #793). Makoye’s English translation: ‘My sister Stelia / One who uses little water to bathe / When I eat / The food does not kill my hunger / I am sleepless / I cannot sleep / The son of Ndelema / Because of missing you / Stelia with brown complexion / You're a knot / At the family where you're married / Which hold together the family’s affairs / She who belongs to Ndelema’s family / The day I will remove it (the knot-Stelia) / All villagers will realize / The brave one will know / Stelia who has brown complexion’.

38 CHAPTER ONE ni wa peke, yaani kama mafumbo! Zaidi, yeye anashindwa, atamtoaje kwa baba na mama. Lakini kuna siku kale kafumbo akatoa. Anasema hivi ‘Kuna siku kikwazo hicho kitatoka tu’, na watakuwa wote pamoja. (Regarding the one that he [the singer] is praising, even if she bathes with just a small bit of water, the amount will be enough. He cannot keep food down very well, because of thinking about her. Even sleep itself is difficult, because of his thoughts about her, he is just constantly thinking about her! He does not know what he will do about her, this young woman. Her skin is somehow both light, and dark, indeed her goodness stands by itself, alone, she is indeed a mystery! Further, he is defeated, to know what he will give as a dowry to her father and mother. There is a day, however, when he will remove the mystery. He says this, ‘there is a day that the preventive obstacle will be removed’, and the couple will finally be together.)

The following songs prominently feature pet hyenas that have escaped. Many bunuunguli songs celebrate the fact that banuunguli hunters have a special fondness for hyenas. The banuunguli consider

the hyena as one of their token creatures, and the hunters proudly display them at their dances. The Sukuma people consider hyenas to be the companions of witches, and the banuunguli like to promote the socially dangerous possibility that they might be witches, because they are friends with these animals. Bunuunguli songs jokingly contain images of hunters cavorting with hyenas in the evening, alluding to the strength of their medicines.”

(007) Wibonile mbiti? (Have you seen the hyena?’)

Wibonile mbiti? Have you seen the hyena? Ya ngwa sengi, ilinga kusuma? Of my aunt, coming from hunting?

Wibona kinehe? (2x) Have you seen it? (2x)

Bingwe bahwahwa! You are liars!

Mhayo ndito, uyu gulamuyanje This is a heavy affair, it will trouble you

Jagi mahakamani! Go to the courthouse!

'? Another animal having special significance to the banuunguli is the gakakuona, or pangolin.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 39

(008) Mbiti yane (‘My hyena’)

Mbiti yane, Kubini My hyena, Kubini Ikunitila mihayo It will cause me trouble Yatolokile bujiku! (2x) It escaped at night! (2x)

Yapi ukulinomo It is black on the lips

Mbiti, yape amagulu Hyena, with white legs

Yatolokile bujiku! It escaped at night!

Interpretation: Little is known about the context of the anonymous song Wibonile mbiti?, remembered by Paulo Lusana.” The singer asks

if anyone has seen his auntie’s pet hyena, involved in some kind of transgression that required settlement in court. He then calls the listeners ‘liars’, and wishes to take the matter to the courthouse to be resolved. Balele Ngoya sang Mbiti yane. He attributed the song to Masoli ng’wana Butilaga, who sang it often in the mid-1980s.*' The song jokingly laments the troubles caused by the singer/owners’ pet hyena. Because hyenas are not easily domesticated, this song attests to the special ‘witchlike’ powers of the singer. Ngoya* relates this story, as told to him by the composer Butilaga. Ngoya assumes the voice of his teacher, and tells the story in the firstperson narrative: Mimi nilienda mlimani kutafuta fisi. Baada ya kumpata nikamleta nyumbani, nikaanza kumfundisha sheria zangu, mpaka akaelewa. Basi, nilimwita jina Kubini, akawa tunatembea naye, hata shambani, akawa mfano wa mbwa. Baadaye siku moja nilimwacha, nilipomwacha nyumbani akaona chakula hakipo akatoroka. Akatoroka usiku muda wa saa sita, akamuua mbuzi wa mtu. Sasa, mwenye mbuzi alikuja na kusema, ‘Fisi wako, mweusi kwenye midomo, pia mweupe miguuni, amekula mbuzi wangu, sasa tuna kesi na wewe. Wote tulienda kushuhudia kama kweli huyo mbuzi ameliwa. Baada ya kufika pale, nikamwita yule fisi Kubini, akaja mpaka kwenye miguu yangu, yule

mwenye mbuzi akanipiga faini elfu saba. Na hii ndiyo, maana ‘Itaniletea matatizo’.. (Me, I went to the mountain regions to look for a hyena. After I found it, I brought it home, where I began to teach it my

*° Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 March 1995, IUATM song #636.

oa Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 25 February 1995, IUATM song #300.

40 CHAPTER ONE rules, until it understood. So, then I gave it the name Kubini,” and we just traveled around together, even to the farm, as if it were like a pet dog. Later one day I left it, I left it at home without food, and it ran off. It took off in the evening around midnight, it grabbed the goat of a certain neighbor. So, then the owner of the goat came and said, “This hyena of yours, black on the lips, and white on the feet, it ate my goat, so now we have a case against you’. So, then we all went to investigate whether it was really true, that the goat had been eaten. After arriving there, I called my hyena Kubini, it came up to my feet, and the owner of that goat charged me seven thousand shillings. Indeed this is the meaning of the words, ‘It will cause me trouble’.) (009) Mlulu (‘Small hyena’)

(C) Mlulu, usanja mabala (2x) (C) Small hyena, moves here and there (2x)

(R) Walibona (R) You saw it iNungu lyabita! (2x) The porcupine has passed! (2x) Mbiti yane alisesejaga! My hyena is galloping! Mlulu, usanja mabala Small hyena, moves about here and there

Interpretation: Mlulu, usanja mabala is a well-known song used in the post harvest recreational bunuunguli dance competitions. Bischoff collected this text (1996: 36).** The song describes the antics of the por-

cupines and hyenas let loose in the dance arena during competition. Another reading, suggested by the painter Simon Ndokeji*, is that the song describes the actions and admirable qualities held by the singer and members of the singer’s dance group: Anatumia jina la ‘Fisi, huyu, ili kuonyesha kwamba usiku huo fisi alilia sehemu mbalimbali kwa kutamba kuwa yeye ni shujaa anayetawala usiku wote, mtu bila mpinzani yoyote. Anatumia jina la ‘Nungunungu’, kwa maana huyu mnyama ana silaha mwili mzima, yaani miiba yake hivyo si rahisi

1 2 A common name given a ‘pet’ hyena, or a joking name for a good bununguli "2 Bischof?’ Danish translation: ‘Lille sjakal lob ud i verden / se pa strudsen der lober forbid min lille ven / den kan vel nok lobe gor du ligesa / lob ud i verden’ (Little

jackal ran into the world / Look at the ostrich which runs past / My little friend / It can probably run / As you likewise, ran into the world).

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 41

mtu ye yote kumshika kirahisi. (He uses the name of ‘Hyena’, this guy, because at night the hyena cries out in various places, to establish that

he is a hero who rules the night, someone without enemies. He uses the name of ‘Porcupine’, because this animal has weapons covering its entire body, meaning that because of its thorns, it is not easy for anyone to grab him.)

(010) Ielo hulala haa (‘Today I will sleep here’)

iLelo hulala haa Today I will sleep here iLelo hulala haa Today I will sleep here

liMbiti, mayu The hyena, mayu

Jinang aluche Comes with the greeting

‘Ng’wadila, ng’wadila ‘How are you, how are you

Na mwangaluke?’ How are you this morning?’ ‘Ng’wadila, ng’wadila ‘How are you, how are you

Na mwangaluke?’ How are you this morning?’ Interpretation: Bunuunguli songs can be humorous and laden with irony, as in Ilelo hulala haa, a song sung from the perspective of a witch, which, as already mentioned, is a dangerous point of view for anyone, especially a woman, to assume publicly. The late singer and dance leader Ngollo Kasongo (1961-2003) sang this song with great joy while cutting down a tree in her backyard.” It is about staying up all night to hunt, and meeting the hyenas when they come around in the morning. The song is associated with the manhe genre of graingrinding preparation as well, where the grinders also joke and exaggerate with one another about their long hours at the task (Lupande*; Mafanyanga*). Mothers sing the song to their children to scare them into doing their chores, lest they have to do the work at night and the early morning, when the hyenas are moving about. Kasongo attributed this song to Gindu Nkiima, the infamous competitor of ng wana Malundi (see Chapter II), active toward the end of the nineteenth, and beginning of the twentieth century. Gindu Nkiima was associated with the banuunguli-bayeye association before it split completely into two competing associations. Gindu Nkiima is still revered as a revolutionary by contemporary Sukuma women baliingi

** Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 8 March 1995, IUATM song #626.

42 CHAPTER ONE like Kasonga, namely for her ability to have made her way in the world on her terms. Every Sukuma schoolgirl can tell you that Gindu Nkiima had a powerful medicine horn that she carried in her vagina, and that

any man who dared anger her, especially in competition, would die immediately when she pointed the horn in their direction. There is evidence to support the general belief among those I interviewed that there were many more well-known and powerful female baliingi before the onset of the colonial period, when women had more spheres of influence and power than under colonial rule. Several of the more prominent Sukuma clans followed matrilineal descent until 1905, when the Germans abolished the practice (Itandula 1983: 86; Cory Papers #328). Today, women baliingi have a much more difficult time. The expectation is that women should marry and manage large households, spending their days doubly bent with babies on their backs and hoes in their hands. Women who compose and perform music are considered by many men to be promiscuous, or they are thought to be shirking their strict gender-defined duties. The painter Simon Ndokeji* had this opinion about the song, which he had learned as a young child: Wimbo huu ni kuhusu huyu mtu alikuwa ameamua kulala sehemu ambayo alijua kuwa hiyo sehemu au huo mji ulikuwa na mambo ya uchawi. Alimwambia huyo mama ambaye nahisi alikuwa mchawi sana, ‘Kuna fisi zako, zisalimie! Kesho

yake, na asubuhi kama tabia za watu wa Kisukuma za kusalimiana’. (This song is about someone who decided to sleep in an area or town, where the singer thought there was witchcraft. The singer told this woman, whom I feel must have been a witch, “There is your hyena, you should greet it! Tomorrow, in the morning, in the manner which Kisukuma speakers greet each other’.)

Lilufu lyaneMe My death Nene (011) Lilufu lyane (‘My death’)

Ulu nucha nalachila mu mashibili Perhaps I shall die among anthills

Nchimi wa ngoya! (2x) Killer of the porcupine! (2x)

Bukagi, ba Kabesi! Wakeup, people of Kabesi!

Washika I arrived Ulumala ngoya (2x) The finisher of the porcupine (2x)

Alinga mu mashibili I am just from among the anthills

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 43

Interpretation: This song collected by Bischoff (1996: 33)” celebrates the work and life of the banuunguli, and holds the sentiment that a

porcupine hunter can choose their destiny. Better yet if it is a life, which meets a noble end while on the hunt ‘among the anthills’. Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* discusses this work of

hunting porcupines: Ni kama wakati anatafuta nungunungu, huwa wanaingia kwenye mashimo. Wanaingia humo, wanatafuta nungunungu. Ndio wanasema kwamba yaani ‘Atakufa’. Anaingia kwenye machongo hayo kila mara. Huyu mwimbaji, yeye anatabiri kifo chake. Kwa kuwa yeye ni mwindaji wa nungunungu, yeye anasema kwamba, kifo chake atakipatia huko kwenye uwindaji wa nungunungu, labda kwenye mashimo ya nungunungu, ndio atafia kule. Na anawaambia hata wengine wawe chonjo, wanapokwenda kufanya hiyo kazi ya nungunungu. Nadhani yeye anavyojisifu kwamba yeye amemaliza nungunungu kutoka kwenye mashimo, hakuna shimo la kumshinda. (On the

occasion when someone is looking for porcupines, they need to go into their holes. They go inside looking for the porcupines. Indeed, those outside will say [joking], “He will die’. He goes in on guard, under precaution. This singer, he predicts his own death. Because he himself is a porcupine hunter, he says that he will meet his death on the porcupine hunt, maybe even in the porcupine hole, indeed, that is where he will be buried. Anyhow, he tells the other to go in on guard when they are going about this business of hunting porcupines. I think he is praising himself, because he has finished all the porcupines that were in these holes, and in the end, there is no hole that can defeat him.)

(012) Pembagi moto (‘Kindle the fire’)

Pembagi moto Kindle the fire Moche ibupu [for] Frying the lungs

Lya ngoya Of the porcupine

*° Bischoff’s Danish translation: ‘Den dag jeg dor / vil jeg begraves i en hulepindsvinehule / Jeg tilhorer bunungulefolket / som alle er velkomne hos mig’ (The day I die / I will be buried in an anthill / I belong to the bununguli people / Whom all are welcome to join me).

44 CHAPTER ONE Interpretation: In this well-known chorus of older origin collected by Cory (Cory Archives #146), and commonly found throughout the Sukuma region, the singer instructs the initiates to start the fire, so the innards of porcupines that have been caught in the hunt, considered a delicacy, may now be eaten. Because hedgehogs and porcupines are a nuisance to crops, especially corn, farmers pool their information and resources concerning how to capture these animals. The elders send the young men into the holes, accompanied by drummers, who gather outside the hole. They are protected by medicines called salalira, hung on spears outside the hole (Cory Archives #146), to ward off the spells of the bayeye, and to enable the hunter to put his hand and part of his body into the hole. If there are any snakes inside in any of the underground galleries used by the porcupine, they will not attack the hunter. The hunter who goes inside immobilizes the creature with medicines that he blows into its face, and he may kill the creature with a spear or with his bare hands. Buyeye singer Balele Ngoya* mentioned that the grandfathers (baba buhemba) of the association will be there, waiting as the hunters come out. They will ask: ‘Je, kuna wanyama wangapi? Watano? Basi, mbona huwezi kuleta wote nje?’ (So, how many are there? five? well, why not bring them all out?’) As the hunters consider their intestines sweet to eat, the captured porcupines are slaughtered and eaten, or the porcupines are placed on display at the dance competitions.” (013) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (Little hedgehog’) (C) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage! (2x) (C) Little hedgehog, dance with us! (2x)

(R) Kalunguyeye, tubiinage! (2x) (R) Little hedgehog, dance with us! (2x)

Interpretation: This well-known drummers’ mnemonic chorus is used

by the banuunguli in public dances as well as when the captured hedgehogs and porcupines are brought out on display. The song is a common niingi cue or sung chorus, as well as a children’s song. The banuunguli musicians play it while the porcupines are brought into

*° The banuunguli believe that the meat of the porcupine is the best deterrent against bayeye witchcraft, and that those who eat it become immune to snakebite (Cory Papers #146).

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 45

the dance arena. The core rhythm consists of an igunya bass drum playing a stately ostinato figure, which provides a tension to the mbeha

tenor drum triplet pattern and shikiija lead part. A niingi will chant the phrase twice, and a lead drummer will answer the sung cue or chorus with the associated trademark mnemonic drum pattern on the shikiija drum. The drummer can also play the phrase without the vocal cue at any point, to the delight of the audience. The shikiija lead drum rhythm corresponds to the natural rhythmic contours of the text, with tones played by all three drums supporting the stressed vocables. bpm: % note = 160.

’PPE b 4 e bP bE pT bP be mbeha tenor * yLE y yLE y yLiyLty LU y LIJ LLé LE

y Lt} A A——~ —~A Lis | P| Pty Lt | Pp

shikija lead fy @

Ka-lu-ngu-ye-ye tu - -bii- -na - ge! Ka-lu-ngu-ye-ye tu- -bii- -na-ge!

Fig. 7. Music transcription of Kalunguyeye, tubiinage (‘Little hedgehog, dance

with us’) with drum parts and mnemonic referent.

Paulo Lusana sang this song, with vigorous accompaniment by Balele

Ngoya on a shikiija hand drum.’ The song is described in detail, by the late nineteenth century German explorer Richard Kandt. Kandt puzzled over the actions of his porter’s “hedgehog club’, who organized

themselves to hunt the animals and then sang songs to draw them out of hiding: “Nsassa (sic), 4 September. Today one of my people trapped a hedgehog. I did not know, if it is erinaceus albiventr Wagner, because it rolled itself together and I could not see its flesh. The Wanyamwesi knew immediately, the thing to do. They formed a circle around the hedgehog, clapped a beat [or tempo] with their hands and sang. The hedgehog immediately rolled over, nodded its head to the beat [or tempo] of the song and began to run around. Maybe someone

77 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 16 April 1995, personal collection of author. *8 Should be Nassa.

46 CHAPTER ONE will try the same thing with a German hedgehog some time’ (Kandt 1904: 55).” After having seen similar hedgehog behavior on several public com-

petitive occasions, my only explanation is that the animal becomes confused by the sound of music and goes into a kind of trance, while the drummers alter the tempo of their playing to follow the footsteps or head-wagging of the animal. They (the drummers) thus create the illusion that the porcupines are actually dancing to the triplet pattern provided by the musicians.

(014) Ulu kalilia (When it sounds’)

Ulu kalilia, kang’oma When it sounds, the small drum uKulinda nukija, yaya! To wait to go, no!

Numbho nalisata Perhaps I am ill Iki mamibili madoto Because [we have] fragile bodies Lubala, tuzenge masamva_Lubala, let us acknowledge our ancestors

Ya buta na migongo Those of the bow and the backbone Tubi tuchima ngoya! We should be stabbing some porcupines! Interpretation: A common trope in banuunguli songs is to discuss the inexplicable resignation one feels upon hearing the beat of the drum, to be called to it as if in a trance, like that of a porcupine when it hears the call the drum, to drop everything and just go and play. In Ulu kalilia, a song collected by Bischoff (1996: 48),*° the singer acknowledges one’s own inexplicable behavior, being unable to stop from going to the dance whenever the drum cries out. Perhaps it is because of youth, or because of a frail body or will. The singer asks his comrade Lubala to join in acknowledging the ancestors, both on the side of their father’s

* Heute fing einer meiner Leute einen Igel. Ich wusste nicht ob es ‘erinaceus albiventr Wagner’ ist, da er sich zusammengerollt hatte und ich seinen Leib nicht sehen kénnte. Die Wanjamwesi wussten gleich Rat. Sie bildeten um den Igel einen Kreis, klatschten im Takt in die Hande und sangen. Der Igel rollte sich sofort auf, nickte mit dem Kopf im Takt des Liedes und fing an, umherzulaufen. Vielleicht versucht jemand dasselbe einmal mit einem Deutschen Igel. °° Bischoff’s Danish translation: “Nar der lyder trommer / kan intet forhindre mig iat komme / kun hvis jeg bliver syg / og kroppen er svag / Lubala (hogen) vi bygger en helligdom / og husker fortiden / og hvordan vi far ra pa “svinet”’ (When [they] sound, drums / Nothing can prevent me from coming / Only if I become ill / And the body is weak / Lubala we build a shrine / And remember the past / And how we will attack pig).

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 47

$85 : hea ~ ae Vege ' ee |:, Te aig a'i

peta eee rn) At, * . why pO Here

|a| yee Ha ingac ) ee "{ i H he , mabae

\\ ,i“aNh ie BM ty a! Pips y ’

\ \T(nwHe ley hy).i TA’? Vee) Wa aL “

| Wit

ae,

Ci Pi

oS ae

Illus. 3. Drawing of a bunuunguli lead hand drum known as shikiija (from Kollman 1899: 163).

lineage (signified by buta, ‘bow’), and on the side of the mother’s lineage (migongo, backbone’). In the last line, the singer gleefully adds, ‘we should go stab some porcupines’,, the duty of all banuunguli. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana* expressed how he used to feel about older ngoma styles: Wakati nilikuwa mtoto, sikupenda sana ngoma, nilifikiri washenzi walizipenda. Mimi nilimpenda Michael Jackson tu. Lakini siku hizi, kama nikisikia zile midundo za ngoma, basi, tayari, nikakimbia po pote uko kucheza, nakusahau kazi na matatizo yote yangu. M-biina ni ‘perfect. Hata kama watu wanasikiliza labda pop, hip-hop, or reggae; kama m_biina zipo, kila mtu ataenda. (When

I was a child, I did not like ngoma very much, I thought it was just the ‘bush people’ who played it. I was just a fan of Michael Jackson. However, nowadays, if I hear those beats of the ng’oma, that is it, 1am ready, I run anywhere it is at all, in order to play, and I will forget all

48 CHAPTER ONE my work and my troubles. M’biina is perfect. Even if someone listens to pop, hip-hop, or reggae, if the m’biina is there, everyone will go.)

(015) Nigwa kamuziki (‘I have heard a bit of music’) Nigwa kamuziki, kulila! (3x) I have heard a bit of music, sounding! (3x)

Tujage, nabuka Let us go, I have risen Kukanegulila, kwing’oma To shake the shoulders, at the ngoma

Fupe, nabuka mg’kingilima Fupe, I have risen early in the

welape morning Nene, niza kubuyeyu Me, I have come to joy

Furaha sana, twalumba (3x) | Much joy, we are grateful (3x)

Interpretation: In the anonymous text Nigwa kamuziki performed by the bununguuli musician Paulo Lusana,*' the singer implores her associate, Fupe, to accompany her to the dance. Once there, they will kukanegulila (‘shake the shoulders’), a particular kind of dance movement associated with both the banuunguli and the bayeye, involving rotating the shoulders forward and backward in an exaggerated manner, while bending slowly, increasingly, toward the ground. The singer uses the diminutive ka- case of the term music (kamuziki), signifying something small, irrelevant, inconsequential. Regardless, for, as in song #14, the singer cannot seem to help himself: once he hears the music, all is lost, and he must go!

(016) Ililila (It sounds’) llilila, ingoma ya Kujitegemea_ It sounds, the ng’oma of Kujitegemea

Nene, nabuke Me, I should rise

Naje I should go Nakadegeleke kuba Lusana I should listen to the Lusana group

(2x) (2x)

Yalila ingoma, ya kumichezo ‘The sound of the ng’oma, of/at the dance

*! Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 49

Tukaibone na niingi kuba We could go see a lot at Lusana’s

Lusana (2x) (2x)

Nadosa I am proud

basumba men

Nadosiwa Kujitegemea, And proud of Kujitegemea, young Nulu na kubiinaga, nusekaseka Even when I dance, I giggle (2x) (2x)

Neguno ya kudosa (2x) Because of pride (2x) Iti ya kushoka numa There will be no returning back

Ilija mbele! (2x) Going forward! (2x)

Interpretation: In Ililila, composed by Salu Kadelya in 1993 and performed in rehearsal by the Kujitegema (Kiswahili, ‘self-reliance’) group,” the singers beam with pride over the success of their group at the dance. Paulo Lusana*, a prominent member of this group who

is mentioned in the song, reiterated the explanation heard so often about bunuunguli music, concerning the inexplicable draw the music has on its members: Akiisikia tu inalia, tayari, alikuwa tayari kukimbia kwenda kule. (If someone hears the drum cry, ready, he is ready to run over there.) (017) Libuziku lilaa (“Night has fallen’)

Libuziku lilaa, libuziku lilaa Night has fallen, night has fallen

Buka, Kisatu! Wakeup, Kisatu! Tukakanye Let us go to court [them] Neg’ashanda kung’wa Ndelema In Ng’ashanda at Ndelema’s Natusalaga!’ I have not lost my head!

Interpretation: Libuziku lilaa is an anonymous song from the Ntuzu region. This humorous song highlights a conversation between men. The topic is courtship. This conversation took place at a dance, where the banuunguli had been invited to perform. The singers, all banuunguuli members in their youth (Banamhala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani),”’ desire to go to the lyeja, or late evening dance, a place where they know they will be able to meet and seduce women. The

* Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 March 1995, IUATM song # 304-305. °° Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #196.

50 CHAPTER ONE singer implores their friend Kisatu (a common bunuunguli dance name), to go with them to the Ng’ashanda area, at Ndelema’s (where the bayeye are). Another interpretation signifies the common multivalent utility of Sukuma hunting songs. The song uses the verb kukanya, meaning to entreat, to beg, to conquer, to negotiate, to court, to be persistent, or to seduce. This led another commentator, folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga’, to suggest that this song is used in competitive circumstances, and the ones who need to be ‘seduced’ or ‘conquered’ are the followers of Ndelema, the famous ancestor of the dance competitors of the banuunguli, the bayeye. Michael Masalu* agreed, stating: Ni kama kusema wapinzani wake ni wanawake tu, hawachezi vizuri, ni kama kuwadharau. (It is as if to say their enemies are like women, they do not play well, it is as if to rebuke or scorn them.) The lyeja is where lesser-known baliingi or up-and-coming musi-

cians practice their skills in front of an appreciative neighborhood audience, normally in the late evening to early morning hours, by the light of the moon. In earlier times, they were more formalized, and were associated with the village kisumba (Lubasa*). The lyeja is thought a good opportunity for those less experienced members of the group who have not had a chance to try mimbo they have composed to do so with the rest of the group, to gain practice in the group and to cultivate public appeal. It is a chance to perform compositions worked

out on the shamba in a more public forum. Or, it is a time to hone drumming skills with the rest of the group for a longer period not necessarily afforded at the more formal practice sessions. Neighbor youth who are not members of the group may come and take part, and this gives them an opportunity to audition if they like. This affair may take place between 8 and 1 a.m., but may even go until 4:00 in the morning. More established baliingi use this opportunity to teach their songs to a general audience outside their group members. This insures that at the next big public competition, the song performance will be enhanced with large, rehearsed, audience-driven choruses. It is common to see musicians at the lyeja joking with one another, boasting, or deriding one another, as they might do in competitive performance. Or, musicians pose derogatory riddles to one another in song, as in these examples remembered by Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Odoha nkimbili giti kolokolo wa bugwi. (Your waist is as thin as a wasps); Nzugu, nzugu, okula ntwe giti kishama-

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 51

panda onhananagu. (‘Let us go, let us go, a head as big as the path a cow needs to pass!’); Nizilage, nizilage, odundya miso giti kinamhala kabundi! (‘Come, look, big eyes like those of an old ostrich!’) The bunuunguli niingi Mashishanga ng’wana Gombo* mentioned how the lyeja works: Ni mpango mzuri kufundisha washabiki kwenye lyeja, maana, unaweza kuwakusanya baada ya chakula cha usiku, halafu mnaanza lyeja, kukesha, mpaka wanaenda kulala. Mnaweza kufanya zoezi hili hata siku tatu mpaka [switches to Kisukuma] balimana lulu ilwimbo. (It is a good idea to teach the fans at the lyeja, meaning, you can gather them after the evening's meal, then you can start the lyeja, through to daybreak, at which point they will go off to sleep. You can do this kind of exercise even for three days, until they are familiar with the song.) (018) Ngosha, bebe (‘Man, you’)

Ngosha, bebe, unitogilwe? Man, you, [do] you love me?

Nakakubona ku m’biina I will see you at the dance

Uli na mameli You have jokes

Hamo ukasomaga? Maybe you are reading [in school]?

Walemva na nani? Who cheated you?

Ngosha, bebe, hamo ukasomaga? Man, you, maybe you are reading? Interpretation: This anonymous song, Ngosha, bebe, was collected by Makoye (2000: 275-276). It is a recreational dance piece sung from the perspective of a female participant at the dance. The woman asks her suitor why he is looking at her so intently, as if he were reading a book. It is common knowledge that the best place to meet members of the opposite sex is at the dance. Juma Mashaka Kalunde* mentioned that: Huko ndiko huanza kutafuta wachumba tayari kwa kuoa na kuanza maisha. Kwani hukutana pia na wasichana. (This is indeed where one begins to look for engagements with those ready to marry and start a new life. It is the place to meet young women.) The common theme that is found in the following four bunuunguli song texts, is a dance leader who is speaking to his followers, encouraging them to go into competitive song battle. Songs like this are performed in a ritual fashion just before going into competition or while in competition with their opponents.

52 CHAPTER ONE (019) Mahahila (“Mahahila’)

Mahahila, aka ng’oma Mahahila, this small ng’oma

Katulagi ho! Beat them here!

Aka bunuunguli, tacheleja Of bunuunguli, we are late

Tukujubishiwa ngholo We will be fined a sheep

Nzagamba ya ngabo And a bull of offering Kwibanga, kwibanga At a council meeting, a council meeting

Huko tukalyaga Where we eat Hamli ya kubulaga bamunhu_ [came] The order of killing people

Balogi batina nyuma The witches have no rear [defense] (020) Mayu, namuwile (‘Mayu, I should tell you’)

Mayu, namuwile Mayu, I should tell you Mayu, tuli mhundu! Mayu, sing ululations! Wiza(u), Lumala-Ngoya He has come, ‘Finisher-of-Porcupines

Wa ngoma, shibili People of the ng’oma, [of] the anthills Ichimu lyane, mayu, nalibuche My spear, mayu, I should carry it

Ndija kumichezo I am going into the dance (021) Mulababugilije (“You should ask them’)

Mulababugilije You should ask them

Babujagi abose Ask them all

Abo banigwa Those who have already heard me N’abo baniboba (2x) Who have already seen me (2x) iSukuma, ni Ng wanza In the Sukuma region, and in Mwanza

Nisuge, nene I should settle, me Mpaka Shinyanga (2x) All the way to Shinyanga (2x) (022) Nalibapula mashilanga (‘I am grabbing weapons’)

Nalibapula mashilanga I am grabbing weapons Balanimaneja kale They will know my worth [since] long ago

uNamhala, ung’wana Mija, Elder, ng’wana Mija, of Gamale uGamale

Wanibinzikija He has broken me

Wanhemela hangi He has put me aside in a nice place

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 53

Leka, nabalalile Leave it, I will sleep over, so to be early

Ndinang we I am together with him Nukimana mabugota He who knows bugota

uMulele, baba, akushikijaga And Mulele, baba, has already arrived

Aligula mabala He is opening up his arena Interpretation: Competitive music performance in Sukuma culture draws freely from competitive social modes such as warfare, witchcraft, and sport. After the Germans actively suppressed witchcraft and warfare (Koponen 1995: 75), many elements of precolonial inter-clan warfare transferred directly to the bagiika-bagaalu arena. War in nineteenth century East Africa included extensive cattle raiding and bewitching between clans. Soldiers and war chiefs acquired war medicines from bafumu in much the same way composers go to get competitive medicines today. A further look at contemporary performance practice bears out a historical connection between Sukuma

music competition and modern warfare as well. Competitors send out spies known as basherikaale (from Kiswahili serikali, or government, alluding to the work of ‘government agents’) during competition to assess what the other side is doing, while group members hide in strategic spots before moving into the dance arena so as not to disclose the number of members in the group, or who is scheduled to perform. Sukuma dance groups, like many other dance groups found throughout Tanzania since the influential interregional rise of beni, divide themselves into specialized ranks that draw their names from authority positions in the government, such as kingi or mfalme Cking’), karani (‘clerk’), or mwenyekiti chairman’). Many competitive groups use language in their song duels similar to what might have been used in warfare. Dance society initiates known as bomu sweepas are employed to clear the path to the competition area of witchcraft medicines. The well-known bugiika composer Siita Mabushu ng’wana Mhogota of Busumabu compares the devastating effects of his medicines to the power of a nuclear bomb, adding that

they are therefore weapons that he must use with extreme discretion (Mhogota*). The well-known wigaashe composer Idili ng’wana Dukiila* told me that he felt music competition was the same as war: Maana kama ukishinda kujitayarisha utauwawa, au utaumwa kabisa. Bahemba watakuja kwangu kuniuliza, ‘Je, utaenda kushindana

54 CHAPTER ONE na nani? Nitawaambia, na wataniambia, Sawa, fanyeni vizuri, kwa maana hii ni vita, na tutapigana nawe kabisa. (Because if you do not prepare yourself properly, you can be killed, or at least seriously hurt. My followers will come to ask me, ‘So, you are going to compete with whom?’ I will tell them who, and they will say “Well do it right, because this is war, we will fight against you completely’.) Dance competitions

have long been associated with violence. In a weeklong competition in Kahama district in the 1970s, a missionary noted this in his journal: “Yesterday was the last competition day. Unfortunately, one of the sides of the losers threw a stone at somebody and hurt him. A real battle ensued, and the crowds dispersed at once, and a poor old man broke his leg when he fell’ (Nyegezi Seminary Diary 1971: 669). In Mahahila, from the Gibbe collection (n.d.), the singer decries the

fact that their group was late to the competition, and that as a result, the judges would fine them. Nevertheless they were given orders to ‘kill the witches’ (their competitors), and that is what they claim they will do. Mayu, namuwile, is a recreational dance chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 34).** The singer reminds his listeners that as hunters, they are ‘of the anthills’, that is, they know their way around the wilderness, and asks his female supporters to sound the welcome with celebratory ululation upon his group’s arrival at the dance arena (see also song #27). In Mulababugilije, remembered by Paulo Lusana,”*° the

singer brags to his followers while in the heat of competitive battle, about his leadership and fame, known all the way to Shinyanga. In Nalibapula, also performed by Paulo Lusana,”* the singer is going into competitive battle with Gamale, a title of high rank associated with both the bayeye and banuunguli, meaning ‘the one who finishes or settles everything’. Like a good commander, the singer tells his followers that he has lost the battle, but not the war, and that reinforcements are on the way.

* Bischoff’s English translation: “Mor lad mig sige til dem, mor at de skal juble / Han er kommet Lumala Ngoya (ham der fanger hulepindsvin) / for at jag Shibili / mit spyd, mor lad mig tage det / jeg gar med i dansen’ (Mother let me say to them, the mother that they should cheer / He has come, Lumala Ngoya (he who catches the porcupine) / To hunt Shibili / my spear, mother let me take it / I go to the dance). ** Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. °° Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS oe

(023) Twali na Banzoza (‘We were with the Nzoza people’)

Twali na Banzoza We were with the Nzoza people

Na ba Kubini And with those of the Kubini people Kubi ng’wa banyema Those who are of the banyema dance Nulu bize nabo baninabo Even should they come, their mothers

Ndi lusaganya ngoya It is I who provoke the hedgehog Ya bapambula bakung’wa It has scared those of the cobra ng hoboko

Mlaholomokelwa mijinga, You will be hit by artillery, Malyalya Malyalya

Nulu bize nabo, baninabo Even should they come, their mothers

Ndi lusaganya ngoya It is I who provoke the hedgehog Interpretation: In Twali na Banzoza, collected by Bischoff (1996: 47),°’ the singer mentions the various local groups and individuals he knows who are affiliated with the banuunguli competitive challenge, and he

reminds them that he is the only one who provokes and hunts the hedgehog, the only one who can scare ‘those of the cobra’. The singer reminds the followers that they have known their dance enemy since long ago. The banuunguli know that they are descended from the bayeye, and thus they realize their strengths and weaknesses, because of this intimate connection. (024) Kamegayi (“Kamegayi’)

Kamegayi,”* nang’ wilile Kamegayi, I tell you Namanile usabo, namanile 1 know their father, I know their father usabo

Nu guku wabo, shu! And their grandfather, oh my! Kimana mabinda [Who] knows dance accoutrements

*” Bischoff’s Danish translation: “Vi har Nzoza og Kubini og Kubingwa / som stadig fodes af deres modre / til at jage “svinet” (i hulen) / I kappestrid tabt I / Slangefaengere, og ved gentagelse / vil I fa meget mere gas i hovedet / For de fades stadig af deres medre / til at jage “svinet” (i hulen)’ (We have Nzoza and Kubini and Kubingwa / Still fed by their mothers / To hunt ‘pig’ [in a cave] / The rivalry lost / In [?] and by repetition / I would have much more [®] in the head / For those still fed by their mothers / To hunt ‘pig’ [in a cave]). *8 Bischoff renders this name as Yamagaji.

56 CHAPTER ONE Bamana buniyomba They are used to talking about me

Bamana bunisiga They are used to backbiting me

Bana ba nzoka Children of the snake

Balandya kwenha lumanilo They are getting accustomed [to this]

Bahilya Malyalya The clan of Malyalya Nagusola untumba I take my medicine gourd Nabagadije hangi Let me hit them again

Abana ba nzoka Children of the snake

Interpretation: The well-known dance competition song Kamegayi was composed by Sagini Kamegayi, opponent of the buyeye dancer ng wana Liaku (see Chapter VIII). The song was collected by Bischoff (1996: 48).*° He opens the song by declaring his name, Kamegayi, and

then insults his opponents by telling them that he was the one who taught their father and grandfather. This is a reminder to all listeners that the banuunguli and bayeye were once one group, until the banuunguli broke away from the bayeye. He knows the bayeye are gossiping about him, but he has hardly begun the battle! Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* emphasized that the strength of one’s ancestral lineage is important in the competitive dance arena: Baba yao, babu yao, ameshawajua, kwa hiyo atawashinda tu. Hasa ni kuhusu bugota, analinganisha bugota zake na za hao, yeye anajua bugota zake ni juu zaidi. (Their fathers, their grandfathers, he [the singer] already knew and understood them, so [because of his knowledge of the ways of his ancestors] he will just beat these guys also. Especially if it is concerning bugota, in comparing his medicines with theirs, he knows that [what he has] is stronger than theirs.) The following two competitive songs both mention Shing’weng’we,

a large mythical creature mentioned often in Sukuma folklore, likened to everything from a tornado or a hurricane, to a giant reptile or dragon, giant chicken, or a giant ape, and evidently so ferocious that when angered, it could swallow hundreds of cows at once.

* Bischoff’s Danish translation: “Yamagaji jeg har hort at / Slangedanserne fra Lugeye taler ondt om Bunungulefolk / Yamagaji lav medicin til slangedanserne / den skal stoppe dem i at tale ondt om os’ (Yamagaji, I have heard / That snake dancer from Lugeye talking bad about Bununguli folk / Yamagaji [?] medicines to the snake dancer / It must stop them from vilifying us).

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 37

(025) Tumba gwane (‘My medicine gourd’)

Tumba gwane My medicine gourd

Nagubejebeje (2x) I should prepare-prepare (2x) Abayeye batinambona (2x) The bayeye have not seen me yet (2x)

Bagoyangi The bagoyangi

Nali ntumba lya sagala I have a calabash of sagala Mayu, nabulaga lishing’ weng we! Mayu, I have killed Shing’weng’we!

(026) Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we (‘I comb the mohawk [of] Shing’ weng we’)

Ndi sasula isunzu I comb the mohawk Shing’weng we (2x) lof] Shing’weng we (2x)

Ndi sasula isunzu I comb the mohawk

Ng’wana Gamale (2x) [of] ng-wana Gamale (2x)

Mlela Mlela Ku bayanda To the initiates

Bung hwi, ku banyema, kuli [to] Bung’hwi, to the banyema, to

Badebe kungongo They should know their ancestry

Ng’wana Malole Ng'’wana Malole

Badebe kungongo They should know their ancestry

Jikalemaga It is refused

Kukindilwa ng’wano To be settled with the noises of defeat

Nabi bukimale I have been waiting uGamale, wanimala, unyema Gamale, he has finished me, nyema

Jikalemaga It is refused

Kukindilwa ng’wano To be settled with the noises of defeat

Interpretation: The first song, Tumba gwane, collected by Bischoff (1996: 46),*° praises the strength of the malevolent bugota used by the

* Bischoff’s Danish translation: ‘Jeg laver en lille medicin kalabas /for slangedanserne bliver jeg usynlig / I vil fa problemer med min medicin / mor - jeg har slaet Shing’weng’we ihjel’ (I have a little medicine kalabash / For snake dancers, I will be invisible / I will have problems with my medicine / Mother - I have beaten Shing’weng’we to death).

58 CHAPTER ONE banuunguli known as sagala (literally, ‘reckless’), when up even against

the ‘the monsters’, the bayeye and their associates the bagoyangi.*' The Mwanza-based painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this comment: Huu wimbo unahusu hasa uwezo wa mabugota yao. Anaandaa chombo cha kutunza bugota ili aweze kuwafanya kweli wapinzani wake, hawa bayeye. Kama hawajamuona, basi leo watamwona! (This song is especially about the ability of their bugota. He prepares the utensil for protecting the bugota so he can really ‘do in’ his enemies the bayeye. If they have not seen him yet, today they will see him!) In the second dance competition song collected by Bischoff (1996: 40),** the singer sings while warring in the dance arena with his dance

enemy, Gamale. He claims to have tamed his enemy (this creature) by combing its mohawk.* Then he regroups with his initiates, evoking the ancestors of the banuunguli, the banyema. He tells them they should refuse to give in, and that they should come to know the true nature of their ancestry. The buyeye dancer Fitta ng wana Liaku had this explanation of

the metaphorical dimensions of this term, when singers uses it in the dance arena: Shing’wengwe ni kitu kikubwa. Zamani, kihistoria, Shing’ weng we ilikuwa inameza watu. Inakusanya watu, inameza watu

hata kumi, ngombe, mbuzi na kila kitu inameza. Sasa, huyu alibakia peke yake, akaiua. Eeh, ni adui yake, ni lenyewe kabisa, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa anapambana na mtu mkali sana, mchezaji ana nguvu. Wakati ule alipambana naye akamshinda sasa, yule Shing’weng’we akampa jina sasa sababu yeye alikuwa na nguvu mkali. (Shing’weng we was a very large thing. Long ago, in history, Shing weng’we could swallow people. It could gather people, and swallow even ten, together with

“| Bagoyangi is an older regional variant or nickname for the bayeye. ” Bischoff’s Danish translation: Jeg reder min hartop, som Shing’weng’we / jeg reder min hartop som son af Gamale / i Bung’hwi hos barnebarnet af Mlele / unge hulepindsvinedansere med nummer pa ryggen / som oldefar Malole’s born med numre pa ryggen /der aldrig blev drillet for at tabe i kamp / vi bader selvom vandet er knapt / hos gamale’s hulepindsvinedansere gar det godt / vi bliver aldrig drillet for at tabe i kamp’ (I comb the top of my hair, of Shing’weng’we / I comb the top of my hair, the son of Gamale / Bung’hwi grandchild of Mlele / Young porcupine dancer with the number on the back / Great-grandfather Malole’s, born with numbers on their backs / Never settled to lose in the fight / We bathe even if there is little water / Gamale’s porcupine dancer, it is good / We will never settle to lose in battle). * A mohawk is a hairstyle named after the native Mohican peoples of the northeastern United States, popularized by British “‘punk-rockers’ in the 1970s and 1980s. It is a haircut with a coxcomb standing in the middle of an otherwise clean-shaven head.

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cows, goats, or anything else that it could swallow. Now, this person who remained behind could kill it. Yes, he [the singer] is alluding to his enemy, it was indeed him, because he was competing with a very fierce opponent, a dancer with great strength. When he competed with him he beat him, so he attributed him with the name ‘Shing’weng’we’, to openly attest to his opponent's strength.) (027) Banyema (‘Banyema’)

Banyema namuwile Banyema, let me tell you

Washika Ndelya Here is Ndelya

Tukangishagi na lubango Let us go to greet him with blessings

Gise mapanda tukajaga mshibili Ours are ways leading us into anthills

Twakayumba twagodoka We take a walk and come back Sumbagwa na kukindwa (2x) Let alone, to be defeated (2x) Interpretation: In this anonymous bunuunguli song text collected by Lubasa (1985),** the singer reminds the listener that it is only in work-

ing together, that they can beat their opponent Ndelya, leader of the bayeye. The singer evokes ‘anthills’, a common trope in bunuunguli songs. The anthill is the wilderness that the banuunguli roam in, the place where porcupines are. It is also, in this case, the name given to competitions of a smaller scale, known as m’biina ya shibili, or mbiina ya hashigulu, literally, “dance of the anthills’, where lesser-known bali-

ingi compete against one another in the hopes of being discovered and invited to the larger pubic competitions. The bunuunguli niingi Mashishanga* discussed how budding baliingi set up an ‘anthill’ com-

petition: Vijijini, unaeanda unamwambia mtu, ‘Labda tushindane’, akajibu, Uhuh, sawa’. Basi, unatafuta mbuga au mahali ambao itafaa. Unakubali na malipo, kama nani atashinda nini baada ya kumaliza, labda ni hela, au cigareti, au sabuni au nguo, hata kitu kirahisi kama viberiti! Kama ukiimba vizuri, unaweza kushinda vitu vizuri kweli, halafu siyo kutoka adui yako tu, ni washabiki ambao watalipa! Lakini

* Lubasa’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Banyema-banuunguli niwaambie / Amefika Ndeleya / Tukamsalimuni na tabasamu / Sasa huenda mapanda tunaenda kwenye kichuguu na shimo / Tunatembea tunarudi / Sembuse na kushindwa’ (Banyema I tell you / Ndeleya has arrived / Let us greet him with smiles / Now we go to the hills we go to the anthills and holes /We go we return / Left alone to be defeated).

60 CHAPTER ONE siku hizi, baliingi wengi wanasubiri kualikwa na matajiri au wanasiasa tu. (In the village, you can go and just tell someone [a potential opponent], ‘Maybe we should compete’, and they will answer, “‘Uhuh, right’. So, you look for a field or any other suitable place. You agree upon the payment, what the winner will receive after finishing, perhaps money, or cigarettes, or soap, or clothing, something even as simple as a box of matches! If you sing well, you can win some really nice things, and not just from your dance enemy, even fans will give you gifts! However, these days, many baliingi just wait for invitations from rich people or the government for sponsorship.) (028) Buyeye bucha (‘Buyeye died’)

Buyeye bucha Buyeye died

Bucha ng’wamuyeye It died at the nyeye’s Bundekela ishing’oma They left me with the dance/drums Interpretation: All that is known of this recreational dance chorus text collected by Bischoff (1996: 94)* is that it is a victory song performed by the banuunguli after they beat the bayeye. The text indicates that the singer’s opponents were so soundly defeated that they just left their drums and went home. (029) Kunonela (‘To taste sweetness’)

Kunonela, mayu To taste sweetness, mayu Mandimu, kunonela (2x) Lemons, to taste sweetness (2x)

Wagalya unyeye, mayu He ate the nyeye, mayu Mandimu, kunonela (2x) Lemons, to taste sweetness (2x) Interpretation: This song, remembered by the bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana,” is a victory song that the singer attributed to ng’wana Gumbulu. The buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* described the situation well: Hapo, alimshindwa nyeye, mtunzi alipomshinda nyeye, alitunga wimbo huu. Nilimwona, alikula mandimu wakati alimshinda. Mandimu, sisi tunakula kwa haraka tu, unatumia muda mchache, nay-

* Bischoft’s Danish translation: “Slangedansegruppen erplost /slut med ng’wanamuyeye / de efterlod trommerne’ (The snake dance group has died / It ended with the snake dancer / They left the drums). *© Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

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eye alimshinda kwa muda chache. (Here, when the nyeye was beaten, when the composer beat the nyeye, he composed this song. I saw him, he ate a lemon while he was competing. Lemons, we eat with haste, you consume in just a short time, and now this guy beat his opponent in a short time.) Mwanza-based painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this point to add about

the metaphor of the lemon used in this song: Ndimu siyo tamu, ni chungu. Kwa hiyo anashangaza watu kusema ladha yake mandimu, bado ni tamu. Mimi nimeona bila shaka maana yake ilikuwa ni kusema ushindi ndiyo mitamu. (A lemon is not sweet, it is sour. Therefore, he surprises his listeners by saying the taste of his enemy, though that of a lemon, is still sweet. Me, I am certain that he means that victory itself, though difficult, is indeed sweet.)

(030) Aho mkanizila (“When you came for me’)

Aho mkanizila (2x) When you came for me (2x) Nali natali nusula ng hinda I was still making those leg rattles

Bana bane My children

Mabuyombe Dancing skirts Nulu nayele Even if I wander

Baniki Young girls Kolongo, lya sukuma Kolongo, to the east

Mabuyombe kule Dancing skirts are there Interpretation: In this jaunty bunuunguli dance song performed by Ngollo Kasongo together with her group Kujitegemea,” the singer decries to her students the perceived loss of traditional practices, evident in the fact that the personal preparation and use of dance accoutrements such as leg rattles and dancing skirts is no longer as prevalent as it once was. Instead, most musicians and dancers buy their dance accoutrements and uniforms readymade from specialists or from shops in town. According to this singer, there are areas on the outskirts of the region, however, namely Kolongo in the east, where the practice of preparing one’s costume from scratch can still be found.

*” Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10 March 1995, IUATM song #628.

62 CHAPTER ONE (031) Ulu nakamala milimo (‘If I finish the job’)

Ulu nakamala milimo If I finish the job Himba mkulyohela, baba May you let go of the inheritance, baba

Ilipembe lyane, lya ng’wana My horn, that of ng’wana Sengeka Sengeka

Lya Ng’walugagaja-Balogi That of the Forcer-of-Witches

Litatininhaga! It fears nothing!

Nzugwi ng’wilolele! Come and behold!

Kalipilima It is spinning around Aka nduti This sewing thimble

Bashike na bagikulu Daughters and old women

Bakongolaga bana Are pampering children

Kwiza kunola Nzalalila To come and behold Nzaalalila Interpretation: In this song, performed here by Balele Ngoya* and attributed to his teacher ng’wana Butilaga, the singer asks his teacher, the owner of the ‘horn’, when he will release the horn to his students. The horn here is both a physical clan heirloom, and a metaphor for the skills and blessing required for the student to continue his teachers’ work. The singer asks his enemies and friends alike if they can really understand how powerful this horn is, which belongs to the “Forcer of Witches’, or the one who brings witches out into the light. The social use of witchcraft as psychological warfare, and the use of public ‘performative’ witchcraft and manipulation of supernatural beliefs play a big role in Sukuma music. The general Sukuma public believes that most baliingi practice witchcraft. Therefore, the question of how ‘baliingi as witches’ are different from ‘witches as witches’, in terms of public acceptance, needs to be addressed. Why are baliingi allowed to brag about their witchcraft (bulogi) exploits and to per-

form their deeds in public without the fatal punishment meted out to non-baliingi who are accused of witchcraft? Perhaps one reason is baliingi only bewitch other baliingi, in public. There is no doubt who is doing the bewitching, how they are doing it, and to whom. Thus, when one calls a niingi a witch, it is a much less dangerous accusation. It is assumed that the one bewitched should have the necessary skills and resources to counter any attack. Makanga made the point that dance

*8 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #296.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 63

witchcraft was bulogo wa banja, or ‘cleverness’ witchcraft, as opposed to malevolent witchcraft used to harm in everyday life. There are many supernatural beliefs associated with rhinoceros and wildebeest horns in eastern Africa. They are thought of as protectors of the home against witchcraft (Hilya*), or as having a conscious living spirit that can be sent out to bewitch others. Baliingi use them as divinatory devices, to assess their luck in the competition field. Ques-

tions most often asked are those concerning outcomes of competitions, specific intentions of their opponent and types of medicines they will use, and suggestions for types of medicines most suitable for use in defense. The bunuunguli composer Migelegele discussed the nature of the questions a potential competitor might ask in divination: Kama ukimuliza, ‘Je nitashindwa?’, na jibu lake ni ‘Ndio’, baliingi wengi watakataa kabisa kuingia kwenye mashindano. Wao wenye masala, wakabadilisha swali yao, ‘Kama nikishindwa, afadhali nitumie bugota gani?’ (If you ask it [the horn], “Will I be defeated?’ and if its answer is ‘Yes,’

many baliingi would refuse to compete). The clever ones will then rephrase the question, ‘If I am to be defeated, what medicines should I use?’) The niingi ng’wana Hilya* outlined two methods used when consulting the horn: Pembe hilo tunatumia njia mbili: 1) Pembe linaulizwa, na huyu mwenye swali anaanza sasa kuchora kwenye michanga

picha za luganda ambalo linahusiano na bugota ya kutumia kwenye mashindano, au 2) Pembe linatupwa ovyoovyo michangani, na alama yake kwenye michango zitaonyesha njia. (The horn is consulted in two methods: 1) The horn is asked the question, whereupon the questioner

begins to draw the outcome in the sand, in symbols implicating the clan associated with the medicines that will be used in the competition, or 2) The horn is thrown randomly into the sand, and its positioning or its markings in the sand will provide the path.)

Visual artist Simon Ndokeji* elaborated on the conversation between niingi and masamva in this song: Huyu bwana, alikuwa anauliza kwa baba yake iwapo ataacha hii kazi ya ngoma, hili pembe lake alilokuwa anatumia kwenye michezo. ‘Kuna mtu mwinigine ambaye atarithishwa?’ Mzazi akifa, mtoto wa kwanza hasa wa kike huwa anapewa aidha ngombe au kitu chochote, hata kama ni mbuzi, ili kutimiza miko fulani ambayo iko kwenye familia hiyo. Kwa hiyo katika wimbo huu huyu bwana alipenda kikae daima kama kumbukumbu ya maisha yake aliokuwa anaishi, ili kila anayezaliwa alikute hilo ‘pembe’ kama historia ya familia. Pembe hilo lilikuwa limetengenezewa mabugota makali ambalo mtu yeyote hawezi kumfanya kitu. (This guy asks his

64 CHAPTER ONE medicine father, when will he leave behind this work, this horn that he has used in the dance? [He asks his father] ‘Is there anyone else who is eligible to receive this inheritance?’ When a parent dies, the firstborn child, especially if a male, is given cattle, or anything at all, such as goats, to honor family custom. Therefore, in this song, this guy wants to sit forever with the memory of his father and how he lived, so everyone born into the family should be able to meet this ‘horn’, as an example of their family history. This horn fears nothing, and was prepared with dangerous bugota, with which, no one can do anything to stop him.) (032) Najimija ntumba gwane (‘I have lost my medicine container’)

Najimija ntumba gwane I have lost my medicine container

Ng’wana Mahenge Ng’wana Mahenge

Najimija ntumba gwane (2x) _ I have lost my medicine container (2x)

Wali buhwahwa? Was it a lie? Likanihanga lin’hwa liMatabila It was predicted for me by Matabila”

‘Ukatinde mahala’ ‘You should win somewhere’ Baba nkulu, kabuka My great-grandfather, stand firm Ukilugula mayila (2x) Open the ways (2x) Na mihwa uniingije And thorns you should remove

Gatizunichima [So] they should not pierce my feet

Ugalihya nzila You widen the way

Interpretation: Asking the ancestors for guidance in ‘opening the way’ is acommon trope in many buyeye and bunuunguli songs. Bunuunguli dance leader Paulo Lusana sings this song’ from the perspective of a medicine healer who has lost his medicine, or has somehow lost his strength and power. It was revealed to him in prophecy, that his medicine gourd would guide him in victory. So, he asks, “Was this prophecy a lie’? He then pleads with his ancestors for the strength, foresight, and ability to continue to do his work.

*® ‘This line could also be heard as Likanihanga lin’hwa limtabila, translated as, ‘It was predicted for me by a fortune teller’ (mtabiri, Kiswahili, fortune teller). °° Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 65

Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimibi* further explained the singer’s situation (as he understood it): Mwimbaji yeye alipoteza chombo chake cha kuwekea bugota. Kwa hiyo, hicho

chombo ambacho alichopoteza, alikuwa ametabiriwa kwamba kila anapokwenda kuimba, lazima atashinda. Hakuna kumshinda yeye. Na sasa yeye anaomba wahenga wamsaidie, kila anakokwenda, njia zifunguke kuwa wazi, na asichomwe wakati wa kutembea, asichomwe na miba, usimsumbue njiani, njia azipanue, kwa hiyo anapita tu bila wasiwasi. Hasa maana yake ni kwamba, njia zipanuke, ‘miiba’ hapa ni kama ‘wachawi. (The singer has lost his special container for guarding his bugota. In fact, regarding this container that he has lost, it had been predicted [for him] that everyplace that he goes to sing, he will definitely win. Every area he will win, there is no one who can defeat him. So, now, he asks his ancestors to help him, so everywhere he goes, the paths will be open, that he not be skewered wherever he goes, that

he not be pierced by thorns, that he should not have to worry about the path, it should spread wide for him, so he can pass without fear. By ‘thorns’ here, he means ‘witches’.)

(033) Sing’wanda shane (‘My flywhisk’)

Sing’ wanda shane (2x) My flywhisk (2x)

Noileno kushidime I have left it, grasping it Sing’wanda shane (2x) My flywhisk (2x)

Ulu wiza muna Kahama, If she comes from Kahama,

nke wane my wife Nulagula I cure

Nusaba na ngombe I am rich with cattle Interpretation: This song collected by Bischoff (1996: 41)?! comes from the perspective of a retired and successful niingi or healer, who feels he

might return to this work if his wife returns. The image of the act of grasping the sing’wanda or flywhisk°* evokes both the art of conducting and healing. The reference to a ‘wife’ may also refer to the singer's

>! Bischoff’s Danish translation: ‘Min sing’wanda / det er laenge siden jeg grab den

/ min sing’wanda / Nar min kone kommer fra Kahama / far vi mange koer’ (My flywhisk / It is long since I grabbed it / My flywhisk / When my wife comes from Kahama / We will have many cows). ** In some regions, this is called mabuushi.

66 CHAPTER ONE patron spirit, as marriage is a common image linking spirit mediums to spirits throughout the interlacustrine region.

Baliingi cue their followers in song performance with their sing wanda, made from the tail of a wildebeest, mule, hippopotamus, or cow, depending on the niingi’s access to resources. Once a power object associated only with batemi, the sing’wanda’s use is different with every niingi. When a student first receives a sing’;wanda from his teacher, its power must be activated through a small tug-of-war ritual between them. The act of cueing itself, businga, is named after the tail section of the sing wanda. When raised high, singers are cued to get ready; lowered slowly, the chorus is cued to begin; held high, singers are cued to sing in a higher register or volume; low, singers are cued to sing in a lower register or volume; forward, everyone sings; arms in front and pulling in toward the body, signifies to the chorus and audience to listen; pushing arms forward directly, signifies the act of kugumila, ‘throwing’ the song to the banyalaali chorus singers. The niingi and nfumu ng wana Makanga* mentioned several other ways the sing’ wanda is used: Kazi ya sing wanda ni jivutio ja banhu. Inatumiwa hasa kwenye vita wakati unaweza kupima utashindwa. Unazitupa hewani, unaziviringisha. Halafu bafumu wengi wanzazitumia nyumbani tu, kutoa

baraka na kuleta mhola. (The work of the shig’wanda is attracting crowds. It is used strategically, when it appears that you might be falling behind. You throw it up in the air, and you shake it all around. A person might just use it at home, to bless the home so to keep it safe and peaceful.)

(034) Soleli unti gwane (‘Gather my tree’)

Soleli unti gwane Gather my tree Hulula na milundumo (2x) Whistle and growl (2x)

Ne’halagulaga I treat

Wa kaswende na bunyoro (2x) Those with syphilis and gonorrhea (2x)

Nulu wize wa bulwile Even those who seek fertility

Nulu wabugonzo Even if an abnormal case Neg’wene nunagula I will diagnose

Nunfila sibitali ya banyema I will take him to the banyema hospital

SONGS OF THE SNAKE HUNTERS AND PORCUPINE HUNTERS 67

Interpretation: This anonymous song, remembered by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo,” captures a conversation between a bunuunguli healer who specializes in curing sexually transmitted diseases, and his

student. Mihumo learned bunuunguli as a child in the 1920s when the dance began to spread in the Sukuma region from Tabora. The singer tells his student to gather medicines, and sing properly (‘whistle and growl’) while doing so, so he may be able to better treat his patients. If it is a difficult case, he will take them to the banyema hospital, that is, the traditional center associated with the older ways of the banuunguli.

(035) Kilunguja-Mizengo (‘Calmer-of-Villages’)

Kilunguja-Mizengo Calmer-of- Villages Ng’wana Lemi, wa ng’wa Ng’wana Lemi, of those of

Lufunga Lufunga Banamhala pye bakuyombaga All the elders are discussing Lishinhu, ng’wenulu, kubuganga The giant, this one, having buganga

Interpretation: In this anonymous song performed by Paulo Lusana,”*

the singer brags about his medicinal and competitive prowess. This singer begins with his personal dance appellation, ‘Calmer-of-Villages’, and reminds the listener that the elders recognize good talent when they hear and see it. (036) Milimo ya buganga (“The work of buganga’)

Milimo ya buganga The work of buganga iFunzagi muyangalile You must learn and guard Ng’wanone, ndakulekela nimo My son, I will leave work for you

Ulagula banhu To heal people

Lubala, ng’wanone Lubala, my son

> Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1994, IUATM song #234. * Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author.

68 CHAPTER ONE Nene hene, ndakulekela milimo | Me anyway, I will leave work for you Angalilaga, kulola mu mbogoshi — Be watchful, look into the medicine pouch

Ugengagenga Be careful

Interpretation: This song, performed by Paulo Lusana,” discusses the seriousness one must bring to bear on the work of healing. Sung from the perspective of a teacher to the student Lubala, the song encourages the student to continue this work with vigilance and diligence after his teacher has gone. The composer of the song is unknown. The continuation of legacy is an important concern found in many Sukuma songs having to do with healing and hunting.

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> 4 | : j a. ye ullX& \ “4 Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #100.

SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 141

spears throughout his body, with many holes, blood was pouring from

every area, to the point where it looked like spots, like the hide of a leopard.)

(081) Ichimu lyane (‘My spear’)

Ichimu lyane My spear

Limakingwa, mbeho (2x) It is protected, shelter (2x)

Yaya, bamayu No, bamayu

Makingwa, mbeho (2x) Protected, shelter (2x) Kilikili, makingwa, mbeho Kilikili, it is protected, shelter Nu kunu makingwa, mbeho And here it is protected, shelter Interpretation: In this song collected by Bischoff (1996: 69)'° in the context of itula (millet threshing), the singer discusses the efficacy of his spear, something that protects, and provides protection and comfort. The age of this song is unknown. The term mbeho can mean coldness, drought, attacks, shade, or shelter. Without further context, any of these terms could be applied. (082) Waja (‘They flee’)

Waja, shimagi! They flee, sting them! Wanawiza, waja walila wowa They come, they go, they cry in cowardice

Interpretation: Songs that inspire soldiers to fight with bravery in the heat of the battle, are another common theme found in these songs. In Waja, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 60), the singer Kalungwa ng wana Sembeewe Likisemmewuyaga sings a bulugu chorus that mocks the cowardice of their enemies.

'° Bischoft’s Danish translation: ‘Mine vaben sikrer mig mod kulden “i skyggen” / veer blot rolig kvinder de sikrer mig mod smerter / vabenes klirren sikrer mig mod dodens kramper i / slagmarkens kamp’ (My weapons ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / Please just be calm women, ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / Kilikili ensure me against the cold ‘in the shadow’ / The battle field match). '' Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Sie gehen [fliehen], stecht sie nieder / Die Wanawiya, sie gehen, sie schreien aus Furcht’ (They go [to flee], stab them down / The Wanawiya, they go, they cry out of fear).

142 CHAPTER FIVE (083) Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’) Nani wapemba numba yane? Who has burned down my home?

Ne'wan Ibelenge (2x) Ng wana Ibelenge (2x) Ne’wan'Ibelenge, bagosha Ng'wana Ibelenge, comrades

Hihi, ng’wan Ibelenge Hihi, ng wana Ibelenge Tukantule machimu abili (2x) We will pierce him with two spears (2x)

Ne'wan Ibelenge Ng wana Ibelenge. bpm: % note = 115. op =C. ps = CDFGAA#.

Nani wa- pemb-a num-ba ya - ne Ng'wanl -_ be-len- ge

Qe OL. AAG iy ee ee a ST Neg'wan'l - be-len - ge, ba- go - sha Tu-kan-tu -le ma-chi- mu a - bi -li Fig. 11. Music transcription of Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?’)

Interpretation: This well-known song documents an event from the 1898 war skirmish between the armies of Sengerema and Ntuzu, at Itilima. It refers to Ibelenge, a war mercenary for Chief Balele of Ntuzu.

The text documented here was performed by Kabujiku Jige Malehe, together with some of her neighbors."” In a series of retributive raids against Chief Balele’s uncle Mashindike, who was leading an uprising against the throne, Ibelenge burned and raided villages suspected of involvement. Like other war and migrant songs from this period, the song has made its way into new contexts, to include being sung by salt caravaners, by soldiers (askari) and work camp laborers during both world wars, and by medicine healers (bafumu) to this day, while preparing dance competition medicines. The text is also performed by musicians when they go into competitive ‘battle’. The song asks, ‘Who has burned down my home? Ibelenge. We will pierce him with two spears.

'* Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #223.

SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 143

The singer Kabujiku Jige Malehe had this understanding of the precolonial warfare practices of the late nineteenth century that are portrayed in this song: Kama ya vita yao ya watu weusi, tulikuwa tunajichoma hivi nichukiwe ardhi hii hivi hii, walikuwa wanasemwa walikuwepo waganga wa vita ya kuchomana, hivi wachukue ardhi hiyo hivi nao iwe kubwa. Mitambiko ya waganga, kubariki, kupokea watu ambao wanaenda vitani. (During old skirmishes between Africans, we

burned one another's homes, and stole one another's land like this. If we burned one another in this fashion, we would be spoken about as great warriors, having taken their big pieces of land. This is a ritual song used by medicine healers for blessing, and to welcome those going to war [who have returned].) Kangwiina ng wana Mihumo* had a rich understanding of this song: Msukuma mmoja, ng’wana Belenge, huyu ndiye alikuwa mkali sana wa vita, alikuwa wa Ntuzu. Alikuwa mkali wa kupigana vita tu. Mwanajeshi, halafu na hapa, sehemu ya Sengerema, alikuwa ng’wana Mandi aliuwawa na Wajereumani. Huyo naye alikuwa mkali sana kati ya Wasukuma. Halafu wakaimba nyimbo. Mpaka sasa hawa wanajeshi wa siku hizi wanaimba nyimbo hiyo ya ngwana Ibelenge. Kwa sababu ng wana Ibelenge aliwashinda, basi walienda kuchoma nyumba zake zote kijiji kizima. Wakachoma moto, na washindani wake wakaimba nyimbo hiyo, mpaka sasa bado inaimbwa na kutumiwa. Walianza

kuimba wakati ya vita kati ya Wajerumani na Waingereza. (This Sukuma man, ng’wana Iberenge, was indeed a fierce warrior, he was from Ntuzu. He was known for his fierceness in battle. In Sengerema, there was another soldier known as ng’wana Mandi, who was eventually killed by the Germans. He was also known among the Sukuma

as very fierce. So, ng’wana Iberenge, he set out to find this enemy (Mandi), to beat him. As a result, this song was created. Until this day, this song is sung whenever any soldiers go forth to fight, to honor ng wana Iberenge. Because ng’wana Iberenge defeated him, he went and burned down his home, indeed his whole village. A great fire was

the result, and to this day, this song is remembered and used. They started to sing it around the time of the first war between the Germans and the British.)

144 CHAPTER FIVE (084) Bikenya banamugi (‘Men skirmished’)

Bikenya banamugi Men skirmished Bana Bulima na bana Bukumbi Men from Bulima and Bukumbi

Bikenya They fought

Ba Kiganga na Lunyalula of Kiganga and Lunyalula

Bakabucha ichimu They raised a spear Angu, bakaguganila ngili! Imagine, they argued over a warthog! Ing’we ulu ni ng wali bakali You, if you were truly fierce men

Mukalwila ngili yaki? Why would you fight over a warthog? Mulem ulwila nvhuli You should have fought over an elephant

Tkabucha ichimu Now that could cause a spear to be raised

Tkiyene nhale invhuli Because an elephant is enormous Bampandika Muhandikila, They got Muhandikila, and killed

bamulaga! him!

Interpretation: This song collected by Jan Hendriks in Imani za Jadi (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni 1988: 213), published and translated also by Makoye (2000: 187),’> documents one of several skirmishes that took place between the years 1883-1887 between Bulima and Bukumbi chiefdoms. The war started between two hunting groups from the two chiefdoms, because of an argument over which side had killed a warthog. Each hunting group claimed that it was the group to have speared it first (thus establishing that it was the rightful owner of the meat). This war was seen by women as an unnecessary endeavor, so older women composed a song to ridicule the men who participated in that war.

'S Makoye’s English translation: “Men fought / From Bulima and Bukumbi / Kiganga and Lunyalula fought / They picked a spear / They argued over a warthog / If you were real men / Why did you fight over a warthog? / You should fought over an elephant / Which took a spear / Because an elephant is big / They got Muhandikila and killed him’.

SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 145

(085) Tubasange (‘Let us meet them!)

Tubasange tubasange! Let us meet them, let us meet them! Ichimu lililya walyo (2x) The spear eats its own (2x)

Banani bise Who are these among us

Mu si yise? (2x) In this land of ours? (2x) Tubakandile, tubakandile Let us press them, let us press them Tubachime machimu (2x) Let us skewer them with spears (2x) Aga igete, babulagiji makaya Ooh, they have destroyed homesteads In Tubasange, collected by Bischoff (1996: 70),'* the singer implores his comrades to attack specific invaders in a retributive raid. According to local historian Michael Masalu*, who knew this song from his childhood, the song was about an incident experienced by the Sukuma living in Kayenze. This is a village where both the Roman Catholic White Fathers and the Church Missionary Society European missionaries first set up their missions on the southeastern side of lake Victoria in the 1860s and 1870s (Holmes 1971: 482). He explained that: Sehemu za Kayenze kulikuwa na mwanangu huyo, ndiyo alikuwa kama kutuliza na kusema kwamba, ‘Acheni kwanza’. Wasukuma, walikuwa wakitafuta silaha ili wapigane na Wazungu, lakini, ilionekana kwamba walikomea maneno tu, na kweli, Wazungu, walikuwa wachache sehemu ya Busukuma. Walikuwa wanavuka tu kutoka sehemu za Ulaya, kwa sababu hapo Kayenze kulikuwa wanavukia huko watu kutoka kwenye meli. Kwa hiyo, walitaka kufanya vita, Wasukuma na Wazungu, lakini wakaacha kwanza. Ilikuwa siku za zamani kama 1902. (In the area of Kayenze, there was someone there, who indeed tried to calm them down by saying, ‘Leave it be, first’. The Sukuma searched for weapons so they could fight against the Europeans, but it was seen that they just stopped with their talk, and, really, the Europeans in the end were very few in Mwanza. They crossed over from Europe, and to get to Kayenze, they had to get there by boat. Anyways, there was talk of war between the Sukuma people and the Europeans, but in the end, it was stopped. This was around 1902.)

' Bischoft’s Danish translation: “Lad os m@des vi gar dem i mode / vores spyd skal smage blod / hvem er det der kommer i vort land? / Vi presser dem tilbage vi presser dem tilbage / vi stikker dem med spydene / ak ja desveerre vi ma stoppe deres sleet’ (Let us meet we move them in meeting / Our spears must taste blood / Who is coming into our country? / We are pressing them back, we will push them back / We are sticking them with spears / Ah yes, unfortunately, we have to stop their kin).

146 CHAPTER FIVE (086) Barugaruga (“The Rugaruga people’)

(C) Balugaruga! (2x) (C) The Rugaruga people! (2x) (R) Balugaruga! (2x) (R) The Rugaruga people! (2x) (C) Tulikapumula nanali (C) When will we hit the war

kwihala? (2x) ground? (2x)

(R) Kwihala! (R) The war ground! (C) Bamashima mashima (C) People of respect, respect

(R) Ooh, kwihala! (2x) (R) Ooh, the war ground! (2x)

Twiyagalule! We are enjoying ourselves!

Interpretation: This song, sung by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,” has had an interesting and varied history. The song has its origins with the barugaruga, the mercenary soldiers of chiefs like Mirambo, who wreaked havoc all over inland Tanganyika in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The song later came to be used by long-distance porters, carriers, and soldiers during both world wars, and by the national youth service after independence. The singer urges his comrades, the other soldiers, carriers, and workers that they should strengthen their heart and spirit for the work, the work of fighting, or of building the country. The term kwihala has several meanings, any of which could apply here in this song. It could mean cave, arena, exercise ground, war ground, or fortress.

(087) Nilile lwane lwa masasi (‘My cries are of bullets’)

Nilile lwane lwa masasi My cries are of bullets Bise, babuzengo wingi We, who have lots of dwellings

Banyakabega The ones who carry things on the

shoulder Nuko tujile, kabupanga buliko And where we are going, life is there

Bise, na milimo tutinayo We, even work we do not have Milimo na milimo, tutinayo Work and more work, we do not have

Bise bakuhenga banhu! We are for slaughtering people! Interpretation: In this rugaruga song, the singer declares that he expresses himself with the report of his rifle, he has many dwellings because of his life on the road, and that his group has no work, except to kill people. These groups got rifles as payment by Arab traders for

'S Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #239.

SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 147

ivory. What is fascinating about this song is the multiple ways it has been put to use, to include as a soldiers’ song during both world wars, as a government youth league song in the 1960s and 1970s, and as a farmers song. The song is well known, and commentators are quick to point out that in popular memory, it is associated with the marching of long-distance porters, soldiers of World War I and World War II, and soldiers in the Tanzanian war against Idi Amin. This song is performed by Kang’wiina ng’;wana Mihumo,'° who had this to say about its origin: Huu wimbo ni wa kwenye vita, hasa hasa ya wale barugaruga wa Mirambo, wakati wanajeshi walianza kutumia bunduki tu na risasi. Hawakuwa na sehemu ya kukaa ya imara, mara huko mara huko. (This song is one of war, especially those of the barugaruga of Mirambo, in the days when soldiers began to use rifles and bullets. They had no time or place where they could sit peacefully, as they were always moving about here and there.) This version uses the term kuhenga (‘slaughter’), signifying a connection to the barugaruga. Other versions use kuheka, or ‘to carry’, sig-

nifying porter/labor use. Mashauri Budaka* mentioned that he knew the song from a competitive context: ‘Ajililie’, siyo kwa ajili ya vita ya risasi, ni vita ya mabugota. Kwa sababu yeye hana kazi nyingine, hata wanavvyokwenda wanaona watashinda Yaani, wao ni wa kuwakata tu. (“He should cry’, not because of a war using bullets, but because of a war with bugota. Because he says, he has no work, wherever it is they go they will win. They are just for cutting others.)

(088) Twalali lelo (‘We are here today’)

Twawaili lelo, huu! We are here today, huu! Twawali lelo na bantu We are here today with the people Twawalya, twawalya! We beat them, we beat them! Au! Maunga, ni maunga! Au! Flags, the flags!

Matatula maunga! Tear the flags!

Interpretation: This is a burugaruga victory song collected by Molitor (1913: 732, #32).'” The anonymous singer exhorts his comrades to find the flags carried by the other side, and to tear them, to leave no doubt who the victors are.

'© Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #241. '? Molitor did not provide a translation for this song.

148 CHAPTER FIVE A common thematic motif in barugaruga songs was that of ‘the small bird’. The ‘small bird’ stands for the barugaruga themselves, always found in rough and heroic circumstances, though it is also possible that the term is a diminutive rendering of Ngoni,"* the ethnic group most associated with the origins of the barugaruga. These three songs were collected by Molitor, from the barugaruga carriers and soldiers who were in his employ.

(089) Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’) Kanoni kalya ummsanga The small bird eats in the abandoned sands

Titiliti! (2x) Titiliti! (2x)

op =E. ps = EFGBD (C)

Ka-no - ni kal- ya um'- msa-nga ti- ti - h - ti

,i®ir(C) ig —_ i — oe

Ka- no - ni kal- ya um'-- masa - nga ti- ti - h - ti Fig. 12. Music transcription of Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’)."”

(090) Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’)

Kanoni kungu The small bird in the bush Kakulya wantu! (4x) Eats the people! (4x)

'8 This linguistic possibility was pointed out by Velten and Lippert (1901: 5). The ka- prefix in kanoni signifies a diminuitive state, and could just as easily be rendered as banoni, ‘the bird people’, or even bangoni. '° Transcription by Molitor.

ee SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 149

. (C) 3 op = D. ps = DEFGABC.

7, (R) (C) 3—

8SO— (R) es OS 3 SS 3 Ce L—___. 7] —___

3

a Flt

Ka- no - ni kung -u_ ka- kul-ya wa - ntu Ka-no-ni = kung-u_ ka- kulya wa-

- ntu. Ka - no - ni kung- ou ka- kul- va wa- - ntu. Ka - io - ni

> 9 —_#* —_ —_, Pm mmm kungs- u ka - kul -ya wa - ntu Ka -no - m

Fig. 13. Music transcription of Kanoni kungu (‘The small bird in the bush’).”°

(091) Kanoni kaja (‘The bird has gone’)

Kanoni kaja, katulolela The small bird has gone, has seen us

Katula mhundu (2x) It sings ululations (2x)

Na wa Kapembe And those of Kapembe Katula mhundu (2x) It sings ululations (2x) Na wa Kanyampa And those of the Kanyampa Katula mhundu (2x) It sings ululations (2x)

; 3 Il 3333

I a Bm | OP am op =C. ps = CDEFGAB

3

Ka - no- ni ka - ya ka-tu - lo- le - la, ka-tu-la mun- du.

6

y——____—_ Pom a i md OS SS A SS a SS SS IS SN Ka - no - ni ka - ya ka-tu - lo- le - la, ka - tu - la mun - du.

Pye EEE Nr

fps ——a — = CECE Oh} —__- gs ——" os 1 =o CEC — + Na Wa-ka-pem-be. Ka-tu-la mun - du Na Wa-kan-yam-pa ka-tu-la mun- du. Fig. 14. Music transcription of Kanoni kaja (‘The small bird has gone’).”!

© Transcription by Molitor. 7! Transcription by Molitor.

150 CHAPTER FIVE Interpretation: In Kanoni kalya (1913: 733, #36),” the barugaruga sing about their rough lives on the road, eating among the ‘abandoned sands’.* In Kanoni kungu (1913: 730, #27),” the singers praise the heroic victors of war, who ‘eat’ their enemies. Kanoni kaja (1913:

723, #11) was performed by women, for celebrating the victors of war. They mention all the singers individually by name (‘Kapembe’,”®

‘Kanyampa ), and the song has finished when all present have been named. In the following three songs collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 7), the singer Kalungwa ng’wana Sembeewe Likisemmewuyaga, a Sukuma

praise singer who worked for chief Mirambo, praises the exploits of the chief, signified here by his family name, ng’wana Kassanda. (092) Niingishi (‘Greet me’)

Niingishi, wanyemela Greet me, rich ones

Mhuli na noni Elephant and bird

Kulimila itshimu, lya mwana Farm with the spear, of ng wana

Kassanda Kassanda

Mweli You of the western region Muli wahumbu, kuhigila Linsalala You are crazy, to close in on Linsalala

(093) Tinginya linti (‘Shake the tree’)

Tinginya linti Shake the tree

Tinginya lihuya Shake the bush

Mwana Kassanda Ng wana Kassanda Madimwa gali kuseha kihumbi Their ‘grabbings’ reach a thousand-fold

Wakali wagwe Their braveness

Walisulwa ku Bangoni They were expelled by the Ngoni soldiers

22 Molitor’s French translation: ‘L’oiseau chante dans les sables: Titilit? (The bird sings in the sand: Titiliti). > Spellig (1929: 251) collected a similar version of this song that he heard as a millet-threshing chorus: Kanoni kalya musenga (The small bird eats millet). ** Molitor’s French translation: “L’oiseau de la forét mange les hommes’ (The bird of the forest eats men). *° Molitor did not provide a translation for this song. *° Kapembe could also mean quite literally, ‘those having the small horn’.

SONGS OF THE WARRIORS AND MERCENARIES 151

(094) Filagi Anzuika (‘Send to Anzuika’) Filagi mu Anzuika Milolangulu Send to Anzuika of Milolangulu

Wambeta People of Beda

Kalitulagi ngoma! They should beat the ngoma! Kuwi serikali wa ntemi Government of the chief

Interpretation: In Niingishi, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 7),”

the singer ng’wana Sembeewe praises the chief for being rich with elephants and birds- metaphors for soldiers. The singer continues her praise, telling Mirambo and his men that ‘they farm with the spear’, that is, they gather benefit from soldiering and hunting under Mirambo’s leadership. In Tinginya linti, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 23),** the singer ng-wana Sembeewe gives ng’wana Kassanda

further honor as a soldier who has gathered bounty from war, who has put his Ngoni soldiers, the ones who expelled the enemy, to great use. In Filagi mu Anzuika, collected by Velten and Lippert (1901: 21),” the singer ng wana Sembeewe, in a song attributed to Iguwa (a friend

of the singer), mentions a secret message sent from Mirambo to his neighbor, chief Kaswika of Milolangulu.

27 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘An gar vielem bist du reich / an Elephanten und Vogeln / mit dem Speer zu pfliigen, fiir den Sohn des Kassanda / Munyamweli, ihr seid dumm, zu bekriegen Linsalala’ (In so many things you are rich / Elephants and birds / With the spear to plow, son of Kassanda / Munyamweli, you are stupid to war with Linsalala).

*8 Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Schiittle den Baum / schiittle den Krieg heraus / Sohn des Kassanda / Beute ist zu rauben tausendfach / die Tapferen sollen fallen / sie werden belauert von den Wangonis’. ‘Shake the tree / Shake out the war / Son of Kassanda / To deprive thousands, as prey / The brave should fall / They are expelled by the Wangonis’. *” Velten and Lippert’s German translation: ‘Bringt zu Anzuika sein ganzes Gebiet / Leute von Beta / geht und schlagt die Trommel / zu sein die Soldaten des K6nigs’ (Bring to Anzuika his entire area / People of Beta / Go and hit the drum / To be the soldiers of the King).

CHAPTER SIX

SONGS OF THE ASKARIS (CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS)

The German Colonial Army (Schutztruppe) employed native African soldiers, known as askaris, in its colonies. The askaris were well paid but harshly disciplined. 11,000 askaris and their European officers commanded by Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck managed to resist the numerically superior British, Portuguese and Belgian colonial forces until the end of World War I in 1918 (Koponen 1995: 133-134). After World War I, the British employed askaris in Tanganyika, as members of the KAR (Kings African Rifles). Sukuma men were highly regarded as soldiers for their discipline and endurance. The musics most associated with Sukuma askari military life were the genres known as beni and pubha. Although Ranger prefaced his landmark study acknowledging that, “Beni, with its apparently overwhelmingly imitative character, turns out in the end to be deeply rooted in precolonial dance and competitive modes’ (1975: 6), there is a tendency in the work to equate beni’s pre-European origins solely to coastal Swahili traditional society, since the documentary paper trail provides evidence for this. A review of the early history of the bagiika-bagaalu voluntary societies, compared to the early history of beni, reveals some striking similarities. In fact, the beni dance associations and the bagiika-bagaalu complex were so similar in function

and emergence in time and place, it would be hard not to conjecture that there was some inspirational or common member influence between the two. Informant interview testimony, however, denies this possibility, claiming that in their understanding of history, the bagiika-bagaalu had nothing to do with beni. Ranger described beni as follows: The ng’oma takes its name from its essential musical feature- the attempt to reproduce the effect of a military brass-band, though the elaboration of this attempt might vary from the provision of a full bugle, pipe, and drum detachment to the beating of a single big drum in some rural variants of beni. The dances done to this Beni music have also varied considerably but all have been based on the idea of military drill. Sometimes the dance took the form of a parade, a procession, a march past; sometimes it took the form of a dance in platoon form; sometimes it took the form of a circling drill step (1975: 5).

SONGS OF THE CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS 153 Like the Sukuma bagiika-bagaalu groups, beni dance teams competed against one another as famously paired opposites, sometimes for the

duration of their careers. Beni teams drew their constituency from opposing sides of the village, and modeled themselves after the war maneuvers of the turn-of-the-century German and British colonial powers. Beni was first documented as having reached the Tabora area in 1919 just after WW I, when soldiers returning home to Tabora were regrouped into new village concentrations to avoid the further spread of a recent outbreak of sleeping sickness (Ranger 1975: 109). In unpublished research from the 1930s, the government anthropologist Hans Cory cited an elderly man from Tabora who remembered from his childhood that the pubha dance,’ well known as a village variant of beni in the Nyamwezi/Sukuma area, originated as a war victory dance by the barugaruga armies of Chief Mirambo in the 1870s (Cory Collection #188). The pubha dance has an interesting history in the Sukuma region, as all sources claim that it is the same dance as beni, yet few sources realize the nature of its true origin in militarism and colonial contact. If you watch pubha closely you will notice a stepping style that the baliingi do as they walk around the inner circle of the bahemba that might be construed as marching or goose-stepping, but the baliingi today claim to me that it is ‘just a fun dance step’. Historically, pubha needs to be considered the village equivalent of the beni

competitions. One tradition claims that pubha emerged as a dance form started by Ntalimbo in the mid-nineteenth century that both the bayeye and the banuunguli dance groups used as a less rigorous alternative in competition (Makanga’*; Chiila*). Luzuba ng’wana Ngomage was a fondly remembered composer afhliated with the buyeye and the bagiika. He spread the pubha/beni dances north to the Sukuma region (Nzega and South Shinyanga). He was also known to have gone to the coast as a migrant laborer, and he was the innovator responsible for bringing pubha and beni under one conceptual umbrella (Sawaka”*). The dance spread because of further breakaways, when the composer Nkuli broke away from the Luzuba clan. By the 1940s, pubha was making its way to other parts of the Sukuma region well to include Maswa, where it was adopted by the musicians of the court of the renowned music patron Chief Mjebele (Chiila*).

' Pubha, Kisukuma, meaning an unformed piece of iron that is yet to be sharpened into a spear.

154 CHAPTER SIX The beni, pubha, and askari songs that I collected were used in marching, brush clearing, and various other labor details. The following two askari songs are about their German leaders, describing their strange clothes, and describing their shoes made of wood. (095) Liloliza (“That which is coming’)

Liloliza, lyuyilaga That which is coming, it sweats Magodi galyo gatumula! His clothes frighten! Shilatu shalyo, lubela miti, bwana! His shoes, natural like trees, man!

Nulu liso lyutanduka! (2x) Even ones eye can burst! (2x)

Ili bupina mkulihayaga The sorrowful matter you are speaking of

Chagua nenda kubulagilwa Chagua will go to kill for me

Mihayo mumachalo [because of ] Words in the village

Niyo ulu giki Now it is like this

Kizula, bwana Remove your clothing, man Ku magogo, kung’wa bagosha To the logs, with the men (096) Nzungu (‘European’)

Nzungu, hona upanda European, so you stepped

Nirvhage nane shilatu Bring me shoes

Cha nhunila The high-heeled kind

Nalabapande hamala So that I will step on their nails Bing’wana balilaga, pe pe pe They were crying, pe pe pe Naliko uko kunzila, nalabande Iam on the way, I will hide Interpretation: Kang wiina ng’ wana Mihumo learned the song Liloliza lyuyilaga* trom his father, who sang the song while they were beating millet together in the 1930s. The song mentions magogo, a kind of indentured road-building labor that entailed cutting through brush and trees. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had this interpretive analysis: Wajerumani walivaa vitu vya kutisha; kofia, viatu vyao. Watu waliogopa na kweli hawakufurahi walipowaona. Kwa hiyo walipoona viatu kama hivi, waliogopa na hawakuwa na raha. Walivaa viatu vya miti au ya ngozi vya tembo au kifaru. Na ngao kwa chuma hizo, zilikuwa ngumu sana, hata mishale na mikuki hawezi ikaingia.

Na hawa ‘ndugu’ zetu Wajerumani pia walikuwa na sheria kalikali

* Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #294.

SONGS OF THE CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS jbeys) ambazo watu waliogopa. Na jambo hili liliwapa watu wengi mawazo mengi: ‘Wajerumani si wao wanafanya kazi nzito sana. Sasa huyu mwimbaji alikuwa anaelezea kwamba yaani kule ni kazi ya kiume kwa Mjeremani huyo. (The Germans wore things that were a fright; their hats, their shoes. People were very much afraid, and really, they were not happy when they saw them. Therefore, when they saw shoes such as these, they were afraid and had no joy. They wore shoes made of wood, or from the hides of elephants and rhinoceros. And, their armor made of iron, it was very hard, even arrows or spears could not pierce it. Now, our ‘comrades’, the Germans, also had very fierce laws that many people feared. Now, all these circumstances had people thinking very hard: “Now, these Germans they have come here and their work is very difficult’. Now, this singer is explaining that this work for the Germans, it is the work of real men.) In Nzungu, collected by Cory (Cory Papers #192),° attributed to Singali

ng wana Finduli, and recalled and performed by Kang’wiina Mwami

y

_ os — fae Bm

Illus. 12. Wooden shoes (shantalu) used by Sukuma dance associations in the early twentieth century. Courtesy of SABCC.

* Cory’s English translation: “You Europeans from Shinyanga / Give me your boots so artfully bent / I wish to tread on them with my toes / On these smaller men of the white race / There he stands on the road / I shall tread on him with my toes’.

156 CHAPTER SIX ng wana Mihumo and Phillipo Balabala,* the narrator recognizes the novelty brought by the German’s style of footware, and asks that they bring him some. Finduli was known for his dangerous bugota, and is rumored to have killed several of his competitors (Mihumo*). The

Sukuma singers of his time were infatuated with German military foot-ware. They were symbols of power and terror, and were valued for their cache in the dance competition arena. Because of this interest, they developed dance genres that highlighted the use of wooden clogs. While demonstrating one of these dances for me at Bujora, Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo* accompanied his leaps with an associative ‘hiyaagh’ sound and a heavy dust-raising stamp on the ground, claiming that this was the way the Germans were remembered by the Sukuma people, always stamping about, making lots of noise and raising large clouds of dust.

One of the early wooden clog dance societies, iginya, was one of several direct predecessors to wigaashe in Mwanza (Seso*). The dance may have been started by Malesa of Usmao, a niingi also associated with early wigaashe (Makanga*), who claimed its associated medicines, when smeared on the lips and forehead or placed in the mouth and swallowed, guarantied for the singer a perfect voice and popularity in the dance (Hall n.d.). Eyewitnesses report the dance’s existence in south Busiya as late as the 1930s, and found that their members plaited their hair like Waswahili women (Malcom 1953). Another report from the same period found that iginya was very popular in the Maswa area, where, “The bariingi have evolved a sort of uniform of which the principle features are double terai hats, black vests, bead aprons, ostrich feathers, a large number of bangles as well as badges indicating position in the society. A special mark is the possession of a muzzleloading gun (Hall 1936: 94). In another document, Hall describes the dance as having three movements: a shuffle with the right foot, a tapping of the left shoe against the right and a mighty jump (Hall n.d.). Bugidu

was another wooden clog dance form thought to be an ancient predecessor to wigaashe. The dance was named after the onomatopoeic sound of many feet hitting the ground with force (gidi). According to the singer Idili ng’ wana Dukiila*: Wachezaji walisimama kama wali-

kuwa na mawazo, halafu kwa ghafla waliruka juu, na walikanyaga

* Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 15 October 1995, IUATM song #466 and #590.

SONGS OF THE CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS 157 ardhi kwa sauti. (Players stood like they were thinking about something, then suddenly jumped high and brought their feet down in a crash.) At some point in its history, performers began sitting during portions of the dance (Dukiila*), providing loud stamping accompaniment rhythms with their feet, which were clad in the large wooden shoes. The dance forms’ most famous singer of memory was ng’wana Maselele (Mkongola 1980: 18). Michael Masalu* had this interpretation: Walikuwa na viatu kama

miti; wakitembea, kinapiga kelele. Alitamaani sana, aombe apate hicho ili aweze kuwakanyaga wengine kwenye miguu! Waumie, kwa sababu yeye hataki kupata manju mwingine wa kumshinda. Yeye akipata awakanyage walie kwa sababu hawana kitu chochote. (They had shoes made of wood, and when they walked they made a racket! So, he [the singer] desires this very much, he begs to receive this type, so he can stomp on others with his feet! He should hurt them, because he does not want any other singer to defeat him. If he could get these, he would stomp on his enemies until they cry because they would not have anything at all to defeat him.)

(097) Badachi (‘Germans’)

Badachi, ng’wasangwa! Germans, you have been met!

Buli nose mukalika At the end you will be wiped out

Muli nayingi You have others [reinforcements] Mijinga ya Bangeleja? The cannons of the British?

Nose mukukalika At the end you will be wiped out

Muli nayingi You have others [reinforcements] Interpretation: This beni piece performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo and Phillipo Balabala,° was collected by Cory (Cory Papers #192)° and attributed by him to Kalumani ng’wana Ngoso. The narrator points his query at the Germans, who were taking a beating by the British. Kang’wiina learned this song while threshing millet as a youth.

> Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 15 October 1995, IUATM song #473. © Cory’s English translation: “You Germans have been attacked and finally you will be annihilated / But you are many / The cannons of the English will finish you in the end / But you are many’.

158 CHAPTER SIX The singer and drum maker Phillipo Balabala* had this quick comment: Wajerumani walikuwa wengi, lakini walipigwa mizinga, na hao walikuwa na bunduki tu. Walikuja wengi, walirudi wachache. (The Germans were many, but they were ambushed by cannons, because they only had rifles. They came as many, but returned as few.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi*

mentioned that: Wimbo huu mfupi ni wimbo wa kuwaonya hawa Wajerumani. Anawaambia ‘Nyinyi Wajerumani, mnakutwa_ sasa, mwishowe mtakwisha. Labda mkae chonjo, kama mna mengine, ya kusema nasikia hiyo mizinga ya Waingereza. Kama muna mengine museme. (This short song is to warn or admonish the Germans. The singer tells them, “You Germans, you have been met, in the end you will be finished. Perhaps you should be on guard, perhaps you have reinforcements, because I have heard the British have cannons. If you have reinforcements, you should make it known’.) The buyege singer George Nyumbani” had this insight about the singer as a prophet: Alikuwa anaimba alikuwa ni mtabili. Maana yake, alitabili aliona litakalokuja kule mbele. Aliwatabilia kwamba, nyinyi

mtakutwa na mtakwisha bila kuelewa, mtakutwa na Mwingereza, atakuja na mizinga yake. Kwa hiyo na kwa kweli, walimalizika, Waingereza wakatawala na Wajerumani wakasambaa. (‘He sings as if he were a prophet. The meaning is, he predicts and sees that which will come in the future. He predicts that, “You people will be met and you will be finished without understanding. You will be met by the British, they will come with their cannons’. So it came true, they were finished, the British came to lead, and the Germans dispersed.)

(098) Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’) Shiganga jilikenya ku mabala Boulders fighting one another on the plain

Bajelemani na Baengeleja The Germans and the English Balikilinghimya nhambo They run about taken to flight Linguno ya ngombe (2x) Because of cattle (2x)

Lilongije It is known only [by]

likube, liMulungu, baba Kube, God, baba Katavi’ (2x) liKkatabi (2x)

’ These are all local terms for a supernatural higher power.

SONGS OF THE CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS 159

Liligotola banhu That which is knocking the people Simba sana, ngwana Makoma __ Dig deep, ng wana Makoma

Nhobola yabi ya bangi Tabora belongs to others Ya Mabiliji, babalya banhu! (2x) The Belgians, eaters-of-men! (2x)

Shiganga jilikenya ku mabala Boulders fighting one another on the plain

Bajelemani na Baengeleja The Germans and the English Balikilinghimya nhambo They run about taken to flight

Linguno ya ngombe Because of cattle Interpretation: The singers featured here, the pubha dance practitioners Jiyoga Hamala ng’wana Chiila and ng’wana Makanga,’ immediately recognized this song as one that had been adapted by their grandfathers as a work chorus for voluntary farming groups in the 1930s. According to Cory’s meager typewritten notes (Hans Cory Papers #3; 192),’ the song was composed by ng’;wana Matonange sometime during World War I. A note mentions that the song enjoyed some minor popularity as a pubha and busalenge song in dance competitions during the 1920s, before being collected, transcribed, and archived by Cory. Kang’wiina ng wana Mibumo%, upon being read the text, could not recall the melody, but said that he learned the song as a youth to accompany beating millet (itula). He also heard it sung by Sukuma soldiers who returned from their foreign service in Burma, just after World War II.

The song documents one of the last skirmishes between the Germans, the British and their Belgian allies. At Mwanza, the Germans held their lake position until an actual British landing took place in July, 1916. The German Mwanza forces dug trenches at Seke, in the southern Sukuma region, and managed to delay the British advance for several weeks. This position was finally surrendered in September 1916, when the British independently overran Tabora. Finally, in 1917,

there was a final skirmish at Ikoma, where a German mobile column attacked a persuing British-Belgian unit at Ikoma (Austen 1968: 112). The composer cited by Cory, ng wana Matonange, was apparently a soldier who composed the song so to explain to his comrades why the

* Recorded by author, Ng’wajiginya, 18 August 1995, IUATM song #362. > Cory’s English translation: “Men fight in the land / The Germans and the English /

The God of the European alone knows / What business of cattle is theirs / But our God will bring back our men / Dig, 0 son of Makoma, trenches in Tabora / Others will arrive / The Belgians, who eat men’.

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SONGS OF THE CONSCRIPTED SOLDIERS lol

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involved with protecting the environment by joining tree planting brigades and pollution awareness campaigns, in part to combat the negative public image that musicians have concerning this issue. Sev-

eral high profile poaching cases had been in the public eye involving musicians looking for lion hides, ostrich feathers, and wildebeest horns and tails for dance accoutrements such as drum skins and flywhisks (‘Kibali cha Kupiga Nyama Poli Mbuni, Nyemela’ 1986). These

public concerns led to the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife banning the possession of any type of game trophies unless one had a registered certificate for the object (Pambe 1977: 381). Before the bakomyaluume began to use halved steel drums in their performances, they used large

ihama drums, which required the trunks of ihama trees. Thus, they were blamed for the destruction of the environment, though in this song, this is all allegory: what is really being ‘prevented’ here, is the bakomyaluume trom winning the competition. Folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga* had this comment: Huu wimbo, anasema yeye ni kiongozi mkubwa wa Bakula Kalangha, hawezi kushindwa na mtu. Yeye ndiye ni mkubwa, anaweza kuwaongoza mambo yote ya m-biina, mtu anaweza kushindwa. Amekatilia kama eneo kubwa ya Nassa na Ntuzu, watu wanafahamu yeye tu peke

248 CHAPTER EIGHT yake, ni kiongozi wa maeneo haya. Wimbo huu una maana maluum ya baliingi. Siyo pori kabisa ya miti, ina maana ya wale baliingi amekatalia yeye sehemu hizo zote. Wale bakomyaluume hawaweza kufika kwake. ‘Iporu’ hapa, maana yake ni mashindano kati ya bagobogobo na bakomyaluume. Hapa mahali ambapo anataja ni ipori tu, hakuna mtu kuingia. (This song, the singer says he is the leader of the Bakula Kalangha, he cannot be defeated by anyone, he is the leader who can lead in all matters of m’biina, anyone who messes with him, will be defeated. He has preserved a large area of Nassa and Ntuzu, people know that he alone is the leader of this area. This song has special meaning among singers. He is not speaking of ‘wilderness’, it means he has prevented other singers from entering this whole area. Those bakomyaluume cannot reach him. “Wilderness” here, the meaning is, his side at the competition, between the bagobogobo and the bakomyaluume. These places that he mentions are wilderness spots that no one else can enter.) (196) Ne’wila giko Ngogo (‘Tell this to Ngogo’) Ne’wila giko Ngogo, witaidi (2x) Tell this to Ngogo, to try hard (2x)

Mung wile giki You should tell him

Ndiya mapinda mu mbazu (2x) That I have pockets on the ribs (2x)

Ukungima Shimiyu (2x) While trying the river Shimiyu (2x)

Uzula kwelema (2x) Removed [clothes] to swim (2x) Ung welema uduma (2x) The swimmer failed (2x) Nali mbogo, ng’wana Lufega I am a wildebeest, ng’wana Lufega

Natachamagwa (2x) I am not stood against (2x) Interpretation: This bugobogobo song composed and performed by Izang hi Ng’wanang'wa and the Bakula Kalang’ha group of Miswaki,* is sung in a standard wigaashe song performance mode. The verses are

shorter than most, as they have been adapted from the older poetry genre predating wigaashe called buheheme. The clue about the older style comes from the banyalali chorus/response, repeating and then finishing the sentences that the niingi cues them with (not a practice usually found in bugobogobo). The song is used as a rallying cry for the group when they compete, both in informal warm-up rituals and

*8 Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 3 July 1994, IUATM song #15, 17, 18.

SONGS OF THE ‘SKIN WEARERS’ AND ‘DEW STEPPERS’ 249

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at strategic points in the competition. The niingi warns his competitor that he has ‘pockets on the ribs’, referring to the arsenal of protective bugota which he keeps in various places on the body (see also song #123), and that his strength is like that of the mighty river Shimiyu in Ntuzu, which no one can cross. Finally, he compares himself to a wildebeest, the token animal of the Bak’ hula Kalangha, an animal whose strength is beyond comparison. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* discussed the images and allusions found in this song: Niingi anatamba uwezo

wake katika mapambano ya mbiina. Ni makubwa, sawa na mto Shimiyu. Kazi yake ni kubwa kwa kiasi: ambayo huwezi kuogelea. Yeye, kwa kuimba wimbo, alijibandika cheo kujisifu kwa majina ya mto. Kwa

mfano, kuna mto mkubwa, Shimiyu, ambao siyo kitu cha kuchezea. Huwezi kupitia au kuogelea wakati umefurika. Sasa yeye anajisifu, anasema ni ‘msimamo wa mwisho’ haupitiki. Kuvuka mto Simiyu ni lazima uvue na kuanza kuogelea, hii ina maana yeye ni mchezaji hatari ambapo ukiamua kucheza naye ni lazima uwe umekamilika kimichezo na bugota. Nguvu zake, niingi huyu, ni sawa na nyati, ambaye huwezi kumdhibiti kulingana na nguvu zake. (The niingi delineates his abilities

250 CHAPTER EIGHT at the m’biina competition. They are considerable, as big as the river Shimiyu. His work is just as big: you cannot ‘swim’ in it or cross it. For example, there is this large river, Shimiyu, not something to play with. You cannot cross it or swim it when it is flooded. To cross the river Shimiyu, you must remove your clothes to swim, in other words this guy is a dangerous player whom if you decide to play with him, you must be precise in your play and in your use of bugota. The strength of this composer is similar to that of a wildebeest, whose strength one cannot manage to measure.) (197) Bing’we National (‘You people of National’)

Bing’we National You folks of National Abanyalali nu Makenzi Followers of Makenzi Neg’wa pelana, Lekisona With fury, Rexon

Ne’wa pelana (2x) With fury (2x)

Tanzania, muliyunihimbilija Tanzania, you are praising me Nu Malyamu, Suzanna (2x) And Mariam, Susanna (2x)

Natali nu Buganda (2x) I am in Uganda (2x)

Hakimu The magistrate tunganagi ourselves up

Nanghwe akuyombaga He told you we should firm

bagaalu (2x) with the bagaalu (2x)

Shokashokaga nhula kabili ngalu. Go back and forth twice, ngalu

Ng’wana Lufega, uni Ntuzu Neg’wana Lufeja, even those of Ntuzu

Bingi, nabahebeleja (2x) Many of them, I have defeated (2x) Interpretation: This song, composed by Izang’hi Ng wanang’wa and performed by the Bakula Kalangha group of Miswaki,” was sung together with several other farmers at an evening drinking party held at Benjamin Moshi’s home. After dinner, Moshi provided beer and food, as the Bakula Kalangha group had spent the last three days helping him to harvest his cotton. Drinking went on from about 8 p.m. to about 10:30 p.m. The singer both mentions his followers and cajoles his dance enemies by name, calling out to them by their nicknames, inciting them to rise to the challenge of the competitive fight. Concerning the nicknames used in this song, Paulo Chaniila Mafanyana mentioned that: ‘National’ hapa, ni kama jina la mtu au shirika, ”” Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 13 July 1994, IUATM song #021.

SONGS OF THE ‘SKIN WEARERS’ AND ‘DEW STEPPERS?’ 251

jina la kutumia kwenye mapambano makubwa, kama imara. ‘Tanzania’, na ‘Uganda’ pia ni majina ya watu. Wachezaji wengi wanajiitia hivyo. ‘Lexon’,, ‘Tanzania’, Mariamu na Suzanna wote ni wafuasi wa Makenzi, kiongozi wa ‘National’, adui wa huyu mwimbaji. ‘National’ here, is like the name of a man or a company, to be used in a big competition, a name that signifies something firm and stable. “Tanzania’ and ‘Uganda’ are also names of people. Many players name themselves in this fashion. ‘Lexon’,”° “Tanzania’, Mariamu, and Suzanna all are followers of Makenzi, the leader of ‘National’, enemy of this singer’.)

(198) Bukagi (“Wakeup’)

(C) Bukagi, ba Madako (C) Wakeup, those of Madako

(R) Ba Madako (R) Those of Madako

Bukagi, ba Madako Wakeup, those of Madako Mje mkamone unimi obuluba (2x) | He should go and see the cotton farmer (2x)

oKungwa Mtumba Of Mtumba

Mayu, ng’wana Saku, utuzugile (2x) Mayu, ng’wana Saku, cook for us (2x)

oKungwa Malando Of Malando

Olima no, kulagilija Bakula (2x) He has farmed a lot, call the Bakula (2x) Interpretation: This song, composed by Izang’hi Ng’wanang’wa”™ and performed in competition by the Bakula Kalangha group of Miswaki,

tells Madako and his associates that he should see what the farmer Mtumba has done with his crops. Madako, a joking name meaning ‘buttocks’, is a member of the singers’ group, the Bakula Kalang’ha (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’).

According to folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga*: Mtumba ni jina la mtu ambayo ni bwana mji. Sasa akasema mama mji wa pale, ng wana Sako, anaomba wapikie wa kwa Malando. Yeye ng wana Sako, baba yake ni Malando, akasema sasa, wamelima mno. Kufika, na kua-

giza Bakula kuja kuwasaidia. (Mtumba is the name of the person who

*° Rexona is the name of a popular Unilever handsoap product, made in Uganda and distributed in East Africa. *! Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, July 13 1994, IUATM song #014, 016.

252 CHAPTER EIGHT is the headman of that compound. Now he says to the head woman of that place, ng’wana Sako, he inquires that she should cook for them.) Mkina Makoye” elaborated: Sasa wimbo huu ambao umeimbwa, ni kwa kumsifu mtu mmoja na mali yake. Sasa, alikuwa akiita baadhi ya watu kuenda kuangalia, wakashuhudie kama ni kweli amelima sana. Yeye baada ya kuwaita, hawa Bakula, yaani hawa wacheza m-biina, waende kumsaidia na hiyo kazi, kama wanaalika kwenda wakashuhudie kwamba analima safi, amepata mavuno makubwa, anamwambie mke wake akawapikie chakula, wale kingi, chakula mpaka kubakiza. Wimbo huu una maana hiyo hiyo tu, kusifa wakulima. (Now, this song that

was sung, is to praise a certain man and his wealth. Now, he calls a group of people to go and see for themselves, if it is true that he has farmed a lot. After calling them, the Bakula group, meaning the m biina players, to go and help with this work and to go and see for themselves, that he has farmed well, that he has a big crop, he asks the woman of the house to cook food for them, they should eat a lot, so

much food that there are leftovers. This is what this song means, to praise the farmer.) (199) Ku bise (‘At our place’)

Ku bise lya bogije lulu At our place there is a fertile smell now

Giki gaseke, masamva So they should be merry, the ancestors

Umubulingi In composing Ubizaga Mishingilwa (2x) I have become like Mishingilwa (2x)

Kamlima yi ka Killimanjaro That little mountain Killimanjaro

Kulilugulu! To the mountain!

Lylemeja nghumbi kulala (2x) It has prevented termites from flying (2x)

Kapandagi chiza abalinga numa_ Step carefully you who are coming forward Interpretation: In this song, the singer Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga*’ brags about his skills in competitive arenas. He makes it clear

* Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #270.

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that his homestead is blessed, and is fertile, and that his compositional abilities are comparable to this fertile state. The singer compares himself to Mount Killimanjaro (albeit a ‘little’ version of it), and then calls his opponent a termite. Buyeye dancer Fitta ng’wana Liaku* had this to say about the first

line: Mara nyingi, yaani kama mvua ikinyesha sana sana kubwa, wakati unatoka nje unakanyaga, unaingia kabisa kwenye matope, na kuna harufu ya ajabu. Kwa hiyo huyu, alikuwa na maana kule kwetu limepiga kabisa, yaani kila kitu kiko sawa sawa, yaani yale masamva wanafurahi sana. (Many times, when there is a really heavy rain, when you go outside and you stomp and slosh around, you have entered into the mud, there is a heavy fertile smell. So this person, he means that there at home, it has rained hard, therefore everything is just fine, indeed the ancestors are very happy.) (200) Abise ukung’wa Jijabu (‘We of the Jijabu clan’) Abise ukung’wa Jijabu, ukuli Sonji We of the Jijabu clan, from Sonji

Twalangwa kozi We have been taught the lesson Ukutubuja, abaliingi ba kung’wa Ask us, the baliingi belonging to

Seba (2x) Seba (2x)

Mujagi using we Ask your father Akapela, umuna Mondo (2x) He ran, the man from Mondo (2x)

Ulu kabili, ung’wana akukubuna For the second time, the child will crush

Utalashokeja You will not do it again

Nuwe wa ibona (2x) He has seen it (2x)

Nuwe, na kaya ndadila maguta He, in a home, he who walks on ropes

Mpaka upela m’biina He was made to run from the dance

Nabina wakati ni shisambo I danced while opponents were

shuseleleka amassing umu banhu into a crowd

Nyanda, Buhondo Young man, Buhondo Nyanda, ngwana Huma Young man, ng wana Huma

Huna hu ndo wabo He was their young brother

Uhikilijaga He arrived in a hurry

254 CHAPTER EIGHT Interpretation: This song, composed and recalled to me by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga,*? was performed during a specific competition

in the 1970s. The singer tells his opponent that his group has seen trial by fire, and that his singing group is in the hands of Seba (God). He tells his opponent that he has even beat his father, thus he should know better than to compete against him, and now, he will be crushed. He ridicules his adversary for relying on outmoded tricks and ‘small time’ dance shenanigans, such as walking on ropes. Finally, he was made to flee, and the crowds came instead en masse to his side.

(201) Nene, amajisigo nagazunya (‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’)

Nene, amajisigo nagazunya Myself, gossips I have accepted

Nagema shizwalo I take them [worn] as clothes

Natega ilimili I have exposed the body Makaribu, balomolomo Welcome, liars

Neg’wana ngosha kumila iwe A male child should swallow a stone

Nulu bayombe Even should they gossip Bakwifujiwa Welelo They will be brought to rest by Welelo

Ulu ofumila kuweja If you come from doing late night dances

Ali ni yaki ugulubalubiwa Why should you be mingled by

basigani? gossipers?

Nene yaya, nadakangagwa — Me, I am never threatened

Ng’wana Misuga Neg’wana Misuga

Ubatona abana Rewarded the children Uhaya ga shigongo You would think from mercy

Neg’hana, bamayu It is true, bamayu Kubi gose, Buhondo They became all, Buhondo Interpretation: This song, composed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misuga from the village of Seke and collected by Kija (1980: 3),°* discusses the destructive potential of gossip. A person needs to harden oneself

°° Videorecorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #618. * Kija’s English translation: ‘I have accepted gossips / I regard them as my clothes for my body to wear / Even if they gossip / The world will force them to rest / If you are in this world / Why get worked up by liars? / I do not mind gossipers / The son of Misuga / Slaughter a cow for gossipers / It is true, dear mothers / In this world there is joy and sorrow, Hondo’.

SONGS OF THE ‘SKIN WEARERS’ AND ‘DEW STEPPERS?’ 2595

(swallow a stone’), to ward against it. The context for this song could either be a dance competition, or life in general. In the end, the gossipers will be brought to rest by Welelo. The phrase ‘rewarded the children, you would think from mercy’ is directed specifically at the transgressors, but its specific meaning is unclear. (202) Nyalali jane (“My follower’) Nyalali jane, shigula mayila (2x) | My follower, who opens ways (2x)

Kiti Lutubiga, shigula mayila (2x) Like Lutubiga, who opens ways (2x)

Kubitilija, ulija mangoma (2x) To go further, going to the ngoma (2x)

Nalili kitinde luchiba mayila This stump blocks the way Interpretation: This song collected by Makoye (2000: 275) and attributed to ngwana Mholisha, discusses how it is customary, when going into a competition arena, for the leaders of the group to be preceded by the student-followers of the group, the banyalali. The path is fraught with many perils, to include malevolent medicines, as well as jeers and taunts by supporters of the opposing group. Only the bravest followers are allowed to take this journey. Buyeye dancer Fita ng’wana Liaku* made this point: Huyu anakuwa anawasifu wachezaji wake, banyalali bake, vijana vyake. Wakati unakwenda kwenye ngoma, lazima ukawasifu, kikundi chako. Yaani shigula mayila ni kama mnataka kuondoka lazima ukafuta kufagua njia sasa, labda kwenye pori wanaenda. (This person praises his dancers, his fol-

lowers, his youth wing. When you go to your ngoma, you have to praise them, your group. Now this phrase shigula mayila, this is as if you want to go there, you have to sweep the way now, perhaps it is in the bush where they are going.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* said: Huyu mwimbaji anawasifu wafuasi wake, kwamba ni hodari zaidi, kila wanapokwenda njia iko wazi, ndio kusema kwamba wanashinda kwenye ngoma mbalimbali. Na yeye, mpiga ngoma, ni hodari hizi ng’oma zao za bugaalu hizi. Hawa akina wapiga bakomyaluume wanavyopiga. Kila sehemu wakisikia zile tu, basi watu wote wanaanza kumshangalia. Na yeye ni shina ya mti, ambalo, tuseme ndiyo mkuu hasa, ni mkuu wa hii, hana mashaka yo yote na watu wengine, yeye anapita tu. (This singer praises his followers, and tells them that they are the

256 CHAPTER EIGHT most expert, everywhere they go the path is open, indeed, it is to say that they win at their various dances. Now this person, this drummer, is an expert of the dances of the bagaalu, who the bakomyaluume are. Everywhere this dance is performed everyone starts to celebrate. Now he is the trunk of the tree, which means, shall we say, the primary leader especially. The leader of this ng’oma, no one has any doubts about him, he just passes through.) (203) Hali tulikahoya? (Where will we talk?’)

(C) Hali tulikahoya? (C) Where will we talk? Na bang'wana Holo To the children of Holo? Baba Chalice, baba o shigongo Baba Charles, baba the merciful Olekwa na Tungu na Bamayeji You were left by Tungu and Bamayeji

Olekwa na Manyinya (2x) Left by Manyinya (2x) (R) Wendeleze butamaduni (R) Continue your culture

Kwitemelo lyako (2x) Your kingdom (2x)

Interpretation: During the Ujamaa period, representatives from the government sought out ngoma groups that were open to promoting their policies of development. Bugobogobo groups, as representatives of farmers and ‘farming culture’, were especially wanted, enticed with monetary awards distributed through official, well-publicized competitions.*” Bugobogobo groups, in turn, were enthusiastic about elevat-

ing their public image and working towards promoting values that were consonant with government policy. One of these values was ‘butamaduni,” or ‘traditional cultural awareness’, that is, awareness about the importance of maintaining long-held cultural traditions, as a part of nation building. As traditional ng’oma artist Paulo Lusana* explains: Mpaka sasa, watu wengine wanafahamu kwamba ‘utamaduni’ ni ngoma za asili tu, basi! Hawajakosea. Lakini hii pia ni sehemu tu ya utamaduni wa taifa. Mimi sasa hivi nikiacha kucheza, kuna kip*° “Mashindano ya Sanaa za Maonyesho na Lugha, Ufundi, Manispaa, Mwanza’. Cultural Programme, Acc. #2, UTV/C.80/11/Vol II, Document #56 (n.d.) NAUMM; Hotuba ya Waziri wa Utamaduni na Vijana wa Taifa: Makisio ya Mapato na Matumizi ya Fedha 1974-75. AMNMMK. °° From utamaduni (Kiswahili). Though translated literally as ‘culture’, in the context of government policy this term is more specifically associated with ‘tradition’ or ‘traditional knowledge’.

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indi utamaduni utapotea, mjukuu wangu hawezi hakufuata (Up to now, other people understand that ‘traditional culture’ is just traditional ng’oma, that’s all! This is not a mistake. However this is also a part of national cultural consciousness. My thoughts are, if we stop our playing, there is a day when our cultural heritage will be lost, and our grandchildren will not be able to follow us.)

In this bugobogobo song excerpt performed by Buhondo Digili ng wana Misuga,” the singer laments that his teacher’s friends and associates (whom he lists by name), have all passed on, leaving him alone to carry the torch of butamaduni work. His chorus responds that he nevertheless should continue this work of promoting culture. The local historian Michael Masalu* explained: Anasema, ‘Umeachwa na wazazi, umeachwa na Tungu, na Bamayeji, na wengine, endeleza na utamaduni. Kwa sababu hii kazi ni nzuri, watu wengi wanazipenda. Nendeni kwenye ‘ofisi ya utamaduni’ wako, ofisi ya ntemi, kuna nyimbo, kuna watu ambao wanaenda uko kuzipata. (He says that, “You have

been left by your parents, you were left by Tungu, and the Mayeji people, and others, continue spreading your culture’. Because this is good work, many people appreciate it. Continue your ‘cultural office’,

the office of ntemi, there are songs, there are those who go there to visit and to receive them.) As evident in the two songs that follow, what the bagobogobo wear at their dance competitions is a perpetual topic of discussion and gossip by friend and foe alike.

(204) Ingagi umuchalo (‘Get out of the village’)

Ingagi umuchalo! Get out of the village! Nchimani akatukanaga Nchimani is cursing Magobo ging’'we ga chonja Your hides of striped polecats

Galimunug hila bataale They are foul smelling to the elders

Akuhayaga Lyawaji So says Lyawaji Inyamhawa jakenya ki? The wild dogs do what that is wrong?

Ichonja jakenya ki? The striped polecats do what wrong? Jiligobiwa mu matongo They are surrounded in the fields

*” Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #276.

290 CHAPTER EIGHT (205) Buchilu butushila (Ignorance will never end’) Buchilu butushila aha Ng’hubila Ignorance will never end here at Ng’ hubila

Nagasanga na mabunela I found them wearing sisal fiber skirts

Nzugwi mlole Come and see them Umo jsikwipangilaga isumba How the young men arrange themselves**

Ng’wana, mlole The child, you see him Akubi giti galani wa N’fhobola — Helll be as smart as a clerk at Tabora”

a " OO ae f

us . in ; + , °

aie REE HA Pate oO

9 eet LeeamyeS ‘: ‘ /

-4

Illus. 24. Mwanza-based visual artist Simoni Ndokeji. Town of Kisessa, 23 August 2006.

** Makoye translates this as ‘the way the youths dance’. *” N’hobola is the localized pronounciation of Tabora.

SONGS OF THE ‘SKIN WEARERS’ AND ‘DEW STEPPERS’ 259

Interpretation: In Ingagi umuchalo performed by the bununguuli dancer and singer Paulo Lusana,* the niingi on the side of the bakomyaluume slanders his competitor and wants him to leave this village, leave together with his dirtiness and his dancing gear, which disturbs others. His accoutrements were prepared with hides of wild animals that, according to the singer, are not proper for ngoma. Nchimani, mentioned in the song, was the leader of the bakomyaluume of Kwimba region (Tagili*). The song Buchilu butushila was collected by Makoye (2000: 310). Prior to independence, bagobogobo groups abandoned wearing animal skins, and began wearing uniforms made of hemp and sisal instead. Sources date this change to the 1956 royal visit to Tanganyika by Princess Margaret of England. The word went out throughout the Sukuma area to bring together the best performers available for her arrival, with the warning, however, that ‘some ngomas

(sic) will not be suitable’ (Royal Visit Announcement n.d.). Several banuunguli and bayeye dance groups, among others, were there at the airport to greet her (Baragumu 1956). “There was a huge celebration, with about seventy groups. Our group (bagobogobo) went with our dirty skins, and they just refused us, so we just returned and played in the villages (Ntamanwa*). By the mid-1960s, bagobogobo dancers began to wear skirts made from sisal. They also wore pajama or pit shorts underneath, for freer movements of the legs. However, the sisal fiber costumes did not last long before they lost taste and became unpopular. Thus, they were replaced, by cloth costumes having different designs. Dancers who were adamant about refraining from using the sisal fiber costumes, were mocked by their fellow dancers, as is illustrated in this song. The painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this interpretation: Huu wimbo unahusu mambo ya kudharau watu wa eneo la Nghubila, ambao walikuwa ni wajinga mno wala hawakutaka kubadilika kabisa toka kwenye tabia yao ya ujinga. Hivyo mtunzi wa wimbo huu aliwakuta na bunela ambao aliona kwake ni ujinga mkubwa. Aliita watu wengine ili waone,

jinsi wavulana walivyokuwa wanapangana. Inaonekana walikuwa wanapangana ili kupata mahawala. Nafikiri huyu mtoto wa Malole alikuwa anawaandika majina hawa wavulana ambao walikuwa wanajipanga ili kupata wasichana yaani mahawala. (This song is about talking negatively about people of the area of Ng’hubila, whom he says are

* Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 April 1995, IUATM song #526.

260 CHAPTER EIGHT the real fools because they do not want to change at all from their foolish personae. The composer of this song met them with their bunela, which he thought was foolishness. He called other people around that

they should come and see, how these young people are decorating themselves: it looks as if they decorate themselves to get money.)

(206) Nani akunilimilaga buluba? (“Who is cultivating cotton for me?’)

Nani akunilimilaga buluba? Who is cultivating cotton for me? Lugeye, Idebe ng'wana Kafuhishi Lugeye, Idebe ng’wana Kafuhishi

Bagobogobo balinilimila Bagobogobo are cultivating for me Idebe alija kulima nu ng’wana __Idebe is going to farm with

Nkila ng wana Nkila Bangi bene balanukula balimi — Others are receiving farmers Likalimaga lyaseka He farms while laughing Lyabachiwa moto huna lyalima When the fire is lit that is when he farms

Interpretation: In this song collected by Kija (1985: 57), the singer praises his comrades the bagobogobo for coming to help him cultivate his cotton with good speed. There is a reference to ‘lighting fires’ when farming, which refers to the speed of the group, and possibly as well to the use of marijuana, for which the bagobogobo are well known.

(207) Twite fayi! (“Let us tell the truth!’)

Twite fayi! Let us tell the truth!

Ndi ng’ wana Ne’walu Iam ng’wana Neg’walu Na Luge, baba wa makingo (2x) And Luge, baba of the dawn (2x)

Nali ni jeshi nyanda, ngwana I have an army boy, ng’wana

Monde Monde

Na naliwachene I am like that Jileka ngano (2x) I always leave a legend (2x) Ilin’goma lyane lyitanilwe Sayi | My dance [group] has been invited to Sayi

Gidima, baba, nakuwile (2x) Gidima, father, let me tell you (2x)

Balumbu bane, uMaly na My sisters, Mary and Maggie Makkie

Bahati, mayu Bahati, mayu

Twiyanguhile (2x) Let us be prompt for one another (2x)

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Interpretation: This song, composed and performed by Mashishanga ng wana Gombo,” boasts of the legacy that the singer will leave. It is a song for farming, to get people to come to work early, and it can call people to work. The composer is a work leader of his group. The composer of the song explains: Nilitunga wimbo huu wakati tulilima. Wimbo huu ni kusisitiza watu kuwahi kulima. Wakati tulilima, walinichagua kama kiongozi wao. Mpaka leo wanaimba wimbo huu. (I composed this song during the time we were farming. The song is there to convince people to be early in farming. When we farmed, they chose me as their leader. Up to now, they sing this song.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this extended commentary: Huyu bwana, tuseme kwamba anajisifu uhodari wake na nyimbo zake. Anasema nyimbo zote ambazo anaimba ni kweli, na anaanza kujitambulisha kwamba yeye ni mtoto

wa nani, na mama yake ni nani, yeye anajitambulisha. Pia huyu mwimbaji yeye ana jeshi lake, siyo jeshi la vita, ni jeshi la mwimbaji. Nyimbo zake zinajulikana kila sehemu anapokwenda, kila anachokwenda watu wanazungumzia kuhusu yeye. Hata dada zake, Maria na

Maggie, wao wanafahamu uhodari wake, pamoja na Bahati, jina la mama yake, anawaambia wasogelee kwake kumsaidia kuimba. (This guy, we should say that he praises his expertise in his songs. He says that all the songs that he sings are true, and he starts to mention that he is the child of so-and-so, and his mama is so-and-so, indeed this is how he introduces himself. Also, this singer has the ability of a soldier, not as a soldier of war, but a ‘soldier of singing’. His songs are known, everywhere he goes; everywhere he goes, people talk about him. Even

his sisters, Maria and Maggie, they know of his fame, together with Bahati, the name of his mother, and he tells them to move closer, to help him to sing.) (208) Leka namubuje (‘Let me ask yow’) Leka namubuje ng’wa Sabale (2x) Let me ask you folks from the Sabale clan (2x)

Ng’wana Peleka nu ng’wana Neg’wana Peleka and ng’wana

Gwanchele Gwanchele

*' Recorded by author, village of Sayu Sayu, 6 August 1995, IUATM song #311.

262 CHAPTER EIGHT Nkiima uyu, gashina atolilwe! This woman, so she is married!

Nibonile nanghwe Itumbili I saw her at Itumbili” Kumuja nanghwe, akunizunyaga Imploring her, she accepted me

Unilomba ja kugula malinda She asked me for money to buy gowns

Makungilo-gamva atazwalaga The makungilo-gamva she never wears

Izigizaga yene akalulaga (2x) And the zigzaga makes her bitter (2x)

Hang’wila giki, aha ngelelo I told her that, here in the end Utizunikangija matendele You should not impress me with earrings

Ga ku matu, gakukumaja masala On the ears, they fade your

(2x) (2x)

intelligence

Nu Monde nang’we akunilolaga | Even Monde is beholding me

Lyalia ngoma, uku matongo (2x) It cries the ngoma, here in the fields (2x)

Ng’wana Mayala Ng’wana Mayala

(2x) fields (2x)

Buchaga imbiyu uje uku matongo ‘Take the seeds, and go to the

Ku matongo ka natukadilaga (2x) To the fields, I will not be late (2x)

Nakaja, obeja I go, thank you Interpretation: The song Leka namubuje, performed by folklorist Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga®” and attributed to Kanigini ng’wana Songoma, was a well-known song in the 1980s. It warns listeners not to get involved in relationships with others without knowing more about their personal histories. The niingi, using his experience as an example, warns others not to get involved with women who lie, who love to cultivate their appearances more than they love cultivating in the fields. The singer plied this woman with the only gifts he could afford, but in the end, these were unacceptable to his object of affection. These included makungilo-gamva, a very low quality cloth common in the 1980s during the scarcity of clothes and other commodities that

*” An old term for the town of Magu, no longer in use. * Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #254.

SONGS OF THE ‘SKIN WEARERS’ AND ‘DEW STEPPERS’ 263

followed the end of the Tanzania-Uganda war, and zigzaga, another type of poorly tailored, un-waxed cloth. He was tempted, as Juma Mashaka Kalunde” relates, but after a while: Anasisitiza kuwa ilikuwa inamwita shambani ili aenda. Watu ambao wanapenda hereni, ni watu ambao hawapenda kulima. (He stresses that the drum called him to the fields, so he saw that he should just go and farm. People that like earrings, are people who do not like to farm.) Magdelena Lubimbi* had insight into the motivations and point of view found in this song: Huyu mama ameulizwa, lakini hakusema ukweli kama ‘mimi nimefunga ndoa’. Na hii ni desturi ambayo iliokuwepo tangu mwanzo, labda kwa sasa hivi ije ibadilishwe tu. Sababu mwanzoni, mtu akikuuliza kuwa ninakupenda, haikuwa vizuri kumkataa kusema ‘sitaki au ‘wewe ni mbaya’. Kwa hiyo akina mama walijaribu kuomba kitu ambacho kiko juu ya uwezo wake, na ndiyo ilikuwa njia ya kumkataa. Huwezi kukataa kiwaziwazi, unamwambia tu mimi

nataka nivaae ‘waxi, ambayo gharama yake ni juu, na yule baba ni mchezaji wa ngoma, hawezi kuipata. (This woman was being inquired

about, but she did not tell the truth, such as, when she says, ‘I have already married’. Now, this was a custom, there since long ago, maybe these days it has changed. Because long ago, if someone said to you, ‘I am fond of you’, it was not good manners to refuse them by saying that ‘I do not want you’, or ‘You are no good’. In other words, women would try to beg for something beyond the ability of the man asking about them, and this was indeed the way of refusing someone. You could not refuse someone openly, you would just tell them, ‘I want to wear the “waxed” style of cloth’, which was very expensive, and since that guy was just an ngoma player, he clearly would not be able to afford it’.)

CHAPTER NINE

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE Hoe imagery is a prominent and historically recurring trope in Sukuma song texts. Besides the fact that the hoe symbolizes the essence of hard work, the hoe has associations with the origins of the royal clans that

first brought iron making into northwest Tanzania, thus linking it with the desire for ancestral continuity and congruence. A part of this immigrant collective was the Balongo iron smelting clan,’ who first introduced iron and hoe making technology to Northwest Tanzania. Upon settling, this clan, whose emblem was the iron hoe, emerged as the dominant political and economic power. According to several oral testimonies that I collected, one migrant from this period proclaimed that he was the leader of the area by sounding the local king’s drums, and by planting his clan hoe upright, firmly in the ground. This association with drums, hoes, and power is a historic trope found throughout the interlacustrine area. Further, the first hoes made from each smelt were presented to the chief as a tribute. In some areas, the chief rang out a rhythm on an old worn-out hoe, initiating the cultivating season, and signifying the chief’s relationship to the fertility of the land. The residence of the chief's first wife, whose official title translated as ‘queen of the hoe’, contained at the apex of the roof of their residence a small earthen pot containing soil, and an iron hoe standing erect in its middle, symbolizing the hoe breaking and entering the earth. An important interregional caravan in the nineteenth century, were the trips to Geita to trade with the Balongo-Sinza iron forgers for hoes and nghiinda bells.* Hoes very quickly became a major unit of trade,

' The Balongo were likely descended from the Batembuzi ‘blacksmith kings’ of Bunyoro who reigned before the Bahima-Batutsi migrated to Uganda (Itandala’*). 2 Ne’hiinda (Mwa), nchiinda (Shy), ikiinda (Nyamwezi) are all cover terms for any type of small bell worn on the legs, once prepared by the Balongo. These come in a variety of shapes, like a small cone or boat, or double bells shaped like a bursted fruit. Rattles inside are called kaana ka nghiinda or gololo. Cowbells are called ng*hiinda ya ngombe. To cause the ng’hiinda to sound out is kulija ng’hiinda, or kugilinghanya, or kushadama, ‘Nghiinda shadamaga’ (‘the ng’hiinda sounds out’). Zozo (Sukuma) or Myiinba (Nyamwezi) are smaller ng’hiinda bells worn on drums, not on the legs, used by the banuunguli. Large bells are called kamiyemba or tumiyemba. Large bells left in

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 265

and thus became the reason for interregional travel to the Balongo iron forger settlements, to procure hoes. This journey, known as kujila mageembe or (‘to go and get hoes’), would depart under the chiefs’ directives to trade grain and livestock for hoes (Makanga”), and later

bring them back to sell in their communities. Iron implements led to an increase in production in all spheres of the economy, and soon ebony hoes were replaced. Hoes were used as currency, as was salt (Burton 1860: 397). A hoe was worth two goats, and vice versa. Worn-

out hoes were also important for trade. The local iron forgers made artifacts such as spearheads, arrowheads, knife blades and metal fish hooks from the shafts of the worn-out hoes. Iron implements led to an increase in production in all spheres of the economy (Magoti 1984: 37). While in Geita, the Sukuma hoe caravaners had a chance to view their clan brethren engaged in a kind of musical labor specific to making iron. Bellows operators all over Sub-Saharan Africa accompanied their labor with music, and believed that music was critical for making good iron (cf. Herbert 1993: 67). This musical labor process was documented in an eyewitness account of Balongo smiths operating in Kahama in the 1940s: One bellows man would look at another with a challenging expression and start doing energetic variations of the rhythm on his engine. One half of the bellows would thump four or five times faster than the other, then both would give a few more simultaneous heavy thumps followed by a staccato beat and one or two more variations after which the engine would resume its normal rhythm (Rosemond 1943: 15).

Contemporary composers are hired by local and national political leaders to compose songs with hoe-praise motifs, with the exhortation to ‘grab the hoe’ lest one finds oneself in economic ruin, a common example. Farmers who compose and perform music, introduce themselves in public discourse as farmers first, Mimi ni mkulima, nashika

majembe (‘I am a farmer, I carry a hoe’), and as musicians second, Mimi ni mchezaji, na viringisha magembe (‘I am a dancer, I twirl a hoe’). A compilation of some of the more salient hoe-related sayings and aphorisms that make their way into songs follow: ‘Let us grab the hoes now, “The hoe is wealth, grab it’, “Try the hoe, my child, it won't let you down’, ‘God will bless you if you grab the hoe’, “Do not be a

the doorway for good luck and fertility are known as gungulu, bungulu(i), ibungulu, or nghulyungu (Ntusu).

266 CHAPTER NINE thief, grab the hoe’, “The hoe ends misery’, Fear the hoe, you will not eat’, “The hoe is wealth, it will bring you cows’, “The hoe is wealth, it will bring you a woman’, ‘Stand firmly by the hoe, remove shame’, ‘Do not leave the hoe, you will grow thin’ (see also Appendix II). The sentiments expressed in these aphorisms are borne out further by enthusiastic statements by farmers in interviews, such as this salient testimony about the utility of the hoe (Budaka*): Watoto wangu, familia wangu, walitoka mavumbi kwa ajili ya jembe langu. Kwa jembe langu, nililima buluba, nilizivuna, niliziuza kwenye cooperative. Nilinunua ngombe wawili, ziliongezeka, nilikuwa niliweza kupata mke wangu, ambaye alinizalia watoto wanaume wawili. Jembe ni mali, jembe ndiyo ni mali. Jembe linaweza kufanya kitu cho chote, hasa kwa wakulima linaweza kufanya kitu cho chote, lakini halina masala lenyewe, linalima na linalisha wakulima tu. Hii ndiyo ni sababu tunaishi na jembe! Kila mkulima anajua mambo haya, na kila mkulima ni mbingwa na jembe lake. Nyimbo hizo zinatufundisha jinsi ya kushika jembe, kulima, zinatuambia tusiwe na njaa nyumbani kwetu. (My children, my family, sprang from the earth from my hoe. With my hoe I planted cotton, I harvested it, I sold it at the agricultural cooperative. I bought two cattle, those cattle multiplied, and I could get my wife, who bore me three sons. The

hoe is wealth, the hoe is indeed our wealth. A hoe can do anything, and for a farmer does everything, but it has no cleverness on its own, it just farms and feeds the farmers. This is why we live with the hoe! Every farmer knows this, and every farmer is an expert with the hoe. These songs teach us how to grab a hoe, how to farm, and they tell us let us not have hunger in our homes.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* sums up the importance of the hoe succinctly: Katika jembe, inatoa vitu vingi, ukitaka utajiri, mambo utapata humo humo. Ukitaka chakula, utapata humo humo. Ukitaka mji, utapata mke humo humo, kwenye jembe. (The hoe, it brings many things, if you want riches, you will get them right there. If you want food, you will get it right there. If you want a homestead, you will get it right there, all from the hoe’.)

(209) Nakomange lya gembe (‘I should hammer with the hoe’)

(C) Nakomange lya gembe (C) I should hammer with the hoe

(R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa!

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 267

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“ts AF| — I. «js _% Illus. 25. Hand-carved Sukuma hoe, 1930s. Photograph courtesy of SABCC.

Interpretation: This is a well-known bugobogobo chorus collected by Bischoff (1996: 113).° The term gembe, can be interpreted in two equally important ways, as either ‘hoe, or as the kind of wood that early Sukuma hoes were made from, ebony. Suzanna Maritin Maduka* explained: Kuna mti inaitwa gembe, kwa Kiswahili ni mpingu. Anasema

nimepigilia mpingu. Labda anatengeneza mpini, au anatengeneza bugota. Alifanya hivyo kwa sababu ule mti ni ngumu, hautavunjika, wala hautakatika. (There is a kind of tree called gembe, in Kiswahili it is mpingu [ebony]. She says ‘I pound mpingu’. Perhaps she is preparing a hoe handle, or she is preparing bugota. She does this because this wood is hard, it will not break, nor will it be cut.)

* Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song.

268 CHAPTER NINE Sylvester Kema* mentions: Kama ni ‘jembe’, anasema anatengeneza matuta kwa ajili ya jembe, au anatengeneza maisha yake, kwa ajili ya jembe. ‘Maisha yangu ni vizuri kwa ajili ya jembe’. (If it is ‘hoe’, she says she prepares tie ridges because of the hoe, or she prepares her life, because of the hoe. “My life is good because of the hoe’.)

(210) Tusukambe (‘Let us squat’) Tusukambe, guku, tusukambe Let us squat, grandfather, let us squat Basuka magembe, tusukambe Wavers ot hoes, let us squat

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Illus. 26. Tagili Ntamanwa demonstrates the hoe-twirling technique of his youth. Village of Sambaguli, September 1995.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 269

Interpretation: In this song attributed to Kalugula and performed by Lushita ng’wana Nzwilindo,’ the singer tells his comrades they should begin their work with the intent to succeed. The song is also used to alert the bugobogobo dancers to get ready for their hoe-twirling dance routine, where hoes are waved and twirled in highly stylized and fast-paced choreographed movements. The verb -sukamba means to crouch, as if poised to throw a spear, or in this case, to toss a hoe. Fita ng’wana Liaku had this point about the composer: Huyu Kalugula alitoka Kwimba-Bulima, na ‘alichezea’ yale magembe. Kuna kipindi ngwana Liaku alialikwa kwenda kwenye michezo, kuwasaidia kupambana. Ngwana Liaku alienda mpaka kule, Bulima, wakati alikuwa ‘akicheza mbega’ tu. Na wakati walipopambana, ng’wana Liaku alisema ‘Kumbe, wenzangu wanacheza hivi, na sisi tutaenda kujifunza’. (This person Kalugula was from Kwimba-Bulima, and he ‘played’ the hoes [see also song #185]. There was a time when ng’wana Liaku was invited to go and play, to help them in a competition. Ng’wana Liaku went there, to Bulima. At the time, he was just “dancing the shoulders’,

and when they had competed, ng’wana Liaku said, ‘Gosh, my comrades play in this style, now we should go and learn from them’.) (211) Oja magembe (‘One goes to the hoes’)

Oja magembe One goes to the hoes

Akatulagwa buhabi He who has been beaten by poverty

Hamwabi mwa nghwani You who will have become of the coast

Akatulagwa nang’we lububu He is beaten by dust Nene, wa ng wani yane, ya Me, my coast is the work of

buganga buganga Nene, lububu Me, dust

Ng’wabeja himba inyali To prepare perhaps, the student Nene, buganga, okumbula Me, buganga, to return to it Interpretation: This inyongo song was recalled upon cue by Kang wiina ng wana Mihumo.°’ The song was documented by Cory (Cory #192;

* Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 23 November 1994, IUATM song #180.

> Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10-15 October 1995, IUATM song #589.

270 CHAPTER NINE Inyongo #1),° and he attributed it to Kisinza. Sung from the perspective of a healer, the composer compares his healing work with farming (one goes to the hoes’), and with going to the coast as a porter. In the end, he alludes to his experience with the ‘coast’, in other words his livelihood, healing. His experience of ‘dust’ (further alluding to the experience of those who go to the coast), is comparable to preparing his student in the buganga arts. William Lubimbi* explained further: Huyu mwimbaji wa zamani anajilinganisha na mtu ambaye anakwenda safari za pwani. Zamani, walikuwa wanakwenda pwani kutafuta hata chakula, hata vitu ambavyo haviko huku bara. Sasa, anapofika kule, anakuwa na huzuni ya kufikiria nyumbani, anapata shida. Lakini yeye ambaye anabaki huku, yeye ilikuwa kazi yake ni ya kutafuta miti shamba ili ya kuwaponesha watu, hana shida. Kwa hiyo yeye ‘pwani yake ya kuenda kule, ni kama amekwenda porini na anatafuta bugota. (This singer of long ago compares himself with the person who goes to the coast. Long ago, people used to go to the coast to look for food, or other things that they could not find inland. Now, when they reach there, they would have longings for home, they would have problems. But this guy who stays behind, his work is just to look for medicinal herbs to heal others, he has no problems. Therefore, his ‘coast’ is just to go into the wilderness to look for herbs.) (212) Ng’waka, ulu lyashika (‘The new year, when it arrives’)

Neg’waka, ulu lyashika The new year, when it arrives

ilima farming

Mupunza ni mipini, kuja kw’ Prepare hoe handles, ready for

Bana Shinyanga Children of Shinyanga

Ng’waka gwashika The new year has arrived

kisasa farming Balimi, ng wangalile Farmers, be careful

Neg’witegeleje ukulima kwa Get prepared [for] modern

* Cory’s English translation: ‘Driven out by poverty one man goes to hoe / The other is like dust blown away to the coast as a porter / For me my medicines are the coast / I sitting at home am myself the whirlwind / You the medicines may make foolish, but not me’.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 271

Kwandya, ukuyuponeja imbolela First, make sure you use fertilizers

malale mgabeje to boost your harvests

Ulu muhaya kuhamba buluba When you want to plant cotton

Ni selena, mtizukija Also red millet, do not forget to plant

Nguno yene ikupejaga nzala Because that is what chases out

wanguwangu famine quickly

Ni mihogo And cassava

Amashiliwa ayo gatigwaga limi ‘The food crops not affected by the sun Mugabiba mabubele mung’waga Also sow sorghum

Ukumabala In all your fields

Abana N’hobola nabene chene People from Tabora do the same

Na bana Dodoma na Singida And those in Dodoma and Singida

Mpaga Ng’wanza Up to Mwanza Kukandya Musoma ku balimi Including all farmers in Musoma

Tungazingatiagi We should take note

Neguno yene ikupijaga nzala Because these can withstand famine

Wanguwangu Quickly

Interpretation: This song, collected by Makoye (2000: 135)’ from the village of Usende, and attributed to Mabanga ng wana Nguno, instructs

farmers in what they need to do to prepare for the coming season. He instructs them to farm using contemporary methods so they will receive a good harvest. When the month of farming arrives, fertilizer should be placed before planting crops, so the harvest will be plentiful. The singer tells the workers to plant selena, a kind of red millet less

” Makoye’s English translation: “When the new year arrives / Prepare hoe handles, ready of cultivation / People of Shinyanga / Get prepared, the new year has arrived / Go for modern farming / Peasants be careful / First make sure you use fertilizers to boost your harvests / When you start planting cotton / Also do not forget to plant serena / Because it is the relief food which discards famine / And cassava, the crops which are resistant to drought / Also sow sorghum in all your fields / People from Tabora do the same / And those in Dodoma and Singida / Up to Mwanza / Including all farmers in Musoma / We should take note of all these / You people in Ndala beware of the droughts / Use modern culture to transplant cotton, millet and other food crops which can withstand drought’.

272 CHAPTER NINE desirable to use because of its bitter taste, but known to grow steadfast during harsher climates (see also itula songs #106-115). According to Makoye (135), “The first half of October is normally

dry and toward the end of the month the rain starts. Once the rain starts, people start telling one another that, ng’waka gwafuma, or ‘the year has started’. During this time, some people have already started to prepare their fields by clearing and burning bushes. It is a period for repairing and making new instruments for farming like hoe handles, axes and sickles. At the same time, dancers sing to remind people about the advent of a new year, that they should start working in their fields’.

(213) Nene nalintaji wa maduta (I am a creator of tie ridges’)

Nene nalintaji wa maduta I am a creator of tie ridges

Lugonda-Magembe Bender-of-Hoes

Huna nene ng’ wenuyu, Mhangwa _ That’s me exactly, M’hangwa

Ndinayo ishingilima I have the ability and respect

Ndina mijigo (2x) I have taboos (2x) Kwiba? Natibaga To steal? I never steal

Nu kuzulumu? Yaya! And to defraud? Never! Lutandagula, natali! Lutandagula, I have not yet! Ukumbona byalilwa? (2x) Do you see him, since being born? (2x)

Ndi msema kweli I am a truth teller Interpretation: In this song, attributed to Gembe Lutandagula and sung here by an enthusiastic ad hoc wigaashe group in Miswaki,° the niingi testifies that he is a tie-ridge creator, the one who breaks the earth and builds it up into mounds so erosion will not destroy the crops. Lutandagula, who died in the early 1990s, was affiliated with the bagiika, and was well known in Ntusu for his lovely voice and for his mimbo ga pointi (‘songs with points’) which praised farmers (Nkwabi*). This singer, as a ‘bender of hoes’, is so strong a farmer that he ruins and goes through many hoes in his work. He has a personal code, or a ‘taboo’, that he lives by: never to lie, steal, or oppress others. In line seven he implores, ‘Have you seen him doing this, since being

* Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #149.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 273

born?’ The niingi explains to his colleagues that his riches are from his efforts of farming, continually causing him to receive enough food for selling, so he can get money for daily use. Because of this they should not be jealous, or claim that, ‘Perhaps he steals, which is why he is seen to move around with money’.

(214) Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’) Gembe nagema ng’wanone (2x) I have made the hoe my child (2x) Lya kuhekela ku ng’ongo (2x) Carried on the back (2x) Lya ku ngongo, ‘Fulikaga!’ (2x) On the back, ‘Be silent!’ (2x) ‘Ukusangwa na li Belegedi’ (2x) “You will be met by the Beregedi’ (2x)

Interpretation: In this song performed during a lengthy walk by the composer Paulo Mafanyanga,’ the singer considers the hoe as a member of the family, literally as his child. He scolds it like a child and

bpm: %4 note = 90. ps = CDEFGA

Gembe na - gema ng'wa-no- -ne Gembe na - gemang'wano- -ne Lya ku5

-he- kela ku ng'on- go Lya ku- he- kela ku ng'on- 20 Lya ku ng'ongo “Full - ka10

-ga!' Lyakung'ongo ‘Full - ka- ga!’ 'Uku - sa-ng'wa na li-Be-le- ge - di 'U-ku 15

-sa -ng'wana li- Be -le - ge - di Gembe na - gema ng'wano - ne Fig. 18: Music transcription of Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’).

> Recorded by author, village of Ng’wasubuya, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #033.

274 CHAPTER NINE jokes with it, telling it not to complain about the work it is doing, lest it be thrown into the great river Beregedi, in the Shinyanga region. The song is sung freely, with no set ordering of lines. Discussing his song, Mafanyanga said: Wimbo huu, nilikuwa_ nikiimba wakati nilicheza ngoma ya bukomyaluume. Ina maana kwamba: Jembe, wakati unapochukua jembe kwanza kilimo kikifika masika.

Inakuwa sina taabu, sina wasiwasi na jembe. Na kilimo, tunalima bila wasiwasi. Nikichukua jembe, nitafanya kazi ya kulima asubuhi na fioni, bila hata kuchoka, tulikuwa na maana tu hiyo. Na kama unalima, huwezi kuogopa, hata kama ikija mambo ya njaa, au ya jua

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Illus. 27. Paulo Chaniila Mafanyanga. Town of Kisessa, 3 August 1993.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 2795

kali, huwezi kuogopa, na utapata chakula kingi nyumbani. (This song, I sang at the time I was playing the ng’oma of the bakomyaluume. Its

meaning is that, the time that you first grab the hoe for farming, is during the April-May rainy season. I have never had any problems, and I have never had any doubts with the hoe. Indeed, concerning farming, we farm without doubts. If I grab the hoe, I will do the farm

work morning and night, without even tiring, this is just what was meant. And when you farm, you cannot be afraid, even if something like hunger comes, or the hot sun, you cannot be afraid, and you will receive plenty of food at home.) (215) Igembe lyane (‘My hoe’)

(C) Igembe lyane (C) My hoe (R) Igembe lyane lutobangula (R) My hoe evens out the fields matongo

Ga banamugi Belonging to the husbands Olila ung’welele one My little child cries

Interpretation: This song remembered by Makoko Language instructor Magdelena Lubimbi’’ is about the business of farming. The composer and performer of this song praises her hoe, convincing listeners

that her hoe is very robust, has qualities that are masculine, and is certainly not defeated in farming. ‘My child’, meaning ‘my hoe’, cries when it is farming.

(216) Hayaga no (‘You will talk a lot’)

Hayaga no! You will talk a lot! Ulu galibuma a magembe When you hear the ‘boom’ of hoes Hayaga no! You will talk a lot! Ulu galilima umu matongo When it is cultivating the fields oNg’wa baba Child of baba Ulu jililila ng’oma When the ngoma are sounding Manyakenda Manyakenda Ulu mulilima umatongo? When are you cultivating the fields?

'? Recorded by author, town of Musoma, 13 October 2006, personal collection of author.

276 CHAPTER NINE (217) Ng’wana ngosha (‘Young boy’)

Ng’wana ngosha Young boy Kudima igembe, abone shiliwa To grab a hoe, one should see food

Nahigiki litale dilu Let me place it when it is early morning

Ng’wana ngosha Young boy Interpretation: These songs encourage youngsters not fear the work of farming. In Hayaga no, performed by bunuunguli singer and dancer Paulo Lusana,"' the singer praises the importance of farming together with ngoma that sound, so to work harder and with speed. Ng'wana ngosha, collected by Bischoff (1996: 116),'* encourages the young boy, that it is good to consider farming, so one can get enough food in the homestead.

(218) Nene nalisombola (‘I am explaining’)

Nene nalisombola, abanhu I am explaining, to the people Ng’wandye kudegeleka mambo You should start to listen to issues

Megachibule amatu You should unblock the ears

Mgakundulile Uncover them

Ng’wandye kudekelega mambo You should start to listen to issues

Ayo nakahayaga Which I am saying

Kale kale no Very long long ago

Aha lubaga lwane At my compound

Nali na ng’wana ha ng’wape I had a child on the open

Ha lubaga lwane At my compound

Hapelana, umunda kalubala I got mad, in my stomach I got angry

Nukalipamila il gembe I stumble on the hoe

Nashitule chuma I should hit the metal

Nakabonha itumbati loya I saw tobacco leaves in plenty buyobe

Ninja shibanda shihumbi I obtained a thousand folds

Na magana abili and two hundred

'' Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 13 April 1995, IUATM song #526. '. Bischoff did not provide a translation for this song.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 277

Nakaja imaBukoba I took off to the Bukoba region Nukaipandika isabo I received the wealth Niza ndibuja tu ngombe I came asking for cows Bakanisekela, abanhu They were laughing at me, people

Ukusombola To explain

Ulu ujikila ingulu ja Kijima If you go past the hills of Kijima

Ulilolela libuga You will spot the grassland

Il’buga lyane My grassland (219) Magembe, magembe (‘Hoes, hoes’)

Magembe, magembe Hoes, hoes Napandikile ing’wakizo I got last year

Laki na shihumbi one hundred and thousand

Nakalima pamba matina abili I cultivated cotton two plants

Nupona kiti na seko seko I got plenty with laughter Modoka jalocha j usomba wane ‘Trucks spend the day ferrying mine

Mna chama hanugala I closed (for others) the buying center

Bukaping’'wa shiku kenda They weighed for nine days

Kalani akanandika The clerk wrote me

Igete, Kiduka Makungu So, Kiduka Makungu Ugakeyulaga kwilima? You have insomnia with farming? Sefu yeneye wikuma bebe You have emptied this safe yourself

Meneja akashingisha The manager shook his head

Nakinga nakufutilaga I left panting Sabo ya Tanzania The richness of Tanzania

Ng’wana Mhindi Ng’wana Mhindi

Hwilumbaga nahohola I am glad for myself I will flourish Hajushika mhindi nuyilaga I arrived in the evening I was sweating

Lwa manoti lulandunigwisha Currency are almost bringing me down

N-ung’wenda naponyaga And I have thrown away the clothes

Nagashika intondo When I arrived the next day Nakushindikijaga na lifuko I am pushing a bag

Nagajisuka intondo When I poured them out the next day

Jokola ikologoto igima They filled a whole silo

278 CHAPTER NINE Najingi nujigabanya bamunhu _ Other I offered people

Abo bakakela Those who got a poor harvest

iDalisalamu Dar es Salaam

Ukung’wa Nyerere, iDalisalamu To Nyerere, Dar es Salaam

Lina lyane lashika My name has arrived it is being

likasombolwaga told

Jikandikwa ilatili The pounds were written down

Jili m kitabo They are in a book

Gwa nghana, zawadi It is true, a reward will follow me ikunisanga

Nakuhundilwaga ndege They are manufacturing for me a plane

Kalulumila bangi bang’holwa Kalulumila [and] others are hating me

Boya na kupanda They stopped even visiting Nulu mkwolwe muyupanza Even if you hate and purge

uNene Washa, nalipanga I Washa, I am arranging

magana hundreds Ndilya sha nkono gwane I am eating of my own hand Lubasha Mapuli ng’wana Shema Lubasha Mapuli ng’;wana Shema

Interpretation: These songs were collected by Gibbe, and feature a farmer who is proud of his work, who brags about the praise he receives from prominent members of the government, to include the president. Buhimila Hunda ng’wana Washa of Sayusayu composed both of these songs.’ In Nene nalisombola, the singer implores his listener (possibly an opponent), that he should listen to what he has to say concerning farming, because he has been very successful in that profession. He reminds his opponent that he should not backbite or underestimate him. Many people have scorned him, but in the end, he produces bountiful crops and beautiful grasslands. In Magembe magembe, composed for the occasion of a competition with Lubasha Mapuli ng wana Shema, the singer humorously discusses his bountiful cotton harvest that even Julius Nyerere has come to know about. In the end, his wealth all began with the hoe together with his effort.

'S Sources agree that the first Sukuma composer to be featured prominently on the radio in the Mwanza and Shinyanga regions in the late 1950s was Buhimila Hunda ng wana Washa, of Sayusayu (Seso*; Makanga”).

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 279

(220) Msoloji (‘Tie-ridge builder’)

Msoloji Tie-ridge builder

Namuwile, badugu bane I explain to you, my comrades

Mtina giki, uyu ntale It is not true, that this one is full esrown

Mnisobile You have deceived me Ni surubale jile na dabali [saying] That these trousers have been patched up

Twenuto tutina There is nothing to it

Uyaha wa magaka [saying] That this one is praiseworthy

Shenji tu, lomolomo (2x) Uncivilized, liar (2x) Twansobile, ung’wana mbati They ve deceived me, child of so-and-so ‘Wali ng'wiza nuwe nguhinguhi’ ‘She is nice and very short

Ni wa bushu bulabu safi Her face is pleasant’ (2x) mlelema (2x)

Na mino And she had teeth Kitu jibunza ja bulele, alinisata In the fashion of a rash, she hurt me

Ngosha, natuleka kuhaya Man, I won't stop saying Aho mbaja kina magana After she had finished my

hang wisha hundreds

Soda kwinumba lya ng’wa Sodas in a house made of wood,

fimbo ganisha I fed her

Mabufote, na mengineyo Forty, and other things

Ugina na kugina She got very fat

Interpretation: The performer and composer of this song, Migelegele ng wana Hilya,” said that he sang the song in competition with his dance opponent, who called him a woman. The singer answered with this humorous and self-depreciative song, to show that he indeed once had a girlfriend, but things did not work out. The bugobogobo dance leader Julius Ntamanwa* had this interpretive elaboration: Mimi wimbo huu nimeuona, yule mtunzi wa wimbo huu alikuwa anampenda mwanamke fulani, halafu watu ambao wenye

'* Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 13 August 1995, IUATM song #316.

280 CHAPTER NINE wivu wakawa wanapita na maneneo yao kuzuia asiwe na yule bwana. Aliona kwamba hawa watu wenye wivu sasa. Walimwambia huyu bwana hana nguo nzuri, hana vitu vyovyote, kumzuia. Lakini huyo bwana alikuwa amempa na soda foti. Wivu umefanya akashindwa kumpata huyo mwanamke. (Me, I have heard this song, the composer of this song loved a certain woman, then some jealous people were spreading words around to prevent this woman from being together with this man. He saw that these people were just jealous. They told her that this guy had no good clothes, that he had nothing at all, to prevent her from being with him. Even after he bought her forty sodas and other things to make her very fat. Jealousy was the cause of his inability to get this woman.)

(221) Nakashikaga ahigembe (‘I grab the hoe’)

Nakashikaga ahigembe I grab the hoe

Nitana, baba I call out, baba Hanuma hangi nitana mayu Later I call for mayu Unikonga, ilumbu iyane It soothes me, my sister

Igembe sabo! The hoe is wealth!

Uhaye Tarime If you need Tarime cows

Jugusanga They will come Uhaye Malia If you want Maria Ugusanga They will come

Igembe sabo! The hoe is wealth!

Gisi unene, Hangwa Take for instance me, Hangwa Nagatojiwa igembe I married because of the hoe Bana nakubabyalaga ba Welelo _—_1 am giving birth to children of Welelo

Badina ntondi Whom no one can claim

Igembe sabo! The hoe is wealth!

Interpretation: In this song sung by Robert Kija and collected by his

son Patrick Kija (1985: 28), the singer reminds the audience the

'S Kija’s English translation: “Whenever I hold the hoe / I always call my father / Then I call mother / Console my dear sister / The hoe is wealth / If you want Tarimetype cows / They will come / Even if you want a woman / She will meet you / The hoe is wealth / For instance I Hangwa / I married of the hoe / I bring children to the world whom no one can claim / The hoe is wealth’.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 281

importance of farming. Through the hoe, one can get a good crop, one can get cash for the crop, one can then buy cattle, and one can then pay the dowry for a wife (‘Maria here, is a euphemism for a woman). Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji explains: Wimbo huu unahusu na ufahamu jembe kama ni mzazi wako kama baba au mama. Jembe

ndiyo litamaliza shida zote, kama wazazi wanavyoweza kumaliza shida. Jembe linaleta ngombe, ukitaka ngombe kutoka ‘Tarime’ utapata. Hata vyakula vingi utapata; kwa ujumla jembe ni mali! Huyu Hangwa kwa ujumla hawezi kudharau jembe, maana hata mke amem-

pata kutokana na mali za kilimo. (This song is about understanding that a hoe is like a parent, like a father or mother. The hoe will indeed finish all problems in the same way parents are able finish all problems. The hoe brings cattle, if you want cattle of the Tarime variety, you will get them. Even if you want much food you will get it, indeed the hoe is wealth! This guy Hangwa is unable to talk badly about the hoe, meaning he was even able to get himself a wife, because of the wealth begotten through farming.) (222) Gutaponyaga, mpini (‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’)

Gutaponyaga, mpini It does not betray, the hoe handle

Nulu hado Not even a little Tugudimilagi Let us hold it

Abangi bagaya Some they died

Basabo na baninabo Their fathers and their mothers

Binga ku Welelo They have left Welelo Aliyo lya balalanghana iligembe But the hoe has taken care of them

Kwikija dhahabu matongo More than gold in the fields

Ulu ubona lyandi If you see the small tie ridge Uhila laki na shihumbi You get a hundred and a thousand shillings

Nu Mungu atagobaga (2x) And God does not deny (2x) Gisi, mulimona kinehe? For instance, how do you see it? Ng’wana Bukwimba, Maliganya | Ng'wana Bukwimba, Maliganya

Wahumuja kaya He has set up a home

ng ombe cattle

Wabiza giti giki wabyalwa na It is as if he were born having

282 CHAPTER NINE Gashinaga, akasimba ngobi Alas, he uprooted weeds Yunzunilija iWelelo ayupona And God rewarded him

Busiga buli ng’waka Plenty of millet each year Neguno wandya na kuyinza The reason he started selling some

lakwe place

Giti ulu giki wikinuja ha luganga Was because if you drop into his

Nulu utubile namna gani No matter how hungry you are

Bakafulaga You will get satisfied

Ushileka mgiseme Leaving food in the plates Ulu giki ukatumilaga nyama ya Or if you like barbequed meat kocha

Ni yene yugusanga You will get plenty of it Ulu giki ukang’waga chai ya If you are a morning tea drinker asubuhi

Ni yene yukusanga That will find you Pye shose shili speya Everything is in spare [plentiful] Hang’wa nimi lwa kugaiwa It is a question of the stomach

nghumbi not being big enough

Interpretation: This is a song in praise of the hoe, performed by the composer Hoja ng’wana Butemi at Benjamin Moshi’s home in Miswaki."®

Two commentaries are presented here in full. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde*: Anasifu kazi ya kilimo kuwa ndiyo pekee ya uhakika, zaidi hata ya uchimbaji madini! Anasifu na kuongeza, kuwa kuna waliofiwa wazazi wao, lakini watazame katika kilimo kutumia jembe, wanaendelea na maisha tokana na jembe. Niingi anaendelea kusifu ardhi na jembe, kuwa ndiyo vinaweza kukupa utajiri wowote unaoutaka, kama ni ngombe. (He praises the work of farming as indeed the only sure work, more even than that of digging for diamonds! He praises in addition, those who have lost their parents, but if they should look to farming and using the hoe, they will move along with their life through using the hoe. The niingi continues praising the earth and the hoe, things that bring indeed any kind of wealth you want, such as cattle.) Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji*: Anasisitiza ni vizuri tulishikilie jembe, kama unataka kuishi maisha mazuri ya utajiri. Ona wengine baba na

'© Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 7 September1994, IUATM song #090.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 283

mama zao wameshakufa, ila jembe ndiyo limewatunza kama ndiyo wazazi walivyokuwa wanawatunza. Kama unataka kuwa na dhahabu nyingi, ni kuwa na mashamba mengi, sababu kuwa na mashamba ni sawa na kupata dhahabu nyingi. Kwa ujumla, ana maana kwamba

kama ukimaliza kulima tuta, moja ni sawa na kupata elfu moja. Anasema Mungu hanyimi mtu. Ona huyu ngwana Bukwimba Maliganya. Ametengeneza mji, hakuna mfano, ngombe amekuwa kama amezaliwa nazo. Yaani, amekuwa tajiri mno wa ngombe kutokana na ukulima, yeye ni mkulima tu, basi, kutokana na bidii yake kwenye uku-

lima. Basi, Mungu alifikia juhudi zake, akaamua kumpa huo utajiri wa ngombe. Kutokana na mazao aliyokuwa anauza kutoka kwenye nguvu zake za ukulima, hasa zao ambalo lilimpa utajiri kama huo ni mtama, ambao alikuwa anabadilisha kwa ngombe wakati wa njaa. Hata kama ukafika kwake ukiwa na njaa ya kufa, basi utakula mpaka vyakula utajaza kwenye vyombo. (This guy says this about the hoe: do not disregard it. He recommends it is better we should grab a hoe, if you want a good life with riches. Look at these people whose fathers and mothers have already died, yet the hoe indeed looks after them as if it is their parents looking after them. If you want riches like gold, it is the same as having many farms, indeed to have farms is the same as having a lot of gold. In general, he means that if you finish farm-

ing just one ridge, it is the same as [being on the way toward] getting one thousand. He says God denies no one. Look at this person, ng wana Bukwimba Maliganya. He has prepared his homestead, there is no comparison, he has cattle as if he were born with them. It is to

say, he is very rich with cattle from his farming, he is just a farmer that is all, from his hard work at farming, so, God came to his side, and decided to give him riches in cattle. As a result, he could sell his harvest because of his strength in farming, especially a crop that gave him riches such as millet, which he could exchange for cattle during a time of hunger. Even were you to go to his place having near-death hunger, you would just be able to eat until the food would be packed, filling all the containers.)

(223) Kulyumila ligembe (‘Hold firm the hoe’)

Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila Hold firm the hoe, hold firm Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila, Hold firm the hoe, hold firm,

Malang’wa Malangwa

284 CHAPTER NINE Lyabatindiza bang’wana It defeated” the children of

Ng’wandu (2x) Neg’wandu (2x)

Ng*hajusanga lyamuga mu I met it hidden in the house

numba (2x) (2x)

Lyabatindiza bang’wana It defeated the children of

Ng’wandu (2x) Ng’wandu (2x)

(2x) (2x)

Kulyumila ligembe, kulyumila Hold firm the hoe, hold firm

Lyabatindiza bang’wana It defeated the children of

Ng’washi (2x) Neg’washi (2x)

Kujusanga lyabikwa mu numba Found stored in the house

Lyabatindiza bang’wana It defeated the children of

Ng’washi Neg’washi

Igembe kimala bupina (2x) The hoe puts an end to misery (2x)

Interpretation: In this song, performed by Tagili Ntamanwa,'* the singer makes the point that there is no use keeping the hoe locked up in the house, or one will go hungry. The singer visited the home of his competitor (Ng’wandu), and found that, shamefully, he could not take care of himself or his family. This was evident because the hoe was just sitting there resting on the wall. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde emphasized: Niingi anasifia jembe kuwa ndiye mkombozi kwa mtu anayeamua kulitumia kama zana maluumu ya kudumisha heshima na utu wa mtu kwa kufanya kazi. Anahimiza na kuelezea umuhimu wa jembe. Zana muhimu ya kazi anasisitiza ni jembe pekee. Anahimiza litunze na kulihifadhi ndani kwako ili ulitumie. (The niingi praises the hoe, as the savior of the person who decides to use it as an important tool

to bring respect, and as the backbone of a man at work. He urges and explains the importance of the hoe. An important instrument of work, he emphasizes, is the hoe, alone; it always brings peace. He urges

that it should be guarded and preserved inside your place, so it can be used.)

'? Kija transcribes this as lyabatendeza, which has an entirely different meaning; ‘The hoe has treated well’. Masalu transcribed this as lyabatindija, ‘It was enough for’, which provides another meaning. '§ Recorded by author, village of Sambaguli, 4 November 1994, IUATM song #153.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 285

Fitta ng wana Liaku* made a similar comment: Huyu ni mkulima, analima kwa nguvu, kutafuta chakula. Hao ambao wanafanya hivi wanunua ngombe, wanajenga nyumba, wanapata chakula kingi, wanaleta mavazi, hela zipo. Yaani, kila kitu ambacho wanafanya ni

kwa ajili ya jembe, hakuna matatizo hakuna njaa, mvua ikaanza, shika jembe tu! (This guy is a farmer, he farms with strength, to look for food. Those who do this kind of thing, they buy cows, they build homes, they get a lot of food, they have things to wear, money is there. So, everything which they want is because of the hoe, there are no problems, there is no famine, the rain comes, just grab a hoe!) (224) Ikozi nakalang’wa pye (‘I was taught the full course’)

Ikozi nakalangwa pye I was taught the full course Nuwilwa, nagudime umpini I was told, I should hold the hoe handle

Na baba, nu ng’wana Salawi By baba, ng’wana Salawi

Akalanga aganimala He taught he taught me everything

Ng’wanone, iligembe solobo My child, the hoe gives advantage

Likatalaga ibengwe It puts aside sadness

Ni gisi Only because of this

Ng’wana Misuga wafuhiwa Ng’wana Misuga blessed by

Welelo Welelo

Amalima gakashilaga ganyala Farming ends up reduced

Miaka, baba, yabipile Years, father, have changed to the worst

Tudusaba in gombe We cannot domesticate cattle Ulu wihamba giki, baba If you try this, father

Yakushogela It comes back to you uNg wana, nite buli, ng’wana Child, what should I do, ng’wana

Misuga? Misuga? Iki liWelelo For this is the way of God

Tulilage dusaja, Jidayi Let us cry with reservation, Jidayi

Tukubona hangwaka We will see each other next year Nalime na bujiku, Gahondo I should farm at night also, Gahondo

286 CHAPTER NINE

‘ou a= Nsa

Bee Oe (os a , ‘ : \ a 7a ia = FS ee aa a

oo Neon ES ee

Saito | sr ' RR eeeDe ce. ¥. ?- wee rN

me Se ER ig» elie | Peo oh te

ie ts vet\, Ras \ caond “| if) |Peyy

mu A ¢. yqaey| = 4: | .: r} nf j " i 'y , : NA ' Ll,

4

ra ~e | >» ‘ iy : | \ ¥en) _La } Whr J \ r\ 4 é as 1 ’

——— 7 — _ —_- } A |

Illus. 29. Mayunga Ngata. Village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994.

wa wakulima. Yaani, hakuna kazi nyingine inayofanya mtu aishi kwa mila zetu! Yaani, bila jembe huwezi kupata chakula cha kutosheleza. Itakuwezesha kupata hela, utaweza kujitibisha, ndiyo, kutokana na jembe. (It is just a song for farmers only, for when you farm. We are there, with music for the farmers. When you farm, the songs have to be there, the ngoma crying out. In this song, I urge that the hoe be at the foundation, to indeed be the backbone of farmers. That is, there is no other work that allows a person to live in our culture! In other words, without the hoe you cannot get enough food. It will cause you to get money, so you can take care of yourself, yes, with the hoe.) The following two songs mention the birds which gather right before the rainy season, signaling that the farming is about to begin. (228) Gongaga gongaga (‘Rumble rumble’)

Gongaga gongaga Rumble rumble

Tubine, nkiima You should dance for us, woman

Ku makungulu There are crows Shika magembe Grab the hoes

Manoni galiho, makungulu Birds are there, crows Nakulalaga, niganika ilima When I sleep, I dream of farming

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 291

(229) Namutambulile (‘Let me inform youw’)

Namutambulile ulu Let me inform you that Nakolagwa, Yikobela I have become angry, Yikobela Na bahemba bane balubaga And my followers are discontent Namuwile, nduhu inzila! Let me tell you, there is no way out!

Ogoha igembe! You fear the hoe!

Ulinilola unishimulila You look at me with wrinkled brow

Huna nene nalyenha ililima? Am I the one who brought farming? Gadukage malwelwe, amanoni — Curse the malwelwe, these birds aya

Hagene galyen ha ilima They are the ones who brought farming

Imilaga no! Stand fast! Alililima mulajisenga shilembelile Farming you will meet quite yet

Ogoha igembe, ukalyaga? You fear the hoe, do not you [want to] eat?

Ogoha igembe! You fear the hoe! Interpretation: During the brief periods around the two annual rains, the community exerts great effort to complete cultivation requirements. Rainfall can be very patchy with heavy rains in one area, with little rain

a kilometer away. The first rainy season starts normally in October, yet can start as late as the end of December. March and April are usually the wettest months. In Gongaga gongaga, performed in rehearsal

by the bugobogobo group of Butimba Teachers Training College (BTTC),”° the singers announce that the birds have arrived.*' The song

ends with the commonly heard aphorism, Nakulalaga niganika ilima (“When I sleep, I dream of farming’). Namutambulile is a bugobogobo song performed for the author by folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga.” The songs were further documented by Kangwezi (1974) and Mkongola (1983: 7-8). The singer admonishes the lazy farmer, to stop shirking from work, and to stop blaming others for causing the farming season to start. With humor, the singer says instead that it is the malwelwe

9 Recorded by author, village of Butimba, 31 November 1994, IUATM song #611. *1 At Butimba Teacher’s Training College, students can get a diploma in education, and a possible chance to go on to university. Bugobogobo has been taught there for ten years, and fulfills a traditional music requirement in the syllabus (Lubasa*). 2 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 July 2006, Recorded by author, village of Matale, 13 October 2006, author’s personal collection.

292 CHAPTER NINE birds, which have brought the farming season. Malwelwe, or Abdim’s

storks (sphenorhynchus abdimi), are the seasonal birds that appear before the short rains in November/December. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde®* filled in further details about the song: Wimbo huu unamfanya mtu asionekane ni mmoja wa wale wanaokwepa kazi ya kilimo. Unahusu jinsi mtu anapolima huwa uso wake kaukunja kama mtu aliyekasirika. Lakini mtu huyu si kwamba kakasirika, bali tu ni uchovu. Kuna ndege ambao huonekana wakati wa masika tu, kwa hiyo wanapoonekana huku kwetu ndio ni kipimo cha majira ya kilimo kuanza mara moja. Kwa mkulima, huonekana amekasirika kwa kuzikasirikia ndege hizo kwa nini zimekuja. Kwa hiyo anayemkasirikia, mwimbaji anamjaribu hivyo. (This song requires a person not to be like one of those who avoids the work of farming. This is about how a person who farms always making his face scrunched up like one who is angry. But this person who does this is not angry, they are just tired. There is a bird that is only seen during the time of the heavy rains, so when they are seen among us, it is indeed the time of the rainy season, and farming will begin at once. With this farmer, he has become angry toward these birds, wondering why they have come. So, this person who becomes angry, the singer queries him in this way.)

(230) Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe (‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’)

yaya! no!

Idili natugayombaga mangombe, Idili is not speaking about cattle,

Alishike ligembe He should grab a hoe Naliyombela kilimo, ng’'wana I speak about farming, ng’wana

Kasasala Kasasala Yee, nibanikijage ingombe Yee, they should have more cattle than I

Lelo, shiliwa lenilo nkonolilo Today, food that will be picked

Shikunigunana (2x) That [is what] helps me (2x) Interpretation: This is a popular verse of a wigaashe song, which has found its way into farmers’ basumba choruses. The singer and composer Idili ng’;wana Dukiila” tells his listener that being rich with cattle

> Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, June 1995, IUATM song #548.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 293

is admirable, but having food in the hand which one can use based on one’s own efforts is quite another. Visual artist Simoni Ndokeji* had this to say: Katika nyimbo nyingi za kujisifu, kama ana bugota anashinda wengine. Sasa anazungumzia juu ya kilimo kuliko hata ufugaji wa ngombe. Anasema tu kwamba, hata wamshinde ufugaji wa ngombe, lakini ‘mimi nitaendelea na kilimo, niwe na chakula kingi. Hicho chakula naweza nikawauzia. Kwa hiyo, ‘Mimi hata wanishinde ngombe lakini mimi nitawashinda kwa chakula’. Anasema wafuasi wake waangalie kilimo kinawaletea faida nyumbani. (As with many songs of self-praise, he declares that if he has bugota, he will beat the others. Here he discusses farming compared to the keeping of cattle. He just says that even should they surpass him in cattle breeding, ‘I will continue in farming, I will have food a plenty. This food I will be able to sell. Therefore myself, even if they beat me in cattle myself I shall surpass them in food’. He says his followers should see that farming brings benefit at home.)

(231) Mutategemelage shakwiba (‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’)

Mutategemelage shakwiba Do not depend on that which is stolen

Ning’we ng’wugadima magembe You too [should] hold the hoes of

ba Hongo Hongo Ning'we ng wugadima magembe You too [should] hold the hoes Ba godi ya ng wa Masanja Regarding the tax of that of Masanja

Ng’wa kapembeka na miso Your eyes have bulged

Ya shigaga hoi hado It is still a little while Bada ya kujinja bupamba After selling cotton Ng’wayukengelu tuyila You will start looking attentively at ways

Kize na kanamhala Should an old man appear

Ng’wakanyama You corner him

Interpretation: In this song composed by Kalikali Mbagule in the late 1950s, performed here by Kang’wina Mwami ng’wana Mihumo~ and

* Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10-15 October 1995, IUATM song #455.

294 CHAPTER NINE documented by Mkongola (1980: 85),” the singer tells people who avoid taxes and steal, that they should grab a hoe and use it instead. Chief Masanja (of Nera), was known for his efficiency in following through with collecting taxes from his subjects. A common phrase among thieves in those times, when they were about to rob someone, would be to declare, “Now for the tax of Masanja’. The singer thus tells

his audience in general to stop stealing from others and to depend instead upon the hoe. Local historian Michael Masalu* had the insight that Kalikali was directing his invective toward a competitor: Anawaambia kwamba, sasa wao wanaoshika majembe, ndiyo waweze kupata chakula cha kulisha familia yao. Sasa katika shuguli yake hiyo, wapinzani wake aliwaambia kwamba, ‘Sasa mwishowe mtapata hiyo kodi ya Masanja.’. Kulikuwa na msemo watu wengine walikuwa wanatafuta hela, wana-

kosa chakula kwa sababu ya kuacha kulima. Ni kama majambazi walikuwa wanavizia watu njiani kuwaomba hela na kuwaambia, Lipa kodi ya Masanja’. Kwa hiyo hawa wapinzani wake aliwaambia kwamba, ‘Mwishowe mtakuwa watu kama hawa wanaosema lipa kodi ya Masanja, kwa sababu mtakuwa mnazurura mnakosa chakula’. (He tells them that, those who grab a hoe are the ones who should be able

to receive food to feed their families. Now in his line of work, his competitor will say, ‘Now, in the end, you will get this tax of Masanja’. There was this saying among people who were looking for money, they had no money because they refused to farm. They were like thugs who

shook people up on the road, who would tell them, “Pay now the tax of Masanja’. Therefore, regarding his competitors, he tells them, ‘In the end you will become like these people who demand the payment of Masanja, because you are lazy and you have no food’.)

*° Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Msitegemee cha wizi / Nanyi shikeni majembe, akina Hongo / Nanyi shikeni majembe / Mfanyao ‘kodi ya Masanja’/ Mmeiviona macho / Sasa bado kidogo / Waanze kuuza pamba / Muanze kushinda msituni / Mkinyemelea njia / Kaje kazee nako / Mukashike’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: “Do not depend on thievery / You all should grab hoes, of those of Hongo / You all should grab hoes / Those of you with the “tax of Masanja” / You see the eyes / Now, not yet / They should start to sell cotton / You will start to be defeated in the wild / Looking

around for a path / Should an old person come your way / You then grab him’.

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 295

(232) Magembe galihamo (‘Hoes are together’).

Magembe galihamo Hoes are together Gatakijaga kwikumya, Mode They do not fail to touch, Mode Ng’winga wa ng’wana Waliya The daughter in-law of ng’wana Waliya Lembelaga, zugilaga bana bako — Calm down, cook for your children

Oladegeleke bahwahwa Should you listen to liars

(2x) value (2x) Ulamanu badegeleka If you keep listening to them

Bamana mihayo, okugaya solobo ‘They know words, you will miss

Balomolomo, abahwahwa, The gossipers, the liars are bad babubi

Bakukudanganya masala They will cheat your intelligence

Nikaya ulobagala And you will destroy your household

Ukuyungala You will be troubled Mode, uladegeleke ya banhu Mode, if you listen to peoples

Babulagi ba mji goko Destroyers of your household Ng’wana Mungamila Ng’wana Mungamila Ng’wana wa ngwana Waliya Child of ng’wana Waliya

Igashaga, utinaluha Settle, you have never suffered Zughaga bana bako Cook for your children

Tjuotogwe bebe Whatever you need

Itina nkumi There is no objector Interpretation: In this wigaashe song composed and performed by Shing’wenda ng’wana Sitta,” the singer pleads for his wife Mode not to listen to gossip, and pleads for her to come back to her family. He begins the song with a common Sukuma aphorism, magembe galihamo, gatakijaga kwikumya (‘[when] hoes come together, they do not fail to touch’), meaning two people who live close together in a household cannot fail to disagree now and then. The singer had the point that Mke wangu alipata mashauri mabaya, kutoka kwa watu ambao siyo ndugu zetu, ndio ni sababu nilitunga wimbo huu. (My wite was given bad advice by people who were not our kin, indeed this is the reason I composed this song.)

*° Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 8 September 1994, IUATM song #122.

296 CHAPTER NINE (233) Lelo, banimila nomo (“‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’)

Lelo, banimila nomo Today, those who cultivate by the mouth

Mkutungwa nundi You will depend on the shin Baswahili, mkoyungayunga Swahili people, you are wandering Bayuyela na magunila bukola They walk around with sacks searching

Budaga na mamunhu gabo Cassava flour and salt for their

mkitambuka basket

Lyabogohije ligembe The hoe has terrified them Aba Swahili, Basalaameleko These Swahili, “Salaam Aleikum’ people

Lyabogohije igembe The hoe has terrified them Aba Swahili Basalaamaleko These Swahili, “Salaam Aleikum’ people

Bana bang’wa Mohamadi Children of Muhammad

Bakalimaga mhindi They cultivate in the evening

Yaya! No!

Saa sita, bene? At noon, them?

Interpretation: This bugobogobo song performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma”’ is aimed at city folk, specifically Muslims, who are

perceived by many rural Sukuma farmers as not knowing the meaning of work. Banimila nomo (‘Those who cultivate by the mouth’) is a derogatory reference to those whose only skill in life is how to use their mouths. Lelo mkutungwa nundi is a well-known Sukuma proverb, cited toward those who dislike work: “You will depend on the shin’ means that because you have not farmed, you will spend your time begging on your knees, or you will become tired, moving around from place to place with sacks, begging and looking for food. The ‘Salaam Aleikum people’ is a derogatory reference toward Muslims living in Mwanza, as well as the coastal Swahili people, perceived by many as ‘city dwellers’ who cannot farm. Mwanza began as a Mus-

lim trading center in the mid-nineteenth century, and maintains a strong Muslim base. Michael Masalu* had this comment: Wimbo huu

77 Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #244.

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unazungumzia juu ya watu hawapenda kulima, wanapenda kufanya biashara tu kuuza chumvi, lakini chakula utapata taabu, jembe inaleta chakula. Wanaogopa jembe, wale ‘Salaam Aleikum’. Chakula chao ni cha kutafuta, wakilima wanalima kidogo tu, ili wasitoka jasho sana. Hawa, wana tabia ya kuzungumza tu, bila kufanya kazi. Kazi yao ni kutembea. Kupata chakula, wanaenda kwa jirani yao tu. Kazi yao ni kuenda msikitiki, kusali tu, hawashika jembe, wanakunywa chai tu. (This song discusses people who do not like to farm, they only like their business of selling salt, but in the case of getting food, they will get problems. They fear the hoe, these “Salaam Aleikum’ people. Their

food is something to be searched for, if they farm they farm only a little, so they won't sweat very much. These people, they have the trait

of talking only, without doing work. Their work is to walk around. To get food, they can only go to their neighbors. Their work is just to go to the mosque to pray, they do not grab the hoe, all they do is drink tea.)

(234) Balinisayila (‘They tell lies about me’)

Balinisayila They tell lies about me Hajaga, uku Malawi That I go to Malawi

Nakenha ladio, ikundililaga [that] I bring the radio, it cries to me

Ni Bulyanghulu, ngwana Maza To Bulyang’hulu, ng’wana Martha

liNtuzu butale Ntuzu is vast

Nahilila ha kaya (2x) I crow here at home (2x) Igembe lyaninha faida The hoe gives me advantage

mawe stones

Nakoyaga maki ndikapondagula Jam upset [when] I go crash

Interpretation: This song performed for the author by Michael Masalu*

and documented also by Makoye (2000: 30), is about a youth who

managed to make some achievements by working in the farms. Because of this, he could buy a portable radio, now heard by neighbors. His neighbors pretend not to see the realities of the boy's possession of the radio. They seem not to believe he has one, and they are saying that the boy had once gone to the gold mines in Geita District,

*8 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 15 August 2006, personal collection of

author.

298 CHAPTER NINE a place known as Bulyang’hulu. In defense, the boy confirms that such a report is just a malicious rumor. According to him, there is no need to go there, because what he is doing in the farms is enough to make

him sustain his life. Apart from the fact that the boy is refuting the false information spread by his neighbors, there is also a important message within the song itself. Many young boys in Mwanza and Shinyanga are going to Geita in search of gold, which, as they believe, will

make them rich. ‘Uku Malawi’, means ‘at Malawi’. In nearby Geita are Bulyang’hulu and Nyarugusu, both nicknamed ‘Malawi’, because Malawi is famous for its diamond deposits and migrant labor. Such places have attracted a number of people with different interests. There are those who seriously engage themselves in digging for the mines. There are also robbers, thieves, bandits, and prostitutes. Thus, security there is in jeopardy. The boy is cautioning his friend that even though Bulyang hulu can provide wealth, one has to prepare himself to endure all the hardships pertaining to the job itself. The singer says that to avoid all these, the best way is to work hard and remain at home.

(2x) (2x)

(235) Kagembe kamala (‘The hoe has finished’) Kagembe kamala badugu bane! The hoe has finished my relatives!

Magembe madito The hoes are heavy

Likatubulaga It killed us

Lilufu likatulyaga Death eats us

Likatumalaga It finishes us

Likatusunduhajaga It brings sorrow to us

Lutina It has no cure

Lutapelagwa It cannot be escaped Ushige mbula, ushige na lume You may dodge rain, you may dodge dew

Lilufu lya bubi Death is bad

Igembe lyamala The hoes have finished

Kubajika Burying Badugu bane! My relatives!

Interpretation: A song collected by Gibbe (n.d.) that bemoans the fate of death, which awaits everyone. The song acknowledges the role that the hoe plays in the burial of loved ones who have passed away. The

hoe is cleverly associated with death in a morbid way, as the song

SONGS OF THE BAGOBOGOBO IN PRAISE OF THE HOE 299

couples the image of the hoe with that of death by using the same verb form, -mala (finish). The hoe has a role in bringing forth life, in planting and cultivating crops, and it breaks the earth while sending loved ones on, and ‘finishes’ (buries) them. Another layer of interpretation

is that the life of working the land with a hoe is a hard one, a life of hard labor that in the end brings death.

Folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* had this commentary: Hapa ni mafunzo tu, anatoa mafunzo kati ya kuelimisha jembe ni sawasawa na kifo, kwa sababu kale kajembe kataanza kuchimba, pale pale mtu atazikwa humo kwa hiyo tuzoe. Anavyoeleza kwamba hakuna ujanja kwa jinsi yeyote, ile kifo ni cha lazima kwa hiyo hata kama tukifanyaje lazima tutakufa. (This is a bit of a mystery, it is as if to remind us that

the hoe is a harbinger of death, because it is the hoe that begins the process of opening up the earth, where someone will be placed, therefore in the end we must get used to this. He explains that there is no amount of cleverness that one can summon to escape this fate, death is necessary no matter what we do.)

CHAPTER TEN

SONGS OF BALIMI (FARMERS) CONCERNING DISEASE, DROUGHT, AND FAMINE

In the Sukuma oral tradition, as in many other traditions of eastern and southern Africa, the distant past is reckoned by older generations in epochs demarcated by the reigns of chiefs, as well as by catastrophic events such as epidemics, droughts, and famines. For instance, a per-

son might relate that they were born at some time in the last years of chief Masanza’s reign, one farming season after the famine of legu legu (‘famine of maize flour’) which would have occurred in 1949. Famines are named after either their cause, as in the 1933-1934 nzala ya nzige (‘famine of locusts’), or after their solution, as in the 1948-1949 nzala

ya legu legu (‘famine of maize flour’), where baskets of maize flour were brought in from the outside to alleviate those suffering from the drought. Memories about the experiential specifics of drought and famine are codified most succinctly in the oral traditions of farmers, the demographic that stands to suffer the most during these times. Farmers songs, especially, have a way of codifying memories about calamities in a heightened, dramatic, and succinct manner. Further, Sukuma farming songs which commemorate calamity, have an intertextual quality, in that verses and poetic images from songs of previous generations can be re-appropriated and creatively applied in novel ways to meet the needs of the current situation. Similarly, Sukuma farming songs about calamity have an inter-temporal quality, in that the same song composed for instance on the occurrence of a contemporary famine can also evoke specific famines of the past, as well as make metaphorical claims signifying the specifics of famines yet to occur.

One theme that emerges from these songs is the despair about the circumstances that the calamity brings, admonishment for the lazy farmer who lets famine get the best of him, and praise for the hardworking farmer who survives against all odds.

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 301

(236) Nzala ya nhinje (“The famine of nhinje’) Nzala ya nhinje ikanghongola ‘The famine of nhinje wrecked him Ng’wana Nyawilu, nabyukumya Neg’wana Nyawilu, I was wandering

Itizala iyi, mahona hii! (2x) This is not a famine, this is a calamity! (2x)

Ng’wana atabonagwa kabili A child is not seen twice uSayi ngwanone, wabile Sayi Sayi my child, he was Sayi

Kwikunilila? Who will weep for me?

Hizala iyi This famine

Mahona hii! It is a calamity hii!

Itizala iyi This is not a famine

Mahona hii! (2x) It is a calamity hii! (2x) Interpretation: This beni song performed by Gembe Ng honela ng’wana Makanga and Jiyoga ng wana Chiila at Chiila’s home in Ng’wajiginya,'

was attributed by the singers to Weja, a well-known wigaashe composer of the early twentieth century, and a competitor of ng’wana Malundi. The singer discusses the late nineteenth century nzala ya nhinje, or ‘famine of nhinje trees’, the likes of which no one had ever seen before that time. According to Elias Songoyi*, the famine was named after a specific tree that bears a very bitter fruit, which people resorted to during this famine. In other parts of the Sukuma region, the famine was called the nzala ya mitindu, or ‘famine of tree bark’, as people were forced to consume a kind of thick bark that was normally used for making baskets for carrying food. According to the singer (Chiila*), the famine most likely occurred sometime kabla ya Wajerumani (before the Germans), perhaps between 1897 and 1905 (Kamati ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni 1988: 189). The singer laments losing a child, ‘who cannot be seen (born) twice’. The song uses a term seldom used today, but common in songs from the nineteenth century, the term mahona, for calamity. The song emphasizes that ‘this is not a famine, it is a calamity’.

' Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, August 1995, IUATM song #364.

302 CHAPTER TEN (237) Lufu lutapelagwa (‘Death is not run off’)

Milalu Milalu Makadundu, ukipanda Makadundu, if you grow

Lufu lutapelagwa, ng’wana Death is not run off, ng’wana

Wali wa kukimbila... He kept singing for... Kalufu kangoyelaga Death was patient with him Kwilasa, kampandikile Kwilasa, it got him

Kakampandika kubi It came to get him

Kungwiila! It told him!

‘Nakupame ‘I knock you down

Bakusangichire’ They will find you dead’

Wali wa kukimbila... He kept singing for... Kalufu kangoyelaga Death was patient with him Kwilasa, kampandikile Kwilasa, it got him! Interpretation: There were a number of serious sleeping sickness out-

breaks recorded between 1910-1924, and the outbreaks were only reduced after several successful slash-and-burn campaigns designed to eradicate brush and swamp (Swynnerton 1925), and after the Sukuma people abandoned large portions of their land (Iliffe 1979: 163). Music was performed as a response to this epidemic, a means to get the word out about its dangers (Mwanza District Reports 1927-1928). This is

a song published as a letter to the editor from the catechist Fabiano Lufunzo, in Lumuli (Lufu Lutapelagwa’ 1930). The singer articulates what witnesses saw during a 1916 sleeping sickness epidemic. People moved about from one place to another to escape the disease. Kwilasa took his children to a new place, ‘singing’ for an unknown resolution, possibly ‘mercy’, but the children died even there.

(238) Ne’wana Nkwimba (‘Ng’wana Nkwimba’)

Ng’wana Nkwimba Ng’wana Nkwimba Ukudima lyangala lya Masota! You hold the harvest of Masota!

Itula ng*holo! Something which beats the heart!

Yombaga umalile You can say but you have finished

Ng’wana Kulindwa, ng’wana Ng’wana Kulindwa, ng’wana

Malulu! Malulu! Batemi bagimva bangi basuluja The chiefs have been turned into retailers

Bakung’wa Shimba batububona Those from Shimba will not see us

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 303

Yaluma mbula, ili Mankula It has thundered, the rain, at Mankula

Iki nene, mayu For I, mayu

Nabile nuyumba I have moved from one place to another

Nubala shiseme Counting household items Bakung’wa Shimba batububona Those from Shimba will not see us Interpretation: Although there were some Sukuma farmers who benefited from colonial-era cotton-growing practices, cotton cash crop

production resulted for the most part in a significant loss of crop diversity, and Sukuma nutrition suffered. Famine broke out on the average of once per decade between 1910 and 1950. Food shortages during this time related directly to human-caused famine (Little 1987: 3). The colony’s adoption of new high yield crops like maize, were easier to grow but less resistant to drought, and more difficult to store for long periods (Koponen 1988: 138). Furthermore, there was a decline in the art of cultivation, because of the heavy outflow of migrant labor (Koponen 1988: 135). Because of the inequality between the food crop

sector and the money sector of the economy, cash crops were grown at the expense of food crops. As farmers increased their cash crop production, food crop production fell. This song, collected by the missionary Augustiny (1923: 163),° documents a famine that took place several years prior, a famine that caused much chaos and confusion. This was most likely the nzala ya maharagwe, or ‘famine of beans’, a multiyear famine caused by food shortages in the years following World War I (Magongo”), and was called by one scholar the ‘worst famine in Sukuma history (Little 1987: 65). According to this song, the chiefs were forced to become retailers,

and people were scrambling here and there to survive. However, the

* The risks of disease became greater, with the quality of diet affected by the addition of low protein high carbohydrate staples like cassava and maize, and the elimination and reduction of high protein grains like peanuts and sesame, which became

export crops, and the reduction of high protein grains like millet. ; * Augustiny’s German translation: “Sohn der Nkwimba / Nimm die Ahre vom Masota! / Fasse Mut! Erzahle alles / Sohn des Kulindwa / Sohn des Malulu / Die sogenannten anderen Hauptlinge treiben Handel / Bei den Leuten des Shimba werden sie keine (Hirse) finden / Es donnert (regnet viel) in Mankula / Darum bin ich, Mutter / Herumgegangen und habe die gefasste gezahlt: / Bei den Leuten des Shimba

werden sie nichts finden’.

304 CHAPTER TEN singer, in his narrative, is hopeful that this year things would be better, as the rain has been plentiful. William Lubimbi* had this remark: Sasa, mwimbaji anasema chakula mwaka huu ni kingi sana, kwa hiyo hakuna kukata tamaa. Ingawaje watu wengi wanafahamu hivyo, ingawaje watemi walijaribiwa kwamba

eeh kama wachuuzi. Lakini mwaka huu, chakula ni tele, kwa hiyo usiwe na wasiwasi. (Now, the singer says food this year is so plentiful, therefore there is no point in losing hope. If only a lot of people could understand this, that the chiefs had tried to be like retailers! But this year, there is much food, therefore do not lose hope.)

(239) Nakasombolaga (‘I always narrate’)

Nakasombolaga I always narrate

Unene, Jifaru I, Jifaru

Nabonile sonda ya nkila I see a star with a tail

Ilina bulenji (2x) Having adornment (2x)

Sonda yichamika The star suddenly streaks across

lifumile mkiya Coming from the east Ilitunga mng’weli (2x) Heading west (2x)

Nakasombolaga I always narrate

Unene, Jifaru I, Jifaru

Nabonile sonda yape I see a white star

Ilina bulenji (2x) Having adornment (2x)

Aha nzala ya Masanzo At the famine of Masanzo

Ni ya Balugwa (2x) And that of Balugwa (2x) Bangi busima nhambo (2x) Others run away fast (2x)

Bangi batolaga Others married

Balekaga kaya jabo They leave their families Kunguno ya nzala (2x) Because of the famine (2x) Interpretation: This song, recalled and performed by the banam‘hala council of Kisunun’ha,* has two narrative streams of thought associated with it. The song was attributed by Kisunun‘ha to Jifaru, who, it is said, once sang the song about the nzala ya legu legu, or ‘famine of maize flour’ (1948-1949), a devastating famine where many families starved to death (Magongo*) and half a million cattle died (Rounce

* Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 17-31 March 1995, IUATM song #310.

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 305

1949: 17). The song evokes a common signifier associated with the bayege, that of the ability to predict the future (kuhanga). The image is a ‘warning comet streaking across the sky. When such a comet is seen, it is thought that calamity will soon occur. This image associates the singer with this ability, who then, goes on to mention two famines by name. The song mentions the nzala ya masanzo, or ‘famine of baskets’ (1901),° associated with people from Ukurewe island bringing food and

seeds in baskets to Mwanza, to, according to the source, either help the Basukuma (Mihumo”) or take advantage of their misery (Koponen 1988: 121). The song also mentions the nzala ya Balugwa or ‘famine of Balugwa’ (1929), named after the area (undetermined) where food could still be found. One of the banamhala singers, Petro Nyumbani’, mentions that the song: (...) zinatabiri siku za mbele anayokuja. Kwa mfano ya njaa itatokea, watu watakuwa wataacha miji yao, wataenda sehemu nyingine, wataacha familia. Njaa kubwa itatokea. (...) predicts the days ahead that are yet to come. For example, [concerning] famines that will take place, people will leave their towns, they will go elsewhere, and they will leave their families. A big famine will occur.) Historian Michael Masalu* shared the opinion that the song was composed before these famines: Yeye Jifaru, anasema maneno kama kutabiri, kitu ambacho kitaonekana mbele. Kwa sababu anazungumzia nyota, eh, inatoka mashariki. Ni kitu ambacho inaonyesha anaweza kujua siku za mbele. Baada ya kusema maneno haya, ilitokeza njaa, ilikuwa ikiitwa ‘masanzo’. Ndiyo hayo maneno yalitabiri, hii nyota ilitabiri, kutoka mashariki, njaa itajitokeza. Kabla ya njaa, watu walikuwa wakipata chakula, badaaye, chakula kikaisha, watu walipata matatizo. (This guy Jifaru, he speaks words of prophesy, something which will be seen in the days ahead, because he is speaking of a star, which comes from the east. It is a vision that shows he is able to see into the future. After saying these words, there was a famine, called ‘masanzo’. Indeed these words predict, this star predicts, from the east, that a famine will occur. Before the famine, people were getting food, afterward, the food was gone, people encountered problems.)

Kisunun ha Nyumbani*, who taught the song to these singers and learned the song on the occasion of the nzala ya gada (‘famine of gada’)

> It is possible that this was also known as the Nzala ya Mitindu, or “Famine of Bark’ (see also song #236).

306 CHAPTER TEN of 1975 (in other regions known as the nzala ya magembe or ‘famine of hoes’), disagrees with this sentiment, and claims that the singer to whom the song is attributed (Jifaru), is not predicting anything, but comparing the famine he is currently experiencing (the ‘famine of legu legu’ in 1949), with what he had remembered or heard about the two previous famines: Mimi, nilijifunza wimbo huu 1975, baada ya nzala ya gada. Wimbo huu ulikuwa kuhusu nzala ya Balugwa [1929], na masanzo [1901]. Wakati ule, watu wengi walihama kutoka nyumbani kwao. Ulitungwa wakati wa nzala ya legu legu [1949], kwa sababu njaa hii ya masanzo [1901] na Balugwa [1929] ilifanana na ile ya legu legu [1949]. (Me, I learned this song in 1975, after the ‘famine of gada’. This song was composed about the famines of ‘Balugwa’ [1929] and ‘masanzo [1901]. In those times, many people left their homes. It was composed at the time of the famine of ‘legu legu’ [1949], because these famines of ‘masanzo’ [1901] and ‘Balugwa’ [1929] resembled that of legu legu’ [1949].)

Mashauri Budaka* concurred, feeling that the coming of the star just at the onset of the famine was common knowledge, not privy to one person, and that the memory of this ‘star’ sighting is remembered in relation to the subsequent famines: Sasa, wakati njaa ilianza kuingia, kulikuwa inshara ilipangwa na Mungu, kama nyota. Hiyo nyota ilikuwepo kabla ya njaa, kuonyesha mwaka mbaya utatokea. Sasa huyu mwimbaji, siyvo mhangi, alitunga wimbo huu baada ya matokeo haya.

Baada ya kupita njaa, aliutunga. Kama ilikuwa wimbo wa kuhanga, asingesema halisi kama nini imetokea. Hii ni kama simulizi tu. (Now, when the famine started to come, there was a sign brought by God, like a star. This star was there before the famine, to show that it would be a bad year. Now this singer, is not a prophet, he composed this song after these events occurred. After there was a famine, he composed this song. If it were a prediction song, he would not say exactly what would take place. This is just a narrative.)

(240) Nehilu Blacka (‘The fool Mister Black’)

Nchilu Blacka The fool Mister Black

Alitudanganya He cheated us

Banhu, twaluha! (2x) People, we suffered! (2x) Kupejiwa mumalugulu To be removed from the mountains

Kuja kusilili To go down into lower areas Kulima maduta To make contour ridges

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Kulima buluba To cultivate cotton Mungu twambilijage God help us Bangereja bashoke ku kaya (2x) The British should go home (2x) Kuhadikijiwa kulima mabuluba _ To be forced to cultivate cotton

Ng’weji gwa mili In the month of November Ntemi Ng’waya ng’wana Local chief Ng’waya, ng’wana

Ng’wandu Neg’wandu

Ubagema bawana shamba Tried the agricultural officers

Kubalisha mabuluba To feed them cotton Akatulwa no (2x) He was much beaten (2x)

Akaliwa mafaini He was fined Akoya na koya He stopped altogether

Interpretation: As crop-growing campaigns intensified, such as the ‘Plant More Crops’ campaign from 1932 to 1945, every region had one or more Bwana Shamba (literally, ‘Mister Farm’) or agricultural field officer, who went out to the villages holding seminars and making sure

that farmers complied with the new particulars of various programs and schemes. These requirements included making sure every cultivator of cotton would have to uproot and burn the cotton plants after harvest (Government Notice 221/1929), prohibitions to mix white and pink cotton (Government Notice 75/1935), prohibitions against growing other crops in the same fields as cotton (Government Notice 75/1935); and requiring every taxpayer to cultivate and maintain an acre of cotton (Government Notice 177/1942; Manyanda 1979: 36). It used to be that during the time when people were required to plant cotton, there was much complaint, and one local chief’s councilor heard many such cases (Gamaya*). Resistance to cotton colonialism however was ambiguous and rarely amounted to much more than illegal inter-cropping, planting in poor soils, permitting hybridization, and refusing to sell their harvest to the export sector. The farmers disliked most of all the requirements to build tie-ridges, or matuta. Bwana Shamba campaigns were at the forefront to build matuta, and by 1936 people were complaining about it (Bulahya”). Before this time, the method of cultivation for all crops was sesa, or flat cultivation, which consisted of hoeing the soil to a depth of 3.5 cm and planting without ridging, thus encouraging soil erosion. Ridging began as a preventive measure against erosion. At first, only one ridge was prepared, on the upper part of the field, and later the whole field was ridged. Large pinches of seed, were placed into the ridge in a row,

308 CHAPTER TEN forty to seventy centimeters apart (Mihumo”). Ridging functioned as a fertilization method as well. The shambas were at first given a light

ridging at the beginning of the rains, when new. For old shambas, the ridges were split back to form new ones over the old furrows, burying weeds at the same time (Magoti 1984: 30). Matuta production was much more labor intensive, and when farmers did not do it right they were fined (Masunga”*). Sukuma farmers later realized that matutas demonstrably yielded more crops. ‘At first, people were angry with the matuta business, then they started to see they were actually getting results, that they really held water’ (Nkwabi*). Farmers soon realized that they could get the job done quicker if they adapted the

old kisumba labor groups to the task. Later farmers groups like the bagobogobo began the novel approach of accompanying their work with drums as well. Each person has his ridge, moving in parallel lines,

each completing the work at his speed, but working in synchronization with the group to the rhythms provided by the drummers.

Kang wiina Mwami ngwana Mihumo recalled and performed this song.° The composer is unknown. Ntemi Ng’waya tried to get the British to stop requiring people in his area to plant cotton. The composer here is complaining about the government agricultural officer, a “Mister Black’, who is trying to introduce cash cropping in the area, together with tie ridging. The singer praises ntemi Ng waya, who according to oral tradition received a big fine for serving the visiting “Bwana Shamba’ with meat, sprinkled with cotton seeds.

It was common for singers to be employed by batemi, with the expectation that they would compose songs for the occasion of visits by other batemi or, during the colonial period, visits by government officials (Tanner Diary 1952). It was unusual, however, to have such a blatant breaking of social codes as is exemplified by this song, and it is unknown whether the singer sang the song sometime during the event that is immortalized in the song, or whether it was sung sometime afterward. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had several revealing points to make about this song: Manju anaelezea juu ya mkoloni alivyoanzisha kilimo cha pamba Tanganyika, kwa kulazimisha watu kulima na kupanda pamba, haswa kwa kutumia matuta wakati watu walizoea kulima mazao ya chakula mchanganyiko. Hivyo waliona

© Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #244.

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kuwa wanadanganywa, ili kusudi washambuliwe na njaa hapo. Baadaye japo wananchi walipata msaada wa ntemi Ng’waya, lakini ntemi alipigwa faini kubwa kwa kuwalisha ‘Mabwana Shamba’ nyama kwa mbegu za pamba. Hii yote ilikuwa ni kupinga kilimo cha pamba, kuwa hakitakiwi, na kwamba kinachotakiwa ni mazao ya chakula kwanza. (The composer explains how the colonialists started cotton farming in Tanganyika, through requiring people to farm and to grow cotton, especially to use tie ridges in a time when people had gotten used to farming a mixture of food crops. On this point, they saw they had been deceived, to the point that they were attacked by famine here. Afterward citizens received help from chief Ng’waya, but the chief was hit with a big fine for mixing the visiting Bwana Shamba’s meat together with cotton seeds. This was all in the fight against farming cotton, because it wasn't wanted, and what was wanted by the people was the cultivation of food crops first’.) Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had this alternate viewpoint: Wasukuma wanapendelea kuchunga ngombe na kulima chakula tu. Mwingereza alipowaletea maendeleo ya uchumi kama kulima pamba. Kufanya matuta ilikuwa ni shida sana, wakajua tu kwamba anakuja kuwatesa, Mwingereza. Kumbe, aliwaletea maendeo na kutengeneza vizuri. Walikuwa wanamsifu ntemi Ng’waya, kwa sababu yeye alikuwa walimpeleka kizamani, na alikubali wachunge ngombe. Kwa hiyo ndiyo maana aliona afanye kitu cha kuwafurahisha wakaaji wake. Anajaribu makarani wa ‘Bwana Shamba’ kuwalisha pamba badala ya kuwatengenezea chakula. Kuwalisha pamba, ina maana kwamba wasiendelee kuambia watu kulima pamba, lakini Mwingereza alikuwa anawasaidia. Kwa hiyo yeye mtemi, alikuwa ana-

pendelea wakaaji wake, na yeye vile vile hakuona mbele mambo ya uchumi. Pamba ni kama mali ya kuwasaidia, inaonekana walikuwa hawajui. Waliambiwa kutoka kwenye milima, kwa sababu waende wakajenge kwa pamoja. Kama mtu akiishi milimani, ni tabu sana kutengeneza mabarabara mazuri ya kuchukua hata mizigo. Wakati wa ntemi Ng'waya, mimi nilikuwa kama kijana, nilisikia habari yake, nilisikia habari ya watu wake. Walipenda sana mambo ya kuchunga bila kuambiwa maendeleo. (The Sukuma people love to just look after their cattle and farm their food. The British brought economic development such as cotton farming. To use tie-ridges was very difficult, people thought this guy had come to torment them, the Brit. Alas, he was bringing development and a good plan. They praised chief Ng’waya, because they had supported him since long before, and he

310 CHAPTER TEN agreed they should raise cattle. Therefore, this indeed was the reason he decided he should do this thing to make his citizens happy. He tested this clerk of the Bwana Shamba campaign, to feed him cotton instead

of preparing food for him. By feeding him cotton, it had the meaning that they should not continue to tell people to just plant cotton, even though in the end the Brit was there to help them. So this chief, he supported his subjects, and he did not take into account economic development. Cotton is a kind of wealth that helps, it was possible that they just did not know. They were told to come down from their mountains, because they should build together. For instance, persons who live on the mountains have a difficult time getting good roads to carry their loads. During the time of [ntemi] Ng’waya, I was just a teenager, but I heard about him, and heard about his people. They liked very much to raise cattle, and did not like to be lectured about economic development.)

Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these observations: Wengi walikuwa wanachukia kuhusu huyu ‘Bwana Shamba’ huyu, sababu kilimo cha pamba ilikuwa ni kwamba, walikuwa wanawahimiza. Aliwaambia, ‘Ukimaliza kuvuna pamba, kata miti yote na choma miti yote. Na wengi kwa wakati huo hawakutaka, lakini ‘Bwana Shamba aliwaambia, ‘Kama utakata miti na kuichoma, wadudu hawawezi wakaenea tena’. Lakini, basi, wao waliona ni kama wanadanganywa na walichukia sana hizo kazi, na walipokuwa wanamuona anakuja, basi wanachana mbuga kuenda milimani kujificha. (Many felt hatred toward these Bwana Shamba people, because con-

cerning planting cotton, they were required to do so. The Bwana Shamba told them, ‘If you finish harvesting cotton, cut and burn all the trees. Now many from this time did not want to do this, but the Bwana Shamba told them, ‘If you cut and burn the trees, you will kill off all the insects’. But, after some time, they saw that they were deceived on this account, and they came to hate very much this work, so when they saw him coming, they would go and hide themselves in the mountains.) (241) Bwana Shauri (“Mister Advice’)

‘Bwana Shauri’ wa Ngudu ‘Mister Advice’ of Ngudu

Bulomolomo! Lies!

Kusong’hanya banhu (2x) Confusing people (2x) iSengelema, iMalya, yubi Sengerema, Malya, to become

Bukwimba? Kwimba?

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Shiku ndo In just a matter of time you'll mukwiyenha inhebo bring trouble

Hu nabing we mukujenha li It is people like you who bring

Mabu Mabu’ Mau Mau

Mulibakwija banghulu You have plenty of mountains Interpretation: This wigaashe verse was performed by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo,’ and has been attributed to Kalikali Mbagule from around the time of the late 1950s. It was documented by Mkongola (1980: 47),° and was reported by Songoyi as well (1990: 171).? In 1955,

the British wanted to unite the chiefdoms of Sengerema, Malya, and Bukwimba to form one chiefdom, for easier administration. In this song, the District Officer (D. O.), refered to as Bwana Shauri (‘Mister Advice’), is called a liar, one who is fond of provoking people to violence. The singer knew about the Mau Mau crisis in Kenya, saying it was people like this District Officer, who brought the Mau Mau. He tells the D. O., Mulibakwija banghulu, or “You have plenty of mountains’, a common aphorism which roughly means, “You are troublemakers’, or “You have issues’.

The singer Kang’wiina ng;wana Mihumo” had this recollection: Huyu ‘Bwana Shauri, alikusanya batemi uko Malya, walipelekwa uko. Waliambiwa kuacha majembe ya balongo, na waliambiwa kubadilisha

majina ya districts, kutoka Malya, kuanzia kutumia kwimba. (This ‘Mister Advice’ guy, gathered together batemi in Malya, they were taken there. He told them to get rid of the Balongo hoes. He told them they were changing the district names of Malya to Kwimba.)

” Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10-15 October 1995, IUATM song #477.

vs Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Bwana Shauri / Mwa Ngudu mwongo sana / Anachonganisha watu / Sengelema-Malya iwe Kwimba Shikundo / Munaleta matatizo / Ndiyo nyie mletao Mau Mau / Mna maneno mengi’ (Mister Government Advice / From Negudu, such a liar / He is causing people to be sharp-tongued / Sengerema,

Malya, Kwimba, Shikundo / He has brought problems to all these places / Indeed that is what he does / He has brought to them Mau Mau / You all have nothing but yo Songoyi’s English translation: “The District Officer of Ngudu / Liar and provoker of people / Sengerema and Malya / How can they become Bukwimba? / It is a matter of days you'll bring war / It is people of your kind who bring / Mau Mau / You are full of destructive words’. ' Gagabali and Nyakabindi are villages in Bariadi district.

312 CHAPTER TEN (242) Iliho nzala Ushashi (‘There is a famine in Shashi’)

Iliho nzala Ushashi There’s a famine in Shashi

Aba Jonjo With those of Jonjo

Bakonda giki They get thin like this

Na Bashashi bakwe His Shashi people

Obondikije okelile ubulegi Obondikije failed to get millet Okalyaga sha kulanda (2x) He eats what he begs [for] (2x)

Akalungujaga Bashashi He cheers the Shashi people Na aka tumbati akalanda And this tobacco he begs

Nabisha nghalanga I finish preparing the groundnuts

Ukandemba You deceived me

Ninhage masangu na busiga Let me have maize and beans with millet

uNg wana Makondo wizile lelo | Ngwana Makondo comes today

uG hunani wa banhu Helper of people Bashashi ng’wapindile kunu Shashi people, you have come around here

Tuliku bashingwaga, ho! We are at the squanderers, ho!

Wabalemile You refused them

uNg wana Midongo nu Koncha Ng’wanaMidongoand Konchahave

ukulagula aBashashi declined the Shashi people Shashi abamatu ni bingane Shashi of the ears should leave

Ni bingane abamatu They should leave with their ears uNene, nabatogagwa I myself never liked them Babo, baja bandeka Them, they have left me alone Bakalungijegwa busungu They are engaged by their poison business

Mu Gagabali Nyakabindi, ni In Gagabali, Nyakabindi,'® and the

ng hwani coast

Interpretation: This competitive song was associated with ng’wana

Makondo, active in the 1950s. Performed by the Banam‘hala of Kisunun ha," the singer derides his competitor Jojo, who lives in prox-

imity to the Bashashi ethnic group, cattle herders and farmers who live near the town of Musoma, a people whom the singer despises. The sentiment is that they do nothing to alleviate hunger, they only

'' Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #193.

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get food by begging for it, by stealing, or by selling ‘poison’. In this song, ‘poison’ is a derogatory slur: the Shashi people are known for their business of trading medicines. Another interpretation finds that the Shashi people are also known for selling poisoned arrows to local traditional security guards. The singer, in deriding the Shashi people, also derides his competitor by his association with them. According to local historian Michael Masalu*, the Shashi people are regarded by many as lazy: Kazi yao ni kutembea tu, na kutunza masikio yao, kwa sababu wanafanya masikio kama kitu cha kupendeza tu. Wanatoboa masikio, wanavaa shangaa, anaona wanafanya kazi hiyo tu. (Their work is just to move around, and ‘to guard their ears’, because they treat their ears as something to be pleasing to the eye. They make holes in their ears, they wear earrings, he [the composer] sees that they only do this kind of work.)

(243) Kakacha akanigini (‘It died, an infant’).

Kakacha, akanigini It died, an infant

Kakuba Tabu From Tabu’s

Bakaminyiwa nyama They were hurt by meat Bangi ba kumyaga kali bunonu _— Others were praising its sweetness

Bakanya mmabingo They defecated in the reeds Interpretation: This busumba song from the Gibbe collection (n.d.) documents an outbreak of disease that killed a child. The disease referred to, not mentioned, is most likely either cholera or dysentery. Outbreaks of cholera or dysentery are common in this region, especially in times of drought, followed by heavy flooding rains.

(244) Baba Mungu (‘Lord God’)

Baba Mungu, ga Baba Baba God, so baba Mtenda nsi, nsumbi hu bebe! Guardian of the earth, creator it is you!

Tukusangagwa nzala iyi We have been met by this famine Batanzania, baba, toluha Tanzanians, baba, we are suffering

Mungu gatusaidie God please help us Tugundue, baba We should come to know, baba

Nzala iyi This famine

Mungu akanambalija God helped me

314 CHAPTER TEN Kung’waka gwenuyo tukaluha In that year we suffered, people abanhu

Tukinwa ikamali We were given the wealth Tuyukindwa biya kuguja Shashi We were unable to sell it in Shashi

Tukapela no, bangi tu gunanwa Many of us fled, and some were helped

Julius ng’wene akambilija Julius himself helped

Akatugunanha abalimi He helped us farmers Tukabiza na jipelelo jawizawiza We had excellent means of fast movement

Nakayizukwa ha giki I began to remember that

Ha nzala ya kale During a long past famine Bangi balyaga na ndili ikabiza It came to be that others ate hides Balyaga nhanda, abaTanzania! ‘They were eating hawks, the Tanzanians!

Bali batina nguzu They had no energy

Yali nduhu jipelelo There was no fast means of movement

Tukagunanwa ejipelelo We were helped by these fast means

Aba Tanzania The Tanzanians

Nidoshila abanhu, baba nkujiwa We would have perished, supreme father

Interpretation: In this wigaashe song, performed by the composer Neg’weshemi ng’wana Mhyeni at his home," the singer gives thanks to Julius Nyerere, and his plan to give bicycles to farmers so they could

move about during the famine, to look for food, and to be with their families. Despite the fierce criticisms of his administration, one of the hallmarks of the Nyerere legacy has been his quick and rapid response to regions in need of aid in times of drought or famine. The composer had this to say: Kweli, zamani Tanzania, waliokuwa hawana uwezo wa kukimbiza baisakeli, wakati wa njaa, wengine walikuwa wanakula nguo. Kwa hiyo Rais Nyerere alisaidia akaona anatoa magari na bisikeli. Akawasaidia watu, waliokuwa na uwezo. (Really, a while ago in Tanzania, people did not have access to bicycles, so during the famine, many were even eating their clothes. Therefore,

'? Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #126.

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President Nyerere helped, he saw this, and could provide vehicles and bicycles. He helped people, so they had the means of transport’.)

William Lubimbi* had these further thoughts and recollections: Kwanza, mwimbaji anamwomba Mungu awasidie. Mwaka huo kuli-

kuwa na njaa kali sana, na watu walipata shida ambayo walikuwa hawajawahi kuiona. Kila mara walikuwa wanaomba, ‘Mungu tusaidie’ na kweli, Mungu aliwasaidia. Ila aliyewasaidia zaidi alikuwa ambaye wanasema ni Julius Nyerere. Kuwasaidia kwake kwa kuwa kulikuwa na vitu vya kuenea chakula. Kama njaa iko sehemu nyingine mbali,

kwenda kuleta chakula ilikuwa shida kwenda kusafiri. Lakini kwa mwaka ule, huyo; mwimbaji alipoimba, kulikuwa na usafiri wa magari, kwa hiyo walikwenda wakaleta chakula. (First, the singer begs God for

his help. That year there was a very bad famine, and people received troubles the likes of which they had never seen. At every instance they asked God, “Help us’, and really, in the end, God helped them. But the one that helped them even more, they say, was Julius Nyerere. His help

came in the form of the means to distribute the food, like vehicles. If there was a famine in some faraway area, to go and bring them food could be difficult because of travel. However that year, as the singer explains, there was the means to travel by vehicle, therefore they went and brought food.) (245) Wangaluka bujiku (‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’)

Wangaluka bujiku You were up all night to greet the dawn

Wangaluka To greet the dawn Wela nu’bubu And it has broken

Uwa ng weji gwa mili Month of December

nu’bubu broken

Ng’wana Kishema, wela Ng’wana Kishema it [dawn] has Utoloka, umutelanghumbi He left, the one with the big loose belly

Kaya, wilekile na nhuba The homestead, left with hunger Bana balikomba makubi Children there beg for spinach

Utandula nhambo You cut [out] fast

mpini’ handle’ Nakolechaga sonda I was showing you stars

Nakuwilaga, ‘Sita, dimaga I said to you, ‘Sita, grab a hoe

Nangho ulola malunde And you were looking at clouds

316 CHAPTER TEN Tumbafu wa niingi Foolishness of a niingi Ili’ gembe nsabo, ng’wana Shema_ ‘The hoe is wealth, ng’wana Shema

Shikizaga ni shali shitiho That which was not there will come Nulu mu Talime, ukenha Even to Tarime, you can go to

ng ombe buy cattle Ulu ulingosha, giti liMazumila If you are a man, like Mazumila

Agatasholaga mpini He should not fear the hoe handle

Gisi, unene It is like, myself Nali namugi, chamba mabala Iam master, covering all the places Nalina kaya I have homes Ndi namugi, chamba mabala Indeed I am master, covering all the places

Nilinumba litemele I have a home sitting majestically

Lya maswa madito Having the heavy grass Libimbilile chuma It is covered with iron

Mahandago, wa nghumbi Mahandago, of the belly

Ulina makoye! You have problems!

Kusanja na limili lya kinamhala ‘To meet with the body ofan old man

Siita, ukucha nyayungiyungi Siita, you will die moving around aimlessly

Iki wihambahamba For you have decided so [yourself | Interpretation: Mkongola documented this song performed in competition by the wigaashe singer Nzagabulu Kilyamangondi in 1969, against Sita ‘Mahandago’ ng’wana Shema (1980: 87).'° The singer tells

'S Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Umekucha usiku umekucha / Na huu umekucha usiku / Wa mwezi Desemba / Nao umekucha / Mtoto wa Kishema umekucha / Tumbo tumbo akatoroka / Mji akauacha na njaa / Akakimbia / Nilikuambia / Sita shika jembe / Nilikuwa nakuonyesha nyota / Unaangalia mawingu / Malenga mjinga /

Jembe ni mali / Unapata kila utakacho / Hata Tarime unweza kwenda kununua ngombe / Kama wanaume kama Mazumila / Asiyeogopa jembe / Mimi ni mnamugi kamili nina mji / Na nyumba ninayo / Ya kudumu ya bati / Mahandago wa tumbo / Una taabu / Pamoja na mwili wa kizee / Una taabu / Sita utakufa mtembezi’ (You were up all night to greet the dawn to greet the dawn / And it has broken / Month of December / And it has broken / Ng’wana Kishema it has broken / Big belly has left / The homestead, left with hunger / He took off fast / I said to you / Sita, grab a hoe handle / I was showing you stars / And you were looking at clouds / Balingi are foolish / The hoe is wealth / You will get everything you desire / Even to Tarime, you can go to buy cattle / If you are a man, like Mazumila / He should not fear the hoe / I am master, covering all the places / And homes, I have them / I have a home with a tin roof / Mahandago, of the belly / You have problems / Together with the body of an old man / You have problems / Sita, you will die moving around aimlessly).

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his opponent that he must stop being lazy, he will reap what he sows.

He must stop dreading picking up the hoe, so he may alleviate the hunger of his family. He ridicules his opponent with a famous aphorism, Nakolechaga sonda, nangho ulola malunde (‘I was showing you stars, and you were looking at clouds’), meaning the opponent was easily distracted, and missing the singers’ point. Bugobogobo singer and farmer Julius Ntamanwa”* had this take on the song: Huyu Nzagabule alikuwa anamwimbia mpinzani Sita kwamba kazi yake yeye ni mzembe, hakutumia jembe. Anamwambia kwamba, ‘Nakuonyesha nyota, wewe unaangalia mawingu , ndio maana yake ni husikii ninalokuelezea. ‘Sasa watoto huwa unakimbia unawaacha, wanalia na njaa. Lakini jinsi ninavyokwambia, ukafanyie kilimo. Kama mimi nina nyumba iliyojengwa na nyasi nzito, yaani imejengwa imeezekwa na bati, imepigwa na nyundo, lakini wewe uzembe wako pamoja na mwili wako wa kizee utakufa ovyo ovyo’.. Ndio maana yake. Maana ya pili ilikuwa kwenye bugota, kwamba bugota yake yeye aliyoitoa huyu Nzagabule ni nzuri na imara, ni kali kuliko ya huyu. Kwa sababu walikuwa wanashindana kimchezo, na Siita anakimbia anaacha watoto wake. ‘Watoto wake’ ni hawa wanyalali wake. (This guy Nzagabule he sings to his competitor Siita, [telling him] that his work is being a lazy person, he does not use a hoe. He tells him that, ‘I show you a star and you look at the clouds’, which indeed means: “You do not listen to what I have explained to you. Now you have run off and left your children, they cry from hunger. Further, as I have explained to you, you do not do farming. My example is there for all to see, my

home has been built from the heavy grass, indeed it was built and covered with a tin roof, and it has been hammered with nails, but you,

your laziness, together with your having a body of an old man, you will die pointlessly’. That is indeed the meaning of this song. A second meaning concerns bugota, that is, his bugota that he pulled out. This guy Nzagabule, is good at protection, and is harsher compared to that

of this other guy. This is evident in the fact that they competed at a dance, and as a result, Sita ran off and left his children. “His children’ in this case, are his students.)

(246) Elimi lya bakile no (“The sun shone brightly’)

Elimi lyabakile no The sun shone brightly Lyapembile mkijiji It shone in the village Tutwale maombi ng’wa Nyerere Let us take our pleas to that of Nyerere

318 CHAPTER TEN Tukahungane Let us go confess Banhu pye abose, twitogagwi All people let us love one another

Tilandagi, baba Let us offer one another, baba

Tubudaga Cassava flour

Bakalye abana So that children may eat Interpretation: This song documents the nzala ya gada (‘famine of gada’), also known as the nzala ya magembe (‘famine of hoes’, see also songs #247-250) which took place in the mid-1970s. The singer Jige Malehe” tells her associates that they need to bring their pleas to Julius Nyerere to be heard directly, ‘So the children may eat’. Juma Mashaka Kalunde” had this interpretation: Ujirani mwema ni kusaidiana. Manju anahimiza kuwa kama wanawake, wazazi, walezi basi wakati wa matatizo na haswa wakati wa njaa, ni vema tukasaidiana kwa kuazimana. Unga, angalau wa uji, ili kawawewesha watoto wapate angalau uji ili kuendeleza taifa. Ametaja na kumtumia Nyerere kama kiongozi, kuwa kiongozi wa kweli, kama baba au mama nyumbani. Watu wake wanaishi kwa amani na salama, pia wanapata mahitaji yao. (Good neighbors help one another. The composer convinces women, parents, and upbringers, that when there is a problem such

as a famine, it is good to help one another. Flour, even though for porridge, should be there to strengthen the children, indeed it is to say, porridge develops the nation. He mentions and uses the example of Nyerere as a leader, a real leader, like that of a father or mother at home. His people live with peace and security, also they get everything that they need.) The following four songs discuss surviving the nzala ya magembe (‘famine of hoes’), which occurred in the mid-1970s. The famine was named thus because it caused farmers to travel with their hoes to other regions to find food. This was a difficult year for farmers, as the famine occurred during Nyerere’s planned mass village relocation project. Farmers were forced to endure the shame of moving temporarily to other less-affected regions, where they were hired as migrant and conscripted laborers on wealthy landowners’ farms.

* Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 December 1994, IUATM song #230.

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(247) Tofuma mlyani (‘We have come out of the trap’)

Tofuma mlyani We have come out of the trap

Inzala iyi yalulya banhu! This famine tormented people! Banamugi na bashike (2x) Husbands and daughters (2x) Guti godembi ulu ya bita It is not a lie when it passes by Ibasi ya lundaga imagembe (2x) The bus with piled hoes (2x)

Ifumile Kikubiji kuja It is coming from Kikubiji going to

Mamhalo Mamhalo

(248) Nzala iya magembe (‘This “famine of hoes” ’)

Nzala iya magembe This ‘famine of hoes’ Tkatuyunja kuja mu Salawi Caused us to wander to Salawi’ Na bangi kuja ngwa Mahande — And others went to those of

na ng wa Mahande and

Mabungabunga (2x) to those of Mabungabunga (2x) Na bashike kujipande And daughters did casual labor Utalagema kulemeja You could not try to prevent them

Banamugi tulimagi mihogo Husbands let us cultivate cassava

Tujihadhali (2x) Let us take precautions (2x)

(249) Nzala iyi (“This famine’)

Nzala iyi, ng wana Liku This famine, son of Liku Banamugi bose na bagikulu All husbands and old women

Ung’wile wangu Tell him quickly

Atalagema ukwiba He will never forget it

Galimayanga! Sure, they were troubles! Nulu uje hali uko Wherever you go

Akukupeja! He will chase you away! Jaga ukalale kungi! Go to sleep elsewhere!

Untwale ng’wa balozi wa chalo Send him to the village leaders

‘5 The translator Paulo Mafanyanga rendered this as ikatungaga kuja mu Salawi, ‘is heading toward Salawi-.

320 CHAPTER TEN (250) Nakwambaga shiganza (‘I am spreading my hands’)

Mungu God

Nakwambaga shiganza u kuli I am spreading my palms toward

Nanombe nane anibalikile I should ask of him to bless me

Kumagana kwigembe To hold fast to the hoe Nane nalitule ibeng’we likwizaga 1 may put aside the shame

ha nyango (2x) coming on the door (2x)

Bise twafuma Bukoba, Buhondo — We came from Bukoba, Buhondo

Jikusamaga, na ngoso (2x) They move out, the rats (2x)

Aho nigwa When I heard

(2x) (2x)

Nakashingisha niingilaga ibeng’we 1 shook my head with shame

Ukung wa nghabi nukwene At a poor person’s, even Bukazugagwa bopya (2x) Food is cooked (2x) Interpretation: Buhondo Digili ng wana Misuga performed these songs at his home in Seke. The composer had this point to make about his songs: Nyimbo hizi niliziimba mwaka 1976 huu, wakati tunatoka nyumbani kwenda vijiji vipya mwaka 1974 na mwaka 1975. Ulikuwa mwaka

wa njaa sana katika mkoa wa Shinyanga, hata wanawake iliwabidi waende kwenye vipande yaani vibarua, hata kushinda wiki saba kule. Ndiyo maana baada ya kupita janga hilo, nikaimba wimbo huo, wa kuwaelezea kuwa kumbusha wananchi kuwa hiyo njaa ilikuwa kubwa sana, na ni ngumu kweli. (These songs, I sang them in 1976, when we came from our homes to go to the new villages in 1974 and 1975. It was the year of a nasty famine in Shinyanga, even women needed to go elsewhere for whatever work they could get, even to be gone for seven weeks. Indeed after this calamity took place, I sang this song, to inform people that this was a huge famine, and was very difficult.’)

In the first song, Tofuma lyani,'® the famine is likened to a trap

(lyani), specifically, a large hole dug in the ground for catching animals like wildebeests and elephants. It is usually deep with pointed

sticks, and covered with thin soil and grass. When an animal steps onto it, the animal falls, and is pierced and killed. In the second song, Inzala lya magembe,”’ the composer further elucidates that families

'© Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #271. '7 Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #273.

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 321

were torn apart by this disaster. In the third song, Nzala iyi, collected by Kija (1985: 32), Buhondo Digili ng’°wana Mhondo explains to his associate Liku, that the problem of famine that they are seeing begets other social problems, like thievery. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi’ shared his perspective about these songs: Alivyoona njaa iliwatabisha sana na watu wote kuanzia wazee, vijana, hata watoto wadogo. Kila mara alipoona basi limejaza majembe juu. Anaanza kujiuliza, ‘Hayo majembe

ni ya nini? Ninavyoona, ni kwamba katika desturi hasa wakati wa njaa, watu huwa wanakwenda na majembe; mtu anachukua jembe, halafu anaenda kutafuta chakula, anaambiwa, ‘Lima sehemu, halafu utapata chakula’. Sasa huyu, alipoona majembe kwenye basi, alijua kwamba majembe haya yote hawa ni watu wanatoka kulima kwa ajili ya njaa, ili, wapate chakula. Njaa hii imeenea kila sehemu, kila mara tu, anaona basi hilo limejazwa majembe juu. (‘The way [this singer] saw

this famine, it caused serious problems for so many people, starting with elders, teenagers, and even small children. Every time he looked around they could be seen, buses filled with hoes up above. He starts to ask himself, “What is with these hoes?’ As I see it, with this culture, especially during a time of famine, people move around with hoes; a person takes a hoe, then he goes to look for food. He is told, ‘Farm in this area, and then you will get food’. So this person, he saw the hoes on the bus, he knew that these hoes were [belonging to] people going out to farm because of the famine, so they could get food. This famine had spread everywhere, now all the time he sees the buses filled with hoes.) Magdelena Lubimbi* had a perspective that is worth quoting here in full: Mtunzi anamuomba Mungu ambariki katika ‘kazi zake za mikono,

hasa kwa jembe anapolima. Akipata baraka kwa Mola ataondoa ile aibu au huzuni, sababu mavuno yatakapo kuwa mengi, basi atakula na kushiba. Kama anavyosimuliwa au anvyoambiwa, kuwa Bukoba kuna chakula kingi, kwa sababu Bukoba mazao yao ni ya kurithi migomba,

kuwa ipo kila siku inakatwa na kuchipua, tena kazi yao ni kukata inachipua tena. Kwa hiyo yeye akipata baraka hizo, atafanana kama watu wa Bukoba, ambako kwa kweli shida ya chakula si kubwa sana.

Lakini zaidi, ni kwamba anamuomba Mola aweze kumjalia apate. Mfano, mwanzoni wa mwaka huu [2006], tulikuwa na shida ya njaa, mpaka hata serikali imeingilia kati ikawa inagawa chakula au msaada kwa watu wasiyojiweza. Njaa hii iliwafanya waende huko na huku ili kwenda kuhemea, na sasa hivi anasisitiza kuwa walime mihogo kwa

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tahadhali. Hii ni kweli kabisa, sababu kuna sehemu nyingine ambazo Shinyanga huko au Bariadi, zao la mihogo kwao lilikuwa sio zao la muhimu sana. Kwa hiyo walilima mahindi, au mtama, waweze kula ugali mweupe. Lakini ukweli ni kwamba mihogo, ni zao ambalo linavumilia sana jua. Kwa hiyo ukipanda mihogo mvua ikipotea au isiponyesha ni sawa. Na sehemu ambazo watu wanalima mihogo, kwa kweli inasaidia sana wakati wa njaa, sababu watu wengi waliweza kutoka sehemu nyingine na kwenda kununua mihogo au udaga kwa ajili ya chakula. (The composer asks God for the blessing of his “work of the

hand’, especially that of the hoe, which he uses to farm. If he gets

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 323

blessing from God, he should remove all shame, because the harvest will be plentiful, therefore he will get enough to eat. As he had been told, in Bukoba there was much food, because in Bukoba the crops they have inherited are banana plants, being cut daily, and then again, they sprout. The work there is just to cut them, and they grow again. Therefore, if he were to get this blessing, he would be like those of Bukoba, for whom the problem of food is not so serious. However even more important, is that he prays to God, that he should agree that he should get something. For example, at the beginning of this year [2006], we had this problem of famine, until even the government intervened to divide food, or to aid people not able to help themselves. This famine caused them to go here and there, looking for food, and now he urges them they should cultivate cassava as a matter of prevention. This is completely true, because there are places like Shinyanga or Bariadi where it seems cassava is not a very important crop. So they cultivate corn, they like to cultivate corn, or millet, so they should be able to eat red corn meal. But the truth is, that cassava is a crop which can sit and grow nicely in the sun. Therefore if you plant cassava and the rain does not show, it is all right. Now in the places where people farm cassava, really, it helps people during famine, because many people can go from one place to go and buy cassava or cassava flour’® for food.)

In the fourth song, Nakwambaga shiganza, composed and performed by Buhondo Digili ng’wana Misugo,” the singer gives thanks to God for surviving this calamity. There were several overlapping points made by the commentators, quoted here in full. Mwanza visual artist Simoni Ndokeji*: Huu wimbo, una maana ya kuwa huyu mtu alikuwa anamuomba Mungu, ili amsaidie kushika jembe, ili aweze kufanikiwa kimaisha. Aliona watu walianza kuudharau myji wake. Nafikiri ni sababu ya umasikini ambao familia yake ilikuwa nao. Hata panya wanahama, naona hili linaonyesha ni mfano ya kuchekesha tu aliyotumia. (This song demonstrates that this person prayed to God, in order to grab a hoe, so they may be able to have a good life. He saw that people started to slander his homestead. I think this was because

'8 Udaga, or cassava flour, made from fermented cassava roots cleaned and crushed or pounded into smaller pieces. Afterward, the pieces, with a diameter ranging from 2 mm to 6 mm, are dried for about four days, and sold. Udaga is normally pounded into flour and consumed as a stiff porridge. '? Recorded by author, village of Seke, 15 January 1995, IUATM song #277.

324 CHAPTER TEN of the poverty in his family. Even the rats were leaving, I see that this is just a humorous example he is giving.) Michael Masalu*: Anaimba wimbo wa kuomba, apate baraka. Mungu ampe baraka, na uwezo wa kutafuta mali katika familia yake. Kwa sababu anaambiwa yeye kama maskini. Wanamsema hana chochote. Kwa hiyo, yeye anaomba apate baraka za kuishi vizuri hata umaskini wake, aishi hivyo hivyo hata asipate utajiri. Anasema kukuwa na mali kidogo, mtu anataka kumuibia. (He sings this song as if to pray, so he should receive blessing. God should give him blessing, and the ability to search for wealth for his family. This was because he was told he was impoverished. They say about him that he has nothing. Therefore, he prays to receive blessing to live well even in his poverty, he should just live like this without getting rich. He says to receive some wealth, a person will want to steal from him.) The following wigaashe songs were composed because of a devastating famine in 1979 known as nzala ya yanga, or the ‘famine of yellow corn, named after of the type of corn brought in and distributed by foreign aid agencies.

(251) Nakalima (‘I cultivated’) Nakalima, nakalimila mahindi, I cultivated, I cultivated for you

ndi maize, yes

Ng’wa Machibya, bebe! Of Machibya, you!

Nabahebela I have defeated them (because of )

Mimbo gane ndi My songs, yes Neg’wa Machibya Of Machibya

bane comrades

Banyalali ba m’biina, badugu The disciples of this dance, my

Bambudula nu Mashaka Those of Mbudula and Mashaka

Natahemelaga I never shake

Jadembe ku ngongo Insignias on the back Nene nali subi jitachang’wa I am a leopard who is never prevented

oNg wana Mang ondi Ng’wana Mang’ondi Mlibayanda, bakujudima You are young boys for grazing cattle

Sing’we akupangaga Your dad still rents Ning’we, ng’wiyita And you, you pretend

iNzala ya kijiji The famine of the village

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 325

Tutudula ukuyomba We are unable to say

iNzala ya kijiji The famine of the village Tukushila, badugu bane We will perish, my comrades Yafungwa na Lyuba [The way] has been closed by God Inzala iyi - ya hangwa na nani? ‘This famine - who predicted it?

ikaale long ago

Na bamhangwa aba batonga By the prophets who preceded (252) Kijiji ishi (In this village’)

imihayo end

Kijiji ishi, shitakalika biya In this village, the events never

Nene, ng’wana Sakumbi I, ng’wana Sakumbi iNzala iyi ya kwandija This famine which began

Neg’wasabini na tisa In 1979

uNene, natubayombya I cannot say enough

Neg’wasabini na tisa In 1979

Unene, natubadilika Me, I will not change

Yee! Nalemaga duhu, bandulilu Yee! I have refused only, the local militias

Twen helagi, baba, ihuduma Bring us, baba, the services to

mtwambilije help us

Tukushila, banhu We will perish, people

Tukumalwa nzala We will be finished by famine Ng’wana Ging hinyali Neg’wana Ging ’hinyali (253) Nzala iyi (“This famine’)

Nzala iyi, yakundikile This famine, it has has upset

mbigili livestock compounds

Banhu balilile noyi People have cried a lot

Bakudayaga They are lamenting

Mu mamisaka In the abandoned homes Twapila kukalika, abalimi We survived perishing, farmers

Tulina bupina (2x) We have sorrows (2x)

Twalukoyaga kibi no We were struggling a lot

Twalulila na nzala We were crying of famine

Nke wane Monde My wife Monde

Ng’wana wa ngwana Makeja The child of ng’wana Makeja

Iki lyashila iliyala Because the famine is over

Twite shingukulu twifurahishe Let us make a feast day to celebrate

326 CHAPTER TEN Tugule ng ondi (2x) Let us buy a ram (2x)

Nulu itiho Even if I do not have one Nakujugula ng wa Mhina I will buy one from Mhina

Tulye nguzu jane Let us eat [the result of] my efforts Twali twaluhile noyi We were suffering a lot Ukudila nzala Staying without food during the day

Walalila Sleeping without dinner

Witungaga ng’weko munda (2x) ‘Tying your cloths to your belly (2x)

Topila kukalika, abalimi We survived perishing, farmers

Tulina bupina (2x) We have sorrows (2x)

Tuyubala ilivita ili ilyang’wa We considered Mayunga’s war as

Mayunga finished Nose twaheba (2x) At last we won (2x)

Interpretation: In Nakalima, performed and composed by Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana Mhoja” on the occasion of slandering his opponent, the composer attended a competition where he tried to give confidence to a local politician whom it seemed had lost the heart for his work in the face of a difficult famine. After paying homage to his disciples Mhudula and Mashaka, the singer tells the politician he must look to him (the singer) as an example, a productive farmer, a leopard who never wavers, disciple of the great composer Mangondi.

The composer had this to say about the song: Sasa, wimbo huu, niliwaambia wote, mpaka alikuwa kiongozi, ngwana Machibya, siyo?

Wakati niliimba wimbo huu, bado hajapata uongozi wake. Mwenyekiti alikuwa amechoka kazi yake, basi nilianza kuimba wimbo huu, mwishowe tulianza kupata mahitaji yetu. Aligunduliwa, mwenyekiti

huu, alifaulu, ng’wana Machibya, alifanya kazi yake miaka kumi. Mwishowe niliwaelezea asili ya tatizo la njaa ni la Mungu, lipo daima, kuwa tangu asili ya kuwapo kwa watu. (Now in this song, I convinced everyone, until he succeeded in becoming leader [known as] ng’wana Machibya, you see? When the song was sung, he had not yet become a leader. The chairman was tiring of this work, then I began to sing this song, and in the end we began to get from them what we needed. He was discovered, this chairman, he succeeded, ng’wana Machibya, he continued his work for ten years. In the end, I explained to them that

*° Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #140.

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 327

the root of the problem of famine is from God, it will be there forever, [and it has been there] since the beginning of humankind.) The song Kijiji ishi, also performed here by Charles Kanga Kasubi

ng wana Mhoja,”' is attributed to ng’wana Sakumbi. It captures the frustrations felt by many, where any help would be accepted, save for perhaps the local private vigilante militias (called here the bandulilu, or ‘horn blowers’), which came to be known as the sungusungu (see chapter XV), who had not yet gained the trust and popularity that they achieved in the 1980s.

Magdelena Lubimbi had this memory from this period: Ulikuwa mwaka wa kupigana na Idi Amin. Mvua haikunyesha, kila kijiji kilikuwa na mahangaiko kwa sababu hiyo. Watu hawakutulia, baadaye mvua haikunyesha, kwa hiyo kwa kweli kijiji lazima kulikuwa na shida hapa na pale. Na pia wale sungusungu, wale vijana walianza kuwepo

vijijini wakati ule, na walikuwa na nguvu kweli, lakini watu hawajaanza kuwaamini, kwa ajili ya matokeo maarufu mbalimbali. (It was the year that we went to war with Idi Amin. The rain had not fallen, so really every village was under duress because of these problems here

and there. Furthermore, it was the time when the sungusungu [see Chapter XV] started to emerge there, those young men were there in the village at that time, and they were gathering strength, but people had not begun to trust them the way in the way that they do now, because of various well-publicized scandals with which they were involved).

Nzala iyi, performed by Shing’wenda ng’wana Siita,” celebrates with weary relief the end of this famine of 1979. It was remembered as a time when people had to sell or slaughter their cattle, miss meals, and tie up their waists tight with wrap around cloth, to deal with the hunger pangs. Finally, the composer praises his wife and tells her that they need to prepare a celebration and kill a big ram, to give thanks for making it through the war against mayunga, a term for ‘calamity’, but also the name of a well-known Ugandan general in the war against Amin, waged the year before. Mwanza local historian Michael Masalu* had this to say about famines in general: Njaa, kweli, ilisumbua watu. Wengine walikuwa wakihama, mpaka wakaenda wengine mbali. Na watu walikuwa hawana

*! Recorded by author, 11 September 1994, I[UATM #141. *° Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 8 September 1994, IUATM song #117.

328 CHAPTER TEN baisikeli, hawana motokaa, walikuwa wanabeba chakula kutoka mbaii, kutoka hapa Magu, kufika Mwanza mjini. Wanatembea na miguu na kutafuta chakula, wengine walikuwa walikoswa nguvu, hakuna kutembea. Tulilazimishwa kuuza ng’ombe zetu, hatuna ng ombe tena, tumeuza zote, mke wangu, njaa imekwisha, sasa tununue ngombe, tufurahishe, tusahau mambo haya yametokea, tuchezee ngoma! (Hunger, really it disturbs people. Some will move elsewhere, until they leave faraway

for good. Others may have no transportation like bicycles, or they have no vehicles, they carry their food from faraway, from Magu for example, all the way to Mwanza town. They travel by foot looking for food, others have no strength to do so, they cannot walk. “We were required to sell our cattle, we had no more cattle, we sold them!) In the following two songs, the singers discuss the horrors of the AIDS crisis in the context of everyday life. (254) Nafumaga Bulige (‘I was coming from Bulige’)

Nafumaga Bulige I was coming from Bulige Numanhya na kaniki I met a certain young girl

Kinolaga kutemagila Sharpened and glimmering

Kuyuniwila She was asking me

‘Nibuchage nane, Dolwa? ‘Could you carry me too, Dolwa? Unibuche unifile Ngwashitolyo | Carry me and send me to Neg’washitolyo

Nalija hang’wa ngoma’ I am going to the ngoma’ Ukumagulu kalina na shilatu On her feet she wore shoes

Ukuntwe, kalina busuke And her head, plaited Nibuja nane, nulema I asked myself, and then I refused ‘Tukubucha Juliana’ ‘We shall be carrying AIDS’

Ilimala banhu Which is finishing people

Bajingi, ng’washila Fornicators, you are finished (255) Buking’wi nose bulatumala (‘AIDS will finish us all’)

Buking’wi nose bulatumala AIDS will finish us all

Ikitutigwaga Because we do not want to listen Tupunguje lunhya Let us contain our sexuality Bamayu na bababa Mothers and fathers Duniya yahalibukile The world is no longer safe Tobilunyola bunyolo Were acquiring incurable

butinanaguji sexually transmitable diseases

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 329

NuPuje kiisibitili nhale wilemba Even when you go to major hospitals

Nulu maMuhimbili Even when you go to Muhimbili NuPukaja Bugando Even when you to Bugando

Ukashilila koili Youll end there

Matibabu gagayile There is no cure

Siku moja One day

Nilikutana na bwana afya I met a health officer Akaninha baluba ni tangazo He gave me a letter and a banner

Nulibandika ha nyango I stick it on my door hang wane

Bay 'ulisoma bigya pyi So that everybody can read it

Linasema kwamba It says that

Haha uPukabona nkiima Nowadays if you see a woman

Wakuteganilaga If she is after you

Mchunguze kwanza Inquire about her background Nulukabona ngosha Even if you see a man Wakuhonga jihumbi Ready to give you cash in thousands

Mchunguze kwamza Inquire about him Humane uko akigashaga So that you can know his background

Ni jitendo jakwe Including his lifestyle

Alulunjimilwa If you're not sure

Biya kunzunya na kuzunyiwa Do not accept his or her proposals

Nemage umpambuke Stay away from her or him Maisha tugalang’hane We have to take care of our lives Noni jategelilwe hi lambo A trap for birds has been set at a pond

Ahabung’welo bojo Where they drink water Yahayile kukalik idunia The world is about to come to an end

Ul'ukasomaga Bibliya mkanisa If you read the Bible in your church

Wisome lulu witegeleje Read carefully now Gashikagamamihayo Those words have come Ayo tukalekelwa na Yesu mu Which Jesus of Nazareth left Nazaleti

Aho atinalala kuja ng’wigulu Before he flew into the heavens

330 CHAPTER TEN Akaja mulugulu He went to the mountain Ali jumla na bahemba bakwe With all his Apostles

Amo akuyombelaga He says

Abajua bandikila hajitabo It is written that

Nalegelaga kwiza When I am about to come Ng’u jibon’imeng ho jane You will see all the signs Galabiho mayala na mahuya There will be hungers and calamities

Na masilimu mahuya ‘Slim’ calamities Na majipindupindu mahuya And cholera calamities

Jagelejagishiku The days are approaching

Pandagi ng’uzona Be careful

Nu buyeji bo mujini mu Stop wandering in towns bupunguje

Humo ipangile iSilimu It is where Slim is ‘renting’

Uku kijiji itiko biya It is not in the villages Butubashijaga yaya It does not spare them

Ulu giki bayibuga Once they catch it Yaponangije bingi It has killed many

Bakuyipulaga bapipa nno Once infected they become ugly Yinga gik isula ya munhu They lose their human face Ul'usanga yangwasha chiza If you find one trapped by it

Uhadika kunila You may start mourning him

Akweshemhaga While he is breathing

Baliy’uhalisha na kuganda They suffer from diarrhea and weight loss

Obiza guti kasonga They become as thin as an arrow Namaguhw gitenga They look like mere skeletons Nene noyil'ukujinga I have stopped chasing women

Nasanya nke one I take pride in my wife

Interpretation: These bleak wigaashe songs collected by Makoye (2000: 159), document the AIDS crisis as described in the 1980s by the blind niingi Shitome ng’wana Kanundo. The first cases of HIV/AIDS (‘Slim’) in Tanzania were reported in 1983, although for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole the problem began to surface in the late 1970s. The epidemic has evolved from being rare and new disease to a common household

problem, which has affected most Tanzania families. The development of the HIV/AIDS epidemic have its clear impact on all sectors of development through not only pressure on AIDS cases care and

SONGS OF FARMERS ON DISEASE, DROUGHT, FAMINE 331

management of resources, but also through debilitation and depletion of economically active population especially young women and men. In Nafumaga Bulige, the singer discusses a woman he met whom he felt must have been a likely candidate for a carrier of the AIDS virus. She asked him for a ride to the ng’oma, but he refused her. In the end, he castigates her and others for bringing this disease. In Buking’wi nose bulatumala, the singer implores his listeners to be careful about their sexual partners, and to do some research on their backgrounds first. Even though development has brought modern hospitals to the Mwanza region,” because of ‘Slim’ (AIDS), the only thing waiting for them will be death itself.

*> Muhimbili and Bugando are two big hospitals in Tanzania mentioned in this song. Muhimbili hospital is situated in Dar es Salaam, while Bugando hospital is situated in Mwanza, the capital city of Mwanza region.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, JULIUS NYERERE, AND UHURU

This section contains songs that celebrate TANU (Tanganyikan African National Union), and their fight for and subsequent victory over colonialism. After converting the Tanganyikan African Association (TAA) into TANU on 7 July 1954, the new party demonstrated its popularity by winning important victories in the 1958 and 1960 elections, and by forming Tanganyika’s first independent government.' As the postwar movement for independence in Tanganyika intensified, the Sukuma region fostered the most active and politically oriented African voluntary associations in Tanganyika during the ten

years between the end of the war and the birth of the Tanganyika African National Union in 1954 (Maguirre 1969: xxiv). In the wake of these developments, and because of events such as the 1954 Mau Mau terror in Kenya, the British passed the Societies Registration Act, which required associations to seek government registration, as well as obtain police permission before collecting subscriptions or holding public meetings (Iliffe 1979: 553). No African civil servants would be allowed to be members of these organizations (Government Circular 1953), and all applications had to go through the District Commissioner together with written constitutions and a ten shilling application fee. Every organization of ten or more persons, or with office bearers such as president, had to register (Societies Ordinance 1954). Sukuma farmers responded with song. Sometimes veiled and sometimes blatantly open, these songs debated these restrictions, complained about agricultural policies and the officers sent to enforce them, as well

as other issues related to the colonial presence. The harshness of the colonial government's policies further provoked Sukuma farmers to turn their musical labor into a form of protest, however ambiguous, in the face of world capitalist relations. Anti-hegemonic song at the worksite was the sole form of protest that made any sense to them, ' Tanganyika gained independence in 1961, and changed its name to Tanzania on 26 April, 1964 after merging with Zanzibar.

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 333

and it created group solidarity, fostered joy, and enabled the groups to get the required work done quicker and more efficiently, thus enabling

them to earn more money. Singing at the cotton farm was not private escape or false consciousness, but transformative and empowering action. This early political awareness was later identified by local Sukuma political activists as critical in garnering support for the subsequent political action groups that fought for independence. The majority of these songs castigate the colonial leaders, and tell them to be on their way back to their home country. They ask Julius Nyerere to be vigilant in his fight and in his newly won freedom. The following three songs are in praise of Paul Bomani, the early TANU leader, civil rights leader, and cotton cooperative organizer who rose to prominence in the 1950s.

(256) Nge’wana Komanya Malanguka (‘Ng’wana Komanya Malansuka’) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka | Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka

Sonda, ng’wana Kimogele Sonda, ng’wana Kimogele Neg’wizukulu Chama cha Masuka_ Grandchild, the party of Masuka

Kinehe bayangu bane? How are you my friends? Hezeron, ng’wana Sekai Hezeron, ng wana Sekai Ndikugisha, ng’wa Batendi I salute you, those of Batendi

Nashika iNgwagulanja I arrived in Ng’wagulanja Nakimbila chama yose ya Nassa_ 1 sung for all the parties of Nassa

Ng’wangaluka, badugu bane Good morning, my comrades Thadikijage, namugi, kwigula Force yourself, husbands, to open

lwigi! the door

Paulo, maboma gako gali mingi! Paulo, your fortresses are many!

Lazima’, ukusangija mabala ‘Must’, you are spreading into every region

Pole pole, imilimo ya ntaale Slowly slowly, this important

ikusangija mabala! work spreads all over!

iBukwimba liliko iboma lyako In Bukwimba there is your fortress

Lya shikolo! Of things!

iMasanza, liliko iboma lyako lya_ In Masanza, there is your fortress

shikolo! of things! Kalemela na Businza, hela niingi Kalemela and Businza, a lot of

money Nalimanija, n’a Bahindi kuheba! I guess, even more than the Indians!

Buli magunguli jiliko In every township, they are there

334 CHAPTER ELEVEN (257) Nalina buyegi (‘I have happiness’) Nalina buyegi mu ngholo yane_ ___I have happiness in my heart

Tunsumbile ntemi wise Let us welcome our chief

Ntaale wa Balimi The leader of farmers

Tunsumbile Let us welcome him

Wali waja ng hwani He had gone to the coast

Kuja kulangwa milimo He went to be taught a profession Paulo, baba, ukalalila mu ndege! Paulo, baba, you flew in a plane!

N’ukwiza, baba And on coming back, father Ukalalila mu ndege! You flew in a plane!

Uwa ngwa Kabindo Mazela na Of [that of] Kabindo Mazela and

uSonda, muliko! Sonda, you are there!

Ng’wana Malanguga na ng’wa Neg’wana Malanguga and of [that

Zebulon of] Zebulon

Ukujungisha ukalani wane! You will go to greet my clerk

Na wa ng’wa Sayayi And those of Sayayi Madilisha ng’ wana Sekai Madilisha, ng’wana Sekai Na ngwana Makambi ntaale And ng’wana Makambi, elder

Na wa ngwa Italicha And of [that of] Italicha Bing we muli banamhala bibanza You are elders of the council

Na ba Fillipo And those of Phillipo

Na ungi, ndugu wane Ushimba _ And another, my relative Shimba

Shimba wa ng’wa Mapalala! Shimba of [that of] Mapalala (258) Kale, abaliingi bali kulubigili (“Long ago, singers were in the stable’)

Kale abaliingi bali ku lubigili Long ago singers were in the stable

Ali haha bima ku njingo But now they stand in the backyard Paulo ng’wana Bomani, chamaga Paulo ng’wana Bomani, stand firm Kishamapanda na Juma Mbogo _ Kishamapanda and Juma Mbogo

Wane, chamaga, muli Mine, stand firm, you are clever! bakalaganu!

Bali badosa, kibi aBahindi They were very stubborn, the Indians

Nu kadosa, nu kayuga makungu 1 became stubborn, and stirred the areas

Tuli bang’wa Yesu We belong to Jesus Iki ntaale uWelelo For the Great is Welelo Tuli bang’wa Yesu We belong to Jesus Na mugi Welelo! The teacher of the world!

- “4

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 335

/_eess. 4 a - ea Illus. 31. Paul Bomani, late 1950s. Courtesy of SABCC.

Interpretation: Paul Bomani became well known after protesting the middlemen Hindi traders who cheated Sukuma farmers by not paying them enough for their cotton. Active in the lake province of TANU, Bomani kept TANU alive in the Sukuma region after party activities were banned and the registration of TANU branches was prohibited in the province in 1954 (Geiger 1997: 93). Several songs were composed in his honor in the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1960s, he was made Minister of Finance and Planning in Julius Nyerere’s government, and later he was appointed Tanzanian Ambassador to the United States, a post he held for twenty years. Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* knew Bomani well, and had this testimony about him: Aliwaokoa wakulima, kwa sababu walikuwa wanapeleka chakula chao kwa Wahindi, beyi haikueleweka, na masoko yalikuwa machache. Yeye alipofanya kazi, Paulo Bomani, akaongeza masoko, watu wakapeleka karibu karibu. Akajenga store kila sehemu, kwa hiyo katika maendeleo, alituendeleza sana sisi, ndiyo

336 CHAPTER ELEVEN tulikuwa tunamshukuru. (He was the savior of the farmers, because they had been taking their crops to the Hindi, the price was not satisfactory, and the buying markets were few. The work that he did, Paul Bomani, was to increase the number of markets, so people could take their food nearby. He built stores in every region, and, as a result, in the area of development, he developed us very much, and indeed, we are grateful to him.) Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka and Nalina buyege were both composed by Siita ng’;wana Malundi, published in ((Kushoka Kwa ng’wa Paulo Bomani: 1955). Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka was composed on the event of a fundraiser for Bomani. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this discussion of the multivalent utility of this song, acting simultaneously as a song of praise and as a song of competitive slander: Wimbo wa mwimbaji huu, ninavyoona, una sehemu tatu. Sehemu ya kwanza ni juu ya kuwasalimia wakubwa kama watemi, ndiyo kusema wakubwa wake Bomani hasa. Yeye alifanya hivyo akawasalimu wote, akamaliza, hivyo ndiyo sehemu ya kwanza. Sehemu ya pili, anaoizungumzia kuhusu ugonjwa wa kaswende. Ukiangalia, siyo kaswende hasa, ni hasa bugota yake aliyokuwa

amekinga. ‘Huyu adui yangu, ataipita hii bugota yangu kweli? Na yeye alikuwa anabishi kwamba anaweza akapita. Na yeye anamuonya kwamba, ‘Huwezi ukachezea hiyo bugota yangu. Huwezi ukapita kwa sababu ni ugonjwa mbaya sana’. Ni kusema ni bugota mbaya sana, afadhali achezee kitu kingine tu. Ya tatu, sasa alichukua njuga ilikuwa

kubwa sana, alipoanza kuitikisa tu, labda mwenye ikulu, ndani ya ikulu. Wote walisimama, wakaanza kufurahi, wakasema, ‘Sasa hakuna cha kuhuzunika tena, sasa twendelee tu na kufurahi. (The song of this singer, as I see it, has three sections. The first section is about greet-

ing all the important ones gathered at this place, such as the chiefs, indeed to say, the important ones gathered on behalf of Bomani. He starts with this greeting, he salutes them all, he finishes, this is indeed the first section. In the second section, the singer is talking about gonorrhea. If you look at this song, it is not about gonorrhea per se, but about the medicine that [someone] uses to prevent it. “Can this guy, my enemy, surpass this bugota really?’ And he is arguing that he can surpass it! So then, he tells them, “You should not play with this bugota of mine. You cannot surpass it because it is a very bad disease’.

That is to say, the bugota he uses is really strong, better he should just play with something else. In the third section, he mentioned that he grabbed a leg rattle that was very large, he just started to shake it, perhaps it was at the statehouse, inside. Everyone was standing, they

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 337

were all very happy, they all said, ‘Now there is no reason for sorrow again, now let us move along with joy’.)

In Nalina buyege, the same singer continues with praise in this setting, and begins to focus on Bomani. Michael Masalu* had these points about the text: Yeye anazungumzia maneno ya kushukuru kazi ya Paulo Bomani. Yeye alisema kwamba Paulo Bomani ni kama ‘mtegi’ wa maendeleo wa kulima. Manju huyu alisema kwamba aliposikia Bomani alienda pwani kama Dar es Salaam, kwenda kujifunza kazi ya kuwasaidia wakulima. Alisafiri kwa ndege na kurudi kwa ndege. Pamoja na wenzake aliwataja, wafurahi pamoja na yeye. (He offers

words of thanks, for the work of Paul Bomani. He says that Paul Bomani is like the ‘trapper’ [channeler] of development for farmers. The composer says that he had heard Bomani had gone to the coast, someplace like Dar es Salaam, to go and learn the work of helping farmers. He went in a plane and came back in a plane.* Together with all these people he mentions, they are all happy.) Kale abaliingi was performed by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo.° The

composer is unknown. Here, the singer tells Bomani to continue his work of pressing the Hindi traders to pay more for their cotton, and to stop worrying the citizens. Magdelena Lubimbi’ had this to say about Bomani's work: Na hapo mwanzoni, Wahindi ndiyo walikuwa wananunua pamba, na inawezekana labda bei yao hawakuongeza, walitaka wajinufaishe wao wenyewe tu. Na Paulo Bomani amekuja kubadilisha mambo yao, kwa hiyo hapa wanamsifia, wanasema awe imara. (Here at first the Hindis, it is possible when they bought the cotton, they would not raise the price they paid [the suppliers], they just wanted to reap the benefits themselves. So Paul Bomani came along to change their thinking, therefore here they [the Sukuma farmers] praise him, asking him to stand firm.) (259) Ndimu ja masala (‘Animals having intelligence’)

Ndimu ja masala Animals having intelligence Jikulwilaga butale Are fighting for power Alatindwe ni nani? Who will be defeated?

* This statement links the regard the singer has for Bomani with that accorded to other Sukuma heroes such as ng’wana Malundi, who was most famous for having traveled in a plane sometime during the early part of the twentieth century. > Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #243.

338 CHAPTER ELEVEN Nzungu wa ha Geita The European of Geita Hadikija mamihayo He forced the issues Gubayombya bamunhu They caused people to quarrel Gitulu nizukwa mabomu Especially when I remember the bombs Neg’holo yane ikalyaga malinjaji My heart eats bitterness (2x) (2x)

Kugaya shilanga, numho Lacking weapons, I would chase

ninabasusubya them

Welelo ikujaga yugalukija Welelo changes clothes mashiwangala

Baluyombaga giki They were saying that Umung weli bitawalile The western region has self-governed

Mungu wabunga wabunguligu God has covered the secret wishinja

Kunumu Nyerere (2x) Nyerere came later (2x)

Seba wisalikula God has turned back around Sugi wa ngulu na mawe! The piler of mountains and stones

Nulu twitabale And when we are self-governing

Yay ingobo No more hides Twikale munyazunguzungu, We should remain [dressed] in abalimi the European style, [we] farmers

Interpretation: Kalikali Mbagule composed this wigaashe song. The ngalu Kalikali Mbagule, otherwise known as ng’wana Kilyamangondi, ngwana Mpalamino (‘son of the scraper of teeth’), and ngwana Makungu, ‘son of the wilderness’ (Songoyi 1988: 28), was the most famous Sukuma wigaashe singer, active from the 1950s till his death in the mid-1980s. He was thought of as the consummate “composer's composer (Makanga*), and was one of the last of the great secondgeneration wigaashe singers.* Born in Bukwimba, he was beloved, because he was not afraid to speak his mind about issues affecting farmers.

* By second generation, I mean those who followed the first generation of wigaashe singers active from the 1920s—1940s. Others of this generation who were active in the 1950s-1970s who are recently deceased include Sii’ta Kishosha, Sii’ta Mhogota, ng wana Liaku, Lutandagula, Samike, and ng’wana Kanundo.

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 339

The song was collected by Mkongola (1980: 52).° The results of the 1958 elections encouraged Tanganyikans, as TANU had won the majority of the votes and independence was certain to follow. In May of 1959, a government formed with Julius Nyerere as Chief Minister, and the date of full independence was set. Kalikali’s message was that everyone should be prepared to receive independence with a change of attitude. Kalikali critiqued the way of life of the Sukuma peasants who had much wealth in cattle, yet led miserable lives. Even the rich

ones moved about in rags, some still wearing hides. They ate poor quality food, and slept on dusty floors in small, dirty huts. For Kalikali, independence also signified a radical modernist transformation in the lives of people. The song discusses the “Geita rebellion’, which erupted because of

the colonial government's attempts to institute multiracial councils over the population of Geita district, to claim full cooperation of the populace, in the face of the push for independence by TANU. The British government proposed that local councils should have Africans, Europeans, and Asians in equal numbers. There was to be a tripartite voting system whereby the voters were to cast three votes: one for a European candidate and another for an Asian, and a third for an African in each constituency. At the level of district councils, Geita District was selected for the experiment.

The people of Geita and the Lake Province, in general, objected, and marched from Geita through Sengerema to Mwanza, assembling for days at what has since been known as Nyamagana (Nyamagana, literally ‘a place of hundreds’, as hundreds of demonstrators assembled

> Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: “Wanyama wenye akili / Wanagombea ukubwa / Atashindwa nani? / Mzungu wa Geita / Analazimisha mambo / Yamewashinda watu / Nikumbukapo mabomu / Moyo wangu unachukia / Sina silaha, ningewafukuza / Ulimwengu unabadilika / Walikuwa wanasema / Geita wamejitawala / Mungu kafunika siri / Nyerere kaja nyuma / Mungu amecharuka / Mtunza milima na mawe / Hata tutakapojitawala / Tusivae ngozi / Tukae maridadi / Wakulima wote’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: “Animals having intelligence / Having a big fight / Who will the winner be? / Euopean of Geita / He is requiring things / Things that have defeated the people / When I remember the bombs / My heart feels bitterness / I have no weapons, or I would chase them out / The universe is changing / That is

what they say / Geita has been leading themselves / God has covered the secret / Nyerere came from behind / God has taken up this issue / Stacker of mountains and stones / Even should we come to lead ourselves / We shall not wear hides / We will sit beautifully / Farmers all’.

340 CHAPTER ELEVEN there). Nyerere was asked to visit the region. He drew large crowds, later dispelled forcefully by teargas (Geiger 1999: 153). Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had these memories about this song: Katika mkutano wa kupinga ‘siasa ya mseto’ iliyoan-

zishwa na serikali ya mkoloni, polisi waliwatupia watu mabomu ya kutoa machozi ili kawatawanya kwenye mkutano. Mpaka leo, wenyeji wengi Geita na Usukuma yote kwa ujumla hukumbuka sana tukio hilo. Manju aliendelea kusema kwamba, ‘Mungu anafanya mambo mengi ya kumlinda Nyerere, alimpa baraka nyingi akae muda mwingi. (During the meeting to protest the ‘politics of mixing’ initiated by the colonial

government, the police threw teargas at the crowd to disperse them. Until today, many inhabitants of Geita and the Sukuma region in general remember these sorry events. The composer continues by saying, ‘God has done much to protect Nyerere, and has given him much blessing him so he should sit [in power] for many years’.) (260) Nene nikale nali mpanga (“Myself, I should stay alive’)

Nene, nikale nali mpanga Myself, I should stay alive Neg’wa Welelo, ngwa Mulungu = Of Welelo, in God's creation

Nikale nalimpanga I should stay alive

Tubulole uBuhulu, wiyabi We should see Independence, freedom

Kaji ya ng’wa Nyerere! The work of that of Nyerere!

Ni lisamva liseke [so that] The ancestral spirits be merry

Na bana bane basome And my children should be educated

Tubulole uBuhulu, wiyabi We should see Independence, freedom

Kaji ya ng’'wa Nyerere! The work of that of Nyerere! Interpretation: This song collected by Mkongola (1980: 54)° expresses the sentiment of someone, before Uhuru (Independence), who wants

* Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Naomba nikae hai / Duniani mwa Mungu / Nikae mzima / Tujionee Uhuru, kazi ya Nyerere! / Masamva yakubali / Watoto wangu wasome / Tujionee Uhuru / Kazi ya Nyerere’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: ‘I pray I should be allowed to live / In the world belonging to God / I should stay healthy / So we can see Uhuru, the work of Nyerere! / Our ancestors will agree / Our children should study / Let us see Uhuru / The work of Nyerere’.

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 341

to stay alive to see the results of Nyerere’s nation-building work. Mkongola had this analysis (1980: 55): Malenga aliimba wimbo huu nyakati za kukaribia Uhuru. Uhuru ulitegemewa kuleta mabadiliko ya maisha ya watu, ndiyo maana anaonyesha

hali ya matumaini ambayo jamii yake imekuwa ikingoja kwa hamu kubwa. Nyimbo nyingi ziliimbwa kuusifia utawala wa watemi na pia kuukosoa. (The composer sang this song during the time Independence was nearing. Independence was depended upon to bring changes to people’s lives, this is indeed why he outlines the condition of wishes which people were having and waiting for with great interest.)

The following songs are attributed to Kalikali Mbagule, from the time just prior to and following independence (1961). No foreigner is spared: Europeans, Indians, and Arabs alike are castigated as ‘devils’, with the Arab slave traders getting the brunt of the blame.

(261) Bazungu shetani (‘The Europeans are devils’)

Bazungu shetani The Europeans are devils

Na Bahindi shetani And the Indians are devils Na Balabu shetani ntaale And the Arab people are the head devils

Batubulagaga They used to kill us Batukomaga misumali ku magulu They forced nails into our legs

Ulu twalila, bayuduta ndezu When we cried, they stroked their beards

Bubina mbiina [while] Dancing at the dance Bubeja shigukulu [while] Preparing a festival Gubi ng wanghana Let the truth be known

Twitabalile We have come to lead ourselves

Ng’wana Mbagule Ng’wana Mbagule (262) Bing’we Bahindi (‘You Indians’)

Bing we Bahindi You Indians

Kumbo ng wasulugija Since you have been trading

Mutali ukusaba Haven't you become rich enough Mukileka lulu, iTanganyika? To leave now, Tanganyika? Hamo abing’we ngwiza nghana Maybe you have come to live

ng hana permanently

Yombagi! Then say so!

342 CHAPTER ELEVEN Tumutolele! So that we may marry! Tumulange We could then teach you

Kuyola muyanga To collect the cow dung Na kusola magembe And to take the hoes

Kakukubya nakubi [and] Preparing and preserving vegetables

Hamo abingwe ng’wiza nghana Maybe you have come to live

ng hana permanently

Yombagi! Then say so!

Tumutolele! So that we may marry! (263) Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere (‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’)

Ntemi ng’ wana Nyerere Chief, ng’;wana Nyerere Ilabilage chiza iTanganyika Rule Tanganyika peacefully

Banasi bigashe Children of the land may dwell

Mhola na buyegi With peace and joy

Bakumanuseka bulya nduhu So they may laugh and eat

makoye without trouble

Banasi, twilya iTanganyika Countrymen, let us eat Tanganyika

Bahindi, jashilishiku Indians, your days are over

Namuwile Let me tell you

Iki ng’watogwa bupelanu Because you relish anger Na basing’we baba ikaale And your babas of long ago

Bakamala na ngombe They finished the cattle Bang’waga na mabele They drank milk Giti balibatukweleja As if they had given them [the cattle] to us

Banasi twila iTanganyika Countrymen, let us eat Tanganyika

(264) Degelekagi (‘Listen’)

Degelekagi nane, nayombe Listen to me, let me say

Ya ku Welelo Of Welelo

Alu wazili Kawawa And Minister Kawawa Waziri wa bamunhu A minister of the people

Nu Kambona, waziri mu And Kambona, minister in

Tanganyika Tanganyika

Neghukumi wa banhu The judge of the people

SONGS OF NATIONALIST PRAISE FOR TANU, NYERERE, UHURU 343

Nyerere, idimage isi Nyerere, hold the country Negeleja agodoke The British should leave

Aje, uyungayunga Let him go, loitering

Winge uTanganyika Let him leave Tanganyika Abahindi na Baalabu The Indians and the Arabs Makoye, ukuduta ishilezu Trouble, they only play with their beard

Babiling wa kahawa They are now drinking coffee Kunu bulola na nzila ya kupelela While looking at the way to escape

Bahindi bing’we, ng’walula gaga You Hindi people, you have become bitter Interpretation: Bazungu shetani’ and Bing’we Bahindi® were recalled by

Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo, and documented by Songoyi in (1990: 54)’ and (1990: 171)."° Retired Makoko Language instructor William Lubimbi* had this reflection on these songs: Yeye anawafananisha na shetani, kwa sababu ya vitendo vyao walivyokuwa na wanatutendea hapa Afrika: kutuuza na kutupiga misumari kama alivyopigiwa Yesu. Sasa, wakati huo wanapopigilia msumari, mtu unalia sasa unapolia, wao wanashika ndevu zao huku wanaanza kufurahi tu. Walituuwa, walitufunga miguu, walifanya sikukuu, walicheza na ngoma, wali-

furaishwa na hayo. (He compares them [the colonialists] to Satan because of the actions they did to us here in Africa: to sell us, and to crucify us with nails in the way that Jesus himself was crucified. Now, during this time that they were being crucified, the victim would be crying out, and while they were crying, the Arabs would stroke their ” Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 September 1995, author’s personal collection. * Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 September 1995, author’s personal collection. > Songoyi’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Wazungu shetani/ Na wahindishetani/ Waarabu/

Shetani mkubwa / Walikuwa wanatuua / Wanatupigilia misumali / Tunapolia / Wanavuta ndevu / Wanacheza / Wanakula sikukuu / Iwe kweli tumejitawala / Mtoto wa Mbagule’. Songoyi’s English translation is the same as the author’s. '0 Songoyi’ss English translation: “You Indians / You have been trading for quite a long time / Haven’t you become rich enough / To leave Tanganyika? / Maybe you

have come to live here permanently / Then say, so that we can marry your daughters / We will then teach you / To collect the cow dung / And take it to the farms / And to carry hoes on your shoulders / And to prepare and preserve vegetables / May be you have come to live here permanently / Then, say, so that we can marry your daughter’.

344 CHAPTER ELEVEN

SEVEN CE ERE

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are WT geff pe < eS Ye te cs aN ee iaibjt|e— ) rn feo ; OT ie aad u ‘ at ; i? 5

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Illus. 33. President Julius Nyerere (right). Date unknown. Photograph courtesy of Julius K. Nyerere.

they have gone and left our Tanzania. Indeed this song is to praise TANU.)

In uKung’wa Nyerere, collected by Gibbe (n.d.: 5), the singer is ecstatic, as was the entire mood of the country, about the Independence Day celebrations. In Baja kaya, collected by Gibbe (n.d.: 6), the singer gloats at the speed with which the colonialists ran home.

CHAPTER TWELVE

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE DURING THE UJAMAA EPOCH (1967-1985)

The Arusha Declaration was made by Julius Nyerere on 5 February 1967, outlining the principles of Ujamaa (Nyerere’s vision of socialism) to develop the nation’s economy. The declaration called for an overhaul of the economic system, through African socialism and selfreliance. The villagization program, implemented in 1973-1976, sought

to transform the pattern of rural settlement by congregating the rural population, which previously had been resident predominantly on dispersed family smallholdings in nucleated villages of sufficient size to be efficient (in bureaucratic terms) units for the delivery of services. Involved in this plan was the idea that the new villages could also become the basis for a socialist system of production. Because of their impressive communicative potential in communities, baliingi became targets of appropriation by the TANU government. By the time of the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere’s governmental policies had turned toward the use of music competitions to promote official cultural values. These were held sporadically at four rounds at each of the village, district, regional, and national levels. Adjudication criteria, initially developed by the British for East African schools,

were subsequently elaborated on by the Nyerere government, and fine-tuned at the local level for each performance. For example, during one 1967 festival, participants were expected to come up with songs praising the revolution, the nation, and the politics of self-determination (Mkutano wa Mwanza Music Festival 1967). Any festivals with official afhliation to the government were subjected to censorship, ‘to make sure that all songs had to do with the history of the development

of political consciousness in our nation’ (Nyimbo za Wanafunzi za

' “Makusudi ya ombi hili ni kwamba nyimbo hizi ni za kihistoria katika maendeleo ya kisiasa na jamii ya taifa letu’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 355 Kisiasa 1967). Local music organizations in Mwanza like TUNNU,’ whose members were made up of primary and secondary schoolteachers, advised school choirs with concise rules for how to play and what to wear: ‘(...) ili kuleta mapinduzi ya haraka kwa ndugu zetu wacheza na waimbaji (['...] so to speedily bring the revolution to our comrades who are singers and players’.) TUNNU also held independent noncompetitive music festivals that used similar criteria to bring out a pleasing standard in the music (Mkutano wa Mwanza Music Festival 1967).

In 1977, the CCM was formed from a coalition between TANU (from the mainland) and the Afro-Shirazi party (ASP, on Zanzibar). It sought to establish a socialist democratic state by encouraging selfhelp at all levels of society. The politics of the CCM were built on those principles laid down in the Arusha Declaration. Cultural events, which included dance performances, contests, and festivals, were orga-

nized by the regional government agencies. The Tanzanian government also encouraged and sponsored music competitions between the workers of various cooperatives for the sake of morale. Cooperatives in Mwanza that sponsored registered music groups included Victoria Investment, Mwatex (Mwanza Textiles),> and Pamba Ltd. The Mwatex organization, described in one letter as a kind of model workers’ recreation site complete with netball, darts, and table tennis facilities, took pride in the fact that its workers understood the importance of cultural heritage (Afisi Utamaduni Mwanza n.d.): Utamaduni katika kiwanda unayo sura nzuri, wafanyakazi pamoja na wananchi wa sehemu hiyo wamesisimuka vya kutosha na wanaelewa umuhimu wa michezo wa utamaduni kwa ujumla katika maisha bora ya Watanzania. (Cultural heritage, in our factory, has made a pleasant appearance, as workers together with the people who live in this area have really stirred up plenty of pleasant thought and inquiry in this regard, and they understand the importance of musical heritage in general for the better life of the Tanzanian citizen.)

The Mwanza Cotton Board, which operates eleven ginneries in and around the Sukuma region, sponsored music competitions for prizes

* Tafrija ya Umoja na Nyimbo na za Utamaduni, or ‘Cultural Heritage Celebration of Song and Dance Togetherness’. ° Mwatex became well known as an innovator in the bugobogobo ‘magembe’ dance technique (see also Chapters VIII and IX).

356 CHAPTER TWELVE like bikes and radios among its workers throughout the 1960s and 1970s.

Most of the songs in this chapter are about socialism, designed to praise the ruling political party and its leaders. This chapter also contains songs that critique TANU and the CCM. To complain about the policies and actions of TANU and the CCM could elicit swift retribution from the security forces, with jail time a frequent occurrence for several of the singers featured here, namely Kalikali Mbagule. Yet these singers really cared about their country and the freedoms promised them by their government, and felt it was their right and duty to put into words their grievances. (272) Azimio lya Arusha (‘The Arusha Declaration’)

Azimio Lya Arusha The Arusha Declaration Lya ungilwe lya nkono na Has been grasped by the hands of

Nyerere Nyerere Neg weshimiwa The Honorable one

Ofumilile Musoma He started from Musoma

Akushiminzaga magulu He walked by foot Mpaga ushika mu Bugalika Until he reached Bugalika* Nti nogu gutabinzagwa nyaga A resilient tree is never broken by the wind

Abiswe tuli manti We are the trees uNyerere nyaga gwiswe Nyerere is our wind Ulu uko kolol’unyaga Wherever the wind turns

To managa duhu We shall only follow

Interpretation: This song was composed and performed by Kalikali Mbagule in 1967, collected by Songoyi (1990: 65).° In 1967, two years

after Kalikali’s release from detention, Nyerere made his Arusha Declaration. All over the country, there were demonstrations and long-distance walks to support the ideas and policies outlined in the Declaration. Kalikali joined in celebrating the Declaration and prais-

* Neighborhood on the outskirts of Mwanza. > Songoyi’s English translation: “Ihe Arusha Declaration / Has been supported / By Nyerere, the Honourable / He started from Musoma / Walking up to Bugalika / A resilient tree / Is never broken by the wind / We are the trees / Nyerere is our wind / Wherever the wind turns / We shall only follow’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 357 ing Nyerere, singing this song in September 1967 after Nyerere arrived in Mwanza (having walked all the way from Musoma).

(273) Somagi, Bayanda! (‘Study, boys’)

Somagi, bayanda! Study, boys!

Kuleka? Biya! To leave it? No!

Mulinga kwisomelo When you come from school New'ukahamba buluba Go plant the cotton

Hanuna hangi Afterward again

Ng’wuja ngukachemba katani Go cut the sisal

Bana bane My children

Wiyabi na milimo Freedom and work

Interpretation: This is a verse to a wigaashe song by the ngaalu Kalikali ng wana Mbagule, performed by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo,° and

documented by Mkongola (1980: 85).’ The verse is remembered by many farmers as a busumba chorus, but the rest of the song has been forgotten. Kalikali, known primarily for his songs that complained about the British colonial government and praised the subsequent TANU and CCM governments, had five wives and several children. In this song, he reminds his children that the fight for independence was not so citizens could sit around. They needed to be vigilant as well as productive for their livelihood and country. They needed to study to better themselves, and work to better their individual and collective economic livelihood, so their newly freed nation would be strong. As local CCM administrator Steven Mbuni* put it: Wimbo huu ni kama wa kisiasa. Baada ya Uhuru, kulikuwa watu wengi ambao hawapendi watoto wao waendi shule. Lakini huyu mtungaji wa wimbo huu, alikuwa aliwasukuma! Alitaka kuwafundisha watoto wake wende wasome. Lakini wameshatoka kule shuleni kusoma, wasikae tu, wakafanya kazi. Kuna kazi ya kupanda pamba, hakuna kukaa bure! Ule Uhuru siyo kukaa bure, wafanye kazi! (This song is about politics. After Independence, there were many people that did not want their children to go to school. However, the composer of this song, pushed

* Recorded by author, Bujora center, 10-15 November, IUATM song #456. ” Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Vijana someni / Someni msiache / Mtokapo shuleni / Mnaenda kupanda pamba / Halafu tena / Mnaenda kukata katani / Watoto wangu / Uhuru na kazi.

358 CHAPTER TWELVE them! He wanted to teach his children that they should go and study. After leaving school, they should not just sit, but work. There is the work of planting cotton to be done, no sitting idle! The meaning of Independence is not to sit idle, people should work!)

(274) Kalihaya (‘It is said’)

Kalihaya It is said Kuboy ubulingi To stop baliingi work

Nabutule ha mhelo I should lay it aside

Nafate gwa kukundula [so that] I may follow the opening

mashitabo of books

Kunguno watemile Nyerere Because in the reign of Nyerere

Twandye butemi bungi We should begin a new reign Nafate baluba na kusoma sala [so that] I may follow letters and pray prayers

Igisi ubuchiluchilu Ignorance is disliked extremely

Atuhayag untaale So say the leaders

Julias ng’wana Nyerere Julius ng’wana Nyerere

Wasoma Makerere Who studied at Makerere Wigaluch’ iWelelo Has changed Welelo

Interpretation: This song, collected by Noble (1968: 208), dealt with a national news issue, that of a high-powered government education drive. It was widely sung in the Sukuma region in the early 1960s.° Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi mentioned that: Mwimbaji huyu, yeye ni kama anajionya yeye mwenyewe anataka aache kazi ya umanju, afuate mambo ya kusoma kama alivyosoma Nyerere. Yeye [Nyerere] alisoma mpaka Makerere huko Uganda,

na yeye huyu manju naye anataka aache upumbavu yeye, afuate tu mambo ya kusoma, sala na mambo mengine yenye faida. (This singer, he praises himself, saying he should leave the work of singing, and he should follow instead the example of Nyerere, to study like he did. He [Nyerere] studied all the way to Makerere University in Uganda, and

* Noble’s English translation: ‘I want to stop conducting songs / And lay aside that job / So that I may follow the opening of books / Because in the reign of Nyerere / We should begin new careers / So that I may follow letters and praying / Our leader dislikes ignorance extremely / Julius son of Nyerere who studied at Makerere / Has changed the world’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 359 this composer says he should leave behind his foolishness, and follow instead the business of studying, praying, and similar things having value.)

(275) Kanumbagi Nyerere (‘Go thank Nyerere’)

Kanumbagi Nyerere Go thank Nyerere Watwenhela buchaguzi He brought us elections Tuzunya, bise banuunguli We accepted, we banuunguli

Tuchagula igembe We elected the hoe

Hii namba wani (2x) This is number one (2x) Paulo ng’wana Bomani, Paulo ng wana Bomani, live long! hangama!

Waten helile maendeleo ga You brought us road development balabala Hii namba wani ya balimi (2x) This is number one with farmers (2x)

Interpretation: This song was composed in 1968 for the occasion of a TANU celebration. It was composed and performed by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo,”’ and it was collected and published by Bischoff (1996: 30).'° The composer praises Nyerere for allowing the right to vote for political leaders in the upper echelons of power. Paul Bomani, who by the mid-1960s was a member of Parliament and was Minister of Finance in the mid1960s, is singled out for special praise for his support of road development in the region (see also songs #256-258; 279, 286-290). The concluding sentiment in this song, calling road development the primary concern with farmers, is commented on here by retired

Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi*: Wimbo huu hasa unamsifu zaidi Mwalimu Nyerere kwa kuleta hasa Uhuru. Na wakati huo huo, mbunge wa kwanza ambaye alichaguliwa huko

> Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #245,

“D Bischoff’s Danish translation: “Vi som er hjemme med Nyerere / vi gar til valgurnerne / Vi samles Bunungulefolk, for at veelge hakken / for det er vores nummer vi bender / Paul (son af Bomani) gjorde ret da vi stemte pa ham /i at gennemfore udviklingen af vejbyggeriet /for det er vores nummer -vi bender’ (We who are home with Nyerere / We go to the ballot box / We gather Bunungulefolk, to select / For it is our number-we peasants / Paul (son of Bomani) was right when we voted for him / In the implementation of the development of road building / For it is our number-we peasants)

360 CHAPTER TWELVE

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Mwanza alikuwa Paulo Bomani. Wakati wa uchaguzi huo, au wakati wa kupiga kura, kuna alama mbili ambazo zilikuja. Iikuja jembe’ na ‘nyumba’, na jembe ndiyo ilikuwa alama ya Paulo Bomani, kuwa na ilitumika kama alama ya chama tawala, na Paulo Bomani na kweli alishinda. Paulo Bomani alikuwa ndiyo mwenyekiti wa chama cha pamba, na alama yake ya uchaguzi ilikuwa jembe. Jembe ndilo Wasukuma wanaliamini zaidi, na linaleta mali nyingi zaidi. Na kwa kuwa walitumia hii alama ya jembe, ndiyo maana alishinda kwa kishindo kikubwa sana. Kwa hiyo sasa hivi pia, mwimbaji anaendelea kum-

shukuru Paulo Bomani, na pia anamtakia kila la heri, kwa sababu

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 361 ameleta maendeleo, amewatengenezea mabarabara. Na jembe ni alama ya chama tawala, na ndiyo ni namba ya kwanza kwa wakulima. (This song especially praises Mwalimu™ Nyerere for bringing independence. Now at this time, the first parliamentarian who was chosen there, who

came forth there in Mwanza, was Paul Bomani. At the time of this election, there were two different party symbols used. There was the ‘hoe’ and the ‘home’, and the ‘hoe’ was indeed the symbol used by Paul

Bomani, as it was the symbol of the leading party. Paul Bomani was indeed the chairman of the cotton cooperative, and its sign of choice was that of the hoe. The hoe is something the Sukuma people could trust in more, this is indeed why he could win with huge margins. So now, this singer thanks Paul Bomani, and further, he wishes him every success because he brought development, and he prepared roads for them [the Sukuma people]. Now, the hoe is the sign of the leading party, and is indeed the first choice for farmers.) These anonymous songs collected by Gibbe (n.d.) praise some of the post independence TANU leaders on the scene in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

(276) Wabeja, Karume (‘Thank you, Karume’)

Wabeja, Karume Thank you, Karume Wabeja, Nyerere Thank you, Nyerere

Kuleta buhulu wa Tanzania For bringing Tanzania’s freedom

Na kijiji cha Ujamaa And the Socialist village Neg’wenge ubatimwa Freedom torch shine on them Nchenge ubapyangula, Torch sweep them, the treasonous abapindula si

Bali hali, twabitegela Where are they, we are setting them aside

Kwa nini hangi mlita na Why are you again bringing revolt? mapinduzi?

Tutuhayaga hangi, aba kalimi We do not want it again, we farmers

'' Kiswahili, teacher. Used as a respectful title for school and choir teachers. Nyerere was a secondary school teacher before he became a political leader, and he continued to be addressed respectfully as Mwalimu throughout his life.

362 CHAPTER TWELVE (277) Baba Raisi (‘Baba President’)

Baba Raisi, ng’walimu wetu Baba president, our teacher Ni Nyanza, tuliungana aba kadi And Nyanza, we join those having cards

uMayu wa Mgaya Mayu ot Mgaya

Nina wa Kambarage Mother of Kambarage

Alitimija banhu He is giving light to people

Nu Kawawa And Kawawa

Alitimija banhu He is giving light to people Na Abdul Jumbe And Abdul Jumbe

Balitimija banhu They are giving light to people

Shigembe sabo A hoe is wealth

Interpretation: In Wabeja Karume, Julius Nyerere and Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume, the first president of Zanzibar and vice president of Tanzania, are thanked by the singer for their leadership. The leaders are asked to be vigilant in their fight against treasonous people. In 1969, Tanzania's first treason trial took place, and several leading politicians were imprisoned for their supposed involvement. In Baba Raisi, from the early 1970s, president Nyerere, his mother, Rashidi Kawawa the prime minister, and the nation’s second vice president Aboud (Abdul) Jumbe are all praised. All ‘those having cards’ (party members) are also praised. In the last line, the common epithet ‘a hoe is wealth’ signifies respect toward the farmers (see also chapter IX). (278) Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere (‘Perhaps the honorable Nyerere’)

Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere Perhaps [concerning] the honorable Nyerere

munhu people

Amaendelea akaginginja kuba Development came from the Kumagulu tano, kumakono tano Five on the feet, five on the hands Alu Kumbalyela, kumi na nane But for Kumbyalela, eighteen Wamala kupunguka’ho wang’wa_ Finishing less that of Nyagaki Nyagaki

Alu nene, ng’wana Wilwa But I, ng’wana Wilwa

(3x) (3x)

Nali shitili mpaga mumino gane_ 1am strong even into my teeth

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 363 Interpretation: This humorous pubha song, composed by Subi ng’wana

Wilwa and remembered by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga,” brags about the composers’ ability to mobilize people, to surpass even that of Nyerere. Nyerere, who had ‘five on the legs (toes), five on the hands’ (fingers), depended on the goodwill and the faith of the people to do his work. A local chief from the previous generation, Kumbyalela, who was held in even higher regard than Nyerere by this singer,

had the ability of someone with eighteen fingers and toes. But alas, even Kumbyalela was surpassed by the powers held by this singer.

(279) Kalibu, tuliho (Welcome, we are here’)

Kalibu, tuliho Welcome, we are here Ba muEngeleja Those from England

Nzugwi mutugishe Come greet us

Neg’wiloliTanzania umo See how Tanzania has become yashikilile

Tukalekana kwike We parted peacefully Tutikenije, Bangeleja We did not quarrel, Englishmen

Tutipigile masasi We did not shoot at one another Ka twigeniha ulu mabugeni Let us visit one another as guests

Bugeni wa shikw ibili Guests just visiting one another two days

Shikw’idatu, shikw’ine Three days, four days Ng’wandya kushoka uko Then you start going back home mukikalaga

Miaka yashika ikurai na gumo Eleven years have now passed gete

Ne’wingilumu Tanzania Since you left Tanzania

Nzugwi mutulole Come and see us

Tokwija mabadi We have plenty of iron roofed houses

Hii baisikeli And the bicycles

basikeli bicycle

Jabile kila munhu akugwesaga, li | Everyone is pushing one, a

Wanaume na wanawake Men and women

'. Recorded by author, village of Ng’wajiginya, 17-18 August 1995, IUATM song #361.

364 CHAPTER TWELVE Babilugula pigipigi Are now buying motorcycles Mabalabala na gene The number of roads Gakwilumu Tanzania Has increased in Tanzania

Imodoka ni jene The number of motorcars

Jakwilumu Tanzania Has increased in Tanzania

Ni sheli ni jene The number of ploughs

Jakwilumu Tanzania Has increased in Tanzania Guti ndembi gwa nghana This is not a lie

Nulu mukiza kulola Even if you come to see Aho ng’winga Bangeleja When you left, Englishmen

Gigela ho mabasi There came to be many bus Services

Malupondije na bana bakwe Lupondije and his associates

Na ma Tanganyika Bus As well as Tanganyika Bus

Na ma Magoma And Magoma Bus

Na ma Shuka Ngunda And Shuka Ngunda Ni shule umu Tanzania Schools in Tanzania Jabiza kiligunguli shule In every village a school

Uk-ulilola shule Wherever you look there is a school

Na banamhala shule Even old men go to school

Ni shibitali Dispensaries

Jabiza kiVigunguli shibitali In every village a dispensary

Umu Tanzania In Tanzania

Sosaiti ni jene Cooperative societies

Jabiza kiligunguli Are in every village

Banhu baliguj’u buluba People are selling their cotton with ease

Ulu ng’wana numho oshiminzile If [Tanzania] were a child

Akupelaga nhambo It has started walking

Obiliuwilwa jilaga minzi People send it to fetch water

Ojila simbila It fetches water

Yahilil’ingoko, yufunya mhando If it were a cock, it already crows

Ala hakikoloni During colonialism

Ni Kiswahili talitutajigwaga We did not understand even Kiswahili

Nene natibaga mihaywiya kale I normally do not forget past events

Degelekagi namuwile: Let me tell you: Nakazunyiwa Kaswahili I seduced a Swahili girl

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 365

Twilemelelwa ha kuyomba We could not understand one another

Kakanikalibisha kuniwila mhayo She invited me at her home and asked me

‘Unashindaje, Bwana’ ‘How are you, Sir?’

Nane nuhaya I answered

‘Lushinge natinalo nalekaga kaya’ ‘J do not have the needle, I left it at home’

Kunikalalila kuniwila kungi The girl was puzzled

Kashike kuniwila na She looked at me, and said Ninakutamani wana’ ‘I love you, sir’

Nane nuhaya I answered

Matama mapanga ‘My cheeks are alright

Biya kutusataga’ They are not aching’ Kunikalalila kuniwila kungi The girl was puzzled

Kashike kuniwila na She looked at me and said

‘Nenda zako’ ‘Get out’

Kulugala na kulugala And slammed the door before me

Alaho twitawala When we became independent Tushugulikilwa na Nyerere Nyerere worked hard for us

Kusoma shule na batale Even adults went to school

Ni Kiswahili jabi kakeng’enhele We now speak Kiswahili fluently

Nulu hahaya kuyomba For instance when one says ‘Wageni walikuja jana’ ‘Wageni walikuja jana’

Numho giki It means

Bageni abo bakizigolo’ ‘The visitors arrived yesterday ‘Wengine walikuja juzi’ ‘Wengine walikuja juzi’

Numho That is

‘Mazuli bashikile lyashiVilidata’ ‘Those who came the day before yesterday

Butambala shilanga Truly, the confusion is no more Twalitulalile, twandya na We had been asleep, we began

kumisha to wakeup Haha liso kungulu We have now awakened Seba Mulungu Lord God

Ukabeja kutusumbil’uNyerere Thank you for creating Nyerere for us

Ukatutundila nkomoji You created us a savior Otukomola tulilumba gete He has saved us

Py'a bana Tanzania All of us in Tanzania

Nati nene wiyene Are giving thanks

366 CHAPTER TWELVE Thaha tukushughulikaga It is not I alone Na kijiji ba Tanzania Village[s] for Tanzania Tushibejebeje, Batanzania Let us build them nicely, Tanzanians

Batanzania ikijiji tuzengagi Tanzanians let us build the villages

Banhu ba ng’wa Nyerere Nyerere’s people

Twikondelagi Let’s work together Ba ng’wa Paulo Paul’s people Twikondelagi Let’s work together Ba ng'wa Kawawa Kawawa's people Twikondelagi Let’s work together Interpretation: Kalikali Mbagule composed this song, collected by Songoyi (1990: 65).'° Kalikali reached his peak as a praise singer in

'S Songoyi English translation: “Welcome back, Englishmen / Come and see how Tanzania has become / We parted peacefully / We did not quarrel, Englishmen / We did not shoot at one another / Let us visit, one another / If it is just visiting one another / Two days / Three days / Four days / Then you start going back home / Eleven years have now passed / Since you left Tanzania / Come and see us / We have plenty / Of corrugated iron roofed houses / And the bicycles / Every one is pushing a bicycle / Men and women / Are now buying motorcycles / The number of roads / Has increased in Tanzania / The number of motorcars / Has increased in Tanzania / The number of plows / Has increased in Tanzania / This is not a lie / Even if you come to see / Englishmen / When you left / There came into existence / Many Bus services / Lupondije and his followers / Tanganyika Bus / Magoma Bus / And Shuka Ngunda / Schools are in every village / Wherever you look / There is a school / Even old men go to school / Dispensaries are in every village / In Tanzania / Cooperative societies / Are in every village / People are selling / Their cotton with ease / If (Tanzania) were a child / It has started walking / People send it to fetch water / It fetches water / If it were a cock / It already crows / Its legs have grown thorns / If it were a bull / It is now digging up the anthills / With its horns / It is no longer a calf / During colonialism / We did not understand even Kiswahili / I normally do not forget past events / Let me tell you: I seduced a Swahili girl / We could not understand one another / She invited me at her home / She told me something: “How are you, Sir?” / I answered: / “I do not have the needle / I have left it at home” / The girl was puzzled / She looked at me and said “I love you, Sir” / I answered / “My cheeks are all right / They are not aching” / The girl was puzzled / She looked at me and said / “Fuck-off” / And slammed the door before me / When we became independent / Nyerere worked hard for us / Even adults went to school / We now speak Kiswahili fluently / For instance when one says: “Wageni walikuja jana” / It means, “The visitors arrived the day yesterday” / “Wengine walikuja juzi” / That is “Those who came / the day before yesterday” / Truly, the confusion is no more / We had been asleep / We began to wakeup / We have now woken up / Lord God, thank you / For creating Nyerere for us / You created us a savior / He has saved us / All of us in Tanzania / Are giving thanks / It is not I alone / Now we are building / Ujamaa villages / Let us make them good / Tanzanians / Tanzanians let

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 367 1971 when Tanzania was celebrating the tenth anniversary of its inde-

pendence. He composed a long wigaashe song in which he applied

his talent as a traditional Sukuma singer to recount Tanzania’s achievements since 1961, and to praise Nyerere’s leadership. The song recounts Tanganyika’s achievements since independence. The official

line was that the country had made a lot of progress in every field. The former colonial officials were invited to come and witness these achievements. Kalikali’s song repeats, in artistic images, what the offcial reports had said. Kalikali enumerates the achievements made, noting that bicycles, motorcycles, cars, buses, and number of roads had increased in number. The country now had schools, hospitals, health centres, and dispensaries in every village. Cooperative societies and Ujamaa villages have been established all over the country. Kalikali’s conclusion was that Tanzania had now grown up. The images of the child, the rooster, and the bull are used in this song to give a concrete

perception of the progress made by the country. The power behind this tremendous progress, according to Kalikali, is Nyerere’s leadership. Kalikali describes Nyerere as a Savior, sent by God to save the Tanzanians. The Tanzanians can thank Nyerere only by accepting and following his policies and working hard in building Ujamaa villages.

One example of the humorous aspect of this song, is illustrated by the story of the singer’s encounter with a Kiswahili-speaking woman. The story is based on the common local ’yokel’ theme about a man from the rural areas who goes to town for the first time and finds that everything is strange. He mistakes a table-fork for a comb, bread for a sponge, and margarine for skin ointment. He also misunderstands Kiswahili words and confuses them with words in his mother tongue of Kisukuma, because of their sounds. For him, the greeting, ‘Unashindaje bwana’, sounds like ‘Do you have a needle?’ in Kisukuma, and ‘Ninakutamani bwana’, sounds like matama, ‘cheeks’, in Kisukuma, hence, his clumsy answers to every question from the young woman. This funny story effectively conveys the idea that Nyerere has saved the peasants from embarrassement, a result of the ignorance that had prevailed under colonialism. Through adult education programmes, the peasants learned Kiswahili, and can now communicate easily with one another.

us build / The villages / Nyerere’s people / Let’s work together / Paul’s people / Let’s work together / Kawawa’s people / Let’s work together’.

368 CHAPTER TWELVE These two wigaashe songs from the TANU period praise Julius Nyerere, as well as the worker who uses the hoe for a living.

(280) Bise basimba ngobi (“We who dig out the tough weeds’)

Bise basimba ngobi We who dig out the tough weeds

Balimi ba busiga Farmers of sorghum millet Balimiji ba ngese Farmers who weed the fields

Tuli namba wani ukung’wa We are number one with Nyerere

Nyerere (2x) (2x)

Kuleka amasambo aya Leave these thieves

Amalimilija Those not having their own land Ukulima gajimililwe They have forgotten farming Bise nukwiba, tutibaga! We, to steal, we do not! Tukalyaga sha mpini We eat that of the hoe handle

Basuka magembe The hoe tossers

Tukilishaga, bise bung’wene (2x) Wefeed ourselves, we ourselves (2x)

(281) Ahsante sana, ndugu (‘Thank you very much, comrade’)

Ahsante sana, ndugu Thank you very much, comrade

Ng’wana Nyerere Neg’wana Nyerere

Tulina fulaha, bachukua jembe We are happy, carriers of the hoe

Alijiongoza safi He leads himself [us] well Akasema neno moja He said one word

Kilimo Farming

Cha kufa na kupona balimi (2x) To die or live [depends on| farmers (2x)

Tulimagi Let us farm

Buli munhu eka sita Every person six acres Wa nguzu, na kwendelea mbele ‘Those having strength, will go even further Ng’weshimiwa kuyombaga (2x) The honorable one speaks (2x) Gisi batutogagwa bayongayonga ‘Then maybe they will not be pleased Abo bakikalaga ha masolo (2x) ‘Those who spend their time at bao (2x)

Hamatulaleke kinehe? How can we be neglectful? Abajiongozi baligwisha kwilima _ [if] The leaders are spending a day farming

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 369 Nu Eria, kubuchagi gembe And the Area Commissioner, carries a hoe

Na bajitambi, tulibabona And those with pot bellies, we see them

Bakuganyalaga na magembe They are walking majestically with hoes

Na bamajeshi, tulibabona And the military people, we see them

Bakuganyalaga na magembe They are walking majestically with hoes

Tujadiliane na magembe Let us debate with hoes Na shule kusoma bataale And adult education Interpretation: Bise basimbi ngobi was performed by Lushito ng’wana

Nzwilindo.“ He attributed the song to the famed composer Samike ng wana Ikanga, from around 1968. The song was also documented by Songoyi (1990: 68-69)" and Lupande (1994: 40).'° Samike ng’wana Ikanga was an infamous ngaalu from the village of Ng’;wamagili in Shinyanga, well known for his witchcraft both in the dance arena and

in life. He was a student of Kiyamang’ondi ng’wana Wishi, and he competed often with Sitta Kishosha ng’wana Malundi. Testimonials concur that he was a true sorcerer. He could disappear at a whim (Nzwilendo”*), or according to ng’wana Kuliga Gamaya*, Akisema

'* Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, 23 October 1994, IUATM song #151. 'S Songoyis Kisukuma transcription: ‘Bise basimbi ngobi / Balimi ba busiga / Balimiji ba ngese/ Tulinamba wane / Uku ng’wa Nyerere / Kuleka amasambo aya / A mamilija / Ukulima gajimililwe / Bise nukwiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga ja mpini / Basuka majembe / Tukilishaga bise bung’wene / Kuleka amasambo aya / A mamilija / Ukulima gajimililwe / Bise nukwiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga ja mpini’. Songoyi’s English translation: “We who dig out the tough grass / We who sow the sorghum / We who weed the fields / We are number one in Nyerere’s rating / Not these big thieves / These suckers / Who do not know how to cultivate / We do not steal from anyone / We eat the products of the hand hoe / We the hoe pushers / We feed ourselves / Not these thieves / These suckers / Who do not know how to cultivate / We do not steal from anyone / We eat the products of the hand hoe’. '© Lupande’s Kisukuma transcription: ‘Bise basimba ngobi / Balimiji ba ngese / Tulinamba wane / Ukung’wa Nyerere / Kuleka amasambo /Aya mamilija / Ukulima gajimiliwe / Bise nuk’wiba tutibaga / Tukalyaga shaampini / Bakamata jembe lukilishaga benebo / Kuleka amasambo’. Lupande’s English translation: ‘It is us elephant grass up-rooters / Field weeders / Millet farmers / We are number one to Nyerere / Leave away the bandits / Exploiter / They do not know farming / We even do not steal / We eat what we grow / Hoe workers / We feed ourselves / Leave away the bandits’.

370 CHAPTER TWELVE ‘Utakufa leo’, utakufa tu (If he were to say, “You will die today’, you would just die). He composed and sang this song in 1968 during the first recorded Peasants’ Day, known as Nane Nane (literally, ‘Eight Eight’), celebrated annually on the eighth of August, a huge celebratory event complete with dance competitions, and exhibitions of farm products and livestock. The song praises the Sukuma people as good tillers of soil. The phrase basimba ngobi (‘those who dig out the tough weeds’) refers to ‘farmers’, or to those who ‘dig out’ corruption. Ngobi is a kind of creeping grass (elephant grass, Pennisetum purpureum), tough, and difficult to uproot. Cultivation is described thus as ‘digging out this kind of grass (see also song #222, 309). The work is difficult, yet enjoyable. The farmers eat as a result of their own sweat. They eat

what they produce from the mpini, the handle of the hoe. The word masambo, derived from busambo (‘stealing’) means ‘thieves’, but it has

a wider meaning than this. Implied here is the socialist critique of acquiring property through dubious means. The persons involved in such activities are not respected in the community, although they may be wealthy.

In Ahsante sana ndugu, collected by Mkongola (1980: 91)" attributed to Gembe Lutandagula from Ndagalu, the singer thanks Julius Nyerere and those who use the hoe for a living. The singer castigates ‘those who play bao’ as idle gossips, bao being a popular board game found throughout North and East Africa. Folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga* had this point: Manju huyu Gembe Lutandagula anawafundisha kufanya kazi hasa kilimo, na anatoa shukuru kwa Nyerere kwa kuwa ni viongozi safi. (This composer Gembe Lutandagula teaches them to

'7 Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: “Asante sana / Ndugu mtoto wa Nyerere / Tuna furaha wakulima / Ni kiongozi safi / Alisema neno moja / Kilimo cha kufa na kupona wakulima / Tulimeni / Kila mtu eka sita / Mwenye nguvu aendelee nibele / Mheshimiwa anasema / Huenda hawapendi wale wavivu / Washindao kwenye bao / Tutaachaje? / Viongozi wanashinda shambani / Kamishina wa Wilaya / Anachukua jembe / Na wenye vitambi tunawaona / Wanatembea na majembe / Na Wanajeshi tunawaona / Wanatembea na majembe / Tujadiliane na majembe / Na kisomo cha watu wazima’. Author’s English translation of Mkongola: “Thank you very much / Brother, child of Nyerere / We the farmers are very happy / A wonderful leader / He said one word / Farming will live and die at the hands of the farmers / Farm! / Every man six acres / The one having strength should fore ahead / The Honorable One says this / To continue, they do not like the lazy ones / The ones sitting and playing bao / How shall we leave them? / Our leaders are successful at the farm / The regional commissioner / He carries a hoe / And those having bellies we see them / They walk around with hoes / And the soldiers we have seen them / They walk around with hoes / Let us debate with hoes / And adult education’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 371 do work, especially farming, and he thanks those of Nyerere for being good leaders). Local historian Michael Masalu* reiterates: Huyu manju alimshukuru Rais Nyerere kwa muundo wa kuwaweka wakulima katika mstari wa mbele. Mwalimu Nyerere alisisitiza sana juu ya ukulima, alisema kila mtu achukue jembe mpaka hata wenye vitambi wanachukua jembe

wanalima. Ma-area commissioner, ma-regional commissioner nao, wanalima. Kwa nini sisi tusifanye hivyo? Kwa hiyo, na sisi tuchukue majembe twende tukalime. Sivo kukaa kama wale ambao wanacheza karata tu mitaani. Hiyo haitakiwi. (This singer is thankful to President Nyerere for his plan to place farmers first in line. Nyerere recommended very much, farming, he said that every able person should grab a hoe, until even those with beer bellies could be seen grabbing hoes and farming. The area commissioners and regional commissioners all, they farm. Why cannot we do the same? Therefore, we should grab hoes and go and farm. Not to sit around like those who just play cards in the neighborhoods. This is not wanted.) (282) Siasa ya Tanzania (“The policy of Tanzania is farming’)

Siasa ya Tanzania ya kulima The policy of Tanzania is agriculture

Duli makundi abili We are in two groups Bangi bakatumamilaga kalamu — Others work with pens

Nabo bagabilwa nili mu Dimi They were given this [power] by God

Maendeleo gagujaga butongi Development is going forward

Nguno ya masala Due to intelligence

Baba, dugulangagwa ni kilimo Baba, we are being educated in farming

Kadujendelezagi Let us propagate it

Ubunyonyaji ichene Exploitation itself is no longer

gabududakilagwa wanted

Abahujumu basi Racketeers are running away bagumanagupela

Bangi, bagutajiwagwa ijikolo Others, their properties are confiscated

Bageme lo kabili Let them try a second time

Ulu baguhebya If they will manage

Ulu busaba bo halali If they got the wealth legally

372 CHAPTER TWELVE Bagusaba kabili They will get it again

Ulu bowepapa, baba If they were evading, father

Bagucha lya mugutu They will die poor

uNg wana Nyerere Ng’wana Nyerere

Ulema uwibi bo macho macho Has refused stealing openly

Buli ng’wene alime, baba Everybody should work, father

Nu okalamu nang’hwe And the one with a pen should

ayitumamile use it

Banhu duginhwa nili Mudimi People were given [this power] by God

Buli ng’wene, gipaji jakwe Everybody having their own talent

Utizumona undalaha Do not undermine him

Nuyu agandikaga nuyu The one writing or digging agulimaga

Nabo binhwa nali Kube They were both given by God Bushirikiano na maendeleo Cooperation and development

Bana CCM Members of CCM

Interpretation: This bugobogobo song, composed by Sylvester Buhondo ng wana Misuga and collected by Kija (1980: 35),'* praises the work of Nyerere and the newly formed CCM. The composer reminds the populace that everyone needs to pull together to make the nation develop: whether farmers, teachers, or politicians.

William Lubimbi* explains the ideological points of the song: Wimbo huu unahusu hasa siasa ya Tanzania. Na hapa Tanzania, kuna makundi ya watu wawili, mkulima na mfanyakazi. Sasa, huyu mtunzi wa wimbo huu anasisitiza, kila mtu alichaguliwa, ‘Kama wewe ni mkulima, endelea na kilimo, ushike jembe bila kuyumbayumba. Na kama wewe ni mfanyakazi, shika kalamu vizuri na uendelee na kalamu yako, kwa kuifanyia kihalali’. Sasa, kuna wengine ambao wanatumia

'8 Kija’s English translation: “The policy of TZ is agriculture / We are in two groups / Others deal with pens / They were given this power by God / Development is being achieved / Due to hard work and intelligence / We are being educated / To improve agricultural labor / Lets follow the directives / Exploitation is no longer wanted / Racketeers are running away / Their properties are confiscated / Let them try again if they will manage / If they got the wealth / They will get it again / If they were stealing / They will die poor / The son of Nyerere / Has refused stealing / Everybody should work / Those who use pens / Let them deal with it / It is Gods will / Everybody has a talent / Do not undermine him / The one writing or digging / They were both given by God / Cooperation and development / The members of CCM’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 373 kalamu, kalamu hiyo wanaitumia vibaya. Wanaigeuza katika ofisi hiyo, mahesabu wanachanganya halafu wanaiba pesa kwa sababu ya hiyo kalamu. Na mtunzi huyo hataki na serekali pia haitaki. Ndiyo maana serikali wakati mwingine inawanyanganya vitu. Yeye tayari ni tajiri, lakini anataka kujiongezea. Na huyu mtunzi naye anasema kwamba hiyo si vizuri kwa kujiongezea hivyo. Na ingewaje kila mtu amepewa kipaji chake na Mwenyezi Mungu, wewe kama umesoma, hiyo kalamu ndiyo kipaji chako, usimdharau huyo ambaye hakusoma. Ambaye hakusoma naye amepewa kipaji chake cha ushikaji jembe, yeye anaposhika jembe naye anakuwa tajiri kwa ajili ya jembe. Sasa, mwishowe, mtunzi anasema, ‘Afadhali tushirikiane na CCM, tuwe “bega kwa bega” ili twendeleze nchi hii’. (This song is especially about the politics of Tanzania. Now here in Tanzania, there are two types of people, the farmer, and the government worker. Now, the composer of this song recommends to every person [whose fate] has been chosen a way of life, that, “If you are a farmer, go and farm, you should grab a hoe without hesitation. And if you are a worker, grab your pen, and go along with your business of writing, but do it legitimately’. Now, there are others who work with the pen, who use the pen toward bad ends. They do various things in their offices; accountants mix things up and steal money as a result of the pen. Now this composer does not want this, nor does the government. This is indeed why the government has been known to confiscate things. Someone who is already rich wants to continue enriching themselves. Now this composer says that this is not good to enrich oneself in this way. Now, although every person has been given his intelligence by almighty God, if you have studied, this pen is indeed your intelligence, you should not insult the one who has not studied. The one who has not studied, he has been given the intelligence to grab a hoe, and he who grabs a hoe gets rich because of the hoe. Now, in the end, the singer says, ‘Better, if we come together with the CCM “shoulder to shoulder”, so we may drive the nation’.)

(283) Igembe faida Batanzania (‘The hoe benefits Tanzanians’)

Igembe faida Batanzania The hoe benefits Tanzanians

Tulidimilagi Let us hold it firmly

Likutwinja mu bupina It will get us out of orphanhood Bangi balihilila mu bunyoli Others get rich through treachery Bise tukuhiliaga ng’wilima We get rich through farming

Tuli na buhondo (2x) We have comfort (2x)

374 CHAPTER TWELVE Neg’wenye Kiti wa CCM The chair person of CCM

Alihimiza kilimo Is encouraging agriculture

Bebe waja ku gongo And you go to drink illicit spirit Ing’wakono ulitulwa This year you will be beaten

Giti muna ngulube Like a pig

Ulakije kutulwa If you escape being beaten Ulitwalwa Kitengule You will be sent to Kitengule

Nulu Malya, kujela ya kwandya Or Malya, the number one prison Ukwiza kwigukiluntwe gwako You will return with your head opened

Iki wafata buchilu (2x) For you have pursued foolishness (2x)

Iki walema kuchukua jembe Because you have refused to take the hoe

Kuyulocha uchoma mapalala Spending all day burning rubbish Abibi bakutulagwa mpaga bacha Thieves are beaten to death Mpaga kwinga ku Welelo (2x) Until they leave Welelo (2x) Bebe, uli namugi na ndezu jako You, family man with a beard

Ulocha musokoni All day spent in the marketplace Unauza-uza tu nyanya Selling small tomatoes Buli ng’wene kushugulika Let everyone be concerned with

nilima, makaji farming, work

Bulekagi ubuyongayonga Leave out foolishness Py'abose, ku matongo (2x) All of you, to the farms (2x)

Ulu lyashika saa sita When the sun is at noon Lyaja ku ng’wa Malundi He goes at Malundi’s home Likumana lyubatula mvemve He'll tell one story after another

Lilitegeya'ngu babubiishe Waiting for the food to be ready Nukumega makuyukugangalila Making big clumps [of corn meal porridge]

Wangaliaga kwinja nyama Picking large pieces of meat Makoy ukubundagula (2x) Terribly stuffing his mouth (2x)

Niyo git'u Katibu Mage But Mage the secretary Atabatogagwa batatumamaga Does not want those who do not work

Abaligula nzwigi Who open other people’s doors Bubomagula ma milyango The breakers of doors Benabo tubadebe (2x) These, we have to identify them (2x)

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 3795

Niyo git abahujumu And especially the economic saboteurs

Bawililwe giki They have been told to Kunonyia busumba nigembe Be friends with the hoe

Mutizagutonja makelege Stop being funny Py'a bose, ku matongo! (2x) All of you to the farms! (2x) Neg’wali ng’washigwa kishimbe You have been brought up without fathers

Sha kutuchenga, Tanzania Cheating us, Tanzanian Ishikolo ngwabisa ku mijingo Hiding the commodities in the backyard

Muli banyoli simbiila (2x) You really are thieves (2x) Isabuni ya kogeja shiseme The soap for washing utensils Hiyo togela abana Tanzania It is what we used to bathe with Tanzanians

Umukoa gwa Ngwanza The people of Mwanza region

Kubalima buluba The region of cotton growers Umukoa gwa Ng’wanza The people of Mwanza region

Twiyangslile Let us be alert

Masikitiko Tanzania (2x) It is sorrow for Tanzania (2x) Ulu’yo upandikwa watulagigendo Anyone caught doing illegal trade

Uja magelezani, uko nshahala Will go to prison, where there is

gutiko no salary Unshahala kupalwa na The salary will be slapped and

kupandwa kicked Numholi nakukoya na mapolu And clearing forests

Lya makono zazaza (2x) Until the palms become red-redred. (2x)

Interpretation: This wigaashe song was composed and performed by Kishosha ng’wana Bulambu,”’ and documented by Songoyi (1990: 180185).*° The social and political context of this song, is what was known

'? Recorded by author, town of Kisessa, June 1995, IUATM song #551. *° Songoyi’s English translation: “The hoe is profit Tanzanians / Let us hold it firmly /

It will get us out of orphanness / Others get rich through treachery / We get rich through digging / We have comfort / The chair person of CCM / Is encouraging agriculture / And you go to drink illicit spirit / This year you will be beaten / Like a pig / If you escape being beaten / You will be sent to Kitengule / Or Malya, the number one prison / You will return with your head opened / For you have pursued foolishness / Because you have refused to take the hoe / Spending all day burning rubbish / Thieves

376 CHAPTER TWELVE as ‘the war against economic sabotage’. Ng’-wana Bulambu composed

this song in 1980. Tanzania had just emerged from the Kagera war (1978-1979) with Uganda. The economy had collapsed. There were no commodities in the shops. Commodities such as soap, sugar, rice, and flour were sold behind doors at higher prices. Uhujumu (‘saboteur’) is a word that came to refer to persons who were involved in illegal trade, such as smuggled and hoarded goods. In the first line, ‘those who hold the hoe firmly’ (a common farmers’ aphorism), have comfort. The banyoli (those who earn through treachery) have none. When Nyerere declared war against black marketeering and economic saboteurs, those who had accumulated wealth through treachery or dubious means, were arrested and detained. Commodities and even cash were thrown out, abandoned in the streets. The second and final stanzas emphasize the dangers of abandoning the hoe, and

getting engaged in such treacherous business. By continuing in this kind of activity, one may finally end up at Kitengule and Malya prisons.” Following Nyerere’s declaration against black marketeers and economic saboteurs, many were arrested and detained. (284) Tanzania bara (‘Tanzanian mainland’)

Tanzania bara na visiwani The Tanzanian mainland and the islands

Jikaunganishiwa They were united

Aprili April

Mu ng’waka go 64, ng’ weji go In the year of ‘64, the month of

are beaten to death / Until they depart from the world / You, family man with beard / All day spending in the marketplace / Selling (small) tomatoes / Let everyone be concerned with farming, work / Leave out foolishness / All of you to the farms / When

the sun is at noon / He goes at Malundi’s home / He'll tell one story after another / Waiting for the food to be ready / Making big balls of (ugali) / Picking large pieces of meat / Terribly stuffing his mouth / But Mage the secretary / Does not want those who do not work / Who open other people’s doors / The breakers of doors / These we have to identify them / And especially the economic saboteurs / They have been told to / Be friends with the hoe / Stop being funny / All of you to the farms / You have been brought up without fathers / Cheating us Tanzanians / Hiding the commodities / In the backyard / You really are thieves / The soap for washing utensils / That is the one we used to bathe with Tanzanians / The people of Mwanza region / The region of cotton growers / The people of Mwanza region / Let us be alert / It is sorrow for Tanzania / Anyone caught doing illegal trade / Will go to prison / Where there is no salary / The salary is to be slapped and kicked / And clearing forests / Until the palms become red / red-red-red’. *! Kitengule is in the town of Kagera, and Malya is in the town of Shinyanga.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 377

Tarehe 26 The date of the 26th Tanganyika na Zanzibar Tanganyika and Zanzibar Judimanyiwa na butale Were joined in leadership

Yubi taifa moja Becoming one nation

Huna yu unganishiwa (2x) Then it was united (2x)

moyo in his heart Kihamo nu hayati Karume Together with the late Karume

Ng’wana Nyerere akibujabuja mu Ng’wana Nyerere contemplated

Nanghwe wibujabuja mu moyo He also contemplated in his heart

Bali mu ofisi They were in the office

Buunda mhayo They formed the opinion Ubumoja nguzu, butengano Unity is strength, diversity is

libugokolo weakness

Tiungetiigwe (2x) Let us unite to get along well (2x)

Itaifa lyu sangijiwa A nation was assembled Shusaga chama ijeneshalishibili There remained two (political) parties

TANU na AFRO, hisho TANU and AFRO, those were

shatumamaga functioning

Na jene shenha mapinduzi They are the ones who brought revolution

Shinja bakoloni They removed the colonialists Butingila mumiso (2x) They got out of our sights (2x)

CCM was born Tarehe 5 The fifth day

77 mug weji go kabili, yuzaliwa 1977 in the second month, CCM

Galimadamano matale There were great processions Bendela ya chama yikapandishiwa The flag of the party was raised

Ya jembe na nyundo (2x) With the hoe and a hammer (2x) Nzugwi bazungu haraka Come quickly Europeans

Mufungue macho Open [your] eyes

Nubone isiasa ya Tanzania See the politics of Tanzania

Bise tendele We have progressed

araja bridges Myongo tichibila We have blocked rivers

Uukalolaga mabalabala na mad- Do you see the roads and the

Halaho ng’waliho but when you were still here

Ng’walimulekanigije Lubana na You left Lubana and Shimiyu liShimiyu

378 CHAPTER TWELVE Galya Baafrica bingi [to] Eat many Africans Na bing’we muliho (2x) While you were there (2x) Muna sema nini, Bainglishi? What are you saying, British? Janghumilile ighumbi mmakono — Termites have dried in your hands

Jangi gitimo jikajila njige Go forever, like how locusts went

Malkia Elizebethi Queen Elisabeth

Wingwe ng wantongelaga (2x) You should lead her (2x) Ni kisomo ijakusoma na batale It was books to be read by the adults

Nijene ngwali ng watubisila You had hidden

Lakini sasa But now

Tulilangilija ukwandika We learn to write

Nu kusoma ahakitabo (2x) And to read books (2x)

Ye ikatiba ya CCM The CCM constitution Yene ya bura hang’wape Has declared openly Binadamu wote ni sawa All human beings are equal Atigela ntaale hisoma There is no over age in learning Ili mhayo ili lyali bakoloni duhu ~~ Such a word was only for the colonialists

Talifutia, abise! (2x) We have wiped it, we! (2x)

Tuli uhulu We are free

Nulu ukilema akalangangwa Even the disabled are taught

Omana kusoma And learn to read

Kunguno nang we ng wana Because he is also child of the

damutaifa nation Na weyi, yaya ukuchangula (2x) For him, there is no

discrimination (2x)

Tunajivunia nchi yetu We are proud of our country Bafanyakazi na balimi (2x) Workers and farmers ( 2x)

Bamutanzania Of Tanzania

Interpretation: This wigaashe song, composed in the mid-1980s by ng wana Kanundo, was released on a cassette, and sold on the streets in the mid-1990s.”* The song documents the history of modern Tanzania and Nyerere’s leadership. Makoko Language School instructor

** Tanzania Bara, from the cassette Kanundo ‘94 (Mwanza: ABC Photo/Music Centre, 1994). Personal collection of author.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 379 Magdelena Lubimbi’ had this further explanation: Wimbo huu unaeleza juu ya muungano wa bara na kisiwani, na kupata neno ‘Tanzania’. Pia anasema ni tarehe ngapi, na ni mwezi gani, tulipata muungano. Na Zanzibar na Tanganyika viliunganyishwa na Mwalimu Nyerere, pamoja na hayati Karume wakiwa pamoja ofisini, wamekubaliana. Na anasema, ‘Umoja ni nguvu, utengano ni udhaifu’. Na pia, anaendelea kusema kuwa mwezi huo, anasema mwezi wa pili, CCM ilizaliwa mwaka sabini na saba. Na ansema maandamano yalikuwa makubwa, bendera ya chama cha CCM ilipandishwa ambayo ina alama ya jembe na nyundo. Basi, anawaalika Wazungu wafumbue macho, waone siasa kuwa Tanzania inaendelea na mabarabara, madaraja mitoni, bwawa. Anataja mito Lubana, Shimiyo, anasema mito hili liliua Wafrika wengi. Lakini pia hawa wenzetu Wazungu walikuwepo wanaangalia, lakini

hawakusema kitu. Na pia anasema kuwa Wazungu waende kama jinsi nzige zilivyoenda. Anamgusa na Malkia aliekuepo kipindi hicho Elizabeti. Lakini vilevile, anajaribu kueleza maendeleo na matukio. Anaeleza kuwa kuna kisomo cha watu wazima, ambacho watu walikuwa wanaenda wanajifunza kuandika na kusoma. Bado anaendelea na kueleza kuhusu katiba ya CCM ambayo inasema, ‘Binadamu wote ni sawa, hakuna mkubwa au mdogo.. Basi, mwishowe anasema tuko Uhuru, tunajivunia nchi yetu, kwa hiyo fanya kazi na balimi. (This song explains about the joining of the mainland and the islands, and getting the name ‘Tanzania’. Also, it mentions which date, and which month, we joined. Zanzibar and Tanganyika were joined by Mwalimu Nyerere, together with the late Karume when they were in office, they agreed together. Now he mentions the saying, ‘Unity is strength, division is weakness’. Also, he continues to say in that month, in February, CCM was born in 1977. He says there were great marches, and the flag of the CCM party ascended, carrying the symbol of the hoe and the hammer. So, he invites the Europeans to open their eyes, they should see that the politics of Tanzania has developed with roads, bridges over rivers, dams. He mentions the rivers Lubana and Shimiyo, and says that these rivers have killed many Africans. Now also these people, our Europeans, they were there just watching but they never said a thing. Also, he says these Europeans should just go in the way that the locusts

have left. He touches on the Queen that was reigning at this time, Elisabeth. However, in addition, he tries to explain about development and other happenings. He explains that there is adult education, where people go and teach themselves how to write and read. He continues to explain about the constitution of the CCM, which says, ‘All people

380 CHAPTER TWELVE are equal, there is no one of greater or lesser value’. So, in the end he says that we are having Independence, we are reaping the harvest of our country, therefore do work with the farmers.) (285) Muyanga (‘Cow dung’) Muyanga go ngorabe solobo uhale Cow dung is useful Balimi bichane mutakupembage _ Fellow peasants do not burn it

Aha jikome tulishoka ku numa Burning it will retard our progress Mugusomba mutwala kungunda _ Collect and take it to the fields

Pye na mashi ga ngoko Even the chicken droppings Kutwala ku mashikalanga Take them to the orchards

Gashi nayo mbolela They are also good manure

Balimi bichane Fellow peasants

Ung walimu ojilimo oniwilile The teacher of agriculture has told me so

Nu Mangula nang’we oniwilile Mangula has also told me so Nane nalimuwila, balimi bichane And Iam telling you, fellow peasants

Mbolela twishughulikile Let us make use of manure Interpretation: In 1980, Kalikali Mbagule participated in a competition organized by the Kwimba District administration during the eighth of August celebrations. He sang this wigaashe song, which won. In this song, collected by Songoyi (1990: 77) and provided here with minimal

alteration, Kalikali urges fellow peasants to use manure to improve agricultural production. The peasants should not wait for fertilizers from factories, as cow dung and chicken droppings are very useful, too. In this song, Kalikali plays the role of the messenger of the agricultural officer and the District Party Secretary, whom he cites as the sources of the information he is transmitting to the peasants. The following five songs, composed by Kalikali Mbagule, document

a drama that played out over the course of a few years in the early 1960s after independence. Paul Bomani, the celebrated labor leader who became Tanzania's first Minister of Finance, is critiqued for his role in raising the amount paid for cotton by the government during the planting season (presumably to encourage farmers to plant cotton) and then lowering the price of cotton just prior to harvest.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 381 (286) Ng’wana namyala (‘A child I have given birth to’)

Ng’wana namyala A child I have given birth to

Anibengeleje It turns against me

Nabize nchilu wakwandya, I have become fool number one,

Mabimbi Mabimbi

Ng’wana ngwenuyu, nene nala This child, I have no debt

Iki namala kubyala As long as I have finished giving birth

Nene nela I have no debt Lushu lukanchimaga noji The knife cuts the one who sharpens it (287) Ukwitawala twitawalile (‘We have really received self rule’)

Ukwitawala twitawalile We have really received self-rule

Abana Tanganyika The people of Tanganyika Ng’hana twitawalile Truly we have achieved self-rule Bakulumbaga witawaja They are giving thanks for independence

Abo balina milimo mitale The ones with big jobs Abo balipandika magana, buli The ones who earn hundreds,

ng wei buli ng’weji (2x) month after month (2x)

Alabalimi buluba But the growers of cotton Nduhwiyakupandika Have nothing to gain

Litingagili busese Slavery has not ended Ililima lyingine As the planting season comes Tubyulima buluba We plant cotton Buguji bushike As the selling season comes

Guchel’umpango The price falls

Tuliginya sumba We are fattening these people Ng’wana Mbagule Ng’wana Mbagule Ming’wana gakwigutaga They are really eating

Kulola ha sa kwesa Looking at watches is their only job

Na kumigija mu shitambala And blowing their noses in handkerchiefs

382 CHAPTER TWELVE (288) Ndebawa (‘My skin is itching’)

Ndebawa My skin is itching

Natulekaga ukwishina I cannot stop scratching myself Ndebawa, ng’wana Mbagule My skin is itching, child of Mbagule

Natulekaga ukwishina I cannot stop scratching myself Nalinapona mabuluba I have harvested much cotton

Guchel’umpango The price falls

uPaulo ngwana Bomani Paul ng’wana Bomani

Nukwikibuka biya Never turned to look back Atubamanaga abilimi He does not care for the peasants Mpango gokwe ha sumuni His price is at fifty cents only

Hambu hambu kulima It is better to grow sweet potatoes

numbu na ngalya and sorghum

(289) Nene natupingaga chama (‘I am not against the party’)

Nene natupingaga chama I am not against the Party Mbagule, natupingaga TANU Mbagule, I am not against TANU Nakubujaga bei iva mabuluba I am asking about the price of cotton Ne’waitelemsha no, badugu bane You have lowered it much, my comrades

Ng’watuyanja You are troubling us Balikumya abose abakalimaga They are wondering, all those who farm

Ne’wana Kilya natinene bung’ It is not the son of Kilya alone wene

Beyi yingwe mashiging hi It cannot be compared with anything

Wa kwandya, solo gete It is first, very much by itself Yakulenganija na lisagala It is compared to nothing

Yakukilwa na mbiti Beaten by a hyena

Ikushonaga habi wa ng’holo Gnawing on an orphan of a sheep

Ha lishigulu On an anthill

(290) Gakanigunana, amabuganga (“They helped me, this buganga’)

Gakanigunana, amabuganga They helped me, my buganga

Baba, aho natungagwa Baba, when I was imprisoned Gali makoye madimu There were great troubles

Gakanigunana They helped me

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 383 Nabatemaga na mabukonze I was inoculating them Na bashirikale bikalaga bunibuja And the wardens kept asking me

Buja iyabuganga (2x) About buganga (2x) Interpretation: Ng wana namyala, performed by Kang’wiina ng wana

Mihumo” and documented by Mkongola (1980: 22),% is a veiled critique of the TANU government. He sings in the fashion of a parent scolding a child, citing the common proverb, ‘the knife cuts the one who sharpens it. Mkongola had this point to make about the song (23): Anachokizungumza malenga ni kitu muhimu sana katika maisha ya kila siku ya mwanadamu. Kisu ni chombo muhimu katika maisha ya watu. Hali kadhalika, kisu ni silaha kali na ya hatari sana ikitumiwa vibaya dhidi ya binadamu. Watu wametumia kisu kuulia watu wengine. Mtumiaji wa kisu lazima awe mwangalifu sana kwani anaweza kujikuta kisu kinamkata baada ya kukinoa. Malenga huyu aliimba wimbo kwa niaba ya wakulima wote wa pamba akiulizia bei ya pamba iliyokuwa dunia kila mwaka. Nguvu za utawala zilimshika na kumtia ndani. (The thing this composer is discussing is very important in the everyday life of a human. A knife is something very important in the life of human beings. Usually, a knife is a sharp weapon and very dangerous if used in a bad way toward human beings. People have used knives to kill other people. The one who uses a knife needs to be very careful because he can cut himself after sharpening it. The composer sings this song on the behalf of farmers of cotton everywhere. He inquires about the price of cotton, which was becoming lower every year. By the power of the government, he was grabbed and locked up.)

Ukwitawala twitawalile was composed by Kalikali Mbagule in 1964,

performed by Kang’wiina Mwami ngwana Mihumo” and documented by Songoyi (1990: 57). Songoyi’s transcription and translation are provided here with minimal alteration. The government raised the price of cotton at the time of planting, to motivate the farmers. Then

> Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10-15 October 1995, IUATM song #457.

** Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Mtoto nimzae / Halafu anidharau / Anifanye mjinga / Anidharau / Mtoto huyu / Sina neno naye / Nilisha mzaa / Sina neno naye / Kisu humkata mnoaji’. Author’s English translation: “A child I have given birth to / Then shows contempt for me / He does foolishness toward me / This child / I have nothing to say to him / I have already given birth / I have nothing to say to him / The knife always cuts the sharpener’. *° Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1994, IUATM song #462.

384 CHAPTER TWELVE the government dropped the price at harvest time. This infuriated the farmers. Kalikali sang the song before hundreds of people, after which time, he was thrown in jail. Kalikali had begun to see that independence had brought nothing of value to the peasants. Local historian Michael Masalu* had this remembrance of this wellknown event: Wimbo huu ulikuwa unawachunguza viongozi, kwa sababu ulikuwa unasema kwamba, ‘Bei hii sio nzuri, bei ndiyo ni chini kabisa. Sisi tunalima, wakulima hatutapata hela ya kutusaidia kututoa katika umaskini, kwa sababu, sisi tunalima, watu wanashiba wengine.

Hao walioshiba tulikuwa kama tunawalimia tu, sisi tunapata tabu, wao tunawashibisha. Tuliowashibisha wao ni watu maofisa wa kuangalia saa tu, halafu na kutolea makamasi kwenye kitambaa, wanavuta matumbo.. (This song critiques the leaders, because it says, “This price is no good, the price is too low. We farm, but the farmers do not get enough money to help them to remove their poverty, because we are farming, others are benefiting. Others are getting their fill, as if we are farming for them, we receive troubles, they get their fill. Those whom we are feeding are agricultural officers who just look at their watches,

and blow their noses in their handkerchiefs; they pull upon their bellies’.)

In Ndebawa documented by Songoyi (1990: 59),*° Kalikali continues

to be much agrieved by the attitude of the government to the problems of the peasants. What disappointed him the most was that Paul Bomani, who earned his reputation as someone being on the side of the farmers, was now no longer listening, he was just following the advice of the party functionaries. This was very discouraging to the peasants, who had spent their time in their field growing cotton at the expense of the food crops. Kalikali critically concluded his song with a suggestion that it perhaps better to grow sweet potatoes and sorghum than cotton. Magdelena Lubimbi* had this interpretation: Anasema yeye alikuwa amevuna pamba nyingi tu ya kutosha, lakini bei ya pamba ilikua chini sana. Na anamlalamikia huyu ng’wana Bomani, sababu yeye ndiye alikuwa kama kiongozi. Basi, mawazo yake ni kwamba Paulo Bomani

*° Songoyi’s English translation: “My skin is itching / I cannot stop scratching myself / Son of Mbagule my skin is itching / I have harvested much cotton / But the price fell / Paulo the son of Bomani / Never turned to look back / He does not care for the peasants / His price is at fifty cents only / It is better to grow / Sweet potatoes and sorghum’.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 385 aweze kugeuka nyuma ili awasaidie. Kalikali aliona wale wafanyakazi makarani wengine walikuwa wanapata hela zaidi kuliko wakulima. Akalalamika na kusema kwamba, ‘Sasa huyu Paulo Bomani na watumishi wenzetu. Hawatukumbuki sisi wakulima. Tunaona afadhali tuache kulima pamba, tulime labda viazi au na karanga na vyakula vingine, kwa sababu tunaumia kulima pamba. Hela hiyo inakatwa watumishi na maofisa wengine, sijui Paulo anafanya nini. (He says that he has harvested so much cotton, but the price paid for cotton is so low. So he is complaining to this guy Paul Bomani, because he is indeed their leader on these matters. So, his thoughts are that Paul Bomani should change and return [to the farmers] so he can help them. Kalikali saw

that the workers such as the clerks were getting more money compared to the farmers. So, he complains and says that, “This guy Paul Bomani is our servant. He no longer remembers us farmers. We see now that it would be better to leave farming cotton, let us farm instead potatoes, or peanuts, or another kind of food, because we are hurt by farming cotton. This money is being cut between the civil servants and the other officers, I do not know what Paul Bomani is up to’.) Nene natupingaga, was performed by Kang wiina ng’ wana Mihumo,” documented by Welsh (1974: 378),** and attributed to Kalikali Mbagule just after getting out of prison (after he tried to teach the government that they were wrong). He was accused of inciting the peasants

against the government. He denied these accusations in this song. Kalikali was much agrieved by the attitude of the government to the problems of the peasants. His songs were spreading far and wide, from Mwanza to Shinyanga. Local historian Michael Masalu* had these further thoughts: Ilikuwa

mara ya kwanza kabisa bei ya chini ililingana sawa na bure, ililingana sawa na fisi anamalizia kula mtoto wa kondoo. Katika hali hiyo, anaomba chama cha TANU kiangalie wakulima. Anasema kwamba TANU chama kifanye bei ya pamba. Anaomba CCM isimamie. Hii vile vile, wakulima hawatatoka katika umasikini. Nasikia, aliwekwa ndani lakini aliwekwa ndani kwa sababu ya maneno haya ya chini (last verse), 77 Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 10-15 October 1995, IUATM song #458.

e Welsh’s English translation: ‘I am not speaking against CCM / Not even against the Party / I just complain with reference to the price of cotton / You have set the price too low, comrades / Your price is so poor, the poorest / Poorest next to nothing / Better the situation of a barren sheep / We are tired of you / All those who cultivate wonder what the situation is! / It is not me alone, therefore / Ng’wana Mbagula’.

386 CHAPTER TWELVE sababu yeye alilinganisha bei hiyo analinganisha na fisi wakati anakula mtoto wa kondoo. (It was indeed the first time that the price of cotton could be compared to so little, it was the same as a hyena chewing on

a lamb. Given this condition, he asks that the TANU party intervene on behalf of the farmers. He says that TANU should set the price for farmers. He begs for TANU to stand firm. In this condition, farmers will not leave behind their poverty. As I recall, he was put in prison, but he was put in prison for this last verse alone, where he compared the price of cotton to that of a hyena eating a lamb.) Gaganigunana amaganga was performed by Kang’wiina ng’wana Mihumo,” and attributed to Kalikali Mbagule after he had left prison.

He brags about the efficacy of his medicines, and how the prison guards were begging him for medicinal inoculations to help them in their daily lives. William Lubimbi* had this remark: Alikuwa anaendelea kusema kwamba, ‘Nilipata matatizo wakati nimefungwa. Familia yangu ilikaa peke yake, sikuweza kuwasaidia, niliona tu kwamba wali-

kuwa wanapata tabu, wake zangu, watoto zangu’. Halafu alikuwa anasifu zaidi bugota yake. Wakati alipokuwa amewekwa ndani, bugota yake ilimsaidia. Yeye alilamba tu, halafu na kuangalia kwenye jua na kuomba. ‘Basi wale waliokuwa wamemkamata, sijui bugota iliwafanyaje mpaka wakamua wao wakasema, ‘Afadhali tumuachie tu’. Kwa hiyo, yeye anashukuru sana hiyo bugota, ilimsaidia sana. (He goes on to say that, ‘I faced great problems when I was put in jail. My family

stayed alone, I was not able to help them, I just saw that they came into problems, my wife, my children’. Then he goes on to praise his medicines. When he was put into prison, his medicines helped him. He tasted them, then he looked at the sun and prayed. Then, concerning those who had captured him, I do not know what his bugota did to make them just say, ‘Better we should just let him go’. Therefore, he is thankful for this bugota, it ended up helping him very much.)

(291) Bana Tanzania (‘People of Tanzania’)

Bana Tanzania, twalilile no People of Tanzania, we have cried a lot

Shikungu na shikungu Years and years Bana Tanzania, twalilile no People of Tanzania, we have cried a lot

”” Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1995, personal collection ofauthor.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 387

Tuyomba hanomo We said with our lips Tanzania, ya Ng’wanza, na Tanzania, of Mwanza and

Ilemela Ilemela Yatugwisijihano Has brought us astonishment

Nunkoloni walitichene Even the colonialist was not like that

Bali batanyong’angwa They were not hung Njelemani nkali wabatandikaga The mean German canned them

Wabatulagagwashila He beat them and it was over Ulu’‘kugola, ng watugolile If it is disgracing, you have disgraced us

Tanganyika ngima The whole of Tanganyika Pye, ng’watugolile All, you have disgraced us Iki nu Nyerere nkujiwa, akaduma Even the honorable Nyerere, was dumbstruck

Ho lyapandikilimhayo When he got the word

Akaduma gete He was dumbfounded

Aho wagiwasimu ikuyombaga When he heard on the phone Giki Ilemela yamala banhu That Ilemela has exterminated people

Alisababu ya godi Because of taxes Yamala banhu It has exterminated people uNyerere akidima ha nomo Nyerere held his mouth Akantuma Kawawa He sent Kawawa Akiza mundege, kujulola banhu He came on the plane, to see the people

Huna ukabasanga’banhu Then he found people Balagije giti mamba halutala Laid like gilled lungfish on a stick grill

Akagayiwa ilishosho He lacked words Bing we bafanyakaji You civil servants

Ulu ng’wita mashitambi When you get fat

Ng’wayutulola giti mva You look at us like a dog is on

ilihanyango the door

Balamuji na batwale Magistrates and other leaders Ng’wayutulola giti mva You look at us like a dog is on

ilihanyango the door

Mutinishima ng’wahubijeno You have really wronged us

Kutukenangula abalimi To kill us farmers

Tulipona mchele We harvest a lot of rice

388 CHAPTER TWELVE Newigasije duhu While you are just seated

Mugweaga nghumbi Showing off your pot bellies Thaha ubupinabulitusheleja hamoyo Now the sorrow is gnashing our hearts

Abanhu ukushila People being wiped away Humadilo gakamilwa minzi Like water dried up on fish Wakolilwe, ung’wana Makonge He is angry, ng wana Makonge

Ng’wana Kadikilo Ihumilo Neg’wana Kadikilo Ihumilo

Hakumala bamunhu By exterminating people

Ulukugumila You carry shame

Ng’wana Makwi Like ng’wana Makwi Uywa'kazunya nsumba halufu Who accepted a date at a mourning

Akabulwa na kaMadinda She was charged by Madinda Ilembo lyenilo likasegendela This song reached faraway

likasanja machalo It spread in the villages

Bing’we Batwale You Batwale

Bana Ng’wanza, Ilemela Of Mwanza, Ilemela

Ilitule ling’we Your shame

Likusanja machalo, masi na masi Will spread in villages, lands and lands Interpretation: This song, composed by Ihumilo ng’wana Kadikilo in 1968, and performed by Kang’wii'na ng’wana Mihumo,” discusses the sorrowful day in 1968 when thirteen people suffocated in an overcrowded prison cell called Ilemela (near Mwanza), after being held on the charges of tax evasion. Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu* had these memories about this infamous event: Ngwana Kadikilo alitunga huu wimbo wa kusikitika na kuwakumbusha Watanzania wote wasikitike kwa sababu

ya kitendo cha wafanyakazi wa Mwanza Ilemela. Waliwachukua watu zaidi ya ishirini kuwaweka katika ‘lock-up’ ndogo sana, wakakoswa hewa. Walikoswa hewa, na humo kulikuwa na hewa ya mkojo, mavi sasa, wakabanana, wakashindwa kupumua. Hicho kitendo hata Nyerere aliposikia akajishika mdomoni na kushangaa, na Watanzania wengi walishanga. Wakasema kwamba, hawa wafanyakazi, waliona

°° Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 10-15 September 1995, IUATM song #459.

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 389 hao watu ni kama mbwa inakaa kwenye mlango. Wao hawakumbuki kwamba hawa walikuwa ni wakulima, walikuwa wanalima mpunga, mtama, mihogo, hawakumbuki kama hao wanakula nini. Na hawa wafanyakazi walipata adhabu nyingi, hawakupata baraka. (Ng wana Kadikilo composed this song of sorrow to remind all Tanzanians that they should be mourning, on account of these actions of those in the employ of Ilemela prison in Mwanza. They placed more than twenty people inside a small ‘lockup’ room, and they could not breathe. They had little air, and it had the fumes of urine and feces. They were pressed together, they could not breathe. Even Nyerere, when he heard this, he was dumbfounded, as were many Tanzanians. They say that, those workers lorded over those inside like a dog sitting at the door. They had forgotten that those inside were farmers: they farmed rice, millet, and cassava. They had forgotten where it was that they got their food. Now those prison workers received much shame, they did not receive any blessing for this.) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had these memories and thoughts about this event: Wakati hasa wa kodi, huko Ilemela, watu wengi walikamatwa halafu wakaenda kuwekwa kwenye ‘lock-up’ ambako walikufa. Sasa, nakumbuka wakati huo. Na walivyokuwa wakilalamika hao waliokufa, na waliokuwa mle ndani, walianza kupiga makelele, ‘Tumekoswa hewa, tunakufa’. Sasa maaskari ambao walikuwa kule nje nao wanaitikia, ‘Kufeni, kufeni! Sasa, na wao sijui walidhani kwamba wanasema tu sio kweli au vipi, na kweli walianza kufa kwa ajili ya hewa. Na chumba kilikuwa kidogo, halafu madirisha madogo sana ambayo yako juu. Na kweli wakati huo, Nyerere aliposikia, haukupita muda akafuta kodi, kwamba sasa kodi inafutwa kwa sababu hasa Ilemela watu walikuwa wanateswa mno. (During the time of taxation, there at Ilemela, there was an instance where many people were imprisoned and put into ‘lockup’, where they died. Now, I remember this time. Those who were there were crying that they were dying, the ones that were there inside, they started to make a lot of racket, “We have no air, we are dying’. Now, those guards who were there outside, were shaking their heads, saying ‘Die, then’. Now, those outside, whether they thought anyone was really dying, no one knows, but really they started to die because of the air. It was a small room, with a small window at the top. Now Nyerere, when he heard this, it wasn't long before the tax was abolished, indeed the tax was abolished because of these actions at Ilemela, where people really suffered’.)

390 CHAPTER TWELVE (292) Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo (‘I do not like the cotton of development’)

Natatogwagwa buluba wa I do not like the cotton of

maendeleo development

Nyerere wizile Tanzania! Nyerere came to Tanzania! Buluba wa maendeleo waliselagwa ‘The cotton of development is

na madebe sprayed from a container

Natatogwagwa buluba wa I do not like the cotton of

maendeleo development

Interpretation: In this song collected by Heijnen, from the Bukumbi region (1968: 145), the singer is complaining about block cultivation schemes, which used mechanized cultivation, chemical fertilization, and whose planning was run by committees. There were enormous costs with little results, compared to what was happening on individual farms. The song was quite popular in Bukumbi. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these memories about the village cultivation schemes: Watu walikuwa wanalimia mashamba ya kijiji. Baada ya kuhamia kijijini, kuna sehemu ilitengwa kwa ajili ya mashamba ya kijiji, ili kuleta maendeleo kijijini.

Inaonekana mtunzi anamueleza Mwalimu Nyerere kuwa, ‘Pamba ya maendeleo, kwa kweli ingekuwaje? Mmesema tulime pamba ili tulete maendeleo, lakini mimi kwa kweli sipendi maendeleo ya pamba hii’! Na

walikuwa wanavuna madebe madebe mengi, lakini watu hawakuona

faida ya humo. Nadhani yeye hakupenda ‘maendeleo’ haya, kwa sababu waliokuwa wanafaidika zaidi ni viongozi wa kijiji, mwenyekiti, katibu, na mtunza fedha. Sababu walikuwa wanavuna pamba madebe

mengi, lakini pesa zilikuwa hazionekani, kwa hiyo alisema, hapendi huu mtindo wa maendeleo watu kwenda kulima. (People were farming the village farms. After moving to the village, there was an area built for the common purpose of the village farm, to bring development to the village. It is evident that the composer is asking Mwalimu Nyerere, ‘This cotton of development, what is it about? You tell us we should farm so we can receive development, but me, really, I do not like this development, as a result of this cotton!’ Because they were harvesting container after container, but no one was seeing the benefit from this. I think people disliked this ‘development’, because the ones who were benefiting the most from this were the leaders of the village, the chairmen, the clerks, the treasurers. Because indeed if they were harvesting

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 391 container after container, but no money was to be seen, he says that he does not like this plan of ‘development’ where people are going to farm.)

(293) Nosenagi (‘At last’)

Nosenagi, ng’watukola At last, we have had enough of you

Ning’we Batarafa You division executive officers

Neg’watukola We have had enough of you

Giti nyama ya kocha (2x) Like meat that is roasted (2x)

Kijiji twipange, Saidi In the village we should line up, Saidi

Tulihaya kusamiwa (2x) We are about to be relocated (2x) Tugaleka amakologoto We will leave behind grain silos

Twalima We have cultivated

Nu ba’ba Budelele With the father of those of Budelele

Machungwa twapija Oranges have thrived Na mababayu haling’walida As have papayas in our homestead

Gayo mahamisho There is relocation

uNyerere, tulinsayila Nyerere, we are accusing unjustly Sababu ya tukatibu (2x) Because of the secretaries (2x)

Gwike nalilomba But I am imploring you Mulekejulutandaja Not to pile us together

Gukubi tufubyamabofu Characters will not match up Nakulya masuku (2x) I am eating something with no salt (2x)

Umhayuntaale ha bake bane The important thing is my wives

Mugambo, ulilemba Militia, you are cheating yourself Kwizumpalibega mbehi I will knock a man’s shoulder

Kanunkaba munhingo Strangle his neck

Hamo bunipiga magulu (2x) Maybe they will shoot me in the legs (2x)

Interpretation: This wigaashe song, composed by Malenga Saidi Budelele and documented by Mkongola (1980: 56),°' complains about

*! Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Sasa tumewachoka / Ninyi Katibu Tarafa / Tumewachoka / Kama nyama ya kuchoma / Saidi nikajipange kwenye kijiji / Tunataka kuhamishwa / tuache maghala yetu / Tumelima na babangu Budelele / Machungwa na mapapai / Yamekuwa kwenye mji wetu / Huu uhamishaji / Nyerere tunamsingizia bure / Matatizo ni ya Vikatibu / Lakini nawaomba / Situpange karibu / Maisha hayatafanana

392 CHAPTER TWELVE the forced villigization projects of the mid-1970s. On 6 November 1973, Julius Nyerere decreed that ‘to live in a village is an order’. The

impetus behind this project was to bring scattered outlying people together so the government could better provide everyone with clean water, schools, and health facilities. The government implemented this policy, by rounding up millions of peasants and moving them to Ujamaa communal villages. During these resettlement operations, the

authorities destroyed much private property and used force against peasants who wanted to remain on own farms. By 1977, 13,506,044 people, or about 80% of the population, resettled into 7,373 registered Ujamaa villages, all of which supposedly contained schools, dispensaries, and clean water (Ofcansky and Yeager 1997: 188). Often, peasants had to contend with extremely harsh living conditions, which, because

of excessive population densities and insufficient agricultural technologies, which led to extensive resource depletion and soil erosion. The Ujamaa experiment became a rural policy disaster that crippled the agricultural sector and seriously compromised Nyerere’s political standing throughout Tanzania. The zeal and cruelty with which the villagization operation was carried out in the Sukuma region and many other places in Tanzania was devastating. Anxious to get recognition and praises from their bosses, the division executive officers and other local administrators carried

out the operation enthusiastically with great inhumanity. Houses were demolished, and burnt. People together with their families were thrown into vehicles, forcibly moved from their traditional settlements and dumped at places which had been designated to be Ujamaa villages. They left their property and other things of value, including their ancestral shrines. Women and children were hassled while men were beaten and tortured.

/ Jambo kubwa ni wake zangu / Mgambo unajisumbua / Atakayewashika begani / Nitamkaba shingo / Wanipige bunduki’. Author’s translation of Mkongola: “Now we have tired of you / You branch clerks / We have tired of you / In the manner of roast meat / Saidi I should line up in the village / We want to be moved / We should leave behind our grain silos / We have farmed with my father Budelele / Oranges and papayas / They were there at our homestead / This immigration / Nyerere we have accused him uselessly / This problem is of the clerks / But I beg of you / You should not arrange us so close / Lifestyles are not similar / A big matter is my wives / Militia you are deceiving yourselves / One will grab a shoulder / I will grab a neck / They should hit me with their rifle.’

SONGS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 393 Local historian Michael Masaalu* had these memories of this period: Malenga huyu analiona tatizo la vijiji limesababishwa na viongozi wa ngazi za chini. Yeye anaona tatizo haliko kwa Rais Mwalimu Nyerere. Yeye alilaumu kitendo cha kujipanga kijiji, kwa sababu zamani tulikuwa tunajenga kila mmoja anapopenda. Yeye anajenga juu, yeye anajenga chini, bila kujipanga. Yeye anazungumzia hasara yake, lakini aliona na kushangaa kwamba watu wengine walisema Nyerere anasababisha kitu kama hicho. Yeye alikuwa anasema kwamba wanatuletea hasara kua-

cha matunda, kuacha miti ya matunda, mapapai na nini, kujipanga sehemu ambako hatukupanda pale, na kuenda kugawiwa kwenye shamba la mtu mwingine, kulazimishwa kukaa hiyo sehemu. Na yeye vile vile alikuwa anapata hasara tu hiyo, lakini hasemi vibaya, Nyerere hamsemi vibaya. Sabini na nne, ndiyo vijiji vilianza. Sehemu nyingine walikuwa hawataki kuhama, lakini serekali na watu watumishi wengine walifanya kuwapeleka kwa nguvu, kwa sababu walikuwa hawajui kama kuna maendeleo mbele ya kuweza kufanya vizuri. Kwa sababu kujipanga ni kurahisisha kuduma, kama kupata maji yanakuja bomba moja na linawasaidia wote. Siyo kusema kwamba mwingine mlimani, mwingine wapi? Basi, mwishowe walizoea na kufurahi na kuona huko kujipanga. (This composer sees that the problem experienced by the villages has been caused by the leaders of the lower ranks. He sees no problem with President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. He complains about the action of the planned village, because long ago, we were able, every one, to live however we wanted. This guy built on high ground, this one built on low, without any organized planning. So, he is discussing

his anger, but he also shows surprise at those who say Nyerere has caused this kind of thing. He says that they bring us problems, telling us to leave our fruits, our fruit trees, our papaya and others, in order to follow this scheme where we cannot plant there, and to go and divide

among the farms of others, and to be required to go and live at this place. Now he has this anger, but he has not said anything bad, he has not said anything bad about Nyerere. In 1974, that is indeed when they started these planned villages. In other regions, people refused to move, but the government and their various servants used force to move them, because [the population] did not realize the benefit that would come of this. Because to arrange things in this way, it would be easier to receive services, such as getting water from one pump which would help everyone. It was not to say that there is one person on the mountain, another one where? So, in the end they got used to this, and they were happy to see the results of this arrangement’.)

394 CHAPTER TWELVE Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* had these

memories of this period: Wakati watu walipohamia vijijini, wengi walichukia walimchukia, Mwalimu Nyerere. Lakini agizo la Mwalimu Nyerere halikuwa hivyo. Wale watekelezaji hao waliokuja kutekeleza, wao ndiyo walifanya kinyume na Mwalimu Nyerere alivyosema, sababu wao walitumia nguvu, walipiga watu, na walichoma nyumba za watu.

Kwa hiyo sasa hivi anasema, ‘Nyinyi ndiyo wabaya, lakini agizo la Mwalimu Nyerere halikuwa hivyo’. (At the time people were moving into villages, many truly hated Mwalimu Nyerere. But, the orders from Nyerere were not what transpired. The executives who came to execute

these plans, they indeed did the opposite of what Nyerere ordered, because they used force, they beat people, and they burned homes. So indeed the singer says, “You people are indeed bad, but the order from Mwalimu Nyerere was not like this’.)

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN

This section contains songs about the ‘Kagera’ war against Idi Amin. In 1978, Idi Amin, ‘president for life’ of Uganda, claimed that Tanzanian President Nyerere, his perennial enemy, was at the root of all his troubles. Amin accused Nyerere of waging war against Uganda by way of multiple border skirmishes, and, hoping to divert attention from his internal troubles and rally Uganda against the foreign adversary, Amin invaded Tanzanian territory and formally annexed a section across the Kagera River boundary on 1 November 1978. Declaring a formal state of war against Uganda, Nyerere mobilized his citizen army reserves and counterattacked, joined by Ugandan exiles united as the Uganda

National Liberation Army (UNLA). The Ugandan army retreated steadily. Tanzania and the UNLA took Kampala in April 1979, and Amin fled by air, first to Libya and later, to a permanent exile at Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

Songs concerning the war against Idi Amin were extremely popular, and were most associated with the bakomyaluume and bagobogobo groups and their militarized magembe drama routines, in many cases commissioned by the government. Elias Songoyi had

this first hand testimony of a magembe performance in the early 1980s:

The soldier-dancers kept the rhythms of the drums, and entered the arena in a single file, carrying guns on their shoulders. They were in combat khaki dress with jungle hats and rubber boots. The commander marked time with “Left-right left-right”! In the arena, the soldiers went through parade inspection, then they started to prepare for battle, with battle drills. The soldiers stood at attention while the leaders sang a song depicting Amin as a foul smelling snake. Then the soldiers went into battle. (1988: 55)

These songs praise the Tanzanian soldiers, denounce Amin, and ask the citizens to be bold in their sacrifices in this trying time.

396 CHAPTER THIRTEEN (294) Mpigaga ache! (‘Hit so he should die!’)

Mpigaga ache! Hit so he should die! Mutizunekela akapuluguka Do not let him slip away

Idi Amin (2x) Idi Amin (2x)

Watwinhile mawazo He has given us thoughts

Wapungugije na lubigili He has reduced [us to] the cowshed Lwa hang’wa Shitobelo That [one] at Shitobelo’s Ba ng’wana Makongolo bajile That of ng’wana Makongolo is gone

Bali ku manamba (2x) They have gone to manamba (2x)

Niyulu niganika Then, when I think about it Sheniki, Nzugamawe I, Nzugamawe

Ize naje kujeshi I should go into the army

oNg’wa Shitobelo Neg’wana Shitobelo Tukagukube (2x) We should go to crawl (2x)

Interpretation: This song text, composed by the well-known wigaashe composer Kiduha Shitobelo and transcribed by Gibbe (n.d.), personalizes the war. The singer comments on his neighbor’s children going off to the war, and mentions that he has been axed heavily, but willingly. He had to ‘reduce the cowshed’, or give up cattle for the war effort. He jokes that his beloved ng’wana Makongolo, a prize bull, has gone off to manamba, a term usually used to refer to conscripted labor, but in this case, referring to the compulsory war draft (see also song #103). This was understood by listeners as an important sacrifice, both economically and symbolically. In the end, the singer contemplates joining the

army himself (though he is too old), and learn how to crawl in the trenches.

Retired Makoko Language School instructor Willliam Lubimbi* had this extended commentary about the conflict, as well as thoughts about this composer’s perspective about the war: Wananchi wa mkoa wa Mwanza, sawa na wananchi wote Tanzania, hawakupenda uvamizi uliofanywa na ‘nduli’ Idi Amin. Katika mchango wao wa kupigana na nduli huyu, wengi walitoa sehemu ya mali yao kama alama ya kuunga mkono juhudi za kuyangoa majeshi ya uvamizi. Wafugaji wengi walitoa ngombe, malenga; mmoja wapo wa wafugaji, alitoa ngombe wake aitwae ngwana Makongolo. Ni kawaida ya wafugaji

' A common Kiswahili epithet leveled at Amin, meaning ‘murderer, savage, thug’.

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN 397

kuwapa ngombe wao majina. Si hivyo tu, malenga alianza kujishauri ili naye aende katika uwanja wa mapambano akapigane. Ingawa yeye hakwenda, lakini wimbo wake ulisaidia kuchochea ari ya vijana wengi kwenda vitani. Yeye amejiita ‘Nzugamawe’, yaani ‘mpika mawe’. Mtu amfikiriapo malenga huyu anamwona ni mtu hatari asiye na mchezo. Jina hili linaonyesha ushujaa. Mawe yasiyopikika yeye ndiyo huyapika.

(The citizens of Mwanza District, together with the citizens of the entire country of Tanzania, did not want this ruckus caused by the murderer Idi Amin. During their fundraising [done] in order to fight this criminal, so many put up [their] wealth, in a way to show that they

were joining hands, to remove these soldiers of chaos. Many cattle herders were giving up cattle. This composer, who was also a cattle herder, gave up his bull named ‘ng’wana Makongolo’. It is common for cattle owners to give names to their cattle. Not just this, the composer is giving himself advice so he should go to the war grounds and fight. Even though he did not go, his song helped many young men decide to go to the war He called himself “Stones Cooker’. Someone who reflects on this composer can see that he was very dangerous and was not someone to play with. This name, for instance, demonstrates heroism. Stones cannot be cooked, yet this was something that he claimed he could do.) Local historian Michael Masalu* remembered the chaos of this time:

Huyo Idi Amin anasababisha tukapungukiwe na ngombe katika zizi letu. Sasa tulikuwa na ngombe wengi lakini tulipoambiwa na Nyerere tujitolee mwingine chakula. Alitaka kusema tu, ‘Tufanye umoja na nguvu na kujitolea chochote ili tumufukuze mtu mbaya’. Alisema kwamba anasababisha na ngombe wakapungua, lakini anataka wamkimbize kabisa aende mbali. (This guy Idi Amin caused us to reduce our herds of cattle from our compounds. Now, we had many cattle, but we were asked by Nyerere to remove others, for food. He said, “Let us work together in strength, and put all our resources together so we may chase out this bad man’. He [the composer] says that even though he [Amin] is causing our cattle to decrease, we should do what we can to make this guy run as away far as possible.)

* Nzugamawe (‘Stones Cooker’) was also the name of a famous nineteenth-century medicine healer. The praise name ‘Stones Cooker’ refers to how tough the singer is, so tough that he can cook and eat stones.

398 CHAPTER THIRTEEN (295) Idi Amin wikumyaga (‘Idi Amin was bragging’)

Idi Amin wikumyaga ngosha Idi Amin was bragging that he was a man

Akamali’shilanga He ran out of weapons

Utafanya nini? What can you do?

iTanzania tuli bagosha! In Tanzania we are men!

Bakwipemba moto Those kindled in fire

(2x) (2x)

Batiko kutuvamia sagalasagala ‘They cannot invade us carelessly

Na bana Libya batumanile And the Libyans know us Neg*halilo kuponya shilanga In the end they throw [away] their weapons

Nsasi jabela mitwe Bullets have broken heads Bavamia mu Tanzania Invaders of Tanzania

Utagula, uldi Amin He gave up, Idi Amin

Huna shuhola The land now has peace and more

Na kuhola (2x) peace (2x)

Mshika mbili? The one who holds two things? Moj ikamponyokaga One is going to drop

Aha ulu ugakilanija malagilo Here, if you break the law

Ugubona ung wehela You will see the tornado Butundu, wanshilile Cleverness, he ran out of it Unkali ng’wiching’wi Your mean fellow Nu buraisi, wangayile And the presidency, he has lost Kulwa bubuluguku (2x) Because of recklessness (2x)

Uyilekela iBuganda He leaves Uganda

iKuyombaga, ‘Hoye! Hoye!’ It [Uganda] is saying “Hurray! Hurray!’

Amin, chaga lwako! Amin, die on your own! Jaga ukalye makubi na Go and eat greens in your

magungulu village

Na bana bako With your children Iki wihambagalaga (2x) Because you pretended (2x) Marehemu Askofu, ukamulaga The deceased Bishop, you killed him

Untulagula na mhayo biya You beat him without cause Zambi ikukwandamaga (2x) This sin follows you (2x) Wagabona majeshi ga Tanzania Mave you seen the Tanzanian armies?

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN 399

Gansula umbehi giti munigembe They have forged this guy like a hoe

Waja Libya He has gone to Libya

Wakalenda kubizukulu bakwe Gone to settle with his grandchildren

Abo bonembagulaga (2x) [and] Those there who deceived him (2x)

Usirudie tena, kwishambulia Do not repeat, to attack Tanzania Tanzania

Komaga, gitumo ukagilila Cease, like how you were weaned

Wapamilwe mhela You have been pummeled by a rhinoceros

Ugunwa Muammar You were saved by Muammar [Quadafi]

Ni watobagukile (2x) Otherwise you would have been smashed (2x) Interpretation: This song was attributed to the niingi Buguhi Kabambo. The text was collected and transcribed by Mkongola, and is provided here in full (1980: 61).° The text is straightforward. The singer scoffs

> Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: “Idi Amin alijidai mwanaume / Alimaliza silaha / Utafanya nini? / Tanzania tu wanaume wa moto / Hawawezi kutuvamia ovyo ovyo / Hata wa Libya wanatujua / Mwisho kutupa chini silaha / Risasi zatoboa vichwa / Wavamia Tanzania Kakimbia Idi Amin / Nchi sasa salama / Mshikambili moja humponyoka / Usipofuata maagizo / Utakiona kimbunga / Utundu mwenzenu umekwisha / Na uraisi ameukosa / Kutokuwa mwangalifu / Ameiacha Uganda / Inaimba hoye hoye / Amin kufa uliko / Nenda kale vibaya na watoto wako / Kwa vile uliyataka / Marehemu Askofu ulimwuua / Ukampiga bila sababu / Dhambi inakuandama / Umeyaona majeshi ya Tanzania / Yamemfua kama jembe / Ameenda Libya kukaa kwa wajukuu wake / Waliokuwa wakimdanganya / Usirudie tena / Kuishambulia Tanzania / Koma kama ulivyoacha ziwa / Umepigwa kifaru / Ukasaidiwa na Muhama / Ungevunjwavunjwa’ (Idi Amin bragged he was a man / He finished up his weapons / What can you do? / Tanzania has only men of fire / They cannot invade us recklessly / Even the Libyans know us / In the end, to throw down their weapons / Bullets have pierced heads / Invaders of Tanzania / He ran off, Idi Amin / The country is now at peace / The one two things in the hand /One always falls / If you do not follow orders / You will see the tornado / Your cleverness has finished / And leadership, he has lost / Because of not being careful / He has Uganda / The country sings ‘hoye hoye’ / Amin die where you are / Go eat lousy spinach with your children / Because it is what you wanted / The Bishop who passed on, you killed him / You beat him without cause / The sin follows you / Have you seen the Tanzanian soldiers? / They have forged this guy like a hoe / he has gone off to sit in Libya together with his grandchildren / They deceived him /Do not return again / To ambush Tanzania / Stop, as if you have ceased drinking your mother’s milk / You have been beat by a rhinoceros / You were helped by Muamar / You should have been broken into pieces).

400 CHAPTER THIRTEEN at Amin, for pretending to be a man, in the face of Tanzanians, ‘kindled in fire’. He was a coward, the one who assassinated the Anglican Bishop of Kampala Janani Luwum in 1977. The Libyans knew what they were getting into in this war, which was why they committed so few resources, and abandoned their tanks on the battlefield. Amin left Uganda, ran off to Saudi Arabia and then to Libya, and the country of Uganda rejoiced. The singer tells Amin to go and retire in Libya, eating poor quality greens, because soon he will be out of funds and it is all he will be able to afford.

Local historian Michael Masalu* had this reflection: Anamsema Amin ni mtu mbaya sana, kwa sababu alifanya makosa mengi katika vita hiyo kwa Tanzania. Kulikuwa na Askofu huko, akamuua kwa sababu alikuwa anafundisha dini, mambo ya kukataa ya kukataza vita, yeye akamuua! Kwa hiyo, alifanya dhambi kubwa sana. Kwa hiyo yeye anajidai kwamba atashinda. Na alikimbia. Alipigwa bomu, ndiyo akakimbia kukimbilia nchi nyingine. (He says that Amin is someone very evil, because he did so many bad things in this war with Tanzania. There was a Bishop there, he [Amin] killed him because he taught

religion, and taught how to refuse war, so, he killed him! Therefore, he committed an outrageous sin. Then he bragged that he would win, but in the end, he ran. He was hit by a bomb, and indeed, he ran off to another country.) (296) Jeshi la Tanzania (‘The army of Tanzania’)

Jeshi la Tanzania kwinga The army of Tanzania left

Ku ng’wa Nyerere From [the country] of Nyerere Digishagi, bagosha Let us greet one another, men

Neg’wiza na lubango, mukaya You have come with blessings, home Balumba, abose abana Tanzania They are thankful, all the Tanzanians

Bana biswe, ng watamba Our children, you have sacrificed Nulu mulitugisha, ‘Shikamoo’ Even when you greet us, ‘I grasp your feet’

Niswe tuzuny i, ‘Marahaba’ We respond, “How delightful”

* Kiswahili greeting between a younger person and an elder one. The younger person initiates the greeting, “Shikamoo’, literally, ‘I grasp your feet’. The elder responds, ‘Marahaba’, “How delightful’.

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN 401

Tuli na buyegi mu ngholo We have gladness in our hearts

Bayanda, ng wizile Young men, you have come back

Tumutone ki? What shall we slaughter for you?

mbata ducks

Mbuli na ngombe na ngholo na Goats and bulls and rams and

Na magoko, tukabulage And the chickens, we'll slaughter them Munanzoka, ng wantulila maguta The snake, you poured in kerosene Winga umung obo, uja alisubala [it] Left its hole, [and] went urinating

Kunu ulila, Amini While crying, Amin Atalashokeja hangi He will not return again Aho dang wigwa giki As we heard that

Neg’wikala ikampala You [soldiers] stayed in Kampala Dandya kuchanga na ng’ombe We began to contribute heads of cattle

Buli kaya, buli kaya Every home, every home Na ha ng’wa Kalikali Even from that of Kalikali’s

Likinga ili ngombe Came a big bull

Lya mapembe, kigomile Having horns, long-curved Nakalifunya iyiku li dunya I gave out a big bull Lyakuswagila mawe na mholo Driven by stones and scythes

Litabatabile It is perplexing to describe it Interpretation: A song by Kalikali Mbagule collected and transcribed by Elias Songoyi (1990: 75).° As the Tanzanian troops returned from the war in 1979, they were welcomed by Tanzanians with song. In Mwanza, a grand reception was arranged, and singers were invited to participate. Kalikali was among them, and he sang this song, congratulating the soldiers. The song expresses the Tanzanians’ appreciation of > Songoyi’s English translation: “The Tanzanian army from Nyerere / Let us greet

one another, men / You have come home with blessings / All the Tanzanians are thanking you / Our sons, you have conquered / Even when you greet us Shikamo / We respond Marahaba / With hearts full of joy / Young men, you have come back / What shall we slaughter for you? / Goats and bulls, rams and ducks / And the chickens

well slaughter them / You put kerosene into the serpent’s hole / The serpent went out running, urinating / While he (Amin) cried he will not repeat / As we heard the capture of Kampala / We began to contribute heads of cattle / House to house / Even from Kalikali’s homestead / A big bull was contributed / I gave out a big bull / With

ens curved horns / A bull driven by stones and swords / It is hard to describe its

402 CHAPTER THIRTEEN the role of the Tanzanian army in the war. Following Nyerere’s speech

declaring war with Amin, the Tanzanians had supported the troops with contributions of money, food, and livestock. Thus, their heroic return was a victory for all Tanzanians. Idi Amin is portrayed as ‘a serpent in a hole’ (an epithet given him by Julius Nyerere). The soldiers’ action to drive him away, is described

as putting kerosene into the hole to force the serpent out. The posters displayed during the campaigns against Amin portrayed him as a serpent or a monster clad in uniforms decorated with medals and emblems made of human skulls and bones.

Local historian William Lubimbi* had these points about this song: Huo ni wimbo ni wimbo wa shukrani. Mwimbaji anawashukuru wanajeshi walipotoka Uganda. ‘Sasa, wamekuja kwa furaha, wamekuja kwa baraka’, sasa, tuwape zawadi gani? Tuwachinjie nini? Anaanza

kutaja mifugo, ngombe, mbuzi, kondoo, mwishowe hata akataja na kuku pamoja na bata. Kwa hiyo, yeye anafurahi mno kwa kitendo ambacho walikifanya huko Uganda. Na anajaribu kusema kwamba, ‘Nadhani Amin hatarudia tena kwa kitendo alichokifanya hicho’. (This song is a song of thanks. The singer thanks the soldiers returning from Uganda. ‘Now, you have come with joy, you have come with blessings, now, what kind of gift shall we give you? What shall we slaughter for

you’ He starts to name livestock, cows, goats, and sheep. In the end, he even mentions chickens and ducks. Therefore, he is very happy with the actions that they completed there in Uganda. He tries to say that, ‘I think Amin will not return again’.) (297) Aha baba! (‘Here baba!’)

Aha baba! Here baba!

Yashilile, ilivita! It has come to an end, this war!

Banhu, tungwe walwa lelo People, let us drink alcohol today

Lyashilile, ilivita (2x) It has finished, this war (2x) Amini nang we, usema nhambo Amin now, he ran galloping Amini nangwe, usema nhambo Amin now, he ran galloping

Ali Malibya uko He is there in Libya

Akingila kuba Alabu bakwe (2x) He has run off to be with his Arabs (2x) uBebe nangho, ungema Nyerere? And you, can you test Nyerere?

Ung wiyo wasoma That one is a scholar Wasomela imilimo He has studied for this work

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN 403

Kuutalashokeja (2x) You will never repeat (2x) Wajibone ndege ja Barusi You should see the plane from the Russians

Lelo, Idi Amin Today, Idi Amin

Walota, wahaya giki You dreamed, you say that ‘Nasangwa hangi’ (2x) ‘I am being met again’ (2x) Wayibone Tanzania? (2x) Have you seen Tanzania? (2x)

Ya kocha moto lelo It has burned you with fire today Kuutalashokeja (2x) You will never return (2x) Intepretation: This song of thanks was remembered and performed by Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma.°® He attributed its origin to the composer Makelema. The singer laughs at the cowardice of Idi Amin, and urges people to celebrate after a difficult fight, now that the war is over. The singer praises the efficiency of the aircraft lent to the Tanzanian government by the Soviet Union, and promises Amin that he will never return. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this interpretation: Huyu mwimbaji anasema, ‘Vita imekwisha, kwa kuwa vita imekwisha tufurahi tu. Tunywe pombe, wachezaji tucheze, kwa kuwa huyu Amin tumeisha mfukuza, amekimbia’. Idi Amin yeye alijidai kwamba anafahamu kupigana, lakini Nyerere, huyo alikuwa anasoma, anasomea elimu ya kupigana. Kwa hiyo Idi Amin alishindwa, alikosa akili kupigana vizuri, alikosa ndege hizo hizo kutoka na Urusi, na Nyerere alikuwa na uhusiano nao, walimpa ndege nzuri. (The singer says, ‘Ihe war is over, the war is over, let us just be happy. Let us drink beer, performers, let us perform, because this guy Amin, we have sent him away, he has run off’. Amin bragged that he knew how to fight,

but Nyerere was a scholar, a scholar of war. As a result Amin was defeated, he did not have the intelligence to fight well, he did not have these planes given to him by the Russians, whereas Nyerere had a relationship with them, and they gave him good aircraft.)

(298) Kambarage, ng’weshimiwa Nyerere (“Kambarage, the honorable Nyerere’)

Kambarage, ng’weshimiwa Kambarage, the honorable

Nyerere Nyerere

Watukombola You saved us ° Recorded by author, village of Gambos, 26 August 1994, IUATM song #95.

404 CHAPTER THIRTEEN Wayimala ivita ya bana You finished the war with those of

Buganda Uganda Mnanzoka wantula ilihindi The snake you hit on the tail

Aligalagala It is rolling over

Agulalaga majigulu He takes refuge in the anthills

obanda hides Ogohagai Tanzania He fears Tanzania

Wabile wigwa chagachaga, When he hears movements, he

Aho akatuvamia At the time when he attacked us

Twalitulembelile We were tranquil

Tuli ng'wa walwa We were drinking liquor Tulisoma na kusoma We were studying and studying Nikumbaga yabuyaga I had plenty to cover myself with Tuhimbulwa njinga (2x) We were hit by a mortar (2x) Aho nigwa guli giki ya binwa, When I heard that it was hit,

iBugando Bugando

Ingholo yukolwa My heart was bitter ‘Yulya malumba na malumba’ [like] “Eating bitter herbs’

Bugando baliko In Bugando they are there Baliko, balema bingi They are there, many disabled Na bakubyalaga na balinda And those giving birth and pregnant

Baliko bingi They are many

Nangho ulihaya And you are planning Kupiga njinga! To hit [us] with a mortar!

iTanzania, ibulage Tanzania, in order to kill it Wayibona indege nyukilia Have you seen the nuclear plane Ya kunya lyochi ukunuma? That spits smoke from the back?

Ukubutongi, balishila In the front, they are being finished

Bakwanaga buyaga They are wailing in desperation Baganda, toshila’ ‘Ugandans, we are finished’ Interpretation: This song was composed and performed by Mayunga Ngata,’ congratulating Nyerere on a job well done. The song stresses how surprised Tanzanians were, attacked in this way. People were just going about their business, some were partying, others studying, when

” Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM song #73.

SONGS CONCERNING THE WAR AGAINST IDI AMIN 405

Amin attempted to bomb the Bugando Medical Centre in Mwanza (he missed). The thought of this makes the singer bitter (eating bitter herbs’). There were doctors, nurses, and patients there! In the end, the singer praises the aircraft lent to Tanzania by the Soviet Union, which got the job done. The singer had this to say about what inspired him to compose this song: Mwalimu Nyerere, kwa ujasiri wake aliofanya mpaka akatuweka kwenye hali nzuri na usalama, alitumia jitihada ya kuweza kumkimbiza huyu ‘ndugu’ Idi Amini, pale Bugando, pale Mwanza hospitali wamo watoto, wamo akina mama waja wazito, wamo wagonjwa wa kila namna, wamo wadaktari na waaguzi! (Mwalimu Nyerere, in his heroism, which he exercised until he placed us in a good and peaceful way, used his diligence in order to chase off this guy, ‘brother’ Idi Amin. There at Bugando, there at Mwanza at their hospital, there are

children, there are pregnant women, there are sick people of every kind, there are doctors and nurses!) Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* shared this conversation about the song: Wimbo huu ni wa kushukuru kuhusu vita ya Uganda ilipotokea. Mwimbaji anashukuru sana, kwa kumshukuru mweshimiwa Raisi wa kwanza, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Anashukuru kwamba vita imekwisha, sasa tunafurahi, na yule mtawala wa Uganda Idi Amin, walimuita kwa jina la ‘nyoka’, ni mbaya sana. Lakini kwa bahati, huyu mtawala wetu, huyu Nyerere, alimpiga alipoivamia Tanzania, kwa sababu mwimbaji anasema, wakati huo tulishtukia tu! Tulishtushwa, tulipokuwa tunakunywa pombe, na kusikia mizinga inalia, na wengine walikuwa wanasoma sasa, tukawa tunasambaa-sambaa tu. (This song is a song of thanks for the war with Uganda which took place. The singer thanks very much, thanks the respected first president, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. He [the composer] is thankful that the war is over, ‘now we are happy , and that the leader of Uganda, Idi Amin, whom they called ‘the snake’, is very bad. But, with good luck, this leader of ours, this one Nyerere, he hit him, as he was causing trouble in Tanzania. Because the singer says, at that time we were just surprised! We were surprised, we were drinking our beer, but then to hear the cannons fire, while others were studying, we just spread out, we scattered everywhere.)

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE JULIUS NYERERE'S PRESIDENCY (1985-1995)

As Tanzania sank deeper into debt because of the Kagera war with Amin, Nyerere found himself increasingly at odds with his stated socialist ideals. Far from being self reliant, Tanzania was more dependent than ever. The economy had virtually collapsed, agriculture was barely sufficient for subsistence needs, the country was saddled with a

debt burden and one third of Tanzania's budget was now accounted for by loans to donor countries and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). With the donors now demanding economic liberalization and privatization, Nyerere resigned from the presidency in 1985. The 1985 elections ushered in a Union government headed by a pragmatic reformer, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who began a ten-year tenure (he was reelected in 1990) characterized by the wholesale desertion of Nyerere’s Ujamaa policies, economic reforms, and liberalization, the implementation of IMF-imposed austerity measures, and corruption on all levels. Furthermore, the Tanzanian government opened up its closed political system to a multiparty one, holding its first democratic election in 1995.

During the Mwinyi years, government-sponsored songwriting focused on campaigns like reforestation, eradication of the tsetse fly, and radio spots featuring development issues such as ‘health’, ‘water’, and ‘roads’ (Kurekodi Nyimbo 1988).' The government ‘peasants’ holi-

' A set of guidelines from 1991 (Mwongozo wa Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha ya Wilaya’ 1991) gave directives as to what the content of songs should be: 1. Kampeni ya upandaji miti ambayo katibu wa chama wa mkoa ameshatoa maagizo kuwa kila mwananchi ashiriki kampeni hii kwa kupanda miti; 2. Vita dhidi ya rushwa, magendo, ubadhilifu na ufujaji wa mali ya umma, uzembe na upuuzaji wa kutekeleza sheria za kazi kwa watumishi na kutowajibika kwa wakulima. Wimbo usisitize juu ya kujiwekea akiba ya chakula ikiwa ni kinga kwa adui njaa. Nyimbo za asili- Kampeni juu ya vita dhidi ya imani ya uchawi, imani inayotawala kanda yetu ya ziwa na hasa mikoa wa Mwanza na Shy (1. The campaign for planting trees, which the Party Secretary of the province has already ordered every citizen should embrace; 2. The war against bribery, black markets, misuse wastage of the public wealth, and the negligence and disregard for labor laws regarding irresponsibility towards farmers. The song should emphasize putting aside food for storage as prevention against hunger. Traditional songs - The

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 407

day Nane Nane on the 8th of August, already utilized for propaganda purposes by the Nyerere administration, became a primary focal point for disseminating government policy via local composers’ songs (‘Ratiba ya Sikukuu ya Kuadhimisha Miaka 10 ya Muungano wa Tanzania’ 1974). Following the standard set by Ujamaa-era policy makers, government-sponsored song competitions towards the end of the Nyerere presidency and during the post-Nyerere years had increasingly elaborate rules detailing how song should be composed and performed (‘Taarifa ya Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha Kitaifa’ 1984; ‘Mwongozo wa Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha ya Wilaya’ 1991).’ Radio also received a new focus under the Mwinyi administration. Many songs were recorded and aired by Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam, then the sole state radio station which could be heard all over the country. Singers were paid token stipends every time they were visited by the radio personnel who came to record these songs.

Government-sponsored Sukuma dance competitions during this period continued to be judged in a democratic fashion. Judges at government-sponsored competitions were respected members in the community, usually relatively well off, and were typically card-carrying members of the CCM. As with nongovernment sponsored village

campaign for the war against belief in witchcraft, beliefs that dominate our lake areas especially in the Mwanza and Shinyanga provinces). * A government report from 1984 (‘Taarifa ya Mashindano ya Sanaa na Lugha Kitaifa’ 1984) outlined various rules of competitive engagement for ngoma ensembles and choirs: 1. Kuubakiza katika uasili wake mwafaka ufanyiwe utafiti ili utumike ule wa asili ya wimbo. Kisha kuchunguza ‘combination’ ya sauti zikiwa zaidi ya moja. 2. Mtindo wa utungaji wa urahisirahisi unaotufaa kwenye uasili, na kutuacha hewani na wala si kizungu uachwe. Utungaji huu uliokuwa na ubovu huu: -ghani inakuwa hamna na tunakuwa tunaimba mwafaka au ‘chorus’ tu; -ghani unakuwa fupi mno na kwa hiyo kuona kuwa na beti nyingi mno za maneno; -ghani itambe, mwafaka usanifiwe na kuwe na usanii wa hali ya juu ndani ya wimbo. Tuache mwafaka wa kikanisakanisa. Tusipayuka au kuimba kwa kushindana. Kiongozi aratibu uimbaji ili wimbo uwe na mizania (balance). Musiki wa ala: Ala zinazoonekana zipewe na nafasi ya kusikika na kutamba. (1. To sustain acceptable traditional styles, and perform research in order to maintain the tradition of the song. To search for proper arrangements / ‘combinations’ if there is more than one voice; 2. The style of the composition should be very easy and suitable for its tradition, and foreign styles should be left behind. Compositional styles having this problem include those where:- the melodic arrangement is unsuitable and there is only a ‘chorus’; -the melodic arrangement is too short resulting in too many verses having too many words; should the melody be popular, the harmonies should be cleaned up and be of high artistic value inside the song. Let us leave behind church-related harmonies. We should not promote nonsense or compete with each other. The leader should guide the singing so that it has balance. Instrumental music: instruments should be visible and with audible voicings.

408 CHAPTER FOURTEEN competitions, competing dance teams aligned themselves on opposing ends of a large, unused, open space, usually a soccer field. Spectators congregated between the two competing groups, while judges aligned themselves off field near the space’s halfway point. Winning dance teams were assessed by head count: the dance teams, musicians, and singers that attract the larger number of spectators during the allotted performance time were declared the winner. Judges acted as neutral clock keepers and officiators, raising and lowering flags to start and stop the performances, receiving council from respected elders chosen from the ranks of both the bagiika and the bagaalu, who watch their respective sides. Three members apiece of the bagiika bagaalu stood together with the judges, and were asked who the winner was. If split in their decision, the judges counted heads. The government continued to support competitions between worker cooperatives. These competitions signified that something of impor-

tance was at stake to their participants and viewers, evident in the several letters of complaint on record at the Mwanza District Office of Culture Archives. Workers complained that the competitions were held at the wrong time of the year, during harvest and not afterward,

as is done with the unafhliated village competitions (Uthamini wa Mpango...n.d.). Another complaint shed light on competitive practices reminiscent of those in the villages. Those writing (Pamba Ltd) claimed that the competitors (National Bank of Commerce) should

have been disqualified, because they had bewitched them as they arrived in their bus, slandering them through song (Muhtasari wa Kikao...1990). Most of the complaints, however, were directed at the organizers of the competitions, imploring them to do something about incompetent judges who were accepting bribes from the highest bidders (Mkutano wa Maofisa Sanaa 1991). The writers argued that judges looked the other way when competing groups played for fifteen minutes and not ten, when the competition stole songs from music heard on Radio Tanzania, and when the drumming and the singing were not synchronized. Some lamented that the judges knew nothing about music (Kiwanda cha Nguo n.d.). Song from this period congratulate Nyerere for his hard work in leading the nation, encourage Mwinyi to follow in the footsteps of Nyerere, congratulate the government for opening the political dialog to a multiparty system, while at the same time calling the desire to abandon the CCM a dangerous and unnecessary move.

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 409

(299) Mabukoye, Rais (“Hard work, President’)

Mabukoye, Rais Hard work, President Wakoyaga, namhala You have labored, respected elder Wanoga, watandula si You are tired, you have broken the ground

Na nghana, isi It is true, for the country Waizengela maendeleo You have built development

Ni siasa ya Ujamaa And the politics of Ujamaa

Ni ujamaa It is socialism

iTanzania iendelea mbele Tanzania is moving forward Nduhu ni nghani jalemilwe And arrogance has been rejected Interpretation: This is a song collected by Gibbe (n.d.), congratulating Nyerere toward the end of his presidency for the work completed. The politics of Ujamaa have resulted in real ujamaa, that is, cooperation, togetherness, and unity.

What follows are four songs in praise of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, the second president of the republic of Tanzania (1985-1995). (300) Hoyela (‘To discuss’)

Hoyela, twajaga [in order] To discuss, we have gone Ga kuhoyela, twajaga (2x) For discussing, we have gone (2x) Bulumbi, tulilumba, ntaale Thankfulness, we are thankful, elder

Tugatunge magupi We should compose them short Tugashindikije mabiliga We should push them round Ga kuhoyela, twajaga (2x) For discussing, we have gone (2x) uNyerere, akigasha mshandalo Nyerere, he sat in seclusion Huna wali ng wibanza shiku ibili We was in a meeting for two days Unkoloni upandagila na lume (2x) The colonialist stepped in the dew (2x) uNyerere, ntemi wise wa CCM __ Nyerere, our chief of the CCM

mapinduzi revolution

Hangamaga, baba Long live, baba

Na Mwinyi And Mwinyi

(2x) (2x)

Nangho baba, hangamaga baba And you baba, live long baba

Mabepari, bulima Capitalists, [at] farming Balilila mu mahanga They are crying in the wilderness

410 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Iki Tanzania kubiza na raisi wa For Tanzania is to have a second

kabili Tanzania (2x) president Tanzania (2x)

Bulumbi Thankfulness Tulilumba, ntaale We are thankful, elder Kuli baba Nyerere To baba Nyerere

Kututongela, Tanzania To lead us, Tanzania Kutushikisha Bujamaa (2x) To get us into Ujamaa (2x) (301) Buhaya, ba Magaji (‘They said, those of Magaji’)

Buhaya, ba Magaji They said, those of Magaji Twali na Nyerere na Ng’winyi They were with Nyerere and Mwinyi

Buniwila giki They told me that

Tuhudumie iChama We should tend to the Party

Busalama ni gembe (2x) Security and the hoe (2x) Siasa ya Ujamaa, twishangalie! The politics of Ujamaa, we should rejoice!

Mihayo ya bataale Words of the big leaders

Idumu iTanzania Long live Tanzania

(302) Tulija kusumbila Juliasi (“We are going to receive Julius’)

Tulija kusumbila Juliasi We are going to receive Julius

Tungishe We should greet him

Nu Mwinyi, tungishe And Mwinyi, we should greet him Bakujiwa, twihamagi Honorables, let us greet one another

Abalimi, twitanilwe Farmers, we have been called Kujusumbila ntaale To receive the great one Ungweshimiwa, Nyerere The respected one, Nyerere (303) Abacheza ng’oma (‘Players of ng’oma’)

Abacheza ng’oma Players of ngoma Tubinile Mwinyi Let us dance for Mwinyi

Mwinyi, babi ki? Mwinyi, where are his faults? Tunshangilie, ng hana! (2x) Let us rejoice him, really! (2x)

Abacheza ng’oma Players of ngoma

Ushilole, Mwinyi Let us see what he has done, Mwinyi Tunshangilie, nghana Let us rejoice him, really!

Abacheza ng’oma Players of ngoma

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 411

Interpretation: The first song, the wigaashe song Hoyela, was submitted anonymously to the Cultural Office of Mwanza District (Ofisi ya

Utamaduni ya Wilaya ya Mwanza)’ for approval to be performed at an unnamed event in 1985. I do not know whether the song was approved. The song thanks Julius Nyerere and welcomes Ali Hassan Mwinyi to his new position as president. The song memorialized the meetings that the British held with Nyerere’s new government leaders, to expedite and finalize the transition of power. “The colonialist stepped in the dew’, means the British were made to get up early in the morning to finalize this transition. The composer imagines that the British should be fuming because Nyerere’s revolution would now continue twenty-three years hence under the leadership of a new president, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, and the composer says that the capitalists (meaning the British) are ‘crying in the wilderness’, because they have lost this opportunity, and because they really do not know how to farm. William Lubimbi* had this reading of the text: Wimbo huu ni wimbo wa kushukuru kwa ajili ya kujitawala. Na mwimbaji anaanza kusema kwamba, ‘Kwa kuwa tumeshaanza safari, basi tujaribu kuimba kwa kifupi tu au tuseme maneno kwa kifupi. Anaanza kumsifu Nyerere, Nyerere alikaa kwenye mkutano kwa muda wa siku mbili. Baada ya siku mbili Wakoloni waliomba kwamba, ‘Hapana, hizo siku mbili ni kama miaka mingi, wakaanza safari ya kukanyaga umande, maana

yake ni kurudi kwao. Lakini, baada ya mkutano huo wa Nyerere kufanyika kwa muda wa siku mbili, nao walikubaliana naye kwamba, ‘basi sisi tutaondoka’. Kwa hiyo Nyerere dumu milele, na wewe Mwinyi, Rais wa pili, na wewe udumu milele. (This is a song of thanks for selfrule. The singer says that, ‘Although we have begun our journey, let

us try to sing a short song where we might say a few short points’. He starts to praise Nyerere, who was staying at a meeting that lasted two days. After these two days, the colonialists begged off, “These two

days have been like two years’, so they started their journey ‘grabbing the dew’, meaning they departed early for home. However, after this meeting held by Nyerere for two days, they indeed agreed, “OK, we shall leave’. Therefore, “Nyerere, live long, and Mwinyi, the second President, live long’.)

> “Fani ya Ng’oma za Asili’, n.d. Document #110, UTV/C8/011/V I: Cultural Programme, Acc. #2, Nyaraka Ofisi Ya Utamaduni Mkoa Mwanza.

412 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Buhaya ba Bagaji performed and composed by Migelegele ng’wana Hilya,* is a wigaashe song which praises Nyerere, Mwinyi, the CCM,

and the party holding to the values espoused in the campaign slogan, Amani na Jembe (‘Security and the Hoe’).° The significance of the person mentioned in the first line, Magaji, is uncertain, though he is probably a local CCM party functionary, and he is an associate of the composer, who had this reflection: Tulikuwa na Magaji, alikuwa mtoto wangu wa bugota. Sasa alisema kwamba tulikuwa na Nyerere na Mwinyi, walisema ‘Tutangaze usalama na CCM’, yaani maana yake, ‘Idumu Tanzania, siasa, idumu, tuyatangaze kwa juu ili adumu kabisa’. (We were there with Magaji, he was my student in bugota. Now, we were there with Nyerere and Mwinyi, and they said, “We should advertise the security provided by the CCM, in other words, ‘Long live Tanzania, [Tanzania] politics long live, let us advertise it with strength, so it lives long, truly’.)

Tulija kusumbila Julius, sung by Paulo Lusana,° and Abacheza ngoma, collected by Bischoff (1996: 28),” are both short bunuunguli choruses in praise of president Mwinyi. These songs were attributed by Simon Ndokeji to Edward Ntemi. Songs such as these were composed in the event of the composer being called to go the airport, or to go to the hotel where the president was staying, in order to perform. The song might then make its way into the standard performance repertory of the group that the composer works with, as a testament that the composer was well connected. (304) Luyombya chalo (‘Stirrer of villages’)

Luyombya chalo Stirrer of villages

Nali ngosha Iam aman

Nalinkali unene (2x) I am very ferocious (2x) Neg’wizukulu Mhoja Grandchild [of] Mhoja

Nakesaga ng’ombe I am wagering cattle

Neg’wana oShimba, nene (2x) Neg’wana [that of] Shimba, I (2x)

* Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 8 August 1995, IUATM song #317. > This was an old TANU slogan revised for the CCM campaign of 1985. © Recorded by author, Chicago IL, 11 June 1998, personal collection of author. ” Bischoff’s Danish translation: “Trommedansere, vidanser for Mwinyi / Ham skal vi virkelig fejre, trommedansere / Shilole og Mayuka, vi skal fejre Mwinyi’ (“Drum dancers, we dance for Mwinyi / We should really celebrate, drum dancers / Shilole and Mayuka, we will be celebrating Mwinyi’).

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 413

Naje hizugile Let me go start my own home Basaba ng ombe Those who keep cattle Ng’wana Magema na ong wa Ng’wana Magema and [that] of

Bufufu (2x) Bufufu (2x)

Kihamo nu ng wana Makeja Together with ng’wana Makeja Ja sawa ingombe na ngholo Cattle and sheep have been bred

Bakadimaga jihumbi (2x) They tend [to] a thousand (2x) Itawi lya Miswaki lyelwa ngholo ‘The branch of Miswaki has a pure heart

Ja sawa no ingombe, yii! So many cattle have been bred, yii!

Bakadimaga shihumbi They tend thousands Chairmeni uPorini, nakanumbaga Chairman Porini, I thank him

Kihamo nu katibu Together with the secretary

Nakanumbaga I thank him

Nu balozi, ong’wa Kisolwa And the administrator, that of Kisorwa

uNg wana Yombo Ng’wana Yombo Natukolwa unene I cannot hate myself Nu ng’wene nakanumbaga (2x) I also thank him (2x) Tumamagi miaka, milele na milele Serve many years, forever and ever

Mtumamile shiku niingi He should serve many days

Bing’we ng’wendelea You are developing

Interpretation: The singer Paulo Mafanyanga’® attributed this song to Ngalula ng’wana Shimba, from the mid-1980s. The singer begins by praising himself as a ‘stirrer of villages’ who is very ferocious, evidence that the context for this song was a wigaashe competitive dance sponsored by the government. He then praises the wealthy cattle owners

in his village (ng wana Magema and ng wana Bufufu), and finishes by praising the local CCM administrators (Chairman Porini, ng’wana Kisorwa, and ng wana Yombo) for the work they have done in the village.

In the two songs that follow, president Mwinyi is praised for following through on a perplexing issue that disturbed the singer. The issue was described in a letter written to the president by the singer

* Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #30.

414 CHAPTER FOURTEEN and composer Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’;wana Mahuma. The songs

were performed by her group Kazwala Shiiza Bakiima ba Kugunana Ngwasabuya (‘Nice Clothes Women’s Self-help Group of Ng’wasubuya’), while weeding a cotton field.

(305) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (‘Myself I was written by Mwinyv’)

(C) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi — (C) Myself I was written by Mwinyi (R) Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi — (R) Myself I was written by Mwinyi

(C) Natosha (C) I am satisfied

(R) Natosha, natosha (4x) (R) I am satisfied, I am satisfied

(C) Ilijibu (C) An answer

(R) Iijibu ku CCM (R) An answer from the CCM (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, mayu (C) Ananswer from the CCM, mayu

(R) Iijibu ku CCM (R) An answer from the CCM (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, niyo! (C) An answer from the CCM, even!

(R) Ilijibu ku CCM (R) An answer from the CCM (C) Ilijibu ku CCM, niyo (C) An answer from the CCM, even!

(R) Ilijibu ku CCM (4x) (R) An answer from the CCM (4x) (C) uNg’wanone ize kaya (C) My child should go home (R) uNg’wanone ize kaya (R) My child should go home (C) uNg’wanone ize kaya (C) My child should go home (R) Ng’wanone ize kaya (R) My child should go home

(C) Nantunze (C) I should look after her

Nantunze I should look after her

(C) Nulu nuispesho (C) Or something special (R) Nulu nuispesho (R) Or something special (C) Nulu nusipesho (C) Or something special (R) Nulu nusipesho nungulila (R) Or something special I will

Nungulila buy for her I will buy for her

(C) Ng’wene miligo (C) One with a load

(R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa_ (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ng’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One with a load never feels it,

mayu mayu

(R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa_ (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ne’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One with a load never feels it,

baba baba

(R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa_ (R) One with a load never feels it (C) Ng’wene miligo katabunagwa, (C) One having a load never feels

niyo it, even

(R) Ng’wene miligo atabunagwa_ _(R) One having a load never feels it

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 415

(306) Mtalehe tisa (‘On the ninth’)

Mtalehe tisa, ng¢haguja buluba On the ninth, I sold it Niyo mayu, shubiza sha matatizo And mayu, [it] became problematic Ukubokela shubiza sha matatizo Being paid became problematic

Ukubokela (2x) To be paid (2x)

Shikabiza shogohya nu bulimi It became a threat to farming

Baba Ngwinyi aho wabona Baba Mwinyi when he saw this

(3x) (3x)

Ufunya amri, ghunana tubokela He gave an order, we were paid Nanguhijage ipajero iyakuyinza Bring me promptly 500 shillings for forage

Bamageuzi ging we You with your ‘changes’ Ga nzwuguli iyo chanjo No matter what you do

Ukwitinda CCM? Defeat CCM?

Mpaga ng’wibuje [not] Until you question yourselves Interpretation: In Nene nandikwa na Ng winyi,’ the composer saw that

the farmers in her region were not paid in a timely fashion by the cooperatives for the cotton they harvested, thus she wanted to complain directly to president Mwinyi via letter, who heard the complaint and ordered they should be paid. The song thanks president Mwinyi for helping them on this issue, and boasts that Mwinyi wrote to her directly. In Mtelehe tisa,'® the singer continues to thank Mwinyi on

this issue, and reminds listeners that the opposition parties in the upcoming election of 1995 have no say in matters such as these, that they make promises of quick cash but cannot deliver. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi” had these

perceptions about this case: Wimbo huu unaohusu kuuza pamba. Inaonekana wakati mtunzi huyu alipotunga wimbo wake, alipouza kukawa na shida kidogo. Pesa hazikupatikana, yeye aliuza tu lakini hakupewa pesa. Sasa, alisubiri alisubiri, lakini hakupata. Baadaye wakaona kwamba, ‘Ah, sasa hii tutapata lini? Afadhali tumuone hata Rais?’ Wakati ule Rais alikuwa Mwinyi, alipopata habari, yeye alitoa tu amri

> Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 5 and 11 September 1994, IUATM song #78 and 137.

'© Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 11 September 1994, IUATM song #131.

416 CHAPTER FOURTEEN kwamba wapewe hela zao. Sasa huyu mwimbaji yeye anasema, ‘Afadhali mlete haraka hizo pesa’, anasema, ‘Leteni haraka, ili twende tukanunue vyakula’. Sasa, kuna wengine ambao walianza kusema kwamba,

Lakini sasa, kwa kuwa hela haziji, labda ni kwa sababu ya CCM’. Lakini mwimbaji anasema kwamba, ‘kuishinda sisi mpaka mijiulize kwanza, ndipo labda mnaweza kuishinda. Na wao walianza kuingilia kununua pamba, na wao wakawa wanatoa keshi, wakawa wanalipa hao wa vyama vingine, matajiri wengine, ili chama cha CCM kionekane ni kibaya, hakina pesa’. Lakini mwimbaji anasema, ‘Hakuna wa kuishinda CCM, mpaka miiulize’. (This is a song about selling cotton. It is evident that at the time this song was composed, the composer had some kind of problem in selling. She did not get her money, she delivered the cotton but received no money. Now, she was waiting and waiting, but still received nothing. After a bit she saw that, ‘Ah, we will receive this when? Would it not be better if I contacted the president?’ At that time, the president was Mwinyi. Upon receiving this news, he gave the order that they be given their money. So this singer, she says, ‘Better you should give me this money quickly’, she says ‘Bring it fast, so I can go and buy some food’. Now, there were others who started to say, since the money is not coming, maybe it is because of the CCM’. However, the singer retorts, “We cannot know what is happening here

until we ask ourselves first. Now those who are going to buy cotton, and those who pay in cash are the other parties, or they are the rich people, who are trying to make the CCM look bad, as if it hasn’t any money. So this singer is saying, “There is no defeating the CCM, until we ask ourselves this’.) The following four songs all discuss various aspects of the multiparty

elections of 1995, and address specifically aspects of the Nane Nane (Eighth of August’) celebrations. Over the years, an increasing number of local dissidents and foreign observers have accused the CCM of corruption and incompetence. In 1992, under growing domestic and international pressure, the Tanzanian government authorized the formation of opposition parties. Within months, several new organizations emerged. By 1992, government songwriting campaigns focused more on the multiparty elections of 1995, and were interested in countering accusations of high-level bribery, and of course pushing the agenda and objectives of the party. Village party committees began to seize the opportunity of patronizing dances in order to raise funds for running their political activities. Usually, they used this opportunity

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 417

to ask the dance groups that they sponsored to sing propaganda songs praising the ruling party, and local and national party leaders.

(307) Chama na serikali (‘The party and the government’)

Chama na serikali The party and the government Nakamone uMasanja aha kata I saw Masanja at the ward office

Moyo goyegaga! The heart is glad!

Kuba Malu na ba Mahalozi With those of Malu and those of Mahalozi

Kub’umoja bone With this togetherness

Naje kubutongi (2x) I should move forward (2x) iCCM ituyumbaga gete The CCM will never sway much

Paga bakunoga Until they are worn out

(2x) (2x)

Abasujisuji benaba, aba Mapalala_ ‘These voyeurs, those of Mapalala

Tuntumamilage, uMrema Work for us, Mrema

Moyo goyegaga! The heart is glad!

Tuyupelwa na majihumbi We shall be rewarded in the thousands

Ni iserikali ikuhayaga (2x) The government is saying (2x) (308) Angu, tarehe (‘So, the date’)

(C) Angu, tarehe (C) So, the date Tarehe hii nane This date of the eighth Neweji, ngweji gwa kanane The month, the month is August

Ndishika Nyangasamo I will arrive Nyangasamo

(R) Nahoye nu baba (R) Let me talk to baba

Jigula Mayila The Opener-of-Ways

Tuhoye nu baba (2x) We should talk to baba (2x)

(C) Nu nene natina mhayo, (C) I have nothing to say, I have

nashikaga arrived Tukuhoya mahoya We will talk talks

Ukubeja kunikaribisha You will do good to welcome me

Wa ngwa Mhyeni Those of that of Mhyeni

Yise Ours

iSherehe yeniyi, tuyigidingile This celebration, let us deal with it

Ya ‘basimba ngobi’ Of the up-rooters of weeds Badubuji ba jiduha mu They uproot the roots at the

mamigunda farms

418 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Babilingi ba mandi Makers of contour ridges Gwanuyo gwashila That matter has finished Duhaye na gungi We should say something else CCM Mageuzi, namba ya CCM the Changers, Number

kwandya! One! Chama kitukufu The supreme party Chama namba ya kwandya! Party number one!

Isetwatonga kulyuba Were going first to the world Tulibana ba ntemi We are the children of the chief

Kung wa Welelo To Welelo

Tukafungulilwa li mlyango Doors were opened for us Nu Julius, CCM, songa mbele With Julius, CCM, push forward Tudutogagwa kushoka numa (2x) We do not want to go back (2x)

Na babunge, songa mbele Members of Parliament, push forward

Na badiwani, songa mbele Councilors, push forward Na bajumbe, tudutogagwa Advisers, we do not want to go

kushoka back

Ne’wenyekiti, songa mbele Chairman, push forward

Ma veo, songa mbele Village executive officers, push forward

Ma vitongoji, songa mbele Ten cell leaders, push forward Wanaushirika, songa mbele Cooperative members, push forward

Wenyekiti wa ushirika, songa Chairmen of cooperative unions,

mbele push forward Halmashauri ja bushirika, songa | Cooperative executive councils, mbele push forward Harakisha kabisa, songa mbele Hurry up, push forward

Tudutaligula lugoye, bana CCM _ Do not unfasten the rope, CCM members

Tudikomile kutaligula lugoye We are not likely to unfasten the

ulodotunga rope Malechela nu Ng’winyi, Malechela and Mwinyi, tie it lutungagi

Nu Mrema, lutungagi And Mrema, tie it Negongeje ukudadila Add to tie fast

Lutizutyuka It may not unfasten

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 419

(309) Angu, mbaluba ying’we (‘So, your letter’)

Angu, mbaluba ying’we So, your letter Ikanisanga, Fillipo (2x) It found me, Phillipo (2x) Mabaluba, ikanisanga, The letter, it found me, saying ikuyombaga

Wiize, ong’wa Maige (2x) I should come, of Maige (2x)

Tukanamwe ubaba We should praise baba

Ushigakulamiwa (2x) The only thing which remained (2x) Muswanzali, twigishe (2x) Muswanzali, let us greet one another (2x)

Gemela, aho nakasata Take an example, when I got sick

Oliza gakunisutila You came to see me

Buligwa uliza kunisula (2x) Every day you came to peep on me (2x)

Ulina shigongo You have compassion Nkila, ng’wabeeja Nkila, thank you Kunikalibisha, bana Ngunga (2x) To welcome me, people of Ngunga (2x)

Ku CCM With the CCM

Twibone nu veo We should meet the village executive officer

Twishike mkono ng’wana Let us shake hands with ng’wana

Lameki Lameck Ipunagi, bashike Let us leave early, daughters

Ntondo dilu (2x) Tomorrow morning (2x)

Tukanole uMandago, ku CCM _ Let us watch Mandago, in the CCM

Ong’wa Kisula Fillipo That of Kisula, Philippo Humugishaga bana Ngunga I greet you guys from Ngunga

Kwenye CCM In the CCM

Nani opinga chama? Who can challenge the party?

Ni CCM wipinga? The CCM party, who can challenge [it]?

Tutushokaga, biya We are not coming back, no CCM, songa mbele CCM, push forward Na serekali, madila (2x) And the government, good afternoon (2x)

Nene nahayaga giki Myself I am saying that Natinamona uMandago I have not seen Mandago

Ise waidika Father responded Tumamaga, baba Serve, father

Milele na milele (2x) Forever and ever (2x)

420 CHAPTER FOURTEEN (310) Nagahugana kuja Nyang’asamo (‘I made a mistake going to Nyang’asamo’)

Nagahugana kuja Nyangasamo I made a mistake going to

(2x) Nyang’asamo (2x)

Nali na Nghumbu Sayi Iam with Ng’humbu Sayi

(2x) (2x)

Na namugi ng'weneyo kaya The husband-owner of the house

Mwenyikiti Nyang’asamo Chairman Nyang’asamo Kakonoki muna Nyangasamo Kakonoki of Nyang’asamo (2x) (2x)

Malamula, namugisha Malamula, I greet you Humugishaga wanguwangu (2x) Iam greeting you in haste (2x)

Nali na Nghumbu, ba mbehi Iam with Ng’humbu, a real guy

Bejaga ng holo Be of a good spirit

Wangalia imilimo (2x) Watch over the works (2x) Ukiwanda, ukibeje (2x) The factory, you should take care of it (2x)

Ng’wana Mayanda, baba Ng’wana Mayanda, baba Kanisambage ng’ wenda Reward me with a cloth Kihamo nu baba, ong’wa Together with baba, that of

Mhogota Mhogota Baba ng’wa N¢gele Father of Ngele

Nalyagwata Madila (2x) Nalyagwata Madila (2x)

Na ng’wana Gashi And ng’wana Gashi

Bazenga Nyang asamo Dwellers of Nyang’asamo Na ngwana Syeya Madilo, Nane And ng’wana Syeya Madilo,

Nane Eighth of August

Yeniyi tukayegelaga, iTanzania We are enjoying in Tanzania (2x) (2x)

Nane Nane, ya balimi (2x) Eighth of August, belongs to the farmers (2x)

Namutambulile giki, Nyanza ise Let me inform you that, our Nyanza co-op

Ikenhwa ni gembe (2x) Was brought by the hoe (2x) Ni CCM, ni gembe (2x) And CCM, by the hoe (2x)

Yu saba, iTanzania Tanzania, it became wealthier Na mabati pepepe With white corrugated iron sheets

Tulagi yombo! Make noise!

Tugadegeleke ama mihayo So that we may listen to the words

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Ichama niingi ishi sha ndemelile These multiparties are incomprehensible

Ni nani akuchagulugwa? (2x) Who is being chosen? (2x)

Nene nalija kunundo I am going to the hammer Kunundo ni gembe (2x) The hammer and the hoe (2x) ‘Ki tubadegeleke amageuzi ‘Should we listen to these

genaya? changes?’ Genhile wiizi Tanzania (2x) They have brought theft to Tanzania (2x)

Mwinyi, bashambuliage Mwinyi, attack them

Batuwilaga giki They were telling us that ‘Lelo balipima buluba’ (2x) ‘Today they are weighing cotton’ (2x)

‘CCM, twibinze ‘CCM, let us dissolve [it] Nabo balihe?’ (2x) Where are they?’ (2x) Bayanda, namuwile umhayo Boys, let me tell you the critical

utaale (2x) word (2x)

Ng’hulima buluba I will cultivate cotton Ng’hulima na mangala (2x) I will cultivate millet (2x)

Imbolela ng’hwitule Fertilizers should be placed

Isamadi ya ngombe The manure of cows

Kimalu akwandikaga (2x) Kimalu is writing (2x) Interpretation: In Chama na serikali, a wigaashe song composed and performed by Mayunga Ngata in 1994," the singer encourages voters to stick with the CCM, and not to listen to the opposition. He praises local functionaries for their work (ng’wana Masanja, ng wana Malu, and ng wana Maholozi). The singer praises Augustine Mrema, a wellknown opposition leader who at the time of the performance of this song, was still the Minister of Labor in the CCM. Mrema left the CCM in 1995 shortly after this song was composed, and formed a new political party, NCCR-Mageuzi (National Convention for Construction and Reform-Changes). In the first multiparty election for the presidency in 1995, he came in third place. The song calls James Mapalala, already a leading crusader against the one-party system, a ‘voyeur’, implying

that he is someone who merely watches, but cannot follow through with his actions to serve the people.

'' Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM #74.

422 CHAPTER FOURTEEN The composer had this to say about the song: Nilikuwa nimeenda kusherekea Nane Nane Gambos, na niliimba wimbo huu. Nilikuwa nimeamua kuimba wimbo huu, kwa sababu mimi ni Mtanzania, na kiongozi kwenye Chama. Kwa hiyo, na wauliza, ‘Mbona tunakuwa na hizi mageuzi, haya maswala mapya ya hivi karibuni? Nilikuwa nalitaka viongozi wetu kunisikiliza, kwa hiyo nilitunga wimbo huu, kusifu Augustini Lyatonga Mrema. (I went to celebrate the Eighth of August at Gambos, and I sang this tune. I decided that I would sing this song, because I am a Tanzanian, and a leader in the Party. So, I am asking them, “Why are we having these new changes, these new questions of the day?’ I wanted the leaders of the party to listen to what I had to say, so I composed this song, to praise Augustine Lyatonga Mrema.)

In Angu, tarehe, a wigaashe song composed and performed by Neg’weshemi ng’wana Mhyeni,” the singer pays homage to Eighth of August celebrations held that year in Nyang’asamo, and advices all members of the CCM, local and national, to push forward. The singer begins the song with a call-and-response dialogue with his followers. He tells his listeners that he will be arriving in Nyang’asamo for the Nane Nane celebrations, to compete there. His followers respond, “We should talk with father, the Opener of Ways’, meaning that they should communicate with their leader (but let him have his say). The singer uses the common poetic metaphor of basimba ngobi, or ‘uprooters of weeds’, which usually refers to farmers, but here refers to both farmers and those who ‘uproot’ political corruption, the CCM (see also song #222, 280). He mentions that the CCM are the true ‘changers’ of Tanzania, implying that the major opposition party, NCCR-Mageuzi (NCCR-Changes), are ‘changers’ by name only. The singer then praises Julius Nyerere, and exhorts all CCM members, from president Mwinyi and his cabinet, to the members of Parliament, to the village leaders, to push forward, and do not ‘unfasten the rope’. Mwanza Cultural Affairs officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this analysis: Manju anaanza kwa kutakia baraka za baba fundi wake, ili ambariki na kuzibariki shughuli zote zitakazofanyika katika kuadhimisha sikukuu hiyo. Anaisifia kuwa ni sikukuu ya wakulima, wachimba,

wangoa magugu, na watengenezaji wa matuta na cotton wote, chini ya uongozi chama tawala CCM. Anamsifu mwanzishi wa CCM, Julius Nyerere, na kuwahimiza viongozi wengine waongeze jitahada maarifa

' Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #124.

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na bidii ili kuendeleza CCM kwa maadili bora na imara. Vile vile aliendelea kusema, hawa viongozi wengine nao walikuwa wanafahamu kuendeleza. Alimtaja na Malechela, na Mwinyi halafu na Mrema, wakati huo alikuwa na yumo katika chama kimoja. (The composer first begins

by asking for blessing from his maker, so he should get blessing for all the work that he will do to prepare for this holiday. The niingi praises the day belonging to farmers, miners, and ‘weed pullers’, the cotton tie-ridge builders, all who are under the leadership of the leading party the CCM. The niingi praises the founder of the CCM, Julius Nyerere, and pleads with the new leaders, that they should lead with haste to develop the CCM with righteous stability. Further, the niingi goes along to say that these other leaders indeed know how to lead. He [the niingi] mentions Mamchela, Mwinyi, and Mrema, who at that time was still in the CCM.) In Angu mbaluba ying’we, and Nagahugana ukuja Nyang’asamo, two wigaashe songs performed in 1995 at the Nyang’asamo Eighth of August competition by Shipewa ng’wana Mayige, the singer praises the CCM party leaders on the eve of the elections in 1995. In Angu, Mbaluba Ying’we,' the singer, after discussing how she received an invitation by letter to go to the Nyang’asamo competition, praises the goodness and ability of the CCM, and mentions as well local leaders who are in agreement that there are problems that need to be worked out. In Nagahugana ukuja Nyang’asamo, Shipewa ng’wana Mayige" explains that she made a mistake to come to Nyang’asamo, but then she does not say why. She goes on to praise the Eighth of August festivities, the leaders of Mwanza District, the leaders of Ngunga village, and those working at Nyang’asamo ginnery. She sings that the Nyanza Cooperative Union,’ the CCM, and the wealth of Tanzania, are all the result of the work of the ‘hoe’, the farmers. Indeed the farmers should thus support the CCM, the party of ‘the hammer and the hoe’ (the emblem of the CCM). She (the singer) speaks about the multiparty system, and says, that the CCM is indeed the only party to trust in buying cotton, and tells them to go along, to defeat their opponents.

'S Recorded by author, town of Ngasamo, 31 July 1994, IUATM song #70. ‘4 Recorded by author, town of Ngasamo, 31 July 1994, IUATM song # 71. 'S "The Nyanza Cooperative Union, formerly the Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions, is the parent body for 400-500 local cooperative boards, and in 1995, was the sole buyer of cotton in Mwanza.

424 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Finally, she tells farmers to use cow manure as fertilizer, to obtain a good harvest. An anonymous CCM official attending this performance had this to say afterward: Alikuwa anawapongeza juu ya Nane Nane, na juu ya Tanzania inavyo sherekea sikukuu hiyo ya Nane Nane. Anawapongeza viongozi wa Nyanza, viongozi wa ushirika Ngunga, na hasa viongozi vya jineri ya Ngasamo. Anazungumzia juu ya Mageuzi. Mageuzi wanasema ‘hatuna pamba’, lakini CCM ndiyo ni chama cha kununua pamba ya wakulima. Kwa hiyo akina mama wanapongeza CCM ya kuendelea juu. (She is congratulating the Eighth of August celebrations, and how Tanzanians have celebrated this holiday of the Eighth of August. She congratulates the leaders of Nyanza cooperative, the leaders of the Ngunga cooperative, and especially the leaders of the ginnery of Nyangasamo. She converses about the Mageuzi party. The Mageuzi party claims “There is no cotton’, but CCM is indeed the party that buys the farmers’ cotton. Therefore the women [Shipewa Maige’s singers] congratulate the CCM as the party having the most development.)

(311) Historia niisome (Let me read the history’)

Historia niisome tame Let me read the history first

Iya Tanzania Of Tanzania

Yashilile inzala The famine is over

(2x) (2x)

Ng’winamila tubeje na maduka Ng’winamila let us erect shops

Ling’waka lyenili This year Likupulaga mihayo milihu Is pounding long words"

Tuligunanhwa gete We are helped greatly

Yashilile inzala The famine is over

(2x) (2x)

Neg’winamila tubeje na maduka Ng’winamila let us erect shops

Tanzania yabiza Tanzania has become Ya kuhoya na banhu badito The talk of important people

Iti ni halaka getegete It has no hurry at all

Hugemelaga I am giving an example Abakimbizi aba Rwanda The refugees from Rwanda

'© Many things are happening which need to be discussed at length.

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Ukung’wa Nyabusu At Nyabusu

Baligunwa Tanzania [they] Are assisted by Tanzania Yabela, ng wana Monde It has become good, child of Monde

Niibagunanhage Let it [the nation] help them Ibahene mashiku Give them good days

Abazenga nwako Your neighbors Batizuyanga [so] They may not be frustrated Mpaga itubegeje miito To the point of doing us bad things

Homa, nalitogwa Homa, I am happy

Nkalalilwa nene I Nkaliwa

Bakulumbaga, abanhu bose They are thankful, all the people Tanzania tugunanilwe bingi Many Tanzanians are helped Niyo bebe, Ng’wana Monde Again you, child of Monde Wa kung’wa Negassa Bula Of Ngassa Bula

Nalinumba Bazanaki I thank the Zanaki

Imisaada yeniyi ikufumaga This aid is coming from far makule

Mpaga maBulyusi As far as from Russia Ng’wenhwa ndege Brought by airplanes Mpaga mabuJapani As far as from Japan

Nkanjiwa nene I Nkanjiwa say

Tulgunanhwa gete We are assisted

Ngata Ngata Ng’wana Monde Child of Monde

Jikumya Ngalilwa nene, ngwana I Jikumya Ngaliwa, child of

iliWelelo Welelo

Yandakuna iWelelo Chewed by Welelo

Hama nageme kudadila, So let me try to stagger on, of

oNg wibazu Neg’wibazu

Nalimba, nongeja ndikumya I am singing, while wondering more

Ngaliwa nene I Nkaliwa Ng’wana Ngata, Ng’wana Monde Child of Ngata, child of Monde

Iliwelo tutuluha, bageshi The world we cannot suffer, bageshi'’

'? Bageshi is a term of endearment, literally ‘brother’. What a married male calls any male who is related by blood to his wife (in-laws).

426 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Mpaga nageme kusimiza ongwa_ __ Until I try to walk, child of Ibazu Ibazu

Nashike iDodoma, kubawaziri To Dodoma, to the ministers Nakamone untale Mayunga John To go to see Mayunga John

Malecela Malecela Nalikulumbilija I thank you

Amito gako gawiza ubebe Nkulya_ For your good actions my fellow

ng wichane Nkulya

Watubegeja yawiza bei abana You have set a nice price for us your children

Tanzania nalinumba, Shigila Tanzania I thank him, I thank

nalumbija Shigila Nalinabulumbi I have gratitude

Mulibatumami bane You are my servants Interpretation: In this song,'* the singer and composer Mayunga Ngata discusses a famine that received substantial help from several sources, to include the Tanzanian government, as well as from elsewhere. The singer is grateful for this help, and praises especially Nyerere’s government for its work. He reminds the listener that the Tanzanian government has had a history of helping the poor both during famines, and in the recent crisis in Rwanda, where so many refugees crossed into Tanzania in need of help. Nyerere is affectionately called ‘the Zanaki’, referring to the former president’s ethnic group. The composer had this to say about his song: Niliwashukuru, maana

tulikuwa na njaa. Ilibidi tupewe msaada na serikali wanaanchi raia kwa kweli serikali imefanya ikatuhudumia ikatutoa kwenye jalala la njaa, kwa hiyo baada ya kupita njaa tena ee nilirudia tena kwa kuwa nina utaalamu wa nyimbo wa wigaashe. (I am giving thanks, because we had had a famine. It was necessary we be given help by the government. The people, the citizens, the government provided us with aid for the famine, therefore after the famine passed, I returned to my wigaashe songs.)

The Mwanza Cultural officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde had this perspective: Anaeleza taatizo kubwa la Tanzania ilikuwa ni njaa, sasa imekwisha na nchi ni amani. Anaelezea uzuri wa Tanzania ni kuwapo amani, maana tunaweza hata kuwatunza wakimbizi ikiwa ni pamoja,

'§ Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 September 1994, IUATM song#75.

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na kusaidia makazi, chakula, n.k. Anasifu pia uwezo wa badhi ya mawa-

ziri. Anawasifa mawaziri Malecela, na hasa Mwinyi na Nyerere, kwa kuijali Tanzania. Alikuwa anatoa historia ya njaa kubwa uliotokea, anasema hata watu wa Tanzania wamefurahia mno kwa misaada ulioletwa na mzanaki Nyerere, pamoja na viongozi wenzake. Tunaweza kusema hata wimbo huu una mafunzo, kwa sababu huyu niingi anataka kuzungumzia juu ya kutokuwa matatizo ya njaa. Aliona Tanzania imeishiwa na njaa, watu wanalima chakula, watu pamoja na mvua, watu walipata chakula kingi, wanaendelea kupata hata biashara. (He explains that a difficult problem for the Tanzanian is the famine, now it has been warded off, and the country is at peace. He explains the goodness of Tanzania as peacefulness, meaning we can look after refugees if together, and to help them with work, food etc. He praises also the ability of several ministers. He praises Minister Malecela, and especially Mwinyi and Nyerere, for supporting Tanzania. He gives a brief history about the famine that just took place, and says that the people of Tanzania were especially thrilled for the help they received from the Zanaki man, Nyerere.’” We can even say that the song in a way is a kind of puzzle, because the niingi wants to discuss everything but the problems of this famine. He sees that Tanzanians have survived this famine, they are growing food, people, besides rain, are getting so much food, and they are returning to their businesses.)

(312) Tututawalagwa na vyama vingi (“We will never be ruled by multiparties’) Tututawalawagwa na vyama We will never be ruled by multi-

ving! parties

Twalema kwinga kale We rejected [them] since long ago

Kwandija ha buhuru Starting from independence

Tukalema gete We totally rejected [this]

Na ng’walimu, wa ng’wa Nyerere And Mwalimu, of that of Nyerere Huyo tukangwanukula Tanzania He is the one we accepted in Tanzania

Nguno munhu wa masala because he is a person of intelligence

Tukitawala We became independent '° Mzanaki here refers to Nyerere’s ethnic group, the Zanaki.

428 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Bila kung’ waga damu Without shedding blood Tukatumila masala, akibyali We used intellect, inborn Isiasa, nose tupandika uongozi Politics, at last we got leadership

Banga abo bakategana? How many struggled? Interpretation: This song, performed by Kang wiina ng wana Mihumo,”

complains about the proliferation of political parties since the early 1990s in Tanzania. This sentiment would have been encouraged by the ruling CCM party, and they would have rewarded handsomely those composers who expressed this in song. William Lubimbi* had this perspective on this sentiment: Mwimbaji wa wimbo huu anazungumzia hasa mambo ya vyama vingi. Anasema yeye ni mwana CCM lakini ni ajabu, wakati ule wale wa vyama vingi walikuwa wote wana chama tawala. Lakini badaye walianza kujitenga wakaondoka. Kama mmoja alitoroka, Kambona alitoroka akaenda Ulaya ili aje apindue nchi lakini alishindwa. Na aliporudi alikuta chama kiko imara. Halafu, na wengine pia walianza tena kuunda vyama vyao na vyama vyao vyote hivyo vimeshindwa wamekuta tena CCM iko imara. Kwa hiyo huyu mwimbaji anaisifu sana hii CCM na anamsifu mwanzishi wake Nyerere kwamba ni hodari na ameleta vitu vingi. Ameongeza shule, hospi-

tali, na elimu pia, elimu ya watu wazima nayo imefanya wakaenda shule. Sasa analalamika kwamba kama tunakubali hawa watu wengine wa vyama vingine vije, tutakoswa mambo mengi, hata sabuni hatutapata vitu vingine vyote hatutapata. (The singer of this song discusses especially the issues of multiparties. He says he is a member of CCM, but, it is a wonder, at that time, those who were advocating the multiparty system were still entirely a part of the ruling party. However, after some time, they began to leave. One of these who left, Kambona,

left and went to Europe to revolt but he was defeated. Then, on his return, he saw that the leading party was standing firm. Then, another also started to join with other parties, but those other parties were defeated, as CCM stood firm. So, this singer praises CCM and praises

the founder of the party, Nyerere, for being such an expert and for bringing many things. [CCM] had brought schools, hospitals, education, adult education, [and] indeed promoted adults to take the opportunity to go to school. He thus complains that if we are to agree with

*° Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, personal collection of author.

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 429

the leadership of other parties, we might miss these benefits, indeed, even soap we will not be able to get in the store.) The following three songs, all by different composers, concern the specifics of local politics in the Shinyanga region in the early 1990s.

(313) Kalagu (‘A story!)

(C) Kalagu! (C) A story!

(R) Kize! (R) Come!

Lelo naliganila, balimi Today I give a story, farmers

Nadaloya uluganda I will not leave the farmer’s association

Aba Robert nu Nyerere Those of Robert and Nyerere

ng wiza come Newibitile nu ogu ng’wa Pass by, and come with those of

Ng’wana Dube, mudizuleka Ng’wana Dube, do not hesitate to

Masanja Masanja

(314) Ng’wana Guligu (Ne’wana Guligw’)

Ng’wana Guligu Neg’wana Guligu Katutumamilage, baba! Work for us, baba! Ne’wenyekiti wa bushilika Chairman of the cooperative union

Mna Massanja From Massanja

Gakutogilwe, abalimi They love you, the farmers Gakutogilwe, abalimi They love you, the farmers Nu muhasibu, Robert And the accountant, Robert

Ni halmashauri And the council

Tumamagi, miaka, milele na Serve, the years, forever and ever milele

Na baba Enos And father Enos (315) Chaimeni Mussa (‘Chairman Mussa’)

Chaimeni Mussa uwang’wa Chairman Mussa, of the family of

Nkondo Nkondo

Nu katibu wi tawi And the branch secretary

Wa ngwa Ntobi Of the family of Ntobi

Silivesita, mkanenhela Silvester, you sent me

Baluwa ya bugeni A letter for being a guest Nene natukij ukushigukulu I will come to the celebration at

iMahaha Mahaha

430 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Nakalole na gali ya balimi I will also see the car of the farmers

lyo mkatelemsha Which you bought

Ikumtula jeki uku milimo It will help you in your work

Maendeleyo igabuche Development will be carried through Akanipandika, uJosefu Masanja He came to me, Josefu Masanja

Akuhayaga He said to me

Kalibu, wa ng'wa Kanundo’ ‘Welcome, those of the family of Kanundo’

Akanilomela, ‘Bukaga He told me, “Let us go Ukatwimbile mimbo You will sing for us songs Yamalile, ikamati kukuchagula It has already, the committee, chosen you

Yizuniligije ni saini yatulile They have confirmed your nomination

Utugongole So that you can praise us Utuchapemo umu liLumuli You have to publish us in Lumuli

Ulimakumucha bebe’ You're the one who makes people famous’

Mkabeja ukunizukwa You did a good thing to invite me

Chalesi Makingi Charles Makingi

Sahani ng’wana Komanya Sahani ng’;wana Komanya Mwali nibanza lya nghana You had a council of truthfulness Maendeleyo ayo mlinago The development which you have attained

Nakuga kumucha ku banhu I will make it to be known to everyone

Buli kwene bagadebe All the places will know them Kwandij ishamba lya kijiji Starting with the farm of the village

Ilyene litakelaga It does not give poor harvest

Mkafulilaga mbolela Because you always use fertilizers

Bwaponek’ubuluba You got a bountiful harvest of cotton

busu machine

Na hangi, ni mashini ya kusha On top of that, there is a milling

Ne yene ng walagegije Which you have already ordered Atiho, mhasibu Robati He is there, the accountant Robert Ali ntalamu wa masabu mani He is an expert in financial affairs

Nu nene, nahakikisha Even I, I am his witness

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 431

iMilimo, watumama kale nno __This work, he has done since long ago

Ni wa bipya lina Still he has a very clean record Mahaha itinapandika Mahaha hasn't received any

bupunguju reductions

Neg’wenyeji He is a natural

Ukukapani Using the weighing machine

Ne kalamu, ayaminile He trusts his pen, too

Itanembalembaga It does not cheat him Shidugij'ukusonga mbele There are signs of development

iKijiji sha Mahaha In the village of Mahaha Shile na basugi bakalaganu The village has dynamic leaders

Baliho bajumbe bataale They are good leaders Ba ng wana Kabonele Like ng’wana Kabonele Nu wangu Luswetula And ng’wana Luswetula Nu ng wana Kuzenza And ng’wana Kuzenza Na ba Jidefano ng’wana Mbisu And those of Jidefano ng’wana Mbisu

Chalesi Huya Charles Huya

Ishijiji, ng’ washelelwa ng’holo For the village, the heart is being put into it

Shitalashoka numa The village development will never go back

Abo bakigashaga mkamati The members of the committee

Na kupanga mipango Set developmental programmes Paulo Sitta na ba ng’wana Seso Paul Sitta and those of ng’wana Seso

Ulukuhaya bajumbe In fact, to say all members of the committee

Newiyigwa mjilaka You have one common goal Ng’wana Sweya Chalesi Ng’wana Sweya Charles Mmanile kugolola mihayo You know how to present your ideas

Yaya mtigumhaga You do not contradict them Thalimashabuli ya kijiji The village executive committee

Hi na milimo mingi It has much work

Ulu yigasha muhofis’ itafumaga It does not just sit during meeting sessions

Bakamanag ufunya Before going for a break Ajenda bajidilila They normally discuss the agenda

432 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Uyo ali niwazo lya wiza Anyone with a good idea

Alifunije ku biye Is free to present it to others Nabo buunga mkono Then it will be discussed and accepted

Masumbi mlekanile You hold different positions Ng’wana Sogoni halimashabuli Ng’wana Sogoni is a committee member

Wa ngwa Mbogoshi Of that of Mbogoshi Ne’wenyekiti bushilika Chairman of a village cooperative union

Idala mlekanile You head different departments Imiladi ya hali kaya You have divided the projects

ng wagabanhile among your departments

Yose mkamalamajaga You performed all the duties

Ng’wana Majebele Ng’wana Majebele

Na ba ng’wana Misalaba And those of ng’wana Misalaba Neg’wanitogisije katumamile Your performances have impressed me

Chalesi Nzugiji Charles Nzugiji Ng’huna bing’we, na ba Giligita And you, of those of Giligita

iMahah’ iyendeshagi Village of Mahaha, drive forward

Neg’wan Ibushi Ng’wana Ibushi

Na Malikiori Kafula, kamanda And Malikiori Kafula, commander

Na Bangili Joni And Bangili Joni

Itawi ng’wakalitenganija The branch you have managed very well

Nu kusaba lyasabile It is now very rich uNgwalimu ntaale The head-teacher Ha shule ya Mahaha Of Mahaha school

Jakisoni Kabote Jackson Kabote

Isimin’akajulangwa He went to a college for further study

iElimu wibucha He has acquired tremendous knowledge

Wabelimisha banafunzi bingi He has taught many students nno

Ulu mitiyani bakahebaga Even their tests, they always exceed

Bali na milimo mitale Now they hold important posts Wa ngwa Nkondo chaimeni That of Chairman Nkondo

Igashaga hi sumbi lyako Sit well in your chair

SONGS OF PRAISE FOR THE CCM SINCE NYERERE’S PRESIDENCY 433

Nu katib’ uwangwa Ntobi And the secretary Ntobi Itawi ling’we ng’walitunza You have administered well your branch

Neg’walilola miso abili You have taken care of it with both eyes

Litalanyala It will never wither out Interpretation: In all three of these songs, many of the same key local

functionaries are praised for their hard work. In Kalagu kise, performed by Buhondo and collected by Kija (1985: 36), the singer vows never to leave the party that supports the farmers. In Ng’wana Guligu, performed by Ng’weshemi ng wana Mhyeni,”' several local party work-

ers are praised for their diligence at a party function, and they are told emphatically that the farmers support them. In Chaimeni Mussa, collected by Makoye (2000: 110),” the composer ng’wana Kanundo

71 Recorded by author, village of Sanga, 9 September 1994, IUATM song #127. ** Makoye’s English translation: “Chairman Mussa of Nkondo family / And the branch secretary the son of Ntobi / Silvesta, you gave me an invitation letter / I will

come to the celebration at Mahaha / I will also see the farmers’ car / Which you bought / It'll help you in your activities / It will activate development / Josefu Masanja

came to me / He said to me, welcome the son of Kanundo / He told me let us go / You will sing songs for us / The committee has already nominated you / They have confirmed your nomination / So that you can praise us in your songs / You have to publish us in Lumuli / You're the one who makes people famous / You did a good thing to invite me / Charles Makingi / Sahani the son of Komanya / You had a good meeting / The development which you have attained / I will make them to be known to everybody / All the places will know them / Starting with the village’s farm / It does not give poor harvest / Because you always use fertilizers / You got a bountiful harvest of cotton / On top of that there is a milling machine / Which you have already ordered / Robati is an accountant / He is an expert in financial accounts / Even I, I’m his witness / He has been on the post for long time / Still he has a very clean record / Mahaha has not experienced any loss / Anything else against him is just a mere fabrication / He is good in using the weighing machine / He trust his pen too / It does not cheat him / There are signs of development / In Mahaha village / The village has dynamic leaders / They are good leaders / Like the son of Kabonele / And the son of Luswetula / And the son of Kuzenza / And Jidefano the son of Mbisu / Charles Huya / You're working very hard for the village / The village development will never go back / The members of the committee / Set developmental programmes / Paulo Sitta and the son of Seso / In fact all members of the committee / You have one common goal / The son of Sweya Chalesi / You know how to present your ideas / You do not mumble / Contradict themselves / The village executive committee / It performs many things / It does not have break during meeting sessions / They normally discuss all the agenda before / going for a break / Any member who has a good idea / Is free to present it to others / Then it will be discussed and accepted / You hold different positions / The son of Sogoni is a committee member / Mbogoshi is a chairman of a village cooperative union / You head different departments / You have divided the projects among

434 CHAPTER FOURTEEN relates how he was chosen by party functionaries in a selective process to be at this performance at Mahaha village. Then, these same func-

tionaries (more than a dozen) are singled out by the composer for their hard work and sacrifice in carrying on the work of the CCM at the local level. He outlines the qualities of each, and he discusses how well they work together as a committee team.

your departments / You performed all the duties / Son of Majebele / And the son of Misalaba / Your performances have impressed me / Chalesi Nzugiji / And you Giligita / Push forward the village of Mahaha / Son of Ibushi / And the commander Malikiori Kafula /And Bangili Joni / You have managed the branch very well then / It is now very rich / The Head-teacher / Of Mahaha school / Jakisoni Kabote / He went to a college for further study / He has acquired tremendous knowledge / He has taught many students / They always lead in their exams / Now they hold big posts Chairman Nkondo / Hold well your post / And the secretary Ntobi / You have administered well your branch / You have taken care of it with both eyes / It will never wither out’.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

SONGS OF THE BASUNGUSUNGU (VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS)

Since the late 1970s, and throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the Tanzanian government suffered one major economic crisis after another. As a result, government-sponsored education campaigns and funding for celebrating holidays like Eighth of August have been lacking. The lack of money for basic civil amenities like law enforcement in rural and peripheral areas has fueled the proliferation of organized cattle theft. Rising cynicism and public outrage over this has led to the organization of associations in the Sukuma region known as sungusungu, vigilante groups who track down thieves and administer quick justice.' The idea has caught on nationwide in Tanzania since the mid-1980s,

to the point where even urban areas are now patrolled at night by armed citizens. Thieves, once caught, are fined, ostracized, or even in some extreme cases, executed. This section contains songs associated with these village groups. These are songs that ridicule and debase all types of criminals, especially cattle rustlers. Bare-foot and bare-chested, carrying poisoned arrows and spears, the sungusungu dance and sing in a circle around the apprehended thief until the early hours of the morning. The sun-

gusungu use songs when they are tracking down thieves, and they also have songs that they use to taunt the thieves once they have been captured. These songs are also used in presidential welcomes, government-sponsored parades, and touring choir competitions to which the sungusungu find themselves increasingly invited (Kibali cha Kufanya Ziara 1987; Ratiba ya Vikundi 1989). In the 1980s and early 1990s, sungusungu songs received considerable airplay on the official government radio station, Radio Tanzania. The songs are sung on farms, and they make good drinking songs. Their song repertoire praises local leaders and vigilante heroes, and like the millet-beating song genre

' Depending on the source, the term means either ‘those who cooperate in doing jobs’, ‘the fire ants’, ‘the people with poison arrows’, or ‘the people from Busungu’.

436 CHAPTER FIFTEEN known as itula, their songs berate those who would live off the labor of others and turn to thievery. (316) Mbiling’ ili (Mbiling’ili’)

Mbilingili, kawali Mbiling ili, carry Twaja mataa (2x) We go with lamps (2x)

Hugishi baba hule (2x) Greet baba there (2x) Wabulagwa na biye, He was killed by his associate,

kabule (2x) they say (2x)

iNgombe jitijabo, kabule (2x) The cows are not theirs, they say

(2x) (2x) (2x)

Gishi ng’'wana Longoye, kabule Greet ng’;wana Longoye, they say

Akulamilija kuja (2x) He is grateful to go (2x) Gukabapandikila mzila (2x) They caught up with them on the way (2x)

Na ba Buselele And those from Buselele Nya idale lya bukubile (2x) They rolled into a big herd (2x)

Kukinena balugulu (2x) [so] To climb the mountains (2x) Interpretation: The song Mbilingili, from the cattle-herding budimi genre that predates busungusungu, was recollected by Kang’wiina ng wana Mihumo,’ and was attributed by the singer to the female composer ng’wana Sato. The song came to be appropriated by the sungusungu as a song to accompany the hunt for criminals, and it stands as evidence that cattle-rustling has been a problem in this region for

some time. Kang’wiina relates that the protagonists in the song had their cattle stolen by neighboring Maasai or Nyaturu people, and that they are now seeking retribution. Skirmishes between the Sukuma and Maasai over cattle are a well-documented occurance in Sukuma historical narratives (Shetler 2007: 149; Tanner and Wijsen 2002: 69). The singer entreats the listener, Mbiling’ili, to gather lamps for the night journey, to track down the thieves.’ One of their associates was

* Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 20 September 1995, IUATM song #570. > Following in the spirit of forming /uganda in order to get tasks accomplished, thieves in the Sukuma region also form themselves into voluntary associations, and give themselves names such as baja na ngombe (‘those who get away with cattle’), bamalwa mbeshi (‘those who are devoured by vultures, not buried when they die’), or batula giti (‘those who walk in darkness’).

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 437

double-crossed, had his cattle stolen, and was killed. The singer reinforces the urgency of this situation by ending several repeated lines in a row with the chorus-like phrase indicating reported speech, kabule (‘they say’). The singer then asks Mbiling’ili to greet and join with a fellow clan leader, ng’wana Longoye, en route, as well as to meet up with another faction from Buyele. The singer switches to past tense

narration, and recalls that several groups (either the hunters or the hunted) had joined forces (‘rolled into a big herd’), to accomplish a monumental task (‘climb the mountains’), a phrase that can be taken literally, or figuratively.

The following two songs praise the leader and founder of the sungusungu, Kishosha Mang’ombe ng’wana Sitta (literally, “Returner of Cattle’), the son of the legendary ng’wana Malundi (see also chapter II).

(317) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi (‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’) (C) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi _(C) Kishosha ng’wana Malundi

Wakabyalile ka masikitiko She gave birth into sorrow Ng’wan’uyombela munda He spoke while in his mother’s womb

Ntuzu in Ntuzu Ng’huna umyla Kishosha Then she gave birth to Kishosha (R) uNgollo akaja uhangilwa (R) Ngollo went to get prophecy

Ne’witunja Malundi The son of Malundi

Olotaga miti Who pointed his finger at trees

Yuma [and] Dried them

(318) Ne’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe (‘That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’) (C) Ng’wa Kishosha Mangombe_ (C) That of Kishosha Mang’ombe

(R) uSitta, umuna Kahama (R) Sitta, of Kahama

kijiji village

Watuwilile tukungee buta buli Has told us to make bows in every

Yikala na shegi uku migongo To carry quivers of arrows on our backs

Tubabulage pye abibi (2x) We should kill all thieves (2x) Interpretation: Kishosha ng wana Malundi was performed by Michael Masalu,* composer unknown. The text was also collected by Makoye

* Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author.

438 CHAPTER FIFTEEN (2000: 216),” singer unknown. Kishosha Man’gombe ng’wana Sitta, the son of ng’wana Malundi, was raised in an environment where he was

surrounded by myths about his father. This undoubtedly contributed immensely toward allowing people to have trust in the sungusungu movement that Kishosha later initiated. This sungusungu song provides us with a glimpse of some of the mythology that surrounds Kishosha and his father. The song tells how Kishosha, like his father, was born mysteriously, and could speak when he was still in his mother’s womb. His mother Ngollo, like his grandmother (mother of ng wana Malundi) went to the Ntuzu area, and received the prophecy that she would have

a male child, this son of the man who could point his finger at trees and then dry them immediately (see also songs #050-055). Ng’wa Kishosha Mangombe, collected and translated by Massesa and provided here with minimal alteration (1993: 18), praises Kishosha for giving the public order to go to war against cattle thievery in the rural areas. The singer and composer of this song are unknown. Makoko Language School instructor Magdelena Lubimbi* elaborated about Kishosha: Kweli, Sitta huyu, kwa wana sungusungu, ni mtu

muhimu sana, ni mtu mashuhuri sana sababu alikuwa kama ntemi wao. Na kweli, bugota na mambo mengi waliweza kuchukua huko sehemu za Kahama. Mwimbaji anasema amewaambia kila kijiji waanzishe sungusungu, na kweli wengi au sehemu nyingi kila kijiji walianzisha sungusungu, na walileta watemi kuja kama kuwasimika. (Really, this Sitta, in the esteemed opinion of the sungusungu, is a very important person, he is a very famous person, because he was somehow like their

chief. Now really, with bugota and other things, they could adapt to the Kahama area. The singer relates that he [Sitta] has said, that every village needs to open a sungusungu association, and indeed in many places, in every village, they started a sungusungu branch, and they have brought their leaders, in order to install them.) The next two sungusungu songs discuss the act of calling the alarm to the other sungusungu members, to chase the cattle rustlers. They also discuss the sequence of events that will transpire once the alarm has been called, and the hunt for the criminals is underway. The songs use the image most associated with calling the alarm, the ndulilu, an > Makoye’s English translation: “Kishosha the son of Malundi / He who was mysteriously / He spoke while still in his mother’s womb / Ngolo went to Ntuzu where she got the prophecy / Then she borne Kishosha / The son of Malundi / He who was pointing finger at trees and they dried immediately’.

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 439

ocarina made from a calabash or a semicircular cow horn, with large lateral holes bored in the sides at either end and stopped by the players’ thumbs. Ng’wana Chiila* says: Ukisikia hii kitu utajua ngombe wako or ngombe za jirani zimeibiwa, sisi tunaenda mpaka kijiji kingine kuipuliza, baada ya kugundua. (If you hear that you know your own or someone else's cows have been stolen, we go to the next village and blow that after we find out.) The songs are themselves a warning of sorts, to would-be criminals. The ndulilu are played in conjunction with hoe blades in a complex system of intra-village communication. The sungusungu also have specific rhythms played on hoe blades to signify different kinds of emergencies. Designated listeners in each village will also take up the call as it is heard, thus passing the message on for several kilometres (Lutonja*).

(319) Jalila (‘It cries’)

Jalila, ndulilu It cries, the ndulilu Jalila, ndulilu It cries, the ndulilu Mayu, ndulilu Mayu, the ndulilu Buchagi masonga, basalama Bring your arrows, basalama

Tubite mu kijiji Let us pass through all the villages Kulondela basambo Searching for the culprits

Biibi ba sabo jise Stealers of our wealth Tubatule hape We should bring them to public view

(320) Ne’wilagi winge (‘Tell him he should run’)

Neg’wilagi winge, untulija Tell him he should run, the criminal

Neg’wilagi natizusanga Tell him I had better not find him

Ikunililila, indulilu It will sound for him, the ndulilu

Mumanye tutizusanga Warn him we had better not find him

Batwiba kale no, ingombe They have stolen since long ago, our cattle

Ikunililila, indulilu It will sound for him, the ndulilu Ni fugo yaho nhulija And the cooking pot is outcast Ikunililia im hembe The horn will sound for him

440 CHAPTER FIFTEEN Interpretation: Jalila was collected and translated by Makoye (2000: 215-216), and is provided here with minimal alteration.® The singer and composer are unknown. The singer ends each of the first three lines with the term ndulilu, to make clear that the song is a ‘call to arms’. The text commands the basalama (‘people of peace’), an alternate term for the sungusungu, to gather weapons, and then to search for and capture the culprits.’ Then, once caught, the singer tells his associates that they should shame the criminals in public. To shame captured criminals is a common practice among the sungusungu, and public shame is a recurring image found in sungusungu songs. Sungusungu members are required to own bows and arrows. The second song text, Ng’wilagi winge, was performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana Makanga.* The composer is unknown. The singer informs his associates that they need to let the thieves know what will be in store for them, after they have been caught. He jokingly warns criminals that they had better not be caught, or else they shall receive dire punishment from the sungusungu. The ndulilu will sound, letting everyone know that the criminal has been caught, and that the criminal will be prevented from living and eating with others in the village (‘the cooking pot is outcast’). The singer elaborated about the admonishment and treatment of the criminals once they have been captured: Kipindi hicho tunawazunguka hawa, kusubiri polisi, tunawaimbia. Tunawaitia, ‘Sawa, fulani, umetulia, wewe ni mharifu, tokeni! Nendeni kutayarisha moto wako na chumvi yako mwenyewe. Kama ni mgonjwa, unaweza kwenda hospi-

tali, kama una shida na serikali, nenda nao, baada ya kumaliza, rudieni nyumbani. Unaweza kutengeneza chakula na watoto wako peke. Huna ruhusu kuenda na majirani kuongea nao. Huwezi kufanya kitu cho chote kipindi hicho, kwa maana wewe ni mharifu. Utamalizia shida zako peke. Utakunywa pombe peke yako, nyumbani, huwezi kutoka. Tumekubali wote mambo haya. Utakuwa kwenye hali hii mpaka tuka-

fanya mkutano wetu tena. Utawapa pole, na watakuuliza kama umefanya nini, na watakuambia usizifanye tena au malipo zitaongezeka. Baadaye, utawalipia’. (At this point we are circling these guys, waiting for the police, we are singing this song. We call out their names, ‘Ok, * Makoye’s translation of the term ndulilu in the song Jalila ndulilu, omits the English article ‘the’. ’ Sungusungu groups arm themselves with machetes and bows and arrows. * Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 11 August 1995, IUATM song #339.

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 44]

so-and-so, you have calmed down, you are a destroyer, get out! Go and prepare your own fire, go and prepare your own salt [find a new hearth and home to prepare your food]. If you have a sickness, you go to the hospital, if you have a problem with the government, go to them, if you finish with that, you go on home. You can eat your food together with your children alone. You will not be allowed to go visit with your neighbors to discuss anything. You cannot do anything until

this time is up, because you are a destroyer. You will handle your problems alone. You will drink beer at your own place, no going out. We have all agreed upon this. You will be in this state until there is another council meeting. You will apologize to them, and they will ask you specifically what you have done and say, “All right, now do not do this again or we will increase your penalty’. So after this occurs, you pay them’.) (321) Tujilejagi ndulilu jise (“Let us blow our ndulilw’)

Tujilejagi ndulilu jise Let us blow our ndulilu

Tugataje amibi Let's name the thieves

Niyo kite aho Iponya, abaharamia Especially at Iponya, the robbers

Baliho buli nakwigagwa, na They are present I hear, and

Ng’wangula Neg’wangula

Wale wibanamamyenda, He had stolen dresses, was

uhukubiwa expelled

Akajulihila mu Ntuzu He went to settle in Ntuzu Washokanije hangi (2x) He has come back again (2x) Banajeshi, zwalagi nzoya Soldiers, wear feathers Mlije ejipenga, ng’wibilinge Sound the whistle, gather

Tukashike Reaching there

Duntulije wa Ng’wangula We fine the one of Ng’wangula

Neshiboko akulandikayi And the strokes [?]

Nu bumeme And the electricity

Awibugeyi (2x) He should plunge into [it] (2x) Bebe ulemasluginhi nang’ho You are poor yourself

Wingile, buhamiayi You came, from immigrating Okofunya he nhanilo Where do you get paces

Olu okubiwayi When you are chased Omoyo gudachaga The heart never dies

Ahaujiwe nangwe alingimayi He has been silenced and is alive

Atulemehwa nimo (2x) He cannot fail a job (2x)

442 CHAPTER FIFTEEN Ekaka lindundu namaginginyiikayi [?]

Wali na bunduki jakupandagila He had guns to operate

Na magulu And legs

Akadelilwa sungusungu He was dealt with by the sUNgUSUNgU

LiBusalamwa likanonjayi The ‘security’ straightened him up Fumbagwa nuTanafa wanaswela, How about Tanafa of Swela, yii!

yi! Pagagusemba ng omoyi (2x) He had to dig a pit (2x)

Egike wadumo kulima He had failed to farm

Ninalomba msaada I would ask for help

Nakwambilijiwa, yii! I would be helped, yii! Kubeka okwiwinga na banyoli? [?] Why did you join robbers?

Ogucha lute lwako, yii! You will die before your day, yii!

Okomalijiwa You will be finished

Ne limi litenasebayi Before the sun heats up Okoja kwiSelamagaji (2x) You will go to Iselamagaji (2x)

Ohi olantongeje bupugwi If you put forward stupidity Okwisanga woshila mijuyi You will find yourself without use Nielufu lwako luti lwakupini haka_ And your death won't shock the

nNZeEngo village

Batali gosha boyo There won't be mourning days Eniva mli etigolaga ngongo The dog will not give you its back

Tumamile chene We know that

Ng’watogwa kusohola mangondi _You like stealing sheep

Mbingiwana You guys

Hene olugulila ung’wano But if a dangerous alert sounds Lwagucha ulisunga makono It is dying with raised hands

Ulinaga Welelo Saying ‘bye’ to Welelo

Wabalaga nabatulija bujo And saying farewell to your accomplice

Nakazenga bujimile buli I am going to live to the unknown place

Natalashoka I will never come back Interpretation: In this song composed and performed by Hoja ng wana Butemi,’ a captured thief is told what will happen to him because of

> Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 7 September 1994, IUATM song #109.

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 443

his reckless way of life. Many of the specifics of this song are cryptic, and Michael Masalu had these points about the song in general: Huyu alizungumzia juu ya kazi ya sungusungu. Anasema, ‘Tujileja je ndulilu’, kwa sababu kulikuwa wanatengeneza firimbi au pembe za kupuliza. Wakati wakitaka kuitana kuelekea kwenye uwanja zinalia hizo, zinalia, zinalia kila sehemu, kila upande au kijiji kizima. Watu wengi wanaanza kujua kwamba na wahalifu wale wizi wa ngombe, wizi wa mali nyingine, hata wizi wa bunduki. Wenyewe hawaogopi, hata uwe askari namna gani, wanamzingatia, walikuwa wanafuta na vitu kama maduka walikuwa wanatunza. Kwa hiyo, sungusungu ilikuwa na umoja sana wa kulinda ngombe, mali, na kutafuta bunduki ambazo zilikuwa zinatumiwa na wizi. Yeye aliendelea kusema kwamba

hii sungusungu ilitawala, katika kijiji ilitawala. Mtu akisemwa kama mwizi, anapewa adhabu kubwa. Kwanza, anaambiwa halale apigwe viboko halafu aanze kujieleza. Baada ya kujieleza wanachunguza kama

akiwa na kitu nyumbani wanamupeleka, wakamsindikiza wakamwambia, ‘Nenda ukatupe. Kama yeye alikuwa anaiba vitu akamaliza kuvitumia, lazima alipe kitu kingine. Kwa sababu hiyo, wale walikuwa wanapigwa wengine walipigwa mpaka kufa. (This person is discussing the work of the sungusungu. He says, ‘Let us sound the ndulilu’,

because they have prepared these horns and they are there ready to blow. When they want to meet so to go about their work these things are sounded, sounded, sounded in every corner, every area or village. Many people are coming to know that there are destroyers, cattle thieves, and thieves of other kinds of wealth, even thieves of weapons. Themselves, they have no fear, even if you are some kind of guard they will consider you, they will just clean out everything from the shop that you are guarding. As a result, the sungusungu came together in order to guard cattle, wealth, and to search for the weapons used by thieves. This singer goes on to say that these sungusungu are the leaders, in this village they are the leaders. If it is said, then, that someone is a thief, he is shamed in in a big way. First, he is told that he should not sleep and he will be whipped until he begins to explain himself. After explaining himself they look to see if he has anything in his home, they take him there, and they tell him ‘throw everything out’. If he has stolen something that has already been used up, he will have to pay for it. As a result of actions like this, many who are beaten in this way are beaten until they die.)

444 CHAPTER FIFTEEN (322) Tulihaya (‘We say)

Tulihaya, eeh! We say, eeh!

Abasambo These thieves Yabela, tubatule chuma It is fit, let us hit them with iron uNsambo, ulu ng’wambanaga A thief, if cornered

Ntulagi buta nulwi ichimu Hit him with an arrow or spear

Tuntulagi bamayu Let us beat them, bamayu

Tuntulagi Let us beat them

Interpretation: In this anonymous song collected by Bukurura (1995: 296) and printed here without alteration, the unknown singer implores his colleagues to make haste, and to attack the enemies ‘with iron’, without mercy. William Lubimbi’, a retired sungusungu member, takes on the perspective of the singer: ‘Piga chuma, hata mshale, wewe ua mara moja, sio kusamehe. Ukimuona tu, wewe mbane tu, piga mshale, usimuachie kabisa nafasi’ (“Hit them with iron, even arrows, you kill them at once, without forgiveness. If you see them, you should press them, hit them with arrows, you should not leave them with a chance at all’).

The three songs that follow discuss the justice given to the thieves after the sungusungu have captured them.

(323) Basambo, yabita teleni (“Thieves, the train passes’)

Basambo, yabita teleni (2x) Thieves, the train passes (2x)

Lelo mkwimbakila Today you will pack yourselves in

Batulija (2x) Lawbreakers (2x)

kunuma rear

Abanyoli nabo bakwipanga Robbers align themselves in the (324) Sungusungu ni kali no (“The sungusungu are very fierce’)

Sungusungu ni kali no, baba The sungusungu are very fierce, baba

Yitabembelejaga (2x) They never sweet talk (2x)

Ng’wamanila You have grown accustomed Kulya shanyahunga (2x) To eating from defrauding (2x)

Mumane giki You should know that

Lelo ng'wacha (2x) Today you are dying (2x)

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 445

(325) Nigwa balila (‘T hear they cry’)

Nigwa balila, abasambo I hear they cry, the thieves

Bayudaya, baba They complain, baba

(2x) cows (2x) Naluha no I am very troubled (2x) cows (2x)

Namanhya na bakubija ngombe I have met with those that follow Namanhya na bakubija ngombe I have met with those that follow

Interpretation: The anonymous song Basambo, yabita teleni, performed by Gembe Ng’honela ng wana Makanga,"’ uses the image of a train’s arrival, to convey to the thieves the nature of the justice they are about to receive. A train is powerful, quick in its delivery system, and full of room for its payload of transgressors. William Lubimbi* paraphrases the song’s message: ‘Sasa gari la moshi lilipopita’.. Kwa hiyo

anawaambia wote waingie ndani ya gari la moshi waondoke katika sehemu hiyo. Wajipange nyuma kwa hiyo wasionekane katika sehemu

hii yote. (Now the train is passing’. Therefore, he [the singer] tells them all they should get inside the train so they can leave this place. They should pack themselves into the back, so they cannot be seen here ever again.) The anonymous song Sungusungu ni kali no is performed by Michael Masalu,"! someone who used to be an ntemi (chief) of the sungusungu in his region. The singer tells the thieves to ready themselves for death, for their crimes of defrauding others. Sungusungu batemi, also called kommandas, need to be knowledgeable about medicines as well as be able to command authority, and be proficient in music performance.

In Nigwa balila, an anonymous song performed by the Banamhala of Kisunun’ha,” the singers confide with their colleagues that they found the thieves crying and complaining about being caught. William Lubimbi* recognizes a touch of pity in the song: Mwimbaji alisikitika tu, akasikia sauti wanalia, hao wizi waliokuwa wameiba ngombe. Sasa akajua tu kwamba wameshakamatwa, na anajua kama nini itatokea, watapigwa (The singer has some pity, he heard the voices of those who

' Recorded by author, village of Sayusayu, 11 August 1995, IUATM song #338.

i" Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of ee ‘Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 17-21 March 1995, IUATM song #306.

446 CHAPTER FIFTEEN cry, those thieves who have stolen cows. Now he just knows that they have been caught, and he knows what will happen next, they will be beaten). The next three songs continue the discussion of justice meted out to thieves once they have been caught. They also reference Iselamagazi (literally, “The place where blood is shed’), the legendary nineteenth century fortress-prison of Mirambo, a place where unspeakable acts of torture were rumored to have been performed on captured enemies. The basungusungu call their home base of operations Iselamagazi. This identification of this frightful historical image with the sungusungu inspires fear into the hearts of would-be criminals.

(326) Buchagi masasi (‘Carry bullets’)

Buchagi masasi Carry bullets

Ni ndulilu jing we Including your ndulilu

Bana busungusungu People who do sungusungu Tukamanhye nabo abatulija Let us go to fight these offenders Ukwibologelo kw'Iselamagazi Where blood is shed, to the fortress Tukabatule busunguabatuluja Let us go and poison the offenders

Buchagi masasi Bring bullets Bana busungusungu People who do sungusungu Bujiku wela It is already daybreak (327) Alilila (“He is crying’)

Alilila untulija He is crying, the criminal Batukangila magobole They threatened us with homemade guns

Tukubatwala hali, basalama? Where will we take them, basalama?

Kwi Iselamagazi To Iselamagazi

Nadadile baba, nadadile Let me set off baba, let me set off Basungusungu nadadile Sungusungu people, let me set off

Kubakooba abasambo To search for criminals

Tuunngane bose Let us all unite

Basungusungu tuungane Sungusungu people, let us unite

Kubakooba abasambo To search for criminals

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 447

(328) Bawilagi (‘Tell them’)

Bawilagi Tell them

Abasambo na bahumi Thieves and those who cry like hyenas

Bawilagi Tell them Yashika ingelelo ya bahumi The end has come for hyena callers na abakunga mayiku And cattle rustlers Baba, wibona ikalakala Baba, do you see the speed of things

Iselamagazi! At Iselamagazi!

Baba, wibona ikalakala? Baba, do you see the speed of things?

Interpretation: In Buchagi masasi, collected by Makoye (2000: 218),'° the singer tells ‘the people who do sungusungw’ to bring both ‘bullets’

(metaphor for weapon in general), and an ndulilu to the hunt. They are also told not to be late, because it is already daybreak. Alilila, collected by Makoye (2000: 217),'* mentions that the basalama

(people of peace’), are taking the thieves, who threatened them with fake weapons, to Iselemagazi, ‘the fortress where blood is spilled’. The singer implores his comrades to continue to look for criminals. In Bawilagi, sung by Mwanza-based local historian Michael Masalu’° and collected on a separate occasion by Massesa (1993: 20), the singer gives a name to the captured cattle thieves, calling them ‘those who cry like hyenas’. This alludes to their cowardly nature, as well as to their status as ‘friends of hyenas’, or witches. According to Massesa’*, this is a song sung in ritual greeting between sungusungu members. In the

end, the singer warns the thieves that at the sungusungu Iselamagazi fort’, justice comes fast. Magdelena Lubimbi* had this point about the

'S Makoye’s English translation: “Carry bullets / Including your ndulilu / Members of poison / Let us go to fight the offenders / To the place where blood is shed / Let

us g0 and poison the offenders / Members of poison carry bullets / It is already day“i Makoye’s English translation: “The criminal is crying / They used to terrify us with home made guns / Basalama, where will we take them? / Let us take them where blood is spilled / Father, let me set off / The members of poison, let me set off / To search for criminals / Let us all unite / The members of poison let us unite / To search for criminals’.

i‘ Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of author.

448 CHAPTER FIFTEEN song: Mwimbaji hapa anawawekea tahadhali: ‘Waambieni wizi, yaani imefikia mwisho wao. Imefikia mwisho wa kuiba ngombe madume, yale makubwa makubwa yale’. (The singer here places before them a precaution: “Tell the thieves, now their end has come. Their end has come to steal bulls, those big ones’.)

(329) Nalikuganila (‘I implore you’)

(C) Nalikuganila, ngoshi wane (C) Iimplore you, my husband

Oyaga ukumanushinga Refrain, you will be staying in the

mumalunyili cold

Lolaga wabi malanda malanda Look you have become scarred scarred

(R) Ungongo malanda (R) Your back is scarred

Nkimbili malanda Your waist is scarred Ng’humbi malanda Your belly is scarred Makono malanda Your hands are scarred Magulu malanda Your feet are scarred

Bushu malanda The face is scarred

Mabega malanda Your shoulders are scarred Interpretation: In this anonymous sungusungu song of warning performed by Verdiana N. Masindi and recorded by Makoye (2000), the singer implores her husband to stop stealing cattle, for now he has been caught, and, because of his thievery, he has been horrifically beaten by the basungusungu. The chorus repeats the image of malanda (scars), to emphasize the seriousness of the husband's physical condition. The following three songs are pleas to President Julius Nyerere for continued state funding and support for the sungusungu. (330) Neg’wana Nyerere (‘Ng’wana Nyerere’)

Ng’wana Nyerere, nalinhe minti | Ng’wana Nyerere, I should climb the tree

Naje mlugulu I should go to the hills Kujuchola isonga To look for arrows

Nene, nashikile nu mukiya Myself, I arrived to the East

Nabasanga I met them

Bakuyungagwa mbeshi na njololo They are circled by vultures and ferrets

Baba, isonga lyajimila Baba, the arrows are finished

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 449

(331) Nandya (‘I start’)

Nandya, moja, abahalamia I start, point number one, destroyers

Natabatogagwa, nene I do not like them, myself

Bakugulajaga banhu They kill people

Baba, natabatagagwa, nene Baba, I do not like them, myself Abasambo, natabatogagwa, nene Thieves, I do not like them, myself

Ugwa kabili Of the second point Abasambo, natabatagagwa, nene The thieves, I do not like them, myself Neguno bakuswagaga ng’ombe (2x) Because they take cattle (2x)

Ng’wana Nyerere Neg’wana Nyerere Ninhage lumuda Please give me a shield

Tubatule tubabulage (2x) Let us beat and kill them (2x) (332) Baba, ntemi (‘Father, chief’)

Baba, ntemi Baba, chief Twenhaga busalama kungwako | Weve brought peace at your place

Shilanga shishe buta na masonga Our weapons are bows and arrows

Ga kulwila basambo To fight the thieves Tutabatulaga nulu kubiboneela We do not beat or bully anybody

Bise tulikoba mhola duhu We're looking for peace only Interpretation: These three songs were performed by local historian Michael Masalu'® (composer unknown) and collected by Massesa (1993: 48-50). In all three of these songs, the singer addresses president

Nyerere, telling him personally that he must provide new resources (arrows and shields’) for this work at hand, because the basungusungu have nearly exhausted all his resources in his fight against the thieves. In Ng’wana Nyerere,"’ the singer explains to Nyerere that the thieves

+ Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of ie “Massesa’s English translation: ‘Son of Nyerere / I climb the tree, go in hill find arrow / No one arrived to the East / I met them / Are flied vultures and ferrets / Father, arrow lost’.

450 CHAPTER FIFTEEN are now surrounded by ‘vultures and ferrets’, but the resources to continue this work (‘arrows’) have been depleted. ‘Vultures’ and ‘ferrets’ could refer either to the hunters themselves, or this could be an

allusion to the fate awaiting the thieves, death, and then to be consumed by vultures and ferrets. In Nandya,'* the singer has two points he wants to share with Nyerere: 1) the thieves are destroyers and killers, and 2) they steal cattle. They are not wanted (by this singer, or by society), and they should be beaten and killed, as a lesson to others. In Baba, ntemi,” the president of the nation is addressed as a chief, and is reminded that peace has come as a result of the work of the basungusungu. The singer is trying to discourage Nyerere from listening to those who say the basungusungu themselves are a threat to society, because of rumored cases where they tormented and bullied the innocent. (333) Sokoine (‘Sokoine’)

Sokoine wali salama Sokoine was a bringer of peace

Wagongwa gali He was hit by a car

Guseka, amasambo They rejoiced, the thieves Galilile no, amataifa They cried very much, many nations

Kila bupande, masikitiko Every direction, sorrow

Mungu, Welelo God, Welelo

Tunile, nise, uSokoine We cry, we, [for] Sokoine

Tunombele bupolo We pray for him good people Interpretation: This song, Sokoine, was collected by Massesa (1993: 53).*° As a result of the vigilante excesses of some sungusungu groups

in Tanzania, there was discussion in the upper echelons of the Tanzanian government to abolish or at least curtail the power held by the groups. Many felt that it was through the efforts of the late Prime Minister Edward Moringe Sokoine that the movement was allowed to

+ Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of ms Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of oo Massesa’s English translation: “Sokoine was bringer of peace knocked car / Rejoiced thieves / Cry many nations / Every direction sorrow / God the world cry we Sokoine / We praying him good people’.

SONGS OF THE VILLAGE VIGILANTE ASSOCIATIONS 451

continue, indeed it was through his efforts that the sungusungu eventually gained legal authorization throughout the country and (Mtenga’*). They believe, that it was Sokoine who argued that it was time for the state to admit its failures in providing security in outlying areas of the country. On 18 March 1983, Edward Sokoine initiated an economic sabotage campaign to fight ‘detestable’ social evils such as black marketeering, smuggling, cattle rustling, hoarding. The National Assembly soon passed an economic crimes bill that authorized special tribunals, party and vigilante searches, property seizures, and arrests (Ofcansky and Yeager 1993: 73). When Sokoine died in a car accident in 1983, many sungusungu members could not believe the news, and suspected foul play, because they knew he had many enemies. Many feared that the government was at last going to abolish the sungusungu when he died, but this was actually not the case. Sukuma farmers have used song to express their dissatisfaction with the excesses and false accusations of the sungusungu, as is evident in these two songs.

(334) Nalilomba lazi (‘I beg forgiveness’)

Nalilomba lazi I beg forgiveness

Bakiima na bagosha Women and men

Balihaya giki Thay say that Nadanganya ming’wana ‘I cheated people’ Nitanilwe I have been summoned

Mu Nyamatongo To Nyamatongo

Iki ku ofisi ya kijiji To the village government office

Ndi kacheza, nkonong ho I am going to dance, the nkonong ho

Na mugambo guliko Village militia are there Gulilinda abachezi They are guarding the dancers (335) Igete lyali lyeja ki? (What night dance was this?’)

Igete lyali lyeja ki? What night dance was this? Yali sungusungu (2x) Those sungusungu (2x) Kulwaki batulagwa shiboko? Why were they beaten with a whip?

Na sababu yaya (2x) For no reason (2x)

452 CHAPTER FIFTEEN Interpretation: The first song, Nalilomba lazi, is an anonymous bugobogobo song that was performed by Michael Masalu*' and was collected on a separate occasion by Makoye (2000: 207).% The song was composed as a reaction to the arrest of one of the niingi’s dancers by the mugambo (another, more idiosyncratic term for basungusungu), because he had been accused in a theft case, but the niingi managed to convince the village leadership of his innocence, and he was released. In this song, the niingi refers to himself as an nkonong’ho, or an ‘old school’ bugobogobo singer.

The second song, Igete lyali lyeja ki?, an anonymous bunuunguli song performed vigorously by the banuunguli group Kujitegemea of Isangidjo,”” makes it evident that not everyone was happy with the vigilante work of the sungusungu. In this case, the ‘transgressors’ were kept up all night and beaten ‘for no reason’. The singer asks: ‘what kind of people are these sungusungu?’

71 Recorded by author, town of Magu, 26 August 2006, personal collection of ne Makoye’s English translation: ‘I beg to be forgiven / Women and men / I cheated people / I have been summoned to go to Nyamatongo / To the village government office / I am going to dance, I nkonongo / Village militia are there / They are taking care of dancers / I have been summoned to go to Nyamatongo / I am going to dance, I nkonongo’.

*> Videorecorded by author, village of Isangidjo, January 1995, IUATM song #529.

CONCLUDING REMARKS: THE FLUIDITY OF SUKUMA MUSICAL LABOR GENRES

A key conceptual underpinning throughout Sukuma song history is the idea that all Sukuma social networks, whether family clans, chiefdoms, medicinal associations, or specialized musical labor groups, have had a fluid propensity for transmission and exchange of common cultural tropes, what Bourdieu would call ‘transposable dispositions’ (1990: 52). This concept illustrates how songs have moved so fluidly, from association to association, and from genre to genre, over time. Group members draw on their inter-societal connections with other affinity groups to spread their musical ideas and materials through migration, breakaway-rifts, new societal formation, innovation, and emulation. Like other informational networks such as the various ‘-scapes’ discussed by Appadurai (1990) and Slobin (1992), these intergenerational and interregional ‘dance-scapes’ share knowledge and belief systems that underlie song repertoire, styles and compositional practice, competition and composition-related medicines, dance and dance-related paraphernalia, ideas about leadership and societal rank terminology, musical instruments and ideas about instruments such as drums and

their use in the establishment of chiefdoms, as well as initiate lore, taboos and ideas about secrecy.

Today's Sukuma farming associations borrowed their personnel, songs, music, and music paraphernalia from the hunting, medicinal and porter associations prominent in the nineteenth century. In the precolonial era, joining a voluntary interregional travel-related musical labor association such as the porcupine hunters (banunguli), the snake hunters (bayeye), the salt caravaners (baja nyaraja), or the porters’ association (bapagati) was an initiation into adulthood, in a culture without formal age-grade or puberty ceremonies. Membership in these groups was seasonal, and thus it was easy for their membership to be interchangeable (See also Baumann 1894: 68; Blohm 1933: 171;

Gunderson 2001, 2008; Williams n.d.). With the onset of the ivory trade, Sukuma men proved their manhood by taking journeys to the coast. Interregional salt bearers and porters from the coast took up farming when they were no longer on the road, creating multiple labor sites where they often performed the same corpus of music, with both

454 CONCLUDING REMARKS textual and musical content applicable to both contexts. In the twentieth century, agricultural labor, even when supported by the State, retained ritual behavior of the prior labor societies, and came to maintain precolonial ritual behavior, including being treated as divine, enacted to ‘activate’ the growth of crops. At the onset of the twenty-first century, a novice in a musical labor group is mentored by a charismatic leader, is still initiated with medicines, and learns the choruses of his teacher, as well as the important foundational songs of his/her group. In the Sukuma cultural and historical tableau, songs have been interchanged between multiple functional contexts, their tropes and images

have been transmitted and re-embedded within multiple songs, and they have been read and interpreted in multiple and creative ways. Musical labor songs have had a distinctive inter-textual dimension, as their verses and poetic images from songs of previous generations have been appropriated, and resituated. Musical labor songs have also had an inter-functional dimension, in that it is possible for one song to serve several functions over time. As discussed, this has happened

innumerable times with Sukuma song texts. The reciprocal labor busumba genre was flexible in this regard, acting as a repository for choruses and fragmented verses from other genres, to include hunting songs, warrior songs, porter songs, askari songs, courtship songs, and other farm labor song genres, such as bugobogobo and bukomyalume. This has happened as well with melodies, where, for instance, porcupine, snake, and elephant hunting melodies joined with new texts for praising Julius Nyerere’s TANU party, and in turn after independence, the CCM. Farmers evaluated, rejected, or adapted these songs, both at the farm site and in their competitions. Finally, in several instances,

for example the case of many bayege (elephant hunters) prophecy songs, musical labor has had an inter-temporal dimension, a simultaneous presence of historic layers of signification mediating between synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Genre fluidity is thus a prominent and distinctive feature within Sukuma musical labor practices and performance. These songs are revealed to future generations, who

understand and interpret them in creative ways. Traditions, in all these cases, are both under transformation (Bakan 2007) because of their reproduction (Sahlins 1987), and have an inherent multivalent flexibility that is expected, understood, commented on, and acted on by its producers and listeners. This genre flexibility has long been an identity marker and source of pride for all Sukuma.

APPENDIX ONE

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS This glossary was compiled from a variety of sources, to include dictionary entries and feedback interviews with indigenous speakers. Verbs in Kisukuma are preceded by the ku- prefix. Adjectives and adverbs, which take the noun class prefix of the term modified, are prefixed with a short dash (-). Kiswahili cognates are marked as such at the end of the entry in parentheses (Kiswahili). If applicable, terms are listed according to their plural quantity, and their singular forms are indicated within the definition. A separate list of common Sukuma music genres can be found in the Preface. -chiiza (adj.): nice, lovely, good. -do (adj): small; shilaka shiido: a ‘small’, weak, or low voice. -leho: little; mimbo mileho: little song. -lithu: long; mimbo maliihu: long songs. -ilyehu (adj): soft, smooth; shilaka shilyehu: smooth voice. -kumuuku (adj): famous, well known; baliingi bakumuukile: famous musicians. -nonu (adj): sweet; lyiimbo linonu: sweet song. -nsilili (adj): low, under; shilaka shinsiliili: a low voice. -taale (adj): famous, great, memorable; baliingi bataale: the great, memorable singers. askari: generic term for guard, soldier, warrior (Kiswahili).

baba: father, grandfather, the father of one’s children, one’s husband, any married man, male friend, or any male ancestor or deity. in song performance, the term is used often as a sigh, interjection or exclamation. baba buhemba: the teacher, dance group leader, or healer who initiates new members (see also kuhemba). babini: dancers. See also kubiina. baboji: the ones who sing bass in a reedy, grave, harsh, jarring manner. used to emphasize maleness. bachawi (s., mchawi): witches, sorcerers (Kiswahili). See also balogi. bafumu (s., nfumu): healer, one who diagnoses and treats patients. See also baganga. bagaalu (s., ngaalu): one of the two umbrella group medicinal dance moieties which developed in the nineteenth century. founded by Gumha ng’wana Misinzo. See also bagiika. baganga (s., nganga): healer, one who diagnoses and treats patients (Kiswahili). See also bafumu. bagiika (s., ngiika): one of the two umbrella group medicinal dance moieties which developed in the late nineteenth century. See also bagaalu.

456 APPENDIX ONE bagikulu (s., ngikulu): older married women, of the same rank as bananv hala. bagobogobo: farmers’ musical labor association, literally ‘the old skin wearers’. the association began in the late 1930s affiliated with the bagaalu, they compete with the bakomyaluume. bagunani: general helpers of the baliingi. applies to audience members, to temporary group members, or to members of the bagiika-bagaalu, who help one another’s groups in competition. bahabi (s., nhabi): the poor, literally, ‘those who have no cattle’. bahemba (s., ng’hemba): initiates, learners, disciples, followers. those want-

ing to become baliingi. to sing high with a sharp, fierce voice, but not necessarily skillfully. to decorate the song. ‘to sing in a high voice you can hear faraway, sung this way for a long duration. when you sing this way you think about reaching your goals (Lubasa’*). baja nyalaja: musical labor association (now defunct) that made caravan trips to the natural salt lake Nyalaja (Eyasi) to obtain salt. balamuji: dance competition judges. balimi (s., nimi): farmers.

baliingi (s., niingi): singer, arranger, composer, poet, music group leader. See also kulinga. balogi (s., nogi): witches, those who perform witchcraft. See also kuloga. balongo: iron workers of the Basinza clan who live in Geita district. balugu: warriors. balungu: special elite class of bafumu healers who were responsible for performing divinations and predictions of outcomes of various adventures, wars, hunts, journeys etc. for the chiefs. bak’ honongo: Nyamwezi-related ethnic group found in the region south of Tabora. Became the bagobogobo. See also bagobogobo. bakomyaluume: farmers’ musical labor association, literally ‘the dew steppers’. the association began in the 1940s. afhliated with the bagiika, they compete with the bagobogobo. bamang’a (s., manga): matriarchal divination society who contact ancestors through dreams. banyema: what the banuunguli used to call themselves. See also banuunguli. bananvhala (s., nam’hala): council members for the batemi or for important village leaders, usually family men over the age of forty.

banuunguli (s., nunguli): porcupine hunters. the hunters use music while preparing medicines to hunt for porcupines, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. those who perform the dance are affiliated with the bagaalu, and they compete with the bayeye. See also bayeye. banyalaali: dance initiates, followers, students, or lower tier musicians. bapagati (s., npagati): most common Sukuma term used for nineteenth century porters who carried goods from the Indian ocean back to the Sukuma region (Kiswahili: bapagazi). barghuni: antelope horn trumpet (Kiswahili). basabi: people having wealth, especially in cattle. literally, “cattle owners’.

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 457

basherikaale: government officials. a lower administrative rank in several dance associations. bashoosha: the guards who stop members from the other side from coming too close to the group’s singers and causing a ruckus. basombi: archaic form, carriers in a nineteenth century caravan from the Sukuma region to the coast. See also bapagati. basumba (s., nsumba): reciprocal farming labor group. See also salenge.

baswagi (s., nswagi): the drummers for the bayege (elephant hunters) association.

batemi: ancestral leaders were those who first migrated into the Sukuma region, having cleared the way for those clan and family members who followed; kutemwa, kutemagwa: to be ritually cut. See also kutema. batuji (s., ntuji): player who strikes, strums, or hits an instrument, in a figurative sense, namely, a drummer, or kadete player. See also kutula. bayanda: young adolescent males. older meaning, young male teens’ mandatory labor association. bayege (s., nyege): elephant hunters. the hunters used music while preparing medicines to hunt for elephants, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. few groups remain today. bayeye (nyeye): snake hunters. the hunters use music while preparing medicines to hunt for snakes, while on the hunt, and in competitive dances. those who perform the dance afhiliate with the bagiika, and they compete with the banuunguli.

bazungu (s., nzungu): people of European descent, whites (Kiswahili: wazungu, S., MZungu).

beni: well-known late nineteenth and twentieth-century music found throughout East Africa. modeled after German and British military and police brass bands. the music is sarcastic and bawdy in nature. See also pubha. bose: everyone, chorus. boya: rest period. bucheye, bucheyeeki: twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments made up for these dances (Cory Papers #192). the dance was associated with ‘dressing smart’. See also wigaashe.

budakwa: intention, idea, or mood, of a song, poem, or other narrative work.

budimi: herding songs. budito: state of heaviness. literally, ‘a burden’; ilaka idito: a ‘heavy’ bass voice; lyimbo idito: a ‘heavy’, sad song. budula: capability, talent. budula bo kwimba: capability or talent to sing. bufumu: the art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines; what bafumu do. See also buganga. buguta: shorts worn by men for dancing or playing football. buganga: the art of healing, or anything having to do with the knowledge and practice of healing and medicines; what baganga do (Kiswahili). See also bufumu.

458 APPENDIX ONE bugota: cover term for medicines, medicinal accoutrements, medicinal power (Kiswahili, dawa). bukombe: festival meal given at bride wealth ceremony, wedding dance. bulabuka: an offshoot dance of the bugobogobo, literally, ‘not to hurt themselves’, named after their use of medicines to protect themselves in trade-

mark feats of danger in competition, such as throwing themselves off houses into thorn bushes. they use large drum ensembles, and get out to farm early in the morning like the bakomyaluume. bulingi: compositional ability. See also kulinga. bulogi: witchcraft. See also kuloga. buluba: cotton. bumaani: knowledge. bumaani bo kubeeja mimbo: compositional ability. bunela: ostritch feathers worn by bugobogobo dancers on their backs. bupugu, bupugo: joking relationship (Kiswahili: utani). See also wimeji. busiga: sorghum (millet). businga: the tail section of the mabuushi, or niingi’s baton made of wildebeest tail. refers to cues made by the niingi with the mabuushi, for example when raised it signifies to start the song, lowered it signifies the song has finished. (Kiswahili: usinga). See also mabuushi. buta: bow, or anything bowed or bow-like, to include weapons used to shoot arrows, the bowed frame of the ndono, or the bowed sisal fibers used to play kadete fiddles. butamaduni: culture (Kiswahili: utamaduni). butundi: creativity. See also kutunda. buyegi: joy. buyobe: informal reciprocal labor between neighbors and friends. See also basumba. buyombo: women’s calf-length half skirt made of sisal fiber, used for dancing. CCM: Chama Cha Mapinduzi: ‘Party of the Revolution’, Tanzania's socialist government party, founded by Julius Nyerere in 1977. du: complete silence. gembe: see magembe.

higulya: a high place, or high point; kwimba higulya: a general term for singing in a high register, literally ‘singing as if on a hill, heavenward’. a very high falsetto. to sing/play louder; kwimba hiigulyagulya: to sing even higher, with emphasis. igimbulilo: digging stick. a multipurpose digging or sweeping stick used by baliingi. See also kugimbula. ichimu: spear. igenya: ancient competitive ‘wooden shoe’ dance. igomba: medium-sized Sukuma drum, used in bukomyaluume, bugobogobo, and bunuunguli ensembles. igunya: bass drum found in bunuunguli and bugobogobo dance ensembles. ihama: name of a hardwood tree used to make drums played in bugobogobo ensembles, and the name of the large drum made from the trunk of this tree; creeping plant, which when dried out makes a rattling sound, used to adorn buyombo dance dresses.

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 459 ihane: informal initiation into adulthood. ipembe (pl., mapembe): generic term for animal horn, used as aerophone. kapembe: whistle, small horn (Kiswahili: pembe). See also m’hembe. inyongo: popular nineteenth century dance, predecessor to wigaashe. Iselamagazi: the legendary nineteenth century fortress-prison of the Nyam-

wezi chief Mirambo, a place where unspeakable acts of torture were rumored to have been performed on captured enemies. literally, ‘the place where blood is shed’. The basungusungu call their home base of operations Iselamagazi. The identification of this frightful historical image with the sungusungu inspires fear into the hearts of would-be criminals. isuka: worn hoe with only a few inches of blade, used as a time-line instrument or labor summons. itula: millet threshing labor, performed by basumba association. jitangambulende: a special dance accoutrement used by ng’wana Malundi in his dance competitions. it was a large pole made up with grasses and placed in the center of the dance arena so people could see it from a distance. kadete: one-string fiddle with wooden neck and gourd or animal horn resonator, played with small bow. kafuula: the most distinctive competitive medicine of the bagaalu; a ‘last resort medicine. a mixture of the important medicines used by the bagaalu, the entire collection is kept in small calabashes which hang on small sticks with branches and is bound together by a larger calabash, or the entire collection is kept in an mbogo (wildebeest horn). its preparation takes a lot of expertise and experience. songs are used to prepare the medicines, and the n’*hangale horn is blown by an initiate during its mixture. in competitive practice, the kafuula is displayed or placed in a hole on or near the competition site. supernatural lore is associated with these medicines, it is thought that it’s presence disturbs the performance of the bagiika and it is believed that if you travel anywhere with it, it is inevitable that you will return with money or cows, therefore much energy is spent protecting the apparatus from theft when transporting it to the dance site. See also nv hiindi. kalamije: song’s chorus, the noises of a crowd, the banter that elders make when they are together drinking. kalilile: sound, soundscape; kalilile lya ng’oma: the sound produced by a dance group, or by a single drum; the overall soundscape of more than one dance group, as found at a dance competition, where sounds may be

coming from multiple sources; the sound of many drums, rhythms, or polyrhythms, but coming from one group. kalyimbo: short, little song. See also mimbo. kanga: brightly colored wrap around cloth fabric (Kiswahili). kanzu: a white or cream colored robe worn by men in East Africa, associated with but not specific to Islam (Kiswahili). kapembe: whistle, small horn. See also m’hembe. kapundu: shrill cry, higher pitched ululation performed by women. K. A. R.: Kings African Rifles. kihamo: to do together, kubiina kihamo: to dance/play together.

460 APPENDIX ONE kihang’ho: prophecy. See also kuhang’ha. kiloti: dream. kinanda: any musical instrument (Kiswahili). kisumba: see basumba. kizwaalo: clothing, costume. See also kuzwaala. kh’ononga: a kind of root used as a charm in dance societies, also deemed significant in several ritual contexts. kubamba: to stretch, tie and loop a skin on a drum, to cover a drum (Kiswahili: kuwamba). kubanda: climb; kubandisha shilaka: to climb in register; kubandwa: to be visited by the ancestors in trance dance. literally, ‘to be climbed upon’; to draw admirers in a dance (Kiswahili: kupanda). kubeeja: to harmonize; to “compare voices’; to ornament, ‘(...) so the rest of the group can take off’ (Banaam ‘hala ba Kisunun‘ha*); to prepare, to compose, to arrange, to adapt, to fashion in a nice way; kubeejabeeja: to embellish.

kubiina: to dance, to perform; kubiinabina: to dance vigorously; what the ‘warmup dancers do, to get the crowd excited for the main attraction; kubiinariija, kubiniliija: to dance wildly, to toss oneself about when dancing, or jumping about in a personal style; kubinisha, kubinya: to cause to dance. to lead the dancers as an example; kubiniila: to tune or prepare an instrument; to play for; kubibinya, kubibina: to shake the shoulders, waist or torso when dancing. See also m’biina. kucheja, kuchega: to sing quietly; to lower the volume at the end of a song. Chejagi shilaka! (“Lower your volume’). kudegeleka: to listen.

kudima: to herd. See also budimi. kudomola: to lower the volume, or to lower the pitch; to go slowly while singing a song. kufumbula: to uncover, to discover, to diagnose. See also bafumu.

kufupa lwanga, kufuuha Iwanga: to spit a mixture of liquid millet flour toward the four corners in an act of propitiation to ancestors. done by some baliingi before going into competition.

kugaba: to donate, to give gifts, to make an offering, to pass on; kugaba ngoma: said when a chief dies, ‘to pass on the drum’. a chief’s insignia and drums are passed on to his successor upon death, thus the chief’s office never really dies, but is passed on; kugabila: to worship and petition in the proper manner for good crops. kugaka: to place a dance medicine so it will exert its spell. kugabila masamva: to make an ancestral offering. kugana, kuganula: to narrate, to tell a story. See also ngano. kugeha: to diminish, to pull, to reduce; to reduce volume (ng’wana Chiila*); to diminish the enemy’s audience, to sing lower in pitch. kugesa: to harvest, to reap. See also magesa. kugimbula: to dig with exertion; to dig for medicines. kugiling hanya: to ring, echo, resound. what initiates and non-initiates alike do at competitions, playing the role of ‘repeaters and ‘voice amplifiers’ of

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 461 the niingi, scattering themselves throughout the audience and singing the chorus parts that they know. kugong’ola: to glorify, to sing the praises of, usually used in association with baliingi’s praise of the chief or of high-ranked political officials, or banyalali’s (dance association followers) praise of their leader. kugumila: the performative act of ‘throwing or ‘delivering’ the song to the banyalaali chorus, what the niingi does when finished singing a line. A cue. See also businga. kugunana: to assist, to help. See also bagunani. kugwasha: to capture; kugwasha mimbo: literally, ‘capturing the song’, the act of remembering songs after dreaming them. kugweesa: to pull, to drag; to sing slowly, to sing clearly and well, to teach the song so to be understood; to ‘pull’ the audience away from the dance enemy. technique used by baliingi when they have grown tired in the middle of a competition, and they still have a long way to go. also done by the banyalaali when they practice among themselves, singing together slowly, in unison, so to get the song. kuhama: to shout, to be audible, to sing loudly, or to make noises to chase after birds. kuhamukila: to call someone loudly; kuhamukana: to act out as loud as possible; kuhamuka, kuhabula: to articulate, to say or sing vividly, audibly, to accentuate, to ‘open up the voice’, to pronounce openly, to speak the truth. to raise the key so to accentuate the song differently. to raise the volume. kuhana: advise, instruction. See also ihane. kuhang’ha: to predict. kuheema: to breathe, to blow. kuhemba: to make adepts; kuhembeka: to initiate, to baptize, in work that requires a long period of training. See also bahemba, baba buhemba. kuhimbila: singing loudly and alone, as when walking, drunk, or at work. kuhimbola (mza.), kutimbola (shy.): to sing bass in a reedy, grave, harsh, jarring manner. to growl like the big loud voice heard in church. used to emphasize maleness, or ‘craziness’. See also babojji.

kuholeja, kuholeleja: to sing together slowly, repeating the chorus, but with

strength, intensity, and animation as the male chorus members or the banyalaali do.

kuhum, kuhuma, kuhuhuma, kuluma, kuhuluma: to speak or sing with a hoarse voice, grunt, growl, murmur, grumble, snore, howl, hoot like an owl; the voice of a wild animal. also, voice of a drum. to howl, what a hyena does, derogatory noises associated with the bagaalu at dance competitions, noise associated with milangaale (trumpet), a scratchy, scraping quality to the voice to breathe, to blow; kuhumula, kuhulima: to become silent; kuhumulijya: to remain silent, after a long duration of singing.

kuhwaba: to obtain, derive, borrow; lyiimbo walihwabile hali? (Where did you get that song?’). kuidika: to answer. to sing the chorus response, or to repeat selected segments of the niingi’s verse. command sung by the niingi to followers, Idikaga! (‘Answer the call!) (Kiswahili: kuitika).

462 APPENDIX ONE kuigila, kuigilia: to copy; kuigilija: to cause to imitate, to entertain (Kiswahili: kuiga).

kuikomya: to cause noise, confusion, intent to fight; to destroy the other side’s performance in competition. kuimela, kwiimeja: to make scandalous jokes about someone, to speak with irony. mimbo ga kwimela: joking songs. lina lya wimeja: joking name assigned for dance purposes. See also bupugo, wimeji. kujika: to bury; kujikija: to bury medicine horns into the ground for power during dance competitions. kukaga: to take precautions for defense; to make safe; to cut, to incise. See also lukago. kukaja: to finish work; kukaja ng’oma: to tighten up a drumhead. kukala: to dry; kukala n’g oma: to dry out a drum skin. to warm a drum skin, so to gain its normal pitch. kukanya: to entreat, to beg, to conquer, to negotiate, to be persistent, or to seduce. kukengela, kukeng’en’ha: to ring, to resound, literally, like a bell; to sing with

a high wavering falsetto, close in pitch to a ululation, but without vibrato; wavering, continual, the goal of which is to ‘push’ the song with a chorus that increases in intensity and repeats. done by women, together in unison, during wigaashe, together with, or as a response to, men who kukenza. starting very high, and coming down, either in volume or pitch. to cut; someone in the dance moves away from the dance to ‘cut’ the enemy by drawing the audience toward them, or to further praise the head singer. See also kukenza. (Kiswahili: kengele [ma]: bell). kukenza: to produce a very high, thin, sharp and skillfully articulated female or male voice or voices, some described as solo, but not necessarily (Songoyi*). thought of as a decoration. May be same as kukengela, depending on the area and what people are used to in practice. kukeyuka: to stay up all night singing or dancing. kukola: to apply body paint for dancing at ng’oma.

kulaanga: to teach, to raise up to a higher level, to rehearse. See also wilaangi. kulila: to cry; kulija: to cause to cry; kulija: to make the drum cry (Kiswahili: kulia).

kulilika, kulalika: to cause to gather together, to string together; to ‘throw verses. how singing contests were conducted before the bagiika-bagaalu. composers would agree upon the contest at a specific time and place, and would compete in their memory ability to sing, stringing together hundreds of stanzas or dozens of songs. Kilyamangondi ng’wana Wishi was the last well-known composer to compete in this way, in the 1920s and 1930s (Chiila*). modern use refers to managing the gatherings of students, groups, and singers, organizing which group will sing when, and at what point in the composition. kulima: to cultivate. See also milimo. kulinga: to compose, to sing about, to surround, to hem in, to scandalize; kulingalinga: to envelop, to wrap up, to sing around; kulingila: to lead an

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 463 m’biina. kulingula: to do ritual acts, to unfold, to unravel; kulingatila: to sing about, literally, to ‘sing around someone’. See also baliingi. kuloga: to bewitch. See also balogi. kulota: to dream; kulotalota: repeated dreaming; kulolota: to interpret a dream. kulotolera: to interpret or recount one’s dream to someone else. kulula: to whisper, chirp, sing, whistle; kulula m'Tuli: to whistle.

kulunduma: to hum or buzz, as in the noise produced by a car, or in the stomach; to thunder, to roar, to growl, to rumble, to mutter, to murmur. kukingimha: to dance wildly; ‘tramping about, really working yourself up and making your heart beat’ (Songoyi*). kukuba nghubi: to clap; kukubiila: to clap for, applaud, a show of respect.

kulaanga: to teach, to raise up to a higher level, to rehearse; kulaanga na kulaangija: to teach and to be taught, to teach and to copy, to feed the students information and to be copied. See also wilaangi. kulamija, kulagumila: to sing in a chorus, to cue singers for a response chorus. baliingi ask for their members’ names, and they respond with ‘tuliho baba’ (‘we are here, father’). See also kalamije. kulepalepa: to dance with bells or other ornaments. kuliija: to sound out; kuliija nghiinda: to resound the ng’hiinda bells. kulila: to cry; kulija: to cause to cry; kulija ng’oma: to make the drum cry (Kiswahili: kulia). kulima: to cultivate (Kiswahili). See also milimo. kuloga: to bewitch. See also balogi, bulogi, malogo. kulota: to dream; kulotalota: repeated dreaming; kulolota: to interpret a dream.

kulotolera: to interpret or recount one’s dream to someone else. See also kiloti. kunamaga: to walk with measured or counted steps. kunegula: to perform a well-known dance move, shaking the shoulders with intense vigor. kungwizuka: to remember. kuoya: to stop working. See also boya. kupamba: to decorate (Kiswahili). kupanga: to arrange (Kiswahili). kusaba: to become rich. See also basabi. kusagija: to make noise, to cause confusion, and to sing loudly so the competition cannot be heard. kusamba: to give a gift, to a singer or a dancer. To moan in sorrow, in showing respect for departed loved ones. See also samba. kusasa: to hoe in rows. kusesa: to hoe, to clear grass during the first phase in making tie ridges. kusha: to grind. kushikija: to mask, to hide from view, to protect. See also shikija. kushikila: to rest a little, before finishing a journey. The niingi sings to a certain point before completing a piece, makes a sign, and then the followers sing from the beginning all the way to the end of the song. kushindika: to push, or to drive; kushiindikila: to accompany (Kiswahili: Kusindikiza).

464 APPENDIX ONE kushingisha: to shake, to shake one’s torso in dance. kushoma: to speak or sing in a dialect. See also lushomi. kushoosha: to answer, to cause to return, the act of responding in a chorus; to lower, in volume or in pitch; kushoosha shilaka: to ring, to reverberate, to return; to sing high (volume or pitch), then return to low (volume or pitch); to bring the voice back to a normal state of operation. in the case of drums, tightening them up after much playing, to return the drumhead to its proper state. See also bashoosha. kusobanya: to sing out of tune; to be out of step, line, or tune; to play in a different or wrong tempo. kusombola, kusombula: to rehearse; to explain through discussion. kusondangula: to criticize in a negative manner, searching for ‘sore spots. what baliingi do in competition. kusukila: singing hard, fast, with strength, after one has been slowed down. to begin a song, the opening line. in wigaashe, the singer sings slowly, freely, deliberately, without meter, in a reflective manner. kusumba: to create. kutanbila: to sing and dance freely, joyously, not necessarily in a formal set-

ting. dancer may be called on to do so to take his/her solo turn in the arena by leader of the dance troupe; victory dance over the enemy in war, or competition; to ululate, in victory. kutema: to cut, to cut down, to incise, to be outstanding, to excel. See also batemi. kutinda: to surpass in a competition. term used most often regarding dance competition; kutindwa: to be defeated (Kiswahili: kushinda). kutiniila: to cut, to receive; a cue at which point the niingi finishes singing

the line (‘to cut’), and the chorus picks up where he/she leaves off (‘to receive’); to cut off, to sing the beginning of a line in expectation of the baheemba response; response to niingi, completing his/her statement. this is done when the niingi is tired, or when he has not yet arrived to sing. the lower-ranked musicians warmup the dance before the primary niingi comes; balitiniila m’biina (‘they warmup the dance’). to divide the chorus into groups during the singing while teaching, kutiniila lyiimbo (‘singing the song part by part’), after which the whole song is sung. kutonga, kutongeja: to lead. to go first. ntongeji: soloist, literally, ‘the starter’. (Kiswahili: Kuongeja, Kirongozi).

kutula: to beat, to play, to strum, or to hit; to play the drum(s). kutumama: to work. kutunda: to create, the act of creating (Kiswahili: kutunga). kutuunga: to compose (Kiswahili: kutunga). kuyega, kuyegela: to be joyous, to entertain. the genre bayege, or elephant hunters’ society, is said to come from this verb, after the way that they celebrated their successful hunts. See also buyegi, mayego, and the genre buyege. kuyengela: to sway while dancing. kuyeyeka, kuyeyema: to move like a snake. the term describes the wriggling

movements that dancers make with their upper torsos, what they call

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 465 ‘dancing the shoulders’, in opposition to their lowers torso. See also the genre bucheyeki. kuyunga: to move about, wandering aimlessly, without meaning; to play or perform badly; to shake. kuweja: to stay up all night. See also lyeja. kuzunya: to agree, to consent; to sing the refrain. kuzwaala: to wear. See also kizwaalo. kwilisha: to compete with another at a dance competition. See also kulinga.

kwimba: to sing; kwimbila: to sing about; to sing to several students until they get it. kwimbia; kwimbisha: to sing to a large group, a performance; kwimbanijya, kwimbanija: to sing about, to sing together as a group, for instance when a new song is taught, in unison, or uniformly, singing together in a group to see who is the best, as in two different groups in a competition, to sing simultaneously; kwimbya: to be one of the chorus, or to lead the chorus or the singers (Kiswahili: kuimba). lubuuga, lubuunga: small enclosed private area, where dancers practice; any enclosed area where competitions are held; playground, courtyard. lukago: defense medicine used in music competitions, used to remove a spell

from a dance competition area, used for protection against malevolent forces. See also kukaga. lulembo: bag for storing medicines.

lumuda: wooden quiver carried on back which holds ornamental ostrich feathers, worn by dancers.

lupingu: triangular shaped protective conus shells worn in honor of the maternal ancestors. See also shilungu. lushomi: dialect, vocal style; lushomi lubupu: an easy style, quick to pick up; lushomi lyawiiza: nice style. lyeja: a dance practice session, or an informal dance that takes place in the late evening. m’beha: literally, ‘reduced’. the smallest drum of a drum set, having the highest pitch. ny’ biina: a term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring competitive drumming, dancing and song. m’biina ya ha shigulu; m’biina ya shibili: literally “dance of the anthills’, where lesser-known bali-

ingi compete against one another, in the hopes of being discovered and invited to the larger pubic competitions. See also kubiina. nVhela: the most famous medicine of the bagiika. named after the token animal of the bagiika, the rhino. m’hembe: generic term for animal horn, used as aerophone; mhembe ya ntemi: labor crew of the chief, literally ‘horns of the chief’, or those who call / are called together by the horn (Kiswahili, pembe). See also ipembe. nVhiindi: bagaalu medicine used in conjunction with kafula, but kept in a different vessel. One of the original medicines brought forth by Gumha (the original mbogo container reputedly bled full time). activated in competition by swirling around the head and pointing it at the opponent. See also kafuula.

466 APPENDIX ONE nVhola: literally, ‘the cool state’, or the state of peace and good relations among men and women, between clans, between the living and the dead, and between human beings and their earthly environment. mn’hundu: ululation; tula mhundu: to ululate, without adornment (Kiswahili: vigelegele). See also kapundu. mabinda: stunts, shenanigans, or items used to draw a crowd in competition. can also include any kind of medicine or mixtures of medicine props, carvings, statues, initiation articles etc. See also maleba.

mabuushi (s., mbuushi): niingi's wand, made from a tail of wildebeest or mule or cow, depending on resources. Its use varies with every composer. held high, singers are cued to sing high; if low, singers cued to sing low; forward, everyone should sing; both arms in front and pulling in, to pull the listeners in; pushing arms forward directly, giving the song to the banyalaali (ng’;wana Makanga*) (Kiswahili: shing’wanda). See also businga. mafipa, mapipa (s., fipa, pipa): drums fashioned from large oil cans, and cut into various sizes, used by the bugobogobo; used to replace ihama drums.

maigele (s., igele): the general crowd of followers who follow the dance groups when they go to the competition. this procession could start from up to a few kilometers away from the dance site. this group is made up of member of the composer’s village, or from his particular bagiika-bagaalu afhliation in the area. magembe (s., gembe): hoes (Kiswahili: majembe). magesa: harvest. See also kugesa. makamba (s., ikamba, kamba): strings made from sisal. traditional material

used for string of musical instruments; wire string for kadete or ndono instruments (Kiswahili). maleba: dance accouterments, props etc. designed to draw a crowd at a competition. See also mabinda. malika: a term of older origin meaning association or society. malingililo: couplets of a song. See also kilinga. malogo: witchcraft, witchcraft medicines; malogo ga m’biina: ‘performative’ or dance-related witchcraft. See also kuloga. mambi wa ng’oma: drum skin replacer or repairer.

man’he: community grinding rock, genre of song performed around the man’he or community grind stone. mapacha: twins. masala: intelligence; masala ba kubeja mimbo: compositional ability, literally, ‘the intelligence one has to compose’; masalo: heritage. masamva (s., isamva): ancestral spirits. mashamba (s., shamba): farmlands (Kiswahili). mashindano: competition (Kiswahili). mashuda: feast. masuka (s., isuka): worn hoes with only a few inches of blade, used as a timeline musical instrument, or use or summoning labor. mayego: entertainment, enjoyment. Use: tujage ko mayego ga ngoma (‘let us go take part in the enjoyment of the ng’oma’). See also bayege.

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 467 mayu: mother. This can refer to one’s birth mother, grandmother, the mother of one’s children, one’s wife, or any married mother. it is often used as a sigh, interjection or exclamation, in song performance. mbeha: tenor ostinato drum found in bugobogobo and bunuunguli ensembles. literally, ‘reduced’.

mbogo: wildebeest horn, considered the emblem or totem of the bagaalu medicine group. mbogoshi: horn used for medicine storage. mbuga: valley, where dark heavy clay soils used for growing sorghums are found. mbuki: meaning, beginning, foundation. midati (s., dati): sticks wrapped in leather, used to beat millet. migilo (s., mgilo): taboo (Kiswahili: mwiko). milanga (s., langa): herding sticks. milimo: work, labor. See also kulima. mimbo (s., lyimbo): songs; mimbo can also mean genre or song type. mitumba (s., ntumba): medicine gourds. miyeye: salt. An older Sukuma term for salt which comes from lake Nyaraja. mpini: hoe handle. Mwalimu: teacher. term of endearment and form of address for Julius Nyerere.

mhambu: history, remembrance, tradition; advice, good talk, good words, wisdom.

mhang’ala, n’handala, n’hang’ali, mhangale, nhantala: large (6-8 foot) aerophone horn made from Kudu antelope, or from a tree branch; has a mouth hole in the side of the horn a little below the tip. used by herders and for work association assemblies, used by bagaalu in competition and ceremony, used to convene meetings, was also used by the baja nyalaja to announce departure of the salt caravans to lake Eyasi. mn haningha: aerophone (cow horn or gourd with a stem) with a special bamboo reed, used to call work societies to the work site, introduced to Sukuma region by the Bangoni. in contemporary use, made with plastic tubing and cow horn, because of shortages of wood. See also mhang’ala. nanga: stick; nanga gwa ng’oma: drumstick. ndeji, ndezi: a circular conus shell insignia worn on the wrist or around the neck, most associated with batemi of the Babinza states. before conus shells reached Usukuma from the east coast, ostrich eggshells were used (Itandala 1983: 45). since chiefdoms were abolished at independence, ndeji are only worn by prominent baliingi or bafumu. Baliingi wear them in their hair, or on their mabuushi (flywhisks) to show that one has won a competition. ndono: an instrument often associated with the balungu but not exclusive to them; a four to six-foot braced monochord musical bow with a permanently attached gourd and tension noose of Hutu origin. the string is divided into two sections of unequal length and therefore plays two different notes, adjusted to suit the vocal range of the performer. the opening of the resonator is vibrated against the player’s chest for varying timbral effects. players hold a seed shell idiophone in an inverted V pattern in the

468 APPENDIX ONE same hand that they strike either of the two string sections of the ndono with a plectrum crafted from a small stick, creating a percussive rhythm that emphasizes the tones played. ndulilu, ndululu, ndulele: ocarina-like aerophone made from the neck of a calabash or a semicircular cow horn, with large lateral holes bored in the sides at either end and stopped by players’ thumbs. used by the sungusungu vigilante association for calling members to meetings or for emergencies. See also ndulu. ndulu: cry of alarm at dance or battle. See also ndulilu. nganda (s., luganda): clans. ng hang’hi: prophet. See also kuhang’ha. ng hiinda: cover term for any kind of bells worn on the legs. a small bell with a small ball inside, shaped like a small cone or boat; ng’hinda ya ng’ombe: cowbell.

ng hunda: drinking cups used as dance accoutrements. believed to lend power and resonance to a singer's voice. ng’oma: a proto-Bantu term signifying drum(s), dance(s), or any performative event featuring drumming and dancing. in Kiswahili, this is rendered as ngoma (pronounced with a hard ‘g’). ngula: reddish rock that is ground, mixed with water, and used for body and facial paint, for dancing.

ng wana: child. most often used in the context of a personal name, where one differentiates oneself from their parents by referring to themselves or others as ng’wana so-and-so (child of so-and-so). ng wanang’wa: in precolonial times the term referred to wealthy coastal dwellers who sponsored nineteenth century inland caravans. during the British colonial period, the term meant ‘village head man’. since independence the term has come to mean ‘ten cell’ leader, referring to the localized leadership structure used by the CCM. ngano (s., lugano): story; ngano ja baliingi: mythical stories or ‘tall tales’ about baliingi. ngula: reddish rock that is ground, mixed with water, and used for body and facial paint, for dancing. nkola, nkonola: a common dance medicine taken from the root of a kind of thorny tree known as pod mahogany (afzelia quanzinsis). nsumo (s., lusumo): proverbs, dictums, allegories, parables, metaphors; the moral of the story; styles, slogans, tricks in plays, or shenanigans brought the dances. ntindiko: protective medicines. ntindiko ga m’biina (Kiswahili: mazindiko). ntundi: a creative person. See also kutunda. oshikuba: singer in kisumba association or competitive farming association having the strongest, most attractive voice. the group leader. pubha: Nyamwezi or southern Sukuma village variant of beni. punguja: literally, ‘reduction’. the mandatory destocking campaign enacted by the British in the 1950s.

samba: ‘charm’ or ‘attractor’ medicines used in dance competitions and everyday life. some of the more well-known samba type dance attractors

GLOSSARY OF SUKUMA MUSIC-RELATED TERMS 469 include luhaga, nkonola, sekela, mbeshi, nkanya, kalulume, ikombeja, ihahula, and nkulungu. shantalu: wooden shoes worn by baliingi during the German colonial period. sing’ wanda: niingis wand, made from a tail of wildebeest or mule or cow,

depending on resources. Its use differs with every composer. held high, singers are cued to sing high; if low, singers cued to sing low; forward, everyone should sing; both arms in front and pulling in, to pull the listeners in; pushing arms forward directly, giving the song to the banyalaali (Makanga*) (Kiswahili: shing’wanda). See also businga, mabuushi. shigela: a colloquial Kisukuma term for the Maasai. shigiti: stage, platform, or raised area to store food, or where the niingi stands in performance. designated area where groups’ dance icons like shields and spears are prominently placed when they perform. staff with multiple branches which hold dance medicines. shikiija: name of lead drum in bunuunguli and bukomyaluume; players play rhythms that direct the dancers. shikome: the traditional evening fires of Sukuma homesteads where youths were taught via story-telling, riddling, and song. shilaka: voice, melody. shilungu: protective charm, made from a variety of materials depending on the region (agate, shell, beads, wood, herbs, and roots). worn together with lupingu. a composer will wear it out of respect for paternal masamva, to help him to sing. See also lupingu. shitongelejo: personal belongings of ancestors kept as a pledge of constant remembrance of the ancestors, in order to protect against evil or misfortune. shitumba (s., kitumba): cover term for any kind of small drum, made from anything from tin cans to small trees. used today in buyeye, bugobogobo, bunuunguli, bukomyaluume. TANU: Tanganyikan African National Union. tula m’hundu: to ululate, without adornment. See also m’hundu. ugali: corn meal porridge (Kiswahili). utani: joking relationship (Kiswahili). vigelegele: ululation (Kiswahili). Welelo: fate, God, destiny. wigaashe: the ‘sitting dance’, a genre that developed in the early twentieth century. wigaashe showcases prodigious singer-poets known as baliingi, who compete in elaborate song competitions that can go on for days. wigaashe singers are associated with one of the two medicinal dance moieties known as the bagiika and the bagaalu. See also bucheyeeki. wilaangi: time set aside for teaching, exercise. See also kuilaanga. wilingi: a kind of singing that seeks to scandalize the opponent. See also kulinga. wimeji: joking relationship. See also bupugu, kuimela.

yaya: nurse. this is a specialist role played by some women in competitive dance groups; their job is to take care of those bewitched during the m’biina, and to provide essentials of sustenance such as medicine, drinks, snacks etc.

APPENDIX TWO

SUKUMA APHORISMS RELATED TO MUSIC AND LABOR I began collecting Sukuma aphorisms related to music and labor after discovering a collection of published and unpublished papers housed at the Sukuma Archives at the Bujora Cultural Centre. As aphorisms were collected, they were used as cues in feedback interviews for further commentary, corrections, and additions. Aphorisms such as these are used in everyday conversation, and they are used by baliingi to make well-known points in their songs.

Bambila ng’oma mwenge nanghwi udutila. (To cover up a chink in a drum you have worked on.) To tighten the hide on a drum, the drum maker must use his wits. Bugaya nimo bukatwala mva kw’ikulu. (The men without work take a dog to the chief’s house.) Those who do not work are prone to foolish behavior. Bukilimaga buli mungunda. (That which does the farming is in the field.) Those materials that you need to do the work (hoes), and those whom you can rely on to do the work (farmers), are found in the place where the work is done. There is no point in looking anywhere else for them. Buli mwaluko gulina m’biina yago. (Each age has its own songs.) Fashions come and go over time. Bulugu wa nghumbi bukapiganilagwa igembe. (The war of the stomach is fought and won with the hoe.) Busiga buli h*iwe bukimbilagwa. (As long as the sorghum is on the grindstone, the singing continues.) Until the matter has finished, the discussion will go on. Deba nzila, utizudeba m’biina. (Know the way, not the dance.) When trying to solve an issue, do not get hung up on the particulars. Fumaga ilima, utizufuma mu nhung’wa. (Leave your farming but not your good ethics.) When the opportunity arises whereby one can leave the work of farming, do not forget the work ethic that comes with farm labor. Gutu gutalembaga. (The ear does not lie.) Those things that one can perceive based on their own experience can be trusted. Gwacha mpini: milimo yacha. (The hoe handle is broken, the work is dead.) Igembe litazumalaga. (The hoe provides recovery.) The hoe will not let anyone down, or forget anyone. Igembe ni ikulu. (A hoe is a great fortress.) The hoe protects the homestead, guarding against poverty and suffering. Igembe litabonaga. (The hoe will be seen.) It is no secret who uses a hoe, to provide for themselves. It is evident in their crops, full stomachs, and outlook on life.

SUKUMA APHORISMS RELATED TO MUSIC AND LABOR 47] Igembe lyalya bingi. (The hoe has eaten many.) The hoe has buried many. The work of the hoe is difficult, and has seen many of its purveyors come into this life and go. It has itself also buried many. Igembe litalembaga. (A hoe does not lie.) The use of the hoe is the true measure of one’s worth.

Igembe ihojo lya myanya yose. (The hoe brings good luck to all ritual endeavor.) Igembe sabo. (The hoe is wealth.) This is an oft-heard aphorism as well as a political slogan.

Ilale lya bubi litalimilagwa nguzu. (A poor field is not farmed with great strength.) There is no point in investing time in a project that will yield so little. Ishabulaja ng’wanya nasho ng’wanya. (That which used up your time needed time.) Itagwaga na bulimi. (Rain does not fall because of cultivating.) Some work is

useless, sometimes it is best to wait for the right moment. Kali mu ngoma kamanwa mambi. (That which is in the drum is known by the drum maker.) Some thoughts are hidden in the heart, and are known only by that person. Ku ng’wimbila njibe ukumala mimbo. (To sing to a deaf man is to finish all your songs.) To sing to a deaf man is useless, you are better off taking your songs elsewhere. Kushela ushela winong’ha. (To grind meal, and grind yourself a gift.) Initiative has its rewards. Ludo ludo, nswa nose gingila. (Little by little, the ant enters the rock.) Any large task needs time and concentrated effort, a bit at a time. Lwala lutatobaga buki. (One finger does not collect honey.) It takes the collective labor of many to get the farming task done. Magembe gali hamo abili gatakijaga kwikumya. (Two hoes eventually strike together.) Two people working together in a marriage are bound to come to conflict. Makono: Nina wa munhu. (The hands: The mother of a man.) The labor produce by the hands are the true provider. Malika gatashilaga wiza. (The goodness and usefulness of a farmers’ asso-

ciation is never used up.) Voluntary associations provide labor support, encouragement, and entertainment to its members, and should not be taken for granted. Mambi lya ng’oma akadutilaga kwipande lyakwe. (The drum maker pulls the hide to his side.) Just as in dance competitions, so in life; every individual will build himself up. The parents of the daughter about to be married will claim that their daughter treats farming as play.

Mambi lya ng’oma atajibinilaga n’iwe. (The maker of the drum does not dance to it.) The father does not marry his child, but sends her off. The same is true with the drum maker, who produces items that inevitably belong to someone else. Mibi ungi, nu nhelembi ungi. (The sower is one man, the harvester another.) Every task in this life requires a specific kind of temperament.

472 APPENDIX TWO Mihayo miliji kutindya ng’oma. (Words cry louder than a drum.) Words carry more weight than mere sounds. If you say something malicious to child, they will remember it until you die, while the drum has already stopped a long time ago. Milimo ya kwandya ina gojo. (The first work is to practice.) Preparation in any endeavor is critical. Ndilile itibaga wimba. (The man who has eaten his fill does not forget to sing.) The one who has eaten well has much for which to be thankful.

Ng’oma ulu kulila no ikatandagukaga. (If the drum is beaten very hard it breaks.) If you teach someone, pushing them too hard, they will leave and just go on their own business. Or, if you praise a child too much they will become spoiled. Nsimbiji wasimbilile chiza tudegeleka ha kulumba. (The digger dug well, lets see how they do with the roof.) The work has begun well and is under way, let’s see how it gets completed. Omyjika majembe akibaga. (The one who has grown old forgets his hoes.) It is important to forgive the shortcomings of the elderly, in the same way that they forgave you when you were young. Ubibila mu mhangala. (To plant in the dry month [January].) To do a foolish thing. Ugutu halina maskini. (The ears are not poor.) To rely on one’s experience will suffice.

Ukwipuna kulima ukunkija nani? (So you get out early to plant, who are you ahead of?) The rains come when they come, there is no point in expecting them. Ulitulila ng’oma mu minzi. (You are beating your drum under water.) Told to someone who is wasting time, ‘casting pearls before swine’. Zinzi yane na binila ijima na lyela. (I have used both newly used and worn-

out hoes to play at my wedding dance.) It takes all kinds to makeup a society.

APPENDIX THREE

SIGNIFICANT EVENTS IN SUKUMA HISTORY History in Sukuma culture is accounted for according to significant events of memory, concerning specific, commonly-recognized temporal epochs. Songs

are remembered in relation to these epochs and events. What follows is a timeline of some of the more significant historical occurrences referenced by the songs in this collection. Many dates prior to the mid-nineteenth century are approximations based on mission records, genealogical data, and oral narratives. Neganda (Clans) Epoch (1500s-1800)

-1600s The hero Nkanda’s migration to the Sukuma region from Uganda.

1700s [late] Bangoni migrations from the south. Butemi (Chiefdoms) Epoch (Late 1700s-1890)

1820s-1850s_ First documented Sukuma-Nyamwezi caravans to the coast.

1852 An Arab trading center is established at Tabora. 1858 English explorer Richard Speke reaches lake Victoria (Nyanza). 1870-1880 Bagiika medicinal association founded. 1870-1884 Reign of ntemi Mirambo in Unyamwezi. 1872-1896 = Makanza ga Ndokeji (Active period of the Scot trader Stokes).

1883 White Fathers set up mission in Bukumbi. 1883-1884 Bulugu wa Bukumbi na Bulima (war between Bukumbi and Bulima).

1884-1885 Bulugu wa Busagala na Nera (war between Busagala and Bulima).

1885-1886 Bulugu wa Sengerema na Bulima (war between Sengerema and Bulima). 1889-1890 — Stanley passes through the Sukuma region. German Colonial Epoch (1890-1919)

1890 German colonial government established. 1897 First German “Hut tax’ established. 1897-1900 Nzala ya mitindu (‘Famine of tree bark’).

1901 Nzala ya masanzo (‘Famine of baskets’).

474 APPENDIX THREE 1902 German farmer Wiegand begins cotton plantation in Nera. 1905-1919 Sukuma prophet ng’wana Malundi jailed for sedition. 1906-1908 Maji Maji crisis in southern Tanganyika.

1912 Simba Sana (‘Dig Deep’; Tie-ridge building campaign). 1914-1918 World War I. 1919 Nzala ya maharagwe (‘Famine of beans’). British Colonial Epoch (1919-1961)

1920 German East Africa is renamed Tanganyika Territory. 1922 Declaration of Mandated Territory of Tanganyika under British rule.

1920 Instigation of British ‘hut tax’; multiple wives tax. 1923 Formation of TACSA (Tanganyika African Civil Servants Association).

1924-1925 Cotton established as chief cash crop of Mwanza province. 1926-1928 Mwanza-Tabora railway is built.

1929 Nzala ya Balugwa (‘Famine of Balugwa’). 1931-1932 British “Plant More Crops’ campaigns. 1933-1934 Nzala ya nzige (‘Famine of locusts’).

1936 British make ivory hunting illegal. 1938 Nzala ya mandege (‘Famine of corn’).

1939-1945 World War II. 1945 Sukuma chiefdoms become federated under colonial rule. 1948-1949 Nzala ya legu legu (Famine of maize flour’).

1951 First radio station established in Dar es Salaam. 1952 VCFU established (Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions). 1954-1959 Mau Mau crisis in Kenya.

1953 Julius Nyerere returns from study abroad. 1954 First Ngudu agricultural show. 1954 TANU (Tanganyika National Union) political party formed. Uhuru (Independence) Epoch (1961-1968)

1961 Tanganyika wins independence, Julius Nyerere becomes Prime Minister.

1962 Julius Nyerere becomes president of Tanganyika. 1962 Chiefdoms abolished nationwide. 1964 Tanganyika is renamed United Republic of Tanzania. 1965 Julius Nyerere reelected for second five year term. 1965 Paul Bomani loses seat as Finance Minister. 1967 TANU adopts Julius Nyerere’s Azimio la Arusha (‘Arusha Declaration’).

1968 Ilemela prison disaster (thirteen people suffocated in crowded prison cell).

SIGNIFICANT EVENTS IN SUKUMA HISTORY 4795 Ujamaa (Socialist) Epoch (1968-1992)

1973 Julius Nyerere announces ‘villagization’ policy. 1974 Nzala ya gada or nzala ya magembe (‘Famine of hoes’). 1977 CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi) Party of the Revolution established.

1979-1980 ‘Tanzania’s war against Idi Amin in Uganda.

1983 Prime Minister Edward Sokoine initiates campaign against “economic sabotage’.

1985 Ali Hassan Mwinyi accepts presidency. 1992 Tanzanian government legalizes opposition parties. 1995 First multiparty elections held, Benjamin Mkapa wins presidency.

APPENDIX FOUR

LIST OF INTERVIEWS CITED All interviews herein were conducted in Kiswahili and Kisukuma. They were

recorded in a variety of formats to include hi-8 and digital videocassette (DVC), audio cassette tape, and minidisc (MD). Sukuma personal names carry an intricate sense of personal identity, and literally consist of a first name given at birth, a family or clan name, and the name of the person’s father (signified by ‘ng’wana’, or child-of ). Some people may have Christian or Muslim names that they prefer to go by as well. Further, Sukuma musicians have ‘dance’ names, adopted from their teachers, as well as names of derision that are used by their dance opponents that they nevertheless may be known by. Thus Hamala ng’wana Chiila (ng’wana Chiila being ‘child of Chiila’ or son of the biological father) could also be Hamala Chiila ng’wana Shing’hini, or ‘child of Shing’hini’, his niingi teacher. For interviews with musicians, the

person’s most prominent dance name was used in this research. For other interviews, the birth and family name were used. bacheyeeki dance association. Village of Miswaki. Group interview, 7 July 1994,

banam’hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani (elder’s council of Kisunun’ha

Nyumbani): Ng’wana Njile Kishosha Nyumbani, George Ng’wandwi Nyumbani, Kuba Nyumbani, Ndege Nyumbani, Petro Nyumbani, Salasala Nyumbani. Village of Ngulyati. Group interviews 10-14 December 1994; 17-21 March 1995; 19-21 October 2006. Budaka, Mashauri. Born 1946. Farmer, fisherman. Town of Magu. Interviewed 22 August 2006. Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana. Born 1973. Pubha singer. Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed 6 August 1995. Bulahya, Buseng’wa ng’wana. Born 1916. Nfumu (healer) and retired bucheyeeki, wigaashe and malingishe singer. Village of Fumagila. Interviewed 20 November 1994. Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana. Born 1963. Farmer and katibu msaidizi (assistant clerk) of Bakula K’halanga (‘Eaters of Groundnuts’) farming dance group. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed on several occasions July to October, 1994. Butemi, Hoja ng’wana. Born 1970. Farmer and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 7 September 1994.

Buyobe Bakiima of Ng’wasubuya (Women’s Neighbor Association of Neg wasubuya). Village of Ng’wasubuya. Interviewed 23 July 1994.

Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’humbi Shing’hini ng’wana. Born 1937. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and pubha dance leader. Village of Ng’ wajigiinya. Interviewed on several occasions 15-19 August 1995.

LIST OF INTERVIEWS CITED 477 Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana. 1939-2005. Wigaashe singer. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed 21 December 1994. Gamaya, Kuliga ng’wana. Born 1905. Farmer, former ng’wanang’wa (chief’s councilman). Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed 9 August 1995. Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana. Born 1966. Bunuunguli singer & nfumu (healer). Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed by 8 August 1995. Itandala, Buluda. Professor of History, University of Dar es Salaam. Interviewed 23 October, 1995. Jishosha, Pius Ngasa. Born 1934. Nfumu (healer). City of Dar es Salaam. Interviewed 23 August 1999.

Jiyoga, Sawaka ng’wana. Born 1937. Pubha dance leader. Village of Neg’ wajiginya. Interviewed 17 August 1995. Jonge, Nunhya. Born 1924. Farmer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed by author June 1994.

Kabujiku. Born aprox 1920. Farmer, Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed 20 December 1994.

Kadelyia, Salu. 1956-1998. Farmer, buyeye dance group leader. Village of Isangidgo. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994. Kalunde, Juma Mashaka. Born 1954. Mwanza Cultural Affairs administrator and secondary school teacher. City of Mwanza. Interviewed on several occasions July 1994 to October 1995; July 2006. Kasongo, Ng’ollo. 1961-2003. Bunuunguli dancer and Kujitegemea (Self-reliance) dance association leader. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed on several occasions December 1994 to October 1995; and July 1999. Kema, Sylvester. Born 1960. Teacher, Mary Knoll Language School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, September—October, 2006. Kifaru (Rhinoceros). Born 1960. Bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995. Kihamuja, Kadenge. Born 1958. Farmer, bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995.

Kiyogo, Njile. Born 1958. Farmer, bugobogobo dancer and leader of Bakula Kalang’ha (Ground Nut Pickers) farming dance group. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 13 July 1994. Liaku, Fitta ng’wana. Born 1961. Farmer, bukomyaluume dance leader. Town of Magu. Interviewed 16 September 1995; 23 August 2006. Lubasa, B.A. Born approx. 1940. Teacher (Butimba Teacher's Training College) and folklorist. Village of Butimba. Interviewed 2 August 1995; September 2006. Lubimbi, Magdelena. Born approx. 1959. School teacher, Mary Knoll Language

School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, SeptemberOctober, 2006. Lubimbi, William. Born approx. 1940. Retired school teacher, Mary Knoll Language School. Village of Makoko. Interviewed on several occasions, September-October, 2006 (see Extended Oral Biographies of Select Commentators). Lupande, Joseph. Born 1951. Folklorist and healer. Bujora centre and town of Magu. Interviewed on several occasions 1988, 1993-1996, 2006.

478 APPENDIX FOUR Lusana, Paulo ‘Kisatu’. Born 1968. Bunuunguli dancer and Kujitegemea (Selfreliance) dance group member. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed on several occasions December 1994 to October 1995; December—May 1998.

Lutonja, Lameck Masele. Born 1965. Music student, University of Dar es Salaam. City of Mwanza. Interviewed 3 August; 23 October 1995. Maduka, Suzanna Martin. Born approx. 1975. Housewife, farmer. Town of Kisessa. Interviewed on several occasions 1993 to 1996, 2004, 2006. Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila. Born 1964. Folklorist, bugobogobo dance leader. Bujora centre. Interviewed on several occasions August 1993; June 1994October 1995; 1999; 2004; 2006.

Magaka, Pius Makoye ng’wana. Born 1966. Farmer, musician, Village of Matale. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995, October 2006. Magongo, Busiya. Born 1905. Retired bucheyeeki singer, Village of Miswaki. Interviewed July 1994. Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga ng’wana. Born 1972. Farmer, Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) women’s group singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 11 September 1994. Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela ng’wana. Born 1947. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and pubha singer. Village of Sayusayu. Interviewed on several occasions August 1995. Makoye, Mkina. Born 1951. Farmer, nfumu (healer). Town of Magu. Interviewed 22 August 2006. Malando, Maria ‘Semeni’ Sago ng’wana. Born 1971. Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) women’s group composer, wife of Charles Kasubi. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 11 September 1994. Malehe, Jige. Born 1924. Manga (woman’s healer) and wigaashe singer. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed 20 December 1994.

Manyangu, Hezron Masuka. Born 1941. Farmer, retired secondary school teacher. Town of Magu. Interviewed 1 August 2006. Masalu, Michael. 1933-2006. Farmer, bucheyeeki singer and founder of Shirika ya Daraja la Wakulima na Utamaduni Wao. Village of Nyamadoke. Interviewed on several occasions, 23 September 1995; July-October 2006. Massesa, Stephen Peter. Born approx. 1972. Folklorist and program coordinator of Plan International Mwanza. City of Mwanza. Interviewed on several occasions 1994-1995. Masunga, Sotinge Masanja ng’wana. Born 1946. Farmer, mfumu (healer) and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 6 July 1994. Masunga, Inara. Born 1977. Pubha musician. Village of Ng’wajiginya. Interviewed 16 August 1995.

Masayi, Earnesti. Born unknown. Farmer, bakomyaluume (dew steppers) farming dance society member. Village of Welamasonga. Interviewed January 1995. Matembe, Mbonje ng’wana. Born 1944. Farmer, bucheyeeki singer. Village of Bunamhala. Interviewed 25 July 1994. Mbuni, Steven. Born 1941. Farmer, CCM local administrator. Town of Magu. Interviewed 27 July 2006.

LIST OF INTERVIEWS CITED 479 Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi ng’wana. Born 1959. Farmer and bucheyeeki composer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 12 September 1994. Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana. Born 1962. Wigaashe dance group leader and farmer. Village of Sang’a. Interviewed 9 September 1994. Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana. 1915-2001. Farmer and retired bunuunguli dance leader. Village of Isangidjo and Bujora centre. Interviewed on several occasions 20 and 22 December 1994; 23 February 1995; October 1995. Miswaki wigaashe singers. Machimu ng’wana Ndoga, Mishaka ng’wana Neg’webeya, ng’wana Nyamu, ng wana Tundo, ng’wana Nyanda, Edward Shing’oma, and Siita ng’wana Mabushu. Village of Miswaki. Group interview 12 September 1994. Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili ng’°wana. Born 1938. Farmer, bugobogobo dance group leader. Village of Seke. Interviewed 15 January 1995. Mhogota, Siita Mabushi ng’wana. Born 1930. Farmer and wigaashe singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 26 July 1994. Msombi, James. Born approx. 1940. Bucheyeeki dance leader. Village of Bujora. Interviewed September 1995.

Mtenga, Primus Akwaanza. Associate Professor of Engineering, Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU). City of Tallahassee, FL. Interviewed 25 December 2008. Munegela, Lukas Miludumo ng’wana. Born aprox. 1975. Farmer & banuunguli (porcupine hunters) dance society leader. Town of Kisesa ‘B’. Interviewed 6 January 1995. Ndokeji, Simoni. Born 1959. Painter. Town of Kisessa. Interviewed on several occasions 1988 to 1996, 1999, 2003, 2006. Neg’ata, Mayunga. Born 1970. CCM Mwenyekiti (Chairman) of village of Miswaki and wigaashe bugidu singer. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed 1 September 1994.

Ng’humbi, Bundu. Born approx. 1940. Farmer. Village of Ng’wajigiinya. Interviewed 16 August 1995. Ngoya, Balele. Born 1958. Farmer, bunuunguli (Porcupine Hunters) drummer and Kujitegemea (Self-reliance) dance society member. Village of Isangidjo. Interviewed December 1994 to April 1995. Neg’wanang wa, Izang’hi. Born 1966. Farmer and Bakula Kalangha (Ground Nut Pickers) farming dance group member. Village of Miswaki. Interviewed on several occasions July to October 1994. Nkwabi, Kalulumila ng’wana. Born 1905. Farmer. Village of Ng’wasubuya. Interviewed 20 July 1994.

Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili. Born approx. 1940. Farmer, bugobogobo dance leader. Village of Matale. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995; October 2006. Ntamanwa, Julius. Born 1960. Farmer, bugobogobo dance teacher. Village of Sambaguli. Interviewed on several occasions November 1994; April 1995; August 2004; October 7th, 2006. Nyumbani, Njile Kishosha ng’wana. Born approx 1942. Farmer, drum maker and buyege dance association member, Village of Ngulyati. Interviewed 21 March 1995; October 2006.

480 APPENDIX FOUR Nzwilendo, Lushita ng’wana. Born 1932. Farmer, nfumu (healer) and retired bucheyeeki dance leader. Village of Kisessa. Interviewed 23 October 1994. Seso, John. Born 1950. Farmer. Village of Seke. Interviewed 19 August 1995. Shing’oma, Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’. Born 1912. Cotton farmer and retired school teacher. Village of Gambos. Interviewed August 26; 12 September 1994.

Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana. Born approx. 1979. Wigaashe singer. Village of Sanga. Interviewed 8 September 1994. Songoyi, Elias Manandi ‘Ikunza lya Mbisu’. Professor of Literature, (University of Dodoma, formerly of University of Dar es Salaam and The Open University, Dar es Salaam). Interviewed on several occasions May-July; October 1995; July 1999; June 2004; July 2006. Suluja, Nelson. M.A. student, Florida State University. Interviewed on several occasions May 2005-October 2007.

APPENDIX FIVE

EXTENDED ORAL BIOGRAPHIES OF SELECT COMMENTATORS Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’humbi Shing’hini (ng’wana): Mimi, ninatoka Tabora. Nilikuwa mchezaji, mlogi, na mganga. Wakati nilizaliwa, jina langu lilikuwa Kiyoga, maana nilikuwa nililia sana. Kuitwa hilo siku hizi, ni heshima kubwa,

maana mpaka sasa ninalia na ninapiga kilele sana mbele ya watu. Najua dawa kwa ajili ya kuloga watu, dawa ambazo nimezipata kutoka na bacheye na banuunguli, nimelipa ngoma kwa ajili ya mambo haya. Nimeanza kama mchezaji wa iginya, baada ya kujifunza kutoka rafiki mmoja, ambaye alikuwa mfuasi ya Pembe. Nilianza kufanya mambo haya wakati nilifika umri wa kumi na moja, wakati nilifanya mashindano, na nilishinda, lakini sikujulikana wakati ule. Nilicheza ng’oma hii mwaka mzima. Baadaye, nilienda Mwadui, kazi yangu ilikuwa kuchunga ngombe wa bw. William. Niliona walikuwa na iginya pale pia, lakini iliitwa bucheyeeki. Halafu nilianza buzoli, niliifanya mwaka mzima, halafu nilirudi na iginya, Wakati ule nilikutana na mtu ambaye alinifundisha dawa zaidi. Kwa maana uko nyumbani, dawa hizo hazifai, tulikuwa na dawa za kutibu watu na kupasuka kuku tu. Basi, nilikuwa umri wa kumi na tano wakati nilianza utafiti zaidi wangu wa dawa. Nilianza kutibu watu, na kutibu watoto. Nilitumia mazindiko. Halafu niliacha kufanya iginya, nilitoka Mwadui, na nilienda kwenye kampi kuchunga ng’ombe karibu na numbani yangu, na nilianza kucheza bucheye. Wakati ule hatukuwa na mambo ya bagiika na bagaalu, hawajatufikia. Banuunguli tu, banuunguli ya kweli, wao ambao wanaingia kwenye mashimo kuwinda. Wakati ule bacheye na banuunguli walikuwa kikundi kimoja. Hapo kwenye kampi ya bucheye, tulijifunza kweli mambo ya dawa ya mashindano. Tulijifunza kweli jinzi ya kufanya mambo mabaya, hata jinzi ya kuua watu. Wakati ule, bunuunguli ulikuwa tofauti kabisa. Wakati ule, tulitumia njuga. Michezo miwili zilikuwepo pamoja. Basi, watu walicheza na njuga, na ‘walicheyeka’. Tulikuwa na kiongozi, ambaye aliituimbia, na alisambaza nyimbo zote kati wote. Bayeye walivaa mavazi nzuri na walionekana vizuri. Bado ya hapo, nilianza kufanya pubha. Pubha zilianza na michezo nyingine zilipungua. Wakati ule nilianza kuitwa Hamala ng’wana Chiila. Nilikuwepo Busia. Nilianza kushindana na Butemele, kutoka Malili, mfuasi wa Luzuba, ndiyo tulikuwa pamoja kwenye kikundi kimoja cha bucheye. Wakati uli, ulilazimishwa kuangalia kila hatua barabarani, kwa hiyo ulibeba nzindiko. Ng’oma hizo zilikuwa mashauri sana,

uliweza kuenda mahala asubuhi na imeshajaa na watu. Ndiyo ni wakati nilianza, nilijaribu, niliuliza mwalimu wangu ruhusa. Nilikuwa_nilianza kucheza nyumbani, halafu asubuhi yake nilienda kwenye mbuga. Kwa hiyo, wakati ule, nimeshaanza kuleta silaha zote kwenye mbuga ya kucheza. Pia, nimeshapata wafuasi wengi. Wakati huu wa kwanza ulitokea wiki mzima.

482 APPENDIX FIVE Tulianza kucheza pubha. Halafu kulikuwa watu wengi wakakimbia hapo na pale, walilogwa, tulisikia adui yetu alishindwa, sauti yake zilikauka, au mwili yake ulivimba. Kama hii ulitokea, basi ameshindwa. Baada ya hapo tulienda nyumbani, tulichinja ng’ombe, zilete na wanafunzi wote na mashabiki. Nime-

shamua, nilimshinda. Halafu tulikuwa na sherehe kubwa. (Me, I am from Tabora. I have been a dancer, a bewitcher, and a healer. When I was born, my nickname was Kiyoga, because I made a lot of noise when I was born. To be called that today is a real honor, because I can make a lot of noise in front of people. I understand medicine for bewitching, medicine that I got from the bacheye and the banuunguli, I paid cows for that stuff. I started out as an iginya dancer, after having learned from a friend, who was a follower of Pembe. I started doing this when I was about thirteen years old, this was indeed when I did my first competition, and won. But people did not really know about me yet at that time. I played this ng’oma for about a year. Afterward, I went to Mwadui, my job was to watch the cows of bw. William. I saw that they had iginya over there also, but there it was called bucheyeeki. Then

I started buzoli, I did that for a year, then I went back to iginya. By then I met someone who taught me about some more medicines. Because there at my home, the medicines were truly terrible, we only had medicines for treating people, and for doing chicken divinations. So, I was about fifteen when I started the dawa research. I started to treat people, and to treat children. I used mazindiko. Then I stopped doing iginya, at the time I left Mwadui, and went to the camp where I was watching cattle near my home, and I started to play bucheye. There was no word at this time yet of the bagika and the bagalu, it had not reached us. Only the banuunguli, the real banuunguli, the ones who went into holes for hunting. At that time the bacheye and the banuunguli were the same group. Here at the bucheye camp, is was where I really learned about the competition medicines. We really learned how to do some nasty stuff, even how to kill people. In those days bunuunguli was something different. In those days we used leg rattles. Both of those dances were there together, banuunguli and bayeye. So, people would dance with leg rattles, and ‘danced their shoulders’. We had our leader who would sing to us all, and spread the songs among everyone. Bayeye wore nice clothes, and looked really nice. After that, I started to do pubha. Pubha caught on and the other dances in our area disappeared. This was when I started to be called Hamala ng’wana

Chiila. I was at Busia at the time. I started to compete with Butemele, from Malili, a follower of Luzuba, indeed we were together in the same bucheye group. At that time, you had to watch your step on the road, because you could be bewitched with medicines, so you had to carry around the antibodies. Those ngoma were wildly popular, you could go in the morning and the dancing ground would already be filled up. That is when I decided I would try, I would ask my permission of my teacher. I would start our dance around the home, then, the next day we would move to the territory. So at that time, I was already bringing all my weapons to the dance site. I also already had so many followers. This first occasion lasted for about a week. We started to play pubha. Then there was a lot of running around, going over there and getting bewitched, you would hear that your enemy was beaten, his voice dried up, or his whole body was swollen. If that were to happen, then indeed he has lost,

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this would be the decision. After that, we would go home, slaughter a cow, give it to the dance students and to the fans. I already killed him, I won. We would then have a big celebration.) Kema, Sylvester: Nimezaliwa Sayu Sayu, Wilaya ya Maswa. Kwa sasa naishi Kidema. Nimesoma mpaka darasa la saba, nikamaliza, nikaanza mambo ya kufundisha katichista, kama mwalimu, miaka mengi sana. Na nimekuja hapa kama kijana sana mpaka sasa. Wazazi wangu walikuwa watu wa madawa madawa wote. Baba alikuwa niingi, lakini amefariki, na baba mdogo alikuwa nfumu, alitwa Ng’home, ni kipofu lakini alikuwa alijulikana kila sehemu. Kwa kifupi ni hivyo. (I was born in Sayu Sayu, District of Maswa. Up to now I live

in Kidema. I studied up to grade seven, I finished, and I started to teach as a catechist, as a teacher, for many years. Now I came here as a very young man, up to now. My parents were people of medicines, both. My father was a niingi, but he has passed on, my uncle was a medicine man, named Ng’*home. He was blind, but he was known everywhere. In short, that is it.)

Liaku, Fita (ng’wana): Mimi, natoka kijiji cha Lugeye, wilaya ya Magu. Mimi ni ngwana kikundi cha mzee Liaku. Mzee Liaku alikuwa kiongozi wa kikundi wanaitwa bakomyaluume. Bakomyaluume, walitokana na ng’oma ya bagobogobo, Wakati bugobogobo upo bukomyaluume ulikuwa hayupo, ulikuwa buyeye. Yule babu, ng’wana Liaku, alikuwa mdogo, wakati alikuwa, ngoma ilikuwa pale nyumbani. Wakati anacheza, yule mtoto ng’wana Liaku, naye alikuwa alifuata kwa nyuma, wakacheza buyeye. Badaaye, akaanza kulima, baada ya kulima pale, wakapambanishwa na bagobogobo. Walikuwa wakapewa na ngombe, wakaanza kulima, wakatumia mashindano. (Me, I am from the village of Lugeye, Province of Magu. I am a ‘child’ of the group of the elder Liaku. Elder Liaku was the leader/founder of the bakomyaluume. The bakomyaluume, they came from the ng’oma of the bagobogobo. When the bugobogobo dance was there in its prime, the bukomyaluume dance was not there, it was the buyeye dance that was there. This grandfather, ng’wana Liaku, when he was young, the ng’oma was there at his home. When he played, this young boy ng’wana Liaku, he followed along when they played buyeye. Later, he began to farm, after farming there, they broke away from the bagobogobo. They were paid with cattle, and when they started to farm, they competed.) Lubimbi, Magdelena: Mimi naitwa mama Lubimbi, Magdelena, binti Sultan. Nimezaliwa 1951. Mimi nimezaliwa Mkoa wa Mwanza, kijiji cha Bukumbi. Nimesomea hapo shule, na, badaaye, nimemaliza elimu ya msingi darasa la saba. Badaaye, nimekuja kujiendeleza shule ya secondary, na nimefikia kidatu cha nne. Nimekuwa mwalimu wa Shule ya Lugha, tangu mwaka 79, lakini kabla ya hapo, niliweza kufundisha watoto wadogo. Mpaka sasa hivi, mimi ni mwalimu, mimi ni mama hapa nyumbani, nafundisha Kiswahili, vile vile nafundisha Kisukuma. Nilipenda kuimba, nilipenda kucheza, tangu nilikuwa mtoto. (Me, I am called mama Lubimbi, Magdelena, daughter of Sultan. I was born in 1951. I was born in Mwanza province, the village of Bukumbi. I was taught in school there, and, afterward, I finished my primary school education, seventh grade. Afterward, I came to continue my secondary school

484 APPENDIX FIVE education, where I completed form four [twelfth grade]. I have been a teacher at [Makoko] Language School since [19]79, but before that, I also taught pri-

mary school. Until now, I am a teacher, I am a mother at home, I teach Kiswahili, and sometimes I teach Kisukuma. I love to sing, and I love to dance, since I was a child.)

Lubimbi, William. Nimezaliwa mkoa wa Mwanza, nchi ya Tanzania, 1942. Na nimesomea uko uko Mwanza. Nimesoma mpaka darasa la nane. Baadaye nikaoa, 1967. 1968 nimekuja kufundisha, Shule ya Lugha. Na nimefundisha muda mrefu, tangu 1968, hadi 1998, nikastaafu. Na kabla ya pale, tulikuwa tulienda semina mbalimbali, hasa za utunzi za vitabu vya lugha na utamaduni, uko Mwanza, Bujora. Sasa hivi nipo hapo tu nyumbani. Nilipokuwa kijana, nilikuwa nilicheza bugobogobo, buyeye, na ndono. Hizo ndiyo nilikuwa nilizicheza. (I was born in Mwanza region, the country of Tanzania, 1942.

I studied there in Mwanza. I studied up to the eighth grade. Afterward, I married, in 1967. In 1968 I came to teach, at the Language School. Now I taught for a long time, from 1968 to 1998, then I retired. Before that time, we had attended several seminars, especially those for putting together books for language and culture, there in Mwanza, Bujora. Nowadays I am just here at home. When I was a teenager, I played bugobogobo, buyeye, na ndono. These are indeed the dances I performed.)

Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela (ng’wana). Mimi, nilianza na beni, wakati nilikuwa karibu na miaka ishirini na tano. Wakati ule nilikuwa mwanafunzi, nilikuwa mwanafunzi karibu na miaka kumi na tatu. Halafu wakati nilifikiri nilikuwa na mafunzo ya kutosha, na nilikuwa tayari pamoja na uwezo ya kuvuta washabiki, niliamua kuanza kutumia dawa hizo ambazo nilifundishwa nao. Baada ya beni niliingia sasa na wigaashe. Nilifanya hii karibu na miaka tano, nilitaka kujua kama ningejifunza nini kutoka na ng’oma hii, kunisaidia badaaye. Halafu niliingia na bugobogobo, wakati wa karibu na miaka mitatu, maana nilikuwa na sehemu nya ardhi ambao nilikuwa nilianza kulima. Nilianza kuona kwamba nilipata vitu kweli kutoka na ng’oma hii. Wakati huu nilianza kuitwa jina hilo mpya (ng’;wana Makanga), ni kwa sababu nilikuwa safi mno, jinzi ambao nilikuwa nilivaa. Halafu nilianza kutibu watu, na ugonjwa kama maumivu ya nyoka. Nilikuwa nili ladha na kutumia sehemu ya michezo hizo mbalimbali, kujifunza mambo zote, na kuacha sehemu ambazo hazifai kwangu. Nilikuwa nilialikwa na watu wengi na vikundi vingi, kwenda kuimba au kutoa shauri kuhusu mambo fulani, au kuwasukuma na kuwasindikiza kwenye michezo fulani. (Me, I started with beni, when I was about twenty-five years old. At that time I was a student, I had been a student for about thirteen years. Then it seemed that I had had enough of that, and that I was ready, I could draw a crowd, thus I decided to start using the medicines I was learning. After beni 1 went to wigaa’she. I was involved with that for about five years, I wanted to see what I could learn from that ng’oma, which might help me later. Then I got into bugobogobo, for about three years, because I had a piece of land that I was starting to farm. I saw the advantages that you could really get something from this ng’oma. It was at that time that I started getting this new name (ng’wana Makanga), because I was the best, and

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I was having the best clothes. Then I went on to cure people, of some minor ailments such as snakebites. I was taking and choosing all the good aspects of these various dances, learning from all them, and leaving those not suitable. Many different kinds of groups would then invite me to come sing, to come and be a part of this, come be a part of that, or to give some advice on this thing or that, or even to see them off when they go to play an ng’oma.)

Masalu, Michael: Nimezaliwa Mwanza, 1935. Mimi ni mzee, lakini bado ninazungumza, baado ninafanya kazi! Nilikuwa na kaka watano, wane, wamefariki. Na nina dada wawili, wako Sinza na mji yao. Mimi, nilipokuwa mdogo, nilianza kucheza mchezo kidogo, na wachezaji wenginie, kama bucheye, wigaashe, halafu badaaye, nilianza kuingia mafunzo ya dini. 1959, nilianza kufundisha dini Bujora, kwa sababu ya Padre Klementi. Yeye alipenda nifundisha, mimi. Nilikaa Bujora, hapo Bujora tulianza kufanya kazi ya makumbusho, ya kutafuta vitu. Mwaka 64, tukafanya kumbusho ya kwanza, na tulijaribu kufanya kazi haya kweli. Mwaka 63, nilioa mwanamke, na ninayo mpaka sasa, tulizaa mtoto mmoja, mwanaume. Katika maisha ambalo niliishi Bujora, zaidi ya miaka ishirini, kutoka 59 mpaka 84, ndiyo ni mwaka nilimaliza kazi yangu Bujora. Nikarudi nyumbani. Nikaendelea kufundisha dini, kanisani hapa Nyamadoke. Halafu baadaye, tukaanza shirika kidogo, la Daraja [ya Wakulima na Utamaduni Wao], na tukapata marafiki, kutoka Denmaki, na tuliwafundisha pamoja na Edward Ntemi. Elf moja mia tisa themanini na tano, tulianza kujenga tawi Nyamadoke, kuendelea kukaribisha wageni, na tulifanya hivyo mpaka 2001. Sasa, mimi na mke wangu tunaishi hapo, kama wazee. Tunasaidiana, na tunakaribisha kazi mbalimbali, na wageni mbalimbali, ndugu zetu, na jamaa zetu. Haya ndiyo ni maisha yangu na historia yangu, kwa kifupi. (I was born in Mwanza, 1935. I am an elder, but I can still speak, I am still working! I [am of a family of] five brothers, four, have passed on. I have two sisters, they are there in Sinza with their homesteads. Me, when I was young, I started to play [ng’oma] a bit, such as bucheye and wigaashe, then afterward, I began my religious training. 1959, I started to teach religion at Bujora, because of Padre Clements. He wanted me to teach.

I stayed at Bujora, and there at Bujora we started to do museum work, the work of looking for [cultural] items. The year of [19]64, we opened up the first museum, and we really started to do this work. In the year of [19]63, I married a woman, and I am with her up to now, we raised one child, a son. During my life that I lived at Bujora, more than twenty years, from [19]59 to [19]84, that was the indeed when I finished my work at Bujora. I returned home. I began to teach religion, at the church here in Nyamadoke [village]. Then later, we started this small cooperative, of “The Bridge [for Farmers and Their Culture]’, and we made many [overseas] friends, from Denmark, and

we taught them together with Edward Ntemi. [19]85, we started to build a branch office in Nyamadoke, in order to continue welcoming [overseas] guests, and we did this until 2001. Now, my wife and I we live here, as elders. We help one another, we welcome many different kinds of work, and many different guests, our comrades, and our family. This is indeed the story of my life and my history, in short.)

486 APPENDIX FIVE Ntamanwa, Julius: Mimi kuzaliwa kwangu, ni humu kijijini humu, mwaka kuzaliwa, 1956. Mimi ni mkulima tu. 1963 nikaanza shule. Halafu nikawa mgonjwa, nikatoka nikaenda sehemu za Geita. Nikaacha shule, baada ya kutoka kule, nikatoka huku nikaanza kucheza ng’oma, yaani ngoma yenyewe tukiita pachanga. Baada ya kuendea na pachanga, nikaona haina maana, nikaona afadhali nikafuata utamaduni uliokuwa ulichezwa na wazee, hawa ambao walianza kucheza bugobogobo wakati walikuwa vijana. Nikaufuatia sasa mchezo huo. Ni kazi ya wakulima tu, mimi ni mkulima. (Me, I was born right here in this village, year of birth, 1956. I am just a farmer. In 1963, I started school. Then I became sick, I left and went to Geita. I left school, after leaving there, I left and started to play ng’oma indeed the ng’oma known as pachanga. After doing pachanga, | saw that it had little meaning, and that it would be better if I followed the cultural traditions played by the elders, those that started to play bugobogobo when they were young. I followed now this genre. Just the work of a farmer, I am indeed a farmer.) Sawaka, Jiyoga (ng’wana): Mimi, ninatoka kijiji cha Jijongo, umri wa sitini na sita. Kutoka zamani, nimecheza beni, nimeanza na ngoma hii. Nilifundishwa

na Chiila. Siwezi kuanza kuhesabu watu wangapi nimeshindana nao. Na ninaweza kushindana, na hasa kuloga watu. Nimeshindana na Nguta (ngalu), Gasema, ng’wana Kagikulu, Ishembe (nyeye, wa Nkuli), na Mhondelo (wa Luzuba). Hadi sasa, bado nashindanana, lakini ninafundisha ng’oma zaidi,

na mimi ni msaidizi wa kikundi cha vijana fulani. Hakuna kazi nyingine ambazo ninaweza kufanya. Kwenye mashindano yangu ya kwanza, Inalo

alikuja kwangu, maana alitaka kushindana, hakupenda kushindana na vijana. Kwanza nilikataa, nilimwambia ‘Wewe ni mtoto tu, sitaki kuharibu jina langu’. Wengene wangesikia ningalishindana naye, wangekasirika mimi. Lakini alinisukuma, kijiji chake walimtaka kushindana nami, na kumbe nilitoka kijiji kwao, kwa hiyo ningekataa je? Mwishowe tuliamua ‘Ndio, tunaweza kufanyia, tupange wakati’, na tulikubali na zawadi. Tulishindana kwa ajili ya elf thelathini [shilingi]. (Me, I am from the village of Jijongo, and I am 66 years old. I have always played beni, I started with that ng’oma. I was taught

by Chiila. I could not even begin to be able to count how many people I have competed with. And I can really compete, and especially bewitch people. I have competed with Nguta (mgalu), Gasema, ng’wana Kagikulu, Ishembe (myeye, of Nkuli), and Mhondelo (of Luzuba). Up to now, I am still competing, but I am teaching more ng’oma, and I am an advisor to a certain youth

group. There really is no other work that I know how to do. For my first competition, Inalo came to me, because he wanted to compete, he did not like competing with youngsters. At first I refused, I told him, “You are just a child, I do not want to destroy my good name’. If others heard that I was to compete with him, people would get angry. But he pushed, his village wanted him to compete with me, and I was someone who was from their place, so how could I refuse? So finally we decided, “Yes, this would be okay, let us put together a time’, and we agreed upon the prize. We competed for thirty thousand [shillings].)

BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES Significant Archival Sources Used in the Collection

The following archives, libraries, and missions in Tanzania were consulted for this research:

BITC Butimba Teachers’ Training College music and drama thesis collection.

HCP Hans Cory Papers, East African Collection, University of Dar es Salaam.

COSTECH — Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology library, Dar es Salaam.

EANC East African Newspapers Collection, University of Dar es Salaam.

KS Kipalapala Seminary library.

AMNMMK _ Afisi Mfawishi Nyaraka Mkoa Mwanza/Kilumba (Mwanza District Archives, Kilumba Branch).

NAUMM Nyaraka Afisi ya Utamaduni-Mkoa Mwanza (Mwanza District Office of Culture Archives).

NM National Museum of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam. NSA Nyegezi Seminary Archive, Nyegezi. NSSRI Nyegezi Social Science Research Institute. SABCC Sukuma Archives, Bujora Cultural Centre, Mwanza.

SPA Sumve Parish Archive, Sumve.

TNA Tanzania National Archives, Dar es Salaam. TNCL Tanzania National Central Library. UDSMLEAC University of Dar es Salaam Library, East Africa Collection, Dar es Salaam.

WFT White Fathers District Branch library, Tabora. Unpublished Works

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Rosemond, C.C.D. ‘Iron Smelting in the Kahama District’. Tanganyikan Notes and Records #16 (1943) 79-84. Rounce, N.V. The Agriculture of the Cultivation Steppe (Capetown: Longmans. 1949). Rycroft, D. “The Zulu Bow Songs of Princess Magogo’. African Music 5:(4) 41-97 (1976) 41-97. Sahlins, M. Islands of History (University of Chicago, 1987). Selemani, M.C. ‘Safari Yangu ya Bara Africa’. Swahili Prose Texts: A Selection of the Material Collected By Carl Velten from 1893 to 1896, Lyndon Harries, editor (London: Oxford University Press, 1965). Senior, H.S. “Sukuma Salt Caravans to Lake Eyasi’. Tanganyika Notes and Records.#66 (1966) 87-92. Shetler, J. Imagining Serengeti: A History of Landscape Memory in Tanzania from Earliest Time to the Present (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007). Simpson, D. Dark Companions: The Contribution to the European Exploration of East Africa (London: Paul Elek, 1975). Slobin, M., editor. Retuning Culture: Musical Changes in Central and Eastern Europe (Duke University Press, 1996). Songoyi, E. Commercialization; Its Impact on Traditional Dances (Norway: Council for Folkmusic and Folkdance, 1988).

Speke, J.H. Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London: Greenwood Press, 1863).

Spellig, F. Uber Geheimbunde bei den Wanyamwezi. Ethnologie: Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1929). Stanley, HM. Through the Dark Continent, Volume II (London: George Newnes LTD, 1899).

Stigand, C.H. The Land of Zinj (London: Constable and Co, 1913).

BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES 495 Swynnerton, C.F.M. “An Experiment in Control of Teste-Flies at Shinyanga, Tanganyika’. Imperial Bureau of Entomology (1925) 313-363. Thiel, Paul. 1977. Multi-Tribal Music of Ankole: An Ethnomusicological Study Including A Glossary of Musical Terms (Tervuren: Belgique Annales, Musee Royal de L’ Afrique Centrale, Serie #91, 1977). Thomson, J. Through Masailand (Northwestern University Press, 1962). Thurston, A.B. African Incidents. London: J. Murray, n.d.). Tyler, Stephen. “Post-Modern Ethnography: From Document of the Occult to Occult Document’. James Clifford and George E. Marcus, editors. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986). 122-140. Vail, L., and L. White. Power and the Praise Poem: Southern African Voices in History (Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 1991). Vansina, J. Oral Tradition as History (London: Currey, 1985). Varkevisser, C. Socialization in a Changing Society: Sukuma childhood in rural and urban Mwanza, Tanzania (The Hague: Center for Study for Education and Changing Societies, 1972). Velten, C. “Lieder und Sangesweisen und Geschichten der Wanyamwezi, Von Einem Fritheren Schiiler des Orientalischen Seminars in Berlin’. Mittheilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin Dritte Abteilung, Afrikanische Studien, Redigirt von Dr. C Velten und Dr. J. Lippert (Berlin und Stuttgart: Commissionsverlag von W. Speman, 1901) 45-62. Wachsmann, Klaus. “Musical Traditions in the Kigandan Tradition and their Place in the East African Scene’. Essays on Music and History in East Africa (Klaus Wachsmann, editor. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971). Werther, C.W. Die Mittleren Hochlander des Nordlichen Deutsch-Ost-Afrika (Berlin: Verlag von Hermann Paetel, 1898). Weule, K. Native Life in East Africa (New York: Appleton and Co, 1909). White, L. Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000). Wijsen, F. There is Only One God: A Social, Scientific, and Theological Study of Popular Religion and Evangelism in Sukumaland (Kampen: Uitgeverij Kok, 1993). Wijsen, F., and R. Tanner. I am Just a Sukuma: Globalization and Identity Construction in Northwest Tanzania (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi B.V., 2002). Wolf, J.B., editor. The Central African Diaries of Walter Hutley (Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1976). Yukawa, Y. “A Tonological Study of Sukuma Verbs’. Studies in Tanzanian Languages (n.p., 1989) 339-404.

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SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX Songs in this index are referred to by the first line of the sung narrative. This follows Sukuma practice. They are listed in alphabetical order here, and cross-referenced to their song numbers assigned in this book. Kisukuma Titles

Abacheza ng’oma (‘Players of ng’oma’) 303

Abise ukung’wa Jijabu (We of the Jijabu clan’) 200

Aha (‘When he started’)195 266 Ahaakwandyaga Ntuzu (‘Here at Ntuzuw’)

Aha baba (‘Here baba’) 297 Ahee, tunge (‘Ahee, the bat’) 140 Ahee, yaya (‘Ahee, no’) 104 Aho akatinda (“When he won’) 183

Aho mkanizila (When you came for me’) 030

Aho Nyanza (‘There at Nyanza’) 075 Ahsante sana (“Thank yow’) 281

Akuchimagwa (‘Itisisgrateful’) impaled’) 265 155 Akulumba (‘He

Alilila (He is crying’) 327 Aliselema, alija (“He is flowing, he is going’) 067

Angu, nakuwile (‘So, let me tell you’) 133 Angu, mbaluba ying’we (So, your letter’) 309

Angu, talehe (‘So, the date’) 308 Azimio lya Arusha (The Arusha Declaration’) 272

Baba Mungu (‘Babachief’) God’) 332 244 Baba ntemi (Father Baba Raisi (‘Baba President’) 277 Baba Tagili (Baba Tagili’) 182 Badachi (‘Germans’) 097 Baja kaya (“They home’) Bakanivuluga (“Theywent agitated me’) 271 192

Bakiima, bakiima (“Women, women’) 157 Bakiima, ilekebishagi (“(Women, correct yourselves’) 159

Bakwilonja (“They will take care of themselves’) 179

Balinisayila (“They tell lies about me’) 234 Bana Tanzania (‘People of Tanzania’) 291 Banyema (‘Banyema’) 027 Barugaruga (“The Rugaruga people’) 086 Basambo, yabita teleni (“Thieves, the train passes’) 323

Bawilagi (‘Tell them’) 328 Bazungu shetani (“The Europeans are devils’) 261 Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba (“The leaders have made mistakes’) 101

Bikenya banamugi (‘Men skirmished’) 084 Bikilagi ifugo (‘Place the porridge pot’) 121

Bing’we Bahindi (‘You Indians’) 262

498 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

Bing’we mukujaga kaya (‘You who are going home’) 051

Bing’we National (‘You people of National’) 197 Bise basimba ngobi (‘We who uproot dig the tough weeds’) 280

Bise enaba (‘We the very ones’) 105 Buchagi masasi (‘Carry bullets’) 326 Buchilu butushila (Ignorance will never end’) 205

Buchagi (‘Carry’) 180 Buganga (‘Buganga’) 099 Buhaya, ba Magaji (‘They said, those of Magaji’) 301

Bukagi ((Wakeup’) 198 Buking’wi nose bulatumala (‘AIDS will finish us all’) 255 Bunyika ngwana wane (‘Bunyika my child’) 124

Buyeye bucha(“Mister (‘Buyeye died’) 028 Bwana Shauri Advice’) 241 Chaimeni Mussa (‘Chairman Mussa’) 315 Chama na serikali (‘The party and the government’) 307

Chi chi chwii(‘Chikungw’) (Chi chi chwii’)052 142 Chikungu

Degelekagi (‘Listen’) 264

Elimi lya bakile no (‘The sun shone brightly’) 246

Filagi Anzuika (‘Send to Anzuika’) 094

Gashi! (My!) 064 Gakanigunana, amabuganga (“They helped me, these medicines’) 290

Gembe nagema ng’wanone (‘I have made the hoe my child’) 214 Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere (‘Perhaps the honorable Nyeyrere’) 278

Gongaga gongaga (‘Rumble rumble’) 228 Gutaponyaga, mpini (‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’) 222

Gwa sisi (We for ourselves’) 267

Habutongi (‘In the future’) 059 Hali tulikahoya? (Where will we talk?’) 203

Hayaga no (‘You will talk a lot’) 216 Hiiya hee, salenge! (‘Hiiya hee, salenge!’) 122 Historia niisome (Let me read the history’) 311

Hiyo lilee, baba (‘Hiyo lilee, father’) 103

Hoyela (‘To discuss’) 300

Ichimu lyane (“My spear’) 081 Idi Amin wikumyaga (‘Idi Amin was bragging’) 295 Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe (‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’) 230

Igembe faida Batanzania (“The hoe benefits Tanzanians’) 283

Igembe lyane (“Mythis’) hoe’)335 215 Igete (‘It is like

Igolo (‘Yesterday’) 129 Ikozi nakalang’wa pye (‘I was taught the full course’) 224

Igete lyali lyeja ki? (What night dance was this?’) 040

Ilelo hulala haa (‘Today I will sleep here’) 010 Iliho nzala Ushashi (‘There is a famine in Shashi’) 242

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 499

Ililila (‘Itthecries’) 016 Indweka (‘On shoulder’) 071 Ingagi umuchalo (‘Get out of the village’) 204

Jalila (It cries’) 319 Jeshi la Tanzania (“The army of Tanzania’) 296 Jiji ngobo jako (‘Here are your skins’) 186 Jitali nshiku ukunegela (“The days are not yet near yet’) 135

Kagembe kamala (‘The hoe has finished’) 235

Kalagu (‘A story!) 313 Kalagula (‘Kalagula’) 185 Kalakala (Quickly quickly’) 226 Kale (‘Long ago’) 258 Kalibu, tuliho (Welcome, we are here’) 279

Kakacha akanigini (‘It died, an infant’) 243

Kalihaya (‘It is said’) 274 Kalunguyeye, tubinage (Little hedgehog’) 013

Kambarage (‘Kambarage’) 024 298 Kamegayi (‘Kamegayi’)

Kangilijaga! Kanoni kaja (‘The(Hurry bird has up!) gone’)189 091 Kanoni kalya (‘The small bird eats’) 089 Kanoni kungu (“The small bird in the bush’) 090

Kanumbagi Nyerere (‘Go thank Nyerere’) 275

Kanundo (‘Kanundo’) Kaya yane (‘My homestead’)193 176

Kidangu shafumilila (A storm is coming’) 056

Kijiji ishi (‘In this village’) 252 Kikalile ka Basukuma (‘The lifestyle of the Sukuma people’) 139 Kilunguja-Mizengo (‘Calmer-of- Villages’) 035 Kishosha ng’wana Malundi (‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’) 317 Komangaga Bughunda (‘Pound, bug’hunda’) 042

Ku Bahi (To Ku bise (‘At ourBahi’) place’)060 199 Kubaga Lukomolo (‘Seek love charms’) 065 Kubyala ng’wana nkiima (‘To give birth to a female child’) 166 Kulyumila ligembe (“Hold firm the hoe’) 223

Kunonela (“To taste sweetness’) 029 Leka namubuje (‘Let me ask you’) 208 Lelo, aah lelo ‘Today, aah today’) 130 Lelo, banimila nomo (‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’) 233 Libuziku lilaa (Night has fallen’) 017 Liloliza (“That which is coming’) 095 Lilufu lyane (“My death’) 011 Limi lyagwa (“The sun has set’) 175 Lufu lutapelagwa (‘Death is not run off ) 237

Lugalaga, Sagini! (Close up, Sagini!’) 188 Luyombya chalo (‘Stirrer of villages’) 304

Lwa locust’) Lya kumaige Welelo(“The (Of this world’)074 116

Lya lyungaga (‘It hovers and buzzes’) 194

500 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

Lya Mang’ombe (‘Ofhas cattle’) 146 Lyahenda (‘The sun set’) Lyaholelwa (‘It has been released’)117 268

Lyasolaga nanga (‘It has taken sticks’) 109

Mhuli (‘The elephant’) 050 Mhuli ya nkondo (‘The elephant with the tusk’) 058

Mabukoye (‘Difficult work’) 168 Mabukoye, Rais (“Hard work, President’) 299 Magembe galihamo (‘Hoes are together’) 232

Magembe, magembe (Hoes, hoes’)019 219 Mahahila (“Mahahila’) Makiima gabi mawa (‘Women have become dogs’) 170 Mang’ombe ha (‘Mang’ombe here’) 184 Mawe gakwila (‘Stones have increased’) 120

Mayu wane (‘My mayw’) 070 Mayu, naluha (‘Mayu, I have agonized’) 110 Mayu, namuwile ‘Mayu, I should tell you’) 020 Mayu, ndema twikisangila ‘Mayu, you refuse us meeting together’) 063

Mayu, solaga mpini! (‘Mayu, grab the hoe handle!’) 227

Mbele mbele (‘Forward forward’)316 181 Mbiling’ili (Mbiling’ili’)

Mbiti yane (‘My hyena’) 008 Mbula ikudungulumaga (“The rain is roaring’) 225 Mhindi yii! (Mhindi yii!’) 045 Milimo ya buganga (“The work of buganga’) 036

Mlulu (‘Small hyena’) 009 Mpigaga ache! (‘Hit so he should diel’) 294 Mling’huba Ndelema (‘You are offending Ndelema’) 003

Msoloji (‘Tie-ridge builder’) 320 Mtalehe tisa (‘On the ninth’) 306 Mulababugilije (You should ask them’) 021 Mutategemelage shakwiba (‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’) 231

Mutatulembage bise (‘Do not lie to us’) 054

Muyanga (‘Cow dung’) 285 Mwaleta lunanda (‘You have brought friction’) 072 N’hung’wa nalindila (“N’hung’wa, I am waiting’) 144

Nabi giligita (‘I have become a tractor’) 171 Nafumaga Bulige (‘I was coming from Bulige’) 254

Nagahugana (‘I made mistake’)137 310 Nagalole (‘Let meawatch’) Nagemeho nane! (‘Let me try also!’) 152

Naizuga masangu (‘I cook maize and beans’) 160

Nakalima (‘J cultivated’) 251 Nakanya nkiima (‘I made a pass at a woman’) 147 Najimija ntumba gwane (‘I have lost my medicine container’) 032

Nakashikaga ahigembe (‘I grab the hoe’) 221

Nakasombolaga (‘I always narrate’) 239 Nakenhelwa habari (‘I was brought the news’) 046 Nakizilwa Bihalamulo (‘J was sent for in Biharamulo’) 037 Nakomange lya gembe (‘I should hammer with the hoe’) 209

Nakwambaga shiganza (I am spreading my hands’) 250 Nali nankanije ng’;wana Mpemba (‘J did date ng’wana Mpemba’) 151

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 501

Nali ng’habi (‘I am poor’) 150 Nalibapula (‘I am grabbing weapons’) 022 Naliho na khonong’a (‘I possess khonong’a’) 123

Nalikuganila (‘Ibeg implore yow) 329 Nalilomba lazi (‘I forgiveness’) 334

Nalina buyege (‘I have happiness’) 257 Namutambulile (Let me inform yow) 229

Nandya (‘I start’) 331 Nani akunilimilaga buluba? (‘Who is cultivating cotton for me?’) 206 Nani wapemba numba yane? (‘Who has scorched my home?®’) 083

Nashifate m’huli (Let me follow the elephants’) 049

Natali nu nakomanga (‘I am still pounding’) 119 Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo (‘I do not like the cotton of development’) 292 Natulagwa mbula (‘I have been rained on’) 132

Nchilu Blacka (‘The fool mr. Black’) 240

Ndashige (‘When I arrive’) Ndebawa (‘My skin is itching’) 068 288 Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we (‘I comb the mohawk [of] Shing’weng’we’) 026

Ndilimila ng’ombe (‘I am using cattle to farm’) 138 Ndimu ja masala (‘Animals having intelligence’) 259

Nenda gucha (‘I almost died’) 005 Nene nalintaji wa maduta (‘I am a creator of tie ridges’) 213 Nene nalisombola (‘I am explaining’) 218 Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi (Myself I was written by Mwinyi’) 305

Nene natupingaga chama (‘I am not against the party’) 289 Nene nikale nali mpanga ‘Myself, I should stay alive’) 260

Nene ndifuma kiiya (‘J am indeed coming from the eastern side’) 079

Nene ulu nucha (‘Tf I die’) 190

Nene, amajisigo nagazunya (‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’) 201

Nene, nakubiinaga (Myself, I dance’) 173 Nene, ng’wana Kubunga (‘1, ng’ wana Kubunga’) 044

Neg’ohalala (‘Break into smaller pieces’) 062

Neg’oma iyi ikulila (‘This ng’oma will sound’) 047 Neg’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe (“That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’) 318

Ne’waka, ulu lyashika (“The new year, when it arrives’) 212

Ne’wamalile uwing’we (‘You have finished yours’) 115

Neg’wana Balinago (‘Ng’wana Balinago’) 128 Ne’wana Guligu (“Ng’wana Guligu’) 314 Neg’wana Kaliyaya (“Ng’wana Kaliyaya’) 057 Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka (“Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka’) 256

Ng’wana Mukeje (“Ng’wana Mukeje’) 127 Neg’wana namyala (‘A child I have given birth to’) 286

Ng’wana ngosha (‘Young boy’) 217 Ng’wana Nkwimba (Ng’wana Nkwimba’) 238 Ng’wana Nyerere (“Ng’wana Nyerere’) 330

Ng’wana Wande (‘Ng wana Wande’) 066

Ne’wayegile (“You were happy ) 102 Ng’wenhwa-Ndege #1 (“He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an- Airplane’) 053 Neg’wenhwa-Ndege #2 (‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an- Airplane’) 054

Neg’wila giko Ngogo (‘Tell this to Ngogo’) 196 Ne’wilagi winge (‘Tell him he should run’) 320

Ngawabebe (‘Ngawa’) Ngosha, (Man, you’)114 018 Ne’wizukulu mpemba (‘Grandaughter of Mpemba’) 039

502 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

Ngoshi wane (‘My 172 Nibande (‘Let mehusband’) hide’) 002 Nigwa balila (‘1 hear they cry’) 325 Nigwa kamuziki (‘I have heard a bit of music’) 015

Niingishi (Greet me’) 092 Nilile lwane lwa masasi (‘My cries are of bullets’) 087 Nina wa ng’wana (‘Mother of the child’) 163 Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza (‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’) 108

Nkiima, bebe! (‘Nkomyaluume’) (‘Woman, youl’) 154 Nkomyaluume 187 Nosenagi (‘At last’) 293

Nsabi (‘The one who is rich’) 136 Nsabi wa ng’ombe (‘Owner of cattle’) 167 Nsumba wane (‘My fiancé’) 145 Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere (‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’) 263

Ntombana Njaluwa! (‘Fuck you Jaluo guy!’) 154

Nulu mugatwile (Even if you add’) 061 Numba nanzengela (‘A house I have built for her’) 148

Nyalali jane (“My follower’) 202 Nyalali one (“My honorable follower’) 043 Nzala iya magembe ("This “famine called hoes”’) 248 Nzala Nzala iyi iyi #1 #2 (‘This (‘This famine’) famine’) 249 253 Nzala ya nhinje (“The famine of nhinje’) 236

Nzungu (‘European’) 096 Obyala kinanda hii! (‘To give birth to this instrument!’) 165

Oja magembe (‘One goes to the hoes’) 211

Pembagi moto (‘Kindle the fire’) 012

Selema Move’) 001 Shayunga shaja (“They make their rounds’) 076 Shiba, shiba “Weave, weave ) 055 Sabuni, naligaiwa (‘Soap, I have none’) 038

Shilamba (‘A fire ant’) 141 Shiganga jilikenya (‘Boulders are fighting one another’) 098 Siasa ya Tanzania (“The policy of Tanzania is farming’) 282

So (‘Your father’) 156

Sing’wanda shane (‘My flywhisk’) 033 Sokoine (‘Sokoine’) 333 Soleli unti gwane (‘Gather my tree’) 034 Somagi, Bayanda! (‘Study boys!’) 273

Stelia (‘Stelia’) 006 Sumba ng’wichane (‘My friend’) 162

Sonone busunun’ha (“Wounds healed’) 078 Sumba lumiho (Young man Lumiho’) 080

Sumba wane (‘My lover’) 149 Sungusungu ni kali no (“The sungusungu are very fierce’) 324

Tanzania bara (‘Tanzanian mainland’) 284 Temaga lukuba! (‘Strike lightning!’) 131

Tigu, tigu Tinginya linti(Move, (‘Shakemove’) the tree’)041 093

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 503

Tofuma mlyani (‘We have come out of the trap’) 247

Tomba mbwa fuck dog’) 073 Tubalimile (Let (‘Go us farm forathem!’) 161 Tubasange (‘Let us meet them’) 085 Tujilejagi ndulilu jise (Let us blow our ndulilu’) 321

Tukapande (‘Let us tread’) 111 Tukingila Buha (‘We came from Buha’) 106 Tukingila Mabuha (‘We came from the Buha regions’) 107

Tukukeyula (‘We will stay up’) 069 Tulabilage munghana (‘Lead us with great care’) 269

Tulihaya (We say) 322 Tulija kusumbila Juliasi (We are going to receive Julius’) 302

Tulimagi busiga (‘Let us cultivate millet’) 112

Tumba gwane (‘My medicine gourd’) 025

Tusukambe (‘Let us squat’) 210 Tututawalagwa na vyama vingi (‘We will never be ruled by multiparties’) 312 Twalali lelo (We are here today’) 088 Twali na Banzoza (‘We were with the Nzoza people’) 023 Twalima wilu (We cultivate wilu millet’) 113 Twapandika bumeme (‘We have received electricity’) 134

Twite fayi! (‘Let us tell the truth!’) 207 Uko ukashika (‘Wherever you go’) 143 Ukung’wa Nyerere (‘With that of Nyerere’) 270 Ukwitawala Twitawalile (We have really received self rule’) 287

Uli ng’wana Guliho (‘You are ng’wana Guliho’) 178

Ulu kalilia (When it sounds’) 014 Ulu nakamala milimo (‘If I finish the job’) 031 Ulu nasuma (‘When I harvest’) 174 Utizuhubila kunidima kabega (‘Do not mistake touching my shoulder’) 164 Wa ha bomani (‘At the District headquarters’) 100

Waja (“They flee’) 082

Wabeja Karume (“Thank you, Karume’) 276 Wakulisimba wa mining’halaga (‘You will dig it with furrowed brow) 125

Waligumilile (You have taken shame upon yourself’) 118

Wamlembaga (‘He deceives them’) 191 Wangaluka bujiku (‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’) 245

Wanitula buli (You have hit me thus’) 177 Wasama winga (‘He has moved from’) 004 Watogwa walwa (‘He loves alcohol’) 126 Watola li mazazi (‘He has married a prostitute’) 169 Wibonile mbiti? (“Have you seen the hyena?’) 007

Ya nderule (“The nderule’)048 077 Yamalila (Yamalila’)

Yaya, buli (No, never’) 158 English Titles

‘A fire ant’ (Shilamba) 141 ‘A child I have given birth to’ (Ng’wana namyala) 286 ‘A house I have built for her’ (Numba nanzengela) 148

‘A storm is coming’ (Kidangu shafumilila) 056

504 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

‘A story! (Kalagu) ‘Ahee, no’ (Ahee, yaya)313 104 ‘Ahee, the bat’ (Ahee, tunge) 140 ‘AIDS will finish us all’ Buking’wi nose bulatumala 255

‘At last’ (Nosenagi) ‘At our place’ (Ku bise) 293 199 ‘Animals having intelligence’ (Ndimu ja masala) 259

‘At the District headquarters’ (Wa ha bomani) 100

‘Baba God’ (Baba Mungu) 244 ‘Baba President’ (Baba Raisi) 277 ‘Baba Tagili’ (Baba Tagili) 182 ‘Banyema’ (Banyema) 027 ‘Boulders are fighting one another’ (Shiganga jilikenya) 098

‘Break into smaller pieces’ (Ng’ohalala) 062

‘Buganga’ (‘Buganga’) 099

‘Bunyika my child’ (Bunyika ng’wana wane) 124

‘Buyeye died’ (Buyeye bucha) 028 ‘Calmer-of-Villages’ (Kilunguja-Mizengo) 035

‘Carry (Buchagi) 180 ‘Chairman Mussa’ (Chaimeni Mussa) 315 ‘Carry bullets’ (Buchagi masasi) 326

‘Chi chi chwii’ (Chi chi chwii) 142 ‘Chief ng’wana Nyerere’ (Ntemi ng’wana Nyerere) 263

‘Chikunguw’ (Chikungu) 052 ‘Close up, Sagini!’ (Lugalaga, Sagini!) 188

‘Cow dung’ (Muyanga) 285 ‘Death is not run off (Lufu lutapelagwa) 237

‘Difficult work’ (Mabukoye) 168 ‘Do not depend on that which is stolen’ (Mutategemelage shakwiba) 231 ‘Do not lie to us’ (Mutatulembage bise) 054 ‘Do not mistake touching my shoulder’ (Utizuhubila kunidima kabega) 164

‘European’ (Nzungu) 096 ‘Even if you add’ (Nulu mugatwile) 061 ‘Father (Baba ntemi) ‘Forward chief forward’ (Mbele mbele)332 181

‘Fuck you Jaluo guy!’ (Ntombana Njaluwa!) 154

‘Gather my tree’ (Soleli unti gwane) 034 ‘Germans’ (Badachi) 097

‘Get out of the village’ (Ingagi umuchalo) 204 ‘Go fuck a dog’ (Tomba mbwa) 073 ‘Go thank Nyerere’ (Kanumbagi Nyerere) 275

‘Greet me’ (Niingishi) 092 ‘Grandaughter of Mpemba’ (Ne’wizukulu mpemba) 039

‘Hard work, President’ (Mabukoye, Rais) 299 ‘Have you seen the hyena?’ (Wibonile mbiti?) 007

‘He deceives them’ (Wamlembaga) 191

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 505

‘He has married a prostitute’ (Watola li mazazi) 169

‘He has moved from’ (Wasama winga) 004

‘He is crying’ (Alilila) 327 ‘He is flowing, he is going’ (Aliselema, alija) 067 ‘He is grateful’ (Akulumba) 265 ‘He loves alcohol’ (Watogwa walwa) 126 ‘Here are your skins’(Aha (Jiji ngobo jako)195 186 ‘Here at Ntuzu’ Ntuzu) “Here baba’ (Aha baba) 297 ‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’ #1 (Ng’wenhwa-Ndege) 053 ‘He-Who-Has-Been-Brought-by-an-Airplane’ #2 (Ng’wenhwa-Ndege) 054

‘Hiiya hee, salenge!’ (Hiiya hee, salenge!) 122

‘Hit so he should die!’ (Mpigaga ache!) 294 ‘Hiyo lilee, baba’ (Hiyo lilee, father) 103 ‘Hoes are together’ (Magembe galihamo) 232 ‘Hoes, hoes’ (Magembe, magembe) 219 ‘Hold firm the hoe’ (Kulyumila ligembe) 223

‘Hurry up!’ (Kangilijaga!) 189

‘I almostnarrate’ died’ (Nenda gucha) 005 ‘I always (Nakasombolaga) 239 ‘Iam a creator of tie ridges’ (Nene nalintaji wa maduta) 213

‘Iam explaining’ (Nene nalisombola) 218 ‘Iam grabbing weapons’ (Nalibapula) 022

‘Iam poor’ (Nali ng’habi) 150 ‘I am not against the party (Nene natupingaga chama) 289 ‘Iam indeed coming from the eastern side’ (Nene ndifuma kiiya) 079

‘I am spreading my hands’ (Nakwambaga shiganza) 250

‘I am still pounding’ (Natali nu nakomanga) 119

‘I am using cattle to farm’ (Ndilimila ng’ombe) 138

‘I beg forgiveness’ (Nalilomba lazi) 334 ‘I comb the mohawk [of] Shing’weng’we’ (Ndi sasula isunzu Shing’weng’we) 026

‘I cook maize and beans’ (Naizuga masangu) 160

‘T cultivated’ (Nakalima) 251 ‘I did date ng’;wana Mpemba’ (Nali nankanije ng’wana Mpemba) 151 ‘I do not like the cotton of development’ (Natatogwa buluba wa maendeleo) 292

‘I grab the hoe’ (Nakashikaga ahigembe) 221 ‘I have become a tractor’ (Nabi giligita) 171 ‘I have been rained on’ (Natulagwa mbula) 132

‘I have happiness’ (Nalina buyege) 257 ‘I have heard a bit of music’ (Nigwa kamuziki) 015 ‘I have lost my medicine container’ (Najimija ntumba gwane) 032 ‘I have made the hoe my child’ (Gembe nagema ng’wanone) 214

‘I hear theyyou’ cry (Nigwa balila) 325 ‘T implore (Nalikuganila) ‘I made a mistake’ (Nagahugana) 329 310

‘I made a pass at a woman’ (Nakanya nkiima) 147 ‘I possess khonong’a’ (Naliho na khonong’a) 123

‘I start’ (Nandya) 331 ‘I was brought the news’ (Nakenhelwa habari) 046 ‘I should hammer with the hoe’ (Nakomange lya gembe) 209

‘I was coming from Bulige’ (Nafumaga Bulige) 254 ‘I was sent for in Biharamulo’ (Nakizilwa Bihalamulo) 037

506 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

‘I was taught the full course’ ([kozi nakalang’wa pye) 224

‘I, ng’wana Kubunga’ (Nene, ng’wana Kubunga) 044 ‘Idi Amin was bragging’ (Idi Amin wikumyaga) 295

‘If I die’ (Nene ulu nucha) 190 ‘Tf I finish the job’ (Ulu nakamala milimo) 031 ‘Ignorance will never end’ (Buchilu butushila) 205 ‘In the future’ 059 ‘In this village’(Habutongi) (Kijiji ishi) 252 ‘Idili is not speaking of cattle’ (Idili natugayombaga mang’ombe) 230

‘It cries’ #1 (Ililila) 016 ‘It cries’ #2 (Jalila) 319 ‘It died, an infant’ (Kakacha akanigini) 243 ‘It does not betray, the hoe handle’ (Gutaponyaga, mpini) 222

‘It has been released’ (Lyaholelwa) 268 ‘It has taken sticks’ (Lyasolaga nanga) 109 ‘It hovers and buzzes’ (Lya lyungaga) 194

‘It (Akuchimagwa) 155 ‘Itisisimpaled’ like this’ (Igete) 335

‘It is said’ (Kalihaya) 274 ‘Kalagula’ (Kalagula) 185 ‘Kambarage’ (Kambarage) 298 ‘Kamegayi (Kamegayi) 024 ‘Kanundo’ ‘Kindle the fire’(Kanundo) (Pembagi moto)193 012 ‘Kishosha ng’wana Malundi’ (Kishosha ng’wana Malundi) 317

‘Lead us with great care’ (Tulabilage mung’hana) 269 ‘Let me ask you’ (Leka namubuje) 208 ‘Let me follow the elephants’ (Nashifate m’huli) 049

‘Let me hide’ (Nibande) 002 ‘Let me inform you’ (Namutambulile) 229

‘Let me read the history (Historia naisome) 311

‘Let trywatch’ also!’ (Nagemeho nane!)137 152 ‘Letmeme (Nagalole) ‘Let us blow our ndulilw (Tujilejagi ndulilu jise) 321

‘Let us cultivate millet’ (Tulimagi busiga) 112

‘Let us farm for them! (Tubalimile) 161 ‘Let us meet them’ (Tubasange)210 085 ‘Let us squat’ (Tusukambe) ‘Let the truth!’ (Twite fayi!)111 207 ‘Letusustelltread’ (Tukapande)

‘Listen’ (Degelekagi) 264 ‘Little hedgehog’ (Kalunguyeye) 013 ‘Long ago’ (Kale) 258 ‘Mahahila’ (Mahahila) ‘Man, you’ (Ngosha, bebe)019 018 ‘Mang’ombe here’ (Mang’ombe ha) 184 ‘Mayu, grab the hoe handle!’ (Mayu, solaga mpini!) 227 ‘Mayu, I have agonized’ (Mayu, naluha) 110

‘Mayu, I should tell you’ (Mayu, namuwile) 020 ‘Mayu, you refuse us meeting together’ (Mayu, ndema twikisangila) 063

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 507

Mbiling’il’ (Mbiling’ili) 316 ‘Men skirmished’ (Bikenya banamugi) 084 ‘hindi yii!’ (Mhindi yii!) 045 ‘Mister Advice’ (Bwana Shauri) 241 ‘Mother of the child’ (Nina wa ng’wana) 163

‘Move, move’ (Tigu, tigu)001 041 ‘Move’ (Selema) ‘My cries are of bullets’ (Nilile lwane lwa masasi) 087 ‘My death’ (Nsumba (Lilufu lyane) ‘My fiancé’ wane) 011 145

‘My (Sing’wanda shane)202 033 ‘Myflywhisk’ follower’ (Nyalali jane)

‘My ng’wichane) 162 ‘Myfriend’ hoe’ (Sumba (Igembe lyane) 215

‘My homestead’ (Kaya yane) 176 ‘My honorable follower’ (Nyalali one) 043 ‘My (Ngoshiyane) wane)008 172 ‘Myhusband’ hyena’ (Mbiti

‘My lover’ (Sumba wane) 070 149 ‘My mayw (Mayu wane) ‘My medicine gourd’ (Tumba gwane) 025 ‘My skin is itching’ (Ndebawa) 288 ‘My spear’ (Ichimu lyane) 081 ‘My!’ (Gashi!) 064 ‘Myself I was written by Mwinyi’ (Nene nandikwa na Mwinyi) 305 ‘Myself, gossips I have accepted’ (Nene, amajisigo nagazunya) 201

‘Myself, I dance’ (Nene, nakubiinaga) 173 ‘Myself, I should stay alive’ (Nene nikale nali mpanga) 260

‘N’hung’wa, I am waiting’ (N’hung’wa nalindila) 144

‘Ng’wana Balinago’ (Ng’wana Balinago) 128 ‘Ng’wana Guligu’ (Ng’wana Guligu) 314 ‘Ng’wana Kaliyaya’ (Ng’wana Kaliyaya) 057 ‘Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka’ (Ng’wana Komanya Malanguka) 256

‘Ng’wana Mukeje’ (Ng’wana Mukeje) 127 ‘Ng’ wana Nkwimba’ (Ng’wana Nkwimba) 238 ‘Ng’wana Nyerere’ (Ng’wana Nyerere) 330 ‘Ng’wana Wande’ (Ng’wana Wande) 066

‘Ngawa’ (Ngawa) 114 ‘Night has fallen’ (Libuziku lilaa) 017 ‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’ (Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza) 108

‘Nkomyaluume (Nkomyaluume) 187 ‘No, never’ (Yaya, buli) 158

‘Of cattle’ (Lya(Lya Mang’ombe) 146 ‘Of this world’ ku Welelo) 116 ‘On the ninth’ (Mtalehe tisa) 306 ‘On the shoulder’ (Indweka) 071 ‘One goes to the hoes’ (Oja magembe) 211 ‘Owner of cattle’ (Nsabi wa ng’ombe) 167 ‘People of Tanzania’ (Bana Tanzania) 291 ‘Perhaps the honorable Nyerere’ (Gisi ukunjiwa Nyerere) 278

508 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

‘Place the porridge pot’ (Bikilagi ifugo) 121 ‘Players of ng’oma’ (Abacheza ng’oma) 303

‘Pound, bug’hunda’ (Komangaga Bug’hunda) 042

‘Quickly quickly’ (Kalakala) 226 ‘Rumble rumble’ (Gongaga gongaga) 228

‘Seek love charms’ (Kubaga Lukomolo) 065

‘Send Anzuika’ (Filagi Anzuika) 094 ‘Shaketothe tree’ (Tinginya linti) 093

‘Small hyena’ (Mlulu) 009 ‘So, let me tell you’ (Angu, nakuwile) 133

‘So, the date’ (Angu, talehe) 308 ‘So, your letter’ (Angu, mbaluba ying’we) 309

‘Sokoine’ (Sokoine)006 333 ‘Stelia’ (Stelia)

‘Soap, I have none’ (Sabuni, naligaiwa) 038

‘Stirrer of villages’ (Luyombya chalo) 304 ‘Stones have increased’ (Mawe gakwila) 120 ‘Strike lightning!’ (Temaga lukuba!) 131

‘Study boys!’ (Somagi, Bayanda!) 273

“Tanzanian mainland’ (Tanzania bara) 284

‘Tell him he should run’ (Neg’wilagi winge) 320 ‘Tell this to Ngogo’ (Ng’wila giko Ngogo) 196

‘Tell them’ (Bawilagi) 328

‘Thank you, Karume’ (Wabeja Karume) 276

“Thank you’ (Ahsante sana) 281 ‘That of Kishosha Mang’ombe’ (Ng’wa Kishosha Mang’ombe) 318

‘That which is coming’ (Liloliza) 095 ‘The army of Tanzania’ (Jeshi la Tanzania) 296 ‘The Arusha Declaration’ (Azimio lya Arusha) 272 ‘The bird has gone’ (Kanoni kaja) 091 ‘The days are not yet near yet’ (Jitali nshiku ukunegela) 135 ‘The elephant with the tusk’ (M’huli ya nkondo) 058

‘The elephant’ (M’huli) 050 ‘The Europeans are devils’ (Bazungu shetani) 261 ‘The famine of nhinje’ (Nzala ya nhinje) 236

“The fool mr. Black’ (Nchilu Blacka) 240 ‘The hoe benefits Tanzanians’ (Igembe faida Batanzania) 283

‘The hoe has finished’ (Kagembe kamala) 235 ‘The leaders have made mistakes’(Batongezi ng’wabile uhuba) 101 ‘The lifestyle of the Sukuma people’ (Kikalile ka Basukuma) 139

‘The locust’ (Lwa maige) 074 ‘The nderule’ (Ya nderule) 077 “The new year, when it arrives’ (Ng’waka, ulu lyashika) 212 “The one who is rich’ (Nsabi) 136 ‘The party and the government’ (Chama na serikali) 307 ‘The policy of Tanzania is farming’ (Siasa ya Tanzania) 282

‘The rain is roaring’ (Mbula ikudungulumaga) 225

‘The Rugaruga people’ (Barugaruga) 086 “The small bird eats’ (Kanoni kalya) 089

‘The small bird in the bush’ (Kanoni kungu) 090

SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX 509

‘The lyagwa) 117 175 ‘The sun sunhas hasset’ set’(Limi (Lyahenda)

‘The sun shone brightly’ (Elimi lya bakile no) 246 ‘The sungusungu are very fierce’ (Sungusungu ni kali no) 324 ‘The work of buganga’ (Milimo ya buganga) 036

“There at Nyanza’ (Aho Nyanza) 075 “There is a famine in Shashi’ (Iliho nzala Ushashi) 242

‘They flee’ (Waja) 082

“They agitated me’ (Bakanivuluga) 192 “They helped me, these medicines’ (Gakanigunana, amabuganga) 290

‘They make their rounds’ (Shayunga shaja) 076 “They said, those of Magaji’ (Buhaya, ba Magaji) 301

‘They tell lies about me’ (Balinisayila) 234

‘They went home (Baja kaya) 271 “They will take care of themselves’ (Bakwilonja) 179 “Thieves, the train passes’ (Basambo, yabita teleni) 323

‘This famine’ #1 (Nzala iyi) 249 “This famine’ #2 (Nzala iyi) 253 ‘This “famine called hoes” (Nzala iya magembe) 248 ‘This ng’oma will sound’ (Ng’oma iyi ikulila) 047 ‘Tie-ridge builder’ 320 ‘To Bahi’ (Ku (Msoloji) Bahi) 060

‘To discuss’ (Hoyela) 300 ‘To give birth to a female child’ (Kubyala ng’wana nkiima) 166 ‘To give birth to this instrument!’ (Obyala kinanda hii!) 165

‘To taste sweetness’ (Kunonela) 029 ‘Today I will sleep here’ (Ilelo hulala haa) 010 ‘Today, aah today’ (Lelo, aah lelo) 130 ‘Today, those who cultivate by the mouth’ (Lelo, banimila nomo) 233

‘Wakeup’ (Bukagi) 198 ‘We are here today’ (Twalali lelo) 088

‘We came from Buha’ (Tukingila Buha) 106 ‘We came from the Buha regions’ (Tukingila Mabuha) 107 ‘We cultivate wilu millet (Twalima wilu) 113

‘We for ourselves’ (Gwa sisi) 267 ‘We are going to receive Julius’ (Tulija kusumbila Juliasi) 302

‘We have come out of the trap’ (Tofuma mlyani) 247 ‘We have really received self rule’ (Ukwitawala Twitawalile) 287

‘We have received electricity (Twapandika bumeme) 134

‘We 322 ‘We thesay very (Tulihaya) ones’ (Bise enaba) 105

‘We of the Jijabu clan’ (Abise ukung’wa Jijabu) 200 ‘We were with the Nzoza people’ (Twali na Banzoza) 023 ‘We who uproot dig the tough weeds’ (Bise basimba ngobi) 280

‘We will never be ruled by multiparties’ (Tututawalagwa na vyama vingi) 312

‘We will stay up’(Shiba, (Tukukeyula) 069 “Weave, weave shiba) 055 “Welcome, we are here’ (Kalibu, tuliho) 279 ‘What night dance was this?’ (Igete lyali lyeja ki?) 040

‘When 266 ‘Whenhehestarted’ won’ (Aha (Ahoakwandyaga) akatinda) 183

‘When arrive’(Ulu (Ndashige) ‘When I Iharvest’ nasuma) 068 174

510 SONG TITLE (FIRST LINE) INDEX

‘When it sounds’ (Ulu kalilia) 014 ‘When you came for me’ (Aho mkanizila) 030 ‘Where will we talk? (Hali tulikahoya?) 203

‘Wherever you go’ (Uko ukashika) 143 ‘Who has scorched my home?’ (Nani wapemba numba yane?) 083 ‘Who is cultivating cotton for me?’ (Nani akunilimilaga buluba?) 206

‘With that of Nyerere’ (Ukung’wa Nyerere) 270

‘Woman, you!’ (Nkiima, bebe!) 154 ‘Women have become dogs’ (Makiima gabi mawa) 170 ‘Women, correct yourselves’ (Bakiima, ilekebishagi) 159

‘Women, women’ (Bakiima, bakiima) 157 ‘Wounds healed’ (Sonone busunun’ha) 078

‘Yamalila’ (Yamalila) 048 ‘Yesterday’ (Igolo) 129

‘You are ng wana Guliho’ (Uli ng’wana Guliho) 178 ‘You are offending Ndelema’ (Mling’huba Ndelema) 003 ‘You have brought friction’ (Mwaleta lunanda) 072

‘You have finished yours’ (Ng’wamalile uwing’we) 115 ‘You have hit me thus’ (Wanitula buli) 177 ‘You have taken shame upon yourself (Waligumilile) 118

‘You Indians’ (Bing’we Bahindi) 262 ‘You people of National’ (Bing’we National) 197 ‘You should ask them’ (Mulababugilije) 021 ‘You were happy (Neg’wayegile) 102 ‘You were up all night to greet the dawn’ (Wangaluka bujiku) 245 ‘You who are going home’ (Bing’we mukujaga kaya) 051 ‘You will dig it with furrowed brow (Wakulisimba wa mininghalaga) 125

‘You willboy’ talk(Ng’wana a lot’ (Hayaga no) 216 ‘Young ngosha) 217 ‘Young man Lumiho’ (Sumba lumiho) 080

‘Your father’ (So) 156

SINGER INDEX This is an index of the documented and known singers of these songs at the time when they were collected. These are not necessarily the composers of the songs (for composers, see Teachers and Composers Index).

bacheyeeki dance association of Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga

Miswaki 112, 127, 133, 159 ngwana 167, 305, 306

Bak’hula Kalang’ha of Miswaki 195, Makanga, Gembe Ng’honela

196, 197, 198 ng wana 051, 105, 135, 137, 278,

Banamhala of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani 320, 323

017, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047,049, Malehe, Jige 057, 083, 111, 113,114, 065, 066, 076, 113, 115, 116, 138, 242, 115, 118, 172, 173, 246

325 Malenga, Saidi Budelele 293

Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana 283 Malando, Maria ‘Semeni’ Sago

Butemi, Hoja ng wana 222, 321 ng’ wana 167, 305, 306

Butimba Teachers Training College Malundi, Igulu ng’wana 052

(BTTC) 228 Masalu, Michael 123, 234, 317, 324,

Chiila, ‘Jiyoga’ Ng’ humbi Shing’hini 328, 330, 331, 332 ng wana 041, 055, 098, 099, 135,236 Masindi, Verdiana 329 Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana 230 Matembe, Mbonje ng’wana 101, 103

Gamaya, Kuliga ng’wana 265 Mayige, Shipewa ng’wana 309, 310

Gembe, Lutandagula 281 Masunga, Sotinge Masanja Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana 207 ng wana 113, 266

Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana 220, 301 Mbagule, Kalikali ng’wana 139, 231,

Jishosha, Pius Ngasa 050, 059 259, 260, 267, 272, 279, 285, 288, 290,

Jonge, Nunhya ng’wana_ 122 296 Kabambo, Buguhi 295 Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi

Kabujiku 109 ngwana 251, 252, 253

Kadelya, Salu 002, 003, 041, 078 Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana_ 244,

Kamegayi, Sagini 024 308, 314

Kanundo ng’wana_ 254, 255, 284, 315 Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana_ 034, Kasonga, Ngollo 010, 030, 038, 119, 053, 054, 056, 058, 060, 061, 063, 064,

175 067, 077, 086, 087, 095, 096, 097, 106,

Kazwala Chiiza (‘Nice Clothes’) 107, 145, 240, 241, 258, 261, 262, 263,

women’s group 305, 306 264, 273, 275, 286, 287, 289, 291, 312,

Kija, Robert 221, 226 316

Kujitegemea group of Isangidjo 335 Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili

Liaku, Fitta ng’wana 125 ng wana 199, 200, 201, 203, 224, Lubimbi, Magdelena 215 247, 248, 249, 250, 282, 313

Lufunzo, Fabiano 237 Miswaki village primary school students Lumanicha, Neg’wizilya ng’wana 134 110

Lusana, Paulo 005, 007, 013, 016, 021, Msombi, James 159 022, 029, 032, 035, 036, 037, 041,117, | Mwinyi Bakari, Mtoro 070 160, 185, 186, 187, 188, 204, 302, 203 Ndaha, Kasiya 121

Mabanga, Nguno ng wana 006 Negata, Mayunga 227, 298, 307, 311

Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila Ngoya, Balele 008, 031, 039, 040

216, 229, 304 223

ng wana 115, 129, 194, 208, 214, Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili ng’wana 183,

512 SINGER INDEX Ntamanwa, Julius 229 Seso, John 156 Nzagabulu, Kilyamangondi ng’wana Shing’oma, Edward “Mzee Kijana’

245 ng wana 056, 062, 080, 102, 130,

Nzwilendo, Lushita ng’wana 123, 184, 233, 297

280, 210 Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana 232, 256,

Pesa Mbili 068, 069 257, 268 Sambaguli Bagobogobo group 182,190, Wigaashe singers of Miswaki 213 191, 192, 193 Yamulinga 004 Sembeewe, Likisemmewuyaga

ng wana 048, 082, 092, 093, 094

TEACHER AND COMPOSER INDEX Often throughout this collection, singers have offered songs that have been passed down to them, either by the original composers, or by prominent teachers in a musical lineage. When it can be reasonably determined who the composer or teacher of any given song is, their names will be included in this index.

Bulambu, Kishosha ng’wana 283 Mang’ombe 099

Bushu, Sitta ng’wana 268 Matonange 098

Butemi, Hoja ng’wana 222 Mbagule, Kalikali ng’wana 139, 156, Butilaga, Masoli ng’wana 008, 031, 039 241, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 267, Dukiila, ‘Idili lya Shimba’ ng’wana 230 272, 273, 279, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289,

Finduli, Singali ng’wana 096, 145, 105 290, 296

Ghindu Nkiima 010, 060 Mhoja, Charles Kanga Kasubi

063 Mholisha 202

Garuba, Kitareja Mabuku ng’wana 061, ng wana 251, 253 Gombo, Mashishanga ng’wana 207 Mhyeni, Ng’weshemi ng’wana 314

Gumbulu ng’wana 029 Mihumo, Kang’wiina ng’wana 275 Hilya, Migelegele ng’wana 220, 301 Misuga, Buhondo Silvester Ndigili Garuba, Kitereja Mabuku ng’wana 063 ng wana 199, 200, 201, 203, 224,

Iguwa 094 247, 248, 249, 250, 282, 313 Thumilo, Kadikilo ng’wana 291 Muhekela, Mugongo 056

Ipembe lya Ng’ombe 065 Muleka 005

Jibina, Ng’'wenda ng’wana 047 Ndaha, Kasiya 121

Jishosha, Pius Ngasa 055 Ndaki, Kalagula 185, 187, 210 Kabambo, Buguhi 295 Ngata, Mayunga ng’wana 227, 298,

Kadelya, Salu 003, 005, 016 307, 311

Kahangala, Buhimila ng’-wana 194 Neg’wanang wa, Izangi ng wana_ 195,

Kamegayi, Sagini 024 196, 197, 198 Kanundo, ngwana 254, 255, 284, 315 Ngoso, Kalumani ng’wana 097 Kasonga, Ngollo 038 Ngoya, Balele 040

Kazwenge, ng wana 059 Nguno, Mabanga ng’wana_ 006, 212 Kilyamangondi, Nzagabulu 245 Nhindilo, Nyeyewaza 002

Kubunga, ng’wana 044 Ntamanwa, Doshi Tagili 193 Liaku, ng’wana_ 186, 190 Nyanzobe, Man’goma 043 Lumanicha, Neg’wizilya ng’ wana 134 Sakumbi 252 Lutandagula, Gembe ng’wana 213,281 Samike 280

Lutelemba 049 Sato, ng’wana 316

Mabrika ng’wana 045, 138 Sembeewe, Likisemmewuyaga

Mafanyanga, Paulo Chaniila ng wana 092, 093

ng wana 214 Shipewa, Mayige ng’wana 309, 310

Mahuma, Leya (‘Limi’) Kimwaga Shitobelo, Kiduha 294

ng wana 305, 306 Siita, Shing’wenda ng’wana 256, 257, Makelema 297 232 Makondo, ng’wana 242 Song’oma, Kanigini ng’wana_ 129, 208 Malando, Maria ‘Semeni Sago Swetula, Maliganya 102, 130

ng wana 305, 306 Washa, Buhimila 218, 219

Malenga, Saidi Budelele 293 Weja 236

Malundi, Igulu ng’wana 050,051,052, Wilwa, Subi ng’wana 278

053, 054 Yamulinga 004

THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX This index contains general song themes as well as topical terms mentioned in the songs.

accident 333 body-itch 288 animal 259, 267 body-lips 291

animal-bat 140 body-mohawk 026 animal-bees 194 body-nudity 102 animal-bird 053, 054, 077, 089, 090, body-obesity 220

091, 092, 229, 255 body-ribs 037, 123, 196

animal-crocodile 045, 046 body-scarification 229

animal-crow 228 body-shin 119, 233

animal-dog 073, 101, 170, 172, 204 body-shoulder 015, 071, 087 animal-elephant 039, 041, 049, 050, body-skin 288

O51, 058, 059, 084, 092 body-stomach 006, 139, 218, 222, 225, animal-ferret 330 245

animal-fireant 141 body-teeth 156, 220, 278 animal-gazelle 137 body-vagina 153, 154, 155 animal-goat 183

animal-hawk 244 catastrophe 074

animal-hyena 007, 008, 010, 039, 100, celebration 297, 298

226, 289, 324 clothing 038, 145, 95, 201, 208, 219,

animal-leopard 078, 079, 080, 251 253

animal-lion 068, 147, 271 clothing-bracelets 265

animal-locust 074 clothing-earrings 208 animal-pig 283 clothing-gunnysack 102 animal-polecat 204 clothing-overcoat 102 animal-porcupine 009, 011, 012, 013, clothing-rags 156, 266

023 clothing-shoes 095, 096, 254

animal-rat 124, 250 clothing-trousers 220

animal-rhinoceros 061 condition-abandonment 004, 028 animal-snake 001, 002, 003, 004, 024, condition-disgrace 291

037, 116, 298 condition-shame 118 animal-vulture 330 criminals 072

animal-termites 199 condition-suffering 115, 232, 240, 244

animal-warthog 084 crop 288, 293

animal-wildebeest 196 crop-beans 139

anthill 011, 020, 027, 289 crop-cassava 112, 130, 170, 212, 233, 246

body 179 crop-cotton 112, 130, 142, 198, 206,

body-anus 155 212, 219, 231, 240, 273, 287, 288, 289,

body-bathing 006 292, 310

body-beard 264 crop-groundnuts 242

body-defecation 243 crop-maize 129, 139, 160, 242, 251 body-ear 218, 242 crop-millet 109, 111, 112, 113, 116,

body-feet 032 129, 130, 176, 212, 222, 242, 280, 288,

body-hair 168 310 body-heart 043, 284 crop-okra 139

body-intestine 012 crop-orchards 285

THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX 515

crop-potato 125, 139 elements-fire 012, 047, 132, 206 crop-sisal 002, 273 elements-water 006, 148, 159 crop-tobacco 218, 242 emotion-astonishment 291

culture 203 emotion-cowardice 082 emotion-cries 040, 133

day-dawn 245 emotion-depression 267

day-evening 002, 017 emotion-fear 095 day-Sunday 105 emotion-humor 010, 016, 040 death 002, 005, 011, 028, 135, 235, 222, emotion-joy 015 237, 291, 324, 243 emotion-lament 150 death-mourning 057, 118 emotion-loneliness 040

devils 261 emotion-mercy 201 disability 298 emotion-pride 016

discourse-accusation 334 emotion-sorrow 291 discourse-admonishment 066

discourse-backbiting 130 family 039, 057, 159 discourse-blessing 027 family-ancestor 013, 026, 199 discourse-deception 058, 157, 220,240, family-birth 165, 166, 317

241, 283 family-bride price 158, 172

discourse-encouragement 133 family-children 107, 142, 163, 167, discourse-gossip 003, 024, 095, 201 168, 245, 286

discourse-greeting 010 family-clan 162

discourse-implore 001 family-daughter 031, 044 discourse-invitation 014, 015 family-elder 035 discourse-letter 314 family-father 044, 057, 156, 221, 222, discourse-newspaper 315 227 discourse-rebuke 159 family-grandfather 024, 032

discourse-thanks 281 family-guest 315 disease 069 family-husband 172, 175, 176, 215, 256 disease-AIDS 254, 255 family-in-law 006

disease-gonorrhea 034, 168 family-marriage 158, 173 disease-infertility 171 family-mother 023, 057, 070, 142, 143, disease-syphilis 034, 168 156, 163, 166, 221, 222, 227

disease-vomit 037 family-orphan 283

diversity 284 family-parents 040, 255

domestic-cook 169 family-polygyny 064, 065 domestic-cooking 161, 230, 232 family-sister 221

dream 056 family-son-in-law 176

drink 126 family-uncle 146 drink-alcohol 283 family-wife 033

drink-beer 176, 190 famine 130, 212, 224, 242, 244, 251,

drink-coffee 264 252, 253, 311 drink-milk 037, 122, 138, 263 famine-balugwa 239 drink-tea 222 famine-gada 246 dust 211 famine-magembe 247, 249, 250 famine-masanzo 239

eating 040 famine-nhinje 236 economy-capitalism 269 farmers 225, 233, 244, 257, 280, 282, economy-development 278, 292 285, 288, 302, 313, 315

economy-socialism 276 farming 128, 142, 152, 161, 169, 212,

education 005, 224, 281 228, 281, 282, 283, 285, 306 education-book 005, 018, 219, 273,274 farming-ax 125

education-school 273, 279 farming-fertilizer 212, 265, 266, 285,

electricity 134 310

516 THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX

farming-fields 204, 222, 285 government-cooperative 314 farming-harvest 114, 219, 288 government-courthouse 007 farming-hoes 189, 209, 210, 211, 212, government-destocking 265, 266 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222, government-fine 019, 321 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, | government-independence 260, 267, 235, 275, 277, 280, 283, 232, 233, 234, 268, 270, 287, 312

310 government-local 281, 293, 314, 315, farming-land 281 334 farming-mills 120 government-militia 252 farming-plough 279 government-multiparty 312, 314 farming-scythe 191 government-politics 309, 312, 314

farming-seeds 208 government-relocation 293 farming-silos 114 government-revolution 284 farming-soil 106 government-tax 056, 231, 265, 266 farming-storage 293 government-Uhuru 267

farming-tie ridge 240, 220, 308 government-Ujamaa 299, 300, 301

farming-tractor 171 government-village 019, 037 farming-weeds 280

fate 139 health 033, 034, 035, 036, 037, 099, 116

fertility 034 health-doctor 255 food 245 health-hospitals 255 food-beans 160 hiding 002, 025 food-chicken 40 home-roof 279, 310

food-fish 039 homestead 045, 047, 051, 074, 083,

food-meat 267, 293 085, 087, 159, 175, 178, 218, 232, 245

food-porridge 121 hunting 049

food-preparation 048 hunting-elephant 055 food-vegetables 262 hunting-porcupine 012

forest 195 hunting-snake 001, 002, 004 forest-trees 093, 095, 317 fortresses 256 injury 078, 080, 220 fruit-lemon 029 injury-sting 194 fruit-mango 227

fuel 285 Justice 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 322,

future 059 323 324, 325, 326, 327, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335

gifts 145

good-mirror 167 kingdom 203 goods-blanket 063

goods-container 292 labor 046, 062, 087, 095, 102, 103, 104,

goods-handbag 040 111, 115, 119, 122, 138, 256, 315 goods-handkerchief 287 labor-grinding 119, 120

goods-hides 259, 267 labor-lifting 041

goods-lamp 316 labor-pounding 042 goods-pen 282 labor-weaving 055

goods-soap 315 lake 075 goods-soda 220 landscape-coast 056, 058, 211, 257

goods-thimble 031 landscape-mountain 060, 068, 259, 316

goods-watch 287 landscape-plain 098, 267 government 100, 308 landscape-sand 089

government-Arusha-Declaration 272 landscape-stones 098, 234, 259 government-August-Eighth 308, 310 language-Kisukuma 189 government-clerk 205, 219, 257, 282 leaders 068, 108, 256, 295 government-colonialism 072, 104,269, leaders-chief 056, 067, 094, 238, 256,

284, 291 332

THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX 517 legacy 031, 036, 044, 045, 049, 122, oppression 100, 101, 282

135, 207 oppression-protest 241, 289 liars 007, 232 oppression-slavery 287 livestock-cattle 019, 033, 098, 099, 131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 146, 147, 177, 191, peace 295, 332

221, 224, 230, 253, 296, 304, 324 poverty 038, 056, 150, 211

livestock-sheep 019, 147, 253, 304 power 259

praise 090, 256, 309, 313, 314

media-radio 234 praise-self 003, 021 medicine 034, 035, 036, 053, 054, 057, prison 051, 290 065, 099, 123, 124, 211, 266, 290 prison-warden 290

medicine-flywhisk 033 prophecy 032, 056, 251, 317 medicine-gourd 024, 025, 032 prostitution 169, 175 medicine-horn 031

medicine-pouch 005, 036 recreation-games 281

medicine-root 050 relations 161, 162

migration 106, 107 relations-beloved 149

mineral-gold 222 relations-courtship 018, 039, 144, 151, mnemonic 013, 042, 186, 187 117

money 193, 220 relations-fiancé 145

money-debt 286 relations-love-longing 051

money-payment 104, 306 relations-love-loss 006, 063

money-price 289 relations-male-female 118, 220, 254 money-rupee 145 relations-romance 164 money-shilling 163, 222 relations-seduction 017 months-April 284 relations-sexuality 154, 155, 254, 255 months-December 245 religion-angels 184 myth-giant 025, 026, 035 religion-prayer 274 risque 073, 077, 152, 153, 154, 155

ngoma 001, 002, 004, 009, 012, 013, roads 279 014, 016, 018, 038, 043, 047, 052, 053,

054, 094, 099, 105, 173, 174, 175, 182, ship 069 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 201, 202, ship-anchor 069

208, 225, 244, 254, 303 ship-sailors 069 ngoma-bughunda 042, 043 signs 044

ngoma-buyege 043 sleep 060 ngoma-buyeye 003, 028 sun 175

ngoma-competition 003, 019, 020, swimming 196 021, 022, 023, 024, 025, 026, 027, 028,

029, 032, 182, 188, 183, 185, 186, 187, taboos 213

188, 195, 196, 200, 201, 202 teacher 258

ngoma-dance 016 teacher-student 026, 030, 043, 051

ngoma-horn 321 theft 321 ngoma-instrument 165 theft-livestock 053, 054, 229, 318, 316, ngoma-lyeja 017 319, 320, 322, 324, 331, 333 ngoma-medicine 022, 052, 196 thorns 032

ngoma-ndulilu 319, 320, 326 threat 201

ngoma-rattle 030 trade-baskets 233

ngoma-rehearsal 335 trade-cloth 037, 058

ngoma-salenge 123 trade-salt 061, 062, 063, 233 ngoma-skin 139, 186, 188 trade-tusks 041

ngoma-skirt 030 trait-bravery 093

ngoma-song 315 trait-cleverness 115, 258

ngoma-ululation 021, 091 trait-diligence 122 ngoma-whistle 034, 321 trait-foolishness 005, 283

518 THEMATIC AND TOPICAL KEYWORD INDEX

trait-forgiveness 334 war-cries 087

trait-ignorance 205 war-flag 088

trait-intelligence 128, 259, 282, 312 war-military 281, 321

trait-laziness 066, 127, 131 war-trenches 098

traits-stubbornness 102, 258 wealth 136, 167, 176, 218, 221, 282 travel 060, 067, 075, 076, 077, 089, weapon 022

143 weapon-arrows 332, 318, 319, 330, 332

travel-aircraft 053, 054, 219, 257, 298 weapon-bomb 259

travel-auto 279, 315 weapon-bullet 087, 295, 326 travel-bicycle 244, 279 weapon-cannon 058, 097

travel-bus 279 weapon-clubs 173 travel-motorcycle 267, 279 weapon-gun 100, 324 travel-paths 202 weapon-iron 322

travel-train 110, 229 weapon-knife 148, 286

travel-truck 219 weapon-mortar 298

weapon-poison 326 unity 284 weapon-shield 331 weapon-spear 020, 037, 059, 081, 083,

village 006, 056, 095, 204, 293, 315 084, 085, 322

violence 057, 058 weapon-whip 335

violence-abuse 176 weather-lightning 131

violence-bloodshed 312, 324 weather-rain 106, 107, 225, 238 violence-cannibalism 058, 098 weather-storm 056

violence-domestic 177 weather-tornado 295

violence-murder 057, 058, 087, 157, wilderness 040, 056, 090

291, 316, 318, 331 witchcraft 010, 019, 046, 065, 116, 202

violence-torture 229, 335 women 031, 047, 062, 152, 157, 159, 170, 173, 175, 201, 228 war 023, 053, 054, 082, 083, 085, 086, 087, 088, 090, 097, 098, 099, 294, 297, year-1964 284

298 year-1977 284

war-booty 093 year-1979 252

PERSONAL NAME INDEX Names listed here are all personal, clan and family names mentioned in the songs, who are not the singers or composers. Also included are deities, nationalities, and names for corporations and organizations. Specific musical labor group names, when referenced in the song, are included here as well.

AFRO 283 Bukwimba 222 Allah 069 Bula 311 Amin 294, 295, 296, 297, 298 Bulige 254 Anzuika 094 Bunyika 124 Arabs 261, 264 Busia 192 Babili 037 CCM 283 305, 306, 307, 308, 309,

Babinza 108 310

Bacheye 193 Chagua 095 Bagobogobo 206 Chalice 038

Bagoyangi 025Chanila Chananja057 192 Bahati 207 Bajanyalaja 061, 062, 066 Charles 203 Bakomyaluume 182, 195 Chibya 167

Bakonongho 181, 334 Chikungu 052 Bakhula Kalangha 198

Balinaba 132 Dolwa 254 Balinago 128 Doto 105 Barugaruga 086 Dube 313 Balyungu 099 Bamayeji 203 Enos 314 Bandolobo 061 Europeans 053, 054, 059, 072, 096, Bangoni 093 104, 259, 261, 267, 283 Banhya 077 Banuunguli 275 Gamale 022, 026 Banyema 023, 026, 027, 034, 311 Geja 135

Banzoza 022 Germans 097, 099, 100, 291 Basalama 319, 327 Gidima 207

Basukuma 254 Ginghinyali 252 Basumba 077 God 116, 244, 250, 251, 258, 259, 308, Basungusungu 324, 325, 326, 327, 335 321, 333

Batendi 256 Guligu 314, Batindigu 060 Guliho Batwaale 291 Gumha 178 129

Bayege 024, 025, 029, 044, 048, 037 Gwanchele 208

Black 240 Haha 129 Bomani 256, 257, 258, 275, 279, 288 Hindi 256, 258, 261, 262, 263 Belgians 058, 098

British 097, 240, 261, 271, 279, 284 Holo 203

Budelele 293Hondo Homa 311 Bufufu 304 201 Buhondo 200, 224, 250 Huma 200 Bukamile 219 Huya 136

520 PERSONAL NAME INDEX

Ibambangulu 135 Koncha 242

Ibelenge 083 Kube Konongo 183 Idebe 206 097 Idili 023 Ikilijo230 116Kubingwa Kubini 008, 023 Kubunga 044 Jagai 016 JapanO51 311Kujitegemea Kulindwa 238 Jesus 255, 258 Kundi Kumbyalela Jidahi 224, 148278

Jifaru 239 Kwilasa 237 Jigalu 224 Jijabu 200 Lemi Lameck035 309 Jiji_ 143 Jilala 051 Liaku 190,295 191 Jiloti 043 Libyans Jimalida 076Lili Liku110 249 Jonjo 242 Julius Limiho 080 Jumbe 308 277 Longoye 316

036 Kabila 184 Lubasha Lubala 045,014,049 Kabula 133Lufega Lubuga196 144 Kadis 135 Kafuhishi 206 Lufunga 035 Kahabi 049 Lufungulo 132

Kalagula 185, 186 Luge 207 Kalikali 296 Lugeye 206 Kaliyaya 057 Luhondo = 137

Kalulumila 219 Lukondya Mayoka 003

Kambarage 277 Lulayu 195 Kambona 261 Lunyaluha 084

Kamegayi 024 Luo016, 153193 Kandi 138 Lusana Kanundo 193, 315 Lusanya 137 Kanyamba 091 Luswetula 177

Kapembe 091 Lutambi 177 Karume 276, 283, Lutandagula 213 Kasasala 230 Lutubiga 202 Kassanda 092, 093 Lyalu 080

Katavi 097 Lywawaji 204 Kawawa_ 261, 277, 279 291

Kebesi 011 Maasai 037 Kidokeji 058, Mabimbi 286

Kiganga 084 Mabuga 148 Kilya 287 Mabula 137, 162 Kimogele 256 Machela 164 Kininiga 195 Machibya Kisatu 017 Madako 195,251 198 Kishamapanda 258 Madede 165 Kishema 245 Madeleke 267 Kisorwa 304 Mage 283 Kitengule 283 Magema 304 Kiyungayunga 180 Mageuzi 306

PERSONAL NAME INDEX 521

Maggie 207 Masuka Masota 238 Magina 267 Mahahila 019 Matabila256 032

Mahalozi 307 Matumba_ 198 Mahandago 245 Maumau 241 Mahande 248 Mayunga Mayanda 253 310 Mahenge 032 Mahuma_ 147 Mazela 257

Maige 309 Mazengo 058 Makadundu 237 Mbagule 261, 287, 289 Makanuka 189 Mbilingi 147, 316 Makeja 253, 304 Mbogo 258 Makende 109 Makenzi 048 197Mbogoshi_ Mbudula 251

Makoma 097 Mgaya 277 Makondo 242 M’hangwa_ 213 Makongolo 294 Mhina 043

Makoye 138, 195 Mhina 253 Makungu 219 Makwi_ 118, 291Mhindi Mhindi 045 219

Malamula 310 Mhogota 310 Malando 198 Mhoja 304 Malanguga 257 Mhyeni 308 Malanguka 256 Midongo 242 Malangwa 223 Mihambos Migonga 194 Malechela 308 135

Maliganya 222 Mija 022 Malole 026 Milalu 237 Malu 307 Mishingilwa 199 Malulu 238 Misuga 201, 224 Malundi 135, 317, 283, Mlela 026

Malushu 125 Mode 232

Malya 283 Monde _ 207, 253 Malyalya 023, 024 Mpangamchu 129 Manamba_ 103, 294 Mpemba 151 Mangondi 251 Mpemba 311 Mangombe 099, 184, 317, 318 Mrema 307, 308 Manyema 058 Mshing’wanda 056 Manyinya 203 Mugambo 334 Manzumila 245 Mugongo 056 Mapalala 307 Muhammed 233 Mapandachalo 051 Muhandikila 084 Maria 170, 221Mulele Muhoja022 056 Mariam 197

Martha 234 Mushilu Mungamila 232 Mary 207 226 Masanja_ 113, 168, 231, 267, 307, 313, Mussa 315 314, 315, Muswanzali 309 Masele 046 Mwamugoba 195 Mashaka 251 Mwinyi 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 306, 308 Mashala 051 Mashauri 039 National 197 Mashinyali 043 Nchimani 203, 267

Masindi 126, 134 Ndelema 003, 005, 006, 017

522 PERSONAL NAME INDEX

Ndelya 27 Quadafi 294, 295 Ng’humbu 310 Ng’walu 207 Rexon 197 Neg’wandu 223 Robert 313, 314 Ng’wangula 321 Russia 311 Ne’waya 240

Ngaliwa 311Sagini Sabale 188 208 Ngawa 114

Ngele 310023 Saidi Ng’hoboko Saku293 198

Ng’humbu 105 Sakumbi 252

Ngogo 224 Ngollo196 317Salawi Sale 169

Ngoya 020 Sani 113 Ngunga 309 Sayi 236, 257, 257 Ng’washitolyo 254 Seba 200 Nhindiko 056 Sekayi 256 N’hung’wa_ 144 Sengeka 031

Njicha 043 Sengo 052 Njile 043 Shashi 265, 266, Nkaliwa 311 Shema 219, 245 Nkanda 123, 254, Shibili 020 Nkanjiwa 182 Nkila 206,311 309,Shigela Shija 148

Nkomyalume 183, 187 Shimba 194, 238, 304,

Nkondo 315 Shingweng’we 025, 026

Nkonongo 182 Silvester Shitobelo315 294 Nkunula_ 130 Nkwimba 043, 225, 238 Sita 245

Noni 226052 Sokoine 333 Nsanyiwa Sonda 257 Ntobi 315 Sophia 038 Nurses 182 Stelia 006 Nyagaki 278 Sukuma 266

Nyahinga 079 Sundi 060 Nyakayanza 138 Sungusugu 321 Nyanjige 045 Susanna 197 Nyansolo 049 Susu 101 Nyanza 277 Swahili 058 Nyanzobe 043 Swahili 233,

Nyawilu 236 Nyerere 219, 244, 246, 259, 260, 261, Tabu 243 263, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 271,272, ‘Tagili 182 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, Tanafa 321 282, 283, 291, 292, 293, 296, 297,298, TANU 266, 283, 287 299, 300, 301, 302, 312, 313, 330, 331, Tanzanians 244, 295, 296

332 Tarime 245

Naalalila 031 Tungu 129 Nzugamawe 294 Tungu 203

Obondikije 242 Uganda 298

Peleka 208Walung’wana Waliya 232 Phillipo 309 070, 071 Porini 304 Wande 066

PERSONAL NAME INDEX 523

Washa 219 Yamalila 048 Welelo 005, 201, 222, Yamulinga 004 Wile 111171 Yikobela 229 Wilinda Yunge 063 Wilwa 278

Wishi 267 ZanakiZebulon 311257

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX All villages, towns, cities, regions, nations, and bodies of water mentioned in the songs are included in this index.

Bahi 060Mamhalo Malya 241 Beda 094 247

Beregedi 214 Manawa_ 053, 054 Biharamulo 037 Mangala 052 Bugalika 272 Mankula 238 Bugando 255, 298 Masanza 256 Buha_ 106, 107 Masekela 043 Bukilugulu 198 Bukoba 218,146 250Matumba_ Mhela_ 110 Bukumbi 053, 054, 066, 084 Mhulya 056

Bukwimba 053, 054, 256 Milolangulu 094

Bulima 084 Miswaki 304 Bunghwi 026Muhambili Mondo 200 Burundi 168 255 Busanda 052 Musoma 272 Buswegi 178 Mwadui 056 Butimba 189 Mwanza 021, 149, 283, 284, 212 Buyele 316 Nassa_ 158, 256,

Chato 037 Ndagalu 187 Dar es Salaam 219 Ne’wagulanja 256

Dodoma 212, 311 Ngasamo 308, 309, 310 Europe 143 Neg’ashanda 017 Gagabali 242 Ng’hubila 205 Ilemela 284 Neudu 241

Iponya 321 Ntusu 143, 195, 317, 321 Iselemagaji 321, 324, 326, 328 Nyabusu 311 Itumbili 147, 208 Nyakabindi 242 Kahama 033, 318 Nyalaja 109

Kampala 296 Nyamatongo 334 Kijima 218 Nyamilembe 037 Kikubiji 247 Nyang’ombe 134 Kilimanjaro 199 Nyanguge 120

Kisessa 120 Nyanza 075 Kolongo 030 Rwanda 311 Kwimba 241 Salawi 248

Lake Eyasi 060 Sayi056 207 Libya 295 Seke Linsalala 092 Shashi Sengerema 003, 241 Lubana 284 243, 244 Lubumbo 056 Shimba 238

Mabungabunga 248 Shimiyu 196, 284

Mahaha 315 Shinyanga 021, 052, 212

Makerere 272 Sonji Singida200 212 Malawi 234

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 525 Swela 321 Tanzania 219, 263, 279, 282, 284, 285,

Tabora 205, 212, 227 298 300, 301, 309, 311, 312 Tanganyika 262, 271, 291 Uganda 295, 298 Zanzibar 058, 284

GENRE INDEX Because of the nature of Sukuma musical labor, many of the songs in this collection are performed across multiple labor-related genres. This index provides a reference to all the known genres that a particular song can be associated.

(2) 237, 238, 240, 246, 270, 271, 276, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177,

277, 292, 299, 305, 306 178, 179, 180, 243

askari 083, 095, 096, 097, 098, 101, busungusungu 317, 318, 319, 320, 321,

103, 104 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329,

beni/pubha 097, 098, 099, 100, 101, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335

102, 103, 104, 105, 135, 236 mimbo ga: bucheyeeki 133, 152, 159 bajanyalaja 060, 061, 062, 063, 064,

budimi 136, 137, 316 065, 066, 083

bughunda 042 banigini 142 bugobogobo 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, bapagati 067, 068, 069, 070, 071, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 072, 073, 074, 075, 076, 077, 088, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 089, 090, 091, 092, 093 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, butemi 067 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, kuhanga 056, 057, 239 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, matust 073, 077, 153, 154, 155 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, buyege 017, 041, 042, 043, 044, 045, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 282, 046, 047, 048, 049, 50, 051, 052, 053,

313 054, 055, 056, 057, 058, 059

bukomyaluume 188, 189, 190 buyeye 001, 002, 003, 004, 005, 006, burugaruga 071, 072, 074, 078, 086, 041 087, 088, 089, 090, 091, 092, 093, itula 078, 079, 080, 081, 109, 110, 111,

094 112, 113, 114, 115, 116

bulugu 071, 072, 074, 079, 080, 081, kahena 053, 054 082, 083, 084, 085, 086, 087, 088, 089, manamba 103

090, 091, 093 manhe 010, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121,

bunuunguli 007, 008, 009, 011, 012, 124

013, 014, 015, 016, 017, 018, 019,020, salenge 122, 123 021, 022, 023, 024, 025, 026, 027,028, wigaashe 139, 156, 200, 213, 230, 231, 029, 030, 031, 032, 033, 034, 035, 036, 232, 241, 242, 244, 245, 247, 248, 249, 037, 038, 039, 040, 269, 275, 302, 303 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, busumba 106, 107, 108, 125, 126, 127, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 267, 268, 272, 273, 274, 279, 280, 281, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 290, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 300, 301, 304, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 312, 313, 314, 315

TIME PERIOD INDEX This index provides exact and estimated time references to the origins of songs in this volume. If the exact date is known, it is listed. An approximate timeframe is signified by a range of years (1940-1960). A dash preceding a year (-1960) signifies that the song is known only to have been composed sometime before the year cited, the year that it was collected.

1860-1913 071, 072, 074, 088, 089, -1940 041, 042, 044, 059, 060,

090, 091 062, 063, 064, 065, 066, 1860-1914 076 109, 123, 124, 135, 181,

1865-1890 086, 087 209, 240 1870-1901 092, 093, 094 1940-1995 204 1880-1909 068, 069 1940-1996 189

1880-1890 085 1940-2000 202 1883-1887 084 1940-1950 210 -1890 067 1940-1960 101, 102, 1890-1930 236 1945-1970 024 103

1890-1936 050, 052 1950-1960 = 156, 185, 186, 187, 188,

1890-1940 184 193, 231, 242, 258 1894 058 1950-1970 = 130

-1894 073, 075 1950-1980 192 1894-1918 095, 096 1950-1994 183 1894-1961 104 1955 241, 256, 257 1898 083 1958-1961 260, 261, 262, 267 1958 259 1900-1930 099 1960-1995 230 -1901 048, 082 1960-1970 = 273, 274 1901-1975 239 1961-1994 120 -1903 070 1961 263, 264, 268, 269, 270,

-1904 013O51 271, 286, 287, 1904-1914 1965 289, 290288 1906-1917 057 1967 272 -1909 077 1968-1970 281 1914-1918 097 1968-1974 131, 276, 277, 278 1914-1927 056 1968-1979 299 1914-1940 043, 045, 049 1968-1985 114, 206 1916-1930 237 1968-2000 212

1918010 098 1969 245 -1920 -1970 118, 1920-1940 100 1970-1980265, 201 266

1917-1920 053, 054 1968 275, 280, 291, 292

1920-1960 105 1970-1985 224 1923 238 1970-1995 199, 203, 220 -1930 078, 079, 080, 081, 106, 1970-2000 205 107, 113, 122 -1970 316

1930-1960 055 1970-1980 200, 218, 219, 243, 244,

-1937 012, 061, 140, 145, 149, 246

150, 211 1971 279

528 TIME PERIOD INDEX

—1972 142 1985-1995 207 1974-1978 293 1985-1996 302, 303 ~1974 225 ~1985 221, 226, 284 1975 248, 249, 250, 247 1985 300 1977-1980 282 —1990 129, 176

-—1979 019, 136, 143, 144, 146, 1993 016 148, 151, 164, 168, 169, 1993-1995 312 170, 171, 177, 179, 235 1993 305, 306

1979 251, 252, 253, 294, 295, ~1994 034, 110, 111, 112, 115,

296, 297, 298 116, 127, 133, 138,147, 152,

1980-1994 318 159, 165, 166, 167, 172,

—1980 002, 126, 139, 141 173, 174, 175, 178, 213, 1980-1985 313, 314, 315, 328 223, 228, 233 1980-1994 190, 191, 195, 196, 197, 1994 307, 308

198, 214, 222, 227, 232, —-1995 004, 005, 007, 008, 017,

304, 321, 335 030, 031, 046, 047, 119,

1980-1995 320, 322, 323, 325, 330, 125, 137, 158, 180, 216

331, 332 1995 309, 310, 311 1980-2000 327 025, 026, 028, 033, 108, 1980-1999 317, 319, 326, 329, 334 —1996 009, 011, 014, 020, 023,

1980-2006 234, 324 128, 132, 157, 162, 163, 217 1980 283, 285 —-1998 015, 021, 022, 029, 032, 1980-1990 003, 038, 039, 040, 182, 035, 036, 037, 117, 160, 161

194, 208, 254, 255, 301 -1999 006

1984-1994 333

—1985 OO1, 027, 121, 153, 154, —2000 018, 134

155 ~2006 215, 229

REGION COLLECTED INDEX This index references all the known locations where songs in this volume were collected. This is not to say that the song necessarily originates from this region, only that this was the area it was collected. The Village Locator Chart and Area Maps in the preface can be used to further situate these locations.

Berlin 048, 082, 092, 093, 094 213, 222, 227, 232, 251, 252, 253, 258, Bujora 061, 067, 095, 106, 107, 316, 330 264, 266, 273, 290, 298, 304, 305, 306,

Bukwimba 225 307, 311, 321, 215 Buswelu 328 Ng’asamo 309, 310

Butimba 228 Ne’wajiginya 041, 055, 098, 099, 105, Chicago 021, 022, 029, 035, 036, 037, 135, 137, 236, 278, 101, 103, 129, 133,

161, 302, 303 174, 214

Dar es Salaam 050 Ntulya 017, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046,

Gambos 056, 102, 130, 233, 297 047, 049, 051, 065, 066, 113, 116, 138, Isangidjo 002, 003, 005, 007, 008, 010, 180, 239, 242, 325 016, 030, 034, 039, 040, 041, 053,054, Sambaguli 182, 183, 190, 191, 192, 056, 057, 058, 060, 063, 064, 077, 078, 193, 223 083, 086, 087, 096, 097, 110, 111, 113, Sanga 244, 308 114, 115, 118, 119, 121, 145, 172, 173, | Sayusayu 207, 220, 265, 301, 320,

175, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 204, 210, 323 211, 216, 231, 240, 241, 246, 261, 262, Seke 199, 200, 201, 203, 224, 247, 248, 264, 275, 286, 289, 287, 289, 312, 335 249, 250, 282, 313

Kisessa 283 Shinyanga 071, 072, 074, 082, 088, 089,

Magu 115, 123, 125, 229, 234, 317, 090, 091, 121, 154, 155, 156

324, 331, 332 Tabora 082, 092, 093, 094

Miswaki 110, 112, 113, 122, 152, 159, Usende 006, 212

165, 178, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 208, | Welamasonga 230, 241

COLLECTOR INDEX

Anonymous 079 241, 242, 244, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, Augustiny 238 252, 253, 258, 261, 262, 264, 265, 266,

Baumann 073 273, 275, 278, 283, 286, 287, 289, 290, Bischoff 009, 011, 014, 020, 023, 024, 291, 297, 298, 301, 202, 303, 304, 305, 025, 026, 028, 033, 038, 081, 085, 108, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 128, 132, 157, 162, 163, 189, 209, 217, 314, 316, 317, 320, 321, 323, 324, 325,

269, 275, 302, 303 328, 330, 331, 332, 335

Bukurura 322 Kandt Heijnen013 292 Chenya 084

Cory 012, 052, 053, 054, 056, 061, 096, Kang’wezi 225, 229

097, 140, 145, 149, 150, 211 Kya 121, 153, 154, 155, 201, 206, 221, Gibbe 019, 100, 104, 124, 136, 143, 224, 226, 249, 282, 313 144, 146, 148, 151, 164, 168, 169, 170, Lubasa 001, 027 171, 177, 179, 218, 219, 235, 243, 270, Lumuli 060, 237, 256, 257

271, 276, 277, 294, 299 Lupande 004, 120, 125, 147, 269, 280 Gunderson 002, 003, 005, 007, 008, Makoye 006, 018, 059, 134, 181, 202, 010, 013, 015, 016, 017, 021, 022, 029, 205, 212, 254, 255, 315, 317, 319, 326, 030, 031, 032, 034, 035, 036, 037, 039, 327, 329, 334 040, 041, 042, 043, 044, 045, 046, 047, Massesa 318, 328, 330, 331, 332, 333 049, 050, 051, 053, 054, 055, 056, 057, Mkongola 126, 139, 229, 231, 245, 259, 058, 060, 061, 062, 063, 064, 065, 066, 260, 268, 273, 281, 293, 295 067, 077, 078, 080, 083, 086, 087, 095, Molitor 071, 072, 074, 088, 089, 090,

096, 097, 098, 099, 101, 102, 103, 105, 091 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, Nkuli 131 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, Noble 274 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 137, 138, 145, Songoyi 176, 263, 267, 272, 279, 280, 152, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 165, 166, 283, 285, 287, 288, 296 167, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 180, 182, Varkevisser 142 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, Velten and Lippert 082, 092, 093, 094 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, Velten 048, 070 203, 204, 207, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, Welsh 289 215, 216, 220, 222, 223, 227, 228, 229, Werther 075 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 236, 239, 240, Weule 068, 069, 077

RECORDING INDEX The recordings referenced in this collection come from field recordings made by the author. Copies of all interview transcripts, together with the cassette recordings, have been deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music located at Indiana University (IUATM). Here, the songs are cross-listed from the IUATM accession numbers to the song numbers assigned in this volume.

003 122 141 252 239 086 006 113 149 213 240 067 014 198 151 280 241 087 O15 196 153 223 243 258 016 198 154 193 244 233 O17 196 157 155 003 192 245 244 275 240 018 196 019 195 158 002 252 138 021 197 160 078 254 208 028 158 163 182 263 064 030 304 164 19] 270 199 031 194 180 210 271 247 033 214 181 123 273 248 034 129 184 184 276 203 042 174 186 044 277 250 047 101 187 045 293 106 O51 103 188 047 293 107 060 056 189 049 294 095 070 309 190 043 296 031 O71 310 193 242 298 040 073 298 195 065 300 008 074 307 196 O17 301 175 039 076 227 202 076 302 078 305 205 165 304 016 090 222 206 066 305 016 093 102 207 113 306 325 094 120 208 115 310 239 095 297 209 116 311 207 100 080 220 113 316 220 105 056 221 114 317 301 109 321 222 111 323 051 117 253 223 083 338 323 122 232 225 057 339 320 124 308 226 115 346 041 126 244 227 172 348 099 127 314 229 109 358 105 130 175 230 246 361 278 131 306 231 173 362 098 135 166 234 034 363 135 137 305 237 064 364 140 251 238 063 365 236 137

532 RECORDING INDEX

369 058 156 526 504 204 183 610 609 133 152 450 452 264 526 216 611 228 455 231 529 335 612 041 456 273 533 053 618 200 457 286 548 230 619 110 458 289 551 283 625 112 459 291 563 118 626 010 465 145 570 316 628 030 466 096 589 211 629 119 473 097 590 096 633 046 477 241 591 055 636 007 495 061 603 178 650 190 497 064 605 127 816 054 503 060 607 159 Here, the songs are cross-listed from the song numbers assigned in this volume, to their relative IUATM accession numbers.

002 158 066 206 129 034 003 157 067 240 120 094 007 636 076 202 133 610 008 300 078 160 135 363 010 626 080 100 137 365 016 304 083 223 138 252 016 305 086 239 145 465 O17 196 087 241 152 609 030 628 095 294 156 369 031 296 096 590 158 028 034 234 096 466 159 607 039 301 097 473 165 205 040 298 098 362 166 135 041 346 099 348 172 227 041 612 101 047 173 231 043 190 102 093 174 042 044 186 103 O51 175 130 045 187 105 358 175 302 046 633 106 293 178 603 047 188 107 293 182 163 049 189 109 229 183 504 O51 323 110 619 184 184 053 533 111 222 190 650 054 816 112 625 191 164 055 591 113 006 192 155 056 105 113 220 193 154 056 060 113 207 194 031 057 225 114 221 195 019 058 450 115 208 196 O15 060 503 115 226 196 O17 061 495 116 209 196 018 063 238 118 563 197 021 064 237 119 629 198 014 064 263 122 003 198 016 064 497 123 181 199 065 195 127 605 200 270 618

RECORDING INDEX 533

203 276 240 244 291 459 204 526 241 477 297 095 207 311 242 193 298 073 208 254 244 126 301 317 210 180 246 230 304 030 211 589 247 271 305 078 213 149 248 273 305 137 214 033 250 277 306 131 216 526 251 140 307 074 220 316 252 141 308 124 222 090 253 117 309 070 223 153 258 243 310 O71 227 076 264 452 314 127 228 611 273 456 316 570 230 548 275 245 320 339 231 455 278 361 321 109 232 122 280 151 323 338 233 244 283 551 325 306 236 364 286 457 335 529 239 310 289 458

AUTHOR INDEX

Abrahams, xxi, 25 Gunderson, 124, 137, 453

Agawu, 10 Gunmere, 9 Appadurai, 453

Askew, 27 Hall, 76, 110, 156

Augustiny, 303 Hannington, 137, 138 Austen, 17, 95, 137, 138, 159, 227 Harman, 108, 109

Hartwig, 73, 112, 124

Bartenieff and Lewis, 43 Heijnen, 390

Batibo, xxii Hendriks, 107, 144, 208 Baumann, 113, 122, 123, 132, 453 Hohnel, 124, 128, 129 Bessire, 33 Holmes and Austen, 17 Blohm, 27, 76, 453 Holmes, 145

Bosch, 25, 121 Hore, 123 Bourdieu, 453 Hornbostel, 138 Brandel, 139

Bticher, 8 Iliffe, 27, 106, 109, 124, 162, 302, 332 Bukurura, 444 Itandala, 15, 17, 18, 73, 101, 122, 467

265 Kandt, 45, 46

Burton, 17, 76, 121, 123, 130, 226,

Kang’wezi, 229, 287 Cameron, 133 Kaseka, Cohen, 9 Kezilihabi,139 126

Coplan 137 Kya, 185, 212, 260, 280, 286, 288, 321, Cory, X, xxxil, 2, 3, 6, 18, 25, 26, 42, 44, 372, 433 74, 76, 96, 97, 98, 102, 114, 128, 134, Kilasa, 228

138, 153, 155, 157, 159, 193, 206, 208, Knudsen, 227

210, 227, 229, 269, 270, 457 Kollman, 17, 47, 136, 173

Cummings, 121, 122 Koponen, 17, 53, 121, 128, 152, 229,

Dahl, 4 Krapf, 122 Decle, 123 Kubik, 124, 129, 137, 139, 173, 190 303, 305

Deutsch, 130

Dowling, 166 Lange,Little,27 73, 303

Ebner, 136,122 137Lubasa, Lloyd,28, 16 59 El Murjebi,

Ewald, 130 369

Evans-Pritchard, 9 Lupande, 34, 106, 185, 190, 209, 352,

Finnegan, 9, 138 Maganga, 4

Friedson, 137 Magoti, 172, 173, 226, 265, 308 Maguirre, 332

Geiger, 335, 340 Makoye, x, 6, 37, 51, 110, 144, 200, 232, Glassman, 130, 137 255, 258, 259, 271, 272, 297, 330, 433,

Gotzen, 127 437, 438, 440, 447, 448, 452 Grant, 172, 226 Malcom, 156, 187

Grimes, xxi Manyanda, 227, 307

AUTHOR INDEX 535 Masuha, 229 Slobin, 3, 453

Mayalla, 25 Songoyi, 6, 112, 223, 311, 338, 343, 344, McCall, J., 19 349, 350, 356, 366, 369, 375, 380, 383,

McCall, M., 226 384, 395, 401 McNeil, 11 Speke, 123, 132 Meillassoux, 16 Spellig, 150

Millroth, 19, 26, 112 Stanley, 121, 138 Mkongola, x, 6, 157, 189, 191, 204, 291, Stigand, 129 294, 311, 316, 339, 340, 341, 350, 357, Stokes, 162

370, 383, 391, 392, 399 Swynnerton, 302

Mpanda, iv

Mwakikagile, 345 Tanner, 308, 436 Turnbull, 95, 187

Noble, 89, 358 Tyler, 1

Ofcansky and Yeager, 392, 451 Vail and White, 10 Vansina, 13, 14

Pambe, 18, 247 Varkevisser, 172

Velten, x, 7, 89, 131, 138, 139, 141, 148,

Ranger, 1, 19, 123, 124, 152, 153 150, 151 Reichard, 74, 89, 90

Roberts, 122 Wachsmann, 17

Rockel, 73 Welsh, 385 Roscoe, 130 Werther, 26, 74, 76, 123, 133 Rosemond, 265 Weule, 124, 129, 134, 138 Rounce, 227, 228, 304 White, 165 Wijsen, 436 Selemani, 124 Wolf, 129 Senior, 112 Shetler, 436 Yukawa, xxii Simpson, 122, 131

AFRICAN SOURCES FOR AFRICAN HISTORY 1. David C. CONRAD (ed.) Somono Bala of the Upper Niger. River People, Charismatic Bards, and Mischievous Music in a West-African Culture. ISBN 90 04 12185 4

2. Stephanie NEWELL Marita: or the Folly of Love. A Novel by A. Native ISBN 90 04 12186 2

3. Caroline ANGENENT et al. Les rois des tambours au Haayre. Récitée per Aamadu Baa Digi, griot des Ful6e a Dalla (Mali) ISBN 90 04 12446 2

4, Jan Bender SHETLER Telling Our Own Stories. Local Histories from South Mara, Tanzania ISBN 90 04 12625 2

5. Matthew SCHAFFER Djinns, Stars and Warriors. Mandinka Legends from Pakao, Senegal ISBN 90 04 13124 8

6. Alessandra VIANELLO and Mohamed M. KASSIM with Lidwien KAPTEIJJNS (eds.)

Servants of the Sharia. The civil register of the Qadis court of Brava 1893-1900 ISBN 90 04 13122 1

7. Michel DOORTMONT The Pen-Pictures of Modern Africans and African Celebrities by Charles Francis Hutchison. A Collective Biography of Elite Society in the Gold Coast Colony ISBN 90 04 14087 2

8. Jan JANSEN and Mountaga DIARRA Entretiens avec Bala Kanté. Une chronique du Manding du XXeme siecle. ISBN 978 90 04 14695 2

9. Cornelia GIESING and Valentin VY DRINE Ta:rikh Mandinka de Bijini (Guinée-Bissau). La mémoire des Mandinka et des Sooninkee du Kaabu ISBN 978 90 04 14724 9 10. Wangari MUORIA-SAL, Bodil Folke FREDERIKSEN, John LONSDALE and Derek PETERSON Writing for Kenya. The Life and Works of Henry Muoria ISBN 978 90 04 17404 7

11. Frank GUNDERSON Sukuma Labor Songs from Western Tanzania. ‘We Never Sleep, We Dream of Farming ISBN 978 90 04 18468 8