Studies in Silk Road Archaeology 9819974747, 9789819974740

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Studies in Silk Road Archaeology

Nai Xia

Studies in Silk Road Archaeology

Nai Xia Chinese Academy of Sciences Beijing, China Translated by Yili Luo School of Foreign Languages Hangzhou Dianzi University Hangzhou, Zhejiang, China

Mi Li School of Foreign Languages Anhui Xinhua University Hefei, Anhui, China

ISBN 978-981-99-7474-0 ISBN 978-981-99-7475-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7 Jointly published with Zhejiang University Press The print edition is not for sale in China Mainland. Customers from China Mainland please order the print book from: Zhejiang University Press. Translation from the Chinese language edition: “丝绸之路考古学研究” by Nai Xia, © Zhejiang University Press 2019. Published by Zhejiang University Press. All Rights Reserved. © Zhejiang University Press 2024 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Paper in this product is recyclable.

Foreword

Xia Nai (1910–1985), courtesy name Zuoming, was a renowned archaeologist born in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province. He attended Wenzhou Primary School and Wenzhou Middle School, later graduating from Shanghai’s Guanghua High School. In 1931, he was accepted into the Department of Sociology at Yanjing University, and then transferred to the Department of History at Tsinghua University. After graduation, he studied in the School of Archaeology at University College London under a Chinese government scholarship. He majored in Egyptian archaeology and received a Ph.D. degree. Returning to China in 1941, Xia Nai served as a special commissioner at the Preparatory Office of the Central Museum and a researcher for the Institute of History and Philology at the Academia Sinica. After 1949, he worked in the Department of Anthropology at Zhejiang University. In 1950, he was appointed by the State Council as Vice Director for the Archaeological Institute of the Chinese Academy of Sciences when it was established that year. Subsequently he served as Director, and Honorary Director in the Archaeological Institute. In addition, he was Vice President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Chairman of the Chinese Archaeological Society, as well as Chairman of the State Cultural Relics Commission. Xia Nai was elected as a member of the Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences in the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1962. He was also awarded honorary academic titles by the UK’s Royal Society, the US National Academy of Sciences, and the Royal Swedish Academy of Literature, History and Antiquities. His major publications include Ancient Egyptian Beads, The Origins of Chinese Civilization, Dunhuang Archaeology, and The Collected Works of Xia Nai. As a twentieth-century scholar, Xia Nai was a key figure in archaeological studies in the People’s Republic of China, and one of the pioneers of modern Chinese archaeology during his 35 years of presiding over the National Archaeological Institute. Xia Nai received his education both in China and abroad, which made him a learned man with rigorous scholarship. His research covered a wide range of fields, including the theory and methodology of archaeology, prehistoric archaeology, the origins of Chinese civilization, the history of Sino-Western relations, and the history of Chinese science and technology. He engaged in archaeological research in Xi’an, the eastern end of the Silk Road. He also led an archaeological expedition from v

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Lanzhou to the Han Dynasty Yumen Pass site in the desert surrounding Dunhuang, conducting surveys and initial excavations across the Hexi Corridor. For his archaeological work, Xia Nai also travelled to Urumqi and Turpan in Xinjiang. In addition, he visited the western area of the Silk Road, including Bagdad in Iraq and several ancient cities in Iran. Some of his most notable archaeological experiences involved archaeological surveys and excavations in Egypt and Palestine at the westernmost end of the Silk Road. He travelled widely to museums and historic sites in Greece and Rome as well. These experiences inextricably linked Xia Nai with the Silk Road for the rest of his life, from which he not only personally came to realize the hardships of opening the Silk Road, but also had a deeper understanding of the important role these routes played in the cultural exchange between China and the West. In response to the invitation by the Department of History at Zhejiang University, we have collected more than 30 papers on the Silk Road written by Xia Nai. These works are the main achievements of his decades of research of ancient relics and unearthed cultural relics along the Silk Road, and reflect the outstanding contributions made by this Zhejiang archaeologist in the study of cultural exchange between China and the West.

China’s First Ph.D. in Egyptian Archaeology The Silk Road, a network of ancient commercial trade routes, stretched from Chang’an (present-day Xi’an) in China to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. With Chang’an as the easternmost point, it stretched across the Hexi Corridor and the Tarim Basin to the west, over the Pamir Plateau, through Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, and Turkey along Central Asia, and finally to Egypt and Greece at the westernmost point. Since the Han Dynasty, these roads had been the key route for trade and cultural exchange between China and other countries in Eurasia. Ancient Egypt and China, two of the major ancient civilizations, one in the Nile River basin in East Africa and the other in the Yellow River-Yangtze River basin in East Asia, were separated by thousands of mountains and rivers, but they were linked by the Silk Road through Eurasia. Through the Silk Road, these two civilizations were able to have mutual exchange and better understanding, which contributed to the formation and development of world civilization. During his twenties (1935–1939), Xia Nai lived in Britain, studying for a doctorate in Egyptology. During this period, he participated in archaeological excavations in Egypt and Palestine for over a year, making it possible to conduct an in-depth study of ancient Egyptian civilization. As the first person from China to receive a doctorate in Egyptology, Xia Nai’s doctoral thesis, Ancient Egyptian Beads, which took eight years to complete during the Chinese Civil War, was widely praised by archaeologists both in China and other countries. This dissertation was republished by Springer Publishing in Germany 70 years later. During his period overseas, in addition to involvement in archaeological research and excavations, Xia Nai also studied artefacts in museums in Britain, France, Rome,

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Greece, Egypt, Palestine, and other countries. Before returning to China, he worked at the Cairo Museum for a year. By observing and studying the large collections of the museum, he gained an extensive and in-depth understanding of ancient Greek civilization, ancient Roman civilization, ancient Egyptian civilization, Mesopotamian civilization, and Indus civilization. Amongst the local unearthed cultural relics on display in museums all over the world, ancient Chinese vessels could occasionally be seen, such as Chinese-style lions unearthed in Nubia, and sacrificial horses similar to those buried at Yinxu in present-day Anyang, Henan Province. In the ancient city of Cairo, he saw a large number of unearthed Song Dynasty celadon wares, and in Karachi he also saw painted pottery similar to those of the Banshan-Machang cultures in Gansu and Qinghai provinces. Possibly it was these ancient artefacts from China that sparked Xia Nai’s interest and attention to the cultural exchange between China and the West, as he devoted himself to archaeological research of the Silk Road in the Hexi Corridor immediately after he returned to China. From that point on, he included the study of cultural exchange between China and the West as an important part of his archaeological career.

Archaeological Research in Northwest China The second year after he returned back to China, Xia Nai, under the direction of his mentor Li Ji, organized the Northwestern Scientific Archaeology Delegation of the Historical Archaeology Work Team. He went to Northwest China to conduct a twoyear survey, along with Xiang Da and Yan Wenru, two other archaeologists. From March 1944 to February 1946, they investigated prehistoric sites in Gansu Province, including Lanzhou, Yongdeng, Wuwei, Yongchang, Zhangye, Jinta, and Jiuquan, as well as the beacon tower ruins of the Han Dynasty. In addition, archaeological excavations were carried out in the cemeteries of Dunhuang’s Foye Temple and Laoye Temple which dated from the Tang Dynasty, and also the Xiaofangpan site from the Han Dynasty. During the return trip, archaeological excavations were carried out in the Taohe River Basin and Ganliang area near Lanzhou. These archaeological surveys and excavations throughout Northwest China yielded considerable archaeological evidence for the study of the historical evolution and cultural connotations of the Silk Road. As a result of his work, he published the following academic papers: New discovery of a Qijia culture cemetery, New discovery of a Qijia culture cemetery and textual research of their era, Newly acquired Han bamboo slips from Dunhuang, Textual research of the location of Yumen Pass before 103 B.C., Excavations of Lintao Temple in Washan Mountain, Prehistoric sites near Lanzhou, and Epitaph of Tuyuhun in Wuwei from the Tang Dynasty. He also published the monograph Archaeological Research in Gansu. As a result, Xia Nai’s contributions signalled the end of Western dominance in archaeological excavation and research in Northwest China. In the first paper published after the expedition in Northwest China, New discovery of a Qijia culture cemetery and textual research of their era, Xia Nai reached the

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conclusion that Yangshao culture was actually earlier than Qijia culture based on ample evidence obtained in his excavations, which corrected the erroneous view held by Johan Gunnar Anderson, who reversed these two periods. Therefore, Xia’s paper provides reliable archaeological evidence for the establishment of a series of Neolithic cultures in the Gansu area. In papers such as Excavations of Lintao Temple in Washan Mountain and Prehistoric sites Near Lanzhou, in addition to introducing the characteristics of Neolithic culture in Gansu and Qinghai, the cultural exchange at the time between interior China and the ethnic groups in Northwest China are also discussed in depth. Papers such as Newly acquired Han Bamboo slips from Dunhuang and Textual research of the Location of Yumen Pass Before 103 B.C. provide detailed textual research on the specific location of the Yumen Pass, an important frontier post on the Silk Road, based on Han bamboo slips discovered in Dunhuang. This research corrected some of the previous misconceptions about the location of Yumen Pass. Even more important is the book Archaeological Research in Gansu, which describes in detail the whole process of the archaeological expedition in the northwest between 1944 and 1945. This book is regarded as a quintessential work in archaeology for the public since it is both scientific and highly interesting, relevant and highly readable, presenting a vivid picture of archaeological discoveries, history, customs, and stories of notable people along the Silk Road to a general readership. These writings are of great significance for the public in understanding the prehistoric cultures of Gansu and Qinghai, the history of the Silk Road, and the cultural exchange between China and the West.

An Archaeological Study of Exchange Between China and the West After 1949, Xia Nai was occupied with administrative work, although he still devoted time to the archaeological study of Sino-Western exchange, with a focus on the ancient Silk Road in particular. During the period from 1950 to 1970, he had published papers of great significance, including Sasanian coins discovered in China, Sasanian coins excavated in Xining, Qinghai, Byzantine gold coin excavated from a Sui Dynasty tomb in Dizhangwan, Xianyang, King of Anxi’s Mansion Site and magic squares with Arabic numerals, The Silk Road and silk from the Han to the Tang, Silk textiles discovered in Xinjiang: damask, brocade, and embroidery, Star chart in the mural tomb of the Western Han Dynasty in Luoyang, Silk textiles discovered in Turfan. Based on evidence from silk textiles, foreign coinage, and other foreign relics excavated from every region of China, Xia Nai analysed the economic and cultural ties between China, Western Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East, particularly its relations with Persia and the Byzantine Empire during the Han and Tang Dynasties. In addition, he also put forward significant theories on the routes of transportation between the East and the West.

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Based on research of silk textiles from the Han and Tang Dynasties unearthed in Northwest China, Xia Nai believed that such silk goods were the main commodity transported to the West along the Northern Silk Road opened by Emperor Wu (156 B.C.–87 B.C.) of the Han Dynasty. After careful study of Sasanian coins and Byzantine gold coins excavated in various parts of China, he found that in addition to the Hexi Corridor, the area of Xining in Qinghai Province was also an important route. At the same time, he also believed that the silk trade had reached Persia and the Roman Empire and that it played an important role in the exchange between China and the West at that time, contributing to the development of the world’s material culture. In 1877, the renowned German geographer Ferdinand von Richthofen coined the term “Silk Road” to refer to this trade route, which was more than 7000 kms long, extending westward from Chang’an, the capital city of the Han Dynasty, to Antioch on the eastern Mediterranean. It reinforces the idea that the opening of this route was primarily for the transport of Chinese silk to another great civilization at that time, the Roman Empire. In addition to the overland Silk Road, another important route of cultural exchange between China and the West was the Maritime Silk Road. Chinese porcelain has enjoyed a high reputation since ancient times and had the same status as silk in foreign trade. Since naval routes were mainly used for the ceramics trade, it is also known as the “Maritime Porcelain Road” (haishang ciqi zhi lu) in Chinese. While making a thorough study of the Silk Road routes on land, Xia Nai also devoted archaeological research to the Maritime Silk Road. In the paper Porcelain Evidence of Early Chinese-African Exchange, Xia Nai listed various kinds of exquisite porcelain from different dynasties in China since the Tang and Song Dynasties found in northern, eastern, and western Africa, proving that as early as the Tang and Song Dynasties, China and Africa had established cultural and commercial exchanges by sea. He also pointed out that Pakistan is located in the middle of the China-Arabian naval route and that the trade between China and Pakistan was done mainly by sea, as evidenced by ninth-century Chinese porcelain unearthed from the Indus River Delta sites of Brahmanabad (Mansura) and Banbhore in present-day Pakistan. Based on textual research of the Latin-engraved tombstone in Yangzhou and Venice silver coins excavated in Canton, he discussed the religious, cultural, and economic exchanges between China, Italy, and Venice by maritime routes during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. A book titled The Customs of Cambodia, written by the envoy Zhou Daguan in the Yuan Dynasty, is an important historical document for the study of the exchange between China during the Yuan Dynasty and Chenla (the Chinese name for the Khmer Empire in Cambodia). The author of the book vividly recorded all aspects of Cambodian life in Angkor during the thirteenth century, including mutual exchange via the sea route between Cambodia and China, together with detailed geographical descriptions along the way. In 1981, Xia Nai published The Customs of Cambodia with Notes, with detailed collations and annotations based on careful study of several editions and interpretations. This book, in which Xia Nai made comments and corrections, has been praised by scholars as the best book of collations and annotations for The Customs of Cambodia at present,

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and was included in the Series of Historical Books on Chinese and Foreign Exchange by Zhonghua Book Company. In the study of Sino-Western cultural exchange, Xia Nai always believed that cultural and trade exchanges are not unilateral. While exporting products such as silk and porcelain to other countries via the Silk Road, China, in turn, also learned from abroad. For the silk textile study in the Han and Tang Dynasties, he pointed out that due to the influence of the West through the Silk Road, great changes had taken place in weaving technologies and silk patterns in the Tang Dynasty as compared with the Han. Silk textiles from the Tang Dynasty are more resplendent and colourful than those of the Han, because Tang silk technology borrowed weaving skills from abroad, such as the traditional twill weave patterns from the West, dispersion of fulllength isolated pattern elements, Western-style floral patterns, and the wax dyeing process from India. Similar to silk-making, Chinese porcelain began to use on-glaze polychrome enamels with Western painting techniques in the eighteenth century, and craftsmanship was greatly improved. At the same time, owing to the overland Silk Road as well as the Maritime Silk Road, Western fruits, woolen goods, spices, precious stones, gold and silver coins, gold utensils and silverware, Arabic numerals, the zodiac, Indian Buddhism, and Buddhist art were also introduced into China. These imports definitely had a far-reaching impact on Chinese culture and art. Xia Nai has now been gone for over 30 years. With the development in recent years of archaeological work along the Silk Road in the field of Sino-Western cultural exchange and research, to which he devoted his whole life, new discoveries continue to emerge and the research continues to deepen. The original picture of the overland Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Road is gradually emerging. The Belt and Road Initiative put forward by China will no doubt contribute to the rejuvenation of these ancient trade routes. It is believed that in the near future, along these two roads, a prosperous scene of international business will be seen and peoples of different countries will be benefited. Once again, these two roads will become the communication arteries connecting the Asian, European, and African continents, promoting trade and cultural exchanges between China and the West, and bringing economic and social development to both landlocked and coastal nations along the way. Wenzhou, China

Zhengkai Xia

Contents

1

Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China . . . . . . . . .

1

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Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai . . . . . .

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Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding County, Hebei Province . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China . . .

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Research on the Sassanian Silver Plate Unearthed from the Tomb of Feng Hetu in the Northern Wei Dynasty . . . . . . . .

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Sasanian Cultural Relics Unearthed in China in Recent Years . . . . .

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8

Eastern Roman Gold Coins Unearthed from the Sui Tomb at Dizhangwan, Xianyang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Byzantine Gold Coin Unearthed from the Tang Tomb in Tumen Village, Xi’an . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

10 The Byzantine Gold Coins Unearthed from the Tomb of Li Xizong in Zanhuang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 11 The Relationship Between China and the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 12 Arabian Gold Coins Unearthed from Tang Tombs in Xi’an . . . . . . . . 119 13 Epitaph of Su Liang’s Wife, Née Ma in the Tang Dynasty . . . . . . . . . 127 14 Two Types of Script Combined on a Nestorian Tombstone from Quanzhou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 15 Latin Tombstones in Yangzhou and Venetian Silver Coins in Canton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 xi

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16 Porcelain Evidence of Early Sino-African Exchange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 17 Chinese Export Porcelain Collections in Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 18 History of Chinese-Swedish Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 19 History of Chinese-Pakistani Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 20 King of Anxi’s Mansion Site in the Yuan, and Arabic Magic Squares . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 21 Supplementary Study of First Introduction of Western Smallpox Vaccination into China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 22 A Brief Discussion of Sweet Potatoes and Dioscorea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 23 Carnelian Beads with Etched Patterns that Were Excavated in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs from the Star Map of the Liao Tomb in Xuanhua . . . . . . . . . . . 217 25 Newly Discovered Ancient Silk Fabrics in Xinjiang—Qi, Jin and Xiu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 26 History of Ancient Chinese Sericulture: Mulberry Trees, Silkworms, Silk Fibers and Textiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 27 Newly Discovered Silk Textiles in Turfan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 28 The Silk Road and Silk from the Han to the Tang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Selected References to Translations of Book Titles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 Selected Terminology References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355

Chapter 1

Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

During the Arsacid Empire’s reign, Persia and China established traffic communications (248–227 B.C.). At the time, our history books, such as Records of the Grand Historian, Book of Han, and A Brief History of Wei, referred to it as the “state of Anxi” and gave a description of its national condition. The Parthian Empire used silver coins as its unit of exchange, which symbolized a king’s honor, according to “Ranked biography of Tayuen”, Book of Han, so pledging allegiance to a new king involved changing the currency.1 After the rise of the Sassanid Empire around 224 (or 226) A.D., Chinese history books such as the A Brief History of Wei, Book of Zhou, Book of Sui, and the Old and New Book of Tang, called it the Persian state instead, recorded that it had sent ambassadors to develop friendly relations with China, and frequently mentioned the silver coins it used. Xuanzang called it the state of P¯arasya and said it “used the big silver coin as the currency”.2 During the Zhenguan period, the Arabians (Dayi) invaded Persia, and the king, Yazdegerd III (or Yezdigenl III), sent an ambassador to offer his local goods and beg for assistance. Emperor Taizong of Tang declined on the pretext of the distance.3 In the 2nd year of Yonghui (651), Yazdegerd III was killed, and the Persian kingdom collapsed. During the Sasanian 1

Sima Qian, Records of the Grand Historian, Vol. 123, Kai Ming Bookstore “Twenty-Five Histories” edition. 2 Xuanzang, edited by Bianji, Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Beijing: Literary and Ancient Books Publishing House), 1955, Vol. 11, pp. 22–23. 3 The Old and New Book of Tang only recorded the offering of the local goods without saying anything about the begging of aid. Zhang Xinglang knew there was a request for assistance based on History Records of Al-Tabari. Cf. Zhang’s book Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 3, Ancient Chinese and Arabian Transportation (Beijing), 1930, pp. 17–18. This article was originally published in Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 2, 1957, and was later included in Proceedings of Archaeology (Beijing: Science Press), 1961. It was added with a “Supplementary Note” based on the author’s proofreading and there were some minor changes when included in this book. © Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_1

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

era, there must have been some silver coins from Persia that came to our country, since there was communication between us. However, there can only be a limited quantity of coins, and passing them on to future generations is challenging. Since the Song Dynasty, Persian coins are either quoted from earlier history without illustrations, as in Ni Mo’s Overview of Ancient and Modern Coin (Vol. 19), or they are imagined based on the historical text and do not match the real thing at all, as in the illustration of Hong Zun’s Quan Zhi (A work on the study of Chinese coins in the past ages) (Vol. 12) re-painted by Xu Xiangmei of the Ming Dynasty. Two silver coins belonging to Chosroes I (Khusrau I, reigned 531–579) and Homiazd IV (reigned 579–590) of the Sassanid Empire were discovered in the seventh-century Tomb 13 of Astana in Turfan in 1915. It is said that the two coins covered both eyes of the deceased.4 After 1949, unprecedented archaeological work was carried out in China. Regarding the silver coins of the Sassanid Empire, not only a batch of 10 coins was found in Turfan in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, but also several coins were found from ancient tombs in the suburbs of Xi’an in Shaanxi and near the town of Huixing in Shan County, Henan. These newly discovered physical materials in the history of Chinese and Western transportation will be introduced separately later. In addition, the two coins obtained by Mr. Huang Wenbi of the former Northwest Scientific Expedition in Xinjiang were discovered in 1928, but published only after 1949. I am sincerely grateful to him for handing them over to me for research, I will also attach them as an appendix.

1.1 Silver Coins Recently Found in Turfan In the spring of 1955, ten Sasanian silver coins were found in the ancient city of Gaochang in Turfan County, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, four of which belonged to Shapur II (reigned 310–379), five to his successor, Ardashir U (Artaxerxes II, reigned 379–383), and one to Shapur III (reigned 383–388). The ten silver coins were found in a small square box made of jet: The coins were dug up by a local farmer in the village of Qara-khoja, Turfan County, while working in the fields, and are now in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum in Urumqi.5 Shapur II (reigned 310–379) not only strengthened his position after the Persian Sassanid Empire was established around the year 224, but he also had a strong force to fight against Byzantium (East Rome) in the west and Khorasan in the east, and a flourishing economy required a significant amount of money as a medium of exchange. In addition, this king’s 69-year rule made him the Sassanid Empire 4

A. Stein, Innermost Asia, Vol. 2, p. 647 and p. 995, Pl. CXX, 18–19. Also there was another Sasanian silver coin mentioned on p. 646 found in the mouth of the deceased in Tomb V. 2, without specifying to which king it belonged. 5 The brief report report about this discovery was written by Li Yuchun, see Archaeological Bulletin, No. 3, 1957, p. 70. The material for the square box was taken for the gelatine in the brief report (?), which the author once saw the original one in 1956 in Urumqi and seemed to be jet.

1.1 Silver Coins Recently Found in Turfan

3

monarch with the most silver coins discovered, with the exception of Chosroes II. Since he minted a lot of coins during his reign, it was not easy to maintain the delicate and beautiful patterns of the coins minted at the beginning of the dynasty, so the style of the silver coins after the middle of his reign deteriorated to a very crude level, without the high artistic level of the early period. Scholars who study the ancient Persian coins classify it as the beginning of the second period of Sasanian coinage.6 The unit of silver coins in the Sassanid era was the drachm. Some 2,000 coins were taken to find their average weight, and the result was an average of 3.906 g.7 Our 10 specimens are all 4.2 g, except No. 3 and No. 4 which are 4.1 g. Four of Shapur II, not identical in size (diameter: No. 1 and No. 3 are about 2. 8 cm, No. 2 and No. 4 are about 3. 1 cm), the patterns are also embossed from different impressions, but still are essentially the same type. The obverse shows a bust of the king with his face to the right. The crown has three crenellated ornaments (the battlement is the symbol of the Persian Zoroastrian god Ormazd), a ball at the top of the crown, two fluttering ornaments at the end of a silk braid which is at the back of the crown (the two ends of the silk braid are also often exposed at the back of the ball’s base, as in our specimens No. 1, 3 and 4), and a row of pearl-roundel at the base of the crown. Each of the kings of the Sassanid Empire had his own special style of crown. This is exactly the style of the crown of Shapur II (Fig. 1.1, p). The ribbon at the back of the crown is painted on specimen No. 4 as if coming out of a hair bun. The bun, consisting of small dots, hangs at the back of the head, either rounded like a plum blossom (e.g., No. 1) or nearly square (e.g., No. 2). Under the ears are hanging earrings with one or two beads. The neck is wrapped around a coil of jewelry with precious stones, and there is also jewelry with precious stones hanging diagonally from both shoulders to the chest. A beard tied with a band is left under the mouth. The two ends of this band are often exposed at the neck, for example, Nos. 2 and 4. The entire circumference of the pattern is framed by a circle of pearl-roundel. “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Sui said that the Persian king wore a crown of golden flowers with gold shavings on his beard as decoration, and a brocade robe with jewelry of precious stones on it.8 This description is quite similar to the image of the Persian king in our specimen. On the obverse side, there is the Pahlavi script. The alphabet of this script, a slight variation based on the Aramaic alphabet, was used to spell the Pahlavi script of the Middle Persian language. The text is written horizontally from the right to the left, which is the opposite of the European Greek and Roman systems, where the text is written from the left to the right (We have changed the spelling to left to right in this paper, using the Latin alphabet, except Fig. 1.2). The Aramaic alphabet evolved from the Phoenician alphabet, and was the prototype of the later Semitic alphabets of Western Asia, including the Syriac script used by the Nestorians. The silver coins of 6

A. U. Pope, ed., Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 1, p. 817, 820, 824 (London), 1938. J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, Introduction, p. XLVI1, (London), 1941. 8 Book of Sui (Kai Ming Bookstore “Twenty-Five Histories” edition), Vol. 83, p. 2536, and the 4th century Syrian priest St. John Chrysostom also recorded the fact about the Sasanian kings’ beard applied with gold shavings, see Pope, ed., op.cit., Vol. 1, p. 817 cite from a secondary source. 7

4

1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

Fig. 1.1 Several Sasanian crown types on coins. (Survey of Persian Art, edited by Pope, Vol. 3, fig. 745). p. Shapur II; q. Artaxerxes II; r. Shapur III; cc. Chosroes I; ff. Chosroes II

the Arsacid Empire often had the Pahlavi script alongside the Greek script. During the Sassanid Empire, when the ancient Persian nation revived, their domestic characters were exclusively used while abolishing the original Greek characters used on the inscriptions of the silver coins. The longer inscription on the obverse of the coin starts at the upper left side (i.e., behind the crown), goes from top to bottom along the inner side of the pearl-roundel-shaped frame, passes under the chest of the king, continues to the right side, then goes from bottom to top, and ends at the upper right side in front of the crown. The inscriptions of the four silver coins have been reduced to varying degrees, with characters only on the right side, the sequence remains from bottom to top, that is, from the shoulder to the front of the crown. Some previously illegible letters on our specimens were restored in comparison to the better preserved ones (to differentiate, the restored letters are re-spelt as Latin alphabet in round brackets, while the original abbreviated or omitted letters are added in square brackets). The inscriptions on the four coins are the name of the king “Shapur” or have the title BG1 (divine) preceding

1.1 Silver Coins Recently Found in Turfan

5

Fig. 1.2 Inscriptions of the Pahlavi script on the silver coins of the Sassanid Empire

the name of the king [Fig. 1.2, (1)]. No. 1 is (Sh) H (P) HK. No. 2 is BGI (ShH) PHR. No. 3 is Sh (HPU) HRI, No. 4 is (ShH) PUHRI.9 In the center of the reverse is the altar of Zoroastrianism (Xian Jiao). There is a priest on each side of the altar. Such priests are the ordinary monks of Zoroastrianism, Megush (now Magian) and Mobedh. The former is the Zoroastrian preaching— “muk-gu” in Chinese historical records.10 9

Further note: In the 7th century, the spelling order of the characters on the silver coins of the Sassanid Empire was ↑ →, the Byzantine currency minted during Carthage’s reign also often adopted this method. However, the Byzantine die axis generally used ↑↓, while the modern British die Royal mine was ↑↑, the latter also being used from Tiberius to Diobillon in the Roman Empire (Whitting’s Byzantine Coins, 1973, p. 72). 10 Feng Chengjun, Study on Nestorian Stele, 1933, p. 73. It is thought that muk-gu is the name of the monastic office in Manichaeism (Xiang Da, Chang’an and Western Civilization in the Tang Dynasty, 1957, p. 15). There is a hmwcag among Manichaean monks (see Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau, Vol. 971), but muk-gu is never heard of, which therefore suggests a mistake was made here. Note: “Hmwcag” is derived from the Sogdian language MWCK, the ancient Uyghur word Mozak, which is the title of the eminent monk of Manichaeism, translated as “the one who has received the teachings of the Dharma” (Yabuki, Keiki, Manichaeism, pp. 43–44, cite from The Compendium of the Doctrines and Styles of the Teaching of Mani, the Buddha of Light. The five ranks of Manichaeism are as follows: the first rank is hmwcag, with twelve people in total; the second rank is aspasag, with seventy-two people in total, translated as Dharma attendants, also known as aftadan; the third rank is mahystag, with three hundred and sixty people in total, translated as missionaries; the fourth rank is ardaw, translated as all pure virtuous people). Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, Vol. 248, July 5th, Huichang period, noted: “muk-gu of Daqin is a religion other than Buddhism, such as “Manichaeism of Uighur”. In Chronicle of the Buddhas and the Patriarchs by Dashi Zhipan, Vol. 39, Yuanya explained: “Persian muk-gu got into Zoroastrianism during Taizong period, and Daqin Temple was then built by the order of the Emperor”, which indicated the possibility of a deeper relationship between muk-gu and Zoroastrianism. However, “Daqin muk-gu and Zoroastrian monks” are listed together in “July 845 and 842 of Huichang”, Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance. The Zoroastrian god (or the Buddhist deity) came from the West and entered China with the muk-gu of Daqin, according to Vol. 4 of Zhang Bangji’s Rambles from the Ink Cottage from the Song Dynasty, implying that muk-gu belongs to Manicheism. This is a question that needs further study (cf. Kodo Tasaka, The Introduction of Islam and its Development in China, 1964, pp. 356–361). It seems certain, however, that muk-gu is the Persian name for Magu. The Middle Chinese translation of Jab-gu (Turkic) is Yehu, knowing that the word “护 (hu)” is the

6

1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

Zoroastrianism became the state religion during this dynasty, and there were altars with sacred fires almost everywhere. The base of the altar on the silver coin has two levels with a thin central column and triangular knotted bands on either side of the column, with the ends of the bands fluttering downwards. The upper three tiers of the altar are extended and enlarged layer by layer, and the top layer has one or two rows of horizontal pearl-roundel, further up is a rising flame. The Zoroastrian god Ormazd is in the sacred fire with his face turned to the right and his head probably crowned with pearls and a bun at the back of his head. The confronting priests on each side of the altar hold up a sword in front of their faces. There are three vertical ornaments on the priest’s crown (seem like the simplification of three battlements) and a bun at the back of the head from which a band hangs down the back. Each frame of all patterns is circled with a pearl-roundel. As for the inscription on the reverse, there are four letters from top to bottom: RAST, which constitutes a line of the Pahlavi script on the central pillar and means “integrity” [Fig. 1.2, (2)]. The inscriptions on all four coins are unclear, and the letters appear to have been slightly omitted: [R]AS[T] for No. 1, RAS for No. 2 and No. 3, and RA for No. 4. The five silver coins of Artaxerxes II have varying sizes (Nos. 5–6 are 3.1 cm, No. 7 is 3.0 cm, Nos. 8–9 are 2.8 cm). The patterns are similar to each other, but they are also embossed by different molds. This king succeeded Shapur II (whether they were father and son or brothers has not been established). The pattern of his silver coins is roughly an inheritance of the style of the previous king with slight variations. The main difference in the obverse pattern is the style of the crown and the inscription. As already mentioned, each of the Sasanian kings had their own special style of crown. The crown of Artaxerxes II is spherical, with a row of pearls at the base of the crown. The back of the crown is decorated with two fluttering ribbons of silk braid. There is a round ball at the top of the crown, and the two ends of another silk braid are also exposed at the back of the ball base (cf. Fig. 1.1, q). Our specimens do not provide a clear or even a vague description of a crescent moon on top of the round ball. No. 7 and No. 8 have two fluttering ribbons at the back of the crown painted as if they came out of a bun. Nos. 7–9 show two ends of the king’s beard band exposed at his neck. The inscriptions of the Pahlavi script are also inconsistent in length. The longest inscription is No. 7, starting from the left side of the orb’s back on the crown and encircling almost the entire round: (at the back of the crown) MZDISN, (on the left shoulder) BGI, (on the right side) ARTHShTRMLK[A]N[MLKA] [Fig. 1.2, (3)]. It means “worshipper of Ormazd, the divine Artaxerxes, king of kings”. MZ[DISN]AR(TH)Sh(T)R and MZ[DISN]ARTHSh(T)R are the No. 5 and No. 6 respectively, with words only on the right side. M(Z)DI(SN)BGI (on the left side) and ARTHShTR (on the right side) make up No. 9. Some characters in No. 8 are unclear and appear to be ShMI? (on the left side) M?? (ARTH) ShTR(?) (right side above), their meanings have no connection. transliteration of gu, and that Sino-Iranica by Berthold Laufer explained that muk-gu is based on the New Persian mur and Middle Persian magu (translated by Lin Yunyin, 1964, p. 361).

1.1 Silver Coins Recently Found in Turfan

7

The main differences between the pattern on the reverse and that of Shapur II are: (1) The absence of the deity bust in the sacred fire; (2) The crown of the priest is a hemisphere with a small ball at the top; (3) There is no inscription on the central pillar of the altar. As for the central pillars of these five coins, they can be divided into two forms: One is a thin pillar shape, such as Nos. 7–9; the other is in the shape of a slender waist drum, such as Nos. 5–6. These two different shapes are also found on the central pillar of the altar on the silver coins of Shapur I, despite the four Shapur I coins here are all of the slender pillar shape. We have only one silver coin of Shapur III, with a diameter of 2.8 cm. After Artaxerxes II was deposed in 383 A.D., Shapur III, the son of Shapur II, succeeded to the throne. The pattern on his silver coins is more similar to that of Shapur II, with more similarities. For example, there is a Zoroastrian god’s bust in the sacred fire and inscriptions on the central pillar of the altar. But there are still many easilydiscernible differences. The obverse pattern features a crown and inscriptions. The upper edge of his crown is flat and broader than the lower edge. Both are lined with a row of a pearl-roundel. The crown side is decorated with three honeysuckles, with a row of small arcs under the flowers. The crown has a round ball with the two ends of the silk braid revealed at the back of the ball’s base. There are also two fluttering ribbons at the back of the crown, as if coming out of a bun (cf. Fig. 1.1, r). The two ends of the King’s beard band are exposed at the neck. The inscriptions of the Pahlavi script start from the back of the round ball on the crown on the upper left side, encircle almost all the way around, and end at the front of the crown on the upper right side. MZDISN (on the upper left side), BGI (on the shoulder under the bun on the left side), ShHPUH (under the chest of the king) RI, MLKAN M (LK) A AI [RAN] (on the right side); the meaning is “the worshiper of Ormazd, the Holy Shapur, the King of Kings of Iran” [Fig. 1.2, (4)]. In regard to the reverse patterns, which have been noted before, the bust of the deity in the sacred fire with the word “RAST” (integrity) in the center [Fig. 1.2, (2)] resemble the type of Shapur II. The priest’s crown cap is nearly rectangular, with the upper edge slightly wider than the lower edge. And there is a small ball on the crown. There is an inscription under the fluttering ribbon on the back of the priest, the one on the right is ShH, the first two letters of the king’s name “Shapur”, and the one on the left is obscure. In Morgan’s book, there is one silver coin with ShH on the left and NUR[AZI] on the right, which together means “the fire of Shapur”.11 The discovery of Turfan is reminiscent of the hoard found in 1933 at the site of Tepe Maranjan, east of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan. The hoard was found in the wall of a ruined Buddhist temple and contained 12 so-called “Kushano–Sasanian” type gold coins and 368 silver coins of the Sasanian Dynasty. The silver coins were only minted by the aforementioned three kings. The author of the original report supposed that the year of hoarding probably dated back to the beginning of Shapur

11

J. de Morgan, Manuel de Numistique Orienlale, Tome I, p. 315, fig. 393; cf. also p. 305 for the silver coins of Shapur I (Paris), 1936; also Pope, ed., op.cit., p. 818.

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

III’s reign, i.e. around 385 A.D.,12 since 326 of these 368 coins were minted by Shapur II (reigned for 70 years), 28 by Artaxerxes II (reigned for four years), and only 14 by Shapur III (reigned for five years, i.e., 383–388 A.D.). The different proportion of silver coins possessed by each king suggests that our 10 silver coins from Turfan were also likely buried in the early Shapur III. For what we discovered this time, however, such as the few coins, making exactly the round number—10, donated by the patron to a pagoda or a statue of Buddha and placed in a square box, it is more like a religious offering than a hoard. Unfortunately, we have no information about the circumstances of the discovery site or the condition of the excavation because it is not from an official archaeological excavation, making it impossible to determine whether it is related to religious architecture or, if so, which religion. In the middle of the fourth century, the Sassanid Empire reached as far as presentday Afghanistan (the kings of the Kushans in Kabul and other places were allied with the Persians as their vassals. Shapur II attacked Di-yarbakr, the Eastern Roman territory in 360, with Kushan troops under his command), and of course there was a traffic connection with the western part of China. The Western Jin Dynasty was in the midst of the “Eight Kings’ Rebellion” (291–306), the Central Plains was in turmoil, and various tribes were at odds. The northwestern was more stable in Former Liang under Zhang’s separatist regime (319–376). After the destruction of Former Liang by the Former Qin Dynasty, it sent ambassadors to the West, and Tayuen, Kangju and Tianzhu also sent ambassadors to offer their specialties. Later in 382, Lü Guang was ordered to lead 70,000 men to attack the Western Region, and he finally conquered Kutis (modern Kuche). There may have been communication with Persia through Xinjiang in our country or Afghanistan, but it failed to record this history due to the disturbance in the Central Plains. This discovery in Turfan and the above-mentioned discovery near Kabul can slightly fill the vacancy.

1.2 Persian Silver Coins Unearthed from a Sui Tomb in Shan County, Henan Province In the fall of 1956, a Sui tomb was excavated by the Yellow River Reservoir archaeological team at Liujiaqu near Huixing Town in Shan County, Henan Province. The owners of the tomb were Liu Wei and his wife, who died in Chang’an in the 4th year of Baoding period (564) and in August of the 3rd year of Kaihuang reign (583). They were buried together in Shan County in the spring of 584, the leap month of the 3rd year of Kaihuang reign. This tomb was once robbed, but there are still many unearthed objects; two of them, which will be discussed in this section, are

12

R. Curiel et al., Tresors monetaires d’ Afghanistan, pp. 103–123; on the question of dating, see p. 119 (Paris), 1953.

1.2 Persian Silver Coins Unearthed from a Sui Tomb in Shan County, Henan …

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silver coins from Chosroes I (Khusrau I) of the Persian Sassanid Empire (reigned 1531–579). Although the Sassanid Empire was founded around 224 (the 2nd year of Jianxing reign as the last emperor of Shu state in the Three Kingdoms), the name “Persia” was not found in Chinese history until the Yuan and Wei Dynasties. After Wei and Jin, there were commotions in the Central Plains, which have already been covered. It was only after the unification of northern China by the Northern Wei in 439 that it was recorded that Persia sent a tribute in the first year of Tai’an (455). According to the annals in Book of Wei, Persian ambassadors were sent to China as many as ten times in the second half of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth century (the recent discovery of fifth-century silver coins of Peroz in Xi’an will be mentioned in the “Supplementary Notes” below).13 However, in the early fifth century, the Hephthalites (White Huns) came south from Central Asia and occupied the Kabul River basin in about 450, invading Persia, which had been in decline since then. The Hephthalites were crushed in 567 by Chosroes I who had aligned with the Turks. The Persian state reached as far as the Amu Darya basin in Central Asia and the homeland of Daxia (including western Afghanistan). The Sassanid Empire was at its strongest during his reign. According to “The legend of Persia”, “Foreign lands Part 2”, History of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, the king of Persia once sent an ambassador to present the specialties in the 2nd year of Emperor Yuan Qing (a dethroned emperor) of Western Wei (553).14 The Persian history once recorded that the Chinese emperor also did the same thing during Chosroes I’s reign.15 It is evident that during his reign, China and Persia sent ambassadors to each other for friendship. An epitaph was found in the same tomb, from which we know that Liu Wei, the owner of the tomb, was a native of Hongnong and was made commissioned (with extraordinary powers) General of Chariots and Cavalry (equal to Commander Unequalled in Honor). Later, he was appointed as the commander of the Tuyuhun expedition and promoted to Bo, a higher title of nobility after he returned and transferred to the Grand Master of the Palace Attendants, later became the commissioned (with extraordinary powers) Prefectural Governor of Changzhou and also in charge of military affairs in Changzhou. After his death, he was given the posthumous name Su (for the excavation brief report, see Archaeological Bulletin, No. 4, 1957, pp. 14–16). The two coins, No. 1 (weighing 4.0 g) and No. 2 (weighing 3.9 g), have the typical weight of the Sassanid Empire’s “Tetradrachm” silver coins, both with a diameter of 3.0 cm. The two have similar obverse patterns, both are the king’s bust, with their faces turning to the right. The semi-circular crown has a crescent moon holding a six-pointed star on its front, with one crenelated ornament on its side and one on its 13

Zhang Xinglang. Book. 4, Communication between Ancient China and Persia, pp. 60–61 cite from the secondary source. 14 History of the Northern Zhou Dynasty (Kai Ming Bookstore “Twenty-Five Histories” edition), Vol. 50, p. 2341. 15 Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., Book 4, pp. 54–64 cite from John Malcolm, History of Persia and Mas’udi, Prairies d’Or.

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

back. The crown also has a crescent on top holding a rondure, while the base of the crown has two rows of pearl-roundels (cf. Figure 1.1, cc). In the Pahlavi script, there are two lines of inscriptions, with AFZU[T] (prosperity) on the left and HUSRUI (i.e., “Chosroes”) on the right, written from the top down [Fig. 1.2, (5)]. In addition to the inscription and the crown, the obverse patterns of Chosroes I’s silver coins differ from the three from the fourth century noted above in the following ways: (1) The six-pointed star above the back of the crown is symmetrical with the crescent moon at the front of the crown holding the star; A six-pointed star above the back of the crown that is symmetrical with the crescent moon at the front of the crown holding the star; (2) A knot-shaped fluttering ribbon on each shoulder (or from a variation of the ribbon at the back of the crown); (3) A smaller bun in the shape of a plum blossom; (4) A crescent moon holding a star on each shoulder; (5) Two small beads in the center of the chest in addition to the jewelry of precious stones; (6) A crescent moon on the left, right, and below the rim of the frame of the pearl-roundel-shaped circle (The above, as opposed to below, is the crescent moon holding the rondure on top of the crown). Although there is an altar in the center of the back, there is no bust of the deity in the sacred fire. A six-pointed star stands on the left side of the fire, and a crescent moon stands on the right, while priests wearing high crowns with oval tops stand symmetrically on either side of the altar. The body and face of the priest are facing forward rather than sideways. Instead of being held high in front of the face, the sword is now put in front of the torso, pointing straight down. Outside the priests, the coin is inscribed with the place and the particular year in which it was minted. These are different from the above mentioned silver coins of the fourth century. The inscription on the left side of No. 1 is PNJVIST, i.e., the 25th year (555), and the location of the coinage on the right side is indistinct and cannot be determined. According to Morgan’s research, the left side of No. 2’s inscription is P(NJJ)HL, i.e., the 45th year (575), and the right side is DA [Fig. 1.2, (7)], which is the abbreviation of Daralxljerd, in the Fars Province of Persia.16 Because of the thriving economy, developed trade, and increasing demand for the currency, the coins of Chosroes I were minted in at least 8217 or 9818 locations. He had reigned for a long time, lasting 48 years in total. Morgan thought that the silver coins minted during the reign of Chosroes I, his son Homiazd IV, and his grandson Chosroes II were the most numerous among all the Sasanian kings. His (Chosroes I) silver coins were widely distributed throughout the world, from the western Mediterranean coast to the eastern Indus Valley, the southern Arabian Peninsula interior, and the northern Caucasus highlands.19 The study of ancient Persian coins, however, classifies his minting as belonging to the third or late Sasanian period due to the unsophisticated minting craft and deteriorated and crude patterns caused by mass

16

Morgan, op.cit., p. 298. No. 15. Morgan, op.cit., p. 323. 18 Pope, ed., op.cit., Vol. 1, p. 826 and p. 829. 19 Morgan, op.cit., p. 302. 17

1.3 Persian Silver Coins Unearthed from Tang Tombs Near Xi’an

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production.20 He crushed the Hephthalites in the east and expanded his territory to modern-day Afghanistan in the 37 years after his reign, making some of his silver coins flow into the east. As mentioned earlier, Stein found one silver coin of Chosroes I and his heir each in a seventh century tomb in Turfan in 1915. Turfan was then part of the “Gaochang Kingdom” founded by the Han Qus. This discovery in Shan County, Henan Province, goes even further into the interior of China, which is the easternmost known discovery site.

1.3 Persian Silver Coins Unearthed from Tang Tombs Near Xi’an Two silver coins were found in Tomb 30 of the 55.007 Sui-Tang cemetery in the suburbs of Xi’an in November 1955 by a team from the Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Management Committee. One of the coins is the silver coin of Chosroes II, the grandson of Chosroes I, and the other is an imitation of the late Sasanian silver coin. The same tomb was excavated with Kaiyuan Tongbao coins and tri-colored glazed potteries, dating from the early Tang Dynasty, i.e., the seventh century A.D. Although not as strong as his grandfather’s reign, the Sassanid Empire was still very powerful at the time of Chosroes II (reigned 590–627). He invaded westward— Syria and Palestine, captured the city of Jerusalem, and was later killed for his brutality. Then there was a civil war for the throne in Persia, and the kingdom never recovered again. Although the civil war had been quelled by the time of his grandson, Yezdigenl III (reigned 632–651), foreign aggression became more acute and Persia was finally put down by the Arabian Empire. The Persian King Kusahe21 mentioned in “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Sui is exactly Chosroes II. Laufer mistook Kusahe as a transliteration of the Persian word “Xsaivan” meaning “king” instead of his true name since Book of Sui only said “the king’s courtesy name was Kusahe”.22 But Zhang Xinglang has already verified that Kusahe is indeed Chosroes II.23 During the 38 years of Chosroes II’s rule, the economy developed even more robustly than under Chosroes I. As trade was growing, an increasing amount of currency was demanded, which is why there were more than 120 locations where coins were produced at the time. His silver coins were the most numerous of this dynasty’s to have survived to later generations,24 and became the prototype of the “Chosroes II type” coins minted throughout the old Persian lands of the Arabian Umayyad Caliphate. 20

Pope, ed., op.cit., Vol. 1, p. 829. Book of Sui, Vol. 83, p. 2536. 22 B. Laufer, Sino-lranica (Chicago), 1919, p. 529. 23 Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., Book 4, p. 66, Note II; also p. 75, Note VIII. 24 Pope, ed., op.cit., p. 817, pp. 824–825, p. 829. 21

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

This one from Xi’an weighs 4.1 g and measures 3.25 cm in diameter. Its obverse is also a king with his face to the right. The crown is hemispherical in shape. There is a two-staged crenelated ornament, one on the side of the crown and one at the back each, and two rows of pearl-roundels at the base of the crown. The crown top has two wings (the wings are the symbol of Verethraghra, the Zoroastrian dragonslaying god). A crescent and a six-pointed star are located between the two wings (cf. Fig. 1.1, ff). The crown has a crescent moon holding a star in front and a six-pointed star at the back of the crown. There is a bun at the back of the neck and three beads on the earring; a jewelry of precious stones on the neck and chest and two beads in the centre of the chest. There is a crescent moon and a knot-shaped fluttering ribbon on each shoulder, above the ribbons are the inscriptions of the Pahlavi script from the top down. The inscription on the left side has two lines. The first line is a compound independent structured character. It reads, according to Morgan, HaRMaNU, which means “power” or “fate”25 ; while Walker thought it should be GDH.26 The second line on the left is [AFZ]UT (prosperity), and the initial three letters seem to be omitted. On the right side is the king’s name HUSRU [I], which is “Chosroes” [Fig. 1.2, (6)]. The main differences between the obverse pattern of this coin and that of Chosroes I, in addition to the style of the crown, are the following: (1) There are two lines of prayer on the left, which add the compound independent structured character to the inscription of Chosroes II’s; (2) The pearl-roundel frame surrounds only one circle for Chosroes I’s and two circles for Chosroes II’s; (3) Chosroes I’s only have the crescent moon, while Chosroes II’s also have another six-pointed star below the frame and the rim of both sides. On the reverse, there is also an altar in the center, and the rest patterns are similar to those of Chosroes I, but differ significantly from those of the fourth century mentioned in the first section of this paper: A star is on the left of the sacred fire and a crescent moon is on the right. The priest is facing forward, his sword pointing directly at the ground. On the left, the year PNJSI[H] = 35 (624), with the last letter omitted as is customary, is inscribed. The place of coinage (SK or SD) is indicated by the inscription on the right side [Fig. 1.2, (9)]. Walker claimed that SK should be an acronym for Sakastan, the ancient name of Sistan. SD could be short for Sijistan.27 The two letters D and K cannot be determined, for they are sometimes written in the same way in the Pahlavi script. The main differences between Chosroes II’s reverse patterns and that of Chosroes I’s are: (1) Only one circle of the pearl-roundel-shaped frame for Chosroes I’s and three circles for Chosroes II’s; (2) The rim outside the frame of Chosroes I’s is simple without patterns, whereas that of Chosroes II’s have four crescents holding stars, which are placed in the upper, lower, right, and left quadrants; (3) The upper part of priests’ crowns is in half-moon shape with both cocked ends for Chosroes II’s and a high oval shape for Chosroes I’s (Chosroes II’s in earlier times had the same shape as Chosroes I’s); (4) A knot-shaped ornament

25

Morgan, op.cit., p. 324. Walker, op.cit., p. 1. 27 Walker, op.cit., p. CXXIX. 26

1.4 Appendix: Persian Silver Coins Found in Xinjiang by the Former …

13

fluttering upward, which was also uncommon during Chosroes I’s reign, is on the outside of the priests’ shoulders. As for the replica from the same tomb, it has a larger diameter of 3.7 cm and weighs 4.6 g (reverse side of the original). The pattern is not embossed on both sides by different molds to make external screws, instead, the front side is embossed with internal screws, and the pattern bulges out on the reverse side. The pattern is a crude side faced bust of a king, with a beard under his chin and a bun at the back of his head. The head is adorned with a high plumed crown (probably evolved from the double-winged crown), protruding outside the frame of the double-line circle, with a star-holding crescent on the rim of the frame, as well as on the left and right sides and below. The lines of the jewelry of precious stones on the neck and chest, and the double-line circle of the frame, not in a pearl-roundel shape, are smooth. Without an inscription, it is challenging to date this replica. However, it cannot be earlier than the first half of the seventh century because it is based on Sasanian silver coins from Chosroes II or later.

1.4 Appendix: Persian Silver Coins Found in Xinjiang by the Former Northwest Expedition The former Northwest Scientific Expedition discovered two Persian Sasanian silver coins in Turfan and Kuche respectively, both in Xinjiang, in 1928. The ancient tomb discovered in Turfan has been published in an official report.28 However, there is still a need to re-identify it because the report just calls it a “silver coin of Western Regions”, and the presumed date is incorrect. This is also a “Tetradrachm” silver coin from Chosroes II, 2.7 cm in diameter and weighing 3 g. As mentioned above, there were as many as more than 120 locations for coinage during his 38-year reign, therefore, a slightly inconsistent weight between 3 and 4 g is reasonable. The pattern and inscription on the obverse are basically the same as those excavated in Xi’an and described in the previous section. The crown also has double wings, which were erroneously reported as “two horns” in the original report. The pattern on the reverse is also basically the same, with the only differences being the chronology and the inscription of the place name. The inscription on the right side is BISH, short for Bishpur in the Fars Province of Persia. This was an important minting site at the time and was still so during the Arabian Umayyad Caliphate.29 The date on the left side is [AR]BA = 4 [Fig. 1.2, (8)]. The 4th year of Chosroes II is 593 A.D.. The one minted in a similar year, the 4th year of Wude period (621), and unearthed from the same tomb is a Kaiyuan Tongbao. The original report suggested that it was minted by Arabian King Muawiya in 28 A.H. (Mohammedan calendar), according to a local Mawl¯a. Both the name of the 28

Huang Wenbi, Turfan Archaeological Records (Beijing: Chinese Academy of Sciences Press), 1954, p. 49, Pl. LII. 29 Walker, op. cit., p. CX; Morgan, op. cit., p. 298, No. 3.

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

king and the era are wrong in this report, and should be corrected in the reprint. In fact, Uthman was the King of Arabia (Khalifah) in 28 A.H. Muawiya acceded to the throne only in 41 A.H. (661). The other one was found in the old city of Subash, Kuche and will be published in the book The Archaeological Records of Tarim Basin by Mr. Huang Wenbi (in press).30 This is the silver coin of Chosroes II or the silver coins imitating “Chosroes II type” throughout the old Persian territory during the Arabian Umayyad Caliphate. The diameter is 2.3 cm, which is smaller than the common ones. On closer examination, the mark being trimmed around the edge is obvious. It weighs 1.8 g, only half the weight of the Sasanian “Tetradrachm” silver coins (as mentioned in the first section above, the average weight of the “Tetradrachm” is about 3.906 g). However, during the Umayyad Caliphate, Tabaristan remained independent, and the silver coins it minted between 711 and 761 were “half Tetradrachm”, with a pattern imitating that of Chosroes II, with the weight halved and the diameter reduced. After the Abbasid Dynasty destroyed it, the light coins continued to be minted until 812, and the old Tetradrachm were trimmed as “half Tetradrachm” in order to be popular in the region.31 Our specimen seems to be an example of this. Following the coin clipping, it may have gained popularity in Tabaristan, which was on the south coast of the Caspian Sea, i.e., “Tuobasidan” in “Biography of the Western Regions”, New Book of Tang, and traveled to numerous locations before arriving in Kuche, Xinjiang. Following the destruction of Persia, the region refused to submit to Dayi and sent several ambassadors to the dynasty during Tianbao period, but was later destroyed by the Black Dayi (Black is for their preference for black banner),32 also known as the Abbasid Caliphate Dynasty which revived after destroying the Umayyad Caliphate in 749 and Tabaristan in 761. This coin’s obverse pattern is nearly identical to the two Chosroes II coins’ mentioned above. The inscription is GDH AFZUT HUSRUI [Fig. 1.2, (6)]. The pattern around the rim had been slightly damaged by the coin clipping, and the bottom right of the rim appears to have additional words. A silver coin of the “Chosroes II type” made during the Umayyad Caliphate, was often inscribed with Arabic words33 at the bottom right and occasionally with some Pahlavi words,34 which, however, cannot be determined due to the coin clipping, let alone the meaning of the inscription. The reverse pattern is also basically the same as the above two coins. The chronological inscription on the left is NVJV(IST) = 29; the place name on the right is unclear and appears to be BSh or Shi [Fig. 1.2, (10)]. If BSh is a variant of B1SH, it 30

Note: The Archaeological Records of the Tarim Basin was published in April 1958. For this silver coin, see p. 110, Pl. CV, 33. 31 Walker, op.cit., p. XV, p. LXX and p. CXLIX. 32 Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., pp. 84–88 cite from New Book of Tang and Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau. 33 Walker, op.cit., p. 5–21, Pl. I–IV. 34 The coin with the inscription of the Pahlavi script on the lower right side of the rim is commonly believed to have been minted after the fall of Persia because of the similarity of its pattern to the Sasanian silver coins of the Arabian era. See Walker, op. cit., p. XX.

1.5 Conclusion

15

was likely produced in the same location as the coin discovered in the Turfan tomb above. Walker thought Shi, the name of a place, was al-shirajan35 in Persia’s Kirman Province. The reverse pattern around the rim is also slightly mutilated by the coin clipping, but the remnants of the crescent moon holding the star remain below and on the left. Chosroes II’s reign lasted 38 years. The 5th year of his reign should be 618 A.D. (the first year of Wude reign of the Tang Emperor Gaozu). However, another possibility is that this so-called “Chosroes II type” silver coin was minted during 651–702 by the Viceroy of the Umayyad Caliphate in Persia. The latter’s chronology continued to follow the general “so-called Yazdegerd III Era”, which means that it went on until the 50th or possibly even the 63rd year.36 The 29th year is equal to the 40th year A.H., i.e., 660 A.D. (the 5th year of Xianqing, Emperor Gaozong of Tang). For the following two reasons: Its original inscription appears to have been trimmed off at the bottom right, leaving some remnants on the rim outside the frame on the obverse side. At the bottom right of Chosroes I’s silver coins, words could only be seen from its replica after Persia fell; the coin clipping as a “half Tetradrachm” was after the beginning of Tabaristan’s production of light coins (about 711 A.D.). At that time, it was common to use the silver coins imitating the “Chosroes II type”, which were minted after the fall of Persia, because they were minted in a similar era, thus gaining popularity. There are numerous instances of this kind.37 Therefore, of these two alternatives, I personally favor the second explanation.38

1.5 Conclusion A batch of ten Sasanian silver coins were discovered in Turfan, Uyghur Autonomous Region, Xinjiang, in the spring of 1955. Of the ten coins, four were from Shapur II, five were from Artaxerxes II, and one was from Shapur III. These were probably buried during the reign of Shapur III (383–388). The two excavated from the Sui tomb in Shan County, Henan Province, in the autumn of 1956 are from the time of Chosroes I. The tomb was buried in 584, which is about 200 years later than the previous batch. The one unearthed in the winter of 1955 at the Tang tomb in Xi’an was minted in the 35th year (624) of Chosroes II, which is the 7th year of Wude period, and the two obtained in Xinjiang in 1928 by the former Northwest Scientific Expedition were also from the time of Chosroes II (the one unearthed in Kuche may be a replica), The era of the one found in the ancient Turfan tomb is the 4th year 35

Walker, op. cit., p. CXXVIII, p. 49, Pl. III, 2. Walker, op. cit., p. XXXVII. 37 Walker, op. cit., p. CXLIX, also p. 41; Pl. VII, 7; IX, 7; XII, 9; XII, 12, etc. 38 Note: The Persian drachm was the predecessor of the Arabian dirham which was slightly smaller and lighter. Moreover, after the monetary reform of the “Alxlal-Malik” at the end of the 7th century, the altar of Zoroastrianism on the reverse and the imperial bust were replaced by kufic characters (Whitting, Byzantine coins, 1973, p. 254). 36

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1 Newly Discovered Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in China

(593); while the one excavated in Subash, Kuche is dated to the 29th year which should be 660 A.D. if “Yazdegerd III Era” is adopted. The latter may also have been complied with the chronology of Chosroes II, i.e., 618 A.D., or could be a descendant replica of the so-called “Chosroes II type”. This last one was probably trimmed in the middle of the eighth century and passed as a “half Tetradrachm” in Tabaristan before it reached Kuche. These batches of silver coins provide us with physical information on the history of communication between China and Persia from the 4th to the eighth century A.D.

Supplementary Note In the autumn of 1956, the Xinjiang Archaeological Staff Training Course conducted an internship at Yaer Lake in Turfan and uncovered two silver coins of Chosroes II from the tomb complexes of the Qus era (500–640) in Gaochang. Their patterns and inscriptions are basically the same as those excavated in Xi’an, except the names and dates of the places where they were minted. One of them was excavated from Tomb 6, and the name of the place on the reverse is DA [Fig. 1.2, (7) at the bottom], which is short for Daralxljerd. The first half of the era inscribed on the silver coin is indistinct with an ending letter H. There is an incomplete silver coin from Tomb 56. The name of the place is NH, which is short for Nihavand. The era is YAJD[H] = 11, i.e., 600 A.D.. In the spring of 1957, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Cultural Relics Management Committee received two silver coins in Turfan County, which were donated by the female member of the fifth agricultural cooperative, County of Qara-khoja, the sixth district of Turfan. She found them on the way to the ancient city of Astana in 1953. These two are both from Artaxerxes II of the Sassanid Empire of Persia, similar to the five coins described in the first section of this paper, with much the same pattern and inscription on the obverse as in Fig. 1.2(3), except the absence of the ending letter N for the two coins. In April 1957, a Persian silver coin weighing 3.4 g and with a diameter of about 2.7 cm was found in Tomb 410 at Zhangjiapo by the excavation team of the Institute of Archaeology in Fengxi, Xi’an. It was minted during the reign of Peroz (reigned 457–483), with a crenellated crown in the center, one wing at the front and one at the back, and a crescent moon holding an orb at the top. Each shoulder is decorated with a knot-shaped ribbon. The front of the right ribbon is inscribed with the vaguelyseen Pahlavi script. According to Morgan’s book, the complete inscription is KaDI PiRUCI MLKA (Lord, Peroz, King).39 In our specimen, only the last letter of the king’s name can be identified in the front of the wings before the crown. In the center of the reverse is an altar, with the flames in a series of small oval dots. The left side of the flame is a six-pointed star, and the right side is a crescent moon. Outside the flame on the right shows the mint NIH, which could be the abbreviation of Nihavand, 39

Morgan, op. cit., p. 319.

Supplementary Note

17

according to Walker.40 There is also an inscription outside the left side, but it is not legible but presumably should be the chronology. As already mentioned, the first recorded Persian Sasanian mission to China was in the first year of Tai’an reign of Emperor Wencheng in the Northern Wei Dynasty (455), two years before the reign of Peroz. Later, all the missions made to China in the years 461, 466, 486 and 476 were during the reign of Peroz.41 This coin is about a century later than the one excavated in Turfan in the first section, but about a century earlier than the silver coins of Chosroes I and II from Shan county and Xi’an. However, the date of its burial in the tomb was probably a little later, perhaps in the sixth century. A pottery vase excavated from this tomb, “with a mouth like tray, a long and slender neck, a cylinder-like belly, a slightly thin lower part, and a flat base”, is very similar to one excavated from the Sui tomb at White Deer Plain, Xi’an.42 This silver coin provides the physical evidence of the communications between Xi’an and Persia in the sixth century. In 1955, sixteen Persian Sasanian silver coins were found in a Tang tomb (No. M30) at North Mang Mountain in Luoyang, of which six were remnants, weighing 3.7–3.9 g, with the diameter of 2.6–2.7 cm.43 The two published coins were both minted during the reign of Peroz (457–483). On the obverse, there are two types of the king’s portraits: type A with a crescent moon in front of the crown and a crenellated ornament at the back of the crown, and type B with wings at the front and back of the crown. In 1960, two Southern Qi tombs were excavated in Yingde County, Canton: one (M8) had a brick with the date “the 4th year of Jianwu reign” (497); another three Persian Sasanian silver coins found in Tomb M6 were minted during the reign of Peroz (457–483).44 This batch was probably imported to China by sea. Note: Hereby, thanks to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Cultural Relics Management Committee, Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Management Committee, the Yellow River Reservoir Archaeological Team, the Institute of Archaeology Fengxi Excavation Team and Mr. Huang Wenbi, etc., it is my great honor to be given these batches of specimens for research and to be permitted to publish.

40

Walker, op. cit., p. CXXV. Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., Book 4, Communication between Ancient China and Persia, pp. 60–61 cite from the secondary source. 42 Yu Weichao, Report on the excavation of the White Deer Plain tumulus in Xi’an, Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 3, 1956, p. 55, fig. 23, 1. 43 Zhao Guobi, Sasanian silver coins found in Luoyang, Cultural Relics, Nos. 9–10, 1960, p. 94, Fig. 1.1. 44 Excavations of Yingde, Canton, Nanqi, Lianyang and ancient tombs in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Archaeology, No. 3, 1961, p. 140, fig. 3, Pl. IX, 3–4. 41

Chapter 2

Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

After I published an article “Persian Sasanian silver coins recently discovered in China” in the second issue of Acta Archaeological Sinica in 1957, Comrade Lin Shoujin came back from Xining, Qinghai, and told me that a batch of such silver coins had also been found in Xining. Later, the Qinghai Cultural Management Association sent a rubbing and photos with the description (see Figs. 2.1, 2.2 and 2.3 for the rubbing, the photos are blurred and unclear, so the plate could not be made). I wrote to them to ask for additional information and permission to study and publish them. I am writing this as a supplement to my previous article. The first issue of Archaeological Bulletin in 1958 published a report on the finding of the silver coins in Xining, which I will excerpt below: In 1956, the Qinghai Provincial Food Department dug up this batch of silver coins when digging the foundation at the construction site of Chenghuang Temple Street in Xining City. A total of 76 coins were later handed over to the Cultural Affairs Bureau, four of which were in disrepair. According to the 20 selected coins, they are 2.5–3 cm in diameter and 3.8–4.1 g in weight, with an average of 3.95 g. The patterns are generally of the same type, but are embossed by different impressions. There are two types based on the differences in the king’s portrait on the obverse: there are 15 coins for the type A crown, which features a crescent moon in front of the crown and a crenellated adornment at the back. There are 61 coins in total for the type B crown, which features a wing-shaped ornament at the front and back of the crown (pp. 64–65).

When I examined the rubbing sent to me, I learned that they were all silver coins from Peroz of the Persian Sassanid Empire (reigned 457–483). Several of the type A coins (Fig. 2.1) have the kings’ portraits on the obverse. The crenellated ornaments on the sides and at the back of the crown are symbols of the Persian religion of

This article was originally published in Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, 1958 and later included in the Proceedings of Archaeology (Beijing: Science Press, 1961). Now the edition based on the proofreading by the author is included in this collection.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_2

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2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

Fig. 2.1 Silver coins of Peroz excavated in Xining (Type A) Fig. 2.2 The style of Peroz’s crown (Pope’s book, Vol. 3, fig. 745)

“heaven”1 and of the Zoroastrian deity Ormazd. The crown is crowned with two crescents, one at the top and one at the front, and the crescent at the top holds an orb. The back of the crown is decorated with two ribbons at the end of a silk braid. One can find a row of pearl-roundels at the base of the crown (Fig. 2.2)2 in some clearer specimens. There is a ball-shaped bun at the back of the head; a fluttering ribbon coming up from the shoulder, and a necklace composed of a string of pearl-roundels around the neck. From the front of the face near the shoulders, there is a line of the Pahlavi inscriptions, KaDI, PlHUCI (Lord, Peroz). In rubbings 1–3, letters ML at the back of the crown should be the remnant of MLKA (King); in rubbing 4, the word

1 2

A. U. Pope, ed., Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 1, p. 878 (London), 1938. Pope, ed., op.cit., Vol. 3, p. 2235, fig. 745, Z (London), 1939.

2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

21

Fig. 2.3 Silver coins of Peroz excavated in Xining (Type B)

Fig. 2.4 Silver coins of Peroz (Morgan, fig. 400)

MLKA is formed by the letters ML above the crescent at the front of the crown and KA at the back of the crown (cf. the copy of the inscription in Fig. 2.4).

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2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

The reverse pattern of type A is the common Zoroastrian altar of the Sasanian silver coins, with a flame on the altar. The flames are flanked by a five-pointed star (or six-pointed star) and a crescent moon. There is a priest on each side of the altar, facing each other, with the inscription on the back of the priest on the right indicating the mint. Rubbings 1 and 4 seem to have the letters A and H, corresponding to No. 26 in Morgan’s book, which, according to his research, may be the abbreviation of Ahar (?), part of Atropatene Province.3 Rubbing 3 has letters S and T, Morgan thought they might be the abbreviation of Stakhar (?) in Pereide Province while Walker thought they referred to Istakhr in Fars Province.4 Rubbing 2 seems to have A, R, T, and the last vaguely-seen letter is thought by Walker to be the abbreviation of Ardashir-Khurra in Fars Province.5 As for the back of the priests on the left, sometimes there is no inscription or an inscription indicating the era. This is because the tradition of marking the mint on the reverse originated from Varahran V (reigned 420–439). And the era-marking started from the 3rd year after the accession of Peroz, and there was no precedent before him.6 Rubbings 1–3 only have a vortex symbol, which could be the first letter “P” of the king’s name. The era in rubbing 4 is illegible and hardly identifiable. Several type B of Peroz’s silver coins (Fig. 2.3) are still of the same king, although the crowns on the obverse are slightly different. The silver coins of the Sasanian kings are generally of one type per king, but there are exceptions, such as the silver coins of Peroz. There are two types of his silver coins. Type B features a pair of wings instead of battlements at the back of the crown. Instead of two thin ribbons at the back of the crown, there is an additional ribbon at the front of it fluttering from the shoulders, which is in symmetry with the one behind the bun (Fig. 2.4).7 Persian religion regards the eagle as the symbol of the sun the same as the divine threelegged crow in Chinese mythology. The pair of its wings could be the symbol of the sun8 or the dragon-slaying god Verethraghra.9 However, the former possibility should be higher, because it is in accordance with the Persian religion of the “triple skies” of the “sun, moon, and planets” with battlements commonly symbolizing the “sky” and the crescent moon on the crown.10 For the Pahlavi inscriptions which are clearer on rubbing 1, there are letters KaDI PIRU Cl at the front and two letters M and L between the wing and the knot-shaped ornament at the back. The inscriptions of the rest are indistinct, and only one or two letters, such as Pi and R, are vaguely recognizable.

3

J. de Morgan, Manuel de Numistique Orientale, I, pp. 298–299 (Paris), 1936. Morgan, op. cit., p. 298; for Walker’s account, see J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, p. CXXIX (London), 1941. 5 Walker, op. cit., p. CVIII. 6 Morgan, op. cit., p. 297, pp. 299–300. 7 Morgan, op. cit., p. 319, fig. 400. 8 Pope, ed., op.cit., Vol. 1, p. 806. 9 R. Curiel et al., Triors monftaires d’Afghanistan, p. 120 (Paris), 1953. 10 Pope, ed., op. cit., pp. 878–879. 4

2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

23

The reverse pattern of type B is the same as that of type A. The inscription indicating the mint is on the back of the priest on the right, BLT in rubbing 1; R(?) A in rubbing 2; rubbing 3 is not clear; rubbing 4 seems to have NB (Morgan thought it might be an abbreviation for Noubendjan); rubbing 5 appears to have KR (Morgan thought it was an abbreviation for Kirman).11 As for the inscription indicating the era usually on the back of the priest on the left, rubbing 3 of type B is the same as rubbings 1–3 of type A, the same location is not inscribed the era. Rubbing 4 begins with the letter S with an unclear ending, probably STA (i.e., 6 words) or SBA (i.e., 7 words). Rubbing 5 is also illegible. Type B was excavated in Xining, 61 in total. The one excavated from Tomb 410 in Zhangjiapo, Xi’an, in 1957, which was described earlier, also belongs to type B.12 As mentioned before, the first recorded Persian Sasanian mission to China was in the first year of Taiyuan reign of Emperor Wencheng of the Northern Wei Dynasty (455), two years before the reign of Peroz, followed by missions to China in the years 461, 466, 468, and 476, all during the reign of Peroz.13 At that time, the Hephthalites (White Huns) occupied the Kabul River valley and invaded Persia. Peroz was killed during the battle with the Hephthalites.14 It is because of the frequent communication between China and Persia at the time that a large number of Peroz’s silver coins were discovered in China. Although the circumstances of the excavation are unknown, as are the conditions of the coexisting objects and the original pit, such a large number of 76 coins found together must be a hoard rather than an accidental loss. The 76 coins are all silver coins of Peroz, so it can be assumed that they were buried during the reign of Peroz (457–483). This discovery is not in a small amount, but if buried at a later date, the 76 coins must have been mixed with the silver coins of later kings. Regarding the significance of the coin’s discovery, some people think that the area where the coin was found indicates an area of political power. For example, when it comes to the question of whether the Persian king Ardashir entered Punjab, northwest of India, someone said: “Archaeologists have found ancient coins in the area, and their reverse sides have the same incuse of fire and altar as that of the Ardashir era’s silver coins, so it can be concluded that the ruling power of the Sassanid Empire did visit the Punjab in India.”15 which is naturally incorrect. The Persian silver coins discovered in our territory provide convincing evidence to disprove this assumption. As we know, Persian coins occupied a place as the international currency in the Middle Ages in Central and West Asia, thus circulating widely. Some of the silver coins found outside Persia were brought back by private individuals as souvenirs or even taken to graves as burial goods; some, especially in the case of large batches found together, were carried or hoarded as the equivalent of the commodity, so the place where they were found often tells the trade route at the time. 11

Morgan, op.cit., p. 298–299, No. 37 and No. 18. Cf. Persian Sasanian Silver Coins recently Discovered in China. 13 Ibid. 14 Morgan, op. cit., p. 446; Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Vol. 4, 1930, p. 17, p. 29. 15 Zhou Gucheng, Sassanid Empire of Persia, History Teaching, No. 10, 1956, p. 22. 12

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2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

Let us now turn to the example in Xining. In the past, we used to think that the eastern end of the Silk Road, which was the ancient strategic pass between China and the West, ran from Lanzhou through the Hexi Corridor and into what is now the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The discovery of such a large quantity of Persian silver coins in Xining makes us reconsider this question, I once believed that Xining was the strategic pass between the East and the West from the end of the fourth century to the sixth century and especially in the middle of the fifth century (including the reign of Peroz). This more southerly transportation route was by no means less important than the Hexi Corridor at the time. In the literature, in the 3rd year of Long’an reign of Emperor An in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (399), Fa-Hsien started from Chang’an via Long and “Gangui kingdom” (that is, the West Qin, the capital was Yuanchuan, present-day Jingyuan County, Gansu) before traveling to “Nutan”, and continued to Zhangye Town via Yanglou Mountain.16 Adachi Kiroku had done some other researches, he thought that “Nutan is Ledu, capital during the reign of Prince Jing (Tufa Nutan) of Southern Liang Dynasty, today’s Nianbo County, Xiningfu, Gandu Province.” He also called Yanglou Mountain Yangnü Mountain, whose mountain range was between Xining County to the north and the Datong River to the south.17 What he has proven is accurate on the whole in light of Yanglou Mountain’s location. Today there is still a road from Xining to the northwest, passing through Datong and Menyuan counties (i.e., North Datong), crossing the Qilian Mountains, and going through Minle County (once called Hongshuiying) to Zhangye.18 However, “Nutan” should refer to Xiping, the capital of the country at the time, which is now Xining County, not Nianbo County (now Ledu County). In the 3rd year of Long’an (399), the king of Southern Liang was Tufa Lilugu, the elder brother of Tufa Nutan. According to “Records” in Book of Jin, Tufa Lilugu moved his capital after his accession from Lianchuan to Xiping (presentday Xining County). In the first year of Yuan Xing (402), Tufa Lilugu died and Tufa Nutan succeeded to the throne before moving to Ledu.19 Fa-Hsien mistakenly referred to Southern Liang as “Nutan kingdom”, either because of the mistake of later reminiscence, or because Tufa Nutan had already seized control of the military and politics at the time, and the Liang people were aware of his presence but unaware of Tufa Lilugu, and “Fa-Hsien just recorded based on the folktale”.20 But the capital city of Southern Liang that Fa-Hsien recounted himself passing through was Xiping in the 3rd year of Long’an, not Ledu which Tufa Rutan moved to after his accession 16

Adachi Kiroku, Research on the Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Chinese version, Shanghai: Commercial Press), 1937, p. 30. 17 Ibid. p. 32–33. 18 Tao Baolian, Account of Travel in 1891, Vol. 4, pp. 34–35, (Guangxu edition), “one hundred and ten li (Chinese mile, 500 m) northwest of Xining to Datong County, and ninety li north to North Datong, and ninety li west to Jinsha City, and ninety li northwest to Chahan Ebo, and one hundred and ten li north to Yongguguan, and twenty li northwest to Hongshuiying, and one hundred and forty li northwest to Ganzhou (Zhangye)”. 19 Book of Jin (Kai Ming Bookstore “Twenty-Five Histories”), Vol. 126, p. 1399. 20 Cen Zhongmian, An investigation of the Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Shanghai: The Commercial Press), 1934, p. 10.

2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

25

two years later. So we can presume that Fa-Hsien’s journey was from Jingyuan via Lanzhou and Xining, northwest through Yanglou Mountain and to Zhangye, and did not pass through Wushao Mountains and Wuwei, the eastern part of the Hexi Corridor. In Chinese Travelers, Édouard Chavannes said: “Fa-Hsien and his peers traveled from Chang’an, through the present-day Lanzhou, Liangzhou, Ganzhou, Suzhou, Dunhuang, etc., to the south of Lop Nor—the Shanshan Kingdom.”21 There is a small mistake in this sentence, for Fa-Hsien and his peers did not pass through Liangzhou (modern Wuwei) on their journey from Lanzhou to Ganzhou (modern Zhangye). That is because Chavannes guessed that their journey must pass through Liangzhou because it is in the Hexi Corridor, and he did not read the original book carefully. Shortly after Fa-Hsien, Dharmodgata (Fayong) traveled westward to go on a pilgrimage for Buddhist scriptures in the first year of Yongchu reign of the Liusong Dynasty (420), first arriving in the “Henan kingdom” (also known as Tuyuhun), then leaving Haixi Commandery for Liusha, and arriving at Gaochang District.22 The “Gangui Kingdom” (Western Qin), through which Fa-Hsien traveled, is the “Henan Kingdom”. By this time, Qifu Gangui had died, and his son Qifu Chipan succeeded him as king. Both of them had called themselves “King of Henan”. In the 12th year of the Yixi reign (416) of Eastern Jin, Qifu Chipan was formally acknowledged as the General of Pingxi and the Duke of Henan.23 Southern Liang had been destroyed by Western Qin, so there was only the Haixi Commandery but no “Nutan Kingdom” (Southern Liang). The name “Haixi” is suspected to be a mistake which should refer to for “Xihai”. Wang Mang had set up Xihai Commandery in the west of Qinghai, which also existed in Yongyuan reign of the Eastern Han Dynasty, but was later abolished.24 In “Geographica”, Book of Sui, there is a Xihai Commandery, alongside Xiping Commandery, which is said to have been “placed in the ancient city of Fuqi, the capital of Tuyuhun state”.25 Tao Baolian thought that the ancient city of Xihai in the Han was in the present-day Khoshod Dongshang Banner (A banner is an administrative division), Bagha-nor, the Xihai Commendery was fifteen li west of Qinghai, today’s Tsoros Beizhong Banner.26 Neither “Topography”, Book of Wei nor Hong Liangji’s “Western Qin”, Sixteen Kingdoms and Borders (Vol. 115) included the name Xihai. But the name of this commandery is mentioned here, either because the commandery unpredictably rose and fell at that time and the historical records 21

Édouard Chavannes, Chinese Travelers, p.11 (translated by Feng Chengjun, included in The Eighth Series of Translation of Historical and Geographical Textual Research in the West Regions and the South China Sea, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company), 1958, Part 2. 22 Shi Huijiao, Biographies of Eminent Monks (edition of Jinling Scripture Engraving Center), Vol. 3, 1884, p. 5. 23 Book of Jin (Kai Ming Bookstore, “Twenty-Five Histories”), Vol. 125, pp. 1396–1397; also Qin Xitian, Supplementary Chronology of Eastern Jin Dynasty (supplementary edition of “Twenty-Five Histories”), pp. 4005–4006. 24 Gu Zuyu, Essentials of Historical Geography (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company), Vol. 64, 1955, p. 2741 and 2752. 25 Book of Sui (Kai Ming Bookstore, “Twenty-Five Histories”), Vol.29, p. 2434. 26 Tao Baolian, Account of Travel in 1891 (Guangxu edition), Vol. 2, p. 2.

26

2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

were therefore lost, or because its ancient name was adopted. The route taken by Dharmodgata, from Jingyuan to Qinghai via Lanzhou, is roughly the same as that taken by Fa-Hsien. In the territory of Qinghai, he probably also arrived in the West through Xining. But how he got from Xining to Gaochang Commandery (present-day Turpan County, Xinjiang) is impossible to study in detail. Almost a century later, Song Yun and others traveled from Luoyang to the West to seek scripture in the first year of Shengui reign of the Northern Wei Dynasty (518). His route took him from Luoyang, “then 40 days west to Chiling, the western border of the country where the imperial defense stands”, “23 days from the west of Chiling via Liusha to the Tuyunhun state”, and “3,500 li west from Toyuhun to Shanshan”.27 Gu Zuyu said that Chiling was in three hundred and twenty li west of Xining Garrison.28 Chavannes thought that Chiling was in the west of Xining, and that the capital of Tuyuhun should be at the seacoast of the present-day Boukhaingol, Qinghai.29 And if Chavannes thought that the Dafei River crossing after Chiling was Boukhaingol, then the capital of Tuyuhun would have been in the present-day Qaidam Basin. Song Yun, a native of Dunhuang, probably traveled north from the Qaidam Basin to the Dangjinshan Pass to Dunhuang and then west into present-day Xinjiang.30 Song Yun could also travel from Xining, across the Altun Mountains, to Ruoqiang in Xinjiang via the southern edge of the Qaidam Basin. This road is still used in modern times, but it is not as convenient as the one from Xining through Dulan and Dunhuang and then on to Xinjiang.31 Whichever route he took at the time, before he reached the Qaidam Basin, he would have had to pass through present-day Xining to reach the Chiling to the west of Xining and finally arrive in Tuyuhun. After Sun Yun, Jñ¯anagupta came east from his native country, Gandhra, to Chang’an. He passed through Yutian and other places, then “reached Tuyuhun, and then arrived at Shanzhou in 554”. “Emperor Ming of the Zhou Dynasty first travelled in Chang’an in 559.”32 Shanzhou was established in the 2nd year of Xiaochang reign of the Northern Wei Dynasty (526), i.e., the former Xiping Commandery.33 In the 3rd year of Daye period in the Sui Dynasty (607), Bazhou was reinstated as Xiping 27 Yang Xuanzhi, Records of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, Vol. 5, pp.1–2 (Sibu Beiyao [a series of collectanea] edition). 28 Gu Zuyu, op.cit., Vol. 64, p. 2753. 29 Édouard Chavannes, Voyage de Song Yun dans l’Udyana et le Gandhara, pp. 9–10 (translated by Feng Chengjun, included in The Sixth Series of Translation of Historical and Geographical Textual Research in the Western Regions and the South China Sea, (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company), 1958, Part 2. 30 Tao Baolian, op.cit., Vol. 5, for the journey from Dunhuang to Qaidam, Qinghai, see p. 45, for the journey from Dunhuang to Xinjiang, see pp. 45–49. 31 Yan Deyi, The Geographical Survey of the Frontier, pp. 45–46 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1950), the two routes are still used for the road from Xining to Xinjiang, see Atlas of the People’s Republic of China (Beijing: Sinomap Press, 1957). 32 Shi Daoxuan, Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks, (Qisha Tripitaka, photographic printing edition), 1935, Book 468, Vol. 2, p. 14. 33 Li Jipu, Yuanhe Maps and Records of Prefectures and Counties (Movable Type Printing of the Hall of the Martial Valor) Vol. 39, p. 15, Item Shanzhou.

2 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in Xining, Qinghai

27

Commandery, although the commendery governance was moved from Xidu County (present-day Xining) to Luangshui County (present-day Ledu County). It can be seen that the route taken by the Jñ¯anagupta was from present-day Hetian (ancient Yutian) in Xinjiang, through the Qaidam Basin in Qinghai to Xining and Ledu, and then eastwards to Chang’an. Both Emperor Yuan Qing (a dethroned emperor) and Emperor Gong of the Western Wei Dynasty changed the designation of imperial reign, but neither was titled to a particular reign. There were words like “in the second year before the Wei…was given the surname Hetun” on the “epigraphy of Hetun Zhi” in the Northern Zhou.34 In a biography of Book of Zhou, Vol. 29, Zhi was given the surname Hetun between Datong reign of Emperor Wen and the first year of Emperor Gong, knowing that the second year before the Wei refers to the second year of Emperor Yuan Qing (a dethroned emperor). If we search more about the same kind of literature, we can find some more examples. In conclusion, all the information and resources show that today’s Xining, Qinghai, occupied a very important position on the transportation route between China and the West from the end of the fourth century to the beginning of the sixth century. These large batches of 5th-century Persian silver coins discovered at the site, in particular, provide us with more physical evidence. Note: According to Comrade Wang Pikao, who witnessed the excavation, the silver coins discovered in small jars numbered in the hundreds. The jar also contains nearly 20 bronze coins, including Kaiyuan Tongbao and the currency from Wang Mang period (Archaeology, No. 9, 1962, p. 492). If so, the coins must have been buried in the early Tang Dynasty, but there is a possibility that they were imported at an earlier date.

34

Zhao Wanli, Epitaphs from Han, Wei, and Southern and Northern Dynasties (Beijing: Science Press), 1956, Book 4, Pl. CCCL.

Chapter 3

Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang

I have given a description of some batches of recently-unearthed Persian Sasanian silver coins from Turfan, Xinjiang. Another two batches were found recently; Comrade Liyuchun from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum sent their rubbings to me for identification, and Comrade Wu Zhen explained in detail about the origin of the two batches and the weight and size of each one in his letter. The identification results are reported below, and I would like to express my deepest gratitude to both comrades.

3.1 A Batch of Excavations from Ancient Gaochang City, Karakhoja This batch of 20 coins, which have been recently acquired and collected by the Xinjiang Museum, are numbered with the letters “TK”, 20 numbers in total. According to a letter from Comrade Wu Zhen, “They were dug up by a Uyghur villager from Karakhoja (or Erbao Township) in Ancient Gaochang City, and placed together when unearthed; they have been preserved for a decade or two (Table 3.1).” The size (maximum diameter), weight, and inscriptions of these 20 coins are listed above. And the obverse and reverse patterns of each coin will not be discussed here because they were covered in the aforementioned section (Figs. 3.1 and 3.2). According to this table, it can be seen that these 20 silver coins can be divided into three types, which belong to (I) Shapur II (reigned 310–379), a total of 10; (II) Ardashir II (reigned 379–383), a total of 7; (III) Shapur III (reigned 383–388), a total of 3. This is similar to another batch found in Ancient Gaochang City in the spring of 1955, where the 10 coins also belong to the three kings with Shapur II’s and Ardashir II’s being the most numerous. Shapur II’s reign lasted 69 years, and This article was originally published in Archeology, No. 4, 1966.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_3

29

30

3 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang

Table 3.1 Register of Persian silver coins excavated from ancient Gaochang City (omitting No. “TK” before numbering) Number

Weight

Diameter (cm)

Obverse inscription

Reverse

Type

1

4.0

2.6

(Left) MZDISN, UGI, (Right) ARTHShTR

Slender central pillar of II the altar

2

4. 4

2.9

(Left) MZDISN, BGI, (Right) Sh[H] PURI. MLKAN M[LK]A

On the central pillar of the altar RAST (right) Sh H [PUHRI], (left) HU?

III

3

4.0

2.8–3.0

(From the left to under the chest) MZDISN, BGI, ShHPUH(Right) RI, MLKAN, MLKA, AIRAN?

(Right) ShH [PUHRI], (Left) AT? … upper left of the flame SIJ?

III

4

4.1

2.7

(Left) MZDISN, BCI, (Right) … ML[K] AN … AN

Slender-waisted drum shape for the central pillar

II

5

4.2

2.6–2.7

(Right) ShHP…

On the pillar: RAS[T]

I

6

4.2

2.6

(Left) MZDISN, BGI, (Right) ARTHShT[R]

Slender-shaped pillar

II

7

4.2

2.7

(Left) MZDI [SN], BGI, (Right) AR … MLKAN

Inscriptions seem to be on each side of the sacred fire

III

8

3.4

2.6

(Left) ShH [P] HR [I], (Right) MZDISN, BGI

On the pillar, RA[ST]

I

9

4.1

2.9

(Right) BGI, ShHPUH[RI]

On the pillar, [R] AST

I

10

4.4

2.8–3.1

(Left) MZDI? (Right) BGI, ARTHShTR

Slender-shaped pillar

II

11

4.3

3.0

(Right) ShHPUHRI

Indistinct inscription on I the pillar

12

4.3

2.8

(Right) ShHP[UHRI]

Osn the pillar: [R]AST

13

4.3

3.0

(Right) [B]GI, ShHPUHR

Indistinct inscription on I the pillar

14

4.2

2.9–3.0

(Left) MZ … (Right) ARTHShTR, ML… A

On the pillar: [RA]ST?

15

4.1

2.6

(Left) MZDIZN? (Right) BGI, ShHPUHRI

On the pillar: [R]AS[T] I

16

4.2

3.0

(Left) ShT? (Right) MZDIZN, BGI, ARTH[ShTR]

Slender-shaped pillar

II

17

4.0

2.8

(Left) MZDIZN, (Right) ARTHShTR, MLKN

Slender-shaped pillar

II

18

4.1

2.9–3.1

(Right) Sh? HPUHR

On the pillar: [R]AS[T] I

I

II

(continued)

3.2 Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Gaochang, Astana

31

Table 3.1 (continued) Number

Weight

Diameter (cm)

Obverse inscription

Reverse

Type

19

4.1

2.7

(Right) BG[I]? ShH[P]UHR

On the pillar: RAS[T]

I

20

4.3

2.5–2.6

(Right) Sh? HPU[H]R

Indistinct inscription on I the pillar

because of the economic prosperity under his rule, the most silver coins were found during his reign among all Sasanian kings, except Chosroes II. His coins are also the most numerous in this batch and were probably buried in the early years of Shapur III in terms of the proportion of the three types. In addition, the two silver coins of Ardashir II found in Gaochang in 1957 also belong to this period. At this time (382), Emperor Fu Jian of Former Qin ordered Lü Guang to lead 70,000 soldiers on a western expedition to conquer Kuche via Gaochang and Karasahr, this battlefield made Lü Guang a household name in the Western Regions. According to Book of Jin, even the fierce and cunning kings of the West, who had not been obedient in the past, came from far and wide to follow him. Lü Guang heard about Fu Jian’s defeat in the battle of Fei River at the beginning of the 9th year of Taiyuan reign (384) before he returned to the east with his troops. When Lü Guang arrived in Gaochang, Yang Han, the Prefect of Gaochang, welcomed him and surrendered. In the 14th year of Taiyuan (389), after Lü Guang established himself as the King of Sanhe, he took his son Lü Fu as the Metropolitan Protector of the Western Region to assume his personal command of Gaochang on the pretext of “its excellent location and that the Hu (the northern Nomads) were near the border”.1 With regard to the three batches of Persian silver coins buried in Ancient Gaochang City around the time of Shapur III, their significance in the history of East–West communication should be considered in light of the historical context.

3.2 Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Gaochang, Astana Between October 1959 and November 1960, the Xinjiang Museum excavated 40 tombs in the Astana Cemetery.2 Comrade Wu Zhen wrote: “Eight of the tombs excavated a total of 10 Persian silver coins: M302 (epitaph for the 4th year of Yonghui reign) and M325 (unearthed document records of the 1st year of Xianqing reign) found two coins each, while M319, M322 (epitaph for the 3rd year of Longshuo reign), M332 (document records for the 2nd year of Linde reign), M337 (epitaph for the 2nd year of Xianqing reign), M338 (epitaph for the 2nd year of Qianfeng 1

Book of Jin (collection of various editions) Vol. 123, “History of separatist regimes of Lü Guang”. For the excavation brief report, see Cultural Relics, Vol. 6, 1960, pp. 13–21; combined issue of the seventh and eighth, 1962, p. 14.

2

32

3 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang

Fig. 3.1 Persian silver coins excavated from Ancient Gaochang City, Karakhoja (I). 1–10. TK1– TK10 (original size)

3.2 Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Gaochang, Astana

33

Fig. 3.2 Persian silver coins excavated from Ancient Gaochang City, Karakhoja (II). 11–20. TK11– TK20 (original size)

34

3 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang

Fig. 3.3 Persian silver coin excavated from the Astana cemetery, Turfan (original size). 1. M302: 025 2. M302: 027

reign), M339 (tomb of the 3rd year of Yanshou reign = the 9th year of Wude reign) unearthed one coin each.” Rubbings of only two coins from Tomb 302 were sent to me for description and illustration (Fig. 3.3), the remaining four were not clear due to the heavy rust, and another four could not be found at the moment. In addition, my description will touch upon the one unearthed from Tomb M338. These 2 coins came out of the mouths of female corpses from Tomb M302 II and I respectively, with field artifact numbers M302:025 and M302: 027. This tomb has an epitaph from the 4th year of Yonghui reign (653): No. 025 appears to have been trimmed, with a diameter of 2.6–2.8 cm and weight of 2.9 g; No. 027 has a diameter of 3.1 cm and weight of 3.9 g. Both have a bust of a king with his face to the right and his hair tied in a spherical bun at the back of his neck. The crown has two rows of pearl-roundels at the base, two or three crenellated ornaments on the upper side. The crown top is a crescent supporting a star flanked by two wings. There is a small crescent and a star at the front of the crown, a star at the back of the crown. There is a crescent at the front of the neck, exposed on the shoulder. There is a pair of pendant earrings made of three beads in a triangle, and a necklace of a pearl-roundel with three pendant beads in the center. The left and right shoulders are each decorated with two pearl-roundels, which hang down from the shoulders to the chest. There is a crescent moon and a star next to each of the two pearl-roundels decorated on the left and right shoulders, respectively, with a knot-shaped ribbon fluttering on each shoulder. The inscriptions of the Pahlavi script are on top of these two ribbons, both from top bottom. On the right is the king’s name YZDKRT, Yazdegerd. In the two lines on the left, the upper line is a compound independent-structure character—GDH, meaning “Kingship”, and another line inscribes AFZUT, meaning “prosperity”. On the rim outside the frame of the pearl-roundel, there is a crescent moon holding a five-pointed star on the left, right, and below. The differences between the two coins are as follows: 025 has a portrait of the king with a beard on his face, two pearlroundel frames, and an inscription on the lower right edge outside the frame (the inscription appears to be A[F]D, meaning “excellence”); 027 is beardless, with only one frame and no inscription outside the frame. On the reverse of the two coins, there is an altar of Zoroastrianism in the center, with three levels at the base of the altar, and a priest on each side of the altar, standing facing forward. There is a five-pointed star on the left side of the flame on the altar, and a crescent on the right side. The inscription on the right indicates the mint, and on

3.2 Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Gaochang, Astana

35

Fig. 3.4 Silver coins of Yazdegerd III’s period (Morgan, figs. 420–412) Fig. 3.5 Crown type of Yazdegerd III (Pope, Vol. 3, fig. 745)

the left is the year of minting. It is surrounded by two or three pearl-roundel frames, and on the rim outside the frame, there is a crescent moon holding a star on each side: left, right, up and down. The difference between the two coins is that: for 025, the mint is BH, where Walker thought was Bihkobadh in Iraq, and the inscription indicating the year is not clear, probably YAJ? DH? (the 11th year); for 027, the mint seems to be in UN or UZ, which is not clear for its reference, the year is YAjDH, that is, the 11th year, which is equivalent to 642 A.D., the 16th year of Zhenguan reign. Both were minted during Yazdegerd III’s reign, based on the previous description. This coin illustrated in Morgan’s Manuel de Numismatique Orientate (Fig. 3.4) can be compared with our two coins. The king’s name has already been identified as Yazdegerd in the inscription, and this kind of crown (Fig. 3.5) is unique to Yazdegerd III, which can’t be I or II of the same name,3 therefore the coin definitely belongs to Yazdegerd III.

3

J. de Morgan, Manuel de Numismatique Orientate, Book 1 (1923–1936), p. 330, fig. 420 and 421; A. U. Pope, ed., Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 3, 1938, fig. 745.

36

3 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Recently Unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang

I received a copy of the silver coin, even if there was no rubbing, discovered in M338 by Comrade Wu Zhen, allowing us to identify it as a silver coin from the reign of Chosroes II (reigned 590–627). The inscription on the right side of the obverse is HUSRU[I], while the left side has two lines, the upper of which is a compound independent-structure character representing GDH and the lower of which is AFZUT. The left side of the reverse is the mint location AHM, the ancient Ahmat-ana of Hamadan in present-day Iran, and the right side shows the year, HFTSIH (the 37th year), i.e. 626 A.D.. Outside the circle frame on the obverse, there are two letters AD, the same as the inscription outside the frame on the obverse of the aforementioned M302:025. I thought it might be AFD, where the letter F could not be identified either because it was omitted or it failed to be copied. M338:011 has a diameter of 3 cm and weighs 4 g. This tomb unearthed an epitaph dated to the 2nd year of Qianfeng period (667). Yazdegerd III, also known as “Yisihou” or “Yisiqi”4 in Chinese historical records, was the last king of the Sassanid Empire, reigning from 632 to 651 A.D. After Baghdad was captured by the Arabs in 637, he fled to Central Asia, then the Arab army pursued him to the city of Nahfivand in 642, Persia was actually conquered. In 651, he was stabbed to death in Merv, meaning the Sassanid Empire collapsed. In 661, his son Peroz requested that China send troops to restore him, but he was denied. In Old Book of Tang, Yazdegerd once sent tribute to China in the 21st year of Zhenguan reign (647) probably for help.5 This indicates the intimate relationship between China and Persia. After the fall of Persia, many Persian nobles and rich people chose to flee eastward. It is not surprising that more Persian silver coins were unearthed in tombs at this time and a little later in Gaochang, which was a strategic pass of the transportation. Seven of the eight tombs in which Persian silver coins were unearthed can be dated, with the exception of one in the 3rd year of Yanshou reign (626), and the other six are in the years 653, 656, 657, 663, 665, and 667, which can be used as circumstantial evidence. During the excavations of the Astana cemeteries in 1915, Stein also obtained three Persian Sasanian silver coins, one of which was found in the tomb of Ast. v. 2; a pity that they have been broken into pieces and can’t be identified to a particular king. Next to it is the tomb of Ast. v. 1. of the same family, where an epitaph in the 2nd year of Qianfeng was found (667); the other two, one from Homiazd IV (reigned 579–590) and the other from Chosroes II (reigned 590–627), were both in Tomb Ast. i. 3.6 Comrade Huang Wenbi discovered a Chosroes II-type silver coin in a tomb 4

In Old Book of Tang, Vol. 198, “Biography of the Western Regions”, it reads “Yazdegerd III”, and in New Book of Tang, Vol. 221, “Biography of the Western Regions”, it reads “Yezdigenl III” (both according to the collection of various editions). In Compilation of Historical Materials about EastWest Communication, Vol. 4, pp. 75–76, Zhang Xinglang thought that the correct transliteration should be “Yazdegerd III”, which is true. 5 Old Book of Tang, Vol. 3, “Annals of Taizong”, and Vol. 198, “Biography of the Western Regions”, both wrote the 21st year of the Zhenguan period, so does the Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau, Vol. 966. New Book of Tang, Vol. 221, Part 2, took it as the 12th year of the Zhenguan period, which should be a misjudgment. 6 A. Stein, Innermost Asia, Vol. 2, 1928, pp. 993–994, Pl. CXX, pp. 18–19.

3.2 Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Gaochang, Astana

37

of Gaochang in Turfan’s Yaer Lake in 1928, which was minted the same year as the Kaiyuan coin, which began production in the 4th year of Wude period (621).7 The years for minting these coins are very close, though a little earlier, and these coins may have been buried in the middle of this period. Tomb M302 as mentioned earlier, excavated an epitaph of the 2nd year of Qianfeng (667) but unearthed coins of Chosroes II, which can be taken as a clear example.

7

In the original report, Turfan Archaeological Record (1954), the original author took the word of a local Mawl¯a, and mistook this silver coin for the currency of the Arabian king Muawiya (reigned 661–680). Yang Liansheng was later quoted as such in his article in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, No. 18 (1955) without noticing the error (pp. 150–151). Recently, E.H. Schafer, in his book The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of Tang Exotics (1963), cited this article of Yang Liansheng and claimed that this silver coin unearthed from the ancient tomb of Gaochang bore the name of the King Muawiya on one side and inscribed a Zoroastrian priest on the other (p. 257). It can be said that this coin is a “misrepresentation by misrepresentation”.

Chapter 4

Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding County, Hebei Province

This article was originally published in Archaeology, 1966, No. 5.

In December 1964, a large number of relics from the Northern Wei Dynasty were found in the stone casket of a stupa beneath the Yuhua stupa ruins in the northeast Ding County, Hebei Province, including gold and silver vessels, copper wares, glassware, pearls and jades, Wuzhu coins and Persian silver coins. Inscriptions in the 5th year of Taihe reign, Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei Dynasty (481), were inscribed in the stone casket, which recorded the burial time of these relics. The finding has been published onin another brief report.1 This article only focuses on the description and explanation of the Persian silver coins found. The Cultural Relics Team of the Hebei Provincial Cultural Bureau entrusted the study of these silver coins to the author, for which the author expresses gratitude. A total of 41 silver coins from the Sassanid Empire were discovered. The weight of each coin was generally 3.59–4.29 g, except for those that were damaged or rusted. Of these, 83% of the coins weighed 4–4.2 g, which were Sasanian “drachma” silver coins. Patterns and inscriptions were embossed from impressions. Therefore, the rim of each coin was not perfectly round. Their maximum diameter ranged from 2.69 to 3.19 cm. Based on the style of the crown on the obverse bust of the king and the king’s name in the inscription, it can be divided into two types and three styles. Type II is the coins of Peroz (reigned 457–483), which can be further divided into style A (with battlements on the center and back of the crown and a crescent in the front) and style B (with battlements in the center of the crown and a pair of wings on the front and back). The patterns on the obverse and reverse of these two styles were described in detail in my article Sasanian silver coins unearthed in Xining, Qinghai Province, which will be omitted here.

1 Cultural Relics Team of the Hebei Provincial Cultural Bureau, Stone casket of the Northern Wei Dynasty excavated in Ding County, Hebei Province. See Archaeology, No. 5, 1966.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_4

39

40

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

Fig. 4.1 The silver coin of Yazdegerd II (according to fig. 399 in Morgan’s book)

Type I only has one style, which is the silver coin of Yazdegerd II (reigned 438– 457), the father of Peroz. Their reigns are contiguous. This type of coin was discovered for the first time in China, so it will be described briefly as follows: The obverse is a bust of a king, with three crenelated ornaments on the crown, a crescent supporting a ball at the top of the crown. On some simplified specimens, these crenelated ornaments are blurry in outline, resembling a string of beads with different sizes. Two ribbons are fluttering backwards under the crescent, with a string of pearl-bordered medallion under the crown and a row of small dots representing a beard under the chin. These details are often unclear or even omitted in simplified specimens. There is a spherical bun at the back of the head, with a fluttering ribbon that rises from the shoulder and extends to the back of the bun. There is a pearl-bordered medallion necklace around the neck, and three pearl-bordered medallions on the chest. There are inscriptions in the Pahlavi script on both sides of the king, mostly reading “KaDI, leZDeKeRTl, MaLKAN MaLKA”, which means “Lord, Yazdegerd, king of kings”, sometimes with the last word “MaLKA” omitted. In the center of the back is a Zoroastrian altar, with a two-tiered base, a relatively thin central column, and ribbons on either side of the column. The top of the altar has three tiers. The flame consists of four layers with long points or a simplified three layers. Two priests hold spears on either side and have inscriptions on their backs, with the abbreviated name of the king on the right and minting place on the left. This type of silver coin is depicted in Manual of Oriental Numismatics by Morgan for comparison (Fig. 4.1).2 The style of the crown is a distinctive feature of this type (Fig. 4.2).3 Combined with the king’s name in the inscription, it can undoubtedly be identified as a silver coin of this king (Table 4.1). The size (maximum diameter), weight, and inscription of these 41 silver coins are listed below: According to the table, it can be seen that among these 41 coins, there are 4 coins of Type I, all of which belong to Yazdgerd II (reigned 438–457), and 31 coins of Type II, Style A, and 6 coins of Type II, Style B, all of which belong to Peroz (reigned 457–483). The reverse inscriptions of Type I do not indicate the era because it was 2 3

J. de Morgan, Manual of Oriental Numismatics, Vol. 1, 1923–1936, p. 318, fig. 399. A. U. Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 3, 1938, fig. 745.

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

41

Fig. 4.2 The style of the crown of Yazdegerd II (according to fig. 745 in Vol. 3 in Pope’s book)

not customary to do so before the third year of Peroz’s reign. Among the 37 coins of Peroz, 13 coins are marked with era in their inscriptions, including 1 coin with 3 years, 1 coin with 5 years, 4 coins with 6 years, 6 coins with 9 years and 1 coin with 14 years. Peroz’s reign lasted 26 years, and his 14th year corresponds to 470 A. D., which is the year before the reign of Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei Dynasty. The inscription on the stone casket which stored these relics (including silver coins) reads: “In the fifth year of Taihe reign (481)…in the second month, Emperor Xiaowen and Grand Empress Dowager Wenming went east in a carriage to Zhongshan. When they arrived at Xincheng Palace, they went north to Tangbei … Emperor Xiaowen and Grand Empress Dowager Wenming issued a decree…to build a five-story stupa.” At this time, the capital of the Northern Wei Dynasty was still in Dai, which is now Datong in Shanxi Province. It was not until the 18th year of Taihe reign (494) that the capital was moved to Luoyang. Zhongshan is now Ding County. According to “Annals of Emperor Xiaowen”, Book of Wei, “In the spring of the fifth year of Taihe reign, Emperor Xiaowen and Grand Empress Dowager Wenming went south in a carriage on the 18th day of the first lunar month and arrived in Zhongshan on the 26th day … On the 13th day of the second month, they returned to Zhongshan, and on the 19th day, they held a martial arts training session on the north of Tangshui.”4 At that time, Emperor Xiaowen was only 15 years old, and Empress Dowager Feng was the regent as the Grand Empress Dowager. “Emperor” and “empress” in the inscription refer to Emperor Xiaowen and Grand Empress Dowager Wenming. Some of these silver coins and other relics may have been donated by the “emperor” and “empress”. At that time, the royal treasury of the Northern Wei Dynasty was very rich with the loot taken from various sources. In the 11th year of Taihe reign (487), “the peaceful time has been long and the treasury is full,” therefore, a decree was issued to “distribute half of the imperial clothing, gold, silvers, pearls, silks, brocades, palace utensils, and imperial vehicles, as well as half of the bows and arrows, to the officials.”5 Some of the items donated during the construction of stupa at that time were likely taken from the imperial treasury (“yufu”). During 26 years before the fifth year of Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei Dynasty (481), Persia sent envoys to the court five times, namely in the first year of Tai’an reign (455), second year of Heiping reign (461), first year of Tian’an reign (466), second year of Huangxing 4 5

Wei Shou, Book of Wei (collection of various editions), Vol. 7, Part 1, p. 20. Wei Shou, Book of Wei, Vol. 7 part 2, p. 3; also Vol. 110, p. 10.

42

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

Table 4.1 Sasanian silver coins excavated in Ding County, Hebei Number

Weight (g)

Maximum diameter (cm)

Inscription on the front

Inscription on the back

Type

Note

1

3.38

3.06

(right) KDI, leZDKRTI (left) MLKAN

(right) leZDKRT[I] (Left) mutilated

I

Mutilated edges

2

3.88

3.16

(right) DKI, leZDKRTI, M (left) LKAN

(right) leZDKR[TI] (left)?A

I

3

4.00

3.07

(right) KDI, leZDKRTI (left) MLKAN, MLKA, inscriptions on the outer rim of the frame

(right) leZDKR (left) unclear

I

4

3.97

2.91

(right) KDI, leZDKRTI (left) MLKAN

(right) leZDKR (left)?H

I

5

4.00

2.89

ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (left) MLKA

(right) BM? (left) no letters

IIA

6

4.18

2.81

ibid.

(right) DA(left) ShTA = 6

IIA

7

4.14

2.77

(right)AÏ (left) A…

IIA

8

4.04

2.82

(right) KDI, PiRU (left) ˇ CI ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (left) MLKA

(right) AB? (left) ShTA? =6

IIA

9

4.18

2.94

ibid.

(right) AB (left) TRTA =3

IIA

10

4.17

2.97

ibid.

(right) RIU? IIA (left) jDRDH = 14

11

4.15

2.93

ibid.

(right) UH (left)T[SA] =9

IIA

12

4.10

2.76

ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUC (left) unclear

(right) DA (left) KhMShA = 5

IIA

13

4.13

2.87

(right) KDI, PiRU (left) ˇ CI

(right) unclear (left) Y?……

IIA

14

4.16

3.04

(right) KDI, ˇ PiRUCI(left) unclear

(right) AÏ (left) no letters

IIA

15

4.12

2.81

(right) KDI, PiRU (left) ˇ CI

(right) AB (left) TS[A] =9

IIA

Mutilated edges

(continued)

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

43

Table 4.1 (continued) Number

Weight (g)

Maximum diameter (cm)

Inscription on the front

Inscription on the back

Type

16

4.10

2.85

ibid.

(right) AB (left) TS[A] =9

IIA

17

4.12

2.89

(right) KDI, Pi… (left) ˇ MLK CI,

(right) AIR? (left) TSA = 9

IIA

18

4.16

2.89

(right) KDI, PiRU (left) ˇ CI

(right) AB (left) T…

IIA

19

4.17

2.74

ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (Left) LK…

(right) AB (left) T…

IIA

20

4.08

2.79

ibid.

(right) AB (left) T…

IIA

21

3.59

2.67

(right) KDI, …I (left) MLK

(right) AB (left) T…

IIA

22

4.16

2.69

(right) KDI, PiRU (left) ˇ CI

(right)UH (left) STA = 6

IIA

23

3.84

2.79

ibid.

(right) AB (left) TSA = 9

IIA

24

4.08

2.85

ibid.

(right) ST? (left)?A

IIA

25

3.90

2.81

Unclear inscriptions

(right) AB (left) A

IIA

Rust

26

4.15

2.92

ibid.

Unclear inscriptions

IIA

Rust

27

4.38

2.95

ibid.

(right) AÏ (left) T…

IIA

Rust

28

4.00

2.73

ibid.

(right) UH (left) TSA = 9

IIA

Rust

29

4.40

3.09

ibid.

Unclear inscriptions

IIA

Rust

30

4.13

2.86

(right) KDI, PiRU (Left) (right)AÏ ˇ CI (left) A?…

IIA

Holes

31

4.66

3.19

unclear inscriptions

Unclear inscriptions

IIA

Slightly mutilated, rust

32

3.90

2.75

(Right) KDI, PiRUCˇ (Left) M…

(right) AÏ (left) [S]TA =6

IIA

Mutilated edges

33

4.02

3.00

ibid.

(right)AP? (left) no letters

IIA

Mutilated edges

34

4.29

2.90

ibid. (not very clear)

(right)AS (left) unclear

IIA

Broken into four pieces

Note

(continued)

44

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

Table 4.1 (continued) Number

Weight (g)

Maximum diameter (cm)

Inscription on the front

Inscription on the back

Type

Note

35

4.15

2.89

Unclear inscriptions

(right)Š?U? (left) T…

IIA

Broken into three pieces

36

4.14

2.80

(right) KDI, ˇ PiRUCI(left) L…

(right)ŠU (left) T…

IIB

37

4.15

2.88

(right) KDI, PIR(left) ˇ UCI

(right) KR (left) T…

IIB

38

4.03

2.92

ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (left) MLK

(right) UH (left) …S?…Y?…

IIB

39

4.15

2.89

(right) B?A? (left) Y?K?

IIB

40

4.12

2.71

ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (left) MLKAN ˇ (right) KDI, PiRUCI (left) M?

(right) AIR? (left) A?

IIB

41

4.40

2.72

Unclear inscriptions

Unclear inscriptions

IIB

rust

Note “Ding 7” was in the original coin number, which was omitted in the above table.

reign (468), and first year of Chengming reign (476).6 The first envoy was sent by Yazdegerd II, and the following four envoys were sent by Peroz. At that time, it was not surprising that there were Persian silver coins in the imperial treasury, brought by Persian envoys. The discovery of these silver coins can serve as material evidence of frequent exchanges between the two countries at that time. However, they were not used as currency in circulation in the Northern Wei Dynasty, but were kept as treasures in the imperial treasury together with precious items such as gold, silver, pearls, and jade. The minting location on the inscription on the back of Persian Sasanian silver coin actually began during the reign of Varahran V (reigned 420–439). This practice was also occasionally adopted during the reign of Yazdegerd II (reigned 438–457). Among the four silver coins of Type I in this batch, some were also marked the minting location, but the inscriptions are illegible to determine the name of the location. Among the 37 silver coins of Peroz, about 31 coins can be roughly identified the minting location, including ten coins from AB, five from Ai, four from UH, each of two from AiR, DA, SU respectively, and each 1 from AP (?), AS, BM (?), KR, RIU, and ST (?) respectively. Since these are abbreviations of place names and the inscriptions are often unclear, and our knowledge of the administrative geography of the Sasanian Empire is limited, most of these full names and current locations cannot be determined with certainty. According to Morgan’s research, the number of the minting location abbreviations on Sasanian coins reaches as many as 215, 6

Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 4, Communication between Ancient China and Persia, 1930, p. 60.

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

45

with only a few being confirmed. In this batch, AB may refer to Aberkouth (?), Aberqobad(?), or Abhar(?), AI or AIR may be an abbreviation for AIRAN, DA is Darabjerd, KR is Kirman, RIU is Raga (?), SU is Susa (?), ST is Stakhar (?), and UH is Veh-Ardechir (?), Veh-Chapour (?), or Veh-Kobad(?).7 The rest is difficult to verify. Among this batch of silver coins, special attention should be paid to specimen “7:3”, which is a silver coin of Yazdegerd II. On the rim outside the pearl-bordered medallion of the obverse side, there is an S-shaped symbol on the right and a line of inscription below. The inscription on this line is clearly a later addition, as the indentation is deeper and the outline is clearer than the central pattern on the obverse. The text of this inscription is not in the Pahlavi script, but in the Bactrian script. According to historical records in China, people there “belong to the Great Yuezhi, also known as the Gaoche. They originated in the north of the Great Wall”,8 and were called the Ephthalites or Heph thalites, or the “White Huns”, a branch of the Huns, in Western historical records. After the defeat of the remnants of the Huns in the north of the Great Wall by Yujiulü Shelun, they fled westwards. One group invaded Europe under the leadership of Attila, while the other became the “White Huns”. They occupied Central Asia and then invaded south to conquer Gandhra in 465. In 484, Persian King Peroz was killed in a war with the White Huns, and his son Kavadh was deposed, but later regained his throne with the help of the White Huns. However, Persian King Chosroes I (531–579) formed an alliance with the Turks and defeated the White Huns in 567.9 In our country’s historical records, it is also mentioned that during the peak of Hephthalite, “more than 30 small countries including Kangju, Khotan, Shalles, Parthian Empire, were all subordinated and Hephthalite boasted as the great country.” It also records that “since the period of Tai’an (455–459), envoys were sent to pay tribute… After the period of Yongxi (532–533), such offerings ceased.”10 The silver coins minted by Hephthalite were a replica of Persian Sasanian silver coins, but with a different image of the king and inscriptions in their own language, as well as sometimes in Pahlavi script or Brahmi script. This type of silver coin is rare. The other type is the Persian coins marked with Bactrian script, which is used as a legal tender that can circulate within their territory.11 The specimen belongs to the latter type. This script was still in use in Hephthalite former territory during the Arab era, but it was later lost. Although there have been recent studies about this script and hypothetical values of each letter, such as the circular letter being pronounced as A, they have not been widely accepted by the academic community. According to Morgan’s alphabet table, the letters in this line from right to left are 7

Morgan, op. cit., pp. 297–299. Li Yanshou: “Biography of the Western Regions”, History of the Northern Dynasties (collection of various editions), Vol. 97, p. 23. Now in “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Wei, Vol. 102. Later generations took “Biography of the Western Regions”, History of the Northern Dynasties to fill the missing information, due to the original volume was missing. 9 Morgan, op. cit., pp. 291–292, 446–447. 10 “Biography of the Western Regions”, History of the Northern Dynasties, Vol. 97, pp. 23–24. 11 Morgan, op. cit., pp. 447, 456. 8

46

4 Persian Sasanian Silver Coins in the Casket of Stupa Base in Ding …

C (?), UHUNAMZ (?). However, these values are not reliable, and the meaning of the letters is of course even more difficult to understand.12 It is worth noting that this Persian silver coin with the Bactrian script seal, along with other Persian silver coins, was placed in a Buddhist casket as handouts in 481. Envoys were sent by Hephthalite to the Northern Wei Dynasty to “pay tribute” in the second year of Tai’an reign (456).13 Was this silver coin brought to China by Persian envoys during one of those earlier missions and later were mixed in Persian silver coins, or did it come with Hephthalite envoys and later get mixed in the imperial treasury? In any case, this silver coin is the first physical historical evidence discovered in China related to Hephthalite.

12

Morgan, op. cit., pp. 447–448. John Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, 1941, pp. LXV–LXVII. 13 “Annals of Gaozong”, Book of Wei, Vol. 5, p. 6.

Chapter 5

Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

The frequent friendly exchanges between the Chinese and Iranian peoples can date back to the second century second century B. C. (the Mid-Western Han Dynasty). The two countries have had mutual economic and trade exchange and their civilizations also have influenced each other. During the Sassanid era (226–651), “Silk Road”, a transportation route connecting the two countries, was unimpeded. Chinese silk and other goods were continuously transported westward along this “Silk Road”. However, goods imported into China from western countries,1 such as Persia, included a certain amount of Sasanian silver coins, apart from glassware, spices, gemstones, silverware, woolen fabrics. The Sasanian silver coins unearthed in China in recent years are the physical evidence.

5.1 Overview of the Discovery The Sasanian currencies unearthed in China are all silver coins. The unit of this silver coin is drachm, with an average weight of about 4 g per coin (but after the collapse of Persia, Tibaristan minted light coins called “half drachm” after 771). Before 1949, only four batches of Sasanian silver coins were found in Xinjiang, namely Turfan and Kuche, with a total of only six coins in total. However, after 1949, twenty-nine batches, with more than a thousand coins in total, were discovered. Along with those unearthed before 1949, a total of 33 batches with 1,174 coins have been found in 12 different places (counties). Now their excavation year, location, quantity, etc. are listed below. 1 For the ancient Chinese silks found along the “Silk Road”, see Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 1, 1963, pp. 45–46 and attached maps.

The article was originally published in Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 1.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_5

47

48

5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

5.2 The Distribution of Excavation Locations Based on the excavation locations in Table 5.1, we have drawn a distribution map (Fig. 5.1). It can be seen that most of these Sasanian silver coins were unearthed along the “Silk Road” in China. From the end of the fifth century to the eighth century, the eastern end of the “Silk Road” should be Luoyang in Henan, which was the capital or auxiliary capital of China at that time. The number of excavations in these places is: (1) 947 in Wuqia, Xinjiang, (2) 63 in Turfan, Xinjiang, (3) 1 in Kuche, Xinjiang, (4) 76 in Qinghai, Xining, (5) 12 in Xi’an, Shaanxi (including Chang’an),2 (6) 3 in Yao County, Shaanxi, (7) 2 in Shaan County, Henan, (8) 16 in Luoyang, Henan, (9) 1 in Taiyuan, Shanxi, (10) 41 in Ding County, Hebei. In addition, three and nine silver coins (both cut in half) were unearthed in Yingde and Qujiang respectively, far away from Guangdong Province, probably coming along the sea route between Guangzhou and the Persian Gulf. In the past, we used to think that the “Silk Road” route in China ran from Lanzhou through the Hexi Corridor and into what is now Xinjiang. Recently, a batch of 76 Peroz silver coins were found in Xining, Qinghai (see Table 5.1, No. 10), therefore, we believed that from the end of the fourth century to the beginning of the seventh century, the strategic pass of transportation road between China and the West was Xining, after studying this discovery carefully and examining the records in Chinese history books. This relatively southern transport route may have been no less important for a time (fifth century) than the Hexi Corridor. As for the sea traffic between the Sassanid Empire and the East, according to the records of the Persians and Arabs, when Ardashir I started his business in the third century, he sent his army to the coast of the Persian Gulf and established a seaport. In the fifth century, it was open to shipping from the east of Persia to India (present-day India and Pakistan) and Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka). Bahram V (or Varahran V, reigned 421–438) married an Indian princess and received Daibul, a commercial port at the mouth of the Indus, as a dowry (Daibul is the present-day Banbhore ruins in Pakistan, which is generally believed to be “Tiyu State” on the Guangzhou sea route leading to foreign countries by Jia Dan in the Tang Dynasty).3 Thus, Persia controlled 2 According to Archaeology of East–West Transportation (1973), written by Takashi Okazaki, 10 batches of foreign currency were unearthed in Shaanxi (p. 265). However, his sixth batch is a duplicate of the third batch, and his seventh batch (which mistakenly identified gold coins as silver coins) is a duplicate of the fourth batch. Both bathes should be removed. His eighth batch of silver coins unearthed from the Ashina tribe tomb was due to a misinterpretation of the text and should also be removed. The original report only stated that the Western Region tomb epitaphs of Mi Jifen from Maimargh in the Tang Dynasty and Ashina Bilga Tigin, as well as ancient Persian silver coins, were unearthed in the western suburbs of Xi’an in 1955–1956 (Archaeology, No. 8, 1965, p. 383). These two epitaphs and silver coins were unearthed in different tombs. The “ancient Persian silver coins” referred to his third and fourth batches. However, no silver coins were unearthed from the Ashina tribe tomb. After checking with the original fieldnotes of the Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Management Committee, it was confirmed that these three batches of silver coins did not exist. 3 Xia Nai, A history of friendship between China and Pakistan, Archaeology, No. 7, 1965, p. 360.

1915

1928

1928

About 1950 Gaochang ancient city Around the in Turfan end of fourth century to fifth century

1955

1955

2

3

4

5

6

7

Around eighth century

Seventh century

Tang Tomb 30 in Seventh Mang Mountain in the century northern Luoyang

Gaochang ancient city Around the in Turfan end of fourth century to fifth century

Subash, Kuche

Yaer Lake ancient tomb in Turfan

Gaochang ancient city About in Turfan seventh century

Seventh century

Astana ancient tomb in Turfan

1915

1

Burial time

Excavation location

Excavation year

Number

Table 5.1 List of the Sassanid silver coins excavated in China

16

10

20

1

1

1

3

Quantity of the coin (s)

Arch 66, IV 211–214

Xia 125

Xia 124

Stein 993

Stein 993–994

References

2 coins of Peroz

Xia 128; Cul 60 VIII/IX, 94

4 coins of Shapur II, 5 Xia 117–121 coins of Ardashir II, 1 coin of Shapur III

10 coins of Shapur II, 7 coins of Ardashir II, 3coins of Shapur III

Chosroes II style (Tabaristan)

Chosroes II

Unidentified

1 coin of Hormizd IV, 1 coin of Chosroes II (T, I: 3),1 coin unidentified (T, V: 2)

Year of the coin (s)

(continued)

On the head of the human frame, along with copper mirror, copper box, and porcelain box

In a delicate small square box

Placed together

Found in the ancient city

Along with Kaiyuan coin in the mouth of the deceased

–

I: 2 coins in Tomb 3 on the eyes of the deceased; V: 1 coin in Tomb 2 in the mouth of the deceased

Note (excavation condition)

5.2 The Distribution of Excavation Locations 49

Tang Tomb 007 M30 near Xi’an

1955

1956

1956

1956

1957

1957

1957

1958

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

About seventh century

About the end of fifth century

584

Seventh century

Burial time

Tang Tomb 5 in Jinsheng Village, Taiyuan, Shanxi

Li Jingxun Tomb of Sui Dynasty in Xi’an

Sui tomb in Zhangjiapo, Xi’an

The end of seventh century

608

About sixth century

Gaochang ancient city About fifth in Turfan century

Yaer Lake ancient tomb in Turfan, T6, T56

Chenghuang Temple Street in Xining City

Tomb of Liu Wei of Sui Dynasty in Liujiaqu, Shaan County

Excavation location

Excavation year

Number

Table 5.1 (continued)

1

1

1

2

2

76 (more than 100 formally)

2

2

Quantity of the coin (s)

Decayed human bones, unknown location

Picked up on the road

Found together with copper coins such as “Huoquan” and “Kaiyuan Tongbao” in the clay jar

Tomb robbed before

Unearthed with Kaiyuan money

Note (excavation condition)

Arch 59, IX, 472 In a copper bowl with agate and amber (with a small hole in the rim)

Xia 127

Xia 127

Xia 127

Xia 129–134, Arch 62, IX,492

Xia 121–123

Xia 123–124

References

(continued)

Chosroes II (a bird-shaped Arch 59, IX, 475 In the round lacquer box with seal) many decorations

Peroz

Peroz

Ardashir II

Chosroes II

Peroz

Chosroes I

1coin of Chosroes II, a replica of Sasanian silver coin

Year of the coin (s)

50 5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

Wuqia Mountain in Xinjiang

Astana Tomb 363 in Turfan

Astana Tomb 77 in Turfan

1959

1959–1960

1960

1964

1965

1967

1967

1969

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

Sixth to seventh centuries

Late seventh century

Burial time

Astana Tomb 118 in Turfan

the base of stupas of Tang Dynasty in Tianziyu, Chang’an County

The base of stupas of Northern Wei in Ding County, Hebei

Seventh to early eighth century

Seventh to mid- eighth century

Eighth century

7th to early 8th Century

481

Southern Qi Tomb 8 497 in Yingde, Guangdong

Astana ancient tomb in Turfan

Excavation location

Excavation year

Number

Table 5.1 (continued)

1

1

1

7

41

3

10

947

Quantity of the coin (s)

Chosroes II

Chosroes II

Yazdegerd III

6 coins of Chosroes II, 1 coin of Boran

Note (excavation condition)

Xia 128

Arch 66 IV 214–216

Cul 72, I 10

Cul 72, I 10

Cul 72, II 7

Arch 74, II

(continued)

May be in the mouth of the deceased

Maybe in the mouth of the deceased

In the mouth of the deceased

In the gold, silver box

Pearl, jade, gold and silverware in casket of stone Buddhist relics

With small holes

2 coins in Tomb M302 placed respectively in the mouth of two female corpses

Arch 59, IX, 482 In stone cracks with gold bars. It may have been placed in the bag

References

4 coins of Yazdegerd II, 37 Arch 66 IV coins of Peroz 267–270

Peroz

5 coins of Chosroes II, 2 coins of Yazdegerd III, 3 unidentified coins with heavy rust

2 coins of Chosroes I, 567 coins of Chosroes II, 281 coins Arabic coins of Chosroes II style

Year of the coin (s)

5.2 The Distribution of Excavation Locations 51

Astana Tomb 206 in Turfan

Southern Dynasty tomb of Nanhua Temple in Qujiang, Guangzhou

1970

1972

1973

1973

25

26

27

28

1

about 7th to eighth century 9 (all clip in half)

1

about 7th to eighth century

Fifth century

3

1

Quantity of the coin (s)

604

Mid-eighth century

Burial time

Unidentified

Chosroes II

Chosroes II

1 coin of Peroz, 1 coin of Kavadh I, 1 coin of Chosroes

Chosroes II

Year of the coin (s)

Gold and silver jewelry, beads and pearls in casket of Buddhist relics (2 coins with fine holes)

Gold and silverware in the clay pot

Note (excavation condition)

Nanfang Daily 73. 11. 25

Now in Xinjiang On the left eye of the deceased Museum (gilt)

Now in Xinjiang In the mouth of the deceased Museum (with 2 holes)

Arch 74, II 126–132

Cul 72, I 36

References

Note Abbreviations used in the above table: Arch = Archaeology; Cul = Cultural Relics; Xia = Xia Nai, Archaeological Essays, 1961; Stein, Innermost Asia, 1928

Astana Tomb 149 in Turfan

The base of stupas of Sui Dynasty in Siping of Yao County, Shaanxi

Tang hoard in Hejia Village, Xi’an

1969

24

Excavation location

Excavation year

Number

Table 5.1 (continued)

52 5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

5.2 The Distribution of Excavation Locations

53

Fig. 5.1 Location distribution map of Sasanian silver coins unearthed in China (with traffic routes)

the transportation and trade from the Persian Gulf to the mouth of the Indus, and also monopolized the trade between the Persian Gulf and the Ceylon Island. In the sixth century, when the Egyptian writer Cosmas mentioned of the maritime transportation at that time, it usually referred to the sea route from the Persian Gulf to Ceylon, and then turned northeast to Southeast Asia and China. Chinese silk was transported westward by this route. According to Byzantine (Eastern Rome) records, Byzantine king Justinian I (reigned 527–565) attempted to deceive Habesha peoples going directly to Ceylon Island to buy silk in order to break the monopoly of Persian merchants, but he failed.4 This sea route has also been recorded by Chinese as evidence. For example, in the early fifth century (411), the Chinese monk Faxian returned from Ceylon (Sinhala Kingdom) on a large ship that could carry more than 200 people, and he said that “merchants from various countries gather to trade in Ceylon”.5 In the mid-eighth century, another Chinese monk, Huichao, recorded that Persians “sailed from Nishiumi into the South China Sea towards the Sinhala Kingdom…and also sailed for China, all the way to Guangzhou, to buy items such as silk and cotton”.6 Therefore, the discovery of Persian Sasanian silver coins in the tomb of the Southern Dynasties in the fifth 4

D. Whitehouse and A. Williamson, Sasanian Maritime Trade, Iran, No. 11, 1973, pp. 29–49. Adachi Kiroku, Research on the Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Chinese translation), 1937, p. 253, 273. 6 Fragments of Biography of Huichao’s Journey to Ancient India (Yunchuang Congke version), 1914, p. 11. 5

54

5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

century in southern China is in line with the historical situation of communication and trade between China and Iran.

5.3 Coinage Year Sasanian silver coins found in China include 12 silver coins of Shapur II to Yazdegerd III. The number of these coins is as follows7 : (1)

Shapur II, reigned 310–379

14

(2)

Ardashir II, reigned 379–383

14

(3)

Shapur III, reigned 383–388

4

(4)

Yazdegerd II, reigned 438–457

4

(5)

Peroz, reigned 459–484

122

(6)

Kavadh I, reigned 488–531

1

(7)

Jamasp, reigned 496–498/499

1

(8)

Chosroes I, reigned 531–579

5

(9)

Hormizd IV, reigned 579–590

1

(10)

Chosroes II, reigned 590–628

593

(11)

Boran, reigned 630–631

3

(12)

Yazdegerd III, reigned 632–651

3

The above is 764 silver coins in total. What’s more, there are 282 Arabian silver coins in “Chosroes II style” (Table 5.1, No. 16 and Table 5.5, 29, c), 1 silver coin with Taberistan trimmed edge in “Chosroes II style” (Table 5.1, No. 4), 1 silver coin with imitating Sasanian style (Table 5.1, No. 8), 120 unidentified silver coins (including 97 silver coins in No. 16), and 6 terribly rusty silver coins which cannot be identified. Therefore, it is 1174 silver coins in total. In terms of numismatics, after overthrowing the Parthian Empire in 226, Ardashir I of Persia established the Sassanid Dynasty and began to mint Sasanian silver coins. This type of silver coin abandons the coinage style of the Parthian Empire, reflecting the revival of the original Persian culture. Silver coins have patterns on both sides, which are embossed from impressions, rather than minting. The obverse shows busts of kings with Iranian-style beards, buns and costumes. The crowns, in particular, are gorgeous and splendid, and the crown of each king is different (see Fig. 5.1 Persian Sasanian silver coins unearthed in Xining, Qinghai). The inscriptions next to the king no longer use Greek letters on the Parthian Empire currency, but Persian words of Pahlavi script. The inscription begins in the upper right corner of the king and moves from right to left in an anticlockwise direction. However, after Shapur III (reigned 383–388), 7

The spellings of the names of the Sasanian kings and their reigns vary slightly between different authors. See Encyclopedia Britannica (English), Vol. 17, 1962, p. 566.

5.4 Historical Background

55

the starting point of the inscription changed to the bottom left corner of the king. The king and inscription is surrounded by pearl-bordered medallion. After Shapur III, the type of silver coins gradually tended to be large and thin, and the rim outside the pearl-bordered medallion also increased. After the restoration of Kavadh I (499), four crescent moons holding stars were usually added to the above, below, left and right of the outer edge (there was only three, if the upper rim was occupied by the crown that is out of pearl-bordered medallion), which is a measure to prevent users from clipping the rim of the coin without permission. In the center of the back is the altar of state religion in Persia (Zoroastrianism) with blazing fire. Since Shapur II (reigned 310–379), bust of the Zoroastrian god was often in the firelight. Both sides of the altar are the inscription “Fire of a King” in Pahlavi script. Since Shapur I (reigned 240–271), a figure (priest or king) stood on each side of the altar. From the time of Baron V (reigned 421–438), the coinage location was rewritten on the right side (abbreviation). From the time of Peroz (reigned 459–484), the coinage year was also rewritten on the left. Since Chosroes II (reigned 590–628), four crescent moons holding stars were minted on the outer rim of the back. There is generally only one type of coin per king, but a few kings (such as Ardashir I, Peroz, etc.) had more than one type. Among Sasanian currency, silver coins had the largest proportion at that time. Gold and copper coins were few and even fewer were handed down. Sasanian currency has a unique style of its own, which is called Sasanian type in numismatics, and it is relatively easy to identify.8 Based on numismatic study, the Sasanian silver coins of Chosroes II were the most to be passed on from generation to generation, followed by silver coins from Shapur II, Chosroes I, and Hormizd IV.9 The largest number of silver coins unearthed in China was also Chosroes II, followed by Peroz, Shapur II, Ardashir II, and Chosroes I. However, the coins of Queen Boran and Yazdegerd III after Chosroes II were also found though rare, which can be explained by the historical background at that time.

5.4 Historical Background Having an overview of the history of the Sassanid Empire, it began to have more frequent connections with the outside since Shapur II (fourth century). The Sassanid Empire fought against the Eastern Roman in the west and the Kushan Empire of the Great Yuezhi in the east. After the fall of Kushan Empire, Shapur II fought against the Hephthalites (the White Huns) again, and the Persian forces reached the territory of present-day Afghanistan. During this period, the northwest of our country was originally in the governance of Former Liang. Later, Former Qin destroyed Former Liang in 376 and sent envoys to the Western Regions, as did Tayuen, Kangju, and 8

A. U. Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, 1967, pp. 816–830. J. de Morgan, Manual of Oriental Numismatics, 1923–1936, pp. 289–331. 9 A. U. Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, pp. 825–826.

56

5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

Tianzhu. Later, in 382, Former Qin ordered Lü Guang to lead 70,000 people to attack the Western Regions in order to destroy Kutis (Kuche). Although historical records were lost due to the disturbance in the Central Plains at that time, we believe that China must have had communication and trade with Persia through Afghanistan. It was not surprising that the earliest Sasanian silver coins found in our country are from Shapur II and his two heirs, the number of which is quite a few (32 coins in three batches). In the fifth century, the Sassanid Dynasty declined due to civil unrest and foreign invasions. In the late fifth century, a large-scale people’s uprising broke out in Iran with close ties to the Mazdakite, which stroke a severe blow at the feudal regime. In terms of war, Peroz was captured by the Hephthalites. He was eventually redeemed through territory cessions and tribute payments. The reason why silver coins of Peroz and his predecessors were able to spread to China in a large quantities, probably because the Hephthalites purchased goods from the East with the Persian indemnities they received. However, during the second half of the fifth century to the beginning of the sixth century, according to Chinese documents, China and Persia still had frequent friendly exchanges. During the 66 years from 455 to 521, Persians sent envoys to China more than ten times, and they came to China with the Hephthalite envoys on several occasions.10 Among the silver coins (No. 19) found in the stupa base in Ding County, an Hephthalite inscription was embossed on the rim of one silver coin from Yazdegerd II,11 which reflected the relationship between Persia, Hephthalite and China. In Shengui (518–519), it was said that the Persian envoy, who had credentials, called himself “Ju Heduo, the king of Persia”. “Ju Huduo” was generally believed to be the nineteenth king of the Sassanid Empire, Kavadh I (reigned 488–531). As to whether these Persian envoys were indeed sent by the king or impersonated by Persian merchants, we do not discuss here. In short, these historical materials fully show the frequent exchanges between Chinese and Iranian at that time, and the discovery of Sasanian silver coins in China during this period provides physical evidence for this historical fact. In the mid-sixth century, during the long reign of Chosroes I (531–579), the Sassanid Empire revived. The Sassanid Empire and the Western Turkic Khaganate united to attack Hephthalite so as to destroy and partition the country. The Persian forces reached as far as Amu Darya in the east, which were closer to the border of China. At that time, central authority was more consolidated with more prosperous economy and developed trade in Persia. More and more silver coins were minted for the needs of trade. There were as many as 82 mint places during the reign of Chosroes I, so that his silver coins were handed down from generation to generation, which ranked only second to Chosroes II’s. Besides, it can be inferred from the location that they were widely distributed, from the western Mediterranean coast to the eastern Indus alley, 10

Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Part 4, Ancient Persia, pp. 53–55, 60–61, 1930. The historical sources are from “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Wei, and Annals, Vols. 5–9. 11 See Archaeology, No. 5, 1966, pp. 269–270, Pl. VI, 3.

5.4 Historical Background

57

the southern Arabian Peninsula interior and northern Caucasus highlands.12 Now we know that the silver coins of Chosroes I reached as far as Yao County near Xi’an and Shaan County near Luoyang in the Yellow River Basin of China. Chinese history books record that the king of Persia sent an envoy to China in the second year (553) of Emperor Yuanqing (a dethroned emperor) of the Western Wei Dynasty.13 In the tenth century, it recorded that during the reign of Chosroes I, Chinese emperor had sent envoys to Persia in Golden Pastures, written by Arab Mas’udi.14 This was not found in Chinese documents, but it was possible. Although the specific situation may not be as described in the book, it was likely that the merchant pretended to be an envoy. At the time of Chosroes II (reigned 590–628), the Sassanid Empire was not as strong as that of his grandfather, Chosroes I, but it was still able to invade westward Syria and Palestine, reaching Egypt. Thus, with more prosperous economy and more developed trade, more silver coins are needed. There were as many as 120 coinage locations of Chosroes II, which became the largest number of silver coins handed down from generation to generation,15 and later became the prototype of the “Chosroes II style” coins minted throughout the old Persian lands of the Arabian Umayyad Caliphate. In terms of communication between China and Iran, Emperor Yang of Sui (reigned 605–618) once sent envoys to Persia, who was reciprocated with gifts by the Persian envoys. The Persian King “Khosrau” mentioned in “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Sui is Chosroes II. The silver coins in his reign were the most numerous in Sasanian silver coins in China, which was not surprising. Chosroes II was later killed for his brutality. Then there was a civil war for the throne in Persia, which caused the increasing class contradictions. Therefore, the kingdom never recovered again. Queen Boran was one of the kings who rose and fell suddenly in these four years (628–632). Although the civil war had been quelled by the time of Yezdigenl III (reigned 632–651), grandson of Chosroes II, foreign aggression became more acute and Persia was finally put down by the Arabian Empire. According to Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang, the daughter of Khosrau was Queen Boran. Moreover, Yisihou (Yisiqi in New Book of Tang), the last king of Persia sent envoys to China in the 21st year of Zhenguan reign (647, in the 12th year of Zhenguan reign in New Book of Tang). Later, he was expelled to Tokharoi and killed by the Arabic soldiers halfway. The above-mentioned “Yisihou” was Yazdegerd III. He sent envoys to China in order to unite China to fight against Arabia. His son, Peroz, went to Tokharoi and sent envoys to China to ask for help, complaining Arabian invasion in the 5th year of Yonghui reign (654. Cf. “Biography of the Western Regions”, Old Book of Tang is in the 1st year of Longshuo reign, i. e., 661, see Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau, Vol. 995). Emperor Gaozong of 12

Morgan, Manual of Oriental Numismatics, p. 302. This is according to “Biography of foreign lands”, Book of Zhou, but based on “Biography of the Western Regions”, History of the Northern Dynasties, it refers to the 2nd year of Emperor Gong of the Western Wei (555), which differs by two years. 14 Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Vol. 4, p. 65. 15 Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, pp. 817, 824–825, 829. 13

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5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

Tang failed to send his army due to the long distance. In the first year of Longshuo reign (661), Peroz complained Arabian invasion again. Emperor Gaozong of Tang appointed him as the governor of Persian dominant, Jiling Fu (the present Zaranj, capital of Nimruz). It seemed that the kingdom was destroyed, but his followers still exist. According to Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau, envoys were sent to China in the 2nd year of Qianfeng reign and the 2nd year of Xianheng reign (ibid., Vol. 970). In the 4th year of Xianheng reign (673, or the 5th year), Peroz, the King of Persia, went to China in person (ibid., Vol. 999). After his death, in the 1st year of Tiaohe reign (679), Emperor Gaozong of Tang once sent troops to escort Peroz’s son Nenesis, who stayed in Chang’an, to go west for restoration, but failed. Later, Nenesis lived in Tokharoi for more than 20 years and went back to China in the early years of Jinglong reign (707–708). Emperor Zhongzong of Tang granted him as General Zuo Weiwei. Nenesis soon died of illness (“Biography of the Western Regions”, New Book of Tang). Due to these historical facts, we can understand why relatively rare late Sasanian silver coins (such as Queen Boran’s and Yazdegerd III’s) can be found in China.

5.5 Burial Time Among these 33 batches of Persian silver coins, some were buried after the fall of Persia in 651, and even some incuses or embossed time were also after 651. There are 281 silver coins in “Chosroes II style” of the Arab Umayyad Caliphate among 947 silver coins (No. 16) unearthed in Wuqia County, Xinjiang. Some of them are embossed with “In the Name of Allah” in Kufic of Arabic script in the rim of the front blank (bottom right). Some are embossed with various simple patterns, such as human head seal. One silver coin (No. 15) unearthed from the Tang Tomb in Taiyuan, Shanxi also has a bird-shaped seal. One silver coin excavated from the Tang tomb in Turfan (Table 5.5, 29, c) not only has an Arabic inscription on the front ring, but also has a date “30 years” on the back, which is the era of Yazdegerd, i. e., 661 A. D.. These are the characteristics of the “Chosroes II style” silver coins of the eastern provinces of the Umayyad Caliphate (especially the northeasternmost Khorasan province) in half a century after 651. One silver coin (No. 4) excavated from the ancient city of Kuche was clipped, only weighing half of an ordinary Persian silver coin. This was the silver coin used by Tabaristan during the Umayyad Caliphate, the so-called “Tabari dirhams”.16 After the fall of Persia in 651, Tabaristan remained independent for a period of time. Its dynasty (the royal branch of the Sassanid Dynasty) was destroyed by the Arab Abbasid Caliphate until the fourth dynasty, Khurshid (reigned 711–761).17 According to Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau (Vol. 871), the king of Tabaristan sent envoys to China in the third (744) and sixth (747) year of Tianbao 16

For the coinage of Sasanian silver coins after the fall of the Sassanid Empire, see J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, 1941, p. CXLII, CXLVI, CXLVIII. 17 H. L. Rabino, Les Dynasties du Mazandaran, see Journal of Asia, 1936, Vol. 228, pp. 438–442.

5.5 Burial Time

59

reign (“the sixth year” was also “Khuru Khan”). The king refers to Khurshid. “Khuru Khan” should be the abbreviation of the king’s name, plus the Turkic “Khan” (king). It could be seen that China had direct contacts with this region at that time. Therefore, the silver coins in circulation and the coins of the eastern provinces of the Umayyad Caliphate mentioned above can be found in China. Of course, the year of silver coins being buried is later than the coinage year of silver coins. However, the time interval of the coins is different in length. The burial time for some of the 33 batches is quite clear (for example, coins unearthed from some tombs or stupa base). As can be seen from Table 5.2, the shortest time interval is only about 10 years, and the longest is more than 100 years. Although the burial time is not so clear, it can be roughly inferred the time it was buried based on the age of the coexisting objects in the tomb or sites. For example, two tombs with the Sasanian silver coins inside wereunearthed in the same cemetery in Turfan in 1915. One (v. 2) had an epitaph of 667 and the unearthed relics in the other (i. 3) was similar, which should be from the seventh century. The burial time of other tombs of Sui and Tang Dynasty can also be inferred based on the funerary objects. See Table 5.3 for details (For the 16 Sasanian silver coins unearthed in the 7th batch of Luoyang Tang Tomb M30, only 2 photographs were seen, all of which were from Peroz. I am afraid that these 2 coins are not the latest, so they are not listed in the table below). Table 5.2 The burial time of the Sasanian silver coins (I) Number

Burial time

Time of the silver coin

Time interval

9 (Sui tomb)

584

45th year of Chosroes I (575)

9

14 (Sui tomb)

608

Peroz (459–484)

115

17, a (T302)

653

11th year of Yazdegerd III (642)

11

17,d

663

33rd year of Chosroes II (622)

41

17,e

656

Chosroes II (590–628)

28–66

17,g

665*

30th year of Chosroes II (619)

46*

17, i (T338)

667

37th year of Chosroes II (626)

41

17, j

626

31st year of Chosroes II?(620?)

6?

18 (Southern Qi tomb)

497

11th year of Peroz (469)(?)

29

19 (Northern Wei stupa)

481

14th year of Peroz (472)

10

25 (Sui stupa)

604

13th year of Chosroes I (543)

61

27

689

30th year of Chosroes II (619)

70

29, a

706*

33rd year of Chosroes II (622)

84*

29, b

685

2nd year of Boran (631)

54*

30, a

604

3rd year of Zamasp (498)

106

31, a

638

Chosroes II (590–628)

10–48

31, b

639

30th year of Chosroes II (619)

20

60

5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

Table 5.3 The burial time of the Sasanian silver coins (II) Number

Burial time

Time of the silver coin

Time interval

1(Tang tomb)

Seventh century

Chosroes II (590–628)

The same century

8(Tang tomb)

Seventh century

35th year of Chosroes II (624)

Ibid.

11(Tang tomb)

Early half of seventh century

11th year of Chosroes II (600)

The same half century

13(Sui tomb)

Sixth century

Peroz (459–484)

About a century later

15(Tang tomb)

End of seventh century

11th year of Chosroes II (600)

About a century later

20(Tang tomb)

Seventh century to early eighth century

1st year of Queen Boran(630)

The same century or a century later

21(Tang tomb)

Early half of eighth century

Yazdegerd III(632–651) About a century later

22(Tang tomb)

Mid-seventh century to Chosroes II mid-eighth century

About a century later

23(Tang tomb)

Ibid.

25th year of Chosroes II(614)

About a century later

24(Hejia Village hoard)

Mid-eighth century

29th year of Chosroes II(618)

About a century later

For other silver coins, there are no other unearthed relics, and the excavation circumstance is unknown, so we can only estimate their burial time based on the age of the coins. This can be divided into two situations: one was when more than 10 silver coins of the same king were unearthed together without mixing with other silver coins, or two or three generations of successive kings whose silver coins were unearthed together. We can infer that their burial time will not be long from the latest one, generally within 10–50 years, for example, No. 5, 6 and 19 in Table 5.1. In another case, only one single coin (or two of the same) was unearthed. Here we estimate that the interval between the burial time and coinage time is about 50 years or so, for example, No. 3, 4, 12, etc. in Table 5.1. Of course, the time interval of some silver coins that have been widely popular for a long time, such as coins from Peroz, Chosroes I, Chosroes II, etc., may be 100 years or more. We should not be overly concerned about the estimated time. However, we can say that since the mid-eighth century (about a hundred years after the fall of the Sassanid Dynasty), Persian silver coins have been rare in China. Therefore, it seems that Sasanian silver coins after the mid-eighth century were no longer found in our archaeological excavations.

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations

61

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations As mentioned in Part Three, the minting location on the back of Sasanian silver coins began in the time of Bahram V (421–438) and became a routine thereafter. Even “Sasanian” silver coins minted after the fall of the Sassanid Dynasty (651) continued to adopt this method. The “minting location” on silver coins is a shorthand for the name of the city where the minting bureau is located, and the first two or three letters of the city name are often used. Due to some easily confused letters in Pahlavi script and unclear embossed inscriptions, it is often difficult to interpret. Moreover, the abbreviations are too simple and there is no complete geographica and enough written records in the Sassanid Dynasty. Therefore, it is not easy to restore their original names even though these interpretations can be recognized. Many minting location names have not yet been verified, or it had different opinions in the verified names, which are all in doubt. This is an unsolved problem in the study of ancient Sassanid coins. There are many minting locations on the Sasanian silver coins. According to Morgan’s statistics, there are 40 common ones, 34 places with the minting year less than ten years, and 181 places for only one year, which amounts to 255 places.18 As for the minting location of the same period, Morgan believed that there were at least 82 sites in the time of Chosroes I, 68 in Hormizd IV, and 66 in Chosroes II,19 but some people thought that there were 98 sites in Chosroes I and 120 in Chosroes II.20 Among these 33 batches, not many minting locations can be identified. The minting time of the 5th, 6th, and 12th batches were before Bahram V. Of course, if there was no minting location, leave it alone. Among the 16th batch in the hoard found in Wuqia, there were 281 silver coins in “Chosroes II style” of the Arab Umayyad Caliphate, with embossed Arabic inscriptions or simple patterns on the blank rim of the obverse. These coins were minted in the eastern provinces of the Arab Empire, especially the northeasternmost Khorasan province, which was the closest to Chinese frontier. Therefore, lots of coins were flowing into China. The amount of minting locations in the inscription, which were listed as a table (Table 5.4), is just over 20. Since we could only see some photographs or rubbings and even less could be seen in physical objects, many of which could not be recognized. Some had interpretations, but still could not be determined, which had to be omitted. The column “Abbreviation of minting location” in the table was originally in Pahlavi script, but later it was changed into Latin alphabet for the convenience of printing. “Batch” refers to the sequential numbers in Tables 5.1 and 5.5, and the numbers in parentheses refer to the number of coins. If there is only one coin, the number of coins will no longer be indicated in parentheses. As for “Reference”, M refers to the number in the table of “Names of Sasanian Coinage Locations” on pages 297–299 and page 375 in Manual of Oriental Numismatics written by Morgan. 18

Morgan, Manual of Oriental Numismatics, pp. 297–299. Ibid., p. 323, 326. 20 Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, p. 825, 826, 829. 19

62

5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

Table 5.4 The minting locations of the Sasanian silver coins found in China Number Abbreviation Batch of minting locations

The name of verified location

Province

Reference

1

AB

19(11)

Abarshahr(?)

Khorasan

M19

2

AHM

17i,24,31(a)

Ahamatan

Media

M19,W4

3

AIR

18,19(17),20

Eran-Xurrah-Shapur

Khuzistan M27,W7

4

AP

19

Abarshahr(?)

5

AR

18

Ardashir-Khurra

6

ART

10(2),16,17,23

ibid.

7

BH

17a,31b(?)

Baghdour(?)

Khorasan

M8,W11

8

BISH

3,20

Bishpur

Fars/Pars

M3,W12

9

BLH

7,16

Balkh

Khorasan

M20,W14

10

BSh

25

Bishpur

11

DA

9,11,19(2),20

Darajird

Fars/Pars

M15,W17

12

KR

10,19

Kirman

Kirman

M18,W28

13

MR

19*,29c(?)

Merv

Khorasan

M6,W40

14

NB

10

Nihavand

Media

M37,W43

15

NH

15,17,25,30a,b,33 ibid.

16

NHR

1,17j

Nahr-Tira

17

NIH

13,20,27

Nihavand

18

RD

26

al-Raiy

Media

19

RIU

19,20,29a

Rev-Ardashir

Khuzistan M22

20

ShI

4,20

al-Shirajan(?)

Kirman

W49

21

SK

8,20,29b

Sigistan

Sistan

M25,W52

22

ST

10,19,25

Istakhr

Fars/Pars

M4,M11,W53

23

ShU

19(2)

Susa(?)Eran-Xurrah-Shapur Khuzistan M13,W50

24

UH

14,16,17b,19(4)

Seem to be the misspecification of NH. See (15)

25

ZR

16,25(?)

Zarang

W1(?) Fars/Pars

M35 M29,W9

M16,W16

M14,W43 Khuzistan M31,W44 W45 M1,W48

M28,W43

Sistan

M8,W57

* This coin was “Ding 7.5”, the original table (See Archaeology, No. 5, 1966, p. 268) mistook it as BM

(MB)

W refers to the number in the table of “Names of Arab-Sasanian Coinage Locations” on pages CII-CV in A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, written by Walker. Some illustrations about the names of minting location in the table (cf. Fig. 5.2): (1) Abarshahr. According to Morgan, “AB” might refer to Abarshahr, Khorasan, while Walker took the abbreviation as “APR”. Nowadays, the latter is generally adopted. The city, an administrative center in one of the four administrative centers in Khorasan Province, was the minting site both in the Sassanid Dynasty and Arabian era, and is named Nishpur today,

1960

1960

1960

1960

17, d

17, e

17, f

Epigraph in 663

–

325:027/ Ibid. 2

325:027/ Epigraph 1 in 656

322:024

319:013

ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

In the mouth of the female corpse

In the mouth of I female corpse

17, c

302:27

–

–

2.9

3.45

3.9

–

–

2.7

3–3.1

3.1

Time

–

Chosroes II

Chosroes II(33)

–

NIH

–

UH?

–

–

590–628 –

622

–

Yazdegerd 642 III(11)

–

–

Nihavand

–

Veh-Ar-dashir

Bih-kobadh

(continued)

heavy rust and unrecognizable

heavy rust

rim clipped

a hole in the mouth of the front portrait

ibid.

Archaeology 66, IV

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

Yazdegerd 632–651 BH III(?)

1959

2.6–2.8

17, b

2.9

In the mouth of II female corpse

Epigraph in 653

1959

17, a

302:25

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 List of Sasanian silver coins excavated from the Astana Cemetery

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations 63

1960

17, j

339:043

338:011

1960

17, i

Epigraph in 626

Epigraph in 667

Epigraph in 657

337:08

1960

Ibid.

Ibid.

In the disturbed soil of the coffin chamber

1.8*

3.45

2.1

3.1

3

2.9

Chosroes II(31?)

Chosroes II(37)

–

Chosroes II(30)

17, h

3–3.1

Together with the document in 665

322:019

1960

17, g 2

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Time of tombs

Number Excavation Number Year of Tombs and Number of Objects In the mouth of the female corpse

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 (continued)

620?

626

–

619

Time

Time

NHR

AHM

–

S(K?)

Nahr-Tira

Hamadan

–

Sakastan?

(continued)

inscription “AFID” outside the obverse circle

heavy rust and unrecognizable

Abbreviation Name of Minting Notes of Minting Locations Locations

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

64 5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

1964

1966

29,c

30,a

48:15

KM8:1

Together with the garments in 685

Tang tomb

Together with the document in 685

1964

29,b

29:68

Time of Tombs

Number Excavation Number Year of Tombs and Number of Objects

Together with the document in 706

2.7

Chosroes II(33)

In the mouth of the female corpse

In the mouth of the corpse

In the mouth of the male corpse

4.07

3.1

3.9

2.65

2.7–2.9

3.1

661

631

Time

622

Time

Zamasp(3) 498

Chosroes II(30)

Boran(2)

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage Situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

2.3

In the mouth of the female corpse

20:27

29,a

1964

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 (continued)

Rev-Ar-dashir

rim clipped

NH

M(R?)

SK?

Nihavand

Merv?

Sakastan?

(continued)

gilt, punching a hole, welding a ring

*

Abbreviation Name of Minting Notes of Minting Locations Locations

RIU

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations 65

363:7

1967

31, a

78:11

Epigraph in 638

Tang tomb

1967

22

77:8

Time of Tombs

Number Excavation Number Year of Tombs and Number of Objects

2.9

3.2

In the mouth of the male corpse

In the mouth of the female corpse 3.2

–

3–3.1

–

Chosroes II

Chosroes II(1?)

Antiquities 72, II

heavy rust, defects after rust removal

SU?

Hamada?

Susa?

(continued)

exhibited in Beijing

Abbreviation Name of Minting Notes of Minting Locations Locations

590–628 AHM?

590?

Time

–

Nihavand

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

590–628 NH

Time

Yazdegerd 632–651 – III (?)

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Together In the with the mouth of document the corpse in 710

Chosroes II

1967

3

21

3.8

Ibid.

73:22

1966

30,b

Tang tomb

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 (continued)

66 5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

KM39:8 Tang tomb

1969

32

Number Excavation Number Year of Tombs and Number of Objects

Time of Tombs

Tang tomb –

–

–

2.9

–

Chosroes II(25)

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage Situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

In the mouth of the male corpse

In the mouth of the corpse

118:01

Chosroes II(30)

1969

3

23

3

In the mouth of the female corpse

Epigraph in 639

1967

31, b

92:32

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 (continued)

Time

–

614

619

Time

–

(continued)

Decayed into fragments, with a lot of copper

Ardashni-Khurra Exhibited abroad

Baghdour?

Abbreviation Name of Minting Notes of Minting Locations Locations

–

ART

BH?

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations 67

*

1973

33

At the – end of Gaochang period (Sui)

2.2

On the left 3.1 eye of the female corpse 2.6

2.7

Peroz (B)

Chosroes II(30)

NIH

RD

Nihavand

Nihavand

al-Raiy

Punching a hole in the top of the portrait

rim clipped. The tomb has been robbed, and the coin on the right eye was missing

Original gilt, one hole on the top and one hole on the bottom (Fig. 16)

Abbreviation Name of minting Notes of minting locations locations

459–484 NH

619

604

Time

The Arabic “bism Allah” is outside the observe circle, and minting year refers to the Yazdegerd era

115:37

206:057/ Epigraph 2 in 689

Chosroes II(15)

1973

3.1

27

4

In the mouth of the female corpse

Tang tomb

1972

26

149:6

Excavation Weight Diameter Coinage situation (gram) (centimeter) Era

Number Excavation Number Time of year of tombs tombs and number of objects

Table 5.5 (continued)

68 5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations

69

Fig. 5.2 Distribution of minting locations of Sasanian silver coins found in China (The number next to the location in the figure is the minting location number in Table 5.3)

(2)

(3)

(4) (5) (6)

21

that is, “Naisha Buer” in the northwest region appendix of “Geographica”, History of Yuan (for checking and revising of ancient place names in Iran, see Feng Chengjun, Toponym of the Western Regions, 1955). The latter name originated from Nev-Shapur. Ahmatan, today’s Hamadan, was the summer capital of the Parthian Empire, and was also called Ecbatana by Greco-roman writers. In Sassanid Empire, it was called Ahmatan, or “He Du city”, the capital of Parthian Empire in “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of the Later Han, where silks around the end of the sixth century were found.21 Eran-Xurrah-Shapur. Morgan thought AIR was the ancient name of Persia “Iran”, while Walker regarded “AIR” as the abbreviation of “Eran-XurrahShapur”, which was the official name of Susa, a famous ancient capital in Sassanid Empire. After Susa was destroyed by Shapur II, a new city was built and had its new name, which was the provincial capital of Khuzestan. And later it was generally still called as Susa. AP. It may be another way to represent “AB”, also an abbreviation for APR, see item (1) above. Ardashir-Khurra, an administrative center in one of the five capitals of Fars Province, located in present-day Firuzabad, formerly known as Gur. Walker thought that it was abbreviated as ART, an important city at

See J. Hansman and D. Stronach, A Sasanian repository at Shahr-Qümis, JRAS, Vol. 33, No. 2, 1970, p. 149.

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5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

(7)

(8)

(9)

(10) (11) (12)

(13)

(14) (15)

(16) (17) (18)

that time. Morgan regarded it as ANT, an unknown place. It was also abbreviated as AR, which also referred to this city in Morgan’s opinion. BH. In Morgan’s view, it might be the abbreviation for Baghdour(?). The city, near Herat in Khorasan Province, located in present-day Afghanistan. Walker thought that it might be an abbreviation of Bihkubadh, in the territory of the Iraq at that time, on the east coast of the Euphrates River at present. See item (24) below. Bishpur, one of the five capitals of Fars Province, was an administrative centre of Shapur-Khura. Its original name was “Veh-Shapur”, which means “residence of Shapur”, generally shortened for Shapur. Balkh. Balkh, located in Khorasan Province at that time, now is in the northwest of Kabul, Afghanistan. It was the capital of ancient Bactria (Daxia). It was also thought to be the capital of the Greater Yuezhi after its westward migration recorded in “Biography of the Western Regions”, History of the Northern Dynasties (Feng Chengjun: Toponym of the Western Regions, pp. 18-19). It was recorded as “Balihei” in northwest region appendix of “Geographica”, History of Yuan. Morgan regarded BLH as BaBA and thought it had the meaning of “imperial palace”, which referred to the capital Ctesiphonand at that time. BSh. Walker thought that it may be a misspelling of BlSh. See item (8) above. Darabjird. Darabjird, an important city, was an administrative center in one of the five capitals of Fars Province at that time. Kirman. There is only KRMAN in the table of Walker’s. Both Walker and Morgan thought it referred to Kirman city, the capital of Kirman province, today’s Kirman, formerly known as Veh-Ardashir. Later, the provincial capital was moved to Shirajan. See item (20) below. Merv, an important city in the northeastern part of Khorasan Province at that time, is now part of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic. It was located on the vital communication line between Iran and China in ancient times. It was also called “Mulu City” in the eastern frontier of Parthian Empire in “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of the Later Han and “Maliwu” in the northwest region appendix of “Geographica”, History of Yuan. Nihavand. Morgan took it as NB, shortened for Noubendjan in Fars. Walker thought it was another version of NH. In 642 (or 641), the final decisive battle between the Sasanian and the Arabs (Dayi) was near this city, which is “Nahawandi” in northwest region appendix of “Geographica”, History of Yuan. Nahr-Tira. Morgan took NAR as its abbreviation, while Walker thought it was NHR. However, both regarded it as Nertira, in Khuzestan Province. NIH. Walker took it as the abbreviation of Nihavand, cf. item (14) above. RD. Morgan thought it was unknown. However, Walker took it as the abbreviation of Raiy, because the archaic form of RY is RD. The city

5.6 Distribution of Minting Locations

71

Fig. 5.3 Silver coins of Chosroes II (Tang tomb 149 in Turfan in 1972)

(19)

(20)

(21)

(22)

(23) (24)

22

is near present-day Tehran, formerly known as Rhages (Fig. 5.3), where fragments of Chinese silk in the 11th to twelfth centuries were found.22 RIU (or LYW) is Rev-Ardashir. During the Sassanid Empire, there were two places with the same name: one was near the Bushire harbor on the Persian Gulf, still called Rishahr nowadays. The other one was in the southern part of Khuzestan, about a day’s journey (about 50 km) from the sea. The latter, an important city during the Sassanid Dynasty, was probably the minting location.23 Shirajan. Walker thought that ShI might refer to Shirajan, the capital of Kirman Province at the end of the Sasanian Dynasty, and it was also known as Shir in historical records, which is ruins nowadays. Sistan (Seistan or Sakastan). Walker believed it was abbreviated as SK or SD, the provincial name at that time, the capital of which was Zarang, cf. item (25) below. At that time, some capital name was its provincial name, whether it had another name or not.24 Morgan thought it was abbreviated as SD, which probably referred to Soudd near Mulu City. Walker agreed with Morgan’s opinion. Istakhr. It was an important city built in the Sassanid Dynasty in the third century near the ruins of Persepolis, the capital of the Achaemenid Dynasty. The city was conquered by the Arabs in the seventh century and has declined gradually. However, it was the administrative centre in one of the five provinces of Fars during the Sassanid Dynasty. ShU. Morgan thought ShU might mean “Shushan (?) (Suse)”. Walker regarded it as ShUSh, which might refer to Susa. See item (3) above. UH (or WH). Morgan thought it might be “Veh-Ardashir”, “Veh-Kobadh, i. e. Bihkuhadh” or “Veh-Shapur” for short. For the latter two, see item (7) and (8) above. Walker thought that NH referred to Nihavand, cf. item (14) above. If “Veh-Ardashir” was equal to “residence of Ardashir”, there were two places with the same name: one was another name for Seleucia, on the opposite bank of the capital Ctesphon. The other was the former

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Vol. 28, 1956, p. 20, Note 1. See A. D. H. Bivar, The Sasanian coin from Qumis, JRAS, 1970, Vol. 33, No. 2, p.156. 24 Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, p. 133. 23

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5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

name of Kirman City, the capital of present-day Kirman Province, cf. item (12) above. The following will adopt Walker’s opinion. (25) Zarang. It was Jiling city, which was generally considered to be the seat of Persian dominant in “Biography of Persia”, Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang (Feng Chengjun: Toponym of the Western Regions, p. 79). It was located in the southeast of present-day L. Hamun. According to the above illustrations, it can be seen that these minting locations were all in the east of Ctesphon, the capital of Persia (the winter capital of the Sassanid Empire) at that time. Some were well known in Chinese in ancient times, and some were even on the “Silk Road” between China and Iran. Based on the distribution of these minting locations, it can be inferred that the trade between China and Iran was frequent in those years.

5.7 Speculation on the Usage Finally, based on the excavation situation of these silver coins, their usages in China at that time will be speculated. Sasanian silver coins are a type of coins. Coin occurs as currency for circulation function. common coin as legal currency can only circulate in domestic. Once abroad, it loses its compulsory power, that is, it loses its status as a legal currency. Then, the coin becomes a bullion, i. e., a commodity, which has different values according to its actual purity and weight. However, in the era of prosperous international trade, the coins of a certain country became an “international currency”. The coins were current money among cities on the strategic pass of trade between countries with trade relations at that time.25 Sasanian silver coins, as international currency, were widely used in the Middle East, Near East and Eastern Europe at that time, just like Byzantine gold coins. After Persia destroyed by the Arab Empire, for the initial period, the old system of currency was continued to use for minting “Sasanian” silver coins and “Byzantine” gold coins in order to promote trade. It was not until 76 year in Moslem calendar (695) that the currency reform was carried out, and the new Arabic currency was minted.26 Silver coins were the main coins in Persia at that time. According to Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Vol. 11), in Persia, “every household paid taxes, four silver coins per person”, which showed that this kind of silver coin was the main currency in Persia as a means of tax payment. Now let’s look at the excavation of our 33 batches of silver coins. These silver coins, such as the 10th batch from Xining hoard (more than 100 coins were unearthed and 76 coins were still in existence) and the 16th batch from Wuqia hoard (947 coins), were temporarily hoarded as currency for some reason, which changed from “coins in circulation” to common currency that cannot be circulated. The batch of coins found 25

Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1965, pp. 105–129. Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine Coins, 1965, p. 15; Morgan, Manual of Oriental Numismatics. p. 302.

26

5.7 Speculation on the Usage

73

in Wuqia was hidden into the crack in the stone along the road in the mountains, which may have been temporarily hidden by merchants from the Western Regions passing by when they were in danger. The hoarders of the batch found in Xining may also store it as wealth, so that it can be circulated when necessary in the future. The circulation and use of silver coins of the Western Regions in some areas of northwest China during the Northern Zhou Dynasty and the early Tang Dynasty were recorded in Chinese historical books. Among the 33 batches of Sasanian silver coins, the largest number of excavation amounted to 18 batches in Gaochang, accounting for 63 silver coins, more than half of the total, ranking second to the hoard in Wuqia and Xining, which was consistent with the findings in the previous documents. For the two batches found in the ancient city of Gaochang, there were 20 coins put together in the 5th batch and 10 coins in an exquisite small box in the 10th batch, which may also be hoarded. Although the one unearthed in Hejia village, Xi’an, was from a hoard, it was accompanied by one Byzantine gold coin, five Japanese silver coins, and one or several copper coins from the Warring States Period, the Western Han Dynasty and Wang Mang period in China. The owner of this hoard was an enthusiast of ancient coins and foreign currency. These gold and silver coins were put together with a large number of valuable gold and silver vessels, so they can only be regarded as collections, rather than currencies which were temporarily stored for use in the future. Burying the coins in the tomb as funerary objects was a custom in ancient China. Sasanian silver coins, as currencies, can be of course used as funerary objects like other currencies. However, the silver coins were all for religious purposes, which can only be regarded as a derivation of money. In the tombs of Gaochang, a coin was often placed in the mouth of the deceased. some of coins were “Kaiyuan Tongbao” copper coins, and some were Byzantine gold coins (or replicas), and more were Sasanian silver coins. Fourteen batches of Sasanian silver coins from Gaochang tombs listed in Tables 5.1 and 5.5 added up to 30 coins, including 21 coins found in the mouth of the deceased. These 21 coins were as follows: 1 (V. 2), 3 (with the Kaiyuan coin), 17a–17 g, 21, 22, 23, 26, 29 a–c, 30 a–b, 31 a–b, 32. In addition, some coins may also have been in the mouth of the deceased due to the excavation brief report was not clearly explained, such as the coins in the 8th, 9th, 11th, 13th, 18th, and 33rd batch. The 11th and 33rd batches were from Gaochang tombs. Although the 16 coins from the 7th batch of Tang Tomb 30 in Luoyang were on the head of the deceased, rather than in the mouth, but at least not all of them were in the mouth of the deceased. Three of the 17th batch were from the messed soil of coffin chamber. Two Sasanian silver coins unearthed in the first batch of Gaochang Tomb i•3 were placed on the eyes of the deceased respectively, and one coin of the 27th batch was originally placed on the left eye of the deceased, which could be regarded as two special cases. Stein thought that the custom of having money in the mouth of the deceased was related to ancient Greek custom. The ancient Greek placed a coin “Obol” in the mouth of the deceased in order to provide payment to Charon, the ferryman of the nether world,27

27

A. Stein, Innermost Asia, Vol. 2, 1928, p. 646.

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5 Overview of Persian Sasanian Silver Coins Unearthed in China

which was still be supported recently.28 However, this practice was influenced by the idea that Chinese culture was influenced by western culture. In fact, this view has proven to be incorrect. As early as the Yin and Zhou Dynasties in China, there was a custom of placing shells in the mouths of the deceased, which have been certified in both archaeology and literature. At that time, shells were used as currency. During the Qin and Han Dynasties, shells were replaced by copper coins. Placing copper coins, food, and jade in the mouths of the deceased became a custom in and after the Qin and Han Dynasties. One to two five zhu coins in the deceased mouths have been found in both Han tombs in Guangzhou and Liaoyang.29 According to excavators, they often found one or two copper coins in the mouth of the deceased in Sui and Tang tombs in Anyang, Henan, the same period of Gaochang cemetery.30 This custom was still popular in some parts of China until a few decades ago. Just like the Chinese epitaphs, Han-style earthen or wooden figurines, and Han “inventories” in the tombs of Gaochang, the custom of placing coins in the mouths of the deceased in Gaochang could be traced back to the mainland of China. Sasanian coins were made of silver, and could also be buried as part of gold and silver jewelry in the tomb. This is also the case in the 7th batch of Tang tombs in Luoyang mentioned earlier, as well as some of the other six batches. In other tombs, such as the 14th and 15th batch, Sasanian silver coins were placed in containers along with decorative items, indicating their use as gold and silver jewelry. It is worth noting that some of these silver coins had one or more small holes (such as the 14th, 17c, 18th, 25th, 26th, 30a, 33rd batches, etc.). Apparently, they were sewn onto clothing or hats as decorations, or tied threads as accessories. There were also two examples of gilt (26b, 30a), which were apparently used as ornaments. One of these coins (30a) was not only gilded and perforated, but also welded with a small ring, which was undoubtedly used as an ornament. Another discovery of Sasanian silver coins was in the stupa base of the Buddhist temple, including the 19th, 20th and 25th batches among these 33 batches. According to literature, when the stupa was built, the so-called “good men and women”, especially the “merit sponsors” who initiated the construction of the stupa, often donated gold, silver jewelry and money, which were buried with Buddhist relics as “merit” in the hope of obtaining “good karma”. This superstition is evident in the discoveries from the stupa base. Seven silver coins in the stupa base of Chang’an from Tang Dynasty were found in a larger silver box with a smaller box containing a gold box, which were all placed in a porcelain bowl with bone ash. Three coins in the stupa base of Yao County from Tang Dynasty, along with three Buddhist relics, twenty-seven 28

Bivar, The Sasanian coin from Qumis, pp. 157–158. Each mouth of the two dead in Guangzhou Han Tomb 2 of Liuwang Palace were found to have one coin, see the information about Han tomb from Guangzhou Cultural Relics Management Department. Two coins were found below the mandibles (or seemed to be in the mouth) of the dead in Liaoyang Han tomb, see Torii Ryuzo, Investigation of Ancient Monuments in Manchu and Mongolian (translated by Chen Nianben), 1933, p. 189. 30 This situation has been previously found in Anyang Sui and Tang tombs. Recently the same situation has also been found in Sui tomb of Nandi, Xiaotun villiage, Anyang, such as M7 and M18 excavated in 1973. 29

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Wuzhu coins in the Sui Dynasty, and eleven items including gold, silver, and jade rings, were all placed in a copper box with a gilt lid, which was then placed with two other copper boxes in a stone box. Forty-one silver coins in the stupa base of Ding County from the Northern Wei Dynasty were found in a stone box with 249 copper coins, 15 gold, silver jewelries, glass bottles, 6 bowls, over 10 pieces of agate jewelry, 160 pearls, 2,339 coral beads, and 2,621 gemstone beads. For donors, these Sasanian silver coins could be regarded as either currency or silver jewelry, such as gold and silver jewelry. This Buddhist superstition originated from Tianzhu (i.e., India). Currency (including Sasanian silver coins), jewelry, and Buddha’s relics were often found in the caskets of Buddhist stupa base in present-day Jalalabad, India and Punjab province, Pakistan. From the overall situation of excavation, it can be seen that there were many Sasanian silver coins that were imported into China at that time, and their distribution was also widespread, reaching as far east as Ding county in Hebei province and as far south as Yingde and Quijng in Guangdong province. In some parts of the northwest China (scuh as Gaochang), Sasanian silver coins were once in circulation, but in other vast regions, they were regarded as valuable silver ingots or silver decorations. These silver coins were excellent material evidence of the friendly relations and economic and cultural exchanges between the peoples of China and Iran at that time. Supplementary note: After the manuscript was typeset, thanks to the information about Persian Sasanian silver coins unearthed in the Astana cemetery in Turfan since 1949 sent by the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum. Based on rubbing, the identification results together are listed below along with relevant information: the tomb number with “KM” in front refers to Kara-khoja, and the rest refer to Astana (TAM), which is actually a cemetery. According to the sequential number in Table 5.1, numbers 29–33 are new additions. Nine new coins are added, for a total of 24 coins. When proofreading this manuscript, the relevant new information has been added according to this table.

Chapter 6

Research on the Sassanian Silver Plate Unearthed from the Tomb of Feng Hetu in the Northern Wei Dynasty

In September 1981, a Northern Wei tomb was excavated at the Huage Pagoda in Xiaozhan Village by the Datong City Museum. Although the tomb had been looted, the epitaph of the tomb owner, Feng Hetu (438–501), and burial goods such as a gilt silver plate and a high-foot silver cup were still unearthed.1 This article only investigates the gilt silver plate (Fig. 6.1). I once wrote an article introducing the Sassanian artifacts discovered in China from 1949 to 1977, including gold and silver objects.2 This new discovery has added another important piece of material evidence. When this silver plate was brought to the Beijing History Museum, I observed it closely. The plate has a diameter of 18 cm, a circular foot height of 1.4 cm, and a total height of 4.1 cm. The center of the plate features a hunting scene, surrounded by three spiral patterns. Let me first talk about its manufacturing and processing techniques: the three spiral patterns on the outer edge were engraved by a pointed tool. The main body of the hunting scene was adopted repoussé, while the finer details were used engraving technique. After being hammered into shape, the entire silver plate was finished by a lathe, and the circular foot was later soldered on the bottom. Part of the hunting scene’s surface was gilt. The use of repoussé to create raised patterns gives the subject a three-dimensional effect, similar to a relief. There is a middle-aged hunter with an Iranian face shape standing in the center of the hunting scene. He has a long beard and a round hat covering his hair. The front of the hat has a headdress made up of nine round beads, with only the left half visible in the image. Two Sassanian style ribbons hang behind his head, which is a typical decoration of the Sassanian Empire. He wears a waterdrop-shaped earring on 1

For an excavation brief report, see Antiquities, No. 8, 1983. Xia Nai: Cultural relics from Sassanid Empire unearthed in China in recent years, Archaeology, No. 2, 1978, pp. 111–116.

2

This article was originally published in Antiquities, No. 8, 1983.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_6

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Fig. 6.1 Persian gilt silver plate

Fig. 6.2 Persian silver plates in the Winter Palace Museum, Soviet Union

his earlobe and a necklace made up of round beads around his neck. As it is a head profile, we can see a seven-bead chain with waterdrop-shaped pendant hanging down in the middle. His upper body appears to be bare, and he wears a bracelet made of round beads on his wrist. The waistband on the front of his abdomen is also adorned with two round beads, with the ends hanging down on both sides. There is also a pair of simple ribbons behind his buttocks. His pants are tightly fitted to his legs and extend down to his ankles. The boots on his feet seem to be made of leather, with the boot shafts covering his ankles. The hunter holds a spear in both hands, with three wild boars moving among the reeds in front of and behind him. Based on the image, this is undoubtedly a product of Sasanian Persians (see Figs. 6.1 and 6.2). Many researchers of Persian art history believe that the term “Sassanian art” should not be limited to the Sassanid Empire (226–651) because even after the fall of the empire, the art of Iran continued to inherit the Sassanian style for a long period of time. The peripheral regions were affected by this style even longer, with some lasting until the tenth century, or even the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Geographically, it should also not be limited to the borders of the Sassanid Empire. For example, the Sogdian kingdom (Sogdiana) in Central Asia was not politically subordinate to the

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Sassanid Empire, but its art still represents a branch of the eastern Sassanian art.3 In terms of gold and silver wares, most of the specimens previously referred to as “Sassanian gold and silverware” were not excavated from the political and cultural centers of the Sassanid Empire. Besides, the shapes and patterns were usually only found in eastern regions, such as Sogdiana. Therefore, since the 1970s, this part of the gold and silver wares has been referred to as the “Eastern Iran group”4 or “Sogdian silverware”.5 The silverware that can be identified as being made in various areas of the Sassanid Empire’s political and cultural centers is called “royal plate”, which are silver plates (some gilt) with the image of the king, generally made for the royal family to use or to bestow as gifts. The book A Survey of Persian Art includes 22 “royal plates”, nine or ten of which were excavated within Iran today. I have counted their sizes, and apart from one small plate measuring 13 cm in diameter, the other 21 plates range from 18 to 30.5 cm, with an average of 24.78 cm.6 Although the motif of the silver plate with a diameter of 18 cm that we see now does not feature the king’s image, it can still be considered a type of “royal plate”. These silver wares of the Sassanid Empire were used by royalty and nobles during the banquet. They once produced a large number of gold and silver tableware. According to legend, a noble in Mazandaran wanted to entertain a thousand guests, but he only had five hundred sets of (gold and silver) tableware in his house, so he had to borrow five hundred sets from his neighbors. However, very few of these gold and silver items from the Sassanid Empire have been handed down this day, with only about a hundred silver wares and even fewer gold vessels, around 20.7 The largest collection of these gold and silver items is held in the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad, Soviet Union.8 It is said that they were unearthed in southern Russia and Central Asia, but none of them were scientifically excavated. There are more than a dozen of these “royal plates” that can be dated based on the different forms of crown on the king. The main method is by comparing them with silver coins with chronological inscriptions or cliff inscriptions of the king. The dates of the silver plates range from the late third to early seventh centuries A. D., and there are also replicas from later periods. The patterns on the plates have various motifs, including a investiture in which a king being granted authority by a deity (only one), a king holding court (one), banquets (two), a king with his concubines (two), and hunting (16). Hunting motifs are the most common, accounting for over two-thirds of the plates. This is because hunting was a major national event at the time, similar to the imperial hunt of the early Qing Dynasty in China. The Sassanian king led a large number of people and horses for hunting, which often lasted for 3

J. Orbeli, Sasanian and early Islamic metalwork, in A.U. Pope ed., A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, 1981, p. 716, 760. 4 A. S. Melikan-Chirvani, Iranian silver and its influence in T’ang China, in W. Watson, ed., Pottery and Metalwork in T’ang China (English, London), 1970, pp. 9–13. 5 B. I. Mapwak: Sogdian Silverware (Russian, Moscow), 1971. 6 Orbeli, Sasanian and early Islamic metalwork, “royal plate” in p. 752. 7 Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, p. 761. 8 Editor’s note: It is now the Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg, Russia.

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several weeks or even a month. In the hunting motif, the king is either on horseback or on foot, and the main weapons used are bows and arrows, swords, and spears. The hunting targets include lions, wild boars, goats, and red deer. One example is the silver plate in Figs. 6.1 and 6.2. The hunter in the figure is Bahram I, who was the crown prince at that time. He is riding a horse and stabbing a wild boar with a sword. He is shown riding a horse and stabbing a wild boar with a sword. This silver plate was made around 272 A. D. and the original is in the Winter Palace Museum in Leningrad, Soviet Union.9 In the silver plate we have recently discovered with a hunting scene, the hunter does not wear the distinct crowns of the various kings of the Sassanid Empire, nor a luxurious patterned robe. Therefore, it seems that he is just a nobleman. The weapon he is holding appears to be a medium-sized spear, which requires both hands to wield, unlike the short spear in the hunting scene on a silver plate in the Berlin State Museum, which can be held with one hand. The front end of the spear in our silver plate appears to have already pierced the head of a wild boar, leaving only a large portion of the handle. Two wild boars are shown rushing out from phragmites communis in front of the hunter, appearing very fierce. After striking the first wild boar with the spear, the hunter has not yet pulled it back, and another wild boar emerges from phragmites communis behind him, forcing him to kick the boar’s head with his right foot. We know that wild boars are ferocious animals, with long snouts, exposed canine teeth, coarse bristles, and erect bristles along their back when angry, all of which are depicted very realistically in the scene. Wild boars like to live in the swamps of mountain forests, which are often filled with phragmites communis. Phragmites communis belongs to grass family, which grows in wetlands or shallow waters, such as swamp, riverbank. It can grow to several chi or even one zhang tall (according to the traditional Chinese unit of measurement, 1 chi = 23 cm; 1 chi = 10 cun; 1 zhang = 10 chi; 1 tael = 10 mace). Long and pointed leaves form two rows, and the top of the stem produces large panicles of flowers in the fall. The plant in the scene is indeed phragmites communis. There is a hunting scene of wild boars in another silver plate in the Winter Palace Museum in the Soviet Union. Under the wild boars and phragmites communis, there are ducks and fish in the shallow water, which shows a lively picture of a reed swamp (Fig. 6.2).10 A group of wild boars rushing through phragmites communis makes the scene more vivid. In order to glorify the king’s (or nobleman) bravery, the hunters, courageous and agile, are not only in the center of the plate, taking up a large amount of space, but also fighting a group of beasts alone. This is similar to the description in Changyang Fu by Sima Xiangru. It reads, “He struck bears and boars, and chased wild beasts”. However, these hunting scenes are not realistic, so the hunters often wear crowns, with ribbons fluttering behind their necks and pearls necklaces around their necks, dressed as if they were

9

Orbeli, Sasanian and early Islamic metalwork, in A. U. Pope ed., A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, 1981, p. 724, Pl. CCXII. 10 Orbeli, Sasanian and early Islamic metalwork, in A. U. Pope ed., A Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 2, 1981, p. 724, Pl. CCXVII.

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sitting in court or enjoying a banquet, rather than in a tense moment of hunting wild beasts, which can be seen as an exaggeration in the art. Due to this silver plate unearthed in the tomb with chronological record, it can be sure that the silver plate cannot be later than the end of the fifth century. In terms of the artistic style and technical characteristics, it likely belongs to the middle period of Sasanian art, from the second half of the fourth century to the end of the fifth century. We may even be able to date it to the fifth century. This silver plate is not only the evidence of communication between Iran and China at that time, but also a treasure of Sassanian art.

Chapter 7

Sasanian Cultural Relics Unearthed in China in Recent Years

China and Iran are both ancient civilizations. Their peoples have had friendly exchanges with a long history. The two countries have had mutual economy and trade exchange and their civilizations also have influenced each other. In the late second century B. C., Chinese envoy Zhang Qian was sent to the Western Regions and one of his deputies visited Iran. The king of Iran also sent an envoy to accompany the Chinese envoy to China. At that time, Iran was referred to as “Parthian Empire” in Chinese historical records, which is generally believed to be a transliteration of the Arsacid Empire (250–226 B. C.). During the Sassanid Empire (226–642), friendly exchanges between China and Iran became more frequent. At that time, Iran was called “Persia” in Chinese historical records, which has been used up to modern times. According to Chinese literature, Persia sent envoys to China more than 10 times within 66 years between 455 and 521. There were more exchanges between the peoples of the two countries. The last king of the Sassanid Empire, Yazdegerd III, was defeated by the Arabs in 642 and was soon killed, leading to the end of the empire. His descendants and many Iranians left Iran and came to China, where they either held in official positions or engaged

This article was presented by the author at the Sixth Iranian Archaeology Annual Conference held in Tehran on October 31st 1977, originally published in Archaeology, No. 2, 1978.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_7

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in business during the Tang Dynasty (618–907).1 At that time, numerous Sasanian cultural relics were directly or indirectly imported into China.2 Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, we have conducted many archaeological excavations and discovered a large number of ancient artifacts, including many Sasanian cultural relics. What is introduced here is only a part of cultural relics, but it already reflects the frequent economic and cultural exchanges between the two countries at that time. During the Sassanid Empire, “Silk Road”, the major transportation route connecting China and Iran, was unobstructed. Chinese silk, and possibly other goods, were continuously transported westward along this “Silk Road”. Countries in West and Central Asia, such as Persia, also imported silverware, spices, gemstones, glassware, and woolen fabrics into China. At that time, Persia produced gold, silver, glass, agate, crystal, ghatpot, brocade, and woolen fabrics in Chinese historical records. Today, the Sasanian cultural relics found in China are mainly silver coins, silverware, and Persian brocade, which is consistent with historical records.

7.1 Sasanian Silver Coins The number of Sasanian silver coins found within China is astonishing. According to my calculation, a total of 34 excavations have been carried out (only 4 before 1949), yielding 1,178 coins (only 6 before 1949), including many Arab-Sasanian silver coins.3 Interestingly, the majority of these coins have been found along the “Silk Road” or its extension from Xi’an to other capitals such as Luoyang and Datong (see Fig. 7.1 An Overview of Sasanian silver coins excavated in China). For example, these coins have been discovered in various locations such as Wuqia, Kuche, Turfan in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Xining in Qinghai, Xi’an and Yao County in Shaanxi, and Shan County and Luoyang in Henan. The other two locations, Yingde and Qujiang in Guangdong, were along the sea route. At that time, the sea route between the Persian Gulf and Guangzhou connected the two countries. 1

During the Tang Dynasty, Persian residents who lived in Chang’an held various positions in government, ranging from the fourth to seventh rank in the Sabao Office, and some even held prominent positions in the military. Some were also known for their ability to identify precious stones and amassed great wealth through commercial ventures (see Xiang Da, Chang’an and Western Civilization in the Tang Dynasty, 1957, p. 25, 34). Legend has it that in Yishan Zazuan written by Tang poet Li Shangyin, under the item of “incongruity”, the term “poor Persians” was listed alongside “scholars who cannot read”, and “butchers who recite scriptures” (according to Collection of Books in the Tang Dynasty). This nearly equated Persian merchants with wealthy merchants. 2 Zhang XingLang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East–West Communication, Book 4, Persia, pp. 53–84. 3 Xia Nai, An overview of Persian Sasanian silver coins unearthed in China, Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 1, 1974, pp. 91–110. After publication, another place (4 silver coins) was added, see Archaeology, No. 3, 1975, pp. 183–184.

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Fig. 7.1 Several typical Sasanian silverware. 1. eight-petal silver ware 2. high-foot cup 3. eight-sided cups with single handle 4. flat-handle jug (Bo Gyllensvärd, Gold and Silver ware of the Tang Dynasty, fig. 20. f, fig. 25. j, fig. 24. c, fig. 23. h)

All of these silver coins bear the names of twelve different kings respectively, spanning nearly 350 years from Shapur II (reigned 310–379) to the last Sasanian king, Yazdgerd III (reigned 632–651). Among them, the most numerous are those of Chosroes II (reigned 590–628), totaling 593 coins, followed by Peroz I (reigned 459–484), with 122 coins. Additionally, there are nearly 300 coins of the so-called Chosroes II-style Arab-Sasanian silver coins. Most of these coins have the name of their minting locations on the reverse side. Based on identifiable place names, the minting locations are mostly in the central and eastern parts of the Sassanid Empire. The discovery of these coins reflects the rise and fall of power and economy in Sassanid Empire, as well as its position as a transit point for trade between China and the Eastern Roman (Byzantine). Shapur II conquered Kushan Empire in Central Asia and downgraded it to a Sasanian province with its capital in Balkh (now within Afghanistan). At that time, China had flourishing trade with Persia through the border of today’s Afghanistan. The earliest Sasanian silver coins discovered in China belong to Shapur II and his two successors, and their quantity is not insignificant (a total of three batches, amounting to 32 coins), which reflects the beginning of frequent exchanges at that time. In the late fifth century, the Sasanian king Peroz (reigned 459–484) fought against the Hephthalites in Central Asia and was captured in battle. He was eventually redeemed through territorial cessions and tribute payments, which continued until they were abolished by Chosroes I in 540. The reason why coins of Peroz and his predecessors were able to spread in large quantities to China may be because the Hephthalites used the currency from Persian indemnities to purchase goods in the

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East. One of the silver coins we discovered even bears a Bactrian seal. According to Chinese historical records, during this period, Persia often sent envoys to China, and there were several occasions where they came together with Hephthalite envoys. During the reign of Emperor Chosroes II (reigned 590–628), Persia was powerful and prosperous. To meet the needs of trade, a large amount of new coins were minted, therefore, silver coins in his reign handed down are the most commonly found in China. According to “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of Sui, the Persian king at the time was Khosrau, and Emperor Yang (reigned 605–618) sent envoys to Persia, who was reciprocated with gifts by Persian envoys. Khosrau is generally believed to be referring to Chosroes II. The silver coins in his reign were the most commonly found in Sasanian silver coins in China, which was not surprising. After his reign, the last Sasanian king, Yazdegerd III, was known in Chinese historical records as “Yisihou”. It is recorded that he sent envoys to China in the twelveth year of Zhenguan reign (638) (or the 21st year of Zhenguan reign in another record (647)). This may have been an attempt to unite with China against the Arabs. During his reign, relations between China and Iran were closer. After his defeat and death, many Iranians, including his descendants, left Iran and settled in China. These discoveries show that there was frequent interaction between the people of China and Iran at that time, and the archaeological evidence and historical records mutually support each other. Based on the discovery of these silver coins, some can be determined to be hoarded. For example, more than 100 coins was found in one batch in Xining, packed in a pottery pot, and a batch of coins, up to 947 coins, was found in Wuqia. Some were placed in the casket of Buddhist stupa base as offerings from devout Buddhists. In most cases, they were found in tombs as personal ornaments or burial objects, or placed in the mouths of the deceased, with religious significance. In short, at the time, a considerable number of Sasanian silver coins were imported into China and used for various purposes.

7.2 Gold and Silver Ware The most prominent crafts of the Sassanid Empire were gold and silver ware and textiles. Before the Han Dynasty (i. e., before the third century), China had exquisite bronze and silk textiles that were rare in the world, but gold and silver containers were

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rarely seen until the Tang Dynasty.4 It may have been influenced by the craft of Sasanian gold and silver ware. Before the Tang Dynasty, Persian gold and silver containers were imported to China, and more were imported in the early Tang Dynasty, while Chinese gold and silver craftsmen also imitated to make such crafts. It is also possible that Iranian craftsmen made them in China. In terms of shape and decoration, these Sasanian gold and silver wares belong to the so-called “East Iran group”, which means that they were made in the eastern region of the Sassanid Empire.5 After the fall of the empire, this style of gold and silver ware was still imported or imitated until An Lushan Rebellion (756). Generally, Chinese replicas have a similar shape to those made by Iranians, but the style of the patterns is often Chinese style of the Tang Dynasty. Some even imitate the patterns so similarly that it is difficult to distinguish them from imported goods. Chinese craftsmen not only imitated the Sasanian style in gold and silver containers but also in porcelain, lacquerware, and bronze, which shows their love for Sasanian art at that time. The Northern Wei Dynasty made Dai (now Datong, Shanxi) its capital from 386 to 493. In 1970, a hoard was discovered in the ruins of the capital, which contained an eight-petal silver ware with sea monster patterns (see Fig. 7.1).6 The ware has an oval body, an eight-petal upper section and rim, with raised sea monster patterns on the bottom. This silver washing ware is likely to be a product of the Sassanid Empire. The hoard also contained three gilt copper cups with high foot and a partially gilt silver bowl, which were imported from West Asia or Central Asia and had a strong Hellenistic style rather than Sasanian style. It is believed that this hoard was buried in the fifth century, as the Northern Wei royal family and nobles moved to the new capital of Luoyang in 493. In 1957, a tomb of a 9-year-old girl (who died in 608) from the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557–580) was discovered on the outskirts of Chang’an, the capital of the Sui and Tang Dynasties (now Xi’an). A high-foot golden cup and a silver cup with trumpet-shaped foot were unearthed from the tomb, each with a convex edge in the middle of the foot and body.7 A Sasanian silver coin from the reign of Peroz I (457–483), a gold necklace and five glass containers from West

4

According to Du Fu’s poem “Zhujiang Shi”: “Yesterday the jade fish was buried in the ground, and the golden bowl soon after was taken out of the world” (Poetry Collection of Du Fu, Vol. 15, “Sibu Beiyao” edition). The allusion of the “golden bowl” comes from Story of Emperor Wu of Han (this is not found in the current version, but is mentioned in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia (Taiping Yulan) Vol. 759), originally referred to as a “jade cup”. The memorial text recorded in “Biography of Shen Jiong”, History of the Southern Dynasties uses the phrase “the jade bowl of Maoling was taken out of the world”, which also refers to this allusion. Du Fu changed “jade” to “golden” in his poem to avoid repetition with the word “jade” in the previous sentence. However, the use of a golden bowl in funerals was the custom of the Tang Dynasty, not Han Dynasty. No golden bowls have been found among Han relics. 5 A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, Iranian silver and its influence in T’ang China, see W. Watson, ed., Pottery and Metalwork in T’ang China (London, 1970), pp. 9–13. 6 Cultural Relics Unearthed during the Cultural Revolution, Beijing, 1972, Pls. CXLIX–CLII; See Culture Relics, No. 9, 1977, pp. 48–75. 7 Archaeological Harvest of New China, Beijing, 1961, p. 99, Pl. CIII, CIV. See Archaeology, No. 9, 1959, pp. 471–472, Pls. II–III.

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Asian were also found in the tomb. The Sasanian gold and silver containers found in these two sites were imported during the Sassanid Empire. Some newly discovered gold and silver wares were buried in the ground relatively late, between the fall of the Persian Sassanid Empire in 651 and An Lushan Rebellion in China in 756, nearly 100 years. However, some of them may have been made earlier. The hoard found in Hejia village, Xi’an in 1970 may have been buried just before An Lushan Rebellion.8 The hoard contained over a thousand items, including several items in Sasanian style. For example, there are three eight-sided gilt silver cups with relief figures of musicians or dancers on each side. The base is decorated with fish seed grain pattern, and the handle is circular with a flat plate for the thumb. Some handles are decorated with the head of a Mongol with high nose and deep eyes. There are also pearl-bordered medallions on the edge of the foot and a column of vertical pearl-bordered medallions at the juncture of each side. Apart from some Chinese elements in the figures and clothing on each side, the rest of the features are in Sasanian style. There are also some gold and silver wares, such as a multi-petal silver plate with animal motifs engraved on the bottom, which are difficult to identify as imports or replicas. There is also a silver cup with high foot, engraved patterns of Chinese-style hunting scenes of the Tang Dynasty, with fish seed grain pattern on the base. The hunters’ clothes and faces are all Chinese-style. The patterns cover the entire surface, unlike Sasanian-style designs, which are often separated into different units. This may be a Chinese replica made by local craftsmen. Recently (in 1975), a group of silverware was discovered in a tomb in the northern part of Aohan Banner in Inner Mongolia (now in Liaoning Province), including a silver flat-handle jug with pearl-bordered medallion around the outer edge of the bottom, a spout on the mouth, and a seam between the spout and mouth.9 There is a bust of a Mongol at the junction of the handle and mouth. These are all features of Sasanian style silver jugs. There is also a silver plate with a raised tiger pattern on the bottom, similar to the silver plate with animal motifs found in the hoard of Hejia village, indicating that they were from the same period. After An Lushan Rebellion (756), some of the Chinese-made gold and silver containers in Sasanian-style (such as the above-mentioned eight-sided cups with handles, high-foot cups, handled jars, and multi-petal oval plates), were abandoned or rarely used. Common shapes included bowls, plates, and boxes. The patterns were mostly interlaced flowers, floral clusters, and bird and flower motifs. However, we can still see the influence of gold and silver containers in Sasanian style on the production of Chinese gold and silver containers.10

8

Cultural Relics Unearthed during the Cultural Revolution, Pls. LI–LIV; See Culture Relics, No. 1, 1972, pp. 30–35, fig. 19, 24, 25, 27. 9 Gold and silver ware excavated from Lijia Yingzi, Aohan Banner, in Archaeology, No. 2, 1978, pp. 117–118, Pls. VIII–IX. 10 Bo Gyllensvärd, T’ang Gold and Silver (English, Stockholm, 1957), pp. 186–195.

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7.3 Brocade Silk has been China’s main export product since the opening of the “Silk Road”. Silk from the Han Dynasty (from the early first century B. C. to the third century) was discovered in Central Asia and West Asia. During the Sassanid Empire, Iranian textile workers migrated from Syria and began to produce silk. Later, they were also able to weave brocade, which was imported back to China. The Chinese called it “Persian brocade”. According to Book of Liang, in 520, the Hephthalites in Central Asia sent envoys to China with gifts, including “Persian brocade”. In the Astana Cemetery in Turfan, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a type of brocade appeared in the seventh century that is different from the typical Chinese Han and Tang brocade. In terms of textile technology, the silk threads are tightly twisted, unlike Han brocade, which are mostly untwisted or loosely twisted. It adopted twill compound weave with weft-patterned. Interior warp is often doubled. This weaving technique is common in Sasanian Persian brocades (Fig. 7.2). Han brocade, on the other hand, has a flat weave ground with warp-patterned and single interior weft. The pattern layout of this brocade is not like Han brocade, in which patterns traverse the whole brocade, but instead used pearl-bordered medallion circles to separate various pattern units. The pattern motifs, such as wild boar patterns and Sasanian standing bird patterns, are also not Chinese style but rather Sasanian style.11 I believe that these may be what is known as “Persian brocade”, made in eastern Iran and partially imported into China. Now I will give two examples. One is the brocade with boar head pattern, unearthed from Tomb 325,12 which dates back to 661. In the mural of Balarek-Tepe site in Uzbekistan (fifth-sixth centuries), an Iranian-looking figure wears a coat of this kind brocade with boar head patterns. The other specimen is the brocade with standing bird pattern, unearthed from Tomb 332, which is from a similar period.13 The standing bird has two ribbons behind its neck that float backwards, and it holds a necklaceshaped object in its mouth with three hanging beads. There is a row of pearl-bordered medallion patterns on its neck and wings, which are typical features of Sasanian standing bird patterns, and they are completely different from the traditional Chinese phoenix or rosefinch bird patterns. However, the standing bird patterns with these features were found in the mural of Varakhsha in Uzbekistan (Fig. 7.3) and in Sasanian silverware patterns.14 11 Xia Nai, New finds of ancient silk fabrics in Sinkiang—damask, brocade and embroidery, Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 1, 1963, pp. 66–74, fig. 10, 15 (weaving diagram), 16 (embroidered clothes with boar head pattern). 12 Xia Nai, New finds of ancient silk fabrics in Sinkiang—damask, brocade and embroidery, pp. 72– 73, Pl. XII, 2. 13 Ibid., p. 73, Pl. XII, 1. 14 This type of Sasanian silver plate with standing bird patterns can be seen in A Survey of Persian Art edited by Pope (1967, reprinted), Book VII, Pl. 215, B. In addition, Sasanian gypsum plaster sculptures with bore head and standing bird patterns can be found in the same book, Book VII, Pl. 177. During my visit to Iran, I also saw Sasanian gypsum plaster sculptures with these patterns in the National Museum of Iran in Tehran.

90 Fig. 7.2 Ordinary weaving technique of Persian Brocade in Sassanid Dynasty (A Survey of Persian Art, Book V, p. 2185, fig. 730)

Fig. 7.3 Sasanian patterns in the mural of Varakhsha in Uzbekistan (Soviet Institute for the History of Material Culture, Fieldnote Brief Report, No. 80, 1960, p. 23, Fig. 7.1)

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In the Astana Cemetery in China, the brocade with confronting animals and birds pattern surrounded by pearl-bordered medallion appeared as early as the sixth century (such as Tomb 303). However, the weaving technique still followed the traditional Han brocade style of warp-patterned compound cloth weave. The brocades with Sasanian patterns are probably for export purposes. One of these brocades is a camelled brocade, featuring a camel and a camel driver with their opposite feet, surrounded by pearl-bordered medallion. However, there are two Chinese characters “Hu Wang” in the center, which indicates that the brocade was made in China.15 Later, Chinese weavers not only adopted Sasanian patterns, but also began using their weaving technique of weft-patterned compound twill weave. Some brocades with Chinese patterns, such as bird and flower brocade and colorful stripe brocade, also used this new weaving technique.16 Therefore, some replicas of the Sasanian brocades produced in China are difficult to distinguish from those Sasanian brocades, when viewed only through photographs. This is an example of the achievements resulting from cultural exchanges and mutual learning between the two countries.

7.4 Inscriptions with Pahlavi Script Finally, let me introduce a tomb inscription discovered in Xi’an in 1955, which features a combination of Chinese and Pahlavi script.17 Although this tomb inscription dates back to the ninth century, it still represents the tradition of typical Sasanian culture. The use of Pahlavi script began in the Parthian Empire and became prevalent in the Sassanid Empire, with a later script style known as “Pahlavi walking script”, which is also found in the inscription of Sasanian silver coins discovered in China. As for the discovery of this script on stone carvings, this was the first time it had been found in China. The inscription on this stone carving indicates that it is the tombstone of Ma (849–874), the wife of a Parsee named Su Lang. After the Arab invasion of Iran, many members of the Sasanian royal families and nobles fled to China and settled. Su Lang was one of the prominent members of the Sassanian clan, and his father or grandfather was likely one of the exiled nobles. Su Lang’s military position was “Left Shence Army Grand Generalissimo” in the inscription. According to Chinese 15 Cultural Relics Unearthed in Xinjiang, 1975, Beijing, Pl. LIII, Fig. 82; See Cultural Relics, No. 10, 1973, p. 16, Pl. I, 2. 16 Silk Road, 1972, Beijing, Fig. 42, 45; See Archaeology, No. 2, 1972, p. 30, Pl. V, 1 and X, 4. 17 The combined epitaph in both Chinese and Pahlavi script of a Parsee in late Tang Dynasty discovered in Xi’an, see Archaeology, No. 9, 1964, pp. 458–461, Pl. IX, 1. For an interpretation of Pahlavi script, see Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 2, 1964, pp. 195–202, Pl. I, II. Cf. W. Sundcrmann and T. Thilo: The combined epitaph of Persian and Chinese in Mediaeval Times unearthed in Xi’an, Bulletin of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Vol. 11, fasc. 3 (German, Berlin, 1966), pp. 437–450. J. Harmatla, Sino-Iranica (English), Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae, Vol. 19, fascs. 1–2 (Budapest, 1971), pp. 113–147. I. Ecsedy, A middle Persian-Chinese epitaph from the region of Ch’ang-an (Hsian) from 874 (English), pp. 149–158.

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historical records, in 787, the chiefs and exiled princes from various western countries who came to the capital to pay tribute and didn’t want to return were incorporated into left and right Shence Army, with the princes and envoys serving as officers and the others as soldiers in the Tang Dynasty. The husband of the deceased was the son or grandson of these officers, inheriting the same military position. This tombstone reflects the friendship between the people of China and Iran at that time, which is an interesting historical record. Since the Sasanid Empire, the people of China and Iran have maintained friendly exchanges. After the invasion of western colonialism, both peoples rose up to fight bravely and shared a common fate. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Iran in July 1971, the traditional friendship between the two countries has been developed. Various delegations from both countries have visited each other, strengthening the friendly and cooperative relationship between the people of China and Iran. In 1975, an Iranian archaeological delegation led by F. Baghezedchl, the director of the Iranian National Archaeological Center, visited China, promoting friendly relations between Chinese and Iranian archaeologists. We brought the friendship of the Chinese people, including the friendship of Chinese colleagues, to Iran, and in this report, we revisited the history of our friendly relations in the past. This made us cherish this long-standing friendship even more. We believed that this friendship would be further consolidated and developed in the future.

Chapter 8

Eastern Roman Gold Coins Unearthed from the Sui Tomb at Dizhangwan, Xianyang

In 1953, a gold coin from the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire was unearthed from a Sui tomb at Dizhangwan, Xianyang, near Xi’an. When the gold coin was displayed at the National Exhibition of Unearthed Cultural Relics in Beijing in 1954, it immediately caught everyone’s attention, and was thought to be a very important material for the history of Chinese transportation. However, up to now, it has not been authenticated, so this article is written to provide a verification and interpretation.

8.1 . This gold coin has a diameter of 2.1 cm1 and weighs 4.4 g (equivalent to 68 grains in the English weight system), with images and inscriptions on both sides. The king on this coin has no beard, but some have beard. The obverse shows a half-length portrait of the king. He wears a helmet on his head and a cross-collared armor, with two braids hanging down on either side of his ears. The edges and contours of the helmet and armor are represented with small dots of pear-bordered medallion that was typical at the time. The king is holding a globe in his right hand, on the top of which stands a winged victory goddess holding a laurel wreath. In his left hand, he is holding a shield. The inscription begins on the right side of the king’s portrait and reads: DNIVSTINVSPPAVG. The border is slightly raised. The reverse side features a goddess, wearing a helmet and a robe, seated on a throne, slightly leaning 1 Supplementary note: The diameter of solidus was not consistent. One of Justinin’s coins had a diameter of 24 mm, while smaller ones were only 18 mm.

This article was originally published in Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 3, 1959, and was later included in Collection of Archaeological Papers with additional annotations. The book was published by Science Press in Beijing in 1961. The author made several additional notes and supplementary notes in his personal copy, which have been included in the collection.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_8

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towards the left. She is holding a spear in her right hand and a globe with a cross in her left hand. The inscription below the throne reads: CONOB. There is another inscription that starts on the right side of the goddess and almost encircles the coin from bottom to top. The inscription reads: VICTORIAAVGGGE. The border is also slightly raised. Near the edge, there is a small drilled hole that passes through the coin, just above the crown on the obverse. Its reverse is under the throne, with the damaged letter N in the inscription. This hole was drilled later for use as a suspension loop for a pendant. This coin is from the Eastern Roman Emperor Justin II (reigned 565–578). The inscription is in Latin, with some letters omitted. The complete inscription can be restored (all omitted letters are added in lowercase letters in parentheses). The text reads: D (ominus) N (oster) IVSTINVS P (ater) P (atriae)2 AVG (ustus). In ancient inscriptions, the Latin letters I and J were not distinguished, nor were U and V. IVSTINVS is Justinus, also known as Justin II in historical records. D. N. means “Our Lord”, an honorary title for Roman emperors. P. P. means “Father of the Country”, an honorary title given to Emperor Octavian by the Roman Senate in 2 B. C., and later adopted by subsequent emperors. Augustus means “Supreme”, an honorary title given to Emperor Octavian by the Roman Senate in 27 B. C., which later adopted by subsequent emperors and almost became synonymous with “Roman Emperor”. On the back of the coin, the inscription below the seat is CON (stantinople) OB (signata), the name of minting location, which means “minted in Constantinople”.3 VICTORIAAVGGGE means “victory of the emperors”, with two or three G representing multiple Augusti, i. e., two or three emperors. In his later years (from 574), Justin II was unable to govern due to illness. Empress Sophia served as regent and also appointed her adopted son Tiberius as co-ruler and heir to the throne. Tiberius later took the name Augustus and they ruled together. The three “Augustus” refer to Justin II, Sophia and Tiberius. The letter E at the end is an “officina mark”. The letters, such as A, B…E, stand for the officina of the minting location, with E being the fifth officinal.4

2

Supplementary note: The correct interpretation of pp is now considered to be an abbreviation for perpetuus (meaning “eternal” or “everlasting”). In earlier gold coins of Anastasius (491–518), this abbreviation was written as “perp” (Whitting, Byzantine coins, 1973, pp. 43–44, No. 5; also pp. 13–14, No. 3), which means “the undying emperor” or “forever emperor” (ibid., p. 14, also p. 24), both of which convey the idea of “eternal emperor”. 3 Supplementary note: Whitting believed that it referred to the official fineness of coins minted in Constantinople, and thus did not necessarily indicate that the coins were minted in Constantinople (similar to the meaning of “Jingchen” or “Jingqian” in China) (p. 47, also pp. 60–61). After Anastasius (491–518), minting locations were rarely on gold coins, while copper coins often bore minting locations before the second half of the seventh century. Minting locations were relatively rare on silver coins, and even less on gold coins (p. 60). The minting of coins with “CONOB” inscription was not limited to Constantinople, as gold coins minted in Alexandria, Carthage, Spain, Thessaloniki, Rome, Naples, and elsewhere also bore this inscription (pp. 69–71). 4 Cf. Humphreys, Coin Collector’s Manual, 1897, pp. 394, 603 ff. Also J. Sabatier, Description generaledes monnaies byzantines, 1862 (reprinted, 1955), Vol.5, pp. 33–34, 42, 74. [Supplementary note: Whitting’ previous book (p. 300) provides an alphabet used to represent numbers on Byzantine

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Roman coin was called “Aureus” since the first century B. C., weighing 1/40 pound of gold. It was equivalent to 120–130 grains in the English weight system (approximately 7.7–8.4 g).5 In the fourth century, Constantine the Great reformed the currency and introduced a lighter gold coin called “Solidus”, also known as “Nomisma”, weighing 1/72 pound, equivalent to 68–70 grains (approximately 4.4– 4.54 g).6 This type of coin remained in circulation without changes until the fall of the Eastern Roman Empire in 1453, although the actual weight of each coin varied slightly throughout different periods. The weight of this coin is slightly over 4.4 g, which is surely a “Solidus”.7 Since the reign of Emperor Justinian I (reigned 527– 565), Roman coins have featured a frontal portrait of the emperor instead of a profile view. This coin is a frontal portrait. The back of the coin often depicted the winged Victory goddess, although the coins of Emperor Justin II featured a non-winged goddess instead, with unchanged inscriptions. The globe held in the hand was a symbol of authority. A cross on the globe represented the adoption of Christianity as the state religion in the Eastern Roman Empire. The Victory goddess on the top of the globe signified global conquest. The book General Description of Byzantine Coins by Sabatier depicts the gold coin of Emperor Justin II,8 which is identical in both image and inscription to this specimen. Therefore, it is undoubtedly a coin of Justin II. When this gold coin was exhibited in Beijing, it was displayed alongside inscription rubbings from two Sui tombs excavated in Dizhangwan, one belonging to Dugu Luo and the other to Duan Wei. Which tomb did this gold coin come from? The experts from the Shaanxi Cultural Relics Bureau who escorted the coin to Beijing clashed on this issue. An article by Zhang Tiexian published in the Cultural Relics coins, while he states that there were 10 officinas producing gold coins and 5 officinas producing copper coins in Constantinople on p. 68 (also see p. 74).]. 5 Supplement note: During the reign of Anastasius (491–518) and Justinian I, the coin was increased 1/60 pound. 6 Sabatier, op. cit., pp. 51–53, Whitting believed that solidus means whole, complete, or pure (gold) in Latin, while the Greeks called it “nomisma”, which means “coin or specifically “gold nomisma”. Therefore, numismatists may use the term “solidus” to refer specifically to “gold coins” minted before the reign of Nicephorus Phocas (reigned 963-969). However, at the time, people were already accustomed to calling these coins “nomisma” (p. 40). From this time on, a lighter gold coin began to circulate, generally called “nomisma tetarten”, which had a diameter of about 1/12 and weighed about 4.1 g. The original gold coins (which later had a reduced purity) were called “nomisma histamenon” (meaning “standard”), weighing about 4.5 g or slightly less. Later, in 1092, Alexius reformed the currency system and introduced a new gold coin called the “hyperper” (or “hyperperon”). In numismatics, this coin is sometimes referred to as “spread fabric nomisma”, which is generally thought to mean “highly tried in the fire refined (gold)”. It had a purity of 21 carats, while a more silver-laden coin was called “trachy”, with the electrum trachy being worth 1/3 of a hyperper and the billon trachy being worth 1/24 (pp. 40–41). “Scyphate” (5–7 carats), sometimes called “aspron”, is actually a mistake, as the Greek word “aspron” means “white” and these coins had 4%-7% silver. 7 Supplementary note: During the reign of Justinian I, one solidus was equivalent to 12 miliaresia and 180 follis. Later, the value of miliaresion increased, and by the ninth century, each miliaresion was worth 24 follis. 8 Sabatier, op. cit., p. 224, Pl. XXI, 1–2.

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Reference Materials at the time stated that it was found in the tomb of Dugu Luo,9 which was one of two possibilities. Yan Lei, who participated in the excavation work, said that it was found in the tomb of Duan Wei. According to the inscription, Duan Wei died in the fifteenth year of Kaihuang reign (595), which was less than 20 years after the death of Justin II (578). Duan Wei, a famous general of the Sui Dynasty, was the father of Duan Wenzhen. According to “Biography of Duan Wenzhen” in Book of Sui, Duan Wei was the governor of the Zhoutao, He, Gan, and Wei provinces.10 However, according to a recent letter from the Shaanxi Museum, “the gold coin was indeed discovered in the tomb of Dugu Luo, which was very clear in the fieldnotes.” If this is the case, according to the inscription, Dugu Luo died in the nineteenth year of Kaihuang reign (599) and was buried the following February. According to Book of Sui (Vol. 79) and History of the Northern Dynasties (Vol. 61), Dugu Luo, the elder brother of Empress Wenxian, was the general manager of the armies of Liang, Gan, and Gua provinces, as well as the governor of Liangzhou. Based on Zhang Tiexian’s article, Professor Goodley at Columbia University mistakenly speculated that it was a gold coin of Emperor Focas (reigned 602–610) from the Eastern Roman.11 This is incorrect because gold coins minted after 602 would not have been buried in a tomb that was already buried in 600. (Note: Yan Lei recently wrote to correct his mistake and confirmed that the coin was from the tomb of Dugu Luo.)

8.2 . Marx once pointed that during the Eastern Roman Empire, Constantinople “was always a huge trading market before the discovery of the route leading directly to India” and was called “golden bridge connecting the East and the West”.12 Our specimen was made in Constantinople but unearthed in Xi’an, which is over 15,000 miles away from the trade bridge in the east. This can prove the correctness of Marx’s view. Justin II (reigned 565–578, i.e. from the fifth year of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou to the first year of Emperor Xuanzhi) was the heir and nephew of Emperor Justinian I, who was famous for codification. At that time, the Sassanid Empire, another major power in the West Asia, was at its peak under the reign of Chosroes I (reigned 531–579) and had engaged in several wars with the Eastern Roman Empire, invading its territories. In 562, the two nations made peace, with the Eastern Romans paying a huge amount of indemnities. After Justin II ascended to the throne, he stopped paying the indemnities to Persia, and the relationship between the two nations 9

Zhang Tiexian,On the northern discoveries in the national unearthed relics exhibition, Cultural Relics, No. 10, 1954, p. 54. 10 “Biography of Duan Wenzhen”, Book of Sui (collection of various editions), Vol. 60, p. 11. 11 L. C. Goodricn, The Journal of Asian Studies. VII, 1, 1957, p. 14. 12 Levchenko, Sketches in Byzantine Culture (Chinese translation, 1959), pp. 6–7 cited from a secondary source.

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became tense, leading to several military conflicts. At that time, the trade between the East and the West was still mostly in the hands of the Persians.13 Justin II wanted to bypass Persia and opened up a trade route to the East, so in 568, he sent an envoy named Zemarchus to the khan camp-court of the Western Turkic Khaganate.14 Before that, Emperor Justinian I had imported silkworm eggs from China and introduced the method of silk production to the Eastern Roman Empire.15 At that time, China knew the Byzantine Empire, which was referred to as “Fulin” in Chinese historical records. Although the origin of this name is still uncertain, it refers to the Byzantine Empire. In recent years, scholars’ opinions have been increasingly unanimous. The name “Fulin” first appeared in Book of Sui. Xiyu Tuji, written by Pei Ju, reads: “From Dunhuang to the Western Sea, there are three roads, each with its own strategic terrain: the northern road passes through Yiwu, Barkol Lake, the Tiele tribe, the Turkic Khan camp-court, and crosses Beiliu river to Fulin, reaching the Western Sea; one of the middle roads passes through Gaochang, Yanqi, Kucha, Shule, crosses Pamir Mountains, and also passes through the Ferghana, Ushrusana, Kangju, Principality of Ushrusana, Kushanika, Bokhara, Maru, and reaches Persia to the Western Sea; the southern road passes through Shanshan, Kingdom of Khotan, Karghalik, and Gorband, crosses Pamir Mountains, and also passes through Waxan, Tokharistan, Hephthalites, Bamian, and Principality of Ushrusana, and reaches the Western Sea at North Brahmin.”16 The section of this northern road, which is close to Constantinople, is the route taken by the Eastern Roman envoy Zemarchus when he went to the Turkic khan camp-court. After reaching the Western Sea, the middle and southern roads could also lead to Fulin by sea. Fulin was mentioned in the volume 83 “Legend of Persia” and volume 84 “Biography of Tiele” in Book of Sui. According to “Legend of Persia”, Fulin is 4,500 miles northwest of Persia. Pei Ju was in charge of the trade with various merchants of the Western Regions in Zhangye from the first to the second year of the Sui Dynasty (605–606). Xiyu Tujin was his personal record of his conversations with various “foreign merchants”. Although the original book has been lost, from its preface and “Biography of the Western Regions” in Book of Sui, we can see the relationship between China and the West at that time. During the Tang Dynasty, there were more connections between China and the Byzantine Empire, and their situation was clearer. “Biography of Fuling” can be found in both New Book of Tang and Old Book of Tang, which provides more specific facts about the Byzantine Empire. At that time, the Byzantine Empire had sent

13

Supplement note: The Sassanid Empire (224–636) was in conflict with the Byzantine Empire, so some trade did not pass through Persia but instead went through the northern route via Central Asia to reach the Byzantine Empire, or via sea routes. 14 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East–West Communication, Book 1, Part 2, pp. 103–113. 15 Ibid., pp. 76–78; See Qi Sihe, The Relationship between China and Byzantine Empire, 1956, pp. 18–25. 16 “Biography of Pei Ju”, Book of Sui (collection of various editions), Vol. 60, p. 11.

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envoys to the Tang Dynasty,17 and several commodities were imported into China.18 However, as this is beyond the scope of this article due to the later time period, it will not be described in detail here.

8.3 . The relationship between China and Byzantium was introduced in the former parts. Now, we can talk about the situation of Byzantine currency flowing into China at that time. According to “Treatise on food and commodities” in Book of Sui, during the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557–580), “the various perfectures in Hexi used gold and silver coins from the Western Regions, and the government did not prohibit it”.19 Jitsuz¯o Kuwabara in a paper suggested that this phenomenon was the result of the extensive trade of various merchants from the Western Regions in Hexi. He also noted that “it was due to the early use of gold and silver currency by Iranians (Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde, Bd. III, SS. 661–662). It is possible that the gold and silver coins used in this region were of Iranian origin, although this cannot be confirmed. However, based on what was said by the Egyptian Cosmas in the early half of the sixth century, which was roughly equivalent to the beginning of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, trade in all countries in the world, from Tsinitza (China) in the east to Rome in the west, mainly used Roman currency (Christian Topography, p. 73). Therefore, it is more likely that the gold and silver coins circulated in Hexi were Roman currency rather than Iranian currency”.20 This claim, however, is at least partly incorrect because it confuses gold coins with silver coins. Prior to the rise of the Arab Empire, the international currency of Western Asia used gold coins from the Eastern Roman Empire and silver coins from Iran (i. e., the Persian Sassanid Empire). While the Sasanian emperors minted a large number of silver coins, they rarely produced gold coins. Therefore, when the Arab Empire began minting new coins in the early seventh century, they followed the customary practice of using Arab-Byzantine gold coins and Arab-Sasanian silver coins, with copper coins using both styles. However, Byzantine coins did not include any silver coin, and Arab-Sasanian coins did not include any gold coin.21 At the time, the international currency in Central Asia was similar probably. In the Astana Cemetery in Turfan, Xinjiang from sixth to seventh centuries, two Sasanian silver coins (Chosroes I, reigned 531–579; Hormizd IV, reigned 579–580) and one Byzantine gold coin 17

Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East–West Communication, Book 1, Part 2, pp. 157–168. 18 Qi Sihe, The Relationship between China and Byzantine Empire, pp. 26–32. 19 Book of Sui (collection of various editions), Vol. 24, p. 21. 20 People from the Western Regions coming to China in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, in History of Eastern Civilization, 1934), pp. 343–344. 21 J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum, Vol. 2, 1956, p. XV.

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(Justin I, reigned 527–565) were unearthed in Tomb i. 3, as well as one Sasanian silver coin in Tomb v. 2. Two additional Arab-Byzantine gold coins were Justinianstyle replicas, with only one side bearing patterns and light and thin texture, which were found in Tomb i. 5 and i. 6.22 After 1949, Sasanian silver coins were found in Turfan, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Xining, Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, and Shan County, Henan Province,23 but Sasanian gold coins or Byzantine silver coins have never been unearthed. Conversely, in addition to this gold coin, a Byzantine gold coin was recently discovered in a Tang tomb in Tumen Village in the western suburbs of Xi’an (see supplementary note). Therefore, it can be said that “gold and silver coins from the Western Regions” that circulated in the perfectures of Hexi during the Northern Zhou Dynasty were likely Eastern Roman gold coins and Sasanian silver coins, although there may have also been gold and silver coins from other Western Regions. During archaeological survey of the Hexi Corridor in 1945, the author visited Wuwei, where the epigraphy of Kang Ada from Kangju, was unearthed. According to local residents, in addition to the tombstone, a gold coin was also found in the tomb. The discoverer exchanged it for cash at a bank, and it was probably melted down later, making it impossible to trace. Without seeing the original object, it is unclear which country the gold coin belonged to. At that time, many “foreign merchants” from the Western Regions came to trade in the various prefectures of Hexi, and gold and silver coins from the Western Regions also flowed into the region. During the Northern Zhou Dynasty, they were even adopted as the common currency of the region. The discovery of Byzantine gold coins in the tomb of Dugu Luo, a senior official in Hexi, who served as the governor of Liangzhou during the early Sui Dynasty and was buried near Xi’an, reflects this economic situation.

8.4 . Here is a discussion about the Roman copper coins unearthed in Lingshi, Shanxi during the Qing Dynasty. Zhang Xinglang said, “Recently, westerners have excavated 16 ancient Roman coins in Shanxi. Observing the inscriptions on the coins, they are all believed to have been minted during the reigns of Roman emperors from Tiberius to Antoninus… This is solid evidence that the Roman coins flowed into China during that time of frequent trade (W. S. Bushell, “Ancient Roman coins from Shansi”, in the Journal of the Peking Oriental Society 1885, 1, 2.).”24 Tiberius, also known as Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus, was the stepson and heir of the founder of the 22

A. Stein, Innermost Asia, Vol. 2, pp. 646–648, 995, Pl. CXX, 15–19. Xia Nai, Persian Sasanian silver coins recently discovered in China, Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 2, 1957; Persian Sasanian silver coins unearthed in Xining, Qinghai, Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 1, 1958. Two Coins were unearthed from a Sui Tomb in Xi’an and a Tang Tomb in Taiyuan respectively, see Archaeology, No. 9, 1959, pp. 475–476; Recently, a large number of coins were unearthed in Wuqia, Xinjiang, ibid., p. 482, 483. 24 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 1, Part 2, p. 42. 23

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Roman Empire, Emperor Octavian. Antoninus refers to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who is generally believed to be the “King of Daqin” mentioned in the “Biography of the Western Regions” in Book of the Later Han. He ascended to the throne in the fourth year of Yanxi reign, Emperor Huan of the Han Dynasty (161). Regarding Roman currency, Jitsuz¯o Kuwabara wrote in the above mentioned paper, “About 80 years ago, 16 Roman copper coins from the Tiberius reign (14–37) to the Aurelian reign (270–275) were excavated in Lingshi County, Huozhou City, Shanxi Province (Bushell…). These copper coins were probably relics that circulated in ancient north China before or during the Northern and Southern Dynasties.”25 According to “the first year of Yining reign” in “Annals of Sui”, Tongjian, Jitsuz¯o Kuwabara assumed that “Jiahu Fort” in Lingshi County, Huozhou City was named after the settlement of foreign merchants, which is why some Roman copper coins were left behind. We have read the original text published by Bushell in 1886 (mistakenly cited as 1885 in Zhang Xinglang’s quote) and learned that these copper coins were not dug up by westerners, but were given by a merchant surnamed Yang from Lingshi County. Bushell retold Yang’s words that these 16 copper coins had been collected in his family for 50–60 years. The original discoverer found them nearby and sold them to Yang’s family. In addition to these 16 coins, there was also a small copper coin that Bushell identified as a coin minted in 1589 during the reign of Henry III, the king of Francia and Poland. Therefore, Bushell believed that this coin was mixed in later. As for the 16 Roman coins, they included one each of Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Faustina (Empress), Commodus, Gallienus, and Aurelian, and two each of Septimius Severus, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius (i.e. the Emperor Antoninus). It can be seen that the latest one was Aurelian (reigned 270–275), rather than the Emperor Antoninus (reigned 161–180). Zhang Xinglang probably mistook Aurelian for Marcus Aurelius. As for the weight of each coin, according to Bushell, they were measured in English system and ranged from 35 grains for the lightest, which was a Roman Semisses, to 435 grains for the heaviest, which was a Roman Sestertius. Both of these were copper coins commonly used in the Roman Empire, with one Sestertius equaling to eight Semisses. Based on Bushell’s original report, we can make a further investigation on this data. Generally, the ancient coin hoards discovered in modern times include not just one type of coin, but they would not include coins from 13 emperors spanning over 260 years, with only one or two of each kind. Is clearly suggests that this is the collection of an antiquarian rather than a batch of coins held by an ordinary person for the purpose of purchasing goods. During the Han and Jin Dynasties, there were not many foreign merchants coming to the mainland of China, and Lingshi County in Shanxi province was not on the major trade route between China and the West. Therefore, it is unbelievable to suggest that these coins were flowed in Lingshi County during the Han and Jin Dynasties. Therefore, Jitsuz¯o Kuwabara pushed the era back a bit and suggested that these copper coins were in circulation in northern China before or during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (396–588). However, pushing the era back brings new difficulties that are difficult to explain. This hoard includes 25

History of Eastern Civilization, p. 344.

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copper coins from 13 emperors between A. D. 14 and 275, but why are there no coins from within a hundred years or contemporaneous with them? After the reform of the coin system by Emperor Diocletian (284–305) of the Roman Empire, Roman copper coins no longer used “Setertine” but adopted a new unit called “Follis”.26 Why did the merchants of the Southern and Northern Dynasties carry these coins that were no longer in circulation in the Roman Empire? (It should be pointed out that gold and silver coins and copper coins are different in this regard. They are precious metals that can circulate far away without being used as currency, as they are expensive and easy to carry, and can be used as physical objects and measured by weight when needed.) As for the name of Jiahu Fort in Lingshi County, Shanxi province during the Sui and Tang Dynasties, it is not necessarily named after the settlement of western merchants. Many villages in China today are named after the surnames of the major families in the village. Jiahu Fort may have been named after the Jia and Hu clans who lived in the fort. We cannot make a conclusion based on this weak evidence. I now propose another explanation that seems to be more reasonable. The coin of Henry III in 1589 should not be disregarded, but rather used as an important clue to solving this problem. I believe that this batch of copper coins (including the Roman and Frankish ones in 1589) was collected by westerners with a love for ancient coins in Europe in modern times. If this is the case, then the coins cannot be dated earlier than 1589 (the 17th year of Wanli reign of the Ming Dynasty). If this Frankish copper coin was also collected as an ancient coin, then its date could be even later. I think that this collector had a particular interest in collecting ancient Roman Empire copper coins, while the contemporary coin was the incidental collection, which seems more in line with the facts. Therefore, I suspect that these copper coins were brought to China by western missionaries during the late Ming or Qing Dynasties. We cannot know how they fell into the hands of the merchant Yang in Shanxi. Perhaps they were buried underground and actually dug up as Yang claimed. Another possibility is that he or his ancestors purchased or received these foreign copper coins as gifts. In order to make westerners appreciate these ancient coins, he fabricated a story of them being dug up from underground. It happened for him to encounter westerners with a penchant for research, who separated the Roman and Frankish coins in Yang’s collection, leading to many misunderstandings. In any case, the special nature of these 16 Roman copper coins and the unreliability of their discovery make it almost certain that they were not brought into China by merchants during the Han or Jin Dynasties, nor are they relics that circulated in north China during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. It is obviously inappropriate to use them as evidence to infer the communication between China and the West during the Han, Jin or Southern and Northern Dynasties.

26

Humprey, op. cit., p. 379; Also Sabatier, op. cit., pp. 61-62.

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Supplementary Note Recently, the Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Management Committee sent rubbings for authentication of Byzantine gold coins found in the Tang tomb in Tumen Village, the western suburb of Xi’an. The coin was excavated from the M2 of site 009 in 1956, with a diameter of 2.15 cm and a weight of 4.1 g. The obverse side has no inscriptions, only a half-length portrait, which is the same as the gold coin minted by Heraclius (reigned 610–641) of the Byzantine Empire.27 In the two portraits, the larger figure on the left is Heraclius himself, with a beard, and the younger figure on the right without a beard is his son, Heraclius II Constantine. Both wear crowns with crosses on the top, and a paludamentum draped over their shoulders. There is a cross in the gap between the two crowns. The end of the cross is T-shaped in the center of the reverse side, with a tetragrammaton on the top, standing on a globe with a quadrilateral pedestal below. There is a Maltese cross on the left and an octagram on the right of the cross. The outer edge of the reverse side has an inscription in a circle, but the letters are not recognizable. Comparing it to the coins of Emperor Heraclius, we can conclude that it is a replica of the Heraclius coin. We know that during the later period of Heraclius’ reign (610–641), it was the rise of the Arab Empire. Between 635 and 642, the Arabs successively occupied Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Egypt of the Byzantine Empire.28 In order to maintain the economic system of the newly conquered areas, they adopted the original currency system and began to imitate Byzantine gold and copper coins around 635. Because the Heraclius currency was popular at that time, most of the replicas were of the Heraclius type. It was not until the Arab currency reform in 696–697 that the standing Caliphate replaced the Byzantine king, and the practice of casting human images on coins was abolished and replaced with Arabic inscriptions.29 The replica found in Xi’an was probably from the mid-seventh century. As for the minting place, it cannot be determined yet, but it was probably imitated by a country in Central Asia. The inscription on the coin is completely different from that of the Heraclius coin and requires further interpretation. [Note: The communication between Byzantium and China underwent significant changes after Heraclius’ death (641). With the rise of the Arab Empire, the Sassanid Empire was destroyed (the last king was Yazdegerd III, reigned 632–651), so the Eastern Roman Empire ended its communications by that year. One hundred years later, after the Battle of Talas, the Tang Dynasty withdrew from the war while the Arab Empire expanded eastward, and its territory ended there.] Based on the structure of Tomb M2, the clothing of the women in the murals of the tomb, and other unearthed objects, such as the shape of the Kaiyuan coin, the excavators inferred that the tomb dates back to the reign of Emperor Gaozong or Empress Wu Zetian, in the latter half of the seventh century (Note: see Archaeology, No. 8, pp. 446–447, Pl. VIII, 5–8). 27

Sabatier, op. cit., pp. 273–274, Pl. XXIX, 18–23. Levchenko, Sketches in Byzantine Culture (Chinese translation, 1959), pp. 146–148. 29 J. Walker, op. cit., pp. VX–XVI, LIII–LV. 28

Supplementary Note

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September 17th 1960. Note: This article was translated into Russian and published in Byzantine Yearbook, Vol. XII (Moscow edition), 1962, pp. 178–182. In the summer of 1959, a gold coin of Eastern Roman Emperor Leo I (reigned 457–474) was discovered in a tomb at the northeast Shuimogoukou in Bikeqi Town, western Tumd Left Banner, Hohhot City, Inner Mongolia, along with a silver cup with high foot, an inlaid gemstone ring, and gold ornaments, which were possibly from a tomb dating to the Sui and Tang Dynasties or slightly earlier (Archaeology, 1975, No. 3, p. 182, Fig. 2, Pl. VIII, 1). In 1980, another gold coin of Eastern Roman Emperor Leo I was found in the tomb of Princess Ruru, a concubine of Northern Qi Emperor Gao Huan, at Dazhongying in Ci County, Hebei Province (Cultural Relics, No. 4, 1984, p. 7, Figs. 9–11). In 1981, a gold coin from the Eastern Roman Emperor Focas (reigned 602–610) was unearthed from the tomb of General Tang Dingyun and his wife An Pu in Longmen, Luoyang (who were buried together in 709). The coin was placed in the hand of the deceased and has a diameter of 2.2 cm and weighs 4.3 g (letter from Zhao Zhenhua and Zhu Liang on January 3rd 1982).

Chapter 9

The Byzantine Gold Coin Unearthed from the Tang Tomb in Tumen Village, Xi’an

In my article Eastern Roman Gold Coins Unearthed from the Sui Tomb at Dizhangwan, Xianyang, I mentioned that a Byzantine gold coin was found in the Tang tomb in Tumen village, the western suburb of Xi’an. Recently, the Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Management Committee sent rubbings for authentication. The coin was excavated from the M2 of site 009 in 1956, with a diameter of 2.15 cm and a weight of 4.1 g. The obverse side has no inscriptions, only a half-length portrait, which is the same as the gold coin minted by Heraclius (reigned 610–641) of the Byzantine Empire.1 In the two portraits, the larger figure on the left is Heraclius himself, with a beard, and the younger figure on the right without a beard is his son, Heraclius II Constantine. Both wear crowns with crosses on the top, and a paludamentum draped over their shoulders. There is a cross in the gap between the two crowns. The end of the cross is T-shaped in the center of the reverse side, with a tetragrammaton on the top, standing on a globe with a quadrilateral pedestal below. There is a Maltese cross on the left and an octagram on the right of the cross. The outer edge of the reverse side has an inscription in a circle, but the letters are not recognizable (Fig. 9.1). Comparing it to the coins of Emperor Heraclius, we can conclude that it is an replica of the Heraclius coin. We know that during the later period of Heraclius’ reign (610–641), it was the rise of the Arab Empire. Between 635 and 642, the Arabs successively occupied Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Egypt of the Byzantine Empire.2 In order to maintain the economic system of the newly conquered areas, they adopted the original currency system and began to imitate Byzantine gold and copper coins around 635. Because the Heraclius currency was popular at that time, most of the replicas were of the Heraclius type. It was not until the Arab currency 1 2

Sabatier, Description générale des monnaies byzantines, 1955, pp. 273–274, Pl. XXIX,18–23. Levchenko, Sketches in Byzantine Culture (Chinese translation, 1959), pp. 146–148.

This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 8, 1961.

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1. the obverse side

9 The Byzantine Gold Coin Unearthed from the Tang Tomb in Tumen …

2. the reverse side

3. rubbing on the obverse side

4. rubbing on the reverse side

Fig. 9.1 Byzantine gold coins unearthed in Tumen village, Xi’an

reform in 696–697 that the standing Caliphate replaced the Byzantine king, and the practice of casting human images on coins was abolished and replaced with Arabic inscriptions.3 The replica found in Xi’an was probably from the mid-seventh century. As for the minting place, it cannot be determined yet, but it was probably imitated by a country in Central Asia. The inscription on the coin is completely different from that of the Heraclius coin and requires further interpretation. Based on the structure of Tomb M2, the clothing of the women in the murals of the tomb, and other unearthed objects, such as the shape of the Kaiyuan coin, the excavators inferred that the tomb dates back to the reign of Emperor Gaozong or Empress Wu Zetian, in the latter half of the seventh century. The frequent exchange between China and the West during the sixth–seventh centuries has a lot of evidence in numismatics. In addition to the Byzantine gold coin unearthed from the Tang tomb in Xi’an, a gold coin of Byzantine Emperor Justin II4 was found in the Sui tomb in Xianyang, and Sasanian silver coins were found in the Sui tomb in Shan County, Henan, in the Tang tomb in Xi’an, and in Gaochang tomb in Turpan, Xinjiang.5 These coins from Western countries in medieval times were discovered within China. On the other hand, Chinese currency was also found in Central Asia within the Soviet Union at that time. For example, a “Bu Quan” coin minted during the Northern Zhou Dynasty was found in the ancient Pienjikent near Samarkand, 68 km east of the city.6 The city was part of the Kangju at the time and was destroyed by the Arab army at the beginning of the eighth century. The unearthed items mainly consist of relics from the seventh century and the beginning of the eighth century. According to Chinese historical records, the “Bu Quan” coin was minted in the first year of Baoding reign, Emperor Wu of Later Zhou (561), “with one coin worth five, and in parallel with the Wu Zhu coin”.7 In addition, a large number of copper coins from Kangju in the seventh-eighth centuries were also found in this 3

J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum, Vol. 2, 1959, pp. 15–16, 53–55. 4 See Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 3, pp. 67–74. 5 See Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 2, pp. 54–60. 6 O. I. Cmipnova, Monetbe, dpevnego Pend ikenta, MIA, No. 66, 1958, p. 218. Pl. I, 3. 7 Book of Zhou (collection of various editions), Vol. 5. p. 3.

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ancient city site. The coins have Sogdian inscriptions and title of honor, but their shape imitates Chinese square-hole coins. Ancient Central Asian currency was not perforated, which was obviously not its traditional currency, so Soviet numismatists believe that this square-hole coin was an replica of Chinese copper coin.8 These discoveries in numismatics are consistent with the documented records and indicate the active exchange between China and the West during that time.

8

See Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 3, 1959, p. 244, 248.

Chapter 10

The Byzantine Gold Coins Unearthed from the Tomb of Li Xizong in Zanhuang

In 1975–1976, the Cultural Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee in Shijiazhuang excavated the tomb of Li Xizong, a Minister of engineering, and his wife (501– 540), which was given by the perfect of Shangdang in the Northern Wei Dynasty in Nanxingguo, Zanhuang County, Hebei Province. Three Byzantine gold coins were found near the female remains (Cui, who died on December 22, 576, the sixth year of Wuping reign of the Northern Qi Dynasty). The excavation details of the tomb and the artifacts found are documented in a separate excavation brief report1 and will not be repeated here. In 330 (the fifth year of Xianhe reign, Emperor Cheng of the Eastern Jin Dynasty), Emperor Constantine I of the Roman Empire moved the capital from Rome to Byzantium and renamed the new capital Constantinople (present-day Istanbul, Turkey). Some historical records refer to this new empire as the Byzantine Empire or the Eastern Roman Empire. However, in general historical books, the beginning of the Byzantine Empire is marked by the division of the Eastern and Western Roman Empire in 395. In 1453 (the fourth year of Jingtai reign, Emperor Jingzong of the Ming Dynasty), the Ottoman Turks conquered Constantinople, and the Byzantine Empire came to an end. At its height, the Byzantine Empire’s territory extended from the Italian Peninsula in the west to Asia Minor and Syria in the east, bordering the Persian Empire of the Sassanid Dynasty. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, there was already communication and trade between China and the Byzantine Empire. The “Fuling” mentioned in the histories of the Sui and Tang Dynasties referred to the Byzantine Empire. The “Biography of Fuling” can be found in both New Book of Tang and Old Book of Tang, which provides detailed information about the Byzantine Empire. It is not surprising to find Byzantine gold coins in China. 1

See The Eastern Wei tomb of Li Xizong in Zanhuang, Hebei, Archaeology, No. 6, 1977.

This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 6, 1977.

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Before 1949, a gold coin of Justinian I (reigned 527–565) was found in the tomb dating from the sixth to seventh centuries in Astana, Xinjiang. After 1949, a gold coin of Justinian II (reigned 565–578) was unearthed in the tomb of Dugu Luo (534–599) in Xianyang,2 and a replica of a coin of Heraclius (reigned 610–641) was found in the Tang tomb in Tumen Village, Xi’an.3 In recent years, a Heraclius gold coin was also discovered in a hoard in Hejia Village, Xi’an,4 as well as Eastern Roman gold coins and their replicas in the newly discovered Astana Cemetery in Xinjiang,5 and a gold coin of Leo I (reigned 457–474) unearthed at Shuimogoukou in Bikeqi Town, Inner Mongolia.6 Three of these coins have now been found in this tomb dating from Eastern Wei Dynasty to Northern Qi Dynasty, providing further evidence of the relationship between China and the Byzantine Empire. Although the tomb was built around 540, the gold coins were likely buried with the body after the death of Cui in 576. The three gold coins unearthed from the tomb of Li Xizong can be described as follows. 7 The first coin is a gold coin of Theodosius II (reigned 408–450) called “Solidus”. It has a diameter of 2.1 cm and weighs 3.6 g. The obverse features a half-length portrait of the emperor with his head slightly turned to one side. He wears a helmet with plumes on the top, and a crown with two tassels at the back of his head. There are dangling pearls on each side of the crown, which are near his cheeks. He is dressed in Paludamentum, with armour exposed on his chest. He holds a standard spear (shorter than a lance) in his right hand, which is rested on his right shoulder, and the spearhead is visible on his left temple. His left hand is hidden behind his shield. The image on the shield is unclear, but upon closer inspection, it appears to be a battle scene commonly found on shields of this type, with a knight using a spear to attack an enemy. The inscription begins at the right hand and continues in a clockwise direction, separated into two sections by the plumes on the helmet. It consists of 17 letters in total, written in Latin, with some letters being abbreviated: DNTHEODOSIVSPFAVG. The text can be restored as follows (all omitted letters are filled in lowercase letters in parentheses): D(ominus) N(oster), Theodosius, P(ius) F(elix) AVG(ustus). It translates to “Our lord, Theodosius, pious and fortunate Augustus (emperor)”. On the back is the image of the goddess of victory, facing right with a forward stance. In her right hand, she holds a long-handled cross. There is an eight-pointed star between her head and the cross. Below the horizontal line at her feet is an inscription consisting of five letters: CONOB. There are inscriptions on both sides, 2

See Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 3, 1959, pp. 67–74, Pl. I, 1–4. See Archaeology, No. 8, pp. 446–447, Pl. VIII, 5–8. 4 See Cultural Relics, No. 1, 1972, p. 36, Figs. 9 and 10. 5 See Cultural Relics, No. 1, 1972, pp. 10–11, Figs. 6 and 7. 6 See Archaeology, No. 3, 1975, p. 182, Fig. 2, Pl. VIII, 1. 7 Cf. J. Sabatier, A Survey of Byzantine Coins (French, 1862, 1955 copy edition); H. Goodacre, A Handbook of the Coinage of the Byzantine Empire (1928–1933, 1960 reprinted); P. D. Whitting, Byzantine Coins (English, 1973). 3

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one side reads VOTXX, and the other side reads MVLTXXX. The inscriptions on the back can be restored as follows: Con(stantinople)Ob(rysum) at the bottom, and VOT(a)XX and MVLT(iplica)XXX on both sides. It translates to “The standard (gold) of Constantinople”, and “The oath-taking ceremony increased from twenty years to thirty years”. The former was previously thought to be the place of minting, but now it is universally believed to refer to the purity of gold equal to the standard of Constantinople, similar to the names of “Jingxian” and “Jingcheng” in the Qing Dynasty. In addition to Constantinople in Byzantine coins, other coins (such as Carthage, Alexandria, and Rome) also have this five-letter inscription, which don’t represent the minting place as Constantinople. The so-called “oath-taking ceremony” refers to the practice in the Roman Empire, starting with Emperor Augustus, in which each emperor swore an oath every ten years (later changed to every five years), and it often appeared in the coin inscriptions. This inscription is often used in Byzantine coins until Emperor Justinian I (reigned 527–565). The numbers following the two words in this coin are twenty and thirty, but there are also five and ten, ten and fifteen (or twenty), and fifteen and twenty. The highest number is thirty and forty.8 Generally, it is calculated from the year of accession, and this “thirty” year is probably 437. There was another Byzantine emperor named Theodosius, also called Theodosius the Great (reigned 379–395), who unified the Roman Empire and was the grandfather of Theodosius II. There was also Theodosius III (reigned 716–717), an insignificant emperor who was elected by rebels and was soon deposed. The minting year between coins of Theodosius III and those of Theodosius II is 266–308 years, and their shapes are completely different and can be ignored. The reign of Theodosius II was only 13 years after the death of Theodosius I. It is difficult to distinguish the emperor’s name and image on the front of the gold coins. However, the inscriptions on both sides of the back of gold coin, such as this coin, are only found on the coins of Theodosius II, instead of on those of Theodosius I.9 Therefore, it can be determined that this is a gold coin of Theodosius II. The gold coins of the early Byzantine period (before 498 and between 498 and 1092) were known as “Solidus” and generally weigh about 4.5 g or slightly less. This particular coin weighs only 3.6 g, which is only one-eighth of the standard weight. This is because the coin was damaged after it was minted, especially with two perforations that would have removed a considerable amount of gold. The two holes are above the emperor’s image on the obverse, obviously for the purpose of decoration, rather than for use as legal tender. Based on the perforation location on both sides, one can see the position of the two dies, which were arranged in opposite directions. Therefore, the two back holes are located between the inscriptions at the bottom, which also damaged one of the letters. This is a common practice in the die arrangement of Byzantine coin and with few exceptions. This is the same as the coinage of modern France and Italy, but completely different from the Sasanian silver coins, which have dies arranged at a 90-degree angle on both sides, as well as

8 9

See Sabatier, op. cit., pp. 80–81. Goodacre, op. cit., p. 30.

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from the current Chinese coins and the modern British Royal coins, which have dies arranged in the same direction on both sides.10 The second gold coin, minted during the joint reign of Justin I and his nephew Justinian I (527), has a diameter of 1.68 cm and weighs 2.49 g. On the obverse side, there are two frontal sitting statues, with Justin I in the more prominent position on the right. Both emperors have a halo behind their heads, indicating their divine status alongside God and the angels. They hold a globe in their right hand, symbolizing their rule over the world on behalf of God. A cross is placed between their heads. The inscription, starting from the lower left corner and running clockwise, reads DNIVSTINETIVSTINANPPAVG. Below the line has a five-letter inscription, which is the same as that at the bottom of the reverse side of the first gold coin. We will not explain it here. The first two letters of the inscription, D. N., and the final three letters, AVG, are also the same as those on the first gold coin. The middle 18 letters are the names of the two emperors, Justin and Justinian (with the second “i” omitted), joined by the word “et”. The end letters “PP” is the abbreviation of “Perpetuus”, meaning eternal. In the past, it was mistakenly thought that PP was an abbreviation of “Pater Patriae”, which means “father of the country”, but on some coins, the abbreviation is written as “PERP.” before being shortened to “PP.”. The entire inscription can be translated as follows: “Our lord, Justin and Justinian, the eternal and supreme (emperors)”. The inscription CONOB is on both the obverse and reverse sides, a feature of coins minted during this joint reign. In the center of the reverse side is a standing male figure holding a long-handled cross in his right hand and a globe with an upright cross in his left. The inscription VICTORIA is on one side of the figure, and AAVGGG∆ is on the other. The two inscriptions should be read together. Victoria refers to the goddess of victory and three continuous G in AVGGG represents Augustus in the plural form. The final letter is a Greek letter, the fourth in the alphabet, and represents the ordinal number “fourth”, indicating that the coin was minted by the fourth officina in Constantinople. Constantinople had ten officinas, with each represented by the first ten Greek letters in the inscription. The entire inscription can be translated as “The victory goddess of the supreme (emperors), the fourth officina”. Some have mistakenly identified the reverse figure as the goddess of victory, but the figure is male and is now generally considered to be an angel, possibly St. Michael. The image has changed, but the inscription remains the same. The third coin was also minted during the joint rule of Justin I and his nephew Justinian I (522). It has a diameter of 1.7 cm and weighs 2.6 g. The obverse features the sitting images of both emperors with a halo behind each head, and a cross between them. However, unlike the second gold coin, both emperors are seated on the same throne. It is difficult to determine from the unclear image whether their right hands hold a globe or intersect with their left hands, or if they hold anything at all, but upon closer inspection, it seems that each of their right hands holds globe. The inscription, although damaged due to clipping, is mostly the same as the second coin. However, the second “i” in Justinian is not omitted this time. It is also the fourth officina.

10

Whitting, op. cit., p. 73.

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Emperor Justin I (reigned 518–527) chose his nephew Justinian I (reigned 527– 565) to co-rule the country in his old age. These two coins were minted during their joint rule period from April 1 to August 1, 527, a total of four months, that is, from their joint rule until the dead of Justin I. Justinian I, also known as Justinian the Great, worked hard after he ascended the throne to restore various territories in Italy and North Africa, and compiled a legal code that served as the basis for the civil law of various countries in modern Europe and America. Legend has it that he managed to import silkworm eggs from China. The diameter and weight of these two coins are both less than that of the first gold coin; due to the coin clipping, the area is only half that of the first gold coin, and the weight is 55–56% of the typical Solidus. However, the clipping of these two coins are still clear, and a part of the inscriptions has also been clipped. When intact, they were still normal Solidus. In terms of numismatics, the early Byzantine period (before 498) inherited the coin system of the Roman Empire. Emperor Constantine changed the gold coin “Aureus” to the slightly lighter “Solidus” in weight, reducing the weight but not making much change to the form. The obverse often features an armored imperial portrait wearing a helmet, with the head slightly turned to one side and holding a standard spear and shield. The reverse often depicts the image of the goddess of victory. This first gold coin belongs to this period. During the reign of Anastasius I Dicorus (491–518), a coin reform was implemented in 498. In addition to the copper coins, a new coin called “Follis” was minted, with each coin worth 40 old copper coins “Nummus”. In terms of form, it also broke away from the old tradition of Roman Empire coinage and formed its own distinctive Byzantine coinage. Therefore, some numismatists, such as P. D. Whiting, believe that the so-called “Byzantine coinage” should have begun in 498. The obverse of the gold coin usually features a frontal imperial portrait wearing ceremonial dress, holding a globe with a cross on the top, and the reverse often depicts an angel or an altar with a cross. Later, images of Jesus or the Virgin Mary were also used. The inscriptions also changed, using some or all Greek letters, or using Greek instead of Latin. The coin system in 498, lasted for more than 350 years, didn’t change until Alexios I Komnenos (reigned 1081–1118) change the coin system in 1092. The second gold coin and the third gold coin belong to the early Byzantine coinage system (reigned 498–1092). This discovery provides important physical evidence for the history of communication between China and the West. We know that in the early seventh century, Pei Ju from the Sui Dynasty had detailed descriptions of the trade route from Dunhuang to Fulin (i.e. the Byzantine Empire) in his Xiyue Tuji (“Biography of Pu Ju”, in Book of Sui, Vol. 67). These Byzantine gold coins buried in 576 prove that communication between the two countries was already frequent in the sixth century. The first gold coin, which has two holes, was used as a hanging ornament and is a cultural relic from that time. The second and third gold coins, minted in 527, were buried less than 50 years before the first gold coin. Finally, let’s talk about the uses of these three gold coins. They were naturally used as a means of currency circulation. In a paper I wrote in 1959 on Byzantine gold coins, I mentioned that in the Middle Ages, before the rise of the Arab Empire in the mid-seventh century, the international currency of West Asia was using Byzantine

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gold coins and Sasanian silver coins. According to “Food and Commodities” in Book of Sui, during the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557–580), “the various perfectures in Hexi used gold and silver coins from the Western Regions, and the government did not prohibit it”. This probably refers to Byzantine gold coins and Sassanid silver coins.11 However, Zhao Jun (located in Zanhuang, Hebei Province today), which was far away in the east, would not use these “Western Region” gold coins. The first gold coin with two holes had its weight reduced by about 20% and was obviously used as a decoration, rather than as a currency in circulation. As for the other two coins that were trimmed, they were trimmed a lot, and their weight was reduced to almost half of their original weight, so they could not be used as legal tender anymore. The original positions of these two coins in the tomb cannot be determined because the tomb has been robbed. I speculate that these two coins may have been placed in the mouth of the deceased or held in their hands. During the Sui Dynasty (581–618) and the early Tang Dynasty, wuzhu coins, Kaiyuan coins, and Sasanian silver coins were often found in the mouths or hands of the deceased in Gaochang tombs in Turfan and in Sui tomb in Anyang. There were also Byzantine gold coins or their replicas found in the mouth of the deceased in Gaochang tombs.12 This was a burial custom of that time. The Cui family tomb where these two or three gold coins were unearthed was buried in 576, just five years before the Sui Dynasty, and it is possible that this burial custom already existed at that time. These two gold coins may have been used in this way.

11

A Byzantine gold coin discovered from a Sui Dynasty tomb near Sian, Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 3, 1959, pp. 67–74. 12 A survey of Sasanian silver coins found in China, Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 1, 1974, p. 106.

Chapter 11

The Relationship Between China and the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages

Since the Western Han Dynasty (late second century B. C.), the “Silk Road” has been a route for historical, cultural, and other exchanges between the West and the Far East. In the Middle Ages, the “Silk Road” was a bridge connecting the Byzantine Empire and China, which were about 7,500 km apart. At its height, the Byzantine Empire extended from the Balkans to Egypt, connecting some areas on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. Chinese historical books refer to the Byzantine Empire as “Fulin”, which may have evolved from the Middle Eastern people’s name for the Byzantine Empire, Purum (=Fr¯om). According to Book of Sui (Sui Dynasty was from 581 to 618), the country of “Fulin” was located at the western end of the northern route of the “Silk Road”, adjacent to the “Western Sea” (Mediterranean Sea). From European historical records, we know that Byzantine Emperor Justin II (reigned 565–578) sent a Cilician named Zemarchus to the camp-court of the Western Turkic Khaganate in 568 A. D., traveling along this northern route. The story of smuggling silkworm eggs from Serindia (referring to western China) to the Byzantine Empire during the reign of Justinian I (reigned 527–565) is familiar to both Western and Chinese historians. According to Chinese historical records, during the early Tang Dynasty, the successive kings of “Fulin” (Byzantine Empire) sent diplomatic envoys to China six times during 99 years from the 17th year of Zhenguan reign (643) to the first year of Tianbao reign (742). The first envoy sent in the 17th year of Zhenguan reign (643) departed in 641 A. D. If this was a true diplomatic envoy from the Byzantine Empire, it would have been the first genuine diplomatic exchange between Europe and China. We know that Islam spread rapidly in West Asia in the seventh century, and the Byzantine Empire began to decline rapidly under Arab attacks. After 742 A. D., the country of “Fulin” disappeared from Book of Tang, but reappeared in the History of Song, and This article was the author’s English speech submitted to the 15th International Congress of Historical Sciences held in Romania in August 1980. The speech was translated into Chinese by Comrade Ding Zhonghua, and was originally published in World History, No. 4, 1980.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_11

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the Chinese court had an interview with envoys from “Fulin” in the fourth year of Yuanfeng reign (1081) and the sixth year of Yuanyou reign (1091). Now, with the archaeological discoveries in China, we can further clarify this question. This evidence convincingly demonstrates that there was close contact between Byzantium and China during the Middle Ages. In 1953, a Byzantine gold coin was discovered in a Sui tomb (599) in Xi’an, Shaanxi province. This coin immediately caught my attention. I was not interested in the “gold”, but in the “coin”. This coin was a solidus of Byzantine Emperor Justin II, minted in Constantinople between A. D. 565 and 578. I wrote an article about this gold coin, which was published in Acta Archaeological Sinica in 1959 (No. 3). This article was translated into Russian and published in Byzantion (Vol. 21) in 1962. After 1953, it was reported that more Byzantine gold coins were found in some northern and northwestern parts of China. There were 9 discoveries from 5 locations, with a total of 10 coins. Among the foreign coins found in China, the number of these gold coins was second only to the number of Sasanian silver coins unearthed from medieval Chinese relics. Scholars who can read Chinese may already be aware of these discoveries. Reports on these discoveries have been occasionally published in Archaeology and Acta Archaeological Sinica. Therefore, I will make a brief general statement on this issue here. When analyzing these new archaeological materials, it is worth noting that most of these Byzantine gold coins were unearthed along the “Silk Road”, in places such as Xi’an and Turfan. The obverse of the coins all bore the name of the reigning emperor. A total of five Byzantine emperors’ names were inscribed on these coins, covering a span of over 200 years from Theodosius II (reigned 408–450) to Heraclius I (reigned 610–641). The other three emperors were Leo I (reigned 457–474), Anastasius I (reigned 491–518), and Justin II (reigned 565–578). None of the Byzantine gold coins we discovered were minted later than Heraclius I and his son (co-ruler), Heraclius II. This numismatic record confirms the historical account that the power of the Byzantine Empire declined sharply after the rise of Islam in the seventh century; moreover, as recorded in Chinese historical documents, it appears that the relationship between China and Byzantium was interrupted for two centuries. According to the archaeological findings, the discovery in Hejia village, Xi’an in 1970 was found in a hoard. It is evident that it was collected by the tomb owner as an antique, who was fond of collecting foreign coins and ancient Chinese coins, because this Byzantine gold coin was discovered alongside a Sasanian silver coin, five Japanese silver coins, several copper coins from the Han Dynasty or earlier, as well as many gold and silver vessels and gemstones. However, most of these Byzantine gold coins were unearthed from tombs, either as part of the deceased’s personal jewelry or as burial goods. Some of the coins have holes and could be hung as decorations. Just like the Sasanian silver coins or Chinese coins, the Byzantine gold coins found in the Astana Cemetery in Turfan were discovered placed in the mouth of the deceased. This custom reminds us of the ancient Greek practice of placing an obol in the mouth of the deceased to pay the ferryman Charon in the nether world, as recorded in literature. This legend of “Charon’s obol” may suggest that this custom

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in China originated from Greece. However, this claim seems unfounded, as there is no evidence to suggest that medieval Greeks or Iranians still practiced this custom. On the other hand, this burial custom was prevalent in medieval China, even in the central plains. It can be traced back to the Shang Dynasty and early Western Zhou (end of the 2nd millennium B. C. and early 1st millennium B. C.). At that time, there were no metal coins, so the mouth of the deceased contained the shell money that was used as currency at that time. According to Chinese literature, foreign gold and silver coins (obviously referring to Byzantine gold coins and Sasanian silver coins) were in circulation in the Hexi Corridor and certainly in the Turfan during the Northern Zhou (557–580). As new discoveries of Byzantine gold coins and Sasanian silver coins have been made in recent years, this point has been confirmed. Therefore, we can say that there was contact between Byzantium and medieval China. Byzantine gold coins traveled a distance equivalent to a quarter of the circumference of the earth to reach China. In the Byzantine sites, there must also be Chinese artifacts. I am pleased to submit this issue to my colleagues in a department specializing in medieval archaeology—Byzantine archaeologists.

Chapter 12

Arabian Gold Coins Unearthed from Tang Tombs in Xi’an

In April 1964, three Arabic gold coins were unearthed from a Tang tomb in Xiyaotou village, Xi’an. The Shaanxi Provincial Museum sent rubbings to me for study and interpretation. I have written this article to provide readers with the research results. The structure of the Tang tomb and the unearthed objects have been described in an excavation brief report published by the Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Administration1 and will not be repeated here.

12.1 . These three gold coins bear Arabic inscriptions with Kufic script on both sides. In addition to quoting verses from Quran, the inscriptions explicitly state that “this Dinar was minted in XX year”. Each coin is described in detail as follows: Number 64.190 (Shaanxi Provincial Museum catalog number, same for the following). This piece has a diameter of 1.9 cm, a weight of 4.3 g, and a thickness of 0.1 cm. There are three lines of inscriptions in the center of the obverse, with inscriptions around the rim; the reverse is the same, with two small dots in the center of the third line from the bottom (see original brief report Pl. I, 4; fig. 4, 1, 2). If the Kufic script Arabic is transcribed into the modern script, it would look like Fig. 12.1.2

1

Cf. Shaanxi Provincial Cultural Relics Administration Committee, Record of Clearing Tang tombs in Xiyaotou village, Xi’an; See Archaeology, No. 8, pp. 383–385. 2 See J. Walker, Catalogue of the Arab Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins, 1956, London, introduction, p. 57, also p. 84, 86, Pl. XII. 186, 193. This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 8, 1965.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_12

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Fig. 12.1 Gold coin LXIV, inscription 190 (the arrow indicates the start of the inscription on the rim)

Arabic letters are read from right to left, the exact opposite of how European texts are read. The characters surrounding the rim are likewise read in a counterclockwise direction. The following is the current Chinese translation of the inscriptions3 : There are three lines in the centre on the obverse: “There is no god except Allah [God], and He is the One and Only.” Around the rim: “Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah. Allah has sent him with the righteousness of the Word and the teaching of truth, and has surely made him victorious over all other religions.” Three lines in the centre on the reverse are: “Allah is the One. Allah is everlasting. He does not beget, nor is he begotten.” Around the rim: “In the name of Allah, this dinar was cast in the 83th year.” If we cross check The Quran, we can see that the inscription on the obverse is a quotation from the ninth Psalm of The Quran, Verse 33, with a slight abridgement of the words.4 The central three lines of the inscription on the reverse are the quotations from the 120th Psalm, Verses 1–3, The Quran.5 The inscriptions on gold coins minted during the Umayyad Caliphate Dynasty (the Great White Dayi) are of two different types, the Oriental system and the Western system. The Western system was popular in North Africa and Spain, with shorter sentences, while the Oriental one was popular in Asia.6 The inscriptions on all three of our coins belong to the Oriental system. They were probably minted in Damascus,7 the capital of Arabia at the time. Here the 83th year is calculated based on the A.H. calendar, which corresponds to 702 A.D., the second year of Chang’an reign, the year of Empress Wu of the Tang Dynasty in China. Numbered LXIV-188. This one is 2 cm in diameter, weighing 4.2 g, and 0.1 cm thick. The inscriptions on the obverse and reverse are mostly identical to those on the previous example, differing only in date (see original brief report, Pl. I, 3, 6; fig. 4, 5, 6). The text indicating the year is at the end of the inscription on the reverse rim; it 3

In addition to the English translation of Walker’s book and the Chinese translation of The Quran (Tie Zheng’s translation in 1927 and Liu Jinbiao’s translation in 1943), these Arabic inscriptions were also translated and collated by Hua Weiqing, for whom I am sincerely grateful. 4 Version of Tie’s, pp. 126–127; version of Liu’s, pp. 287–288. 5 Version of Tie’s, p. 463; version of Liu’s, p. 882. 6 Walker. op.cit., pp. LVII–LVIII. 7 Walker, op.cit., pp.LV–LVI.

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Fig. 12.2 Part of the inscriptions on gold coins LXIV-188 and LXIV-189 (rewritten in the prevailing Arabic script)

is the word “year” (senete) followed by the word “hundred” in this case (Fig. 12.1a). The year 100th A.H. corresponds to the year between 718 and 719 A.D., i.e. the 6th or the 7th year of the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang.8 Numbered LXIV-189. This one is 2 cm in diameter, weighing 4.3 g, and 0.1 cm thick. The inscriptions on the obverse and reverse are essentially the same as those on the previous two coins, except for the year (see Pl. I, 2, 5; fig. IV, 3, 4). At the end of the inscription on the reverse of this example, the word “year” is followed by the words “nine and twenty and a hundred” (Fig. 12.2b), suggesting that 129 A.H.9 corresponds to the years 746–747 A.D., i.e. the fifth to sixth year of Tianbao reign of the Tang emperor Xuanzong. All three coins are inscribed as “dinars” and weigh between 4.2 and 4.3 g each. The rise of Islamic Arabia was followed by the conquest of Syria, Iraq and Egypt in less than 20 years. In terms of coinage, they had not previously minted their own coins, so they initially adopted the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) and Persian Sasanian coins that were popular in these conquered lands. The coins were soon minted in the so-called “Arab-Byzantine” and “Arab-Sasanian” style. The gold coins were of the Byzantine type, often with a human figure on the obverse and inscriptions in Greek or Latin or sometimes Arabic. By 77th A.H. (696–697) Abd al-Malik, the fifth Islamic patriarch of the Umayyad Caliphate Dynasty, reformed the form of coinage. In accordance with the teachings of Islam, no human or animal figures were allowed on coins, only inscriptions in Arabic were inscribed and these coins were known as “Post-Reform Coinage”, a system that was followed by the Muslim countries.10 All three of our gold coins are of this “Post-Reform Coinage” type. Although the form of the coin changed, the mass of the unit remained the same. The Byzantine unit of gold was the Solidus or Nomisma, weighing 4.4 to 4.5 g. The Arabic name for this is the “dinar”. The initial “Arab-Byzantine” dinar minted in Damascus was close to 4.5 g, but those minted in North Africa and Spain were lighter, averaging around 4.25 g. The average weight of the reformed dinar was about 4.25 g.11 The weight of all three of our coins is similar to this average. The earliest of these was minted during the reign of Abd al-Malik, only 6 A.H. years after his reform of the currency; the latest was minted during the reign of Marvan II, the last Islamic patriarch in the Umayyad Caliphate 8

Cf Walker, op.cit., p.92, Pl. XIII, 216. Walker, op.cit., p. 98, Pl. XIII, 1249. 10 Walker, op.cit., pp. LIII–LV. 11 Walker, op.cit., pp. XL, XCV. 9

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Dynasty (“Biography of Dayi”, New and Old Book of Tang), 52 A.H. years after the reform of the currency and only 3 years before the fall of the dynasty.

12.2 . The three gold coins, which were found in a Tang tomb that had been raided, were all found in the western part of the vault. Because the vault has been messed up, their position with other objects is no longer clear. Based on the fact that the burial remnants after being robbed in the tomb are “triple-painted red pottery jars” and that the tomb was made in a quadrangular shape, the author of the original paper concluded that the tomb belonged to the Middle and Late Tang Dynasties. Although this kind of pottery jar already appeared in the High Tang Dynasty, the belly and base were shorter and fatter at that time. Our piece is taller and slender, The upper end of the base is much smaller than the lower, exactly the preference of the Mid- to Late-Tang Dynasty. A Tang tomb with a late Tang-type jar was excavated at White Deer Plain, Xi’an, along with an epitaph from the 17th year of Zhenyuan reign of Emperor Dezong (801).12 The year of our Tang tomb, where the Arabian gold coins were found, is probably not far away from that of the above one, dating from the second half of the eighth century to the first half of the ninth century. It was the era of the Abbasid Caliphate Dynasty (i.e., Black Dayi) in Arabia at this point. These three gold coins are not only the first gold coins of the Umayyad Caliphate Dynasty found in China, but also the earliest Islamic coins. Before this discovery, the earliest Islamic coins discovered in Xinjiang dated to the eleventh century A.D., and the majority of them were produced locally when this region’s inhabitants converted to Islam.13 They are all much later than the gold coins found this time. In Quan Zhi, Vol. 10, written by Hong Zun, there is an attached figure illustration in “coins of Dayi (Caliphate Dynasty)”: “Coins of Dayi is on the right.” Canton Annals wrote that Dayi produced the most unsmelted gold. All the goods would use gold as transactions. In Institutional History of State, it is said that in November of the 9th year of the Dazhongxiangfu reign, the Caliphate Dynasty paid tribute in gold and silver in thousands each. From what I have seen, the currency here is made of gold with the elephant as the motif in a very small shape, which I have seen in Nanhai (present-day Canton).”14 The figure attached to the book shows a standing elephant in the center of a round coin without holes (Fig. 12.3). According to what we know, the Caliphate Dynasty did not produce any gold coins with an elephant motif. Only the copper coin issued during Hims’ reign in the 12

Yu Weichao, Report on the excavation of the White Deer Plain Tumulus in Xi’an, Acta Archaeological Sinica,1956, No. 3, pp. 61–62. 13 Stein, Ancient Khotan, 1907, p. 580, Pl. XC, 42–47; Serindia, 1921, Vol. Ill, p. 1350, Pl. CXLI, 27–33; Innermost Asia, 1928, p. 1995, Pl. CXX, 22–23; also Huang Wenbi, Archaeological Study of the Tarim River Basin (1958), pp. 110–112, Pl. CV–CVIII. 14 Hong Zun, Quan Zhi (Comprehensive Series of Studying and Exploring the Origin of History edition), Vol. 1, p. 4.

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Fig. 12.3 Hong Zun, Quan Zhi, Vol. 10, coins of Dayi

Umayyad Caliphate featured an elephant motif with an Arabic inscription above and below it15 ; This coin is relatively rare. Hong Zun believed the gold coins he saw in Nanhai (present-day Canton) to be Dayi currency, which might have actually been foreign currency brought in by a Dayi trader. We know, for example, that many of the ancient Indian coins, have elephants as their motifs.16 The Annotated Catalog of the Complete Imperial Library (Chinese name: Siku Quanshu), Vol. 116, criticized Quan Zhi as being more “patterning by imagination”. As for the illustrations in the current edition of Quan Zhi, they were added by later generations (according to Zheng Jiaxiang, Hong Zhi’s illustrations were added by Xu Xiangmei in the Ming Dynasty), and they were drawn based on the original book’s phrase “the elephant as the motif”. We can’t speculate which country’s currency Hong Zun saw from this virtual graphic. We can say, however, that the gold coins with an “elephant” motif that Hong Zun noticed may not be Dayi currency. The specimens we have are actually genuine.

12.3 . Finally, we would like to address the issue of ancient Sino-Arab transportation and the time of the introduction of Islam to China. Before the rise of Islam, China and the Arabian Peninsula were already in communication. In the pursuit of knowledge, Muhammad, the founder of Islam, believed that it was worthwhile to travel to China despite its great distance. This is due to the fact that the inhabitants of the Arabian coast were already aware of the presence of the great eastern power of China through trade, possibly through the medium of Persian traders, or through the Chinese traders who came to the Arabian coast.17 Jin Jitang’s belief that “the Caliphate merchants came to China to do business before the advent of Islam”18 is a subjective conjecture with no historical evidence. During the Tang Dynasty, from the 2nd year of Yonghui (651) onwards, the Caliphate made 36 missions to China in the next 147 years. During 15

J. de Morgan, Manuel de Numistique Orientale (1923–1936), I. p. 244, Pl. XXVI, 795. Morgan, op. cit., p. 374, fig. 470; p. 392, figs. 500–502; cf. also E. J. Rapson, Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, 1908, p. 234, an item of “elephant” in the index is concerned with coins. 17 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 3, Communications between Ancient China and Arabia, 1930, pp. 6–8. 18 Jin Jitang, The History of Chinese Islam, 1935, published by Chengda Normal School, Beiping, p. 110. 16

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the Tang Dynasty, there were also three armed conflicts between the two countries, the most serious of which was the Battle of Talas in the 10th year of Tianbao (751). The Caliphate’s great victory over Gao Xianzhi marked a turning point in the rivalry for hegemony between Dayi and the Tang Dynasty in Central Asia. However, in the 6th year after the battle, the Caliphate sent troops to assist the Tang in putting down the An Lushan Rebellion, and Du Huan, who wrote the first Chinese account of Islam, was taken as a prisoner of war during this battle and spent 11–12 years in Dayi and nearby countries before returning to China.19 Jia Dan’s Discussion of the Four Kinds of Barbarians in China, Past and Present, written in the 17th year of Zhenyuan reign, Emperor Dezong (801), gives a more detailed account of the politics and history of Dayi as well as the lineage of the Abbasid Dynasty (Black Dayi) up to the reign of Harun al-Rashid (reigned 786–809 A.D.).20 It is only after understanding the historical background of Sino-Arab communication at the time that we can have a fuller understanding of the significance of the Arabic gold coins unearthed in the Tang tombs. As for the time of the introduction of Islam into China, there are statements like Kaihuang reign (the 7th and 19th year), Daye reign (the 3rd and 4th year) of the Sui Dynasty or Wude reign, Zhenguan (the 2nd and 6th year) reign, Yonghui (the 2nd year) reign of the Tang Dynasty. According to various researches, except the 2nd year of Yonghui, other statements seem to be erroneous and unsubstantiated, which started to be put forward in the Ming or Qing Dynasty. Only the 2nd year of Yonghui reign, when Dayi sent the envoy, was recorded in both the new and old Book of Tang.21 “It is commonly believed that the arrival of this envoy was the beginning of the introduction of Islam to China.”22 But, as Jin Jitang said, this fellowship is “an international relationship, not a missionary relationship”.23 The introduction of 19

Zhang Xinglang, op. cit., p. 11, pp. 55–58, 60–64, p. 71; cf. article by Bai Shouyi in Tribute of Yu, 1936, Vol. 5, No. 11, pp. 57–77. 20 Wang Pu, Institutional History of Tang (1955 Zhonghua edition), Vol. 100, p. 1790; Le Shi, Universal Geography of the Taiping Era (the 58th year of Qianlong edition), Vol. 186, pp. 3–14, both cite from the secondary source. “Biography of Dayi” in Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang, though not explicitly stated, is actually based on Jia Dan’s book (see Bai Shouyi, Note on the biography of Dayi, New Book of Tang, Collected Papers of History Studies, 1937, No. 3, pp. 140–145). In Discussion of the Four Kinds of Barbarians in China, Past and Present, in the Abbasid Dynasty, there is Harun al-Rashid and his brother al-Hadi Musa. Bai Shouyi thought Harun al-Rashid is the transliteration of Harun and al-Hadi Musa is Rashid, suggesting that this book “mistakenly gives the name of one person as the name of two brothers” (p. 142). In fact, the full name of al-Hadi, Harun al-Rashid’s brother, is al-Hadi Musa (see Encyclopedia of Islam, 1936, Vol. 3, p. 740), Musa is the Arabicization of the Hebrew name “Moses”, while al-Hadi is a title of honour that precedes a person’s name meaning “the guide”. His name is the transliteration of Musa, therefore the statement in Discussion of the Four Kinds of Barbarians in China, Past and Present is true. 21 Chen Yuan, A brief history of the Muslims in China, Eastern Miscellany, 1928, Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 116–117. Zhang Xinglang, op. cit., pp. 74–77. See also Kodo Tasaka, The Introduction of Islam and its Development in China, 1964, pp. 143–260. 22 Bai Shouyi, Outline of the History of Islam in China, 1946, p. 8, based on the statements in Chen Yuan’s above article. 23 Jin Jitang, op. cit., p. 50, p. 86.

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Islam may have been at this time or a little later, but we cannot give an accurate answer now. It is said that the saint Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas (or Wange Shi or Gaxin in Chinese) came to Canton to preach in the 2nd year of Zhenguan, and died in the 3rd year of Zhenguan, with his tomb left in Gangzhou. Chen Yuan revised it, saying that Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas came to Canton to preach in the 2nd year of Yonghui, therefore his tomb should be built in the 3rd year of Yonghui. Chen Yuan thought that “the folklore was not false, but a miscalculation”.24 In fact, this folklore is not credible at all. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, people thought that it was the 19th year of the Kaihuang period (599) by mistakenly calculating through the Chinese calendar rather than the Hijri calendar (also known as the Islamic calendar), causing it to be 23 years earlier than it actually was. It is a coincidence that the 2nd year of Zhenguan was exactly 23 years earlier than the 2nd year of Yonghui, which cannot prove the reliability of the folklore. There is no such record in Arabic, so the miscalculation could not have occurred. As for the tale in the 2nd year of Zhenguan reign (628), it may be derived from the tale in Islamic literature that Muhammad once sent an envoy to the courts of Byzantium and Persia in 628 A.D. But at that time Muhammad’s power did not extend beyond the surrounding suburbs of Medina, so this tale is now considered an unfounded folk legend from a later period by serious historians.25 Not to mention that China would not have sent envoys or saints from the far east at that time. The discovery of our three gold coins can only illustrate the communication between China and Arabia at that time. We cannot conclude that the tomb was owned by an Arab, nor can we say that it belonged to a Muslim from another country. Based on the form of the tomb and the burial objects, I think it would be better to classify it as belonging to the Han Chinese. It is not surprising that foreign gold and silver coins were often found in the tombs of the Han Chinese or fully sinicized domestic minorities in Xi’an or elsewhere (some of which are attested by the epitaph).26 The ancient Arabian tombs found in China, for example, the Song and Yuan tombs in Quanzhou, have a completely different form from those of the Han Chinese. Naturally, we can not entirely deny the low possibility that the tomb belongs to a sinicized Arab. Regarding the Islamic relics of the Tang Dynasty, there is a famous “Inscription for the Building of the Mosque” in Xi’an written by “Wang Hong in the first year of Tianbao”, which has been proven to be a forgery inscribed in the Ming Dynasty.27 The tale about the Guang Minaret of the Huaisheng Temple in Canton and the tomb of Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas, which were said to have been built in the Tang Dynasty, is also unreliable. The former was probably built in the Song Dynasty, while the

24

Chen Yuan, article cited above, p. 117. A. A. Vasiliev, History of Byzantine Empire, 1952, p. 211. 26 For example, the tomb of Dugu Luo in Xi’an and the tomb of Liu Wei and his wife in Shan County, see the author’s Collected Papers on Archaeology, 1961, p. 121, 136, etc. 27 Chen Yuan, article cited above, p. 117; Zhang Xinglang, op. cit., pp. 81–83; see also the research of Jitsuz¯o Kuwabara, Tribute of Yu, Vol. 5, No. 11, 1936, pp. 49–55 with Chinese version. 25

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latter is a folklore that appeared only in the middle of the Ming Dynasty.28 It is said that the holy tombs in Lingshan, Quanzhou, should belong to the third and fourth sages of the saints who preached here in the Tang Dynasty, though with inscriptions of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties,29 which still should be later folklore due to insufficient evidence. The book A Description of Barbarian Nations written by Zhao Rukuo in the Song Dynasty told us: “There is a Dayi merchant in Quanzhou named Sh¯ıl¯av¯ı (Najib Mudhiru al-Din al-Shilavi) who built a cemetery outside the city in the southeast to bury the remains of the Hu (mainly refer to the northern nomads in China) merchants, which was recorded by Lin Zhiqi, a Supervisor of the Maritime Trade”.30 Lin Zhiqi was the city’s Superintendent of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate in the late Shaoxing period of Emperor Gaozong in the Song Dynasty, and it was probably not until this time that Quanzhou had a cemetery (mound) dedicated to the Hu merchants (including the Islam of Dayi). Our batch of gold coins is the only known physical evidence of Sino-Arab communication from the Tang Dynasty.

28

KodoTasaka, op. cit., pp. 214–216, 225–237. Wu Wenliang, Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou (Beijing: Science Press), 1957, pp. 18– 20, figs. 55–58. 30 Zhao Rukuo, A Description of Barbarian Nations (version of collation and annotation by Feng Chengjun), 1956, p. 47. 29

Chapter 13

Epitaph of Su Liang’s Wife, Née Ma in the Tang Dynasty

Through the introduction of Professor Higuchi Takayasu in Japan and thanks to the translation and verification of Dr. It¯o Giky¯o, the medieval Persian Pahlavi script on the tomb’s stone (Fig. 13.1) can be fully understood. It is now known that Su Liang and his wife, Née Ma, the tomb’s owner, were both Zoroastrian and Persian (The full text of the research and interpretation is being revised and will be published in Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 2, 1964.). During the Tang Dynasty, four different foreign religions were introduced to China: Huoxian (Zoroastrianism), Daqin (Nestorianism), Manicheism, and Islam. Among them, the Islam religion had not yet flourished in the Tang Dynasty, and there were very few records. One difference between Zoroastrianism and the other two religions, Nestorianism and Manicheism, is that they came to China without preaching or translating their scriptures, and their followers were “only the Hu people but no the Tang people”, so they did not have many relics handed down from the Tang Dynasty. Geographical Book of Shazhou and Geographical Book of Yizhou found in Dunhuang once mentioned “Zoroastrian Shrines”, and besides that, the epitaph of Mi Sabao (leader of Zoroastrianism in the Western Regions) was unearthed in Chang’an (for the full text, see Xiang Da, Chang’an in the Tang Dynasty and Civilization in Western Regions, 1957, p. 92). The epitaph of Zhai Tusuo of the Sui Dynasty was unearthed in Luoyang (Zhao Wanli, The Collection of Epigraphs of the Han, Wei and North and South Dynasties, 1956, Vol. 9, p. 102, Pl. CDLXXXIV; his father was a leader of Zoroastrianism), Wuwei once unearthed the epitaph of Kang Ada (for the full text, see Zhang Wei, Records of the Epigraphy in Longyou, 1943, Vol. 2, pp. 4–5, his ancestor was the leader of Zoroastrianism in Liangzhou), but they are all Chinese epigraphs. The characters on the stone, which are a combination of Chinese and the Pahlavi script, give not only crucial but also very new information about the history of Zoroastrianism in the Tang Dynasty. Chang’an during the Tang Dynasty is probably the known easternmost boundary of the transmission of this Pahlavi script. This article was originally published in Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 9, 1964.

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Fig. 13.1 Rubbing of the tomb of Su Liang’s wife, Née Ma (the original stone is 13.5 cm high and 14.6 cm wide)

This tombstone is an important new discovery in the history of Chinese and Western communication at that time. Zoroastrianism is a religion founded by the Persian Zoroaster in the sixth century B.C. It was established as the state religion of the Sassanid Empire in 226. It flourished in Central Asia for a while. It was only during the Southern Liang and Northern Wei Dynasties that it became famous in China. In 625, Dayi destroyed Persia and took possession of Central Asia. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, many Zoroastrians moved to the East and were treated very well. In Chang’an and Luoyang, as well as in Liangzhou and Dunhuang, there were shrines for them, and Sabao Official Residence was especially established to manage Zoroastrian affairs. In the 5th year of Huichang (845), Emperor Wuzong of the Tang Dynasty destroyed Buddhism, and foreign religions such as Zoroastrianism, Manicheism, and Daqin (Nestorianism) were also banned. The ban began to relent only after the death of Emperor Wuzong. In the 3rd year of Xiantong reign (862), Shi Huaien was appointed as Lord of the temple. Until the Northern Song Dynasty, there were still Zoroastrian temples and temple attendants in charge of incense and religious service in Bianjing. In the Southern Song Dynasty and beyond, Zoroastrian Shrine was no longer mentioned in Chinese literature, so it probably died out by then. (see Chen Yuan, The introduction of Zoroastrianism into China, Sinology Quarterly, 1923, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 27–28, 39– 40, p. 45) This tombstone was made in the 15th year of Xiantong reign (874), the time when Zoroastrianism revived after being banned in the period of Huichang reign.

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The place where this tombstone was found is near Tumen Village. We know that the Kaiyuan Gate outside the city wall of Chang’an in the Tang Dynasty is located in Tumen Village. (Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 3, 1958, p. 80) There is a Zoroastrian shrine in the northwest corner of the first lane (Puning Lane) in the north of the road, inside Kaiyuan Gate (Xu Song, Research of Blocks in Two Ancient Capital Cities (Xi´an and Luoyang) of the Tang Dynasty, Comprehensive Collection of Books edition, 1936, Vol. 4, p. 117). I wonder how our tomb is related to this shrine. With regard to the Chinese part of the inscription, there are a few points that can be interpreted slightly. (i) Left Shence Army Honorary Grand Generalissimo

Shence Army (also called the Army of Inspired Strategy) was set up in the 13th year of Tianbao (754), and was originally a garrison army stationed in the Moshan Chuan, 80 miles west of Taozhou (now Lintan County, Gansu). During the An-Shi Rebellion (also known as the An Lushan Rebellion), Cheng Ruqiu sent General Wei Boyu and dispatched 1,000 of his Shence troops to assist the country from this danger and stationed them in Shanzhou. Shence Army was trapped in Turfan in situ. In December of the 2nd year of Qianyuan reign (760), the army stationed in Shanzhou became the Shence Army, with Boyu appointed as the military commanding officer and the eunuch, Yu Chao’en, the army supervisory commissioner, as the army censor. Boyu then commanded the Yulin Army (or the Guard) and Chao’en commanded the Shence Army, garrisoning Shanzhou (present-day Sanmenxia). In the first year of Yongtai reign (765), Yu Chao’en stationed the Shence Army in the imperial palace, which became the Royal Guard by safeguarding the palace. After the death of Chao’en, the eunuchs Liu Xixian and Wang Jiahe were appointed as the Grand Generalissimo of the Shence Army in succession. At the beginning of Dezong’s reign, the left and right units of the Shence Army were reorganized into left and right armies in the 2nd year of Zhenyuan (786), each with a major general of the third rank and two generals of the sub-third rank. In the 3rd year of Zhenyuan (787), two more general posts were added for senior officers who had meritorious service. In the 12th year of Zhenyuan (796), the left and right commandants of the Shence Army were also set up with eunuchs in charge, indicating the military power of the Shence Army completely fell into the hands of the eunuchs. Although it was ranked with the six armies of the Tang, such as the left and right Yulin armies, its power was far above that of the Royal Guard. At its peak, there were more than 180,000 people under the command of Shence. The commandant of the Shence Army was powerful enough even to decide the abolition of the monarch. In the 3rd year of Tianfu (903), Zhu Quanzhong killed the eunuchs so that the Shence Army was abolished (for the history of the Shence Army in the Tang Dynasty, see Tang Changru, Book of Tang Annotation and Correction for the Tang Military System, 1957, p. 67, pp. 97–107). The chief generals of the border garrison in the Tang Dynasty were called Military Commanding Officers, also known as Grand Generalissimos. Because it is just an incidental duty rather than an official title, it has no rank (ibid., p. 33) Su Liang was Honorary Grand Generalissimo of the left Shence Army at the time of Xiantong

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period, and although he still commanded the army, his authority was not as great as before. The word “honorary” means the one who holds a sinecure post in a government agency with less real power and it is a “world of difference” compared with the authority of the former Grand Generalissimo of the Shence Army. However, there is one more point to note that the military attaché being Honorary Grand Generalissimo was given to a large number of Western princes and emissaries who stayed in Chang’an in the 3rd year of Zhenyuan period, Emperor Dezong’s reign (787). “The biography of Wang Er”, New Book of Tang (Vol. 170) said: Emperor Dezong then promoted Wang E as Vice Minister of the Court of State Ceremonial. Previously, at the end of Tianbao period, thousands of chiefs presenting tribute from the Western Region and officials from Anxi and Beiting Protectorates gathered in the capital every year. After the fall of Longyou, they could not return, food and clothing were dependent on the Court of State Ceremonial which treated them like guests with courtesy. The monthly expenses amounted to 40,000 strings of coins, and they occupied the land and raised children as if they were people who had been registered in the household for about 40 years. By this time, Wang E put people with the title below the king on the roll, therefore there were about 4,000 people and 2,000 horses that needed to stop being supplied. The Grand Chancellor Li Mi put all of them under the command of the left and right Shence Armies and appointed the chiefs as generals, saving 500,000 strings of coins a year. (See Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, “Record of Tang”, Chapter 48, the 3rd year of Zhenyuan [787]).

Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance (Vol. 232) places this incident in the 3rd year of Zhenyuan (787), and the diction is roughly the same as that of New Book of Tang but with a more detailed account at the end: “For the Hu people who were unwilling to yield surrender, Li Mi divided them into two parts under the Shence Army; the princes and emissaries were Honorary Grand Generalissimo or Yaya (a small military officer who managed the guard of honor and imperial bodyguard during the Song Dynasty), and the rest were all pawns.” (punctuated edition from the Ancient Books Press, 1956, p. 7493). The 3rd year of Zhenyuan is more than 30 years away from the end of Tianbao (742–755), which is known as “forty years” if an integer was taken. Su Liang was a native of Xiantong (860–872), born around 80 years later from the 3rd year of Zhenyuan, so he was a descendant of the Western “prince or emissary” who joined the Shence Army this time. We know that there were many officers of the Shence Army from the Western Region. For example, the general of the Shence Army at the beginning of Zhenyuan was Luo Haoxin, a native Kapici in Uttarapatha, who later became the Commander Unequalled in Honor and acting Supervisor of the Household for the Heir Apparent. However, he had the meritorious service to his credit of pacifying the rebellion of Zhu Ci in the 4th year of Jianzhong (783) joining the Shence Army before the 3rd year of Zhenyuan. (See Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East–West Communication, 1930, Vol. 6, pp. 111–113) Another example is Kang Zhimu and his son Chengxun, who were successively generals of the Right Chinese Army during Emperor Wenzong’s reign in the first year of Taihe (827). Their ancestor Kang Zhi was from Lingzhou, where there were many people from the Western Regions, and modern historians suspect that they were from Kangju (the Chinese name of a kingdom in Central Asia) (Xiangda, op. cit., p. 13). However, Kang Zhi was a member of the army during the Kaiyuan period, and Zhimu’s father, Rizhi, was also a member of the army; it seems that Zhimu did

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not join the Shence Army in the 3rd year of Zhenyuan (New Book of Tang, Vol. 148, “Biography of Kang Rizhi”; Old Book of Tang, Vol. 19, Part 2, the 1st month of the 10th year of Xiantong). The epitaph of Mi Jifen (734–805), unearthed in 1957 in Xi’an (for the full text, see Shaanxi Provincial Museum, 1959 edition, pp. 107– 108), mentioned that he, who was from Maymurgh and also a member of Nestorian Church, served as Honorary Deputy General of the Left Shence Army. However, his father, Türgesh, had already made his son pledge loyalty to the Royal Guard; and Jifen’s “deputy general”, although with the word “honorary”, was not “Honorary Grand Generalissimo”. Only this tombstone provides solid physical evidence of the historical fact that 4,000 people from the Western Region were attached to the Shence Army in the 3rd year of Zhenyuan. (ii) The inscriptions on the tombstone are: The Su was born in the Year of Serpent (the Year of the Serpent, called jisi is the 6th element of the Chinese sexagesimal cycle) and died at the age of 26. He died in the 15th year of Xiantong period (also the Year of Horse, the 31st element of the Chinese sexagesimal cycle) (874), therefore he should have been born in the 3rd year of Dazhong, Emperor Xuanzong (849). If we look at the month of his death, there is a space above the character “二月 (February)”, which is initially suspected to be the character “十 (ten)”. However, if we take a closer look at the rubbing, it seems that there is no trace of engraving in this space. I think it should be taken as “二月 (February)” not “十二月 (December)”. Here are my reasons: (1) The designation of an imperial reign in November (the fifth day of the first lunar month) of the 15th year of Xiantong was changed to the first year of Qianfu (Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, Vol. 252). If this tombstone was engraved after December 28th, then Qianfu, as an Emperor’s reign, must be adopted then especially it was found near the capital city. According to Chen Yuan’s The Table of Shuo and Run during 2000 Years (Shuo is the first day of each month in the lunar calendar, Run refers to the leap month), the first day of February referred to genyin (the 27th in the Chinese sexagenary cycle) in that year, which was one day apart from “Auspicious day on xinmao (the 28th in the Chinese sexagenary cycle)” inscribed on the tombstone; the 28th was dingsi (the 54th in Chinese sexagenary cycle), which perfectly matches with the inscription. But if we take it as December, December in that year was yimao (the 52nd in the Chinese sexagenary cycle) and the third day was actually dingsi, which is a far cry from what the inscription described. That’s why I prefer “February”. The reason why the words “auspicious day on xinmao” were on the inscription is because the Tang Dynasty calendar often specified the Five Agents (wood, fire, earth, gold, and water) and Jianchu (the 12 Earthly Branches determine the direction of the year and the month of the year in order to predict good and bad fortune) in the first day of each month. The transcript of Calendar Day in the 5th day of Kaicheng period (840) wrote: “January has 31 days, break the ground; everything grows; while February has 30 days, break the ground; evil day…” (see Yuanren, The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, Vol. 2, 1915, The Great Japanese Buddhist Book edition). As for the reason why the inscription adopted the second day (xinmao) rather than the first day (genyin), perhaps that’s due to “Festival on the last day of the first month was abolished and the second day of February as Zhonghe Festival or Dragon Raising its

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Head Festival was celebrated” after the period of Emperor Dezong in the Tang (see New Book of Tang, Vol. 139, “Biography of Li Mi”), so the second day was actually adopted, but the 28th day is still dingsi. If that is indeed the reason, surely we have more circumstantial evidence for the correctness of “February”. The 28th day of the 2nd lunar month of the 15th year of Xiantong was just on March 19th, 874 A.D. Note After writing the postscript, I received the assistance of Mr. Chen Mengjia, and with the help of a magnifying glass, I examined the rubbing again and found that there was indeed a word “岁 (year)” in the space before “二月 (February)”. Therefore, I am writing here to correct it.

Chapter 14

Two Types of Script Combined on a Nestorian Tombstone from Quanzhou

In 1936, the tombstone of Yelu Yucheng, who was “the head of Nestorianism” in the Yuan Dynasty, was found in Inner Mongolia, which surprised Mr. Chen Yuan who thought that this would be the only existing tombstone of Arkagun (Chinese) (see Monumenta Serica, 1938, Vol. 3, pp. 255–256). In 1954, Comrade Wu Wenliang found another tombstone of Arkagun (Fig. 14.1), which was excavated during the demolition of the city wall in 1940, in Jintoupu, outside Tonghuai Gate, Quanzhou. The inscription was first published by Comrade Zhuang Weiji in Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 3, 1956, p. 46. The inscription was first published by Comrade Zhuang Weiji, (see Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 3, 1956, p. 46). Professor L. C. Goodrich, in his introduction to this article, also made special mention of the tombstone and added his explanation (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1957, Vol. 77, No. 3, pp. 161–165). Comrade Wu Wenliang published this inscription, along with its photograph, in Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou (1957, p. 45, Fig. 108) with his own explanations. However, some incompleteness or errors still exist. Comrade Wu Youxiong’s measurements suggest the tombstone is 56 cm high and 48.7 cm wide. The inscription has a combination of two scripts, two lines each. Their corresponding research and interpretations for the Chinese part are now being comprehensively studied and corrected. The first inscription in Chinese is as follows (two lines of Chinese characters, 30 characters in the first line and 23 characters in the second line, 53 characters in total): The head of Ming religion, Qin religion, etc., in Jiangnan (literally “South of the River” meaning “South of the Yangtze”) is 也里可温 (Arkagun), 马里失里门 (mar-i Slimun), 阿 必思古八 (episqupa), 马里哈昔牙 (mar-i hasya) (first line) On August 8th in the second year of Huangqing period, 帖迷答扫马 (Timothy Sauma) and others sobbing in silence and in great pain, keeping him in mind (second line)

The characters “八” (the 25th character) and “哈” (the 28th character) shed off from Comrade Zhuang’s transcript. Ming religion is Manichaeism. Qin religion is This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 1, 1981.

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Fig. 14.1 Rubbing of the tombstone (about 1/6)

short for Daqin, which is also known as Nestorianism (Nestorius of Constantinople Christianity). Arkagun was the Mongol name for Christianity during the Yuan Dynasty, and was later used to name the country. More details can be seen in Study of Arkagun in the Yuan Dynasty by Chen Yuan (Academic Papers of Chen Yuan edition, 1980). “也里可温 (Arkagun)” is the general name for both Nestorianism (Nestorius of Constantinople sect) and Catholicism (Roman sect) in the Yuan (ibid., pp. 44– 53). The “Arkagun” of the inscription are exactly those who practiced this religion. Comrade Wu was not correct in thinking that Arkagun is the name of the Patriarch and not the title of the church (Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou, p. 46). “失 里门” is actually the name of a person, but the two comrades Zhuang and Wu both mistakenly added a dot and broke it as “马里失里, 门阿必思古 [八]”. Murayama Shichir¯o thought that 失里门 was the transliteration of Silemun (Murayama Shichir¯o, “Turkic Nestorian gravestones unearthed in Quanzhou” [German], Uaral-Atais che Jahrbiicher, Vol. 35, fasc. D, 1964, p. 395). In History of Yuan, seven people are named 失列门 (Shiliemen), two are 昔烈门 (Xiliemen), and three are named each as 失烈门 (Shiliemen) and 失里门 (Shilimen), all of which sound similar to the pronunciation of Solomon and are derived from early Christian names, as Mr. Chen Yuan has already noted (Study of Arkagun in the Yuan Dynasty, p. 17). Mari is a

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title of honor, and its transliteration is 马里. Goodrich thought 阿必思古八 was the transliteration of episgopa, meaning prelate (bishop). Murayama thought it was the transliteration of Episkupa, which also means “bishop”. The name “马里哈昔牙” can be found twice in Vol. 9 of Chorography of Zhenjiang in Zhiyuan period. Based on the study of Suichiro Tanaka, Mr. Chen believed that it was the transliteration of the Syriac word Mar lesua, which meant “Lord Jesus”. Chorography of Zhenjiang described “disciples of Mar-i hasya”, meaning the disciples of the Lord Jesus. Also “The treatise of official posts history”, History of Yuan said: “The head of Chongfu Palace is in charge of Mar-i hasya, Rabban and sacrifices in chapels of Arkagun.” (Vol. 89). Rabban is the name of the Christian monks of the Eastern States (Study of Arkagun in the Yuan Dynasty, p. 47, cite from Tanaka). According to Tanaka, it is correct to assume that “马尔哈昔” is not a personal name. However, his thought based on the old saying of Palladius that 哈昔 Haxi or 哈昔牙 Haxiya is Syrian lesua was obviously wrong. Murayama thought that 马里哈昔牙 was the transliteration of Mar-i hasya, which means “monk”. This is correct. Comrade Wu thought that “it may be a tombstone where several people are buried together”, and Goodrich thought that 马里哈昔牙 was “Mar Isaiyah”, who took it as the name of a person like “马里 失里门”. Both of them got it wrong and should be corrected. This man was not only the bishop or prelate (阿必思古八) of “Qin religion” (Nestorian Christianity, i.e. Nestorianism), but also the prelate of Ming religion (i.e., Manichaeism) in Jiangnan. The name “帖迷答扫马” was thought by Goodrich to be the transliteration of Timothy Sauma, who, like aforementioned 失里门(Solomon), also adopted the ancient Christian name, which in our modern times is pronounced “Timothy”. The famous missionary Timothy Richard used it as his christian name in modern times, and Shichiro Murayama thought that the word “帖迷答” was the transliteration of David, which is not true. Sauma (扫马) is a common name in Nestorianism. The name of the Nestorian from Beijing who visited Europe during 1287–1288 was just Rabban Bar Sauma (see Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East–West Communication, Book 1, 1977, revised edition, pp. 213–215). In the Yuan Dynasty, there was an Uyghur noble who knew the six languages, Ma Qingxiang, a native of Tianshan, Jing (净) zhou (corrected according to “Geographica”, History of Jin, the original version was jing (静) zhou), whose pet name was Georgius. His father’s name was Sauma Yelichu (Yuan Haowen, “The divine stele of Ma Jun, Prefectural Governor”, Completed Works of Yuan Haowen, Vol. 27, Publication Series of Four Branches of Literature edition). 骚马 is 扫马, both are transliterated from the word “Sauma”, which is a common name among the Nestorians. There is a biography about Ma Qingxiang in History of Jin (Vol. 124), which reveals that his real name is 习礼吉思 ( Georgius) and that he lived from 1176 to 1222 A.D.. 习礼吉思and 习礼吉思 actually refer to the same name which are pretty common among the Nestorians, Syriac (This refers to the ancient Syriac, the same below) generally accepts the name as GEWARGIS, that is, the English George. The Syrian list of believers on the Xi’an Nestorian Stele includes five people with the same name. Tianshan County, Jingzhou, in presentday Siziwang Banner of Inner Mongolia, was a part of the Jingshou Road in the Yuan Dynasty, and belonged to the Ongud Tribe which practiced Nestorianism. Ma

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14 Two Types of Script Combined on a Nestorian Tombstone from Quanzhou

Fig. 14.2 Part of the Turkic spelt in Syriac letters (based on Shichiro Murayama’s writing)

Qingxiang and his son were both Turkic Nestorians, also known as Arkagun, which can fill the gap in the study on the figures of Arkagun by Chen Yuan (see Study of Arkagun in the Yuan Dynasty, Chap. 5). Although Ma Qingxiang was a loyal official of the Jin Dynasty against the Yuan army, Ma Georgius took the word “马 (Ma)” as his Chinese surname definitely coming from his father’s name Sauma. The second year of Huangqing (also the 50th year of the sexagenary cycle) is equivalent to 1313 A.D. The other two lines of non-Chinese characters are the Turkic spelt in Syriac alphabet. The original official language of the Nestorians was Syriac, however among the Turkic Nestorians, the local tongue was written using the alphabet. These two lines in the tombstone (Fig. 14.2) were read by Shichiro Murayama in the Latin alphabet as follows: mahi-ail-lar-ning mar-i hasya (马里哈昔牙) mar-i slimun (马里失里门) episqupa- (阿必思 古八) ning qabra-si ol, (the first line) ut kui yil (癸) sak(i) z (n) ai-ning on pis-ta baslap keliu Zauma (扫马) biti-mis Murayama translated this inscription as follows: This is the tomb of the monk, Mr. Siremun, the prelate (?) of the diocese (?), Sauma came here with a group of people on August 15th of the year—Gui (the last of the ten heavenly stems) (also the year of ox, i.e., Chou), and wrote (this epitaph) down.

Annotations made by Murayama were: The first word was not known, but both the words malimna and malimnalha on the tombstone of Nestorianism in Syriac font in the Semirjetsehie of the Soviet Union meant faith, therefore, the word mahi here

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may also indicate the same religious meaning. The ail in ail-lar means village, and lar is a major ending word, so we can assume the word means “diocese”. ning is the ending of a possessive noun in Turkic. The inar of mar-i is a Syriac honorific (or “sir” in Judaic), and i is the ending of a Turkic third person noun. The word qabra in qabra-si is the Syriac word for “grave”. To the Turkic people, this word and the above-mentioned mar are foreign words. si is the ending of the Turkic possessive case, equivalent to the Chinese word “之”. ol was originally an indicative pronoun, but is used as a conjunction in the Eastern Turkic language. ul is equivalent to the Chinese character “丑”, which originally meant ox. Ox is the second of the twelve Chinese zodiac signs, and Chou is the second of the twelve Earthly Branches, so the “Year of the Ox” is actually the year of the Chou. The word should be ud, but it is also ul in the Nestorian tombstones in the Semirjetsehie: it can be concluded from the above that what is written on this inscription is in Eastern Turkic (e.g., using ol as a conjunctive). We know that in the 12th–fourteenth centuries A.D., there was an Ongud tribe in Eastern Turkic who believed in Nestorianism. This inscription may give an account of an Ongud who traveled to Quanzhou as an official and was also a member of Nestorianism. Murayama also said that in Volumn 9 of Chorography of Zhenjiang in Zhishun period, 马里哈昔牙.麻儿失里.河必思忽八 undoubtedly referred to Slimun, the same person on the tombstone of Quanzhou. He also said that the so-called “Manichaean tombstone” in No. 110 of Wu Wenliang’s Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou was inscribed with two lines of eight characters in Chinese: “大德 黄公,年玖叁岁 (the Huang, clergyman of Nestorianism, aged ninety-three years)”. “大德” is the Nestorian “Episkoupa” (bishop) (The author: In the first column of the Syriac inscription of the Xi’an Nestorian Stele, there are two Chinese characters “大德” of “大德曜轮” in the first line from the left, which is Episkoupa in Syriac (see Saeki, Yoshir¯o, The Nestorian documents and relics in China, English, 1951, updated edition, p. 72, Fig. 3). Murayama also took the character “黄 (Huang)” as a free translation of the Mongolian word sira which is probably a shortened version of siremun in Sino-Foreign Vocabularies, equivalent to slimun in this inscription, a common name among Nestorians. It is possible that this “大德黄公 (the Huang, clergyman of Nestorianism)” is the same person as the “马里.失里门.阿必思古八 (Mari Slimun Episkoupa)” mentioned on this tombstone. If so, he was born in 1220 and died in 1313 at the age of 93. This statement by Murayama is not conclusive. Still, it is possible that the “sli” in Chorography of Zhenjiang in Zhishun period is the Slimun of this inscription, as Wu Wenliang already suggested (Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou, p. 46; Wu’s way of punctuating them as “失里” and “失里河” was wrong). It is common for historical material to have some missing words in its quotations. However, since Saeki Yoshir¯o thought that the word “失里 (sli)” was the transliteration of Silas (op. cit., updated edition, p. 515, 1951), it could have been another person. As for the statement that “the Huang” is the Slimun of this inscription, although it is novel and shows the craftsmanship and originality, the tombstone of “the Huang” is 42 cm high and 30 cm wide, according to Comrade Wu Youxiong’s field measurement (It was 40 cm high and 22 cm wide in the original book by mistake) and is hugely different

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14 Two Types of Script Combined on a Nestorian Tombstone from Quanzhou

from this one, meaning they cannot be the stones on the relative ends of a sumeru seat of the same tomb, and there is usually only one tombstone per tomb here. The two would not belong to the same tomb, i.e., the tombstone of the same person. At the end of the nineteenth century, more than 610 of these Turkic Nestorian tombstones, spelled in the Syriac alphabet, were found in the Semirjetsehie of Central Asia under Imperial Russia, see D. Chwolson’s Nestorian tombstones Syriac script from the Semirjetsehie (St. Petersburg edition, 1890, first collection in 1890, sequel in 1897) and S. E. Malow’s Old Turkic Inscriptions in Mongolia and Kyrgyzstan (Moscow-Leningrad edition, 1959). In 1936, D. Martin discovered several of these Syriac-script Nestorian tombstones in Inner Mongolia at Olon Sume (near Beilein süme) and at several other Ongud sites (see D. Martin, Monumenta Serica of Fu Jen Catholic University, Illustration No. 3, 6, 8, 9, 11 and 12, No. 3, 1938, pp. 232– 256; K. Groenbech, Monumenta Serica, No. 4, 1939, pp. 305–308). K. Groenbech pointed out that the conjunctive words in the Inner Mongolian inscriptions had been changed to turur in the language of Western Turkic Khaganate in the Semirjetsehie tombstones, and that the word guwra (grave) was written qbra, and bu (this, here) was written pu. This is due to the fact that the original letter p was pronounced here as b, while the letter b was pronounced as w (pp. 306–307). In 1935, Egami Namio also found such tombstones in Olon Sume, three of which were studied and explanations made by Yoshiro Zobaku (see Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 9, [Tokyo], 1939, pp. 49–88), and there were more than 30 pieces together with those found by Martin. After 1949, we have also found such tombstones in this area, and there were more than ten pieces of this kind of script written in the Yuan Dynasty among hundreds of inscriptions by visitors of all ages in the interior of the Wanbu Huayanjing Pagoda (commonly known as the White Pagoda) in the eastern suburbs of Hohhot City (Li Yiyou, Cultural Relics, 1977, No. 5, p. 59). Now we have found this tombstone again in Quanzhou, southern China, adding to the list of places where this script has been found. This kind of script is believed to be Istifa mentioned in “The treatise selection of officials” and “The treatise of official posts” in The History of Yuan (see Li Yiyou, Cultural Relics, pp. 59–60, NO. 5, 1977; Cultural relics and archaeological work for thirty years, 1979, p. 82). As far as I know, there seems to be no definite answer to the question about what kind of language is the so-called “Istifa”. Some people think it refers to the Persian language after its adoption of the Arabic alphabet. It is more relevant for the official system of the Yuan Dynasty, in which the officer in charge of the Istifa is under the Directorate of Education of Khwarazm, not Mongolia (see “The treatise of official posts”, The History of Yuan). It is believed that the people who used it were from the Islam religion of Persia, which bordered Arabia (Khwarazm) and was once part of the Arabian Empire, rather than people from the Turkic Ongud tribe who believed in Nestorianism (original editor’s note: see Professor Han Rulin, Archeology, No, 1, 1981, p. 63). Finally, the importance of this tombstone lies in: (1) The religious history, as its discovery indicates that there were many Nestorians around Quanzhou in the early fourteenth century, which necessitated the establishment of a prelate to manage Ming religion (i.e., Manichaeism) and Qin religion (Nestorianism), etc.. Although

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the tombstone is not in Syriac (the official Nestorian language), it still uses the Syriac alphabet to spell Turkic, which shows the influence of Nestorianism here, and the prelate (bishop) himself was a Turkic (Ongud). (2) In terms of linguistics, the discovery of this tombstone shows that this script was not only popular in the Semirjetsehie of Central Asia and the old Ongud of Inner Mongolia, but was also brought to some parts of Jiangnan by the Ongud people who went as far as Quanzhou to assume office. It also indicates that the languages of Eastern and Western Turkic had been slightly differentiated.

Chapter 15

Latin Tombstones in Yangzhou and Venetian Silver Coins in Canton

At the 26th European Sinology Conference held in Italy on September 4th, 1978, I gave a presentation on “New Discoveries in Chinese Archaeology in Recent Years”. Several artifacts related to Sino-Italian relations that had been discovered in China since 1949 were presented in my report. I introduced: “Two Latin tombstones were found in Yangzhou, published together in 1963. The tomb owners were an Italian brother and sister. They died in 1324 (should be corrected as 1344) and 1342, respectively and were buried in Yangzhou. A brief report about a Ming tomb in Canton was published in 1977. This tomb was buried in 1495. Three foreign silver coins from the mid-fifteenth century were found in the tomb, two from Manlajia (满剌 加, Ming Dynasty name for modern day Malacca) and one from Venice minted by Pasquale Malipiero, Doge of Venice, from 1457 to 1462.”1 I have the original draft and a reading note of the aforementioned words. Now it is time to collate and publish it.

15.1 Latin Tombstone 1 in Yangzhou2 In the early summer of 1952, a tombstone was found near Nanmen Shuiguan in Yangzhou, and is numbered here as Tombstone 1. The monument was found lying horizontally, with brickwork above and below, and was the remnant of the demolition of the city walls. Some of the head and tail of the monument have been broken off, including part of the lacework and the lower part of the last Latin line, but the damaged 1 The English version of this report is included in Proceedings of the Twenty-sixth European Conference on Sinology, published in Italy. 2 For the discovery and preliminary interpretation, see Geng Jianting, The Latin tombstone of the Yuan Dynasty in Chengenli, Yangzhou, Archaeology, 1963, No. 8, pp. 449–451.

This article was originally published in Archaeology, 1979, No. 6. © Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_15

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Fig. 15.1 Yangzhou Latin Tombstone 1 (residual height 58 cm), rubbing reproduction

words can be restored. The first and last parts also can be restored (Fig. 15.1). After the discovery of the tombstone, it was sent to the local Cultural Relics Committee. Soon afterwards, a rubbing of this tombstone will be sent abroad. Because this is one of the earliest Roman Catholic tombstones in China, it immediately attracted the interest of scholars from other Christian countries. They have reported this important discovery one after another.3 This Latin tombstone from Yangzhou was also mentioned by Foster in 1954 in his introduction to Christian engravings in Quanzhou.4 In China, it was not published in Archaeology until 1963.5 3

F. A. Rouleau, The Yangchow Latin tombstone as a landmark of Medieval Christianity in China (English), Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17, 1954, pp. 346–365, and the following texts cited therein: (1) G. Bonanli, A 14th century Christian relic found in China, L’Osservatore Romano (Italian edition), Vatican, April 26th 1952, p. 3; (2) Translation of the foregoing in a French edition of the same newspaper, May 16th 1952, under the title A 14th century Christian relic found in China; (3) M. Roncoglia, A newly discovered Christian relic of the 14th century in China (French), New Journal of Missionary Research, Beckenried, Schweiz (Suisse), Vol. 8, 1952, fasc. 14, p. 293; (4) F. A. Rouleau, The more ancient Madonna of China, L’Osservatore Romano (Italian edition), 23 July 23 1953, p. 3; (5) The Register, Denver, Colorado, September 6th 1953, p.3. (Note: from the rubbings published by Rouleau, there are newly-engraved four characters in seal script “observed by Yin Wei” on the left of Latin script on the stone. Yin Wei is the style name of original discoverer Geng Jianting.) 4 J. Foster, Crosses from the walls of Zaitun, JRAS, 1954, Nos. 1–2, p.11. 5 Gen Jianting, op.cit..

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The tombstone (remnant) is 58 cm high and 48.8 cm wide. If the tombstone is restored in the form of Tombstone 2, the original height should be about 73 cm. The tombstone is rectangular in shape, with rounded shoulders at the upper two corners, the top has been destroyed; it was originally shaped like the second tombstone with a niche top. The top half of the tombstone shows the story of the collected biographies of the Apostles in Catholicism, and the bottom half shows the Latin epitaph. The periphery is decorated with curly grass lacework. The script of the epitaph is the typical Old Gothic Script with neat handwriting. Each letter is about 3 cm high, with 5 lines; All inscriptions cover an area of 24 cm in height and 28 cm in width on the front of the tombstone. A cross marks at the beginning and end of the text. The words in each line are separated by dots, except for the opening word IN and the second word, which are written consecutively. The original text is now replaced by the modern Latin alphabet as follows (with the meaning of each word indicated below): INN0MINE. DNI. AMEN. HIC. JACET (In) (the name of) (the Lord) (amen) (here) (lies) KATERINA. FILIA. QNDAM. DOMINI (Khadrien) (the daughter) (of the late) (master) DN1CI. DE. VILION1S. QUE. OBIIT. IN (Mr. Domini) (of) (Vilioni) (She) (died) (in) ANNO. DOMINI. MILLEXIMO. CCC (the year of) (the Lord) (one thousand) (three hundred) XXXX. II. DE. MENSE. JUNII (forty) (two) ( of) (the month of) (June). Here is the translation: In the name of the Lord, amen, here lies (is buried) Khadrien, the daughter of the late (former) Mr. Domini (master) of Vilioni. She died in June, 1342 A.D.

It is a coincidence that the papal legate Marignolli came to Beijing in the year 1342, which corresponds to the 2nd year of our Emperor Yuan Shun’s reign, according to the chronology of Jesus.6 It was also exactly 50 years ago that Marco Polo left China. The name “Vilioni” in the inscription is thought to be the name of a city, but there was no city of that name in Italy at the time, which should be the family name. According to L. Petech, the Villioni family was present in the Venetian archives from 1163 onwards, and in 1264, a merchant named Pietro Villioni traded as far as Tabriz (in present-day Iran). When he died in 1281, his father, Vitale, was an executor of his will. After the death of his son Giovanni, his family became extinct.7 Rouleau said that in the sixteenth century there was a family of Vilionis in Genoa, Italy (written as Viglione, but in the literature of the seventeenth century, Viglione and Vilionis are two ways of writing the same word).8 Domini Vellioni was probably from Venice or Genoa. Many merchants from these two places came to the East for business. It is possible that the tomb owner, Khadrien, came to China with his father, or was born in China. His brother was also buried nearby (see Tombstone 2), so it is clear that 6

For Marignolli’s mission to China, see Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 1 (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company), 1977, pp. 244–267. 7 L. Pelech, Marco Polo and the rule over Mongol (Italian), in L. Laneiotti, ed., The Scientific, Religious and Revolutionary Relics of China (Italian, Florence), 1975, pp. 26–27. 8 Rouleau, op. cit., pp. 360–361.

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the family lived in Yangzhou. Rouleau took the word quondam, which originally meant “past”, as “deceased”, suggesting the father, Domini, had died. However, if the father was still alive, this word may also be used to describe the preceding word “daughter”, i.e., the deceased daughter. However, the interpretation being “past” is appropriate according to the syntax.9 The martyrdom of St. Khadrien, the Christian patron saint of the dead, is depicted on the top part of the tombstone. Probably because the name of the owner of the tomb is the same as that of the patron saint, the deeds of the patron saint were adopted to decorate the tombstone. According to the biographies of the saints, St. Khadrien was a native of Alexandria, Egypt, under the Roman Empire, in the fourth century A.D. She was a virtuous, well-bred virgin from a prominent family and a true believer in Christianity. Between 308 and 313 A.D., Maximinus Daia was the Prefect of the Tetrarchy (In ancient Rome, each province was divided into four divisions, each with its own prefect). Egypt was also under his rule. He carried out a brutal religious persecution at that time, and it is said that St. Khadrien died a heroic death at that time. Later, she was venerated as a saint (or disciple) in the Roman church, and her feast day is celebrated every year on November 25th. According to her holy biography (most of the facts in the biography are folkloric), she eloquently espoused her own beliefs in the public debate set up by the authorities in an attempt to make her renounce her Christian faith, and dismissed the opposing pagan philosophers into silence. As a result, she was sentenced to death for her obstinacy, initially by a torture similar to the ancient Chinese “lingchi (slow slicing)”, in which the prisoner was tied to a special wheel with a sharp knife inserted all around the wheel’s rim. When the wheel was turned, the prisoner was subjected to “a thousand cuts”. It is said that when St. Khadrien knelt down to be tortured, the sky was suddenly shattered by a thunderstorm and the wheel was broken. So the punishment of beheading was used again, and St. Khadrien became a martyr. At this time, the angel came down and took her body to Mount Sinai for burial. These are definitely superstitious legends, and the tombstone is inscribed with the three holy deeds of St. Khadrien. In the first paragraph, she was kneeling in prayer. She was flanked by a set of wheels used in torture, which were broken by a miracle. The two executioners were lying on the ground with one face upward and the other downward, they seemed to be frightened or killed by thunder. There was a pair of angels in the sky above, looking down. The second paragraph is the beheading. She knelt on the ground and prayed, the executioner was slashing with his right hand, while his left hand held the empty scabbard. In the third paragraph, two angels were placing the martyr in the tomb. This tomb should be theone on Mount Sinai. These story paintings are from the prototype of European medieval Christian iconography. St. Khadrien is crowned with flowers, the back with a sacred halo, and with a bared upper body: these are the typical methods of European painters. Another example is the leather boots worn by the executioner, as well as the leg bindings that are wrapped. However, some parts have been sinicized, for example, the faces of the characters are of East Asian 9

Rouleau, op. cit., p. 263.

15.2 Latin Tombstone 2 in Yangzhou

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Fig. 15.2 Latin Tombstone 2 (original height 59.7 cm) in Yangzhou, rubbing reproduction

features. In the lower right corner of the tombstone is the statue of a kneeling monk holding a naked baby, a symbol of the deceased, in both hands. This is a symbol of the Church’s dedication of the souls of the dead to the Creator. The image at the top is the earliest known image of “Madonna (Virgin Mary) and the Baby (Jesus)” found in China. This, of course, also has a European prototype, but the pew is the Chinese style. The curly grass pattern around the periphery of the tombstone is also a Chinese pattern.10

15.2 Latin Tombstone 2 in Yangzhou In the summer of 1952, after the discovery of the first tombstone, “within a few days, we found another one in the same place, also lying down, but more complete.” This stone was also shipped to the Yangzhou Cultural Management Committee for safekeeping, and the correlational study was later published in Archaeology in 1963. We have numbered it Tombstone 2 (Fig. 15.2).11

10 11

For the interpretation of the image, see Rouleau, op. cit., pp. 354–359. Rouleau, op. cit., p. 449.

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15 Latin Tombstones in Yangzhou and Venetian Silver Coins in Canton

The tombstone is 59.7 cm high and 37.5 cm wide. It is smaller in size than the first tombstone, but is roughly the same shape as the first. The epitaph and images are similar in style, but the content is different. The inscription consists of six lines, each with a cross at the beginning and end. The letters of the inscription have been replaced by the modern Latin alphabet as follows (the meanings of the letters are indicated below): INNOMINE. DNL. AMEN (In) (the name of) (the Lord) (amen) HIC. JACET. ANTONIUS. FILII (Here) (lies) (Antonius) (the son) QNDAM. DNL. DOM1N1CI. DE (the past) (master) (Domini) (of) VILIONIS. QUI. MIGRAUIT (Vilionis) (he) (drowned) ANNO. DNI. M. CCC. XXXX. IIII (the year of) (the Lord) (one thousand) (three hundred) (forty) (four) DE. MENSE. NOVEMBRIS (of) (the month) (November) Here is the translation: In the name of the Lord, amen, here lies (is buried) Antonius, the son of the late (past) Domini (master) of Vilioni. He was drowned in 1344 A.D..

The number “twenty (i.e., ten and ten)” in “twenty and twenty” is written as “ ”, a different form from the character “ten” in the “ ” form, Therefore, “twenty and twenty” can not be interpreted as “ten and ten”, but rather “forty”. The earliest known Catholic (Franciscan) stone sculpture found in China is a tombstone found in Quanzhou, also in Latin, dated 1332 (one word in the writing is unclear and could be 1327).12 If our second tombstone is dated 1324, it would be earlier than the one in Quanzhou. But since we now know that it is 1344, the Quanzhou one remains the earliest. The year 1344 A.D. is the 4th year of Zhizheng reign of Emperor Shun in the Yuan, two years later than the first tombstone. Since neither of them has the age of the tomb owner, it is impossible to determine whether they are elder brother and sister or elder sister and brother, but it can be concluded that they were born of the same father. The image of this tombstone is “The Last Judgement”. According to the “The old testament”, The Bible, at the end of the world, all the dead will be raised and be judged by Jesus together with the living, and the good will ascend to heaven, while the evil will fall into hell forever.13 The figure on this tombstone shows Jesus seated in the upper center with a halo behind his head. On either side of Jesus, on the right stands an apostle holding a cross, and on the left stands an angel with a spear in 12 See Wu Wenliang, Religious Stone Engravings of Quanzhou (Beijing: Science Press), 1957, pp. 29–30, fig. 75. 13 There are many references to the Last Judgement in “The old testament”, e.g., “The book of Daniel”, Chap. 12, etc.

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his hand and wings on his arms, both with a halo behind their heads, the right hand holding a precious jewel (?). In the bottom half of the figure, there is an angel in each of the two upper corners, holding a “trumpet” in both hands and putting it on his mouth to blow a trumpet, announcing that the end of the world has come and that judgment will be held. In the middle below are six people kneeling on the ground, holding documents (?). Below on the right side are the three graves, the dead have been resurrected, uncovered the tomb, sat up, and are about to come out of the tomb to be tried. There is a monk in a robe (?) on the bottom left holding a baby, facing the seated figure sitting on a bench on the left. Next to the bench is a small figure kneeling with one knee bent. The seated figure has a halo behind his head and a staff in one hand, which is a symbol of God. If we compare it with the first tombstone, this is a symbol of the Franciscan monks who consecrated the souls of the dead to God. The “The Last Judgement” was a common subject for European medieval artists. There is a European blueprint for this painting, but some parts of it, for example, the foot of the square stool, which is decorated with the cloud pattern, have already been sinicized. The above two tombstones give a rough picture of Christianism in Yangzhou in the first half of the fourteenth century. Odoric came to China between 1322 and 1331 and stayed in Beijing for three years. In his Travels (Travels of Friar Odoric: 14th Century Journal of the Blessed Odoric of Pordenonel), he wrote that there was a Franciscan church (Minorites) and three Nestorian (Nestorius of Constantinople sect) churches in Yangzhou.14 Therefore there was indeed a Catholic church in Yangzhou at that time, and Khadrien and Antonius were probably buried in the cemetery of this church. Code of Yuan Dynasty (Vol. 36) mentioned that on January 30th 1317, the 4th year of Yanyou, imperial incense was burnt in the church of Arkagun in Yangzhou. Abraham was an Arkagun. He never had the literary and artistic background or the martial arts; he was a wealthy man in Yangzhou and a common person listed in the household register. His father established this church, but the age had been long.15 Aolahan is the transliteration of Abraham. His family once built an Arkagun church in Yangzhou. The term “Arkagun” refers mostly to Nestorianism, but also refers to other Christian denominations, such as the Franciscans of the Catholic Church. We do not know whether the Arkagun church here is Nestorian or Catholic. But the presence of Catholic Franciscan monks, disciples and churches in Yangzhou leaves no doubt. The Franciscan monks who came to China at that time were mostly Italians. The family of the owner of these two tombstones must be followers of this sect and were buried in the churchyard after their deaths. The original burial place was not very far from where these two tombstones were found.

14

Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., Book 1, p. 235, p. 297. Zhang Xinglang, op. cit., pp. 297–298; see also Chen Yuan, Study on Arkagun in the Yuan Dynasty (Oriental Library edition), 1925, pp. 39–40.

15

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15.3 Venetian Silver Coins Unearthed in Canton In 1964, the Cultural Relics Administration of Canton City cleaned up the tomb of Wei Juan in Canton’s Dongshan District, a Ming eunuch, which had been robbed, and three foreign silver coins were among the remaining burial objects. Comrades from the Cultural Management Office of Canton City sent me photos and rubbings of three foreign silver coins and asked me to authenticate them. After careful verification, one of the coins is a Venetian silver coin, minted by Pasquale Malipiero, Doge of Venice, during 1457–1462. The other two were minted in 1459 by Ruknal-din Barbak (1459– 1474) of Malacca (present-day Bengal). The description of the foreign silver coins in the later excavation brief report published in 1977 was based on this identification.16 On September 11th 1978, I visited the city of Venice after attending the 26th European Conference on Sinology. I asked Professor L. Laneiotti of the University of Venice whether he could provide me with a photograph if the city’s museum had a collection of these coins. Upon returning, Professor Laneiotti sent me photos and introduced a paper written in English by his student, Dr. Maurizo Scaipari. This paper has been translated into Chinese and published in Archaeology, No. 4, 1977. I have now deleted or abridged those parts of my notes that are duplicative of his paper and have rewritten them as follows: This Venetian silver coin, measuring1.3–1.9 cm in diameter and weighing 1.4 g, was minted by the Venetian Republic and is called “grosso” or “grossetto”, with a legal weight of 1.402 g. On the obverse are the statues of St. Mark, the patron saint of Venice, and Doge P. Malipiero. St. Mark gave a military flag to the Doge. Around the two figures, there are inscriptions in Latin as follows: PA. MARIPETR. and S. M. VENETI (= Sanctus Ma-cos Veneti), the former being the name of the Doge, the latter “St. Mark of Venice”. Between the heads of the two figures under the flag is the inline DVX (meaning “Leader”). On the two outer sides of the two figures are the initials of the molder, Z. P.. On the reverse is a statue of the Savior Jesus, surrounded by the following inscription: TIBI. LAUS. ET. GLORIA. The Chinese translation is “Laudation and Honor for You”. In the collection of the Venice City Museum, the image and inscription are identical, except the initials are A.T., not Z.P. It is slightly lighter in weight than the one we have. Both are “Scudo” silver coins minted by Malipiero when he was the doge. The owner of this tomb, Wei Juan, was the Eunuch Superintendent of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate in Canton at the time. He was biographed in both The History of Ming and The Manuscript of the History of Ming, attached to “Biography of Liang Fang” in “Biography of eunuchs”.17 His tenure in Canton was from about the 11th year of Chenghua to the first year of Hongzhi (1475–1488), and he was buried in November of the 8th year of Hongzhi (1495), so he must have died in 1495 or a little earlier. His exploits can also be found in other biographies in The History of 16

For the brief report, see Archaeology, 1977, No. 4, pp. 280–283, fig. 4, Pl. IX, 1–3. The History of Ming (collection of various editions), Vol. 304. p. 18; The Manuscript of the History of Ming (Jing Shen Tang edition), Vol. 283 (“Records of historical biographies”, Vol. 178), p. 18. 17

15.3 Venetian Silver Coins Unearthed in Canton

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Ming. These histories have been collected in the excavation briefs and will not be repeated here. But the brief report omitted an important record that should be added. In “Biography of Tianfang (Mo Jia)”, The History of Ming, it is said that in the 23rd year of Chenghua period (1487), accompanied by Zuo Fuzhou, Ali from Khwarazm in Tianfang (present-day Arab areas) took along huge treasures to Malacca and was about to enter the capital to pay tribute. As soon as he arrived in Canton, he was embezzled and withheld by Wei Juan, Superintendent of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate. Feeling discontented, he was meant to appeal by himself … which made Wei Juan scared, who then curried favor with the authority. The Emperor accused Ali of being a spy and committing treachery by paying false tribute, and ordered the Canton guards to expel him. Ali sobbed and went away.18 The owner of the tomb that we have excavated is none other than Wei Juan. He was Eunuch Superintendent of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate in Canton during the 23rd year of the Chenghua period. This is in line with “Biography of Wei Juan”, The History of Ming, which stated that “Wei Juan, as the Eunuch Superintendent of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate in Canton, colluded with foreigners and profiteers, shared the spoils, and gathered treasures of great wealth. The three foreign silver coins and the red coral that came with them were the proceeds of his embezzlement from foreigners, and may even have been part of his embezzlement from Ali of Khwarazm, who had stopped in Malacca on his way to China from Arabia, which was one of the intermediate stations for Venetian merchants coming to the East. The significance of the discovery of this Venetian silver coin is twofold: (1) It confirms the importance of Venice in the trade between Europe and the East in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Before the discovery of the new route to India via the Cape of Good Hope in Africa in 1498, the trade between Europe and the East was almost monopolized by Italian merchants (especially Venetian merchants). In his article on East money, Hasluck said: “After 1204 (when the Fourth Crusade overthrew the Eastern Roman Empire and established the Latin Empire), Venice’s pre-eminent position in the East gave a great impetus to the circulation of its currency. The pilgrims to the East in the fifteenth century explicitly said that Venetian currency circulated everywhere along the roads they passed through, and was able to maintain its value without loss. In particular, the ‘sequin’ (it should have been an Italian gold coin at that time) was able to maintain its status as a legal tender until the fall of the Venetian Republic, and its popularity even reached as far as India on the road of the Eastern trade.”19 Given the popularity of Venetian currency at the time, it is no wonder that this silver coin was introduced to Canton less than 40 years after it was minted and was also buried in a tomb. (2) The importance of Canton in overseas trade at that time and the corruption of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate, a department that managed foreign trade at that time. According to “Treatise of political system”, The History of Ming, since the first year of Yongle (1403, or the 3rd year of Yongle based on another

18

The History of Ming (collection of various editions), Vol. 332, p. 24. Hasluck, The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society, Fifth Series, Vol. 1, 1921, p. 42.

19

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15 Latin Tombstones in Yangzhou and Venetian Silver Coins in Canton

version), the Maritime Trade Supervisorate in Fujian, Zhejiang and Canton were reestablished, and the eunuch was soon appointed as the superintendent. In the first year of Jiajing (1522), the two maritime trade supervisorates of Fujian and Zhejiang were abolished, and only the Canton maritime trade supervisorate remained. According to “Treatise on food and commodities”, The History of Ming, Ningbo (Zhejiang) was connected to Japan, Quanzhou (Fujian) to the Ryukyus, and Canton (Canton) to Champa, Siam, and the Western countries.20 Since Canton was the most prosperous of the three locations, and trade with Western countries was almost concentrated there, it was left in place. The Maritime Trade Supervisorate in Canton was a lucrative post, and later in the Ming Dynasty, some influential eunuchs were assigned to it, most of whom were known for their tyranny and corruption, which has been described in the original excavation brief report, so I will not repeat it here. In conclusion, the discovery of this Venetian silver coin, in combination with the two Latin tombstones in Yangzhou mentioned earlier, reveals the economic, religious and cultural relations between China and Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

20

“Treatise of political system”, The History of Ming (collection of various editions) Vol. 75, p. 19, see also “Treatise on food and commodities”, The History of Ming, Vol. 8, p. 22.

Chapter 16

Porcelain Evidence of Early Sino-African Exchange

The distance between China and Africa is tens of thousands of miles, with land transportation across deserts and mountains, and sea lanes that involve crossing oceans and risking huge waves. However, according to written records and archaeological data, friendly relations and cultural exchanges between China and Africa can be traced back to remote antiquity. I have written a short article about these precious events.1 Here, I will focus on the detailed introduction of Chinese porcelain as the evidence of their early communications. It appears that indirect engagement between China and Africa dates back to the Han Dynasty, or roughly 2,000 years ago, based on the documentation. The Tang Dynasty and thereafter saw further growth in both cultural and commerce connections, and these cordial exchanges inevitably left behind archaeological evidence in like manner. The Chinese porcelain is the most significant of these items. Porcelain, a well-known Chinese export that has long garnered international renown, has long played a key role in China’s international trade alongside silk. However, because it is less perishable than silk and easily preserved in historical sites in Africa, demonstrating that China had been exporting considerable quantities of porcelain to Africa since the Tang and Song eras (Fig. 16.1). In Egypt, many Chinese celadon pieces from the Song Dynasty (tenth–thirteenth centuries) were excavated at the site of Fustat (i.e., the ancient city of Cairo), including early pieces from perhaps as early as the period of the Late Tang and Five Dynasties; there were also a few bluish white porcelain pieces from the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. Song and Yuan celadon include underglaze engraved or printed porcelain (Fig. 16.2), mostly Yue Ware, Shadowy Blue Ware and Longquan Ware. The blue and white porcelains were mainly from the Xuande and Chenghua kilns (fifteenth century). These Chinese crafts from the far east apparently won the hearts of the 1

The age-old friendship of China and Africa, People’s Daily, September nineteenth 1962.

This article was originally published in Cultural Relics, No. 1, 1963.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_16

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Fig. 16.1 Some of the sites where Chinese porcelain fragments have been found along the East African coast. 1. Fustat (ancient city of Cairo) 2. Kuft 3. Thebes 4. Kosseir 5. Saaddin Island 6. Gedi 7. Pemba Island 8. Zanzibar 9. Mafia Island 10. Kilwa 11. Songo Mnara 12. Zimbabwe

local people, so the local ceramic artisans also imitated Chinese porcelain. Celadon was imitated in the early period (eleventh century and beyond), and then blue and white porcelain in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Fig. 16.3). The shape and pattern of these porcelains imitated Chinese style, but the porcelain body was local Egyptian clay, and often had the name of the potter in Arabic characters. Quite a few replica pottery shards were also found in the ruins of Fustat2 founded in 641. The political center was moved to Cairo after the establishment of present-day Cairo in 969, but the commercial and industrial center remained in Fustat. The city was burned down in 1168 to resist the scorched earth policy of the Crusaders. However, according to the record of the mid-thirteenth century (1249), the city came back to life, and its commerce and industry continued to flourish, with a large quantity of vessels along the Nile docks. Many foreign goods were shipped from the docks here to the city of Cairo. The development of Fustat declined at the end of the thirteenth century, but by the end of the nineteenth century, there were still more than 30,000 2

Ali Bey Bahgat et al., La Céramique Musulmane de l’Égypte, (Cairo), 1930, pp. 69–70, p. 74; cf. also O. R. Raphael, Fragments from Fustat, Transactions of Oriental Ceramic Society, 1923–1924, p. 17; L. Ashton, China and Egypt, Transactions of Oriental Ceramic Society, 1933–1934, p. 62; R. L. Hobson, Chinese porcelain from the Fostat, The Burlington Magazine. Vol. 61, 1932, p. 109.

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Fig. 16.2 Chinese Song and Yuan printed celadon excavated from the ancient city of Cairo, Egypt (copy)

Fig. 16.3 Local imitation blue and white porcelain in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries from the ancient city of Cairo, Egypt (copy)

inhabitants.3 Some people think that the city of Fustat was completely abandoned to ruin4 after 1250, which is incorrect. On February twenty eighth 1938 and November twenty-seventh 1939, I visited the Foster site twice and pondered on the past among the broken walls. Chinese porcelain shards can also be seen in the cultural layer. Later, more Chinese porcelains excavated from this site were seen in the Museum of Islamic Art. Wandering in a foreign country, this chance of encountering the cultural relics from my hometown, Zhejiang, in ancient times cannot help but arouse the homesickness of travelers far from home. In his travels, the Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta (1304–1377) in the Yuan Dynasty mentioned that Chinese porcelain was exported as far as his homeland.5 The export of Chinese porcelain was also mentioned in Chinese literature from the early Ming Dynasty, reaching as far as the eastern coast of Africa, such as Mogadiscio (i.e., Mogadishu, the present-day capital of Somalia) and Djubo.6 From the Song Dynasty onward, the friendship between China and Africa became increasingly close. More porcelain was also found throughout Africa (Fig. 16.1). In addition to the abovementioned Fustat site, later-period Chinese porcelain was found in the nineteenth century at Thebes on the Nile in Upper Egypt, at Cusi and Kufte, and Kosel at the Red Sea coastal port.7 Chinese porcelain and Song Dynasty coinage were found in 3

Encyclopedia of Islam (English), Vol. 1, 1913, pp. 816–820. Cultural Relics Reference, No. 9, 1958, p. 45. 5 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, 1930, Book 3, p. 174. 6 Chen Wanli, Porcelain during the foreign trade at the end of the Song and early Qing Dynasties, Cultural Relics, 1963, No. 1. 7 Wainwright, G. A., Early foreign trade in East Africa, Man, 1947, p. 146. 4

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Zanzibar in 18888 ; Song porcelain was also found on the island of Pemba island in Zanzibar.9 In the struggle for national independence in recent years, African people have attached great importance to the study of their own history and have made efforts to collect archaeological materials, among which more ancient Chinese porcelain has been newly discovered. 1950 saw the discovery of early Chinese porcelain from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century in all three ancient cities at the convergence of Somalia and Ethiopia, among which there was more celadon than blue and white porcelain and also a small amount of underglaze red. The porcelain was probably brought in from the island of Saaddin, near the port of Seylac on the Red Sea coast of Somalia, as many of the same Chinese porcelain shards were found on this island.10 In another medieval port on the Red Sea coast, the ruined site of Aidhab in Sudan (this port was destroyed in 1426), many Chinese celadon shards and early blue and white porcelain were also found, and one fragment of celadon was scratched with the Phags-pa script. The Chinese porcelain found in the interior of Sudan must have been transported from this port.11 The capital of Somalia, Mogadishu, also found “Song” porcelain and Song coinage (eleventh–twelfth centuries, Kaiyuan Tongbao, a Tang Dynasty cash coin, was also found).12 Archaeological digs between 1948 and 1956 in the ancient city of Gedi near Malindi, Kenya and other sites turned up many pieces of Chinese porcelain (Fig. 16.4). The settlements weren’t built until the thirteenth century. There was no Chinese porcelain in the earliest cultural layers, but by the middle of the fourteenth century, there emerged more, primarily celadon, white porcelain and brown stoneware. The fifteenth century was the period from Yongle to Chenghua of the Ming Dynasty, when overseas trade was at its peak. At this time, blue and white porcelain began to appear and gradually increased (Figs. 16.5 and 16.7), but celadon still prevailed. By the sixteenth century, the so-called “Canton jars” dominated among the bluish white porcelain and stoneware. Two coins from the Song Dynasty (Qingyuan Tongbao and Shaoding Tongbao) were also found in Gedi.13 These cities declined from the middle of the sixteenth century due to the plundering of the Portuguese colonialists. However, after the mid-seventeenth century, the Portuguese lost control in Kenya, and some new cities emerged in the area. Both the cities, where Chinese porcelain fragments from the seventeenth century have also been found, Wasin near Mombasa and Mambrui near Malindi sprang up at that time.14 8

Ibid., See also Zhang Xinglang, op.cit., Vol. 3, p. 90. W. K. Ingrams et al., Zanzibar, 1924, pp. 48–49. 10 G. Mathew, Chinese Porcelain in East Africa and on the Coast of South Ara-bia, Oriental Art, Vol. 2, No. 2, 1956, p. 51. 11 G. Mathew, op. cit., see also R. L. Hobson, Chinese porcelain fragments from the Aidhab, Transactions of Oriental Ceramic Society, 1926–1927, p. 19. 12 Matthew, op. cit., p. 52. 13 J. Kirkman, The Arab City of Gedi: Excavations at the Great Mosque Architecture and Finds, 1954, pp. 108–133, Pl. IV, p. 149, pp. 175-179; also, Historical archaeology in Kenya, Antiquaries Journal, Vol. 37, 1957, Nos. 1–2, pp. 22–23, Pl. XI. d. 14 G. Mathew, op. cit., p. 52. 9

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Fig. 16.4 Chinese porcelain shards excavated from the ancient Gedi city, Kenya Fig. 16.5 Late fifteenth century Chinese blue and white porcelain from the ancient Gedi city, Kenya

An archaeological survey was conducted around 1955 in the coastal area of Tanganyika, south of Kenya, and found that there were up to 46 ancient sites where many pieces of Chinese porcelain were found. It is without any exaggeration that with the archaeological excavation spade, one shovel down, there must be Chinese porcelain underneath. British archaeologist R. E. M. Wheeler said: “The history buried underground in Tanganyika after the tenth century is written in Chinese porcelain.”15 The absolute dating’s periodization of the various cultural layers of these 15

B. Davidson, The Lost Cities of Africa (1959), p. 146.

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Fig. 16.6 Chinese celadon shards excavated from Songo Mnara, Tanganyika Fig. 16.7 A blue and white porcelain bowl with grape and curly grass patterns from the Ming Dynasty excavated from the ancient Gedi city, Kenya

ruins is dependent on the Chinese porcelain. According to Freeman Grenville, the Chinese porcelain fragments excavated from these 46 sites could be divided into eight different types of porcelain, including underglaze red; early blue and white porcelain which appeared to belong to the Xuande kiln, but most of them were porcelain of the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties (Fig. 16.8). On the island of Songo Mnara near Kilwa, a thirteenth century (late Song and early Yuan period) celadon fragment from the Longquan kiln was found in 1950, about 1 m below the surface (Fig. 16.6). Many Chinese porcelain fragments were also found on the island of Kilwa.16 These unearthed porcelain fragments are now displayed in the museum in Dar es Salaam, the capital of Tanganyika. When some of our people come to visit this museum and touch these porcelains or fragments, they will feel the pleasure brought by renewing friendly relations today. There is a famous historical site, Zimbabwe in Rhodesia, southwest of Tanganyika, whose age was not known before. When European colonialists first saw the remains of this magnificent and well-constructed stone complex, they hardly believed that it had been created by black Africans themselves and made unfounded assumptions that it had been built by ancient Phoenicians sailing and trading in the area in over a thousand 16

Matthew, op. cit., Oriental Art, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 53 cite from the secondary source.

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Fig. 16.8 Blue and white porcelain excavated from Tanganyika (now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford)

years B.C.. As a result of the archaeological excavations in 1629, the discovery of Chinese celadon and blue and white porcelain fragments of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the earliest of which resembled Song celadon, solved the problem of dating its age and proved that it was by no means built by the Phoenicians in the distant past, but was indeed a civilization created by the native Africans in the Middle Ages.17 West Africa has also seen the discovery of ancient Chinese porcelain in addition to East and North Africa. A Chinese porcelain fragment from the 17th to eighteenth century has been discovered in Mbanza, which is only around 200 miles from the Atlantic coast in the Congo.18 In an ancient church on an island in Lake Tana, Ethiopia, a beautiful Ming porcelain jar contained the entrails of King S. Denghal, who died in 1597. The ruins of the 17th-century palace at Gondar also owned many Chinese porcelain fragments, and Chinese porcelain plates were often embedded in the walls of the palace for decoration.19 The friendship between the Chinese and African peoples has been obstructed and suppressed by the Western colonialists since the sixteenth century, but only in recent years has it been resumed and developed significantly as the result of the victories of the Chinese and African peoples in their struggles. Today we are revisiting the old days with the discovery of porcelain, and I cannot help but feel more gratified. The longstanding friendship between the Chinese and African people, which has a history spanning more than a thousand years, is like a river running a long course from a remote source and which will flow forward with great momentum.

17

G. Caton-Thompson, The Zimbabwe Culture, 1931, p. 68, pp. 185–186. B. Davidson, op. cit., p. 146. 19 Matthew, op. cit., Oriental Art, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 54. 18

Chapter 17

Chinese Export Porcelain Collections in Sweden

In October of 1980, I was standing in Sweden’s Museum of Gothenburg, looking at an exhibit of eighteenth century Chinese export porcelain. According to my Swedish friend who was accompanying me, 20 years ago a Chinese expert stood before this very collection and asked what country it came from. Afterwards, I did a little research, and learned that in the past there was also an expert in the history of European and American porcelain who mistakenly said that this was Lowestoft porcelain, and believed it was fired in the kilns at Lowestoft, a town on England’s east coast.1 Thus, I have written this to introduce the topic of Chinese export porcelain collected in Sweden, and to also discuss the topic of the Swedish East India Company, in commemoration of the 250th year of its establishment, and also in honor of the 300th issue of the periodical Cultural Relics. The Swedish East India Company received its first royal charter in 1731, granting it permission to trade with Eastern countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, including China, for a period of 15 years. The charter was renewed three times, each time for a period of 20 years. From the seventeenth century onwards, there were several countries in Western Europe establishing East India companies for the purpose of trade with Asia, including the British East India Company (est. 1600), the Dutch East India Company (est. 1602), the French East India Company (est. 1604), the Danish East India Company (est. 1614), and the Swedish East India Company (est. 1631).2 The Swedish East India Company was headquartered in Gothenburg. Its original building, constructed from 1750–1762, still stands to this day. It now houses exhibitions from the Museum of Gothenburg. The company operated continuously until 1806, when it was dissolved. 1

Cf. E. Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, 1977, pp. 12–14, pp. 49–50, p. 101. Liang Jiabin, Study on Thirteen Factories (Shanghai: The Commercial Press), 1937, p. 22, p. 35 (note 24).

2

This article was originally published in Cultural Relics, No. 5, 1981.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_17

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Fig. 17.1 Famille rose porcelain bowl

During its 75 years of operations, the Swedish East India Company sent 35 ships to China, making 132 voyages in total. The tonnage of the ships in use varied from 500 to 1200 tons, with each ship having a crew of approximately 180 men. The ships set out from Sweden in winter, taking advantage of the equatorial trade winds across the Indian Ocean; the journey took 8 months before reaching Canton (presentday Guangdong) before the 10th month of the lunar calendar (roughly sometime in November) each year. The Swedish traders stayed in hotels especially designated for them called “Swedish Factory” and they were restricted to the Thirteen Factories area in Canton for trading. Spending the winter buying goods in China, including export porcelain, they returned back to Sweden the third month of the lunar calendar (around sometime in April), taking advantage of the northeasternly winds for the journey back. The Swedish East India Company’s trading entrepôt or “factory” in Canton was located between the British and the Austrian one, in the area known as The Thirteen Factories. Nowadays, several paintings are still available, which were created of these factories in Canton in the eighteenth century before the Opium Wars. Such paintings were even made on the porcelain. The image of a porcelain bowl has a painting of the Swedish factory in Canton, of a western-style building displaying Sweden’s flag, with its blue field and yellow cross (Fig. 17.1).3 The bulk of items imported from China by the Swedish East India Company consisted of porcelain wares. During its 20-year peak period, from 1766–1786, it is estimated that 11 million items were imported into Sweden, at a profit of 300%. The King of Sweden, Gustav III (r. 1772–1792), received a set of export porcelain numbering more than 700 pieces.4 As we know, during the hundred year period of 3

Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, p. 22, fig. 7. S. Roth, Chinese Porcelain Imported by the Swedish East India Company (English), 1965, p. 8, p. 10, pp. 15–16.

4

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the eighteenth century alone, more than 60 million pieces of Chinese porcelain, by conservative estimates, found their way into Europe.5 The export of Chinese porcelain has a long history. A small amount of protoporcelain had been shipped from sea lanes to neighboring countries as early as the Han Dynasty. By the Tang and Song Dynasties, Chinese porcelain had been exported to countries in the Near East, such as Iran, Iraq and Egypt. Many Chinese porcelain shards from the Tang and Song Dynasties were excavated at the medieval sites. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, with Zheng He’s, or the Eunuch Sanbao’s, voyage to the West, Chinese porcelain reached as far as the coastal ports of East Africa.6 Song porcelain shards unearthed in Italy are said to be the earliest evidence of the importation of Chinese porcelain into Europe. As for Chinese porcelain imported to Europe during the Yuan and early Ming Dynasties, the record of which is no rare occurrence despite its number is not large. In 1517, the Portuguese made their way to Canton after they opened up the sea route via the Cape of Good Hope. Since then, porcelain from China has continuously made its way into Western Europe through the sea route, with the volume of trade gradually increasing. In the eighteenth century, China began large-scale production of what is now termed “Chinese export porcelain”.7 The earliest known specimen of this type of Chinese export porcelain is a blue and white porcelain vase jug painted with the coat of arms of King Manuel I of Portugal (reigned 1495–1521). The shape of this vase jug is Chinese-style Yuhuchun (a pearshaped vase with a flaring lip), but the pattern is this king’s coat of arms. Another specimen is a blue and white porcelain painted with the 1690 Dutch Civil Uprising in Rotterdam, with a typical mark on the base of Chenghua reign (1465–1487) that could have been added by a later forger.8 By the eighteenth century, most Chinese export porcelain was famille-verte porcelain, the majority of which was famille-rose porcelain made in the period of Yongzheng and Qianlong, and the style of the shape often adopted European style in accordance with the order form. These Chinese export porcelains, with the exception of the porcelain carving on white porcelain from the Dehua kiln in Fujian Province, were all made in Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province. The white porcelain was first fired in Jingdezhen, and then shipped to Canton, where it was painted foreign enamel9 outside its glaze in a workshop on Henan Island, south of Canton, in accordance with the order form sample. The Gothenburg Historical Museum has a so-called “sample plate” in its collection (Fig. 17.2). The rim of this plate is painted with four different famille-verte patterns, so that customers in Europe could specify the one they like. As for other heraldic

5

Gordon, Collecting Chinese Export Porcelain (English), 1978, p. 22, p. 24. See Mikami Tsugio, The Art of Chinese Porcelain (Japanese), 1977. For more information on Chinese porcelain excavated in East Africa, see Xia Nai, Porcelain as evidence of ancient ChinaAfrica relations, Cultural Relics, No. 1, 1963. 7 Cf. Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, p. 8, p. 95. 8 Ibid. p. 79, fig. 1, p. 19, fig. 2. 9 Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, pp. 23–24. 6

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Fig. 17.2 Sample porcelain plate

designs and foreign paintings, they may be based on foreign samples, woodcuts and illustrations from books (including the Bible) brought from Europe. Dating of the foreign collections of Chinese export porcelain is generally based on the shape and pattern of the vessel for they usually do not have the pattern of reign title. However, the coat of arms on porcelain often provides a reliable dating standard. In addition, the Gothenburg Historical Museum has a collection of Chinese porcelain recovered from a ship that sank in 1765, the “East Indiaman Gotheborg”, which can also be used as a reference for periodization.10 “Chinese export porcelain”, according to the theme they depict, can be divided into four categories: (1) Armorial porcelain; (2) Figure painting porcelain, which can be divided into three subcategories, namely, mythological themes, religious (biblical) themes and genre painting; (3) Ship drawings; (4) Flowers and plants.11 Now, the following is their brief introduction.12 The first type of porcelain painted with the coat of arms was generally customized by the nobility as a set. They were willing to pay a high price, with strict requirements and high standards, so the armorial porcelain was the most exquisite in the export porcelain. In this type of porcelain design, the coat of arms often occupied the center of the pattern. It is said that more than 300 noble families in Swede ordered Chinese export porcelain painted with their coats of arms. The early coats of arms were larger, almost filling the center, and the flowers on the rim, usually in more than one group, were wider (Fig. 17.3). From the late eighteenth century on, the coat of arms was smaller, the flowers on the rim were narrower and the patterns were thinner and smaller (Fig. 17.4). The coat of arms was not limited to a family or a nobleman,

10

S. Roth, Chinese Porcelain Imported by the Swedish East India Company, p. 15. Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, pp. 24–40, and attached illustrations. 12 S. Roth, Chinese Porcelain Imported by the Swedish East India Company, pp. 24–35. The following examples from the Swedish collection are all from this book and are no longer referenced. 11

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Fig. 17.3 Armorial ware (early period)

Fig. 17.4 Armorial ware (after the late eighteenth century)

but also to the coats of arms of cities, companies, and groups, such as the city of Gothenburg, which had its own heraldic porcelain. The mythological themes in the second category were mainly Greco-Roman mythology. Religious themes were stories from the Bible, such as the birth, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus. Genre paintings depicted Europeans’ daily life, such as hunting and harvesting. Chinese painters copied the drawing according to

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Fig. 17.5 Foreign enamel with floral patterns

the samples, although they strived to be faithful to the original, but they sometimes fell short of the mark. The third category of ship drawings was also very popular, because many influential or rich families in Europe and the United States had the navy background or built up their fortune from sea transportation, so they preferred painting the vessel on a set of fired porcelain they customized. Each ship was painted with a national flag, some with inscriptions indicating the name of the ship, the name of the captain and the year. Occasional views of dock scenes and sailors parting were also found, similar to genre paintings. The fourth category included floral designs (Fig. 17.5). China, of course, had its own traditions regarding the representation of flowers. However, in the second half of the eighteenth century, some of the flowers in these export porcelains were copied from European floral painters such as Jean-Baptiste Monnoyer (1636–1699). Their paintings had been engraved and printed in albums that could be brought to the Far East as samples for porcelain painting.13 In addition, Chinese export porcelain had been sculpted into biomimetic porcelain ceramic of figures or animals such as the couple of foreigners, lions, elephants, deer, dogs, chickens, fish and so on. These porcelain carvings which were pure white without any other color were said to be the products of the Dehua kiln. These Chinese export porcelains are also recorded in Chinese literature and are generally referred to as Yangcai (foreign enamel) in China.14 Pottery Records of 13

Gordon, ed., Chinese Export Porcelain, p. 81, attached figures. The narrative of foreign enamel is mainly taken from the following books: Tao Shuo (Talk about Pottery) by Zhu Yan, Pottery Records of Jingdezhe by Lan Pu, Zhu Yuan Tao Shuo (A popular book that introduces porcelain appreciation and general knowledge of collecting) by Liu Zifen (the above three were included in Series of Art), Tao Ya (literal meaning: Art of Pottery) by Ji Yuansou (published in 1910, reprinted in the Republic of China by Shu Gui Shan Fang), and Talking about Porcelain in Drinking and Flowing Room by Xu Zhiheng (early Republic of China, stereotype edition). 14

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Jingdezhe once said: “The new imitation of enameling technique has already reached the highest level of artistic expression in all aspects, like landscape, figures, flowers, birds, and beasts, in a meticulous and vivid way.” Tao Ya explained: “This porcelain is not only painted with people with blonde hair and blue eyes, but also with buildings and flowers, and sometimes with the deliberate use of a special brush (named Jiebi, 界笔) and a straight edge to accurately draw the lines, hence the name Yangcai.” Pottery Records of Jingdezhe also referred to it as foreign ware and claimed it was sold specially for foreigners by merchants usually from East Canton.” “Foreign ware” is actually “vessel for foreign enamel” for short. And it was also known as “foreign porcelain”. According to Talking about Porcelain in Drinking and Flowing Room, there were two kinds of foreign porcelain, one was introduced from European countries, the other was copper enamel made in China and called foreign porcelain by people in the marketplace. Copper enamel is named so to distinguish it from filigree enamel (cloisonné). The Chinese porcelain of Yangcai was not entirely supplied for export. In addition to the armorial porcelain, the rest of them were still available in small quantities for domestic sales. And after the Opium Wars, some Yangcai porcelain may have been brought into China with the foreigners who came to live here. So there is also a very small amount of Chinese export porcelain in the domestic public and private collections. Unfortunately, no one has investigated and studied it. Chinese literature also mentioned the theme of paintings of Yangcai, but armorial porcelain was only mentioned once, namely Kangxi period blue and white chargers, as described in Tao Ya. It said: “The plate is painted with the coat of arms of the imperial coronation, next to which are lions and dogs climbing on it separately. It is inscribed with the ancient script of Latin and adopts the solar calendar.” The original note may refer to World Ceramic Guide (written by Ji Yuansou) for details. The original vessel should be abroad. As for the figure painting, Tao Ya said: “Yangcai porcelain with the mark is the most exquisite in the Qianlong Dynasty; brocade ground within the reserved panel and the vase with flowers on the yellow ground are all of fine quality, but not as precious as the figure of the goddess.” The goddess here is listed together with “brocade ground within the reserved panel and “flowers on the yellow ground”, so it must refer to a painting not a sculpture. It has the reign title of Qianlong, meaning it should be Chinese Yangcai rather than the imported foreign porcelain. Talking about Porcelain in Drinking and Flowing Room said: “In Yangcai, the paintings of western women and children within the reserved panel are of the highest quality. The painting of flowers and birds also prefers the method of the reserved panel. For some without a reserved panel, the color used is just like the foreign porcelain, however, the differences can be easily seen through careful discrimination, especially the mark on the base, which is usually featured with Chinese characters.” Tao Ya also mentioned flowers painted on Yangcai, saying: “(Qianlong fruit bonbonniere) for the foreign porcelain painted flowers and birds, the brushwork is absolutely exquisite, here the foreign porcelain should refer to Yangcai.” and “There are three rosette designs of varying sizes for Kangxi imperial bowls, with a strong contrast of light and dark, swinging in the resplendent color that seem to bring forth the fragrance, completely

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in line with the Western traditional technique.” These seem to accord with the fourth category of Chinese export porcelain designs, the flower-and-plant motifs. As for the biomimetic porcelain carvings, it seems that they were not exclusively for export. In Western carving and casting of biomimetic vessels, The Pottery Records of Jingdezhen described that the technique of painting and applying colors were all in light of the Western style. Tao Ya said: “The biomimetic vessels are of various and numerous kinds like figures, birds and beasts, such as the foreign-breed dogs from Yongzheng official kiln, and the glaze is more white.” Talking about Porcelain in Drinking and Flowing Room also mentioned that these dogs on the porcelain were more popularly-made in the Mid-Qing Dynasty and the smaller ones were usually mixed with foreign porcelains because western porcelain had already flowed into in Qianlong period.” These porcelain carvings exported a lot at that time. Tao Ya also gave an introduction to the use and furnishing of these Yangcai porcelains: “For some porcelains that are large and as tall as people, westerners usually put them on the side of the stairs as a furnishing and decoration. For some about two cun high, they are put between the electric light and the table, and some about 5 or 6 cun (about 6.5 or 7.8 inches) are taken as the most valuable treasure for both delight and flower arrangement.” This is 20th-century western family furniture, particularly that of western families living in China. During the late 17th as well as eighteenth century, European aristocrats often had a “china display room” set up in their residences, for the sole purpose of displaying Chinese porcelain, including export porcelain. As a stand for large Chinese porcelain, specially designed wooden furniture was also created.15 Even the middle-class people put Chinese porcelain dishes on the wall for decoration. Overall, Chinese export porcelain can be said to represent a high point not only in Sino-Western trade but also in cultural exchange between East and West. It has long been known that Chinese porcelain had a great impact on the creation and development of Western ceramics, but few people know that Chinese porcelain in the eighteenth century as well as the periods before and after applied European techniques of cloisonné (falangcai) as well as “Occidental painting methods” in applying overglaze painted enamel to porcelain. Although the number of Chinese export porcelain pieces collected by Sweden does not outnumber those of England, the USA, or the Netherlands, they nonetheless are lasting reminders of the friendship and cultural exchange between China and Sweden.

15

Cf. Gordon, ed., Chinese export porcelain, p. 96, two late 17th-century designs for a “china display room”; p. 99, several designs of the wooden stand for displaying Chinese porcela.

Chapter 18

History of Chinese-Swedish Relations

Before my visit to Sweden in October 1980, I collected some information about the history of friendship between Chinese and Swiss people. Now it is time to compile the information and write it down.

18.1 . Sweden is located in the northwest of Europe and far away from China, but Chinese people already knew that there was a country named Sweden in Europe as early as 300 years ago in the Ming Dynasty. The Italian Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci drew a map of the world when he was in Zhaoqing, Canton Province, in the 12th year of Wanli period (1584), but there was no edition being passed down because it was not widely spread; even Wan Pan once gave a block-printed edition. Later, it was revised and re-block-printed several times, and the earliest and most complete edition passed down is the edition by Li Zhizao in 1602. In Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (A Map of the Myriad Countries of the World), there was a country named “苏亦齐 (Suyiqi)” in the northwest part of Europe, which was the earliest transliteration of Sweden. Later, the Italian Giulio Alen once mentioned Sweden in his book Zhifang Waiji (Record of Foreign Land), which was written in Chinese and finished in 1623. The original book said: “There are four countries in Northern Europe, that is Da Niya (大泥亚), Nuoer Wureya (诺而勿惹亚), Xue Jiya (雪际亚), E Diya (鄂底亚).” (Vol. 2). Namely, the transliteration of Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Gotland. Gotland (Island) didn’t affiliate with Sweden until 1645, so it is described as an independent country in this book. And the book also said: “There are seven regions and twelve dependent states in Sweden and the northern part of Europe is said to be the richest and most populous area with affluent resources and abundant wealth. People, who are brave and friendly This part was originally published in knowledge of Foreign History, No. 8, 1981.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_18

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to those who are coming from afar, would rather barter than exchange commodities through gold or silver.” The two maps attached to this book, “Wanguo Quantu” (Vol. 1) and “The Sub-Map of Europe” (Vol. 2), are updated with reference to Matteo Ricci’s “Kunyu Wanguo Quantu”. The transliteration of Sweden in the picture is “ 苏厄祭亚(Sua Siya)” (fig. 1). Some content concerned with the overseas countries in Kunyun Tushuo (Diagrams and Explanations about World Geography) written in Chinese by a Belgian named Nan Huairen (1623–1688) during Kangxi period differs from that in Record of Foreign Land, but the expressions used in Denmark and other Northern European countries of this book is identical to those used in Record of Foreign Land. Xie Qinggao’s Notices of the Sea, which was written in 1820, the 25th year of Jiaqing period, also mentioned Sweden whose transliteration is Suiyihu ( 绥亦怙). According to the book, Suiyihu (Sweden) was located in the west and a little further north of England. Its territory was about the same as that of the country bordering on the Atlantic Ocean (referring to Portugal at that time). The customs and native products were similar to those in England, and the people there were more simple. It would take ten days to get there by ship from the Netherlands, compared with about six or seven days from England. When coming to Canton for business, the ship would fly a flag with a white cross on a blue background. After the Opium War (1840–1842), the ban on the maritime trade was lifted. Based on Record of Foreign Land, the first block-printed edition of Wei Yuan’s Haiguo Tu Zhi (The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms, 50 volumes in total, printed in 1842) annotated the name “Xue ji [Ya] (Sweden)” by adding interlinear notes— “Lian Guo (琏国)”; quoted from Notices of the Sea, it also annotated the name “Suiyihu” in “Yingli Malu Jia” (盈黎马录加国, the transliteration of “Yellow Banner”, or once translated as “Yellow Banner Country”, referring to Denmark) by adding the interlinear notes, “Suiyihu actually refers to Sweden, the above-mentioned blueground flag coming to China.” 琏国 is 嗟国, all pronounced as Lian Guo (country) in Chinese pinyin. Sweden was called Rui Country and Denmark was called Lian Country in the Qing Dynasty. The first block-printed edition of The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms mistakenly confused Sweden, the abbreviation of which is Rui Country, with Switzerland, which also started with the word “Rui” when translated into Chinese. The first sentence of the book in the section titled “Rui Country” is: “Rui Country is 绥沙兰 (Suisha Lan), the ancient name is Hedi Wei’er Chuisi (赫底委尔唾司).” The names of the two places are the transliterations of Switzerland and Helvetia, both referring to Switzerland. But Sweden and Switzerland, on the northern coast of the Baltic Sea and inland to the south of the sea, respectively, have nothing to do with each other. The first block-printed edition of The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms provided a very inadequate justification, saying that one referred to its geographical location (Sweden) and the other to the seaport used for trade (Switzerland), and there was also a Swiss territory on the north of the sea (Sweden), and that people who came to Canton for trade came from there. It also made a mistake by taking Sweden as a sub-domain of Switzerland. We know that Switzerland is a landlocked country with no sea around, and no merchant ships were sent to China from Switzerland. According to documents from the Qing Dynasty,

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Sweden is the “Rui Country” that sent ships to China for trade. Among the thirteen factories of Canton, Sui Hong (“Hong” is the Cantonese pronunciation of 行, the Chinese term for a properly-licensed business) referred to the one of the Swedish East India Company in Canton. Later, this error was corrected by Wei Yuan in the updated version of The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms (i.e., the 100-volumes edition), realizing that Switzerland and Sweden are two different countries. Formal diplomatic relations began in 1847. According to “Treatise of diplomatic relations”, Draft History of Qing, Rui Ding is Sweden, … and the mutual trade started in the 10th year of Yongzheng Period (1732), whereas the trade treaties with Sweden and Norway began in February, spring, the 27th year of Daoguang period. It has been 134 years since the two countries established diplomatic relations in 1847. At that time, Sweden and Norway were still united as one country, known as the Swedish-Norwegian Union (which began in 1814), and only in 1905 did Norway become independent again.

18.2 . According to western records, after the Portuguese Vasco da Gama (1460–1524) arrived in India by sea via the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa in 1497, the Portuguese took possession of Malacca, the international trade hub of the East, in 1511. In 1516, the Portuguese first traded in Canton, China, and they leased Macau, China, in 1557. Starting in the sixteenth century, other Western European countries started conducting trade with the East using this recently opened sea channel after Portugal. At the start of the seventeenth century, some of these nations founded the East India Company, which was granted patents by the government for trade in the East. Only in 1731 did the Swedish government authorize a 15-year trade of the Swedish East India Company with the nations east of the Cape of Good Hope. It was subsequently extended three times, each time for 20 years. This company was based in Gothenburg, Sweden. The original building, built between 1750 and 1762, is still well-preserved, but is now used as a showroom for the historical, ethnographic and archaeological museum of the city of Gothenburg. Its eastern neighbor, a building that was originally the private residence of one of the company’s founders and directors, N. Sahlgren (1701–1776), is now also owned by the museum and used for office purposes. After the government established the Canton Customs in Canton in 1685, the 24th year of Kangxi period, the British East India Company set up a trading house (also called “Factory”) in Canton in 1699. In 1728 and 1729, France and the Netherlands also set up trading houses in Canton, followed by Denmark (1731) and Sweden (1732). Later, in 1784, the year following independence, the United States began trading with China. “The Empress of China” was dispatched to Canton by the United States that year. According to a memorial in the 24th year of Qianlong period, the Canton officials summoned the merchants from different countries one by one in the

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general-governor’s office “heads from England, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden … a total of twenty-one people”. It can be seen that in the middle of the eighteenth century, the majority of merchants who came to Canton to be engaged in business were mainly from these five countries, including Sweden. The Swedish East India Company operated until 1806 when it was dissolved. Over the course of its 75-year existence (1731–1806), it sent 35 ships on 132 voyages. Eight of them were wrecked and sunk. The first ships were of 500 to 1, 000 tons; later, there were ships of up to 1, 250 tons, armed with 30 cannons for defense. There were about 180 sailors per ship. The goods exported from Sweden included locally produced copper, iron, steel, paper, wood, and tweed. Most of these goods were shipped to the Spanish trading port—Cadiz and sold in exchange for Spanish silver dollars. They were aware that Chinese traders would take Spanish silver dollars as payment for goods. These merchant ships sailed from Sweden in winter and traversed the Indian Ocean in the middle of the voyage using the trade winds along the equatorial belt after crossing the Cape of Good Hope and this travel would last 8 months before reaching Canton in October of the solar calendar. Swedish merchants then disembarked and lived in the Swedish Factory (Sui Hong) and sold their goods through the Chinese itinerant traders of the Thirteen Factories. In March of the next year, they took advantage of the northeastern trade winds to travel back west from Canton after winter. The Swedish Factory was located between the British Old English Factory and the Ma Ying Hong (It was actually run by Belgian merchants; at that time Belgium was part of the Austrian Empire, so it was also known as the Imperial Factory, and flew the double-headed eagle flag of Austria). There were several surviving oil paintings or watercolors on paper depicting the Thirteen Factories in Canton at that time (before the Opium War), generally placing the Swedish Factory at the center of the picture, which was even demonstrated on Chinese export porcelain. During Qianlong period, there was a Chinese merchant who traded with Swedish merchants by the name of P’an K’i-kuan (or Pan Qiguan, 1714–1788). It is said that he travelled to Gothenburg in 1769 (the 34th year of Qianlong period) as a guest of N. Sahlgren, one of the heads of the Swedish East India Company mentioned above. P’an K’i-kuan once gave his self-portrait to N. Sahlgren as a memento. The portrait was in his family’s collection and was recently donated by his descendants to the Gothenburg Historical Museum. This picture was on display during my visit to the museum, alongside portraits of several of the founders and principals of the Swedish East India Company, including N. Sahlgren. This portrait was painted on a glass pane, similar to the colorful oil painting, which was a popular portrait painting technique in Sweden at the time. I thought it could have been painted while he was living in Sweden, but the possibility of being painted in Canton still existed. Many historical sources in Chinese documents can be taken as a cross-reference for western historical records. For example, in the case of foreigners coming to China to use Spanish silver coins (foreign currency), a document from the Office of Military Affairs in the first month of the 19th year of Jiaqing period (late 1813) recorded that the western merchants usually bartered goods, and the remainder would be settled by the foreign currency if there was any shortage, each yuan was equivalent to seven qian and two fen (about 26.8 g). The importation of foreign currency was highly popular

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among the people for its convenience. The foreign currency brought by foreign ships ranged from two or three million yuan, or four or five million yuan, or hundreds of thousands of yuan. Even after the Swedish East India Company’s monopoly was abolished in 1806, private Swedish merchant ships continued to carry on business with China. Therefore, some of the foreign currency imported into China in the 18th and early nineteenth centuries may have been brought from Spain by Swedish merchant ships. For example, according to “Biography of P’an K’i-kuan” and “Brief biography of P’an K’i-kuan” in Pan Family Tree (written by Pan Yuecha) cited by Liang Jiabin, we can learn that P’an K’i-kuan whose given name is 振承Zhen Cheng (i.e., 振成Zhen Cheng, or 振武Zhen Wu in another edition), the courtesy name is Xunxian and the pseudonym is Wen Yan, a native of Tong’an, Fujian, was born in the 53rd year of the Kangxi era (1714) and died in the 53rd year of the Qianlong era (1788). As a young boy from a poor-stricken family, he travelled from Fujian to Canton to do business and travelled three times to and from Losung (now the Philippines), where he became proficient in the foreign language. Later, he lived in Canton and opened the Tungfoo Hong. In “Brief Biography of P’an K’i-kuan”, it is said that he was well versed in foreign languages, and he went to Losung and Sweden to sell silk and tea, making several round trips and accumulating surplus funds, and lived [as a residence] (originally misspelled as a store) in Canton Province, asking for the decree to open Tungfoo Hong. … During Qianlong period, he was recommended by the Cantonese official, was awarded a third-rank top cap (official cap showing various ranks by a button of precious stone on top in the Qing Dynasty) and was conferred Grand Master for Thorough Counsel by the imperial mandate. Liang Jiabin, the author of Study on Canton Thirteen Factories, believed that “P’an K’i-kuan only went to Losung” due to the fact that the record that he once traveled to Sweden was missing in “Biography of P’an K’i-kuan” in Pan Family Tree. The Swedish historical materials now confirm that he visited Sweden. According to the practice of historical records, he once made as many as three round trips to Losung, which were necessarily recorded by historians, but he only traveled to Sweden once, which they therefore failed to record. Another possibility is that the name “Sweden” was actually omitted unconsciously during several transcriptions. It is hard to imagine that Pan Yuecha, who wrote this book, added the name of a less famous country—Sweden out of thin air. According to Chinese and Western literature, we can say that P’an K’i-kuan was the first Chinese to visit Sweden. Chinese porcelain played an important role in the Swedish East India Company’s imports from China. It is claimed that more than 11 million pieces of Chinese porcelain were imported during the company’s most lucrative 20 years (1766–1786), and the net profit reached three times the cost, or 300%. The set of Chinese porcelain accepted by King Gustav III of Sweden (reigned 1772–1792) amounted to more than 700 pieces. Now, there are still quite a lot of Swedish domestic public and private collections of Chinese export porcelain. I would not repeat them since I have written about the Swedish collection of Chinese export porcelain, which was published in Cultural Relics, No. 5, 1985.

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18.3 . China and Sweden’s diplomatic ties have been strengthened formally over the past fifty to sixty years, and their commerce has expanded economically. They have also increased the frequency of their cultural exchanges. Now, I am more knowledgeable about archaeology in terms of academic culture. Chinese archaeology has benefited greatly from the work of Swedish academics. Three of the more notable of them were on my list when I gave lectures in Sweden, and I’ll briefly describe each of them now. Sven Hedin (1865–1952) was a Swedish geographer and one of the world’s great explorers. He made four expeditions to the Taklamakan Desert (1893–1898, 1899– 1902, 1905–1908, 1928–1935) from 1895 on. Although he was not an archaeologist, he had a great interest in archaeology. Therefore, he collected a lot of antiquities when he investigated the ruins of ancient cities buried by sand in the desert, such as the ancient Loulan Kingdom. Some of these artifacts were returned to China, while others remained in Sweden as part of the collection of the Museum of Ethnology. Another is Johan Gunnar Andersson, who made important contributions to Chinese prehistoric archaeology as a geologist and palaeontologist and came to China in 1914 as a mining consultant to the Geological Survey of the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. But during his 10 years in China (1914–1924), he became a renowned archaeologist. He returned to Sweden in 1924 and established the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities the following year, of which he was the first director, as well as the Chair Professor of the newly established Chinese Archaeology at Stockholm University, both of which he held until his retirement in 1939. While in China, he discovered and excavated for the first time in 1921 a Neolithic site, the village of Yangshao, where painted pottery was excavated. In 1918, he discovered and investigated the Zhoukoudian fossil site. In 1921, he investigated and participated in the excavation of the fossil deposits in the cave of Peking Man and pointed out that there might be ancient human remains here. The discovery of the Sinanthropus pekinensis fossils was first announced at a scientific gathering in Beijing in October 1926 to welcome the Crown Prince of Sweden (who later became Gustaf VI, the grandfather of the present King). As for Bernhard Karlgren (1889–1978), he was an authority among European sinologists. He contributed greatly to the study of ancient phonetics in Chinese philology and to the study of bronze artifacts in Chinese archaeology. In 1936, he published Yin and Chou in Chinese Bronzes, in which he made a careful and in-depth study based on a rich collection of data, using the inscriptions, shapes and patterns of bronzes, and made a more reliable periodization of the Yin and Zhou bronzes. His conclusions on the periodization of Yin and Zhou bronzes need to be supplemented and corrected today due to new discoveries. However, it is still irreplaceable even after more than half a century. All of these scholars have passed away, but their contributions in this field are still remembered.

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Former Swedish King Gustaf VI Adolph (1882–1973) was a qualified specialist in European archaeology. He became interested in Chinese antiquities before the First World War and began collecting them. He later became one of the most important collectors of Chinese antiquities. In 1921, as Crown Prince, he chaired the Swedish China Committee, which raised funds to finance research on Chinese geology, paleontology and archaeology. Andersson’s exploration and investigation of Neolithic sites in Henan and Gansu were subsidized by this committee. In 1926, as part of his global travels, he visited Chinese historical monuments and museums, developed a great interest in Chinese ancient bronzes, because of his influence, Bernhard Karlgren was inspired to pursue a related field of study. His interest in Chinese antiquities continued after his accession in 1950, and after his death in 1973, his collection of over 2,600 Chinese antiquities was donated to the Swedish National Museum. King Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden attended the opening of a Chinese excavation display in Stockholm, Sweden, in May 1974. The interest and love of the whole Swedish nation for Chinese cultural relics can be clearly seen from over half a million visitors in this exhibition. The above-mentioned facts unarguably prove the long history of Sino-Swedish friendship. The recent visit of King Carl XVI of Sweden to our country will certainly help further consolidate and develop the traditional friendship between the two peoples.

Chapter 19

History of Chinese-Pakistani Relations

China and Pakistan are close neighbors and there is a peaceful border between our two countries, which has recently been formally demarcated again by the two governments with the signing of the Protocol on the Border between the two countries on March 26th of this year. The people of China and Pakistan have been engaged in economic and cultural exchanges for over two thousand years, maintaining a long record of friendship. This record of friendship is supported by a wealth of historical documents and archaeological sources. Economic and cultural exchange, of course, requires one or several roads of communication. Although the Karakorum Mountains, the border between our two countries, are steep and challenging to reach, and the sea routes are separated from the turbulent oceans, still our ancestors were able to overcome all difficulties. The Karakorum Mountains did not prevent us from interacting with each other, and the sea route sailed unimpededly across the Indian Ocean from early on. Specifically, in addition to the sea lanes, the ancient Sino-Pakistani trade routes were primarily overland, traveling from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in northwest China through Afghanistan and Central Asia before entering West Pakistan’s Indus Valley and reaching the seaport at the Indus River Estuary. This road was the renowned “Silk Road”, which led west from Afghanistan to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, where Chinese silk was transported west to the Roman Empire. Ancient Chinese silk has been found at many sites along the route. The second route traveled across Kashmir to the Indus Valley from the western Tibetan Autonomous Region of China or the southern Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The two more eastern routes were from Tibet in China through Sikkim and India to East Pakistan, and from Yunnan Province in China through Burma and Assam to East Pakistan. This paper was presented by the author at the 15th Annual Conference of the Pakistan Historical Society in May 1965. The English version was serialized in Dawn, Karachi, on May 16th, 17th and 18th of the same year, and the Chinese version was published in Archaeology, No. 7, 1965.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_19

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The opening of the “Silk Road” is connected to the first reference of modern-day Pakistan in Chinese literature. Around the 3rd year of Emperor Wu’s reign (138 B.C.), Zhang Qian made a mission to the West. When he was in the country of Daxia (the main part of Bactria, in what is now northern Afghanistan, and parts of southern Tajikistan and Uzbekistan), he learned that there was a country named “Hindu” (an ancient transliteration of modern-day India) “whose people fight riding on elephants and whose kingdom is surrounded by waters”.1 The water here definitely refers to the Indus River. Zhang Qian in Daxia witnessed the “phyllostachys aurea and fine cloth made in Shu (modern-day Sichuan Province in China)” brought by Hindu. If, as he suspected, they were shipped to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent from China’s Sichuan Province, then the Sino-Pakistani line of communication via China’s Yunnan and Burma was also in place at that time. After Zhang Qian arrived at the Han court in the 3rd year of Yuanshuo period (126 B.C.) to report on these developments, Emperor Wu was determined to open a road to the Western Regions and to the IndoPakistani subcontinent. At about the same time, in the second century B.C., people of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent also mentioned China for the first time in their Sanskrit epic Mahabharata, which they called “Cina”.2 In the late second century B.C., Zhang Qian arrived in the state of Daxia which was already part of the Greater Yuezhi. According to Chinese literature, the Yuezhi originally lived in Gansu Province in northwestern China, but later moved to Central Asia and set their capital in the north of the Amu Darya, they were then divided into 1

Sima Qian, Records of the Grand Historian (compact edition with collection of various editions, Beijing), Vol. 123, 1958, “Biography of Tayuen”, p. 1140. Note: For the “phyllostachys aurea and fine cloth made in Shu (modern-day Sichuan Province in China)” brought by Hindu that Zhang Qian saw in Daxia, whether they were really shipped to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent from China’s Sichuan Province as he thought, there still exists some doubt. At the beginning of 1941 when I crossed the Yunnan-Burma Road from Burma to Kunming through the Hengduan Mountain Range, and then from Kunming to Sichuan, I was actually deeply concerned about the difficulty of transportation on this road. In addition, the Indo-Burma border is a deep mountainous and scrubby area in the Assam-Burma range, and transportation is extremely difficult. Would such items as phyllostachys aurea and hessian cloth, unlike silk, gold and silver jewelry, and coins, which are expensive but light or small, have been transported to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent? That leaves one doubt. Zhang Qian was a native of Hanzhong, and I think he must have seen phyllostachys aurea transported from Sichuan during his time in Hanzhong and the hessian cloth made from the fiber of the subtropical plant. When he saw some similar items in Daxia, of course he thought they were shipped from Sichuan, but phyllostachys aurea and hessian cloth made from subtropical plant fiber cloth were also produced in the north and northwest of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent, so it seems unnecessary to ship them from Sichuan far away to sell them, which would just increase the cost. Back then, Emperor Wu was convinced by Zhang Qian’s report and made an unsuccessful attempt to open up the transportation route from Sichuan to Hindu. Later historians, too, were mostly convinced. In fact, it is questionable whether this trade route existed in the Han Dynasty. As for the phyllostachys aurea and hessian transported from Sichuan to Hindu, this is just a misconception, just like when Columbus discovered America. Columbus thought that the place they visited was India, and the inhabitants they met were full of Indians, whose misconception was corrected soon afterwards. Yet the misconception of Zhang Qian is still widely believed by many historians today, which should be clarified (I later came across Cammann’s paper, which also raised questions about it). 2 P. C. Bagchi, India and China, 2nd ed., Bombay, 1950, p. 7.

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five parts, one of which was called Kushan.3 More than a hundred years later, around the end of the first century B.C., Kujula Kadphises from the Kushan branch unified the five tribes with Kushan as the title of his reigning dynasty. He died in his eighties, and his grandson Vima Kadphises became king in his stead, and later destroyed Tianzhu4 (Tianzhu is just one of several Chinese transliterations of Sindhu, Yu¯andú or Hindu). Vima Kadphises was the one who invaded West Pakistan in the first century A.D.5 His father was Vima Taktu. Their successor was the famous Kanishka who decided the capital in Fulousha (today’s Peshawar). He built a large pagoda on the east side of the capital. This great pagoda drew the admiration of medieval Chinese tourists such as Fa-Hsien, Song Yun and Xuanzang. He also built a new city in the area of Taxila near the Pothohar Plateau.6 Both Peshawar and Taxila were on a branch of the “Silk Road”. It is therefore not surprising that at the latter location, a bronze part called “tooth” was unearthed in 1915 from a Chinese crossbow machine of the Han Dynasty. Only the “tooth” of Chinese crossbows (especially those of the Han Dynasty) is of this shape (Fig. 19.1), and no other country made such bronze parts at this time or later. Three pieces of nephrite transported from Hetia, China, were also found at the same location.7 This branch followed the Indus River to the seaport at the estuary and then went west by sea. The seaport of Babarika at the Indus River Estuary (it was close to Karachi or further north) once shipped Chinese silk, which was recorded in a merchant’s manual written in Greek around 60 A.D.8 Dahuang, a specialty of China, was originally imported into the Roman Empire via the Black Sea and was called “Pontus (the ancient name of the Black Sea) Dahuang”, but was later exported from here, and the Romans called it “rha-barbarum”.9 Unfortunately, silk is perishable, and no Chinese silk from the Han Dynasty has survived at any of the sites in the humid environment of Pakistan. The hostage son sent by the Chinese “Vassal State from Hexi” is said to have imported and helped plant pears and peaches that were not native to the IndoPakistani subcontinent during the reign of King Kanishka, according to Xuanzang. Therefore, the people at that time called the peach “c¯ınan¯ı”, which means “hostage from Han”, and called the pear “Cinarajaputra”, which means “Han Prince”. The place where this Chinese prince lived was later called “C¯ınabhukti” and was visited

3

Ban Gu, Book of Han (compact edition with collection of various editions, Beijing), Vol. 96, 1958, “Treatise of Western Regions”, pp. 2370–2371. 4 Fan Ye, Book of the Later Han (compact edition with collection of various editions, Beijing), Vol. 88, 1958, “Treatise of Western Regions”, p. 3825. 5 I. Lyons and H. Ingholt, Gandharan Art in Pakistan, N. Y., 1957, p. 14. 6 S. M. Ikram (ed.), The Cultural Heritage of Pakistan, Karachi, 1955, pp. K. E. M. Wheeler, 5000 Years of Pakistan, London, 1950, pp. 42–43, p. 48. 7 S. van R. Cammann, “Archaeological Evidences for Chinese Contacts with India during the Han Dynasty”, Sinologica, (Basel, Switzerland), Vol. 5, No. 1, 1956, pp. 8–16. Specimen excavation number Sk. 15.771; museum registration number 7236. 8 Wheeler, op.cit., pp. 51–52; G. F. Hudson, Europe and China, London, 1961, p. 76, p. 88. 9 Hudson, op.cit., pp. 94–96.

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Fig. 19.1 Han crossbow machine “tooth” (8.55 cm long) unearthed in Taxila

by Xuanzang in the seventh century.10 … It was thought to be in the present-day Punjab, probably in the West Punjab of West Pakistan. A Chinese scholar thought that this prince might have come from Shule Kingdom in China, because Chinese history once recorded that a prince of Shule migrated to live in the Yuezhi during Yuanchu period of Emperor An’s reign (107–120).11

10

Xuanzang, Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Jinling Scripture Engraving Center, Nanjing), Vol. 4, 1957, p. 5; see also T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang’n Travels in India, London,Vol. I, 1904, pp. 291–294. Note: Pear and peach trees are native to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent and are not exotic, according to a study by later scientists on the cultivation of these two fruit tree. The Sanskrit names of pears and peaches mentioned by Xuanzang are only found in his book; they were given other names in Sanskrit books (see Walters, op. cit., p. 293). Beautiful legends are often overturned by cold scientific evidence, as in this case. But there is no doubt that this legend existed at the time of Xuanzang. This legend can at least indicate the kind of mentality of the people at that time, who valued cultural exchange between the two sides. 11 Feng Chengjun, The Chinese hostage in the Age of Kanishka, Study on the Western Historical Regions in Nanhai: A Collection of Essays (Beijing), 1957, pp. 96–101. Note: Mr. Feng thought that the hostage, Chen Pan, in Great Tang Records on the Western Regions might be from the royal family of Shule, as recorded in “Treatise on the Western Regions”, Book of the Later Han. This is of course one possibility, as Mr. Xiang Da said: “Book of the Later Han stated Chen Pan was guilty and migrated to live in the Yuezhi, which is different from the hostage talked about in Great Tang Records on the Western Regions.” As for Mr. Feng’s assertion that the Saraka in The Biography of Master Sanzang was a transliteration of Shule, which is obviously wrong. Mr. Xiang wrote: “His (Mr. Feng’s) argument was probably inspired by Kentoku Hori (pp. 95–96), and he proved it in detail and seemed very eloquent and convincing, which still remains an unsettled question in my point. Mr. Feng’s article avoided mentioning that Xuanzang wrote about Shule in Volume 12 of Great Tang Records on the Western Regions and called it Kasoar (Qu Sha). ... he knew very well the name of Shule and its script, etc.. When he went to the country of Kapici, he rested in Saraka monastery, talked with the monks of the monastery, and heard them mention the history here. If Saraka is Shule, why did he not mention a word of it, but gave another name instead?... According to Sanskrit thousand character classic, which Paul Eugène Pelliot cited, Sarag is translated into Luo in Chinese, proving Sarag on Nestorian tombstones is Luoyang. Sarag is Saraka in Sanskrit thousand characters, which read very smoothly in the ancient phonetics and in the record of Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, so there is no need to beat about the bush. Chen Pan who migrated to live in the Yuezhi recorded in “Biography of Shule”, “Treatise on the Western Regions”, Book of the Later Han cannot be confused with the hostage son in Saraka monastery.”

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A modern Indian scholar thought that vermilion was also introduced to the IndoPakistani subcontinent from China by this route. Vermilion in Sanskrit is called “chinalohitam”, which means “Chinese red”.12 Chinese paper was also introduced to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent by this route in the seventh century.13 In China, one bronze coin each of Vima Kadphises and his father Kujula Kadphise and seven bronze coins of Kanishka were found in Hotan in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region at the beginning of this century.14 Recent discoveries of relics related to the ancient culture of Pakistan continue to be made in this region. For example, a few of the wooden slips are written in the Kharosthi script which was common in Pakistan at that time. For the ancient cooper coin with two different scripts on both sides, there are six characters “重廿四铢铜钱”, meaning coins weighing 24 zhu (an ancient unit of weight, equal to 1/24 liang), inscribed on the Chinese side and “Maharaja, rajati najasa, Mahatasa Gugramayasa” on the Kharosthi script side.15 These are the coins minted in Hotan during the Second–third centuries A.D..16 The inscriptions on the famous “Kanishka Reliquary” found at the ruined site of the Great Stupa in Peshawar and the inscriptions on the “Edicts of Ashoka” of Sh¯ahbh¯azgar.h near Peshawar are both written in the Kharosthi script.17 Of course, the greatest influence of ancient Pakistani civilization on ancient China was in the areas of religion and art. Buddhism flourished in the region after it was introduced to West Pakistan during the reign of Emperor Ashoka (273–232 B.C.). In the second century A.D., Buddhism was even more popular, developed by King Kanishka of the Kushan Dynasty of the Yuezhi. The monasteries in his capital city, Fulousha (near present-day Peshawar), became the center of Buddhism at that time. According to Chinese records, in the first year of Emperor Ai’s reign (2 B.C.), the student at the imperial academy, Jing Lu, received from Yicun, the envoy of the king of the Great Yuezhi, oral instruction on (a) Buddhist sutra(s).18 Based on a legend, the first time that Buddhists from Tianzhu came to China to preach was in the 10th year of Emperor Ming’s reign in the Han Dynasty (67). Two of them, K¯as´yapam¯atanga and Dharmaratna, came to Luoyang, the capital of China at that time, and stayed at the White Horse Temple to translate the sutra.19 After this time, Western monks came to China one after another to preach and translate sutras, and many of them came from the territory of present-day Pakistan. For example, Jñ¯anagupta was a native 12

Bagehi, op.cit., pp. 58–59. Ji Xianlin, The time and places of Chinese paper and papermaking introduced into India, Historical Research, No. 4, 1954, pp. 25–51; H. K. Spate, India and Pakistan, London, 1954, p. 299. 14 A. Stein, Ancient Khotan, Oxford, 1907. p. 577, PI. LXXXIX, No. 1; ——, Serindia, Oxford, 1921, pp. 1340—1341, PI. CXL, Nos. 9—10; ——, Innermost Asia, Oxford, 1928, pp. 988—989, PI.CXIX. Nos. 7—8. 15 For recent discovery in Xinjiang, see Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 7, fig. 6 (left) and fig. 7. 16 Xia Nai, Study on Hotan “Horse Coin”, Cultural Relics, Vols. 7–8, 1962, pp. 89–92. 17 Wheeler, op.cit., p. 40 and p. 48. 18 Tang Yongtong, A History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Two Jins and North and South Dynasties, Part 1 (Beijing), 1963, pp. 49–51. 19 Ibid., pp. 16–30. 13

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of the kingdom of Gandh¯ara, and Vimoks.aprajñ¯a-r.s.i, Vin¯ıtaruci and Narendraya´sas were from the kingdom of Od.d.iy¯ana (the present-day Swat District of modern-day Pakistan) in the sixth century. Until the beginning of the eleventh century, there was also a Buddhist monk, Sramana Tianjue, from the Udayana, Northern Tianzhu, who came to China with sutras and Buddhist relics to preach the Dharma.20 These monks, who came to China through mountains and deserts and endured all difficulties, were certainly welcomed by the Chinese people. Our ancient Chinese historians have recorded their names and facts,21 even if their names are not included in documents written in other scripts. When we read these records, we are still touched by their tenacity and piety. In China, due to the development of Buddhism, many Chinese monks also traveled westward to seek the Dharma, and most of them visited West Pakistan. The most famous records about pilgrimages made at the Buddhist holy land in West Pakistan are those of Fa Xian in the early fifth century, Song Yun in the first half of the sixth century, and Xuanzang in the first half of the seventh century, describing the countries of Od.d.iy¯ana, Gandh¯ara, and Taxila, which are still indispensable for the study of the history of West Pakistan during this period. When Fa-Hsien arrived here, the “Little Kushan” Dynasty, called by late Kushans, was ruling this region and Buddhism was flourishing, for example, there were five hundred Sangharamas in the country of Od.d.iy¯ana.22 When Song Yun came around 520 A.D., most of these small states had already been destroyed by the Hephthalites (also known as the White Hunas) who came from Central Asia. Song Yun said that these people had been ruling the country for two generations and were violent and brutal, killing many people, disbelieving in Buddhism, and worshipping ghosts and gods. In the excavations at Taxila since 1913, evidence was found about the destruction of Buddhist temples, pagodas and stupas, as well as about the massacre of the people during this period.23 But Song Yun still thought that the area was “fertile” and “populous”.24 When Xuanzang passed through Gandh¯ara around 630 A.D., he said that the royal family was extinct and the country, empty and desolate, was affiliated with and enslaved by the country of Kapici, the inhabitants were few, … more than thousands of Sangharama were destroyed, desolated, and overgrown with underbrush. Nearly all the stupas had collapsed.25 He also said that the kingdom of Od.d.iy¯ana (the present-day Swat District of modern-day Pakistan) “used to have about 1,400 Sangharamas, but many of them were deserted”. This is due to the large amount of civil unrest still present in the area after the expulsion of the Hephthalites and the never-restored Buddhism that had been 20 Feng Chengjun, The Record of Seeking and Translating Scriptures Throughout the Ages (Shanghai), 1929, p. 3, pp. 47–52; Bagchi, op. cit., pp. 35–57, also pp. 203–220. 21 Bagchi, op. cit., p. 28. 22 Fa-Hsien, “Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms” (Collection of Rare Editions, Shanghai Bo Gu Zhai photolithographic edition), 1922, p. 6. 23 J. Marshall, A Guide to Taxila, 4th ed., London, 1960, pp. 38–39. 24 Zhou Zumo, Records of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang: Collated and Annotated (Beijing), Vol. 5, 1958, p. 108. 25 Xuanzang, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 15; Vol. 3, p. 1; cf. Walters, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 199 and p. 226.

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destroyed by the Hephthalites. These accounts not only relate to various aspects of local Buddhism but also to the political and social conditions of the time and are therefore valued by modern historians. According to the Chinese records, Chinese monks continued to travel westward to seek the Dharma until the early eleventh century A.D. The last record of the travels is that of Jiye, who was sent to Tianzhu in the 2nd year of Qiande period in the early Song Dynasty (964), and who traveled from the Pamir Mountains to Central India, also via Gandh¯ara and other places in West Pakistan.26 However, according to Tibetan records, Chinese Tibetan monks made pilgrimages from Tibet to the Buddhist holy land in Od.d.iy¯ana (present-day Swat) of West Pakistan from the 13th to the seventeenth century.27 Through the exchange of Buddhist monks, the rich and colorful Gandh¯ara-style Buddhist art of West Pakistan was also introduced to China, which had a great influence on Chinese art. The first century A.D. saw the creation of this Gandh¯ara art in West Pakistan’s Gandh¯ara region. These sculptures have been discovered in great numbers over the past few decades near Taxila and Peshawar. The kind of sculpture is influenced by Greco-Roman art in form, but the content it demonstrates is Buddhism. This is why some people call it Greco-Buddhist art or Roman-Buddhist art, to indicate its dual origin. But more precisely, it should be called Gandh¯ara art, because it was created by the artistic genius of the artisans from this region. This art came to China through Central Asia. Buddhist relics influenced by this art can be found in many places along the Silk Road in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, including the famous Thousand Buddha Grottoes in Dunhuang, Longmen Grottoes in Luoyang and Yungang Grottoes in Datong, as well as other locations. Dunhuang was the gateway to the Tianshan in Xinjiang, and Luoyang and Datong were the capital cities of the Northern Wei Dynasty. We have investigated and protected the known sites since 1949. We have also discovered several grotto temples that were previously unknown but still have some well-preserved sculptures and murals. A number of illustrated publications have been published to introduce them.28 Comparing these Chinese Buddhist arts (especially those of the Northern Wei Dynasty) with the West Pakistani Gandh¯ara art, we can see that Chinese artists with their own artistic traditions absorbed the best of the foreign art and created a new artistic style, rather than rigidly copying it. It is characterized by the simplicity of its lines and the slenderness of its posture. However, in terms of its presentation, such as the wrinkles in the garments and the images of the Buddha and Bodhisattva, the profound influence of the Gandh¯ara art can be clearly seen. From 712, Islam arrived in Sindh, in West Pakistan, with the Arabs. In the eleventh century, Islam became more widespread in West Pakistan after Mahmud of Ghazni, a believer in Islam, invaded the Indus Valley from Afghanistan and established the

26

Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 6 (Beijing), 1930, p. 424; cf. Bagchi, op. cit., p. 79. 27 G. Tucci, Travels of Tibetan Pilgrimsin the Swat Valley, Calcutta, 1940, p. 13 and p. 29. 28 For the study of grotto temples in China, cf. Yang Hong, Some questions on China’s grotto temples, Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1965, pp. 45–51.

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Ghaznavid Dynasty.29 By this time, the glory days of Buddhism in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent had passed. Except for the Chinese monks from Tibet, who sometimes made pilgrimages to the Swat Valley, there were no records about the exchange between Buddhist monks of China and Pakistan, but the friendly relations between the two peoples were not broken. The Sino-Pakistani traffic in the Islamic era was mainly by sea. Some Chinese porcelain of the ninth century or later was found at the famous site of Brahmanabad (40 miles northeast of Hyderabad in Sindh). Chinese celadon from the same era has also been found at the site of Banbhore, about 30 miles east of Karachi. The former was the capital of one of the small states founded by the Arabs in the ninth century, while the latter is believed to be the site of the port of Daibul, where the Arabs first landed in the eighth century.30 The Chinese porcelain fragments found at the previous site include a white porcelain lobed bowl, a white porcelain bowl with a wide ring foot, a celadon plate, and a blue glazed porcelain bowl with brownish patterns.31 At the latter site, archaeological excavations conducted in recent years under the direction of Farshad Ahmad Khan, Director of the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan, have revealed a number of Chinese porcelain fragments, including the bowl with incised design and the porcelain jar with ear from the Yue kiln in the Five Dynasties, and the lotus-flower-shaped bowl of shadowy blue glaze porcelain.32 We are aware that in the ninth century there were many Arabic traders in Canton, China, and that some Chinese exports would be undoubtedly shipped to the seaport at the Indus River Estuary, which was right in the middle of China and Arabia. Moreover, while Chinese paper may have been introduced to India by land via West Pakistan in the second half of the seventh century, the introduction of papermaking came much later. In the middle of the eighth century, during the Battle of Talas (751), Chinese papermakers were captured and therefore the method of papermaking was introduced to Arabia. It was only in the thirteenth century that Arab Islamists introduced it to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.33 As for the relationship between China and East Pakistan, it has been suggested that there was communication between them in prehistoric times, based on the distribution of sharpened-handle ground stone axes and shouldered stone hoes found in various places (Fig. 19.2). The former type of stone tool was from Yunnan, Sichuan Province, China, through Burma and Assam to Bengal, while the latter type seemed to be from southern China through coastal Southeast Asia to Assam and Bengal, dating from before 200 B.C.34 By the time there was written evidence, the merchant’s manuals 29

Wheeler, op.cit., pp. 61–63 and p. 65. Wheeler, op.cit., pp. 62–63. 31 R. L. Hobson, “Potsherds from Brahnianabad”, Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society for 1928–1930, London, 1931, pp. 21–23, Pl. IX. 32 W. Willetts, “Excavations at Bhambore near Karachi, ” Oriental Art, n. s. Vol., No. 1 (1960), pp. 25–28, figs. 7–9; MF. A. Khan, Preliminary Report on Banbhore Excavations, Department of Archaeology, Karachi, updated edition, 1963, p. 35 (and attached figure). 33 Ji Xianlin, op.cit. 34 R. E. M. Wheeler, Early India and Pakistan, London, 1959, pp. 84–89, fig. 18; A. H. Dani, Prehistory and Protohistory, of Eastern India, Calcutta, 1960, pp. 223–226, Map No. 8. 30

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Fig. 19.2 Distribution map of the shouldered stone adze (stone hoe) (based on A. H. Dani)

written by the Greeks in the second half of the first century A.D. mentioned a seaport called “Ganges” at the estuary in addition to Tamralipti in West Bengal, probably in East Bengal of East Pakistan. This seaport seemed to have developed trade relations with China and South India at that time.35 Buddhist monks who came to China in the Middle Ages, including the monks of East Pakistan. For example, in the sixth century, Jñ¯anabhadra, who traveled to Chang’an to translate the sutras, was originally from the Padma country of India, which is currently the Padma Valley in the Ganges Delta. At the beginning of the Song Dynasty (1016), Pu Ji, who brought the sutra to China, was a native of Benares in East Tianzhu (today’s plateau in northern East Bengal).36 During the Islamic period, there were more interactions between China and East Pakistan. In the first half of the thirteenth century, A Description of Barbarian Nations written by Zhao Rukuo in the Southern Song Dynasty once mentioned the “Sukhavati Bangala”. The “Sukhavati or Western Pure Land” usually refers to the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent, so it is generally believed that Bangala is today’s Bangladesh.37 Wang Dayuan, a Chinese, visited the Southern Islands and the Indian Ocean coast in 1349; upon his return, he authored a book about his travels and talked about the country of “Bangala”. He described the climate as “always hot”, and the customs as “simple 35

Wheeler, 5000 Years of Pakistan, pp. 96–97. Feng Chengjun, The Record of Seeking and Translating Scriptures Throughout the Ages, p. 39; Zhang Xinglang. op.cit., Book 6, p. 272; cf. Bagchi, op. cit., p. 43, p. 56, p. 213. 37 Feng Chengjun, A Description of Barbarian Nation, Annotated (Beijing), 1956, p. 35. 36

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and honest.”38 During the Yongle and Xuande periods of the Ming Dynasty (1405– 1433), the Chinese Muslim Zheng He was sent on several friendly visits overseas, developing friendly relations between China and many countries in Asia and Africa. He once arrived in Bengala in East Pakistan. According to the records of Gong Zhen, Fei Xin, and Ma Huan who accompanied him on the mission, the seaport of this Bengala country was called Chittagong, and it was 500 miles to the river port of Sonargoan by a small boat, where they disembarked and proceeded southwest to the capital, Panduah.39 Each of these place names is still in use today. The port of Chittagong is still the most important seaport in East Pakistan today. The river port of Sonargoan is 11 miles southeast of present-day Dhaka, the capital of East Pakistan, and is the site of the famous tomb of King Ghiyas-ud-din, who had contact with China and Zheng He at the same time. Panduah is in West Bengal (just beyond the western border of East Pakistan), and was the capital of Bangladesh at the time.40 Both Gong Zhen and Ma Huan said that the entire population here was Muslim, the people were simple and honest, and there were many rich families who built ships and did business in various countries. Fei Xin also praised the hospitality of the residents for the Chinese crew. A Ming Dynasty map of Zheng He’s voyages shows not only the port of Chittagong and its vicinity in East Pakistan, but also Sind, Kachchi, Makran and several other places in West Pakistan that have not yet been identified. It is clear that although Zheng He’s voyages did not reach West Pakistan, these places were still familiar to Chinese sailors at that time.41 A recently published Ming Dynasty book, Shun Feng Xiang Song (Send Along the Favorable Wind, a kind of Ming Dynasty navigation manual written around the sixteenth century) includes a detailed record of the direction of the compass, the distance of the route, and the depth of the water along the route from the Chinese seaport of Fujian to the Chittagong port of Bengala.42 The History of Ming records that King Ghiyas-ud-din of Bengala sent an envoy to China in the 6th year of Yongle (1408). In the 10th year (1412), his envoy came again to “announce the death of his king”. The Chinese sent an envoy to pay condolences to his successor, Muhammad bin Tughluq. Muhammad bin Tughluq sent an envoy to express his gratitude by presenting a local giraffe and a famous-breed horse. In the 3rd year of Zhengtong reign (1438), another giraffe was sent again to the country.43 This shows that there were frequent exchanges between the two governments. The 38

Shen Zengzhi, “Descriptions of the barbarians of the isles” (Shanghai Ancient Studies Journal edition), Vol. II, 1912, p. 14. 39 Zheng Hesheng, Compilation of Zheng He’s Legacy (Shanghai, 1948). pp. 151–152; Fei Xin, Overall Survey of Star Raft (annotated by Feng Chengjun, Beijing), 1954, pp. 39–43; Ma Huan, The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores (annotated by Feng Chengjun, Shanghai), 1935, pp. 59–63; Gong Zhen, Observations Recorded of the West (Beijing), 1961, pp. 37–41. 40 Wheeler, 5000 Years of Pakistan, p. 104, p. 106. 41 Zheng He’s Nautical Map (annotated by Xiang Da, Beijing, 1961), p. 56, p. 60. 42 Two Guides about Navigation Routes (annotated by Xiang Da, Beijing), 1961, p. 77. 43 Zhang Tingyu, et al., The History of Ming (compact edition with collection of various editions), Vol. 326, “Biography of foreign countries”, p. 31791. Note: According to A Chronicle of Ming Dynasty, during the Yongle period, Bengala sent the envoy to the Ming five times (in February of

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giraffe was not a native product of Bengala but a gift from the Islamic countries of East Africa to Muhammad bin Tughluq to commemorate his ascending to the throne, which he forwarded to China. The “Giraffe of Bengala” was once depicted by a Chinese artist, and its copy is still in the Chinese History Museum in Beijing. This picture is not only a symbol of friendship between China and Pakistan, but also a symbol of unity between Asian and African countries.44 From the above mentioned history of the friendship between China and Pakistan in ancient times, we can see that the friendship between our two countries has a long history of more than 2,000 years, including frequent political, economic and cultural exchanges. The relationship between the two countries is very close. Cultural and economic exchanges have also contributed to the further development of the civilizations of our two countries, both of which have ancient cultures. In the late fifteenth century, European colonialists began to invade the IndoPakistani subcontinent, and in the early sixteenth century, they invaded China and began their colonialist plunder. During this period, exchanges between the Chinese and Pakistani people were hindered and reduced, but never ceased. Some of the late 18th-century Chinese export porcelains were made especially for the Muslims in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent at the time, and these porcelains were painted with elephants and had Urdu inscriptions “The King’s Prime Minister …”.45 In 1834, tea trees from China were introduced to the hilly areas of East Pakistan where they are widely grown today.46 Since the mid-nineteenth century, both China and Pakistan have fought a long and heroic struggle against colonialism and imperialism. We have always supported and inspired each other in this struggle, with Pakistan gaining independence in 1947 and China establishing the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The friendly relations between our two countries have entered a new historical stage. Especially in recent years, the opening of direct air routes between China and Pakistan, the signing of the Sino-Pakistan border agreement, etc. have strengthened the friendly cooperation between our two countries. The visit of President Ayub Khan of Pakistan to China in early March this year and the third visit of Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai to Pakistan in early April have further consolidated the deep friendship between the two countries. We deeply hope that historians of China and Pakistan will be inspired by the history of this long-standing friendship between the two countries, and that they will not only contribute to the study of the history of this friendship, but also make their own contribution to the further enhancement of this friendship.

the 7th year, December of the 8th year, June of the 10th year, September of the 12th year, and May of the 19th year), and once again in March of the 4th year of Zhengtong period. 44 Xia Nai, “China and Africa in Historical Friendship”, China Reconstructs, No. 11, 1962, pp. 27– 29. 45 J. G. Phillips, China Trade Porcelain, N. Y., 1956, p. 208, pp. 209–212. 46 O. H. K. Spate, op.cit., p. 227.

Chapter 20

King of Anxi’s Mansion Site in the Yuan, and Arabic Magic Squares

In the spring of 1957, during the excavation of King Anxi’s mansion site in the Yuan Dynasty, a magic square iron plate with Arabic numerals was found. The brief report of the excavation work has been written and published by the excavator Ma Dezhi.1 According to the brief report, we know that the site is “3 km northeast of presentday Xi’an, 120 m south of Qinjia Street and 2 km east of the Chan River. The relief is high and flat, extending from the eastward ranges of the Long Shou Yuan. The site is still known to the local people as the “Royal Court”, or the “Orda”. … The walls of King Anxi’s mansion … were drilled and it turned out that the foundations of the city were intact, all rammed earth, the layer was hard and flat … In the center of the city, there is a large scale rammed earth foundation, which is more than 2–3 m above the ground … which is undoubtedly the foundation of the palace (Fig. 20.1).” As for the excavation of the magic square iron plate, according to the brief report, all five pieces were excavated in the rammed earth foundation (about 25 cm down from the highest point of the foundation). Four of them were placed in a stone casket. The upper part of the stone casket is a square stone with a length and width of 36.5 cm each. The lower part has an upward side with a square groove cut in the middle to accommodate the magic square iron plate. The bottom of the downward side is cut with a cross-shaped “groove” (Fig. 20.2). Another iron plate was handed over by the infrastructure department, its location is unknown, and it is said to have been hidden inside a stone casket when it was unearthed. I would like to give a brief introduction on (1) The site of King Anxi and King Anxi’s mansion and (2) The magic square iron plate with Arabic numerals. 1

See Archaeology, No. 5, 1960, pp. 20–22.

This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 5, 1960, and later included with annotation in the book Archaeology and the History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Press, 1979). Note: It was originally written as a postscript to Narrative on the Tomb of Lu in the Ming Dynasty in Pudong, Shanghai, see Archaeology, No. 6, 1985, p. 549, attached here.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_20

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20 King of Anxi’s Mansion Site in the Yuan, and Arabic Magic Squares

Fig. 20.1 Plan of King Anxi’s mansion (the opening is the place where the magic square was excavated)

Fig. 20.2 The stone casket

20.1 King Anxi and King Anxi’s Mansion Site King Anxi Mangala was the third son of Kublai, the first Emperor of the Yuan. His eldest brother died young and his second brother was Crown Prince Zhenjin, so he had a special position among the royal sons. In the 9th year of the Yuan Dynasty (1272), he was titled the King of Anxi and awarded Jingzhao (a historical region centered on the ancient Chinese capital of Chang’an) as his fief (The History of Yuan, Vol. 7, “Annals of Shizu”). Jingzhao is Guanzhong (a historical region of China corresponding to the crescentic graben basin within present-day central Shaanxi), the old fief of Kublai when he was a crown prince. According to The History of Yuan, King Anxi’s annual

20.1 King Anxi and King Anxi’s Mansion Site

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reward was 1,000 bolts of satin and 1,000 bolts of silk. Jiangnan household tax: In the 18th year of Zhiyuan period, 65,000 households were allocated to Jizhou Lu (Lu is a traditional administrative division in China, equivalent to a prefecture in the Ming and Qing Dynasties), amounting to 2,600 ding (a unit of measurement of Chinese currency) of banknotes (Vol. 95, “Treatise on food and commodities”). There were 150,000 soldiers under the command of King Anxi.2 The Mongols dispatched troops to overthrow the reign of the Song Dynasty from three directions in the 11th year of Zhiyuan period, and the affairs of marching in the direction of Sichuan came under the control of King Anxi Command Institution.3 This was because at that time, the royal family of the Yuan Dynasty ruled the Central Plains as a foreign race, and inevitably, in addition to class conflicts, they had to deal with ethnic conflicts. That’s why they promoted the royal family members for suppressing. Kublai had his favorite son, Mangala, the King of Anxi, garrison Gansu and Shaanxi, and built a royal residence in Xi’an with this intention. Kublai believed in Buddhism. The name Mangala comes from the Sanskrit word for “happiness”, according to a historian, Rashid.4 Ananda, the grandson of Kublai, is the Sanskrit word for “rejoicing”, the same name as the primary attendant of the Buddha and one of his ten principal disciples. Although there is no clear historical record as to whether or not Mangala remained Buddhist as an adult or whether he converted to the Islamic religion, there must have been Muslims among his close associates. As for Ananda, the history has told us very clearly that this heir to the throne was a convinced Muslim. In History of Mongols by d’Ohsson, it is said that “Ananda was raised by a Muslim and became a follower of the religion and he believed in it so much that he disseminated the religion across the area of Tangwu (present-day Ningxia and Gansu). Most of the 150,000 soldiers in his army heard about it and believed in it. Ananda was familiar with The Quran and was a good writer of the Arabie script.”5 Mangala gave the young prince to the Muslims to raise, meaning even if he was not already a Muslim himself, at least the Muslim was a close associate of his. Ananda succeeded to the throne in the 17th year of Zhiyuan Period (1280). He not only had tremendous military power but also had rich financial resources. For example, in the first year of Zhenyuan, King Anxi was given 2,000 dan (dan: now approximately 103 L but historically about 59.44 L) of grain and 200,000 ding of banknotes; in the 2nd year, he was given 10,000 dan of grain. In the 9th year of Dade period, King Anxi was also given the previously-reduced annual reward reaching 500 taels of gold and 11,500 catties of silk, and was still given 10,000 ding of banknotes to his ministry. In the 10th year, King Anxi was awarded 30,000 ding of banknotes (The History of Yuan, Vols. 18–21). In the 11th year of Dade (1307), when King Chengzong died childless and Ananda was just in the capital, Empress Chengzong and some ministers conspired to make Ananda emperor because he was a cousin of 2

History of Mongols by d’Ohsson, translated by Feng Chengjun, Part 1, 1962, p. 360. Tu Ji, A History of Mongols, Vol, 76. 4 History of Mongols by d’Ohsson, translated by Feng Chengjun, Part 1, p. 349. 5 Ibid., p. 360. 3

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King Chengzong’s immediate family (both were Kublai’s grandsons) and was older, so he had the right to inherit the throne. However, Chengzong’s nephew, Külüg Khan, conspired with one of the prime ministers, Harqasun, to defeat Ananda’s faction and seize the throne as Emperor Wuzong. Ananda was sent to death.6 Although Ananda failed, it is clear that King Anxi was an important part of the royal family at the heart of the ruling group at that time. Tu Ji said: “The first time that Mangala arrived in Chang’an, he camped in the west of the Chan River, and the yurt stood in the middle surrounded by the guards. The chariot was big enough to accommodate another chariot, and the tent could accommodate another tent. Enclosing the wilderness, 40 miles in circumference, the garrison stationed in the centre interrogating people who wanted to get inside. Locals in Guanzhong were astounded and thought even Da Chanyu (the supreme ruler of Inner Asian nomads) failed to surpass its powerful magnificence. There was an imperial edict that appointed Zhao Bing, Intendant of the Capital, to manage the palace, making it as magnificent as the royal residence.”7 This is a record of the magnitude of the royal tent of King Anxi before the palace of King Anxi was built. The restoration of King Anxi’s mansion began around the 10th year of Zhiyuan period (1273). According to The History of Yuan, in this year, King Anxi Mangala was titled the King of Qin, and the imperial edict also ordered Zhao Bing, Intendant of the Capital, “to manage the palace following his instructions” (Vol. 108 “The king list in the Yuan Dynasty”; also Vol. 163 “Biography of Zhao Bing”). The Italian traveler Marco Polo, who came to Kublai’s court in 1275, once visited Xi’an and spoke highly of the palace in his travels. He said: “Outside Jingzhao (Jingzhao was a historical region centered on the ancient Chinese capital of Chang’an), there is a palace of King Mangala. The palace is magnificent. And I am here to tell you, the palace is on a large plain with rivers, lakes and springs everywhere. In front of the palace, there is a very thick and high wall with the surrounding area extending five miles, and this excellent architecture has been equipped with embrasures (the author’s note: it should be translated as ‘with battlements’). There are many wild animals and birds inside the wall. The king’s palace is right in the middle. The palace is large and magnificent, and nothing could be better than this. The palace has many magnificent halls and beautiful houses with paintings everywhere, decorated with golden leaves, azure and countless marbles. People there love and respectKing Mangala because he is a wise, upright and fair ruler. The palace is surrounded by soldiers. Much entertainment can be given by the wild birds and beasts (translated by Feng Chengjun as ‘hunting for pleasure’).”8 Before mentioning the magnificence of the palace, Marco Polo also mentioned that “the city wall is in the west”, implying that the palace is east of the city wall and exactly where we discovered it this time. And the above-mentioned five miles were taken as five huali. However, the scale of the Yuan Dynasty inherited the official cloth rule of the Three Bureaus in the Song

6

Tu Ji, History of the Mongols, Vol, 76. Ibid., Vol. 76. 8 The Travels of Marco Polo, translated by Zhang Xinglang, p. 225. 7

20.1 King Anxi and King Anxi’s Mansion Site

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Dynasty, which is about 31 cm today.9 5 huali is about 2.79 km, very close to this exploration, which came out to be 2.28 km. It is a significant gap if we take 5 miles, or 8.04 km (note: see Zhang Xun, “Time of the establishment of the Anxi mansion in the Yuan Dynasty”, Archaeology, No. 7, 1960, p. 56, which also suggests that this mansion was established in the 10th year of Zhiyuan period). In this chapter, Marco Polo talked about King Mangala as a living ruler, so it is clear that the palace was already built during his lifetime. The death of Mangala was in the 15th year of Zhiyuan period (1278, see The History of Yuan, Vol. 163, “Biography of Zhao Bing”. In Vol. 108, King of Qin, “The King list in the Yuan Dynasty”, it was mistakenly taken as the 17th year, which was the year of the succession of the heir). The heir was still young and inherited the throne two years later. In this year, Zhao Bing, who oversaw the construction of the palace died ( The History of Yuan, Vol. 163, “Biography of Zhao Bing”, and New History of Yuan, Vol. 114, “Biography of Mangala”). In the 11th year of Dade period (1307), when the heir Ananda was killed, Emperor Wuzong gave Renzong the fief originally possessed by King Anxi and also gave Jizhou household tax, Jiangxi Province, and forbade Ananda’s son, Yerutömör, to inherit the title. In August of the 3rd year of Zhizhi period (1323), Yerutömör was finally crowned King Anxi for his participation in the coup d’état (The History of Yuan, Vol. 29). In December of that year, he was exiled to Yunnan Province for the alleged crimes. He was later executed in the 3rd year of Zhishun (1332). He had lived in this palace as the heir of King Anxi and as the King of Anxi. Following his exile, the palace was designated as the “former palace”. Some people thought that it became a ruined site, but it was actually still inhabited and used. In the 17th year of Zhizheng reign under Emperor Yuanshun (1357), the Red Turban Rebellion was trapped in Shangzhou. Then Wang Sicheng, the Imperial Censor in charge of Shaanxi, “met with the King of Yu …. and the provincial officials in the residence of Yerutömör, the King of Anxi” (The History of Yuan, Vol. 183, “Biography of Wang Sicheng”). It indicated the palace was still standing at that time, when it had been 25 years since the execution of Yerutömör, and 84 years since its construction. If there were no descendants of King Anxi living in the palace, it was because the name was still in use at the time. The palace became an abandoned site after the peasants’ uprising at the end of the Yuan Dynasty. The mansion of King Anxi was the symbol of racial and class oppression at that time and easily became the target of hatred, being destroyed along with the Yuan Dynasty regime. The site of this mansion is not well preserved, except the surrounding walls and the foundation of the palace on the central axis, and it is not easy to find traces of what Marco Polo called “many magnificent halls and beautiful houses”. Because the accumulation layer’s surface has been severely damaged, even the traces of the pedestal have been destroyed. Nonetheless, it is considered that the palace atop the foundation was likely a “three-entry front and back” palace, similar to the Three Great Halls of the Forbidden City in Beijing, based on the plan of the foundation and the location of the foundation stone casket. Although only five foundation stone casketes were found, it is likely that the original six became three pairs with left and 9

Yang Kuan, Chinese Units of Measurement over the Ages, 1955, p. 81, p. 87 and p. 108.

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right in symmetry or it is possible that there was one for each of the three halls and one for each of the two side halls in the front hall. History of the Mongols cited above described the palace of the King Anxi as “as magnificent as the imperial residence” (Vol. 76). The construction of the imperial palace in Khanbaliq or Dadu of Yuan also began in the 10th year of Zhiyuan period (1273) and was completed in the following year (see The History of Yuan, Vol. 7, “Annals of Shizu”). The main hall of Khanbaliq was Daming Hall. According to The Yuan palace institution from Records Compiled after Returning from the Farm written by Tao Zongyi in the Yuan (Vol. 21) and Xiao Xun’s Records of the Yuan Imperial Palace in the early Ming Dynasty (The Study of Beijing News, Vol. 32), the foundation of the hall could be 10 chi high, with 11 rooms in the main hall, 200 chi from the east to the west, and 120 chi deep. Behind the hall were the seven colonnades, which were 240 chi deep and 44 chi wide. A harem was attached at the back, with five rooms for the bedchamber, six rooms for the ancestors in the east and west, and three rooms for the young women attached at the back. It was 140 chi long from the east to the west (50 bu in another version, i.e., 150 chi) and 50 chi deep. Stone railings encircled the palace’s foundation, and glazed fragments were used to embellish the palace’s ridges. The buildings on the foundation of this hall were 200 chi in width from the east to the west and 410 chi in total for the three buildings from the north to the south, the ratio of which was about 1 to 2. The foundation of King Anxi’s mansion is 90 m wide and 185 m deep, which was also in the same ratio of 1 to 2. The height of the foundation was 3 m, i.e., 10 chi based on the unit of measurement in the Yuan Dynasty, which was exactly the same as the foundation of Daming Hall reaching “as high as 10 chi”. The 200 × 410 chi of Daming Hall is actually 62 × 127 m today, smaller than the foundation of the Anxi’s mansion. But outside the building, on the base of this mansion, there may be open space from the outer perimeter of the mansion to the steps, while the foundation of Anxi’s mansion may have been abandoned and the rammed earth around it crumbled outward, increasing the area of recompression compared to the original one (also due to this reason, the plan from this exploration is oval). The north side of the enclosure wall was permanently closed, meaning the hall faced south. The layout on the foundation was as follows: the front was the main hall of the court, the middle was the colonnade or the middle hall, and the back was the bedchamber, which was slightly in the shape of the Chinese character “工”. In 1957–1958, Sergey Kiselyov excavated the ruins of a 14th-century Yuan palace in the Mongolian People’s Republic in Kanduyi, 60 km north of Helin, which was also built on a foundation with three halls: the front, middle and rear, with a colonnade between the middle and the rear.10 There were some other buildings outside the foundation and inside the enclosure wall at the site of Anxi’s mansion, unfortunately, it is impossible to restore them.

10

Archaeology, No. 2, 1960, pp. 50–51.

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20.2 The Magic Square Iron Plate with Arabic Numerals Yan Dunjie authored an article titled “The history of Arabic numbers to China”11 following the discovery of the magic square iron plate with Arabic numerals at the site of King Anxi’s mansion; Li Yan wrote “The magic square from Arab”, a mathematical investigation into its composition and its subsequent advancement.12 I’ll now discuss it from a different perspective (mainly from an archaeological point of view). The Magic Square or Square Matrix is also called Vertical and Horizontal Diagram. It is characterized by arranging n2 numbers in a square with n on each side so that the sum of the numbers in any row, no matter how vertical, horizontal or diagonal, is equal. The sum of the six integers in this magic square, whether they are made up in a vertical, horizontal, or even diagonal way, is 111. This is known as order 6 (Fig. 20.3). Since the Song Dynasty in China, the so-called “Luoshu” has been the magic square of order 3, the sum of which is 15. The magic square is now regarded as a vertical and horizontal diagram for mathematical research, but was previously taken as something fanciful. Luoshu in our country was originally the “Taiyi Nine Halls” used by Taoists, whose thought was used to explain “Book of Luo River” in “Xici”, Book of Changes by Song scholars. This is due to a bit of mystique in the magic square. In fact, Han people sometimes interpreted Luoshu in the ancient legend as the Eight Trigrams or Hong Fan, The Great Law of Governance. Despite varying views, no one thought it was actually the magic square of order 3. On the other hand, the magic square of order 3 was first found in “Ming Tang chapter”, Records of Rites, which wrote: “Each line consists of three numbers: two, nine, four; seven, five, three; six, one, eight.” This work, from the end of the Warring States period to the beginning of the Han Dynasty, is also known as the “Nine Halls Diagram” in the Han and Tang Dynasties13 . It was only in the Song Dynasty that the two were equated. Some people in the Northern Song Dynasty continued to believe that the “magic square of order 3” was “River Map or Hetu”, but it was in the Southern Song Dynasty that consensus was finally reached that it was actually “Luoshu”. Combinatorial analysis, a sub-field of mathematics, includes the magic square which has been used in religious superstitions because of its mysticism. Modern farmers in southern Egypt use the magic square of order 4 as a charm for birth or a curse.14 Nowadays, people in India also often carve a magic square on metal objects or small pieces of stone and take them as amulets.15 The Islamic world believes that the magic square has great power to protect life and heal disease.16 11

Journal of Mathematics, No. October, 1957. Cultural Relics Reference, No. 7, 1958. 13 Li Yan, The History of Ancient Chinese Mathematics, 1954, pp. 40–41. Records of Rites was compiled by Dai De in the mid-first century B.C. 14 W. S. Blackman, The Fellahin of Upper Egypt, 1927, pp. 190–191, 205–206. 15 Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 14, 1953, p. 627. 16 Zheng Dekun, Some Chinese porcelain with an Islamic magic square, Studies in Chinese Art (English), No. 1 (Singapore), 1971(?), p. 151. 12

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20 King of Anxi’s Mansion Site in the Yuan, and Arabic Magic Squares

Fig. 20.3 Rubbing of the magic square with Arabic numerals (top) and its interpretation (bottom)

Several pieces of our magic square of order 6 are cast on a square iron plate. The iron plate is hidden in a stone casket, buried in the foundation of the rammed earth pedestal, and it serves the same purpose as the “Foundation Deposit” in the period of Ancient Egypt. The latter was already in existence in the 18th Dynasty (16th– fourteenth centuries B.C.). When the foundations of some important buildings were laid, objects exorcising evil spirits were frequently buried in the bases to protect these structures from disasters in perpetuity.17 The magic square iron plate buried here is for the same purpose. These magic squares are written in Arabic numerals. The modern popular mathematical numerals have evolved from the Arabic numerals (or Indo-Arabic numerals) after being introduced to Europe. But it has also changed over time in its native Arabia. If we compare the same 10th-century number and modern Arabic numeral,18 both on the magic square found in Xi’an, we can see the difference in Fig. 20.4. The first row shows the numerals in use today, the second row shows the 10th-century East Arabian numerals, the third row shows the 13th-century numerals in the magic square excavated in Xi’an, and the fourth row shows the modern Arabic numerals. From Fig. 20.4, we can see that of the ten numerals used in the magic square excavated in Xi’an, 5, 6, and 9 are the same or close to the second row, 2, 3, 4, and 8 are the same or close to the fourth row, while 1 and 7 are the same for all three rows. This means that the set of numerals in Xi’an is in the form of an intermediate process from the tenth century to the modern era, while the ones close to the tenth century, which are known to have been buried in the 1270 s according to the first section above, can be presumed to date from the 1250 s to the 1270 s, meaning the era of making them should not be too far apart. Comrades Yan Dunjie and Li Yan believed they were from the 13th to the fourteenth century, when they were only known to be from the Yuan Dynasty. Since we have dated the buildings of Anxi’s mansion, we can be sure that they were from the early Yuan Dynasty (equivalent to the end of the Southern Song Dynasty) 17

G. Maspero, Manual of Egyptian Archaeology and Guide to the Study of Antiquities in Egypt, 1914, p. 55. 18 Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 16, 1953, p. 613.

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Fig. 20.4 Comparison of Arabic numerals in different eras

and no later than the fourteenth century. Li Yan thought that “our magic square was included in the book Xugu Zhaiqi Suanfa (one series of Yang Hui Algorithm) of Yang Hui (1275) in the Song Dynasty, meaning it could be before the one found in Xi’an.”19 Now that we know that this iron plate was buried in 1273 when the foundation was laid, Xugu Zhaiqi Suanfa should be written after it. Xugu Zhaiqi Suanfa is one of Yang Hui Algorithms, and although the preface said that the collection of this book was “peculiar questions from various algorithms and forgotten texts from old publications”, it is still possible that some of the magic squares were first found and made breakthroughs by Yang Hui. Even if the method included in this book was not much new, it seems that it was not too far from his time. There was little development for a very long time after the discovery of “Nine Halls Diagram”, a magic square that could have been first created in ancient China. However, In Yang Hui’s book, there are unexpectedly more than a dozen magic squares, and the methods of composition are also discussed, meaning the achievement is soaring ahead. Was it influenced by the introduction of the Arabian magic square? This diagram is different from the magic square of order 6 in Yang’s book. However, the magic square of order 4 in Yang’s book was obviously influenced by the Arabian one, which appeared in the Arabian arithmetic book some 300 years earlier than Yang’s book (990).20 These numerals told us these magic squares originated in Arabia. In the first section above, it was mentioned that Ananda, the king of Anxi, was a pious Muslim who was a good writer of the Arabic script. And it is possible that his father, Mangala, in his later years, or at least one of his close associates, was also a Muslim. In addition, the travels of Marco Polo stated that the majority of the people in Xi’an at that time believed in Buddhism, but there were also a few Nestorian Turks and a few Muslims.21 Hence, despite being obviously influenced by Arabia, these Arabian magic squares may still be written by local Muslims and then delivered to artisans for casting in Xi’an, rather than being necessarily imported from Arabian countries. The discovery of these magic square iron plates provides information on the history of mathematics, the development of Arabic numerals, as well as the religion 19

Cultural Relics Reference, No. 7, 1958, p. 19. S. Commann, “The evolution of magic squares in China”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, (English), Vol. 80, 1960, pp. 116–124. “Old Chinese magic squares”, Sinologica, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1962, pp. 14–53. 21 The Travels of Marco Polo, translated by Zhang Xinglang, p. 225. 20

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and customs of the time. They are also significant physical proof of the frequent trade between China and the West in the thirteenth century. Note: The jade talisman was unearthed from Lu’s tomb in Pudong, Shanghai during the Ming Dynasty,22 with Arabic words from The Quran on one side and an ancient magic square with Arabic numerals on the other. The Arabic saying, “There is no deity but Allah, and Muhammad is his messenger”, is a testimony in The Quran commonly referred to as the “Shahada”, which is often minted and engraved on coins and tombstones in various Arab countries. The magic square was called the “vertical and horizontal diagram” in ancient Chinese books. The numerals on this “magic square” are transcribed into modern numerals as follows:

There are a total of 16 numbers here, ranging from 1 to 16. They are arranged in four rows, with four numbers each in the vertical, horizontal and diagonal columns, all adding up to 34 in any column. This is the magic square of order 4, which is more complicated than the “Nine Halls Diagram” (i.e., the magic square of order 3), but slightly simpler than the order 6 unearthed at the Anxi’s mansion in Xi’an during the Yuan Dynasty. This discovery not only provides new evidence for the history of cultural exchange between China during the Ming Dynasty and Islamic countries, but also for the history of Chinese mathematics. The magic square here is used to ward off evil spirits, the same as the Arabic “Shahada” in The Quran. This antique is therefore also a piece of physical evidence of the folk beliefs of the Ming Islamic community. March 13th 1985.

22

Archaeology, No. 6, 1985, p. 543, Pl. VIII.

Chapter 21

Supplementary Study of First Introduction of Western Smallpox Vaccination into China

Mr. Peng Zeyi has published the an article entitled “Study of the first introduction of western smallpox vaccination into China” with exhaustive references on No. 7 the seventh issue of this periodical. Still, more details are left for further complementation, especially the information about A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination by Zheng Chongqian. Mr. Peng thought that Zheng’s work had failed to be passed down with its content remaining unknown, and he also believed that A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination was lost, yet the book in fact remained in the world. When I was in Britain, I once happened to see the original version of this book in the British Museum. Having transcribed the original version, I now put the copy as the appendix of the article. Mr. Peng thought A Marvelous of Smallpox Vaccination was first printed and published before or after the 14th year of Jiaqing reign (1809), and it must have been published before the 18th year of Jiaqing reign (1813), but now it is known to all that the book was actually printed and published in June of the 10th year of Jiaqing reign (1805), the year when smallpox vaccination was introduced into China. Also, Mr. Peng reckoned that Original Preface of Translation of Foreign Cowpox Vaccination attached after the author’s preface of Brief Introduction to Variolation by Mr. Qiu might be the original preface of A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination by Mr. Zheng, but now we know the book does not have a preface. Comparing with two works, we come to know that what Mr. Qiu transcribed was the first paragraph of the main body part of A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination, and Mr. Qiu only deleted several words and polished the paragraph. Only part of Peng’s speculation was correct. As Chronicles of Nanhai County During Daoguang Period records, after the death of Zheng Chongqian, there was a man who plagiarized his work, added certain information, and introduced to the public. Mr. Peng conjectured that the man was Mr. Qiu. Now comparing the two works, we come to know that Brief Introduction to Variolation by Mr. Qiu was undoubtedly influenced by A Marvelous The article was originally published in Science, Vol. 32, No. 4, 1950.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_21

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Book of Smallpox Vaccination by Mr. Zheng. For instance, it can be clearly seen that the identification of smallpox, water variolation, and the attached pictures of vaccination knives and a hairpin-shaped tool were copied. However, those are only a part of the whole book; the majority of the content, as his preface says, were written based on the words of people who experienced this method. The reason why Zheng’s work failed to be disseminated is that his translation is too rigid, and it lacked minute details about smallpox vaccination. Qiu’s work adopted the essence of Zheng’s book and was well written with clear logic. Meanwhile, he integrated with theories of traditional Chinese medicine and recorded minute details according to his personal experiences, which thus let his work replace Zheng’s. Hundreds of years later, there are still some people revising and publishing Qiu’s work (Zheng Fenyang revised the original version Introduction to Smallpox Vaccination by Qiu Haochuan in the sixth year of the Republic [1917]). No wonder Qiu’s work is widely spread. According to Mr. Peng’s words, Doctor Paerson first introduced cowpox vaccination into Guangdong Province in the tenth year of Jiaqing reign (1805). Meanwhile, Supercargo James Drummond also carried the vaccine lymph and started to vaccinate. Since the records were quite different from each other, Mr. Peng tried to compromise, saying that Doctor Paerson introduced the method, and Drummond carried smallpox vaccine. According to the newest historical materials, we now know that Drummond, accredited by an East Indian company to Guangdong as a manager, was in charge of trade in China, and Paerson was a doctor in his team. The introduction of smallpox vaccination requires both smallpox vaccine and vaccination surgery. In the tenth year of Jiaqing reign (1805) when such a method was introduced into China, Drummond was the man at the wheel, and Paerson was the one implementing vaccination. This may be why A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination notes in the end that the book was edited by Drummond and revised by Paerson. In other words, Doctor Paerson wrote down the book, but it is the manager who organized the introduction that contributed to the editing of this book. Mr. Peng also said that Zheng Chongqian was the first man to advocate the introduction of smallpox vaccination and recruit others to learn it. Several people joined in, including Liang Hui and Qiu Xi, among whom Qiu stood out with his excellent medical skills. Therefore, recorders in the later years mistakenly viewed him as the first man to introduce western smallpox vaccination. Peng’s words could not be confirmed. Mr. Qiu should be the originator of smallpox vaccination in China, and this was noted by both domestic and foreign records. As Qiu’s preface said, in the tenth year of Jiaqing reign (1805) when smallpox vaccination was introduced into China, he experimented on himself as well as his family members, relatives, and friends. Qiu was 32 years old when he experimented on himself, and according to his date of birth, it was the tenth year of Jiaqing reign. Mr. Peng owed the introduction of the method to Zheng Chongqian because of two following documents: (1) As Chronicles of Nanhai County During Daoguang Period records, Zheng Chongqian, a businessman of a foreign company, translated and wrote A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination and recruited several people to learn it, including Liang Hui, Qiu Xi, Zhang Yao, and Tan Guo; (2) As Chronicles of the Trading to China by Morse records, Paerson wrote the book about smallpox vaccination, and Staunton

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translated it into Chinese. Later, Zheng Chongqian accepted the book and started to impart the method. In fact, both chronicles indicates that Mr. Zheng only published and disseminated the book rather than learned the approach in person. Now according to the newly-found resources, we know that Staunton translated the book for Zheng. Staunton might be incited by Zheng to translate the book, and the translation version may be polished by Zheng. Afterwards, Zheng paid to print and publish it. That is why most records noted that Zheng translated and published the book. Zheng Chongqian at that time was an affluent businessman, and it was not a rare case for Chinese businessmen to pay for the fees to print and publish the books that were beneficial to the public. But, Zheng might not have the time or passion to learn the skill by himself and impart such a skill to others. Mr. Peng’ may misunderstand the quoted documents without other resources to confirm his speculation. Chronicles of Nanhai County During Daoguang Period opposed the records in the biography by Nguyen that the smallpox vaccination came from Qiu and reckoned that itthey did not identify the origin. That is to say, the method stemmed from the west rather than from Mr. Qiu. Mr. Peng misunderstood it and explained that it was much later for Qiu than Zheng to introduce the method. Chronicles of Nanhai only said that Zheng translated and published the book but did not impart the skill. Besides, Chronicles of Nanhai County said that Zheng, after translating and publishing the book, recruited people to learn the skill, and there were several learners including Liang Hui and Qiu Xi. Thus, Mr. Peng thought Liang and Qiu were hired by Zheng to learn the technique of smallpox vaccination. However, there is another interpretation: Zheng recruited people to learn the skill, and meanwhile learners like Liang Hui and Qiu Xi were not recruited by Zheng but directly learned the skill from westerners. As Chronicles of Panyu During Tongzhi Period records, Liang Hui heard that westerners were equipped with the skill of smallpox vaccination and thus paid for the skill to learn it. Qiu Xi said that he was vaccinated by a western doctor, and he then gave the vaccine to his family members, relatives and friends. Both of them might tell the truth. They both directly learned the skill from westerners instead of being recruited by Zheng and concealing the truth. Besides, Zheng never learned the technique of smallpox vaccination, so they could not have learned from Zheng. However, it cannot be determined whether Liang or Qiu first learned the skill. As Chronicles of Nanhai County During Daoguang Period listed Liang Hui’s name before Qiu’s, Mr. Peng claimed that Qiu learned the skill later than Liang Hui. Such a claim was too arbitrary. We lack clear evidence to confirm whether there was a Chinese learning the skill before Qiu. Even if he was not the first Chinese to learn the skill, he must behave been one of the first batch to do so. And since he, equipped with the most refined skill, worked for the longest time and gave the vaccine to most people, it is justifiable to regard him as China’s first man to introduce the western technique of smallpox vaccination. It is a general consensus among people at that time and later on to owe that we the introduction of smallpox vaccination to Mr. Qiu who learned the skill and put it into practice rather than the affluent businessman who paid to publish the book A Marvelous Book of Smallpox Vaccination. It is not “the misunderstanding by recorders” as Mr. Peng considered.

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Fig. 21.1 Attached figure of a marvelous book of smallpox vaccination

Appendix A Marvelous Book on Vaccination Recently Coming Out of England The book is now stored in The British Museum, No.: 15252. a. 14. The cover is yellow. The first front page prints ten Chinese characters, the title of the book, which occupies two lines, with six in the first row and four in the second. The back prints three pictures of an arm for smallpox vaccination, an ivory hairpin-shaped tool and a scalpel (see Fig. 21.1). From page two to page seven is the main body, with seven rows every half of the page and eighteen characters eachper row. Circles are used for pause. Details of newly revised technique of smallpox vaccination (this is the title in the first row of the second page). Initially, there was no smallpox disease in the west. Over one thousand and a hundred years ago, the disease spread from the east and then throughout the western regions. The pandemic broke out in each country, with households being no exception. Even in the remote countryside of the capital city, many families suffered from the pandemic that brought the deaths of their siblings or children, with other family members and relatives grieving. If one survived, there were countless furuncles on ears, eyes, hands, and feet. Hence, all the families, including the royal families, officials, or average households, were in panic, giving the top priority to survival. Not until centuries ago did certain medical books record the technique of vaccination, yet the method was far from perfection. Some tested the approach and said that if the pandemic broke out, one could use a knife to take out the vaccine lymph from a patient’s pox and stab a healthy man in the arm. After a few days, the man would suffer from smallpox, and if he could not be treated well, he might die with his hands, feet, ears and eyes hurt, or even those who were treated with herbs could not be cured. Today, England has many farmers raising cattle and milking. In the first

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year of Jiaqing reign (1796), the pandemic broke out in England. Several families suffered from the disease, but surprisingly, it was said that only those who raised cows and milked from cows were not infected. (The following content was on the third page.) Fortunately, a doctor named Jenner boasted a sound reputation in the country. Having witnessed that so many people suffered from the disease, he decided to seek treatment. So, he visited those who milked and astonishingly found that they were truly not infected. He then observed cows carefully and found that beside the breasts were blue blisters, whose shape looked like poxes. Then, he pondered whether cowpox could eliminate the toxin of smallpox. He then wanted to test it on someone, as it would be nice if the disease could be reduced. After experimenting on some people, he found that such a method did have its effectiveness. From the first day of vaccination to the fourth day, there appeared several poxes. Until the eighth or ninth day, the poxes were filled with vaccine lymph. On the fourteenth day, decrustation started, and the disease cured. Later, the method spread to the Atlantic, Asia, and Americas, where people were vaccinated in the same way. Millions of people, whether male or female, the old or the young, were all cured and never infected again. Such a method then spread to Spain. Having been surprised by the news, the king of Spain even spent much money sending a ship of babies to our country to receive the cowpox vaccination. Then, the ship returned to Spain, and people were vaccinated in the same way, succeeding every time. (The following content was on the fourth page.) The king then ordered the vassal state, Luzon, to adopt the same technique. Those who were vaccinated were not infected with smallpox. It was fortunate for Spain to have such a technique to help so many people survive. Hence, in April of the fourteenth year of Jiaqing reign, babies were shipped from Luzon, and the technique was then spread to Macau. Doctors in our country and doctors in Macau vaccinated hundreds of Chinese children, all of whom were cured. Today, having witnessed so many people still suffering from the disease of smallpox, I talked to the doctors, noted down this method, and translated and edited it into a book for the public. Every doctor should know about the technique of smallpox vaccination. But, it should be noticed that the cowpox was different from the smallpox: the smallpox could be infected by man; the cowpox could only be infected through vaccination. People who had smallpox must have had a fever and constipation, or faint, experience xerostomia, and murmurthey must have fainted, experienced xerostomia, or murmured unconsciously. Even after acupuncture and herbal fumigation were adopted, it still could not be guaranteed that the patient would be cured. However, people who were vaccinated with the cowpox would have only one little finger-sized pox, and the aforementioned symptoms would not occur. (The following content was on the fifth page.) After vaccination, the patients may catch an ailment like fever, but they would soon recover no matter whether they had medicine or not. Such a wonderful technique could be spread decades later to prevent the disease of smallpox. The cowpox was first extracted and injected into human, and then the vaccine lymph from man’s pox could be injected to millions of people. Such a method could be adopted regardless of seasons, age groups, or genders, and it had the best effects particularly on young children. First, use a scalpel to horizontally stab into the skin of an arm, whether the left or right one, or use an iron needle as thin as possible. Do not stab into the

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arm vertically; otherwise, the wound may bleed with the vaccine lymph flowing out, causing failure. So, it is better to horizontally stab into the skin, with no or little blood lost. Four days after the vaccination, the wound became flushing to flush. Until the sixth day, there would be a small blister. The eighth day would witness that the blister became bigger with a flat top hard in the middle. The blister was filled with fluid, and the foot of the blister became reddened as if a red thread surrounded it. Also, one may feel a little bit painful. The blister was filled with vaccine lymph on the ninth day. If the lymph was extracted to inject the vaccination to others, (The following content was on the sixth page.) the lymph on the ninth day should be adopted in case afterwards, the vaccine lymph would become dry. Until the fourteenth or eighteenth day, the scab would peel off, and the person would never get the disease of smallpox. Such a method required fresh vaccine lymph. A small iron needle could be used to stab three or four holes beside the pox. Afterwards, the lymph came out, and a knife could be used to get the lymph and vaccinate other people. If the distance was so long that one could not get fresh vaccine lymph, an ivory hairpin-shaped tool could be used to get some lymph and, after the lymph became dry, the ivory tool could be put in a tube made of goose feather with the tube then being sealed with wax. The lymph could be stored for two months. It must not be used after two months, and it should be used as soon as possible. When someone needed to receive the vaccination, the hairpin-shaped tool could be taken out from the tube and moisturized with hot water. Then, a flat iron needle was used to stab into the skin, and the hairpin-shaped tool was stabbed into the wound to inject the lymph. Afterwards, the tool could be pulled out. If there was blood on the wound, one must not use cloth to wipe it. After the vaccination, there would be a fake smallpox. The pox had a soft round top with no hard region. The fluid inside was white and thick, and the foot of the blister was not that red. There was actually (The following content was on the seventh page.) no danger. If one was infected by the disease, the blister had a flat top hard in the middle. The foot of the blister became reddened as if a red thread surrounded it. The blister was filled with clear fluid rather than white thick liquid. This is the real smallpox, and it should be distinguished from the imposter. If there was a fake blister, its lymph could be adopted to vaccinate other people. It was advised that people who received the vaccination should not eat pork, chicken, ducks, salty food, or alcohol, but should instead have porridge, fresh fish, and vegetables. The book was edited by Drummond, the manager of an English company who was in charge of trading in Guangdong, and was revised by Paerson, a doctor from an English company who came to Guangdong. The book was translated by Staunton, a businessman who visited the Chinese emperor with the baron and ambassadors of England in the fifty-eighth year of Qianlong reign. The book was recorded by Zheng Chongqian, a businessman of a foreign trade company. Reprinted in June, the tenth year of Jiaqing reign (1806)

Chapter 22

A Brief Discussion of Sweet Potatoes and Dioscorea

The third issue this year of Cultural Relics published an article entitled A Brief Discussion of Sweet Potatoes and Note of Gan Shu. The article not only indicates that Gan Shu is another name of Fan Shu (sweet potatoes) in Chinese but also according to the comments of the editor of Note of Gan Shu illustrates that Gan Shu (sweet potatoes) has been grown ever since the ancient time in China. In fact, Fan Shu (sweet potatoes) is not Gan Shu in ancient China; the latter is a kind of Dioscorea. This is an essential question in the history of Chinese agricultural crops and thus should be further explored. In ancient China, there was a crop called Shu or Shu Yu, which is today’s yam. In the field of botany, it is a kind of monocotyledon of the Dioscoreaceae Family of the Dioscorea Genus. This Genus has many species, such as D. batatas, D. esculenta, D. japonica, D. sativa, etc. Among them, one type originated in China and is widely planted, and the Soviet Union and some western countries called it “Chinese potato”. The species also have many different types. Some grow wild, while others are cultivated by human. The shape of tubers also varies: columniform, nubbly, hand-shaped, etc. And the flavor also varies. In the late Ming Dynasty, the 11th volume in Wuza Zu (Five Miscellaneous Groups) by Xie Zhaozhe records: yam, originally called Dioscorea, has an array of types. Shu (Dioscorea) is a palm-sized one, growing in valleys in the middle of Fujian Province. Shengyao (yam) is straight club-shaped, growing in gardens. They are actually one type of crop featuring different characteristics. (The version in the library of rare books of Sinology, Part 2, p. 128) The Gan Shu in Yiwu Zhi (Records of Foreign Matters) and Records of Plants in the Southern Area might be a species of today’s D. esculenta or a sweet one of D. batatas. Another edible plant is called Yu (taro), a monocotyledon of Araceae Family of Colacasia, which has various species of C. esculenta, C. antiqurum, etc. It also originated and cultivated in ancient China when it was called Dun Chi. Shu Yu The article was originally published in Cultural Relics, No. 8, 1961.

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(Dioscorea) looks like Yu (taro), so it is also called Shan Yu (see Compendium of Materia Medica), but the two plants can in fact be easily identified. Gan Shu, also called Fan Shu (Ipomaea batatas), is a dicotyledon of Convolvulaceae Family, which, compared to the former two plants, belongs to different Species, Genus, and even diverse Order and Class. It originated in the central area of Americas, grown by Indians in Americas a long time ago. In the sixteenth century, Spanish transplanted it to Luzon Island (Philippine Island). Then, it was introduced to China from Luzon Island. As it did not originate in China, it lacked a Chinese name. As its tuberous root looks like the Shu (Dioscorea) and Yu (taro) in China, it was called Fan Shu or Shan Yu when it was initially introduced to China (the name was identical to the synonym of yam). Some also called it Zhu Shu (red sweet potato) or Gan Shu (sweet potato) owing to its color and sweetness. Here, the name Gan Shu only denotes that the plant looks like Dioscorea but has a sweet taste. It is actually another plant, a synonym of Gan Shu in ancient China (a sweet species of Dioscorea). Another edible plant from Americas is the potato (Solanum tuberorum of Solanaceae), which was introduced to China much later. So, it is also called Yang Shan Yu, Yang Yu, or Shan Yao Dan. The introduction of the sweet potato (Ipomaea batatas) was recorded in the Ming Dynasty. Jinshu Chuanxilu (Practical Instructions for Sweet Potatoes) (see citations of Note of Gan Shu) by Chen Shiyuan indicates that in the late Ming Dynasty his grandfather Chen Jinglun transplanted the crop from Luzon to Fujian Province (Chronicles of Changle During Tongzhi Period records that the crop was transplanted by Jinglun’s father, Zhenlong). Now take Minxiao Ji (Records of Fujian) by Zhou Lianggong as an example. The second volume of the book records Fan Shu (I. batatas). As is recorded, during the Wanli period (1573–1620), people in Fujian got the sweet potato (I. batatas) from a foreign country. It was initially cultivated in Zhangjun county and then spread to Quanzhou and Putian. Later, it was grown in Changle and Fuqing. The author identified the foreign country as Luzon (Philippine Island). He described Fan Shu (I. batatas) as follows: its stems and leaves grow like those of Gua Lou (Mongolian snakegourd), Huangjing (Siberian Solomonseal Rhizome), Shan Yao (yam), and Shan Yu (Dioscorea), and its root is like that of Shan Yao (yam), Shan Yu (Dioscorea), and Dun Chi (taro). (Longwei Mishu (Secrete Records of the Dignity of Dragon), p. 45). As is mentioned, Dun Chi is Yu (taro). Both Shan Yao and Shan Yu are different species of Dioscorea or different types of a same species. These aforementioned plants and Yu (taro) are all different from the introduced Fan Shu (or Gan Shu, I. batatas). A volume of Wuza Zu (Five Miscellaneous Groups) records: In addition to hundreds of grains, taro and Dioscorea can also be regarded as cereals. However, in the central area of Fujian are Fan Shu (I. batatas). (The version in the library of rare books of Sinology, Part 2, p. 122) He suspected that the Gan Shu in the Records of Plants in the Southern Area by Ji Han is Fan Shu (I. batatas), yet he could not confirm the idea. Thus, he only noted whether the grain is Fan Shu or not still remained unknown. Though the 27th volume of Nongzheng Quanshu (Agricultural Policy Pandect), Xu Guangqi mistakenly viewed Fan Shu (I. batatas) as the ancient Gan Shu (Dioscorea), he noted: there are two types of plants called Shu. One is called Shan Shu (Dioscorea), which has existed

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in Fujian since the ancient time. Another is called Fan Shu (I. batatas), and it is said that the plant was introduced from overseas countries. The stems and leaves of two plants are quite similar to each other, but Shan Shu grows up trees, while Fan Shu grows on the ground. Shan Shu is large, while Fan Shu is long and round. As to the taste, Fan Shu (the introduced one) is sweeter than Shan Shu. Hence, the Shu recorded in most books of mainland is actually Shan Shu. He also noted that Shu Yu (Dioscorea) and Shan Shu (D. batatas) are two types of plants, and Fan Shu (I. batatas) is the other type. (Wanyou Wenku edition (all-encompassing library edition), Vol. 5, p. 44) He thought that these were three different types of plants. Shan Shu in his book might refer to the Shu in Wuza Zu (Five Miscellaneous Groups)—the palm-sized plant growing in the valleys, or the Shan Yu in Minxiao Ji (Records of Fujian). Anyway, he noted that Shan Shu is different from Fan Shu. As to Shan Yao (yam) (or Shu Yu, Dioscorea), all three books describe it as a straight club-shaped Dioscorea (round, long, and slender, or finger-shaped). It is quite preposterous for Xu Guangqi to classify Shan Shu (Dioscorea) and Fan Shu (I. batatas) asin the same category merely because they look similar to each other. It is more justifiable for Xie Zhaozhe to classify Shu (Shan Shu, D. batatas) and yam as the same category, as they are two different types of the same species. The 27th volume of Compendium of Materia Medica by Li Shizhen also indicates that both Shan Shu (D. batatas) and Shan Yao (yam) are synonyms of Dioscorea. However, Xu Guangqi thought that the Shu recorded in the books of the mainland is Shan Shu (D. batatas), which also included Gan Shu in ancient books. Such a thought is correct. Later, most recorders usually confused the Gan Shu (D. batatas) in ancient books with the Fan Shu (or Gan Shu, I. batatas) introduced since Wanli Period in the Ming Dynasty. The author of Note of Gan Shu made the same mistake. We know that Fan Shu (I. batatas) has various types. The color of peels may be white or magenta. The pulp might be white or yellowish-brown. The shape and size of rhizoma are different from each other. But they all belong to the same species in the field of botany. Some may ask whether the Gan Shu in ancient books before the late Ming Dynasty can be interpreted as a type of Fan Shu (I. batatas), though it can be interpreted as a sweet type if Dioscorea. My answer is no. Crops cultivated by human are usually from those growing wild, which then experienced long-term artificial cultivation and rounds of selection to better cater to people’s needs. The origin of Fan Shu (I. batatas) is the tropical region in the central area of Americas. The whole continent, including China, had never found the species of Fan Shu before Americas was discovered. Therefore, it can be confirmed that there was no Fan Shu (I. batatas) in ancient China. Even though China had wild plants similar to Fan Shu (I. batatas), the Gan Shu in the books before the Ming Dynasty must be a sweet plant that looked like Dioscorea. It could not be the kindred plant of Fan Shu (Gan Shu, I. batatas) that was introduced overseas in the late Ming Dynasty. The kindred plant, a species different from Fan Shu (I. batatas) cannot suddenly change into a plant falling into the same species of family-grown Fan Shu that are converted from wild Fan Shu (I. batatas) in Americas. Moreover, it is clearly recorded in the documents that such a plant was introduced from Luzon (Philippine Island) into Fujian during the Wanli Period, which cannot be misconstrued. It is hard to imagine that Fan Shu

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(I. batatas), a crop that can be easily cultivated with abundant yields, suddenly spread until the late Ming Dynasty if it originated in ancient China. The population in China approximated to 60 million in the late Western Han Dynasty (in the second year of Yuanshi reign of Emperor Ping of Han, i. e. the year of 2 A. D.), there were 59,594,978 people. see “Geographica”, Book of Han), but over a thousand year later in the heyday of the Ming Dynasty, there were merely over 60 million, sometimes even over 50 million (in the 26th year of Hongwu reign, i.e., 1393, there were 60,545,812 people, 53,281,158 in the fourth year of Hongzhi reign, i. e., 1491, and 60,692,856 in the sixth year of Wanli Period, i.e., 1578, see “Treatise on food and commodities”, History of Ming Dynasty). In the early Qing Dynasty, the population decreased owing to wars, but in the sixth year of Qianlong reign (1741) the population reached over 140 million, and in the late Qianlong Period it reached over 300 million, over 400 million in the 15th year of Daoguang reign (There were 143,410,559 people in the sixth year of Qianlong reign, 301,487,115 in the 55th year of Qianlong reign, and 401,767,053 in the 15th year of Daoguang reign, see Donghua Lu (East-China History) and Donghua Xulu (The Continuation of East-China History)) and finally over 650 million nowadays. Though the surge of population is related to the expansion of territories, the exploitation of farmland, and the change of tax law (in the 52nd year of Kangxi reign, i.e. 1713, it was announced that the newly born could pay no tax, so there was no need to conceal the newly born to avoid capitation tax), it is also related to the introduction of Americas’ Fan Shu (I. batatas) and Yushushu (Maize). The two crops can be cultivated on the infertile land and produce a high yield. Today, the yields of five leading crops are as follows: rice, wheat, maize, Fan Shu (Gan Shu, I. batatas), and foxtail millet (see The Origin of Five Grains by Wan Guoding, the Daily Worker on March 26th 1961) This can demonstrate the importance of these two grains introduced in the Ming Dynasty. If the relations of production have not changed, the increase of population is based on the increment of agricultural production. Agriculture should be guaranteed unless industrial products are exchanged with other countries for food. From such a perspective, exploring the history of Fan Shu (I. batatas) has its values. Supplementary Note: After finishing this article, I read the article of The Origin of Gan Shu (I. batatas) and the Cultivation Techniques of Our Ancestors by Hu Xiwen (see Journal of Agricultural Heritage Research, Book 2, 1958). As to the name of Gan Shu, he also noted: Gan Shu (Dioscorea) was not Fan Shu (I. batatas) at first. Before the Ming Dynasty, there was no Fan Shu (I. batatas). It is a mistake to view Gan Shu (Dioscorea) as Fan Shu (I. batatas) after the introduction of Fan Shu (I. batatas) into China (p. 21). Since we adopted different evidence that can supplement each other, I published the article.

Chapter 23

Carnelian Beads with Etched Patterns that Were Excavated in China

Carnelian1 beads with etched patterns are small beads that worth being attached. It was excavated in China earlier, though it didn’t receive fair attention it deserved. This article is to introduce carnelian beads.

23.1 Specimens Unearthed in China In 1956, in an archaeological excavation in Shizhaishan, Jinning, Yunnan Province, a pile of carnelian beads that could be stringed together was found in a Han tomb. These beads were sent to Beijing for overseas culture relics exhibitions in 1972. There was a bead with etched pattern (Fig. 23.1) among them that attracted my attention. Before they were sent aboard, I had observed it carefully and consulted and reviewed literature to find out that this string of beads was mentioned in the official excavation report, and some of them were selected to make an illustration plate.2 However, the 1

Carnelian, also known as sard. The two terms both can be referred in Mineralogy Terms (Beijing: Science Press, 1954). It was once call “bloodstone”, see Dictionary of Geology and Minerals (Commercial Press, 1933) and Encyclopedic Terminology (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1932). There is a kind of agalmatolite stone with a softer texture and can be used to make stamps, see Cihai (bound volume, 1947, p. 1444 ); it may also be referred to as “bloodstone”, see Cihai (draft version, 1965, p.899). The latter is a kind of pyrophyllite. Different from the former “bloodstone” with their textures and hardness. To avoid any confusion, this article is going to use carnelian only. 2 Yunnan Provincial Museum, Excavation Report of Shizhaishan Ancient Tombs in Jinning, Yunnan, 1959, pp. 124-125, Pl. CXVI, 1. Also Selected Exhibits of Unearthed Culture Relics Exhibition of the People’s Republic of China, 1973, fig. 78 (M13:335). This article was originally published in Archaeology, No. 6, 1974, and later included in the book Archaeology and History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Press, 1979). According to the author’s original correction version, it is now compiled into the book with supplements.

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Fig. 23.1 Agate beads and carnelian beads unearthed from Tomb 13 from Shizhaishan in Jinning, Yunnan (including the one with etched patterns)

one with an etched pattern was not mentioned in the report, nor was it selected for the plate. So in this article, I would like to describe it first. The Shizhaishan Tombs can be dated back to the Western Han Dynasty (c. 175– 118 B. C.). Unearthed from Tomb 13, the bead has a translucent texture, orange red in color and has no parallel lines of different colors before etching. This sort of stone is called carnelian by mineralogy. The white lines on this bead were chemically etched, not naturally formed. That’s why it cannot be called agate.3 As for some standpoint arguing that it was glass, rather than stone, it is even more inaccurate. The perforation on this bead was rather thin. Under bright light, it was found that the hole was drilled from both ends and the joint of the two holes were slightly staggered. Glass beads doesn’t have this phenomenon. To observe it from its surface, it was also found that it shares the same texture with other carnelian beads of the same string (its color 3

Agate, like carnelian, is a kind of chalcedony, which is a colloidal solution of silica. The difference is: Chalcedony, in narrow sense, is all in white or colorless translucent. Carnelian is basically all in one color (fleshy red in the main, can also be scarlet, reddish-brown, orange-red, orange or honeygold, but all are in the same color throughout the whole body). However, agate tends to display layers with different colors. Cao Pi wrote in his Tribute to Ode-to-Agate: “Agate (horse head) comes from the Western Regions, with interlaced streaks, similar to a horse head. Thus western people call it with such a name.” Nowadays, people call agates with red and white interlaced lines banded agate or sardonyx, those with bluish-green mottled patterns in white moss-agate, and those with black-and-white patterns onys. In some books, however, carnelian and chalcedony in the narrow sense are classified as agate, and were called red agate and white agate, or even agate for short.

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was not as bright as the others, which might be caused by prolonged heating when etching). This was also different from ancient glass beads from ancient times. This carnelian bead was date-shaped, measuring 3.2 cm long and 0.95 cm in diameter at the center and smaller at both ends, which was flat. There were ten parallel lines on the beads and which were paired into four sets, three lines a set at the center and two lines a pair at both ends. As it was processed with chemical etching, they were non-transparent white in color. The lines showed marks of strokes, and were not as flat as the natural stripes of agate stone. Etched carnelian beads of this kind had also been found in Xinjiang China, but their patterns and shapes were different from the those of Shizhaishan. Five of them were found in Khotan (Figs. 23.2, 23.1–5), and one of them was from Xayar (Fig. 23.2, 6). According to the original report, it is now described as follows: (1)–(4) Four beads unearthed in Khotan in 1906.4 No. Khot. 02. r: flat square beads, deep reddish brown in color, agate stone (Note: seemingly carnelian based on the picture). The pattern is in grayish white and shaped in two layers of square with a cross pattern in the center. The hole is perforated through the diagonal line. It is sized in 1.5 cm * 1.45 cm, 0.5 cm in thickness. No. Khot 02. q: remnant pale reddish carnelian (?) bead patterned with crossed white straight lines with white dots in-between, which is black at the center. The bead is 1.45 cm in height. No. Yo. 00,125: Orange-red carnelian bead, patterned with white circles and lines, 1.25 cm in diameter and 0.95 cm in height. No. Jiya. 005: lentil-shaped carnelian bead in 1/4 remnant, patterned with white diamond-shaped lines. 1.9 cm in remnant length and 0.3–0.5 cm in diameter. (5) The bead unearthed in Khotan in 1913, No. Kh. 031,5 is a remnant, honey-gold barrel-shaped agate bead. (Note: seemingly carnelian based on the picture). The etched pattern is composed of horizontal and diagonal lines. It is 2.1 cm in length, 1.4 cm in diameter. (6) It was found in the desert in Sibake, Yule Township, northwest of Shaya County in 1928. According to the report, it is “a grey bloodstone patterned with eight pentagon-shaped patterns with processed galenite, with 卍 in each. The patterns vary in shades, some even peeled off. It is thus clear that the patterns are drawn artificially. The bead is non-transparent, 1 cm in diameter and the pore is 0.3 cm in diameter.” It is said that the bead can be dated back to the 2nd –fourth centuries A. D.,6 it is thus believed the bloodstone here refers to carnelian. It’s also believed that the pattern was drawn artificially, however, by chemical etching. If it was made with processed galenite, it would be easily wiped off. As for the varied shades, it may be caused by different erosion depths on the one hand. On the other hand, the texture of the etched part has changed, thus its expansion rate, which might be affected by temperature changes, is different from that of non-etched part, it is possible that the pattern was slightly peeled off. Some beads were etched shallowly in depth, and the pattern might be worn out.

4

A. Stein, Serindia, Vol. 1, 1927, p. 100, 117, 122, 127; Vol. 4, Pl. IV. A. Stein, Innermost Asia (English), Vol. 1, p. 110; Vol. 4, Pl. X. 6 Huang Wenbi, Archaeological Exploration Around Tarim Basin, 1958, pp. 119-120, Pl. CXII, fig. 75. 5

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Fig. 23.2 Etched stone beads unearthed in Xinjiang (original size). 1–5. Khotan 6. Xayar

Carnelian beads and agate beads with etched patterns were also found in Tibetan area. In the 1930s or even earlier, some British people bought two large agate beads with an etched pattern from Tibetan in Lithang County (now in Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province). To observe it from the picture, it has laminated patterns of varied shades in texture. Self-colored fine lines were etched between adjacent layers to make the original color contrast more remarkable (Fig. 23.3). Some say that there were also beads etched from carnelian and some from glass. It seems that these beads were not made in Tibetan areas, as Tibetan people think they are naturally patterned, rather than artificially. Some believe that these are ancient objects, but more think they were made elsewhere and shipped here.7 The author suspects that these beads are made in some other area in China. It is eager to know if there is any place in China that is still making carnelian beads with etched patterns of this kind now or in recent history.

7

H. C. Beck, Etched carnelian beads, The Antiquaries Journal, Vol. 13, No. 1, 1933, pp. 393-394.

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Fig. 23.3 Agate beads with etched patterns, accessories worn by Tibetan people (1/3)

23.2 Method of Etching A. Stein, the founder of etched carnelian beads unearthed in Khotan, once mistakenly thought those beads were “filled with decorative white lines”, and said, “their processing techniques still need expert examination”.8 As mentioned in the previous section, Huang Wenbi (1893–1966) thought the pattern was painted with processed galenite when he found the bead in Xayar. Though now it is clear that patterns on the beads are etched. E. Mackay, a British archaeologist, once met an old craftsman in 1930s in Sehwan in Sindh, Pakistan, who had learnt the craftsmanship of etching carnelian. Though had quitted the job for more than 50 years, he still showed Mackay how to etch a carnelian bead. The process began with the juice being extracted from the tips of young shoots of a bush called “kirar” in Sindhi (Capparis aphylla). The informant then ground washing soda to a fine powder and mixed it with water in a cup. He poured a small quantity of this on the kirar and rubbed the whole carefully together into a semfluid mass. Then, the craftsman strained this mixture through a piece of linen, and the “paint” was ready. The paint was applied to a piece of polished carnelian stone with a pen. The painted stone was then allowed to dry by placing it over a charcoal fire. When fully dried, the carnelian was covered with live coals and the fire fanned for about 5 min. The piece was then removed from the heat and allowed to cool slowly, at which point the craftsman rubbed his piece of carnelian briskly with a rag. Later, Mackay made his own experiment, and slightly changed the process. He put the painted beads into a small crucible or other container, and heated them on a charcoal furnace or alcohol lamp, without using any clay lump, and achieved the same result. Using a small amount of lead white (lead carbonate) to replace the Capparis Aphylla paste, and the adhesion of the paint was increased. Thus, the paint was less likely to fall off during heating, and the melting time was also accelerated. AS the heating time was shortened, the bead did not change. Delhi and Khambai in India are said to have produced such etched carnelian beads. Iran is also said to have produced those beads, although the details are unclear.9 B. Mackay quoted Andrews in another place that in factories in India that produced stone beads, if the carnelian beads were faded and became opaque after etching because of being heated for too long, a coating containing iron oxide can be applied to areas beyond 8 9

Stein, Serindia, Vol. 1, p. 100. E. Mackay, Decorated carnelian beads, Man (English), 1933, 09, the 150th article, pp. 143–146.

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the white pattern that faded. Then reheated it, those faded part would absorb iron oxide and restore its lost red color, and made a sharp contrast to the white pattern. The faded parts would then absorb iron oxide and restore their lost red color when reheated, creating a stark contrast with the white pattern.10

23.3 Chronological and Geographical Distribution of Etched Carnelian Beads Etched carnelian beads of the sort traces back to ancient days. According to the research of H. C. Beck, the three most prevalent periods of the beads are: the early stage before 2000 B. C.; interim period from 300 B. C. to 200 A. D.; and 600–1000 A. D. as the late stage.11 The beads in their early stage are characterized by eye-shaped pattern (circles). According to Beck, they were only seen from the remains of Iraqi and Indus Valley Civilization, such as Kish, Ur, Tell Asmar from Iraq, and Mohenjo-daro, Chanhudaro, Harappa from the Indus Valley. They are suspected to be from the same source, as they share exactly the same etching methods and shapes, some even with the same patterns (Figs. 23.4, 23.1–23.4).12 It was later known that it was distributed west to Abydosin,13 Egypt and north to Tepe Hissar in western Iran. It was also known that they were produced in the Indus Valley and exported elsewhere, as the site where those beads were made was found in the excavation of Chanhu-daro.14 However, no such early etched carnelian bead was found in China. Etched carnelian beads found in Yunnan and Xinjiang of China in Section I are all from the interim period of Beck (300 B. C.–200 A. D.). Beads of such age are characterized by line-and cross-shaped patterns, with a wider distribution. They spread west to Roman Egypt,15 south to southern India and northeast to Xinjiang of China. However, they are most frequently found in Taxila, close to Peshawar

10

E. Mackay. A Sumerian Palace and the “A” Cemetery at Kish, Mesopotamia Part 2 (English), 1929, p. 185. 11 H. C. Beck, Etched carnelian beads, The Antiquaries Journal (English), Vol. 13, No. 1, 1933, pp. 382–398. 12 Ibid., pp. 388–390. 13 Xia Nai. Some etched carnelian beads from Egypt, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol, 10, 1944, Literature and History, pp. 57–58. 14 Mackay, Chanhu-daro Excavations (English), 1943, pp. 199–201. 15 Beck didn’t mention Roman Egypt. However, two unpublished beads were later found in the Egyptian Archaeological Archives at the University of London, one was unearthed in Saft el Henna, the other was from the Eleventh Dynasty of Egypt. See Xia Nai’s article, pp. 58-59.

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Fig. 23.4 Etched stone beads unearthed from aboard (original size). Unearthed in Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan. 2 & 4. Unearthed in Ur, Iraq. 3. Unearthed in Abydos, Egypt. 5. Unearthed in Kish, Iraq (above are from early stage). 6 &7. Unearthed in Taxila, Pakistan (interim period)

Pakistan.16 They are also frequently discovered in Gandhara Graves from the SakaPahlava and Kushan periods.17 Some of the beads unearthed in Xinjiang China are identical to those from Taxila. (Fig. 23.4, 6). It is known that a large number of Buddhist works that were influenced by Gandhara Buddhist Art were unearthed in Xinjiang. These etched carnelian beads may be introduced with them. In the case of the bead found in Shizhaishan, Yunnan, though it resembles those of Taxila, it has a rather simple pattern and was probably an imitation of banded agate. It seems likely to be the creation of local people. The pattern is rather simple, and can be found in all three periods (Figs. 23.4–5, 7). Even among the beads worn by modern Tibetan people, there are etched stone beads with such a pattern (Fig. 23.3). So, it is still hard to say whether the bead from Shizhaishan is a local production or introduced from elsewhere. More materials are yet to be unearthed. Some argue that these agate beads (note: supposed to be carnelian beads) may be imported from abroad, as agate stones used in recent China are introduced from Java, Borneo, Sumatra and Malaysia.18 Such an argument is inaccurate. The agate stones and carnelian stones used in today’s special handicrafts in China are basically produced domestically. There are actually many places in China that produce agate,19 including several in Yunnan Province, 16

J. Marshall, Taxila: An illustrated account of archaeological excavations carried out at Taxila under the orders of the Government of India between 1913 and 1934 (English), 1951, pp. 737–738. 17 J. Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus civilization: Being an official account of archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro carried out by the Government of India between 1922 and 1927 (English), 1931, p.583. 18 See English manual of Exhibition of Unearthed Relics of China, 1973, London, p. 115. 19 Zhang Hongzhao, Shiya, 1927, p. 40.

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with Manaoshan Baoshan County especially famous.20 Manaoshan Mountain is a branch of Ai-lao Mountain. It was frequently mentioned in ancient books.21 Thus, the metarials of these beads unearthed in Shizhaishan Mountain do not have to be imported far from the South Seas. The “late stage” as Beck defined is equivalent to China’s Tang and Song Dynasties. Etched beads of this age are mainly patterned with curves and curling tendrils, once unearthed in Syrian, Turkey, India and Caucasus and Crimea areas in the Soviet Union. It was not heard to be found yet in the Sites or Tombs of Tang and Song Dynasties in China. Or it is possible that it was found but not published because of negligence. More findings are expected, and previously unpublished findings will be made public. This will create more favorable conditions for further studies of such etched stone beads. Where further studies come from, it helps the manufacturing of stone beads and decoration handicrafts and does favors for the trade and cultural exchange between different regions. Supplementary Note: It is suggested to refer to Cambay Beadmaking by G. L. Possehl, from the journal Expedition, Vol. 23, No. 4, pp. 39–47 (summer 1981) published by the Penn Museum, for the history and handicrafts of carnelian production in Khambhat (Cambay) area, Gujarat, India. The Carnelian is roughly wrought into a rough blank, and then ground into beads and finally drilled a hole. To drill a hole, it should hit an indentation at both ends to stable the drill bit and to place loose sand (made with carborundum fine sand and water). In early ancient times (Harappan period, about 2400–1700 B. C.), the drilling tool was made with stone bit. It is possible that bowdrill was already applied at that time. It can be proved by excavations from Chanhu-daro. Carnelian and agate materials applied by modern Khambhat craftsmen are from the upper reaches of the Narmada River. The Deccan trap from central India was eroded and clustered around the valley, and was dug by people in three or five. The stone layer is often 5 feet from the ground. Once shipped to the bead manufacturing sites, those patinated stones would be packed into a can and mixed with sawdust that was burnt to smoke. This is a heat treatment that makes the following crafting process easier. After that, the stones are taken out of the container and beaten into rough beads, it takes 2–3 min. Then, some other craftsman took over to make fine chipping with a hammer and an anvil. The hammer for rough beads is made from buffalo horn with a bamboo handle. The horn was made into a small hammer, and used by male craftsmen. After fine chipping, the beads are transported to another site, and polished with abrasive wheels. The child laborers would hold the bead and press it onto the wheel for about 1 min. However, the abrasive wheels for round beads require special edges, and a piece of board to place the beads. In several seconds, the beads are ground to a perfect round. To drill holes, it needs a bowdrill with a diamond drill pit. It uses sawdust from drilling as its abrasive particles by mixing it with water. It is also acceptable to use fine sand. 20

New General Annals of Yunnan, Vol. 56, 1948, p. 11. Zhang Hongzhao, Gukuang Lu (Records of Ancient Mine), Vol. 5, Yunnan, 1954, p. 192, 193, 197, 201, 209.

21

23.3 Chronological and Geographical Distribution of Etched Carnelian Beads

215

The final processing step is fine polishing. The craftsman put the perforated beads into a bucket, poured abrasive fluid into it, and kept rotating the bucket for a week to get the beads polished. However, it is divided into two phases: First with rough abrasives and then with the fine ones. The capacity of each bucket is 100 kg. Leather bags are also applicable, while electrical rotatory buckets are not to be used for this process. To roll the bag on the ground brings the same effect.

Chapter 24

The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs from the Star Map of the Liao Tomb in Xuanhua

Astronomy is generated in the struggle for production between human beings and the nature. Engels said: “Astronomy comes first—nomads and agricultural peoples absolutely need it to define seasons.” (Dialectics of Nature) In order to grasp the law of seasonal transition, our ancestors, in agricultural production, gradually accumulated the knowledge regarding astronomy, which has made great contributions to the development of astronomy. The establishment of the system of twenty-eight lunar mansions is one of the very contributions. The clergymen of the Society of Jesus who came to China in the late Ming Dynasty mistakenly viewed China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions and the relevant twelve xingci (regarded as ancient Chinese constellations) as another version of zodiacal signs in Babylonian and Greek astronomy.1 Later, those western sinologists who asserted that Chinese civilization came from western countries still held such a wrong view.2 Until recently, a Soviet revisionist historian who harbored the view of Chinese civilization originating from western countries by insisting that China copied the concept of the western “zodiacal belt” when talking about the cultural elements of the Shang Dynasty.3 In the newly discovered Liao tomb, there is a star map on the mural painting, including twenty-eight lunar

1

Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology (English), Vol. 3, 1959, p. 258. For example, in the article Two types of zodiacal belts by T. W. Kingsmill, he regarded the zodiacal signs of Babylon as the solar zodiacal belt and the twenty-eight lunar mansions of China as the lunar zodiacal belt, and the latter originated from Babylon. See Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (English), Vol. 38, 1907, pp. 165–215. 3 JI. C. Vasiljev, The origin of ancient Chinese civilization, see Historical Questions (Boπ ρ oCbiCTopii) (Russian), in December 1974, p. 100. 2

The article was originally published in Acta Archaeologica Sinica, No. 2, 1976 and was later included in Archaeology and History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Publishing, 1979); it can also be seen in The Book of Ancient Chinese Astronomical Cultural Relics (Cultural Relics Press, 1989). Now it is revised and collected by the author in this collected works.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_24

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mansions and zodiacal signs.4 This has caught my attention. I am convinced that a further study of twenty-eight lunar mansions has not only its theoretical significance in the academic field but also its practical significance in the political domain.

24.1 What is China’s Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions divide the sky adjacent to the celestial equator (equator for short) into twenty-eight different parts. Each part is a lunar mansion. Constellations near the equator at that time are taken as signs, and a star in these constellations is regarded as a determinative star to measure the distance. The twentyeight lunar mansions separately belong to four cardinal directions: seven mansions in the Eastern Palace of Blue Dragon (Horn, Neck, Root, Room, Heart, Tail, and Dustpan), seven mansions in the Northern Palace of Black Tortoise (Dipper, Cow, Woman, Ruins, Rooftop, House, and Wall), seven mansions in the Western Palace of the White Tiger (Space between two legs, Bond, Stomach, Ball of wool, Net, Turtle beak, and Three stars), and seven mansions in the Southern Palace of Vermilion Bird (Well, Ghost, Willow, Star, Spread, Wings, and Cross-stick at back of chariot) (Fig. 24.1). The original meaning of Xiu (mansion) is a hotel for travelers. Initially, twentyeight lunar mansions were used to mark the kinematic positions of the moon in a sidereal month. There are 27.32 days per sidereal month. In every sidereal month, the moon travels to one place in the fixed stars at each night, and every month, it moves to 27 or 28 places. Hence, these places are called twenty-eight lunar mansions, which is a general name for both the ancient time and today. In ancient times, the places were also called twenty-eight She5 or twenty-eight Ci.6 In ancient times, our ancestors determined the time and seasons according to astronomical phenomena. One of the major methods for designing the initial calendar is to observe the aspects of astrology. On sunny nights, the sky was dotted with twinkling stars. Our ancestors noticed the changes of those stars, as they were closely related to the seasonal activities of production practice. The changes of the relative position of those stars (fixed stars) are minute in the sphere. After the observation on earth, we can find that the whole sphere moves around the celestial north pole. In fact, it is due to the rotation of the earth and its revolution around the sun. In ancient China, our ancestors determined the seasons by the direction that the handle of the Big Dipper pointed at dusk. This is called “Doujian” in ancient books. At first, as Xiaxiaozheng (the earliest book to record agricultural events in China) 4

Hebei Cultural Relics Management Bureau, Excavation brief report of Liao mural tomb in Xuanhua, Hebei, and Colored Painting of Star Map in Liao Dynasty is an Important Discovery in China’s Astronomical History, both see Cultural Relics, No. 8, 1975, pp. 31–44. 5 “Book of law” and “Book of astronomy”, Records of the Grand Historian; also “Records of astronomy”, Book of Jin. 6 Sima Zhen, “Twenty-eight She”, “Book of Law”, Suoyin (Exploration for Truth).

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Fig. 24.1 Relations between twenty-eight lunar mansions and zodiacal signs as well as equator and ecliptic. Western constellations are linked with straight lines; China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions are marked with circles; determinative stars of each mansion are marked with black dot-centered circles; dotted lines are the boundaries of twelve constellations; the thick line at 0° is the equator; and the thick curve is ecliptic. “The years of −2000” etc. are the years of spring equinox at each time

records, it is simply observed that the handle points downwards at dusk of early January, and the handle points vertically upwards at dusk in early June. The view of determining months by the handle—marking the twelve hours pointed by the handle as twelve months in a year—occurred in later years. Later, the day when several bright stars (such as Ball of wool, Heart, and Three stars) among fixed stars) are situated at the “meridian” in the sky at dusk or at dawn was regarded as the standard of seasons. (The “meridian” on the sphere indicates the giant circle crossing the heads of observers as well as the southern and northern poles, see Fig. 24.2). This is the “central stars at dusk and dawn” recorded in ancient books. Another way to determine months and years by observing aspect astrology is to divide the sky into different parts according to constellations and observe the position of the moon among fixed stars. Initially, our ancestors observed the everyday positions of the moon within a sidereal month, which is why twenty-eight lunar mansions occurred. Later, our ancestors observed the positions of the full moon in every lunation, or even presumed the position of the sun based on the positions of the moon in twenty-eight lunar mansions, which helped them to know the seasons

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Fig. 24.2 Ecliptic and equator on the sphere

of a year. The establishment of twenty-eight lunar mansions is later than the initial “Doujian” method and “Central Star” method, but it features the characteristics of ancient Chinese astronomy. As to China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions, here are some points that need further clarification. (1) It regards the equator rather than the ecliptic as the standard. Two coordinates are widely adopted in the astronomical field to describe and determine the positions of fixed stars. One is equatorial coordinates, which regard the southern and northern celestial poles on the sphere as the poles (the northern celestial pole indicates the fixed position in the northern hemisphere), the axis connecting the northern and southern celestial poles as the axis for objects’ everyday rotation, and the giant circle vertical to the axis on the sphere as the equator, with the coordinates named right ascension and declination. Another is ecliptic coordinates, which regard the giant circle of the apparent path of the sun among fixed stars within a year that is viewed by man on earth as the ecliptic, two points vertical to the ecliptic on the sphere as ecliptic poles (the southern and northern ecliptic poles), and the coordinates named longitude and latitude. There is a 23°27' angle between the ecliptic and the equator, meeting at the spring equinox and the autumnal equinox (Fig. 24.2). It is wrong for some to reckon that China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions were set by the ecliptic.7 It is also wrong for some to consider that there were two parties of Chinese astrology during the Warring States period: Shi Shen mainly used the twenty-eight Xiu adjacent to the ecliptic, while Gan Gong used the twenty-eight She adjacent to the equator.8 “She” actually is “Xiu”, both referring to the lunar mansions. The stars in twenty-eight She recorded in “Book of law”, Records of the Grand Historian might be based on Mr. Gan’s theory, but they were similar to Mr. Shi’s theory and the generally spread twenty-eight lunar mansions. “Book of 7

Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy (1933), Chinese version by Shen Xuan, p. 263, 267. Qian Baocong, The origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, Thoughts and Times, No. 43, 1947, p. 17. 8

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astronomy”, Records of the Grand Historian seemed to adopt Mr. Shi’s theory and still called it “twenty-eight She”. There were only four different mansions, which indicates that there was only one set of mansions rather than two different sets: one adjacent to the equator and the other adjacent to the ecliptic. The shared twenty-four lunar mansions in two sets did not adopt the bright stars adjacent to the ecliptic, such as Celestial Market, Supreme Subtlety, and Regulus, but used the stars north to the ecliptic—Ruins, Rooftop, House, and Wall and the stars south to the ecliptic—Willow, Star, Spread, and Wings. “Tianwen Xun” (a great work in the early Han Dynasty covering astronomy), Book of Prince of Huainan and “Records of Temperament and Calendar”, Book of Han set the equator as the standard and listed the range of twenty-eight lunar mansions. In “Records of Temperament and Calendar”, History of the Latter Han added the range on the ecliptic after the range on the equator in each mansion. Shen Kuo in the Song Dynasty said, “The degrees of twenty-eight lunar mansions are all based on the equator … The ecliptic is sometimes oblique or straight, which cause the degrees to be different from the equator.”9 This can be taken as evidence. (2) Though it is based on the equator, not all the mansions are on the equator, and their determinative stars are not on the equator either. Most of the stars are adjacent to the equator, or in other words, on a wide belt based on the equator that is similar to the zodiacal belt (the zodiacal belt includes 8° on both sides). It is wrong for some to say that twenty-eight lunar mansions were formed before the Zhou and Qin Dynasties, “When twenty-eight lunar mansions are on the equator, as it is taken as the mark.”10 In the recent eight thousand years, no more than twelve mansions were on the equator.11 Until today, there are twenty-one mansions over 10° away from the equator, among which the determinative star of Tail is over 37° south to the equator, Ball of wool 23° north to the equator, and Stomach 27° north to the equator.12 In ancient times when twenty-eight mansions were established, only whose adjacent to the equator were selected (Fig. 24.3). (3) The number of degrees of each mansion is measured from the determinative stars, and the range of each mansion is different. In “Records of Temperament and Calendar”, Book of Han, the largest distance reaches 33°, such as Well, while the smallest is merely 2°, such as Turtle beak. As to the reason of such unevenness, Shen Kuo once explained: proper determinative stars should be selected. Though this cannot tackle the problem, it has its justification. Due to the year-difference, the distance of each mansion in different times needs certain additions or reductions. But, the total number of degrees of the twenty-eight lunar mansions is the number of degrees of China’s sidereal revolution—365 41 degrees or 365 degrees. 9

Shen Kuo, Dream Pool Essays (The revised version by Hu Daojing), 1957, p. 95. Zhu Wenxin, General Records of Calendar, 1934, p. 270. 11 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, Thoughts and Times, No. 34, 1944, p. 21. 12 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology (English), Vol. 3, 1959, p. 238. 10

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Fig. 24.3 China’s twenty-eight lunar mansions. Circles indicates the determinative stars of each mansion. According to the Figure of Joseph, Big Dipper and Arcturus were added

(4) Stars of the twenty-eight lunar mansions, or even the determinative stars of each mansion are not the brightest among fixed stars, nor are they the brightest mansions adjacent to the equator. In all the stars of twenty-eight lunar mansions, including the determinative stars, there is only one first-class star (Horn) and one second-class star (three stars). Usually there are third- or fourth-class stars. There are even four fifth-class stars (Space between two legs, Willow, Wings, and Neck) and a sixth-class star (Ghost). In contrast, many first- to third-class stars adjacent to the equator are not selected. The most conspicuous examples are Altair, Dog star, Arcturus, and Altawabi among the first-class stars.13 It is wrong for some to think that the determinative stars of each mansion are those

13

Zhu Wenxin, General Records of Calendar, 1934, p. 270.

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evident ones.14 I think in addition to the position (stars should be adjacent to the equator) and the brightness (above sixth-class stars), the main standards to select the stars are “properness” and “coupling”. “Properness” was proposed by Shen Kuo. He said, “Properness is like the umbrella bones. Proper ones should be on the umbrella bones. Twenty-eight arches on the bonnet are like the twentyeight lunar mansions……Twenty-eight stars with proper range are called She (mansion)……This does not mean that evenness is not desired. These are the proper stars on the ecliptic (here it refers to the equator).”15 That is to say, the determinative stars should let the distance between two mansions become an integer. He compared the right ascension where determinative stars are located to the arches on the bonnet. “Proper” stars may not be on the equator, but on the same right ascension. Of course, there is certain limitation on the accuracy when ancient people observed the right ascension of twenty-eight lunar mansions. According to the calculation of Churyo Noda, the error is usually within 0.5°, but four errors reached 1–2°.16 “Coupling” indicates that twenty-eight lunar mansions with different ranges on the equator should be coupled. For instance, the distance between Horn and Space between two legs reaches 173°, and the distance between Well and Dipper reaches 187°.17 This is mainly because such coupling can help to presume the positions of the sun according to the positions of the full moon. Besides, the selection of each mansion and their determinative stars is also related to the bright stars in the circumpolar star. Both of them are on the same right ascension, and the less bright twenty-eight lunar mansions can be found according to the bright stars in the circumpolar star.18 (5) Twenty-eight mansions were used for lunar mansions, and each mansion is related to Yueli (lunar equation) (“Yueli”, or “Yuechan” indicates the positions of the moon travelling among fixed stars; that is the degree of mansion for travelling). “Huandao” (the chapter to record the phenomena in the universe) in Lü’s Commentaries of History said, “The moon travels among twenty-eight mansions.” Zhoubi Suanjing (an ancient Chinese astronomical and mathematical work) recorded, “The path of the moon is usually related to mansions, and the path of the sun also accords with mansions.” (Vol. 1) These can demonstrate that China’s twenty-eight mansions were initially used for the lunar path, and later also used for the solar path. The number of mansions is not fixed at twenty-eight. Our ancient books also recorded twenty-seven mansions. For instance, “Book of astronomy”, Records of the Grand Historian integrated Wall and House as one mansion (Yingshi, Encampment). “Explaining heaven”, Erya also did so.19 14

Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, p. 263. Shen Kuo, Dream Pool Essays, pp. 82–83. 16 Churyo Noda, Collected Essays on Oriental Astronomy History (Japanese), 1943, p. 472, Table 4. 17 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 253; Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 2–3. 18 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 253; Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 2–3. 19 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, p. 3. 15

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The Venus’s position map on the silk manuscript Planetary Astrology excavated from Han Tomb 3 from Mawangdui in Changsha still regarded the eastern wall as Encampment and integrated Wall and House. Initially, Encampment included 4 stars. Later, it was divided into eastern and western Walls, with Encampment indicating the western Wall and Wall and House divided into two mansions.20 This is because there are 27.32 days in every sidereal month. If an integer is adopted, it can be 27 or 28 days. There are 29.53 days in every lunation, so there are 29 days or 30 days in every moon month in the calendar. It is unreasonable for Joseph to think that the number 28 is the median of the lunation and sidereal month.21 And such a view cannot explain the number of twenty-seven mansions. The Calendarists in ancient China utilized the knowledge regarding astronomy, and they knew both lunation and sidereal months. “Records of Temperament and Calendar” in History of Han, recorded, “Lunar period: 254. Zhangfa (the way to set Zhang) plus Runfa (the way to set intercalary months) is equivalent to the lunar period.” A lunation includes 29.530588 days, and a sidereal month includes 27.321661 days.22 Zhangfa is 235 lunations with 19 years per Zhang (including 7 intercalary months), about 6,939 and 56/81 days (weak). “Lunar Period” is 235 Zhangfa plus 19 Runfa, with 254 in total. It is the number of sidereal month, also about 6939 and 56/81 days (strong). Both are almost identical, with a difference of 0.008314 days, 12 min within 19 years. This is hard to be observed in ancient times That was hard to observe ~. It is also wrong for Hashimoto Masukichi to consider that ancient China only had twenty-eight mansions and did not have twenty-seven mansions.23 Later, due to the connection with Four Directions (Four Symbolic Animals), twenty-eight mansions were set, with seven in each direction. Meanwhile, it is also used to mark the travelling positions of the sun, the moon, five stars, and comets as well as the positions of each fixed stars. It also plays an important role in regulating seasons, dividing Twenty-Four Solar Terms, and editing calendars. In ancient Chinese books, such as “Twelve almanacs”, Lü’s Commentaries of History and “Seasonal records of each month”, Book of Rites, twenty-eight mansions were regarded as the “central star at dusk and dawn” for each month, and they marked the positions of the sun every month in twenty-eight mansions. However, the number of mansions is twenty-eight, not twelve or twenty-four, which indicates that twenty-eight mansions were not formed based on twelve Jupiter-stations; instead, twenty-eight mansions were first established, and then they were used to observe the central star of each month and to presume the positions of the sun on the ecliptic every month. Such knowledge regarding astronomy is the result

20

Liu Yunyou, An important discovery in astronomical history of China, Cultural Relics, No. 11, 1974, p. 33. 21 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 239. 22 Zhu Wenxin, General Records of Calendar, pp. 252–253 (decimals to six digits). 23 Hashimoto Masukichi, Study of Ancient Chinese Calendar History (Japanese), p. 134.

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of our ancestors’ observation of the sky in their production practices. After carefully observing the sky, our ancestors recognized certain laws of astronomical phenomena to instruct production activities. (6) Twenty-eight mansions and astrology. Our ancestors and astronomical practitioners established twenty-eight mansions system and expanded its usage, utilizing it to define seasons and edit calendars to instruct production activities. However, the significance of the system of twenty-eight mansions is misconstrued later, as it was used to propagate the reactionary “Fatalism” and to develop astrology with superstition. Therefore, the fight between materialism and idealism in the history of China also penetrated every aspect of the development of astronomy, including the application of the system of twenty-eight mansions. The superstitious concept of Division came first. The Zuo Tradition and Discourses of the States both connected twelve Jupiter-stations with twelve states. The change of celestial phenomena forecast that the state related to the station might experience important events, such as the collapse of the state, the death of the emperor, and disasters in this year. “Office of spring on justice” in Rites of Zhou recorded, “Baozhangshi is a position to observe celestial events … Stars are adopted to identify nine states. Each state is related to a star so that important events can be forecast via observing the celestial events.” The division of twenty-eight mansions originated in the later Warring States Period. “Youshi examination” in Lü’s Commentaries of History recorded that the sky had nine fields with each field including three mansions (one field includes four mansions), and there were nine states. But, the book lacks clear explanation of how the nine states match the twenty-eight mansions in the sky. “Patterns of heaven” in Book of Prince of Huainan recorded that the nine fields and twentyeight mansions in the sky were related to the thirteen states on the ground. “Book of astronomy” in Records of the Grand Historian also recorded, “Twenty-eight mansions accord with twelve states.” Later, the idealistic division was further developed, and the counties and provinces were analyzed to correspond with the sub-mansions of the fields. In fact, there is no relationship between the twenty-eight mansions in the sky and the states and counties on the ground. More preposterously, fortune-tellers predicted a man’s fate according to the celestial events on his or her date of birth. The astrology in the late Zhou Dynasty and the early Han Dynasty predicted national events according to the celestial events.24 In the late Han Dynasty and Wei and Jin Dynasties, there was astrology to foretell one’s fate, and it is said that one’s status was granted by the star places.25 “Discerning questions” in The Master Who Embraces Simplicity by Ge Hong clearly said, “One’s fortune and misfortune are fixed on the date of birth and related to the spirit of mansions.” Later, this was developed to natal astrology. Such natal astrology is to predict one’s fate and life span via observing the celestial events of his or her date of birth, including the mansion degree of the sun (which mansion and degree 24 25

“Book of astronomy”, Records of the Grand Historian. “Meaning of destiny”, Discourses in the Balance.

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the sun was located).26 The Origin of Natal Astrology by Zhang Guo in the Tang Dynasty (Precious Versions of Complete Library in Four Divisions) that is spread nowadays might be works in the Song Dynasty that were added and revised by people in the later times. The Core of Stars of Zhang Guo collected in Complete Collection of Illustrations and Writings from the Earliest to Current Times (Vols. 566–583) is actually an expanded version of The Origin of Natal Astrology. Both have a chapter of Xiantianxinfa, which records the talk between the old gods Zhang Guo and Li Zheng. Zhang Guo said, “The natal astrology must lie in the spirit. First, observe the main Yao (the sun, the moon, and stars). Then, observe Shenxing (the stars to determine one’s fate) (Note: the positions of the lunar equation). Both should be based on twenty-eight mansions.” In Star Records of Zheng Xicheng in the Yuan Dynasty, there are 40 examples of natal astrology, with each example illustrated by an astrological map.27 The center of each map is the mansion and degree of the fate in twenty-eight mansions with seven circles surrounding it. The third circle is twenty-eight mansions, and the sixth circle is the mansion and degree where eleven Yao are located, which shows the importance of twenty-eight mansions. Another way to foretell one’s destiny is based on the stems and branches of year, month, day, and hour of one’s birth (the eight characters of a horoscope, four pillars) as well as the theory of generation-inhibition in the five elements.28 Han Yu in the Tang Dynasty advocated Li Xu’s natal astrology of fortune-telling based on the year, month, and day of one’s birth.29 This is indirectly related to the celestial events of one’s birth and thus can be regarded as a branch of personal natal astrology, which is generated based on the characteristic of time designation of Jia Zi (Time designated by the Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches) in the Chinese calendar. All these are superstitions of “Destiny Theory”. Materialists oppose “Destiny Theory”, believe that “Man can conquer nature”, and support an astronomical scientific calendar. Astronomical practitioners devote themselves to optimizing the instruments used to observe the universe so as to more precisely measure the positions of twenty-eight mansions, refine calendars, and promote production. Astronomy develops in the fight between Materialism and Idealism.

26

Bai Zhong Jing in the “way to predict destiny” of Records on Dropping out of Farming. According to Interpretation of the Catalog of Zhizhai’s Book Collection (Vol. 12), Bai Zhong Jing used Xianqing Calendar of the Tang Dynasty. The author was in the Tang Dynasty. 27 Compendium of Ancient and Modern Books, Vols. 584–585. 28 Zhao Yi, “Ziping predicting destiny”, Gaiyu Congkao, Vol. 34. 29 “Epitaph of Li Jun, Palace Censor”, Chang Li Collected Works, Vol. 28.

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24.2 Twenty-Eight Mansions Originated from China Beside China, Ancient India (Ancient India includes today’s India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh; India for short), Arabia, Iran, and Egypt also had twenty-eight mansions in the ancient times. The concept occurred later in the latter three: it occurred in about 500 A. D. in Iran and Coptic Era in Egypt (after 3 A. D.), and it occurred a bit earlier than The Quran in Arabia. Hence, it is usually believed that it was disseminated from India.30 There has been a debate since the early nineteenth century about the relationship between China’s and India’s twenty-eight mansions. Chu Coching once made a brief introduction to these debates and posed evidence to prove that both of them came from the same origin, and India’s was disseminated from China.31 Some consider that both originated from Babylon, but people usually trace the inventions in the astronomical field back to Babylon, because of the advancement of the ancient astronomy in Babylon. In fact, although Babylon seemed to have the records of the equator and the mansions on its sides, we have not discovered the evidence about twenty-eight mansions in the documents of astronomy in ancient Babylon. The maps of twentyeight mansions were never found in the clay books written in Cuneiform, and thus there is no reason to presume that ancient Babylon once had the system of twentyeight mansions.32 Chu Coching once pointed out in his paper that the effects of the main stars or Yogatara in India’s Nakshatra are quite similar to those of China’s determinative stars. He also found that there are nine mansions identical in two systems, eleven mansions with different determinative stars but the same constellations, and only eight mansions located in different constellations, and Vega and Altair replace Cow and Woman in India’s system. This is because India chose the brighter stars as the mansions. Both systems start from Horn and regard Ball of wool as an important strong point. So, there is no doubt that these two systems come from the same origin. Chu Coching based on the previous research findings listed several reasons to prove the theory of China as the origin. Joseph also made the same statement in his book.33 Their reasons are as follows: (1) The development of China’s twenty-eight mansions can be traced back to ancient literature. The names of each mansion can be seen in several records, and the meanings of the names can also be explained, as they are closely related to the living conditions and social habits in ancient China. The names of mansions in India cannot be explained, and the development of its system 30 J. Filliozat, Ancient India and Science Exchange, Journal of World History (French), Vol. 1, No. 2, 1953, p. 357. The article written by Chu Coching in 1944 and Joseph’s book all referred to such a view. 31 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 10–13; Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 253. 32 Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, pp. 280–281; Ping-ti Ho, The Cradle of the East (English), 1975, p. 391. 33 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 10–13; Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 253.

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is not clear enough. (2) The Big Dipper in the circumpolar star was usually regarded as the standard starlike object in ancient China, and seasons were determined by observing the Dipper. Many mansions were related to the circumpolar star. Ancient India showed no interest in the circumpolar star, so they only observed the mansions adjacent to the ecliptic and determined seasons by the travelling positions of the sun, the moon, and five stars. Its mansions were not related to the circumpolar star. (3) The “Coupling” (see the previous chapter item (4)) is less obvious in India’s system than in China’s. The distribution of mansions in India’s is more discrete than in China’s. This is because India failed to understand the standard and effects of selection of mansions (see the previous chapter item (4)), and they only took the brightness of stars as the only standard. (4) China’s twenty-eight mansions were divided into four symbolic animals according to the four seasons. The division of the year into four seasons was based on the climate of the Yellow River Basin. The features that winter and summer are longer while spring and autumn are shorter are identical to the four symbolic animals, the division of twenty-eight mansions. In India, the ancient calendar, according to the local climate, divided a year into six seasons, namely Winter, Spring, Summer, Rains, Autumn, and Dew. Today, it still has three seasons of Cold, Heat, and Rains. However, India also divided twenty-eight mansions into four parts, which is identical to China’s. Hence, Chu Coching said, “Four Symbolic Animals and Twenty-eight Mansions were used to determine the solar and lunar equations to calculate four seasons. If a year is not divided into four seasons, how come Four Symbolic Animals were adopted?” (5) The major contributions of ancient Chinese astronomy lie in observation and records. The establishment of twentyeight mansions is mainly based on observation. However, ancient Indian astronomy emphasized theories and calculation and ignored observation. In the Veda era (12 B. C. to 6 B. C.), the observation of India was limited to two sides of the ecliptic. Chu Coching said, “How come a nation that was not interested in constellations like Big Dipper and Cynosura would notice the small stars in twenty-eight mansions like Stomach and Turtle beak!” The article will prove that twenty-eight mansions were introduced from China to India by demonstrating that twenty-eight mansions accord to ancient China’s astronomy rather than ancient Indian’s astronomy. The arguments are as follows: (1) Twenty-eight mansions are set based on the equator. It is known to all that adopting the equatorial coordinates to determine the positions of objects on the sphere is one of the characteristics of ancient Chinese astronomy. Ancient Babylon, India, and Greece took the ecliptic as the standard. In the item (1) of the last chapter, we have pointed out that the range of twenty-eight mansions in ancient China was based on the equator. It was in the late Han Dynasty that the range of ecliptic was added for reference.34 The astronomical instrument of armillary sphere in ancient China at first only had the ring of the equator with the ring of the ecliptic. Not until the late Han Dynasty was the ring of ecliptic added beside the ring of the equator, although it was still seldom set. In the Tang 34

See “Records of Temperament and Calendar”, History of Han and “Records of Temperament and Calendar”, Book of the Latter Han.

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Dynasty, the ring of ecliptic became as indispensable as the ring of equator in an armillary sphere.35 In ancient India, people explored the movement of the sun, the moon, and five stars based on the ecliptic, but the twenty-eight (or twenty-seven) mansions were set based on the equator, just as China did.36 (2) Ancient China attached great importance to the northern celestial pole, polar stars, and circumpolar stars. This is another characteristic that is closely related to the last item. The equator is a giant circle that runs vertically along the axis that connects the northern and southern celestial pole. The latitude of the middle reaches of the Yellow River, the center of ancient Chinese culture, is a bit north to that of Babylon and India. Therefore, more circumpolar stars can be observed in China. However, due to the year-difference, the Big Dipper in ancient times was closer to the northern celestial pole. Hence, it presented itself all the time above the horizon, and thus could be easily noticed and observed. As item (2) above this chapter has mentioned, ancient China once used the handle of Big Dipper to determine four seasons. Later, our ancestors used brighter stars in the circumpolar stars, including Big Dipper, to point twenty-eight mansions, especially the less bright ones. That is to say, according to the direction that Cynosura faces to those circumpolar stars, some mansions of twenty-eight mansions could be found if we extend along the direction to the area adjacent to the equator. Besides, as to the division of the object in ancient China, there was, in addition to Four Palaces of Four Symbolic Animals, there was a Cynosura-centered Central Palace (Purple Palace), which evolved into Purple Forbidden Enclosure. In the astronomy of ancient India, though there were Four Palaces consisting of twentyeight mansions, which were copied from China, there was no Cynosura-centered Purple Palace nor was there the way in which the twenty-eight mansions were observed through polar stars and the bright stars in circumpolar stars (including the Big Dipper). This indicates that twenty-eight mansions did not originate in India but were introduced there. (3) Astronomy in ancient China attached great importance to observation and records. This is also a Chinese characteristic. Hence, China has the world’s earliest records about the observation of comets, eclipse of the sun, and sunspots. Indian astronomy, like that of Babylon and Greece, emphasized theories and inference and ignored observation so ancient India lacked star maps like Gan Shi Xing Jing (Gan’s and Shi’s Catalogue). In addition to the evidence listed by Chu Coching [see item (5) above this chapter], there are more justifications for such features as those presented in the system of twenty-eight mansions: (i) The range is different for each mansion in China (see item 3 of the last chapter). This is because China stressed observation, and the number of degrees is set based on observation. India’s twenty-eight mansions had identical degrees: each of the twenty-seven mansions had a range of 13°20' (if there were twenty-eight mansions, the added mansion was 35 36

See “Records of Astronomy I”, History of Song. Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 252, Note (e).

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located within the range of a prior mansion and thus did not have a range for itself).37 This was calculated from the sidereal revolution of 360° in Indian astronomy. Initially, India set different ranges for each mansion: in twenty-seven mansions, the lunar equation counted as 30 Xuyu (Sanskrit: Muhurta, 30 Xuyu equals to a day and night) in fifteen mansions, and 15 and 45 Xuyu for another six mansions respectively.38 Later, the range was amended, identical range for each mansion, which more accords with the astronomical tradition of India. (ii) In China, each mansion had determinative stars to observe the distance and degrees of adjacent mansions. In India, each mansion also had a term similar to determinative stars, which was called Yogatara. However, India later fixed the degree of each mansion as 13°20' based on calculation. Therefore, those Yogataras should only be the brightest star in each mansion and have failed to play the same role as China’s determinative stars did. (iii) China attached importance to observation. The lunar equation (the positions of the moon travelling among fixed stars) is related to each mansion. At that time, it could be observed how the distance was between the right ascension of lunar equation and that of determinative stars of certain mansions. India ignored observation and emphasized calculation. So, it initially took the lunar equation as the standard and regarded Horn as the leading mansion of twenty-eight mansions. However, it later took the solar equation as the standard and regarded Bond or Ball of wool as the leading mansion.39 China used the lunar equation, and Ball of wool was one of the seven mansions in the Western Palace of White Tiger, while India used the solar equation, and Ball of wool was one of the seven mansions in the Eastern Palace. This is because the sun and the moon were located face to face with one in the east and another in the west. When the sun rises, the stars are less bright and thus concealed. Therefore, it is impossible to observe the position of the sun among fixed stars, and the position can only be calculated and presumed. Such change from the lunar equation to the solar equation was also what India did in accordance with its tradition. Stars on the ecliptic were too close to the moon’s path (5° between the ecliptic and the moon’s path), which made starlight overshadowed by moonlight. Therefore, China chose the constellations that were distant from the ecliptic and the moon’s path as twenty-eight mansions. India focused on the solar equation, and they should have taken the constellations on the ecliptic as twenty-eight mansions, yet the system was identical to China’s. This can also be taken as evidence. 37

J. Filliozat, Ancient India and Science Exchange, p. 357. A. A. V. Le Coq, etc., Turfan Research Findings of Linguistics in Germany (Germany), 1972, Book 2, p. 234, cited from a secondary source of W. Kirfel, Hindu Cosmology, 1920, p. 140. 39 Iijima Tadao, Ancient History of China (Japanese), 1929, p. 475; Also Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, p. 5, 17. 38

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In light of the above, the system of twenty-eight mansions has its origin and development process in China, and it accords with the system of ancient Chinese astronomy. However, it suddenly occurred in the astronomy of ancient India where polar stars in the northern hemisphere and circumpolar stars were ignored, and it failed to accord with the Indian system, which indicates that such a system of twentyeight mansions was introduced from China. India introduced and amended twentyeight mansions to accord with its astronomical tradition. Some reckon that India’s twenty-eight mansions occurred earlier than China’s and were introduced into China later on. There are three reasons as follows: The twenty-eight mansions in India are thought to have existed before those in China and were later introduced to China. (1) Though there were twenty-seven or twenty-eight lunar mansions in India, it usually took twenty-seven mansions as the major system, with twenty-eight mansions occurring later. Since another mansion was added later, India should first form the system of lunar mansions.40 However, it is unreliable to determine the formation of a mansion system merely through the number of mansions. Besides, the system of twenty-seven mansions also existed in ancient China [see item (5) of the last chapter]. (2) The titles of twelve Jupiter-stations, such as “Kundun” when Jupiter located in Zi, might be introduced from India. Chu Coching said that it needed further study to see whether the titles were translated from Sanskrit of India. Even though they were translated from Sanskrit, this cannot prove that twenty-eight mansions originated from India or other western countries. China used twentyeight mansions in a much earlier time, and the titles of twelve Jupiter-stations were first recorded in The Annals of Lyu Buwei and Huainanzi. Even though the titles were introduced, it is impossible for the titles to have been introduced before the Qin Dynasty or the early years of the early Han Dynasty.41 (3) The twenty-eight mansions of India started with Ball of wool, while those of China started with Horn. Ball of wool, the time of spring equinox, was over one thousand years earlier than Horn, the time of autumnal equinox.42 Chu Coching, according to Canon of Yao, considered that in ancient China spring equinox initially started with Ball of wool. Ancient China regarded the beginning of spring as the beginning of a year. China’s twenty-eight mansions started with Horn, and seven mansions in the Eastern Palace of Blue Dragon represented spring. Horn indicated the beginning of spring (Lichun, Beginning of Spring). Sutra of the Great Assembly of India also regarded Horn as the begging, which was identical to China.43 After the contact with western cultures, India changed Ball of wool as the beginning, which was equivalent to the western Taurus. In the end, India changed from Ball of wool to Bond, equivalent to Aries, as in the 40

Hashimoto Masukichi, Study of Ancient Chinese Calendar History (Japanese), p. 134. Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 8–9. 42 Ibid., p. 9, cited from the view of A. Weber (German). 43 Iijima Tadao, Ancient History of China (Japanese), p. 475. 41

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beginning.44 The determinative star of Bond in China was 189° away from the determinative star of Horn, with two mansions located face to face. The range of each mansion in India was 13°20' , and the distance between two mansions approximated to 180°. China used Horn where the full moon is located at the Beginning of Spring, and this has never changed. In contrast, India set Bond as the beginning based on the positions of the sun. It is hard to identify which country set up its system first. Joseph, according to records, considered that twenty-eight mansions occurred almost at the same time in India and China.45 Several questions about the determination of the time of the ancient Indian documents still remain unanswered. Therefore, whether twenty-eight mansions originated from India or China cannot be dealt with based on ancient documents. Yet, it can be proved that twenty-eight mansions originated from China from other perspectives, especially in the aspect of the astronomical systems of two countries. It is hard to confirm the route of the introduction of twenty-eight mansions from China to India. It might have been introduced along the Silk Road, yet there is no evidence. Shinzo Shinjo proposed, “Before twenty-eight mansions were introduced to India, there were signs showing that it once stopped in the place of 43°N. That is Samarkand in central Asia.”46 His proposal was based on the records regarding astronomy in Modern Jiajing (Indian Buddhist scripture). The scripture recorded the mansion where the moon is located in the midmonth (one of twenty-eight mansions) as well as twelve records of the length of shadow in each month. Shinzo Shinjo presumed the latitude of the place where the author observed celestial events based on the length of shadows. Such a conclusion was not reliable. First, the celestial events recorded in the book might not be based on the observation in the same place. Recording the length of shadow and observing the degree of mansions of lunar equation are two different observation methods. The records in the book might come from observation made in two different places at different time, and then the observation results were then distributed to twelve months accordingly. Lü’s Commentaries of History distributed the materials from diverse sources to “Twelve almanacs”. Hence, even though the place where the length of shadow was observed could be determined, it cannot be defined as the place where twenty-eight mansions were used. Second, more distrustfully, according to the calculation results of the shadow length, there were three cases on 36–37°N, four cases on 39–43°N, and five cases on 47–51°N. The largest distance reached was 15°, or over 1600 km. With rigid scientific attitudes, we should not adopt such a set of data as the basis of presumption. In fact, Shinzo Shinjo admitted the rudeness of the data, saying “the accuracy of the data cannot be ensured”, but he still tried to confirm, “the average of twelve figures might be reliable to some extent.” As a matter of fact, if the accuracy of twelve figures could not be guaranteed, the average number failed be reliable either. Personally, as ancient China did to observe the shadow of the sun, I believe that 21 44

Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 9–10, 17–18. Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 253. 46 Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, pp. 275–276. 45

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cun, the length of the shadow of the sun measured on Winter Solstice, should be the standard. The length of the shadow next month was measured as 18 cun. After that, there seemed to be no more observation, and our ancestors only presumed the rest figures with a reduction of 3 cun each month—15, 13, 10, 7, and 4. As the number 13 had a mysterious meaning, here 13 rather than 12 was adopted. After 13, there was a reduction of 3 cun in each month (the length of June and July recorded in the original article was wrong, and the data should be corrected according to the length of March and April). If so, based on 21 cun measured on Winter Solstice and 18 cun measured a month later, it could be assumed that the observation place was within 36–37°N, the upstream of the Indus River. We could confirm that the regions in and out of 43°N have no relation to the route of the spread of twenty-eight mansions. Overall, it is unreliable for Shinzo Shinjo to argue that the spread of twenty-eight mansions once stopped at 43°N. We will no longer quote the argument.

24.3 The Era of the Creation of China’s Twenty-Eight Mansions It is certain that the origin of the Twenty-Eight Mansions starts from China, it is safe to say that the era of its creation is equivalent to the founding period of China’s Twenty-Eight Mansions philosophy. Before we start, it is necessary to clarify that the so-called twenty-eight mansions refer to the system introduced in the first section of this article, rather than any specific stars of them. The object of the discussion is the whole system, which may include twenty-seven or twenty-eight mansions, with varied constellations or determinative stars. With the point being clear, let us move on to the age of its creation, which can be discussed in two ways: (1) From the perspective of philology: the twenty-eight mansions have been well documented since the Warring States Period. Gan De and Shi Shen, astrologers of the middle Warring States periods, authored Astronomical Astrology and Astronomy respectively. Though the original books have been lost, their star maps for the twenty-eight mansions are documented in “Records of astronomy”, History of Han (Gan’s and Shi’s Catalogue widespread nowadays is not the original, but a forge of ancient works by later generations). The star’s names are different by The Gan and The Shi, and were fixed by later generations according to Shi Shen’s theory.47 In “Feng Xiang Shi”, “Official of spring on justice”, Rites of Zhou, “Official of autumn on justice”, “Che Cu Shi”, and “Artificer”, Records of Examination of Craftsman, there are written records of the Twenty-Eight Mansions, though without listing the names of mansions. Rites of Zhou and Records of Examination of Craftsman, which were later appended to “Official of winter on justice” in the Han Dynasty, are recognized as works of the Warring States Period. “Twelve almanacs” and “Youshi examination” in Lü’s 47

Guo Moruo, Research on Oracle-bone Characters, 1962, pp. 288–290, Table of the twenty-eight mansions, p. 330; Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, p. 441.

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Commentaries of History, which were from the third century (239 B. C.), there are names of each of the twenty-eight mansions. In “Huan Dao” of “Records of late spring”, it was written that “the twenty-eight lunar mansions”. The twentyeight mansions and stars at dusk and dawn recorded in “Seasonal records of each month” of Book of Rites, are nearly identical to the texts of the beginning of each part of “Twelve almanacs” of Lü’s Commentaries of History. The only differences are that in “Twelve almanacs”, it is “Hun Xin Zhong” while “Hun Huo Zhong” in “Seasonal records of each month”, and that “Xiang Dou Zhong” in “Twelve almanacs” and “Hun Jan Xing Zhong” in “Seasonal records of each month”. It is commonly noted that “Seasonal records of each month”, Book of Rites takes its source from Lü’s Commentaries of History, or that they stem from the same origin or from a similar age.48 In “Explaining heaven”, Erya, there are seventeen mansions listed among twenty-eight. The book was compiled by the Confucianist in early Western Han Dynasty to explain the meaning of words from classical works. In other literature of the same age, such as “Pattern of heaven” and “Seasonal regulations” in Book of Prince of Huainan, and “Book of law” and “Book of astronomy” in Records of the Grand Historian, there are traces of the twenty-eight mansions. In “Records of temperament and calendar” of Book of Han, the names of mansions and distances between them are the same as those of “Pattern of heaven” in Book of Prince of Huainan. It is thus believed to be stabilized. To trace back from the Warring States periods, there are many works of classical literature that have recorded individual mansions of the twenty-eight, such as Book of Poetry (six mansions there if to exclude Altair and Vega), which collected poems and songs from the late Western Zhou Dynasty, and The Zuo Tradition and Discourses of the States from the Spring and Autumn Period (or later) (six mansions, while most of them are named differently with later ones). In spite of the fact that these mansions appear to be from the Twenty-eight Mansions, unless there is sufficient evidence otherwise demonstrating that there was a system of Twenty-eight Mansions, the appearance of these individual mansions shall not be seen as a proof of the existence of the Twenty-eight Mansions. Based on The Zuo Tradition and Discourses of the States, Qian Baocong considers that the Twenty-eight Mansions exists in the Spring and Autumn Period. According to Qian: despite the fact that there are no terms for the Twenty Eight Lunar Mansions, and that the stellar image of the ecliptic and equator measured was not observed in the number of twenty eight, there are twelve Jupiter astronomical phenomena recorded, and mansions listed are all identical to those of Twenty-eight Mansions from later ages. Qian quoted The Zuo Tradition: “Where the troop sleep one night (Xiu), it is a She; where they sleep another night, it is a Xin; where more than a Xin, it is a Ci”, holding that two or three Xiu are equivalent to one Ci.49 However, such statement about Xiu, She and Ci in The Zuo Tradition were failed to be followed in the wording at that time and in later ages. If it were true, 48

Churyo Noda, Collected Essays on Oriental Astronomy History, pp. 409–422; Also Rong Zhaozu, Seasonal records of each month, Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, No. 18, 1935. 49 Qian Baocong, The Origin of Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, p. 17.

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the Twenty-eight Mansions (Xiu) shall be fourteen Xin, not twelve. As for twelve, there are more than eight times for two nights (Xiu), while at the same time there are only 4 times for three nights (Xiu). There are more Xin than Ci, so it should be the Twelve Xin, rather than the Twelve Xin. In fact, in ancient books, Xiu, She and Ci have the same meaning, and are mutually alternative when referring the Twentyeight Mansions (see the first section above). It was later established that Ci refers specifically to the twelve Jupiter-stations, and Xiu for the Twenty-Eight Mansions. It is improper to claim that the Twenty-Eight Mansions system had already existed by virtue of that time only by the existence of twelve Jupiter-stations. Besides, it is now generally accepted that texts about the twelve Jupiter-stations in these books were inserted by later generations, instead of true records from the Spring and Autumn periods. As regards the age of supplementary materials, it is commonly believed to be the Warring States periods when the book was compiled, or the late Western Han Dynasty when Liu Xin published them.50 In any case, there is no clear proof in either The Zuo Tradition or Discourses of the States. Xiaxiaozheng, a piece of work from Records of Rites, the Senior, has long been considered a work from Xia Dynasty since Zheng Xuan noted it in “The conveyance of rites” of Book of Rites. Sun Xingyan noted it as a work of Xia Yu in his preface to Biography of Xiaxiaozheng. Sima Qian thought Confucius had once amended the book. (In “Annal of Xia Dynasty” of Records of the Grand Historian, when Confucius was in the State of Xia, many scholars cited quotes from Xiaxiaozheng.) Nowadays, it is commonly considered that it was compiled in the Warring States period, at a similar period of time as “Seasonal records of each month”. There are some early materials in such a book, but it won’t be that early. Astronomical phenomena recorded in the book are not from a specific period. Rather, it recorded astronomical phenomena for over a thousand years. There are Heart, Ball of wool, Three stars, Willow, Room, and Tail in the book. However, it is inadequate to verify if the Twenty-Eight Mansions system has existed.51 If it was compiled at the same age or at similar ages, it is possible to infer that the Twenty-Eight Mansions system was already there based on “Seasonal records of each month”. “Canon of Yao” in Book of History is generally recognized as have been compiled by a historiographer in the Zhou Dynasty based on legends, and supplemented and corrected in the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period. According to such book, there are four culminant stars, Heart, Ruins, Ball of wool, Bird. According to Chu Coching, they are astronomical phenomena of around eleventh century B. C. (Shang and Zhou Dynasties)52 However, the record of using the four culminant stars to define four seasons can only be regarded as the predecessor of the Twenty-Eight Mansions system. In the Oracle Records of the Shang Dynasty, there

50

Guo Moruo, Research on Oracle-bone Characters, pp. 300–316; Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, pp. 425–426. 51 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 194, 247. 52 Chu Coching, Study on the determination of the time of the Four Culminant Stars in “Canon of Yao”, Book of History, Science, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1926.

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are no more than several letters of mansions, and was inadequate to be the proof of the existence of such a system. Shinzo Shinjo held that as the method of backward deduction of the first day of the lunar month traces back to the early Western Zhou Dynasty, it is thus concluded that the Twenty-Eight Mansions system was established in the early Zhou Dynasty. Nevertheless, Qian Zongbao refuted his argument, considering his statement “lack of clear proof” and thus not trustworthy.53 It is now commonly recognized that the Twenty-Eight Mansions system was formulated in the early Warring States period, i.e. fifth century B. C.54 Qian believed that the adoption of the twenty-eight mansions was owed to astronomers of the Warring States period. And the system was established in the middle Warring States period.55 Joseph also holds that China’s twenty-eight mansions system was formed in the fifth and fourth century B. C.56 Their arguments all comes from researches on literature documents. Their arguments all come from researches on literature documents. (2) From the astronomical perspective: some scholars of the history of astronomy may deduce based on records of astronomical phenomena from the same book, for example, Churyo Noda deduced the observation years of astronomical phenomena (the solar equation and stars at dusk and dawn in twelve months) records in “Seasonal records of each month”, Book of Rites, and held that it was around 620 B. C. ± 100.57 This is slightly earlier than that of documentations. Generally, the creation and existence of novelties is often earlier than written records. Accordingly, the conclusions deduced here are basically consistent. Some other scholars may calculate the founding era of the theory through astronomical phenomena reflected by the system itself. For Example, Churyo Noda calculated the founding year to be 451 B. C.58 with the range of the twenty-eight mansions recorded in “Records of temperament and calendar” of Book of Han, which is 170 years later than his conclusion deduced from “Seasonal records of each month”. However, in consequence of year-difference, the range of the twenty-eight mansions differs from age to age. Records from Book of Han could be a redetermination in 451 B. C. Iijima Tadao predicted its founding year to be 453 B. C. with “Winter Solstice was at the beginning point of Herd-boby, and altered it to 369–382 B. C. later. Shinzo Shinjo predicted it to be 430 B. C.59 53

Qian Baocong, The Origin of Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, p. 18. Guo Moruo, Research on Oracle-bone Characters, pp. 329–334. 55 Qian Baocong, The Origin of Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, pp. 10, 18–19. Qian Baozong holds that before “the Twenty-Eight Mansions (Xiu)”, there is a “Twenty-Eight She, which may be established in the Spring and Autumn period”. It is not trustworthy to distinguish Xiu from She, as described in (1) of the first section and the previous paragraph of the same section. 56 Joseph Needham, History of Chinese Science and Technology, Vol. 3, p. 248. 57 Churyo Noda, Collected Essays on Oriental Astronomy History, p. 519. 58 Ibid., p. 475. 59 Iijima Tadao, Ancient History of China (Japanese), p. 271; Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, p. 408, and p. 662 attached Introduction to Ancient Chinese Calendar by Iijima Tadao, i.e. the first chapter of Study on the Origin of Chinese Calendar (1930). 54

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However, due to processor, the Winter Solstice shifts every 72 years. The Winter Solstice, however, shifts every 72 years due to processor. By reason of this, it is possible to predict. But they presumed that records from “Records of temperament and calendar” in Book of Han were the initial time of determination, while the Winter Solstice changes according to actual observation in ancient calendar. For example, in “Book of law”, Records of the Grand Historian, there is an earlier observation: the Winter Solstice was at Ruins. Knowing that Horn was the beginning of the Twenty-Eight Mansions, A. Weber assumed that the Horn was the Autumnal Equinox and predicted the founding year 440 A. D. (17th year of Yuanjia, Liu-Song Dynasty). Obviously, it was much later than the fact, as his presumption was wrong. Chu Coching refuted by pointing that Horn was not the Autumnal Equinox, but where the moon was on full moon at Spring Beginning. Chu Coching countered by pointing out that the horn did not mark the Autumnal Equinox, but rather the Full Moon at the start of Spring60 Again, Iijima Tadao predicted it to be 400 B. C. as Bond was the Spring Exquinox at solar equation in India. And China shall be later as it is imported from India, which is about 300 B. C.61 This is an overturn of precedence relations between China and India. Even if he were right on the prediction of the founding year of India system, it is inadequate to demonstrate China’s system starts this late. There are also cases where scholars incorrectly predicted an early age. For instance, G. Schlegel held that in China’s twenty-eight mansions, the rising of Ball of wool was the day of Spring Equinox, and thus predicted the founding of China’s Twenty-Eight Mansions traces back to 16,000 years ago. However, in fact, the aspect astrology observations in ancient China were based on evening stars, not morning stars. Thus, Chu Coching commented: “His conclusion is as untrustworthy as that of A. Weber.”62 The chapter of The Time of The Origin of Twenty-eight Mansions by Chu Coching proposed another view. Although he did not draw a conclusion, he seemed to claim that the system of twenty-eight mansions started before 3000 or 2000 B. C., featuring a history of over 4000 to 5000 years. The reasons are as follows in the original order of his paper63 : (i) It was between 3,000 B. C. and 2,500 B. C. according to the time when the full moon was located in Horn at the Beginning of Spring. Horn was regarded as the beginning, which might be related to Doujian (the establishment based on the Big Dipper). It was called “Shao Xie Long Jiao (the dipper takes the dragon horn)” in “Book of astronomy”, Records of the Grand Historian. Horn alone was first adopted to determine seasons (Beginning of Spring is the beginning 60

Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 9–10, 17. Iijima Tadao, Ancient History of China (Japanese), p. 271; Shinzo Shinjo, History of Oriental Astronomy, pp. 520–523, and p. 662 attached Introduction to Ancient Chinese Calendar by Iijima Tadao, i.e. the first chapter of Study on the Origin of Chinese Calendar (1930). 62 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, p. 11. 63 Chu Coching, Time and place of the origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, pp. 16–24. 61

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(ii)

(iii)

(iv)

(v)

(vi)

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of a year), and later integrated into the system of twenty-eight mansions as a component. Due to its original importance, it took the primacy. However, due to the year-difference, in the era when twenty-eight mansions were established, the full moon might not be at Horn on Beginning of Spring. Due to the year-difference, the celestial north pole in ancient times differed from today’s. In ancient times, about 2790 B. C., α Draco was regarded as the celestial north pole. However, when twenty-eight mansions were established, the polar star of the celestial north pole might differ from today’s, yet there is no evidence to prove that α Draco was regarded as the polar star of celestial north pole. There were nine stars in the Big Dipper in ancient times [plus Xuan Ge (a star in Bootes) and Zhao Yao (Haris (Y Boo))]. This is because in ancient times the Big Dipper was closer to the celestial north pole, and there were more than seven stars in the per circle. There have been 3,600 to 6,000 years since the nine stars of the Big Dipper were all within the per circle. In reality, if most stars of a constellation are within each circle with some remaining outside of the per circle, the constellation can still be used for observation. With two stars added, it could be easier to figure out Arcturus and Horn from the circumpolar stars of Big Dipper. As the equator in ancient times differed from today’s, it can be presumed that since 9000 B. C., the time when the most mansions were located on the equator was between 4510 B. C. and 2370 B. C., with the number reaching twelve. Though twenty-eight mansions were set based on the equator, there is no need for every mansion to be located on the equator (Fig. 24.3). This has been discussed in item (2) of this chapter. If it can be accepted that only twelve mansions were on the equator, then fewer mansions would also be accepted. Altair and Vega. Now, the right ascension of Vega is west to Altair. Due to the year-difference, 5,500 years ago, both Vega and Altair were on the same meridian. Much earlier, Vega was east to Altair, which accords with the fact that in twenty-eight mansions, Woman was east to Cow. Qian Baocong said, “both Vega and Altair could be seen in “East and west” “Lesser court hymns”, Book of Poetry. There was the myth about the reunion of Niu Lang (Altair) and Zhi Nv (Vega) on Qixi Festival (the seventh day in lunar July), but I have never heard the relationships between the two stars and twenty-eight mansions.”64 Later, India replaced Cow and Woman with the brighter stars of Vega and Altair with higher latitude, but this has no relation to China’s twenty-eight mansions. “Jian Jian Zhi Shi” “Lesser court hymns”, Book of Poetry: “when the moon was close to Net, it rains cats and dogs.” “Great plan”, Book of Documents: “when the moon was in Dustpan, there were windy days; when the moon was in Net, there were rainy days.” Commentaries on Book of Documents by Kong Anguo: “Ji Feng, Bi Yu for short (same meaning as is written in Book of Documents).” Today, there are more rainy days in August and days with strong wind before or after Spring Equinox. Book of Poetry and Book of Documents illustrated

Qian Baocong, The Origin of Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, p. 19.

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that there were more rainy and windy days when the full moon was in Net and Dustpan respectively, which is different from today’s phenomena, as they recorded the celestial events over 6000 years ago. However, Qian Baocong regarded Zhu’s explanation as unreasonable, “Poets usually conveyed their feelings according to the scenes they witnessed, and it was impossible for them to presume the climate based on the 4000-year experience.” He thought, “it should be explained based on Third Quarter Moon.” Also, he argued, “The experience of Ji Feng Bi Yu (when the moon was in Dustpan, there were windy days; when the moon was in Net, there were rainy days) has no relation with the usage of twenty-eight mansions.”65 Chu Coching also felt that such presumptions lacked evidence. In 1951, he said, “Twenty-eight mansions were adopted in the early years of the Zhou Dynasty.”66 In 1956, his paper postponed the time of the establishment of twenty-eight mansions and indicated that they were established no earlier than 4 B. C. He said that such a system originated in China, as it accorded with the Chinese astronomical traditions in ancient times. The names of some mansions even appeared in the documents over 1000 earlier.67 But he did not illustrate the reasons why he deserted the abandoned his previous views. Hence, the views are still discussed here. Overall, according to the celestial events recorded on reliable documents, the establishment of China’s system of twenty-eight mansions can be traced back to about 7 B. C. The real origin might be earlier, yet there is no reliable evidence. As to the findings of Philology, they nearly accord with the previous conclusion, but they can only be traced back to a bit later, in the middle of the Warring States Period (4 B. C.).

24.4 Introduction of Signs of Zodiac The ecliptic is, in astronomy, the great circle that is the apparent path of the Sun among the constellations over the course of a year. The zodiac is a belt-shaped region of the sky that extends approximately 8° north or south (as measured in celestial latitude) of the ecliptic. The paths of the sun, the moon, and visible planets are within the belt of the zodiac. In order to represent the motion of the sun on the ecliptic, the ancients divided the ecliptic into twelve regions, called the twelve signs of the zodiac, through which the sun travels. Each 30° sign is marked by a constellation crossing the ecliptic, which is called the “Twelve Constellations of the Zodiac”. When they were first created, the names of the signs and the constellations were identical. The 65

Ibid., p. 13. Chu Coching, Great Contributions of Ancient China in Astronomy, Chinese Science Bulletin, Vol. 2, No. 3, 1951, p. 217. 67 Chu Coching, The origin of twenty-eight lunar mansions, see Collected Papers of the 8th Conference of International Science History (English, 1958. The conference was held in Italy in 1956), p. 372. 66

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Fig. 24.4 Pictorial representations of the signs of the zodiac

Greek twelve signs of the zodiac take the vernal equinox as the origin, and that is the sign of Aries. Due to the axial precession, the vernal equinox moves westward at the rate of about 50.2 s of arc per year, or 1° every 72 years and 30° every 2150 years (i.e., one sign). The vernal equinox, which was in Aries 2000 years ago, has now been moved to Pisces, so that the current names of signs and constellations no longer match (see Fig. 24.1). Ancient Babylon and Greece used 12 figures as signs of the zodiac, called pictorial representations of the signs of the zodiac (Fig. 24.4). Because these symbols, with the exception of a few, are named after animals, the zodiac is also known as the belt of animals. The surviving complete zodiac figures include stone carvings from the Dendera Temple, Egypt, dating from about 120 B.C. to 34 A.D.68 The symbols are further simplified as “Symbols of the Signs of the Zodiac”, which are of much later origin, first found in late medieval codices.69 68

Louvre Museum, Catalogue and Guide to the Egyptian Antiquities Collection (French), 1932, pp. 130–131. 69 Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 6 (English), 1964, p. 960.

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Comparing the zodiac of twelve signs with the twenty-eight mansions, we can see the following differences: (1) The zodiac is based on the ecliptic, not on the equator. (2) The constellations of each sign are all appropriate to the ecliptic. Of course, the division of constellations in Western astronomy is different from ours. The twelve houses occupy the full ecliptic. (3) The breadth of each sign is exactly the same, in Western astrology, the zodiac is divided into twelve signs, each occupying 30° of celestial longitude, the twelve 30° sectors that make up Earth’s 360° orbit around the Sun. (4) Each of the twelve signs has the same breadth, so there is no need to set up a separate “determinative star” as in the case of the twenty-eight mansions in China. (5) The zodiac originally marked the position of the sun as it passed among the stars. There are twelve months in a year, so they are divided into twelve signs. The sun is so bright that the stars are hidden after it comes out, so we have to take advantage of the projection method or the moon’s position at the time of a full moon to find out the position of the sun. The role of the zodiac was later extended to mark the position of the motion of the moon, the five planets, etc., as well as the position of all stars. It also played a great role in drawing up seasons, ephemeris, and so on. But in the West, as in China, astrology distorts the results of materialistic astronomy and incorporates astronomical information into the astrological system, thus promoting idealism and predestination. In the West, astrology, which preaches superstition, uses the zodiac as its main basis. The use of astrology to foretell national events and the fate of rulers was previously documented in the late Assyrian and NeoBabylonian periods (seventh–sixth centuries B.C.), but it was based on the observation of celestial signs instead of projection or connection to the zodiac. Astrology in the Hellenistic period (second century B.C. and later) was based on the horoscope of a person’s birth, mainly deduced from the position of the sun, the moon, the planets and the signs of the zodiac at that time, and the “Horoscope” was used to predict the destiny of a person’s life. This astrology has its own system of idealistic theories and complex pseudo-scientific methods of projection. This personal astrology, although influenced by Babylonian primitive astrology, was officially founded in Greece during the Hellenistic period and was generally considered to have been developed in the time of the famous Greek astronomer Hipparchus (c. 150 B.C.). We know that in ancient Greece, at the time of Eudoxus (c. 370 B.C.), the equinox was set at 15° of Aries (i.e., the midpoint). By the time of Hipparchus, Greece changed to using 8° of Aries as the vernal equinox. The Greek astrological literature adopts 8° rather than 15°, so it is clear that it could not have been created earlier than the Hipparchus era. It was later spread to Egypt and Rome in the west and to India in the east.70 Indian astrology used both the zodiac and the twenty-eight (or twenty-seven) mansions, and later the twenty-eight (or twenty-seven) mansions were mainly adopted. “The divination method of three kinds of nine mansions”, Constellation Scripture said that this method used the day of the person’s birth as Suzhi (a mansion that is on duty), which was designated as the first of the twenty-seven constellations (one cycle). 70

O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (Astronomy, Mathematics) (English), 1951, p. 133.

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From the above, it can be seen that the zodiac and the twenty-eight mansions belong to two different astronomical systems but play a similar role. The Indian zodiac was introduced from Greece only around the Common Era, while the last origin was from Babylon. In the Babylonian cuneiform clay tablets, there were traces of the zodiac around 2100 B.C. The names of the seventeen stars on the lunar equation, beginning with Pleiades and Hyades, seem to indicate that the vernal equinox was in Taurus at the time of its formulation, which was before 2200 B.C., “It has already contained the origin of the zodiac.” It was later transmitted to Hettite in eastern Asia Minor and there were the names of ten stars in the sidereal revolution recorded in 1300 B.C., starting with Aries. This is due to the fact that the vernal equinox had already moved into Aries by that time. Sometime after 800 B.C., it was introduced into Greece, so the Greek zodiac began in Aries and lasted until the first century A.D. before it moved into Pisces. “The theory that the zodiac began in Babylon has become a scholarly certainty.”71 However, the Babylonian zodiac became a system at a later date and appeared in the literature even later, it was first seen on a clay tablet dated 419 B.C., but the names of some individual signs of the zodiac appeared earlier.72 It is generally believed that India came into direct contact with the Greeks during the Hellenistic era (beginning at the end of the fourth century B.C.) and it absorbed some of the traditions of Greek astronomy, rather than directly from ancient Babylon. The zodiac was introduced into India after Hipparchus (second century B.C.) who began to use the name of the zodiac to refer to the twelve equally divided parts on the equator which was adopted by Indian astronomy.73 There are two sets of names for the Indian zodiac, both of Greek origin, one of which is the free translation and the other is the transliteration of the Greek script (where there are mistakes in the transliteration).74 The names of these twelve signs were later included in some Buddhist classics.

24.5 Era When the Zodiac Was Introduced to China The zodiac was introduced to China with the translation of the Buddhist sutras. But because its role overlapped that of our original twenty-eight mansions and twelve signs, it was not generally adopted in our astronomy until the Jesuits connected it with modern astronomy and reintroduced it at the end of the Ming Dynasty. The history of its introduction is also unclear. As for the history of the introduction of the zodiac, the earliest known name of the zodiac is the one that appeared in The Quintessence of the Sun translated by Narendraya´sas in the Sui Dynasty. This book is a part of Sutra of the Great Assembly, which the translator started in the Northern Qi Dynasty, and finally finished in the 71

Guo Moruo, Research on oracle-bone characters, pp. 244–248, 322–323. O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (Astronomy, Mathematics), p. 97. 73 Ibid., p. 178. 74 Iijima Tadao, Ancient History of China, p. 477. 72

24.5 Era When the Zodiac Was Introduced to China

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early Sui Dynasty (the second half of the sixth century). The second is Constellation Scripture of good or evil elaborated by Manjushri (Constellation Scripture for short), translated by Amoghavajra of the Tang Dynasty in 758, and the Secrets of SevenPlanet Apotropaism translated by Konkata in 806. Next is Zhilun Jing (Sutra of Stems-and-Branches) translated by Dharmadeva, a monk in the early Song Dynasty who died in 1001, and completed around 985. The names of the signs they translated differed from one to another, and even the ones used in the same book, Constellation Scripture, were not exactly the same.75 Later on, when our own books talked about the numerical fortune-telling and weather diviner, they also listed the names of the twelve signs of the zodiac, which are exactly the same as those used today, except Gemini and Virgo. Some of the earlier of these books include Du Guangting’s Yuhan Sutra in the late Tang and Five Dynasties, Complete Essentials for the Military Classics compiled by Zeng Gongliang and others in the early Song Dynasty, and Wu Jingluan’s Liqi Xinyin, which was considered to be the bible of geomantic omen scholarship.76 The terms translated in these books became roughly the same as the translations in the Buddhist sutras of the late tenth century. See the attached table (In addition, Great Tang Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era, Vol. 104, which cited from Navagraha Calendar, translated Aries as the sign of “羖 (Gu)” and Libra as the sign of “秤 (Cheng)”. Old Book of Tang, Vol. 34, and New Book of Tang, Vol. 28, both cited the method of determining eclipses by Kumara from Tianzhu and translated Aries as “Yuche Sign”, which is the transliteration of yuja, the second half of the Sanskrit word Asvayuja). As can be seen from Table 24.1, the zodiac was introduced to China in the Sui Dynasty at the latest. It was introduced from India with the translation of Buddhist sutras. Among them, Capricorn was the transliteration of Indian Sanskrit Makara, the first syllable was translated as 磨 or 摩 (both pronounced “mua” in ancient Sui and Tang Dynasties), the second syllable was translated as 竭 or 蝎 or 羯 (all adopted Sui-Tang ancient sound “ghat”), there was no uniform standard at first. Later, the character 羯, which was derived from the goat, was adopted because of its graphic representation of a monster with a sheep body and fish tail; perhaps this is related to the translation of the Sanskrit word karma as “羯磨” (meaning “work” or “business”) in the Buddhist sutras and the transliteration of the Chinese character with the same syllable became standardized. 75

For the above four sutras, see Taish¯o Tripit.aka, No. 397, (pp. 280–282), No. 1299 (p. 387, 395), No. 1308 (p. 451), and No. 1312 (p. 463). The first three original books are dated with translations. The era of the last sutra translated by Dharmadeva is based on Chen Yuan’s Shi Shi Yi Nian Lu (a reference book of recording the dates of birth and death of monks in history) and Joseph Needham’s Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 3, p. 711. W. Eberhard suggested that T. 1308 can be dated to around 850 based on the winter solstice and the five-planets table, and that T. 1299 was a contemporary work, but may also be as early as the 8th century. See A Discussion of the Astronomical Part in the Chinese Buddhist Canon (German), Monumenta Serica. Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 5, 1940, published by Fu Jen Catholic University. 76 See “Vital energy in harmony with the heaven”, “Yuhan sutra”, in Guanzhong Series, Collection 5; see Liuren, “Complete essentials for the military classics” (Siku Quanshu Rare edition), second collectanea, Vol. 20, and “Geography” in Liqi Xinyin (Jigu Library Transcript in Beijing Library).

牛

–

金牛

–

羊

–

–

天羊

白羊

–

758

758

806

End of the tenth century

End of the tenth century

1044

1064

Constellation Scripture (p. 387)

Constellation Scripture (p. 395)

Secrets of Seven-Planet Apotropaism

Sutra of Stems-and-Branches

Yuhan Sutra

Complete Essentials for the Military Classics

Liqi Xinyin

–

–

–

仪

–

–

–

–

–

–

巨蟹

–

男女

阴阳

–

蟹

Cancer

媱

双鸟

Gemini

–

–

–

一

–

–

狮子

狮子

Leo

–

–

–

–

天秤

–

–

秤

秤量

Libra

–

–

双女

双

双女

女

天女

Virgo

Note XX indicates missing text in the original book; – indicates the same as above

–

特牛

特羊

Sixth century

The Quintessence of the Sun

–

Taurus

Aries

The zodiac (modern name)

Table 24.1 The zodiac

–

–

–

天竭

–

–

蝎

X X

Scorpio

–

–

–

–

磨蝎

摩羯

人马

–

磨羯

–

摩竭

–

弓

–

磨竭

Capricornus

射

Sagittarius

–

–

–

–

–

宝瓶

瓶

水器

Aquarius

–

–

–

双鱼

–

–

鱼

天鱼

Pisces

244 24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs …

24.5 Era When the Zodiac Was Introduced to China

245

The figure of the zodiac was soon also introduced to China. The earliest one that can be seen now is the one unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang; the original has been stolen abroad.77 This is a remnant of a handwritten document containing a figure of astrology, with seven mansions (chariot, horn, neck, root, room, heart, and tail) and three signs (Virgo, Libra, and Scorpio), among which the word “天蝎 (Scorpion)” was mistakenly written as “天蝎”, and the word “Virgo” had a figure without the title. The script suggests that it was written in the early Tang Dynasty (c. seventh– eighth centuries). However, the calligraphic style of the frontier region may have continued into a later era. The paintings have been sinicized (Fig. 24.5a). The other is a mural in the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas at Dunhuang. The subject of this painting is Tejaprabh¯a Buddha, with Navagraha gods on both sides of the Buddha and behind him, and there is the zodiac in the sky, with twelve signs on each of the north and south walls, including Leo, Aquarius, and Sagittarius on the south wall and Pisces, Cancer, and Gemini on the north wall. The patterning of the above six signs has been peeled off, while the rest are still intact and clear. Both the paintings and the techniques have been sinicized (Figs. 24.5b, 24.6, and 24.7). This mural is found on both side walls of the paved path of Cave 61 (= P117 = C75), compiled by the Dunhuang Research Institute.78 The murals on the surrounding walls of the main room of this cave are from the early Song Dynasty, with titles such as “concubine of Cao Yanlu”. The painting in the paved path leading to the main hall, painted at the time of the Western Xia (1035–1227) or later, is inscribed at the bottom with the portrait of the patron and their names, next to the Han Chinese is the Western Xia script for cross reference, and the signature.79 This painting is thought to date from the Yuan Dynasty because its theme and painting style differ from those of the early Song and Western Xia murals.80 But I think it is still possible that its prototype dates back to the Western Xia, and the theme of the Tejaprabh¯a Buddha was quite popular in the late Tang and early Song Dynasties. Among the famous painters of the early Song Dynasty, there was one who was famous for painting murals of the Tejaprabh¯a Buddha.81 The theme of a silk painting with an inscription in the 4th year of Qianning (897), which Stein robbed from the Cave of the Thousand Buddhas, is exactly the Tejaprabh¯a Buddha, but without the twelve signs of the zodiac as

77 A. A. V. Le Coq, et al., The Linguistic Results of German Turfan Studies, fasc. 2, 1972, Appendix: Chinese Hand-copied Book, pp. 371–374, Pl. VI. 78 This cave was numbered P. 117 by Paul Eugène Pelliot, see Catalogs of Dunhuang Caves of the Thousand Buddhas (French, 1920–1924), Pl. CXCVIII. and it was also numbered C. 75 by Zhang Daqian, see Xie Zhiliu, Dunhuang Art Narration, 1955, p. 133, and numbered VIII by Stein, Serindia (English, 1921), p. 861, pp. 933–934, fig. 215 and 226. The detailed photographs of the twelve signs sent by the Dunhuang Institute of Cultural Heritage for publication are hereby acknowledged. 79 Xie Liuzhi, Dunhuang Art Narration, p. 133. 80 Xiang Da, Chang’an and Western Civilization in the Tang Dynasty, 1957, p. 402. 81 Guo Moruo, “Record of experiences in painting” (Anthology of Books from Collectanea edition) Vol. 3, Gao Yi painted Daxiangguo Temple “Tejaprabh¯a Navagraha, etc.”, Sun Zhiwei painted Chengdu “Tejaprabh¯a Navagraha”; Vol. 4, Cui Bai painted Sh¯okoku-ji “Tejaprabh¯a eleven luminaries, etc.”

246

24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs …

Fig. 24.5 a A Tang Dynasty hand-copied book unearthed in Turfan, Xinjiang. b Pictorial representations of the signs of the zodiac on the south wall of the paved path of Cave 61, Mogao Caves

a

b

a backdrop.82 In short, the import of the zodiac into China can be traced back to the Buddhist sutras translated from the Sui Dynasty at the latest. Indian astronomy associated it with the twenty-eight mansions. This is also the case in these sutras, starting with Aries, to which the mansions of Pleiades, Stomach and Bond belong. As for the zodiacal figures, the surviving objects in China can be traced back to the Tang Dynasty. However, the patterning was also sinicized at that time. 82

Stein, Serindia, p. 1059, Pl. LXXI.

24.6 Star Chart of Murals in the Liao Tomb of Xuanhua

a

b

c

d

e

f

247

Fig. 24.6 Pictorial representations of the signs of the zodiac in Cave 61, Mogao Caves. South wall of the paved path. a Gemini house, b Libra house, c Scorpio house, d Capricorn house, e Cancer house, f Pisces house

24.6 Star Chart of Murals in the Liao Tomb of Xuanhua In the winter of 1974, the Hebei Provincial Cultural Relics Administration and the Hebei Provincial Museum excavated a brick tomb from the Liao Dynasty imitating a wooden structure in Xia Bali Village, Xuanhua District, Zhangjiakou. A coloured painted star chart was found right in the middle of the top of the vault in the back chamber. According to the epitaph found, the tomb owner, Zhang Shiqing, who was titled Aide-de-camp through paying a certain amount of money, died in the 6th year of Tianqing (1116). He, of the landowner class, was a devout follower of Buddhism. During his lifetime, he built temples and pagodas. The murals on the eastern wall

248

24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs …

a

b

c

d

Fig. 24.7 Pictorial representations of the signs of the zodiac in Cave 61, Mogao Caves. North wall of the paved path. a Taurus house, b Virgo house, c Sagittarius house, d Aquarius house. (Aries house and Leo house are incomplete)

of the tomb show attendants chanting sutras for the tomb owner, with the Diamond Sutra and the Pasadika Sutta on the table. All of this indicates that the tomb owner was delusional about enjoying life as an exploiting class after his death. This mural of a star chart was described in detail in the original report, and is now summarized as follows.83 The star chart at the top of the tomb is painted within a circle of 2.17 m in diameter. In the center is a bronze mirror, 35 cm in diameter, surrounded by a nine-petal lotus with polyphyll. Beyond that are the twenty-eight mansions and the seven stars, such as the Big Dipper, which are distributed in a circular pattern around the central lotus. The background is azure, symbolizing a clear sky. The mansions are all decorated with vermilion dots, and the stars of each constellation are connected to each other by vermilion straight lines. The Big Dipper constellation is in the north, with the handle pointing east. Of the twenty-eight mansions, the mansion of Extended Net is in the south, Emptiness is in the north, Hairy Head in the west, and Room is in the east, and the rest are arranged in the order. There are nine large dots among the twenty-eight mansions and the central lotus: one of them is very large, red in color, 83

Cultural Relics, No. 8, 1975, pp. 31–44.

24.6 Star Chart of Murals in the Liao Tomb of Xuanhua

249

Fig. 24.8 Star chart of the tomb in the 6th year of Tianqing period in Xuanhua (copy)

and painted with a golden crow; for the remaining eight, half are vermilion and half are blue. The outermost is decorated with zodiacal figures. The figures are drawn in a circle with a diameter of 21 cm. They are positioned with Aries and the mansion of Bond confronting each other, and the rest of the signs are arranged in a circle following the movement of the clock hand (Fig. 24.8). The original report thought that the nine large dots with the golden crow were the sun, which is correct. As for what the remaining eight stars represent, I think they could be the moon, the five planets, and the two stars Ketu and Rahu. They and the sun are called “Navagraha” in the Indian astronomical calendar. The “Navagraha Calendar” introduced in Great Tang Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era, Vol. 104, is a calendar based on the operation of Navagraha from India, and “the calendar based on Navagraha gradually becomes the norm”. Twelve sectors constitute the sidereal revolution: the vernal equinox is the beginning of Aries, the autumnal equinox is the beginning of Libra; that is, in the western zodiac, the first point of Aries, also known as the cusp of Aries, is the location of the vernal equinox, and the first point of Libra is the location of the autumnal equinox.84 According to Great Tang Treatise on Astrology, Vol. 20, which cited the astrologer Qie Meng of the later Han Dynasty 84 Zhu Wenxin, General Record of Calendar, pp. 153–157. One sector is 30 degrees based on Navagraha Calendar.

250

24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs …

and “Shishi astrology” and “Jingzhou astrology”, among the five planets, gold, water and ground belong to yin, and the moon is taiyin, making a total of four yins; Jupiter and Mars are yang, and it is suspected that Ketu and Rahu are also yang, making a total of four yangs. As a result, the blue and red colors are used to represent yin and yang, which is also the reason for distinguishing them into red and blue colors. Other aspects of the chart demonstrate a strong Indian astronomical influence, such as the use of the twenty-eight mansions in contrast to the zodiac. The lotus is also in the center of the chart, a characteristic of Indian Buddhist drawings. When it comes to the zodiacal figures, Taurus was destroyed by tomb raiders in the early years, and the remaining eleven signs are mostly the same as the themes typically represented in the West,85 except that Sagittarius is a horse-rider with a whip instead of a human-headed horse figure shooting an arrow from the bow, Capricorn is a dragon’s head and a fish body with wings instead of a goat’s head and body with a fishtail, Virgo is a double female figure instead of a single female figure, Aquarius is a plate mouth jug with a ribbon tied around its neck instead of a person holding a bottle and pouring water. However, the representation of the zodiac in Western art is not uniform either. For example, there is also only a jug representing Aquarius, not a person holding a jug, and there are also two female figures of both good and evil representing Virgo. As for Sagittarius, the West has the legend of a human-headed and horse-bodied monster (Centaur) in Greek mythology, while the East does not, so the human and horse are separated in the East. The whip held is not clear, perhaps it represents a bow. As for the beast of Capricorn, there is no legendary monster with goat’s horns and a fish tail in the East, so it is painted as a dragonfish with oriental colors. As for the goat in the Aries sign, either standing or reclining, and the fish in Pisces, either tied or untied, there is no consistency in the West. However, the drawing technique and style of the zodiacal figures have been completely sinicized. Both the pictorial representations of Gemini and Virgo have become the Han Chinese wearing ancient Chinese costumes, that of Aquarius has become the Chinese vase, and that of Pisces has become two fish swimming in a Han washing utensil. This conclusion can be drawn by comparing Fig. 24.4 with Fig. 24.8. There were two types of star charts in ancient China: one was the star chart used by astronomers, in which each constellation’s position in the sky was drawn based on stellar observations, therefore it is generally more accurate and complete in reflecting the celestial phenomena. It is the same in nature as the star charts in modern astronomy, except that the number of stars and constellations is less without the help of telescopes. For example, the star charts completed by the families of Gan, Shi, and Wu in the Warring States period, the star charts compiled by Chen Zhuo in the Three Kingdoms period, the surviving star chart of Dunhuang from the Tang Dynasty, the star chart in Su Song’s Instruction on Water-driven Astronomical Clock-tower in

85

Encyclopedia Britannica (English, 1926, 13th ed.), Vol. 28, pp. 993–998; Encyclopedia Larousse (French, 1964), Vol. 10, p. 1020; also Popular Astronomy, see fig. 61 in this article, where the Capricorn sign is incorrectly drawn as the same as the Aries sign.

24.7 Conclusion

251

the Song Dynasty, and the stone-carved astronomical chart in Suzhou.86 The other types of star charts were those made for religious purposes to symbolize heaven, such as the twenty-eight mansions in Tang and Song tombs, and those made for decorative purposes for individual constellations, such as the weaving maiden on the Han stone relief.87 The charts of twenty-eight mansions were divided into two types, one of which showed the relative position of each mansion according to the chart of field measurement, and the time of observation could also be deduced from the equator drawn on the chart. For example, the stone-carved star chart in the tomb of Qian Yuanguan, King of the Wuyue Kingdom in Hangzhou.88 The other, despite their relative distance, was to line up the twenty-eight mansions in a circle without plotting the equator either. This one belongs to the latter category, as do the star charts in the bronze mirrors of the Tang Dynasty and the star chart on top of the Tang tomb in Turfan, Xinjiang.89 They are not presumably dated for observation. The custom of depicting or line-carving star charts on the top of the tomb chamber first appeared in the Qin Dynasty in China’s extant literature. The fact that “murals of star charts on the top, and murals of mountains and rivers on the ground” in the tomb of Emperor Qin Shi Huang is recorded in the “Annals of Qin Shi Huang”, Records of the Grand Historian. We do not know the specific content of the star chart because the tomb of Emperor Qin Shi Huang has not been excavated. The star chart mural found in the Western Han Dynasty tomb in Luoyang, which was unearthed in 1957, is the earliest physical proof we now have. In this chart, in addition to the sun and the moon, there is a circumpolar star (the Big Dipper, etc.) and two to three mansions of twenty-eight mansions in each direction, which are not as complete as they were in the Tang Dynasty.90 The Xuanhua star chart is characterized by the contrast between the zodiac and the twenty-eight mansions. Although it is also found in extant Tang Dynasty relics, it is not as complete as this one.

24.7 Conclusion From the discussion in the above sections, we can draw the following conclusions about the twenty-eight mansions and the zodiac.

86

Xi Zezong, Dunhuang star chart, Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1966; also Astronomic map in Suzhou, Cultural Relics, No. 7, 1958. 87 Zhou Dao, Astronomical charts in relief stones in Nanyang, Archaeology, No. 1, 1975. 88 Yi Shitong, The most ancient stone star chart, Archaeology, No. 3, 1975. 89 Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum, Turfan Astana- Karakhoja ancient tombs excavation brief, Cultural Relics, No. 10, 1973. 90 Xia Nai, The star chart in the murals of the Western Han Dynasty in Luoyang, Archaeology, No. 2, 1965, pp. 80–90.

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24 The Study of Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and Zodiacal Signs …

(1) The belief that the twenty-eight mansions originated in Babylon is unfounded. The twenty-eight mansions in China and India are homogeneous, but the Chinese origin theory is more justifiable than the Indian origin theory. (2) The era of the creation of the twenty-eight mansions system in China, as far as the literature is concerned, is as early as the middle of the Warring States period (fourth century B.C.), but can be extrapolated from the eighth to the sixth century B.C. (620 ± l00 B. C.) based on astronomical phenomena. Although they may have been founded earlier, only the names of individual mansions can be found in the literature before the fourth century B.C., which are not sufficient to prove that these mansions were part of the established system of the twenty-eight mansions. (3) The zodiac system originated in Babylon, was completed in Greece, and then introduced to India from Greece. Later, this system was introduced to China with Buddhism and was first found in the Buddhist sutras translated in the Sui Dynasty. The importation of the zodiac signs has also shown they can date back to as early as the Tang Dynasty at the latest. However, this system was not given much attention and failed to replace the twenty-eight mansions and the twelve signs in China until the import of modern Western astronomy in the late Ming Dynasty. (4) The twenty-eight mansions and the zodiac, like other achievements in astronomy, originated in practices at first. The working people of China and the West, with their long experience in practices, created these two systems respectively to divide the celestial sphere in order to observe the position of the sun, the moon, the stars, etc., thus defining the seasons of the year in order to facilitate seasonal production activities. Both systems were later borrowed by astrology to promote the superstitious doctrine of predestination. This is a reflection of the struggle between idealism and materialism in astronomy. In our country, too, there is a struggle between the reactionary theories of “interactions between heaven and mankind” and “predestination” and the progressive theory that “man can conquer nature”. (5) The star chart in the Xuanhua Liao tomb is meaningful only if it is examined and studied in this historical context. (6) We do not deny that the cultures of ancient peoples have influenced each other, and despite some people with ulterior motives talking nonsense like the theory of Chinese twenty-eight mansions being borrowed from the Western concept of “zodiac”, trying to revive the old tune of “Chinese culture from the West” by distorting historical facts to create anti-Chinese public opinion, they will only meet with shameful failure in the face of objective facts. Note In 1978, the lacquer lid of the tomb of Zeng Houyi, Sui County, Hubei, was unearthed with figures of the twenty-eight mansions, which was dated to 433 B.C. or a little later, i.e., the early Warring States period, according to the unearthed bronze ware inscriptions (Cultural Relics, 1979, No. 7, p. 10, Pl. V: 2), and was examined by Wang Jianmin and others (ibid., pp. 40–45).

Chapter 25

Newly Discovered Ancient Silk Fabrics in Xinjiang—Qi, Jin and Xiu

Silk fabric relics from the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220) and the Northern Dynasty to the early Tang Dynasty (sixth–seventh centuries) were found at the Niya ruins in the east of Hotan, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and the Astana Cemetery near Turfan Recently (1959–1960).1 Ancient fabrics are usually difficult to preserve, but these excavated artifacts were able to remain intact due to the dry climate of the region. They are precious cultural relics with good materials and bright colors. These two sites are both located along the ancient Silk Road in Xinjiang. The Silk Road of the Han Dynasty began in Chang’an, Guangzhong, crossed the Hexi Corridor and the Tarim Basin in Xinjiang, traversed the Pamir Mountains, and then passed through the Central Asian republics of the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, and finally reached the port of Antioch (Angu city in Weilüe) on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, a total length of about 7,000 km. Ancient Greeks and Romans referred to China as the “Silk Country”. Roman geographer Strabo (64–21 B. C.) quoted the records of the Greek historian Appollodorus, stating that in the third century B. C., the king of Daxia (Bactria) had extended his territory to Serica (Silk Country),2 indicating that at that time, there may have already been silk trading caravans traveling along this road, so the Silk Country was known to the West. More than a century later, during the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, Zhang Qian was sent to the Western Regions, and in the third year of Yuanshuo reign (126 1 For the excavation brief report, see Cultural Relics, No. 6, 1960 and No. 7, 8, 1962 and Archaeology, No. 3, 1961. 2 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 1, 1930, pp. 27–28. G. F. Hudson: Europe and China, 1931, pp. 58–59.

This article was originally published in Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 1, 1963, and later included in Archaeology and the History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Press, 1979) with added notes. According to the author’s original correction version, it is now compiled into the book.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_25

253

254

25 Newly Discovered Ancient Silk Fabrics in Xinjiang—Qi, Jin and Xiu

B. C.), he returned to report on the situation in various Western Regions.3 After that, Emperor Wu adopted a proactive policy towards the Western Regions, and thus the Silk Road was fully opened. Not only did merchants trade silk along this road, but the early Han court also often gave foreign kings or envoys jin (brocade), xiu (embroidery), qi (damask on plain weave), hu (crepe), and various zeng (a general term for silk fabric).4 These silk fabrics were loved by people, not only worn during their lifetime but also used for burial. Many ancient Chinese silk textiles have been found along the Silk Road and nearby locations, many of which were unearthed from tombs.5 These two recently discovered sites are no exception. In 64 B. C., after the Romans invaded Syria, Chinese silk became very popular among the Romans. In the following centuries, there was even a market in the Vicus Tuscus district of Rome that specialized in selling Chinese silk.6 The Roman naturalist Pliny (23–79) not only mentioned Serica (Silk Country), but also said that the country produced silk and brocade and exported them to Rome. When talking about Chinese silk in the fourth century, the historian Marcellinus said, “In the past, only the nobles could wear silk, but nowadays there is no difference between the people at all levels, even the lowest ranks like soldiers and laborers, who also wear silk.”7 The damp climate of Italy made it difficult to preserve ancient fabrics. However, fabrics made from Chinese silk have been found in places like Karanis, Egypt in Rome at that time, and Dula-Europos, a Roman border city in the middle reaches of the Euphrats River, dating back to around fourth century A. D. More silk fabrics woven locally using Chinese silk have been found in various parts of Egypt and Syria under Roman rule after the fifth century.8 This makes the discovery of Han silk textiles in Niya very important.

3

For the 3rd year of Yuanshuo, see Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, Vol. 18. See Kuwahara Jitsuzo, Textual Research of Travels of Zhang Qian to the Western Regions. 4 For example, records can be found in Book of Han, Vol. 94, Biography of the Huns and Vol. 96, Biography of the Western Regions, Book of the Later Han, Vol. 78, Biography of the Western Regions and Vol. 79, Biography of Southern Huns. 5 For the literature of the silk fabrics at various archaeological sites, see P. Simmons, New development of fabric research in China, Journal of Far East Museum, No. 28, 1956, p. 20, Note 1; E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China (Russian), 1961, p. 59, Notes 1–8, Leningpad; Umehara Sueji, Meiyuanmozhi, Ancient Chinese plain silk fabrics, An Overview of Archaeology on East Asia, 1947, pp. 96–101. 6 G. F. Hudson, op. cit., p. 75. 7 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, Book 1, pp. 31, 33, 70. 8 R. J. Forbes, Ancient Technology Research (English), Vol. 4, 1956, p. 54; O. von Falke, History of Silk Weaving Art (German, revised edition), 1921, Chapter 1, Silk fabrics in the late classical age.

25.1 .

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25.1 . Niya, an ancient city, located in the north of present-day Minfeng Country, was known as the Jingjue Kingdom in the Han Dynasty,9 where most of the excavated objects dated back to the second–third centuries A. D. with the latest that can be accurately dated being wooden slips with Han texts from the fifth year of Taishi reign of the Jin Dynasty (269),10 indicating that the city was abandoned in the third century A. D. An archaeological team from the Xinjiang Museum was sent to excavate this Niya ruins, and they excavated five-zhu coin (a type of Chinese cash coin produced from the Han Dynasty), Han mirrors, wooden slips with Kharosthi script, wooden and iron tools and some woolen fabrics in October 1959. A more important discovery was made in a tomb located about 3 km northwest of the residential area of the ancient city. The silk fabrics that we are describing here were found in this tomb. In this tomb, a couple was buried together in a wooden coffin. Judging from their expensive silk clothing, they belonged to the upper ruling class. The man wore a long robe, trousers, socks and gloves and the woman a top, a coat, a blouse, a skirt, socks and garters. In addition, a silk garment, two brocade pillows embroidered lucky words “Yan Nian Yi Shou Da Yi Zi Sun (Longevity and Prosperity for offspring)”, an embroidered mirror cover, a pink pouch, two monochromatic shroud silks and some remnants of fabric with blue patterns on white ground were also found. I only saw small original fragments of three pieces of brocade, as well as some photos of the artifacts. During the editing process of this article,11 I saw Comrade Wu Min’s research on this batch of silk fabrics.12 She was able to access all the specimens in Xinjiang and conducted observations on the actual objects, so her research results were of great help to my editing work. Here, I will only mention a few particularly noteworthy specimens, describe them, and explore their weaving techniques. The remnants of the skirt unearthed in Niya were made from Han qi in its original color (now yellowed).13 The weaving technique of ground pattern of Han qi is plain 9

According to the Book of Han, Vol. 96, Part 1, Biography of the Western Regions, Jingjue Kingdom is 1,000 km east from Qiemo, 230 km west from Yumi. Yumi is 195 km west from Khotan. Niya ruins is in the middle of Qiemo and Khotan and its distance is almost the same. According to “Biography of the Western Regions” in Book of the Later Han, Vol. 78, Jingjue Kingdom was annexed by Shanshan County. Stain once found the lute of “Commandant of Shanshan County” in Han Dynasty in Niya ruins, which can be the evidence. 10 Stain, Serindia, 1946, translated by Xiang Da, p. 66. 11 The first draft of this paper was published in China Reconstructs (English), Vol. 11, No. 1, 1962, pp. 40–42. 12 Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, see Cultural Relics, Nos. 7–8, 1962. 13 This is dark figured silk. According to the interpretation of Analyzing Chinese Characters in Six Categories by Dai Dong in Yuan Dynasty, some people thought that “Monochrome-weaving is qi while polychrome-weaving is jin”. Such dark figured silk is “qi”, which is a reasonable assumption based on speculation by descendants. According to Shuowen Jiezi by Xu Shen, “Qi is silk fabric with patterns.” That is to say, qi is a patterned silk fabric and it is not specified that it is woven by plain brocade. In ancient books, there are “colorful qi” (see Taiping Yulan, Vol. 816, cited from Decrees in the Jin Dynasty) and “qi with colorful cup design” (see Taiping Yulan, Vol. 149,

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weave. The number of warp threads is often about two or three times that of weft threads (according to the original photography, this specimen had 66 warp threads and 18 to 19 weft threads per square centimeter).14 Because the warp threads are denser and the weft threads are sparse, the surface of the fabric shows horizontal raised lines formed by the warp threads, which is called rep in textile science.15 As for the pattern weaving technique, it is all warp patterned, but their weaving is different from that of ground patterns. In the Han Dynasty, the two main weaving techniques in plain ground pattern were the following: 695, 707, cited from Old Tales of Heir Apparent in the Jin Dynasty)According to Explanations of Appellations, Vol. 4, by Liu Xi in the Han Dynasty, the explanation of colorful silk is that “Qi is diagonal. Its patterns are also diagonal, not along the direction of warp threads and weft threads. Cup pattern is on the qi, the shape of which is like a cup. … Its colors are alternated and cover the whole qi.” It seems that the characteristic of qi in Han Dynasty is not monochrome or multicolor, but the structure of pattern weaving. The Japanese still call twill weave with colorful patterns as “qi” (for example, Completed Series of World Fine Arts, Kadokawa Shoten Publishing Co., Ltd., 1962), Vol. 13, fig. 71 “qi with paired fish design”). According to Explanations of Appellations, the word “wen” in “qi wen xie xie” (“its patterns are diagonal”) and “bei wen” (“cup pattern”) refers to pattern. The former refers to pattern weave, that is, patterned twill weave, while the latter refers to the shape of the patterns, which looks like a cup. The ground pattern of Han qi is generally plain weave (including rep) or rib weave, instead of twill weave. Chinese people often refer to it as “qi, hu”. The latter seems to refer to crepe or “plain gauze”, that is, “plain leno”, “qi”, or may refer to “patterned leno”. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, figured damask with twill weave as ground pattern gradually became popular, and replaced plain weave as the ground pattern. At this time, “qi” and “ling” are sometimes mixed up. In the early Tang Dynasty, Yan Shigu annotated Book of Han: “Qi is patterned zeng (silk fabric), that is, thin ling nowadays.” (Vol. 1, Eight Years in Annals of Emperor Gaozu and Vol. 28, Part 2, the State of Qi in Geography). Plain white twill fabric is called “Bai ling”. According to Geography of the Old Book of Tang, there are local tributes, such as ling (ghatpot), hua ling (figured damask), wen ling (patterned ghatpot), and qi. However, there are more ling than qi. Although the name of Han qi is used in this article, I think more evidence is needed to fully confirm whether this kind of silk with veiled pattern is “qi” of the Han Dynasty. 14 This is the No. 2 qi with diamond pattern of specimen in Wu Min’s paper. According to her paper, there are 66 warp threads and 36 weft threads (p. 75), but in the given photo, the number of weft threads is twice as that of warp threads. The difference may lie in the use of double weft threads, that is, two weft threads across the same shuttle. However, I wonder if it is not easy to identify whether they are double weft threads or single weft thread in the photo, therefore, I tentatively calculate it as single weft thread. 15 “Gui wen” stands for pepc in Russian, rep or rib in English, “gui wen” or “mu wen” in Japanese. Nowadays, it is often translated as “compound plain weave” or “rib pattern”. In terms of the appearance of the fabric, the surface shows parallel rib patterns, which look like vegetable gardens. As for the structure, it may be a simple plain weave, or a compound plain weave in a plain weave variation. The surface of the former one appears rib patterns because the density of warp threads and weft threads is not equal and sometimes the degree of thickness of warp threads and weft threads is also different. The latter also forms rib patterns due to the changing of the plain weave, that is, one single weave point (floating point) of warp or weft is extended to two or more points (floating line). As a result, the appearance of the two is the same. Some people set limits on the application of “rep” to the latter. Based on the direction of rib pattern, it can be divided into “warp rep” and “weft rep”. In textiles, the former generally refers to “warp-directed” (vertical direction) rib, which is rib along the direction of warp thread. However, V. Sylwan deliberately violated the convention and referred it to horizontal rib composed of “warp threads”, which generally called “weft rib” (V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, pp. 92–93, 112). This caused some confusion in the usage of the nouns.

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(I) Similar to the warp twill, the interweaving of the ground weave’s warp and weft threads on plain weave is changed from one top one down to three top one down (i.e., 3/1 twill weave). The adjacent two warp threads and their intersection with the weft thread form a staircase-like diagonal line, showing a continuously inclined diagonal line. However, the entire piece of twill weave stands out from the ground pattern on plain weave due to the float of warp threads, forming the back of the patterned fabric. Therefore, the same is formed by the weft threads (Fig. 25.1, A1 and A2). If the fabric is not wide on the weft surface and has few warp threads or its pattern is not too complicated, a single thin rod can be used to lift the warp threads and form a shed, without the need for a harness frame; otherwise, two or more harness frames are required. For the fabric shown in the figure, the ground pattern is woven using the first two harness frames, while the pattern is made of the last four harness frames (as shown in each row labeled “C1” or “C2” in Fig. 25.1). The latter can be woven in two different methods of drafting and lifting. The draft of C1 is to distinguish the ground pattern from the pattern. Therefore, the pattern is woven by lifting only one of the harness frames (the third to sixth frames). In the case of C2, when the fragment is patterned, it is necessary to lift one of the 3rd–6th harness frames, and one of the 1st and 2nd harness frames related to the ground pattern. However, the order of lifting harness frames remains the same for both drafts in order to form the desired pattern.Taking the pattern in our figure as an example, the lifting order of the fifteen sheds on the heddle lifting plan should be 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 3, 4, 5, 6, 3, 4, 5, 2, 1 (see Fig. 25.1, C, note of the heddle lifting plan). In terms of weaving technique, this is actually still a plain weave, which is a variation of plain weave, with the floating points of some warp threads changing into floating lines, rather than a true twill weave. As far as we know, the diamond pattern of this type of warp twill weave on a plain weave ground has been found in silk textiles from the Shang Dynasty (Fig. 25.2).16 During the Han Dynasty, the so-called “Han weave” of the second type was popular. However, the silk fabrics with the diamond pattern of the first type of warp twill weave were still unearthed in the Han sites of Lop Nur (Loulan site) and Ejin River (smoke signal in Juyan Lake). They were also popular during the Tang Dynasty.17 Similar fabrics have been discovered in Han tombs in Noin-Ula, Xiongnu, Mongolian People’s Republic, as well as in the Kerch site in the Crimean Peninsula of the Soviet Union, dating back to the first century A. D. (Fig. 25.3).18 The latter was unearthed in 1842 and is considered one of the earliest discoveries of Han silk fabrics in modern times. In terms of patterns 16

V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur (English), 1949, pp. 107– 108, fig. 55; for the paper Silk from Yin Dynasty, see Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Vol. 9, 1937. 17 V. Sylwan, op. cit., p. 108 (Lop. 35: 2; A. 41: 3, 18); W. Willetts, Chinese Art (English), 1958, p. 224, Pl. XX (b). 18 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, Pl. I, 1 etc. (MP2111, MP1068, MP1403, MP1804, L, 1842–1883); C. Singer, ed, A History of Technology, Vol. 3, pp. 201– 202, Chap. 8 (J. F. Flanagan), fig. 136.

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Fig. 25.1 Weaving diagram of the first patterned weaving technique of Han qi (similar to twill weave). Note A. Structure diagram (vertical direction is warp and horizontal direction is weft), (1) Front, (2) Back; B. Draft pattern (Each black grid represents one warp thread floating above one weft thread); C (1). A possible harness draft plan and heddle lifting plan; C (2). The other possible harness draft plan and heddle lifting plan. Each horizontal row on the heddle lifting plan represents a harness frame and each vertical row represents a warp thread corresponding to the draft pattern (namely B). To represent each silk thread threading into a harness frame, fill the corresponding warp grid in the horizontal row representing this harness frame with black. Each row in the heddle lifting plan also represents a harness frame, which corresponds to the harness frame in the harness draft plan. There is a grid marked with × in each vertical row, which indicates one harness frame or some harness frames that must be lifted when each weft thread is put in to form a shed. The heddle lifting plan functions similarly to the “pattern card” used in modern looms

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Fig. 25.2 Draft pattern of qi in the Shang period

Fig. 25.3 Han qi unearthed in Kerch, Crimea peninsula. 1. Main pattern 2, 3. pattern on the fragment 4. Pattern repeat unit 5. Structure diagram of fabric (cf. J. F. Flanagan)

or weaving techniques, it can be seen that they have been passed down from the Yin Dynasty to the Han Dynasty. Some people think that the warp twill patterned is a characteristic of the weave from the Northern Dynasties to the early Tang Dynasty, and that Han qi uses the second type (rep weave or Han weave) to pattern, instead of this first type of warp twill patterned.19 However, this perspective is incorrect.

19

Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, see Cultural Relics, Nos. 7–8, 1962, p. 68, fig. 5.

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(II) Another weave can be called “Han weave”.20 Each warp thread that makes up the float of the twill weave, along with its adjacent warp thread, is woven in a plain weave with one thread raised and one thread lowered. As a result, the adjacent two warp threads on the fabric surface form a series of pictogram “卜” units. While it may seem like a combination of twill and plain weave, it’s essentially a plain weave with lifted warp threads are forming a pattern. It should be considered a variation of plain weave which seems to have been developed from the previous type. By adding another set of warp threads in a plain weave, the strength of the fabric can be increased without affecting the appearance of the pattern. On the front of the fabric, the warp threads of the twill weave are about three times longer than those of the plain weave because of the floats. Since these longer floats are relatively loose and these warp threads are weakly twisted, they tend to loosen and cover the adjacent warp threads on both sides of the plain weave (Fig. 25.4, A1). At rough glance, they may appear to be the same as the first type of twill weave mentioned above. However, closer examination reveals differences between the two. As for the back of the fabric (Fig. 25.4, A2), since the warp threads of each pair of adjacent plain weave, separated by three weft threads, converge towards the middle (i.e., towards the back of the float of the warp thread on twill weave), the float of the weft thread on the back is shorter, unlike the first weave, the back shows the same clear pattern as the front, composed of the float of the weft threads. This weaving technique can also increase the durability of the fabric. If using a harness frame, the heddle draft for this weaving pattern is shown in Fig. 25.4, C. The ground pattern alternates between the first and second heddles, while the pattern alternates between the first piece and either the secondpiece alone or a combination of the second and additional pieces (represented by ’n’) (Fig. 25.4, C2). N stands for more than one different harness frames. The number of harness frames needed for each fabric, the heddle technique and which heddle needs to be lifted each time are all determined by the pattern of the fabric. Taking our figure as an example (Fig. 25.4, C1), in addition to the first two harness frames 20

This kind of weave is rarely used in modern fabrics. In the 1920s, F. H. Andrews, an Englishman, studied Han silk fabrics unearthed in Xinjiang by Stein, but he didn’t notice the characteristics of this kind of fabric and just called it “Warp rib weave”, saying that its ground pattern composes of short floating lines and its patterns composes of long floating lines. Obviously, the specimens unearthed in Loulan, such as L. C. vii 09, belong to this category (Burlington Magazine, Vol. 37, No. 210, 1920, p. 147). R. Pfister, a Frenchman, hadn’t noticed its characteristics until he studied the Han silk fabrics unearthed in Palmyra in 1930s and named it “Han weave”. See R. J. Charleston, Dark figured silk of Han Dynasty, Oriental Art, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1948, p. 63, Note 1.Later, V. Sylwan, a Swede, who also found its characteristics, called it as “warp rep”, because its appearance was a little similar to what she called “warp rep”. See Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, pp. 14, 93, 103–104, fig. 50. This term is also used in Wu Min’s paper (see Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, Cultural Relics, Vols. 7–8, 1962, p. 68). This weave is obviously different from what is generally called “warp rep” in textiles (see the note on “warp rep” on the previous page). I think it would be appropriate to temporarily use the name “Han weave”. In order to distinguish it from the weave of Han jin, it may be renamed as “Han qi weave”.

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of plain weave, two additional harness frames are required, namely the 3rd and 4th harness frames. The order of lifting heddle of the fourteen sheds is 1, 2, 1, 2 plus 3, 1, 2 plus 4, 1, 2 plus 3, 1, 2 plus 4, 1, 2 plus 3, 1, 2. If all of them are patterns, the order is shown in Fig. 25.4, C2, i.e., the 1st and 2nd plus n pieces in a continuous cycle (n stands for different harness frames). Our specimen belongs to the second type, the pattern of which can be partially restored in the attached figure (Fig. 25.5). The primary design features a large diamond shape with leaf patterns inside it. The spaces between the diamonds are decorated with heart-shaped leaf patterns. Each pattern repeat measures 3.9 cm in height. The preserved width of the restorable part is about 8.2 cm. In this way, each pattern repeat consists of 72 threads and about 500 remaining warp threads (247 threads * 2 = 494 threads drawn in the figure). Generally, the width of the plain silk in the Han Dynasty was 2.2 chi, equivalent to 50.38 cm. The physical fragment has

Fig. 25.4 Weaving diagram of the second patterned weaving technique of Han qi (“Han weave”). Note (cf. note of Fig. 25.1): A. Structure diagram, (1) Front, (2) Back; B. Draft pattern; C (1). A possible harness draft plan and heddle lifting plan; C (2). A possible harness draft plan and heddle lifting plan of the pattern part (N stands for different harness frames; v stands for relevant warp threads. To be lifted or not depends on the pattern of the fabric; × stands for the heddle needed to be lifted

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25 Newly Discovered Ancient Silk Fabrics in Xinjiang—Qi, Jin and Xiu

Fig. 25.5 Restored diagram of patterns of Han qi unearthed in Niya. (Each rectangular grid represents a warp thread that floats above three weft threads. There is originally one warp thread of plain weave between two warp threads in the pattern part, which is omitted in the figure, so as to make the pattern clearer.)

proved it to be 45–50 cm. Silk fabrics with patterns (including Han qi and colourful jin) ranged from 35 to 48 cm.21 If the original width of our specimen was 40 cm, then the number of warp threads would have been around 2,500. With such width and warp count, together with the complexity of patterns, it requires a harness frame during weaving, and it would not have been possible to lift the warp threads with a thin rod by hand. Since warp density reaches 66 per centimeter, a reed may have been used to avoid twisting the warp threads.22 Similar to this specimen, it is possible that each dent passes through two warp threads. It can see that in some of the series of warp threads that make up the pattern, one thread is sometimes missing, leaving only its adjacent long list of plain weave points in the photographs and restored photos. This problem occurs in two places in our specimen. The pattern repeat of this specimen includes 72 weft threads. According to the draft pattern and harness draft plan analyzed above, odd-numbered weft threads have to pass through the shed of lifting the first piece of heddle, while even-numbered weft threads pass through the shed of lifting the harness frames with different techniques. In this way, except for the first two heddles, this specimen requires an additional 36 heddles, amounting to 38 heddles. The annotations in the “Biography of Du Kui” from the Records of the Three Kingdoms suggest that looms may have had fifty or sixty heddles during that period.23 It would have been impossible to operate all of these heddles with the traditional foot-treadle. While the first two heddles of the 21

V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, pp. 94–96. It seems that there are traces of reed threading warp threads and weft threads in the document of the Han Dynasty. See Sun Yutang, The progress of textile technology in the Warring States and Qin and Han Dynasties, Historical Studies, 1963, No. 3, p. 157. 23 “Book of Wei”, Records of the Three Kingdoms (collection of various editions), Vol. 29, p. 4505. 22

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ground pattern (“front heddle”) could still be operated by a seated weaver using foot pedals, the dozens of jacquard heddles may have required another person to stand next to the loom or work from a raised platform to lift the required heddles in the correct sequence. Although there were no complex jacquard looms in ancient times, it is likely that simple devices for lifting heddles were available, as described in Odes of Loom, a poem by Wang Yi of the later Han Dynasty (second century).24 Han qi, a kind of “Han weave”, has been found in the following places: Lop Nur,25 Noin-Ula26 and Palmyra in Syria.27 The last discovery is of greater significance because it was a trading city near the western end of the “Silk Road” at that time, not far from the Mediterranean Sea. Several pieces of dark figured qi of “Han weave” were unearthed from the tombs in this area in 1933 and 1937, which were dated from 83–273 A. D. Although some people have disagreed that these were made in China at that time and then exported, in terms of manufacturing techniques and pattern designs, it can be confirmed that they were made in China during the Eastern Han Dynasty or slightly later and then exported. R. Pfister named them “Han weave” because the characteristics of their weaving technique discovered through the study of these specimens. As for the patterns, it can be seen that they have the same style and similar motifs as those unearthed from the Eastern Han tomb in Niya this time (pattern with bird and animal motifs also found in Niya) as it is shown in the attached figures (Figs. 25.6 and 25.7).28 One important component of these patterns is the diamond pattern. As the “Han weave” of the pattern is similar to the twill weave with interlacing points forming a diagonal line, this weave is suitable for diamond pattern made up of diagonal lines in different directions. Han diamond patterns had various variations, with the more common being a diamond shape with two incomplete smaller diamonds attached to each side, similar to the Han lacquer cup with two ears. The “cup pattern” of the “qi with colorful cup design”29 mentioned in ancient literature may refer to this type of pattern. This compound diamond pattern has already been found in silk fabrics from the Eastern Zhou period unearthed in Chu tombs in Xinyang and Changsha,30 and it is also common in bronze mirror patterns 24

For “Odes of loom”, see Yiwen Leiju, Vol. 65. It was also recorded in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia, Vol. 825), but the title of poetic exposition “fu” came off. This paragraph is the literal interpretation of jacquard loom, cf. op. cit., Sun Yutang, pp. 158–159. 25 V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, pp. 104–105 (34: 40a, 40b; 34: 47); A. Stein, Innermost Asia (English), pp. 238, 257, Pl. XL (L. C. VII. 09). 26 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China (Russian), p. 9 (MP1013). 27 R. Pfister, Silk fabrics of the Han Dynasty unearthed in Palmyra, Asian Arts Criticism (French), Vol. 13, No. 2, 1939–1942, pp. 67–77, fig. 3, 5, Pl. X (S9, S39); R. J. Charleston, Dark figured silk of Han Dynasty, Oriental Art (English), Vol. 1, No. 1, 1948, p. 65, 70, figs. 8–10 (S39). 28 Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, see Cultural Relics, Nos. 7–8, 1962, pp. 67–68, fig. 4 bird and beast pattern with grapevine motif. 29 Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia (Zhonghua Book Company photographic printing edition), Vol. 149, 695, cited from Old Tales of Heir Apparent. According to Explanations of Appellations, Vol. 4, Liu Xi explained colorful silk that “cup pattern is on the qi, the shape of which is like a cup” (Explanation and Annotation of Appellations Explanations [Encyclopaedic Library edition], p. 223). 30 Institution of Archaeology of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Changsha Excavation Report, 1957, p. 64, Pl. XXXI, 3; Pl. XXXIII A, 2; For the restored picture, see Shen Congwen, Wang

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Fig. 25.6 Patterns of Chinese Han qi unearthed in Palmyra, Syria (No. S9)

Fig. 25.7 Patterns of Chinese Han qi unearthed in Palmyra, Syria (No. S39)

during the Warring States and early Han Dynasty. As for leaf or persimmon patterns, they are also frequently used in Han mirror patterns.31

Jiashu, Chinese Silk Patterns, fig. 1; Cultural Relics Team of Henan Provincial Bureau of Culture, Catalogue of Cultural Relics Unearthed from the Chu Tomb in Xinyang, Henan Province, 1959, Pls. CLXX-CLXXI. 31 Institution of Archaeology of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Changsha Excavation Report, 1957, Pl. XXI, 4.

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25.2 . The most appealing feature of Han silk fabrics is their colorful jin. The most exquisite Han jin found in Niya this time is a man’s brocade robe. To better understand the characteristics of Han jin, we will first provide a detailed explanation of its weaving technique. The weaving technique of Han jin is to use different colored warps to pattern, a method known as “warp-patterned compound cloth weave”.32 Comparing it with the dark figured qi of the Han Dynasty, the similarity basically lies in their plain weave and warp patterned (composed of pictogram “卜”). However, the main difference is that Han jin is compound weave (i.e., compound type) created by alternating two or more sets of warp threads and one set of weft threads. Warp threads can be divided into surface warp and inner warp based on their functions. One set of surface warps has long floating lines that cover the floating points of inner warps to prevent exposure on the fabric surface. For the sake of color matching, the same warp thread can be used as either surface warp or inner warp, depending on the pattern. Secondly, although there is only one set of weft threads, they can be divided into binding weft and interior weft depending on their functions. Another feature is that, unlike dark figured qi, which weaves ground pattern and pattern in two different weaves, Han jin only uses one weave and relies on the coordination of warp thread colors to show patterns. The weft threads generally match the color of the ground fabric and are not visible on the surface in principle. Therefore, when considering the number of colors in Han jin, the color of weft thread is not taken into account. Now for the two-color Han jin, it is made up of two sets of different-colored warp threads. Figure 25.8A and B represent the structure chart and sectional drawing of this fabric. The weft threads are shown as two different thicknesses in the figure to indicate their two different roles, but in reality, they may be the same thread wound on the shuttle. The odd-numbered weft threads (including weft thread C) on the fabric are binding wefts, visible in the bottom left corner of the figure. They are interwoven with each warp thread to form a plain weave. The even-numbered weft threads (including weft thread D) are consistently interior wefts, sandwiched 32

This weaving technique has different names. When Andrews studied Han jin unearthed in Xinjiang by Stein, he first noticed this characteristic of Han jin, which was called “Warp rib” weave, because the its warp threads are denser than its weft threads, which has the effect of rib (Burlington Marine, Vol. 37, No. 210, 1920, p. 10). Later, V. Sylwan called it “Compound warp rep” in his book Research on Silk Fabric (1049), because it is a composite fabric (i.e. compound weave) and ground pattern has warp rib effect (p. 93, 112). “Warp rib” was also adopted in Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min. The above-mentioned “rip” in the note is not the same with “warp rib” in textiles. R. G. Shepherd thought it was a double-faced cloth weave, rather than “compound weave”. See Arts Orientalis, Vol. 2, 1957, p. 611. However, there are two layers above or below the binding weft of such fabric, so it should still be regarded as “compound weave”. W. Willetts thought it was a double type like dark figured qi, which is “compound” type (see Oriental Art, 1958, p. 251). It seems to confuse two different weaves. Dark figured qi is not “compound” type, which is different from polychrome jin. J. Lowry called it “Polychrome Han-weave”, or “Han weave” for short (see Han textiles, p. 67), which also confused the two. Or it can be called “Han jin weave”, which distinguishes from the “Han qi weave” mentioned in the previous note.

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Fig. 25.8 Weaving diagram of biocolor Han jin. Note (cf. note of Fig. 25.1): A. Structure diagram (removal of surface warp A or B in the left bottom to disclose the relationship among interior weft D, inner warp B or A and binding fabric C); B (1). Longitudinal section (A stands for black warp; B stands for white warp; C stands for 〇, binding weft; D stands for × , interior weft); B (2). Cross section: C (1) draft pattern (1–8 stand for black warp. Black grid stands for black warp floating over weft thread; I—VIII stand for white warp. Small circle stands for white warp floating over weft thread); C (2). Basic weave of surface warp in ground part; C (3). Basic weave of inner warp in ground part; D (1). A possible harness draft plan (left) and heddle lifting plan (right); D (2). The other possible harness draft plan (upper left. 1–2 horizontal rows are “front heddle”, that is, binding heddle. N stands for different jacquard heddle; V stands for the relevant warp threads. Each pair of warp threads must be lifted one at a time and which one to lift depends on the fabric pattern.) and heddle lifting plan (right) and reed drafting figure (bottom left. The number of horizontal black grids is equal to the number of warp threads in a reed tooth. Two adjacent reeds are represented by two horizontal grids.)

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between a set of warp threads on the front side and another set on the back side. They do not play a role in interweaving in the structure, but rather facilitate the raising of the pattern, allowing the two sets of warp threads with different colors to interchange positions as surface warps to form the pattern. At the same time, they also extend the floating line of the warp threads with the same color in the pattern without losing the strength of the fabric, so they are also called “patterned weft”. As for the warp threads, there are two sets: A and B. In the figure, A (1–8) is black and B (I–VI) is white. Each set has one thread (i.e., 1 and I, 2 and II, etc.) to form a pair. Except for the place where the pattern colors are exchanged, this pair has one long floating line as a surface warp with three floating one sinking, while the other one has only one floating point as an inner warp, therefore, the floating line and the floating point of each pair as pictogram “卜” unit (Fig. 25.8, C1), which is actually similar to the above-mentioned pictogram “卜” unit of “Han weave” in the pattern part of dark figured qi.33 From C 2 and C 3, it can be seen that the basic organization of the surface and inner warp of the base pattern shows the 3/1 and 1/3 twill effect, but the step (that is, the separation between the corresponding floating points of two adjacent warp threads) is 2 instead of 1, therefore, it is still a plain weave rather than twill weave in terms of weaving technique. However, adding interior weft (horizontal row 2 and 4) makes it a variation of the plain weave. If we only consider the interior weft (horizontal row 1 and 3), it is still a plain weave. Han jin is a “compound weave” in that the floating points of inner warp are covered underneath the floating line of surface warp. After interweaving, the surface warp has only one floating point on the back of the fabric, while the inner warp has the floating line with three up one down on the back of the fabric, covering the floating points of the surface warp. Therefore, the two-color Han jin has the opposite colors of the back and the front, while the pattern is the same. At the color-changing point, the relevant warp threads only float over two weft threads. These short floats are either on the front of the fabric (as shown in Fig. 25.8, B1, Row 7–VII warp thread in the longitudinal section) or on the back of the fabric (ibid., Row 8–VIII warp thread), depending on the pattern requirements. As a result, the interval between corresponding weaving points of every two adjacent warp threads of the pattern can be 2 or 1, unlike the “Han weave” of the dark figured qi, which is all 2. After weaving, the outline of Han jin’s patterns appears softer and smoother, while the outline of Han qi’s patterns appears more rigid and often with thin zigzag line. It is also because of this technical improvement that fluent flowing clouds patterns and elaborate patterns are widely used in Han jin. Therefore, it has been suggested that the weaving technique of Han jin is a further development on the basis of the “Han weave” of dark figured qi.34 However, later on, they are two kinds of fabrics with different weaving techniques coexisting, and Han jin seems to be more prevalent. The specific weaving technique for two-color Han jin may be as follows: in the two groups of different colored warp threads, take one warp thread from each group 33

J. Lowry, Han textiles, Oriental Art, 1960, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 67–71. W. Willetts, Chinese Art, 1958, p. 252; V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, p. 114.

34

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to form a pair or a set (surface warp and inner warp),35 with “pair” as a unit. There are two kinds of heddles: binding heddle, which is used for interweaving, and jacquard heddle, which is used to pattern. The former may use two harness frames (so-called “front heddle”), with even pairs of warp threads (2–II, 4–IV, etc.) threaded through the first harness frame and odd pairs of warp threads (1–I, 3–III, etc.) threaded through the second harness frame. The number of jacquard heddles and draft of each piece of jacquard heddles depend on the pattern of each fabric. In our figure, the 3rd to 7th jacquard heddles are used. The difference of lifting technique between jacquard heddle and binding heddle is that only one of the surface warp in each pair passes through the jacquard heddle, regardless of whether the pair is odd or even. The choice of which color of warp thread to use as the surface warp depends on the needs of the pattern (Fig. 25.8, D 1). When weaving, the binding heddles (assuming two pieces) are generally placed between the jacquard heddle and the sitting weaver (hence also called “front heddle”), and can be controlled by the weaver’s foot. However, as jacquard heddles usually have many heddles, it requires another person to pattern. Generally, the jacquard heddle do not use hard heddles, but rather drawcords, which are gathered into a bundle. Its function is the same as that of heddle, so we still call it “heddle” here.When weaving the first binding weft, lift the first heddle (binding heddle). And when the second binding weft (this is the third binding weft in the figure. The total number of threads in the figure is based on the number of the weft threads, including interior weft) is added, the second heddle must be lifted. The same heddle is used every three weft threads. The first heddle is used for the 1st, 5th, 9th, 13th and 17th weft threads and the second heddle is used for the 3rd, 7th, 11th, and 15th weft threads, which forms a plain weave. In terms of sequence, after one binding weft is woven, an interior weft is followed, which requires lowering the “binding heddle” and raising the “jacquard heddle”. In the whole monochrome part, all surface warps of the same color must be lifted when weaving the interior weft, that is, the 3rd (black) or 4th (white) heddle must be lifted: In the figure, the 2nd, 4th and 6th warp threads in all black parts use the 3rd heddle; the 8th and 10th warp threads in all white parts use the 4th heddle. As for the parts composed of different colors, different jacquard heddles (such as the 5th to 7th heddles) must be lifted as required. The order of lifting heddle (Fig. 25.8, D 1), should be (1, 3), (2, 3), (1, 3), (2, 4), (1, 4), (2, 5), (1, 6), (2, 7), as shown in the draft pattern (Fig. 25.8, C 1). In summary, it can be represented by Fig. 25.8, D 2, where n stands for different jacquard heddles. The lifting order is l, n, 2, n. As for the lifting procedure, after a “jacquard heddle” is lowered, a “binding heddle” will be lifted, which will elongate the floating line that has become a warp thread in the previous step into a float and interweave the rest of warp threads with the rest of weft threads. After the “binding heddle” is lowered, another “jacquard heddle” will be lifted, which often involves lifting the warp thread of the pattern already lifted in the previous “jacquard heddle” 35

“One end” in Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min is actually a group composed of several individuals. “End” generally refers to an individual. “Group” is often confused with the “group” in color group and functional group, so it is called “pair” in the paper. One surface thread and one inner thread is a “pair” and more than two threads is a “fu”.

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and another new group of warp threads of the pattern at the same time, so that the warp thread that the floating line in the previous step will be ended as three up floating line, and at the same time another new series of floating line will be lifted. If there was a reed at that time, each pair of surface warp and inner warp should be passed through the same dent after being threaded through the heddle. This not only ensures even distribution of the warp threads, but also makes it easier for the inner warps to be easily hidden under the surface warps without being exposed (Fig. 25.8, D 2). The weaving technique of three-color Han jin is basically the same as that of twocolor Han jin. According to the color differences, the warp threads can be divided into three groups (1–6, I–VI, i–iv in Fig. 25.9). When one group is used as surface warp, the other two groups are used as inner warp. Although the inner warp consists of warp threads with two colors, they are only one layer in the structure. In other words, there are still only two layers of warp thread: surface and inner, rather than three layers: surface, middle and inner.36 In this sense, they are still “double warp compound weave”. Take one warp thread from each of the three groups as a pair (such as 1–I–I or 2–II–ii in Fig. 25.9, etc.), and the odd and even pairs are threaded into the 1st, 2nd interwoven frames respectively. And then according to the pattern, one warp thread lifted from each pair is threaded into every jacquard heddle. If there is a reed, thread three of each pair into the same dent. The lifting order is l, n, 2, n. These are the same as the two-color Han jin, as can be seen in the Fig. 25.9. The main differences between three-color Han jin and two-color Han jin are as follows: (1) The back of the fabric is chaotic in color and has a blurred contour line because the warp floating lines exposed on the surface of the back side of the three-color Han jin are composed of two groups of warp threads with different colors. In contrast, the back of two-color Han jin also has clear patterns, but they are simply the opposite of those on the front. Some people believe that the fact that Han jin has a clear pattern on the back is one of the advantages of Han jin over dark figured qi.37 However, this statement only applies to two-color Han jin and is incorrect for three-color or more Han jin. (2) The warp threads used as the surface warp are slightly looser than those of two-color jin because they are separated from the “binding weft” by two inner warps, unlike two-color jin which only separates them by one. Therefore, sometimes they do not completely cover the inner warp or weft threads underneath. Theoretically, Han jin with four or more colors can be woven with four or more groups of warp threads of different colors. There is only one group of surface warps and the rest are inner warps. If there are too many groups of inner warps, the floating lines of the surface warps will be too loose, resulting in a fabric that is not only not strong but also has a messy and blurred pattern due to the inability to hide too many inner warp. Therefore, Han jin generally uses two or three colors for weaving. If four or more colors are needed, the partitioning method is used. Four colors are rarely 36

There are three layers of warp threads: one layer is ground color, one layer is pattern border, and the other layer is color of the pattern (see Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, pp. 64–65). It seems that the layer of structure and pattern matching are confused. 37 W. Willetts, Chinese Art, p. 252.

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Fig. 25.9 Weaving diagram of three-color Han jin. Note (cf. Figs. 25.1 and 25.8): A. Structure diagram; B (1). Longitudinal section; B (2). Cross section; C. Draft pattern (1–6 stand for white warp. White circle stands for white warp floating over weft thread; I-VI stand for black warp. Black grid stands for black warp floating over weft thread; i-iv are red warps. Grid with diagonal stands for red warp floating over weft thread.); D. A possible harness draft plan (left) and heddle lifting plan (right). B (1–2 horizontal rows) stands for “front heddle”, that is “binding heddle” and n (3–7 horizontal rows) stands for different jacquard heddles

used in the same division, and so far there have been no cases of more than four colors.38 The partitioning method is to divide the warp threads into several divisions in the whole fragment, and there are generally three groups of warp threads with three different colors in each division. In this way, there can be as many as four colors or even more than five colors in the entire fabric.

38

V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, p. 112, 172 (V. Sylwan said that “five-color jin is called cai (colorful silk)”, but the real object was not found).

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Our specimen39 is woven by the three-color Han jin weaving technique of this partitioning method. Although there are five colors: crimson, white, purple-red, light blue and dark green, there are no more than three colors in each division. Taking the part shown in the plate as an example, it can be divided into twelve divisions from right to left based on the vertical lines of the warp threads. Each division has two colors: crimson and white, and the third color is either purple-red, light blue or dark green. Therefore, its weaving technique still uses three groups of warp threads in different colors in each division. According to the original photo, the front warp thread density is about 56 per cm, and the weft thread is 25 to 26 threads per cm.40 Since it is a “compound” type of three groups of warp threads, there are actually 168 warp threads per cm. The pattern repeat of this specimen is approximately 3.9 cm for weft repeat and more than 35 cm for warp repeat which seems to traverse the entire width of the fabric. As we know, the “Hanren” jin (L. C. 07a) discovered by Stein in Lop Nur had a width of 45.7 cm, including the silk border, and warp repeat also ran across the entire fabric.41 In terms of the weaving technique, our specimen has about 100 weft threads in each weft repeat, half of which are jacquard wefts (i.e., interior weft). Therefore, except for two binding heddles used, it still needs about 50 jacquard heddles (“weft repeat” means the height of each pattern unit in the warp direction). Excluding the four-character inscription “Wanshi Ruyi (all generations go well)”, warp repeat of the pattern in each unit is about 15.7 cm. As for the existing part, starting from the right side, there is a group of flowing cloud patterns, with a sideleaning Z-shaped main body and spiraling upward at the end. On both sides of the main body, the convex part is attached with Ru-yi shaped cirrus cloud patterns, while the concave part is attached with pronged “dogwood pattern”. The term “dogwood pattern” used in this article refers to a pattern whose outline is somewhat like the leaves of dogwood.42 It is composed of three to four parallel curved lines with thick upper part and thin lower part and a group of two to four spiral patterns, which 39

See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 5, fig. 1; p. 6. fig. 7; cover of combined issue of the seventh and eighth, 1962. 40 According to Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min, there are 26 weft threads and 28 warp threads. The latter may be wrong, but the reason is unknown. 41 Stein, Innermost Asia, Pl. XXXIV. See Shen Congwen et al., Chinese Silk Patterns, fig. 2. 42 There are various brocade names of stone tiger listed in Records from the region of Ye (cited by Shuofu), such as “Deng Gao” (ascending), “Ming Guang” (bright), “Zhu Yu” (dogwood), and “Jiao Long” (interlaced dragons), etc. The former two refer to characters in the fabric pattern, while the latter two refer to patterns. The ancients thought that dogwood could root out the evil, so it was adopted as a pattern. Its leaf shape is oval or like an egg and its end is sharp, which is similar to our pattern, therefore, it may be the ancient dogwood pattern. I am not quite sure, so I use quotation marks to show my caution. Andrews called it “pronged element”. V. Sylwan called it “fork motif” and thought it was changed from “wing motif” with discussion of its origin and significance in a long length (see Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, pp. 128–138). In fact, it is proper to regard it as cornel pattern, because it is sometimes with other plant patterns, but it has never a wing as an animal or a feather man (Supplementary note: Han Tomb 1 at Mawangdui in Changsha, Part 1, 1973, p. 62, fig. 48, 4. Dogwood pattern refers to a pattern of its flowers and

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resembles a pronged element, and its top is connected by a petiole-like short line and the main body of cloud pattern. There are inscriptions in clerical script at the end of the main body. On the left side of this group of cloud patterns, there is another group of side-leaning C-shaped cloud patterns, ending in arrow shapes with some spiral patterns and three “dogwood patterns” on either side of the main body, two hanging down and one lying horizontally. This is followed by a group of vertically standing S-shaped cirrus cloud patterns with a simplified “dogwood patterns” at the end, in addition to spiral patterns. The pattern unit ends here, and to the left, it repeats again, but with the position of the clerical script inscription the same, and the words different. The first repeat is the two characters “Wanshi (for all generations)”; the second repeat is the two characters “Ruyi (as you wishes)”; and the third repeat only preserves the beginning portion, apparently without an inscription. If the width of this fabric includes three complete pattern repeats, plus two side borders, its width should be around 47 cm. The color schemes of the stripes in each repeat are not the same. In terms of color scheme, the ground of this specimen is purple-red. The “five brocades of the interlaced dragons in the purple-red ground”43 mentioned in “Biography of Dongyi”, “Book of Wei”, Records of the Three Kingdoms seems to refer to this type of ground color. This is a relatively common ground color in Han jin. The pattern is composed of other four colors, with white playing a special role as an embroider for the clerical script inscriptions and some of the cirrus cloud patterns, which makes the text and patterns stand out prominently. However, white sometimes also serves as a line for the patterns alone. Crimson, light blue and dark green are all used as pattern stripes, some of which are embroidered with white on both sides, while others are not embroidered. Their distribution is based on the warp partitioning method mentioned above, so when a pattern line crosses into another division, it suddenly changes to a different color. The width of each division ranges from 0.9 to 2.7 cm. However, as a whole, the fabric is a riot of colors, very gorgeous. Han jin with this pattern was also discovered in Eastern Han tombs, Dalai Nur District, Inner Mongolia in 1959. Based on the copy of the pattern found (the copy seems a bit out of shape),44 it seems to have some minor differences from this specimen of Niya with some remaining parts of the inscription “Ru (如)” and “Yi ( 意)”, and the pattern mainly composed of the cirrus cloud patterns and the “dogwood patterns”. However, it appears that the main body of the pattern consists of only two groups of cirrus cloud patterns, the Z-shaped and C-shaped, omitting the third Sshaped cirrus cloud pattern of Niya, and the pattern repeat starts again. Furthermore, the left side of the “Yi(意)” character inscription has already reached the edge of the fabric. Despite of such minor differences, the similarities between the two are astonishing. They may have been produced by the same workshop and exported to two locations over 3,000 km apart from each other. The Han jin unearthed from a foliage in the sketch style. The term “dogwood pattern” is retained for the time being, in order to correspond to what has been called “pronged element” by predecessors.). 43 “Book of Wei”, Records of the Three Kingdoms (collection of various editions), Vol. 30, p. 4529. 44 See Cultural Relics, 1961, No. 9, p. 18, fig. 8.

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Han tomb in Ilmovabad in the south of Lake Baikal and another one found in Lop Nur, Xinjiang, have almost identical patterns,45 which is another example of this phenomenon. Another type of patterned Han jin, “Yannian Yishou Dayi Zisun (longevity and prosperity for offspring)” jin, has also been found in several distant places. Part of the hem of the male brocade robe found in Niya, as well as the men’s brocade socks and gloves, are all made of this type of brocade.46 Stein also found several pieces in Lop Nur (Fig. 25.10).47 More interestingly, a piece of Han jin with the same pattern was found in a second century A. D. tomb in Ograhti, on the bank of the Yenisei in the Soviet Union, with remnants of the three words “Yi (益)”, “Shou (寿)” and “Da (大)” (Fig. 25.11).48 It can be seen that these Han jin were very popular among people in various regions at that time. I have observed two pieces of Niya’s specimens, and the right side of the border is still preserved. The border is 1.05 cm in width. The existing breadth is about 40.75 cm. The border is rib on plain weave with interior weft, consisting of three monochromatic vertical stripes of blue, crimson and white, about 0.35 cm in width, with about 60 warp threads per cm, becoming denser towards the edges with 70 warp threads in the blue stripe. There are 26 to 28 pairs of weft threads per cm. The pattern is woven by the three-color Han jin partitioning weaving technique with about 40 to 44 warp threads per cm exposed on the front side. There are actually 120 to 132 warp threads per cm (more than 5,000 threads for the entire fabric), because it is a “compound” type of three groups of warp threads, but it is still looser than the “Wanshi Ruyi (all generations go well)” jin described above. Its divisions are not as neat as the latter, sometimes with one or several warp threads of another color in the middle of a single-color division. Each division also has crimson and white warp threads, while a third color is added to form a pair. This third color is sapphire blue, light camel (gray brown) or fragrant color (light orange). The ground is also crimson (the crimson of this piece is darker than that of “Wanshi Ruyi” jin and with a bit purple), and white is used for the embroider of inscriptions or pattern lines. White is also used alone for as pattern lines, but the vast majority of such lines uses the other three colors, either with or without a white embroider. Weft threads, which are yellow–brown, double lines (each shed passes through two weft threads), are basically not visible on the surface. 45

For the former, see E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China (Russian), p. 37, Pl. XXIV; For the latter, see Stein, Innermost Asia, Pl. XXXIX, artifact number L. C. 03. 46 See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 5, fig. 2, 4 (left); p. 12. 47 Stein, Innermost Asia, Pl. XXXIX, artifact number: L. C. i. 06, 7, 7a; iii. 04, 17–18, Pl. XLII. In addition, there is other kind of “Yan Nian Yi Shou” jin, for example, L. C. 031. c, see Pl. XXXIV, XXXIX (i. e. Shen Congwen et al., Chinese Silk Patterns, fig. 4 “Yan Nian Yi Shou” jin on red ground). This pattern is different from that found in Lop Nur, though some details are the same, which cannot be confused. 48 A. M. Tallgren, “Han Dynasty tombs at Ograhti in southern Siberia”, ESA, 1937, Vol. 11. Supplementary note: see K. Riboud and E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, “New discoveries at Ograhti”, Asian Art (French), 1973, Vol. 28, pp. 139–164.

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Fig. 25.10 Color marking of “Yannian Yishou Dayi Zisun” (Longevity and Prosperity for offspring) jin found in Lop Nur (L. C. i. 06, 7, 7a; iii. 04. C; iii. 17 ~ 18): (1) maple, (2) claybank, (3) dark brown, (4) atrovirens, (5) dark blue (Note see Stein, Innermost Asia, Pl. XLII, proportion 1/ 2)

As for pattern repeat, its warp repeat crosses the whole fabric, reaching over 40 cm. The weft repeat is approximately 5.4 cm, including about 150 weft threads and 75 jacquard heddles. The structure of the entire pattern is made up of intermittent cloud patterns that traverse the silk breadth and occasionally accompanied by “dogwood patterns”. Among these winding curves, there are seven to eight animals and eight clerical script words “Yannian Yishou Dayi Zisun (longevity and prosperity for offspring)” spread throughout. Specifically, starting from the right side is a Chinese character “Yan (延)” in clerical script, near the edge of the fabric. Its bottom left is a dog-like animal (in contrast to the pattern of “Hanren” jin, it should be a tiger), with its head to the left, extending its neck and opening its mouth. To the left of the animal, separated by cloud patterns, is a bird that looks like a partridge or duck, standing on the downward turning line of the cloud pattern, so its position forms a right angle with the silk breadth. The third animal (the second beast) on the left side of the bird is a leopard-shaped animal with a long neck, some spots on its body, and stepping to the left (the beast in “Hanren” jin has two horns on its head). There is a Chinese

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Fig. 25.11 “Yannian Yishou” (Longevity and Prosperity) jin unearthed in the ancient tomb of Ograhti, Soviet Union (cf. A. M. Tallgren, original size)

character “Nian” on the back and “Yi” on the front foot. Below the character “Yi” is a Z-shaped cloud pattern lying on its side. On the upper left of the cloud pattern is another Z-shaped cloud pattern. Above the end of the latter is the word “Shou”, with a “dogwood pattern” hanging below. Further to the left, separated by another cloud pattern is the third beast. Its tail is up, its hind legs are to the right, and its whole body is curled up with its head turned to the right. Its front legs are visible above and under its shoulders respectively. There is a character “Da” between its head and its hind legs, and a character “Yi” above its buttocks. Below the left side of the character “Yi” is a “cloud pattern” (?), and on the left is another “dogwood pattern”. Above the latter seems to be a stylized bird with its head up and its legs to the left. Its legs and the stand form a cross pattern (“Hanren” jin is a cirrus cloud pattern). To the left of “dogwood pattern”, separated by a character “Zi”, is the fourth beast. Its left hind leg is lower, and its right hind leg and front legs climb upward, stepping on a cloud pattern with steps. This beast has spots on its body and a hooked shape on its shoulder. There is a “dogwood pattern” under its snout. Further to the left is another group of Z-shaped cloud pattern, and the fifth beast is at the upper left. This beast is a bit like a goat, with what appears to be two horns on its head. Its tail folds upwards and turns to the right, the left hind leg stretched high to the right, the right hind leg and the front leg are moving forward to the left, and the head turns

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25 Newly Discovered Ancient Silk Fabrics in Xinjiang—Qi, Jin and Xiu

to the right and looks back, with the horns pointing to the left. The two horns are separated by the word “Sun” at the upper left. Further to the left is a pattern. The bottom left is the sixth beast. This beast has wings on its shoulders and may be an evil-proof beast. Its head is to the left, and its four legs seem to run to the left (this is the winged flying dragon in “Hanren” jin). It has cloud pattern on the bottom left. The existing part of the entire pattern ends here.49 There seems to be not much missing. The entire picture vividly illustrates various beasts running around, accompanied by fluid cloud patterns, and so on. Compared with the “Hanren” jin discovered by Stein, the inscription is different, but the bird and animal patterns are similar. In addition to the lively bird and animal patterns or cirrus cloud patterns, there are also relatively restrained geometric patterns in Han jin. The diamond jin unearthed in Niya this time (also known as the diagonal checkered jin) is an example,50 which was sewn into women’s socks. I have observed the remaining fragments of the actual artifact. Its right border is still preserved, with a width of about 0.75 cm. It’s rib on plain weave with interior weft, which is composed of crimson and white two lines. There are 74 to 76 warp threads (about 100 warp threads per cm) and 34 to 36 weft threads per cm. The weft threads are single threads, yellowish-brown, and not visible on the surface. The pattern is woven by three-color Han jin weaving technique, which only requires three colors of warp threads, and does not need to use the partitioning method. The density of warp threads visible on the front of this pattern part is 50 to 60 threads per cm, but because it is a compound type of three groups of warp threads, there are actually 150 to 180 warp threads per cm. The part near the silk border is relatively denser. The breadth is full of diamond patterns, but there is a row of white “Yang” characters and blue four-petal patterns between the diamond patterns and the border. In terms of the diamond pattern part of the pattern repeat, the warp repeat is 1.5–1.8 cm (about 90 warp threads) and the weft repeat is 2.3–2.4 cm (including about 84 weft threads). This means that in terms of pattern repeat, the weft repeat can be reduced to half during weaving. The second half of weft repeat can be woven by reversing the order of lifting heddles. Therefore, except for two binding heddles, the fabric only needs about 21 jacquard heddles. The patterns and color matching of these specimens are on purple-red ground; Compared with the crimson ground of the above two pieces, it has more purple hues. The pattern is made of this purple, blue and white (slightly yellow). White with a yellow tinge may be the original color of silk, which has not been bleached. The white stripes on the border are pure white. The diamond pattern is bounded by white lines. The diamonds can be divided into two horizontal rows based on the color, one of which is purple-red pattern on blue ground, the other is half blue pattern on white ground, and the other half is on purple-red ground without pattern. The pattern 49

According to Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min, there is mouse pattern in the brocade, which probably refers to the fourth beast, but there is no mouse with spotted patterns on its body. There is also a rooster with its head held high, probably the fifth beast. The animal on the men’s embroidered robe is clear, which is a rooster, a quadruped for sure. 50 See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 5, fig. 4 (right).

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in each diamond is a row of seven to eight horizontal lines or small triangles. The pattern in the whole width is very neat and regular, but a bit monotonous. Due to textile technology at that time, not only the geometric patterns were very rigorous rules, but also the curves such as pattern with bird and beast motif and cloud pattern sometimes appear to be zigzag. Niya relics also include some specimens of embroidery in the Han Dynasty. Compared with woven patterns, the lines of these embroidered patterns are more fluid and vivid, and they appear to have been in one take.51

25.3 . Embroidery in the Han Dynasty is as famous as brocade, and the position of “brocade” is equal to that of “embroidery”, both of which are regarded as treasures. It was stipulated in the eighth year of the Han Dynasty with Gaozu as an emperor that “merchants were not allowed to wear brocade and embroidered clothes”.52 Book of the Later Han praised Queen Deng’s frugality, saying that “all the weaving rooms in government mustn’t use all kinds of silk fabrics, such as brocade and embroidery”.53 They are regarded as precious gifts, and the Han court often bequeaths brocade and embroidery to Huns. In one of the first six years of Emperor Wen’s reign, “Ten bolts of embroidery, twenty bolts of brocade, and forty bolts of red bengaline and green silk fabric” were given to Huns. In the third year of Ganlu reign, emperor Xuan bestowed “8,000 bolts of embroidery, brocade, damask, hu and colored silk fabrics”. In the fourth year of Heping reign, emperor Cheng bestowed “20,000 bolts of silk fabrics”. In the second year of Yuanshou reign, Huns were bestowed “30,000 bolots of silk fabrics”.54 During the Western Han Dynasty and the Eastern Han Dynasty, the main producing region of brocade was Xiangyi, while the embroidery was Qi Commandery. Wang Chong of the Eastern Han Dynasty wrote in Lun Heng: “People in Qi Commandery have embroidered for generations, and even ordinary woman can embroider; People in Xiangyi are skilled in brocade, and even dull women are good at brocade. Once you observe and do it every day, you will be skilled in it.”55 “Geographica”, Book of Han said that there were officers of wardrobe in Linzi County, 51

Supplementary note: In terms of age, the earliest brocade appeared in the Warring States Period, unearthed in the tomb of Zuojiatang in Changsha (see Cultural Relics, No. 2, 1975, pp. 49–52). Tomb No. 3 in Pazyryk Cemetery, Central Asia was also in the Warring States Period, and a bronze mirror with a mountain motif was unearthed in Tomb No. 6 (see Acta Archaelogica Sinica, No. 2, 1957, p. 37, Pl. I: 1). In 1892, brocade was also unearthed in the Jiangling mashan warring states tomb 1 (see Cultural Relics, No. 10, 1982, pp. 1–15). 52 “Annals of Emperor Gaozu”, Book of Han (collection of various editions), Vol. 1, p. 1236. 53 Book of the Later Han (collection of various editions), Vol. 10, Part 1, p. 2683. 54 “Biography of the Huns”, Book of Han (collection of various editions), Vol. 94, p. 2322, 2338, 2342, 2345. 55 Wang Cong, “Measurement of Talent”, Discourses in the Balance (Four Parts of the Collection compact edition), Vol. 12, p. 122.

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Qi Commandery and Xiangyi County, Chenliu Commandery,56 which can be seen that this was the case in the Western Han Dynasty. Embroidery is different from the brocade and qi with subtle pattern mentioned above. Its pattern is not woven, but it is embroidered with colorful silk threads on the woven fabric with embroidery needles to embroider various colorful patterns. The embroidery needle in the skillful embroiderer is like a painter’s color pen, which can embroider delicate and fluent patterns like painting, and express the skills and personality of the embroiderer. So its artistry is higher than brocade. And embroidery is more valuable than brocade because it is completely made by hand, rather than by a mechanized loom, and an embroidery with the same pattern takes much more effort than a brocade. The gift given by Emperor Wen of the Han Dynasty to Huns is twice as much brocade as embroidery. New Book written by Jia Yi read that: “When the Huns come, their parents have already arrived, so they must be clothed and embroidered; Those who are few will be clothed.”57 It seems that embroidery is more precious than brocade. Only “parents above” wear clothes, and generally "those who are less" only wear cotton clothes. As far as archaeological discoveries are concerned, although Han embroidery is not as widespread and far-reaching as Han brocade, many Han embroideries have also been found. Besides Niya, Han embroidery has been found in five places: Lop Nur,58 Noin-Ula,59 Palmyra60 and Huai’ an and Wuwei Han Tomb.61 The physical objects earlier than the Han Dynasty are the diamond patterned embroiery attached in bronze vessel in the Shang Dynasty,62 the phoenix patterned embroiery in Pazyryk Cemetery in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty,63 and the phoenix patterned embroiery in Changsha Chumu and No. 1 Tomb in Jiangling Mabo.64 There are several pieces of Han embroidery unearthed in Niya, all of which have very beautiful patterns. They are all embroidery stitches with patterns embroidered on monochromatic fine silk by chain stitch (or braid stitch). Now there are dozens 56

Book of Han (collection of various editions), Vol. 28, Part 1, p. 1604, 1609; Vol. 72, “Biography of Gong Yu” records:“there are thousands of wardrobe officials in the State of Qi, which costs ten thousands a year.” (p. 2086). 57 Jia Yi, “Huns”, Xin Shu (Political Collections) (Four Parts of the Collection compact edition), Vol. 4, p. 32. The character “jia” is not in “shao zhe” in the block-printed edition in the eighth year of Chunyou reign in the Song Dynasty. 58 V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, 1949, pp. 142–145; A. Stein, Innermost Asia, p. 235. 59 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, pp. 13–15, Pls. XX, XXI etc. 60 R. Pfister, Silk fabrics of the Han Dynasty unearthed in Palmyra, Pl. XI(S40). 61 See Embroidery unearthed in Huai’an Han tombs (attached color figure), Cultural Relics, 1958, No. 9, p. 10; Embroidery and brocade unearthed in Wuwei Mozuizi Han tombs, see Archaeology, 1960, No. 9, p. 25. 62 V. Sylwan, Silk from Yin Dynasty, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1937, No. 9, pp. 123–124, fig. 4. 63 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, p. 50, Pls. XLIX–L. 64 See Cultural Relics, 1959, No. 10, pp. 68–70, Figs. 14–17, supplementary note: see Cultural Relics, 1982, No. 10 colored edition.

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Fig. 25.12 Embroidery technique in the Han Dynasty. A. Schematic diagram of chain stitch; B (1), B (2). Front side and back side of chain stitch; C. Surface satin-stitch, (1) front side; (2) back side

of stitches, but chain stitch is still one of the basic stitches.65 This stitch was also adopted in ancient Greece, and the wool fabric with chain stitch was found in Greek sites in the fourth century BC in Crimea, Soviet Union, as shown in Fig. 25.12, A and B.When the embroidery needle pierces the front of the fabric from point a, the embroidery thread is bent around the front of the needle into a loop, then the needle is stabbed back to the back of the fabric from point b near point a, and then the needle pierces out of the front of the fabric from point c, the left center of that embroidery thread loop. Then, each needle pierces the back from the right center of the previous loop, and pierces the front from the left center of another new loop. This kind of chain stitch makes the loop become closed or open, because of the close connection or separation of point a and b. Closed chain embroidery is usually patterned selvedge or thinner lines, while open chain embroidery is mostly used for filling the plane in patterns. The changing chain stitch in Han Dynasty was to insert a needle into the middle of an embroidery thread to separate it into two halves, so as to achieve the effect of ring folding, which is less common in Han embroidery.66 The surface satin-stitch is also used in Han embroidery, such as the Han embroidery of a flower pattern unearthed in Noin-Ula,67 which is rare. Some thought that it was not until the Sui and Tang Dynasties that there was surface satin-stitch, which is not correct. Yin embroidery mentioned above seems to be surface satin-stitch. As for the specimens of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty in Changsha and Bazelek, the chain stitch is used. For these beautiful Han embroidery specimens, the first is the embroidery of animals and flowers on green ground on the bottom of men’s trousers as edging decoration.68 It takes grass-green fine silk as the ground, and uses various silk threads 65

V. Birrell, Textile Arts, 1959, pp. 349–357; Cf. Gu Gongshuo, Gu’s embroidery and Suzhou embroidery, see Cultural Relics, 1958, No. 9, p. 19. 66 V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, pp. 142–143, Figs. 88–89; E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, p. 14, Pl. II(3). 67 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, p. 15, Pl. II(6), LIII(MP1207). 68 See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 12, p. 5, fig. 3, p. 6, fig. 8; i. e. one of the embroidery specimens in Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min.

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such as purple-red, sapphire blue, lake blue, yellow, pale pinkish purple and pure white to embroider bunches of curly grass, forsythia viridissima, diamond-shaped paisley patterns, pod-shaped leaves, and rabbit heads with big ears and front foot with paws hidden among the leaves by using chain stitch. Pure white and crimson are often used as borders and fine lines. The pattern is not only magnificent and special, but also lively. The first unit of the pattern is 11–11.2 cm in length, which repeats again and again, but the details of each unit are slightly different, which is not as uniform as the brocade pattern. Another piece is Han embroidery of the edging decoration of women’s inner sleeves.69 It takes turquoise blue fine silk as the ground. Flowers and birds are embroidered with various silk threads. The bird stares with its mouth open, and three plumages stand upright the upper part of its head. Its tail droops and curls up with wings turning backwards. Although it is not completely realistic, it is lively and lovely. There are some dots under the bird’s beak and among flowers and plants, which may represent fruit. The other specimen is the obverse side of mirror cover.70 It also takes green fine silk as the ground and uses various silk threads to embroider curly grass and dots, which are somewhat similar to the flowers in the bird and flower pattern mentioned above. Dot pattern is also a spiral from the center to the outside to form a dot by chain stitch. Han embroidery in Lup Nur also has dot pattern embroidered by the same technique.71 These Han embroidery show a high degree of artistic imagination and great proficiency. Among the Han embroidery unearthed in Noin-Ula, there are “dogwood motifs” and realistic bird and animal patterns,72 and some embroidery on brocade,73 which can be regarded as the “icing on the cake”. In terms of textile technology, dark figured qi and colorful jin in Han Dynasty are more important than embroidery, because they represent the highest level of textile technology in the world at that time. As mentioned above, their delicate and complicated patterns are not competent for ordinary simple looms.74 The whole brocade uses more than 5,000 warp threads. The complicated pattern repeat needs 50 to 75 heddles. 1 It has also been mentioned in the literature that there are 50 to 60 heddles and 56 to 60 nie, and even more than 120 nie in the looms of Cao Wei.75 The 69

See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 12, p. 6, fig. 10; 1962, combined issue of the seventh and eighth, p. 5, fig. 2; Specimen 2 in Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min. 70 See Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 11, p. 6, fig. 11 (right); i. e. specimen 4 in Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang by Wu Min. 71 V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, fig. 86, Pl. I, D. 72 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Silk Fabrics and Embroidery in Ancient China, Pl. XLIV, Pls. LI-LII. 73 Ibid., Pl. XXXVI. 74 For the simple loom in the Han Dynasty, see Song Boyin et al., Study on Han loom structure from Han stone relief, see Cultural Relics, 1962, No. 3, pp. 25–30. 75 See “Book of Wei”, Records of the Three Kingdoms (collection of various editions), Vol. 29, p. 4505. For the loom with “one hundred and twenty nie (镊)”, see “Miscellaneous Chronicles”, Book of Han and Wei, Vol. 1. It may refer to the situation in the Jin Dynasty, but it was faked as the

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word “蹑” or “镊” here, as well as the word “ ”, seems to refer to jacquard tools, which may be lifting harness of jacquard heddle, but does not necessarily refer to the one pedaled with feet. The number of nie cannot be more than 60, or even 120. This kind of fabric needs a kind of loom with jacquard equipment similar to later jacquard machine. When Han silk fabrics were introduced into Rome, not only the texture and luster of silk was appreciated by people in Rome and other countries, but also the complicated beauty of its “all-over repeat-patterned” caught their attention and admiration. Although the West wanted to learn how to weave this repeat pattern fabric, it took a long time to make a simple jacquard loom. There is no consensus on when jacquard loom has been available in the west. Some people think that simple jacquard loom may have been applied in Persia, Byzantium, Syria and Egypt since the seventh century, or in the sixth century,76 or as early as the third century, and it was not until the end of the thirteenth century that it became better.77 However, they all admit that it is later than China, and it may be influenced by China. Another possible influence is the pedal equipment on the loom. The above-mentioned simple loom already had the pedal on the Han Dynasty stone relief, but it was not until twelfth to thirteenth century that the pedal invented in the Europe.78 People in ancient West Asia and Europe used vertical weaving loom, while in the early days in Egypt people used flat weaving loom, later vertical weaving loom was used. As it is difficult to use pedal on vertical weaving loom, Chinese, who used flat weaving loom very early, may be the first to invent the pedal. Later, the flat weaving loom was developed in the west, and this equipment was probably adopted under the influence of China. The demand and imitation of Chinese silk fabrics from western is an important factor to stimulate the development of textile technology in the Near East. Around sixth century, sericulture in China was also introduced to the West. Before this time, Syrian weavers often imported silk and silk fabrics from China. In the Book of the Later Han, Arsacid Empire (also known as Parthian Empire) traded Han silk with Roman Empire. Pei’s Notes on the Records of the Three Kingdoms quoted “Biography of Xi Rong”, WeiLve as saying: The Roman Empire “has always benefited from the Chinese silk solution as Hu Ling, so several countries that rest in peace are handed over to the sea”.79 This “Roman Empire” refers to Syria and Western Han Dynasty. Fu Xuan, Biography of Ma Jun, Fu zi (Ye Dehui,), Vol. 2. “蹑” is in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia. “ ” is in Yi Lin (the Song Dynasty edition), Vol. 5. 76

For the former, see V. Sylwan et al., One Chinese silk fabric with late Greece pattern in the fifth–sixth century A. D., East of Asia Magazine, Vol. 21, 1935, p. 22. For the latter, see J. Lowry, Han textiles, Oriental Art, 1960, Vol. 6, No. 2, p. 69. 77 P. Simmons, New development of fabric research in China, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, No. 28, 1956, p. 22. R. J. Forbes, Studies in the Ancient Technology, Vol. 4, 1956, p. 215. J. F. Flanagan thought the spread of jacquard loom might be from west to east, because jacquard fabrics appeared in Byzantium in fourth–fifth centuries, a little earlier than Persia (Burlington Magazine, No. 35, 1919, pp. 167–172). This is because he didn’t know that Chinese jacquard qi was centuries earlier than Byzantine. 78 R. J. Forbes, Studies in the Ancient Technology, Vol. 4, 1956, pp. 214–215. 79 “Biography of the Western Regions”, Book of the Later Han (collection of various editions), Vol. 88, p. 3824; Records of the Three Kingdoms (collection of various editions), Vol. 30, quotation in Pei

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other places to which Rome belongs. It can be seen that Chinese silkworm cultivation has not been learned at that time. The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, Volume 12, says that in the middle of the fifth century, when a princess of Dongkuk got married to Buddhist Saka kingdom (now Kingdom of Khotan), she hid silkworm eggs in her hat and took them out. Another story says that about 550 years ago, two Persian monks hid silkworm eggs in the cane, and took them out from China to present to Emperor Justinian of Byzantine Empire.80 In ancient China, there may not have been any ban on the export of silkworm eggs,81 but these legends show that it was not until about sixth century that the West learned silkworm cultivation from China (it may be earlier in the kingdom of Khotan).82

25.4 . The tradition of ancient textile technology in West Asia is twill weave (of course, plain weave), and weft patterned. They learned silkworm cultivation and jacquard loom from China. However, they always kept their own traditions not only in patterns, but also in weft patterned and twill weave from the technical aspects of brocade. In order to meet the needs of the western market, in the Sui Dynasty and the early Tang Dynasty, some designs of Chinese silk fabrics adopted Persian styles. In the technical aspect of brocade, it is sometimes influenced by Persian brocade.

Songzhi’s note, p. 4531. In the Song Dynasty, Chinese silk fabrics were purchased by the people in Annam and then the silk threads were removed for weaving. See Zhou Qufei, “Annam silk”, Lingwai Daida (representative answers from the Region beyond the Mountains, Notes Answering from the land beyond the Pass or other similar titles) (series of books edition), Vol. 6, p. 65. 80 Zhang Xinglang, Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication, 1930, Book 1, pp. 76–77. His quotation is the works of Eastern Roman Empire historians Procopius and Theophanes in the sixth century. 81 Note in Biography of Ji’an, Book of Han: Ying Shao quoted the law in the Han Dynasty as saying: “Officials and common people in Hushi are not allowed to go through the checkpoints with weapons and iron.” Annal of Emperor Jing says: “No horse is allowed to go through the checkpoints if it is more than five feet nine inches high and its teeth are not flat.”(Fu Qian said: Horse doesn’t have flat teeth until it is ten years old.) Annal of Emperor Zhao says:“ (In the fifth year of Shiyuan) Stop raising maria in village and close the checkpoints for horses and crossbows.”(Meng Kang said: At one time, no horse was allowed to go through the checkpoints if it is more than five feet nine inches high and its teeth are not flat and the crossbow is more than ten shi, but nowadays the ban is canceled.) There is no ban on silkworm eggs going through the checkpoints. 82 Supplementary note: M. Loewe thought that sericulture didn’t seem to be learned in Justinian period, and Byzantine nationalized the silk industry which made all silk fabrics produced in stateowned workshops, with the purpose of lowering the price of silk and reducing the profits of businessmen. As things have changed in the eighth century, silkworms may have been raised in Persia. And then in Sicily (twelfth century), in Italian Peninsula (fourteenth century) and finally in Lyon, France (sixteenth century), people raised silkworms for silk weaving (JRAS, No. 2, 1971, p. 178).

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From 1959 to 1960, a large number of silk fabrics in the fifth to eighth centuries were discovered in Astana Cemetery83 near Turfan collected in Xinjiang Museum. There are also embroidery, subtle patterned qi and colorful brocade. Chain stitch and surface satin-stitch are both used in embroidery. According to Comrade Wu Min’s research, the weaving technique of Han qi is “two or three warp twill patterned on plain ground”. However, according to her weave diagram, it is actually the same as the first weaving technique of Han qi, which is plain weave with warp patterned. The style of the pattern is the same as that of brocade from the Northern Dynasty to the early Tang Dynasty.84 Brocade arouses our interest the most, and the key points will be discussed below (the silk remains that have been published now mainly belong to the sixth to seventh centuries). Among brocade in the Northern Dynasty and the early Tang Dynasty, there are warp brocade with compound plain weave with the same weaving technique as those in the Han Dynasty. Their patterns, arranged in rows, are also similar to those of Han brocade. Most patterns are animal motifs, but also tree patterns. They are symmetrical, and the animal patterns stand confronting to each other, which is slightly different from those of the animal patterns on Han brocade, which are usually backed by scrolling patterns and varied in style. However, they can still be regarded as the continuation of the Han brocade patterns. This kind of colorful brocade in such weaving technique and pattern style gradually disappeared from the middle of the sixth century. At this time, a kind of warp brocade with compound twill weave was gradually emerging and became popular. Its patterns are mostly scattered with plants, which are compound plain weave, but most of which are compound twill weave, such as small floral medallion jin, water chestnut jin and TVL lines jin. They are all discovered in the tombs of the seventh century. Some Chinese silk fabrics with typical Persian Sassanian-style brocade and some possibly from Persia or Central Asia in the seventh century were also discovered. Many kinds of silk fabrics were discovered and are now under study.85 Take one or two examples to describe and analyze below. Brocade with the pattern of “pearl-bordered medallion with confronting horse” was unearthed from Tomb No. 302 in this area. There are two pieces with the same pattern (but different weaves), which are used as cover and chest ornament of female corpse respectively. The epitaph of the fourth year (653) of Yonghui in the tomb can determine the age of the fabric.86 Stein used to find the “pearl-bordered medallion 83

Although there is a chronological document as the collar lining in Tomb 305 in the 20th year of Jianyuan reign of the Western Qin Dynasty (384) (see Cultural Relics, No. 6, 1960, p. 19), this tomb may still be no earlier than the fifth century. Stein once found the tomb of the eighth century in this cemetery. 84 Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, pp. 68–69, 73. figs. 5–6, 11, p. 3 colored figure, p. 5, fig. 1, p. 8, fig. 7. 85 Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, pp. 65–69. Comrade Wei Songqing of the Palace Museum also went to Xinjiang to study real objects. 86 See Cultural Relics, No. 6, 1960, pp. 16–17, 18. Although these two patterns are the same, the weaving techniques are different. One of them is “two warp twill”, that is, brocade No. 22 in the paper of Wu Min (see Cultural Relics, 1960, No. 6, p. 2, fig. 1); The other is “warp rep”.

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with confronting horse” brocade with the same pattern in the tomb IX.3 in this cemetery, which was used to cover the body. The tomb also has an epitaph of the fifth year of Yanshou (625), 28 years earlier than Tomb No. 302.87 The weaving technique of the specimen takes orange-yellow as ground, with dark blue, grass green and white (slightly pink) patterns, which is still the tricolor brocade technique of the Han Dynasty. However, the position of the pattern is 90 degrees inversion for the direction of warp thread, which is easy to be mistaken for weft patterned. Weft thread is also divided into divisions. Except for orange and white, there are only three colors in each division, either dark blue or light green. Based on the photos I got (about 9/10), the width of each division is about 0.9–5.4 cm. In pattern repeat, weft repeat is 7. 5 cm, and warp repeat (if it is two-pearl-bordered repeat) should be about 18 cm. There are about 54 warp threads per centimeter on the obverse side and about 162 warp threads in three groups in total. There are about 32–34 weft threads per centimeter. A weft repeat needs about 240 (32*7.5) threads. The weft repeat only needs half of the weft thread (about 20 threads) because it is a symmetrical pattern and the other half can used the same heddle so long as the lifting order is reversed, which the whole repeat can be woven. Half of the shed is made of two binding heddles, and the other half is made of several jacquard heddles. The total number is only about 60 heddles. Its pattern is mainly composed of circles in two horizontal lines. The edge of the circles, covered with 16 white balls, is blue or green and its width is about 0. 8 ~ 0. 9 cm. The Medallion with Pearl-border is a common Persian Sassanian pattern. Records on Dropping out of Farming, written by Tao Zongyi in the Yuan Dynasty said that the pearl-bordered medallion pattern in the item of fronting mounting of brocade of calligraphy and paintings in the Tang and Song Dynasty referred to this Persian Sassanian pattern.88 In the circle, there is confronting horses pattern with white body and dark blue outline, but the horse pattern and its foil pattern of the two groups are different. The confronting horses in each circle in the above row have wings, which should be called “Tianma”. Their confronting necks hold high with one front foot leaping up, which makes a quick-step gesture. There is a pair of ribbons blowing backward on the horses’ necks, and all their four legs are tied with ribbons. Such Tianma, with ribbons in their necks and legs, was also found on silk fabrics in Antinoe, Egypt in the sixth to seventh centuries, which was influenced by Persia generally speaking.89 There is a pair of bows and two six-petal plum patterns in the blank space above the horses’ heads. A set of blue and green flower patterns below the horses’ feet consists of a lotus canopy in the center, three drooping lotus petals and rolling leaves on both sides. In the next row, horses in each circle bow down as if they are grazing. They also have wings on their shoulders, but there is no ribbon in their necks and four legs. There is a vertical trunk between the two horses, 87

A. Stein, Innermost Asia, p. 666, 677, 708, Pl. LXXX (Ast. ix. 3. 02). Tao Zongyi, Records on Dropping out of Farming, Vol. 23, painting and calligraphy mounting. Book of Sichuan Jin by Yuan Fei also says: “crimson snowflake medallion with Pearl-border jin” (Shuo Fu, Wanwei Shanfang edition, Vol. 98). 89 O. v. Falke, History of Silk Weaving Art 2nd edition, 1921, p. 5, Figs. 23–24. 88

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which branches above the horses’ back. Therefore, seven clumps of green leaves in the branches are divided into two rows, three up and four down. Several upturned lotus flowers below the horses’ feet are dark blue outlines with white ground. There is an eight-petal plum pattern between two adjacent round ornaments. Between two adjacent round ornaments, there is an eight-petal plum pattern. In the gap among the four round ornaments, there are four green or blue honeysuckle flower patterns, which consist of a six-point center and shoot out in all directions. Some of these flower patterns are also influenced by the foreign countries. The Tang brocade with exactly the same pattern discovered by Stein is also called “warp-rib” weave. This piece with western patterns was probably woven in China by Chinese weavers, which makes people thought of the porcelain with “foreign colors” for export.90 We got the other colored brocade with almost the same pattern in the same tomb (No. 302) this time, but it was woven in another way. Based on Comrade Wu Min’s observation, this is a warp twill of interior weft lifting two threads and pressing one.91 According to the photo, there are about 54 warp threads per centimeter in the surface, and about 17 weft threads and 17 binding wefts (34 weft threads in total). The only confronting horses design in this pattern is a pair with raised necks facing each other instead of a pair with bowed heads. The weft repeat is still 7.5 cm because of the pattern repeat, but the warp repeat is only about 9 cm. The structure diagram and sectional drawing of the warp twill are attached in Wu Min’s article, but no further analysis is made (please see Fig. 25.13). Finally, I would like to talk about weft-patterned brocade. In the late Roman and Persian Sassanian dynasties, brocade in Western Asia and Central Asia was weftpatterned brocade, instead of warp-patterned brocade, because the textile tradition in Western Asia was weft patterned. Such weft-patterned brocade has binding warp and interior warp in warp thread just as Han brocade has binding weft and interior weft. The function of interior weft is jacquard, instead of binding. Such interior warp in weft-patterned brocade in the Mediterranean countries is single line, but it is double lines or even three lines in Persia.92 This weft-patterned brocade was originally compound cloth weave. If there is no border, it is easy to be mistaken the same warp-patterned brocade for Han brocade. Sylwan once pointed out that Stein and Andrews had mistaken two plain weft-patterned brocades (L. M. 1.06 and 90

Supplementary note: In ancient China, weavers used patterns from Central Asia or the Near East. The best example is a brocade cover unearthed from the Tomb No. 18 in Astana in 1964. It is a camel-led pattern with two Chinese characters “Hu Wang”. Based on the epitaph, the tomb should be in 586 A. D. Jin is warp patterned on plain weave as ground. See Unearthed Cultural Relics in Xinjiang, Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1975, p. 53, fig. 82 and Cultural Relics, 1973, No. 10, p. 16, Pl. I, 2 (It is mistakenly thought that it was unearthed in 1962 in Unearthed Cultural Relics in Xinjiang.). 91 See Cultural Relics, No. 2, 1960. P. 2, fig. 1, that is, Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, No. 22, specimen of colorful jin. Draft pattern sees Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, p. 66, fig. 3. When the surface warp and inner warp of the cross section in the figure are exchanged, it seems unrealistic for the black warp sometimes on the left side of the white warp, and sometimes on the right side of the white warp. 92 V. Sylwan, Study on Silk Fabrics Unearthed in Ejin River and Lop Nur, p. 147.

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Fig. 25.13 Weaving diagram of compound warp twill jin. Note (cf. note of Figs. 25.1 and 25.8): A. Structure diagram; B (1). Longitudinal section (〇 stands for binding weft; × stands for interior weft); B (2). Cross Sect. (1 stands for binding weft; 2 stands for interior weft); C (1). Draft pattern (1–20 stand for white warp; I-XX stand for black warp); C (2). Basic weave of surface warp in ground part (5/1 twill weave; Step is 2); C (3). Basic weave of inner warp in ground part (11/12 twill weave; Step is 2); D. Reed drafting figure; E (1). A possible harness draft plan (B, that is, 1, 2, 3, stands for binding heddle; P, that is, 4, 5, n, stands for jacquard heddle; V stands for the relevant warp threads.); E (2). heddle lifting plan

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I.ii.05) unearthed from Loulan sit in Lop Nur and one plain weft-patterned brocade unearthed from the sixth century tomb in Astana for plain warp-patterned brocade (“warp-rib weave”); The one in Astana (Ast. vi, I.03) still has border, so it can be sure that it is plain weft-patterned brocade.93 As we know, the raw materials of ancient fabrics in Western Asia were mainly flax and wool. Colored fabrics basically use wool because flax is not easy to dye. Wool fiber is short and usually twisted into knitting wool yarn, which is easy to entangle and loosen. Therefore, when it is used as warp thread, it should keep tense, but its density should be loose. The weft thread of knitting wool yarn should be relatively loose to be easy to twist, so as to warp around the tightly stretched warp thread. Weft thread should be tied tightly with reed or knife. In this way, the convex pattern of weft side can be shown. If there is any pattern, it must be weft patterned. In ancient China, high-grade fabrics were made of silk thread, which is not only very long (reeling can be as long as 800–1000 m),94 but also strong and smooth. Therefore, although warp threads on the loom are very tight, they won’t be entangled. Weak or untwisted silk threads, tough and even, are the best warp thread materials. In this way, the silk fabrics in China are warp weave, because they have tight warp threads and weft threads are sparse and unexposed. If there is any pattern, it must be warp patterned. The above mentioned is two different traditions in textile techonology.95 Later, Chinese silk was also used as raw material in the west, and simple jacquard looms and compound cloth weave technique of Han brocade were also adopted. However, due to traditional habits and lack of thorough understanding of silk features, Westerners often made warp threads twisted, unlike in ancient China, Chinese took untwisted or weak twisted silk as warp thread in brocade. They still retained the traditional technique of weft patterned and reversed the relationship between warp thread and weft thread. At first, it was weft-patterned brocade in plain weave, and then weft-patterned brocade in twill weave came into being. Twill weave is another characteristic of textile technology in Central Asia and West Asia. Although they also use plain weave, they used twill weave earlier. When weaving with hand-held warp, twill weave has more long floating lines, less interweaving points and less warp-lifting, which can save some trouble. Later, when harness frames are used, at least one harness frame should be used than that in plain weave. Twill wool fabric was found in the ruins of the Eastern Han Dynasty in Xinjiang.96 In Palmyra, Syria, twill wool fabric with weft surface in the third century was once found, and at that time, it seemed that there was a twill loom with three heddle frames. Later, a twill jacquard loom came into being. Forbes thought that the former might have originated in Syria, while the latter originated in Persia.97 As for our country, before Sui and Tang Dynasties, warp floating lines were used as twill 93

Ibid. p. 150, fig. 98. V. Sylwan, Silk from Yin Dynasty, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1937, No. 9, p. 123. 95 W. Willetts, Chinese Art, 1958, pp. 226–229. 96 A.Stein, Serindia, p. 547, Pl. XLVIII (M. X. 002a). 97 R. J. Forbes, Studies in the Ancient Technology, Vol. 4, 1956, p. 208, 213. 94

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patterned, but the basic weave of fabric is still plain weave, which is only a variation of plain weave. The weft-patterned brocade of Central Asia and West Asia was originally modeled after our plain weave, and then with reference to plain weave, it developed into twill weave with some change.98 According to Andrews and Ackerman’s research, many Persian brocades found by Stein in the tombs of the sixth to eighth centuries in Astana are weft-patterned “compound cloth weave”.99 Figure 25.14 is an example of this kind of brocade. It should be two or more groups of weft threads with different colors based on the number of weft threads’ colors. There must be a small box or box beside the loom to place shuttles wrapped with a single color or a certain color silk weft. One group of weft thread is used as surface weft, and the other group is used as inner weft. Warp thread has only one color, which is unexposed and usually hidden under weft thread, but it can be divided into binding warp and interior warp. Surface weft and inner weft are different in weaving technique. In the figure, the surface weft of the ground pattern is weft weave with 1/5/ satin (in fact, satin is only a variety of twill, and if only binding warp is calculated, it is 1/2 twill); In order to make the inner weft not exposed on the surface of fabric, the inner weft is generally in warp weave. The inner weft in our example is 3/ 1 and 1/1 composite twill. These two are the basic weaves of surface and inner weft respectively (Fig. 25.14, C (2), C (3)), and arrangement ratio is 1: 1, which constitutes the weave diagram of compound weft as shown in C1. Our example is “double-weft compound weave” with black and white weft threads. In the weave diagram, the shed 1–4 is white as surface weft. If surface wefts and inner wefts are exchanged, and white wefts are in warp weave and black wefts are in weft weave, in order to make black thread has a longer weft floating line than the white one, then this long floating line will rise to the surface of the fabric and cover the white thread. Therefore, this part of the fabric will be black, as shown in the sheds 8–10 in the figure. In order to weave patterns, sometimes only parts of the surface and inner wefts of each pair are exchanged, as shown in the sheds 5–7 in the figure, thus showing various patterns. In terms of draft, according to the method of 1/2/ twill weave, binding warp is weft twill lifting one thread and pressing two threads, which has three binding harness frames in total [Fig. 25.14, 1–3 of D (1)]. Interior warp depends on patterns to determine the number of jacquard heddles and draft of heddles. The figure shows a possible jacquard heddle draft, in which one heddle can lift all the interior warps (the fourth heddle in the figure), and the other heddles (n heddle) depend on the pattern to determine how to thread. For lifting technique, as shown in Fig. 25.14 D (2), except for the 1st to 3rd lifts of binding heddles, the 4th to 6th lifts refer that three binding heddles (the 1st to 3rd heddle) lift the 4th heddle respectively at the same time. Besides, the 7th to 9th lifts refer that three binding heddles lift the 98 P. Ackerman, Persian Textile Technology, see A. U. Pope, Survey of Persian Art, Vol. 3, 1939, pp. 702–714, 2183–2184. Cf. J. F. Flanagan, op. cit. 99 P. Ackerman, Persian Textile Technology, pp. 702–714, 714, 2184, fig. 703; A. Stein, Innermost Asia, Pl. LXXVI. Ohta Eizo, Loom technology in “Exploitation of the Works Nature”, see Collected Papers of Exploitation of the Works Nature (Chinese translation), 1959, pp. 110–111, fig. 3. Cf. 5.2 double weft weave in Fabric Weave Design, 1960, Silk Industry of Soochow Technical College.

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Fig. 25.14 Weaving diagram of compound weft patterned twill weave. Note (cf. note of Figs. 25.1 and 25.8): A. Structure diagram (removal of surface weft in the left bottom to disclose the relationship among interior warp 12, 14, etc., binding weft 13, 15, etc. and inner weft; 1–10 stand for white weft; I–X stand for black weft); B (1). Longitudinal section (The 20th warp thread is interior warp and the 21st warp thread is binding warp.); B (2). Cross section (Small circle stands for binding warp; × stands for interior warp.); C (1). Compound weft draft pattern (Small circle stands for warp thread floating above white weft; × stands for warp thread floating above black weft.); C (2). Basic weave of inner weft in ground part; C (3). Basic weave of surface weft in ground part; D (1). Harness draft plan (1–3 horizontal rows stand for binding heddle in loom for twill weave; 4-n horizontal rows stand for jacquard heddle); D (2). Heddle lifting plan (similar to the “pattern card” of modern loom)

n heddle respectively. The proportion of surface weft and inner weft based on the order of lifting heddles in the figure is 1:1. Therefore, in each pair of surface weft and inner weft, one of the 1–3 binding heddles will be lifted and one of the 4–9 jacquard heddles and binding heddles will be lifted another time [Fig. 25.14, D (2)]. Based on the numbers in heddle lifting plan [D (2)], the order of lifting technique in the figure [Fig. 25.14, C (1)] should be (1,4), (2,5), (3,6), (1,4), (2 + n,8), (3 + n1,9), (1 + n1,7), (5,2), (6,3), (4,1). Each bracket represents a pair of surface and inner weft, i.e. 1–I to 10–X. The warp threads lifted in each bracket are once related to one of the binding heddles (1–3), and the other is related to one of the jacquard heddle and binding heddle 4–9 (i.e. n).

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According to Ackerman’s research, a pig’s head brocade (Ast. i.6.01) and a standing bird with a ribbon around the neck brocade (Ast. vii. 1.01) excavated by Stein in Astana Cemetery are twill weft-patterned brocade in this weaving technique. And it is said that they may have been woven by Sassanian in the eastern part of Persia, that is, in Central Asia.100 During our excavation in Astana this time, a pig’s head brocade was also found in Tomb No. 325 (661). And a standing bird with a ribbon around the neck brocade was also excavated in Tomb No. 332 (665).101 The patterns of these brocades have their own characteristics. They are not only different from those of Han brocade, but also quite different from those of ordinary Chinese brocades in Sui and Tang Dynasties. However, they are almost identical to those of Central Asia and West Asia. For example, a pig’s head brocade is found in the mural of Bamiyan, Afghanistan. In the mural of the Site of Balarek-Tepe (fifth–sixth centuries) in Uzbek, Soviet Union, an Iranian-looking figure wore a lapel coat covered with pig’s head brocade (Fig. 25.15).102 A standing bird with a ribbon around the neck pattern is different from a phoenix bird or rosefinch pattern in ancient China. It has two ribbons at the back of its neck, a string of necklaces in its mouth, and three pendulous beads. There is a string of pearl-bordered medallions on its neck and wings. These are the characteristics of the so-called Sassanian standing bird pattern. The standing bird pattern with these characteristics were also found in the mural of Kizil Grottoes in Baicheng, Xinjiang (Fig. 25.16), as well as on the silver carvings of Persian Sassanian Dynasty.103 These animal patterns are generally surrounded by a circle of pearls (so-called “pearl-bordered medallion” pattern), which is also the characteristic of Sassanian pattern. Besides its patterns, textile technology has its own characteristics. Its silk threads are tightly twisted, unlike silk threads of Han brocade, which are mostly untwisted or even twisted, but loose. Its weaving technique is twill compound weave. The density of warp threads and weft threads is sparse. Interior threads (interior warp or interior weft) of “Compound weave” are usually double-thread. Besides, as far as I know, previous studies concluded that this set of brocade with twill compound weave is “weft-patterned brocade”, instead of “warp-patterned brocade”. Wu Min disagreed on this view in her article and thought that this set of brocade is “warp-patterned brocade”, the same as other brocade in “compound cloth weaves”. Comrade Wu Min once sent me a photo of “big deer brocade” with burrs (it seems to be unearthed from Tomb No. 334). Wu Min thought the “burrs” were spindle heads, so it should be warp-patterned brocade. However, after careful examination of the photos and comparison with some weft-patterned brocade, it seems that it is a border, so the fabric looks like weft-patterned brocade. This is a crucial problem, and I hope it can 100

P. Ackerman, Persian Textile Technology, pp. 706–714. Wu Min, Preliminary exploration on silk fabrics of the Han-Tang Dynasties unearthed in Xinjiang, p. 67, 74, specimen number: Brocade No. 26, No. 32; p. 7, Figs. 5–6. 102 L. I. Alyaum, Balalyk-Tene (Russian), Tashkent, 1960, pp. 145, 182–183, Pls. CVIII–CIX, CXXXV. 103 R. Pfister, Sassanian chicken pattern (French), Asian Arts Criticism, Vol. 13, 1939–1942, No. 1, pp. 28–33. 101

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Fig. 25.15 Embroidered clothes in the mural of the Site of Balarek-Tepe in Uzbek (cf. L. I. Alyaum)

Fig. 25.16 Bird pattern in the mural of Kizil Caves in Baicheng county, Xinjiang (cf. Le Coq)

be solved as soon as possible. (Supplement: I once discussed this issue with Comrade Wei Songqing of the Palace Museum who is now dead. Comrade Wei has been to Xinjiang specifically to identify this batch of silk fabrics in Turfan. He also thinks

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that this Sassanian-style brocade is weft-patterned brocade, instead of warp-patterned brocade. It can be said that it coincides with what I said before.). The advantages of weft-patterned brocade over warp-patterned brocade are as follows: (1) Warp-patterned brocade is patterned by warp thread. After warp thread is fixed on the loom, it is difficult to alter it. Weft-patterned brocade is patterned by weft thread, the color of which can be changed at any time during weaving. (2) If a pair of surface and inner warp thread include too many warp threads of different colors in warp-patterned brocade, the threads are easy to entangle when they are dense, while there is only one surface thread and the inner threads occupy a large area when they are sparse, which makes the fabric too loose and affects the color and outline of the pattern. Although each pair of the surface and inner weft in weftpatterned brocade include many weft threads of different colors and the weft threads can be threaded into shed one by one, and then be tied tightly with a reed, instead of being placed on the loom in advance like warp threads, the weft threads won’t be entangled or too sparse. (3) In the warp threads of different colors, it often happens on the running out of warp threads of a certain color before the others, because of the difference of buckling stress and lengths between surface warp and inner warp in warp-patterned brocade. For example, if pattern design and warp timing are not calculated properly, it will be difficult to the end of weaving, while weft-patterned brocade is easy to tackle this problem. Since the Tang Dynasty, the brocade in China has gradually adopted the technique of weft-patterned brocade. Later, the technique of warp-patterned brocade has almost completely abandoned and only technique of weft-patterned brocade has been retained. The color matching of each division has also been increased, unlike Han brocade, which is limited to four colors or less. In terms of advantages of twill weave (including satin weave), they have long floating lines, and the surface of fabric is covered with floating lines, which can fully show the luster of silk threads. Therefore, twill weave is adopted in figured damask. In a word, the laboring people in ancient China first invented reeling as raw material of fabrics. Later, on the basis of characteristics of silk thread, many innovations have been made in textile technology and it also showed a high artistic level in fabric patterns. These achievements spread to the west through the “Silk Road”, which promoted the development of western textile technology. And then, we absorbed advantages of western textile technology and adopted some western art patterns, which made our silk fabrics more perfect. The recently discovered silk fabrics in Xinjiang provide us with new materials for studying the history of the development of textile technology and cultural exchange and trade between ancient China and the West, which is a valuable new discovery.

Chapter 26

History of Ancient Chinese Sericulture: Mulberry Trees, Silkworms, Silk Fibers and Textiles

According to the great leader Chairman Mao, China is one of the oldest continuously existing civilizations in the world. Numerous inventions made by our people have played a significant role in the evolution of world civilization. China was the first and has been the only country to breed silkworms (Bombyx mori) and weave silk for a very long period. Based on archaeological findings and pertinent historical documents, in this article we will examine the history of silkworms, mulberry, silk, and silk fabric in China during and before the Han Dynasty, thus demonstrating the significant contribution that our ancient working people made to human civilization.

26.1 . As we know, silk is composed of fibroin and sericin. Fibroin accounts for more than 70% of the total weight, while sericin accounts for only 25%. Sericin surrounds fibroin and can be removed by boiling water or an alkaline solution. The term “boiledoff silk” refers to silk that has had its sericin removed, whereas “raw silk” refers to silk that hasn’t. The high quality of silk as the basis material for the fabric is based on the following qualities of fiber: (1) Its fiber length can be up to 800–1000 m,1 making it different from linen, wool cotton and other short fiber which requires spinning and twisting into yarn. Only the waste cocoons from the moths and the remnants of the 1 This figure is based on V. Sylwan, Silk from Yin Dynasty, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1937, No. 9, p. 123. Encyclopedia Britannica (1964) assumed that the length of silk is 500–1200 m (Vol. 20, p. 665). Both refer to the reelable part left after removing the head and tail.

This article was originally published in Archaeology No. 2, 1972, and later included in the book Archaeology and the History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Press, 1979) with annotations. When it was included in this collection, it was added with additional notes based on the author’s proofreading.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_26

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silk need to be spun and twisted, however, this kind of spun and twisted yarn has not only uneven lines, but also much worse luster, tenacity and elasticity. (2) Good tenacity means higher tensile strength. According to scientific determination, the tensile strength of fibroin is 35–44 kg per square millimeter, and close to the lower limit of 50–100 kg per square millimeter of steel wire; and superior when compared with the tensile strength of cotton fibers (28–44 kg per square millimeter).2 (3) Good elasticity, fibroin can be stretched by 1 to 2%, and can be restored to their original state after relaxation; they will be stretched to more than 20% of their own length before being broken. The good elasticity of silk is proven in the book “Sericulture and textile technology Part 2”, Exploitation of the Works Nature, which says that if someone is going to reconnect the broken silk, just stretch the silk a few inches, pull it, and tie the knot, it will still shrink back to its original length. This good elasticity is inherent in the silk itself. The development of sericulture technologies, such as the choice and processing of feed, meticulous care work, etc., is what largely determines the quality of silk, including its toughness, elasticity, and fiber fineness. In the production practice, in addition to the early invention of silkworm breeding, our ancient laborers also gradually mastered the law of life of the silkworm and constantly improved breeding conditions in order to increase the quantity and quality of silk production. They also developed the filature technique, which prevented the cocoon from breaking due to moth drilling, thus obtaining the long fiber silk. Only our country mastered filature technique in ancient times, for it was a creative innovation of our ancestors and spread to other countries following the Han Dynasty. Additionally, in addition to its fresh luster, silk is pleasant to touch, easy to dye, and has other qualities that make it a desirable raw material for advanced textiles. Weavers used their creative talents and tried all possible means to improve the weaving technique and loom to make these advanced textiles more gorgeous and beautiful. Because silk is a strong, elastic long fiber, especially if the sericin has not been removed, its toughness and elasticity are stronger, making it the best choice as the warp thread in weaving that is frequently subject to friction. Today in China, “thread bengaline” is generally made of silk thread as the warp and silk floss as the weft. Superior warp thread was given special attention by Chinese weavers in the past, resulting in textiles with denser warp threads than weft threads. Weft threads are rarely visible in the woven textile surface, which instead feature rib patterns in plain weave silk with warp threads, float lines in twill textiles with warp threads, and patterns in jacquard textiles with warp threads, too. And since spinning and twisting are not typically required due to the fact that silk thread is long fiber and the sericin makes them adhere together, the woven twill or jacquard float lines are easy to spread out, and the patterns of scouring silk fabric is soft and rich, especially after removing its sericin. Although we are unable to pinpoint the exact time when silk production technology was developed in ancient China, our people were able to fully utilize the 2

English-Chinese Dictionary of Chemistry and Chemical Technology (Beijing: China Industry Press), 1964, p. 1098.

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benefits of silk by the Yin and Shang era, when they also improved the loom, created the jacquard device, and had the ability to weave natural silk into exquisite silk. The oracle bone script has a pictograph that mimics the shape of the silkworm among the paleographic material, which some have interpreted as “蚕” representing the silkworm, and others have described it more circumspectly as “the initial form of the character for worm”. Additionally, the oracle bone script contains the pictographs “丝” and “糸” and a number of pictophonetic characters that use “糸” as a radical, as well as the characters “帛” and “桑”.3 However, the character “silk” is used here as two lines twisted by fiber, and it is difficult to determine whether it refers exclusively to silk from silkworms in later times. Even in later times, many of the characters with “糸” as a radical refer only to things or activities related to spinning and weaving, not necessarily to silk. The character “帛” with the radical “巾” pronounced as the word “白 (bai)” appeared only once in the oracle bones, which is a place name and therefore is distinct from the word’s later meaning as “silk”. In the oracle bones, the term “桑 (mulberry)” is primarily employed as a geographic name. Fortunately, there is archaeological evidence for silk production in the Yin and Shang Dynasties that allows clear conclusions to be drawn. The “silkworm pattern” with “its body flexing and writhing just like a silkworm”4 is also one of the motifs on the Yin bronzes. Among the jade ornaments found in the Yin tombs are jade silkworms carved into lifelike forms.5 More importantly, some of the silk fragments were preserved by aerugo penetration due to their adhesion to the bronze. After doing some investigation, I discovered that some of them are exquisite embroidery and subtlely patterned silk with diamond patterns (i.e., monochrome patterned silk, hereinafter referred to as “qi” or “wen qi”) made with advanced weaving technology.6 There must have been a period of development prior to the maturity of the Yin silk weaving technology as indicated in these archaeological materials, but sadly we have not yet discovered any physical proof of this history.

3

Sun Haibo, Compilation of Oracle Bone Inscription (updated, 1964), p. 876, includes 11 articles and takes the pictograph as “the first form of the pictograph 虫 (worm)”. However, researchers like Ding Shan and Wen Yiduo interpreted the character as “silkworm”. For the characters “丝” and “糸”, see pp. 505–507 in the same book. The character “帛” is found on page 336; the character “桑” is found on page 269. The two characters are in the same sentence of the only one piece of oracle bone (Iron: 185.3). The original character “桑” is very vague and unclear, therefore there still exists some doubt for some prudent researchers who left it unexplained. Note: See Hu Houxuan, Silkworms and silk weaving in the Yin Dynasty, Cultural Relics, No. 11, 1972. 4 Rong Geng, Studies on Sacrificial Vessels of Shang and Zhou Dynasties, 1941, pp. 116–117. 5 For example, the jade silkworm found in the Yin tomb in Anyang in 1953, see Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 9, 1955, p. 55, Pl. XVII, 7. The jade silkworm was also recently found in the Yin tomb at Yidu Subutun in Shandong Province, but the figure (p. 124) in the first volume of Excavated Cultural Relics during the Cultural Revolution Period showed that it was a young cicada and not a silkworm. 6 For example, for the fine silk on the bronze dagger-axe from the Yin tomb in Anyang in 1950, see Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 5, 1951, p. 19. For the study of silk and embroidery in the Yin Dynasty, see Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, No. 9, 1937, pp. 119–126.

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The history of sericlture and silk weaving before the Yin and Shang Dynasties is only known from a few later-emerging stories with no actual evidence and no trustworthy documentation. The most common legend is about Leizu (the daughter of Xi Lingshi), who was a legendary Chinese empress and wife of the Yellow Emperor. She taught people about sericulture and helped them learn how to reel silk for clothes. However, no trace of this legend can be found in the literature of the Han Dynasty or earlier. Grand History by Luo Mi in the Song Dynasty, which quoted from Sericulture Experience of King Huainan written by people assuming the name of the King of Huainan, who was from the Han Dynasty, during the early Northern Song Dynasty, said: “Sericulture began from Xi Lingshi’s persuasion”.7 Both “Annals of Five Emperors”, Records of the Grand Historian and the earlier “The Chapter of Sovereign Series”, Records of Rites only mentioned Leizu as the daughter of Xi Lingshi and wife of the Yellow Emperor without saying she was involved in the invention of sericulture. Official and Ceremonial System in the Han Dynasty (according to the annotations by Liu Zhao for “Annals of rites”, Book of the Later Han) said that Wanyu and Princess Yu were both gods of silk, but also did not mention Xi Lingshi. At the end of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the Northern Qi (550– 580) suddenly offered tailao (a type of sacrifice requiring an ox, sheep, and pig) for the ancestor of sericulture—the Yellow Emperor Xuan Yuanshi, while the Northern Zhou (557–581) offered tailao as a sacrifice for the ancestor of the sericlture—Xi Lingshi (see “Annals of Rites II”, Book of Sui).This is likely due to the legend that the Yellow Emperor invented and created many things, leading people to attribute sericulture to him as well. Later, people believed sericulture should be the work of women, so they began to worship the Yellow Emperor’s wife, Xi Lingshi, as the god of sericulture. Since then, the god of sericulture had become a patent of the Xi Lingshi. In the Song and Yuan Dynasties, the inventor of the silkworm, Leizu, was written in the historical records as the inventor who “began to teach the people about sericulture and silk reeling for clothes”.8 In fact, the great invention of sericulture and silk reeling is the result of the accumulated experience of working people engaged in long-term manufacturing practices over a long period of time. The relevant archaeological materials in the primitive society are mainly found in Xiyin Village and Qianshanyang. In 1926, it was said that a “half-cut” cocoon was found at the excavation site of the Yangshao culture in Xiyin Village, Xia County, Shanxi Province, and “the cut part was extremely straight”,9 which was later considered by many people as the proof that there was already the sericulture industry at 7 Cf. Wang Yuhu, Book of Prince of Huainan, item 4, quoted by Book of Chinese Agriculture, 1964, p. 53. A General Survey of Agriculture (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1956), Vol. 72, quoted from Book of Prince of Huainan, said that: “Leizu, wife of the Yellow Emperor started sericulture ...” (p. 1647), which cannot be found in Book of Prince of Huainan and must have quoted from the pseudo Sericulture Experience of King Huainan. 8 For example, Grand History, Luo Mi in the Southern Song Dynasty, postscript, Vol. 5, and Chen Zicheng in the Yuan Dynasty, Current Additional Compilation of Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government, Vol. 1. See Zhou Kuangming, Proofreading on the sericulture invented by Luozu, Chinese Journal of History of Science, No. 8, 1965, pp. 55–64. 9 Li Ji, The Remains of the Prehistory of Xiyin Village, 1927, pp. 22–23.

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that time. In fact, this discovery probably mixed with something from later times was quite unreliable, because our excavation experience shows that it is impossible for this kind of texture like silk to be so well preserved in the cultural layer at the Neolithic site in the Loess Belt of North China. And what kind of Neolithic sharp-edged tool can cut or slice cocoons and make them have a “very straight” edge? If it is claimed that moths are responsible for this kind of edge for their drilling through, but the moths will release yellowish liquid to dissolve the sericin before drilling, traces left on the cocoon will be easily recognized and impossible to form a “very straight” cut. Therefore, we cannot conclude that sericulture existed in the Yangshao culture on the basis of this unreliable “solitary evidence”. At the Neolithic site excavated in 1958 at Qianshanyang, Wuxing, Zhejiang Province, a collection of silk fabrics, including juan fragments, silk ribbons and silk threads in bamboo baskets, was found.10 Raw material was identified as silk from Bombyx mori, the juan fragment is plain weave with warp and weft densities of 48 per square centimeter. The site is close to the river and the cultural layer is deep below the surface, interspersed with intermittent grayishwhite silt, making it easy to preserve animal and plant fibers. However, although the Qianshanyang site belongs to the Lianzhu culture, which is probably comparable in age to the Yin and Zhou, its cultural nature still presents Neolithic characteristics due to the fact that the ancient culture of the Zhejiang region lags behind that of the Central Plains. (Note: According to carbon dating, the Liangzhu culture dated from around 3300–2250 B.C., earlier than we have previously estimated. See Carbon-14 dating and Chinese prehistoric archaeology, Archaeology, No. 4, 1977) Additionally, the black pottery unearthed at the Meiyan site in 1959 in Wujiang, Jiangsu Province was decorated with “silkworm pattern”.11 The layer of black pottery also belongs to the Liangzhu civilization. Although this pattern resembles the character “蚕” of oracle bone, it is still unclear whether it is a silkworm. Chinese sericulture and silk weaving can date back more than 3,000 years, even to the Yin and Shang Dynasties. Following the research, it is known that there have been significant advancements and that there are three basic weaving techniques for Yin silk products. (1) Common plain weave. The warp and weft threads are approximately equal, 30 to 50 threads per square centimeter. (2) Plain weave of rib pattern. The warp threads are twice as many as the weft threads, with 72 thin warp and 35 weft threads per square centimeter, and 40 thick warp and 17 weft threads per square centimeter. (3) Wen qi. The ground-tint pattern is plain weave, its pattern is three-up and one-down twill weave with patterns on the warp. Although the pattern is a simple compound checkered pattern, it requires a dozen different sheds and heddles, which require a simple jacquard loom. The silk threads of the three fabrics are untwisted or have a very light degree of twisting, which indicates filature has already existed. By using the long fiber of silk and the adhesion of sericin itself, the 10

The Qianshanyang brief report, Acta Archaeological Sinica, 1960, No. 2, p. 86, pp. 89–90. Note: The radiocarbon dating of excavated paddy indicated that the lower layer of Qianshanyang was 2750±100 B.C. (the half-life lasts 5730 years). See Archaeology, No. 5, 1972, p. 57. It has been suspected that the lower layer of Qianshanyang “may include remains from different eras and may even have been partially disturbed”, see Archaeology, No. 6, 1972, p. 41. 11 The Meiyan brief report, Archaeology, No. 6, 1963, pp. 308–318.

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silk thread can be made without twisting for silk weaving. Because the fibroins that emerge after stitching are somewhat spread out, making the pattern richer and the shape of the pattern softer, this untwisted silk thread is particularly well suited for embroidery. The silk thread used for embroidery is still called “spread-out thread” in Wenzhou, Zhejiang, to distinguish it from the silk thread used for sewing clothes (“clothes thread”). There were also some embroidered items discovered in the Yin Dynasty with bevel wavy and diamond patterns, only the edges of the patterns were made of twisted silk threads. All of these demonstrate that people in the Yin Dynasty were already adept at utilizing the long fibers of silk thread.

26.2 . Chairman Mao once said: “The continuously accumulated experience of the human being is the guidance to discover, invent, innovate, and then move forward.” Since the Yin Dynasty, China’s sericulture and silk weaving techniques have carried on with the fine tradition of the past and continued to develop. In the Chinese bronze inscriptions of the Zhou Dynasty, there were characters “帛”,“丝”, “糸” and characters with “糸” as a radical,12 the latter was not necessarily related to silk like the oracle bones. The character “巠” in Da Yu ding and Mao Gong ding was thought by Comrade Guo Moruo to be the origin of the character “经” because “It looks like the longitudinal line of a loom.”13 This means that the warp threads of the loom were vertical at the top and bottom, with beams at each end. The lower beam was suspended by a triangular or conical object with a rope, straining the warp threads downward, which was a kind of vertical loom. However, neither shaft seemed to be able to rotate to roll the warp threads or the fabric. This character was also found in Ke ding (an ancient Chinese bronze circular ding vessel from the Western Zhou Dynasty) and Bells Made for Ke, and the character meaning warp threads are straight rather than curved is strong evidence that it refers to the vertical loom. Ancient Egypt, Greece, and Rome also employed vertical looms with the warp threads suspended by conical pendants. Among documents in the Zhou Dynasty, “Tribute of Yu”, Book of Documents mentions the locations where silkworms and silk textiles were manufactured during the period14 ; A number of literary works, including Book of Poetry, The 12 Rong Geng, Compilation of Chinese Bronze Inscriptions (Updated edition, 1959), 帛 (p. 438), 丝 (p. 681), “糸” and characters with “糸” as a radical (pp. 669–673). 13 Guo Moruo, Shi Jing (Interpretation), Interpretation of Chinese Bronze Inscriptions (Textual Research on Chinese Bronze Inscriptions edition, 1952), p. 182; Rong Geng, Compilation of Chinese Bronze Inscriptions, 1959, p. 580. 14 “Tribute of Great Yu”, Book of Documents is generally considered to be a work during the Warring States period. It recorded the local production of Jiu Zhou: silk in Qing Zhou and Yan Zhou, and silk fabrics (raw silk fabric, fine floss silk, silken fabrics, azure and deep purple, and with strings of pearls that were not quite round) in Xu Zhou, Yu Zhou and Jing Zhou. The “woven shell” of Yang Zhou is thought to be a “shell embroidery”, but it may be a fabric embellished with shells, not necessarily silk.

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Zuo Tradition, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial which also mentioned mulberry, silkworms, silk and textiles a lot.15 At that time, there was silk nursery, silkworm basket stand (called zhen or chui, meaning stand column to support the bamboo tray for raising silkworms), the bamboo tray for raising silkworm (called qu) and silkworm basket (called rounded ju or square kuang).16 At that time, silk became the preferred fabric for the clothes of the aristocracy, who saw “silk reeling” as a sideline production in which all working women should engage.17 The women of the ruling class would also be feignedly asked (queens or lords’ wives) “to demonstrate the sericulture in person”18 and the head of the feudal ruling class would stage the annual plowing ritual, both with the same intention of deceiving the working class. Silk fabrics at that time included leno and gauze, thin plain weave silk, damask on plain weave, crepe silk, compound silk, embroidery, etc.19 The most notable among all these is the character “锦 (compound weave silk)” found in the Eastern Zhou or near the end of the Western Zhou Dynasty. There is a line “Fair shell embroidery” in “A Eunuch’s Complaint”, “Less Court Hymn”, Book of poetry, Zheng Xuan annotated it: “Shell embroidery refers to the 15

There are many examples of silkworm, mulberry, silk and silk fabrics in the Zhou Dynasty literature. In “Life of peasants”, “Odes of Bin”, Classic of Poetry, there is a line “in silkworm month with axe’s blow”. In “Complaint against King You”, “Major court hymn”, there is a line “for state but weaving-household affair”, in “A faithless man”, “Odes of Wei”, there is a line “He’d barter cloth for thread”, in “An ideal ruler”, “Odes of Cao”, there is a line “If he’s as bright as silken hems”. “The 29th year of Duke Xiang”, The Zuo Tradition, Gongzi Zha gave Zi Chan “a belt of white silk”. “The seventh year of Duke Ai” mentioned “five bolts of silk in one bundle”, which can also be found in “The first year of Duke Yin”, Commentary of Gongyang. Official of Silk can be found “Offices of the Heaven”, Rites of Zhou who was the general governance of silk. Words like “People are not allowed to wear silk without raising silkworms” can be found in “Administrator of land”, Offices of Earth, and “boil silk” and “boil spun silk” can be found in “Mang Shi”, Record of Trades. “Five bundles of silk” can be found in “Rites of courtesy calls”, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, “azure and deep purple silk” can be found in “Rites of the imperial audience”, “Mourning rites for the common officer” and “Mourning procedures of the evening preceding burial”. “Ties of silk shoes” can be found in “Tangong Part 1”, Book of Rites. There words like “cloth and silk textiles” in “Royal regulations” and “jade ware and silk textiles” in “Yang Huo”, Analects, “Explanation of insects”, Erya talked about various cocoons. “Emperor Lianghui”, Mencius talked about “mulberry tree” and “silk cloth”, “Shanquan (mainly talk about the economic thought)”, Guanzi, said: “People who are proficient in raising silkworms will be awarded”, and there is also chapter of “Odes of silkworms” in Xunzi. 16 See “Records of late spring”, Lü’s Commentaries of History; “Seasonal records of each month”, Book of Rites. 17 “Patterns of the family”, Book of Rites thought hemp spinning and silk reeling was the “women’s work” that all women should learn. In “Encouraging farming”, Lü’s Commentaries of History, there was work such as “hemp spinning and silk reeling” “around all four seasons of the year” so that “women will be encouraged to work”. 18 Such as: “Steward”, “Offices of the Heaven”, Rites of Zhou; “The 14th year of Duke Heng”, Guliang Zhuan; “Seasonal records of each month”, “Meaning of sacrifices”, “A summary account of sacrifices”, Book of Rites; “Records of late spring”, “Encouraging farming”, Lü’s Commentaries of History. 19 For example, one can find words like “wearing beautiful fine silk” in “Strategies of Qi”, Strategies of the Warring States (Vol. 11), and “brocade” in “Strategies of Zhao” (Vol. 19) and “Strategies of Song” (Vol. 32).

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patterns of the damask woven by different colors of threads.” Damask requires sophisticated weaving techniques for using different colored silk threads, thus, it has been regarded as a valuable and high-class textile because of its spectacular and colorful patterns. “Five bolts of silk in one bundle”(common silk) had been taken as a gift and often replaced by “five bolts of damask in one bundle” in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty.20 The terms “jin (compound weave silk)” and “xiu (embroidery)” were frequently used together to denote the most exquisite textiles in the Warring States period. Soon after, the word “锦绣 (jinxiu)”, referring to both jin and xiu, became synonymous with the word “beauty”. That’s why the expression we use to describe the impressively beautiful land in China will often use words like “as splendid as jinxiu”. In terms of the physical items, we should first focus on the five Warring States bronzes patterned with mulberry picking. All four pots among these bronzes were made between the mid-fifth century B.C. and the fourth century B.C., except the square-mouthed wine vessel, which dated from a later time. In three of them, the mulberry trees are quite high, requiring the mulberry pickers to climb the tree; while the other two mulberry trees are as high as the mulberry pickers.21 If the painter is faithful to the proportion of the real object, then the latter two can indicate that a 20

Except for Strategies of the Warring States cited above, there are many other examples about the word jin in the literature of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, for example, “wearing a robe and furs” in “Duke Xiang of Qin”, “Odes of Qin”, Book of Poetry, “the embroidered bed” in “An Elegy”, “Odes of Tang”, “broidered skirt” “simple shirt” in “Lost opportunity”, “Odes of Zheng”, “robe of brocade” in “The Duke’s bride”, “Odes of Wei”. In The Zuo Tradition, there is a description “30 rolls of the finest brocade” in “The 2nd year of Duke Min”, “five bundles of silk” in “The 19th year of Duke Xiang”, “sent brocade and horses” in “The 26th year of Duke Xiang”, “learn to cut the beautiful piece of embroidery” in “The 31st year of Duke Xiang”, “a box of brocade” and “carrying some brocade” in “The 13th year of Duke Zhao”, and “two rolls of brocade” in “The 26th year of Duke Zhao”, “five bundles of silk” in “The 12th year of Duke Ai” and “The gong feasting a great officer”, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial Rites. One can find words like “the cloth children wear is trimmed with brocade, and so do the girdle and belt, even their hair is tied up with brocade, “wearing a robe and furs”, “luxuriant brocade clothes and precious furs” in “Jade ornament”, Book of Rites; “A quilt in brocade” in “Greater records of mourning rites”; “brocade hat” in Greater records of the dress of mourning; “patterned cloth, silk and jade” in “Royal regulation”; “common jade ware is wrapped by silk fabric while higher one by brocade” in “Receiving guests”, “Office of Autumn on Justice”, Rites of Zhou; “Wear brocade” in “Yang Huo”, Analects; “embroidery and brocade” in “Moderation in use” and “Condemning aggression”, Mozi; “Coarse cloth and brocade” in “Odes”, Xunzi; “Beautiful brocade clothes” in “The importance of objective conditions”, “Views on caution against greatness”, Lü’s Commentaries of History. However, according to Mozi, as quoted in “Fanzhi”, Garden of Stories, it is thought that brocade had already existed during Emperor Zhou of the Shang Dynasty. In fact, “brocade” was a common term used during the Warring States period to refer to the finest silk fabrics. There is no evidence of brocade in the Shang and Yin Dynasties. 21 Among the former three pieces, for the pot with mulberry picking and hunting pattern and the square-mouthed wine vessel with the same pattern (collected in the Forbidden City), see Xu Zhongshu, “Study on ancient hunting images” (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, extra edition, No. 1: Essays in Celebration of Mr. Cai Yuanpei’s Sixty-Fifth Year, Part 2, 1935), Pl. II, Pl. III; for the wine container inlaid with scenes of feasting, fishing, hunting and fighting, see Yang Zongrong, Sources of Warring States Painting, 1957, fig. 20. For the stopper, see Guo Baojun, Shanbiao Town and Liuli Ge, 1959, P. 68, Pl. CIV, 2; Umehara Sueji, Studies in Warring States-style Bronze Ware, (Japanese), 1936, Pl. XCIII.

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Fig. 26.1 Mulberry picking patterns on the warring states bronzes. 1. Bronze pot with the pattern of feast, shooting hunting and mulberry picking. 2. Lid of a bronze pot with a mulberry pattern excavated from Liulige, Hui County

short mulberry tree could have been cultivated at the time which was called “ground mulberry tree”or “Lu mulberry tree” for its origin in Shandong Province (scientific name: Morus multicaulis). This “ground mulberry” is not just easy to collect because of its height, its tender and luxuriant leaves also have a higher nutritional value and are ideal for feeding silkworms. We read in “The 23rd year of Duke Xi”, The Zuo Tradition that Duke Wen of Jin and his followers conspired under the mulberry tree while he was in Qi, and were overheard by the “girl of the harem” who happened to cultivate mulberries on the tree without being noticed by them. According to this tale, there didn’t appear to be “ground mulberry” at that period (636 B.C.) in Qi, where sericulture was most developed. Instead, because mulberry trees were so tall, picking mulberries required climbing them. Good feed gives the possibility of producing fine silk. The pot with the mulberry picking and hunting pattern is collected in the Forbidden City, with a basket hanging from a mulberry branch and a basket carried by the mulberry picker under the tree, reminding people of the verse in “Life of peasant”, “Odes of Bin”, Book of Poetry “The lasses take their baskets deep, and go along the small pathways, to gather tender mulberry leaves in heap” (Fig. 26.1). In terms of archaeological discoveries, we have also found jade silkworms in Western Zhou and Spring and Autumn tombs, i.e., jade ornaments carved in the shape of silkworms.22 Later literature such as Sanfu Tales, Records of Stange Tales and Comprehensive Gazetteer gave descriptions of the golden silkworms23 in ancient tombs from the Spring and Autumn Period to the Qin Dynasty, which after all were 22

For a jade silkworm excavated from a Western Zhou tomb, see Fengxi Excavation Report, 1962, p. 126, Pl. LXXXV, 10; for those excavated from the Wei tomb in the Western Zhou, see Guo Baojun, Jun County Xin Village, 1964, p. 64, Pl. CII, 3 and 10; For the Spring and Autumn tomb excavated, see Cemetery of Guo State at Shangcunling, 1959, p. 22. 23 Comprehensive Gazetteer said there were “dozens of bamboo trays of golden silkworms” in the tomb of Duke Huan of Qi State in the Yongjia period of the Jin Dynasty (cited in Annotations of Records of the Grand Historian by Zhang Shoujie). Records of Strange Tales said that there were more than a thousand pairs of golden silkworms and jade swallows in the tomb of King Helü’s wife (cited in “Birds and Worms Encyclopedia”, Compendium of Ancient and Modern Books, Vol. 167). Sanfu Tales said that the first Empress of the Qin Dynasty was buried with twenty bamboo trays of golden silkworms (cited in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia, Vol. 825).

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the bizarre tales from the novelists in Jin and Southern-Northern Dynasties, making people find it hard to believe. The physical item of a jade silkworm was unearthed in the Song Dynasty (see Lou Yue, Collected Works of Lou Yue, Vol. 75, “Three treasures collected in Family Zhao Mingke”).24 If someone looks at the shape of the modern public and private collections of ancient golden silkworms, they appear to be items from the Han, Wei, North, and South Dynasties, which have not been discovered during the archaeological excavations. More importantly, we have found silk in the Zhou Dynasty and silk fabrics have been discovered in several Chu tombs since 1949. (1) A Chu tomb from Xinyang, Henan Province, was excavated in 1957. From The Catalogue excavated from this tomb, fig. 170 and fig. 171 appear to be wen qi woven with diamond patterns; fig. 173 and fig. 174 are the fangmu gauze (its weave is featured with square-hole). The illustration in The Catalogue is plain and simple: “The weaving technique of silk textiles is the same as that of common cotton textiles now, yet with thicker warp and thinner weft.”25 (2) Two Chu tombs in Wang Shan, Jiangling, Hubei, were excavated in 1965. Tomb 1 has “jacquard silk” and “ling (damask on plain weave or twill)”, while Tomb 2 has embroidery, silk clothes for wooden figurines, and silk wigs.26 A closer look at the illustration shows that “jacquard silk” seems to be wenqi, and embroidery is a rectangular pattern wrapped in four sets of curly lines using silk thread on juan. We have no idea whether ling is a twill weave or whether it has patterns. (3) Changsha Chu Tomb in Hunan. Before 1949, “silk books”, “silk paintings”, and other silk textiles had been discovered in the Changsha tomb.27 After 1949, the following important discoveries were made in Changsha: Tomb 406 in Wuli Pai in 1952. There are fragments of silk (one of which is embroidered), wen qi (brownish-purple, with a diamond pattern), silk ribbon (one with a purple-brown ground, with a diamond pattern and a houndstooth pattern, 1.4 cm wide; one woven with black and brown colors, brown ground, with black spots and patterns, 1 cm wide), silk-woven mesh (leno?), silk quilt.28 Fragments of silk were found in Tomb 15, Zuojiagong Mountain, and Tomb 6, Yangjiawan, in 1954, Tomb 15 also contained silk rope.29 Silk rope for binding the coffin, plain weave silk (made into a circular bag), two silk ribbon fragments with diamond patterns and compound weave silk were excavated from Tomb 5, Guangji Bridge in 1956. The compound weave silk, according to the illustration from pictures and words, is woven into wen qi rather than 24 Hamada Kosaku, “Study of golden silkworms”, Study of East Asian Archaeology (Japanese), 1943, pp. 221–228, Pl. XIX, 1–4, in which it was mistakenly said that the description for the tomb of Duke Huan of Qi was from Records from the region of Ye, and “tens of bamboo trays” was also mistakenly said to be “thousands of boxes”. 25 Catalogue of Cultural Relics Unearthed from the Chu Tomb in Xinyang, Henan Province, 1959, Preface, p. 4, figs. 170–175. 26 See Cultural Relics, 1966, No. 5, pp. 33–39, fig. 8 (jacquard silk), fig. 11 (embroidery). 27 Catalogue of Chu Cultural Relics Exhibition, 1954, fig. 12, 20, 21; Catalogue of Cultural Relics in Hunan Province, 1964, fig. 57, 58. 28 Changsha Excavation Report, 1957, p. 64, Pls. XXXI–XXXIII; Catalogue of Chu Cultural Relics Exhibition, 1954, figs. 45–48. 29 Cultural Relics, 1954, No. 12, p. 7, 8, 29, 45; Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, 1957, pp. 93–101.

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polychrome compound weave silk of two layers of diamond patterns with small floral patterns inside through the “jacquard” technique. Embroidery was also unearthed from Martyrs’ Park Tomb 3 in 1958.30 With 42 warp threads and 32 weft threads per square centimeter,31 the silk textile discovered in the Chu tomb, Liucheng Bridge in 1971 was extremely thin, but more significantly, the compound weave silk discovered in the Zuojiatang Warring States tomb in 1957 was the earliest compound weave silk ever discovered.32 Even more intriguing is the discovery of Chinese silk in the tomb of Bazerek, which was discovered in the Altai region of the Soviet Union and included embroidery with patterns of phoenix among the cluttered branches using colorful thread and twill-patterned brocade using red and green weft threads. These tombs date back to the early Warring States period in China in the fifth century B.C. (for the study of physical items in the Western Dynasty, see “Supplementary Note” at the end of this article).33 The invention of the brocade weaving technique during the Eastern Zhou Dynasty was the most cutting-edge technology of the time, indicating that our looms were highly developed at that time. In addition to the vertical looms, we probably also used horizontal looms in ancient times, unlike the vertical looms used exclusively in ancient Greece and Rome. Only horizontal looms could be upgraded technologically to employ suspended heddle jacquard and the treadle. Wen qi in the Yin Dynasty needed some sort of jacquard equipment. Horizontal or reclined looms were already in use at the time. The fact that the Eastern Zhou Dynasty had the compound weave silk gives more possibility to the existence of the horizonal loom for the compound weave silk with jacquard equipment. At this point, it was evident that the loom’s ends already had rotating and adjustable shafts in place for rolling the warp threads and weaving the fabric. “East and West”, “Lesser court hymns”, Book of Poetry had the words “the looms are empty all”, meaning neglected production. Biography of Poetry Anthology by Zhu Xi explained that zhu was for holding the weft and zhou was for receiving the warp. zhu was the shuttle for twining the weft, and zhou was the crankshaft for twining the warp, both of which were equipped with ratchets (also known as the crankshaft teeth) on each end of the shaft to hold the shaft in place. Because the warp thread made of silk is generally long, there is typically a sizable segment reeled on the warping beam; part of the warp thread will be released after the silk is woven into a section that will rotate up to the cloth beam. China is the first country to apply such a kind of rotatable and adjustable shaft to the loom. Ancient Western looms, whether vertical or horizontal (there were also horizontal looms in ancient 30

The silk of the two tombs, see Catalogue of Cultural Relics in Hunan Province, 1964, Pls. LIII– LVI; the brief report about the tomb of Guangji Bridge No. 5, see Cultural Relics, 1957, No. 2, pp. 59–63. 31 Tomb No. 1 in Liucheng Bridge, Changsha, Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, 1972, p. 70. 32 Xiong Chuanxin, Newly discovered silk fabrics of the Warring States in Changsha, Cultural Relics, No. 2, 1975, pp. 49–52, figs. 1–3, figs. 15–18. 33 C. I. Pydenko, On the ancient relations between China and the Altaic Tribes, Acta Archaeological Sinica, 1957, No. 2, pp. 37–39, figs. 1–2, Pl. I, 1. The above is said to be the weft brocade, but it is sometimes difficult to determine whether the fragments are weft or warp brocade.

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Egypt), have fixed warp thread at each end, and limited warp thread length severely restricts the length of the cloth. For jacquard textiles, a longer warp requires less time in weaving by drawing the warp, in reed and in heddle, meaning less labor. That’s why the ability to rotate the warp thread and cloth on the loom is an important technical improvement. Although it is possible that the tale of Lu Ji Jing Jiang discussing weaving in Liu Xiang’s Biographies of Exemplary Women (Vol. 1) came from documents from the Spring and Autumn Period or the Warring States Period, it must have been exaggerated during the Han Dynasty. As a result, it will be skipped over here and discussed in the following Han Dynasty section. In order to make si and bo finer (they all refer to silk), “scouring si” and “scouring bo” were known as late as the Warring States period. In “Records of examination of craftsman”, Rites of Zhou, a workwoman will be in charge of this: pouring the water to boil silk. To scour silk, the chinaberry leaves are burnt to ash to make thick lye, into which the silk is soaked. It is then placed in a smooth container and soaked in water with a large amount of mussel shell ash to precipitate the dirt. Bleaching and peeling off the sericin layer from the fibroin’s surface are both goals for making the silk more lustrous. Also, this technique will make use of softer and warmer water with ash, thick pulp turned into ash by burning chinaberry and mixed with water, as well as mussel shell ash. Today, scouring silk involves dissolving the sericin in either boiling water, hot soapy water, or an alkaline solution.

26.3 . Chainman Mao said that China had been a feudal society along with its economy and politics since the Zhou and Qin Dynasties. He also said that a society like this would make peasants and craftsmen the foundation for creating fortunes and culture. The feudal economy developed significantly due to the significant socioeconomic changes that occurred during the Warring States period and the emergence of a united state during the Qin and Han Dynasties, contributing to a peak in the production of ancient silk in China during the Han Dynasty. At this time, there have been at least 1,000 years of silk weaving in China. During archaeological excavations in the Han Dynasty, many silk entities were discovered, the study of which, along with some documentation, reveals a significant technological advancement. Some new techniques have already emerged in the Warring States Period and even as early as the Spring and Autumn Periods, but the current material can only be dated back to the Han Dynasty and is detailed as follows: The first is to improve the feeding of silkworms. Mulberry leaves are the primary source of nutrition for silkworms. Better methods for cultivating mulberry trees had been developed during the Han Dynasty, and there was clear evidence for the “ground mulberry” culture. In the late Western Han Dynasty (first century B.C.), the book Fan Shengzhi’s Manual stated that each mu (=0.0667 hectares) planted three liters of millet with mulberries together. Essentials of People’s Livelihood of the Northern Wei Dynasty (the sixth century) also said that the joint planting of millet or beans with

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mulberry could benefit mulberry growing; after the growth of mulberry, they would be hoed to make their growing neither too dense nor too sparse. “When the mulberry is grown in line with the millet and a sharp sickle is in good timing to mow” told a better way to cultivate “ground mulberry”. To prevent the mulberry tree from growing excessively tall the following year, the ground branches are cut off against the ground when the tree reaches the same size as the millet in the first year, making it easier to cultivate and leaving tender leaves suitable for sericulture. It is said that the mulberry would grow again next spring and that there were enough mulberries in an acre to feed three bamboo trays of silkworms. Later agricultural literature also claimed that, in contrast to “tree mulberry” (also known as Jing mulberry), the branches of which must be cut in successive years and could only be used in at least the third year, “ground mulberry” can feed silkworms the following year.34 The stone relief and brick relief in the Han Dynasty show two different kinds of mulberry-picking pictures, one kind of mulberry tree is as tall as the mulberry picker possibly standing for the “ground mulberry”, and the other is much taller than the picker standing for the “tree mulberry”.35 The aforementioned records, however, show that “ground mulberry” existed during the Han Dynasty. The production of high-quality silk can be ensured with good feed. Then, as for the technique of sericulture, Cui Shi in the Eastern Han Dynasty wrote about it in Monthly Instructions for the Four-Peoples (second century), which gave more details: “chui (stand column to support the tray for raising silkworms), zhe (bars on the silkworm rearing stand), bo (bamboo sieve to raise silkworms), long (bamboo weaving cover to make the silkworm cocooning).”36 Unlike books like “Seasonal Records of Each Month”, Book of Rites, “Records of Late Spring”, Lü’s Commentaries of History which only talked about the tools for sericulture, Cui’s book also focused on the silkworm nursery and mentioned that the gaps were painted and then crammed in order to prevent the plague of rats and easily get the hang of the silkworm nursery’s temperature. Better methods in the Han Dynasty produced finer silk. Measurements give the following comparison (in millimeters) between the diameter of fibroin in the Han Dynasty and the modern silk produced in various places (in millimeters): China (Han Dynasty): 0.02–0.03, China (modern Canton): 34

Shi Shenghan, Modern Interpretation of Fansheng’s Work on Agriculture, 1956, pp. 31–32; cf. Essentials of People’s Livelihood (Shi Shenghan, Modern Interpretation edition, fasc. 2, 1958), pp. 281–295. 35 For the mulberry picking figure in the Han Dynasty, see Rong Geng, Album of Pictorial Stones in the Wu Liang Shrine, 1936, three figures in total, divided into fig. 48, 49, 55; Liu Zhiyuan, Brick Relief Art in the Han Dynasty in Sichuang, 1958, Pl. VI; Anthology of Sichuan Brick Relief in the Han Dynasty collected in the Chongqing Museum, 1957, P. 12. Feng Yunpeng et al., Illustrated Collection of Ancient Metal and Stone Articles (Encyclopaedic Library edition, p. 58), the seventh figure of the third stone, there was a story of Dong Yong, possibly a mulberry tree standing on his right, the second figure (p. 48), there was a mulberry tree to the right of Qiu Hu’s wife. The former was higher than the latter based on The Biographies of Exemplary Women. There was also a tree on the second layer of “Hekui” stone relief excavated from the 10th year of the Tongzhi period, which was in a similar shape to the ones in Album of Pictorial Stones in the Wu Liang Shrine. 36 Cui Shi, Monthly Instructions for the Four-Peoples, see Series of Yilan Tang, Tang Hongxue edition.

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0.0218, Japan: 0.0273, Syria: 0.029, France: 0.0316, Asia Minor Broussa: 0.0317. In addition, Eri-silkworm: 0.03, Cynthia silkworm: 0.04, Antheraea pernyi: 0.04– 0.08, Tasar SIIkoorm: 0.08–0.09.37 Years of studying the techniques of sericulture contributed to the thin silk, which was beyond expectation even as early as the Han Dynasty. Next, we will turn to the varieties and weaving techniques of textiles. “Explanation of silk”, Classic Explanation of the Sublime Qing, Vol, 503, complied by Ren Dazhuang, can be taken as the reference for the various names of textile in the Han Dynasty. Many textiles names can be found in the Han literature, but their given names were not exactly the same, different kinds may refer to the same name while different names turned out to be the same kind, making it impossible to find what some of the names are truly standing for. Meanwhile, greater confusion could be caused both by the different criteria for classifying the textiles of ancient times from those of modern times and by the misuse of nomenclature by the literati who were not involved in production. That’s why I’ll focus on and study the existing archaeological objects with some related literature just for reference. The general term for textile in the Han Dynasty is called bo or zeng or zeng bo,38 just like the way we generally call them as si chou or chou duan today.39 Raw silk also has names like gao, su, and so on, which will refer to the white and thin silk fabric in a general way, 37 Weilletzer’s Chinese Art (English, 1958), p. 20, the figures cited are from Pfister’s Fabrics from Palmyra, Book 1, 1934, p. 39 and p. 56. A Study of East Asian Cultures by Tian Shuren (1944) said that while today’s common silk is 0.012 mm after the sericin has been scoured, the silk of the Han Dynasty was 0.008–0.013 mm, averaging about 0.01 mm (p. 433). The difference between the two figures could be double. One may refer to a single fibre, and the other could be the bave of two fibers (natural silk strands). Each silkworm has a pair of silk glands, which secrete a pair of silk fibers that stick together to form a piece of bave due to the sericin. 38 Analytical Dictionary of Characters (Vol. 13, Part 1) said: “zeng is bo”; Analytical Dictionary of Characters (Vol. 7, Part 2) also said: “bo is zeng”. Yan Shigu annotated Quickly Master Character Chapters by saying that zeng was the general name of bo, meaning silk. “Biographies of southwestern barbarians”, Records of the Great Historian (Vol. 116) described “they all coveted the Han silk”. 39 During the Han Dynasty, the character “绸 (chou)” was generally written as “紬”, which referred to the use of waste cocoons and remnants of silk spun into coarse silk threads for weaving silk. Analytical Dictionary of Characters said that spun silk fabric, was zeng (Vol. 13, Part 1). Today’s pongee or noil poplin still retains its original meaning. The character “绸 (chou)” was interpreted as “sentimentally attached” or “dense” in the Zhou and Han Dynasties, unlike the present-day generic term for silk fabric. The character “缎 (duan)” was used as a younger orthography for silk fabrics with a satin pattern, and was written as “段” in the Tang and Song Dynasties. The character “缎 (satin)” in Analytical Dictionary of Characters was a variant of 韋段. This character referred to “the heel patch of the shoe” (Vol. 5, Part 2). Satin weave was also a younger pattern and seemed to begin in the Tang Dynasty. Before the Tang Dynasty, a section of cloth and silk cut to a certain size was called “段”. In “Biography of the sons of Taizong”, New Book of Tang (Vol. 8), the phrase “given ten thousand pieces” could refer to ten thousand pieces of cloth and silk, proved by “Biography of the sons of Taizong”, Old Book of Tang (Vol. 76) which wrote “gave ten thousand pieces of silk and cloth to Li Tai (son of Emperor Taizong)”. In “Encyclopedia of Food, Silk, Clothing or Currency”, Compendium of Ancient and Modern Books (Vol. 318), it is a mistake to count “段 (a section)” as “缎 (satin)” and include it in Satin Collection. In Four Kinds of Sorrow by Zhang Heng of the Han Dynasty, the word “锦绣段” also referred to sections of brocade, which was not “satin”, and matched the sound and sense for the next poetic line “青玉案, meaning a short-legged plate made of green jade”. Some people think that the character “綐” in the phrase “服綐 (wearing silk)” in

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whether raw or not. Raw silk is no match for scoured silk (also called “Lian”) no matter the luster or softness. Boiled scoured silk will either retain the color of white or become silk of different colors by dyeing. Except the brocade with “polychromeweaving patterns” in the Han Dynasty, textiles usually remove the sericin by scouring silk after weaving, because fibroin with sericin is wear-resistant during the weaving process. It is necessary to remove the sericin before dyeing because of its particularly strong ability to absorb dyestuff, otherwise, it will be decolorized or mottled, making it impure for future degumming. In Han silk fabric with plain weave, “su (raw silk fabric)” or “wan (fine silk tabby)” (also known as wansu) was the most popular in terms of weaving technique, that is juan today.40 The superior thin plain weave silk was known as bing wan (see “Annals of Emperor Suzong Xiaozhang”, Book of the Later Han). Among the archaeological findings of the Han Dynasty, the vast majority of silk fabrics were this kind of plain weave silk, which could be divided into two kinds: one was the common plain weave silk with nearly the same number of warp and weft threads, whose major density was 50–59 per square centimeter, followed by 40–49 and 60–69. The other was ribbed-plain weave silk with denser warp threads. The one with 60–85 warp threads per square centimeter was the most common, generally twice as many as the weft threads, thus weft-ribbed was more obvious. Fine ribbed plain weave silk, such as the one recently unearthed from the tomb of Liu Sheng, King of Zhongshan Jing, in Mancheng, had 200 × 90 warp and weft threads per square centimeter.41 Another Han silk fabric was called jian, which was finer and more closely woven than juan, plain weave silk.42 A poetry, “Picking plantago asiatica on the mountain”, also told how the jian-weaving process was slower and harder than su-weaving. But jian (thin juan) seemed to refer to both of the above two kinds of silk, and did not refer exclusively to the ribbed silk, or the thick juan. Dunhuang has found “Rencheng jian” fragments with preserved silk borders, a Chinese inscription wrote “a bolt of jian in Gangfu, Rencheng, 2 chi 2 the book “Political Governance”, Guanzi is today’s “satin”, but in fact, this phrase was used in the more ancient texts as “wearing crown” or “wearing silk”, and Wang’s Guangya Annotations and Proofs (Vol. 7) cited erroneously and changed it to “綐”. In “Explanation of Implements”, Guangya by Zhang Yi in the Wei era, it took the character “綐” as “spun silk fabric”, the same meaning as “絓 (kua)”, which was “coarse silk” rather than modern “satin”. The latter was a twill weave with four or more progressions of float lines of the warp and weft threads. 40 Analytical Dictionary of Characters (Vol. 13, Part 1) said “wan is actually su”; in “Three Tailoring Offices in Qi”, “Annals of Emperor Yuan”, Book of Han, Yan Shigu annotated it: “Wansu is modern juan (spun silk with plain weave)”, but the Han people called zeng, whose color was as yellow as a stalk of wheat, like juan (Analytical Dictionary of Characters, Vol. 13, Part 1), which was different from “juan” in later times. 41 The excavation of the Han tomb in Mancheng, Archaeology, 1972, No. 1, p. 14. For a general discussion of Han silk, see E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Ancient Chinese silk and embroidery (Russian), 1961, pp. 7–8; V. Sylwan, Investigation of silk from Edsen-gol and Lop-nor (English), 1949, p. 99. 42 Analytical Dictionary of Characters (Vol. 13, Part 1) said: “jian is woven by double threads of zeng.” “Explaining dyes and silks”, Explanations of Appellations by Liu Xi (Vol. 4, Bi Yuan, Shiming Shuzheng) explained 缣 ( jian) was 兼 ( jian), which referred to fine and thin silk. In Quickly Master Character Chapters, Yan Shigu also said: “缣 is called 兼, densely woven by weaving double silk threads together.”

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cun wide, 4 zhang long, weighing 25 tael, worth 618 mace”.43 (According to the traditional Chinese unit of measurement: 1 chi = 23 cm; 1 chi = 10 cun; 1 zhang = 10 chi; 1 tael = 10 mace). It is generally believed that the measuring unit of Han chi is 23 cm. The width of this jian then was 50.6 cm, and the present specimen is 50 cm wide, from which the approximate width of the loom in the Han Dynasty can be deduced. Next is about the leno gauze. The weaving technique of sparsely woven fangmu gauze unearthed in the Warring States tombs seemed to be plain weave rather than leno weave, except that its density of warp and weft threads was sparse, revealing its square holes. During the Han Dynasty, there was also this kind of plain weave gauze, and the density of the warp and weft threads was as thin as 23.5 × 20. The specimens MP937 and MP1729 excavated in Noin Ula belonged to this kind. This plain weave gauze was often found on the head of the dead (male) in his tomb, leaving the trace of japanning which should be the fragment of his head scarf. They probably referred to “纚 (li)” or “縰 (xi)” used as the head scarf in the Han literature.44 More importantly, the Han Dynasty saw the emergence of “leno weave” jacquard gauze. Today’s leno weave technique is a group of two warp threads (inner warp and suspicion loop) (1–2、3–4, etc.) interwoven with the weft threads, among which the suspicion loop threads (2, 4, 6, 8, etc.) are sometimes on the left side of the inner warp (1, 3, 5, 7), and sometimes on the right side of the inner warp. After each weft thread is woven, the suspicion loop will change once, making the warp and weft threads difficult to slide, which is better than plain weave gauze (Fig. 26.2). It is now known that there were two variations in the Han leno weave thatwere further developed compared with the original simple leno weave mentioned above. Variation A (Fig. 26.3): When the suspicion loop (warp threads like 1, 3, 5, 7, etc.) is alternately interwoven with the inner warp on the left or right side, two heddles (A, B) are required in addition to the “lease rod”. The eyelets are evenly distributed when finished, which is better than the simple leno weave. Among the Han gauze, there were plain gauzes totally woven with this method, for example, specimen MP1093 excavated in Noin Ula. Variation B (Fig. 26.4): First, heddle B is used to pull the suspicion loop (e.g., 4, 8, etc.) of the even warp groups (e.g. 3–4, 7–8, etc.) to the left side of the odd warp groups (e.g. 1–2, 5–6, 9–10, etc.) and then lifted upwards. After the shuttle is passed, the back heddle (i.e., plain weave heddle) A is lifted. After the shuttle is passed the second time, the heddle C is used to pull the suspicion loop of odd groups (e.g. 2, 6, 10, etc.) to the left side of even warp groups and then lifted upwards, and after the shuttle is passed, the back heddle (i.e., plain weave heddle) A is lifted again. This weaving technique needs a back heddle (A) and two groups of suspicion loop heddles (B, C), which will form a bigger eyelet. The Han figured leno often adopted the suspicion loop technique of Variation B to have ground-tint patterns with bigger eyelets, while 43

Luo Zhenyu, Wang Guowei, Bamboo Slips Buried in Flowing Sand, Vol. 2, 1914, p. 43; Stein, Serindia (English, 1921), pp. 701–704. 44 In “Annals of Emperor Yuan”, Book of Han, Vol. 9, “Three Tailoring Offices in Qi”, Li Pei annotated: “The head scarf and the cloth to tie hair should be worn in Spring.” Yan Shigu annotated: “縰 is 纚, a kind of plain weave gauze used for tying hair, refers to fangmu gauze today”.

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Fig. 26.2 Simple leno weave. a. Structure diagram (1–8 warp threads) b. Suspicion loop

the suspicion loop of Variation A made patterns with thinner and denser eyelets. The two methods of suspicion loop were used to weave the ground-tint pattern and figured pattern in the patterned gauze excavated in Minfeng in 1959, with 66 warp threads and 26 weft threads per square centimeter, and the weaving methods of the 1968 excavation from the Western Han tomb in Mancheng were identical to those of Minfeng.45 Still, multiple jacquard heddles are also needed for simple diamondshaped patterns. Figured leno can be made through either of the suspicion loop techniques used by each warp of each heddle depending on different patterns. The character “罗 (leno)” was already found in late Warring States documents, and in the Han Dynasty there was also “wen luo (patterned leno)”, both of which are likely to indicate this particular silk fabric of leno weave.46 Later, in Six Statues of the Tang Dynasty, the ten workshops of the Weaving and Dyeing Department included both workshops of leno and gauze, probably as a distinction between gauze weave and plain weave.47 The “leno” of the Tang Dynasty in the collection of the Sh¯os¯o-in in Japan is leno weave.

45

E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Ancient Chinese Silk and Embroidery (Russian, 1961), pp. 10–11; Unearthed leno weave from Minfeng Eastern Han Tomb, Cultural Relics, No. 7, 9, 1962, p. 69, fig. 7, 8. Also cf. Tian Shuren, A Study of East Asian Cultures, 1944, pp. 427–434, the warp and weft density of the fangmu plain weave gauze is 23.5 x 20 per square centimeter; and the leno weave of Variant B is slightly different, the suspicion loop is lifted every two warp threads rather than every three warp threads. 46 There is “luo chou, meaning silk valance” in “Call back the spirit of the dead”, Elegies of Chu State, which is the same as “luo wei” in Odes of the wind by Song Yu. There is “dark red meshpatterned leno” in Old Tales of Heir Apparent in the Jin Dynasty (Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia, Vol. 149, 695 and 707). 47 Six Statues of the Tang Dynasty, Vol. 22. According to “Geographica”, New Book of Tang, the gauze produced in all areas includes “plain weave gauze”, “figured weave gauze” (Vol. 41, Luzhou, Yuezhou; Vol. 42, Shuzhou), Luo includes “leno” (Vol. 39, Dezhou, etc.), “Dansi leno” (Vol. 42, Chengdu, Shuzhou) and all kinds of figured leno (Vol. 39, Zhenzhou; Vol. 41, Yuezhou), therefore, the difference between the two is not based on whether they are patterned or not.

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Fig. 26.3 Variation A of the leno weave in the Han Dynasty. a. Structure diagram (1–8 warp threads; A, B weft threads) b. Suspicion loop Fig. 26.4 Variation B of the leno weave in the Han Dynasty. a. Structure diagram (1–8 warp threads; A, B, C weft threads) b. Suspicion loop

However, The Han Literature (Analytical Dictionary of Characters, Vol. 7, Part 2) reveals that the “luo (leno)” at that time was identical to the bird’s net, with tangled warp and weft threads and thinly woven eyelets. Another silk fabric from ancient times was known as “縠 (hu)” which also described the material used for clothing such as gauze. However, the definition of “縠 (hu)” appears to change with time. It was first referred to as either fine, superior cloth, which was equivalent to the “luo” of leno weave,48 or as gauze used as a crown, which was equivalent to a fangmu plain According to Analytical Dictionary of Characters, 縠 (hu) is white plain weave silk. Strategies of the Warring States (Vol. 11) said that when Wang Dou persuaded Emperor Qixuan, he took the head scarf made of one chi of hu as an example. Annals of Emperor Gaozu in Book of Han (Vol. 1) said

48

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weave gauze called “纚 (li)”. The character “罗” seemed to be used as a synonym for “crepe”. And the character “绉 (crepe)” itself was originally a general term for fine fabrics, and the fine ones of hemp and silk could be called “crepe”, and only later was it used specifically to call crepe with the crepe pattern.49 Modern crepe is made of warp thread by twisted silks, and weft thread by twisted silks with two different directions, both of which have a high twisted degree and are woven in plain weave with a distinct crepe pattern on the surface. The Han crepe fabric was once found in the Han beacon tower in the Ejin River, its warp and weft threads were 40–60 per square centimeter, warp threads were not spun and twisted while weft threads were tightly twisted, twisted direction was forehand, that is, S twist.50 “Geographica”, New Book of Tang recorded the production of silk fabrics around various areas, except for the above-mentioned “纱 (sha)”, “罗 (luo)”, there was also “縠 (hu)”, which probably referred to crepe.51 The most intriguing weaving technique is that of qi and jin. Now we will first turn to Han qi. Qi is a twill patterned silk. Analytical Dictionary of Characters said: “qi is also called patterned zeng” (Vol. 13, Part 1). Later, Analyzing Chinese Characters in Six Categories by Dai Tong explained in detail that monochrome-weaving was qi and polychrome-weaving was jin.52 The weaving method of Han qi not only that merchants were not allowed to wear embroidered and silk clothes, Biography of Jiangchong (Vol. 45) said: “The imperial concubine would wear gauze robe made up of sha hu, which is thin and fine silk.” Yan Shigu annotated: “Sha hu, woven by spinning silk, the thin and light one is called sha, and the crepe one is called hu ... Etiquette of Officialdom in the Han Dynasty said Wu Ben (meaning brave warrior) the Military Commander would also wear a gauze robe made up of “sha hu” (Note: This is an interpretation by Yan Shigu, not necessarily the original meaning of the Han Chinese. Sha hu seems to be one kind rather than two kinds of silk fabric in the Biography of Jiangchong). “Explaining Dyes and Silks”, Explanations of Appellations said that 縠 (hu) was more like grainy substance, for it was more compact (Yu Hai edition, a kind of reference book, Wang Yinglin, Annotations of Quickly Master Character Chapters, once quoted “hu is sha”), Gu Yewang, Yupian II (Vol. 27) said that sha was hu. 49 About the character “绉 (crepe)”, “Duchess of Xuan Jiang of Wei”, “Odes of Yong”, Book of Poetry said: “O’er her fine undershirt, made up of crepe and hemp cloth”, Explanations to the Classic of Poetry said: “The crepe is the version of more delicate and finer hemp cloth.” According to Analytical Dictionary of Characters, crepe was a thin, fine hemp cloth, later referred to as the crepe (Vol. 13, Part 1). Zheng Xuan once annotated “Duchess of Xuan Jiang of Wei”, “Odes of Yong”, Book of Poetry: “This thin hemp cloth is more compact.” Analytical Dictionary of Characters (Vol. 13) also explained that “crepe is compact”. 50 V. Sylwan, Investigation of silk from Edsen-gol and Lop-nor (English), 1949, p.102. Note: a kind of “embossing crepe” was unearthed from the tomb of Wang Mang in Wuwei in 1972, it is said that herringbone pattern with fracture wave shape, probably made by rolling against a template, Cultural Relics, No. 12, 1972, p. 19, 21. 51 “Geographica”, New Book of Tang, Vol. 38, Henan Prefecture, Vol. 40, Xingyuan Prefecture, Langzhou; Vol. 41, Yuezhou, they all produced “hu”, the one produced at the last site being called “Qiongrong gauze, unboiled crepe”. 52 In Old Tales of Heir Apparent in the Jin Dynasty, there was wen qi with diamond patterns (called Qicai Bei, the literal meaning is colorful cup, sometimes the word “qi” or “bei” will be missing) (cited in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia, Vol. 149, 695, 707). If “it is a monochrome pattern”, it should be woven and dyed into qi of different colors, and each one should still remain a single color. In “Annals of Emperor Gaozu”, Book of Han, Yan Shigu annotated that qi was patterned zeng (silk

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inherited characteristics “similar to the warp-faced twill weave”(i.e., plain weave on the ground with warp-faced twill patterns) from the Yin Dynasty, but also had a special weaving method, which was called “Han qi weave” for the convenience of research.53 Not only was the ground weave plain, but also the weave of the other warp threads adjacent to each of the warp threads with the float line in the patterned section was also plain (Fig. 26.5). This addition of a group of plain warp threads increased the firmness of the fabric without affecting the appearance of the pattern. The two pieces of Han qi found in Minfeng in 1959 had 66 warp threads and 26 to 36 weft threads per square centimeter.54 The general width of Han silk was 45–50 cm, that is, the whole width had 2970–3300 warp threads.55 Han jin is the peak of Han textiles. It is a kind of polychrome fabric. The weaving technique of Han jin is “warp-patterned plain and compound weave” (Fig. 26.6). It has the same basic plain weave, and its patterns are mainly made by warp threads, just as with Han qi. And the main differences lie in: (1) Han jin is basically the plain “compound weave” for its weaving technique consisting of two or more groups of warp threads (with one group taking turns as the surface warp and the rest as the inner warp) and a set of weft threads interwoven in succession; (2) In terms of the weft thread, it has only one group of one single color, but it can be divided into binding weft and interior weft based on its function; (3) Warp thread with two or three colors, each pair consisting of one thread of each color. Interior weft can help separate the surface warp and inner warp in each pair. The former are warp threads that present patterns through colors, while the latter are warp threads that are transferred to the back in other colors. This makes the surface warp a float line with a progression of three (occasionally with a progression of two). Han brocade’s warp threads are densely woven (after the Han Dynasty, they were thicker and sparser), with 120–160 threads per square centimeter (2 or 3 in a pair, 40–60 pairs in total), and 23–30 weft threads (including binding weft and interior weft). The binding weft and each pair of fabric), also referred to as the thin ling (ghatpot) at the time. He thought qi and ling indicated the same thing with different names. But according to Six Statues of the Tang Dynasty (Vol. 22), there were ten workshops in the Weaving and Dyeing Department, among were workshops for qi as well as ling. I suppose the former could inherit the features of “Han qi”, a general warp-patterned textile with the plain weave as the ground, while the latter refers to both the figured ling with patterned wefts and plain ling with twill weave. “Geographica”, New Book of Tang recorded silk from various places, including ling and qi. 53 R. J. Charleston, Dark figured silk of Han Dynasty, Oriental Art (English), No. 1, 1948; Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, 1963, pp. 48–53. 54 For Han qi in Minfeng, Cultural Relics, No. 7, 8, 1962, p. 68; Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, p. 52. 55 Note: According to the objects excavated from the Mawangdui Han tombs, it seems that the figured leno is also called qi, not limited to what we call Han qi here. The Song of the Goddess by Song Yu exclaimed: “gorgeous costumes, like the finest silk luo and qi, which are woven with exquisite patterns”, from which we can see luo and qi are two different fabrics (or here, luo is white leno while qi is figured leno). And two early Han tombs in Mancheng and Mawangdui did not unearth qi with typical “Han weave” style, the common qi can be found in Mawangdui tombs (that is, similar to the warp-faced twill weave), and “Han weave” seems to have been created in the late Western Han Dynasty.

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Fig. 26.5 Structure of the ancient Chinese wen qi. a. Wen qi from the Yin Dynasty to the Han Dynasty b. Specific weave of Han qi

warp threads are interwoven to form a ribbed plain weave in the weft direction. Han jin usually adopts two or three coloured weaving techniques. The partitioning method is utilized when four or more colors are necessary, and less than four colors are often employed in a single division.56 The length (warp loop) of the pattern loop (i.e., size of each pattern unit) often crosses the whole width, reaching 45–50 cm; therefore a weft thread needs to handle more than 5000 weft threads. Although the height (weft loop) varies, it is only a few centimeters; even in this case, about 50 jacquard heddles are occasionally needed (for the newly discovered pile-loop brocade, see “Supplementary Note” at the end of this article).57 At the start of the Han Dynasty, superior materials like “brocade, embroidery, monochrome patterned silk, crepe, fine hemp fabric, ramie, and fine wooden fabric” were not permitted to be worn by merchants (“Annals of Emperor Gaozu”, Book of Han, Part 2). The last three are premium hemp, ramie and woolen fabrics, and the first four are silk fabrics. After talking about jin, qi, and hu among the four varieties, 56

“The brocade with patterns of mountains, birds and trees” was unearthed from Noin Ula (MP1330), according to the research of E. Lubo-Lesnichenko (Ancient Chinese silk and embroidery, 1961, Russian, p. 51), the warp threads of which have only three colors: gold, yellow and pomegranate. Umehara Sueji, Relics found in Noyin Ula, Mongolia (Japanese, 1960), pp. 73–78, mistakenly thought that it was the six-colored, six-layer warp threads. In fact, even if it were, sixcolored warp threads would only make up one layer each of surface warp and inner warp. The “six colors” explained by Umehara Sueji are red, light red, umber, dark brown, light tawny, and tawny, probably a little bit demitint. According to the research, the warp threads are 46 pairs per centimeter and 138 threads of three colors in total, the same as in other compound weave silks. Umehara Sueji mistakenly thought that there were 66 pairs, a total of about 400 threads of the six colors, more than three times the actual number. 57 Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, pp. 54–62, cf. K. Riboud, G. Vial, Silk in the Han Dynasty, Asian Art (French) No. 17, 1968, pp. 93–141.

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Fig. 26.6 Structure of a two-colour brocade in the Han Dynasty. a. Planar structure (1–8, I–VIII or A, B, surface warp and inner warp; 1–17 or C, D, binding and interior weft) warp. b (1). Longitudinal Sect. (0 = binding weft, ×= interior weft). b (2). Cross-Sect. (17 = binding weft, 16 = interior weft)

the following focus will be embroidery. A woven fabric is embellished with silk threads using an embroidery needle to produce a fascinating pattern, that is embroidery. Han Dynasty embroidery has been found in Huai’an, Wuwei, Lop Nur and foreign locations such as Noin Ula and Palmyra; Recently (1968), another discovery was made in the tomb of Liu Sheng and his wife in the Western Han Dynasty in Mancheng.58 Han embroidery techniques include “cross stitches”, “shadow embroidery”, “flat snitches” and “chained snitches” with chained snitches being the more common method. Patterns of embroidery are fully handcrafted rather than using a mechanical loom, which increases its time and cost compared to using compound weave silk. And our discussion will end with silk dyeing. All colors of juan, gauze, qi can be dyed after weaving, while compound weave silk and embroidery need dyeing first. The Han Dynasty followed traditions from the Warring States Period by first scouring silk or bo before dying it. Artificers’ Record only specified warm water when referring to the “scouring” process, while the Han Dynasty was known to have employed the technique of boiling and scouring. Explanations of Appellations said that Lian was the scouring process of plain weave silk through boiling. This chemical acceleration will save time by increasing temperature. Han jin is available in various colors such as red, purple, green, blue, and black. According to the chemical analysis of the Han

58

Acta Archaeological Sinica, No. 1, p. 63; Embroidery in Mancheng Han Tomb, Archeology, No. 1, 1972. Cf. Umehara Sueji, Relics Found in Noyin Ula, Mongolia, (Japanese), 1960, pp. 79–83.

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silk fabrics, we know that the dyes include alizarine and indigotin,59 the former being derived from rubia tinctorium and the latter from indigofera. The mordant should be iron and aluminum salts (alumina). If combined with alizarin, the former becomes green (in its recovered state) or brown (in its oxidized state), and the latter becomes red.60

26.4 . Feed for the silkworm, the technique for sericulture, kinds and methods of the fabrics are the three aspects from which we have discussed the development of mulberryplanting, sericulture, filament and silk-weaving, now we will turn to the improvement of the Han looms. The section on “Lu Ji Jing Jiang” in Liu Xiang’s Biographies of Exemplary Women described the names and functions of loom parts, which can be taken as the documentary source about the Han looms. The record showed that in addition to “zhou (beam)” for winding cloth and “di (silk spool)” for winding warp threads, the looms also had “kun” which allowed the silk thread to intertwine in a correct way and made the process “in and out without an end”. (known as a “reed” in later times, was a knife-shaped object that was used to tighten the weft threads after each shuttle and then took them out, hence the term “in and out without end”). “The ability to push the threads through and pull them over, so that the warp and weft threads are interwoven” was called a “heddle” (Looms at this time were the same as the ones carved on the Han stone relief, with the weaving frame placed inclined on the weaving bed, and the “heddle” was a single heddle that pushed back and forth as opposed to the double heddles found on modern looms that move up and down), “jun” determined the “amount of the silk threads” (it is suspected that jun referred to the later loom’s “lease rod” separating the odd and even warp threads), “wu” was used to “disentangle the tangled silk threads” (Here “ 物 (wu)” could be a mis-written of the character “枃 ( jin)”. This is the same character used in Zhang Yi’s Pi Cang—a dictionary as a textbook, and can be found in the phrase “weaving is preceded by jin which helps comb the silk so that it does not become disordered”, see Yupian, Vol. 12, Radical “木”). Neither the shuttle (zhu) nor the treadle (nie) have been mentioned above. Possibly because the shuttle did not stand alone being inserted into the reed, and treadle was not yet adopted at that time. Besides, some materials about looms can be found in the Han literature, such as Jifu Fu (literal meaning: Poetic Exposition of Women on the Loom) by Wang Yi,

59

For literature on dyes in the Warring States period and Han Dynasty, cf. Sun Yutang, The Progress of Textile Technology in the Warring States and Qin and Han Dynasties, Historical Studies, No. 3, 1963, pp. 167–169. 60 E. Lubo-Lesnichenko, Ancient Chinese Silk and Embroidery; Weilletzer, Chinese Art, pp. 241– 242.

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Book of Prince of Huainan, Shuowen Jiezi (literal meaning: Analytical Dictionary of Characters),61 but the words they used are all ambiguous. We can have a clear impression about the Han looms through several loom drawings on the stone relief of the Eastern Han Dynasty (Fig. 26.7). Generally speaking, the main part of the loom is the shed-opening movement. For a simple loom, a lease rod is used to separate the odd and even warp threads and form a shed, so that the two sets of warp threads become the inner warp and the surface warp of the shuttle, respectively; Each of the aforementioned inner warps is then inserted into the eye of a heddle that is attached to the front of the “lease rod” (i.e., the side near the weaver). As a result, when the heddle is lifted, a new shed is created; when released, the “lease rod” helps the warp threads return to their previous shed. By continually interweaving between inner warp and surface warp, which are produced alternately by even and odd warp threads, cloth and silk can be made by going up and down each time the picking pulls the weft in. Small holes in metal or wooden heddles or small loops in the rope heddles, both known as “heddle eyes”. According to Compilation by Cang Jie, the heddle is what makes the warp threads cross up and down and the curved rope controls the warp threads so that they can be opened and closed,62 indicating the heddle should be made up of rope. The method of heddle lifting was initially done by hand, with weavers lifting heddle in one hand, and picking in the other. The work of heddle lifting was then given to the feet thanks to the development of the treadle, which allowed the weaver to free up one hand for beating reed or alternately picking with both hands to speed up and save labor. A creative enhancement to looms was the use of the treadle, which was widely adopted in China by the Eastern Han Dynasty at the latest, as shown on the stone relief. Many people think that this was a Chinese invention that was likely brought to the West along with the jacquard loom because it was the first treadle loom in history, and didn’t appear in Europe until the sixth century and was widely adopted in the thirteenth century.63 Some individuals have restored the Han looms in accordance with the Han stone relief material and simple looms from later periods and contemporary folklore,64 which is a significant advancement in the detailed study of the Han looms’ structure. But the loom is inoperative based on the original restoration. Because: (1) The original figure shows that when the foot is pressed against the “treadle”, the front end of the “horse head” (the name is tentatively based on Woodworker’s Bequeathal Skills) does not lift up, and the instruction does not explain how to make “the force go along the legs to lever that operates the horse head”. In the original picture (Fig. 26.8 in the original text), the treadle is attached to a crosspiece by a rope, and the crosspiece 61

Cf. Sun Tangyu, op.cit., Historical Research, No. 3, 1963, pp. 154–160; Wang Yi, Odes of Loom, see Yan Kejun, The Complete Prosaic Works of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Vol. 57. 62 Compilation by Cang Jie said: “Heddle is made for settling the warp” and “The heddle is what makes the warp threads cross up and down and the curved rope controls the warp threads so that they can be opened and closed, which should be made up of rope”, Series of Dainan Ge, Sun Xingyan edition. 63 Weilletzer, Chinese Art. pp. 233–234, and the paper cites from G. Schaeffer, 1938. 64 Song Boyin, Study on the structure of loom in the Han Dynasty from the Han stone relief, Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1962, pp. 25–30.

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Fig. 26.7 Loom figure on the Han stone relief. (see Cultural Relics, 1962, No. 3). Unearthed in: 1. Hongdaoyuan, Teng County, Shandong 2. Longyangdian, Teng County, Shandong 3. Wu Liang Shrine, Jiaxiang, Shandong 4. Guo Ju Shrine, Xiaotang Mountain, Feicheng, Shandong 5. Excavated in Liucheng Town, Pei County, Jiangsu 6. Excavated in Honglou, Tongshan, Jiangsu

is tied to the end of the “horse head” by a rope, and is held by the cross-beam of the weaving frame so that it does not fall. However, it is challenging to lift the end of the “horse head” since the crosspiece is at a right angle to the “horse head” and does not have a set pivot point, which will make it move back and forth. (2) Even if the front end of the “horse head” is raised, as in Figs. 26.7, 26.5, the inner warp cannot reach that height and therefore fails to open a shed. (3) Even if the shed can be opened, when the heddle and inner warp descend after picking, if the warp threads are thick, even if a little bit, they will be blocked by the surface warp and cannot descend smoothly to form another shed under the surface warp. We have re-drawn a restored figure of a Han loom based on Han stone reliefs, mainly the one found in Honglou, Tongshan (Fig. 26.8), after many discussions, repeated tests and modifications. Our main modifications (Figs. 26.9, 26.10, 26.11, and 26.12) are: (1) The crosspiece between the treadle and the front end of the “horse head” is fixed to the frame of the weaving frame, but can be semi-rotated up and down. In this way, the front end of the “horse head” can be lifted when the treadle is depressed. (2) The “lease rod” is lowered so that the inner warp is lifted to create a wider shed with the lower surface warp by dividing the axis between the “lease rod” and two “horse heads” into two parts (the “lease rod” under the surface warp should not be exposed; the cross beam exposed outside the surface warp on the Han stone relief of Honglou should be the axis between the “horse heads” instead of the “lease rod”). Additionally, a rope will be used to bind the heddle to another treadle so that it can be drawn at right angles to the reclining weaving frame and not vertically down, as well as to make the shed larger. We have two plans about where the “lease rod” is located. According to the test findings, Plan A (Figs. 26.9 and 26.10) places a “lease rod” between the “Li Chazi (vertical wood)”, but the test results show that the shed

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Fig. 26.8 Part of a spinning figure on a Han stone relief excavated in Honglou, Tongshan, Jiangsu

still doesn’t appear to be large enough. Plan B (Figs. 26.11 and 26.12) is installed at the rear end of the “horse head” which makes the front end of the “horse head” lift while the rear end of the “lease rod” drops, so that the surface warp also drops relatively, and the shed can be opened wider. (3) To separate each surface warp, a vertical line is added at the bottom of each heddle eye. A crosspiece is then positioned at the bottom of the vertical line (which is the bottom end of each heddle), forming the harness frame. This crosspiece is rope-connected to the footpedal’s other side, therefore, the heddle and inner warp can be pulled down together when stepping down. Plan B has the advantage that when the inner warp is raised, the shed will be larger, the length of the “horse head” does not need to be unduly enlarged, and the distance between the “horse head” and the surface warp does not need to be excessive. The disadvantage is that the highest part of the surface warp (where the “lease rod” is located) seems to be a little retrusive compared with that of the Han weaving figure on the stone relief. In addition, some minor modifications were made: (1) Removal of the “warppressing rod” from the original restoration, which was not present in the original Han stone relief and was unnecessary. The modern loom’s shed is downward when the heddle is not lifted, so when the heddle is lifted to open the shed upward, the inner warp can be lifted by adding a “warp pressing rod” between the “lease rod” and the heddle; However, the twice shedding of the Han loom were upward, making the “warp-pressing rod” only placed behind the “lease rod” as in the original restoration figure, which does little to lift the inner warp. (2) The shape of the “horse head” has also been modified. The “horse head” of the original restored loom is small at the front end and large at the rear end, but now it is just the opposite. The “horse head” on the stone relief is also large at the front and small at the back, or the same size at the

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Fig. 26.9 Restoration of a Han loom’s main parts (Plan A)

Fig. 26.10 Shedding movement of a restored Han loom (Plan A)

front and back. There are words like “abreast horse heads” in Odes of Loom by Wang Yi in the Han Dynasty depicting the weaving loom, the “horse head” of which has the same shape mentioned in Woodworker’s Bequeathal Skills by Xue Jingshi in the Yuan Dynasty with a large front and a small rear, slightly similar to a horse’s head, with both cocked ends to make it easier to swing back and forth. Another advantage of the larger front is that the front end can easily fall down when released. The two distinct lengths of treadles are designed to avoid rope entanglement. It is unnecessary to have consistency among looms when it comes to where the treadle should be placed. On the Han stone relief, the left and right positions for the two different lengths of treadle are not consistent. However, the treadle attached to the “horse head” is usually longer, which helps lengthen the crosspiece acting as a lever, thus the “horse head” is raised higher and the shed is larger. The shorter one is connected to the harness frame. In this way, the two ropes fastened to the two treadles are created at an angle rather than

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26 History of Ancient Chinese Sericulture: Mulberry Trees, Silkworms …

Fig. 26.11 Restoration of a Han loom’s main parts (Plan B)

Fig. 26.12 Shedding movement of a restored Han loom (Plan B)

parallel to each other as in the original restoration figure, which also more closely matches with the stone relief (Fig. 26.13). The Han stone reliefs have told us that a kind of knife-shaped zhu (reed) containing a quill was used as both weft insertion and beating-up at the time, however, we have not yet seen a reed specifically for beating-up, although the name of Kun has been found in the literature (see the aforementioned Liu Xiang’s “Weaving methods by Lu Ji Jing Jiang”, Biographies of Exemplary Women). The front and rear ends of the loom frame, which is positioned diagonally on the machine tool, are fitted with cloth, silk, and warping beams, respectively. The two had unique names in the Han Dynasty:

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Fig. 26.13 Restoration of the loom in the Han Dynasty (Plan B)

the former was named fu, and the latter was called sheng.65 The two beam teeth are arranged somewhat differently. The length of the warp threads released by the warp are not exactly the same as the length of the cloth and silk spooled by the cloth beam because, during the silk weaving process, fewer and fewer warp threads are on the warping beam and more and more cloth and silk are on the cloth beam. The beam teeth of the two in our restoration figure (Fig. 26.13) are arranged differently because the same number of shaft teeth will cause the warp threads on the loom to be drawn too tightly or too loosely. Both are called “sheng zi”,66 as shown in the loom parts drawings in Woodworker’s Bequeathal Skills. The structure of the warping beam is still vaguely recognizable on the Han stone reliefs while the structure of the cloth beam can only be restored based on the sheng zi of the small cloth horizontal loom described in Woodworker’s Bequeathal Skills. There is no information about the loom with double heddles in the stone reliefs or the related Han Dynasty records. In this loom, the double heddles are attached below to the two treadles and suspended from the two ends of the “horse head”. The double heddles and the two ends of the “horse head” are pulled when the two treadles are stepped down sequentially. The “horse head” oscillates back and forth and is therefore commonly known as “sleepyheads”. The loom with double heddles will not use “lease rod” or move “lease rod” to the back of the double heddles and

65

Extensive Elaboration Instruction, Book of Prince of Huainan, (Vol. 13) described that when Bo Yu made clothes, he simply split the hemp bark and rolled it into twine, weaving the horizontal and vertical threads together by hand to make cloth like modern fishing nets, later looms and shuttles were developed for production so that the people could cover their bodies against the cold. Analytical Dictionary of Character (Vol. 6) said that there was a beam on the loom for winding the cloth. 66 The Catalogue of Yongle (Zhonghua Book Company photographic printing edition) new-edited Book 172, p. 8 and 16.

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level with the warp surface, which serves as the role of leasing, rather than opening the shed. Along with weaving loom figures, Han stone reliefs frequently feature spooling and wefting figures as well. For spooling, the reeled silk strands are passed through a hook on a horizontal rod and then are wound onto the spinning utensil; the latter combines the silk strands on the spinning utensil and winds them around the weft winding wheel (Fig. 26.8). Both depict the preparatory work before weaving silk, demonstrating the importance of these stone reliefs for the study of Han Dynasty weaving techniques. The looms on the stone relief of the Han Dynasty are simple looms rather than complex jacquard looms. However, we can assume that there was already jacquard loom at that time based on the physical objects like jin, qi and wenluo of the Han Dynasty. The overall breadth of the warp should be around 3000–5000 cm based on its width and warp density (width of 45–50 cm). Some patterns require up to 40–50 pieces of jacquard, depending on the height of the pattern unit and the density of the weft. Consequently, jacquard equipment is required. The need for many jacquard heddles in addition to interwoven heddles is the most crucial aspect of the jacquard equipment. The interwoven heddles are two in plain weave and three (1/2 twill) to four (1/3 twill) in twill weave. In the Han Dynasty, silk was usually woven in plain weave, and therefore only two treadles were needed at the time. As for the number of jacquard heddles, it depends on the variety of the pattern. Fu Zi by Fu Xuan in the Wei Dynasty said that in the period of the Three Kingdoms, for the loom for ling (figured twill), the fifty zong would originally use fifty nie, sixty zong use sixty nie, Ma Jun made it all twelve nie (see Yi Lin by Ma Zong of the Tang Dynasty, Vol. 5, Publication Series of Four Branches of Literature edition); Miscellaneous Chronicles told a story that the loom for brocade of family Chen Boguang in Julu employed one hundred and twenty nie (Book of Han and Wei edition, Vol. 1). The “zong” in this instance most likely takes the shape of a “drawcord bundle”, not a “heddle frame” of a rectangular frame. The “jacquard bundle” is lifted upwards by “ (nie)” or “镊 (nie)” made of metal or bamboo. The character “ ” is “蹑” according to the annotations to “Biography of Dukui”, “Book of Wei”, Records of the Three Kingdoms (Vol. 29) by Pei Songzhi and words cited from Fu Xuan in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia (Vol. 825). If this isn’t a miswriting, it’s because the word “蹑 (nie)” is derived from the meaning of “to pull a lever to lift a heddle with a treadle” and develops as a device typically used to lift a jacquard heddle. Since there is no way to have too many treadles, too many treadles are meaningless, 50 or 60 of them will just slow down production. Because the treadles were originally designed to allow weavers to make use of their hands for picking and beating-reed instead of weaving. There is no consensus on when jacquard looms began in Europe. Some think it was after the seventh century, while others think it was in the sixth century.67 Still, there is a different opinion that simple jacquard looms may have been used in Persia, Byzantium, Syria, and Egypt as early as the third century, and were not fully 67

For the former see the paper by V. Sylwan, East of Asia Magazine (German), Vol. 21, 1935, p. 22, for the latter see J. Lowry, Han textiles, Oriental Art (English), Vol. 6, 1960, No. 2, p. 69.

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developed until the end of the twelfth century.68 However, it is acknowledged that jacquard looms began in Europe later than in China, and may have been influenced by China. **** The above information gives a rough picture of the technical state of silk manufacturing in China prior to and during the Han Dynasty. We won’t be able to fully appreciate the impact and importance of both our silk at the time and the historic “Silk Road” that traversed the Asian continent until we completely comprehend the technical level of silk production in ancient China. Supplementary Note: Silk textiles were discovered in two Western Zhou tombs in 1975 in Baoji, Shaanxi Province, filling the gap left by the absence of tangible objects in this region during the Western Zhou era. These silk fabrics are the same as those of the Yin Dynasty, with a simple plain weave and also varying twill-patterned weaves (diamond patterns). The latter requires jacquard weaving tools. Embroidery is done using the braid embroidery stitch. The red and yellow colors of the embroidery thread are said to have been applied flat with cinnabar and stone yellow, not as the dye (see Cultural Relics, 1976, No. 4, pp. 60–63, illustrated). The research reveals that the fragments of the gauze on the jade knife from the Zhou Dynasty collected in the Forbidden City, which were also included in the original article, were not actually made of gauze. Therefore, they have been deleted in this re-publication. The Han pile-loop brocade was first discovered in the Han Tomb 1 at Mawangdui in Changsha in 1971, and was unearthed in the Western Han Tomb 62 at Mozuizi in Wuwei in 1972. This is the warp-patterned napping double-loop stitch. The warp threads are divided into three groups, one for the pile loop warp, one for the groundtint pattern warp, and one for the inner warp. These three groups of different-color warp threads (there are also two-color warp threads), and a group of single-color weft threads (including binding weft and interior weft), are interwoven into the brocade. During the weaving process, we need a kind of weft pile to be woven into the warp pile to fill the loop. This weft pile will be drawn off after finishing the weaving. The pileloop brocade not only has coloured patterns, but also has a pile that is 0.7–0.8 mm above the brocade surface, so the fabric is thicker and more beautiful, and has a three-dimensional effect. This is a kind of superior brocade, whose patterns include diamond, rectangular and other geometric lines. (see Pile-loop brocade excavated from Han Tomb 1 at Mawangdui, Changsha, Acta Archaeological Sinica, 1974, No. 1, pp. 175–186, with illustrations; Brief report on the excavation of three Han tombs at Mozuizi, Wuwei, Cultural Relics, No. 12, 1972, pp. 20–21, fig. 18). August 10th 1977

68 P. Simmons, Some recent developments in Chinese textile, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (English), No. 28, 1956, p. 22; R. J. Forbes, Studies in the Ancient Technology (English), Vol. 4, 1956, p. 215. Joseph Needham thought that the Western jacquard loom was introduced from China and was adopted four centuries later than in China, see Science and Civilization in China, (English), 1954, Vol. 4, pp. 240–242.

Chapter 27

Newly Discovered Silk Textiles in Turfan

China was the first country to domesticate silkworms and weave silk and has been the one and only country to produce silk for quite a long time. Dated back to 3000 years ago, a very mature silk weaving technique had already been taken into the hands of the Yin people who were skillful in both weaving fabulous wen qi (dark figured silk on plain weave) by “twill patterning technique” and presenting polychrome embroidery work by the braid stitch technique. Great improvement and progress of silk production techniques have been witnessed in the period of the Han Dynasty. Chinese silk products found a good sale in Central Asia, Western Asia and Europe, especially the ruling class of Roman Empire spent heavily on those products, which gained great popularity and high recognition among every country. From then on, China has been known as the “Silk Country”. Thus the trade route, traversing the Asian continent, selling the silk products has been naturally named as “Si Lu” in Chinese, that is exactly The Silk Road. Turfan, in the northeast Tarim Basin in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, was an important intermediate station on the ancient Silk Road. Since the Western Han Dynasty, Turfan had always been very pivotal in the transportation between China and the West. In 48 B.C. (the first year of Chuyuan reign, Yuandi of the Western Han Dynasty), the government of the Han Dynasty set up Wu and Ji colonel (Wuji xiaowei) here. And in 327 A.D. (the second year of Xianhe reign of the Eastern Jin Dynasty), Qian Liang established Gaochang. The flourishing of the Silk Road contributed to the prosperity of Gaochang prefecture. In Astana, the northern suburb of the ancient city of Gaochang (now known as Kharahoja), there is a large cemetery built during the end of the fourth century A.D. to the eighth century A.D.. The burial objects here included many precious silk fabrics during this period, which vividly reflected the prosperous scene of the Silk Road as intermediate station at that time and This paper was originally published in Archaeology, 1972 (2), signed by Zhu Min. It was later included in the book Archaeology and History of Science and Technology (Beijing: Science Press, 1979).

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_27

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27 Newly Discovered Silk Textiles in Turfan

also provided important information for the study of silk craftsmanship in ancient China. The paper will introduce some of the silk fabrics unearthed here in recent years, especially during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Recently, a pair of woven-silk round-toe shoes was found among all the discovered ancient silk fabrics in Turfan, which is quite a treasure, at the end of Qian Liang’s reign (the latter period of the fourth century). This pair of silk shoes and the paperwork in the eleventh year (367) and the fourteenth year (370) of Shengping reign, the Eastern Jin Dynasty with the exact date were both excavated from Tomb 39. The uppers seem to be plaited in the same way as straw-plaited shoes rather than using a loom. The length and the width of the shoes reach 22.5 and 8 cm respectively. The shoe-tips are patterned with confronting lions, and several lines of small diamond motif and cloud motif are distributed along the edge of the shoes. Some Chinese pictograms meaning “Rich and prosperous, beneficial for the Lord, extended life by God” could be found at the vamp. And, compared with other similar silk shoes discovered in the Han tombs in Lop Nor in the past,1 this pair is obviously much newer. Also, The “silk shoes”2 in both Discourse on Salt and Iron compiled by Huan Kuan in the Han Dynasty and “The biography of Jia Yi”, Book of Han, plus “polychrome silk shoes”3 in Neijie Ling by Cao Cao probably refer to the same thing. The cloud-toe silk shoes4 in the Tang Dynasty are different from those in the Han Dynasty. The uppers in the Han Dynasty were specially woven by polychrome compound weave silk (or plaited), while they were cut and made by the compound weave silk of plain cloth in the Tang Dynasty. There are two kinds of silk found in the Northern Dynasty (Fifth–sixth century) being worth noticing: (1) Damask on plain weave with the interlocked rings featuring the Chinese character “Gui (贵)”. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 48 in 1966, along with the inventories in the 4th year of Yihe reign (617). The length is 32.5 cm and the width 24.5 cm. “Han qi” is a brocade on plain weave in central China with warp-faced pattern. It has 44 warp threads and 38 weft threads per square centimeter in light purple. The pattern is continuously interlocked oval rings filled with continuous thunder patterns (swirling patterns), diamond patterns and scattered flowers, interspersed with the Chinese character “Gui (贵)”. (2) Compound weave silk with animals motif on blue ground. The inscription stone (for commemorating the dead) in the seventh year of Yan chang reign (567) was also excavated from Tomb 88 in 1967 with this kind of silk whose 1

Stein: On Ancient Central Asian Tracks (English version, 1928), see Chap. 7 “remains of ancient Loulan”. 2 Words “maid servants and concubines wearing leather or silk shoes” are seen in Yan tie lun San bu zu, “maid servants and concubines wearing silk clothing” in Guo ji. Han shu Jia Yi zhuan wrote “embroidery clothing with silk shoes”. 3 Cited in Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia, Vol. 697. The book originally mistakes the name as Neishi ling. 4 Such as the silk shoes were recently-excavated from the Tomb in the thirteenth year of Dali reign, Tang Dynasty in Turfan. See Cultural Relics, p. 90, 1972(1), figs. 2–3.

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edges are preserved. The length is 30 cm and width 16.5 cm. The warps are patterned with five colors: red, blue, yellow, green and white, whereas only three colors are in each segment. The pattern is usually like a one-legged dragon acting like cirrus cloud, and a lion-shaped beast and diamond motif are at the bottom of its tail. The patterns of damask on plain weave with “Gui (贵)” are more complex than those of the Han Dynasty, and the lines are smoother. The weaving techniques of the compound weave silk with animals motif still remained the tradition of Han jin (compound weave silk in central China). Also, the remaining graceful bearing of the patterns in the Han Dynasty is also retained in the cirrus-shaped animals motif. However, at this time, the weaving techniques of Bosi jin (compound weave silk of Persian style) with twill on weft-faced threads for pattern was adopted, and the patterns bear the Sassanian style, for example, the pattern with bird and animal motif5 was usually paired birds and animals surrounded by pearl-roundel, different from the pattern of the Han Dynasty with respect to the style and the motif. In the period of the Sui and early Tang Dynasties (the end of sixth century to the middle of seventh century), there emerged more new woven techniques and new-patterned weft-faced twill silk with Persian style, for example: (1) The peacock-patterned compound weave silk with Chinese pictogram “richness (贵)”. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 48 in 1966, along with inventories in the thirty-sixth year of Yanchang reign (596) and the fourth Year of Yihe reign (617). The length is 18.5 cm and the width 8.7 cm. Each end has two warps, and there are 25 ends per square centimeter, 50 threads in all. Each pair has the blue, white and red weft thread respectively and there are 18 pairs, 54 threads in all (a group of double-warp or double-weft with the same color will be referred to as “end” while the group of different colors as “pair”). The pattern is confronting peacocks with curved upward tail surrounded externally by the pearl-roundel motif. (2) The pearl-roundel compound silk weave with confronting ducks design (Plates 4–15, 2). Unearthed from Tomb 92 in 1967, it was discovered with the inscription stone in the sixteenth year of Yanshou reign and the first year of Zongzhang reign. The length and the width are 19.8 cm and 19.4 cm respectively. Each end has two warp threads and there are 11 ends each square centimeter, 22 threads in all. In terms of wefts, there are four colors: yellow, white, brown, and blue. But there are only three or two colors in each of the segments with 28 pairs, less than 76 threads. The pattern is confronting ducks surrounded by the pearl-roundel motif. However, the compound weave silk with animals motif on the warp could also be seen in the seventh century. For example: The checkered compound weave silk with animals motif. This kind of silk was also excavated with the paperwork in the eighth year of Yanshou reign (631) from 5

For example, unearthed compound weave silk with paired animals and birds motif in the Northern Dynasty from Tomb 303 in 1959–1960, see the cover of Cultural Relics, 1960 (6).

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Tomb 99 in 1968. The length and width are 18 cm and 13.5 cm respectively. There are 30 weft threads per square centimeter. The warp threads have five colors: red, yellow, blue, white, and green, a pair of which only has three colors in each segment. There are 44 pairs per square centimeter, that is, 132 threads. The 3 cm-wide edges are preserved with blue and white stripe on each side. The weft-circulation based on the pattern is 4.1 cm, meaning the pattern will repeat every 4.1 cm along the warp. A lion, cow, and an elephant on whose neck there is a rider will appear on each circulation. However, the design of cirrus clouds and the layout of continuously-weaving animals disappeared in Han jin in terms of the patterns. The animals are preferred as realistic description and isolated in a separate way, which could prove the degeneration of the patterns like flowing and vivid cirrus clouds, sacred mountains, and all the animals, etc. in the Han Dynasty. During the High Tang Dynasty (mid-7th to mid-eighth century), with an increasing population and the progressing production, the position of Turfan region on the Silk Road became even more prominent. The silk of the High Tang Dynasty found in Astana cemetery with a large increase in variety and gorgeous patterns reflected its silk technology reached a new level at that time. Among these silks, the warp-faced patterned of retaining traditional technique of Han jin still can be seen: Compound weave silk with a tortoise motif featuring the Chinese character “Wang (王)”. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 44 in 1966, along with the inscription stone in the sixth year of Yonghui reign (655). This brocade is warp-patterned, 30.5 cm in length and 31.5cm in width. It has double wefts, 34 threads per square centimeter. The warp threads in yellow and white consist one pair, 16 per square centimeter, i.e. 32 threads. The circulation based on the pattern, meaning the pattern will repeat every 5 cm along the warp and every 10.3 cm along the weft. The pattern with a tortoise motif is interspersed with the Chinese character “Wang (王)” (this fragment is probably weft-faced compound plain weave). On the other hand, the weft-faced compound on twill with the bird and animal motif gained great popularity, thus being developed. There are three fragments of this kind of weft-faced compound weave silk found in Turfan, which can be brought up as follows: (1) Compound weave silk with pearl-roundel knight motif. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 77 in 1967, the High Tang Dynasty. It is 13.5cm in length and 8.1 cm in width. Each pair of warps has 3 threads, 20 pairs per square centimeter, 60 threads in total. The weft threads have three colors: blue, green, and white, 26 pairs per square centimeter, 78 threads in total. The pattern is a knight surrounded by pearl-roundel motif. (2) Compound weave silk with pearl-roundel featuring boar’s head face-cover. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 138 in 1969, the High Tang Dynasty. Each Face-cover was folded and then sewn by the white plain weave silk on plain weave around this kind of silk. The length is 16 cm and the width is 14 cm. The warp thread is single, 20 threads per square centimeter. The weft threads have three colors: red, white and black; 23 threads per square centimeter, 96 threads

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in total. The pattern, around which there are pearl-roundels motif, is the wild boar’s head with upturned tusks, an outstretched tongue, and tian(田)-pattern featuring three flowers on the face. (3) Compound weave silk with pearl-roundel featuring phoenix motif. The fragment, whose edges were preserved, was unearthed from Tomb 138 in 1969, the High Tang Dynasty. The length and the width are 22.5 cm and 8 cm respectively. The warp is 21 threads per square centimeter. Each pair has red and white weft threads with 21 pairs per square centimeter, 42 threads in total. The pattern is a standing phoenix surrounded by pearl-roundels motif. Among these three fragments, the former one is finely organized with exquisite patterns; the last two are loosely organized with wild and rough patterns. The pattern of the knight is Iranian type, and the ribbon behind the shoulder is exactly the same as the ribbon behind the King’s crown on the Sassanian silver plates, silver coins and stone carvings. The pattern with boar’s head, commonly used in Sassanian compound weave silk, has been found in Turfan in the past. It is likely that the exotic compound weave silk despite of the patterns with Persian flavor are still woven by the Chinese weavers, for some Chinese characters are interspersed among these patterns. For example, compound weave silk with a towed camel design featuring the Chinese character “Hu Wang (胡王)”, excavated in the past.6 The silk fabrics, weaved by these Chinese weavers who used the new weaving technique and new patterns of compound weave silk of Persian style, were exported to the West by the Silk Road in China at that time. This was a good example of cultural exchange on the Silk Road. Meanwhile, it is worthwhile to give more details concerning two kinds of weftfaced compound tabby or twill in the period of the High Tang Dynasty and the beginning of the middle Tang Dynasty: (1) Polychrome stripe silk with shading pattern or colored stripes. It was excavated from Tomb 105 in 1968 (the High Tang Dynasty). The length is 89.8 cm and the width is 22 cm. This piece is a part of the silk skirt. There are 48 warp threads per square centimeter, consisting of the red, yellow, taupe, green, and white in row respectively. There are 24 ends or 48 threads per square centimeter. The weft-faced jacquards are patterned with mass of flowers on the polychrome stripe ground. (2) Taquette silk with flowers and birds design. It was unearthed from Tomb 381, along with the paperwork in the thirteenth year of Dali reign (778). The length and width reaches 37 cm and 24.4 cm. The warps are doubled and there are 26 ends (52 threads). The wefts are patterned with eight colors while only three of them are seen in each segment. There are 32 pairs per square centimeter, that is, 96 threads for each segment. The central pattern is a big mass of colorful flowers surrounded by flying birds and scattering flowers, etc. The edge of compound weave silk is decorated with polychrome floral belt. 6 Compound weave silk with the Chinese character “Hu Wang (胡王)”, cited from Cultural Relics, 1973 (10), p. 16, figs. I, 2; also Unearthed Cultural Relics in Xinjiang, p. 53, fig. 82 (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1975).

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The stripes of Yun jian jin (silk with shading pattern or colored stripes) are as gorgeous as rainbow and scatter on the small mass of jacquard woven flowers with clay bank color here and there. This kind of newly-invented silk seems to originate from the Tang Dynasty. Tauquette silk with flowers and birds design is also considered as a masterpiece in the Tang Dynasty. The layout of its patterns is compact and harmonious. The colors are bright, cumbersome and resplendent. Thus the high development of woven silk techniques at that time can be clearly seen. Resist-dyed silk has not been found in the silk tabby of the Han Dynasty. So far, the earliest tie-dyed silk tabby as we know is a piece of bright red resist-dyed silk unearthed from Tomb 305, Turfan, along with the paperwork in the twentieth year of Jianyuan reign, Qian Qin Dynasty with Fu Jian as an emperor (384). Textiles using the wax dyeing skill were also seen at the end of the Northern Dynasty.7 The silk production in the Tang Dynasty was breaking a new dyeing ground. Dyers and weavers at that time made quite a few breakthroughs on the dyeing techniques through their wisdom and skills. Some resist-dyed silks are newly-discovered in Turfan. For example: (1) Tie-dyed silk tabby with diamond patterns. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 117 in 1969, along with the inscription stone in the second year of Yongchun reign (683). The fragment is 16cm in length and 5cm in width. The warp-faced and weft-faced threads in plain weave are 36 × 36 threads per square centimeter. The fragment was based on the light yellow plain weave silk (or white plain weave silk, which has turned yellow with age), folded into several stacks, sewn, decorated, and then dipped in water before being put into brown dyeing solution. After dyeing, the diamond patterns with layers of color showed the halo effect, which are generous and beautiful. (2) Wax dyeing simple thin gauze with mandarin ducks under the tree design. The fragment was unearthed from Tomb 108 in 1968, along with the hemp and ramie textiles for taxation in the ninth year of the Kaiyuan reign (721). The fragment is 57 cm in length and 31 cm in width. The fragment in plain weave is 40 warp threads and 26 weft ends. The weft threads have two types, one thread as one end and three threads as one end respectively, thus each tatting technique will alternatively turn to another after repeating two times. The main motif of the white pattern on light yellow ground is a pair of confronting mandarin ducks under the tree full of flowers, dotted with some floral sprays. (3) Hunting gauze on a green ground. Excavated from Tomb 105 in 1968, it came from the Tang Dynasty with a length of 56 cm and a width of 31 cm. It belongs to a plain weave gauze with 24 warp threads and 42 weft threads per square centimetre. There are two types of weft threads, i.e., 1 or 2 for one, each shuttles twice and then switches to the other. The pattern is partly pale green, with the silk threads slightly diffused, and the ground is dark green. The motif is a impressively vivid hunting pattern.

7

See Cultural Relics, 1962 (7, 8), p. 7, 1962.

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When the first one was unearthed, the stitches that were sewn and mended for the tie-dyed silk had not been removed yet, which clearly demonstrated the techniques of folding and sewing at the time. The third fragment is the simple gauze with a hunting pattern on the green ground, also known as fangmu plain weave gauze, whose color is comparatively lighter for the ground with its idyllic and natural brightness and the patterns can be highlighted through the purposely loosened silk threads. It seems that the paint containing an alkaline substance instead of the waxed solution is used for this fragment of “waxed dyeing” to paint or print the patterns when it comes to dyeing. This technique prefers to dye first and then paint, then soak in water when dried. As a result, the sericin in the pattern will be dissolved by the alkaline solution and the fiber of the untwisted silk thread is naturally loosened with a lighter color and the patterns will be more prominent after washing off the paint. The hunting patterns dotted with flying birds and flowers on the simple gauze have impressively vivid images, such as the knights bending their bows to shoot the wild animals, sturdy steeds galloping, deer and rabbits fleeing, which ranks at the top of artistic attainment at its time, the same as the vessels of gold or silver and the hunting figure on the lacquer ware in the High Tang Dynasty. The ground and patterns of sha luo (or figured leno) in the Han Dynasty are woven by two different kinds of leno weave, which differ from the plain weave figured gauze with dyed patterns in the Tang Dynasty. Chairman Mao once said that the continuously accumulated experience of the human being is the guidance to discover, invent, innovate and then move forward. Laboring people in China invented techniques like sericulture, filature and silkweaving in early ancient times, thus making an unprecedented contribution to world civilization by improving and enhancing them unremittingly afterwards. Meanwhile, these silks from ancient times provide vivid proof that the trade and exchange of needed goods through the household “Silk Road” between Chinese and people from other countries, as well as the constant mutual learning, have facilitated cultural communication, which is also of great significance to further clarify the friendly and far-reaching relationship between China and other countries.

Chapter 28

The Silk Road and Silk from the Han to the Tang

28.1 The Emergence of Chinese Silk Textiles China, one of the earliest civilizations in the world to engage in sericulture and silk reeling, is the country that has been engaged the longest in this handicraft. Some believe that silk might be the greatest contribution China has made to the world’s tangible culture. The findings from nearly two decades ago indicate that Chinese silk textiles first appeared in the Liangzhu culture of southeast China (c. 3300–2300 B.C.). Chinese textiles had reached a fairly high level by the Shang Dynasty (c. 1500–1100 B.C.). Except for the plain-woven juan (silk tabby), there were also monochrome warppatterned qi and polychrome embroideries. The compound weave silk first appeared on the historical stage in the Warring States period (475–221 B.C.) with its bright and colorful luster. Recently, we have found some fabulous fragments of brocade and embroidery from a tomb located in Jiang Ling, Hubei Province, which dates from the Warring States Period (c. fourth century B.C.) Soon after, the word “brocade”, referring to both the compound weave silk and embroidery here, has gradually become synonymous with “beautiful” and “splendid”. That’s why the expression we used to describe the impressively beautiful landscape in China will often use the idiom like “as splendid as brocade”. The textiles in the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–220 A.D.) inherited the traditional essence of those from the Warring States Period, of which the most discoveries were made in Xinjiang. In 1972, the textiles unearthed from two of the Han tombs in Mawangdui, an archaeological site located in Changsha, China. Except for juan, qi This article is one of three public lectures given in Japan by the author at the invitation of the Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK) in March 1983. The lectures were collected in a book titled The Origins of Chinese Civilization, which was released in Japanese and Chinese versions by Japan Broadcasting Press Corporation and Cultural Relics Press in 1985 and 1984, respectively. The synopsis and annotations made by Japanese archaeologists for the Japanese edition of the book have been removed from the Chinese version, which is now part of the anthology.

© Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7_28

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and jin, embroidery, there were also superior silk fabrics such as pile-loop brocades, painted figured gauzes, and leno brocades. The improvement of weaving techniques had helped the finer silk products become beloved and widely used among the civilized peoples in Eurasia at that time, thus breaking into the domestic and foreign market. As a result, during the Han Dynasty, silk fabrics flooded into the West along the newly opened Northern Silk Road, reaching far into Rome, the capital of the Roman Empire. Silk was, without a doubt, the preferred material for high officials and noble lords in China, and it was also buried as grave goods after their deaths. Recently, at or near each intermediate station along the overland Silk Road, silks from the Tang and Han Dynasties were found.

28.2 Reasons for the Han Silk Industry’s Success The reasons why the silk industry could be so prosperous mainly thanks to the improvement of the sericulture skill, as well as the progress of skills like silk reeling, weaving, printing, dyeing and so on. Whereas, the progress of sericulture depends first on the improvement of the mulberry cultivation. The mulberry leaf picking picture engraved on the bronze of the Warring States period shows that there were already two kinds of mulberry trees then: the common tall mulberry and the short “ground mulberry”, whose scientific name is also known as morus multicaulis (see silk in the Han and Tang Dynasty and the Silk Road, Fig. 28.1). The latter was the artificially improved result. The mulberry grower would cut off the upper part of the common mulberry trunk and made all other branches reach a certain level. In this way, the ground mulberry cultivar is shorter, turning mulberry leaf harvesting into an easier task. It is lush and leafy, leading to greater mulberry leaf production. Its branches are tender and its leaves wide and broad, making it more suitable for silkworm cultivation. Images depicting mulberry leaf picking can also be found in the stone relief from the Eastern Han Dynasty (Fig. 28.1). Modern Interpretation of Fansheng’s Work on Agriculture in the Han Dynasty (first century B.C.) gave the description as follows: “The mulberry was grown in line with the millet, and sharp sickle was in good timing to mow.” That is a good way to grow “ground mulberry”. After all, favorable mulberry is the basis to have better silkworms. As for the technique of sericulture, Cui Shi of the Eastern Han Dynasty in Monthly Instructions for the Four-Peoples (second century) wrote the skill: “The gaps were painted and then crammed. chui (stand column to support the tray for raising silkworm), zhe (bars on the silkworm rearing stand), bo (bamboo sieve to raise silkworm), long (bamboo weaving cover to make the silkworm cocooning).” The gaps were painted and crammed in order to prevent the plague of rats and easily got the hang of the silkworm nursery’s temperature while the bamboo-made tools were customized for sericulture. Superior silk could be produced when the raising method was scientized. Silk diameter in the Han Dynasty was 20–30 mu (1 mu = 0.001 mm), and silk diameter in Canton, modern China, is 21.8 mu, while in Japan, Syria, and France, it is 27.7–31.7 mu. The diameter of the proto-fiber (monofilament) of the

28.2 Reasons for the Han Silk Industry’s Success

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Fig. 28.1 Mulberry leaf-picking on the Han stone relief

silk recently unearthed in Mawangdui, Changsha, reaches 6.15–9.25 mu. while the modern Chinese silk has a diameter of 6–18 mu. It can’t be denied that silk in the Han Dynasty was pretty thin despite the fact that it was withered by time when discovered, the outcome of which was contributed by long-term and prudent observation and study of the sericulture method and skill of the Chinese people. Raising cocoon is the first step and filature is the next. Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals by Dong Zhongshu in the Western Han Dynasty (the end of second century B.C.) said filament could be made by soaking cocoon into the hot water. (“The chapter of empirical practices”, Vol. 10). Silk reeling is the secret to get long fiber of silk. Each individual fiber can reach 800–1000 m. In the textile industry, the value of silk is evaluated by its length. The longer the fiber is, the longer the filaments, the faster and cheaper yarn-making will be. Soaking the cocoon in boiling water kills the pupa inside, otherwise it will eventually develop into a moth and push through the cocoon to get out, breaking the long filament and rendering it useless for silk reeling. Once the cocoon is broken, it can only be made into silk floss for padding or lining garments. Also, the partially dissolved sericin in the boiling water helps the work of filature get off the ground. Reeling silk into the hot water is the secret of producing high-quality silk. Foreigners who smuggled silkworm eggs out of China without knowledge of this secret would find it impossible to obtain premium silk with long fibers. In traditional Chinese filature, workers would put some cocoons into the boiling water, then picked some silk ends of them, and each silk fiber will be spliced into a single silk thread by putting the ends together through the hole and hook of the filature device. The silk thread was then reeled onto the spool of the filature. It is not so hard to make it, it is most likely the Han

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Dynasty had already seen some kind of similar filature techniques, including some simple devices. The warps and wefts of brocades unearthed from the Mawangdui Han tombs in Changsha were made of 10–17 silk filaments, each between 16.9 and 30.8 deniers thick (1 denier = 1 g per 9000 m). The gauzes unearthed were relatively thinner, between 10.2 and 11.3 deniers. The silk threads in the Han Dynasty seemed never to have been spun, they were just twisted slightly when spliced together. In order to have higher tensible brute force and elasticity, some of the reeled silk would be spliced into a single yarn used as the warp and weft threads when spooling. In this course, although the silk thread featuring as long fiber may be slightly twisted, spinning and twisting were not the necessary steps for kinds like cotton, linen, wool, and other kinds of short fiber. The aforesaid weft and warp threads of the brocade found in the tomb, Mawangdui show that each yarn could be up to 54 silk fibers, for it consists of 4–5 silk threads and each silk thread consists of 10–14 silk fibers. Silk strings discovered at the same time on the mu se (a twenty-five-stringed plucked musical instrument) are made of the yarn spliced by more than 16 silk fibers; the twisted degree (also the number of twists) is 1.35 laps per centimeter. In the spinning and weaving figure found in Honglou, Tongshan, there was a loom on one side and a woman beside the “spooling wheel” on the other, seemingly working on her job of “spooling”.

28.3 Plain Weave Loom and Jacquard’s Development I once reconstructed a Han loom structure chart (cf. The Ancient History of Silkworm, Mulberry, Silk and Satins in China) by studying both the stone relief of Honglou and loom figures on some stone reliefs in the Han Dynasty (cf. The Ancient History of Silkworm, Mulberry, Silk and Satins in China in China). It is an easier-operated loom for plain weave textiles, the beams of which can reel both weft thread and cloth. “Lease rod” and “heddle” made for shedding will help open the warp threads and make the picking. Underneath are two treadles, which the weavers would step on to lift the heddles and open the warps’ shed. With the help of treadles, one can use the feet rather than the hands which could be freed to beat up the reed or make the picking for lifting the heddle. China used treadles as early as the Eastern Han Dynasty, as evidenced by treadles on the stone relief at the time (1st–second century). That is the earliest proof of the emergence of the looms with treadles around the world. It is not until the sixth century A.D. that Europe began to employ treadles, which became popular in the thirteenth century. Therefore, it is widely believed that loom treadles were invented by the Chinese and were probably introduced into the western world with another Chinese invention, the jacquard loom. This simple loom is only capable of weaving plain weave (tabby) fabric. A jacquard loom is indispensable when it comes to leno fabrics, plain weave qi, brocade, pile-loop brocade or any other textiles with intricate and exquisite patterns. In the light of the textiles found in Xinjiang, I could conclude that over 40–50 heddles are needed for lifting, therefore looms at that time were probably already equipped with

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jacquard weaving devices, which should be “drawcord bundle” rather than rectangular “harness frame”. After my recent study of silk fabrics from the Mawangdui Han tombs, I agree with H.B Burhan that the Han jacquard fabrics could have been woven with patterns on an ordinary loom by the knit cross stitch needle. An authentic jacquard loom may come a little latter. Views vary by arguing that the 6th or 7th or even later should be the earliest time to use a jacquard loom in Europe. As early as in the third century, Persia, Byzantium, Syria, and Egypt already employed a kind of simple jacquard loom while the veil of an authentic one was not revealed till the twelfth century. Even though their opinions differ in this case, they all agree that Europe was later than China in using jacquard looms and might have been influenced by China.

28.4 Different Textile Types from the Han Dynasty The types and weaving techniques would be our next discussion focus. There are many kinds of textiles found in the Han literature, but the given names of each item are not exactly the same, the different items may refer to the same name while different names turn out to be the same item, making it impossible to find what some of the names are truly standing for. Meanwhile, greater confusion could be caused both by the different criteria for classifying the textiles of ancient times from those of modern times and by the misuse of nomenclature by the literati who were not involved in production. That’s why I’ll focus on and study the archaeological physical items, with some related literature just for occasional reference. The most common textile in the Han Dynasty must be juan—the plain weave silk in terms of the weaving technique. Its warps and wefts are generally the same in number, with a density of 50–59 threads per square centimeter. However, some of the fine juan from the Mancheng Han tombs reach a density of 200 × 90 per square centimeter. This tomb also excavated jian with single warp and double wefts. Next is gauze, including the plain weave gauze with square holes and leno gauze with leno weave. The former was often discovered on the deceased’s head in his tomb, with some leaving a trace of japanning, which should be a fragment of his head scarf. The sparse wefts and warps of juan makes some of their density can just be 3 × 20 per centimeter. As for leno gauze, its weaving technique is called “suspicion loop”, making the wefts and warps hardly slide around after weaving and thus becoming more superior than the plain weave gauze. The Han leno gauze was usually woven with patterns; the jacquard technique was used in the gauze weaving. The weavers made full use of the variation of the suspicion loop by weaving the ground with larger holes using one kind of suspicion loop technique and weaving patterns with thinner and denser holes using another kind of suspicion loop which requires jacquard equipment. This type of jacquard gauze was found in the Han tombs at Mawangdui and is now called luo qi in the report, featuring monochromatic dark figures that are clear and exquisite (Fig. 28.2).

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Fig. 28.2 Diagram of the weave structure of luo qi

The most important textile in the Han Dynasty was the monochromatic dark figured silk (also known as qi or plain weave qi) and polychromic compound weave silk. The plain weave qi is a kind of twill-patterned plain weave. The interwoven part of the weft and the warp threads is changed from “one up, one down” to “three ups, one down” in terms of the patterns. Its patterns, which are influenced by the warp float, will emerge and be highlighted from the plain-woven ground-tint patterns (Fig. 28.3). This kind of silk fabric existed as far back as the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600–1100 B.C.) and the silk fabrics unearthed from the Mawangdui Han tombs show that its weaving techniques continued into the Han Dynasty. Another kind of fabric, which some people call “Han qi weave”, emerged only in the Han Dynasty (Eastern Han). Not only is the ground plain weave, but in the section of patterns, each warp with a float and the adjacent warp thread are also plain weave. Therefore, one more group of the plain weave warp will firm the textiles without defacing the patterns. This “Han qi weave” has been found in Niye Nahiyisi, Lop Nur, and Noin Ula, and even at the site of Palmyra in Syria.

28.5 Premium Brocades and Pile-Loop Brocades Han jin (polychrome compound weave silk with five colors) is the peak of the Han textiles. Han jin is basically the plain compound weave in terms of its weaving technique, consisting of two or more sets of warp threads (with one group taking turns as the surface warp and the rest as the inner warp) and a set of weft threads interwoven in succession. A set of single-colored wefts would be used either as binding weft or interior weft based on its function. For the two-or-three-colored warps, a piece of each color combination made up a set, the weaver separates the surface warp from the inner warp in each set of warp threads by means of interior weft. The surface warp are warp threads that present patterns through color, while the

28.5 Premium Brocades and Pile-Loop Brocades

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Fig. 28.3 Weave structure of plain weave qi in the Han Dynasty

inner warp are warp threads in other colors on the reverse side (see Newly discovered ancient silk in Xinjiang: qi, jin and embroidery). This makes the surface warp a float with a progression of three (occasionally with a progression of two when transferring to a different color). Because each pair of warp threads should not contain inner warp of too many different colors. The partitioning method is utilized when four or more colors are necessary, and less than four colors are often employed in a single division. In China, the compound weave silk (or jin) was first found in the Chu tombs of the Warring States period in Jiangling and Changsha. There are even more locations where Han jin was found. Another premium compound weave silk is known as the pile-loop brocade. This is the warp-patterned compound weave of the pile loops, requiring a weft pile woven into the warp pile, which will be pulled out after weaving, to fill in the loops. This looped brocade features colored patterns as well as a pile loop rising about 0.7– 0.8 mm above the brocade surface, making the fabric thicker, patterns more decorative with a three-dimensional effect. A separate warp beam required for this type of loom due to the large amount of warp threads used for the pile loops, plus the weft pile were the new innovations of the Han Dynasty.

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28.6 Embroidered and Printed Silk Textiles In addition to the aforementioned weaving methods, the Han Dynasty also witnessed the embroidery or dyeing of patterns on the woven silk. Physical embroideries have been found in the Yin Dynasty. Many embroideries are from the Han Dynasty, some of which are well preserved and in vibrant colors. Patterns are embroidered with various colors of floss on plain weave juan, plain weave qi or jacquard leno qi. The embroiderer’s needle dances in the hands of the seasoned embroiderer just like a brush in the hands of a professional painter, making detailed and smooth patterns just like painting, fully demonstrating the skill and individual character of the embroiderer. In this way, embroidered silk fabrics have much higher artistic quality than common brocades. Also, because embroidered silk fabrics are made entirely by hand rather than through a mechanized loom, and are much more time-consuming, as a result they are more expensive than the common brocades and are more highly valued. Several printed gauze and silk tabby were also found in the Han tombs at Mawangdui. The printing technique appears to have used the relief woodblocks or possibly stencil printing. One of these (340–11) is a gold and silver printed silk gauze with three relief woodblocks of one colour each, making a three-coloured set (Fig. 28.4). The other (465–5) is a color printed gauze. The background pattern of the vines is printed first with a woodblock, and then six different colored brushes detail the patterns such as flowers, leaves, buds, and stamens. These printed silk pieces are the earliest of their kind to be excavated in China, having been dated back to the end of the second century B.C.. In addition, silk paintings, painted on silk fabrics with pigments, were also found in the Warring States tombs in Changsha. The several silk paintings from the Han Dynasty unearthed from the Mawangdui Han tombs are paintings of high artistic level. The vegetable dyes used for dyeing silk threads and printing silk textiles were common in the Han Dynasty, such as indigo, madder red, gardenia yellow, etc., mineral dyes were also used, such as silver vermilion (mercury sulfide), sericite powder (white), lead sulfide (silver-grey). Mineral dyes were rarely used because of their primitive dyes, poor quality, and their less vivid color than vegetable dyes, they were just frequently used as pigments on juan or in colorful paintings instead. Types of the colors include the so-called “five colors” of five pure colors (red, yellow, blue, white, and black) and several inter-colors (such as purple, brown, green, and so on) with varying shades, 20 in total. Aluminum salt (aluminite) is commonly used in mordant.

28.7 Ornate Pattern Design In short, as far as weaving technology is concerned, the Han Dynasty not only inherited the traditions of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, but also innovated, thus achieving high achievements. Chinese weavers then, taking advantage of the strength

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Fig. 28.4 Order of gold and silver printed gauze from Mangwangdui

and length of silk fibers, developed the weaving technique with the warp as the main thread, while in the West, people traditionally used the weft as the main thread to weave linen or wool with shorter silk fibers. In terms of looms, the Han Dynasty looms were horizontal or inclined, as opposed to the Western vertical looms, making it easier to use treadles to lift heddles. Chinese weavers of the Han Dynasty adopted horizontal or diagonal looms while weavers in the West used vertical looms, thus the looms in the Han Dynasty tended to be more suitable to be equipped with treadles for raising heddles. Researchers generally regard the treadles on looms as a Chinese invention. As it was easy to dye the silk fibers, polychrome jin and embroideries were developed at that time. Pile-loop brocades and printed silk fabrics also came into being. All of these fabrics had splendid patterns. The patterns of silk fabrics in the Han Dynasty are primarily decorative in nature. “Records on clothing Part Two”, Book of Later Han described, “For the emperor riding in the carriage, his clothing should have 12 patterns including the sun, the moon, and the stars; for the three ducal ministers and the feudal princes, their clothing should have 9 patterns including the mountain and the dragon; for those high officials under the princes, clothes should have 7 patterns including the bird. All should have the five pure colors (wucai).” These motifs were most likely embroidered or painted. However, as evidenced by the objects recovered from archaeological excavations, the patterns of textiles commonly used for clothing, such as qi or jin, were primarily decorative and did not necessarily have religious or symbolic meanings. The motif and style of qi and jin woven on looms differ from those of embroidery and printed juan. Monochromatic plain weave qi and polychromic plain and compound weave jin

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were not exactly the same among all the patterned textiles. Some symbolic objects of the patterns on the compound weave silk, such as ganoderma, sacred animals and immortal mountains were primarily for decorative and artistic effect, but not exclusively for their symbolic meaning. Auspicious characters were woven into the patterns, but these characters were artistic calligraphy and were highly decorative. The characteristics of the weaving techniques will influence the patterns. Because jacquard heddles cannot be used in excess on a jacquard loom, patterns of the brocade would be repeated and circulated. Several jacquard heddles are lifted as a whole series, one by one in order, and when finished, the heddles are continued to be lifted one by one in reverse order, creating one cycle of patterns. As a result, each unit is made up of a band of bilaterally symmetrical pattern running through the entire fabric. This repeating pattern is woven one after the other until the fabric is finished. Due to the weaving method, the most common patterns of the plain weave qi and rib weave qi in the Han Dynasty were lozenge, triangle and fret, among which diamond patterns emerged first, which can be found on the plain weave qi in the Shang Dynasty. A twill warp-patterned technique is adopted by these weaving techniques. It is difficult to weave a smooth curve or arc because the interweaving points of the two adjacent warp and weft threads slope outward like the steps of a ladder, making the pattern lines become straight with serrations. Therefore, the lozenge pattern and its variations are the most prevalent. The so-called “lozenges variant” refers to the compound lozenge, fret pattern, open-ended lozenge, etc. The lozenge with a small open-ended diamond pattern on both sides is called a “cup pattern” (bei wen) in ancient literature, for it seems that the pattern is twisted into an elliptical “ear cup” (er bei) while being formed by the twill. Elliptical patterns might also be twisted into simple diamond patterns. While the lozenge pattern remains the main pattern, sometimes patterned animals or persimmon stems will be filled into the frame. As for the brocade, its patterns can be more fluid by using more curves and the lines of the curves are more rounded, such as in the cloud pattern, vine pattern, “dogwood pattern”, and patterned animals and mountains, because it is multicolored compound weave and the outline of its pattern is shown by the change of color. The designs of mountains feature various kinds of animals, including monsters, galloping across a cluster of rolling mountains. Sometimes, auspicious words such as “万世如 意(as you wish, forever)” and “长宜子孙 (longevity suits progeny)” are also added. There is a limited number of triangular patterns, lozenge patterns, and their variants in the brocade. All of the designs on the pile-loop brocade from the early Western Han Dynasty are geometric patterns or variants of them, such as the zigzag patterns. It is challenging to create a distinct, curving pattern because there are too many warp threads in each group and each pile loop protrudes from the brocade surface. Tree motifs are not common in Han jin, and they only appear as auxiliary design elements. Only in the sixth century did weavers begin to create designs with rows of trees that covered the entire face of the fabric. The “dogwood pattern” and cirrus cloud pattern in Han jin may have developed from botanical patterns. Patterns of embroidery and printed silk tabby are not limited by the weaving techniques, which can also be manually painted or embroidered to make smooth, distinct lines. The embroiderers also preferred the above-mentioned patterns with

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curved lines in the brocade, such as patterns of buds, vines, and dogwood, and the result presented was better, richer, and more fluid, winning the favor of the people at that time. There are numerous locations in China and overseas where plain weave qi, rib weave qi, brocade and embroidery with distinct Han Dynasty characteristics can be found. Even though they are intricate, the patterns excavated from locations that are quite distant from one another are nearly identical. Apparently they were from the same source, probably from the same place, or even from the same weaving workshop, and have been transported to various places. Discourses in the Balance by Wang Chong gave the description: “Embroidery was most practiced in Qi County where even the most slow-witted women can be competent for embroidery; silk weaving was most practiced in Xiangyi where even the most clumsy women were skillful for that” (Vol. 12, “Measurement of talent”). “Geographica”, Book of Han also recorded that both Linzi of Qi County (now Linzi, Shandong Province) and Xiangyi of Chenliu (now Suixian, Henan Province) had tailoring offices who managed the manufacture of these textiles.

28.8 The Han Silk Traveling Along the Silk Road These Han silk was transported westward along the Silk Road opened by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty (late second century B.C.) As you can see from the map, the sites where ancient Chinese silk was found were intermediate stations along or near the Silk Road. The “Silk Road” is a route that extends over 7,000 km from Chang’an, the capital of the Western Han Dynasty, to Antioch (also known as “Angu City” in A Brief History of Wei) on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. It has been more than 2,000 years since the road was opened up, and it was just 100 years before the term “Silk Road” was first used by the German geographer F. von Richthofen in 1877. He coined this name to emphasize that the road was built primarily to transport Chinese silk to the Roman Empire, another global superpower at the time besides China. Chinese silk was highly prized by the Romans after their conquest of Syria in 64 A.D.. At that time and a little later, there was a special market for Chinese silk in the Vicus Tuscus district of Rome, where the Roman aristocracy bid high prices for Chinese silk. The Roman writer Vita Aureliani said that Chinese silk was as expensive as gold in the city of Rome. “The precious colored silk made by the Chinese, whose beauty is comparable to that of flowers blooming in the wilderness, and whose slenderness is comparable to that of a spider’s web.” wrote Dionysius Periegetes (2nd–third centuries). According to some contemporary historians, the greedy acquisition of Chinese silk, which led to a significant exodus of gold and silver, is what caused the Roman Empire to crumble. Others believe that the rise and fall of the Roman Empire was closely related to whether the “Silk Road” was unimpeded or not. Although a little overblown, Chinese silk did play a significant role in the communications and trade between China and the West at that time. Chinese

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silk had already been shipped to Central Asia by nomads from the Eurasian steppes prior to the opening-up of the Silk Road, which can be evidenced by the Chinese brocade and embroidery as well as bronze mirrors with the Chinese character “山” pattern unearthed in the tombs of Bazerek in southern Siberia (5th–third centuries B.C.). These might have traveled through Central Asia to reach West Asia at the same time or a little later. Until Emperor Wu dispatched Zhang Qian to the West, this road was officially opened up as a trade route. The “Silk Road” eventually developed into a thoroughfare with Emperor Wu’s westward strategy in 126 B.C., following Zhang Qian’s return to Chang’an from the West to report on the situation there. Through this route, a significant amount of Chinese silk was moved westward. We previously believed, based on unreliable historical evidence, that Seres or Serica was referenced in Western literature in the third century B.C. or earlier and whether this term refers to China or Chinese silk is worthy of further study. The Achaemenid Dynasty of Persia dispatched troops to the Syr-Daria River in Central Asia in the sixth century B.C.. During his eastern expedition towards the end of the fourth century B.C., the Greek lord Alexander also reached this river. On the banks of this river, both the Persians and the Greeks erected cities and forts, but neither mentioned a further eastern country—China. The fact that Alexander personally marched into Chinese territory and constructed the Great Wall on the northeastern side was only mentioned in later stories of his great accomplishments. These are merely legendary fiction, not historical facts. Aristotle said that there were silkworms that spun silk for weaving on the Greek island of Cos. This seems to refer to a wild silkworm, whose obsoleted cocoons of silk can be used for spinning and weaving, which is not the same as the Chinese filature made by cocoons of Bombyx mori. Additionally, some people think that Chinese silk was imported into Europe long before the third century B.C., while the Western literature they quoted, after careful investigation, turns out to be pseudo ancient books, authentic books with later additions, or misinterpretations of ancient texts, which are not reliable. Regarding the circumstances in the third century B.C., according to Apollodorus’ History of the Parthian Empire in 100 B.C. which is based on earlier documents, the Roman geographer Strabo (first century B.C.) said that the king of Daxia expanded his territory eastward as far as the country of Seres at that time. However, Seres here appears to indicate the area of the Issyk-Kul in Central Asia rather than China, which was the farthest origin of silk known to Europeans at that time. This is the earliest instance of the place name “Seres” in European documents. Did Roman authors adopt the modern name to refer to the old territory in the first century B.C., or was this name first used in the third century B.C.? It is hard to say. But at least we can claim that Chinese silk should have been transported westward to Daxia in the third century B.C.. Another misconception is that Chinese cupronickel of copper-nickelalloy was transported westward along the Silk Road to Daxia in the third century B.C.. Although cupronickel was used for the coinage in Daxia at that time, it did not necessarily come from China. It is still doubtful whether cupronickel was produced in China at that time. The Chronicles of Huayang of Chang Qu written in the fourth century in the Jin Dynasty was the first Chinese document to use the term “cupronickel”, but it

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did not necessarily refer to the alloy of copper and nickel. The earliest physical cupronickel found appeared to be from the Ming DynastySome of the Han mirrors are called “white copper”, the “Daxia Zhenxing currency” and the Wuzhu Coin in the Sui Dynasty are all high-tin tin-bronze alloys. However, just because we raise concerns about the importation of Chinese cupronickel into Daxia at the period does not imply that Chinese silk was not also brought into the region. Possibly, the silk had already been brought westward by nomads to Daxia and other nations. But the Silk Road was officially opened up at the end of the second century B.C. after Zhang Qian’s passage to the West. A Roman scholar named Pliny the Elder wrote a book in the first century A.D. that talked about the silk-producing nation of Seres and said the silk was woven there and then imported to Rome. The fourth-century historian Marcellinus described Chinese silk as follows: “In the past, it was solely worn by the nobles in my nation. Now people, regardless of different classes, are dressed in it.” The humid climate in Italy makes it difficult to preserve ancient silk. According to an Italian professor, Romanera silk was excavated at the site of Publie in southern Italy. Additionally, in the fourth century, Chinese silk was discovered by the Roman Empire’s dependent state—Qau in Egypt and Dura-Europa in Syria. The region began to use Chinese silk threads to make silk in many areas of Egypt and Syria in the fifth century, but it wasn’t until Justinian the Great of Eastern Rome introduced Chinese varieties of Bombyx mori and their breeding techniques in the sixth century. I have done archaeological work in Xi’an, the eastern end of the Silk Road, and I have investigated and conducted trial excavations along the Hexi Corridor from Lanzhou to the Han Yumen Pass site in the desert of Dunhuang, and I have also visited Urumqi and Turpan in Xinjiang to investigate ancient sites. I also had the opportunity to travel the western stretch of the Silk Road, including Baoda (referring to Baghdad today) in Iraq and several ancient cities in Iran, which was more than 7, 000 km long with several parts of uninhabited desert and mountains. When I rode a camel to explore the Han Yumen Pass and the nearby beacon towers of the Great Wall in the Han Dynasty, I have gained a deeper understanding of the hardships of travelers on this road at that time. Nonetheless, they overcame all obstacles and made a significant contribution to the history of East–West transportation, which is incredible and marvelous. The Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK) made a film called “Silk Road” with Professor Takashi Okazaki as a consultant. Many Japanese friends have visited or traveled along the Silk Road. I think they will agree with me. However, commerce and cultural exchange between China and the West were not exclusively one-side. China also brought back from the West wool fabrics, spices, gemstones, gold and silver coinage, and gold and silverware and so on. For instance, plenty of Persian silver coins and Byzantine (Eastern Roman) gold coins have been discovered in China nearby and along the Silk Road. Spiritual civilizations, such as Buddhism and Buddhist art, were also introduced to China along this path. They have significantly influenced Chinese art and culture.

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28.9 Developed Tang Dynasty Textiles Due to the Western Influence Chinese silk weaving techniques and patterns have undergone significant transformations as a result of Wei-Jin, the Northern and Southern Dynasties, and the Tang Dynasty, as well as Western influence. The twill of the traditional western weave, which was later widely adopted by Chinese weavers, was covered with float lines, revealing more fully the luster of the silk threads. In the Tang Dynasty, brocade weaving also changed from Han brocade with the warp-patterned method to the Western weft-patterned method, which was easier to weave. (see Newly discovered ancient silk in Xinjiang—qi, jin and embroidery). In terms of printing and dyeing, batik and tie-dyeing in the Tang Dynasty were also not available in the Han Dynasty. The indigo blue waxed Buddha patterned cotton cloth excavated from the Eastern Han Dynasty site of Niya, Xinjiang, was imported from India. In terms of pattern, the layout of the broad belt-pattern in the Han Dynasty was changed to some isolated pattern elements scattered over the entire fabric in the Tang Dynasty. The Western-style botanical motif was popular, including the lonicera motif and the grape motif. The Sasanian style of Persia, with a circle decorated with pearl-roundel as the edge of the main motif, was also in fashion in the Tang Dynasty. Confronting horses, confronting birds, confronting ducks, etc. were frequently presented in the circle. Designs of a standing bird and a boar head in Persian fashion were also featured inside. The fragment of the brocade with the confronting camel pattern excavated in Xinjiang is woven with the pictogram “胡 王(King of Ancient Northern and Western Peoples in China)”, indicating that it was designed and woven by Chinese weavers. The pattern of Chinese style brocade prefers to have flowers or birds as the motif. A fragment of batik brocade with a hunting motif, with the knight shooting arrows and rabbits, deer, flowers and birds filling in the inter-spaces, is impressively vivid. The pattern of the tie-dyeing is often geometric. The outline of the edge of each pattern unit is often hazy and unclear, similar to the outline of the Tang Sancai pattern, reminiscent of the hazy expression of the modern painting school. Tang Dynasty art is still a part of Chinese art tradition even today because, despite the fact that the Tang Dynasty incorporated foreign influences, it was able to integrate them into the Chinese aesthetic. A large number of the Tang Dynasty textiles, which are even more beautiful and vibrant than those of the Han Dynasty, were brought to Japan, and some of them are still present in the Sh¯os¯o-in of T¯odai-ji Temple in Nara. This had a considerable impact on Japan’s silk handcraft industry at the time, which is yet another illustration of how China and Japan have exchanged cultures. The above discussion tells us that the textiles of the Han Dynasty carried on the legacy of the Warring States period on the one hand, and changed and progressed on the other, reaching a very high level and being adored by other civilizations (particularly the Romans) as a result. This sparked the beginning and development of the “Silk Road”. Chinese silk has changed considerably, both in terms of weaving techniques and patterns, as a result of Western influences imported through the Silk

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Road and its own innovations and developments. Although some people refer to the silk fabrics of the two eras together as “Han and Tang silk”, they are in fact very different. The outlines of this process concerned with its change and development are pretty clear, but the details need to be explored further in the future.

Selected References to Translations of Book Titles

《魏略》Weilüe (A Brief History of Wei) 《中西汇编》Compilation of Historical Materials about East-West Communication 《西域传》Biography of the Western Regions 《括地志》Comprehensive Gazetteer 《述异记》Records of Strange Tales 《太平御览》Taiping Imperial Encyclopedia 《广雅疏证》Guangya Annotations and Proofs 《图书集成》Compendium of Ancient and Modern Books 《地理志》Historiography about Geography 《唐六典》Six Statues of the Tang Dynasty 《永乐大典》The Catalogue of Yongle 《淮南子》Book of Prince of Huainan 《说文》Analytical Dictionary of Characters 《淮南王养蚕经》Sericulture Experience of King Huainan 《淮南子》Book of prince of Huainan 《路史》The Grand History 《汉旧仪》Official and Ceremonial System in the Han Dynasty 《授时通考》A general survey of agriculture 《尚书•禹 禹贡》Tribute of Yu, Book of Documents 《左传》The Zuo Tradition 《仪礼》Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial 《诗集传》Biography of Poetry Anthology by Zhuxi 《列女传》Biographies of Exemplary Women 《周礼•考 考工记》Records of Examination of Craftsman, Rites of Zhou 《氾胜之书》Fan Shengzhi’s manual 《齐民要术》Essentials of People’s Livelihood 《氾胜之书今释》Modern Interpretation of Fansheng’s Work on Agriculture 《四民月令》Monthly Instructions for the four-peoples 《吕氏春秋》Lü’s Commentaries of History 《皇清经解》Classic Explanation of the Sublime Qing © Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7

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Selected References to Translations of Book Titles

《图书集成• 食货典》 Encyclopedia of Food, Silk, Clothing or Currency, Compendium of Ancient and Modern Books 《四愁诗》Four Kinds of Sorrow 《管子•立 立政篇》Political Governance, Guanzi 《广雅疏证》Guangya Annotations and Proofs 《广雅•释 释器》Explanation of Implements, Guangya 《晋东宫旧事》Old Tales of Heir Apparent in the Jin Dynasty 《考工记》Artificers’ Record 《仓颉篇》Compilation by Cang Jie 《梓人遗制》Woodworker’s Bequeathal Skills 《西京杂记》Miscellaneous Chronicles 《礼记》Book of Rites 《学津讨原》Comprehensive Series of Studying and Exploring the Origin of History 《太平寰宇记》Universal Geography of the Taiping Era

Selected Terminology References

丝织品, 丝织物 silk fabric(s) 织物 fabric(s) 纺织技术 textile technology 尼雅遗址 Niya ruins 西域 the Western Regions 锦 jin, brocade 绣 xiu, embroidery 绮 qi, damask on plain weave 縠 hu, crepe 缯 zeng, a general term for silk fabric 绢 juan, plain silk 绫 ling, ghatpot 绨 ti, bengaline, a kind of thick silk 精绝国 Jingjue Kingdom 木简 wooden slip 综 heddle 综框 harness frame 纬锦 weft-patterned brocade 平织 on plain weave 枚 end 根 thread 斜纹组织 twill weave 经斜纹组织 warp twill 浮长线 float 浮线 float line 地纹 ground pattern 畦纹 rep, rib 综框 harness frame 梭口 shed 经线 warp thread 纬线 weft thread © Zhejiang University Press 2024 N. Xia, Studies in Silk Road Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7475-7

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Selected Terminology References

提花花纹 elaborate pattern 提花龙头 jacquard head 穿法 draft 提法 lifting technique 穿综图 harness draft plan 提综图 heddle lifting plan 穿筘图 reed drafting figure, reeding plan 汉式组织 Han weave 穿综法 heddle draft 彩锦 colorful jin 筘子 reed 筘齿 dent 组织图 draft pattern 结构图 structure diagram 穿筘图 reed drafting figure; reeding plan 纹板图 pattern card 提花机 jacquard loom 提花综 jacquard heddle 暗花绮 dark figured qi 表经 surface warp 里经 inner warp 交织纬 (明 明纬) binding weft 夹纬 (提 提花纬) interior weft 梭子 shuttle 飞数 step/progression 交织综 binding heddle 提花线 drawcord 重组织 compound type 隶书 clerical script 幅面 breadth 幅宽 width 幅边 border 幅阔 width 罗布淖尔 Lop Nur 诺音乌拉 Noin-Ula 帕尔米拉 Palmyra 锁绣法 chain stitch 平绣法 Surface satin-stitch or simple line stitch 提花线 drawcords 提花线束 drawcord bundle 提线束 lifting harness 横切面 cross section 纵切面 longitudinal section 切面图 sectional drawing 鸟兽纹/禽 禽兽纹 bird and animal pattern, bird and beast pattern

Selected Terminology References

团花锦 floral medallion jin 菱花锦 water chestnut jin 规矩纹锦 TVL lines jin “毬 毬路”纹 纹 medallion with Pearl-border 联珠纹 pearl-bordered medallion 纬锦 weft-patterned brocade “经 经畦纹”组 组织 “warp-rib” weave 缫丝 reeling “经 经线起花的平纹重组织” Warp-patterned compound cloth weave 穿综方法 draft 锻纹 satin weave 花绫 figured damask 地纹 ground pattern 猪头 boar head

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