Archaeology and Conservation Along the Silk Road: 2018 Tabriz Conference Postprints [1 ed.] 9783205215097, 9783205215073

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Konservierungswissenschaft · Restaurierung · Technologie Herausgegeben von Gabriela Krist

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Gabriela Krist, Liangren Zhang (eds.)

Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road II Conference 2018 Postprints

BÖHLAU VERLAG WIEN KÖLN

Published with kind support of: University of Applied Arts Vienna, Austria Nanjing University, China

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek: The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data available online: https://dnb.de. © 2022 Böhlau, Zeltgasse 1, A-1080 Wien, an imprint of the Brill-Group (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Germany; Brill Österreich GmbH, Vienna, Austria) Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Cover image  : The Blue Mosque, Tabriz, Iran © Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna/ Gabriela Krist Proof reading and editing: Tanushree Gupta, Vienna Cover design: Michael Haderer, Vienna Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISBN 978-3-205-21509-7

Table of Contents

Preface – University of Applied Arts Vienna. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Preface – Nanjing University. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9

Obituary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture Amin Moradi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 The Central Asian Wall Paintings of Simsim – A Conservation History at the Crossroads Between their Archaeological Site and the Contemporary Museum Context Birgit Angelika Schmidt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 The Wall Inscriptions of Sefīdāb Caravanserai and Recognition of A Sub-Route of the Silk Road in Iran Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Preliminary Multi-Analytical Approach to the Ceramic Production Technology in Tal-e Iblis Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 The Persian Inscriptions – Iranian Spirit in Blue-White Porcelain Mahnaz Rahimifar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Protecting the Silk Road at “The Gate of Khorasan”: The Defensive Architecture in the Sarakhs Plain throughout History Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 The Combination of Road, Castle, and Chahartaq in the Sasanian Period Alireza Shahmohammadpour. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

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Service Spaces of Historical Bridges on the Qazvin-Gilan Road: A Case Study of the Anbooh and Manjil Bridges Mahnaz Ashrafi, Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi, Bahman Soltan Ahmadi.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 The Terracotta Plaque of Shadiakh: The Symbol of Cultural Correlation between the Silk Road Nations Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Cremation and Inhumation in the Western Regions of the Silk Road: Why and How? Martin Steskal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Ephesos in Context – An Archaeological Site’s Transformation from an Untouched Cultural Landscape to a Hub in Research and Tourism Jasmin Ableidinger, Iulian Ganciu, Barbara Rankl, Gabriela Krist. . . . . . . . . . 141 The Study of Wall Paintings in Aristocratic Houses in the Region of Ladakh, India Noor Jahan, Tatjana Bayerová, Gabriela Krist, Satish C. Pandey. . . . . . . . . . . 153 A Study on Diseases and Conservation Measures of the Xiakou Fortress, Urumqi Shuanglin Zhou, Ruifang Zhang.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 List of Authors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

Preface – University of Applied Arts Vienna The third international conference “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” took place in Tabriz, the Islamic Republic of Iran, from 14–16 November 2018. After the previous events in Xi’an (2014) and Nanjing (2016), China, the third edition selected the beautiful town of Tabriz as host city and the Iranian Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism as partner institution and co-organizer. Looking back to this event, it summons up unforgettable memories, especially from today’s perspective, after two years of the worldwide corona pandemic, when traveling and live meetings are not possible. I remember the many personal gatherings and stimulating talks with all the participants at the great conference site, the Yam Caravanserai, where caravans departed and returned from their endless journey along the Silk Road. I remember the visit to Tabriz with my colleague Tanja Bayerová; we discovered the impressive cultural heritage of this ancient city with its historic buildings and mosques, also life at the bazar with all its products and countless exotic spices – not forgetting the excellent food at receptions and dinners at Yam Caravanserai … wonderful memories and insights into a culture that was previously unknown to us! Like the last editions, the conference aimed to bring together international and interdisciplinary experts in the fields of archaeology, conservation, natural sciences, cultural and art history and related disciplines, scholars we name today as heritage scientists, studying, researching and conserving sites along the Silk Road. This conference format intends from the beginning to serve as platform for scholars, researchers and practitioners to exchange knowledge and ideas, disseminate research results and stimulate international cooperation. The Austrian delegation included Martin Steskal from the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW)/Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI), our PhD students Barbara Rankl and Iulian Ganciu, and Tanja Bayerová and myself from the Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna. Our duty has been to explore relevant researchers and actual projects in Europe linked to the Silk Road topic. Delegations from Iran, China, Russia and Germany contributed to the program, giving us insight into their Silk Road projects. Numerous participants – really difficult to count all of them – listened to 26 papers and viewed four posters, which, together with the vivid discussions, contributed to making this event a fruitful exchange and learning opportunity. During the lectures and subsequent debates, we learned a lot about the important role Iran played in the cultural exchange and art technology transfer through the Silk Road. Amin Moradi, whose lecture opened up so many insights into the typology and develop-

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Preface – University of Applied Arts Vienna

ment of Iranian architecture, acted alongside his colleagues as translator, interpreter and manager for us foreigners on many occasions. As Liangren stated in his preface, we were overwhelmed by this opportunity to be confronted with the ocean of Iranian cultural heritage, and the more we heard, the more we were inspired. On the last day, the programme included a visit to the Tabriz Islamic Art University, Faculty of Applied Arts, with an additional academic panel with four lectures on archaeological research at Tabriz. The following excursion to the nearby archaeological complex Rab´e Rashidi put the icing on the cake! First of all, let me thank the organizers and the scientific committee under the leadership of Adel Farhangui for all their efforts in making this conference happen, and so successfully, also his colleagues for their assistance, endless help and kindness; Liangen Zhang as initiator of this conference series, father of the Silk Road initiative, and lastly Tanushree Gupta, who prepared the event from our side and who was the driving force in the publication of the postprints of the Nanjing conference. Tabriz was for me the last significant live conference with opportunities for travel, visits and personal exchange. Kazan in Russia has been selected for the next conference in 2020; because of the pandemic we had to postpone the event, which will now finally take place in November 2021 – unfortunately still online. Let me conclude with the hope that you will join us at the next conference and that we can soon return to normality, keep well and take care! Gabriela Krist Vienna, September 2021

Preface – Nanjing University It was a great pleasure to see that the Third International Conference “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” took place at this particular moment at Tabriz in Iran. The conference came in a difficult time. The US sanction had created a good deal of difficulty not only for Iran, but also for many other countries. Many more scholars would like to attend this conference, but they could not. The study on the Silk Road should be carried on, and the study of the cultural heritage of Iran should be carried on. I was pleased that this conference took place in Iran, in Tabriz, and in this caravanserai. The conference is about connectivity between the East and the West, the North and the South, over the land and the sea. It is this connectivity, the exchange of goods, culture, and people, which has enlightened the world. Yet, the world academic community owes a great debt to Iran for not giving proper credit to the country. When we look at the written, epigraphic, and archaeological sources, we will immediately understand that Iran has been a very important player in the history of the Silk Road. From the prehistoric period on, Iran has been linking up the Mediterranean world, the Eurasian steppe, the Indian Subcontinent, and East Asia. The Iranian people have made their way to China, to Europe, to Africa, and to the steppe; and they have disseminated their goods, religions, and culture to the distant places. The fabulous city of Tabriz and the marvellous Yam Hotel, where this conference took place, are quintessential testimonies to the significance of Iran in the development of the Silk Road. In history, endless trains of caravans came to and departed from this caravanserai. And, it was remarkable that scholars from various corners of the world gathered here to commemorate the glorious history of Tabriz and the Yam Caravanserai. I am proud that I am a part of the ongoing discovery of the history of the Silk Road in Iran. I am now working with Iranian colleagues at a site in Northern Khorasan Province, thanks to the generous support of the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, the Northern Khorasan Province Office of Cultural Heritage, Handicraft and Tourism. And, I was brought here by a German scholar Berthold Laufer. He was a sinologist, but he published a book called Sino-Iranica back in 1919. In this book, he listed many plants that had been transmitted from Iran to China. These include pomegranate, grape, alfalfa, sesame, and flax. Among these Iran-origin products, pomegranate has become the symbol of the city of Xi’an, China. We know that many other things, including Persian music, musical instruments, painting, polo game, face make-up, were brought to China and became fashionable among the aristocrats of the Tang dynasty. Some of them have been absorbed into the

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Preface – Nanjing University

traditional culture of China. Chinese culture is rich because of the connection with Iran, and because of the Silk Road. I was glad to see scholars from Iran, Austria, Germany, China, and Russia; to see posters of Indian scholars who were unable to come. I would like to congratulate all of those for participating in this conference. We were in the right time and right place to acknowledge the significance of Iran to the Silk Road. We value this opportunity to expose ourselves to the ocean of Iranian cultural heritage. The more we know about the Iranian cultural heritage, the more we are inspired. I would like to thank the organisers, volunteers for making this conference happen, and thank all the distinguished guests for blessing this conference, for making this conference meaningful. Liangren Zhang Nanjing, December 2020

Obituary In memoriam of Prof. Dr. Seyyed Mohsen Habibi (1947–2020) The academic community of the Iranian architecture and urban planning suffered a great loss: Prof. Seyyed Mohsen Habibi passed away on September 30, 2020. As one of the millions of Iranians who chose to stay in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, he has been instrumental in the development of the study of Iranian architecture and urban planning, both modern and historical. Prof. Habibi was born in 1947 in the city of Kermanshah in the western part of Iran. After completing his primary education in 1965, he entered the Faculty of Fine Arts of the University of Tehran. He received a master’s degree in architecture and urban planning from the same university and completed his doctorate on urban planning in Paris in 1981, with a dissertation on the combination of a traditional city with a modern one. During his subsequent teaching at the Faculty of Fine Arts, he focused his research on the history of architecture and urban planning. From 1989 to 2009, he held various positions from the director of Department of Urban Planning to the dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts. During these years, Prof. Habibi actively ran collaborative projects in the domain of cultural heritage. He also responded positively to the calls of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, other governmental organisations, and public institutions. During and after this period, Prof. Habibi published over 60 articles and several books alone or with the cooperation of other researchers. He translated five books: What is the region /Reconstructed architecture in France /Urban space and the disabled /Urban planning: reality and utopias /and Dome technology from 1986 to 2001. He is also the author of 15 volumes of books, which include: Minimum housing /Housing construction model in the cities of Khuzestan /Housing and the disabled /Principles and criteria for designing areas, villages and housing units /Bonding of Tehran /Per capita urban uses /Urban renovation /Tehran metropolis atlas /Story of the city /Tehran: symbol of the new Iranian city /Description of intellectual currents in architecture and urban planning in contemporary Iran /From city-state to city (historical analysis of the concept of the city and its Kalbadi manifestation) /Isfahan urban design school (style), the language of urban design in ancient cities /Story of the city /Memory of the city /Baharestan square, the experience of innovation in the Iranian urban space. Keen to capture the obvious and hidden concepts of Iranian architecture and urban planning, Prof. Habibi was invited to sit in various scientific committees and councils. During the last three decades, it is impossible to find a major publication on the history

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 Obituary

of Iranian architecture and urban planning without mentioning his name. His meekness, humility, commitment to accountability, dedication to findings, intimacy, and a great appetite for learning and teaching are some of his intellectual talents. His creativity in finding expressions appropriate to new concepts from the depths of history, along with his understanding of the architectural and urban planning principles of Iran, earned him the reputation “Father of Iranian Urban Planning”. As the title of his doctoral dissertation suggests, he firmly believed in the balance and interaction between the life from the past and the expected life in the future, and remained faithful to it in his teaching and writing. Prof. Habibi’s active participation in conferences and seminars, such as the Conference on the “History of Architecture and Urban Planning of Iran”, inspired the organisers of the Third International Conference on “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” to invite him to the scientific committee of this conference. As usual, he accepted this invitation, and spared no effort attending the formation of the third conference and reviewing the submitted papers. He will be remembered by us, his colleagues, his students, and other associates. Adel Farhangui

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

Amin Moradi Abstract: During the Seljuq period, Iranian architecture underwent a significant shift from the Pre-Islamic Sassanid squinch into the sophisticated transitional zone, which effected the change of a square chamber to an octagonal base for dome and gave rise to a new construction technology. Previous studies consider the transition zone of this period to be a makeshift strategy, rather than a deliberate innovation for future architectural experiments in creating larger structures. Although a cursory survey of the transition zones of Seljuq dome chambers may give one a fairly homogeneous picture, it does not mean the lack of architectural creativity in the Seljuq period. A comprehensive typological study of local schools, however, has not been done. For a better understanding of the standardisation of various techniques during the 11th and 12th centuries AD, this paper attempts to extrapolate three schools of transition zone designing of the Seljuq dome chambers along the Silk Road. Keywords: dome chamber, Islamic architecture, North-west Iran, Seljuq architecture, Transition zone

Introduction After defeating the Ghaznavid dynasty (977–1186 AD) in Khorasan in the battle of Dandanagan (1040 AD) and demolishing the Buyid dynasty (934–1063 AD) in Baghdad in 1055 AD, the Seljuqs established themselves as the new protector of Abbasid Caliphate in 1055 AD. Within fifty years, they created a vast empire, encompassing all of Iran, and much of Anatolia. Under the Seljuq sultanate, Iran experienced a period of material and cultural prosperity as well as artistic and architectural creativity (Bosworth 2007: 280). Ever since the 1930s AD, when medieval architecture of Iran began to be studied in depth, attempts have been made to define the characteristics of typical Seljuq mosques in Iran (Hillenbrand 1976). Although domes and vaults were prevalent already in the Sassanian architecture (Woolley 1961; Reber 1882: 131), a great change, the use of a sophisticated device in the Seljuq architecture, took place. The major problem of erecting a round dome upon a square chamber challenging Iranian architects of the early Islamic period was ingeniously solved by adding a component that serves to bridge the square chamber below and the round dome above. Dubbed as “transition zone” in many studies

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Amin Moradi

Figure 1 Distribution of Seljuq Dome Chambers in Iran with Attention to the Construction Technique of Transition Zone. A: Urmia Mosque; B: Marand Mosque; C: Qazvin Mosque; D: Sojas Mosque; F: Qorva Mosque; J: Nizam- al Mulk Mosque; H: Taj- al Mulk Dome; I: Zavara Mosque; K: Ardestan Mosque; L: Golpayegan Mosque; M: Barsian Mosque, ©/drawing by: Amin Moradi; Base image: adapted from: https://www.ecoi.net/en/countries/islamic-republic-ofiran/maps/?page=3.

of Iranian architectural history, it nevertheless has been less seriously studied in its own right (Golchin/Kakhki/Jabalameli 2018). The search for the initial employment of the transition zone in the history of Iranian architecture, however, is a complex task, since it is not easy to pinpoint the place and time in which this mechanism was invented. The Sassanid royal architecture, which was equipped with a series of rounded arches to support domes, was an obvious pioneer in this regard (Godard 1965: 90). What is relevant here is squinch, which served to join semi-domes, occurred in the Sassanid architecture in Kiz, Bozpar, Negar, and Sarvestan (Dietrich/O’Kane 1990). The cutting-edge technology of domes on squinches has been suggested to originate in north-eastern Iran (Safaeipour/Memarian/Bemanian 2014), where the change from the Sassanid squinch, which was rehabilitated due to an added rib in Samanid mausoleum (301–331/914–943 AD), was dictated by utilitarian reasons rather than by fashion. Here, each squinch is composed of two concave niches separated by a kind of buttress (Carrillo 2016: 40), and this segmentation of the traditional squinch was intended to be a new method of strengthening the structure. Since this technology

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

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first flourished in the north-eastern Iran, it has long been held that this area was the cradle, from which it was spread by travelling architects along with the Seljuqs’ invasion along the Silk Road. The dome chamber of the Seljuq period, mounted on a rehabilitated pre-Islamic transition zone, is an issue that has merely invited some general explanations. The corner corbels of square chamber had created different forms of “squinches”, which together with intermediate parts constituted the zone of transition. In some studies, they have been described as the corbelled form of squinches. Various forms of squinches such as “stalactite squinch”, “conical squinch”, “squinch net” have been identified in terms of material, ornament, and constructional style (Golchin/Kakhki/Jabalameli 2018). Although these studies have enlightened some aspects of transitional zone such as historic, structure, and form, a complete evolution of it through different architectural periods has rarely been approached. The ground-breaking study of Hillenbrand is confined to north-western Iran. Although a homogeneous local school of the Seljuq domed mosques is identified there, it is virtually impossible to build any hypothesis about its developmental path during the Seljuq period (Hillenbrand 1976). It is not surprising that no clear boundary has been found between the load-bearing shouldered arch and the decorative component of muqarnas, a honeycomb transition zone, because all the transition zones of dome chambers have concave niches encompassing several lobes, which are corbelled to create a stalactite shape.1 From this point of view, many historians have used these terms counterintuitively (Creswell 1952: 159; Grabar 1986: 230; Ettinghausen/Grabar 1987: 200; Bloom 1988: 168); others have even considered the transition zone as a result of the fragmentation of squinch, stating that it ceased to be architectural support, but became a recurring ornamental device in Islamic architecture (Carrillo 2016: 41). Thus, misunderstanding of the contrast between muqarnas and shouldered arch has led to the complicated and sometimes contradictory interpretation. In a study, Pirniya proposed the theory of architectural unity for all Seljuq buildings in Iran, in which the composition of transition zone followed the same language (Pirniya 2008). After about half a century, the author challenged the authenticity of this theory; then he conducted a structural analysis of Seljuq dome chambers so as to define geographical variations as well as static behaviours (Moradi/Omrani 2019). The purpose of this paper is to discuss local approaches towards the transition zones in different regions in Iran.

1

Structurally speaking, muqarnas needs to be hanged with a series of connections to the structure during the construction process. In other words, in comparison with other similar elements like shouldered arch, which has the capability of transferring forces from transition zone to the load-bearing units, muqarnas is more decorative rather than constructive.

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Amin Moradi

Pre-Seljuq Transition Zones The transition zone was a critical component of Sassanid architecture (Huerta 2012). Among the available architectural evidence, one of the most incontrovertible mechanisms of forming an octagonal base for a dome is found in Baz-e-Hour, which should be one of the earliest remnants of the Sassanids’ Chahar-Tagi archetype, located in Khorasan, north-eastern Iran (Pope 1982). Here a series of wooden beams are set in the corbelled manner in the corners of the square structure (Fig. 2). A continuous sequence of concentric arches in the Ardashir palace (224–240 AD), as well as the Sarvestan royal building (420–438 AD), reveals that this technique was widely employed during the Sassanid era due to the scarcity of wood in central Iran. Although the earliest employment of the conic squinch in Iran is a subject of debate, without any doubt it was prevalent until the early Islamic age (Fig. 2).

Figure 2 Transition Zone of Pre-Seljuq Structures. Up: Baz-e-Hour, Down: Sarvestan Palace, ©/drawing by: Amin Moradi.

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

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As a result of the building practice, the mechanism how the thrust line affects the transition zone was understood: Installing a conic squinch will not only distribute the thrust line through the conic geometry, but also transfer it along a line from the apex of the squinch to the edge, where the two load-bearing walls meet. Ancient architects thus carried the construction technology into the next phase, developing the rib-shaped buttresses, which became the most conspicuous element of the Samanid mausoleum (301–331/914–943 AD), to replace the semi-conic squinch. The rib unit became an indispensable device to support the dome, following an arithmetical procedure (Figs. 3a, 3b). Although it is difficult to interpret why and when ancient architects decided to assemble a reinforced squinch system, this is the earliest example of a new approach towards the transition zone (Safaeipour/Memarian/Bemanian 2014).

Figures 3a, 3b The Transition Zone of Samanid Mausoleum, Reinforced with a Rib-shaped Buttress. ©/drawing and photo by: Amin Moradi.

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Amin Moradi

Figure 4 The Transition Zone of Nain Mosque, adapted from: Safaeipour/Memarian/Bemanian 2014: 13.

The reflective ceiling plan of the Jami mosque of Nain (created probably during the 9 or 10th century AD), which presents a conservative set of double-rib buttresses holding a pointed arch frame, attests to its acceptance into masonry projects (Fig. 4). It is important to note that the transition zone in the Jami mosque of Nain did not lend the increase of the cubic dimension; in other words, a connected set of reinforced pointed arches sufficed to resize the diagonal of the square and hold the thrust of the dome. The appearance of the masonry in such a place demonstrates that travelling masters learned it from the Sassanid architecture. Near the city of Bukhara, there is the village of Tim, where the Arab-Ata, a mausoleum built between 366/977–367/978 AD, is located (Carrillo 2016: 78). Here, the simple transition zones are replaced by a new ensemble of concave niches, equilibrium of which depends on the particular circumstance of the units. Following this innovation, the transition zone comprises two segregated yet integrated tiers of arches. At the first tier, there are two concave niches converging on the diagonal of the square, setting the base for mounting the upper arch, enhancing the distribution of thrust, which affects the whole ensemble (Moradi/Omrani 2019). A front view of it presents a tri-foiled arch, which appears as blind arches on the non-bearing sections of the dome chamber, providing a highly dynamic transition to the structure (Figs. 5a, 5b). Apparently, this technique is not alien to central Iran, where it appears in a new architectural language: arches are assembled inside pointed squinches. Of particular interest is the shrine of Davazdah-Imam in Yazd, built around two years before the beginning of the Seljuq invasion (429/1039 AD). Compared with the Arab-Ata, this structure signifies a multiplication of the previous ensembles. When it comes to designing the transition zone for this mausoleum, as an empirical calculation, the pointed frame is revived in connection with the shoulder arches. Here, the parameter dictating the maximum height of the transition zone is the dimension of the pointed frame, which holds the niches to withstand the thrust. All these structural components, in combination, would suffice to serve as buttress and decoration without incurring extra expenditure. This programme is th

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

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Figures 5a, 5b The Transition Zone of the Arab-Ata Mausoleum (366/977), adapted from: Carrillo 2016: 78.

Figures 6a, 6b The Transition Zone of the Davazdah Imam Mausoleum (426/1037) in Yazd Province, ©/ photo and drawing by: Amin Moradi.

more progressive than that of the Samanid mausoleum or the Nain mosque. A solid net of the shoulder arches enables the transition zone to uphold the great weight of the dome (Figs. 6a, 6b).

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Amin Moradi

Material and Dimension of Seljuq Architecture In some cases, it is an open question whether this new technique affected the sizes of early specimens. While the dome chambers of the Samanid mausoleum (10 x 10 m) do not constitute a turning point in terms of diameter for the pre-Islamic buildings in Niasar (14 x 14 m), Negar (12 x 12 m), Sarvestan (13 x 13 m), and Firouzabad (12 x 12 m), one might consider material for the transition zone. During the Sassanid period, it was built of the expensive lime mortar and high-quality stone, which were replaced by brick and a limited amount of lime during the Seljuq period. The new materials helped to reduce the cost of a huge building, yet made it much lighter. Although the lack of architectural evidence does not allow us to undertake a chronological study of this transition, the distribution of the stone and lime structures and that of the brick and lime structures (Table 1) reveals that the lack of lime resource in the early Seljuq homelands in north-east Iran should have been one of the most likely reasons for the rise of the new masonry (Mollaei/Yaghubpur/Attar 2009: 99). To put this into perspective, let us compare the two contemporaneous structures of Gonbad-e-Jabaliyya in Kerman Province and Mumina Khatun in Nakhjivan, both dating back to 582/1203 AD, to find out different approaches towards static challenges. The 18 m height of Gonbad-e-Jabaliyya is much lower than the 25 m height of Mumina Khatun, without taking into account of the height of 8–10 m of its demolished dome. Apparently, the fear over displacement in Gonbad-e-Jabaliyya forced the mason to employ thicker walls, which are more than 3 m. But with the help of new materials and new techniques, the walls of Mumina Khatun do not exceed 1.85 m. This is a definite success due to the application of brick and lime in the Seljuq architecture. Otherwise, the Seljuq architecture was incapable of any change for the better. Stone and lime mortar were inadequate for the further development, because it was infeasible to cut niches out of high-quality stones, a complicated stereotomic problem. Although brick masonry could not hold up large domes, the multiple conic squinches, which became the dominant feature of the Seljuq architecture, enabled the excessive dimensions of domes of Nizam al-Mulk (15 m) and Gazvin mosque (15.2 m), which were absolutely out of touch during the Sassanid era (Moradi/Omrani 2019: 89).

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

Table 1 Approximate Heights and Widths of Walls of Seljuq Buildings. Building

Date (AD)

Gonbad-e-Sorkh

Plan

Width of wall (m)

Height (m)

Inner Diameter (m)

Material

1166

0.07

10

11

brick/lime

Kharagan Tower

1081

0.6

11

15

brick/lime

Borj-e-Toghrol

1155

1.45

20

16

brick/lime

Borj-e-Modavar

1184

0.9

12

7.5

brick/lime

Se-Gonbad

1201

0.8

13

5

brick/lime

Gonbad-e-Kabud

1214

1.2

13

10

brick/lime

Borj-e-Damavand

6th century

0.6

10

5

brick/lime

Borj-e-Mehmandust

1111

0.9

14.5

7

brick/lime

Mumina Khatun

1203

1.85

25

13.83

brick/lime

Davazdah Imam

1050

1.45

11

8.5

brick/lime

21

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Amin Moradi

Building

Date (AD)

Gonbad-e-Ali

Plan

Width of wall (m)

Height (m)

Inner Diameter (m)

Material

1069

1.5

12

8.9

stone/lime

Sheikh Jonaid

1164

1.57

15

7

stone/lime

Gonbad-e-Jabaliyya

1203

3.10

18

11

stone/lime

Regional Variations of the Transition Zone Techniques Undoubtedly, a fresh feeling appeared in the Seljuq buildings. The new techniques for transition zones gave rise to magnificent structures that brandished the Seljuq rule. In fact, an important reason for the shift of the political centre from the east to the west of Iran during the Seljuq dominion was to draw upon the prior architectural traditions manifest in the aforementioned buildings of Ismail Samanid and Arab-Ata mausoleum. It is evident that the evolution of the transition zone techniques in the Seljuq architecture began with the pre-Seljuq traditions in north-western Iran. Likewise, Seljuq architects had opportunities to test different schools of transition zone designing. In other words, the Seljuq architects developed a standard system of transition zone out of the previous monuments, and from there spread it throughout the Seljuq dominion. However, the dispersal of the standard system did not imply the universal application of the same rules in the whole Seljuq dominion. In this period, the localised techniques dictated the architectural forms and the articulation of transition zone. Regarding the local developments over this architectural unit, three distinguishable schools have been identified in our field studies. Regardless of some details, the use of brick and lime mortar is the most pervasive method of constructing transition zones in the vast territory of the Iranian plateau during the Seljuq dominion.

The North-Western Iran School Within the boundaries of Seljuq, in particular the strategic frontlines, without doubt north-western Iran was most important, since this region had always played a vital role in spreading Seljuq policies to the west (Moradi/Omrani 2019). In history, this part of

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

23

Iran experienced collusions between the Muslims (Seljuqs) and the Non-Muslims (Byzantine) (Zaporozhets 2012), where the unprecedented number of unknown tombs of the deceased in the holy wars (Jahad) is a testimony for its sacredness. A superficial review of the Seljuq architectural remnants in this region, such as Marand mosque (485/1106 AD), Urmia mosque (5th century AD), Se-Gonbad (580/1201 AD), Borj-e-Modavar (563/1184 AD), Gonbad-e-Sorkh (542/1163 AD), Gonbad-e-Kabud (593/1241 AD), and Mumina Khatun (582/1203 AD) reveals that a variety of plans from square to octagonal, dodecahedral, and circular were common in this region. Since the challenge of transition zone lies with the geometry of plans and the number of sides, the transition from dodecahedron or even octagon to circle would not follow controversial arrangements. Thus, from a structural point of view, a radial series of pointed arches would suffice to create the domes of Borj-e-Modavar2 (a circular tower), Gonbad-e-Kabud, and Mumina Khatun, whereas in other cases, the existence of a proper transition zone would be inevitable owing to the geometry. In other words, the geometry of the buildings is certainly a decisive item since the process of transition from a square to a regular polygon is not required in the above-mentioned structures. At the first glance, one may suggest that the limited breadths of Gonbad-e-Sorkh and Borj-e-Modavar3 govern the employment of simple shoulder arches to support the domes. But when one considers the domes of the Marand mosque (diameter ≈ 7.6 m) and Urmia mosque4 (diameter ≈ 10.7 m), where two levels of load-bearing concaved facets are mounted on each other precisely, one would devalue the assumption that there was one genre of transition zone in the north-western Iran (Fig. 7a). In the Jami mosque of Marand,5 the transition zone is lavishly decorated; the close tie between Tabriz (the major city during the Seljuq era) and Marand (the most important stop before Tabriz) would explain this aristocratic attitude.6 What differentiates the transition zone of this mosque with that of Urmia, however, is the continuously interlaced net of concaved niches along the circumference of the cubic dome chamber, which forge a structural unity and equilibrium. Thus, its structural safety is ample. On the contrary, the considerably greater diameter of Urmia mosque, in comparison with the Jami mosque of Marand, deprives such structural continuity. Thus in the Jami mosque of Urmia, the walls are vulnerable to the downward thrust of the walls. Although the 2 3 4 5 6

Although the external appearance of this building is a cylindrical shape, the internal space is square. It might be suggested that the small samples like Gonbad-e-Sorkh and Borj-e-Modavar serve scale models for the bigger domes. Unfortunately, the transition zone of this mosque has been coated with plaster during the recent restorations. Here, the total form of the dome has vanished in the course of the history. The authenticity of this theory remains questionable if we keep in mind that during the Mongol rule, a highly-decorated stucco Mihrab was added to this mosque.

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Figure 7a The Transition Zone of the Jami Mosque of Urmia, ©/photo by: Amin Moradi.

Figure 7b Marand Mosque; An Interchanged Set of Conical Niches in the Transition Zone, ©/photo by: Amin Moradi.

Figure 7c Design Strategy of Transition Zone and its Response to Thrust in the Jami Mosque of Marand (left) and Qazvin (right). The Single Frame is on the Verge of Collapse, ©/photo and drawing by: Amin Moradi.

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

25

application of the unilateral brick in both cases provides the single resistance against compression, a homogeneous appearance of transition zone of Marand (Fig. 7b) would reflect a better resistance in comparison with the discontinuous and heterogeneous one of Urmia. Thus, in Marand, in technical terms, the arches are hyper-static or redundant.

The Alborz School Not far from the north-western Iran, a cluster of unique Seljuq buildings, encompassing three mosques in Gazvin (509/1130 AD), Sujas (5th/11th century AD), Qorva (575/1196 AD), and seven towers of Toghrol (534/1155 AD), Kharragan (Eastern 460/1081 AD, Western 486/1107 AD), Mehmandust (490/1111 AD), Chehel-Dokhtaran (464/1085 AD), Lajim (443/1064 AD), and Damavand (6th century AD), constitute the second powerful school of the 5th/11th century AD, stretching from the eastern-most point of the north-western Iran to Raga (an important capital of the Seljuqs) and its surrounding, the distribution of which is in parallel with the Alborz mountains, from which is derived the Alborz school. Although the dome chambers of the mosques of Qorva (5.5 m) and Sujas (9.2 m) are noticeably small, that of Qazvin (15.2 m) is comparable with the Isfahan mosque (15 m) (Hillenbrand 1976) (Table 2). A purely different architectural programme appears in the Toghrol tower, of which the diameter (16 m) exceeds the norm with the help of circular plan, thus well-deserved to be called mega-structure (Moradi 2018: 97). Like polyhedron structures of north-western Iran, geometric principles conveniently offer a certain guarantee for the stability of the transition zones of Kharragan, Mehmandust, and Damavand without overwhelming static challenges. Although this issue is a matter of debate,7 the influence of the Sassanid models of transition zone in this region is irrefutable. The model of a pointed frame supported by two concave niches,8 a feature that had not hitherto existed in the north-western Iran, recall similar structural precedents of the Ardashir palace, Niasar temple, and Sarvestan royal building. There, a ring of smaller arches is employed at the uppermost level of the transition zone, which is the defining feature of this school. In spite of the fact that this technique is famed exclusively along the Alborz mountains, the absence of this model in 7

8

Byzantine structures were of crucial importance to the deformation of early Islamic samples (Yildiz 2011). Along with Perso-Islamic traditions, however, Anatolia had a strong Byzantine and Armenian Christian heritage, which emerged with Central Asian Turkic nomadic, northern Mesopotamian, and Crusader cultures. The exchange and synthesis of these different traditions is vividly reflected in Seljuq architecture and art (Galdieri 1984). The most common interpretation for this physical appearance lies in what should be titled as the “Architectural Obligation”, since the simplest method to fill the distance between the crown of the pointed frame and edges with masonry will create such a geometry.

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the other parts of Iran would be enough to identify it as a conspicuous characteristic of this regional school. Table 2 Architectural Similarities of the Transition Zones between the Sassanid Period and the Alborz School of the Seljuq Period. Building

Ardestan palace

Sarvestan palace

Niasar temple

Gazvin mosque

Qorva mosque

Sujas mosque

Sassanid transition zone

Seljuq transition zone in Alborz school

What is fascinating about this school is the close height/width fraction of the pointed frames of the transition zones of Qorva (1:1.3), Sujas (1:1.4), and Gazvin (1:1.36). The fraction appears to be a static rule; failure to observe this rule, that is, increase in verticality without increase in buttress, would cause severe damage, including buckling, displacement, and deformation. In the case of thrust distribution, two distinguished approaches were employed in north-western Iran and the Alborz school. To understand the approaches, it is necessary to understand the distribution of force. As figure 7c shows, the transmission of force to counter thrust is a real contradiction in Marand and Qazvin mosques. One cannot be sure that the overall form of transition zone of the Alborz school is more than a modified version of the Sassanid retaining techniques (Fig. 7c, right). Although this method might save masonry, the thrust lies within the thickness of the pointed frame. Here, the main

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

27

threat arises from the fact that a single arch is unsafe, in particular when the structure grows in size. On the contrary, an inter-tangled set of concave arches in Marand mosque is not only safe, but it also is conducive to surplus: the increase of these units would ease the transmission of thrust to the most loaded parts (in general the bearing walls) without a diminution of the safety (Fig. 7c, left). The characteristics of the dome chambers in the north-western Iran and the Alborz school do not necessarily warrant a lofty elevation owing to some architectural obstacles related to the composition of the transition zone. The limited maximum height of approximate 10 m (Urmia mosque) of dome chambers in north-western Iran might have reflected the lack of the safety efficiency for larger proportions in this region. However, the successful combination of the above-mentioned techniques lead to new patterns of equilibrium that appeared in central Iran, where a very large percentage of high-rise structures impose a substantial change in the theory of structure.

The Central Iran School The intriguing forces behind the rise of lofty structures in central Iran (Morsalpour 2017) made the quality enhancement of the transition zone central to the construction technology. Hence, this region gained the reputation as an axis of highly proportional buildings in comparison with the two aforementioned schools (Moradi/Omrani 2019). It gave impetus to further development of the transition zone, focusing on the combination of the triangular shoulder arches and the pointed frame. This synthetic approach injected life into the Iranian architecture after the stop-start campaign of the early Islamic ages, when architectural projects were halted when Arab Muslims first attacked the Sassanid territory in 633 AD. Apparently, the combination was first attempted in Isfahan, where a fine example of this type is presented in the south-eastern (Nizam-al Mulk) and north-eastern (Taj-al Mulk) domes of Isfahan mosque, built in 464/1072 AD and 480/1088 AD respectively. Here, the squinch comprises four niches, of which the central one upholds the barrel vault, whereas the lateral niches retain the pointed chamber. Above the octagon proper is a sixteen-sided area beneath the base of the hemispherical dome itself; the latter solution like a “squinch net” enriches the transition zone, and the whole complex is used to stabilise the pointed frame (Carrillo 2016). In most cases each lobe comprises a series of sub-squinches, also lobed, which increase the depth of the squinch and constitute an array of facets set at different angles (Hillenbrand 1976); and they distribute the vertical load of the dome. The more lobes the transition zone comprises the more stability the shoulder arch net guarantees (Moradi/Omrani 2019: 87). Although Gazvin mosque does not have tie with Isfahan mosque, the enhanced transition zone and the rib framework supporting the dome qualify it as a lambent sophistication of the dome of the Isfahan mosque (Fig. 8).

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Figure 8 Comparison of Seljuq Dome Chambers in Central Iran and North-western Iran with Attention to the Construction Technique of Transition Zone; a: Nizam-al Mulk’s Dome; b: Barsian’s Jami Mosque; c: Ardestan’s Jami Mosque; d: Golpayegan’s Jami Mosque; e: Taj-al Mulk’s Dome; f: Qazvin’s Jami Mosque; g: Urmia’s Jami Mosque; h: Qorveh’s Jami Mosque; i: Sojas’s Jami Mosque, ©/drawing by: Amin Moradi.

The revival of the combination of the transition zone and the triangular shoulder arches immediately became predominant in central Iran. Besides domed mosques in Isfahan, the application of this synthetic method to Ardestan mosque (555/1176 AD), Zavare mosque (530/1151 AD), Barsiyan mosque (498/1119 AD), and Golpayegan mosque (512/1133 AD) warrants us to consider that the simple shoulder arches (north-western Iran) and the single pointed arch (Alborz school) was hybridised in central Iran. In this school, although each building is a successful experiment, the height to diameter fraction of the transition zone of the Nizam–al Mulk’s dome (1:2.4) makes it the most ambitious imperial project (Table 3). Table 3 Transition Zones of Seljuq Dome Chambers. Mosque

Date (AD)

Nizam- al Mulk

1094

Section

Picture

Transition zone

Maximum Height (m)

Height/ Diameter (m)

squinch + shoulder arches

5.77

2.41

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture Mosque

Date (AD)

Taj- al Mulk

Section

Picture

29

Transition zone

Maximum Height (m)

Height/ Diameter (m)

1102

squinch + shoulder arches

5.82

1.90

Ardestan

1176

squinch + shoulder arches

5.10

2.13

Zavareh

1151

squinch + shoulder arches

5.32

2.12

Barsian

1119

squinch + shoulder arches

5.13

2.14

Golpayegan

1133

squinch + shoulder arches

5.90

2.40

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Mosque

Date (AD)

Qazvin

Section

Picture

Transition zone

Maximum Height (m)

Height/ Diameter (m)

1130

squinch (single frame)

4.80

1.56

Qorveh

1196

squinch (single frame)

3.92

1.79

Sojas

5th  century

squinch (single frame)

3.88

1.80

Marand

1106

shoulder arches

3.2

demolished

Urmia

1297

shoulder arches

3.48

1.77

Development of Transition Zone in Seljuq Architecture

31

Conclusion The development of Seljuq architecture was revolutionary; an explosion of intellectual creativity, but it was not independent of pre-existing architectural techniques. From this point of view, the Seljuq transition zone was, in general, a development of the old pre-Seljuq system in response to the new demand of construction along the Silk Road. The higher structures of the Seljuq period require amenities, which the Sassanid techniques could not afford. As a result, Seljuq architects adapted the Sassanid techniques to regional circumstances and fostered regional schools. Although Hillenbrand states that no single school predominated throughout Iran during the Seljuq period, this understanding is actually the result of a cursory investigation of transition zones in the Seljuq era (Hillenbrand 1976). It is possible to conclude that, firstly, no dome has an absolutely regular programme for transition zone, and local architectural background determines the final appearance in various regions; secondly, no two regions share the same approach. Finally, in terms of approach towards transition zone, three schools encompassing the north-western Iran, Alborz, and central Iran can be sorted out. The local development of architectural approaches is characterised not by homogenisation but geo­graphical variation. The first school, which one may, for convenience, call the “Azerbaijan school”, features transition zone with interconnected concave niches. While this approach guaranties the distribution of thrust, it has its own limitations. A preliminary calculation seems to confirm that triangular lobes of this school never exceeds the norm of two layers; hence the architecture is noticeably small. The Alborz school presents an involuntary imitation of the Sassanid technique; the width to height ratio of the pointed frame of the transition zone seems to vary slightly around the 1:1.4. An architectural correction of aforementioned practices is necessary to achieve higher elevations. In Isfahan, the techniques of the other schools are integrated into one: the pointed frame and the shoulder arches are combined. Following the Isfahan school, an agile mechanism is ripe for the transition zone to reach higher elevations.

References

Bloom, J.M., The Introduction of the Muqarnas into Egypt, in: Grabar, O. (ed.), Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture, Vol. 5, 1988, 21–28. Bosworth, C.E. (ed.), Historic Cities of the Islamic World, Leiden, Boston 2007. Carrillo, A., The Sassanian Tradition in ʽAbbāsid Art: Squinch Fragmentation as the Structural Origin of the Muqarnas, Mirabilia 22/1/2016: 202–226. Creswell, K.A.C., The Muslim Architecture of Egypt, Charendon Press, Oxford 1952. Dietrich, H./O’Kane, B., Čahārṭāq, Encyclopædia Iranica, IV/6, 634–642. 1990. Available at: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cahartaq.

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Ettinghausen, R./Grabar, O., Arte y Arquitectura del Islam 650–1250, Cátedra, Madrid 1987. Galdieri, E. (ed.), Esfahan: Masgid-i Gum’a, IsMEO, Rome 1984. Godard, A., The Art of Iran, Praeger, New York 1965. Golchin, H./Kakhki, A.S./Jabalameli, A., Explanation of Geometrical System of Zone of Transition in Gonbad-e Sorkh in Comparison with Common Pattern of Seljuk’s Zone of Transition, Bagh-e Nazar 14/57/2018: 79–90. Grabar. O., La Formación del Arte Islámico, Cátedra, Madrid 1986. [1st ed. 1973. The Formation of Islamic Art. New Haven: Yale University Press]. Hillenbrand, R., Saljuq Dome Chambers in North-west Iran, Journal of Persian Studies 14/1976: 93–102. Huerta, S., Technical Challenges in the Construction of Gothic Vaults: The Gothic Theory of Structural Design, in: Construction Techniques in the Age of Historicism. From Theories of Gothic Structures to Building Sites in the 19th Century, Hirmer, Munich 2012. Maps, Iran, Islamic Republic, ecoi.net. Available at: https://www.ecoi.net/en/countries/islamicrepublic-of-iran/maps/?page=3. Mollaei, H./Yaghubpur, A.M./Attar, R.S., Geology and Geochemistry of Skarn Deposits in the Northern Part of Ahar Batholith, East Azerbaijan, NW Iran, Iranian Journal of Earth Sciences 1/1/2009: 15–34. Moradi, A./Omrani, B., The Review of the Ilkhanid Architecture in Northwest Iran, Research Institute of Cultural Heritage & Tourism (RICHT) – Iranian Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization (ICHHTO), Tehran 2019. Moradi, A., Recognition of the Architectural Form of Northwest Iran’s Placement, Research Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran 2018. Morsalpour, M., Reflection of Iranian Governance Pattern in Khaje Nizam Al-Mulks’ SiyâsatNàma, The International Journal of Humanities 24/4/2017: 43–57. Pirniya, M.K., Sabkshenasi-e Memari-e Irani [Typological Studies of Iraninan Architecture], Soroush-e-Danesh, Tehran 2008. Pope, A.U., Persian Architecture, Soroush Press, Iran 1982. Reber, F.V., History of Ancient Art, Translated by Clarke, J.T., Harper and Brothers, New York 1882. Safaeipour, H./Memariam, G.H./Bemanian, M.R., Understanding the Essence of Patkâné Vaulting through Analyzing Primitive Cases in Persian Architecture. Journal of Iranian architecture studies 3/5/2014: 5–19. Woolley, L., The Art of the Middle East Including Persia, Mesopotamia and Palestine, Translated by Keep, A.E., Crown Publishers, New York 1961. Yildiz, S.K., A Review of Byzantine Studies and Architectural Historiography in Turkey Today, METU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture 28/2/2011: 63–80. doi: 10.4305/metu.jfa.2011.2.3. Zaporozhets, V.M., The Seljuks, Translated by Nazarevskaia, K.A., Hannover 2012.

The Central Asian Wall Paintings of Simsim – A Conservation History at the Crossroads Between their Archaeological Site and the Contemporary Museum Context

Birgit Angelika Schmidt Abstract: The impressive rock-cut architecture of the former Buddhist Kingdom of Kucha is situated on the Northern Silk Road (in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, People’s Republic of China), and was partly decorated with colourful wall paintings and sculptures. It witnesses various cultural and trans-regional influences along the ancient Silk Roads and living Buddhism in that region between the 3rd to the 13th centuries CE. Due to the four royal Prussian expeditions conducted between 1902 and 1914 to the northern Silk Road, a large amount of wall paintings and other artefacts were brought to Berlin and are nowadays part of the collection at the ­Museum für Asiatische Kunst (Asian Art Museum). This project focuses on the state of preservation of some selected wall painting fragments, including conservational measures and insights. The respective work is accompanied by methods of visualising research results, so that these wall paintings can be exhibited to museum visitors in representing their history between the archaeological site in Central Asia and their collection history in Berlin. Keywords: architectural decoration, conservation, material sciences, reconstruction, wall paintings

Introduction – A Brief History Kucha is situated halfway between Turfan in the east and Kashgar in the west and includes the Buddhist monastic sites of Kizil, Kumtura, Subashi, Kum Arik, Dulder Akur and Simsim, among others. Surrounded by high mountains and situated on the northern edge of the Tarim Basin, the archaeological remains of the rock-cut and structural monastic settlements bear witness to the once flourishing Buddhist culture along the northern Silk Road between the 3rd to the 9th centuries CE. Nowadays, the ancient Buddhist sites still contain around 500 decorated cave temples, hewn into the cliff faces. These rock monasteries were monastic settlements planned to satisfy the physical and spiritual needs of larger or smaller communities of monks, and they reflect the various cultural and trans-regional influences along the ancient Silk Roads (Howard/Vignato 2015).

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Birgit Angelika Schmidt

Figure 1 Sites along the Silk Roads, adapted from: Meniconzi 2008.

In the course of archaeological expeditions at the beginning of the 20th century, art objects and cultural assets were transferred to various collections worldwide. The oasis town of Turfan was the first destination of the Prussian expedition in 1902 and defined the term “Turfan Expeditions” (1902–1914) for this and the following three German expeditions.

Methodology This project includes the research, documentation and mediation of the object history of selected Central Asian wall painting fragments within the collection of the Museum für Asiatische Kunst in Berlin. Their material, historical and artistic significance is to be examined by using methods from the field of conservation science and connect the results with related disciplines. Between their former archaeological site and the current museum context, soot-blackened wall paintings with their more than 100-years of museum history, should be examined. To what extent do historical relationships and perspectives determine conservation-restoration concepts and interventions and thereby, shape our images of “authen-

The Central Asian Wall Paintings Of Simsim

35

ticity”? For the first time, the wall paintings of the so-called Ritterhöhle (Simsim, Cave no. 40 in Chinese numbering), should be considered in relation to each other and in their original function as wall paintings within a Buddhist architectural ensemble. The particular circumstances of the sooting as well as possible visualisation and communication strategies, including the representation of their historical diversity, give this project considerable relevance. These fragments are currently not part of the recently opened exhibition space at the Humboldt Forum. It is impossible to understand or investigate these fragmentary works of art, without connecting the knowledge about their original finding and their collection history. The sculptural images and the wall paintings are to be seen as an iconographic unit. However, due to their removal from the architectural context and their transfer to different museums, both have lost their former architectural context. This aspect must be considered and presented in an exhibition.

The Cave Architecture of Simsim – A Case Study Within the frame of this project, the author investigates these questions by example, namely the archaeological site Simsim (marked red in Fig. 1), a rock-carved monastery in the old Buddhist Kingdom of Kucha. Once the sanctuary of a monastic community, this area is considered one of the most important sites in the region, as it had the highest density of decorated caves with paintings and sculptures. The exterior view of the Southern District of Simsim is representing cave no. 11 (marked red in Fig. 2), a monumental

Figure 2 Exterior View of the Southern District of Simsim, Showing the Cave Nos. 2–16, ©/ photo by: Birgit Angelika Schmidt 2014.

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Birgit Angelika Schmidt

Figure 3 Scheme of a Central Pillar Cave. (Left): Interior View of Cave No. 40 in Simsim, ©/ photo by: Birgit Angelika Schmidt 2014. (Right): Diagrammatic Representation, adapted from: Ghose 2008: Fig. 5.

image cave, that gave shelter to the colossal Buddha statue, a clay sculpture supported by a wooden armature. There are around 53 caves still preserved, but a systematic study of Simsim is still lacking (Howard/Vignato 2015). Special attention is put on the layout of a cave type with a pillar positioned centrally in the middle of these caves. The architecture is based on the pillar with a niche for the central Buddha statue in the middle. There is a main square chamber (cella) and a back section with a left and right corridor (Fig. 3). In their function and design, these were the places for worshipping Buddha in practising ritual activities, and only these caves were fully decorated with wall paintings. Fig. 3 (left) shows the condition of the interior space of that cave no. 40 in 2014. Large parts of the wall paintings were detached in the course of the German expeditions and are nowadays in Berlin. The survey and study of a single cave is impossible without the investigation of the archaeological site in all its complexity. Even before the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949, Chinese scholars began to ascertain what material was still available in situ from 1928 onwards (Huang 1958; Yan 1962; Ding 1993; Howard/Vignato 2015: 14). The focus of this study is put on the accompanying materials that are available in Berlin. In the first part of this work, an inventory was necessary, as well as providing an object catalogue of those wall painting fragments within the Berlin collection, that once belonged to cave no. 40 at the archaeological site of Simsim. The documentation of the wall paintings that remained in situ, was also part of this project, next to a survey of those

The Central Asian Wall Paintings Of Simsim

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Figure 4 Wall Painting Fragment with the Inventory No. IB 9184, Photo Id. B 0066, Lost in the Second World War, © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst.

wall paintings that entered the Russian collection, brought to Saint Petersburg by the Red Army after the Second World War. Moreover, 50% of the Central Asian collection has been destroyed during the war, and not only the artworks were damaged, also the handwritten recordings like plans, maps and expedition diaries belong to the war losses. Thus, there are huge gaps in the documentation of the museum and collection history. In studying old photographs from the expeditions, documents, focusing on the museum and collection history (De Gruyter 1929) and the so called Dokumentation der Verluste (Dreyer/Sander/Weis 2002) dealing with the lost objects in the Second World War, it was possible in some cases to assign and identify objects that once belonged to the Ritterhöhle. Fig. 4 shows the wall painting fragment, after which the cave was named by its Prussian explorers. It represents a kneeling knight and is considered a loss of war. Colleagues from the State Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg kindly provided photos of fragments that entered their collection in 1945. In attempt to visualise and recontextualise these fragments in their former architectural context, so far, it was only possible to assign three paintings to the left and right side walls of the main chamber of cave no. 40 (Fig. 5). This assignment was also possible

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Birgit Angelika Schmidt

Figure 5 Location of the Detached Wall Paintings within their Architectural Context in situ. Left Wall: Inventory Nos. III 438 and III 8919. Right Wall: Inventory No. III 8917, ©/photo by: Birgit Angelika Schmidt 2018.

due to the degree of soot deposits on the surfaces. Towards the ceiling, the wall paintings show a stronger soot layer. This is based on the fact that smoke rises and carries the soot particles contained therein. Based on the research of Ines Konczak-Nagel, the side walls of the cella contained two registers of paintings with “Tocharian B” labels above them written in Brāhmī in northern Turkistan. Grünwedel, the German expedition leader detached and brought them to Berlin. At the beginning of the 1970s, the former Museum of Indian Art in Berlin commissioned the cleaning of the black sooted paintings – in the course of this, infrared photographs were taken from a wall painting fragment (inventory no. III 438). This enabled Klaus T. Schmidt, an expert in Tocharian languages, to read and translate the inscriptions. He was also able to read the parts of the inscriptions in the upper image register on the right side wall, destroyed during the Second World War (inventory no. III 8917) from pre-war photographs. It turned out that the inscriptions provide information on how the bodhisattva performed a salutary act in various existences and then received the prophecy of his future Buddhahood (Konczak 2014). Wall paintings are no longer completely preserved today because they were partially destroyed in the Second World War. The paintings on the right side wall have the inventory no. III 8917, and the paintings on the left side wall have the inventory nos. III 438 and III 8919. There is also a smaller fragment from the cave with the inventory no. III 437 which is not shown here in the picture.

The Central Asian Wall Paintings Of Simsim

39

Since, according to Grünwedel, the pictures adorned the side walls of the cella in two registers, the wall paintings with the inventory nos. III 438 and III 8919, each containing only one row, must have been on the same wall (Grünwedel 1912: 183). It is very likely that the more sooted painting, inventory no. III 438, formed the upper one of the two registers, because on the painting with inventory no. III 8919, it Figure 6 Cross Section (Optical Microscope) of is clearly visible that the soot increases a Sample from a Red Paint Layer. Detail of Fragupwards. ment from Inventory No. III 438, ©/photo by: Konczak-Nagel states that the diBirgit Angelika Schmidt 2016. rection of the Buddha’s view could give an indication concerning the wall – the original location of the paintings. Assessed from an iconographic point of view, it can therefore be assumed, that the Buddhas in the series of prophecies depicted on the side walls looked in the direction of the cult image. Based on this, the wall paintings, inventory nos. III 8919 and III 438, on which the Buddhas look in the left direction, were on the left side wall and the two-register painting, inventory no. III 8917, on which the Buddhas look in the right direction, were on the right side wall (Konczak 2014: 172). In addition to their original position in the interior space of the cave, their black sooted condition is of interest too. In this specific case study, there is a very clear secondary source that proves, that the Simsim rock monastery or parts of it, revealed an almost complete destruction at the period of its re-discovery. The German scholar explorers found an abandoned scenario, when they discovered this site at the beginning of the 20th century. In the expedition diaries, there is a detailed description of the valley saying that everywhere are traces of fire, ashes and charred beams beneath the sands (Grünwedel 1912: 181). These notes document that some caves in the Simsim were already soot blackened when the Germans arrived, but they detached the paintings in this condition due to their high artistic quality. This reference is confusing, because it leads to the idea that maybe a fire scenario, that means a single historical circumstance, has caused that appearance. However, cross sections (Fig. 6) can prove, that beneath the black soot layer, a bright paint layer is visible, that means, there has not been a direct heating of the painting, otherwise colour changes would have been going on. This example shows how important it is to consider soot as a source of information.

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Birgit Angelika Schmidt

Conclusions In regarding soot as a source of information, it is possible to clearly state, namely, that there is a connection between the function of an individual cave within the Buddhist complex in dependency on the soot on the surface of its wall paintings. In addition, there must be a dependency between soot and the location of a cave on site, because this layer has been found only in the northern district of Simsim, where caves were used for religious and ritual practices. These rituals, as any other human activity, have left their mark on the caves. From an aesthetic point of view, soot is not beautiful at all, but it should be regarded as a part of the history of the object. Discussions from the past, dealing with methods for cleaning the painting surfaces by removing the soot layers, are therefore obsolete. These observations coincide with the research results of Vignato who considers every single cave as a part of an inter-related system: The rock monasteries of the ancient Kingdom of Kucha were monastic settlements planned to satisfy the physical and spiritual needs of larger or smaller communities of monks. Moreover, in his systematic study of the main rock monasteries he has revealed, that each of them responded to the three-fold needs of the residential community, namely: to provide living facilities, worship spaces, and areas specifically planned for meditation. The percentage of decorated caves in each monastery varies, but they are less than a third of the total number. It was in these decorated caves that most of the ritual activity took place (Howard/Vignato 2015). Therefore, the author can clearly state, that the cave no. 40 of this case study, had to fulfil this purpose, and this is an important aspect that should be brought up when exhibiting these wall paintings. The fragmentary condition of the wall paintings, the loss of their original function and the associated new role within a museum collection, as well as the particular circumstance of the sooty depictions of the images, thus define the subject of the research. This is the only way to enable further research on historical and cultural backgrounds and contexts.

Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the organisers of the conference in Tabriz, Prof. Gabriela Krist and Prof. Liangren Zhang and their teams for the invitation. Further thanks to Dr. Lilla Russell-Smith, Ines Buschmann and Mag. Art Toralf Gabsch at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst in Berlin for their helpful support and their supervision. I am also very grateful to Dr. Ines Konczak-Nagel and Prof. Giuseppe Vignato for fruitful discussions.

The Central Asian Wall Paintings Of Simsim

References

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De Gruyter, W., Führer durch das Museum für Völkerkunde, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. 19te Auflage, Berlin 1929. Ding, M., 丁明夷, Ji liangchu dianxing de Qiuci shiku – Senmusaimu yu Keziergaha shiku 记 两处典型的龟兹石 窟-森木塞姆与克孜尔尕哈石窟 [Record of Two Typical Rock-carved Caves Sites in Kuča – Simsim and Qizil Qargha], in: Xinjiang Qiuci shiku yanjiusuo (ed.), Quci fojiao wenhua lunji 龟兹佛教文化论集 [Collected Essays on Kuča Buddhist Culture], Urumqi, Xinjiang meishu sheying chubanshe, 1993, 356–378. Dreyer, C./Sander, L./Weis, F. (eds.), Verzeichnis seit 1945 vermisster Bestände der ehemaligen Indischen Abteilung des Museums für Völkerkunde, des heutigen Museums für Indische Kunst. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Dokumentation der Verluste III, Berlin 2002. Ghose, R. (ed.), The Kizil Caves: Date, Art, and Iconography, in: Kizil on the Silk Road: Crossroads of Commerce and Meeting of Minds, Bombay: Marg Publications, 2008: 41–65. Grünwedel, A., Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chinesisch-Turkistan. Bericht über Archäologische Arbeiten von 1906 bis 1907 bei Kuča, Qarašahr und in der Oase Turfan, Berlin 1912. Howard, A.F./Vignato, G. (eds.), Archaeological and Visual Sources of Meditation in the Ancient Monastries of Kuča, Leiden 2015. Huang, W., 黄文弼, Talimu pendi kaogu ji 塔里木盆地考古记 [Archaeological Report on the Tarim Basin], Beijing, Kexue chubanshe, 1958. Konczak, I., Praṇidhi-Darstellungen an der Nördlichen Seidenstraße: Das Bildmotiv der Prophezeiung der Buddhaschaft Śākyamunis in den Malereien Xinjiangs, Ketsch bei Mannheim, 2014. Meniconzi, A., Hidden China: Auf den Spuren alter Traditionen, Potsdam 2008. Schmidt, B.A., Fragmentary Works of Art from the Simsim Grottoes – Methods of Analysing Detached Wall Paintings from Cave number 40 under Special Consideration of Resting Soot Deposits, in: Krist, G./Zhang, L. (eds.), Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road, Vienna 2018, 83–93. Yan, W., 阎文儒, Xinjiang Tianshan yi nan de shiku 新疆天山以南的石窟 [Caves South of the Tianshan Mountains in Xinjiang], Wenwu 8–9, 1962, 41–59.

The Wall Inscriptions of Sefīdāb Caravanserai and Recognition of a Sub-Route of the Silk Road in Iran

Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani Abstract: Kashan, which has long been a crucial city on commercial roads, is home to numerous caravansaries. The Sefīdāb caravanserai, located on the north-east of Namak Lake, is about 40 km from Maranjab. On the plaster walls of the caravanserai’s Shāhneshīn room, there are tens of wall inscriptions of the Qajar period. Remaining inscriptions, dating from 1817–1892 AD (1232–1310 AH), were written by those who passed by. In this article, readable wall inscriptions are studied to determine the origins and destinations of travellers and to clarify the purposes of their travel. It appears that, along with pilgrims to Mashhad, traders from southern Iran also took this path to transport their merchandise. Located on a historic north-south route, a branch of the Silk Road, it enabled the exchange of goods between the northern and southern regions of Iran. Keywords: Kashan; Qajar period; Sefīdāb caravanserai; Silk Road; wall inscription

Introduction Kashan is located not only on the south-north Iranian highway connecting Rey and the cities of Isfahan, Shiraz, Yazd, Kerman, and the Persian Gulf, but also on the east-west highway in the north of Iran, which was a section of the Silk Road. In addition, Kashan was a centre of industrial production for centuries and its products have been transferred to other parts of Iran and the world through the two highways and other regional roads (Pirnia/Afsar 1991: 19, 65–88). Due to its geographical location and cultural and industrial significance, Kashan was an important node of main roads in West Asia. According to archaeological excavations at the sites of Sialk and Arisman, it maintained economic and cultural exchange with surrounding areas for thousands of years (Ghirshman 1995: 26). The existence of these roads has long led to the formation of road-side facilities, many of which have survived from the Seljuk (1037–1194), Safavid (1501–1736), and Qajar (1794–1925) periods. One of them is the Ahmadābād caravanserai in the desert of the north of Fayzabad, which was built by Moʿīn al-Dīn Ahmad-i Kāshī, the minister of Sultan Sanjar in the Seljuk period. The other caravansaries of San San near Meshkāt, Gabrābād in Qamasr, Tutmāj between Kashan and Natanz, as well as those of Abūzaydābād,

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Maranjāb, and Vazīr around Kashan, were built in the Safavid through the Qajar period. In this article, the wall inscriptions of Sefīdāb caravanserai will be interpreted to clarify the origins and destinations of travellers and their careers.

Kashan And The Sefīdāb Caravanserai Kashan was an important centre for pottery and tile production during the Seljuk and Ilkhanid (1256–1335) periods (Watson 1985). During the Safavid period, the city became increasingly important for the south-north highway of Iran, as it accrued a special significance after the transfer of the capital from Qazvin to Isfahan. On the one hand, silk and textile industries received a lot of attention during this period, and on the other, it was located on the capital’s route to eastern Iran and Mashhad. More or less, most of the Safavid Kings travelled to Kashan and stayed in the city for some time.

Figure 1 Sefīdāb Caravanserai and the Historic Routes, adapted from: Kleiss 1982, © Athar Journal/map by: Wolfram Kleiss.

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Figure 2 Plan of Sefīdāb Caravanserai, adapted from: Kleiss 1982, © Athar Journal/plan by: Wolfram Kleiss.

To facilitate the travel of the Safavid Kings to Mashhad, and to shorten the distance from the cities in the Isfahan area to the north-east of the country, a way on the eastern side of the Namak lake, which had cut through the swampy and salt marsh area till the late Qajar period (Vafa 2002: 77, 321; Della Valle 1991: 147), was revived by Shah Abbas; in the meantime several caravanserais and paved roads were installed (Fig. 1). To date a number of caravanserais of the Safavid period, including Sefīdāb, ʿAyn alRashīd, Ghaṣr-i Bahrām, Maranjāb, and a ruined caravanserai near the Dastkan well to the south-east of the lake, are known. In this article, one of these caravanserais is examined with a focus on some pieces of written materials, including travellers’ memorabilia and inscriptions. It appears that in the last period of its usage, this caravanserai, apart from facilitating the pilgrims of Mashhad, connected people from the Persian Gulf region with the Silk Road. The Sefīdāb caravanserai is located to the north-east of the Namak Lake, about 40 km to the east of Maranjāb. The building is made of stone and brick, and its inner walls are plastered with a strip of decoration. The shape of the arches, the numerous niches, and the symmetry of the building bespeak of its elegance and the taste of its builders (Figs. 2, 3). The decorative composition of black stones in brick frames gives a special effect to the caravanserai. On the plastered walls of the shāhneshīn or the main room (Fig. 3), there are dozens of wall inscriptions of the Qajar period that are sometimes related to the pilgrims who went from Kashan and its adjacent communities to Mashhad. Some of them date back to more than two hundred years ago. The most beautiful and most important text

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Figure 3 The Shāhneshīn or the Main Room of the Sefīdāb Caravanserai, © Authors/photo by: Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi.

found at the caravanserai is related to the story of the dispatch of some agents by Sahām al-Salṭaneh ʿĀmerī to pursue the bandits of the property of Mashhad’s pilgrims.

A Review of the Content of the Wall Inscriptions On the walls of the shāhneshīn, there are many inscriptions. Some of them are legible. This paper presents the inscriptions that are old and legible in the photos, referring to the photo numbers, which altogether count up to 21:

Photo number 1 “On the twentieth day of Dhul Hijjah al-Haram[,] the humble servant of God[,] Mirza Javad and Abolhassan[,] Ali Askar and Karbalāie Ismail Jahromī entered this place[,] in the year 1243 [AH]” (1827 AD). “The memo of Mulla ʿAbbas[,] Hājī Ali Akbar son of Hajī Abolhassan Jahrom[,] in the year 1250 [AH]” (1834 AD). “The humble servant of God, Fathullāh son of Mashhadī Ganjī and Hajī Bābā Residing in Fasa[,] in the year 1270 [AH]” (1854 AD). Other memos in the years 1817, 1859 and 1925 AD (1232, 1276 and 1344 AH) were signed by “Mahābādī” (Fig. 4.1). The names “Karbalāie Ismail Jahromī” and “Hājī Abolhassan Jahrom” refer to the travellers who came from Jahrom; and Hajī Bābā obviously came to this place from Fasa – all

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from the south of Iran and Fars province. But all other wall inscriptions have Mahābādī’s signature, who must be a person from Mahabad of Ardestan, a city near Kashan.

Photo number 2 Another memo of Fathullāh: “In the year 1270 [AH] [1854 AD] the humble servant of God[,] Fathullāh son of Mashhadī Ganjī and Hajī Bābā[,] 1st of Muharram al-Haram we entered this noble place[,] the humble servant of God[,] Shirazi [from Shiraz] and resident of ...”. The person who wrote on the wall is Fathullāh, who introduced himself as someone from Shiraz. In the right-hand corner, there is also the name “Shekārbān” meaning “wildlife manager” and the date, 1975 AD (1354 PC1) (Fig. 4.2). Figure 4.1

Figure 4.2

1

By the Persian calendar.

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Photo number 3 A part of a poem and a name above the text say: “I am going to the ruler to talk about sadness of separation and heartbreak [...] Tabatabai”; and then “the memo of Āsed (Āghā Seyyed) Muhammad son of Agha Seyyed Hussein Hajī Mahmūd [...] on Friday 3rd of Jamadi al-Avval [...] sincerely Hajī Ghulām Hussein in the year 1283 [AH]” (13 September 1866 AD). Underneath that piece is another inscription from the year (1253 AH) “The memo of Muhammad Ali son of Hajī Ghulām ʿAbbās Zavareh, pilgrim of Imam Reza in the year 1253 [AH]”2 (1837 AD) (Fig. 4.3). The authors of the first and second wall inscriptions do not mention where they were from, and there is no sign of any city or place in their names. But the author of the third wall inscription, Mohammad Ali, son of Hajī Ghulām ʿAbbās Zavareh, as suggested by his name, must have been from Zavareh, somewhere near Kashan.

Photo number 4

Figure 4.3

2

At the top of the text “year 1300 [AH]” (1883 AD) and below it are the two lines “the humble servant of God al-Hāj Ismail son of Ahmad (probably) entered this place[,] I stayed over night[,] may God bless the founder”; another memo “... Mīr Mohammad Ali son of late Mīr Ali Naghī in the month of Dhū al-Qa ‘dah and year 1276 [AH]” (1860 AD). Over these texts, from the following years 1962 AD (1341 PC) and beyond, some phrases with unpleasant handwriting and memos have been written, and possibly satirical phrases, by a person from Ardestan. Also, “The memo of Hassan Ali Shah Muhammad in the year 1273 [AH]” (1857 AD) (There is doubt on the decimal part) (Fig. 4.4). Except for the person from Ardestan, it is not clear where others who have written on the wall are from.

Probably instead of 5, the number is 8; it means the year 1283 which is the same date as the memo above it.

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Figure 4.4

Photo number 5 A piece of poem about death and departure and an inscription: “Memo of Mūsā Khān Arab Ali [...] son of Hussein Khān in the year 1243 [AH]” (1828 AD) (Fig. 4.5).

Photo number 6 “Written by Abdullah the son of Muhammad Ali [...] in the month of Rabiʿ al-Avval, in the year 1301 or [1]131 [AH]” (1884 or 1719 AD). A more recent one is: “Memo of Qasim Asadi dated [13]29/6/18 [PC]” (9 September 1950 AD) (Fig. 4.6).

Photo number 7 This piece contains three phrases, two of which are written on the right, side by side. One of them is: “Written by Muhammad Ali Muhammad Reza Muhammad Najaf [sic!] Anārakī[,] known as Farhang[,] keep me in your prayers[,] in the year 1310 [AH]” (1893 AD). Also, next to it is a phrase from the same person: a piece of poem regarding writing about love and separation, “written by Farhang Anārakī.” On the left is a memo probably left by a son of Muhammad Ali who wrote the previous memo on the same date: “Written by Abdullāh the son of Muhammad Ali Hājī Abdullāh Anārakī, Hāj [probably] M ­ uhammad Ismail, Hāj Muhammad Ibrahim[,] in the year 1310 [AH]” (1893 AD) (Fig. 4.7). Based on the suffix of the name, it is clear that Mohammad Ali is from Anarak, a small town on the way from Nain to Tabas. In another inscription, the names of the son and two others are mentioned. They possibly lived in Anarak as well.

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Photo number 8 A piece of poem about life and its difficulties. This inscription has no date, but above it, another inscription mentions a name with bold letters, of which the initial part is incomprehensible, but it is followed by the suffix “Alishah”. The name may be reconstructed as “Khijak Alishah”;3 and inside it, the name of Hussein Sarsari (probably) and the date 1882 AD (1299 AH) is found, and beneath it, on the left, is a piece of poem by Khayyam (Fig. 4.8).

Photo number 9 “I am Muhammad Jaʿfar Qārūni with Mirza Hajī Heydari and Mahdi Hajī Muhammad[,] On 1353/14 [،] 19[,]4 we came for a trip[,] What a dangerous land[,] and it is a terrifying place[,] I am amazed by the explanations we have given and the destruction of this monument and the ignorance to rituals [...] especially Mustufī al-Mamālik [...] [sic!] Wrote a brief note” (Fig. 4.9).

Photo number 10 A word, and below that is the number 1252, which must be the year (1836 AD). Also below that, a part is written in very good handwriting, “The humble servant of God, Muhammad Maʿsūm in1238 [AH]” (1823 AD). On the left side of the block is also part of a memo: “Memo [...] Sangsari [...]” (Fig. 4.10). People listed in the wall inscriptions in figures 4.8, 4.9, and 4.10 cannot be assigned to a city or place based on their writings or names.

Photo number 11 The most beautiful and most important text is related to the story of sending an agent to chase thieves of properties of Mashhad’s pilgrims: “There is a piece of poem that wishes everyone a good time in this mortal word[.] Today is Saturday, 24th of Rabī al-Thānī (August 14th), by the order of His Excellency and Majesty... Sahām al-Saltaneh Arab5 accompanied with Moqarrab al-Khāqān [...] [and] the Colonel[,] we sent to chase the 3 ʿImad al-Din Sheikh al-Hokamaie has suggested “Khājeh/Khujeh/Khījeh/Khījak Ali Shah” for this name. 4 That is how it is mentioned in the text. 5 Mostafa Qolī Khān Sahām al-Saltaneh (died in 1306 AH) was from the rulers of Ardestan. For a while, he was the governor of Yazd and then Kashan. After his death, the title of Sahām al-Saltaneh was given to his son, Mirza Hussein Khan (Soleimani 2000: 83).

The Wall Inscriptions of Sefīdāb Caravanserai and Recognition of a Sub-Route of the Silk Road in Iran

Figure 4.5

Figure 4.6

Figure 4.7

51

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Figure 4.8

Figure 4.9

Figure 4.10

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thieves who ambushed the pilgrims from Kashan and stole their properties[,] hopefully and by the will of God[,] we can find the thieves[.] memo from the humble servants of god[,] Muhammad Khan, successor of late Qazi Muhammadreza Arab-i Ardestani […] The humble servant of god, Saham al-Saltaneh Muhammad […] in 1285 [AH]” (1868 AD) (Fig. 4.11). This inscription shows that people from Kashan used to go to Mashhad for a pilgrimage of Imam Reza through this path. Figure 4.11

Photo number 12 Some memos are written above, but they are not readable enough: “[...] Memo of Seyyed Mahdi son of Seyyed Muhammad”; and a clearer memo in the picture: “The humble servant of God, Ali Naqī son of [...] Larī” but no date (Fig. 4.12). One of the wall inscriptions refers to a man named Ali Naqī, who came from Lar in southern Iran.

Photo number 13 “A memo of the humble servant of God[,] [...] Mullā Hussein son of late [...] Ismail resident of the village [...] Ardestan in the year 1296 [AH]” (1879 AD) (Fig. 4.13). It is clear that the mentioned person came from a village in Ardestan near Kashan.

Photo number 14 A short written memo that is part of a name cannot be read accurately: “The humble servant of God[,] ʿAbd al-Rahīm son of [...] Hājī [...] in the year 1251 [AH]” (1835 AD) (Fig. 4.14). It is not clear where he is from.

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Photo number 15 A piece of poem which is about love and distance: “Memo of Muhammad Ali son of Hājī Akbar Mahābādī” (Fig. 4.15). According to his father’s name, Mohammad Ali must have been from Mahābād, Ardestan, somewhere near Kashan.

Photo number 16 “Memo of Seyyed Muhammad Tāher in 1283 [AH]” (1866 AD) (Fig. 4.16).

Photo number 17 Two wall inscriptions are included in this block. Above is the phrase “The humble servant of God[,] Kazem son of Muhammad Reza Khāledābādi in 1280 [AH]” (1863 AD). Below is written: “The humble servant of God[,] Muhammad Ismail son of Muhammad Rafiʿ Khān ʿAmeri [sic!] 19th of Jamadi al-Avval in the year 1[…].” The main part of the date in the second inscription is gone, but from the similarities one can infer that both dates written in the two inscriptions are related to the same time. Also to the left of the block there is an incomplete inscription: “Memo of Kabīr son of Mūhammad [...]” (Fig. 4.17).

Photo number 18 It seems to be a piece of poem, but only the second part is rhythmic. This part is about good days and receiving good news. There are some texts at the top right of the image, but there is no relation between the words, and the meaning is indistinct (Fig. 4.18). Figure 4.12

The Wall Inscriptions of Sefīdāb Caravanserai and Recognition of a Sub-Route of the Silk Road in Iran

Figure 4.13

Figure 4.14

Figure 4.15

55

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Figure 4.16

Figure 4.17

Figure 4.18

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Figure 4.19

Figure 4.20

It is not clear from the texts and names in the wall inscriptions of figures 4.16, 4.17, and 4.18 of which cities and areas the writers are from.

Photo number 19 “Hājī Muhammad son of [...] Jahromī” (Fig. 4.19). That must have been a person from the city of Jahrom.

Photo number 20 Ali Yāghī’s name has been repeatedly mentioned in the wall inscriptions, including: “Memo of Ali Jān Yāghī.” This memo is important for estimating the situation of this area (Fig. 4.20).

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Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi, Hamidreza Jayhani

Photo number 21 Some inscriptions are written only for entertainment and copied from the earlier inscriptions in bold letters. They are not very comprehensible, and an incomplete false phrase must have been transcribed from Inscription number 9: “At the service of his excellency Mr. Mostof Al-Malalek (instead of Mostofi Al-Mamalak)” (Fig. 4.21). Figure 4.21

Figures 4.1–4.21: Wall inscriptions of Sefīdāb Caravanserai, © Authors/photos by: Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi.

Discussion and Conclusion The dates recorded in the inscriptions are very diverse. Many of them are of the Qajar period, some of the Pahlavi (1925–1979) period, and some of the recent years. But from the content of the recent ones, one knows that people may have passed this place for recreational purposes, or for professional purposes: they did not necessarily stay there. In fact, one can conclude from the history of inscriptions that the Sefīdāb caravanserai was used before the modern transportation facilities were installed. With the construction of new roads and the boom of machinery from the early Pahlavi period, this caravanserai lost its relevance. The earliest dates identifiable are 1817 and 1823 AD, with some inscriptions from 1884 and 1892 AD. Subsequent dates are more associated with hunters, government agents or tourists. The reason the inscriptions are not older than the 1810s is probably that slightly before the oldest inscriptions, the building was repaired and the walls were plastered. The content of Sefīdāb’s inscriptions can be explored in many ways, including geographical, historical, literary, anthropological context. One of the most important points that can be gained from these memos is the identities of the travellers that have passed this caravanserai. Among the many wall inscriptions, some are readable, and some of them

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Figure 5 Historic Routes of Iran, and the Routes’ Connection from South of Iran to Mashhad, adapted from: Kleiss 1982, © Athar Journal/map by: Wolfram Kleiss.

have location names, which either refer to their places of residence or constitute parts of their names. The names of the cities that are mentioned as residences or in travellers’ names are Ardestan, Mahabad-i Ardestan, Jahrom, Lar, Shiraz, Fasa, Zavareh, Anarak, and Kashan. Among these cities, Kashan and Ardestan are located near the Sefīdāb caravanserai, and their passengers were likely travelling to Mashhad to make pilgrimage. The pilgrimage also includes a group of pilgrims from Kashan who were attacked by robbers according to one of the wall inscriptions, and a group of officers headed to Mashhad through the same path in order to help them (Fig. 4.11). Another example was Mohammad Ali, the son of Hajī Ghulām ʿAbbās, who went to Mashhad in 1874 for pilgrimage. These and similar cases show that those who went to Mashhad from Kashan and Ardestan and the surrounding areas passed through the adjacent road of Sefīdāb caravanserai.

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Among the people, those who came to the caravanserai from far cities did not mention anything about Imam Reza and Mashhad, so they should have had another destination. The people of Anarak, Fasa, Shiraz, Lar, and Jahrom could have chosen another route to conduct the pilgrimage trip to Mashhad because there were better or closer routes to this destination from the southern regions. One of the most important roads passed Tabas and the adjacent areas, to reach Neishabour and finally Mashhad. Maxime Siroux has well introduced this path in the map of Iran’s historical routes (Fig. 5). For residents living in towns to the south of Nain (Naein in the map), the closest way to reach Mashhad was to take the road connecting Yazd to Robāt-i Bādām, further to Neishabour, and Mashhad directly or through Tabas, Tūn, and Kashmar. All these routes were much shorter for residents of southern areas such as Shiraz, Fasa, Lar, and Jahrom. Even the residents of Anarak had a shorter distance to reach Mashhad through the road between Yazd and Robāt-I Bādām or the road through ʿAbbāsābād and Bīyābānak in the middle of Dasht-i Kavir or the Great Salt Desert. None of the residents of the mentioned cities passed Sefīdāb to make pilgrimage to Mashhad. Therefore, travellers who settled in this place may have journeyed towards the eastwest highway. The distance between the places of residence of these travellers and the caravanserai and the fact that most were from southern Iran oblige us to conclude that the people were traders who brought goods from the Persian Gulf and its surrounding areas in southern Iran to the east-west highway, that is, the Silk Road. They traded and exchanged goods there and, possibly, brought goods to the south. This reveals the life of the last period of the historic north-south path, a vibrant venue for exchange of goods between northern and southern Iran.

References

Della Valle, P./Shafa, S., (Translated), Safarnāmeh-yi Della Valleh (Cose e parole nei viaggi di Pietro Della Valle), Tehran 1991. Ghirshman, R./Moein, M., (Translated), Iran: Az Āghāz tā Islam (L’Iran, des Origines à l’Islam), Tehran 1995. Kleiss, W./Mahini, A., (Translated), Banāhāyi Safavi Dar Masīr-i jaddeh-yi Isfahan-Farahābād-i Sārī, Athar 7/12,13,14/1987: 72–95. Kleiss, W./Mahini, A., (Translated), Rāh-hāyi Kārvānru dar Iran, Athar 3/7,8,9/1982: 287–290. Pirnia, M.K./Afsar, K., Rāh u Rebāt (Road and Caravanserai), Tehran 1991. Siroux, M., Caravansérails d’Iran et Petites Constructions Routières, Le Caire, 1949. Soleimani, K., The Names and Titles of Men in Qajar Era, Tehran 2000. Vafa, N./Massoudi, A. (eds.), Majmūʿeye Āthār-i Ustād, Vol. 1, 2, Kashan 2002. Watson, O., Persian Lustre Ware, Faber Monographs on Pottery and Porcelain, London, Faber and Faber, 1985.

Preliminary Multi-Analytical Approach to the Ceramic Production Technology in Tal-e Iblis

Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi Abstract: Tal-e Iblis is one of the most important archaeological sites in Kerman province, south-east of Iran. Archaeological expeditions go back to Aurel Stein’s preliminary expedition in 1937 followed by Joseph R. Caldwell in 1967. Indeed, pyro-technological proficiencies were developed in this region continuously during 4th century BC. Ten ceramic sherds from Caldwell collection (1964) in the National Museum of Iran with stylistic features of Tal-e Iblis tradition have been scientifically studied in order to clarify ceramic manufacturing process in this area. The samples are investigated chemically by means of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and X-ray diffraction (XRD) for determining the bulk, chemical- and crystalline-phase composition. Ceramics from Tal-e Iblis were made of local raw materials and exemplify high quality of know-how. Mineralogical data clarified that ceramics contained high calcareous raw materials with basaltic rock fragments. Firing temperature of the ceramics is might be 800–950°C. Keywords: ancient ceramic, characterisation, crystallography, mineralogy, Tal-e Iblis

Introduction Archaeological achievements suggest that south-east of Iran is among the most important centres of urbanisation, where many social groups of early urban societies have emerged. One of the most important areas in this periphery is Tal-e Iblis. The chronology of this site is determined based on the ceramic sequences which have been highlighted there. The first investigation and excavation in Tal-e Iblis was carried out under the supervision of Caldwell (Caldwell 1967; Chase/Fehervari/Caldwell 1967). However, Seyed Sajjadi (1987) conducted the most comprehensive investigation in this regard. In recent years, this site has been re-investigated by Khosrozadeh and the results have been published in several papers and reports (Khosrozadeh 2004a; Khosrozadeh 2004b; Khosrozadeh/Aali 2005). Potteries of Aliabad culture were among the important discoveries from Tal-e Iblis during Caldwell’s excavations. They were originally discovered from Aliabad area in Kerman, 4 km from Tal-e Iblis, and named based on the similarities found in the style between Chalcolithic potteries of Tal-e Iblis and the potteries of Aliabad (Caldwell 1968). With the results of all revisions that were accompanied in this area

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(­ Majidzadeh 2008; Petrie 2012; Vidale/Desset 2013; Mutin 2013; Voigt/Dyson 1992), it seems that Aliabad had the dominant culture in the south-east of Iran during the new Chalcolithic age or the 4th millennium BC. This culture encompasses the entire regions of Kerman and Baluchestan. Moreover, similar potteries have been discovered from the area of Shahi-Tump in Pakistan (Chase/Fehervari/Caldwell 1967; Mutin 2013). Voigt and Dyson claimed that culture of Aliabad is comparable to that of old Banesh period (3250– 3400 BC) because the features of discovered potteries such as bevelled rim in bowls were similar to those found in the potteries of old Banesh period (Voigt/Dyson 1992). Cameron Petrie also claimed that Aliabad period is comparable to the old and middle Banesh period (2950–3250 BC; Petrie 2012). However, recent excavations carried out in Mahtutabad in Jiroft and the Dahanou hill in Shahdad give the absolute date of this culture to be around 3250–3750 millennium BC (Eskandari 2016). Based on the archaeological perspectives and designs, Caldwell divided the potteries of Aliabad into five general categories: Aliabad site, Aliabad painted (painted with red, brown, and black), Aliabad bichrome (painted with the combination of two colours: black and red, brown and green, or black and green), Aliabad brushed, and Aliabad ridged (Caldwell 1967). The potteries are handmade and have herbal chamotte paste with pinkish brown or terracotta colour. The surface of the pottery is covered with glaze which is beige in colour. Pottery of Aliabad is more delicate than other types, and its thickness is between 6–10 mm. The vases had decorated big openings and they were shaped in the form of bowls with spheroid body or with annular foot. Vases with a coil at the foot have cut marks, indicative of use of simple potter’s wheel in manufacturing of these vases. Aliabad potteries show a gradual change from Iblis III to Iblis IV and are called the old Aliabad. The goal of this research in the course of archaeological science is to gain detailed information on Aliabad pottery by means of chemical, mineralogical and micro-structural studies, and investigate the source and the ceramic production technology related to the aforementioned culture recovered from Tal-e Iblis Kerman. Tal-e Iblis is located 3 km south of the contemporary Heidarabad village and 18 km south-east of Mashiz in Bardsir valley, that is the natural continuation of Darreh Anar valley in the south-west of Kerman (Fig. 1). Tal-e Iblis is located at the longitudes of 56°.30ʹ and 56°.00ʹ E and the latitudes of 29°.30ʹ and 30°.00ʹ N. In 1932, O. Stein identified and plotted Tal-e Iblis area for the first time. The altitude of the hill from the surface of the surrounding lands at about 11 m, and its base diameter at about 100 m; he also reported the scattered sherds within 1200 m radius in the north-south direction and 800 m radius in the east-west direction (Stein 2002). Tal-e Iblis (period VI, Aliabad) is the site that provides reliable evidence and information about the available cultures in the southeast during 4th millennium BC (Caldwell 1967). The information obtained from stratig-

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63

Figure 1 The Location of the Tal-e Iblis Area on the Geographic Map of Iran, ©/photo by: Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi.

raphy and chronology of Tal-e Iblis showed that the periods I to VI can be comparatively studied within the framework of Chalcolithic age. Geologically, this area belongs to Eocene era and is covered mostly from volcano-sedimentary rocks, and makes up a large part of the Ahurak and Chehel-Tan mountain ranges and contains conglomerate, sandstone, and volcano-sedimentary deposits. Volcano-sedimentary deposits include a sequence of lava and pyroclastic rocks which are covered by andesitic lava. Granite, granodiorite, and quartz composition are related to this region. However, Tal-e Iblis area is located in the young terraces covered by clay and mud flat, and surrounded by volcanic geological formations.

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Materials and Methods Samples The investigated samples are associated to the Tal-e Iblis area (4th millennium BC) and include ten pieces of pottery from the excavation in 1964 by Caldwell. These potteries are related to the level C of the stratigraphic layers, from the 4th millennium BC. The colours range from beige to a bright pink and have a thick layer of mud on their surface. Beige potteries have higher porosity than the pink potteries; the latter thus have more strength than the former (Fig. 2).

Figure 2 Potteries of Aliabad in Tal-e Iblis IV. Front View, ©/photo by: Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi.

Methods Petrology and petrography of potteries in order to identify the mineralogical properties are done by providing thin sections of 30 μm using a polarisation microscope with Dp71Camera.1 To identify and detect the crystalline phases in the samples, and also to determine the presence of phases that are not visible in thin sections, X-ray powder diffraction (XRPD) was used. Therefore, 0.5 g of each pottery were taken as study samples. The 1

Model Olympus Bx60, made in Japan.

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65

samples were examined using a diffractometer2. The XRPD measurement was performed on samples at a range of 60°. X’Pert HighScore Plus, v 2008 (2.2.c), was also used for crystalline phase refining and for qualitative as well as quantitative measurements of the crystalline constituents. X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis was performed to identify the bulk chemical composition of the potteries.3

Results and Discussion Thin Section Petrography The potteries studied in this research can be divided into two main categories in terms of their fabric or texture, samples that have silty or fine-grained texture and samples that have large or porphyritic texture. The matrix of all potteries is clay and has green or red colours that indicates that pottery has withstood high temperature. In samples with silty texture, the components are smaller than 0.5 mm in size and they are present in the pottery texture in the form of micro-crystal. Some potteries have an immature silty texture. In the texture of this kind of potteries, there are different pieces with different sizes lying alongside each other, which are a cluster of pieces with different sizes in these potteries. In terms of mineralogical composition, all potteries have the same composition and the difference is in the percentage and size of pieces in the pottery (Amadori et al. 2018). The most abundant component within the potteries is the mineral quartz that exists in all samples (Fig. 3A, 3B, 3L). This mineral is available in two forms: single crystal and poly-crystal, but it is more abundant in the form of single crystal. The abundance of this mineral varies from 3–10%. This mineral has angled or curved edges, which indicates the original source of quartz later. The poly-crystalline quartz pieces observed in the texture show that they have granite and metamorphic origin which means the soil used in potteries originates from the area under investigation. Some study samples have large grain texture. In these samples, various pieces such as igneous rock, quartz, plagioclase, sanidine, muscovite, biotite, amphibole, pyroxene, chert, and igneous rock were used as filler or stamp (Fig. 3B, 3C, 3D). The accumulation of colloidal iron is observed in the samples. Moreover, some samples were at high oxidation conditions and the iron concentration is evident on the surface of some gravel (Fig. 3F). In some samples, there are empty spaces and completely round cavities which indicate the outflow of the air bubbles from the pottery texture. In these spaces there is no evidence of the presence of secondary 2 3

Model PW-1730 Philips, the Netherlands. Model PW-1410 Philips, the Netherlands.

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Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi

Figure 3 Microscopic Image A: High Oxidation at Gravel Surface, Sample 01 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image B: Completely Rounded Cavity, Sample 01 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image C: Plagioclase Weathering and Green Matrix, Sample 03 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image D: Thin Layer of Glaze from Calcareous Whitewash, Sample 04 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image E: Carbonate Texture is in the Middle and Grog is on the Left, Sample 06 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image F: Gravel, Sample 07 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image G: Carbonate Texture and Secondary Calcite, Sample 07 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image H: Gravel Containing Plagioclase, Sample 08, (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image I: Carbonate Texture, Sample 09 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image J: Quartz Grain, Gravel, Grog and Plagioclase with Cesium Alternation, Sample 08 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image K: Plagioclase Grains, Gravel, and Stained Biotite, Sample 09 (2Pol-X10). Microscopic Image L: Metamorphosis Polycrystalline Quartz, Sample 09 (2Pol-X10), ©/photo by: Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi.

calcites which have indicated lower amounts of moisture and carbon dioxide from the burial environment. These potteries were made of grog or chamotte (Fig. 3E, 3I). In some samples, microcline grains are clearly observed (Fig. 3G), which is quite in accord-

Preliminary Multi-Analytical Approach to the Ceramic Production Technology in Tal-e Iblis

67

ance with the Mineralogical Association of Kerman. Plagioclases in samples are being degraded after the process of sericitisation (Fig. 3G, 3J). Cesium is one of the elements found in sample 08, which is due to the effect of radioactive substances on plagioclase, and displays radial extinction effect on plagioclase (Emami 2012) (Fig. 3K). Alkali-feldspars are observed in samples 03 and 07. The presence of apatite grains both in small and large quantities are observed. The potteries do not contain mineral calcite as a major constituent (as additives); and in samples containing calcite, only a small amount of it remained. Calcite is very important in studying thin sections of potteries. Calcite acts as a thermometer in sintering the potteries. This mineral is decomposed at the temperature of about 800˚C or above, therefore, it can be concluded that the sintering temperature of the potteries was less than 850˚C in calcite containing pottery. Lime is also present in the pottery texture and manifested itself as a secondary compound; none of which has a calcite state which means the temperature was above 850˚C (Fig. 3I). The minerals of the mica group (muscovite and biotite) (Fig. 3K) in the pottery texture have lost their optical properties in some cases. This property in these minerals can be considered as a thermal indicator, because at a temperature between 950–1000˚C, it loses its optical mineralogical properties and turns from orange to yellow (Riederer 2004).

XRPD Analysis The crystalline phase measurement shows different phases in regard to the thermal stability field. Quartz phase is observed as a dominant phase. The proportion of quartz crystalline phase to carbonate phases is evident in all potteries, which indicates their rich silica content. Feldspars identified as the common phases in pottery textures include minerals such as orthoclase, microcline, albite, anorthite, anorthoclase and labradorite. Each of these phases in the pottery texture is important factor in recognising the origin of the potteries (Emami/Trettin 2010). Microcline is of sodic-potassic feldspar family and crystallises in high temperatures in the monoclinic system and it is formed as a high-temperature phase in volcanic rocks. Anorthite is stable at 930˚C and above temperatures. Therefore, the sintering temperature of potteries containing this phase undoubtedly reached this range. Hematite (Fe₂O₃) is observed in the pottery texture in two forms. This mineral is produced as a secondary mineral at high temperature in an oxidation environment in kiln due to the release of iron in the muscovite at the temperature above 950˚C, or as an oxidation phase in low temperature as a result of oxidation process in burial condition (Maggetti/Schwab 1982). Pyroxene such as augite and enstatite are high temperature mineral (ca 900°C) within the matrix of potteries. The comparative diagram of XRPD

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Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi

Figure 4 Comparative Diagram of XRPD Spectrums for all Potteries Including the Qualitatively Crystalline Phase Constituents within the Potteries, ©/photo by: Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi.

data obtained from Tal-e Iblis potteries shows that the phases forming this type of potteries fall in the same range and they have similar structural consistency between them (Fig. 4).

XRF Analysis The results of XRF analysis are represented in terms of main elements and trace elements in Table 1. As a matter of fact, these potteries are classified in system CaO+MgOSiO₂-Al₂O₃ high silica to high calcareous pottery (Fig. 5). The ratio between silica and alumina suggest the value 3.9–4.4 weight% (w%), which is indication of the same clay

Al2O3

13.33

14.44

57.60

53.31

59.37

As

8

9

10

Sample

12.79

Cl

7.12

5.78

6.66

6.81

5.51

5.78

6.73

6.01

5.54

6.89

Fe2O3

35

10

393

324

388

397

340

299

541

388

348

375

315

3180

2029

2594

4251

1177

297

2150

485

2019

23

17

23

24

16

14

23

20

14

25

Co

6.72

12.06

6.79

7.47

13.77

12.39

6.65

10.36

12.54

6.07

CaO

68

58

55

69

66

67

46

64

63

60

Cr

2.98

2.43

2.76

2.10

2.96

2.30

2.56

3.34

2.74

2.98

Na2O

142

117

116

143

51

74

125

106

110

330

Cu

3.94

3.87

4.27

4.80

4.68

5.20

4.45

4.13

5.43

4.57

MgO

28

28

29

29

29

30

27

29

30

28

Mo

2.46

2.95

2.41

2.98

2.22

2.06

2.55

2.09

1.73

2.43

K2O

5

5

9

3

8

7

5

3

5

9

Nb

0.74

0.70

0.67

0.75

0.56

0.65

0.70

0.62

0.59

0.69

TiO2

42

51

48

59

65

42

45

46

49

57

Ni

0.12

0.08

0.12

0.14

0.19

0.10

0.13

0.14

0.10

0.13

MnO

99

95

103

98

88

93

112

98

116

165

Pb

0.15

0.46

0.16

0.31

0.19

0.19

0.16

0.20

0.18

0.19

P2O5

73

78

74

85

48

60

78

54

52

78

Rb

1.60

4.30

2.75

2.20

4.10

2.45

2.65

2.82

2.10

2.79

LOI

N

464

1089

47

1490

902

38

858

N

345

S

455

433

404

366

430

375

451

511

483

387

Sr

85

82

77

83

67

73

85

72

71

81

V

29

38

30

39

29

27

36

29

25

38

Y

146

156

130

141

133

125

143

143

146

133

Zr

130

126

139

142

93

102

132

131

140

284

Zn

Table 1 Bulk Chemical Composition of the Investigated Potteries. Major/Minor Oxides in Weight (w%) and Traces in Parts per Million (ppm). LOI: Loss of Ignition

36

13

8

9

0

15

6

7

24

18

4

5

29

18

2

3

48

1

parts per million (ppm)

Ba

15.21

15.32

52.08

56.59

6

12.90

14.82

12.94

12.46

15.55

7

58.26

55.15

4

5

55.66

56.75

2

3

57.53

weight (w%)

SiO2

1

Sample

Preliminary Multi-Analytical Approach to the Ceramic Production Technology in Tal-e Iblis

69

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Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi

Figure 5 Bulk Chemical Composition in System SiO₂-Al₂O₃-CaO+MgO, ©/photo by: Mohammadamin Emami, Yassin Sedghi.

sources. The amounts of MgO as a true value ca. 3.9–4.5 w% have been involved for usage of dolomitic carbonate or high magnesium calcite as lime bearing stones. Loss of ignition (LOI) is the scale of application of lime amount within the pottery, and its value is not so high, therefore it can be assumed that the lime content within the matrices of such potteries were not so high (Emami et al. 2016). In regard to the bulk chemical composition as well, it can be discussed that the potteries from Tal-e Iblis proved to have very high degree of similarities. These similarities were notably by means of raw materials applied for, processing of the matrix, manufacturing processes and firing temperature.

Conclusion Ten pottery pieces from Caldwell collection have been investigated in order to achieve technical information (production techniques, additives and firing condition). In the petrographic analysis, it is observed that quartz grains have angled and sharp edges, which are probably specified to a metamorphic origin. This is an evidence for the mining and grinding of additives to the pottery. Among other minerals observed in pottery texture are plagioclase, feldspar, muscovite, biotite, and gravel. According to the geological exposure of the region, they can also be related to the mineralogy of the region and they have the same origin and are local. Based on the petrofabric observations, potteries with red and green texture can withstand high temperature. It means that potters in 4th millennium BC were able to rise the kiln temperature to relatively higher degrees;

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however, it should also be noted that the craftsmen of that period had not yet reached that achievement to adjust the kiln temperature and firing conditions. The potteries are highly porous, which is the result of the decomposition of the organic materials at the first stage of firing, and/or polymorphic changes within the matrix via partial sintering at the end stage. Average temperature of manufacturing process was estimated within the range of 850–900˚C. Examination of the size of the grains and filler materials present in the pottery texture shows that in some potteries the paste was not properly molded. This suggests that the potter was unaware of the importance of molding and forming the mud of the pottery. This suggests that potters in the 4th millennium BC had almost achieved a relative awareness about pottery production. Based on investigation of the potteries, one may conclude that potteries studied in this research have the same origin and their raw materials were probably supplied from the same local area. The differences in the potteries refer only to their production technique.

References

Amadori, M.L./Pallante, P./Fermo, P./Emami, M.A./Chaverdi, A.A./Callieri, P./Matin, E., Advances in Achaemenid Brick Manufacturing Technology: Evidence from the Monumental Gate at Tol-e Ajori (Fars, Iran), Applied Clay Science 152/2018: 131–142. doi: 10.1016/j. clay.2017.11.004. Baxter, M.J./Beardah, C./Papageorgiou, I./Cau, M.A./Day, P.M./Kilikoglou, V., On Statistical Approaches to the Study of Ceramic Artefacts Using Geochemical and Petrographic Data, Archaeometry 50/1/2007: 142–157. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-4754.2007.00359.x. Caldwell, J.R., Investigations at Tal-i-iblis, Illinois State Museum Preliminary Reports, no. 9., Springfield: Illinois State Museum Society for the Illinois State Museum, 1967. Caldwell, J.R., Tal-i-Iblis and the Beginning of Copper Metallurgy at the Fifth Millennium, Baluchistan, 1968. Chase, D.W./Fehervari, G./Caldwell, J., Reconnaissance in the Bard Sir Valley, in: Caldwell, J.R. (ed.), Investigations at Tal-i-iblis, Illinois State Museum Preliminary Reports, no. 9, Springfield: Illinois State Museum Society for the Illinois State Museum, 1967, 73–107. Emami, M., QXRD, XRF and Optical Microscopy Applied to Characterization and Provenance of Ancient Ceramics from Haft Teppeh (1500–1150 BC), Southwest Iran, in: Hamdan, N./ElKhatib, S. (eds.), IOP Conference Series: Materials Science and Engineering, IOP Publishing 37, 2012, 1–8. doi: 10.1088/1757-899X/37/1/012012. Emami, M./Sakali, Y./Pritzel, C./Trettin, R., Deep Inside the Ceramic Texture: A Microscopic–chemical Approach to the Phase Transition via Partial-sintering Processes in Ancient Ceramic Matrices, Journal of Microscopy and Ultrastructure 4/1/2016: 11–19. doi: 10.1016/j. jmau.2015.08.003. Emami, M./Trettin, R., Phase Generating Processes in Ancient Ceramic Matrices through Mi-

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crostructure Investigation with High Resolution Microscopy Methods, Journal of Advanced Microscopy Research 5/3/2010: 181–189. doi: 10.1166/jamr.2010.1040. Eskandari, N., Fourteenth Chapter of Archaeological Research of Lut Site: Results of Excavation of the Two Prehistoric Tepe of Dehno and East Dehno of Shahdad Site. Hesari M. (ed.), Proceedings of Mirabedin Kaboli, Tehran, Cultural Heritage Research Center, 2016, 75–95. (in Persian). Khosrozadeh, A./Aali, A., Descriptive Report: (Chapter 2) Investigation and Identification of Bardsir County, Archaeological Reports 4, Cultural Heritage Organization of Iran, Archaeological Research Center, 2005. (in Persian). Khosrozadeh, A., Descriptive Report: (Chapter 1) Introduction to Investigation and Identification of Bardsir County, Archaeological Reports 3, Cultural Heritage Organization of Iran, Archaeological Research Center, 2004a. (in Persian). Khosrozadeh, A., Settlement Patterns of the Bardsir Site from Prehistoric Time to Islamic Period, Journal of Archaeology and History 37/38/2004b: 9–18. (in Persian). Madjidzadeh, Y., Excavations at Konar Sandal in the Region of the Jiroft in Halil Basin. First Preliminary Report (2002–2008), Iran, Vol. 46, 2008, 69–103. Maggetti, M./Schwab, H., Iron Age Fine Pottery from Châtillon-s-glâne and the Heuneburg. Archaeometry, 24/1/1982: 21–36. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-4754.1982.tb00644.x. Mutin. B., Ceramic Traditions and Interactions on the South-eastern Iranian Plateau during the Fourth Millennium BC, in: Petrie, C. (ed.), Ancient Iran and its Neighbours. Local Developments and Long-range Interactions in the Fourth Millennium BC, The British Institute of Persian Studies, Archaeological Monographs Series III, 2013, 253–276. Petrie C.A., The Chalcolithic of South Iran, in: Potts, D.T. (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Iranian Archaeology, OUP, Oxford, 2012, 120–158. Quinn, P.S., Ceramic Petrography. The Interpretation of Archaeological Pottery & Related Artefacts in Thin Section, Oxford: Archaeopress, 2013. Riederer, J., Thin Section Microscopy Applied to the Study of Archaeological Ceramics, Hyperfine Interactions 154/2004: 143–158. doi: 10.1023/B:HYPE.0000032029.24557.b1. Sajjadi, S.M.S., Prehistoric Settlement in the Bardsir Plain, South-Eastern Iran, East and West 37/1/1987: 11–130. Stein, G.J., From Passive Periphery to Active Agents: Emerging Perspectives in the Archaeology of Interregional Interaction, American Anthropologist, 104/3/2002: 903–916. doi: 10.1525/ aa.2002.104.3.903. Vidale, M./Desset, F., Mahtoutabad 1 (Konar Sandal South, Jiroft). Preliminary Evidence of Occupation of a Halil Rud Site in the Early Fourth Millennium BC, in: Petrie, C. (ed.) Ancient Iran and its Neighbours: Local Developments and Long-Range Interactions in the Fourth Millennium BC. The British Institute of Persian Studies, Archaeological Monographs Series III, 2013, 233–252. doi: 10.2307/j.ctvh1dn46.17. Voigt, M.M./Dyson, R.H., The Chronology of Iran, ca. 8000-2000 B.C. in: Ehrich, R.W. (ed.), Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, 3rd edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, 122–178.

The Persian Inscriptions – Iranian Spirit in Blue-White Porcelain

Mahnaz Rahimifar Abstract: Inscription, as other decorations, is a feature of Islamic pottery. Persian, Arabic, Chinese, and Latin writings are applied on blue-white porcelain wares along with other motifs. The trade and cultural interactions between Iran and China has delivered significant impact on the art of ceramics, especially the so-called blue-white wares. Writing Persian inscriptions on blue-and-white dishes is one expression of the hybrid art. This article seeks to answer questions about the use of Persian scripts on Chinese blue-white wares. What is the method of writing and the content of the inscriptions and have they been selected for specific purposes? Where were Persianwritten dishes produced? Who created them? Among the subjects of this study are the prevalence of the Nasta’liq script, the use of the poems of famous Persian poets, the coordination between the Persian inscription and object, and the imitation of the Persian script by Chinese potters. Keywords: Blue-white porcelain, China, Iran, Nasta’liq script, Persian script

Introduction The use of blue in combination with white in the art of ceramics and tiles gave rise to a style known as “blue and white”, which took form in the Islamic period, when the art of pottery experienced great changes in the technique of production, the variety of glaze, the application of various motifs, and the use of calligraphy. Extensive trade activities with various countries, especially China, played an important role in the exchange of technical-artistic concepts and provided the basis for artistic innovation. The unique method of construction, colours, and glazes, diverse ware forms, symbolic motifs, and special indigenous features, imbued the quality of immortality into the blue-white wares. In the first centuries after the Islam came to Iran, the use of Arabic script became a common way of implementing Islamic traditions, and gradually Persian script joined the decorative programme. With the spread of blue-white wares in Iran and China, calligraphy found its way onto these works. Some of these objects were made in China and sent as gifts to the Iranian court; some were commissioned by the Safavid kings for use in the court or in the famous Astan Sheikh Safi complex; some were made by Iranian artists to imitate Chinese prototypes in Iranian pottery centres.

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Many researchers have studied blue-white wares in various ways. John Alexander Pope published his comprehensive study on the Chinese wares in the collections of the Topkapi Museum and the Sheikh Safi al-din Mausoleum-Shrine Complex in two volumes, and over the years his work has been the main source of reference (Pope 1956). Lisa Golombek, Yolande Crowe, Sheila R Canby, and John Carswell, experts in fields of the Safavid period and the art of Islamic pottery, have published numerous articles and books, introducing and comparing blue-white porcelains in the collections of different museums, identifying their provenance, performing various laboratory analyses such as petrography, refining dating based on formal studies of ornaments and motifs. In addition, scholars such as Seyyed Rasoul Mousavi Haji and Weng Yu-wen, who specialise in the field of pottery and porcelain of the historical period, have published many articles (Mousavi et al. 2015; Weng 2011). Most of the blue-white porcelains were manufactured in the porcelain factories at Jingdezhen in Jiangxi province, which is one of the oldest centres for ceramic production. Porcelain kilns have been constructed in this area for over a thousand years and thousands of workers have been engaged in porcelain production in them. Millions of wares and sculptures have been made in this area and spread to different parts of the world (Carswell 2000: 50–51). In Iran, blue-white ceramics in imitation of Chinese prototypes have been made at various centres. Some tourists, while referring to the quality of these objects, mention their manufacturing centres in their travelogues. Chardin (1336: 340) points out that the wares manufactured in Kerman and Mashhad, which were sold in Isfahan’s Soltani Bazaar, were so good that they were sold in place of Chinese wares, and the Dutch sold them in mixture with Chinese wares at European markets. From the 15th century onwards, potters in Tabriz, Mashhad, Kerman, and Neishabour supplied these wares along with Chinese wares imported to Iran (Golombek 1996: 133–136).

Persian Inscriptions on China-Made Blue-White Wares A significant number of blue-white porcelains was made during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644 AD). Persian scripts are inscribed on some of them. On some dishes, Persian scripts are limited to a few short words within the decorative frames. Some of these words contain the names of the dishes. Among these wares, two are originally brush rests in Chinese context. On one of them is inscribed a Persian word “Khameh”, meaning pen (Fig. 1). On another, the two Persian words “Qálám” (pen) and “Dān” (don) and the reign mark of Zhengde (1506–1521) are inscribed (Carswell 2000: Fig. 159). On some dishes, a set of words, which form a whole piece of poem, is inscribed inside the decorative boxes. On a tripod bowl with a protruding body, a poem of Attar Neyshabouri is inscribed in six decorative frames on six petal-like lobes (Mousavi et al. 2015:

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Figure 1 Brush Rest of Blue and White Porcelain, with two Persian Inscriptions,(1509–1521), adapted from: Medly 1963: Fig. A643.

Figure 2 Tripod Censer of Blue and White Porcelain, with Persian Poem Inscriptions in six Cartouches, (1509–1521), adapted from: Carswell 2000: Fig. 161.

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8–27). A reign mark of Zhengde is also shown on this bowl. The poem inscribed on it is related to perfume, denoting that this dish is an incense burner and incense or perfume storage container (Carswell 2000: 138) (Fig. 2). On another ware with a hexagonal body, Persian words such as “Fro Shod am” (I sank) and “Nāghāh” (suddenly) are inscribed in six decorative frames on six facets. These words are probably taken from poems of Shah Nematullah Vali (14th century).

Persian Inscriptions on Iran-Made Blue-White Wares The production of blue-white ceramics reached its peak in some Iranian centres, including Mashhad, Kerman, and Tabriz, by combining local decorative elements and imitations of ceramics from China, in the Safavid period (1501–1736). The potters, drawing upon the official collections of Persian or popular poems, wrote some of them as decorative motifs. While some of the selected poems are related to wares’ utility and shape, some are not. Writing poems of famous Persian poets on dishes, especially ceramic wares, has been common since the time of the first Islamic pottery. Along with decorative methods, it became a tradition of potters in different areas. Over time, the change of lifestyle called for the production of special-purpose wares. The Persian inscriptions on them help to identify the names and uses of some dishes, which would otherwise have been lost over Figure 3 Large Plate “Sahn”, with Persian Poem Inscriptions, (1471 AD) (878 AH), adapted from: Golombek 1996.

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Figure 4 Large Plate “Qab”, with Persian Inscriptions, (1471 AD) (1109 AH), adapted from: Canby 1999: 170.

time. Tabaq-Sahn, name of large plates, is inscribed on some blue-white wares. One of them was produced in Mashhad in 1471 AD (878 AH). A verse of a poem of Shams alDīn Muḥammad Hafez (1315–1390) is inscribed on it (Mousavi et al. 2015: 24), and the word “Sahn” (name of large plate), which is related to the use of it, is chosen from the verse (Fig. 3). On another, which was probably made in Tabriz, has a short base, an illegible verse “Qádáh” inscribed in handwriting slang (Golombek 1996: 175–176). On another plate with the date of 1522–1523 AD (929 AH), two verses of poems are inscribed. One is selected from the Divan of Sabha Al-Abrar, a collection of the famous poet of the 15th/9th century, Abd al-Rahman Jami (1414–1492) (Mousavi et al. 2015: 27). In this verse, the word “Tabaq” (tray), which is the common name of this type of plates, is inscribed. In another part of the dish, another poem of an unknown poet, which, possibly referring to the flowers on it, mentions “the flowers with a hundred leaves”, is inscribed, and the word “Tabaq” (tray) is included (Canby 1999: 35–36). A large plate, “Qab” in Persian, was probably made in Kerman in imitation of the blue-white Chinese ware with the date of 1697 AD (1109 AH). In the poem inscribed on it, one word refers to the form of the ware (Fig. 4). On the shoulder of a jar, which was manufactured in Isfahan with the date of 1563 AD (970 AH), a famous quatrain of the poet Omar Khayyam (1048–1133) is illustrated (Mousavi et al. 2015: 28). In a plate of the Safavid period fabricated in imitation of Chi-

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nese blue-and-white ware, two verses of poems, which are related to its form, by an unknown poet are inscribed in four frames (Torre 2010: 29, Fig. 25). On some blue-white wares, the inscriptions refer to the use of the wares but not the names of them. An example is a plate made in Tabriz (Golombek 1996: 226, plate 71). The two verses of poems, which are selected from the Divan of Kenz al-Eshteha (Mousavi et al. 2015: 25), are about a kind of saffron sweet known as saffron halva. The author was Sheikh Abu Ishaq Ahmad ibn Hallaj Atàmeh, or Sheikh Bes-haq, a Persian poet of the second half of the 14th–15th century. Sheikh Bes-haq composed his poems on various foods and snacks; for this reason he was called “Atàmeh”. On some Persian dishes, the inscriptions do not correspond to their forms and uses. During an accidental discovery in the village of Abbasabad Ghaen, fragments of a bowl were found. Inside the plate, Persian inscriptions are in blue on a white background. This bowl was made, as the given date on it indicates, in 1518 AD (925 AH). The Persian inscriptions comprise a poem from the Divan of Amir Khosrow Dehlavi, one of the poets of the early 8th century. In this poem, the word “salt shaker” is used, which does not fit to the shape of the bowl. But, the word “liver eating” may be related to its use (Mousavi et al. 2015: 26). Wares with round bodies and small handles on the shoulders are known as thermoses. An example of this blue-white ware has a flat round body similar to a flask, on which the date 1523–1524 AD (930 AH) is inscribed and the place of production is attributed to Neishabour (Golombek 1996: 207, plate 48). On it are verses from an unknown poet and behind it a quatrain by Khajeh Shahab al-din Abdullah Morvarid (Mousavi et al. 2015: 27). Khajeh Shahab-al-din Abdullah Morvarid alias Bayani, better known as Kermani, was the son of Khajeh Shams-al-din Mohammad Kermani, one of the famous calligraphers, writers, poets and politicians of the late 15th–16th century. Some of these poems praise the God; the others are related to wine and mention “Sorahi” (a kind of pitcher). The common “Sorahi” form is not compatible with the shape of the ware. However, it seems to be the same “Sorahi” as used for drinking wine (Golombek 1996: 207, plate 48).

Stamps Personal stamps and insignia belonging to the owners of the wares are the other inscriptions on the blue-white wares. The seal of Shah Abbas in orange colour and in the form of a square is prominent on the blue-white wares dedicated to the collection of Sheikh Safi. One of the famous engravers and calligraphers of Shah Abbas’s time, named Hossein Hakak Khorasani, stamped the seal of the Shah’s endowment on these wares with the motto “The servant of Shah Abbas province, dedicated to Shah Safi”.

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Figure 5 Large Bulbous Flask Marks of Behbod and Qarachaghay (1403–1435), adapted from: Canby 2009: 147, Fig. 65.

Figure 6 Dish of Blue and White Porcelain, with Persian Inscriptions and Seal of Shah Abbas, (14th– 15th century), adapted from: Chen 2010.

Names of some generals and high-ranking members of the court are also inscribed on a porcelain ware. Among them are the name of Qarachaghay, one of the generals of the reign of Shah Abbas I, and the name of Behbod, one of Shah Abbas’s slaves who

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assassinated the crown prince and Prince Mohammad Baqir Mizra on the king’s orders (Fig. 5). Names such as “Narinji”, “Quli”, “Abu Talib” are found on the blue-white wares of Sheikh Safi Astaneh. In the royal collection of the Mongol kings of India, on the back of a large plate, the name “Shah Jahan Ibn Jahangir Shah”, dated 1653 AD (1063 AH), is engraved in Persian.

Unknown Inscriptions Some enigmatic Persian-Arabic words are inscribed on some of the available blue-white wares. There are different opinions about the meaning of these words. Some have suggested that the first word is Persian and it means “China”. In a similar specimen found in southern Java, the word “Java” is probably inscribed in Arabic (Carswell 2000: 44) (Fig. 6).

Other Persian Inscriptions On some blue-white wares, names of the manufacturers and the dates of their manufacture are engraved on their edges or bottoms. Blue-white porcelain teapot with a handle and a metal tube, which is a replacement of the broken one, is comparable in form with Indian metal wares. On the handle is inscribed the name of manufacturer “Mahmoud Mè mar Yazdi” and under the base is the name of decorator “Zare” and the date of man-

Figure 7 Part of a Plate with the Motif of Constellations, and the Name of “Abd -al Vahed” (1563–1564 AD) (971 AH), adapted from: Canby 1999: 79.

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ufacture 1617 AD (1027 AH). The decorations of this teapot are comparable to ceramic wares made in Mashhad and Kerman (Canby 1999: 113). In the central part of a plate with the motif of constellations, the name of the producer Abd-al vahed and the date of manufacture 1563–1564 AD (971 AH) are inscribed (Fig. 7).

Conclusion Blue-white porcelains are one of the most important commercial goods exported from China to various countries of the world. These wares are decorated with a variety of plants, human figures, animals, birds, natural landscapes. One type of the motifs used in decorating these wares are inscriptions, which are in Chinese, Arabic, Persian and Latin scripts. They often have historical-literary significance. Our studies show that Persian inscriptions were commonly applied to blue-white porcelains in the Ming-Safavid period (1506–1521). When comparing blue-white inscriptions made in China with examples made in Iran, we may find a significant difference in terms of style and content. The common script on Iran-made wares is Nasta’liq script. On the China-made examples, an attempt is made to observe the rules of calligraphy. On some of them, Persian writing is limited to Persian words that represent the name of the ware. Most of these wares that have Persian writings are formally unknown among Iranian works. Engraving texts on China-made wares was probably done by potters who knew Persian script and language. Iranian potters in various centres imitated blue-white Chinese ceramics, highlighting indigenous decorative elements. In Persian writing on them, less attention is paid to the principles of calligraphy than the concept of inscriptions and their harmony with the forms and uses of wares. Often in writing these Persian inscriptions, Nasta’liq and colloquial calligraphy are used. The subject of Persian inscriptions are often poems by famous poets such as Hafez, Attar, Amir Khosrow Dehlavi; however, also by some unknown poets. Only the famous seal of the endowment of Shah Abbas, and outstanding persons, which are on the blue-white wares dedicated to the collection of Sheikh Safi, are inscribed and calligraphy is employed to write them. On some Persian wares, writing is limited to the dates of manufacture and the names of the maker, which are also often inscribed in colloquial script. It seems that the Persian inscriptions on Iran-made wares are made by potters.

References

Bailey, G.A., The Stimulus: Chinese Porcelain Production and Trade with Iran, Tamerlane’s Tableware, A New Approach to the Chinoiserie Ceramics of the Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Iran, Mazda publishers in association with Royal Ontario Museum 1996, 7–16. Canby, S.R., Art of Iran and Central Asia (15th to 19th Centuries), Masterpieces from the Depart-

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ment of Islamic Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 2011, 70–285. Canby, S.R., Shah ‘Abbas: The Remaking of Iran, London 2009. Canby, S.R., The Golden Age of Persian Art: 1501–1722, London 1999. Carswell, J., Blue and White: Chinese Porcelain around the World, Art Media Resources Limited, London 2000. Chardin, J., Chardin Travelogue, Translated by: Abbasi, M., Vol. IV, Amirkabir, Tehran 1336. Chen, X., Splendor in Small: Art of Yuan Blue and White Porcelain, Shanghai Museum 2010. Cornelius, O., Blue and White Chinese Porcelain, A Study of Form, the Ronald Press Company, New York 1956. Emdad, H., The Face of Persian Poets in a Thousand Years, first edition, Vol. 1, Mah Publications, 1998. Froom, A., Persian Ceramics, from the Collection of the Asian Art Museum, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, 2008. Golombek, L., The Stimulus: The Ceramic Industry in Fifteenth-Century Iran: An Interpretation, Tamerlane’s Tableware. A New Approach to the Chinoiserie Ceramics of the Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Iran, Mazda publishers in association with Royal Ontario Museum, 1996. Krahl, R., Important Chinese Works of Art, www.sothebys.com. Medley, M., Illustrated Catalogue of Porcelains Decorated in Underglaze Blue and Copper Red in the Percival Foundation of Chinese Art, Section 3, London 1963. Misugi, T., Chinese Porcelain Collection of Topkapi Saray, Istanbul 1964. Mousavi, H./Seyyed, R./Ataei, M.A./Shaveh, M., Content and Form Study of Persian Poetic Inscriptions in Pottery of the Timurid and Safavid Eras, Nagareh Quarterly, 36/2015. Nafisi, N.D., The Presence of Nature in the Blue and White Porcelain Collection of Astaneh Sheikh Safiuddin in Ardabil, first edition, Academy of Arts, Tehran 2005. Pope, J.A., Chinese Porcelains from the Ardabil Shrine, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington 1956. Sivari, R., Iran in the Safavid Era, Translated by: Saba, A., first edition, Book Publishing, Tehran 1363. Stollner, T., Prehistoric and Ancient Ore-Mining in Iran, Persiens Antike Pracht, Bergbau-Handwerk-Archaologie, Deutshches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum 2004: 64–75. Torre, P., Arte Dell’Islam, Museo Nazionale dʼArte Orientale ‘Giuseppe Tucci’, Roma 2010. Turkman, E., History of the Abbasid World, Correction and Introduction by Iraj Afshar, Vol. 1, second edition, Amirkabir, Tehran 1350. Weng, Y., The Follower of Allah: Ming Wu-tsung and the Ceramics with Huihui Characters of the Cheng-te Official Kiln, The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 29/2/2011. Wikipedia – The Free Encyclopaedia – Chinese Blue and White Porcelain, https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Blue_and_white_pottery.

Protecting the Silk Road at “The Gate of Khorasan”: The Defensive Architecture in the Sarakhs Plain throughout History

Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki Abstract: Having passed the western and central parts of the Iranian plateau, the Silk Road enters the vast plain of Sarakhs in north-eastern Iran, after which it cuts through the Transoxiana before reaching China. At the roughly middle point of this long road, the Sarakhs plain has been hosting caravans from China and Transoxiana to Iran and Mesopotamia. Accordingly, the Sarakhs plain was called by Maqdisi, the famous geo­ grapher of the 10th century, “the Gate of Khorasan”. It was nevertheless a gateway not only for travellers, merchants, and pilgrims along the Silk Road, but also for invaders and raiders from the Eurasian steppe, who intended to plunder villages and cities in the Iran plateau from the 3rd millennium BC onwards. Consequently, defending ­Sarakhs was tantamount to protect the Iranian Plateau. For the purpose of defending the Sarakhs Plain against the invaders from the north, ancient Iranians erected numerous fortifications in the Sarakhs plain to oversee the Silk Road. Keywords: defensive architecture, Khorasan, Sarakhs, Silk Road

Sarakhs: Geographical Setting and Historical Importance The Sarakhs plain is located to the north of the Hezar Masjid-Kopet Dagh mountains in the north-east corner of the Iranian plateau (Fig. 1). It is divided by the modern borderline of Iran and Turkmenistan into two portions. According to a Sasanian bulla, which was discovered at Ak-Depe in Turkmenistan (Gubaev/Loginov/Nikitin 1996: 55), the Sarakhs fortress probably functioned as an administrative centre in the late Sasanian period. In his epic Shahnameh (Book of Kings), Abolqasem Ferdowsi (940–1020 AD) attested twice the historical importance of the Sarakhs fortress in the pre-Islamic events of Khorasan (Ferdowsi 1990: 105; 1992: 73). The Sarakhs fortress, mentioned by early Islamic historians, is the ruin located today in southern Turkmenistan not far from the Iranian Sarakhs. Known as Sarakhs-e Afrasiabi, it appears in the work of Mohammad Ali Monshi in 1882 comprised of a castle equipped with brick walls and towers mounted on a high hill (Monshi 1977: 77). The Sarakhs fortress is also mentioned in some documents dating to the early Islamic period. Ruled in the Sasanian period under a shah named Zaduyeh (Ibn Khordadbeh

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Figure 1 The Location of Sarakhs on the Silk Road in north-eastern Iran, ©/drawing by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki.

1991: 34), it was an important station on the Nishapur-Marv road (Ibid: 26). It was also described as one of the most important cities on the Silk Road and as a settlement of people of different races (Ya’qubi 1977: 54). In Istakhri’s work, Sarakhs was depicted as a flourishing city enjoying fine weather, fertile lands, and vast pastures (Istakhri 1989: 215). According to Ibn Hawqal, it was a production centre of Khorasan where the best camels of the region were bred (Ibn Hawqal 1987: 185). In the work of Maqdisi, it was a big and flourishing city located at the intersection of some important roads and qualified as the gate of Khorasan (Maqdisi 1982: 456). According to Hafez Abrou, Sarakhs was equipped with massive fortifications in the 15th century (Khafi 1991: 48) and according to Ghatqan, a secure fort was located at Sarakhs in the 16th century (Ghatqan 2006: 90–91). Reportedly, in the Qajar period, a polygonal wall was erected around the city, which was equipped with eleven bastions and numerous towers (MacGregor 1879: 31; Mohandes 1977: 39). Owing to its strategic position, Sarakhs played a significant role in the economic and military history of north-eastern Iran. The river of Tajan running through the Sarakhs plain provided the city with important facilities for military operations. It is located at the endpoint of the Hezar Masjid-Kopet Dagh range where the Silk Road entered the north-eastern edge of the Iranian plateau. Hence, Sarakhs is located in a strategic region

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taking the advantage of the Silk Road on the one hand and defending the entrance into the Iranian plateau on the other.

The Silk Road in North-Eastern Iran According to the above-mentioned historical accounts and maps (Nazarahari et al. 2013: 106), the Silk Road running from west to east was divided into two routes near the caravanserai of Robat Mahi, 6 km to the east of Mashhad (Fig. 2). The first route ran northward and crossed the Hezar Masjid range through the gorge of Mozdouran (MZD). After passing the forts of Taq-e Dobarar, Chakoudar, Robat Sharaf, Shourlaq, and Gonbadli, this route reached Sarakhs. The second route, running eastward in the Kashafrud valley, crossed the Hezar Masjid range through the gorge of Aq-Darband (DRB), then turned northward and ran along the river of Tejen till it reached Sarakhs. Both routes, however, entered the Sarakhs plain through the mountain gorges. Hence the gorges of Mozdouran and Aq-Darband were two extremely important strategic points monitoring the routes crossing the mountain range to the Sarakhs plain. In order to protect the two routes, the aforementioned gorges of Hezar Masjid were equipped with some watcht­ owers, forts, and defensive walls. The defensive installations, concentrated in the gorges

Figure 2 The Silk Road between Mashhad and Sarakhs, ©/drawing by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki; Base image © OpenStreetMap contributors, https://maps-for-free.com/.

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of Mozdouran and Aq-Darband, also prevented invaders from penetrating into the Iranian plateau.

The Mozdouran Pass Mozdouran, nowadays a city located 90 km south-west of Sarakhs, 95 km east of Mashhad, the capital of Khorasan-e Razavi province in north-eastern Iran, N36°9’31.57” and E60°32’6.02”, 995 m (Fig. 2), is located in a mountainous land enjoying numerous gushing springs and fertile lands. On the basis of historical accounts, Mozdouran was an important manzil (station) located on the Silk Road between the two cities of Nishapur and Sarakhs (Ibn Khordadbeh 1991: 26; Ibn Ja’far 1991: 41; Maqdisi 1982: 514), overseeing an important gorge at the roughly middle point of the Silk Road and providing the caravans with an interim resting place from Khorasan to the Central Asian steppes. This pass, however, also provided a gateway for the northern nomads to penetrate into the central parts of Khorasan; a massive military base against the Uzbeks was erected in the Safavid period (Nasiri 1994: 301). Accordingly, Mozdouran as a significant strategic point was equipped with numerous forts and watchtowers to station sentinels and watchmen. At the mountaintop overlooking the Mozdouran gorge, there was a remarkable fort, which was described by Iranian historians in the Medieval Age (Ibn Rustah 1891: 279;

Figure 3 The Ruins of Mozdouran Fort in the Photo Taken in 1893, © Nazarahari et al. 2013/ photo by: Abdollah Qajar.

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Figure 4 The Linear Wall at Mozdouran ©/photo by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki.

Ya’qubi 1977: 54–55). According to an old photo taken in 1893 by Abdollah Qajar (Nazarahari et al. 2013: 141), the fort was surrounded by a massive mudbrick wall (Fig. 3). The fort has been entirely demolished; only some bricks measuring 25 x 25 cm are scattered over the surface of the hill. Given the pottery sherds dispersed over the surrounding ground, the occupation of this fort dates back to the 9th–17th century. Another important defensive feature in the Mozdouran gorge is a linear wall erected on the Hezar Masjid ridge (Fig. 4). This wall, ca. 950 m long and 2 m wide, was furnished with stone towers at irregular intervals. On the basis of satellite images and field survey, we can tell that the wall starts with the location of Tower MZD.01 overlooking the gorge at N36°9’35.76” and E60°32’21.74” (Fig. 5). After 270 m towards the northwest, it reaches a scarp 70 m deep. At N36°9’58” and E60°32’1.30” where the scarp ­finishes, the linear wall again starts and extends towards the north-west and finally joins the mountain ridge at N36°10’15” and E60°31’58.57”. The linear wall of Mozdouran was equipped with intermediate towers, which were located both along the wall (MZD.01– 07) and far from the wall (MZD.08–12) on the ridge of the mountains. These towers, ­circular in plan and 2–3 m in diameter, were constructed of irregular stones and clay

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Figure 5 Defensive Installations at Mozdouran, ©/drawing by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki; Base image, © Google Earth, https://www.google.com/earth/.

mortar. The wall and towers, which have been mostly destroyed, now stand up to a height of 2 m only. Some 500 m to the south-west of the wall, there is another fort, which overlooks the plains to the south. The fort is badly damaged, and remains of like-sized rooms abutting the enclosing wall and surrounding the central courtyard can be faintly seen. Four towers were erected at the outer corners, and two gates on the north-eastern and south-western sides led to the courtyard. Given the defensive landscape of Mozdouran, this fort probably served as a garrison for the sentinel of the northern wall.

The Fortified Gorge of Aq-Darband The toponym of Aq-Darband consists of two words, Aq=white and Darband=gate, which refer to the site in the eastern-most gorge of the Hezar Masjid range of Kopet Dagh. Aq-Darband appears to be the only pass for the travellers who intended to reach the piedmonts and plains of Central Asia. Given the significant geostrategic location of Aq-Darband, numerous fortifications were installed. According to historical accounts of the Qajar period (1789–1925), some new forts were constructed (Khormoji 1965: 118); several watchtowers were restored and reinforced under the Qajar rulers (Al-Saltaneh 1988: 1736). MacGregor, who visited Aq-Darband in 1874, reported that the towers and

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Figure 6 A Qajar-Period Photograph Indicating the Fortlets at Aq-Darband in the 1890s, © Nazarahari et al. 2013/photo by: Abdollah Qajar.

fortlets at Aq-Darband were monitoring the road against the Turkmen raiders and other invaders who attempted to enter the gorge (MacGregor 1879: 24–25). Unfortunately, this compound is almost destroyed and we have to refer to the pictorial documents of Qajar period travellers to identify the architectural elements of the structures (Ibid; Nazarahari et al. 2013: 140) (Fig. 6). Six towers overlooking the gorge and the road are partially preserved (Fig. 7). The three towers (DRB.01–03) in the south are built with irregular stones and the three towers (DRB.04–06) to the west and east of the wall are erected on stone foundations and enclosed with mud-brick walls. The tower DRB.01 (N36°1’13.45”, E60°48’11.07”) surmounts a high hill overlooking the whole region (Fig. 8). Round in form and roughly 3 m in diameter, it is erected with irregular stones and clay mortar. The façade, lacking any kind of plaster, is preserved up to a height of 1.5 m. The towers DRB.02 and DRB.03 are located 120 m and 360 m respectively to the north of DRB.01 at lower elevations of the ridge. The tower DRB.04 on the eastern

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Figure 7 The Blocking Wall (Red Line) and Watchtowers (Yellow Dots) of Aq-Darband, ©/ drawing by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki; Base image, © Google Earth, https://www.google.com/ earth/.

Figure 8 Remains of the Watchtower DRB.01 in Aq-Darband, ©/photo by: Meysam LabbafKhaniki.

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Figure 9 Remains of the AqDarband Stone Wall and the Watchtower DRB.06 Mounted on the Cliffs, ©/photo by: Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki.

side of the wall and on top of a high ridge, at N36°1’40.84” and E60°48’33.37”, is also constructed with stone and clay, except for the upper portion up to a height of 3 m that is built out of mudbrick. On the southern steep slope of the ridge, which overlooks the Aq-Darband gorge, another watchtower (DRB.05) is erected at N36°1’39.46” and E60°48’34.49”. It has such a tapering body that its present top measures 1.75 m in diameter and its bottom measures 2.5 m. This watchtower, which is built of relatively regular stone and clay, survived up to a height of 3 m. DRB.06 is another tower at the pass of Aq-Darband sitting to the west of the pass at N36°1’44.04” and E60°48’30.03”, overlooking both the gorge and all the other watchtowers. The stones used here are smaller than those for the other towers and have suffered more erosion. Given the different rate of erosion and the variety of size and quality of the stones, the towers at Aq-Darband are constructed in different periods. Nevertheless, we cannot suppose a time earlier than the Safavid period (1501–1736) for them. Another defensive installation at the Aq-Darband pass is a blocking wall erected across the gorge. In the travelogue of Rokn al-Dowleh, governor of Khorasan in the late 19th century, the wall and the flanking towers are attributed to the Nader Shah Af-

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shar reign (1736–1747 AD) (Monshi 1977: 68). The wall, originally about 100 m long (MacGregor 1879: 24), is partially destroyed recently by bulldozers for the construction of a modern road to Sarakhs (Fig. 9). Considering the architectural remains, this wall, more than 2 m wide, is constructed with irregular stones and gypsum mortar, and flanked by two towers (DRB.05 and DRB.06), located at both sides of the gorge. In contrast to the other structures of Aq-Darband, the wall is built out of concrete and stones taken probably from the riverbed of the Kashafrud running 150 m south of the wall. Only a length of 40 m of the wall has survived. On the northern side of the wall, a ditch, which is about 3.5 m wide and at least 2.5 m deep and fed by the Kashafrud river, helps the wall to prevent penetration into the pass.

Conclusion Our survey records the walls and towers at Aq-Darband and Mozdouran to the south of the Sarakhs plain, as well as other defensive walls on the ridges of the Hezar Masjed range, which guarded the two routes of the Silk Road against northern raiders who intended to enter the Iranian plateau. Although these defensive structures are chronologically unclear due to the lack of pottery shards, they attest to the historical events of eastern Iran on the one hand, and the continued efforts of the people of Sarakhs to protect “the Gate of Khorasan” throughout the history, on the other.

Acknowledgements The field survey of this research was partially supported by the Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organisation of Khorasan-e Razavi province in 2011 and 2016. I thank my colleagues Eberhard Sauer, Kristen Hopper, Ali Hasanabadi, and Mahmoud Toghraei who provided insight and expertise that greatly assisted the research, although they may not agree with all of the interpretations of this paper. I also like to express my gratitude to the organisers of the International Conference of “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road”, Behruz Omrani, Adel Farhangi, and Mahnaz Ashrafi for offering me the opportunity to attend the conference, Liangren Zhang, Li Yuqi and Tanushree Gupta for their helpful comments on the earlier version of the manuscript, although any errors are my own and should not tarnish the reputations of these esteemed persons.

References

Al-Saltaneh, E.M.H.,‫( یرصان مظتنم خیرات‬The Regular Nasirid History), Rezvani, M.E. (ed.),

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Tehran 1988 [1367]. (in Persian). Ferdowsi, A., ‫(همانهاش‬Book of Kings), Vol. 2, Motlagh, D.K. (ed.), Costa Mesa 1990. (in Persian). Ferdowsi, A., ‫( همانهاش‬Book of Kings), Vol. 3, Motlagh, D.K. (ed.), Costa Mesa 1992. (in Persian). Ghatqan, M., ‫( دالبلا رّخسم‬The Cities Conqueror), Jalali, N. (ed.), Tehran 2006 [1385]. (in Persian). Google Earth, https://www.google.com/earth/, accessed 31.03.2021. Gubaev, A.G./Loginov, S.D./Nikitin, A.B., Sasanian Bullae from the Excavation of Ak-Depe by the Station of Artyk, Iran 34/1996: 55–60. Ibn Hawqal, ‫همانرفس‬: ‫(ضرالا ةروص رد ناریا‬The Book of Travels: Iran in the World Map), translated by Sho’ar, J.,Tehran (ed.) 1987 [1368]. (in Persian). Ibn Ja’far, Q., ‫(جارخلا باتک‬Book of Tributes], translated to Persian by H. Qarachanlou, Tehran 1991 [1370]. (in Persian). Ibn Khordadbeh, ‫(کلامملا و کلاسملا‬Roads and Kingdoms), translated to Persian by H. Qarachanlou, Tehran 1991 [1370]. (in Persian). Ibn Rustah, ‫( هسیفنلا قالعالا‬The Splendid Treasures), Beirut 1891. (in Arabic). Istakhri, I.,‫( کلامملا و کلاسملا‬Roads and Kingdoms), Afshar, I. (ed.), Tehran 1989 [1368]. (in Persian). Khafi, S. (Hafez Abrou),‫( وربا ظفاح خیرات رد ناسارخ یخیرات یایفارغج‬The Historical Geography of Khorasan in the History of Hafez Abrou), Varahram, G. (ed.), Tehran 1991 [1370]. (in Persian). Khormoji, M.J.,‫راجاق خیرات‬: ‫( یرصان رابخالا قیاقح‬The History of the Qajar: The True Nasirid Reports), Khadivjam, H. (ed.), Tehran 1965 [1344]. (in Persian). MacGregor, C.M., Narrative of a Journey through the Province of Khorassan and the N.W. Frontier of Afghanistan in 1875, Vol. II, London 1879. Maqdisi, M., ‫( میلاقالا هفرعم یف میساقتلا نسحا‬The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions), Vol. 2, translated to Persian by Monzavi, A., Tehran 1982 [1361]. (in Persian). Mohandes, M.H., ‫(سخرس زا ییامن‬A View of Sarakhs), in: M. Golbon (ed.), Safarname-ye Rokn al-Dowleh, Tehran 1977 [2536]: 19–43. (in Persian). Monshi, M.A., ‫(سخرس هب هلودلا نکر همانرفس‬The Travels of Rokn al-Dowleh to Sarakhs), in: Golbon, M. (ed.), Safarname-ye Rokn al-Dowleh, Tehran 1977 [2536]: 46–132. (in Persian). Nasiri, M.,‫( نارایرهش روتسد‬The Rules of the Kings), Tehran 1994. (in Persian). Nazarahari, R./Tehrani, F./Sahab, G./Labbaf-Khaniki, R./Labbaf-Khaniki, M., ‫یریوصت دانسا‬ ‫( سخرس و یردان تالک‬Pictorial Documents of Kalat-e Naderi and Sarakhs), Tehran 2013 [1391]. (in Persian). OpenStreetMap contributors, https://maps-for-free.com/, accessed 31.03.2021. Ya’qubi, A., ‫(نادلبلا‬The Cities), translated to Persian by M.E. Ayati, Tehran 1977 [2536]. (in Persian).

The Combination of Road, Castle, and Chahartaq in the Sasanian Period

Alireza Shahmohammadpour Abstract: The Sasanian dynasty was the last Persian Empire before the Muslims took over Iran. The bridges of this period denote the road network between cities and different parts of the country, which was a matter of concern for the Sasanian Empire. Among the remaining buildings along the roads are Chahartaqs or “Four Arches”, many of which are known as fire temples. Other buildings are castles and citadels. The combination of these structures varies along the main roads of the country. The castles were responsible for protecting roads and passengers, and the “Four Arches”, which were probably fire temples, provided religious services for passengers or destinations for pilgrims. This article presents some of the remaining examples of roads, castles and Chahartaqs in the country and discusses their different combination patterns. Keywords: castle, Chahartaq, fire temple, Sasanian dynasty, Silk Road

Introduction The Sasanian dynasty came to power in the early 3rd century AD in Iran (Daryaee 2014: 13). Compared with the Parthians who ruled Iran for about 470 years, the Sasanians left many architectural monuments, most of which are cities, dams, bridges, castles, palaces, and fire temples. The locations of these structures formed the transportation network of the country. Most Sasanian cities, founded by the first two kings, Ardeshir and Shapur, were located in a strip between the Persian Gulf and the southern foothills of the Zagros Mountains (Fig. 1). Some roads and some cities were at the intersections of the two major roads. Near these roads and intersections were installed many related structures. Some of these, such as bridges, had direct connection with the roads, but other ones such as castles and fire temples were positioned along the main roads. The relationship between the roads, castles and fire temples is discussed in this paper. Firstly, the Sasanian castles and Chahartaqs and their relationship with the roads are described; then the performance of these three elements is examined. Since the land of Iran consists mainly of mountainous areas and relatively dry plains, castles, Chahartaqs, and roads have been adapted to these conditions. The materials used in the constructions in mountainous areas were usually stone and gypsum mortar, and the buildings in the plains are made of stone, clay or brick. The most prominent works

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Figure 1 Locations of Some Sasanian Castles, Chahartaqs and Roads, ©/created by: Geographic Organization of Iranian Army.

left on the roads are bridges, and in a few areas, we can find traces of pavement of the roads.

The Sasanian Castles and the Roads The Sasanian castles were usually constructed upon hills and mountains, for the purpose of defending them and controlling the entire areas. They can be divided into various categories according to their relationship with roads. Some were cities surrounded by fortifications. The most important example is the city of Gur, constructed upon the order of Ardeshir, the founder of the Sasanian dynasty (Huff 1972). A group of castles was constructed near main roads for control. They were usually near cities’ entrances or openings of valleys. One of the most famous of these is the citadel of Bishapur called Qal’ah Dokhtar or “Castle of Girls”, which was built on a

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Figure 2 The Castle of Mud or Qal’ah Geli in Qomrud, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

rocky hill in the opening of a valley (Ghirshman/Ghirshman/Walker 1971: 37). There are remnants of an ancient bridge and a road between the city fortification and the citadel. It could also control the passage through the strait (Shahmohammadpour 2015). This city of Gur had a citadel too. It was a little far away from the city gates and located upon a mountain overlooking a valley, controlling one of the main roads leading to the city (Huff 1971). Some castles were far from cities and villages and functioned like caravanserais: protecting passengers. One of them is “The Castle of Mud” or Qal’ah Geli, which was constructed in a desert near Qom in an area called Qomrud. There is an Islamic caravanserai nearby showing that it had played a similar role centuries before (Fig. 2). Some of the Sasanian castles were not connected to road networks, and in some cases access was very difficult. They were mostly intended for specific purposes such as religious ceremonies or the preservation of food or mining materials. They could be the destinations of minor paths. Takhte-Soleiman is one of them and contains a very important Sasanian fire temple called Azar-Goshnasp (Figs. 3–5). It was not near a main road and in fact difficult to reach. A special example is Takhte-Belqeis on a mountain, which can be seen from Takhte-Soleiman. For most of the year, it was sealed with snow and only accessible in a few months. This castle is one of those examples which were not just disconnected from any road, but also half-day hiking to reach.

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Figure 3 Takhte-Soleiman, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

Chahartaq And The Roads The beginning of the Sasanian period coincided with the invention of the construction technique of Iranian domes, which differ from the Roman ones in structural form (Creswell 1914). The earlier Sasanian dome that survives today is located in the Citadel of Qal’ah Dokhtar in the Gur area. However, the Sasanian domes, which were erected on a Chahartaq structure, were employed in fire temples more than other buildings. ­Chahartaq, which literally means “Four Arches”, is the symbol of the Sasanian architec-

The Combination of Road, Castle, and Chahartaq in the Sasanian Period

Figure 4 South-East Gate of Takhte-Soleiman, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

Figure 5 Some Ancient Structures and the Pool of TakhteSoleiman, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

99

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Figure 6 Negar Fire Temple, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

ture (Huff/O’Kane 1990). In spite of the variety in form, they are structurally very similar throughout the country. In the central space of some Chahartaqs, a fireplace or fire altar has been discovered, proving its function as fire temple. Although the possibility of all Chahartaqs being used as fire temples is doubtful, the “Four Arch” form is accepted as trademark of Sasanian fire temples in general. The locations of the Chahartaqs, quite ­diverse, can be divided into four groups. Some are single buildings in agricultural lands. It is believed that the agricultural revenues of these lands were dedicated to these fire temples. Some are located inside architectural complexes, and probably used as fire temples. The buildings around them seem to have provided religious and residential services. Fortifications were built around them manifesting the importance of these complexes. Many “Four Arch” buildings were erected in urban areas or castles, and they are also known as fire temples, and religious ceremonies were held there. Some of these sites were turned into mosques during the Islamic era, and these holy places were preserved. The last group comprises those that are near castles or citadels. In these cases, they were more accessible to the public and did not require physical protection. The relationship between ancient roads and the “Four Arches” is diverse. Those ­located outside cities are sometimes close to ancient roads, and sometimes on the contrary they are so far away from them that it is necessary to travel through difficult paths to reach them. Most of these structures are located on hills or high places, and are visible

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from far away. The appearance of the “Four Arch” buildings and the perception that there is a fire inside them could have served as road signs. In some cases, where fire temple is not directly visible, there is a watchtower on high grounds; a typical example of this is Negar fire temple in Kerman (Fig. 6).

Discussion The Sasanian castles are built for a variety of purposes, most notably military, religious, urban security, royal palace security and preservation of important materials. Those built along main roads are divided into two major groups: those that protect the passengers along the roads and those that control the roads. The functions of the “Four Arch” buildings are various. The “Four Arch” buildings are very likely fire temples, and they are generally called as such. The relevance of the fire temples to the roads is divided into two general categories: The first is that they are built along main roads to provide passengers with religious service, and the second is that they are far away from main roads and destinations of these passengers. The rest of the fire temples, which have no meaningful connection with main roads, are merely religious buildings next to towns or villages. The fire temples in the vicinity of main roads, which are far from residential areas, usually have collateral buildings where travellers or pilgrims could stay. Sometimes the protective walls were built around the entire complex and

Figure 7 Naqareh-Khaneh Fire Temple, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

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Figure 8 Chahartaq of “Baze Hur”, ©/photo by: Alireza Shahmohammadpour.

turned it into a castle. An example of this type of fire temples is the complex of Naqareh-Khaneh in Fars province in the south of Iran (Fig. 7), which is located on a foothill, and surrounded by small rooms. On the foothills of the mountain, there are traces of fortification, indicating that entry into the area was completely controlled. In the cases where castles and Chahartaqs are combined, there are usually major roads. In this situation, the function of the castle was to protect and control the roads, but the “Four Arch” buildings were signs of tranquil and religious places. A classical example of this compound “Baze Hur” is located in Khorasan. One of the main roads from the north to the south of Khorasan is through a canyon, where a fortress is built on the adjacent mountain and a Chahartaq on the exit of the canyon (Fig. 8). There is no doubt about the importance of this road in history, which is substantiated by a Safavid caravanserai along with it. The Chahartaq is built on a hill, and the distinctive squinches of its dome attracts the attention of researchers. On the top of the eastern mountain of the canyon, there is the debris of the castle Qal’ah Dokhtar. The castle is located on a mountain ridge paralleling the road and has full control of the passage.

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Conclusion In conclusion, one can say that the protective castles and the religious “Four Arch” buildings are sometimes in combination and adjacent to main roads. If these buildings meant to control movements, one can tell the superiority of the residents and the security of the area; thus the “Four Arch” buildings could be built out of the castles. If the area was not safe and the castle was built to protect passengers, the fire temple would be placed inside the castle.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my great gratitude to Mr. Yousef Mokhtari, Mr. Seyed Mohammad Ebrahim Kazemi and Dr. Meysam Labbaf Khaniki for their help with the collection of my data.

References

Creswell, K.A.C., XXI. The History and Evolution of the Dome in Persia, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 46/3/1914: 681–701. doi: 10.1017/S0035869X00047067. Daryaee, T., Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire, I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd 2014. Ghirshman, R./Ghirshman, T./Walker, J., Bîchâpour, P. Geuthner, Paris 1971. Huff, D., Der Takht-i Nishin in Firuzabad. Mass-Systeme Sasanidischer Bauwerke I, Archäologischer Anzeiger 87/1972: 517–540. Huff, D./O’Kane, B., Čahārṭāq, Encyclopædia Iranica, 1990. Available at: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cahartaq. Huff, D., Qal’a-ye dukhtar bei firuzabad: ein Beitrag zur sasanidischen Palastarchitektur, Technische Universität Berlin, 1971. Shahmohammadpour, A., The Urban Design Pattern of Bishapour, Journal of Iranian Architecture Studies, 3/6/2015: 107–125.

Service Spaces of Historical Bridges on the Qazvin-Gilan Road: A Case Study of the Anbooh and Manjil Bridges

Mahnaz Ashrafi, Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi, Bahman Soltan Ahmadi Abstract: Bridges have played an important role in the development of commerce by overcoming the barriers of valleys and rivers, yet the development of commercial ways such as the Silk Road has in turn played an important role in transforming the functions of bridges. The trading caravans have customarily used the spare spaces of bridges as service spaces for accommodating passengers and horses. In this paper, historical sources, especially travelogues of the Safavid period, are exploited to extrapolate how service spaces were formed at the bridges of Anbooh and Manjil. In the case of the Anbooh bridge, roads on both sides made the service spaces accessible. With the addition of warehouses and stables, the bridge was turned into a multifunctional facility. In the case of the Manjil bridge, the architects also transformed it into a bridge-caravanserai complex. Keywords: Gilan, historical bridges, Manjil Bridge, service space, Silk Road

Introduction In most cases, people use bridges as fillers and connecters for roads. But in the northern part of the country, which was a crucial section of the Silk Road, due to the rugged topography and the bad climate, apart from simple bridges (which were built just for facilitating transportation), some bridge-caravanserai complexes were built along the Silk Road. In this paper, historical documents, especially travelogues, photographs, and maps of the Safavid (1501–1736) and subsequent periods are used to study the formation of service spaces at the Anbooh and Manjil bridges on the Qazvin-Gilan Road and the role of the Silk Road in this process.

The Qazvin-Gilan Road in the Safavid Period In the Safavid period, interaction between Iran and European countries such as The Netherlands, France and United Kingdom (England) increased significantly (Ghaffari Fard 2002: 290–297). During the period of Shah Abbas I (1588–1629) in particular, the construction of roads became routinised; caravanserais and road sentry were installed at regular intervals.

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Mahnaz Ashrafi, Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi, Bahman Soltan Ahmadi

Figure 1 Safavid Silk Road Map, ©/adapted from: Schienerl, P.W. 2007.

Sericulture was one of the most important industries for a large portion of the Iranian people. According to Olearius and Chardin, Gilan was one of the most important centers of silk production (Olearius 1984; Chardin 1971). Because of this industry, the road between Qazvin and Gilan (named Shah Abbasi Road) became increasingly important (Sotoudeh 1970–1985: 309). During the wars between Iran and the Ottomans, in the time of Shah Abbas I, the Armenians abandoned the trade of silk through the Ottoman Empire and exported their goods to Europe through the route from Ardebil through Armenia and Russia (Amiri 2014: 1). The roads from Ardebil to Qazvin and from Qazvin to Isfahan were the main ones for the Europeans to take to reach the capital of the Safavid dynasty. They could reach the destination through two routes. The first one was from Tabriz to Zanjan, and the second from Gilan to Qazvin. Olearius wrote: “Here (Qazvin) is a very tight passageway and in the same way it is a gateway to Gilan, which I refer to it as ‘threshold to Caspian’” (Olearius 1984: 341). To reach Gilan, there were two historical routes from Qazvin. The first one, the main gateway to Gilan, was the Qazvin-Kuhin-Lushan-Manjil-Rudbar-Rasht route, which is still used today, but probably with some changes. The second route was the Qazvin-Anbooh-Deilaman route. Although still usable, it is not liable to modern-day vehicles.

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By studying the caravansaries on these routes, one can find that their number in the Safavid period and before was very small and there was a pressing need for service space along the way.

A Brief History of Bridge Construction In the Western and Northern regions of Iran, due to the mountainous nature of the ­topography and the presence of seasonal and permanent rivers, the construction of bridges has been a necessity (Mokhlesi 2000: 198). The first bridges with arched vaults in Iran date back to the Sassanid period (Falsafi 1965: 318). Iranian bridges were different from their Roman counterparts in terms of both material and structure, which enhanced the possibility of creating empty spaces in Iranian bridges. Roman bridges, due to the use of stones and circular arches or half-circle arches and the interaction of driving forces, had lower heights, which not only made it impossible to create empty spaces above the pedestals, but also made it necessary to have thick backs at the base. But, Iranian bridges, due to the use of bricks and the gentle shapes of arches (sharp arches and oval shape), featured higher heights in the arches. For both types of bridges, in order to prevent water drift forces, it was necessary to expand the masses of the foundations and increase the spans of the arches; hence, it was possible to create empty spaces at the bases of Iranian bridges, whose arches were higher. It reduced the demand of building materials in an area where it was very difficult to procure them, and the construction cost and time lightened the structure, curtailed the dead load on the structure, and minimised deformation derived from the dead load. The spaces under the arches were utilised for temporary residence (Farshid/Afhami 2010: 58–59). The construction of large-span bridges was followed by a short-term slump in the ­Seljuk period (1037–1194). It was revived in the Ilkhanid and Timurid periods (1370– 1507). Among many examples of these periods, the Aji Chai bridge in East Azarbayjan was one of the oldest, 100 m long and 5 m wide, equipped with 16 spans, highlighting the fact that Tabriz was a crux of the Silk Road during the patriarchal and Timurid periods. In the vaults, spare rooms for caravanserais were available (Della Valle 1991: 151). But the Safavid period (1501–1736) should be considered as the apogee of the design and construction of the large-span bridges (Farshid/Afhami 2010: 57). The physical laws governing the construction of bridges were now better understood, new materials such as adobe and brick were employed, and more delicate bridges were constructed. In order to enhance the strength of the structure, architects added arc vaults under the bases of the beams. These added vaults, known as “konoo” or “konood”, helped to scale down the weights of bridges and flatten their decks (Fig. 2). This method was also applied to other historical buildings in Iran. It is worth emphasising that the development of konoo was

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Mahnaz Ashrafi, Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi, Bahman Soltan Ahmadi

Figure 2 Hidden Konoo in the Base of Bridges, ©/adapted from: Reza, E. 1976: 189.

a particularly important feat, which further enabled the construction of long-span and high-pedestal bridges over wide and deep valleys and provided more usable spaces for accommodating passengers.

The Service Spaces of Bridge-Caravanserais in Gilan Since some bridges were built at certain strategic locations, military stations and rooms for caravans and passengers were considered during the construction of bridges (Farshad 2010: 243–244). Because the Qazvin-Gilan road, which was comprised of several routes, was important in the Gilan region during the Safavid period, the demand for service space grew rapidly. “There were, however, not enough facilities along these routes; thus at the sites of the old bridges, most of which were built of wood, stone, brick, and adobe, were constructed” (Molazadeh/Mohammadi 2000: 20). Among them, the Anbooh and the Manjil bridges are well documented and studied. As konoo became prevalent, architects made use of the spare spaces in them. By transforming these spaces into squares and reducing the cross-sectional areas of the bridges (Fig. 2), they created suitable spaces for accommodating passengers. These kind of spaces were particularly common in the bridges along the Qazvin-Gilan and Gilan-Ardebil routes of the Silk Road.

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Figure 3 Location of Anbooh Bridge on the Qazvin-Deylaman Section, © Google Earth, https://earth.google.com/web/@36.6684566,50.10432,2577.54888437a,86049.31707001d,35y,0.00 000085h,0t,0r.

The Anbooh Bridge Complex The Anbooh bridge is located at the edge of the synonymous village in Rudbar area, over the Shahrood River, and on the old caravan road from Qazvin to Deylaman (Fig. 3). Built in the Safavid period (probably Shah Abbas I), and renovated in 1831 (Farahani 1983: 28; Robinho and Daralmares 1995: 264), it was destroyed by an earthquake in 1994 (Mokhlesi 2000: 194). It is currently under restoration. According to Molazadeh and Mohammadi (2000), the bridge was built over a narrow valley, and elevated span (Fig. 4). To reduce the load of the pedestals, save building materials, and provide necessary spaces, architects embedded vaulted rooms in them. As shown in figure 5, to reach the northern room, one would walk down six small steps from the transit level of the bridge, and reach the porch on the eastern side of it (Fig. 5). This porch leads to a room through one door and that room leads to the western porch through another door. The room is 5 m long and 3 m wide. On the southern side, it has a porch with a length of 1 m and a height of 1.8 m. On each side of the porches, there is one niche on either surface of the walls. On the northern side, it has 3 other niches. The eastern and western porches, with a length of 3 m and a width of 1.33 m, have shelters over the river-side. On the southern side of the bridge, there is another room with a dimension of 6.40 x 3 m (Bustani 2001: 143).

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Mahnaz Ashrafi, Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi, Bahman Soltan Ahmadi

Figure 4 Façade of the Anbooh Bridge, ©/adapted from: Kleiss, W. 1985: 205–206.

Figure 5 The Anbooh Bridge Complex: 1. Rooms; 2. Rahdarkhaneh; 3. Caravan Stations, ©/ adapted from Kleiss, W. 1985.

It seems that travellers and guards of the bridge used these rooms. Historical sources indicate that small rooms and spans below were used as temporary residences by travellers and their animals (Sotoudeh 1970–1985: 8; Kleiss 1985). On the northern side of the bridge, a caravanserai, a brick workshop, a gypsum and lime kiln, which may have been used to produce the materials for constructing the bridge, have been found (Molazadeh/Mohammadi 2000).

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On the map drawn by Kleiss (Fig. 5), the term caravan station (which means caravaserai) indicates that horses, camels and loads were likely lodged at the site, and that the caravans lived in the bridge’s rooms, which were spatially more accommodating.

The Manjil Bridge Complex The Manjil bridge is now located under the dam of Sefidrood (Fig. 6). The bridge has been restored, reconstructed, and even renovated many times. Major Darcy Ted, who visited this bridge in 1875, wrote: “this bridge has seven spans and belongs to the Safavid period. A part of the bridge was destroyed in Nader Shah’s time and then reconstructed, and about four years ago, Solomon Khan Qajar restored this bridge” (Sotoudeh 1970–1985). But the main restoration of this bridge took place in 1896 (Nami 1976: 178). In 1938, this bridge was seriously damaged by a flood, and a Russian company replaced it with a ferrous bridge. Eventually, the bridge sank into water due to the construction of the Manjil dam in 1954. Around 1670, Olearius wrote: “This bridge is large and strong and based on nine pillars (Fig. 7). Under the bridge and inside most columns, there are chambers with dome roofs and there is a kitchen that can be lowered through a small staircase to reach the

Figure 6 The Qazvin-Rasht Road and the Manjil Bridge Complex, © Google Earth, https:// earth.google.com/web/@36.72148487,49.32575863,383.75066208a,207270.06933074d,35y,0h,0t ,0r.

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Figure 7 The Manjil Bridge Complex, ©/adapted from Kleiss, W. 1985: 222.

Figure 8 The Manjil Bridge Complex, © https://collections.si.edu/search/detail/ead_ component:sova-fsa-a2011-03-ref64?hlterm=sevruguin%2Bantoin/ photo by: Sevruguin, Antoin 1880–1930

water (Fig. 8). Therefore, they have built a caravanserai along the bridge so that passengers can stop and rest there” (Olearius 1984: 342; Robinho and Daralmares 1995: 308). The presence of a kitchen and its emphasis on this bridge being a caravansarai is the best

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Figure 9 The Manjil Bridge Complex. 1. The Manjil Bridge; 2. The Secondary Wooden Bridge; 3. Bridge Installations, © Niavaran Cultural/Historic Complex Archive/photo by: Unknown.

testimony to the functions of the rooms built in the bridges. Even Mirza Farahani noted the reconstruction of the bridge in the Naseri period (1848–1896). Mirza Ibrahim Nami (Nami 1976: 169) described the hardship of the road in the ­Qajar period: “From the past years, this road in Gilan to Iraq was so covered with mud and water that every year lots of damages was done to merchants, workers, and passbyers.” Olearius (1984: 342–343) pointed to the problems in the region of Manjil: “This road was the most dangerous and worst way we could see all along our journey…On the right side of the road, from the top of the cliffs, a plain was seen in the bottom that a roaring river was flowing through it. It is observed that in terms of climate and geography, the site was not suitable for the construction of conventional caravansaries; hence the architects of this bridge, by incorporating a caravanserai in the bridge, minimized the difficulties of this road.”

Conclusion Due to the lack of adequate flat space in some rugged regions along the Silk Road, the lack of proper infrastructure, the difficulty of supplying materials, the bad weather of the area, and the need for shelter, ancient architects made use of the empty spaces of

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konoos, and provided service spaces for the use of travellers and caravans. The consecutive re­storations of these bridges show the strategic importance and the need for these secondary functions. At the Anbooh bridge of Gilan, paths on both sides provided access to these rooms; by constructing a separate storehouse and stable, they supplied a service station. In the case of the historic bridge of Manjil, the construction technology was improved, so the architects, while ensured the passenger and water flow, built a bridge – caravansarai for travellers. The formation of the bridge – caravanserai was thus an innovation in the northern region of Iran where the rugged terrain and hard climate required more caravanserais to be built at short intervals.

References

Amiri, H., Silk Trade in the Safavid Period, Journal of History and Economics 3358/2014. https:// www.magiran.com/article/3078921. Bustani, A., Kashkan Bridge Restoration Project, M.Sc. Thesis, Azad University, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Tehran 2001. Chardin, J., Travelogue of Chardin, Translated by Mohammad Abbasi, Vol. 4, Tehran: Amirkabir, 1971. Della Valle, P., Travelogue of Pitro Della Valle. Translated by Shafa, Sh., Elmi va Farhangi, Tehran, 1991. Falsafi N., The Life of Shah Abbas I, University of Tehran, Tehran 1965. Farahani, M.H., Travelogue Mirza Mohammad Hossein Farahani, Vol. 1, Tehran: Ferdowsi, 1983. Farshad, M., History of Engineering in Iran, Tehran: Mirmah, 2010. Farshid, N.F./Afhami, R., Bridge – Residence: The Evolution of Continuity of the Use of Passage and Residence of Iranian Bridges, Journal of Fine Arts 41/2010: 55–66. Ghaffari, A.F., History of Political, Social, Economic and Cultural Change of Iran during the Safavid Period, Tehran: Samt Organisation, 2002. Google Earth, https://earth.google.com/web/@36.6684566,50.10432,2577.54888437a,86049.31707 001d,35y,0.00000085h,0t,0r, accessed 31.05.2021. Google Earth, https://earth.google.com/web/@36.72148487,49.32575863,383.75066208a,207270.0 6933074d,35y,0h,0t,0r, accessed 31.05.2021. Kleiss, W., Brucken Aus Safavidischer und Qadjarischer Zeit im Nordlichen Iran, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Journal 18/1985: 205–240. Mokhlesi, M.A., Iran’s Old Bridge, Tehran: Cultural Heritage Organisation, 2000. Molazadeh, K./Mohammadi, M., Encyclopedia of Historical Monuments in the Islamic Period, Vol. 4 (Public Works), Tehran: Hoze Honary, 2000. Nami M.E., Astarabad and Mazandaran and Gilan Travelogue, Vol. 1, Tehran: Iran Culture Foundation, 1976. Olearius, A., Travelogue of Moscow and Persia, a Translation by Ahmad Behpour, Tehran: Ebtekar, 1984.

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Reza, E./Koros, G./Imam Shoushtari M.A./Entezami, A.A., Water and Irrigation Techniques in Iran, Ministry of Water and Power, Tehran, 1976. Robinho, Y.L./Daralmares, Provinces of Iran: Guilan, Vol. 1, Ta’ati-Rasht, 4th edition, 1995. Schienerl, P.W., Trade and Trading Routes, in: Islam: Art and Architecture, Hattstein, M./Delius, P. (eds.), Germany: H.F. Ullman, 2007. Sotoudeh, M., From Astara to Astarabad, Tehran: Publications of the National Works Association, 1970–1985.

The Terracotta Plaque of Shadiakh: The Symbol of Cultural Correlation between the Silk Road Nations

Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki Abstract: Due to the archaeological excavations at Shadiakh in north-eastern Iran, an extremely significant artefact that reflects the common cultural symbols of the nations on the Silk Road was found. This artefact is a terracotta plaque decorated with bas reliefs of some constellations including Gemini, Virgo, Cancer, and Leo as well as images of a hunting falcon and two dragons. The exact function of this plaque is not understood. Nevertheless, considering the illustrated motifs, we believe that the Shadiakh plaque carries some astronomical concepts representing the natural events of a year between the two months of June and September. The terracotta plaque of Shadiakh is made of homogeneous clay with a mould. Therefore, more than one plaque was probably reproduced for various individuals, organisations or even non-Iranian scholars who were familiar with the folkloric culture of the Silk Road populations. Keywords: astrology, constellations, Seljuq style, Shadiakh, terracotta plaque

Introduction The archaeological site of Shadiakh is located 1.5 km south of Nishapur city, 117 km west of Mašhad, the capital of Khurāsān-e Rażavi province in north-eastern Iran, at N36°10’10.20”, E58°48’14.04”, and 824 m above sea level (Fig. 1). According to historical sources, it was founded by Abdollah Ibn-e Taher, the ruler of Khorasan in 830 AD in the vicinity of the ancient Nishapur. Glorious royal houses were erected in Shadiakh during the Ghaznavid period, and the garden was used as the residence of Amir Masoud and his courtiers. Shadiakh reached its heyday during the Seljuq period and began to deteriorate under Khwarazmshahids in the late 12th and early 13th centuries AD. On 17 April 1221 AD, after three days of besiege, Shadiakh fell to the Mongols and was destroyed and abandoned gradually (Labbaf-Khaniki/Labbaf-Khaniki 2007). Thanks to the 6 seasons of excavations under the author’s direction in the central and southern parts of Shadiakh between 2000 and 2006, some important evidence dating to the 10th–13th centuries was uncovered (Fig. 2). In the excavated area of the southern trench, many architectural features including the main gate of the city, portions of the enclosing wall as well as some destroyed buildings situated on both sides of a cob-

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Figure 1 Location of Shadiakh in North-Eastern Iran, ©/drawing by: Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki.

ble-paved way were brought to light. The most important discovery in Shadiakh was a manor house located in the western excavated area of the southern trench abutting the enclosing wall of the ancient city. The manor house of Shadiakh was comprised of a central cruciform room which was once adorned with elaborate stuccoes. The central room of this compound was embraced with four rooms situated on the outer corner of the cruciform room. Based on the discovered objects and architectural elements, one may consider that the lateral rooms were employed as a wine workshop, a blacksmithing workshop, a bath, and a residential space; the latter two were changed to a kitchen and a glasswork workshop respectively in the last phase during the Khwarazmshahid period.

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Figure 2 The Archaeological Site of Shadiakh and Locations of the Central and Southern Trenches, ©/drawing by: Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki.

During the second season of archaeological excavations at Shadiakh in 2001, a large number of artefacts were found in the central area of the site. One of the most interesting and beautiful objects was a terracotta plaque in the shape of a trapezoid with the longer base of 9 cm, the shorter base of 8.1 cm, side lengths of 7.9 cm, and thickness of 1.5 cm. A handle-like appendage is attached to the rear side of this plaque. The plaque was found at the depth of 215 cm in the heap of debris beside the entrance of a probable glass workshop (Fig. 3). This plaque, which is made of homogeneous clay, buff in colour, was used as an astrological object, because seven scenes, including constellations as well as motifs of dragons and a falcon relating to the Iranian myths of heaven and cosmos, were illustrated (Fig. 4). Given its scientific and artistic importance, the Shadiakh plaque deserves a comprehensive study so that the aesthetical and mythical values of this object can be appreciated. The motifs depicted on this plaque can be considered as convincing proof

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Figure 3 The Architectural Features Uncovered in the Central Trench; the Arrow Shows the Point where the Terracotta Plaque was Found, ©/drawing by: Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki.

of the cultural-scientific interaction between Iran and neighbouring countries in the last millennia.

Motifs of the Shadiakh Plaque The surface of the Shadiakh plaque is decorated with the impression of a flat stamp. The stamp, cut in low relief, is framed with a thin thread; so is rendered each motif (Fig. 4). The motifs on the Shadiakh plaque comprise the four constellations of Gemini, Virgo, Cancer, and Leo, each is set within a circular frame (Fig. 4). In addition, two dragons with slight difference in details are bordering the two sides of the plaque. On the

Figure 4 Two Views and a Drawing of the Terracotta Plaque of Shadiakh, © Rajabali LabbafKhaniki/photo by: Hamid Hashempour/drawing by: Farnoush Rahdar.

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lower part between the motifs of Cancer and Leo, a hunting scene, in which a big bird pecks a small one’s chest, is depicted. All the motifs are rendered in the Seljuq style. The garments, complexions, and postures of the men, as well as the details of animals, birds, and florals, are all Seljuq iconographic elements. Each constellation of the Shadiakh plaque embodies an astronomical concept; this plaque can thus be considered as an astrological object. The four constellations are associated with the months of Khordad (June), Tir (July), Mordad (August), and Shahrivar (September), during which the harvesting and storing of crops take place.

Gemini Gemini, the third of the twelve constellations, was commonly depicted in three ways: two naked kids (Dehkhoda 1998), two standing guys throwing their arms around each other or mounting horses, and finally in the form of two peacocks (Giahi 1995). In the Greek and Roman mythology, Gemini represents two brothers, Castor and Pollux, exchanging places with each other (Giahi 1995). The brothers are called by the Muslims – Tow’aman or twins. On the Shadiakh plaque, Gemini is presented in the form of two men clad in armour standing face Figure 5 Gemini on the Shadiakh to face grasping a lance (Fig. 5). The lance is thrust Plaque, ©/photo by: Rajabali Labinto the crown of a demon’s head, thus symbolising baf-Khaniki. the battle between good and evil. Gemini, which illustrates the contradiction between the inner and outer forces, comes to an end by the dawn of Summer (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 466).

Cancer Cancer is the fourth constellation, lying between Gemini and Leo (Dehkhoda 1998). In Indian belief, it is associated with the Summer Solstice. In China, it is considered as a wily and cunning creature; and in Cambodia, it is the symbol of profit and advantage (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 73–74). In Iranian mythology, Cancer is given the role of Tishtar and considered as a force of expanding the creation (Bahar 1983: 31–33).

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On the Shadiakh plaque, the constellation of Cancer is located in the left lower corner, with two overlapping circles held between its two hands (Fig. 6). These two circles possibly represent two Moons because Cancer is known as the Moon’s House, the Moon’s Palace, and the Moon’s friend in the Iranian traditions (Dehkhoda 1998; Khwarizmi 2004: 214). Overlapping Moons represent the permanent conflict between good and evil in the heaven, where all stars are divided into two groups Figure 6 Cancer on the Shadiakh of auspicious and inauspicious stars, known as Plaque, ©/photo by: Rajabali LabAkhtar and Abakhtar respectively (Samadi 1988: baf-Khaniki. 88). According to Bundahishn, there are black Moon and black Sun which are competing with the bright Moon and Sun. In Zoroastrians belief, the black Moon and Sun bring about eclipse (Ibid: 90–91). In Iranian cosmology, the two circles above the figure of Cancer on the Shadiakh plaque imply that an eclipse occurs in Tir (=June) or that the Seljuq astrologists predict an eclipse to happen in June.

Leo Leo, the fifth constellation or “Sun’s House” (Dehkhoda 1998), is well known in the old world civilisations of Iran, Babylon, Sumer, Rome, and Greece and even some South American civilisations. Leo is one of the Spring constellations visible in the sky till the end of this season. In the Iranian myths, “Amordad (Leo) obtained the light and the day from the Taurus and carried them to the Moon and gave Moon the light of the Taurus” (Bahar 1983: 88). According to Ahmad Kasravi, the companionFigure 7 Leo and Sun on the ship of lion and Sun dates back to the Seljuq peShadiakh Plaque, ©/photo by: riod, during the time of Ghias al-Din Keykhosrow, Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki. son of Ala al-Din Keyghobad who was enthroned in 1237 AD (Kasravi 1977: 104–105). The location of the Shadiakh plaque, however, provides a date earlier than his reign. This plaque was found under the ruins of the Mongol’s

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invasion which occurred in 1221 AD. Thus, the plaque and the motifs of Leo and Sun were created before the Mongol’s invasion. The motif of Leo and Sun was probably associated with the deity of Mithra, which had been known to the ancient Iranians long before the 13th century. In their belief, Leo represented the star of Tishtar bringing the beneficial rains of Summer (Carnoy 1962: 21). Khwarizmi (2004: 214), a 10th-century scientist, also introduced Leo as Beyt al-Shams, which refers to the Sun’s House. On the Shadiakh plaque, Leo is illustrated in the lower right corner in the form of a running muscular lion (Fig. 7). A Sun with twelve rays and anthropomorphic face is depicted above the lion’s body. The floral motifs around the central figure stand for a forest as its living space, which is present around Cancer as well.

Virgo As the sixth constellation, Virgo is usually depicted in the shape of a maiden holding a wheat stalk (Dehkhoda 1998). Being one of the oldest constellations, it embodies social ethics such as working, agility, and scrutiny (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 625). It denotes the time of harvesting and storing crops, implying the time of calculating the results (Ibid: 626–627). On the Shadiakh plaque, Virgo is portrayed in the form of a sitting cross-legged man holding a stalk of wheat in each hand (Fig. 8). The man is clad Figure 8 Virgo on the Shadiakh in a long robe, which covers completely his body Plaque, ©/photo by: Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki. and legs. Similar figures in different postures have been identified on the stuccoes and moulded potteries from Shadiakh and other textiles and metals of the Seljuq period from Iran and Central Asia. This imagery, rooted in the Sasanian and Sogdian traditions, is comparable with the Buddha’s images from the cultural spheres of the East. This Virgo is depicted in the form of a man rather than a maiden, who is usually represented in the other known samples. The background of the man and Virgo, as blank as the one of the Gemini image, probably shows the inner space of a room.

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Falcon Falcon or eagle, associated with three stars in the constellation of Aquila in the term of astrology, is also known as Libra (Dehkhoda 1998). Falcon or Shāhīn in Persian culture is attributed to the Shah, as falcon is present only in the royal hunting scene. The image of falcon, which originates from the hunting scene of the Assyrian Empire, was displayed by the Achaemenids on their flag as symbol of the royal power. In the Sasanian period, hunting with falcon was a royal sport, which was spread to Europe in the succeeding centuries. Falcon is recorded in Avesta as Saena. In Indian Veda, the contrast of heaven and earth is ­symbolised as the clash between eagle and snake. Figure 9 Hunting Falcon on the Shadiakh Plaque, ©/photo by: RaThe mythical bird of Garuda is, in fact, an eagle jabali Labbaf-Khaniki. shining like fire and carrying the deity of Vishnu (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 286–297). In the Iranian myths, falcon is the courier of the Sun cooperating with Mithra in slaughtering the first created cow. Sometimes the Ahuramazda is described as eagle’s head; the King’s Glory (Farre Kiani) is symbolised as Varaghan, which is actually a kind of falcon (Yahaqi 1995: 270). Varaghan appears in different forms. In the fourteenth chapter of Avesta, Varaghan is described in the form of falcon holding and ripping a prey with its claws (Carnoy 1962: 25–26; Doustkhah 1985: 274). On the Shadiakh plaque, the image of falcon or eagle without any frame is located in the lower part between Leo and Cancer. This bird has a pair of wings, a long tail, and a curving body holding and ripping another bird, which looks like a duck (Fig. 9). This subject, in both concept and meaning, corresponds to the description of Varaghan, and probably represents an ancient myth on the Shadiakh plaque.

Dragon Dragon is a mythological creature known to almost all the civilisations of the old world, that is, of Japan, China, Iran, Egypt, Greece, Rome, and those of the Americas. The meaning of dragon, however, is different in the East and West. According to Josef C ­ ampbell, the western dragon represents rapacity while the Chinese dragon is the symbol of living lagoons. The latter is a lovely creature bringing the people water. In

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contrast, the western dragon grasps everything to its own without any trace of generosity (Campbell 1998: 226–227). In the ancient Greek records, the golden apples of Hesperides are guarded by the dragon Ladon. The constellation of dragon, named Jowzher in Iran, is the Arabised form of Goychehr. It is known to the Arabs as Tannin (Khwarizmi 2004: 210). In the Iranian culture, dragon has dual roles. Firstly, it holds to itself the clouds in the mountains until Andra kills it and frees the clouds. Secondly, dragon is the divine fire, which is blown towards Agni, the Figure 10 Motifs of Two Dragons deity of fire (Carnoy 1962: 16–17). on the Shadiakh Plaque, ©/photo by: Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki. In the Iranian culture, dragon is a mythical animal exhaling fire from its mouth and guarding the subterranean treasures (Yahaqi 1995: 75–76). In the work of Qazvini: “Tannin, or Ezhdeha in Persian, is an animal having the horrible face, massive dimension, lightening eyes, and wide mouth ...” (Qazvini n.d.: 140–141). In ancient Egypt, it is the symbol of the Nile overflow, representing the profit and loss of the river. Dragon, however, is the emblem of the divinities of Osiris and Hathor. For the ancient Sumerians and ­Babylonians, dragon is known as Tiamat, the symbol of initial darkness of the universe. Tiamat is depicted in the form of a hot snake, which is dominated by Marduk and later overcome by the bright cosmos. In the other Asian cultures, dragon is characterised by brutal, marine, terranean, subterranean, and occasionally heavenly attributes (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 125). In Hinduist ideology, it is the primal element of the universe, in the name of Agni, the deity of fire. It creates Suma (the sacred plant) for producing the immortal drink. In Chinese tales, Earth Dragon rules the springs and rivers; Water Dragon creates rain and fog, and Heavenly Dragon guards the deities’ palaces. The Chinese ruler is clad in dragon-decorated robes, sitting on a dragon-decorated throne, and is the impersonator of the dragons (Flemer 2004: 20). Each rising dragons depicted on either side of the Shadiakh plaque has a slender and long body, which is muscular in the chest area (Fig. 10). Each is a combination of a long lion-tail, a lower body of a dog, a narrow twisty waist of a snake, a relatively wide chest of a horse with two hoofed hands, a mane in arabesque form rising from the shoulder, a rather thin neck, and a lion-like head with five snake-like appendages. Nevertheless, there are some differences between the two figures. The left dragon is depicted more carefully with more details of the body. Moreover, unlike the left dragon’s head, which is

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depicted in three-quarter front, the right one’s head is in profile opening its mouth and showing its tongue. Due to its astronomical role, dragon is depicted between other constellations on the Shadiakh plaque; the two dragons probably represent the two points of equinox (Bahar 1983: 62), denoting the divine power and spiritual transcendence (Chevalier/Gheerbrant 2000: 127). Alternatively, the two dragons could be the symbols of guards protecting other constellations (Ibid: 121). In addition, the two dragons could represent the auspicious and inauspicious stars of Akhtar and Abakhtar, which are illustrated opposite to each other following the style of Far Eastern, European, and Muslims traditions (Ibid: 125).

Conclusion The style and subject of the motifs on the Shadiakh plaque represent the thoughts of the different nations of the Iranian plateau and the continent of Asia, on the one hand, and illustrated the ancient Iranian myths, on the other hand. For instance, the motifs of Lion and Sun, Falcon, and Dragons embody the influences of the Chinese art on the Iranian culture, albeit dragon was considered as the creator of the heaven’s spheres and the guard of heaven, the so-called “the nail of the sky” in the Iranian mythology. Moreover, the Shadiakh plaque was probably an astronomical object narrating one or several events of a year between June and September. This period covers the warm days on one hand and the harvest of crops on the other. Also, an eclipse or ellipse which occurs in June was depicted on the Shadiakh plaque in the form of the constellation of Cancer. Consequently, the plaque of Shadiakh can be considered as a significant work displaying the various aspects of art, science, and mythology of Iran in the medieval ages.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to the 3rd International Conference of Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road organisers, especially Dr. Behrouz Omrani, Dr. Mahnaz Ashrafi, and Dr. Adel Farhangi for encouraging me to compile and submit this research. I am also immensely grateful to Dr. Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki for translating the Persian manuscript into English and Dr. Liangren Zhang and Dr. Li Yuqi for comments that greatly improve the manuscript, although any errors are my own and should not tarnish the reputations of these esteemed persons.

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References

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Bahar, M., ‫[ ناریا ریطاسا رد یشهوژپ‬A Research on Iranian Mythology], Tehran 1983 [1362]. (in Persian). Campbell, J., ‫[ هروطسا تردق‬The Power of the Myth], Translated by: Mokhber, A., Tehran 1998 [1377]. (in Persian). Carnoy, A.J., ‫[ یناریا ریطاسا‬Iranian Myths], Translated by: Tabatabaei, A., Tehran 1962 [1341]. (in Persian). Chevalier, J./Gheerbrant, A., ‫[ اهدامن گنهرف‬Encyclopedia of the Symbols], Vol. 2, Translated by: Fazayeli, S., Tehran 2000 [1379]. (in Persian). Dehkhoda, A.A., ‫[ همان تغل‬Dictionary], Tehran: Daneshgah-e Tehran 1998 [1377]. (in Persian). Doustkhah, J.,‫[ اتسوا‬Avesta], Tehran 1985 [1364]. (in Persian). Flemer, W., ‫[ ناتساب نیچ ندمت‬Civilisation of Ancient China], Translated by: Karimi, F., Tehran 2004 [1383]. (in Persian). Giahi, H., Jowza, in: Mirsalim, M. (ed.), ‫[ مالسا ناهج همانشناد‬The Encyclopedia of Islam World], Tehran 1995 [1374]. (in Persian). Kasravi, A., ‫[ یورسک دنوراک‬The Works of Kasravi], Zaka’, Y. (ed.), Tehran 1977 [1356]. (in Persian). Khwarizmi, A., ‫[ مولعلا حیتافم‬The Keys to the Sciences], Translated by: Khadivjam, H., Tehran 2004 [1383]. (in Persian). Labbaf-Khaniki, M./Labbaf-Khaniki, R., ‫خایداش‬: ‫یتخانش ناتساب و یخیرات یسررب کی‬ [Shadiakh: a Historical and Archaeological Investigation], Faslname-ye Motale’at-e Tarikhi 15/4/2007 [1386], 125–146. (in Persian). Qazvini, Z., ‫[ تاقولخملا بئاجع‬Bizzare Creatures], Sabouhi, N. (ed.), Tehran n.d.. (in Persian). Razi, H., ‫[ ناتساب ناریا همانشناد‬The Encyclopedia of Ancient Iran], Vol. 1, Tehran 2002 [1381]. (in Persian). Samadi, M., ‫[ ناریا رد هام‬The Moon in Iran], Tehran 1988 [1367]. (in Persian). Yahaqi, M., ‫[ ریطاسا گنهرف‬The Encyclopedia of Myths], Tehran 1995 [1374]. (in Persian).

Cremation and Inhumation in the Western Regions of the Silk Road: Why and How?

Martin Steskal Abstract: Burial rituals are a preferred method for defining membership to a group or joint values. One of the most apparent and crucial decisions that had to be made at a certain point was whether to inhume or cremate the dead body. The type of interring was an essential part of the funeral ritual and still is. These alternative death rituals have gone through periods of change throughout the centuries. However, the origins and the development of these rituals are a controversial issue. In this paper, evidence of inhumation and cremation in the western regions of the Silk Road will be discussed with a focus on the Hellenistic and Roman city of Ephesos. It will be questioned whether cremation and inhumation were seen as something contrary and chronologically clearly defined or as something that was practiced side by side. What were the reasons for choosing one or the other option and how were these options performed? The paper will also discuss the Roman impact on cremation in Asia Minor and whether the decision to cremate or inhume was a matter of personal considerations or rather influenced by society’s leading powers. Keywords: burial rituals, cremation, inhumation, Ephesos, funerary archaeology The Silk Road as it extended westwards from the ancient commercial centres of China consisted of several routes (Whitfield 2007; Whitfield 2015; Burgersdijk 2019; Di Cosmo/Maas 2018). It was more likely a network of trade routes. One of the most western cities linked to this network was the ancient city of Ephesos, located today on ­Turkey’s west coast 55 km to the south of the modern metropolis of İzmir. Especially in the Roman period, when Ephesos was the capital of the Roman province of Asia, the city developed into an important commercial hub with a big harbour of supra-regional significance. The intensity of the contact between the very east and the very west of the Silk Road is still the subject of intense debates. Anne Kolb and Michael Speidel just lately brought together the sources and nature of this contact (Kolb/Speidel 2017): As leading world powers, the Imperium Romanum and the ancient Chinese Empire of the Qin and Han dynasties were in contemporary existence from around the mid-2nd century BC to the first half of the 3rd century AD. Even though they controlled half of the entire world po­pulation they lacked a common border. They were separated by the enormous distance between

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the opposite ends of the Eurasian continent and a very unfavourable topography including high mountains and deserts. Despite these adverse preconditions, particularly from the 1st century AD onwards, sources from both ancient empires record increasing commercial and diplomatic exchange. Taking these sources into account, scholars have proposed contradicting views of either independent (Fibiger Bang 2009; Loewe 2010; Scheidel 2015) or interacting empires (Dueck 2012: 62). One thing is for sure: By the 5th century BC, Chinese silk had reached the West (Miller 1997: 77–80). China, however, remained unknown to Western contemporaries as Kolb and Speidel can show (Kolb/Speidel 2017: 29–33): Even a century after Alexander the Great conquered the countries between the eastern Mediterranean and the Punjab, Western literature had nothing substantial to say of the Chinese. However, what is clear is that information circulated through direct or indirect channels and was brought back to the Roman and Chinese empires by long distance merchants. Wherever one stands in this discussion, pro or contra an intense contact, what we can say is that there was a considerable economic exchange but a very limited cultural one: “There is nothing in the written records of either the Chinese or Roman worlds to suggest that the transmitted data from one world inspired innovation in the other. Details are presented as curiosities, not as examples. Attitudes of cultural superiority are apparent in the accounts from both worlds.” (Kolb/Speidel 2017: 51). According to the material sources gathered by Krisztina Hoppál, the Roman Empire was understood as a distant and, therefore, mystical country (Hoppál 2019: 78): “In the 1st to 5th centuries the Roman Empire was received as an unknown and utopian but real country, which changed into a more factual interpretation gradually … during the turbulent period of the 5th-6th centuries.” This paper deals with a field where cultural contact is a matter of fact. It is an aspect of a project I am dealing with since the mid-2000s: that is research on the mortuary landscape of Ephesos. In this paper, I will illustrate a phenomenon not only typical for Ephesos but for many places in the eastern Mediterranean: the lack or low number of cremation records that we know of since the Hellenistic period (based on Steskal 2019). And in fact, if we take a brief view on what we know about cremation in a metropolis like Ephesos it seems that inhumation rites were practiced almost exclusively since ­Hellenistic times. There are only very few cremation records taking the size of the city into account. But was that really the case? A brief look at the archaeological record in Ephesos offers a diverse picture (Fig. 1): In general, we know quite a lot about the Roman cemeteries, however, only very little about the Hellenistic ones. They almost disappeared from the landscape and there is only very little evidence. The reason for that is that simple Hellenistic graves are generally very inconspicuous monuments and, more importantly, that we are dealing with a massive

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Figure 1 Ephesos. Concentrated Extra-Urban Burial Spaces, © OeAW-OeAI/plan by: Christian Kurtze and Martin Steskal.

transformation of the landscape through geological changes and agricultural use that make it very difficult to localise the Hellenistic burial grounds today. The evidence of burials for the Roman and Early Byzantine period is much denser: The largest Ephesian cemetery is the West Necropolis. This cemetery of at least 45 ha was in use from the 2nd century to the 6th century AD. The burials of the West Necropolis do not follow the orthogonal street grid of the city but instead are situated along a complex system of paths and are primarily oriented towards the harbour channel. In this context the channel functions as the burial street. The necropolis is characterised by hundreds of tombs (Fig. 2) and freestanding sarcophagi (Fig. 3). The statistical analysis indicates that the average size of the burial houses is 9 m². The majority of the burial houses are made of dressed stone masonry and was plastered inside and out. Numerous burial houses also had wall paintings and were shaped with niches. A burial house could usually be closed with a single wooden door and contained on average three graves. These were either richly decorated or semi-finished sarcophagi or arcosolia. The graves were sometimes also simply cut into the local bedrock as chamosoria and then covered with stone slabs. The burial houses can be reconstructed as follows: They were either cubical structures with a flat roof or also buildings with an arched vault, typical for many places in Asia Minor. In

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Figure 2 Ephesos. South-East Necropolis. Typical Burial House (Inventory no. 129/12), © OeAW-OeAI/photo by: Ludwig Fliesser.

Figure 3 Ephesos. West Necropolis. Remains of a Freestanding Sarcophagus (Inventory no. 48/11), © OeAW-OeAI/photo by: Ludwig Fliesser.

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addition to burial houses there were also detached sarcophagi that were not integrated into the burial houses. They make up about 6% of the entire mortuary architecture. Our research has not only been focused on the West Necropolis, but we have ­attempted to record the entire Ephesian mortuary landscape. Therefore, the remaining cemetery areas of the Roman period were studied by means of surveys. In total we were able to identify two additional densely used cemetery areas: the South-East Necropolis about 10 ha in size and the large East Necropolis measuring 35 ha. We can estimate that in the Roman period Ephesos had at least 90 ha of densely used extra-urban burial land with more than 1,200 individual burial sites, i.e. burial houses and freestanding sarco­ phagi. The burial sites are primarily located in extra-urban contexts. The legal framework for the prohibition of inner-urban burials is frequently mentioned in the literary sources (Steskal 2013). In this context burial was viewed as a necessary hygiene measure that removed the corpse from the domestic space and it was cremated or interred outside of the settlement. However, Ephesos appears to have always encouraged inner-urban burials. Already in the late Hellenistic period the privilege of burying outstanding citizens within the city limits is attested for Ephesos. In this context burial monuments were understood in the same way as personal honorific monuments. Their location within the city was intended to arouse the maximum amount of public attention and the burial within the city limits marked an exceptional honour. With the drastic decline of private patronage in Ephesos inner-urban honorific burials disappear in the course of the 3rd century AD. Inner urban burials appear again in a Christian context in the early Byzantine period with inner-urban burials around churches. This is of course a different phenomenon that can be sketched as follows: The extra-urban churches that were often constructed in the immediate vicinity of burials of martyrs were highly attractive burial sites that appeared to be especially blessed through the relics of the martyrs. People hoped that the closer the burial was located to these relics the greater the influence emanating from the saint would be. Once the precious relics were gradually moved into the fortified cities, the burials followed. This slowly resulted in a transfer of the responsibility for burials from the urban administration to the church authorities. We have here a nice example of how burial rituals became the preferred method of defining membership to a group or joint values. The burials functioned as a physical symbol of the person’s identity and also marked a territory. The incorporation of cemeteries into the urban setting and their connection to Christian churches signals a clear break with antiquity and marks a central element in the definition of the medieval city. Death is a decisive and dramatic event. It causes chaos and rips the deceased out of the realm of the living and the bereaved out of their normal role in daily life. To bring back order into this chaos it is indispensable to rely on a clearly defined chronology of

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events and to perform rituals. These rituals are both important for the deceased and the bereaved. The ethnologist Arnold van Gennep described these transitional rites at the beginning of the 20th century as les rites de passage (van Gennep 1999)1. While van Gennep was able to explore modern indigenous societies we cannot participate in ritual performances of ancient societies and instead we depend on literary sources and material culture. However, we face a great divide between texts, traditionally referring to the ­social elite, and the beliefs of the broad mass of the population. Archaeology can only talk about people that left their traces. And even though material culture and written sources are not restricted to a specific group we know only very little about the lower social strata. Without being mentioned in inscriptions they remain in the shadow of namelessness. The situation is even worse for those who were buried on burial ground specifically provided by the municipal administration for the poor (Schrumpf 2006: 119– 138). Their graves hardly left marks on the surface which makes it very difficult to detect them. They were not buried there, however, because of piety or caritas. It was the simple disposal of a corpse for hygienic reasons, which otherwise would be left within the city fabric. ­Additionally, the archaeological record is mostly fragmentary and not every human a­ ction is reflected by the material culture. In most cases burial goods tell more about the people left behind than about the deceased: The quantity and quality of the finds do not provide accurate information about the economic influence of the deceased. But this is not all: Ancient societies, especially the ones of Asia Minor, are not a homogenous body but from an ethnical point of view highly diversified. This is particularly true for a cultural melting pot like Ephesos. An analytical consideration of concepts of the afterlife is a difficult endeavour. There are no simple questions or simple answers. The range of different views was structured in complex ways: On the one end death was considered to be the material termination of the soul, on the other there was a detailed, separate world of the dead. Dealing with the development of Roman concepts of the afterlife it becomes clear that there is no straight-forward development but a confusion of beliefs. The individual could choose from a variety of different cults, religions, and philosophies and accept or reject parts of them. For many, posthumous fame and memory was the only way to continue living. The afterlife of the deceased was represented in the commemoration of the people who survived them. Memoria, the actual act of remembrance, was of extraordinary importance: The countless monuments and epitaphs recording not only the names of the deceased but their whole career and merits bear witness of the efforts made to be kept in good memory. However, there were many uncertainties when it came to organise one’s afterlife apart from the many different metaphysical expectations, and individual ideas 1

First published in 1909.

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of the afterlife that humans have always connected with death. On a more pragmatic level Romans wanted to be remembered and they invested a lot of energy and thought in activities that were supposed to ban death through memoria. The overarching goal was to be as independent of the willingness of the descendants to visit the grave if possible. The options hinged on the financial means of the individual (Schrumpf 2006: 107–119): One could order in his or her will that the manumission of slaves would oblige them to show up at one’s burial place for offerings on a regular basis. One could offer rewards like food, oil, or wine, partially already prepared in portions (so called sportulae), in order to have a minimum of public at the grave. Another one could leave in his or her will capital sums of money or property, the interest from which was to be expended on the offerings at the tomb like flowers, incense, and wine or ceremonial meals. The beneficiaries of such donations were frequently clubs or associations (so called collegia) which were supposed to be more reliable and more durable than single persons. One of the most apparent and crucial decisions that had to be made at a certain point was whether to inhume or cremate the dead body (Schrumpf 2006: 63–87)2. The way of interring was an essential part of the funeral ritual and still is. However, the origins and the development of this ritual are a controversial issue. The opinion that cremation was not a Greek rite in the Roman Empire, and in particular in Asia Minor, can be found in several of the general works on cremation and inhumation. While in former research cremation was referred to as the mos Romanus and inhumation as the mos Graecus (Morris 1996: 31, 52–53; Audin 1960; Nock 1932) we are actually dealing with a rite that was subject to multiple regional changes and that was practiced side by side. Sven Ahrens just lately provided a summary of the evidence for cremation in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor and convincingly shows that cremation and inhumation “were not seen as something contrary, but rather as two options in the multifaceted range of mortuary rites available in Asia Minor.” (Ahrens 2015).3 And even if inhumation was much more common than cremation in the Imperial period and later on within the Christian communities who definitely gave a boost to this burial ritual, the evidence of finds proving the practice of cremation in Asia Minor demonstrates that cremation was not only an adoption or reflection of Roman funerary practices but an indigenous rite in Asia Minor. The varied destiny of inhumation and cremation in Asia Minor is influenced by several historical occasions that also shaped the funerary landscapes through the centuries: After periods of simultaneous practice of cremation and inhumation very much depending on family traditions and individual preferences (Toynbee 1971: 33–42) we see an almost complete change from cremation to inhumation under Persian rule over Asia 2 3

Both burial rites can occur in different forms that sometimes cannot be clearly differentiated, see Rebay-Salisbury 2015. For a catalogue of the inscriptions mentioning ostothecae see Kubinska 1999.

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Minor in the 6th and 5th centuries BC. It has even been suggested that Zoroastrianism may have been a decisive factor for this astonishing development (Hintze 2019). In this religious concept in which Zoroaster’s supreme god, Ahura Mazdā, played the major role, purity was of fundamental importance (de Jong 2012). It was the general concern to limit pollution as much as possible. Particularly fire had to be kept clean since it was considered the holiest of the elements of creation (fire, water, and earth). Thus, it is not surprising that the beginning of the use of sarcophagi in Asia Minor is frequently connected to the Zoroastrian purity laws that strictly forbade the contact of the corpse with fire and water to prevent pollution of the elements (Audin 1960). Since the Persian influence on tomb architecture and decoration in Lycia is also obvious, Persian religion is considered to play an increasingly important role in the preference of inhumation in this area (Kolb/Thomsen 2005). However, it remains unclear how big the impact of Persian religion on the practice of cremation in the 6th and 5th centuries BC actually was since the western Anatolian coast remained only temporarily under Persian rule. The comeback of cremation in the late 4th century BC can be directly linked to the conquest of Alexander (Ahrens 2015: 197). In the course of his conquest and the following armed conflicts between the Diadochs, soldiers from Macedonia and Greece moved for de­cades through Asia Minor practicing again cremation and inhumation with the dominant practice depending on place and time. Roman rule, however, appears not to have caused a significant ritual change for the area as a whole. Elite fashions, their imitations and personal preferences seemed to be crucial factors in mortuary behaviour (Morris 1996: 31–69). The Greek and Roman worlds went through cycles of centuries when cremation or inhumation was the dominant funerary rite, and at times inhumation and cremation were practiced side by side (Rebay-Salisbury 2012: 19–21). The archaeological evidence for cremation in Ephesos is – like in most regions of Asia Minor – scarce. The simple receptacles containing charred bones and ashes did not differ much from pottery for everyday use and are hard to recognize as cremation containers once they have been removed from their original context. We have to consider a much higher proportion of cremation in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, however they are hard to prove. Six large-scale necropolis excavations and surveys put together by Sven Ahrens give an idea of how common cremation actually was in Asia Minor (Ahrens 2015: 188): The necropoleis of Myrina, Assos, Sagalassos, Laodicea, and Pessinus show a considerable number of cremation records, even though the specific ratios seem to vary from place to place and regarding their chronology. Even though the archaeological evidence for cremation in Ephesos is limited, the situation is a little bit better in regard to ostothecae – small circular or rectangular receptacles containing charred bones and ashes (Fig. 4): Up to now, around 180 ostothecae or frag-

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Figure 4 Ephesos. Ostotheca in the Shape of a Semi-finished Sarcophagus from the West Necropolis (Inventory no. 69/11), © OeAW-OeAI/photo by: Ludwig Fliesser.

ments of them have been found in Ephesos. They were produced from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD and used well into the 3rd century. They fall into two types: those with plain faces and those carved with garlands. Inscriptions have revealed that more than 50% of the ostothecae were used by Roman citizens or freedman, especially the ones with garland decoration that were introduced in the Augustan period. Roman citizens and freedman were the main target of this new innovation until the onset of the Ephesian sarcophagus production in the first half of the 2nd century AD. Christine Thomas (Thomas/İçten 2007; Thomas/İçten 1999; Thomas 2005; Büyükkolancı/Thomas/Engelmann 2010) interprets the increase in ostentation in burial containers as a “ritual strategy on the part of freedmen that legitimated their power against other contenders for power, the provincial elite, the hereditary rulers of Ephesos.” This particular choice was an important feature in creating a group identity within the group of freedmen. The archaeological contexts gathered here provide strong evidence that cremation was a well-established rite in Asia Minor. However, even though cremation was still practiced in areas of Asia Minor for a very long time, inhumation was much more common than cremation at least in the Imperial Period. In the specific case of Ephesos we can say that the archaeological evidence for cremation is scarce. The massive transformation of the landscape through geological changes

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and agricultural use make it very difficult today to localise the very delicate cremation records. However, the number of around 180 ostothecae dating to the late Hellenistic and Imperial Period that were found in Ephesos in relation to the contemporary around 700 sarcophagi that we know of is not that low. It is 25%. It shows that receptacles for charred bones and ashes were produced and used well into the 3rd century AD and that cremation was an important way to transfer the deceased to an afterlife of whatever they chose to be a part. In Ephesos as well as on many other sites in Asia Minor we can expect more finds of cremated bodies from the Hellenistic and Roman period since archaeological ­methods are developing positively. This will refine our view on inhumation and cremation through the centuries.

Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the organizers of the conference in Tabriz, Gabriela Krist, Liangren Zhang, Adel Farhangui and their team, for their kind invitation and the ­director of the excavations in Ephesos, Sabine Ladstätter, for the publication permission. I am grateful to Nicole High-Steskal for the revision of the English manuscript.

References

Ahrens, S., ‘Whether by Decay or Fire Consumed...’: Cremation in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, in: Brandt, J.R./Prusac, M./Roland, H. (eds.), Death and Changing Rituals: Function and Meaning in Ancient Funerary Practices, Oxford 2015, 185–222. Audin, A., Inhumation et Incineration, Latomus 19/1960: 312–322 and 518–532. Burgersdijk, D., Palmyra on the Silk Road: Terrestrial and Maritime Trading Routes from China to the Mediterranean, Talanta 51/2019: 246–257. Büyükkolancı, P./Thomas, C.M./Engelmann, H., Neue Ostotheken aus Ephesos, in: Aybek, S./ Öz, A.K. (eds.), Metropolis İonia II. Yolların Kesiştiği Yer. Recep Meriç İçin Yazılar = The Land of the Crossroads. Essays in Honour of Recep Meriç, Istanbul 2010, 87–94. de Jong, A.F., Purity and Pollution in Ancient Zoroastrianism, in: Frevel, C./Nihan, C. (eds.), Purity and the Forming of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean World and Ancient Judaism, 2012, 183–194. Di Cosmo, N./Maas, M. (eds.), Empires and Exchanges in Eurasian Late Antiquity. Rome, China, Iran and the Steppe, ca. 250–750, Cambridge 2018. Dueck, D., Geography in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge 2012. Fibiger Bang, P., Commanding and Consuming the World, in: Scheidel, W. (ed.), Rome and China, Oxford 2009, 100–120. Hintze, A., Defeating Death: Eschatology in Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity, in: Rubanovich, J./Herman, G. (eds.), Irano-Judaica VII. Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture throughout the Ages, Jerusalem 2019, 23–72.

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Hoppál, K., Chinese Historical Records and Sino-Roman Relations: A Critical Approach to Understand Problems on the Chinese Reception of the Roman Empire, RES Antiquitatis 1/2019: 63–81. Kolb, A./Speidel M., Imperial Rome and China: Communication and Information Transmission, in: Elizade, M.D./Jianlang W. (eds.), China’s Development from a Global Perspective, Newcastle upon Tyne 2017, 28–56. Kolb, F./Thomsen, A., Gräber und Grabkult auf dem Avşar Tepesi, in: İşkan, H./Işık, F. (eds.), Grabtypen und Totenkult im südwestlichen Kleinasien, Antalya 2005, 131–150. Kubinska, J., Ostothèques et kaustrai dans les inscriptions grecques d’Asie Mineure, Warsaw 1999. Loewe, M., Knowledge of other Cultures in China’s Early Empires, in: Raaflaub, K.A./Talbert, R.J.A. (eds.), Geography and Ethnography: Perceptions of the World in Pre-Modern Societies, Oxford 2010, 74–88. Miller, M.C., Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century BC: A Study in Cultural Receptivity, Cambridge 1997. Morris, I., Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge 1996. Nock, A.D., Cremation and Burial in the Roman Empire, The Harvard Theological Review 25/1932: 321–359. Rebay-Salisbury, K., Inhumation and Cremation: How Burial Practices are Linked to Beliefs, in: Sørensen M.L.S./Rebay-Salisbury K. (eds.), Embodied Knowledge: Historical Perspectives on Technology and Belief, Oxford 2012, 15–26. Rebay-Salisbury, K., Neither Fish nor Fowl: Burial Practices between Inhumation and Cremation, in: Devlin, Z.L./Graham, E.J. (eds.), Death Embodied: Archaeological Approaches to the Treatment of the Corpse, Oxford 2015, 18–40. Scheidel, W., Introduction, in: Scheidel, W. (ed.), State Power in Ancient China and Rome, Oxford 2015, 3–10. Schrumpf, D., Bestattung und Bestattungswesen im Römischen Reich. Ablauf, soziale Dimension und ökonomische Bedeutung der Totenfürsorge im lateinischen Westen, Göttingen 2006. Steskal, M., Mortuary Landscape and Group Identity in Roman Ephesos, in: Schowalter, D./ Ladstätter, S./Friesen, St./Thomas, Ch. (eds.), Religion in Ephesos Reconsidered. Archaeology of Spaces, Structures, and Objects, Leiden 2019, 123–134. Steskal, M., Wandering Cemeteries. Roman and Late Roman Burials in the Capital of the Province of Asia, in: Henry, O. (ed.), Le mort dans la ville. Pratiques, contextes et impacts des inhumations intra-muros en Anatolie, du début de l’Âge du Bronze à l’époque romaine. 2èmes Rencontres d’archéologie de l’IFÉA. Istanbul 14-15 Novembre 2011, Istanbul 2013, 243–257. Thomas, C.M./İçten, C., The Ephesian Ossuaries and Roman Influence on the Production of Burial Containers, in: Friesinger, H./Krinzinger, F., (eds.), 100 Jahre österreichische Forschungen in Ephesos. Akten des Symposions Wien 1995, Wien 1999, 549–554. Thomas, C.M./İçten, C., The Ostothekai of Ephesos and the Rise of Sarcophacus Inhumation: Death, Conspicuous Consumption, and Roman Freedmen, in: Koch, G. (ed.), Akten des Symposiums des Sarkophag-Corpus 2001. Marburg, 2.-7. Juli 2001, Mainz 2007, 335–344. Thomas, C.M., Placing the Dead: Funerary Practice and Social Stratification in the Early Roman

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Period at Corinth and Ephesos, in: Schowalter, D.N./Friesen, S.J. (eds.), Urban Religion in Roman Corinth. Interdisciplinary Approaches, Cambridge 2005, 281–304. Toynbee, J.M.C., Death and Burial in the Roman World, Baltimore 1971. van Gennep, A., Übergangsriten (Les rites de passage), Frankfurt 1999. Whitfield, S., Life along the Silk Road, Oakland 2015. Whitfield, S., Was there a Silk Road?, Asian Medicine 3/2007: 201–213.

Ephesos in Context – An Archaeological Site’s Transformation from an Untouched Cultural Landscape to a Hub in Research and Tourism

Jasmin Ableidinger, Iulian Ganciu, Barbara Rankl, Gabriela Krist Abstract: Included in the UNESCO-World Heritage List in 2015, Ephesos has enjoyed the attention of tourists for more than half a century and the attention of researchers for well over a century. Since the beginning, the site was subjected to alterations by natural processes but also by human interventions, such as the large-scale excavations, restoration interventions and touristic exploitation. The current study presents new overarching research questions from the perspectives of archaeology, conservation science and cultural heritage studies dealing with the history of Ephesos and new methods in exploring the site. The paper describes the historical developments of those three disciplines, which lead to the changes of the cultural landscape and the formation of an archaeological park, utilised by mass tourism. Keywords: archaeological geophysical prospection, conservation, cultural heritage studies, Ephesos, reconstruction

Introduction The paper presents an interdisciplinary research project dealing with the UNESCO World Heritage site Ephesos, from the perspectives of archaeology, conservation science, and cultural heritage studies. Three doctoral studies interlinked to one interdisciplinary project, which interprets the image of the archaeological site as it is presented today, and how and why it changed during its long period of research. The area of the ancient city of Ephesos with its first settlements in the first half of the 7th millennium BC, was subjected to alterations by natural processes, but also by human interventions since the beginning. The once vital urban organism, with its peak in development in the Roman Imperial period was transformed into a site of memory, where nowadays visitors are told the vivid stories of ancient life. Intensive excavations made buried structures visible and enlarged the information about the ancient city. Extensive reconstruction work of ruins and restoration interventions play a significant role on how the site is presented today. Additionally, changes in the infrastructure of the site were executed with the purpose of attracting more tourists, which led to a radical alteration of the

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Figure 1 Archaeological Site Before Extensive Excavations, 1901, © OeAW-OeAI.

Figure 2 Archaeological Park with Excavated Areas and Interventions for a Better Preservation and Presentation of the Ruins, 2012, © OeAW-OeAI.

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city’s appearance. Ephesos transformed from an untouched site into an archaeological park. It is a product of the disciplines, which studied it, and demonstrates a significant commodity in the global tourist market. What is seen as unique, in terms of heritage and commodification, is placed in a global, comparative context. From this perspective, Ephesos is promoted as being the “grandest and best-preserved ancient city of modern Turkey”.1 The advertisings go even further in claiming that Ephesos is Europe’s most complete ancient city.2 The advertisement used by national companies, such as Turkish Airlines, manages to attract up to almost 2 million visitors every year, making it one of the most visited archaeological sites in the world. The Ephesos of today is not simply preserved, but is rather artificially created. The following paper deals with the alteration processes that have taken place at the site and their effects on the image of Ephesos (Figs. 1, 2).

Archaeology as Revealer of the Cultural Landscape The ruins of the ancient city of Ephesos were never completely covered by soil and the interest of explorers and travellers was already triggered in the 15th century. In the course of these expeditions, first sketches, drawings, copper-plate engravings and water­colourworks were made, which show monuments, a schematic city plan and reconstruction sketches (Wiplinger/Wlach 1996: 2). Archaeological research in Ephesos started in 1863, when John Turtle Wood was commissioned by the British Museum to discover the Artemision, today known as one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World. With the excavation of the first trenches in the centre of today’s archaeological park, the visualisation of Ephesos began. After seven years, Wood discovered the Artemision, but his excavations continued only until 1874 (Wohlers-Scharf 1995: 51–61; Wiplinger/Wlach 1996: 4–5). The Austrian involvement in Ephesos began in 1895, led by Otto Benndorf. In the beginning, the findings were brought partly to museums in Europe, like the British Museum in London and the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, and partly to Istanbul. Since 1907, the di­ scovered objects remained in Turkey in Istanbul, Izmir and Selçuk (Wohlers-Scharf 1995: 3). The first research period in Ephesos lasted until 1913. Between 1926 and 1935 the work in Ephesos continued with follow-up excavations and test trenches to study the ground plan of the buildings, like the gymnasiums (Wiplinger/Wlach 1996: 42–44) and the early Christian monuments (Ladstätter 2018: 265). Another break was caused by the Second 1 2

https://www.lonelyplanet.com/turkey/attractions/ephesus/a/poi-sig/1066097/360857 (04.02.2019). https://www.atlasandboots.com/tips-visiting-ephesus-turkey/ (04.02.2019).

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World War and it took 19 years to continue the research again. Since 1954 until today, researchers under Austrian leadership are working in Ephesos, and approximately 15% of the entire urban area has been excavated so far.

New Developments in Exploring the Site Since the beginning of the research activities, the focus has always been on excavations. While in the first period the emphasis of the research was on the Hellenistic and Roman city, the Interwar period dealt also with the investigation of early Christian monuments. After the Second World War a new research phase started. The focus was no longer on single monuments, instead larger areas, the uncovering of whole city districts and urban concepts were of interest (Wohlers-Scharf 1995: 3, 315; Ladstätter 2018: 265–266). In the 1990s a predominant focus was the scientific study of the finding material of the excavations. Furthermore, interdisciplinary work was pushed and geologists, anthropologists, geodesists, archaeobotanists and geophysicists were working in Ephesos together (Wiplinger 1998: 194–195). Archaeology today is an established interdisciplinary field and includes geophysics as one of the fields of cooperation. As geophysical arch­ aeological prospection is a non-invasive survey method, information of buried archaeological features can be explored and studied without exposing them (Fig. 3). Geophysical archaeological prospection investigations were used in Ephesos for the first time in 1995 and are performed to this day (Seren et al. 2001; Groh 2003; Groh 2006: 49–50; Seren et al. 2015). In 1995 and 1996, the first surveys were carried out by the Czech company Geofyzika a.s. and the Austrian company ARGIS Archäologie und Geodaten Service. In the year 1996, the Austrian Central Institute for Meteorology and Geodynamics (ZAMG) conducted prospection investigations and did so with a few exceptions until 2016. Additionally, the Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI) led by Stefan Groh, in 2006 and 2008, and the University of Southampton headed by Simon Keay (European Research Council project ‘PortusLimen’3) in 2015, 2016 and 2019 were surveying in Ephesos. Varieties of methods have been used so far, including ground-penetrating radar (GPR), magnetometry, electrical resistivity, electro-magnetic induction measurements, and seismology. In total 175 ha have been recorded from 1995 until 2016 using GPR and magnetometry; whereby the results of the GPR surveys have been highly important. Although geophysical surveying methods have developed into essential instruments for archaeological research in recent decades, the archaeological interpretation of the prospection data in Ephesos research is at a preliminary stage. The evaluation of the 3 https://portuslimen.eu/(09.04.2020).

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Figure 3 Section of the Lower City Quarter in Ephesos, GPR Depth Slice 100–150 cm; Data Collection and Processing by ArcheoProspections®, ZAMG, © OeAW-OeAI/plan by: Jasmin Ableidinger.

extensive geophysical data represents a central aspect in the topographical analysis of Ephesos, which offers a new perspective on the city and its hinterland. It will provide notable information regarding the appearance and development of a very important ancient city. The geophysical prospection investigations have major advantages regarding the preservation of the ruins, as excavating larger areas and entire structures is no longer necessary. The archaeological heritage can remain in the protected environment provided by the surrounding soil.

Shaping the Archaeological Park The field of monument preservation, with its efforts to conserve and present the ­ruins, play a significant role in the appearance of the site today. From the 1860s until the beginning of the 20th century, the research activities were limited to excavations. The protection of the unearthed ruins have been overlooked. With the beginning of the

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20th century, archaeologists started with the installation of architectural samples4 in the ruined site as a first step of presenting the archaeological remains. After an excavation of a monument, fallen columns were set upright and architectural elements were moved or stored (Demas 1997: 136). However, repeating statements of massive damage to the ruins after the winter break were documented in the excavation diaries, the unearthed structures were not conserved. The period after the Second World War marks the beginning of conservation/restoration and reconstruction attempts at the site. Interventions were conducted with the goal of preserving the excavated structures and presenting them to scholars and visitors. For a better understanding of the architecture of the unearthed monuments, parts of the ancient buildings were reassembled. In contradiction to the aforementioned “architectural samples”, the new method of reassembling pursued a more permanent approach, using metal clamps, mortar and concrete additions for the reconstruction. The conservational activities included removal of plants and filling the joints with mortar. Furthermore, the restoration of the architectural elements went hand in hand with numerous reassembling work processed at the site between the 1950s and the 1990s. During this creative phase the image of the site was characterised by construction sites and large-scale restoration projects, which shaped the appearance of the site tremendously. In the same period after the Second World War the site was officially opened to visitors (Demas 1997: 137), a turning point in the decision-making process, as tourism played a major role besides the scientific investigations. At the same time, the rising costs of archaeological excavations and monument preservation required the support of private investors whose interests had to be catered. The presentation of the ruins through reconstruction constituted an effective tool to attract and satisfy sponsors (Ladstätter 2018: 267–272). Reconstructions of ruins are made according to goals and values and demonstrate the technical process in the time they were built in. Dealing with reconstruction work the concept of “anastylosis” is often used, which means the reassembling of existing but dismembered parts. The material used for integration should always be recognisable and its use should be the least that will ensure the conservation of a monument and the reinstatement of its form.5 4

5

After the excavation of a monument the archaeologists built up “architectural samples” to help visualise the architecture of the monuments for researchers and visitors. This means that some of the excavated fragments, such as capitals, architraves and friezes were stacked on top of each other. For the construction no additional elements or stabilising materials, such as clamps were used. Very often the location of the whole installation was not the original place of the building. Some of those samples can be still found at the site today. https://www.icomos.org/charters/venice_e.pdf (02.07.2019).

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Figure 4 Reconstruction Work at the Temple of Hadrian, © OeAW-OeAI.

In Ephesos, plethora of concepts were used for reassembling monuments throughout the second half of the 20th century. Most of the reconstructions followed the concept of an anastylosis. Whether this strategy succeeded in all cases is an open question and sparks a vivid debate among scholars (Ladstätter 2018: 273–274; Steudtner 2018). The rationales of reconstruction enterprises in Ephesos vary, whether for further research, to attract visitors or to make a “philosophical statement” (Demas 1997: 143–144). Especially along the famous Curetes Street – due to excavation and reconstruction – an urban appearance can be observed today. Along this street models of different kind of reconstruction, their motivation and their method can be studied (Figs. 4, 5) (Koenigs 2017: 53). In many reconstructions in Ephesos, the same material – namely concrete – was used intensively for the construction work and for the additions of missing parts. However, the appearance of the constructs differ tremendously due to the various theoretical backgrounds and the practical realisations. The protective roofing of the Terrace House 2 influences the appearance of the ­archaeological park today. The discovery of the Terrace Houses in the 1960s, with its many wall paintings and mosaics, raised many new conservation issues. Very soon, temporary protective roofing to secure the fragile structures was built. The further the excavation brought new fragile structures to light, the need for a permanent solution became

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Figure 5 Reconstruction Work at the Memmius Monument, © OeAW-OeAI.

evident. The protective shelter, which is today installed to cover the precious structures, was constructed in 2002. With Hadrian’s Gate, the last major reconstruction was finished in the 1990s. From this time onwards, the focus was on conservation and restoration of the unearthed structures and no reconstructions were executed anymore. Summarising, all interventions carried out to conserve or present the excavated structures shape the appearance of the archaeological park tremendously and at the same time give evidence of a certain time dealing with archaeological remains.

The Site in the Context of Tourism Economy Due to the efforts of presenting and mediating the ruined site, the development of tourism industry rapidly accelerated. In the early days of tourism at the site, Ephesos attracted a quarter of a million visitors (Ladstätter 2018), by the 1980s Ephesos could count more than 2 million visitors per year (Zabrana 2015) (Fig. 6). However, various factors can have a negative impact on the numbers of visitors, as the last years have shown, effects like the global economic crisis, terrorist threats or the political destabilisation in Turkey and more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. All have led to a decrease in the number of tourists in Ephesos (Ladstätter 2018).

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In order to understand the development of tourism at Ephesos, it is necessary to look not only at the development of Ephesos as a site/archaeological park, but also at the way Turkish government perceives culture in relation to tourism. The cultural sector is headed by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MoCT). The MoCT was founded in 1973 and is a centralised institution established as a single entity since 2003, when the Ministry of Culture fused with the Ministry of Tourism (Law no. 4848 on the Organization and Duties of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism).6 It oversees both cultural and touristic administrative frameworks in Turkey. The fusion between culture and tourism points out that the state sees cultural history within the context of tourism. This means that the management plans concerning historic and cultural sites focus on development for promotion and tourism and not on cultural significance for the nation (Baraldi/Shoup/Zan 2013). To go further with this argument, a look at the Tourism strategy of Turkey 2023, or simplified Turkey 2023, represents a clear proof that the focus of the central government is to increase the number of tourists coming to Turkey. Turkey 2023 is a plan that aims at tourism development in Turkey with the intention of making the country a world brand in tourism and a major destination in the list of top 5 countries in terms of number of visitors (Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MoCT), Tourism strategy of Turkey 2023: 4). The strategy focuses not only on infrastructure development, on promotion of tourism in and outside the country, but also on diversity (which will help in extending the tourism season) and enriching tourist’s experience. According to the Minister of Culture and Tourism, Mehmet Ersoy, the main goal of this strategy is to double the number of foreign visitors in Turkey, aiming for 70 million tourists with an aimed revenue of 70 billion dollars.7 The framework presented above fits also in the case of Ephesos, where the idea of a channel that reconnects Ephesos with the sea is starting to materialise. The plan of a port that re-connects the ancient site with the sea was first suggested in 1993 by the Repub­ lican People’s Party (CHP) of Selçuk municipality – it seemed to be abandoned. In 2018, progress has been made towards the realisation of this project, as the geotechnical drilling works – the first phase of the project – have been completed according to the İzmir de­ puty Mahmut Atilla Kaya.8

6 https://sinema.ktb.gov.tr/EN-144065/legal-structure-and-history.html (16.03.2021). 7 http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkey-vows-to-attract-70-million-tourists-by-2023-139802 (24.06.2019). 8 http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/civilizations-massacre-in-ephesus-121230 (02.07.2019).

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Figure 6 Tourists on the Curete’s Street, © OeAW-OeAI/photo by: Barbara Rankl.

What is the purpose of this channel? According to the mayor of the Aegean district of Selçuk, Zeynel Bakıcı, the channel should increase the number of tourists up to 10 million visitors annually.9 The channel is planned to be built through the protected area of the site, an action that will not only attract a de-listing from the UNESCO World Heritage List but will have effects on the local biosphere as well. The questions that arise from these facts is how sustainable this type of tourism can be, when no tourism management research has been conducted and how will the growing phenomenon of mass tourism affect the site and preservation of the ruins.

Conclusion The excavation and conservation activities conducted in the last centuries in Ephesos have led to the transformation of the city from a natural landscape with ancient ruins to an archaeological park utilised for mass tourism – from abandoned ruins to a tourist 9

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ancient-canal-to-draw-tourists-to-ephesus-139729 (02.07.2019).

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mecca. Ephesos has borne silent witness to the vicissitudes of 20th century archaeological and restoration theory as well as the growth of the tourism industry in Turkey. With all these transformations in mind, one question persists. Is the site keeping its value as an authentic document of the past or is it heading towards a Disneyfied version of antiquity? The scientific community has to be aware of the fact that every intervention made will influence the way Ephesos is preserved, presented, and perceived. The way the site is perceived varies depending on the narratives presented. Adding new research results, such as the development of restoration of ancient ruins and new archaeological evidence create new narratives, which can lead to a better understanding of the artistic synthesis that Ephesos is nowadays.

Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the organising team of the conference for the opportunity to publish their current research. The interdisciplinary research project is made possible by the funding of the Austrian Academy of Sciences within the DOC-team scholarship, for which the authors are very grateful. Particular thanks go to the supervisors of the three dissertations – Sabine Ladstätter (Austrian Archaeological Institute of the Austrian Academy of Sciences), Gabriela Krist (Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna) and Immo Trinks (Vienna Institute for Archaeological Science, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology) for their great support.

References

Acar, Ö., Canal Project Threatens Ancient Ephesus in Western Turkey, www.hurriyetdailynews. com/civilizations-massacre-in-ephesus-121230, accessed 02.07.2019. Baraldi, S.B./Shoup, D./Zan, L., Understanding Cultural Heritage in Turkey: Institutional Context and Organisational Issues, International Journal of Heritage Studies 19/7/2013: 728–748. doi: 10.1080/13527258.2012.700283. Demas, M., Ephesus, in: De La Torre, M. (ed.), The Conservation of Archaeological Sites in the Mediterranean Region. International conference organised by the Getty Conservation Institute and the J. Paul Getty Museum, 6–12 May 1995, Los Angeles 1997, 127–149. Demirtaş, S., Turkey Vows to Attract 70 Million Tourists by 2023, www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ turkey-vows-to-attract-70-million-tourists-by-2023-139802, accessed 24.06.2019. Groh, S., Integrated Prospection in the Upper Town of Ephesus, Turkey: A Case Study, Archaeologia Polona 41/2003: 185. Groh, S., Neue Forschungen zur Stadtplanung in Ephesos, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 75, 2006, 47–116.

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Hurriyet Daily News, Ancient Canal to Draw Tourists to Ephesus, www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ ancient-canal-to-draw-tourists-to-ephesus-139729, accessed 02.07.2019. ICOMOS, International Charter for Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (The Venice Charter 1964), www.icomos.org/charters/venice_e.pdf, accessed 02.07.2019. Koenigs, W., Motivation und Präsentation Großer Grabungen, in: Hassler, U. (ed.), Langfristperspektiven Archäologischer Stätten. Wissensgeschichte und Forschungsgeleitete Konservierung, Munich 2017, 347–355. Ladstätter, S., Ephesos. Archäologie und Massentourismus, in: Piesker, K./Akan, B./Göçmen, D./ Altay, S. (eds.), Heritage in Context 2. Archäologie und Tourismus. Miras 4, Istanbul 2018, 253–287. Lonely Planet, Ephesus, www.lonelyplanet.com/turkey/attractions/ephesus/a/poisig/1066097/360857, accessed 04.02.2019. Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MoCT), Law Number 4848 of April 16th 2003, https://sinema. ktb.gov.tr/EN-144065/legal-structure-and-history.html, accessed 16.03.2021. Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MoCT), Tourism Strategy of Turkey – 2023, Ankara 2007, https://www.ktb.gov.tr/Eklenti/43537,turkeytourismstrategy2023pdf.pdf?0&_tag1=796689BB 12A540BE0672E65E48D10C07D6DAE291, accessed 23.01.2020. Peter, 10 Tips for Visiting Ephesus, www.atlasandboots.com/tips-visiting-ephesus-turkey/, accessed 04.02.2019. Seren, S./Neubauer, W./Groh, S./Eder-Hinterleitner, A., GPR Surveys at Ephesos (Turkey), in: Doneus, M./Eder-Hinterleitner, A./Neubauer, W. (eds.), Archaeological Prospection. Fourth International Conference on Archaeological Prospection Wien, 19–23 September 2001, Graz 2001, 178–179. Seren, S./Totschnig, R./Hinterleitner, A./Löcker, K./Ladstätter, S., Archaeological Prospection Results of the Serapeion at Ephesus, Turkey, Archaeologia Polona 53/2015: 502–505. Steudtner, K., Anastylosis und Authentizität. Nachdenken über Herstellung, Erhaltung und Vermittlung von Kunstruinen, in: Piesker K./Akan, B./Göçmen, D./Altay, S. (eds.), Heritage in Context 2. Archäologie und Tourismus. Miras 4, Istanbul 2018, 151–179. University of Southampton, Portus Limen. Rome’s Mediterranean Ports, https://portuslimen.eu/, accessed 09.04.2020. Wiplinger, G., Ephesos, in: Kandler, M./Wlach, G. (ed.), 100 Jahre Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut. 1898–1998, Wien 1998, 189–198. Wiplinger, G./Wlach, G. (eds.), Ephesos. 100 Jahre Österreichische Forschungen, 2. Aufl., Wien-Köln-Weimar 1996. Wohlers-Scharf, T., Die Forschungsgeschichte von Ephesos. Entdeckungen, Grabungen und Persönlichkeiten, Frankfurt am Main-Berlin-Bern-New York-Paris-Wien 1995. Zabrana, L., Tourismus in der Weltkulturerbestätte. Risiken und Chancen für die Denkmalpflege. Blickpunkt Archäologie 4/2015, 307–313.

The Study of Wall Paintings in Aristocratic Houses in the Region of Ladakh, India

Noor Jahan, Tatjana Bayerová, Gabriela Krist, Satish C. Pandey Abstract: The mountainous region of Ladakh was once an important transit and trading area due to its strategic location on extension of the Silk Road. Although religious art dominates the region, very few examples of art in non-religious buildings can also be found. Until now, these secular artworks have received little attention from scholars. This essay focuses on an art historical and technical study of decorative wall paintings called “Five Generations” that bear signs of foreign influence and clearly demonstrates the impact of cultural exchange in Ladakh. The murals were found in three aristocratic residencies of noble families linked to the court of Ladakhi Kings, namely in the Hunder Zimskhang, the Munshi House and the Kalon House. The detailed interpretation of these paintings, their probable dating and the possible interconnection among them will be discussed. Keywords: “Five Generations”, painting materials, Silk Road, technical study, wall paintings

Introduction Ladakh, a high altitude desert plateau between the Karakorum and Himalayan mountain ranges, was an important transit region due to its strategic geographic location in the past. Its trade routes enabled not only commercial exchange, but also the dissemination of philosophies, religious and cultural transmission, and political and military expansion. The region of Ladakh retains an exceptional heritage of Buddhist wall paintings and religious art works dating from the 12th century to the present times. Most of these art works can be found in religious buildings located everywhere around Ladakh. Wall paintings have always been essential for embellishing of buildings, but they also have often been used as an important means of religious expressions, through which the supreme ideals of religion could be evoked. Therefore, the wall paintings in Ladakh and in the whole western Himalayas are generally associated with the Buddhist monasteries and temples, as it was not a common practice to paint murals in the residential buildings. Nevertheless, three examples of wall paintings outside of religious structures were found in three aristocratic residences around the region that date to the end of 16th century. All

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Figure 1 Map of Ladakh with the Sites of Interest, ©/photo by: Quentin Devers, French National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris.

three murals depict a unique painting scheme locally known as “Five Generations”. The wall paintings bear a symbolic significance and their painting style shows a foreign influence. The murals were found in an historic aristocratic house called Hunder Zimskhang in the Hunder village in Nubra valley, north of Ladakh; in the Munshi House in the old town of Leh; and in the Kalon House located in the Mulbekh village, west of Ladakh, Kargil district (Fig. 1). The uniqueness of this painting scheme raised a number of questions about their ­origin, dating and interconnection. Therefore, an overall research was carried out, which comprises of art historical, literature and technical studies. This paper presents results of the technical study of all three murals. The comprehensive scientific study focused on the examination of painting materials and techniques in order to gain an objective assessment of the structure and material composition of these murals, their current condition and degree of damage. Primarily, the build-up of layers, nature of ground layers, presence of preparatory layers and identification of colouring materials, fillers and binding media were addressed. A comparative assessment of three mural schemes was done with the aim of understanding the cultural interactions and trade of materials through the Silk Road in this area. Finally, the knowledge gained is the base for the suggestion of possible conservation procedures and recommendations for a long-term care and maintenance of the murals.

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Sites and their Context Hunder Zimskhang The Hunder village was once a crucial trading station and an important control point for a major junction of a cross-Himalayan routes network used by pilgrims, caravans and the military (Kozicz/Lange 2018). Hunder Zimskhang “ngon-dar gzim-khang” (Tibetan) is a locally known name for a three-storeyed traditional house that served as a residence of the aristocratic family from the late 16th to the middle of the 20th century, when the house was donated to the current owner, the monastery of Diskit.1 The residence was built during the time of Lonpo Galdan Lobzang Stanzin, a much-respected minister at King Tsewang Namgyal’s (1575–1595) court (Namgyal Institute for Research on Ladakhi Art and Culture 2008). The vernacular building stands very close to the Shyok river and had suffered a severe flood in the year 1927 (Kozicz/Lange 2018) covering the entire ground floor with mud and debris. In later years, the house experienced a large fire that has damaged the western section of the building. It was due to these events that the last residing member of the family grew superstitious and decided to donate all the assets to the Diskit monastery.

Munshi House The Munshi House was the residence of the Togoche or Munshi family, whose members were ministers of the kings of the Namgyal dynasty in the capital of Ladakh. The construction of the residence is believed to be as old as the 17th-century Singge Namgyal palace located in the old town of Leh. During the Dogra invasion between 1834 and 1842, the families living in the old town started to abandon their ancestral homes and moved to the gardens and orchards in the south of Leh. Also the Munshi family left the house and moved to Sankar, a small village close to Leh. After the complete abandonment of the Munshi House in 1984 (Harrison 2016), the building had fallen into ruins until the Ladakh Arts and Media Organisation (LAMO) decided to undertake restoration works in 2006 and re-used the building as an art and media centre.

1

Tsewang Palmo, the eldest daughter of the last residing minister, donated all movable and immovable assets of her ancestral home (Hunder Zimskhang) to Diskit monastery in the year 1963.

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Kalon House The Kalon “bKa-lon” (Tibetan) House was the former residence of the last ruling family of the Mulbekh village. The Kalons came to power when the king Tashi Namgyal (1734– 1758), who did not have a successor, decided to give control of Mulbekh to the Namgyal dynasty. The house lies in ruins since the Dogra army invaded Mulbekh between 1834 and 1842. After the Dogra invasion, the family built a new residence at an unknown date, where the descendants of the royal family are still living. The new residence is at a stone throw distance from the old house and accommodates the wall painting on which this paper focuses. There are no historical documents available about the history of the family or of the house, except a brief mention in the book of historical sites published by the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage in 2017 (Devers 2017).

The Wall Paintings The painting “Five Generations”, “mi-rab-nga” (Tibetan) (Zodpa/Shakspo 1982) or the “Auspicious Painting of Seven Friends from China”, “rten-del gi rimo rgya-nag ­spun-ldun” (Tibetan) (Chhos-pel 2000) holds a symbolic significance among the aristocratic families of Ladakh. The scheme is very probably of Chinese origin and reached Ladakh through the trade activities prior to the mid-20th century, when the trade routes connecting Ladakh with neighbouring countries were closed due to political reasons. No written descriptions of the painting scheme were found except a brief mention in the book “History of the Nubra valley” (Zodpa/Shakspo 1982) and one illustration made by Rizong Sras-Sprul Lobzang Tsultim Chhos-pel in the book “Snan-rtsom dudtse’i-zegs-ma” (Tibetan) (Chhos-pel 2000); both sources are written in Tibetan language. The scheme depicts a group of seven people of East Asian descent, consisting of five men accompanied by a woman and a child. The paintings appear to depict the noble families living in the houses. Each of the three schemes has slight changes in the overall composition. The painting in the Hunder Zimskhang depicts four persons sitting on bamboo and wooden chairs, one man kneeling on the carpet and one man standing (Fig. 2). The child is shown settled on the woman’s lap. All the figures are dressed in typical Chinese attire with headgear accessorized with peacock feathers that correspond to the costumes worn by Chinese officials and noble men of Qing dynasty (1644–1911) (Kozicz/Lange 2018). The costumes have elegant designs and motifs typically found in the Chinese textiles, and are similar to the ones in the Munshi House painting with slight variations in design. The figures have hair braided in a typical Manchu style, which was common for people living in Qing dynasty China. There is another detail pointing to Manchus

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Figure 2 Wall Painting of “Five Generations” in Hunder Zimskhang, ©/photo by: Noor Jahan.

in the image of the standing man, holding a long smoking pipe; the Manchus had the reputation of being heavy smokers (Olivova 2005). Another detail worth mentioning is the kneeling man holding a peach, since the peach is a legendary symbol of longevity and immortality in Chinese art. Moreover, the bamboo chairs, on which the persons are sitting, are more typical in China. The Munshi House painting is executed on two adjacent walls and it was restored in 2017. The first figure from the left is a graceful woman with flowers in her hair, playing a flute and sitting on a bamboo stool, giving the impression of a courtesan (Fig. 3). Next to her are three men in a sitting position: the first one faces the woman and has his hand affectionately placed on her lap, the second man is shown in a frontal perspective, while the third man is shown seated on a chair with a smoking pipe in his hand (a detail pointing to Manchus). The painting continues on the next wall, where two men are depicted seated on long-legged Chinese styled chairs, one of them holding a child in his lap. Their style of clothing, individual head gears and the motifs on the garments bear a Chinese influence. The figures depicted in the painting in the Kalon House have a dwarfish appearance and the painting’s perspective is not clear; these features are indicative of an unskilled artist (Fig. 4). Only the first man from the left is standing, the others are shown seated either on chairs or directly on the ground. The woman is shown in the front; she has

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Figure 3 Wall Painting of “Five Generations” in the Munshi House, ©/photo by: Noor Jahan.

Figure 4 Wall Painting of “Five Generations” in Kalon House, ©/photo by: Noor Jahan.

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the child in her lap and holds a Chinese folding fan in her hand, which is missing in the other two paintings. The man in the middle is represented holding a peach.

Methodology The initial stage included the on-site survey and mapping based on an extensive and detailed visual inspection of all three paintings in artificial straight and raking light, and a full photographic documentation of their present condition. A portable USB microscope2 and multi-spectral imaging3 using conventional digital cameras were employed for topographical examination and documentation of the painting technology. Non-­ invasive imaging techniques were particularly useful for the proper selection of sampling locations and reducing the hazard of the sample not being representative. Sampling is unavoidable in cases where comprehensive study of painting materials and techniques is desirable. Since sampling is an invasive step, only minute samples were collected from the damaged parts of the representative areas of interest, e.g. from the edges, paint losses or cracks. In total, 29 samples were procured from all three murals and were examined at the Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna, Austria. All the samples were first observed under the stereomicroscope4; one part of each sample was used for the preparation of a cross-section5. Small portions of selected samples were used for the preparation of powder dispersions6. The number and build-up of paint layers, their condition and appearance, as well as the preliminary identification of pigments and binders were performed by observation of the cross-sections in incident polarised light7. Pigments in the powder dispersions were closer identified by examin­ ation of their colour, morphological and optical properties in transmitted polarised light8. For further study of the paint stratigraphy and for the identification of inorganic components, a scanning electron microscope coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray

2 3

4 5

6 7 8

USB microscope DINO-LITE premier and software DinoCapture 2.0. Nikon D7000 camera modified by removing the inbuilt Ultra Violet - Infra Red block filter fitted with two SIMPEX flashes coupled with a PROPAC PB 960 external source and connected through a wireless WANSEN Trigger. Various types of filters and their combinations were used on camera lens and flashes. Wild M3C Combi-stereo microscope, Nikon Coolpix 990 digital camera. Epoxy resin Araldite 2020 (Huntsman Advanced Materials, Switzerland) was used as the embedding medium; the Struers grinding papers and the Lapping Papers, Ciba Geigy, were used for grinding and polishing. The Cargille Meltmount, Refractive Index 1.662 was used as a mounting medium. Nikon Eclipse ME600 microscope, Nikon D200 digital camera; Ultra Violet (Ultra Violet filter 365 nm) and blue light (blue light filter 450–490 nm) were also employed. Nikon Eclipse ME600 microscope, Nikon D200 digital camera.

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s­ pectroscope was employed9. X-ray diffraction (XRD) was carried out for the definitive identification of selected pigments, fillers and inorganic mortars’ components10. The preliminary identification of organic binding media was performed directly on unmounted fragments using spot tests. The group specific reactions for starch, poly­ saccharides, plant gums, proteins, drying oils and natural resins were carried out. For the more precise identification of binders, a gas chromatography-mass spectrometry technique11 was used.

Results and Discussion Hunder Zimskhang The “Five Generations” painting was executed in an elaborated painting style with an ­attention to the minute details suggesting a skilled artist/workshop. The study has revealed that the “Five Generations” scheme was painted over an earlier wall painting, which is still visible in other places of the house. The surface of the earlier painting was covered with a ground layer that served as a preparation layer for the “Five Generations” painting (Fig. 5). The ground layer is white, and is composed of a fine clay matrix and animal glue. Its surface was smoothened in order to achieve the perfect support for the painting. There was no under-drawing found. The painting itself is executed in a secco technique by application of one or two thin paint layers. The secco technique, in contrast to a fresco technique, requires an organic binder, which was in this case identified as animal glue. Thus, the painting technique can be described as a glue-bound tempera painting, a technique that was frequently used in the wall paintings along the Silk Road. The colours of paint layers are saturated and are very intense, since the pigments in almost all layers were not mixed with a white pigment. The white areas are not painted at all – the exposed surface of the ground serves as the white colour. The number of pigments is relatively limited; pigments of both natural and synthetic origin were used: blue artificial ultramarine, as red pigments vermillion and red lead, emerald green, carbon black, permanent white and finely ground mineral huntite.

9

Scanning electron microscope Quanta FEG 250, (FEI, U.S.A.) coupled with an Octane Elect Plus energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscope (Ametek EDAX, U.S.A.). 10 Philips X’Pert Multi Purpose Diffractometer (CuKα radiation, 40 kV 40 mA) fitted with a X’Pert Data Collector and a X’Pert Data Viewer. 11 A 6890N gas chromatograph connected to a quadrupole mass spectrometer, model 5973N (both Agilent Technologies, U.S.A.).

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Figure 5 Paint Cross-Section, Optical Microscopy, Incident Light. The Stratigraphy of Layers from the Violet Area of the Painting in Hunder Zimskhang: Earthen Support (0), White Ground Layer of the Previous Painting (1), White Ground Layer of the Current Painting (2), Blue Paint Layer (3), Red Paint Layer (4), © University of Applied Arts Vienna/photo by: Noor Jahan.

The presence of blue artificial ultramarine and emerald green is of special interest in respect to dating of the painting. The synthesis of both pigments was invented in E ­ urope; blue artificial ultramarine in 1828 and emerald green in 1808 (Eastaugh et al. 2004). Both products were rapidly adopted by artists, but it is not known at which date they were available in Asia. Nevertheless, based on their finding in the “Five Generations” scheme, the painting can be dated to the second third of the 19th century at earliest. The discovery of white huntite deserves particular attention. Huntite is a mag­nesiumcalcium carbonate mineral that was very rarely used as an artist pigment, and up to now it was not identified in any Himalayan painting. It is therefore surprising that the same mineral was found also in the mural from the Munshi House, thus indicating a connection between the technologies of these two paintings. The presence of huntite in both murals suggests either the use of some small local source of the mineral or that it was a traded material of foreign origin. Not only the painting is in a dire need of conservation work; the whole building ­urgently requires an architectural conservation.

Munshi House The high quality of the painting in the Munshi House and the use of impasto technique for the decoration of the jewellery and textile motifs points towards a skilled workmanship of the artists. The painting is executed on a mud brick wall covered with an earthen plaster with a white ground layer. The white ground is much thinner than the one in the Hunder Zimskhang. It is composed of finely ground huntite, the same rarely used ­mineral that was found in the Hunder Zimskhang. There was no under-drawing revealed. The paint layers were applied by the secco technique that again corresponds to the glue-bound tempera. The number of colourants used is slightly higher; besides the same pigments that were identified in Hunder Zimskhang, yellow orpiment and red syn-

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thetic iron oxide were also found. Based on the pigment identification, this painting can be dated to the second third of the 19th century at earliest as well.

Kalon House The aesthetic quality of the painting in the Kalon House is the lowest of all three ­studied murals and the painting technology differs from the previous two paintings. The painting in Kalon House is on a mud brick wall covered with an earthen plaster and a preparation ground. The ground is not white in this case, but of brown-orange colour. It is composed of clay matrix rich in iron oxide mixed with some silicates and silica. The paint layers were applied in one or two layers without any under-drawing and the painting technique is again the glue-bound tempera. The same pigments as the ones identified in the Munshi House were found here – except emerald green. Chrome yellow and synthetic organic red and green pigments (which were not further analysed) were also detected. The painting was covered with a protective varnish layer (Fig. 6). Due to the presence of the darker ground and final varnish layer it can be assumed that the resulting impression of the painting was different than in the two previous paintings. Unfortunately, this assumption cannot be confirmed, since the owners have covered the whole Figure 6 Paint Cross-Section, Optical Microscopy, Incident Light. The Stratigraphy of Layers from the Red Area of the Painting in Kalon House: Earthen Support (0), Brown-Orange Ground Layer (1), Red Paint Layer (2), Original Varnish (3), Secondary Varnish (4), © University of Applied Arts Vienna/photo by: Noor Jahan. Figure 7 Paint Cross-Section, SEMBSED Micrograph. The Stratigraphy of Layers from the Red Area of the Painting in Kalon House: Earthen Support (0), Brown-Orange Ground Layer (1), Red Paint Layer (2), Original Varnish (3), Secondary Varnish (4), “x” Marks the Layers of Dirt, © University of ­Applied Arts Vienna/photo by: ­Johannes Weber.

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163

painting with another layer of varnish in 2001 (Fig. 7). The original appearance of the painting has been dimmed due to the application of the secondary varnish.

Conclusions The mountainous region of Ladakh once served as an important entrepôt between the ­Indian sub-continent, Central Asia and Tibet. The opulence of Chinese symbolic influence in the “Five Generations” murals in the three aristocratic houses – Hunder ­Zimskhang, Munshi House and Kalon House, is an example of the cultural diffusion and amalgamation of foreign influence into these art works. The study provided significant information for understanding the iconography, ori­ ginal materials and painting methods used to create these murals. Pigment analyses enable the paintings to be dated to the second third of the 19th century at earliest. Styli­ stic resemblances and similarities in the painting technology, high aesthetic quality and the presence of very rare mineral huntite in the murals from the Hunder Zimskhang and Munshi House clearly point to close interconnection between these two murals. This confirms also the historic study that revealed the aristocratic families from Munshi House and Hunder Zimskhang were connected through a marital arrangement between them.12 The finding of the not identified, but likely more modern, synthetic green and red pigments in the mural in the Kalon House indicates its later dating than the previous two. Nevertheless, it might be concluded that the “Five Generations” painting was an important subject of mural art amongst the aristocratic families between the 19th and 20th centuries.

Acknowledgements The authors are very grateful to monks and authorities of the Disket monastery, Mrs Disket Angmo, Queen of the Kalon House and Monisha Ahmed from the Ladakh Arts and Media Organisation for allowing the study of sites and taking of samples, Sreekumar Menon, Art Conservation Solutions, Noida for the multi-spectral imaging, Václav ­Pitthard at the Conservation Science Department, Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien for the GC-MS analyses, Johannes Weber, University of Applied Arts Vienna for the SEM-EDX analyses, Ingeborg Wimmer-Frey from the Geological Survey of Austria for the XRD analyses, Christian Luczanits, SOAS University of London and Quentin Devers, French National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris for their valuable advices and 12

Dr. Angchuk Munshi, the owner of Munshi house, personal interview by Noor Jahan, 07.08.2017.

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s­ uggestions, and Anthony Baragona, University of Applied Arts Vienna for correcting this paper.

References

Chhos-pel, Rizong Sras-Sprul Lobzang Tsultim., Snan-rtsom dudtse´i-zegs-ma. A Collection of Compositions and Paintings, New Delhi 2000. (in Tibetan). Devers, Q., Kalon-pa Old House, in: Historical Sites of Purig, Kargil, Ladakh, Jammu & Kashmir, Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage, New Delhi 2017, 79. Eastaugh, N./Walsh, V./Chaplin, T./Siddall, R., The Pigment Compendium. A Dictionary of Historical Pigments and Optical Microscopy of Historical Pigments, Elsevier 2004. Harrison, J., The Munshi House in Leh: A Building History, in: Linrothe, R.N./Poll, H. (eds.), Visible Heritage: Essays on the Art and Architecture of Greater Ladakh, 16th Conference of the International Association for Ladakh Studies 17–20 April 2013 Heidelberg, Studio Orientalia 2016, 65–84. Kozicz, G./Lange, D., The Minister’s Palace at Hunder: Reflections on Material and Visual Culture, Orientations, 49/3/2018: 52–60. Munshi, A., In-Person Interview by Noor Jahan, 07.08.2017. Namgyal Institute for Research on Ladakhi Art and Culture. Legacy of a Mountain People: Inventory of Cultural Resources of Ladakh, Vol. 4, Leh–Nubra, New Delhi 2008. Olivova, L., Tobacco Smoking in Qing China, Asia Major, Third Series, 18/1/2005: 225–260. Zodpa, L.K./Shakspo, T.N., Ldum ra’i rgyal rabs dang chos ‘byung. History of the Nubra Valley, Leh 1982. (in Tibetan).

A Study on Diseases and Conservation Measures of the Xiakou Fortress, Urumqi

Shuanglin Zhou, Ruifang Zhang Abstract: The diseases of the Xiakou Fortress in Dabancheng District, Urumqi, Xinjiang are investigated. The causes of these diseases are examined with the methods of environmental data collection, X-ray diffraction (XRD), particle size analysis and ion chromatography (IC). The internal causes are found to be the earth-stone structure and materials of the city walls, whereas the external causes are rainwater and wind. A systematic conservation programme is thus proposed, which consists of archaeological investigation of the site, foundation consolidation, city wall restoration, chemical reinforcement, drainage facilities, monitoring facilities, and routine maintenance. Keywords: conservation programme, diseases, earth-stone structure, Xinjiang

Introduction The Xiakou Fortress is located on a rocky hill, 1 km south of Bajiahu Village, Dabancheng District, Urumqi. According to the historical records, it was built in the Tang dynasty, and continuously used until the Qing dynasty (Xie 2017). Sitting on an elevated hill, it could have guarded the pass through the Tianshan Mountains. Its geo­ graphical coordinates are 43°19’36.8” N, 88°20’06.0” E, and altitude is 1054 m above sea level. The area is situated on the northern foot of Tianshan Mountains, and in the southern part of Junggar Basin, and in the middle temperate continental climatic zone. With an annual average of 6 degree Celsius, the temperature of the area varies sharply between the winter and summer, and between day and night. The annual rainfall is merely 104 mm. The Xiakou Fortress has a slightly triangular shape, 210 m long and 190 m wide. It consists of two parts: the northern and the southern forts. The northern fort is square and located in the north-west of the site. It is around 42 m from north to south and 45 m from east to west. The gate of the northern fort is located in the southern wall. A turret could be found in the north-western corner of the northern fort. In the northern wall, there is a well-preserved parapet, which is 80 cm high. Separated by only one wall, the southern fort is located to the south of the northern fort. The plane of the southern fort is “L” shaped. Its southern and eastern walls are slightly curved. A 10 m long parapet could be found outside the south-west corner of southern fort. The northern wall of the

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Figure 1 Location of the Xiakou Fortress, ©/drawing by: Yushen He; Base map: © Google Maps.

Figure 2 Aerial View of the Xiakou Fortress, ©/photo by: Xuancheng Liu.

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167

Xiakou Fortress is well preserved. It is 5.2 m high and 3.8 m thick. The other walls, which are around 2–3 m high, are poorly preserved. Beyond the walls, no other architectural features and objects are visible on the surface, because of which the chronology and function of the fortress are not well defined.

Investigation and Disease of the Xiakou Fortress Investigation

Figure 3a The Northern Wall of Xiakou Fortress, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Figure 3b The Western Wall of Xiakou Fortress, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

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Shuanglin Zhou, Ruifang Zhang

Figure 4b Artificially Treated Wooden Stick in Earth Layers, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Figure 4a Pebbles and Gravels in Earth Layers, ©/ photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

As a result of on-site investigation (Figs. 2–4), it is found that the Xiakou Fortress is built of earthen materials from local area, mixed with pebbles and gravels with sharp edges (Fig. 5). They might have been taken from the bedrock below the fortress. Grass has also been found in the inter-layers of the walls (Fig. 6). In addition, some earthen materials mixed with white plaster and artificially treated woods are probably applied to strengthen the walls (Figs. 7–8). Some areas of the earthen layers are curved, indicating that they may have been pounded with the rammed earth technique.

Diseases – Damages Based on on-site investigation, various diseases in the main body of the walls of the Xiakou Fortress have been found, including wind and sand abrasion, wind erosion pit, rain erosion, soda alkali, biological holes, collapses, cavities, cracks, human and animal trampling (Liang 2009: 92–94). Even though the types of diseases are not many, they are devastating to a large portion the walls (Figs. 3–6). The visits of tourists and pasturing herds in particular, incur new damage on the fortress.

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Figure 5a Rainwater Erosion, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Figure 5b Salt Efflorescence, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Figure 6a Animal Activities, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Figure 6b Human Activities, ©/photo by: Shuanglin Zhou.

Analyses of the Diseases In order to learn the causes of defects on the city walls, the soil moisture, temperature, humidity, and wind speed were investigated; scientific analyses were undertaken in situ and then samples were analysed in the laboratory to investigate the properties of the building materials and the mechanisms of the diseases. The grasses in the city wall were sampled and analysed.

Collection of Environmental Data The soil moisture of the city walls of the Xiakou Fortress was tested with MPM-160B moisture tester. The results are shown in Table 1.

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Table 1 The Soil Moisture of the City Walls. Location

Soil moisture content (%)

Bedrock

9.4

The northern wall of the northern fort

1.3

The southern wall of the southern fort

1.5

Short-term and long-term monitoring of the Xiakou Fortress to understand the environmental conditions – temperature and humidity – were conducted, using M8000 small environmental monitor. The results are shown in Table 2. Table 2 The Temperature and Humidity of the City Walls. Location

Temperature (oC)

Humidity (%)

The south-east corner

15.4

38.2

The eastern part

13.9

40.0

The wind speed of the Xiakou Fortress was recorded with the M8000 small environmental monitor on 17 April 2015, around 18:00 pm (local time), when the highest speed reached 21.3 m/s (Table 3). Table 3 The Wind Speeds in Different Sections. Location

Wind speed (m/s)

The western part of the fortress

0.8

The central part of the northern city wall

11.8

The central part of the northern city

9.8

The western part of the northern city wall

16.7

The eastern part of the northern city wall

21.3

Samples Construction materials of the fortress walls were derived from the soil nearby, which was mixed with pebbles and soil. In addition, grass and wood were detected in some rammed earth layers. Samples were extracted from the soil, grasses, and wood of the rammed earth layers. In addition, samples were gathered from the wetland nearby. The detail of samples is listed in Table 4.

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Table 4 Detail of the Soil Samples. Sample number

Description

0

Saline soil from the wetland near the city

5

Brown rammed earth from the northern wall of the northern city

6

Rust-coloured rammed earth from the northern wall of the northern city

7

Grey rammed earth from the northern wall of the northern city

8

Silt-like rammed earth from the northern wall of the northern city

10

Rammed earth from the top of the northern wall of the northern city

12

Rammed earth from the bottom of the eastern wall of the northern city

14

Mortar-like material from the north-east corner of the city

29

The thickest rammed earth layer from the collapsed part of the southern city

30

Saline soil from the wetland near the city

Methods X-ray diffraction (XRD) was employed to analyse inorganic components of the samples. The XRD tests were run on a D/max-rB X-ray diffractometer. The size of soil particles was measured and the particle contents was calculated in percentage. A Mastersizer 2000 laser particle size analyser was applied for the test. Ion chromatography (IC) was used to identify the ions in the samples. The IC tests were run on a TX/600 ion chromatograph.

Results and Discussion Results Amongst these samples, numbers 5, 6, 7, 8 and 10 are rammed earth of the northern wall of the northern city (Table 5). The contents of quartz in these samples range from 22– 37%, which demonstrate that these rammed earth samples may have been extracted from different rammed layers. The difference in the contents of other minerals also support this hypothesis. The quartz contents of these samples are quite similar to that of normal soil, while the calcite contents, ranging from 6–32%, are higher than that of normal soil. It could be inferred that the calcite may have come from the pebbles mixed in rammed earth. The high content of chlorite denotes that the igneous rock is weathered to powder and absorbed into the soil materials.

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Sample number 14 is a mortar-like material from the north-east corner of the city wall. It consists of calcite and quartz. Due to its high level of calcite (96%), lime mortar might have been employed in the construction of the city wall. Table 5 Results of the XRD Tests. Sample number

Quartz (%)

Calcite (%)

Plaster (%)

Albite (%)

Amphibolite (%)

Chlorite (%)

Microcline (%)

5

25

23

4

34

9

5

-

6

37

6

-

50

-

7

-

7

34

32

-

33

-

-

-

8

22

24

-

29

-

6

20

10

23

7

-

48

8

6

8

14

4

96

-

-

-

-

-

According to the particle size distribution (Table 6), all the samples are sandy soil. Sample numbers. 5, 6, 7, 8 and 10 were collected from bottom to top of the rammed earth of the northern wall of the northern city, whereas sample number 12 was collected from the bottom of the eastern wall of the northern city. The different particle size distributions demonstrate that the walls were built of different rammed layers. More than one peak could be found in the particle size distribution of most samples. It could be inferred that the earth used for construction may be a mixture of different soil sources. Table 6 Results of the Particle Size Analyses. Sample number

Particle range (μm)

Concentration range (μm)

Peak (μm)

Note

5

50.000–600.931

10–120

40.559

There is a small peak at 250

6

51.521–786.896

50–500

124.555

There is a small peak at 20

7

51.521–583.196

9–200

32.533

There is a small peak at 400

8

51.521–517.333

4–300

27.163

Comparative dispersion

10

51.521–583.196

60–600

71.354

There is a small peak at 30

12

51.521–914.048

28.175; 250.245

Double peaks

The results of the IC tests are shown in Table 7. Sample numbers 0 and 30 were collected from soil of the wetland near the fortress. The high contents of all ions in these two samples demonstrate that the wetland soil has a very high salt content level. Sample numbers 7, 8 and 10 were collected from the northern fort. The salt contents in these rammed earth samples decrease from bottom to top. It may be the result of salt loss due to the continuous erosion of water. Sample number 29 was collected from the thickest

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173

rammed earth layer of the collapsed part of the south-west corner of the southern city. The salt content is much lower than that found in sample numbers 7, 8 and 10. Thus, conclusion may be drawn that the cause of collapse is rainwater. Table 7 Results of the IC Tests. Sample number

Inorganic anions (mg/kg) Cl-

NO3-

Inorganic cations (mg/kg) SO₄2-

Na+

K+

Mg2+

Ca2+

0

48995.69

3137.24

185010.09

81936.72

2338.88

15215.34

21144.74

7

2756.01

3399.37

21395.50

4445.82

697.14

1412.44

6610.36

8

1321.84

2412.06

6299.89

1736.12

551.25

879.12

3111.26

10

2103.61

2370.98

2320.29

3829.29

124.10

138.06

1141.35

29

884.50

632.95

1069.29

1280.23

176.10

114.40

681.37

30

50558.76

2739.86

177143.59

80990.50

2311.82

14911.62

13806.02

Discussion The diseases in the Xiakou Fortress turn out to be result of internal and external causes. The former ones are derived from the structure and composition of the city walls, whereas the latter ones are from the environmental conditions. The building materials of the Xiakou Fortress are comprised of the earth mixed with pebbles and gravel extracted from the contiguous riverbed. Some other materials, e.g. wood and lime mortar, are also added into the rammed earth materials. This sandy earthstone mixture of the city walls has low water resistance, and could be easily damaged by rainwater. In addition, the strength of the city wall, especially the surface, would be affected by the salt efflorescence due to the high level of soil salt content. Urumqi is located in the north-west of China. There is not much rainfall in this area. However, the occasional rainfall can be devastating. The humidity measured in situ is around 40% and the soil moisture of bedrock is 9.4%. It means that water is still a ­significant factor for the diseases of the Xiakou Fortress. Summer rainfall is likely to be the cause of the collapse of the city walls, and the recurrent freezing and thawing is possibly the cause of the damage to the surface soil. Wind is another important cause of the ­diseases in the Xiakou Fortress. The site is located at the entry of a valley, and at the north of it is a flat wetland. The wind from this direction causes heavy wind erosion on the northern and north-western sides of the city walls.

Conservation Solutions

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Shuanglin Zhou, Ruifang Zhang

On the ground of our knowledge of the diseases, we propose a comprehensive programme of solutions for conserving and displaying the Xiakou Fortress. According to our experience of protecting open-air earthen sites, we propose the following strategies: cleaning the city walls, providing physical and chemical support to the walls, installing drainage facilities, and alleviating environmental factors. Archaeological Investigation of the Site

Since the chronology and cultural content of the Xiakou Fortress remain unknown, it is necessary to carry out survey and excavation before carrying out the conservation project. Foundation Repair

The wall foundation of the Xiakou Fortress is black bedrock, which serves to separate the wall from the groundwater, so the groundwater causes little damage to the wall foundation. Rainwater, however, cannot seep into the ground, and accumulates around the wall foundation and gets soaked, incurring a large number of cavities in the foundation. Moreover, some human activities have also damaged it. The foundation needs to be repaired before the conservation measures are undertaken. Wall Restoration

Cracks, holes and partial surface losses are visible in each part of the city walls. Restor­ ation is essential for improving the structural stability. Chemical Consolidation

Because the building materials of the city walls are silt and pebble, the structure is unstable and vulnerable to the impact of wind, sand, and rain. To protect them, chemical consoli­ dation materials should be applied to the fragile surface of the walls to improve their strength. Simulation tests should be run in the laboratory first to decide on the suitable materials. Drainage Facilities

The interior ground of the site is hollow, and thus it facilitates accumulation of rainwater, however, at the same time, makes it difficult for the rainwater to penetrate the bedrock ground. Thus, drainage facilities are necessary to prevent the rainwater damage to the walls.

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Monitoring Facilities

New commercial facilities have been built in the Baishui ancient town, to the south of the site. In addition, a number of public transportation facilities, including a large-scale overpass and a service area of a freeway, are scheduled to be built to the south-east of it. It is necessary to monitor the effects of these activities on the site. Routine Maintenance

Routine maintenance is crucial after the completion of conservation measures. Ancient sites that are not meticulously maintained are prone to damage in the future. Every day inspection is necessary. Trampling on the city walls and other uncivilised behaviours of tourists should be banned. The surrounding cattle and sheep should be prevented from entering the fortress. The garbage needs to be cleaned every day. The effect of restoration and that of environmental conditions should be monitored.

Conclusion In this paper, the diseases of the Xiakou Fortress in Dabancheng District, Urumqi, Xinjiang were investigated, and the causes of these diseases were studied. The internal causes of the disease are the materials used in the construction of the city walls. The XRD tests and particle size analysis show that the city walls are built of sandy earth-stone mixtures. As a result, they have low water resistance. The IC tests show that there is a high level of salt content in the earth samples, which may directly lead to the salt efflorescence on city walls. The external reasons are rainwater and wind. Based on the acquired knowledge of the diseases, a comprehensive conservation programme, including archaeological investigation, foundation repair, wall restoration, chemical consolidation, drainage facilities, surrounding facilities, and routine main­ tenance, is proposed.

Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology for its support in this work.

References

Liang, T., Preliminary Analysis on the Types and Causes of Soil Relics in Xinjiang Area, Archaeol-

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ogy and Cultural Relics, 5, 2009, 103–106. Xie, Y., The Research of City History Context Reappearance and Digital Management of Urumqi, PhD, Xi’an University of Architecture and Technology, 2017.

List of Authors Jasmin Ableidinger: Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Franz Klein-Gasse 1, 1190 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] Jasmin Ableidinger (née Scheifinger) graduated at the University of Vienna, Institute of Classical Archaeology in 2016 with a Master thesis about “Tabernae in Ephesos”. She has worked as an archaeologist for the Austrian Archaeological Institute since 2013, participating in different projects in Austria, Turkey, Croatia and Greece. Jasmin Ableidinger is a PhD candidate at the University of Vienna, Institute of Classical Archaeology. She was part of the DOC-team scholarship programme of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW) and worked at the Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI). Her research focuses on the archaeological interpretation of the geophysical ­archaeological prospection data in Ephesos. Bahman Soltan Ahmadi: Independent researcher [email protected] Bahman Soltan Ahmadi is master of science in architecture, currently teaching at the University of Science and Industry. His research background is in Silk Road studies with focus on Caravanserai and Islamic Architecture. Mahnaz Ashrafi: Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, 30 Tir St. Imam Khomeini (RA) Avenue, 1136913431, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Mahnaz Ashrafi is a PhD in architecture, and Assistant Professor of the Research Center of Historical Buildings and Fabrics in Teheran. Her research background is in management of cultural heritage conservation and troglodytic architecture. Tatjana Bayerová: Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna, Salzgries 14, 1010 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] Dr. Tatjana Bayerová is a Heritage Scientist and since 2000 she is an Associate Professor at the University of Applied Arts Vienna, Institute of Conservation. In frame of her PhD she carried on the scientific study of Buddhist wall paintings in North India. She has been involved in various national and international research and conservation projects in Europe and Asia. Her primary topics of interest are the technical study of panel paint-

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List of Authors

ings, murals and paintings on various supports, polychromed sculptures and objects and architectural surfaces. Mohammadamin Emami: Department of Conservation of Cultural Properties and Archaeometry, Art University of Isfahan, Hakim Nezami Street, 1744 Isfahan, Iran. [email protected] Associated Prof. Dr. rer. nat. Mohammadamin Emami is Associated Professor for mineralogy, crystallography and archaeometry at the Art University of Isfahan and Director of the International Office of the university. He studied mineralogy and petrology, with an MSc dissertation (Diploma) on the investigation on archaeometallurgy of copper ore and slag petrology from Toroud, Iran, at the Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, Germany in 2002. After his MSc, he was involved in a post-graduation training period at the Max-Planck Institute for Geochemistry in Mainz, in the project “Arctic Middle Ocean Ridge Expedition (AMORE)” for geochemistry of mantel. He accomplished his PhD thesis (Dr. rer. nat.) in mineralogy and crystallography on the characterisation, and technology of ancient pottery manufacturing processes in Haft-Tappeh and ­Chogha-Zanbil in Khouzestan, Iran, from the Department of Building Material Chemistry, University of Siegen, Germany in 2008. Iulian Ganciu: Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Franz Klein-Gasse 1, 1190 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] Iulian Ganciu graduated from Leiden University in 2016 from the Research Master of Archaeological Heritage in a globalised world. He has been working as an archaeologist for the Austrian Archaeological Institute since 2014, participating in different projects (Ephesos and Lousoi) and for the Romanian Archaeological Institute between 2010– 2014, time in which he participated at both, national and international, excavations, in Romania and Greece. Currently, he is a PhD candidate at University of Applied Arts Vienna, started in 2017, part of a DOC-team scholarship programme of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW) and employee of the Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI). His research is focused on the Heritage Management of the World Heritage Site of Ephesos. Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi: Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, 30 Tir St. Imam Khomeini (RA) Avenue, 1136913431, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Nima Nadimi Shoa Hendi is master in architectural science, currently working at the Research Center of Historical Buildings and Fabrics in Teheran.

List of Authors

179

Noor Jahan: National Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology, Janpath Road, New Delhi, Delhi 110011, India. [email protected] Noor Jahan, MA, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Art Conservation at the National Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology in New Delhi. After obtaining her MA degree in Art Conservation at the Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University in New Delhi in 2013, she has worked as an Assistant Conser­ vator in various conservation projects focused primarily on wall paintings conservation in Ladakh, North India. At present she is finishing her PhD thesis that deals with the study of wall paintings in non-religious buildings in Ladakh. Hamidreza Jayhani: School of Architecture and Art, University of Kashan, Qotb-i ­Ravandi Blvd. Kashan, 8731753153, Iran. [email protected] Dr. Hamidreza Jayhani is an Associate Professor at the University of Kashan. He is the director of Department of Art and Architecture at Kashan Studies Research Centre and active in the fields of history of art, Persian architecture, and conservation. Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki: Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Enghelab Ave., 14155-6158, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Meysam Labbaf-Khaniki is assistant professor at the University of Tehran. His research interest is Sasanian art and archaeology with a focus on the material culture of north-eastern Iran. He has directed archaeological expeditions to Sasanian archaeological sites in this region, including Nishapur, Kalat, and Bazeh Hur. His PhD thesis entitled “Defensive Landscape of North-Eastern Iran in the Sasanian Period” presents the results of an intensive survey in the north of Khorasan-e Razavi province, which led to the discovery of a system of defence protecting eastern Iran against the northern invaders in ancient history. Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki: Cultural Research Institute of Kohan Boom-e Khorasan, Mashhad, 9178167162, Iran. [email protected] Rajabali Labbaf-Khaniki is a senior archaeologist, who has been working at the Research Center for Iranian Archaeology and the National Museum of Iran for 17 years, and at the Cultural Heritage Office of Khorasan province for 13 years. He is now teaching at some universities in Khorasan and compiling his works focusing on the archaeology of eastern Iran.

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List of Authors

Gabriela Krist: Institute of Conservation, University of Applied Arts Vienna, Salzgries 14, 1010 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] University Professor at the University of Applied Arts Vienna and head of the Institute for Conservation since 1999. Owner of the UNESCO Chair on Preservation of Tangible Cultural Heritage. She studied Conservation at the Academy of Fine Arts Vienna, and Art History and Archaeology at the University of Vienna and Salzburg. This was followed by years of work for ICCROM in Rome and at the Austrian Federal Monuments Office. Membership and participation in international bodies, ICOM-CC, ICOMOS, IIC, IIC-Austria. Amin Moradi: Alexander von Humboldt Research Fellow, Otto-Friedrich-University, Kapuzinerstraße 16, 96045, Bamberg, Germany. [email protected] Dr. Amin Moradi holds the Alexander von Humboldt postdoctoral position at the ­Otto-Friedrich-University of Bamberg. He maintains an active research agenda that examines Mongol-period architecture in Iran and Central Asia. He has published several articles that review the previous scholarly works with a new perspective of interpretation. He published five books on construction methods of Ilkhanid Iran, Ilkhanid architecture in north-west Iran, Turkmens architecture, architectural recognition of archaeological remains in north-west Iran, and Samarkand architecture. He is currently working on his research project on rock-cut architecture in Ilkhanid Iran. Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi: School of Literature and Foreign languages, University of Kashan, Qotb-i Ravandi Blvd. Kashan, 8731753153, Iran. [email protected] Dr. Mohammad Mashhadi Noushabadi is an Associate Professor at the University of Kashan. He is a member of the steering committee of the Kashan Studies Research ­Centre and active in the fields of Iranian ethics, intangible heritage, and historical monuments. Satish C. Pandey: National Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology, Janpath Road, New Delhi, Delhi 110011, India. [email protected] Dr. Satish C. Pandey is an Associate Professor of Art Conservation at the National ­Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology in New Delhi. He obtained his MSc and DPhil in Archaeological Science from the University of Oxford and then he was a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Courtauld Institute of Art in London.

List of Authors

181

His major interests are archaeological and conservation sciences, his research focuses on understanding mechanisms of material decay, conservation of stone, wall paintings and architectural surfaces and the study of materials and technologies of production of art and archaeological objects. Mahnaz Rahimifar: Research Institute of Linguistics, Inscriptions and Texts, Cultural Heritage and Tourism Research Institute, 30 Tir, Imam Khomeini Avenue, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] She holds Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees in archaeology and Doctorate in post-Islamic history of Iran, conducting research projects in the field of Iranian culture and history in historical and Islamic courses with emphasis on inscribed works and their interpretation. During course of her career, she held various scientific roles in National Museum of Iran. Currently, she is a researcher in the Islamic Group, Research Institute of Linguistics, Inscriptions and Texts, Cultural Heritage Research Institute. She has participated in the archaeological excavations of Hegmataneh, Shush, Yazd, and has published numerous articles in the field of Islamic art works. Barbara Rankl: Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Franz Klein-Gasse 1, 1190 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] Barbara Rankl is a DOC-team scholarship holder of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW) and employee of the Austrian Archaeological Institute (OeAI) of the OeAW since 2018. As part of the interdisciplinary research project “Construct and Agency. The various stories of Ephesos”, she is currently working on her dissertation on the history of reconstruction and stone restoration in Ephesos at the University of Applied Arts Vienna, supervised by Gabriela Krist. Barbara Rankl graduated from the University of Applied Arts Vienna in 2016 with a MA degree in Conservation. Since 2013, she has been participating in various restoration campaigns in Ephesos. From 2017 to 2018 she worked as a freelance conservator and from 2016 to 2017 as a stone conservator-restorer in the Atelier Gurtner Vienna (AGW). Birgit Angelika Schmidt: Freie Universität Berlin, Institut für Vorderasiatische Archäo­ logie (Institute for Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology), Fabeckstraße 23–25, 14195 Berlin, Germany, and Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (National Museums in Berlin), Museum für Asiatische Kunst (Asian Art Museum), Lansstraße 8, 12195 Berlin, Germany. [email protected] Birgit Angelika Schmidt began studying conservation of wall paintings and stone objects at the University of Applied Sciences in Cologne, Germany in 2006, and graduated in

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List of Authors

2011 at the University of Applied Sciences in Potsdam, Germany. As part of her thesis, she has dealt with the possibilities and limits of laser cleaning of soot and polymer-coated paint layers that have been evaluated on model samples imitating ancient Central Asian wall paintings. Extensive analysis and research on the original fragments at the Asian Art Museum, National Museums in Berlin have been a prerequisite for that work. Her collaboration with the museum, familiarised Ms. Schmidt with the major Central Asian “Turfan Collection” of the museum. In cooperation with the Federal Institute for Materials Research and Testing (BAM) in Berlin, she has gained considerable experience in the implementation of scientific analysis of art and cultural heritage. In October 2011, she received an award for the best diploma thesis in restoration at the University of ­Applied Sciences Potsdam. She also launched a series of study visits to India. As a scholar of the German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ) Limited, she collaborated with the Tibet Heritage Fund (THF), by conserving wall paintings in Ladakh, India. Currently, she is a PhD candidate at the Freie Universität Berlin, Institute for Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology. Yassin Sedghi: Department of Archaeometry, Faculty of Applied Arts, Tabriz Islamic Art University, Hakim Nezami Square, Tabriz, Iran. [email protected] Yassin Sedghi, studied conservation and restoration (BA) at Tabriz Islamic Art University. He completed MA in archaeometry from the Department of Archaeometry, Tabriz University of Art in 2015. Practical and field working activities include restoration of archaeological finds during rescue excavation project at Seymareh Basin. He worked on archaeometry of ceramic and the technology of ceramic manufacturing process. His interest mainly focusses on the archaeometry of clay-based material such as ceramic, brick and glass. Alireza Shahmohammadpour: Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, 30 Tir St. Imam Khomeini (RA) Avenue, 1136913431, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Master in Architecture; PhD in Restoration of Cultural and Historical Properties; faculty member of the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism (RICHT), Tehran, Iran. Martin Steskal: Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Franz Klein-Gasse 1, 1190 Vienna, Austria. [email protected] Martin Steskal studied Classical Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of

List of Authors

183

Vienna. He is a tenured research group leader at the Austrian Archaeological Institute of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna where he directs archaeological field projects and works as a lecturer in the Department of Classical Archaeology at the University of Vienna. Since 2015 he is the assistant director of the excavations in Ephesos. His research interests include: ancient mortuary landscapes and practice, origin and migration, arch­ aeodiet, the built environment, ancient settlement patterns, Greek and Roman cultural and social history, the Roman East, Ptolemaic-Roman Egypt, Hellenistic-Roman Croatia. Ruifang Zhang: Beijing Union University, No. 197 Beitucheng West Road, Haidian District, Beijing, 100083, China. [email protected] Ruifang Zhang, a second-year graduate student of Beijing Union University, majors in cultural heritage conservation. Shuanglin Zhou: Peking University, No. 5 Yiheyuan Road, Haidian District, Beijing, 100871, China. [email protected] Shuanglin Zhou is an Associate Professor at School of Archaeology and Museology, ­Peking University. He has been engaged in research and teaching in the field of cultural heritage conservation science for thirty years. His research interest lies with the preservation of cultural heritage, especially earthen sites. He has taught two courses, “Materials for Conservation” and “Un-movable Cultural Relics Conservation”, and directed a number of major conservation projects.