Spanish Reformers of Two Centuries from 1520: Volume 2 [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9783111566061, 9783111194660

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BIBLIOTHECA WIFFENIANA.

SΡ Α ΝI SΗ R Ε F Ο R Μ Ε R S OF TWO CENTURIES FROM 1520.

THEIR LIVES A N D ACCORDING

TO THE L A T E

AND W I T H THE

WRITINGS,

HEN J AM IN H. VVIFFEN'S

USE OF HIS

MATERIALS

J>R,-( ΚΙ«]:» UY

E D W A R D BO K H M E R I). D., PH. T). EMERITC*; VKOFFSMMI (IF Till·! ι XIYKKSITY OF STRASSBÜRG. «.'ORRKMOXDIXC. .ΜΙ:*!!!!·:!! or 1ΉΚ Λ( ADKMI.V F.SPAXOLA

SECOND

VOLUME.

STRASSBURG.

LONDON.

KARL TRÜBNER.

T R 0 BN E R & Co.

1 8 8 3.

PLAN

Β1Β L Τ Ο Τ Η Ε C Λ W I Υ F Κ ΝI Λ Ν Λ.

BIBLIOTHECA WIFFENIANA.

SPANISH

REFORMERS

OF TWO CENTURIES FBOM 1520.

THEIR LIVES AND WRITINGS, ACCORDING TO THE LATE BENJAMIN B. WIFFEN'S PLAN AND WITH THE USE OF HIS MATERIALS DESC1UJ1E» JtY

EDWARD BOEHMER D. D., PII. D. EMERITUS i'KOFESSOIl OF TIIE UNIVERSITY OF STRASSBURO, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ACADEMIA ESPANOLA.

SECOND

VOLUME.

STRASSBUÄG.

LONDON.

KARL TRÜBNER.

T R Ü B N E R & Co.

1883.

Printed in Francke'e Orphanhouse, llalle

PKEFACE.

IN the preface to the first volume of the „Bibliotheca Wiffeniana" published in January 1874, I expressed the hope, that the whole manuscript, which already in 1872 was almost ready for the press, would be published within a couple of years, and now I can only present the second volume to the Public, and it is not the last. Had I been able to devote these nine years wholly to the Spanish Reformers, I should have brought forth something better. But for a long period I only found time occasionally to collect notices and books for this work; and a winter, which I spent in Italy to improve my health, but served to extend my list of materials; in Strassburg my powers were well nigh exhausted in the duties of my professorship, and in concurrently sustaining my periodical, entitled „Komanische Studien." But then, whilst I worked cheerfully amidst surrounding students, in the studies connected with my chair, which I had myself organised in the recently founded University, and which flourished to my heart's content, I found my health had become so enfeebled that it was impossible for me to encounter the difficulties incident to my position, and I sought, of the Emperor's grace and favour, my release, which was vouchsafed me in the year 1879. To promote the Evangelical movement in Spain, it was now less urgent that I should at once prosecute my biographies with their associated bibliography, than that I should publish some Spanish works of the sixteenth century which had never been printed, and that I should bring out again to public notice others, which, formerly much read, had disappeared, but have in the meanwhile been discovered in the recesses of libraries. The most pressing thing to do amongst works of this class, because the most important, was to print the unpublished works of Juan de Valdes, recently found in the Court - library at Vienna, where they had been kept since the time of the Emperor Maximilian I I , and which

VI

THEFACE.

assuredly had belonged to the choice private library of that benign and enlightened Monarch. The copy of Valdes' Commentary upon the Gospel of Matthew, which I had made during vacation, whilst still discharging my professorial duties, I handed over to my friends, the brothers Fliedner, in Madrid, for them to print, and the work appeared there in the year 1880. I avail myself of this the first opportunity that presents itself to state that of which I was unaware when I wrote the preface to the Commentary upon Matthew, to wit, that my old friend Doctor Wilkens of Vienna was the person, who, by a letter of a young friend to a colleague of mine, drew my attention to the fact, that this commentary of Valdes was indicated in a recent volume of the catalogue of manuscripts in the Court-library at Vienna, which appeared in the year 1875; see a letter from Wilkens to Betts, bearing date July 1882, which Betts has published in German and English, because it embodied Dr. Wilkens' appreciation of Juan de Valdes as an admirable expositor of Scripture. Betts published his English translation of this commentary in 1882. In the same year 1880 I finished the first edition of Juan de Valdes' translations of the Psalms from the Hebrew, and a volume of divers papers by the same author which I entitled „Trataditos;" none of them had ever previously been printed in Spanish; some of them were published by Betts in 1882 in English, in his „XVII Opuscules by Juan de Valdes." These two Spanish volumes were printed at the expense of a Spanish friend, who then wished that his name should be suppressed. Now, however, that he has left this world, — for he died a few days after that he had received perfect copies of both the works, — I hold it to be a pious obligation to state, that he is the person mentioned in the LXXVII 0 1 report of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1881, at page 64, characterised thus: „The Society has had no more generous supporter in Spain than Don Fernando de Brunei of St. Sebastian, who has recently died, a devout man and a sincere friend." He was the faithful friend, correspondent and coadjutor of Don Luis Usoz i Rio and of Benjamin B. Wiffen for a quarter of a century, and having myself enjoyed Don Fernando's aid and friendship, I lovingly cherish his memory.

PREfACE.

VII

From Valdes' introduction to his translation of the Psalms I only extracted certain passages to elucidate the volume just mentioned, reserving the whole to be edited in its entirety with the author's commentary upon the first forty one Psalms, contained in another manuscript, sent to me at Strassburg, which I engaged Don Manuel Carrasco to copy there. The Revd. Fritz Fliedner has begun in 1882 the publication of this work in his „Revista Cristiana" of Madrid, where it will be completed in the course of 1883. In the year 1881, another friend paying the copyist and the printer, I issued a new edition of Dr. Constantino Ponce de la Fuente's Sermons commenting upon the first Psalm. The old editions of these sermons had long eluded discovery, having in vain been sought for in many directions. In my „Romanische Studien" I had already, in the year 1878, declared my intention of printing Juan de Valdes' first dialogue between Mercury and Charon from a manuscript in the Escorial which had never been utilised; this M. S. presents a form of the work earlier than that which was printed in 1529 and in subsequent editions. It has been published in 1881 in my periodical; with a reprint of the second dialogue between Mercury and Charon added to it. I then prepared for the press the Italian translation (printed in the XVI. century, and at last discovered) of Valdes' so called Spiritual Milk, as also of my translation of it back into the Spanish, the original being lost; they were printed in 1882, the Spanish twice in Spain, once in America, a German translation in America, and an English version of it by Betts, all in the same year. There has to be added the separate edition of the Lives of Juan and Alfonso de Valdes, made for Betts in 1882, extracted from my first volume of the Spanish Reformers, with my own emendations. Betts appends this revised biographical sketch to his translations of Valdes' works. In his introduction to the new edition of the Lives is found an English translation of a letter of Juan de Valdes, together with a reprint of the original, the only autograph of his hitherto known, kept in the Episcopal Archives of Frauenburg (from which I had got some letters of Juan's brother Alfonso, see vol. 1. p. 99); its existence was intimated to me by Professor Waltz of Dorpat, who placed his

VIII

PREFACE.

copy at my disposition, whereupon it was printed in Comba's „Rivista Cristiana" in Florence, 1882. This done, I was at liberty to devote myself to the continuation of the Bibliotheca Wiffeniana. Wiffen had title - copies or notices, more or less defined, which corresponded with the following of my present numbers: 178—181. 186. 187. 190. 191. 193. 201. 205 — 210. 212. 213. 218 — 220. 237. 246. 249 — 252. 262. 263. 268 — 270. 274. 276 — 281. 283 —291 b · 292. 293 b · 321. 327—329. 333»• h - k · 334. 335. 355. 356. 358. 359. 362. 423. 443 —445 a · 460. 475. 479. 488. 493 — 495. 498. 500. 505. 508. 510— 516. 540. The great intervals 336f. 362f. are to be accounted for from the fact that I had to register editions of Bibles and of Bible-portions which have appeared since dear Wiffen's death. In other places I had likewise to add that which has appeared since 1867, together with some articles of earlier date. Where I do not specially state the contrary, or that from the context it manifestly is so, I have personally seen the copies in the libraries which I specify, and have made the title-copies and descriptions from them. As affecting the biographies, Wiffen's manuscript notes furnished me with some details concerning Reina, especially those extracted from the Records of the French Church in London and from the National Archives of Brussels (all cited in my Life of Reina, p. 167. 170. 172. 178. 309). These notes by Wiffen on Reina were only lately brought to my knowledge, so that they could not be mentioned in the preface to my first volume. In the meanwhile an important work upon the Spanish Protestants had appeared, Menendez Pelayo's second volume of the „Heterodoxos Espanoles," 1880; the supplements contained in his third volume, issued in summer 1882, refer already to this my second volume, of which the sheets, as soon as finished, were by me communicated to him. For highly interesting additions to my sketches of Constantino Ponce de la Fuente herein published I am indebted to his second volume. Doubtless Menendez Pelayo is the best read and best informed man in Spain as to the literature of the Evangelical movement amongst his countrymen, neither is there amongst them an Evangelical who could claim to rank with liim in this respect.

PREFACE.

IX

He, moreover, wields varied learning, he vindicates morality, and is a man stamped with firm religious principles. He, a master in his own language, frequently avows his admiration at the purity and energy of expression in the Spanish works of men, to whom he is antagonistic. I almost could apply to him the exclamation of an old French poet, who, speaking of a noble warrior opposed to Charlemagne in Spain, exclaimed: God! what a champion, had he but Christianity! ,,Deus! quel barun, s'olist Chrestientet!" It stands to reason that Menendez on his part holds it to be unchristian for any one, who writes upon ecclesiastical subjects, not to do that which he expressly does, viz. submit from first to last in every thing to the judgment of the Roman Church and of its rulers. I take leave, however, to point to the impossibility of getting rid of that „private judgment," which horrifies him: for every one severally selects his own authority, and remains ultimately responsible for his selection. Menendez Pclayo's mind is too clear to misapprehend this, even though it fail to work out an altered bearing. Through inadvertence, we all fall ipto error, and my „Reformers" are as little without such faults as are his „Heterodoxos," whence we grant and ask pardon reciprocally — „veniam damus petimusque vicissim." There is a union of all mankind, preestablished in that moral autonomy, of which S 4 . Paul speaks Eom. 2. It will always be grateful to me, when the results of my investigations in the history of Spanish literature shall meet with the approval of my learned friend Menendez Pelayo. It would have been very useful for this Bibliotheca if I could have consulted the work upon which my friend and colleague in the line of Romance languages, Professor Dr. W. I. Knapp of Yale College, New Haven, is engaged, his Bibliographical Thesaurus of Prohibited Literature. May this important work soon appear. I thankfully acknowledge the kindness of many librarians who promoted my labours. The Imperial Court - library at Vienna has been of incalculable service to me in working up the materials of this volume (and to avail myself of it was my motive for migrating to Vienna in the autumn of 1881). Many, many passages witness to the fact. Whilst I thank all the officials of this library who have assisted me, my thanks are especially due to Dr. Göldlin, who greatly facilitated and

χ

PREFACE.

furthered my bibliographical

researches.

Many

others,

who

aided

me in my w o r k , will be found named in their respective places. With relation to the emendations and additions for volume 1 and 2, the introduction of which I partly volume and partly elsewhere,

contemplate in the third and last

I solicit that printed and manuscript

communications may be by scholars kindly furnished me. catalogue is defective, the Specimens undertakings.

may

but,

this notwithstanding,

My Bible-

the catalogue

prove useful to Bible - societies

with

in their

future

I do not know of even one of these societies as having

in its library a complete series of its own publications.

My

own

collection of Spanish Bibles, without which I should have been unable to find out the genealogy

of the different editions and revisions of

Keina's Bible,

will be increased and finally incorporated into

public library.

(B — r after the title of a book means that a copy is in

some

my collection). In order to prevent loss of time and to ensure the delivery of letters and parcels addressed to me, I beg to notify, that I return to Lichtenthal near Baden-Baden next April, where I shall permanently reside. I must needs repeat that I should have written this work

in

German, had I had some one near m e , who would have translated it into English, in which language it had been decided that the Bibliotheca Wiffeniana should be published.

A s for this volume,

my wife had

translated the lives of Constantino and of Perez into German from my English originals of them (without annotations and bibliography); then Mr. Betts translated this German translation back again into English; translating

also

the life of Nunez from my

German

original

into

English (which Life was added to the plan of this work after the publication

of the first volume);

Mr. Betts before m e , for the press. written,

and I

had

these

manuscripts

of

when I finished my manuscript of this volume

But I had much to add to what I had

previously

and many things likewise to remould, so that to complete

the work I found myself constrained to resume English composition, better

or worse,

to exercise

it.

though The

in point

proofs

of fact I have had

(except

what

I

inserted

no in

leisure the

last

moment) have had the joint revision of the author and of my dear

PREFACE.

XI

old friend Betts, who has attentively controlled all that presented itself in the different languages, whether English or German, Spanish or Italian or French, Latin or Greek, contributing occasionally his own observations upon the subjects treated (compare on pages 110. 171. 371). Had I but had the pleasure and the honour to address his English speaking Christendom through his eloquent lips! The circumstance, however, of my not being able to hand him, who indeed translates in a masterly manner, a finished and neat manuscript in German, would only then have been no obstacle, had we both lived on the same spot in continuous intercourse. So I can only ask of my benevolent English readers, that, exercising self-denial on their part, they may let my English, which is not insular, nevertheless pass as cosmopolitan, and, resting absorbed in the matter, „frui paratis." It has been my good fortune that the management of the press of this volume too should have been in the experienced hands of Herr Carl Bobardt, Administrator of the Press of Francke's Orphan Asylum and Canstein's Bible Institute at Halle, to whose careful cooperation I am indebted; for, thanks to it, my wearied eyes have been greatly relieved in the revision. V i e n n a ,

February 1883.

E d u a k d

Bcehmer.

INDEX. Preface Addition for page 33 Constantino Ponee de la Fuente Calvin's Catechism and Liturgy Sumario de indulgencias Juan Perez de Pineda Alonso de Peiiafuerte Eeginaldus Gonsalvius, Montanus Suplicacion a la Reyna do Francia Pedro Nunez Yela Cassiodoro de Eeina and his sons Marcos and Augustino Specimens of various Bible-translations in Spanish. With notices concerning the literary history of the Spanish Bible Additions for p. 260 — 263. Errata

184.

P. ν - xn - 1 - 41 - 4 9 - 55 - 101 - I l l - 139 - 143 - 163 .

- 321 - 374

Addition for page 33. 1554.

CONFISSION I devn pecador delä - | te de Iesu christo,

r e | deptor

y juez delos | höbres, compuesta | por el Doctor Con | stantino. | ί

Afiadierö se aqui | dos meditaciöes pa j ätes y despues dela |

sagrada comuniö: cö | puestas por el padre | frey luys de granada. This title in a border with the arms of Portugal in each upper corner, and beneath the encadrement the figures 1554. Lisboa (or possibly Evora), printed by Andres de Burgos. 160 muy pequenito, f f . 64, sign A-E of 8 and 16s. Notice by W. I. Knapp.

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA EUENTE.

Biblioth. W'iffon. II.

1

Juan Gil and Vargas, who had been fellow students in the university of Alcala, laboured at Seville, in the fifth decade of the sixteenth century, for the spread of the gospel. 1 CONSTA Ν Π Χ Ο ,

Constantino Ponce de la Fuente, horn at San d e m e n t e in the diocese of Cuenea, - was therefore a countryman of Juan Diaz and of Alfonso and Juan de Valdes. His genius was sprightly and very humorous. He passed the bright days of youth in dissipation, then he resolved in the full energy of his gifted spirit, to devote himself to usefulness as an author and preacher, a calling for which he was extraordinarily endowed by his experience in life and by his clear and ready mode of expression. In 155:) a celebrated humanist, Alfonso Garcia Matamoros, professor of rhetoric in Alcala, author of a treatise on pulpit - eloquence, says of Constantino: 3 „He enjoyed in Seville that admiration which, according to Cicero, is so important for the perfect orator. He attains so much by common sense, his movements are so far from being constrained by school and doctrine, that the 1) Martyrum clogia Hey. Gonsalvio Montano authorc appended to Inquisitionis Hispanicce artes. Heidelberg 1567. P. 281. This work is one of our primary sources for information on Constantino. I do not expressly quote it in my sketch but for some particulars. 2) Ooctor Constantino de la Fuente, ch la diocesis de Cuenea — says a testimonial on his ordination written in 1556 and incorporated in the Acts of the Chapter of Seville. Those Acts as far as they concern the doctors Constantino and Gil from 1533 to 15G1 have been published by Menendez Pelayo in his Historia, de los heterodoxos espawies, Madrid 1880, vol. 2. —• Göns. 281: canonicatum Guenguensis Eedesia . . in propria patria . . contempserat. Nie. Antonio, Bibliotheca nova t. 1. 1672, p. 196 (and the same 1783, p. 256): patria ex oppido S. Clemente diacesis Conchensis. Zuiiiga, Annales de Sevilla, 1677, p. 522: de San Clemente en la Mancha. 3) Matamori op. Alcala 1553, according to Menendez 423. suppressed in the later editions.

The passage is

4

CONSTANTINO rOXCE DE LA I'UJiXTE.

highly delighted hearers would think, he took at once from the popular feeling those things which, however, have deep roots in the soul of divine philosophy. He owes much to art, but more to nature and to the rich vein which every day produces more than art could reach by hard and persevering study." Luis de Usoz i Eio says, speaking of ascetics: 4 „To my mind, Dr. Constantino is, amongst them, one of the best Spanish writers; for if language be most praised when it presents with greatest vividness to the hearer a very clear idea of that which lies hidden in the mind, the doctor's mode of expression, which so \vell succeeded in setting forth his most latent thoughts without borrowing obscure terms, may truthfully be called a pattern and a model in our tongue." And this characteristic he appears to have in common with three other Spanish reformers, with Valdes, Perez and Valera, who, according to Usoz, as for naturalidad, for unaffected simplicity of expression, are all four unequalled in the Castilian language, and boar the palm even when compared with such most celebrated writers as Luis de Granada and Luis de Leon. Menendez Pelayo, at present professor of Spanish literature at the university of Madrid, and member of the Acadcmia Espaitola, judges of Constantino's Summary of Christian doctrine: „The style is pithy, simple and of remarkable neatness and clearness, without great transports or movements, but with a modest.and well sustained elegance: a complete model of the didactic style. It is the best written of the Castilian catechisms, although unfortunately not the purest. Nevertheless , if only some phrases which the Inquisition did not notice were expurgated, it might, but for the name of the author, pass as tcxto de lengtia." The same is, according to Menendez to be said of Constantino's Catecismo. His translation of the Sermon on the mount is found admirable by the same critic, who calls the Confession of a sinner a beautiful piece of ascetic eloquence. 5 This Confession of a sinner is a prayer from the inmost soul to the Son of God, who had been given to man by the eternal Father to be his saviour and judge. Going orderly through the ten com4) Rf. Esp. XIX, 454 f. The passage is translated in Wiffen's Notice prefixed to the translation of Constantino's Confession de un pecador by Betts p. 43 f. 5) p. 427 and 428.

5

(,Ολ'ΚΤΛλΊΙΝΟ l'OXCE Ι)Ε LA I'UENTE.

mandments and

the c r e e d ,

the

suppliant

sees every form of self-

righteousness desert him, and finds his sole consolation through faith in the forgiveness of sins through the merits of Jesus Christ. Hiin the sinner s a y s :

To

„Man is indeed God, sincc Thou art indeed

man; and all men have now faculty and liberty to be like G o d , for they are T h y brethren by lineal descent, and T h y Father calls upon them and Thou callest upon them, to walk in T h y steps, that may be like T h e e ,

they

that they may imitate T h y obedience and T h y

righteousness and T h y goodness, so that it may be truly said:

they

arc sons of God and born of God. 8 All externals in the Established Church he interpreted

in

his

Summary as pointing to inward tilings, and to him there was nothing however unimportant that lie did not recognise as significant and useful in spirituals. 7 Gonzalez in his portraits

of the evangelical martyrs

of Seville

does not know how to eulogize sufficiently Constantino whom lie personally knew.

He w a s , according to Gonzalez, the first at Seville

who preached the true religion. 8

Hut in teaching t r u t h , he proceeded

with such circumspection that no enemy could prevent his work of a sower. On 13 June

1533 Doctor

Constantino

was by the Chapter

Seville received as preacher of the cathedral. as licentiate of theology in the 1534.

10

9

ordained as a priest.

He was graduated

Sevillian university on

In the next year on 22 May he was

of

in the

30 August same

town

11

About 1537, when the magistral canonry of Seville was

vacant,

viz. the place of a canon who had to p r e a c h , a friend of Constantino was elected, Dr. Gil, an Aragoncsc, 1 2 who was teaching scholastic theology in Sigiienza.

He had never previously been a preacher, and

0) l l f . lisp. XIX, 378. 7) l l f . E&p. X I X , 3. 8) Göns. 281. 9) Acts of the Chapter, Menend. 74G. 10) ib. 747. 11) ib. 748. 12) Zuniga p. 522. Llorentc cap. 18, t. 4 , p. 80; he gives the date: acta the French 2, 139 h a s : en 1537.

1537;

6

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA l'UENTE.

lie had spent but little time in the study of the bible, for he was still subject to the mental tone which prevailed at the university of Alcala, where such persons as were not accomplished scholars in the systems of Lombardus, Aquinas, Scotus and other scholastic theologians, were only spoken of with a shrug of the shoulders as good biblists. 13 little had very

old prejudices been changed by the publication

university

of

the

first polyglot bible.

So

in that

Now to every

one's

astonishment, as well as his own, the doctor of Alcala proved himself so little able to preach, that not only did the Chapter several times deliberate as to whether it must needs seek another, but even he himself repeatedly thought of resigning his ηβλν office.

But God sent

him a monitor who, in a few hours, so fully enlightened him as to the real duty of a preacher and as to the way in which he should do it, that he thenceforth spoke from his heart and with effective results.

This monitor was Eodrigo de Valer, of Lebrixa, a man of

honest family and not without fortune, who, when immersed in levity, was struck by a ray of light flashed from a higher world, so that he was at once changed; he studied the Holy Scriptures, and

never

wearied in speaking to the priests of the actual corruptions of the clergy and of the whole church. stand

the gospel,

Christianity. thought

that

and

so he

From him Dr. Gil learnt to underwas

converted

to

a

more

genial

For some time Valer \vas left unmolested, for it was his brain was affected; however

after a

while

Inquisition interfered, but as one deranged he was set at whilst his property was confiscated.

the

liberty,

This last proceeding was not

calculated to strengthen his thinking faculty, and hence no wonder that the Inquisition occupied itself again with him some years afterwards.

He was condemned to be imprisoned for l i f e . W h e n

he

13) bonus biblista. Göns. 257. Compare Cipriano do Yalera's remarks in t h e Exhortation al lector prefixed to his bible of 1G02, fol. * 3 recto. 14) Göns, in the Aries which appeared in 15G7, p. 259: ante viyinti sex unnos publico judicio damnatus. Llorente 4 , 92 (cf. 81), French 2 , 148 (cf. 140), gives the date 1540, but it does not seem he had any documents besides the work of Göns. I t would therefore perhaps be more accurate to say 1541. — Göns, says 258 t h a t Dr. Gil met with Yaler after having been annos aliquot in Seville, were ho went about 1537. Valer was a t t h a t time thought an idiot neqite de mentis sanitate omnino bene andiens, ib.; one should think t h a t this was before t h e Inquisitors had examined him and had dismissed h i m on account of insania, confiscating,

7

CONSTANTINO POXCE DE LA FUENTE.

was brought on sundays with other prisoners into the church of San Salvador at Seville,

he would rise there in his sanhenito

dict the preacher in the midst of his congregation.

and contra-

At last they shut

him up in a convent of San L u c a r , and kept him there until his death. His frock of infamy Avas hung up in the cathedral of Seville, and for many years one read the inscription written upon it in large letters: Rodrigo Valer, inhabitant of Nebrixa and Seville, apostate and pseudoapostle, who declared, that he had been sent by God. Dr. Gil had done for him what he could; to his influence it was ascribed that the Inquisitors had been moved to what they clemency.

called

He continued to preach zealously and by the friendship he

made with Constantino he progressed in theology. Constantino successfully.

preached

On

for the Empress. 1 5 condemnation Constantino.

—

18

less

May

1539

In 1 5 4 1 we

meet

On 29 March

frequently

— with

he

than

preached

Gil, the

but funeral

the year probably the

first

trace

of

not

less

sermon

of Valer's final opposition

some members of the Chapter

to

officially

however, his property, ib. 203. After this jndgment he was at liberty aliquot annos, until they began a new examination, ib. Therefore from Gil's coming to Seville about 1537 to Valer's second summons there elapsed some years and again some years, so that indeed the year 1540 seems to be the earliest possible of his condemnation to perpetual prison. Oipriano de Valera, Tratado del papa, lif. Esp. "VI, 240, places this condemnation serea del auo 1545. Göns. 203 sq.: lit . . ab insania resipisceret, dimiserunt. Resipuit vero nunquam, adeo ut post aliquot annos Herum ob. easdem causas accerseretur: atque ad palinodiam adactus, parcitum est viUe ipsius quod adhuc insanire cestimaretur. The French translation, reprinted in the Hist, des mart. (1582, f. 505) has: ilfut rappele pour la mesme cause, et contraint de se desdire, the German translation Heidelberg 1569, reprinted (1000, p. 1118) in the great Martyrbuch: darumb sie jhn ivider für forderten, vnnd zum widerruff nötigten. And no doubt palinodia is recantation. It may, however, also mean the repetition of the old song, and in this sense Göns, would say that the second trial was only the old thing over again: the Inquisitors repeated their questions, and Valer repeated his answers. But Cipriano de Valera says likewise, 1. c.: hizieronlo recantar ό desdezir, and his words are not simply a combination of the palinodia of Göns, and the desdire of the Geneva martyrology; he had got information from elsewhere, for he adds the circumstance not found in Göns.: no en publico auto, sino ά el solo, en la Ljlesia mayor entrelos dos coros, and soon afterwards: Valiole tambien mui mucho ά Valer ser Christiane viejo, i no de raza de Judios, ni de Moros. The Spanish translation of Göns, in the Rf. Esp. has: obligandole a cantar la palinodia, le perdonaron la vida. 15) Zuniga, Annales de Sevilla p. 490.

8

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE L A FUENTE.

intimated that he should only preach when called upon to do so, 1 6 but as no such restriction is found in the protocols, it is to be concluded that the Chapter did not adopt it. 17 All the writings of Constantino which have been printed, viz. the confession of a sinner, a doctrinal summary with an exposition of Christ's sermon on the mount, six sermons on the first psalm, a catechism, and the first part of his larger dogmatics, appeared in the years 1544 — 48; the confession of a sinner may have been published earlier. They were all printed at the expense of the author who only got in 1548 a royal privilege for Spain for the next ten years. After 1548 there only appeared new editions. In all those works, which did not want the approbation of the Inquisition, there is no mention of the pope or of the church of Rome, not even when speaking of the one and universal church and of its mystical head, Christ. The accession of Fernando de Valdes, the new archbishop of Seville and Inquisitor General, which occurred in the year 1547, was an event issuing in terrible consequences. Vargas, who held lectures in which he expounded the bible, at first the gospel of Matthew, and then the psalms, was the first of the three friends that came into collision with the Holy Office; he however died ere it could sentence him. When, in the year 1548, Constantino, following another call, left Seville, iEgidius remaining alone, had a hard time of it. In the year 1550 1 8 he was nominated by the Emperor Bishop of Tortosa, but the Inquisition, to prevent his elevation to such dignity, laid hands on him and threw him into prison. 1 9 In August 1552 he was condemned to one years imprisonment in the castle of Triana, and he was forbidden to teach, either orally or by writing, for the term of ten years, neither was he allowed to 16) Acts of the Chapter p. 740. 17) Compare Menendez 424. 18) Llorente 4 , 81, French 2 , 140. 19) A notice concerning Dr. Gil, Maestro de Artes y Doctor de Alcala, written in the second year of his imprisonment (therefore in 1551 or 52) by Juan de Arce, canon of Palencia, has been reprinted by Menendez p. 419 from the Cartas eruditas published by Melchor do Azagra (pseudonym for Ignacio de Asso) Madrid

9

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA FUENTE.

leave Spain.20 In 1555 2 1 he visited the Evangelicals at Yalladolid who gathered around Augustin Cagalla who had been at one time Confessor to the Emperor. A few days after his return from this, to him, exhausting journey, he sickened and died; this occurred in the beginning of the year 1556. 2 2 The Chapter of Seville had, in 1550 and again in 1 5 5 1 , determined to pay him „ 6 0 0 ducats a year during all the time he might be in the prison of the Holy Inquisition;" they now buried him in the cathedral and honoured him by an epitaph. But in 1559 an epithet which the Chapter had given him in that inscription was censured by high authority, viz. by the Inquisition, and they had to efface i t ; 2 3 and in the next year the tomb was, by command of the same authority, rifled of his remains, and they were burnt. The manuscripts which he left behind him, commentaries upon the book of Genesis, upon some of the psalms, upon Solomon's Song, and upon the epistle to the Colossians, all written in Spanish, were still preserved by admiring friends up to the year 1567. His best compositions were written in prison, nay were written by him when in chains. No one of all these writings, so far as we'know, has ever been printed, and there is little hope of discovering any of the manuscripts. One of Dr. Gil's principal enemies was Pedro Mexia, a man of letters whose merits are not yet forgotten, but not a scholar, and narrow-minded, although he was called a philosopher.24 He could not but discover that Dr. Constantino's views agreed as little with his philosophy as did Dr. Gil's. Once he exclaimed when returning 1775 (Menendez by misprint: 1877. The copy formerly made for me lias not, as has Menendez's text, the word Obispo between electo and de Tortosa). 20) de Castro, Protest. Esp. p. 112. 113. — With what Göns, tells p. 2 7 0 f . of the fraudidenta revocatio compare a similar case in Ruardi Tappart apotheosis by Gratianus Verus 1558 (see above vol. 1 , p. 133), p. 50 f. — Professor William I. Knapp of Yale College, New Haven, wrote me that he had got the original confession or retractation of Or. Juan Gil 1552. 21) Llorente 4 , 8 6 , French 2 , 144. 22) On Febr. 5. 1556 the Chapter published the edict opening the competition for the calongia magistral, vacant by the death of Dr. Gil; Acts p. 746. Llorente 4, 8 6 , French 2 , 144 gives the year 1556 as that of Dr. Gil's death. 23) Acts p. 759. 760. 24) Göns. 272. Biblioth. AViffen.

II.

2

10

dONSIAtriDiO tONCE iE 1A tüENTfi.

from a sermon of Constantino: By God, this is no good doctrine, nor is this the same that our fathers taught us! As Mexia enjoyed great authority in the town, many were startled. 25 But, whilst, in 1548, Mexia was honoured by the title of an Imperial historiographer, Constantino was called to functions in the Imperial court. Various opportunities had presented themselves to Dr. Constantino to exchange Seville for other places of residence. The Chapter of Toledo offered him a rich canonry. He replied to the deputation which came to Seville for that purpose, that he should ever feel grateful to the Chapter, but that he never should like to.do anything that might disturb the bones of his parents and forefathers. This is an allusion to the fact that the archbishop of Toledo was about that time digging up the remains of the ancestors of some of his metropolitan canons who were said to be of Jewish extraction.26 We have no reason to conclude from that refusal that there was Jewish blood in Constantino himself; he could not but dislike a bishop who cared so little about the true genealogy of the Christian, which was the capital question for Constantino, as we have seen above in the extracts from his Confession of a sinner. In a similar way he had previously refused a canonry in his native Cuenca. Summoned by the Emperor, he did not think it right to decline the call. In November 1548 Constantino embarked with the prince Philip, having inaugurated the voyage by a sermon on All Saints day; Cagalla also was in the suite. They 25) Belated by a Jesuit manuscript of that time, used by Ad. de Castro in his Buscapii, Cadiz 1848, p. 134, and in his Hist, de los Protest. Esp., Cadiz 1851, p. 268, and by Menendez p. 435. This must have happened before Constantino left Seville in 1548, where he returned only after the death of Mexia, which occurred in 1552 (in the second year of Dr. Gil's imprisonment upon trial, Göns. 272). 26) Göns. 279 f. On this primate of Spain, Johannes Siliceus, compare Ciaconii Vita et res gestte poutificum, t. 3. Eomse 1677. col. 845, and Vicente de la Fuente, Hist, eccles. de Espana, 2» ed. t. V. Madrid 1874. p. 221. 607; on this last quoted page is said that the estatuto de limpieza de sangre was introduced in the cathedral of Toledo in the year 1547. Compare on him also Llorente, Anales t. 2. Madrid 1813, p. 322. 324, a notice which is abbreviated in the Hist, de la Inq. c. XIII. § XII. Several papers on that estatuto de limpieza are in the British Museum, see Gayangos, Catalogue of manuscripts in the Spanish language in the British Museum, vol. 1. 1875. p. 567. — Sir Thomas Phillips once showed me a volume, printed for him, but not published, in which it was proved, as he told me, that scarcely any Spanish nobleman was to be found in whose veins there was no Jewish or Muhamedan blood.

11

CONSTANTINO PONCE BE LA FUENTE.

accompanied the prince through Italy and Germany to the Netherlands,

where

Emperor.

27

they

arrived,

the

next spring,

at the court

of

the

Charles appointed Constantino his confessor and chaplain. 2 8

When be stayed at Augsburg with Charles and Philip in the time of the diet, in the year

1550,

he received Gaspar a Nidbruck in the

most friendly manner, who presented himself with a letter of introduction from Francisco

de

Enzinas.

Constantino

earnestly

pressed

Enzinas to return to his family in Spain, or, at l e a s t , to settle at Antwerp,29

— a proof that the doctor still cherished very illusory

hopes for the safety of persons of such convictions. Constantino,

doubtless,

started at the end of May in the next year

with Philip and prince Maximilian,

the future Emperor,

seeing on the w a y at Trent the celebrated Council. have remained

From Augsburg

at Philip's court

was in England with Philip. 5 0

during

He

to Castile, seems

the next three years.

to He

About the end of the year 1555 he had

27) Juan Cristoual Caluete do Estrella: El viaie del Principe Don Phelippe. Anuers MDLII. [MILAN, Brcra . VIENNA, Court] Fol. 5 b . Beginning to name some celebrities of Philip's court, the author, after mentioning· his Capellan mayor, Don Pedro de Castro, bishop of Salamanca, continues: El doctor Constantino mwy gran Philosopho y profunde Theologo, y delos mas senalados hombres enel pulpito y eloquencia que ha auido de grandes tiempos aeä, como lo muestran bien claramente las ohras que ha escrito dignas de su ingenio. Pol. 7 b : Dr. Constantino embarked in a galley of the Principe Doria. El piimero dia de Nouiembre [1548] que se celebra la fiesta de todos los Santos salio el Principe [Philip] a missa ala yglesia mayor de Castellon [de Empurias], Hizose el oficio diuino con gran solenidad, y predico tan singularmente como lo suele hazer siempre el Doctor Constantino. Fol. 325 b : Passose la Quaresma [of 1550 in Brussels] en oyr sermones de los grandes Predicadores, que en la Corte auia, en especial tres, los quotes er an, el Doctor Constantino, el Comissario Fray Bernardo de Fresneda, el Doctor Augustin de Cας alia, Predicador d'el Emperador excelentissimo Theologo, y hombre de gran doctrina y eloquencia. The description of the viaje ends in the Low Countries in May 1550. The Index prohib. Sandoval yRojas, Madrid 1612, reprint Palermo 1628 p.· 59, with reference to the former two of these three passages: fol. 5. pag. 2. y fol. 7. pag. 2. se quite todo lo que es en Alabanga de Constantino de la Fuente, Autor eondenado. 28) Gods. 269 speaking of the period between Dr. Gils imprisonment (in 1550) and his condemnation (in 1552): Constantino cum Casare, cui erat a concionibus et confessionibus, apud Beigas agente. Cipr. de Valera, Trat, del Papa, JRf. Esp. VI, 252 repeats, perhaps only from Göns.: fue confesor i predicador del Emperador. Cardanus: ab exomologesi Principis Philippi, see our note 55. 29) See note 56 appended below. 30) Juan de Ribero, archbishop of Valencia, writes in 1602 (Menendez 439): el ario 1556, siendo mi padre virey de Cataluna, passando por Barcelona el

η

CONSTANTINO ΓΟΝΟΕ DE LA FUENTE.

returned to Seville from which he had been absent for seven years. 31 His friend Dr. Gil died a few weeks after Constantino's return.32 The canons thought of giving to Dr. Constantino the canonry and preachership vacant by Dr. Gil's death. The edict that invited candidates to compete for this prebend was issued on 15 February, and Constantino was appointed by the Chapter to preach the Lentsermons.33 He preached alternate days, though, being convalescent from a severe attack of illness, he was so weak that he had to be carried into the church, and took at intervals during the sermon a little wine, a freedom which in the case of a man so highly respected and so much beloved caused no scandal. 34 As for the magistral

Dr. Constantino, que venia de la jornada que el rey n. sr. D. Felipe II hiso a Inglaterra . . y halldndose con mi padre, le rogo [mi padre] que pues iba [Constantino] α Sevilla, donde yo estaba estonces . . — Juan Pineda Hispalensis speaks in 1619 of Constantino's Anglicana et Germanica peregrinatio (see below note 59). Nie. Antonio 1. c. in both editions: Concionator Philippi principis, quocum in Angliam trajecit. Philip left England on 4 Sept. 1555 and arrived at Brussels towards the latter part of the same month. The solemn abdication of the Emperor took place there 25 October. Constantino probably was present at it. 31) It is evident that Göns. 282 supposes that C. had not been at Seville between 1548 and his final return to that town. As for the date of this return, one must consider that according to the same historian ib. C. preached at Seville during the Lent alterius a reditu suo anni, and that in the Acts of the Chapter from 1533 to 1561, published by Menendez as far as they relate to C., no other Lent-sermons of his are mentioned besides those of 1556. There is an incident which may confirm my view. Göns, tells ib. that C. was so weak during that Lent that he had to be carried to the cathedral, and in May of 1556 C. himself states that he had been ready, eight days ago, to deliver a lecture before the Chapter, even if he had to be carried there; aunque me trajeron en una silla, Acts p. 757. Kibero who says in 1602 that C. passed through Barcelona in 1556 (see our preceding note) made a mistake of only some weeks. Llorente 4 , 260, French 2, 275, is more mistake nin giving the year 1557 for those Lent-sermons of which Göns, speaks. 32) Compare above p. 9. As Dr. Gil died after C.'s return, the words of Göns. 282: post doctoris JÜgiäii obitum are to be construed, not with reversus e Casare et aula, as the Spanish translator has misinterpreted the passage, but with ad interpellatum propaganda lueis cursum rediit, which construction besides is grammatically the natural one. Göns, says immediately afterwards that C. preached those Lent-sermons (see our preceding note), lectured in the city school which was under the direction of Escobar, and was elected Dr. Gil's successor to the magistral canonry. 33) Acts, p. 746 (Lent began 19 Febr.). He got 60 ducats for about 20 sermons. Ib. 34) Göns. 282 f.

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA FUENTE.

13

canonry, the Provisor of the diocese (the archbishop's delegate for jurisdiction) required by writ, that no one should be elected who had not passed a public and rigorous examination to be held for the transaction in question, in order to avoid a new case like that of Dr. Gil, or who did not descend from persons whose catholic faith was unsuspected. He declared at the same time, that, if the canons should act contrary to such a regulation, they would be excommunicated ipso facto, and have to pay 500 ducats to the fund for His Majesty's war against the infidels. He even exacted, under the same penalties, that the negotiations between the canons on electing a certain candidate should be discontinued, and that no one should disclose his future vote. The provisor stated orally that he had been informed that Constantino was married and therefore ineligible unless he proved that he did not live with his wife and unless he exhibited the dispensation for not living with her. 35 The Chapter answered: Constantino is a man of exemplary conduct; for more than twenty years he is known here as a priest and as an eminent preacher and theologian, and nobody has learned anything contrary to his good name, otherwise we must have heard of it; but the archbishop never prohibited his preaching, and king Philip took him into his service and confessed to him and had the maestrescolia of Malaga given to him and pays him as his preacher. Whilst in His Majesty's service, this prebend was at another time offered him without opposition, 3 6 but he declined. The canons state that all this is notorious. The statutes excluding sons and grandsons and great-

35) Acts 750: como no hace vida maridable con su mujer. Göns. 286 tells that C.'s competitor Mazuelo ad exceptiones personales conatus omnes convertens suscitavit ei ineptias omnes jiwentutis sum, contracta videlicet, antequam sacris initiaretur, matrimonia, neque rite sacris initiatum, neque recte atque ordine magisterii et doctoratus insignia accepisse. It is clear tliat Göns., who had already spoken of the dissipated youth of C., but had not mentioned his having been married, is only telling what was said by Mazuelo. According to him, C. would have been married more than once. In a report written a short time after O.'s death it is said that it was discovered that he lived in bigamy, and this is repeated by Paramo and Cabrera (see note 58 appended below). After all, it is unknown whether Constantino ever was married. 36) Competitors are also called oppositors. The offer must have been made after Dr. Gil's condemnation in 1552.

14

CONSTANTINO PONCE D E LA

FTJENTE.

grandsons of persons condemned or reconciled on account of heretical pravity 3 7 was, to their knowledge, not applicable to any of these candidates. They besides reminded the provisor of his not being judge in the present state of affairs, but simply coelector. After all, nothing of what the provisor desired was done, and without examination of doctrine or of genealogy Doctor Constantino de la Fuente was by all the canons, no one being absent, unanimitcr elected, on 12 May 1556. As soon as this result was ascertained, Constantino's proctor was introduced and took possession, in the doctor's name, of his canonry, appealing to the pope against the archbishop. The provisor threw Constantino into prison, and tried to instal his candidate, a Dr. Qumel. Constantino, who seems, after a few days, to have been set at liberty, offered to deliver a lecture in the Chapter by way of supplement, in order to calm the provisor, who, however, was irreconcilable. The case had to be decided at Rome. On 7 June 1557 Constantino presented to the Chapter the confirmation of his canonry by the Roman Rota. Some weeks later, on 21 July, the Chapter permitted Constantino to miss the canonic hours when he preached or studied to prepare his sermons. Besides preaching he lectured. When his health was somewhat restored from the illness of the spring of 1556, he began to lecture on the bible in a school of the city, the rector of which, Escobar by name, set apart a portion of his income to meet the outlay involved in founding a lectureship for this branch of study. Dr. Constantino first expounded to the young men the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and what may appear extraordinary, Solomon's Song; then he went on with the book of Job and got through more than the half of it. All these lectures were reduced into writing by an attentive hearer, and in 1567 were got ready for the press in Germany, but it would seem that they were lost ere printed. Already before his stay in England, the Jesuits had become aware of his perilous character. When Francisco de Borja, Duke of Gandia, a grandee of Spain, since 1548 a member of the Company of Jesus, subsequently its General, and later canonized, had heard a 37) Acts 751 to be combined with 755.

15

CONSTANTINO PONCE LE LA FUENTE.

sermon of Constantino, aliquis

latet error;

be

q u o t e d that cautioning line o f V i r g i l :

equo ne credite,

Teucri!38

nut

I n the first c o n g r e g a t i o n

held b y the C o m p a n y in S p a i n , at Medina d e l C a m p ο , in autumn 1 5 5 4 , Borja w a s p r o c l a m e d a s Comisario especially

at

bis

persistent

General

proposition,

Seville, the m o s t e x c e l l e n t a n d l e a r n e d could d i s p o s e . 3 9 mas first

1554.40

A

combated

f o r S p a i n and I n d i a , and, missionaries

ones

of w h i c h

were the

sent

to

Company

B o r j a h i m s e l f m a d e a short s t a y at S e v i l l e at Christyear him

later Constantino

secretly,

then

returned

openly.

41

there.

He

T h e Jesuits

preached

against

them, s a y i n g : T h e y r e c o m m e n d to y o u e x t r a o r d i n a r y a s p e r i t i e s , but the Law is antiquated! prayer

and

repeatedly

not

Afterwards he remarked:

given

summoned

to

women,

before

they

will

If t h e y

are m e n

persevere.

He

of was

the H o l y Office to g i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s of

38) Cienfuegos, Vida del gründe San Francisco de Borja, 1702 Madrid, p. 292. One should think from this Jesuit historian, that tho incident happened during Borja's stay at Seville about tho beginning of 1555; at that time, however, Constantino was not there. Borja may have heard him at Tordesillas, either in 1552 or short before the English journey in 1554; during one of Philip's two stays there (see Cienfuegos p. 237. 262). I t was in 1554 that people debated who preached better and more Cliristianlike, Constantino or Borja (Cienfuegos 273; see the passage in the appendix to my edition of Constantino's Sermons on the first psalm). And Cienfuegos, about to tell that in November 1554, the first Jesuits arrived at Seville, says (p. 288 f.): Avia algunos meses, que Borja andava tan solicito sobre fundar en Sevilla un Colegio, . . . porque estava prevenido con repetidas üustraciones y relampagos su entendimiento del veneno que por la lengua de dos se/rpientes iba secretamente vomitando la Sierpe del Parayso. By those two serpents the biographer, no doubt, means Constantino and Gil. Nieremberg in his Vida of Franc, de Borja, Madrid 1644, p. 314 says: por lo qual dio tarda prisa el sieruo de Uios a la fundacion tan arrebatada de aquel Colegio, para que predieassen los nuestros, como lo liizieron, contra Constantino, y los demas hereges dissimulados. Afirman lo re/erido el Padre Ribadeneira, y P. Dionisio Vazquez. Eibadeneyra iu his life of Borja, Madrid 1592, fol. 93 does not name Constantino. — According to Eibadeneyra fol. 91 it was Her nan Ponce de Leon who gave the Jesuits their first morada at Seville. His widow was in 1560 condemned as a Lutheran. 39) Cienfuegos p. 276. Compare p. 288 f. 40) ib. p. 290 f. Compare p. 282. About beginning of March 1555 he was at Tordesillas, p. 297. 41) ib. p. 292: Esforgo ά sus Hijos Borja ά que le hiziessen guerra, primero escondida, y despues en Campana abierta, hasta que la severidad del Santo Oficio empleo contra sus errores todo su zelo, valiendose de los Jesuitas para convencer y ablandar la obstinacion de los que estaban en las Carceles, por aver bebido mcautamente sus errores: y fueron muchos los que bolvieron al gremio de la verdad, conociendo los precipicios ά que los avia guiado su error.

16

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE L A FUENTE.

certain passages in his sermons. His friends, who had noticed his visits to the castle o f T r i a n a , asked him what they wanted with him? „They wish to burn me," he replied, „but they find me as yet too green." However dextrous he proved himself to be in eluding the acuteness of his examiners when under hearing, he nevertheless held it to be advisable, to look around for some other stay, and he boldly elected as his resource, to seek admission into the order of Jesuits. There was in them a mystical element which at that time an ingenious Christian might hope to win over to evangelical tendencies. Constantino, however, was not admitted; an Inquisitor had given them a hint. 42 Perhaps the books smuggled into Seville by the intrepid Julianillo were already discovered. 43 When this tempest broke out, and many hundred persons were seized, — how, says Gonzalez, could Constantino hide himself? He was secured in the Inquisitorial stronghold. 44 He withheld the confession of his faith before the Inquisitors until an untoward accident put at last an end to his tergiversation. A widow lady Dona Isabel Martinez had been imprisoned and condemned by the Inquisition and her property had been confiscated. Her son had, however, managed to secrete some chests filled with valuables. This was betrayed by a servant, and an officer was sent to get away the things that had not been delivered up. As soon as Martinez saw the officer, he thought he knew what his errand w a s , and anticipated his demand, by offering him all he wanted at once, only stipulating that he should be left free. The officer unhesitatingly promised him this, since his duty did not affect the man's person. Whereupon Martinez took the officer to the most out of the way corner of the large house, and taking some stones out of the wall, shewed him a mass of papers. The officer amazed took possession of them, but did not, however, leave until those chests, for which Martinez did not suppose him to be sent, were delivered up to him. These papers had been committed by Constantino to the widow, for her to preserve in concealment.

42) Extracts from a manuscript written by a contemporary Jesuit of Seville (compare above note 25), de Castro, Buscapie 133 f., Prtst. Esp. 267 f., Menendez 434 f. 43) See life of Juan Perez. 44) raptus ad Inquisitoriam arcem. Göns. 287. That of Triana.

17

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA FDENTE.

Amongst other things found there was a thick volume in the doctor's own handwriting, wherein he minutely set forth his heartfelt convictions upon the points in dispute between Papists and Protestants. In his printed works he had abstained from all mention of the Pope; this and some other points, which are unnoticed in those books, he proposed treating, as he used to say, in the second part of his Doctrina. In this manuscript he portrayed the Pope as Antichrist, and called purgatory a bugbear and invention of the monks to fill their bellies. When Constantino was asked by the Inquisitors whether he acknowledged his handwriting, he even then endeavoured for some days and in every possible manner to avoid doing so, but at last he surrendered himself to the will of God and confessed: I wrote it all, and it represents my real convictions. Seek no further proofs against me, and do with me what seems good to you. 45 When Charles heard that his confessor was imprisoned, he said: If Constantino is a heretic, he is a great one.40 Constantino's Christian Doctrine was one of about thirty favorite works which constituted all the library which the Emperor had, in his retirement at San Yuste, when he died. 47 Two years 48 did Constantino pine away in prison. The fearful heat 45) Menendez 437 places the imprisonment of C. after this avowal, de Castro 273 before the avowal, but after the discovery of the manuscripts, Llorente c. XXI. art. II. § 2. before this discovery. This last view seems to be that of Göns, (compare our note 44), who is the only source for the affair of the manuscripts. 46) Sandoval, Vida del Emperador Carlos Quinto, Segunda parte, Valladolid 1606 [first edition. STRASSBURG Univ.], lib. 33, fol. 5: quando prendieron a Constantino canonigo de Sevilla dixo, si Constantino es herege, sera gran hereje, y salio assi, que dixo despues uno de los Inquisidores que le condenaron que avia sido uno de los mayores hereges del mundo. Just so, orthographical differences excepted, the reprint bearing the same year and place and printer (Carlas) [FRANKFURT ο. Μ., City], p. 741. Has M'Crie p. 262 read dixo despues ά uno &c? 47) Stirling, The cloister life of the Emperor Charles the fifth. London 1852. P. 266.

48) biennium integrum, Göns. 290. He was still in liberty when on 12 May 1558 he signed the receipt which is his only autograph known to us, mentioned by Menendez 439. On 19 August 1558 the Chapter sent two persons to the Inquisitors in order to negotiate the kind treatment of C., Menendez 759. The Emperor, who died on 21 Sept. of the same year, got the news of his imprisonment, see text. Llorente I . e . : reeluso en carceles secretas, ario 1558, atendidas las constituciones del Santo-Oficio, meses dntes de la enfermedad y muerte de Carlos V; French 2, 275: son arrestation, qui eut lieu en effet dans Vannee 1558, quelques I

Biblioth. AViffcii.

U.

3

18

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA FÜENTE.

in his cell, which compelled him to strip off every thing but his shirt, brought upon him dysentery, to which he succumbed in a fortnight. A monk of the convent of San Isidro, who likewise was incarcerated for his faith and who was confined in the same cell, closed Constantino's eyes. Nevertheless the lie was circulated that Constantino had committed suicide.49 His death occurred in the summer of 1560. On 22 December of that year his remains and those of his friend iEgidius were committed to the flames. Cagalla had already been burnt a year and a half previously, with the alleviation of being first strangled because he had repented; the solemn declaration which he is reported to have made, having death before his eyes, proves indeed his penitence, but does not imply a retractation of his evangelical con\

victions.50 The books which Constantino had published with the approbation of the Inquisitors were now prohibited by them, „not as if they had found anything in them worthy of condemnation, but lest there should exist any honorable memorial of a man doomed to execration." 51 Even some expressions in praise of Constantino found in books which were published before his imprisonment were blotted out and not allowed to be reprinted. 52 The canons had tried in vain to get Constantino better treated in the prison. Now at last the pro visor's candidate, Dr. Qumel, got the magistral canonry. 53 mois avant la mort de Charles - Quint. Probably only one month before the death of Charles, or some days more. 49) Göns. 291 f. Cipr. de Valera, Trat, del papa, Bf. Esp. VI, 251: „he had died from sickness and ill treatment; this I know from the same person who was present at his death and had waited upon him in his sickness." Sepulveda, de reb. gestis Philippi I I , § 28, tells that Constantino and Gil died from disease (morbo). On the calumny of suicide see our note 58. 50) See Wiffen's note to M'Crie, ed. of 1856, p. 206 f. 51) Göns. 297. Nie. Antonio says in 1672, when he had not seen Constantino's works: they were written cum nondum exuisset bonam mentem, and the same is read in the second edition where a bibliographical notice on the Summary is added, from autopsy, as it seems. 52) Compare above notes 3 and 27; and below p. 26. 53) Menendez 760.

CONSTANTINO PONCE DE LA FUENTE.

54) Constantino

named by mistake instead of

19

Cazalla.

Jac. Schopper tells (see Caroli memorabilia t. 1. 1697. p. 342 sq.), that, when he was in the cradle, he had been hissed by the Emperor's confessor Constantino, who had come at the time of the Schmalkalden war, in Lent, during the Emperor's stay at Ulm, to Eiberach, where Alphonsus Vives, Spanish magister de campo, arranged a disputation between old Schopper and that confessor, who after this colloquy called on his opponent and confessed being beaten by the testimonies of Holy Scripture, and declared his conversion to Schopper's belief. However, Constantino was not then in Germany with the Emperor. Charles resided at Ulm from January 25 to March 4. 1547 (Caroli V iter ex infer. Germania ab a. 1545 usque ad comitia a. 1547, ab Mamerano annotatum, denuo revisum. 1548. Folio Β 8 and C 1). Alphonsus Vivas is registered as Magister campi in the Catal. omnium generalium, tribunoram, ducum, primorumque totius exercitus Caroli V super rebelles conscripti a. 1546. authore Nie. Mamerano, Coloniae 1550, p. 42; he perished in the coup-de-main against Constance in September 1548 (Girolamo Faleti: prima parte delle guerre di Alemagna, Vinegia 1552, p. 3 6 3 f . ; compare Constantia Ehenana, authore Bucelino, 1667, p. 349 f.). In the Catalogue fainiliae totius aulae Caesareae per expeditionem adv. inobedientes usque Augustam Rheticam, per Nie. Mameranum, Coloniae 1550, the dedication of which is dated August 2. 1548, p. 13: Petrus de Soto professionis ordinis Dominici, Theologus Confessor Caesareus. Dominicus de Soto eiusdem ordinis, Theologus et Concionator. and p. 16 two more preachers of the Emperor: Ν Doctor Cazalla Theologus Concionator. Johannes Munietones Augustinianus.frater Birbiescae Alcaldi, hoe est, iudicis Aulae Caesareae, Concionator. No doubt Augustin Cazalla (the Christian name was unknown to Mameranus who for that reason puts an Ν instead of it) was that clergyman of the Imperial court of whom Schopper speaks. If Cazalla was at Biberach in Lent 1547 when the Emperor teas at Ulm, it must have been in the very beginning of March, as the Emperor left that toion on March 4, and Easter was on April 10. Or. Constantino most likely was in Ulm, when prince Philip was there, who (according to Calvete de Estrella's Viaje) arrived on the 27 of February 1549 and left on the first of March. Alf. Vives had died in the preceding year. 55) Doctor Constantino

and

Cardanus.

Hieronymus Cardanus, the celebrated physician of Milan, in his work de subtilitate, book XIX: de daemonibus, tells: Vigebat olim in Hispania haee ars [necromantiae], publiceque docebatur in Salamantica academia, nunc vero publicis legibus sublata est. Unde ibi aliqua adhuc artis experimenta supersunt. Narrabat mihi Don Constantinus Fontanus Hispanus theologus, et ab exomologesi Principis Philippi Hispaniarum, dum in Yagliadolit civitate Hispaniae, in domo typographi quae male ob strepitus audiebat nocturnos diversaretur, prima nocte incubum sensisse: sed cum olivas nigras in coena comedisset, naturale existimasse, cum incubus inter morbos numeretur. Sequenti nocte super lecto videt auditque feles concertantes, quod quanquam durum videretur, quia tamen esse poterat, et hoc naturale esse duxit. Tertia autem nocte cum nondum dormitum isset, de hisque dissereret, tubae' vocem quasi in aure audivit. Existimans sibili speciem esse, pueros videbat qui ibi astabant ridentes -. tum vox ilia cubiculum circuire coepit, perfectoque circuitu sub lecto se abdidit, ibi diu strepens, 'cum nihil videretur. Sed nullibi magis seu daemonum seu mortuorum vestigia videre aut audire licet quam circa morituros, aut post ingentes clades, vel pestilentiae temporibus. Dupliciter autem morituris haec eveniunt: vel ipsis, unus-

20

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quisque enim antequam moriatur aliquid videns terretur: et postquam viderit, non supervivit. Et quanquam naturale esse possit, mirum tarnen est. I have copied this from p. 539 of the folio edition of the de subtilitate libri XXI. nunc demum recogniti atque perfecti. Basileae per Ludovicum Lucium. Anno 1554. Colophon: .. excudebat .. M. D. LIIII. mense Martio. [VIENNA Court. Also in my possession]. Dedication Ferrando Gonzaghae, dated XI. Calendas Maij, anno M. P . LII. Lutetiae, The passage recurs in the reprints of this edition: p. 691 of the octavo edition Lugdnni Apud Gulielmum Rouillium, M. D. LVIIII. [FLORENCE Nationale. BOMA Vittorio Emanuele]; on the same page of the edition Lugduni M. D. LXXX. [STBASSBUBG Univ.] (from which Bayle, Dictionnaire, article Ponce, has copied it, stopping, however, with videretur). The folio Basle 1560 [MILAN Brera, also in my possession] is the print of 1554; only it has received a new title (on which the portrait of Cardanus with the year of the portrait: 1553,), a new last leaf (p. 561J and the accession (indicated on the title) of the apology in Calumniatorem, at the end of which is the notice: Basileae ex officina Petrina anno MDLX mense Martio. The edition Basle 1554 was the second one of the de subtilitate. Cardanus himself states as for the second edition: anno MDLiiij, atque in eius initio publicata est; this he says p. 139 of in Calumniatorem librorum de subtilitate actio prima, in his Quaedam opuscula artem medicam exercentibus utilissima. Basileae, at the end: ex officina Hieronymi Curionis, impensis Henrici Petri, MDLIX mense Martio [MILAN Brera]. The first edition of De svbtilitate, Norimbergse ajiud Job. Petreium. M. D. L. dedicated Ferrando Gonzagh® [MILAN Brera. VIENNA Court] does not contain the above passage, nor is it contained in the editions Parisiis ex officina Michaelis Fezandat & Eoberti Granlon 1551 [FLORENCE Nazionale] and Lvgdvni apud G. Eouillium 1551 [VIENNA Court], (The Sorbonne censured in 1551 Cardanus de subtil, libri XI Lugduni apud Guil. Eouillium 1550; see Uu Plessis d'Argeatre's Collectio t. 2. 1728, p. 169. In Argelati Bibliotheca scriptorum Mediolanensium 1745, col. 310 is mentioned a reprint Lugduni 1552 of the first edition). In the French translation by Richard le Blanc, Paris 1556 [STBASSBUBG Univ.], the passage is wanting (fol. 380), as also what, in the Latin, is said immediately before, after the words acutiorem ad equorum hinnitus (1554, p. 539. 1580, p. 690); aßer the translation of these words follows that of. the sentence (which we have copied) Sed nullibi magis and so on; so also in the editions of this translation Paris 1566 fol. 465 [VIENNA Court] and Paris 1578 on the same fol. [I think it was in the Univ. library at Strassburg that I used this ed.] An octavo edition with the actio and the same subscription: Basileae ex officina Petrina anno M. D. LX mense Martio [VIENNA Court. ROME Casanatensis] has a dedication Ferrando de Corduba, where is said that the two former editions had been dedicated to Ferrando Gonzaga, who had died since. Instead of in Vagliadolit is printed in Pinthia seu Valleoletana, vulgato nomine Vagliadolit. ' With this same addition the passage recurs in the reprints Basileas per Sebastianum Henricpetri CIO. 10. XXCII [ROME Vittorio Emanuele] p. 976. 977; at the same publishers CIO IOC XI [VIENNA Court. FLOBENCE Nazionale] on the same pages; in Cardani operum tomus tertius, Lugduni M. DC. LXIII [MILAN Brera. VIENNA Court]; in the separate edition Basileas M. DC. LXIV. [VIENNA Court. · STBASSBUBG Univ.]. Joannes Petraeius Norimbergen. impressor and Adamus and Henricus Petri, each of them, Basileen. impressor, are named in the Roman Index of 1558 among the

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21

Typographi e quorum officinis Haereticorum opera prodiere, and whose publications are prohibited all of them, unless examined by the Inquisition. And besides there is prohibited Hieronymus Cardannus, de subtilitate, together with some other works of the same author. The Censura in Cardani de subtilitate in Indicia libror. expurg. 1.1. Eomae 1607 orders: deleatur a vers, i d n o n t a n t u m a r t i s &c. usque ad vrs. n a r r a b a t m i h i D o n C o n s t a n t i n u s &c. In the Index Sandoval y Bojas, Madrid 1612, reprint Palermo 1628 [STBASSBUBG Univ.], Expurg. p. 283, and in the Index libror. prohib. et expvrg. Juxta Exemplar excusum Madriti. M. DC. LXVII. [STBASSBUBG Univ.] p. 521, referring to the ed. Basil Seb. Henricpetri 1582: Expungatur totus lib. 19, qui est de Daemonibus, & continetur ä pag. 960. usque ad pag. 980. cum omnibus Notis marginalibus. Calvete de Estrellas in the Viaje del Principe Plielippe 1552 (MILAN, Brera. See above here p. 11) mentions that in December 1548 in Pavia Alciatus and Cardanus had been visited by muchos hombres doctos cortesanos. Amongst these will have been Dr. Constantino; the only other occasion for him and Gardanus to meet, was lohen Constantino passed through Lotnbardy in 1551. At all events the above conversation is not mentioned in the first edition of de subtilitate which appeared in 1550. The accident in question had, no doubt, had joined the court of Philip.

occurred in 1548, when

Constantino

56) Two letters of Gaspar a Nidbruek to Francisco de Enzinas. Nobilitate pietate et eruditione praestanti domino Francisco d'Enzinas, amico suo pie colendo. Argentovati. S. P. Tuas ad octavam usque expectavi, et quia profectio mea ob nautarum importunitatem moram non patiebatur, diutius Argentinae haerere non licebat; adhaec literac tuae non ita necessario desiderabantur, sufficiet si nunc proximo tabellario ad me hue mittas. Hodie patrui mei literas ex Anglia accepi: probatur ipsi meura institutum, et consilium suum addit quomodo conflcere id commode possim. Quare te pro amicitia nostra reverenter rogatum volo, ut ad doctorem Constantinum in mei gratiam perscribere velis, quibus in locis et cum quibus versatus sim. Non necessariuin fuerit addere de relligione. De me non multa polliceberis, hoc vere affirmare poteris, fideli et piorum virorum studioso commissurvtm quicquid cuiuscunque generis cominunicaverit. Si quid etiam de tuis rationibus cum ipso conferre velis, id meo iudicio tum melius fiet, cum Augustae fuero, facile enim resciscam quo animo sit erga puram Evangelii doctrinam, et quemadmodum erga te affectus sit; item quid alii de te sentiant. Haec enim omnia diligenter expiscabor, et per legatos Argentinenses Argentoratum meas transmitti curabo. Hoc meum est consilium, quod tamen tuo iudicio submitto. Nempe ut in iis Uteris, quas ad me mittes, de relligione non nimium exacte (ut te et omnes pios vere decet) cum doctore Constantino colloquaris, sed tautum in mei coinmendationem pro tua humauitate amice scribas; habebis me tum semper fidelem et diligentem sollicitatorem. Si qui etiam sint nobiles in aula sanguine vel necessitudine tibi devincti, iis et ad mei promotionem aliquid dignaberis scribere, et significare, me linguis hactenus dedisse operam: Germanicam habere vernaculam, Gallicam haud longe dissimilem, Italicam me per aliquot annos exercuisse, Hispanicam intelligere et maius studium in ea perdiscenda collocaturum si ciun Hispanis, offlciorum meorum praestatione, houesto vel mediocri loco esse queam. E t cognosces si quid donorum largiatur aeternus pater, te non in ingratum posuisse beneficium. Vale in domino qui vos isthinc conservet, consiliaque vestra ad nominis

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sui gloriam et verae relligionis propagationem dirigat. Nova quae habeo ex Augusta, ad dominum Sledanum perscripsi, inde petere licebit. Iterum vale ac tuaa per primum tabellarium transmittere digneris; addet percommode suis dominus Siedanus. Coniugem honestissimam una cum familia officiose et amanter salutabis. Datum Spirae 26 Augusti 1550. Tui perstudiosus Gaspar a Nidbruck. D. Ex harum latere, studioso Argentinensi, noruine Joanne Winckelio, intelliges de rebus Saxonicis, venit enim ex Wittenberga. Dominus Fredericus nondum venit, nescio in patria an vero Augustae sit. Ornatissimo viro virtute et nobilitate praestanti, domino Francisco d'Enzinas. Argentorati. S. P. Tuas reddidi, domine carissime, tua quoque commendatio apud gravissimum virum doctorem Constantinum non parvum pondus habuit, nam humanissime me excepit, et, qua est prudentia ac eruditione, non dubito quin consilio suo iuvare atque promovere meum institutum possit, quod facturum se pollicitus est, neque ego ipsius benevolentiae diffido. Erga te quoque me gratum exhibebo si quando concedatur et occasio se o f f e r a t d e c l a r a n d i meum erga te S t u d i u m . De mea p r o f e c t i o n e in Hispaniam nihil adhuc certi habeo; si quid iuvante Deo assequi potero, reddam te certiorem. Herum novarum nihil te dignum. Quid Status ad propositiones responderint, procul dubio tibi notum est, quid item replicant imperator; ad hanc Caesaris replicam Status responderunt, sed Caesari responsum traditum neque adhuc publicatum; cum evulgabitur, tum ad vos perscribam. Reliqua ex domini Sledani literis cognosces qui omnia non gravatim coinmunicabit. Summopere desiderat doctor Constantinus te ad tuos redire, vel saltern in Belgico Antuerpiae esse, idcirco responsum petit ad suas. Si rescribas, raittas ad legatum Argentoratensem per nuncium juratum; hunc legatum ego rogabo ut vel ad meas manus literas mittat, vel doctori Constantino ipsi per famulum tradi curet si ego hinc discedam, de quo tamen ad te pluribus cum aliquid constitutum habuero. Vale in domino, et me tui studiosissimum redama. Augustae 8 Octob. 1550. Tuus Gaspar a Nydbruck. D. The D behind his name means Doctor iuris. Some years later he calls himself Roem. koen. Maj. u. kön. Würde zu Behem. Hoverath. Parts of these two letters, the autographs of which are in the Thomas archives at Strassburg (see not. 1, p. 164), are translated and printed in English in Wiffen's biographical sketch of Or. Constantino prefixed to Betts' translation of Constantino's Confession of a sinner 1869, p. 14 f . At the end of the former letter the word Agent is another translation of the same word which first was translated by correspondent. P. 1 16, I. 10 write He asks instead of I ask; on the same page instead of Brussels must be written Augsburg (in the foregoing line a comma would be belter than a semicolon). The Emperor was at Augsburg from the 7th of August 1550 to May 51. See on Gaspar a Nidbruck the correspondence between Maximilian II and Christoph duke of Wurtemberg, in Le Bret's Magazin, t. 9, Vim, 1785, p. 1. 2. 4. and the Beiträge of Ad. Horawitz in the Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-hist.

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23

Classe der kais. Akademie der Wiss. Wien 1874. Bd. 76 , 8. 298 f . Compare in the first volume of this Biblth. "Wiff. p. 125. The wife of Sleidanus (since 1546) was a Nidbruck. 57) Constantino not at S. Yuste with the Emperor. Dav. Chytraei oratio de Carolo quinto, Caesare augusto. 1583. p. 56 sq.; also in the same author's de tribus nostrae actatis Caesaribus Augustis orationes, Witebergae 1583, p. 82 sq.; and in his Saxonia under the year 1558, ed. of 1593, p. 572 sq., and tertium recognita 1611, p. 512: Habuit in ea solitudine Hieronymianorum fratrum Carolus postremo vitae suae biennio familiarem qui a confessionibus ipsi fuerat, doctorem Constantinum, virum gravem, pium et prseeclare eruditum. Is, inter quotidiana et assidua precum et laudum divinarum a Carolo suscepta exercitia, ad scriptorum Bernhardi lectionem, citatis in consolatione sententiis quibusdam insignibus, eum invitarat. After some quotations from Saint Bernard on justification by mercy through faith: His Bernardi dictis se mirifice delectari et recreari Carolus ostendit. In another place of his Saxonia, under the year 1559, ed. 1593, p. 580, ed. 1611, p. 519, Chytraus says: ilium Constantinum qui patri Carolo V. morienti adfuerat (see the passage below here note 58). The fact is that Constantino was in prison when the Emperor died. Be Thou and Sarpi fell into this same error that Constantino had been present at the death of the Emperor. Thuani Hist. 23, 14. London t. 1. 1733. p. 788: Constantinus, qui a sacris confessionibus diu Caesari, eique in solitudine sua post Imperii ac regnorum abdicationeni ac postremo animam agenti semper praesto fuerat, ad idem mox tribunal raptus, in tetro carcere paulo ante exspiraverat. And the historian of the Concilio Tridentino book 5 (Geneva 1660, p. 426j: finalmente la statua di Constantino Pontio, il quale confessor di Carlo quinto nella solitudine sua lo servi in quel ministerio sino al fine, & raccolse nelle sue braccia l'lmperadore moriente. Questo poclii giorni inanzi [delV auto de fe] era morto in pregione, nella quale, per imputatione d'heresia, fu posto immediate dopo la morte dell' Imperadore. Pallavicino in the Istoria del concilio Tridentino, parte seconda, Borna 1657, libro XIV, capo XI, p. 135, observes against Sarpi: il Ponzio fü Predicatore non Confessore di Carlo; il qual ufficio *) nel tempo delta sua infermita mortale veniva esercitato da Prate Francesco di Viglialva. With the marginal note: Vedi Gioannantonio di Verazugniga nel Compendio della Vita di Carlo V. e'l Sandoval nel fine della Vita dello stesso. In the text Pallavicino says some lines later on Ponzio: venne imprigionato in Siviglia per la mentovata causa vivente Carlo, il quale uditane la novella, disse tosto: Se Cons t a n t i n o e e r e t i c o , e g r a n d ' e r e t i c o : accennando, che s'era tale, si era egli simolato con una ipocrisia tanto piü empia quanto piii fina per ottimo catolico. (Giattino's Latin translation, pars I I , Antwerp 1673: egregii Cathoiici personam fuisse mentitum). According to Vera y Zuniga, Epitome de la vida del Emp. Carlos V. 1627. Madrid [VIENNA Court], Charles took with him to Yuste fray Juan de Regia, su Confessor ( f . I l l ) ; as for fray Francisco de Villalva, Vera y Zimiga only says ( f . 114 f.) that Charles was listening to his consolations when the agony begun. Sandoval (ed. Pamplona 1634. VIENNA Court) does not name the confessor who assisted the dying Emperor. In a letter of Gerardus Busdragus to a Cardinal, dated Padova 15 Dec. 1558 we read: de Hispaniis quoque narrant, quod illic etiam sint tumultus hac in re, et quod Carolus Q. Episcopo Toletano moriens dixerit, Lutheranos habere justam causam, saltern in articulo justificationis. The letter is found in Hispanicae Inquisitionis secretiora per Ursinum 1611. Gerdesius reprinted the whole from Ursinus in Serin.

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antq. t.1. I recollect having read, if not the whole letter, at least the above passage in Dorothei Asciani montes pietatis, Lps. 1670. It had been published by P. P. Vergerio, s.l e. a. (compare Baumgarten's Nachrichten von einer Hallischen Bibliothek, Bd. 2. 1748. p. 61 f.), probably in 1558 or 1559; it is a fiction. The same P.P. Vergerio writes in his fictitious Secretarii pontificii actio tertia, first published 1559, reprinted in Primus tomus operum Vergerii. Tubinga? 1563 (from which edition fol. 90 I copy): Mirum certe, quod ex omnium sermonibus et literis vestra Sanctitas audit, ubique sparsam esse et invalescere istud venenum Germanicum, etiam in terris nuper repertis, etiam in ipsis Hispaniis, quibus nihil solebat esse firmius et constantius. Certum est nuperrime plurimos illic coniectos in carcerem, plurimos igne consumptos, plurimos fuga sibi cosuluisse: et nihilominus videtur non posse malum eradicari. Nunc metuo ne sit additum oleum camino, cum ad Sanctitatem vestram Toletanus Episcopus scripserit, ipsum Carolum morientem dixisse, sibi videri, veram esse Lutheranorum de Iustificatione sententiam. Fama idem statim per universam Europam (ut audio) tulit, et simul, quod Sanctitas vestra dixerit, se nolle ipsi, propterea quod cum Lutheranis in praecipuo religionis capite sensisset, ullas exequias eelebrare. Ac non est dubitandum, quin talis fama, seu vera sea falsa fuerit, ego puto esse veram, multos magnopere commoverit. Compare Llorente c. 18, art. 2. 58) Constantino bigamist, suicide (compare p. 13 and 18); burnt alive. A notice in the Archivo municipal of Seville says: Hoy se ha suicidado el Dr. Constantino en la carcel de la Inquisition, rompiendo el vaso en que le entraban el vino. Menendez who gives this extract p. 438, states: no se ha podido averiguar el dia. It seems that Menendez misinterpreted this relation tvhere he says 437: Algunae relaciones del tiempo anaden que se suicido, introduciendo en la garganta los pedazos dol vaso en que le Servian el vino. He quotes no other document to prove that C. introduced pieces of glass into his throat. In a report written about 1560 (quoted by Vicente de la Fuente, Hist, eccles. de Espana, 2* ed. t. Υ. 1874. p. 241) we are told: se quemaron las huesos de Constantino que se habia muerto en la carcel, y los de Egidio, canönigo de Sevilla. Hallöse por verdad que Constantino era casado dos veces con dos mujeres vivas, y que siendolo, se ordenö do sacerdote, y con ser ahominablemente earrgil y vicioeo, habia »abido tan bien fingir santidad, que con su nunca vista hipocreeia era tenido en el pueblo por santo. Al fin, dicen, que el mismo ββ mato en la carcel y asi ee acabo de descnbrir de todo punto su maldad y la mäaeara con qne -tenia el mando engafiado. Gonzalez p. 292: in optimam sancti viri existamationem stevire decrevenmt [Inquisitores], frequentibus sparsis rumoribus, vitreis fragmentis scisea vena, ut dolorem atque ignominiam supplicii effugeret, mortem sibi conscivisse. Paramo, de origine &c. Inquisitionis, Matriti 1598, p. 302: inventus est Constantinus ex his, utraque conjuge viva, matrimonium contraxisse, et in eo statu ad sacrum presbyteratus ordinem fuisse promotus, and: sibi ipsi suis manibus mortem conscivisse perhibcnt. He only says perhibent, as the above report written about 1560 only says dicen. Cabrera, Filipe Segundo. Madrid 1619. libr. V, cap. Π Ι , p. 236: En Sevilla quemaron en otro auto de Inquisition cincuenta, i los huesos del Dotor Constantino, porque se matö en la carcel con vn cuchillo el Luterano, casado con dos mugeres viviendo anbas, i tomö el orden Sacerdotal täbien. Nicolaus Antonius, Bibliotheca Nova 1. 1672. p. 196 (repeated 1783, p. 256), after the catalogue of Constantino's writings: Tot vallatus vir doctrinae atque existimationis ornamentis simul, et munimentis (1672: munumentis), ne quis altum sapere prsesumat, sed potius timeat, sibique a se ipso caveat, in fcedissimas haereses lapsus, dum in custodia esset, brevi dicturus

CONSTANTIKO PONCE DE LA FUEOTE.

25

coram omni populo Hispalensi, ut moris est, abrenuntiatae verse fidei causam, ipse sibi manus sieve intulit, ne huic seen® se vivum exhiberet. Eflfugere tarnen non potuit in cadavere vindices flammas. Cienfuegos, Vida de F. de Borja, Madrid 1702, p. 292: en la carcel se arrimo un punal al peclio, y fue su infame brazo Juez, Reo, y Verdugo. Pellicer, Ensayo p. 31: Constantino salio en estatua por haberse quitado a si mismo la vida en la prision. Some historians thought that Br. Constantino had been burnt alive. Beza says, Icones 1580 Ii. iij: Egidio quidem post mortem cremato, Varquia in ipso Inquisitorum certamine mortuo, Constantino denique, viro trium linguarum egregie perito, et quo confessore, quem vocant, diu fuerat usus Carolus quintus, Siviliae damnato et cremato. David Chytraus expressly tells in his Saxonia under the year 1559, ed. of 1593, p. 580, of 1611, p. 519: Philip returned to Spain, ubi primo adventu in multos pios et innocentes homines heeresis nomine accusatos acerbe animadvertit, ac inter caitcros plurimos Doctorem etiam ilium Constantinum, qui patri Carolo V. morienti adfuerat, cum tota familia, Hispali in foro vivum cremavit. A rumour thai the whole family was burned ivith him, may have been occasioned by the circumstances , that in 1559 a Juan Ponce was executed, and in 1560 the widow of a Fernando Ponce was condemned to penitences (compare here p. 15); both, however, were Ponces de Leon. Calvisius, no doubt, did not think to alter anything by writing children instead of family; Opus chronologicum, ed. altera, Frcf. a. 0. 1620, p. 846: Philippus . . . vivum cum liberie exussit Constantinum, qui patri Carolo morienti adfuerat . . . Chyt. (vis. Chytraeus). The same in the third edition, Francf. 1629, p. 1185 f., and in the fourth, Frcf. a. M. et Embdas 1650, p. 934. The ed. Frcf. a. M. et Lps. 1685, p. 934 has cum liberie excussit [sic]. The first ed. Lps. 1605, p. 968 says, without quoting Chyt. and without naming Constantino: exustus e3t, qui adfuerat Carolo patri morienti. 59) Constantino's Doctrina Christiana translated into Italian. La vita dell' invittissimo imperator Carlo Qvinto; descritta da Alfonso Vlloa . . Venetia . . Μ D LX. [STRASSBURG Univ.]. Preface dated Venice 1 March 1560. Libro qvarto, p. 520, speaking of the celebrated persons who accompanied prince Philip on his travel from Spain in 1548: Nella Theologia lo seguiron Don Piotro di Castro Vescouo di Salamanca, Cappellano maggiore di su' Altezza; 11 Dottor Constantino gran filosofo, & profondissimo Theologo, & de' piu signalati nel pulpito & eloquenza, che sono stati al mondo da gran tempo in qua, come si uede chiaro per le opere che egli scrisse degne del suo diuino ingegno, & spetialmente per la Dottrina Christiana, che tratta sopra gli articoli della fede: la quale habbiamo tradotto in questa lingua. Nella Jurisprudentia . . . The eulogy of Doctor Constantino is translated from Calvete de Estrella, see above here p. 11; Ulloa only changed profundo into profondissimo, and ingenio into divino ingegnio, and added the passage following this word. It would seem he states he translated the larger Doctrina Christiana, of which the only part which has been printed treats, as the title states: de los articulos de la fe (see below n" 184), the smaller Summa de doctrina Christiana by the same author treating also the ten commandments r, not furnishing historical circumstances. This catechism is translated from Calvin's larger catechisme. The translator may have been Cyprian de Valera. All this I relate from Johann Bartholomaus Miederer: Nachrichten zur Kirchen- Gelehrten- und Bücher - Geschichte, Dritter Band. Zwölftes Stück, Altdorf 1766, p. 475 f . where details are given as to contents. Having compared Biederer's extracts with the Spanish of 1559, I state that the identity is complete; the differences are almost throughout insignificant, the only word changed being Caliz, instead of which the repi'int gives copa. The rerisor and editor was certainly Valera. A copy in Bachelin- Deflorenne's Catalogue 1872, n° 2439. Usoz possessed a copy, according to Wiffen. Wiffen noticed: „Catechismo que significa, 8vo, 1586, mentioned in the auction catalogue of Bicharcl Davis p. 142 n" 541" and „Catechismo que significa forma de Instruccion, 8vo, 1569, mentioned in the catalogue of the sale of Dr. John Warner, bishop of Bochester's books, London 1684/5, p. 29". Probably 1586 and 1569 are misprints for 1596.

214.

1588. The Lord's Supper extracted from the catechism of 1559 in Cipriano de Valera's Dos tratados of 1588 p. 458—466. It is exactly the same, what in the reprint of the edition of 1599 on p. 529 — 537; only the orthography is changed and a superfluous marginal quotation is suppressed on p. 532 of the reprint, and on p. 537 the number of the verse is added where 1588 only has Num. 6. Ascertained by the Custos Dr. Lcewe from the copy in GCETTINGEN University library.

215.

1599. In Valera's Dos tratados, second edition 1599, p. 529 — 537, the Forma que se tiene de celebrar la sancta cena is reprinted. Valera says p. 531: pondre aqui el orden que se tiene en nuestras Iglesias, que Dios . . . ha en nuestros tiempos reformatio, quando se celebra la santa Cena. Usoz in his reprint of Valera's Dos tratados in the note to p. 531: Toda esta Forma de la Zena, desde esta paj. 531 hasta la 537, es igual a lo que se lee desde la päj. 233 a 242 en el Catecismo, imp. tambien por Ricardo del Campo . ., el a. 1596, 3." Ed. Valera's text agrees with p. 32 — 41 and 11 of the edition of 1559; the variations are unimportant. In the passage from 1 Cor. 11, p. 529—530 of Valera, the version of the edition of 1559 has in some places been altered, already in the edition of 1588, in the same way as in Valera's Ν. T. of 1596 (recebi for aprendi; copa for caliz). ZUBICH City.

216.

1851. The same in the reprint of the edition of 1599 of Valera's Dos tratados.

217.

1766. Biederer's extracts mentioned above n" 213. HALLE Univ.

SÜMAKIO DE INDULGENCES.

Bithoth. "Wiffen. II.

7

THE evangelical Summary of Indulgences, which appeared in Spanish about the middle of the 16lh century, is a cleverly composed and powerfully written tract. The translation and the division of the Ten commandments is not that of the Sumario de doctrina by Juan Perez, 1 published in 1556, but that of the translation of Calvin's catechism, although not without differences, nor does the Summary of Indulgences follow the edition of 1559 of the catechism, but that of 1550. 2 In all probability, the Bull forged by the heretics which in the beginning of the year 1558 Peter Veller confessed to have carried to the Netherlands (see our following article on Juan Perez) was nothing else but this Summary of Indulgences. 3 Most likely it was remodelled from a French original. 1) to whom Wiffen and Usoz were inclined and at last were satisfied to attribute the Sumario de indulgencias. See I t f . Esp. XVIII, title and p. 38; the list of the reprinted Mef. Esp. in t. XX; and Bth. Wiff. vol. 1, p. 35 f. 2) In command. 4: estrangero que estd de tus puertas adentro. 1550: questa. 1559: que mora. (It is not Eeyna's translation). I may notice here that in 1568 or 69 Henry Denham got the Stationers' license for printing of the X commandements in spanysshe. See A transcript of the registers of the Company of Stationers of London 1554 —1640. Edited by Edward Arier. Vol. 1. London 1875. P. 385. 3) Usoz in the list of Bf. Esp. in t. XX gives the date 1560 for the Sum. de Ind., not, however, without a sign of interrogation.

In Rf. Esp. XVIII, p. x v m is mentioned un tratadillo en Franzes, semejante en Titulo i Conclusion, a la Obra espanola, i quo, en sustanzia, presenta coinzidenzias, mas ο menos proximas, con el „Breve sumario". Half the title of the volume which contains this tratadillo is given there, but not the title of the tratadillo itself. I used the copy in the GENEVA library (bound together with the

52

STJMABIO DE MDULQENCIAS.

Antithese de nostre seignevr Iesvs-Christ et du Pape de Rome . . . Μ. D. CXJX). Traitte | des indvlgences, | Centre le decret du Concile | de Trente. [By Chemnitz] \ Briefve considera- | tion sur l'an du Ivbile. | Le vrai & grand Pardon general | de pleniere remission des peches. | [Quotation from S. Austin, χ] A Geneve, | pour Iaques Choiiet. | M. D. XCIX. | Colophon: De l'lmprimerie de Pierre | De La Roviere. | Octavo. Fol. 4 verso of the preface: I'ai adiouste au liuret de Chemnicius vne briefue consideration du Iubile, pour rendre mon dessein plus complet, & contenter ceux qui desirent entendre ces choses tout du long. Preface is signed: Fait ce 15. d'Aoust 1599, No name nor place. — P. 214: Briefve conside- | ration tovchant | le Iubile. Then immediatly: Povravtant que le Pape & son clerge s'aprestent pour celebrer au commencement du siecle prochain le Iubile ä l'imitation de celui des Juifs . . . Ends p. 232 with quotation from S. John's gospel 7, 37 followed by the words: A lui soit gloire eternellement. Amen. Then: Au lecteur S. I'ai este d'auis que l'imprimeur adioustast ä la fin de ce liuret, la copie d'vn grand pardon general de pleniere remission apporte de la cour celeste, escrit du precieux sang de Iesus Christ . . . Begins 232, ends 238. Then 238: Pour ne laisser blanches les pages suiuantes, nous auons adiouste quelques passages de Sainct Augustin, & Leon I. tonchant le thresor de l'Eglise. Ends 239. — Errata at the end of the prefaee of the volume. Most likely the following French publications are the same with this grand pardon general de pleniere remission. Theophile Dufour in the work on Calvin's catechism of 1537, Geneva 1878, p. CCXI/"., gives this title: Les grans pardons & indulgences, le tresgrand Iubile de plainiere remissio(n) de peine & de coulpe a tous les confraires de la tressacree co(n)frairie du sainct esperit . . . Nouuelleme(n)t imprime a Gand par Pieter van winghue. Oufour thinks it printed at Geneva, before the 29 April 1534. Du Plessis d'Argentre Collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus, t. 2. 1728, p. 177 among hooks censured 6y the Parisian theological Faculty in 1551: Le grand pardon de pleniere remission pour toutes personnes, durant ä toüjours, imprime a Geneve par Adam & Jehan Rivery, 1550. Oufour does not know whether this is the same work as the above grans pardons. In Bibliotheques fran^ises, ed. Juvigny, III. 1773. p. 376: Le grand PARDON & pleniere Remission pour toutes personnes & durant ä perpetuite; imprime ä Geneve par Adam & Jean Riveri, 1550. The same Rivery got in 1560 the license for printing Le grand pardon dit du pape, as Oufour reports. Questi sono i gran perdoni & indulgentie della plenaria remissione di pena et di colpa concedute a tutte le chiese et tempj di Dio per tutti i Christiani i quali sono sotto il cielo. Many copies of this tract were found in the possession of Lucio Paolo Boselli, as is stated in the law-suit of the S. Uffizio of Venice against him in 1551. See Benrath in the Jahrbücher für Protestant. Theologie 1882, p. 184. I should think also this Italian tract derived from the French grans pardons. Vnsers Herren Jesu Christi des Obersten Priesters gnaden vnnd Ablaszbrieff. 1555. On the title and at the end an emblem: the lamb with a standard, and aroimd: Victoria. S. I. Octavo. Dedication to Sabina dowager duchess of Wirtemberg, dated Tubingen 1 Jan. 1555. P. Paulus Vergerius. He says there: Dieweil dann in disen tagen ich mit Gottes gnad vnderstanden, wiewol . . hieuon vil gottsgelerte Manner geschriben haben, auch mein klein fug pfund auff den Tisch des Herren in solcher materi gelegt hab . . Hab deszhalb E. F. G. in vnderthenigkeit disz meiner gedancken, so in schrift verfaszt, theilhafftig wollen machen. Follows a

SUMABJO DE INDULÖENCIAS.

53

notice by Vergerio on the composition of the Papal Bulls. He says with reference to the following Ablass of Christ: hat sich ein trewer diener Jhesu Christi vnderfangen, nach fürgestelter Ordnung der puncten offt gemelter Bapsüicher Bullen mit diser kurtzen schlifft, lautter darzuthün, wie sie dem wort Gottes gantz vnd gar zuwider. With sheet Β begins: Hie hast du die herrliche gnad vnnd volle, auch reiche aller schuld vnd pein Vergebung vnd Ablasz, allen Kirchen vnd allen menschen, so zu jeder zeit leben, vnd Gott im geist vnnd warheit dienen, angebotten . . . As witnesses (Zeugen) for the certainty of this indulgence many writers of the Bible are adduced. Conclusion C ij verso. Geben im fewrschonen Gottlichen himmel im jar vor der welt erschaffung. Ausz gnad vnd freier macht der heiligkeit des HERRN Jesu Christi. Wer disen innhalt verbrechen oder sunst vernichtigen sich vndersteht, soll wissen das er mit dem banne des ewigen fewrs der Hellen solle gestrafft werden. Follows Ein gebett der vertribnen Jesu Christi, 7 pages, undersigned Vergerius. [VIENNA Court]. The resemblance of the Breve sumario de indulgencias with this little work reproduced by Vergerio is striking as for the above mentioned witnesses. The Valladolid catalogue of 1559 prohibits among books en Romance: Iubileo de plenissima remission de peccados, concedido antiguamente: y en el fin del dize. Dado en la corte celestial del Parayso, desde el origen del m u n d j , con preuillegio eterno, firmado y sellado con la sangre del vnigenito hijo de Dios IESV Christo nuestro vnico y verdadero redemptor y senor. Compare our report on Vergerio's German of 1555 and on the French of 1599. In the Stationers'' register, 14 August 1500, Lucas Haryson is licensed for printing of a generali pardon for ever (Arber 1, 150).

218.

1556?

Breve svma- | rio de indvlgen | cias y gracias. | A woodcut: an angel blowing a trumpet | Conuertios a mi, y sereys sal- I uos todos los

moradores de | la tierra: por q yo soy Dios | que saluo, y no ay otro. I Esaias XLV. | Very small octavo a — d = 31 leaves unnumbered; the 32 d leaf, which probably was the last one, is wanting. Wiffen1 s copy in Wadham college, OXFORD. The written fac-simile which Wiffen sent to Usöz (see above vol. 1, p. 38J is now most likely in the National library at Madrid. Printed by Jean Crespin at Geneva? Compare Wiffen in Ref. Esp. XYIH, p. 41 f .

219.

1862.

Reformistas antiguos | espanoles. [ N°. XVIII. | Obras ya reimpresas. | The list begins on the same page, and ends on the next, including this n. 18. Second leaf:

Breve sumario | de | induljenzias. | Por | el dr. Juan Perez (?) | En apendize: una carta de | Antonio del Corro. | En Madrid. | Ano de Grazia de 1862. | Very small

octavo.

54

SUMABIO DE INDULGENCIAS.

P. V—VIII: A. Benjamin B. Wiffen, signed: L. Usoz i Kio. Madrid. 13. 9" m. 1862. Introduction by the editor Usöz p. IX—XXII, and Wiffen's Prologo, which begins on p. XXII and, the paging now changing from Latin to Arabic ciphers, continues p. 23 — 55, where it ends. Then Apendize p. 57 — 76, containing a letter of Antonio d'el Corro. Breve sumario with Diez mandamientos 32 leaves, unnumbered, signed a b e d ; first leaf the ancient title of the sumario, on the hack of dV begin Los diez man- | damientos de la j Lei de Dios. ) Con una breve decla- | razion. | , ending d VIIIb, the text of this last leaf being a retranslation from the English version (see our next number and compare n. 218J. VIENNA Court. B — r.

220.

1576.

Jehovah.

A free Pardon with many Graces therein

conteyned,

graunted to all Christians by our most Holy and reuerent Father God almightie the

principal

high Priest

and

Bishoppe

in

Heauen

and

Earth: First written in the Spanish tounge, and there published by a Spaniard v n k n o w e n , (yet as it seemeth) the seruant of our said Holy Father.

And

now

Translated

John D a n y e l of Clements Inne. for Andrew

Mounsell,

into

the

mother

English

tounge

by

Printed at London b y Thomas East,

and are to be sould

at his shop in

Paules

Churchyard at the signe of the Parrot. (1576). Small octavo VI and 48 pages. According to a copy made for me from Wiffen's copy taken from the original in the archiepiscopal library at LAMBETH. Compare Ef. Esp. XVIII, p. 35 f., where the English title is translated into Spanish. The page of Maitland's Index, London 1845, where this book is registered, is not the 96"', but the 59 th . Wiffen's manuscript copy of the book (see above vol. 1, p. 38) is now most likely in Wadham college, Oxford.

JÜAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

Perez de Pineda was born at Montilla in Andalusia, 1 about the end of the 15 th century. 2 In the year 1526 we find him at Rome as Secretary to the Spanish Embassy and Prior of the church at Osma, of which Saint Dominic, who was born in that bishopric, had been a canon. After that the Imperial army, led by Moncada, had without encountering any resistance, taken Rome, on the 20 th of September 1526 and that the soldiers had plundered S*. Peters church as well as the Papal palace, Clement VII made peace with the Emperor. On September 23. Perez wrote to Charles: without the sack of the palace and of S*. Peter's one might have waited a thousand years ere His Holiness had consented to what he now saw to be inevitable. It was Perez who on the 12. December of that year, at a solemn assembly of the Pope and of the Cardinals, delivered to them the Imperial letter which remonstrated against the Pope's confederacy with the enemies of the Emperor and demanded that a General Council should be summoned without delay. 3 In the next year, when the Spanish ambassador, the duke of Sesa, left Rome, secretary Perez, who had lived under the duke's roof, moved into the mansion JUAN

1) Llorente c. XXI. art. II. — This Perez is called Pieres in the Geneva martyrology 1570 f. (see here our appended note on Julianillo), Pierius by Beza 1580 (see note 41). No other Pierius is meant by his countrymen Antonio del Corro (in a letter to Calvin 1559, and in two papers 1568, sent to Beza) and Casiodoro de Eeina (protestation of 1571); by a Frankfort document of 1558 (see our note 31), by Perrucellus in a letter of the same year to Calvin (our note 32), in an old catalogue of preachers in France and in the Histoire ecclesiastique (our note 40). 2) In October 1558 Calvin calls him homme ancien, here below note 45, and Llorente c. XXI. art. II., speaking of the prohibition of his writings in 1559: Era ya Juan Perez hombre de mucha edad. 3) See instrumentum publicum appended to the Imperial letters, Mayence edition (see above vol. 1 , n ° 4 ) p. 100, where the secretary is called Joannes Perez, Casarece maiestatis Secretarius, ae Prior eeclesiee Oxomen (just so also in Cratander's edition [see above n° 5], whilst the edition of 1587 [ib. n ° 1 0 ] writes Oxoniensis; compare in the Mayence edition p. 210: Garcia de Loaysa Episcopo Oxomen. Biblioth. Wiffen. Π.

8

58

JÜAN PEKEZ DE PINEDA.

of the bishop of Gurk, D o n Antonio de Salamanca.

This w a s

one

of the only two houses in Rome which were spared in the most indiscriminate s a c k i n g ,

wreaked upon the eternal city by the army of

Bourbon in May 1527. were

admitted to

Salamanca and Perez thanked God, that they

ransom

at the

sum

of

2400

ducats

for

both,

without having been tortured or maltreated. 4 Some w e e k s later the Secretary a s k e d the P o p e

to give him a

Brief to the Inquisitor General of Spain, Alfonso Manrique, archbishop of S e v i l l e ,

with

instructions to silence

the writings of Erasmus.

the attacks directed

against

T h e Imperial Grandchancellor Gattinara had

some time previously commissioned Perez to press this demand,

and

the present circumstances prevented the Pope's refusing ready

com-

pliance.

T h e Brief which w a s written in the castle

where Clement w a s a prisoner, w a s forwarded on Secretary of State Alfonso de Valdes. of excommunication,

1

st

of S*. Angelo, August to

the

T h e P o p e forbad, under pain

the attacks upon the writings of Erasmus which

w e r e opposed to those of Luther. 5 4) See the anonymous letter in Oocumentos ined., t. 7, 1845, p. 451, which when compared with Alfonso de Valdes' diälogo on the sack of Korne, cd. of 1850 p. 414— 445, would appear to have likely been written by Don Antonio de Salamanca, as is conjectured in the Noticia previa to the reprint of 1848 of Perez's Epistola consolatoria, p. VII. — Against the identification of this Salamanca with that in the autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini there seems to be the circumstance that Cellini's Salamanca is reported to have borne the Christian name Francis, see Vita di Cellini, vol. 1, Torino, Fontana, 1845, p. 53, where reference is made to Gonzales de Avila's Antiguedades de Salamanca p. 437. — The old editions 1. 2. 4. 5 of the dialogue on the sack of Eome have: don Antonio de Salamanca: hoyos: obispo gurcense (the 3 d has likewise hoyos, to judge from Usoz's edition). Usoz, following, one should think, the Paris edition, has que hoi es instead of hoyos which however was right, being the name Hoyos. In the list of the bishops of Gurk we find in 1533 the Spaniard Antonio de Hoyos who was murdered in 1551; Balbi resigned in 1526 (Potthast: Supplement zur Biblioth. kistor. 1868, p. 326). We learn from this dialogue that already in 1527 Antonio de Salamanca Hoyos had got that see. In the Italian translation Hoyos is left out (at least in ed. 4, fol. 159: Salamanca, Vescouo Cmcense; the other Italian editions are not at present at my disposition). — In a letter of the Cardinal di Como written Civitavecchia 24 Mai 1527, printed in Carlo Milanesi's little volume II sacco di Roma, Firenze 1867, we read p. 485f.: saccheggiato et fatto prigione sino a Pereres spagnolo, secretario dello imperadore con grandissima autoritä, et fatto taglia duemila ducati. A note of the editor to the name Pereres: II Perrenot, ossia il Granvela. This is a mistake; the Cardinal means Juan Perez. 5) Compare Ed. Boehmer: Franzisca Hernandez 1865 p. 54 f.

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

59

On the last day of November Perez, writing from Rome, reported that it appeared more important to withdraw the Imperial troops from the town than to prolong the imprisonment of the Pope in S4. Angelo, but that 200,000 ducats were needed to distribute amongst the troops, to induce them to consent to withdraw; that His Holiness had but little money, and that hence it was necessary to create a batch of Cardinals, who would individually pay some twenty thousand ducats for the hat, and that Moncada had already found three candidates in Naples who were prepared to pay. When the army departed from Rome, Perez also left; he went to Naples. The duke of Sesa had died in August 1526, whereupon Hugo de Moncada had become the Emperor's chief representative, and had soon afterwards been appointed also Viceroy of Naples; his death in a naval engagement is reported by Perez in a despatch dated 30 April 1528. The last of Juan Perez's official letters, that we know of, is dated Naples 29 October 1528, wherein he states that the Pope had returned to Rome, and that public security was reestablished there. It is probable that Perez returned there, but we have no letters from him of later date thence; as there was an Imperial ambassador at Rome, Perez would naturally have no further reports to make in his own name. The next thing we hear of him is contained in a letter from a Vicechancellor at Naples who writes from this city on the 28 th of August 1530: „By a letter from Rome I learn that poor Juan Perez had arrived there" (most probably he had been with the Emperor's Court in northern Italy before Charles passed over the mountains to hold the diet at Augsburg), „and that on his way to Naples, being about 30 miles from Rome, between Velletri and Sermoneta, he had been attacked, and that nothing further had been heard of him." 6 6) Per lettera di Borna ho adviso chel purer ο Jo. Perez era arrivato in Borna et partendose per Napoli lontan da Borna circa SO miglia tra Velletri et Sermoneta e stato assasinato et sino (et si) ad mo non si ha nova di lui . . . Fidelissimus servitor Pomp. Vicecancell. The words bracketed by me seem to be a repetition. From Simancas, Archivo General, Estado, Borna, legajo 849 fol. 109 copied in Bergenroth's collection in the British Museum, and from the British Museum copy (registered in Gayangos' Cat. vol. 2, p. 587) copied for me by Geo. P. "Warner. Assassinare in Italian does not imply killing, not even the intention to kill (see Tommaseo's diet.).

60

JUAN PEBBZ DE PINEDA. We

subsequently

meet with

Juan

Perez in

Spain,

where

he

presided over what w a s called the College of Doctrine at Seville,' a municipal institution for the education of youth,

in which

many

years later Dr. Constantino accepted a lectureship. H e left Spain when he got notice of the intention of the Inquisitors to arrest him as suspected of Lutheranism. 8 did after the accession to office in Valdes,

1547

This he no doubt

of the Inquisitor

General

probably w h e n Dr. Gil had already been imprisoned,

perhaps only in 1 5 5 4 . H e next

appears

at G e n e v a . 1 0

press w a s busy with his publications.

There

from

In 1556

1556 — 1 5 6 0

the

he edited his trans-

lation of the N e w Testament from Greek into S p a n i s h . 1 1 customary, he s a y s ,

and

9

It being

with authors to dedicate their books to princes,

Perez presents his N e w Testament

„to the Almighty King of heaven

7) Llorentc cap. XXI. art. II. p. 265, French t. 2, p. 279. Llorente calls him doctor; so Perez calls himself on the title of his Sumario and of the translation of the Psalms; and so does Valera in the Dos tratados 1599, p. 247. 249, and in the Exhortation prefixed to the bible of 1602, fol. *3; Pellicer in his Ensayo p. 120: doctor en Theologia. 8) Llor. ib. 9) Prom Valera, Dos tratados 1599, p. 246 — 7, follows that Perez (whom Yalera knew personally) left Seville despues desta persecution de Bodrigo de Valer whose definitive condemnation he places cerca del a. 1545, and before the expatriation in 1555 of the seven persons to Geneva. M'Crie thinks Perez left at the time that iEgidius was thrown into prison; Menendez follows M'Crie. 10) Menendez is right in saying 459 that it is not proved that the Protestant writer is the Imperial agent, but is he not incautious enough when he asserts that it cannot be proved? At the same time M. is too confident in taking the head of the Sevillian College of doctrine for the refugee of Geneva, as if there could bo no doubt about it. In fact, the identity of the Juan Perez of Geneva with the head of that college rests as exclusively upon the authority of LI. as does the identity of the Genevese Perez with the Roman one. In this state of the question, it is certainly licito, to think the Imperial agent a different person from the Protestant writer, but it appears to me more impartial to suppose that Llorente had reasons to identify those three. Menendez says: el Juan Perez de Montilla parece haber sido clerigo y no diplomatico, but the diplomatist was Prior of Osma, see above here. As for the other objection of M. against the identification of the Juan Perez of Rome with the Juan Perez of the Sevillian college and of Geneva: las fechas no concuerdan bien, I am at a loss to see this. 11) In the epistola prefatory to his Ν. T. he says (fol. * VI), giving the two reasons which moved him to translate it: La una que sintiendo me muy obligado al servicio de los de mi nation segtm la vocation con que me Hämo el Senor a

61

JUAN PEEEZ DE PINEDA. and earth, Jesus Christ."

T o the supplication to Christ follows an

address to king Philip of Spain, in which Perez reminds the Sovereign of his duty to protect and to spread the teaching of this holy book. In the preface he rightly lays stress upon the fact that the inspired writers by the employment of the Greek language disclosed their wish to give their writings the greatest circulation possible at that period. It may strike one as singular that Perez did not hint at the fact that he w a s

not

the

first

Spanish translator of the N e w

Testament;la

probably he held it to be prudent to avoid making the king of Spain aware

of the

circumstance,

perhaps

unknown

to

or

forgotten

by

him, that his father had prohibited Enzinas' translation dedicated to his Imperial Majesty and had imprisoned the translator, twelve years previously.

In

the

same

year

in which Perez published the

Testament, he also issued a Spanish catechism.

New

In the succeeding year

1557 Perez published his translation of the Psalms from H e b r e w , with a dedication to Maria of Austria, sister of the Emperor Charles V, the Queen of Hungary and Bohemia and Regent of the Netherlands. 1 3

In

la anunciacion de su Evangelio, pareciome que no avia medio mas proprio para cumplir, sino en todo, a lo menos en parte con mi deseo y obligation, que darsselo en su propria lengua . .. Richard Simon, Histoire critique des versions du nouveau testament, Rotterdam 1690, chap. 41, p. 496: La Traduction tient le milieu entre Celles qui sont trop literates, & Celles, qui sont trop etendües. II s'attache ä son texte, sans estre neanmoins obscur: car il suppUe ce qu'il est necessaire de suppleer pour se faire entendre, & pour ne laisser pas le sens suspendu. Mais il ne marque pas toujours en lettre Italique ce qu'il ajo&te. Comme il ne garde aucune uniformite la-dessus, cela me fait croire qu'il α plustost traduit sur les Versions qui avoient este faites sur le Grec avant luy, que sur V Original. 11 a enferme entre deux crochets de certains mots qui ne sont point dans le texte Grec ... II a de plus ajoüte ä la marge de son texte de petites notes, . . . mais outre que ces observations sont rares, elles ne sont pas toujours exactes . . . 12) He only speaks of his own labour: Oos causas me movieron a tomar no liviano trabajo de traduzirlo .. . (fol. * VI). That the translator is Perez, is proved by Cipriano de Valera in his Dos tratados, 1599 p. '247, reprint of 1851: el Dotor Juan Perez, que se vino ά Jeneva, donde imprimio el Testamente nuevo, i otros libros en Espanol, and in his Exhortation, fol. *3, prefixed to the Bible of 1602: El doctor Iuä Perez de pia memoria α no de 1556. imprimio el Testamente nuevo . . . A Iuan Perez, Ccissiodoro y lulian yo los conoci, y träte familiarmente. Certainly Valera does not mean that Perez only printed the translation of some other person. 13) As he does on the title, so he gives himself as translator in the epistola dedicatoria, fol. A VII: teniendo yo muncho ha desseado seruir a vuestra Alteza, no halle otra cosa mas pi-opria para dar verdadero testimonio de mi desseo que traduzir su Psalterio [viz. el de David] en romance Castellano, y dedicarlo a

62

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

1556 and 1557 he printed Juan de Valdes' commentaries upon the epistle to the Itomans and the first epistle to the Corinthians, the latter with a prefatory letter of dedication to the future Emperor Maximilian, whom, Perez says, all Spain held in affection for his justice, piety, affability and other royal virtues. 14 The peace of Augsburg 1555 had established for Germany an agreement between Protestants and Roman Catholics, who found themselves forced by the insuperable logic of events, mutually to tolerate each other. For Spain too a gleam of hope shone forth to see the nation liberated from the fetters of Rome. After that the duke of Alba had, in August 1556, sent that terrible letter to the Pope which made the Vatican tremble, Perez thought the moment a favorable one to press upon king Philip that he should not recede, but go on still further, and this he implored of him in a letter which was already printed in the summer of 1557. 15 Perez says: It is right vuestro Alteza . . . — Pellicer, Ensayo p. 122 on Perez's Psalms: la version es clara y corriente. Menendez who p. 458 calls Poroz elegante eseritor, says p. 461 on his psalms: Asi la dedicatoria, com ο la Declaration del fructo y utilidad de los Psalmos para todo cristiano, estän gallardisimamente escritas. Juan Perez es prosista söbrio y vigoroso, de la escuela de Juan de Valdes, y menos resabiado que Cipriano de Valera y otros por la sequedad ginebrina . . . La traduction es Tiermosa como lengua . . . Ni may libre ni mwy rastrera, sin affectaciones de hebraismo ni locutiones exoticas, mds bien literal que parafrdstica, pero libre de supersticioso rabinismo, estd escrita en lenguaje puro, correcto, claro y de gran lozania y hermosura. Menendez has, however, afterwards given the preference to the Valdes translation, which was not yet published when he wrote the above. 14) Compare our note appended below on Maximilian. 15) Carta a Philippe, Rf. Esp, t. 3. p. 79f. As for the authorship, Usoz says in the list of R f . Esp. in vol. 20: al parezer, por Juan Perez, and Wiffen likewise places the Carta under the head: Juan Perez, Bth. W i f f . p. 37; 1 think they are right. — The carta evidently is written before the battle of Saint-Quentin which took place in August 1557, see p. 9. 59. Usoz is wrong in thinking the political horizon of the Carta as well as that of the Imajen del Anticristo to have been the time between the beginning of 1558 and the beginning of 1559, Rf. Esp. t. 3. 1848, p. III. Still in 1865 in the list of Reformistas vol. 20 of that series, Usoz gives the date 1558 for Imajen and Carta, Wiffen in the list printed in the same year with his short notification of Usoz's death makes at least an interrogation sign after the mention of this year 1558 as the date of those two writings. I think the heretical Carta en espanol intitulada al Rey nuestro Senor, which Peter Veller confessed (see p. 64 here) to have brought from Frankfurt to the Netherlands, was this work in question. Twice a year, as Veller himself says, the booksellers used to go to Frankfort to attend the two fairs in order to buy books. His confession dates from Lent 1558,

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

63

to call things by their proper names. Thus in calling the truth, truth, one honours the truth and God who is the author of it. And in calling evil, evil, one does not injustice to the evil. He who calls black, black, and a. lie, a lie, does not wrong them. And if a man calls a Turk, a Turk, no Turk has cause to complain. And when you call a lamb, a lamb, and a wolf, a wolf, there is nothing injurious. Nay, it would be perversion to call evil good, black white, darkness light, and a lie truth. And to do so would be to incur the curse denounced by the prophet Isaiah against those who judge so perversely. 16 The papists, however, cast aside the bible which contains nothing but pure truth and words of God.17 They think it good that a truth of Christ should not be preached unless cloaked with fifty papal lies. 18 The author severely rebukes the preposterous subjection to the pope, 1 9 in which the Spaniards, he says, so ignominiously outdo all other nations. 20 Roman excommunications are, he exclaims, but scare-crows which only terrify those who do not know what they indeed are. 2 1 He recognises the duty of obedience and reverence to the Apostolic See, provided that it really be Apostolic and not opposed to Christ and to his Apostles.22 That then, however, disbelief in God was the smallest evil of the Romish court. 23 His meaning is that its reckless immorality was still more unpardonable than the denial of the existence of a personal God, for the unbelievers „do by nature the things contained in the law." In this wretched condition of the church the Pope does not bear the greatest guilt, says Perez, but we do, for „a consenting party suffers no wrong." 2 4 To disarm the Pope the King must do two things. The first was that which Henry II of France so successfully carried out: the prohibition of the export of money to Rome from his kingdom. 25 The second Doeum. ined. t. 5. 1844, p. 530 — 32. Possibly he had just only returned from the quadragesimal fair of 1558 with these Cartas and other books when he made those depositions, it is, however, very much more likely that he got them the year before. On Lent, especially midfast, as term of the Frankfurt booksellers fairs see Schwetschke's Codex nundinarius, Halle 1850, p. VIII. 16) P. 164. 17) P. 101. 18) P. 103. 19) P. 13. 20) P. 63. 21) P. 118. 158. 22) P. 22. 23) P. 54. 24) P. 122. 125. 25) P. 150 f. The Roman catholic Divine Melchior Cano, Provincial of the Dominicans for Castile, gave the same advice to Philip in November 1556, see Rf.

64

JÜAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

was that he should take Christ as his helper, protecting Christ's followers from papal persecution. The King, however, preferred reconciliation with the Church of Rome; he commanded the duke of Alba to beg pardon, „with a halter round his neck," as Ruy Gomez, Philip's minister of State, expressed it. 26 Perez had with him at Geneva his countiyman Julian Hernandez. This spirited Old - Castilian who on account of his diminutive stature was called by the French le petit Julien, succeeded in the year 1557 in bringing across the Netherlands into Seville two great barrels filled with Perez's New Testaments and Psalms. After that Julianillo had distributed many copies in Seville, he was betrayed to the Inquisition, was arrested, and in a short time the prisons were gorged with eight hundred persons. Concerning the trade in heretical books between Germany and Spain, a bookseller, who was examined by the Inquisition of the Netherlands, gave interesting details, in the beginning of the year 1558. 27 This man, Peter Veller, who was engaged in the extensive business of Stels at Antwerp, testified that some Antwerp booksellers fetched, twice a year from the fairs at Frankfort on the Main, the new works which were published by the heretics in Latin and in Spanish. Veller himself had carried to the Netherlands copies of the Spanish „Letter to our Lord the King" and of the Bull forged by the heretics. He had seen great barrels filled with these Bulls and Letters which were destined to be sold in Spain. There is scarcely any doubt left, that the Letter is the above mentioned by Perez, and the Bull the Summary of Indulgences on which we have treated in our preceding article. Veller further said that Peter Vilman, a bookseller at Antwerp, had book-depots at Medina del Campo and at Seville. A ropemarker at Antwerp, a relation of Esp. t. 12, append, p. 44; Ferritin Caballoro's Melchor Cano, Madrid 1871, p. 520 (400. 295 f. 524 — 5). This was one of the points respecting the war with the Pope, on which Philip in October consulted some theologians; Caballero p. 512. 297. 26) Federico Badoero's relatione of the summer 1557, in Albert's collection Le relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti, vol. 8 , Firenze 1853, p. 308. Also the old Emperor in Yuste pusose en cölera por lo de la paz, pareciindole que es muy vergonzosa: Gachard Betraite et mort de Charles-Quint, t. 1. 1854, p. 2 1 8 , compare t. 2. 1855. p. XV. XVI. 27) Docum.

ineditos

t. 5 , p. 5 2 9 — 3 3 . 519.

Cf. Pellicer's Ensayo

p. 33.

65

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

the man who had corrupted the mind of Franzisco de San Roman, 2 8 was in the habit of sending books to Malaga. There were many heretics in Andalusia and in Aragon. It had also been confessed by one who was burned the year before at Bruges, that they had in Spain a church, although secretly. 29 Much money was sent out of Spain to print Spanish heretical books in Germany, and for the support of Spanish heretical refugees in that country. Such heretics were in the habit of attending the Frankfort fairs, and some of them brought books to the Netherlands purposing to take or send them into Spain. Veller moreover added that the heretics, after they learned that the seaports of the peninsula were no longer safe, sent their books by way of Lyons and over the Pyrenees to Aragon or to Navarra. In consequence of these revelations the Inquisition resolved to send a spy to Frankfort, a monk in disguise, to collect there more varied and precise information, and above all how to enable them to recognise the heretical Spaniards when travelling through the Netherlands, in order to catch them. 30 Whilst the books, published by Perez in 1557, were printing at Geneva, he lived in Frankfort, probably from September 1556 until June 1558. Various complaints against the minister of the French church there, Valerandus Pollanus, had to be decided by an arbitration of Notables, accepted by both parties, as all previous means had failed. The arbitrators who met for this purpose in Frankfort in September 1556, were the following, recorded here in the order in which they are placed in the official document: Calvin, Johannes a Lasco, Robert Home (afterwards bishop of Winchester), Laurent de

28) See here vol. 1 , p. 155. 29) This would be Charles

Coninck

ou Le Boy,

Geneva martyrology.

30) Compare also Menendez 366. — On Frankfurt as a meeting-place of Protestant Spaniards see Göns. Artes p. 224. — In a Trench letter of the eglise wallonne of Amsterdam, July 1556, Jaques Lespagnol is mentioned as a member of the evangelical French church at Frankfurt ο. M. {Corp. B f . 4 , 236). — Matthias Eitter at Frankfurt says (in 1 5 8 5 , as it seems. Franckfurtischer Beligions - Handlungen Zweyter Theil, Franckf. a. M. 1735, Beylage p. 19): . . nom modo testamentum eius [Buceri] in Anglia ante mortem renovatum: sed etiam fide digni homines testantur. Venit ad nos ex Anglia Anno 1554 Hispanus quidam, Iaeohus Crueius, qui antea in quadam Indiae civitate Episcopum egerat. Is postea anno Biblioth. Wiffen. Π.

9

66

JUAN PEHEZ DE PINEDA.

Normandie,

Juan P e r e z , 3 1

Jean Crespin of G e n e v a ,

Walloon who had come to Frankfort the year Quercetanus. but he

Nie. Walet (a

before) and Eustathius

Most probably Perez had come in company with Calvin,

did not return with him (Calvin w a s at home in

October).

Perez w a s the leading m a n , when in May 1558 the ministers of the congregations the city

of foreigners at Frankfort handed in to the senate of

their full consent

to

which,

two

months previously,

princes

had

fixed

the the

so

called Frankfort R e c e s s ,

evangelical

the terms of their religious

electors union in

and

by

other

conformity

with a proposal of Melancthon. 3 2 Perez, where,

in June 1 5 5 8 ,

during

his

was

absence,

constrained

many

of his

to return to countrymen

Geneva,33

had

settled.

1556 quum Ioannes a Lasco ad nos [Frankfort] profectus. novas turbas excitabat, mihi de hoc eodem interroganti, dixit, ab eo Bucerum usque ad mortem dissensisse. This Crucius, therefore, is quoted by Eitter as one of those fide digni homines. 31) Joannes Pierius. Corp. S f . vol. 44, col. 293. The editors say: Pierium ignoramus. But Compare our next note. 32) Franciscus Perrucellus writes to Calvin, Frankfurt 9 June 1558 (Corp. Bf. vol. 45, col. 199): Etsi nos non lateat, clarissime domine, multas oh causas easque necessarias hinc revocari D. Pierium, non possumus tamen non dolere ob tanti viri non solum, eruditi verum etiam pii discessum. Scimus, proh dolor, quam trgre divellamur a earis. An ulla est necessitudo aut familiaritas, quae cum huius pietate sit conferenda? Attamen quia sic visum est Deo, feremus utcunque tantam iacturam, praesertim apitd alios tantum emolumenti allaturam, ne Dei consilia et voluntatem impedire videamu/r. Decreveram pluribus ad te scribere quis sit praesens nostrm ecclesice status, prasertim ob explicationem seu responsionem quam dedimus ad quatuor artieulos quos hie noster senatus mandato principum Germania; in eum finem nobis 20. Maii tradiderat, tum etiam de nonnullis tumultibus a quibusdam excitatis. Sed quum D. Pierius Us omnibus non solum interfuerit, rerum etiam prafuerit, satius esse duxi ut htec ab illo quam ex meis scrvptis disceres. (The editors say here on Pierius: Vir alioqui ignotus verbi minister fuisse videtur iam Genevam rediens. In the Addenda to the Thesaurus epistolicus Ccdvinianus, Corp. Rf. vol.48, col. 615 they say: Pierium dudum suspicati sumus Hispanum fuisse, proprie Perez dictum, de quo Beza in Iconibus. Calvini catechismum hispanice vertit. Eiusdem comes fuit Francofurtum proficiscentis. Iam certissime id affirmare audemus a .. Boehmero edocti). — On the four articles of the Frankfort recess see Herzog's Beal-Encyklopädie, 2. ed., vol. 4, p. 628. In consequence of interminable quarrels among the foreigners themselves (see Franckfurtischer Religions-Handlungen Zweyter Theil, Franckf. a. M. 1735, Beylage p. 86f.), their church was in 1561 shut by the city government (the English had already in 1559 returned to their country). 33) See note 32. — That Perez was at Geneva in April 1559, appears also from Corro's letter I.

JÜAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

67

Before the end of the year 1556 two Spanish families had been received into the Italian congregation; in the year J558 the number of fugitive Spaniards had so increased, that at the recommendation of Calvin, whose mediation they had sought, the City, in October of that year, granted them leave to form a Spanish church, with Juan Perez for their preacher, and conceded to them the church of S4. Germain.34 In the year 1559 Perez, formerly the Imperial diplomatist, but now a minister of the gospel, edited his Spanish translation of John Sleidan's two Latin orations which affect public evangelical interests; one of them is addressed to the Emperor, the other to the Princes and the Estates of the Empire. The translator introduces these documents by his own petition to king Philip. 35 He reminds the monarch of the efforts made by Wickliffe, by Hus, by Jerome of Prague, and recently by Luther to bring about reformation. He sets forth how anomalous it is to permit the Roman Catholic party to be at once both party and judge. He tells king Philip, that if he allow the Inquisitors to continue their destructive work, he 34) See note 45. 3ö) See my reprint of Sleidan's Latin and German text, with bibliographical appendix, in the Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins zu Stuttgart, CXLV, Tübingen 1879. — Llorente quoting a paragraph from the Information al emperador says cap. XVIII, art. I I , § 20: haviendosele [al emperador] persuadido muchas veces la multitud y grandeza de los danos del modo de proceder del Santo - Oficio, entre las quales merece mencion especial la representacion que despues se imprimio en Alemania furtivamente, ano 1559, sin el nombre de autor; pero sabiendose haberlo sido los Espanoles huidos ά Ginebra y Flandes. (The French translation has misinterpreted this thus: wie representation . . sans nom d'auteur, mais qui n'etait pas inconnue aux Espagnols refugies ä G. et en F., whilst LI. means: one knew, however, that the Spanish fugitives had got it printed). Llorente says nothing about the questions who was the author and whether the Informaciones are a Spanish original. Wiffen and Usoz thought the Informaciones were a Spanish original, and they could not but believe that the author was Franzisco de Enzinas (Ref. Esp. t. 12, Notas del editor p. 3 f . ; t. 13, appd. p. 3; t. 20, list of the series, and Wiffen's list of the same with his notice on Usoz's decease; this Biblioth. "Wiff. I , p. 40). Usoz was right in supposing the division in chapters and the headings of them, as also the summary of the Information to the Princes and Estates, to be the Spanish editor's work. The first sentence of this summary he took, it is true, from the author's preface. He somewhat amplified the last sentence of the address to the Emperor. That Perez was the editor of the Informaciones and the author of the Suplicacion is what Usoz thought.

68

JUAN PEBEZ DE PINEDA.

would cease to rule men and that he would be a king over ashes and sambenitos. And what ashes! the ashes of the disciples of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the ashes of His Majesty's most loyal subjects. Such words shew the impression wrought upon the author by the news of the first of the great executions of the year 1559, the Auto celebrated in May at Valladolid. In September of the same year Lutherans were burned at Seville. Perez, who clearly saw what the end would be for the brave Julian and many dear friends in his native land, wrote and printed in the year 1560 a consolatory letter. 36 It is improbable that the edifying little book ever reached the imprisoned brethren. After more than three years imprisonment Julianillo died heroically in the flames at the Auto of December 22. 1560, in which also the effigy of Juan Perez was burnt, as were likewise the remains of doctors Gil and Constantino. A Spanish report issued at that time from the Inquisitorial side 3 7 36) Menendez 463: notable por la dulzura de los sentimientos, y lo apacible y reposado del estilo. 465: finer α de los resäbios protestantes (sobre todo en los primeros capitulos), estd admirablemente escrita, aunque se advierte abuso de lugares comunes y de citas de la Escritura, y el autor acaba por tornarse languido, difuso y palabrero, ά fuerza de dar vueltas ά una misma idea. Time, con todo eso, pasajes llenos de calor y brio; pero ganaria mucho el opüscwlo con reducirse ά la tercera parte de su extension. Now for a nimble diversion: Ni nos admiremos mucho de los primores de la lengua: £ quien no escribia bien en aquel glorioso siglo? Follows an eulogy of Padre Eivadeneyra's Tratado de la tribulacion, as superior to the consolatory epistle of Perez. There is, of course, a great resemblance between Perez's epistle of consolation to persecuted evangelicals, and the letter which had been written to the same purpose by Pierre Viret. Several passages of the work of Perez would lead to the supposition that he knew that of Viret, and this is so much the more probable as Viret's epistle had been reedited the year before the publication of that of Perez. Oevx epistres, Vvne demonstre comment nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ est la fin de la Loy, ά la somme de tout ce qu'il faut cercher en Tescriture. Composie par Μ. I. Caluin. L'autre pour consoler les fideles qui souffrent pour le Nom de Iesus: & pour les instruire a se gouuerner en temps d'aduersite & de prosperite, & les confermer contre les tentations ώ assautz de la mort. Composee par M. P. Viret. 1543. S. 1. Octavo. [ZURICH City]. C 5 begins Viret: A tors cevx qvi sovff'rent persecution pour le Nom de Iesvs. Ends [13]. Column-title: Epistre consolat. I have not seen the edition, of which I found somewhere the title: Epistre consolatoire pour consoler and so on as above to mort. Bereue et augmentee. 1559, with Rivery's printingmark. 37) The same report which we have quoted above p. 24 from Vicente de la Fuente, Hist. eccl. 5, 241, where also this passage is found.

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

69

says: Those who were imprisoned for Lutheranism at Valladolid, Seville and Toledo, were so numerous and of such social position, that it was believed, that in two or three months, had redress been postponed, all Spain would have been set on fire, and that the greatest disaster, ever yet seen in the country, would have become inevitable. In that same year 1560 Perez had published another Spanish treatise, a revision of the Latin work of a German reformer, Urbanus Regius, of about twenty chapters, each so constructed as to contrast the old (biblical) doctrine of God, with the (comparatively) new doctrine of m e n ; 3 8 the Spaniard has made additions. In July 1561 Perez was by his own desire carried into the hospital, to be treated there, and it does not appear that he ever resumed his ministerial duties, nor is there evidence that the Spanish church continued to exist at Geneva. From 1563 the Italian church there again received Spaniards, which it had not done since 1558. 39 It was probably after the edict of January 1562 which gave to the French Protestants liberty of worship that Perez followed a call as minister of the gospel to Blois in France. 3 9 When after the death of Guise, Conde held a conference on 8 March 1563 with three Huguenot ministers about the peace to be concluded, Juan Perez of Blois was one of the three. 4 0 They declared that at all events the 38) Compare in the SupKcacion before the Oos Inform., ed. 1857, p. 2 7 f . — I think with Usoz and Wiffen (title of the reprint of 1852, list in Bf. Esp. t. 20, Bth. Wiff. 1, p. 36) that the author of the Spanish Breve tratado de doetrina was Juan Perez. This is confirmed by tho notice I extracted (note 44) from the Livre du Conseil at Geneva that in March 1560 the Spanish ministre got tho license to print a certain book, if he corrected his additions according to the propositions made by Gallasius. The license for the epist. consol. was only given in May. 39) In the summer of 1561 the General of a monks order, after a tour through France for visiting his monasteries, wrote from Paris to a Cardinal at Rome, that he had found three quarters of the country infected and malevolent against the Holy See. Processo di Carnesecchi, ed. da Mamoni 1870, p. 339. 40) Hist, eccles. vol. 2, p. 279: Le Prince estant a Orleans demanda de communiquer avec les ministres sur les affaires qui se presentoient. Cela fut cause que trois furent deputes pour cest effcct, a savoir Desmeranges ministre d'Orleans, Pierius Espagnol de nation, mats non de religion, et ministre de Bloys, et la Bochechandiu ministre de Paris. — In a catalogue of the Protestant ministers in France which is thought to be written about 1567, Bulletin de la Societe de Τ Hist, dm Prot, frangais, t. I X , p. 296, Pierius is mentioned as in Blois or Mers (Indre).

70 edict

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

of

must be

January 1562

which

restored.

synod

Nevertheless pacification

A

Conde which

signed on

the

gave of

much

72

liberty

ministers

to the

demanded

on

the

12

19 th

was

promulgated

of

th

Protestants

March as

the

same.

the

edict

of

the

treaty

of

A m b o i s e , which a l l o w e d much less liberty to the Protestants than the January

edict had g i v e n them.

as evangelical

minister

I n 1564 w e find P e r e z at Montargis

of R e n e e

the

dowager

duchess

of

Ferrara,

Calvin's pupil and friend. P e r e z died at P a r i s in 1567. Beza

styles

him

a

man

of

learning

and

of

signal

probity. 4 1

H e left behind him m o n e y that he had collected f o r the of printing Spanish died,42

books

f o r the furtherance of the evangelical cause.

N e w Testament

which

was

printing

i s , in m y opinion, his w o r k ,

Spanish Genevese

New

Testament

theologians,

with

which

was

of

it is known

to h a v e

been

in

Paris

and the s a m e ,

notes

principally

recommended

the T h e o l o g i c a l F a c u l t y of Paris in 1574 for copy

purpose

seen

the

I think, taken

by

the

suppression. 4 3

since, nor

The

year

he

is the

from Censor

the of

N o t one

has even

that

which the censor used been found. 41) Beza Icones 1580 fol. li. iij. after having spoken of the four principal evangelical doctors in Spain, Cazalla, Gil, Vargas, Constantino: Horum autem sanctissimum Studium plurimum adiuverat Ioannes Pierius, et ipse Hispanus, qui quam Genevam venisset, ubi Hispanicam etiam Ecclesiam coegit, plurimos hispanica lingua sacros libros edendos, et Siviliam usque transportandos curavit: homo eocimia tum doctrina, tum in primis probitate insignis, qui postea Blesis, celebri ad Ligerim dvitate, ac demum apud Benatam Ferrariensem Ducissam ministerio functus, Lutetiae tanäem facultatibus suis omnibus ad hispanica excudenda Biblia legatis, ex calculo [misprint: calcudo] decessit. His igitur Uli libris adiuti, incredibile est quantopere paucis annis, Evangelium, promoverint, donee . . deprehenso et in carceres cum iis qui supererant libris pertracto Iuliano Ferdinande, a quo Geneva fuerant asportnti, . . . In Simon Goulart's translation of the Icones the words ex calculo decessit, which simply mean: ho died, are translated thus: [Perez] mourut de la grauelle a Paris. Likewise Wiffen, in the Notice prefixed to the Epist. consol. p. X X V I I I : he died at Paris of calculus disease; in the translation of this Notice, Noticia previa p. X X I I : murio en Paris, de mal de piedra. On Perez's stay and death in France compare below in the article on Corro. 42) See Reina's letter in my Romanische Studien, vol. 4, p. 493 f. 43) See here below η "238.

JUAN PEEEZ DE PINEDA.

71

44) Preventive censure of the press at Geneva. E.-H. Gaullieur: Etudes sur la typographie Genevoise p. 33 f . of the Bulletin de l'lnstitut National Genevois, t. 2, Geneve 1855, p. 128: Le 9 mai 1539 „Arrete . . . que nul n'aye a imprimer chose que soit dans la ville sans licence de Messieurs . . .". Gaullieur does not mention an order which I found in the ms. Livre du Conseil des affaires de la ville (in the Archives): Jeudy 26 de novembre 1556 (fol. 118—119): Ordre sur les impriineurs et imprimerie. Icy est mys en auant de mettre ordre sur iraprimerie, a scauoir qu'ils ayent des correcteurs scauans et diligens, et que nul ne imprime de la sainte escripture translations on comentaires sans licence de la seigneurie . . . et surtout qu'ils impriment rien sans licence. Arreste qu'on se tient au dit ordre et aduys .·. . Again in the detailed Ordonnances touchant rimprimerie of the 15 February 1560, Gaullieur p. 136: Que nul n'ait a mettre sous la presse livre qui ne soit approuve et qu'il n'en ait obtenu permission de la Seigneurie. On printing of Spanish books I have not found anything in the folios of the Livre du Conseil from 1550 to beginning of 1560. In this year the Counsel was three times occupied with Spanish publications, and that of books of Juan Perez. Vendredi premier de Mars 1560 (fol. 15): Ministre espagnol a requis avoir license d'imprimer certain livre. Estant ouye la relation du sr syndique de la maison neuive, arreste qu'on luy permet, moyennant qu'il corrige certaines additions a forme que luy a este dit por spectable de Saul [= Nie. des Gallars, latinised GallasiusJ. Lundi 22 d'avril 1560 (fol. 31): Ministre espagnol a presente une copie d'epistre consolatoire pour les fldeles en espagnol requerant luy permettre l'imprimer. Arreste quelle soit visitee. Vendredi 3 de May 1560 (fol. 35): Prescheur espagnol. L'on a fait aussi relation que les ministres qu'ont visite le livre du dit ministre intitule l'epistre consolatoire pour les fideles qui sont persecutes en la papaulte, compose en espagnol, sont d'aduis qu'il puisse estre imprime. — Calvin writes to Bullingen·, from. Geneva, 17 February 1557: . . . nuncius . . . quem libro nondum absolute [Calvini in Oseam commentario] oneravi, non ut tibi gravis sit ac molesta lectio, sed ut videas quantum sit otii nostris typographis, quibus vacat hsec edere. 45) Evangelical Spaniards in Geneva. My researches in Geneva were made in 1873. In addition I give some notices from Galiffe's two alphabetical lists of names of the Colonie espagnole and of Portugals drawn up in his book: Le refuge italien de Geneve aux X V I m e et XVII m e siecles. Geneve 1881. p. 167 —169. Galiffe quotes his authorities in general, not for each name. Most names of the Colonie espagnole he evidently took from Burlamachi. Portugals he only has 5 names. .As for the years in his notices, he says: La premiere date qui suit les noms d'individus se rapporte a la premiere mention de ceux-ci dans les sources locales. Before there was a Spanish church established at Geneva, and after it ceased to exist, the evangelical Spaniards used to join the Italian congregation. Ochino who arrived at Geneva in 1542, did not remain long enough to consolidate an Italian church. In July 1550 Pietro Paolo Vergerio writes from Geneva: In Geneva . . fino ad ora vi possono essere piü di mille per Cristo e per lo evanhelio forusciti, viz. from France and Flanders, amongst them Jaques de Falais [FalesiusJ. Vergerio encourages the evangelical Italians, to go likewise to Geneva, if they be not allowed, and do not wish, to confess their faith in their own country; he does not seem to know of any Italian Protestant being then at Geneva. Of Spaniards he says nothing. The Flemish and the French are

72

JTJAN PEKEZ BE PINEDA.

the only fugitives at Geneva he mentions. (Epistola del Vergerio nella quale sono descritte molte eose della Cita, & della Chiesa di Geneva. In Geneva M. D. L. Dated July 15, and in the postscript July 20. 1550. p. 19. ZURICH City). Half a year ago, in January, Vergerio intending to accept a place of evangelical minister in Val Bregaglia, had written to Calvin: Spero enim fore ut Itali eo confugiant, ut Genevam ad te Galli tui (Corp. Rf. 41, 513). Whilst Vergerio stayed at Genera, probably Calvin's catechism in Spanish, translated by a Spaniard living there, was still in the press. The translator's preface, dated April 1550, was printed earlier than the translation; the work appeared in the course of that year. (See above here p. 43 f.). From the same year 1550 begin the notices of Vineenzo Burlamachi (born 1598, died 1682), in his Libro di memorie diverse della chiesa Italiana in Geneva (Ms in the City Archives there). Burlamachi says under 1550: Ε qui da notare che solo sono qui messi ι norai che sono scritti ne' libri; ossendo certissimo che solo vna parte d'essi e qui registrata. The last inscription he gives is of 1654, his list of the governo della chiesa Ital. in Geneva is continued to 1669. Calvin to Farel, 15 June 1551: Interea hospitibus, qui multi quotidie hac transeunt, vel qui ad nos habitandi causa demigrant, me impendo. Inter alios Marchio a Yico Neapolitanus nuper appulit. Subsequetur mox alter. Si nos proximo autumno invisas, auctam aliquo numero urbem reperies. Spectaculum mihi iucundum, nisi quod obruor concursu. (Corp. Rf. 42, 134). The Strassburg editors note that the number of fugitives increased maxime post edictum in Chateaubriand promulgatum d. 27 Junii (Ruchat V. 447 ss. Hist. eccl. I. 84). — Roget, Histoire du peuple de Geneve (t. 3. 1875. p. 221): La congregation italienne fut regulierement constituee le 31 mars 1552 par la nomination de son premier pasteur, Celse Martinengo, de Brescia, ä laquelle proceda le Conseil, apres que les ministres l'eurent declare „ydoinne et süffisant". — Franciscus Gaius [a Bosco Normanno] in a letter adressed Francisco Beraldo. written at Geneva, 19 April 1554, mentions Gallorum magnam copiam, Italorum et Anglorum. (Printed in Colonies'1 Gallia orientalis; in Colomesii opera ed. Fabricio p. 18). In January 1555 Calvin inviting Juan Vaides' friend Peter Martyr Vermigli to comply with the ivish of the Italian congregation and become their minister, says: Est quidem pusillus grex sed vere electus, ut florem Italiae in eo conspici posse arbitrer. (Corp. Rf. 43, 388. Vermigli was, however, retained at Strasburg, ib. 496. 44, 144. In the next year the same place was again offered to him after his removal to Zurich, but he was not allowed to leave his office there, ib. 44 , 403 f . 587. 593 f . 600/". 617 f . 668 f.; and a new request of the senate of Geneva to that of Zwrich in August 1557 remained likewise without success, ib. 48, 454 f . Compare Simler de vita Petri Martyris, Tiguri 1563, fol. 19. 20). Roget (Hist, du peuple de Geneve, t. 4. 1877, p. 328) under the year 1555: Le temple de NotreDame la Neuve (l'Auditoire) fut mis ä la disposition des Italiens et des Anglais. La preche pour les Italiens fut fixe an jeudi, vendredi et samedi ä 9 heures, tandis que les Anglais celebraient leur culte le lundi, mardi et mercredi ä la meme heure. In 1559, April 25, Vergerio mentions to the duke of Wirtemberg Genevam ubi fere quingenti exules ex Italia degunt (Briefwechsel 1875, p. 207). Galiffe registers also Servetus in the Colonie espagnole. But that unfortunate Aragonese stayed only a few weeks at Geneva in an inn on his way to Italy, and was forced to remain there, in the prison and at last in the flames 1553. I have extracted from Burlamachts memorie the names of Spaniards and Portuguese. The first person occurring from that peninsula is in 1554 Tomaso

73

TUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

Portughese con sua moglie ot cinque figliuoli. Galiffe has not this article, but no doubt the same family is meant by his notice: Coello, Coeglio, Quaglia . appeles le plus souvent Portughese, ou di Portugallo, Thomas et Jaques, 1554 (sont sou vent confondus avec les Coella, Coveglio des Calabres). — Cipriano de Valera relates (Dos tratados, 1599, p. 247): En el ano de 1555 salieron de Sevilla siete personas entre hombres y mugeres, y vinieron ä Geneva donde residieron. Among them may have been Juan Perez; he is not found in Burlamachi's register. Nor is Julian Hernandez mentioned in the Geneva sources, except in the martyrology; see owr next note. Burlamachi has in 1556 Francesco Vidine Spagnuolo, and after other names: Francesco Spagnuolo, with the reception-notice belonging only to this last one: Rec to re dec 1556. This second Francesco probably is Galiffe's Farcas ou Farias, de Seville, Francis, 1556. And these two Francisco''s may be the heads of the two Spanish families of which Viret is speaking in the postscript of a letter from Geneva, Calen. Septemb. 1556, to Calvin who then was at Frankfurt ο. Μ.: Ex quo hinc discessisti hoc accidit novi quod mihi exciderat. Advenerunt du» ex intima Hispania familise quae se huic ecclesi® coniungerent. Laudandus Dominus qui odorem evangelic® prsedicationis ad illam quoque gentem diffudit quae tam inaccessa videbatur. Ex his primordiis et primitiis maiores fructus exspectamus. (Corp. Ef. 44, 278.) A year later, on October 7. 1557 the ex peregrinis ecclesia at Geneva sent to Bidlinger thanks for having dedicated to them his In apocalypsin conciones. The letter is signed: Ministri Genevensis ecclesi® omnium exsulum Gallorum nomine. Seniores et diaconi ecclesi® Italic® totius ecclesi® nomine. Ministri senioros et diaconi totius ecclesi® Anglican® nomine. (Corp. Ef. 44, 657 f . cf. 654 f . As for the English, compare Heyer's Notice sur la colonie Anglaise etablie ä Geneve de 1555 k 1560 in the Memoires et documents publiees par la socicte d'hist. et d'archeologie de Geneve t. 9. 1855.) No Spanish church. 1557 Burlamachi has Francesco di Cardines di Seuiglia. The Fragmens biographiques et liistoriques, extraits des registres du Conseil d'Etat de la Bcpublique de Geneve des 1535 ä 1792 printed Geneve 1815 have p. 24 the two following articles as taken from the extracts of the Counsellor J. Ant. Gautier who died in 1729: 1557. Juillet 12. On ouvre le temple de St. Germain, vu la multiplication prodigieuse du peuple qui augmente tous les jours. Octobre 14. On re9oit 300 habitans le meme matin; savoir, 200 Francois, 50Anglois, 25 Italiens, 4 Espagnols, etc.; tellement que l'antichambre du conseil ne les pouvoit tous contenir. {On the same reception, Mem. et docum. de la Soc. d'hist. et d'archeol. de Geneve, t. 9. 1855. p. 348.) It was in 1557 that, according to Valera (I. c. p. 247. 248) a revival took place im, the monastery of San Isidro at Seville; doze de los frayles en poco tiempo se salieron, unos por una parte, y otros por otra: los quales dentro'del ano se vieron en Geneva, a donde quando salieron tenian determinado de ir . . . Entre los que se salieron, y vinieron ä Geneva fueron el Prior, Yicario y procurador de San Isidro, y con ellos salio el Prior del Valle de Ecija do la misma orden (from this passage one should conclude that the Prior of Ecija did not go to or did not arrive at Geneva). Galiffe has under 1557 Frc. Cardenes ou Cardines, and besides Hernando de Leon, Peregrino de Pas, Pierre Pablo, all four from Seville. On a Pierre Paulo 1558, Galiffe himself remarks: peut-etre le meme que le precedent. In 1558 Burlamachi has six Spaniards, inscribed without interruption by other names: Merchio Vias di Siuiglia (Galiffe: Merchio Via, de Seville, with the year 1553 and the question: confusion avec Dias? Under the letter D he has: Dias ou Via8, de Seville, Melchior, 1558). Cipriano Valleria di Siuiglia, with the addition Traductor della bibbia. .

Biblioth. Wüten. Π.

10

74

JTTAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

Giouanni diMollina, di Varraoina d'Arragona. Alonso Battista di Canaria ( G a l i f f e : Battista, de Seville (dit aussi de Canarie), Alonzo 1558, B. G. [>«. bourgeois genevois] 1569).*) Lopes Cortis di Castiglia (Galiffe: Cortes, de Seville on Castillan, Jope ou Lope, 1558. Perhaps a Castilian who was member of San Isidro). Gio: di Viuares di Vagliadoli (Galiffe: Jean Vivarte ou Vivares, de Valladolid, 1558). Galiffe adds under 1558: Jean de Leon, de Seville (one of the S. Isidro monks, burnt in Seville in 1560, see Gonzalez, Llorente, Menendez), Jean Moreno, Etienne Ringon (avait suivi les unitaires et les anabaptistes en Moravie, et en etait revenu en 1561), Jean - Antoine d'Acerbe (and, as it would seem, another person of the same patronymic, dits aussi Napolitains) and a Navarrese, Etienne. On the 10 t h of June 1558 Peter Martyr writes from Zurich to Utenhoven (Gerdesius Serin, antiq. t. 4, p. 673): Quin et Hispani, ac ii docti et probi viri, turmatim Genevam confluunt. Neither Burlamachi nor Galiffe mention Cassiodoro de Heina and Antonio del Corro, it is, however, certain that both stayed at Geneva and that Heina was a member of the Italian church (see below in their biographies). Beina arrived at Geneva perhaps already in 1557; he left not later than summer of 1558. The ms. Livre du Conseil des affaires do la ville contains, Lundi 10 de oetobre 1558 (fol 302): Eglise dee Hespagnols. Le dit sr Calvin a aussi propose que les Hespagnols luy ont donne charge de requerir messieurs de leur donner place au temple S. Germain pour y ouir la parolle de dieu en leur langue veu qu'il y a ung homme ancien de bonne conversation qui leur preschera. Arreste qu'on accorde qu'ils presclient a S. Germain a l'heure qui leur sera la plus commode. Galiffe has under 1559 Jean Perrares, N[obl]e Francois de Lünes, both de Saragosse,**) Francois Machuca d'Alcala d'Henares, Jean Tallaverano, Gregoire de Lard, armurier, and Nfobl]* Calcao, Calcanio, Carcanio, de Cordoue, Ferdinand, 1559, avait etc moine et etait soup9onne d'etre espion. This Calcao is no doubt the Calcas of the following extract from the Registre du Consistoire de Geneve. Du jeudy 20 de juing 1560. Δ eomparu le ministre espaignol de ceste cite, propousant qu'il a faict icy arrester ung espagnol, lequel a este quelque temps en ceste cite, por l'evangile, comine il disoyt; mais il ne le voyoit bien peu souvent en leurs assemblees et aux lecons publicques: qui le rendoit fort- suspect d'estre espie et papiste, et tenir et avoir du caffart, car il avoyt este moyne. Ayant demoure deux moys en ceste cite, il s'en alia ä Lyon; et incontinant qu'il y fut, deux fideles espaignolz furent emprisonnez por l'evangile; et sont en grand danger de mort; et craint on que ce ne fust luy mesme qui en aye este cause qu'ilz sont pris, et qn'il ne les aye accusez. De Lyon, il est retourne icy, la oü l'ayant trouve, l'a faiet arrester por estre interrogue lä dessus, et por sea voir que e'est. Appelle, le diet espagnol a diet qu'il est en bonne deliberation de user chrestienne') I do not know the Historia de la Inquisition en las islas Canarias by A. Miliares. Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria. 1874. — Among the Spanish manuscripts in the British Museum (Oayangos' Catalogue vol. 2 , p. 567) there is a letter mitten at Brussels in December 1527 by an advocate at the Court of Brabant to the Imperial Chancellor, about a friend of the writer, Jacobus of Grunnenberg, arrested in the Canary Islands on suspicion of Lulheranism and taken to Spain. **) The elector Palatine Frederik recommends to Calvin, in a letter dated 9 Febr. 1564, a Franciscus de Luna, of whom he writes: Dicit se Hispanum esse, nobili genere apud suos ortum, religionis ergo exsihum pati . . . Quum autem vestram ecclesiam invisere decreverit, ubi fortassis apud suas nationis homines pleniora adiumenta exspectat . . . (Corp. Eef. 48, 255.) This Luna, according to this letter, seems not to have been at Geneva before 1564.

JUAN PEREZ DE PINEDA.

75

ment, et s'en alia en son pays por recepvoir quelques deniers por vivre icy. II diet qu'il congnoyt Mess" Baptiste et M e Sterpin, espaignolz, et Amyed Varod de ceste cite. Interrogue qu'il scait faire, diet qu'il se mesle de faire du savon, et a loue une barque por aller querir des pierres por faire la cendre. Advis de le renvoyer ä Mess™ por luy bailler bon courage, et fassent appeller Amyed Varod, por luy chanter sa leijon de ce qu'il avoyt respondu por luy, sans l'havoir. congneu aultre part qu'icy; puis.luy enjoignent qu'il tienne de pres le dit espagnol, pour scavoir qu'il fera et dira: aultrement, qu'on se prendra ä luy, et au dit Me Sterpin ensemble. Le dit espagnol se nomnie Ferdinandus Calcas. On the margin: Renvoye a Messieurs ä lundy. (This article has kindly been copied, on my demand, by Mr. Eugene Hitter, Professor at the University of Geneva. I knew of the affair from A. Cramer's autographed extracts.) Galiffe has Sterpon, Sterpin 1560. Baptiste is perhaps Alonso Bautista de Canaria. Livre du Conseil des affaires de la ville. Lundi 14 Juillet 1561 {folio 215); a la requeste du ministre espagnol a este arreste de retirer le 12. 16. 17 and part of 11 are extracts from printed books. The other documents are printed here for the first time. 1 from the autograph in the British Museum, Lansdowne Ms. 4. N° 46. f. 149, copied far me by Mr. Warner. See above p. 169. 2 — 9 and 13 —15 from the manuscripts in the public library at Geneva. By means of tracings of parts of nos 6. 9. 14. 15 I stated that these are Heina's autographs, and so likewise the inscription of n. 3. In consequence of these my statements, the documents 4 A. 5 A and 8 were also recognised as autographs of Beina, the inscription of 4 Β not with certainty, 2. 3. 4 B. 5 B. 13 as not his. The Geneva papers have been copied for me, partly by Don Manuel Carrasco, but the most of them by Mr. Louis Dufou/r, Archiviste of Geneva, who also revised Carrasco's copies. N° 10 gives extracts from original letters preserved in the Thomas Archives at Strassburg. The University library at Basle is in possession of the tenth letter to Zwinger, which was copied for me by the librarian, Professor Sieber, who, at my request, searched for letters of Beina, and who likewise indicated the volume which contains some more. These other eleven letters to Zwinger and the extracts of letters in n 11 are copied from copies in that library (G II 33); the originals are in the Frey-Grynceus Institution in the same town.

190

CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

It would have been useless to print these papers literally. In regulating somewhat the wavering French orthography, I followed the occasional tendency, perceptible in the manuscripts, to the modern practice which generally is a more simplified one, and I have, therefore, suppressed many letters which were not pronounced, for instance in doibt, diet faict poinct, escript escripre, aultre ceulx cieuix; tiltre, scavoir resceu; also the g in words like ung. I left oe, changing with oi, and many etymological s which never were dropped in the mss. (except one ajouter and one temoigne, where, however, the original has perhaps s). It may be mentioned that Reina often writes eglize raizon Strazbourg. I have put the aigu on final © only and in the plural of such words (wriiing -ob, not - θζ, p. e. not signez, and reserving -ez for the second person which in the mss. has perchance - es beside - ez: ontenderes^, the grave in ä lä oü apres. I have often added the cedille. But no more of such minutiae uninteresting even to linguists in French texts written by a Spaniard and a German.

1.

[Reinii pro Hispanis Summa

prioris

Londvnensibus petitio publice ad sacra Londini 1560.]

cujusdam

scripti

illustrissimis

Dominis

Episcopo

Secretario primario Regiae Majestatis e x h i b i t i , quo ostendimus, bus cogamur ad petendam facultatem ad sacras preces

conveniendi. Lond.

et

quibus j a m rationi-

et contiones publice

con-

v e n i e n d i : eosque per Christum obsecramus, ut nostris hisce rationibus animadversis hujus rei curam ex animo suscipiant. Hactenus prudenti atque pio vestro privatas

sedes

petendam

ad

consilio u s i ,

preces et contiones convenimus.

facultatem publice

conveniendi

in

Ministris hujus urbis ad id nobis offeruntur.

Domini Amplissimi,

Jam

templo

necessitate

intra

urgemur

ad

aliquo ex multis quse a piis

Qualis vero nos urgeat necessitas, ex

subsequentibus rationibus apparebit. 1. Christi,

Primo.

D u m in privatis aedibus c o n v e n i m u s ,

dum multi a nostro Coetu se subducunt,

non audent,

quod periculum

sua habent.

Notantur quippe f a c i l e ,

retardari experimur R e g n u m

alii nobiscum convenire omnino

sibi et rebus suis creent in H i s p a n i a , qui sese adjungunt n o b i s ,

ubi commercia

ab adversariis hac

in parte oculatissimis: id quod non fieret in publico aliquo l o c o , ubi cuivis ingredi est impune. 2.

Secundo.

Intra privatas sedes tam diu convenientes, praesertim

in civitate

D e i beneficio Christianis conventibus l i b e r a , ansam praebemus adversariis et nos et doctrinam nostram feedius quam antea traducendi. quaedam

intra

nos

alere

ipsis

quoque

A p e r t e enim d i c u n t , nos portenta

Lutheranis

(ut vocant) invisa,

quando in

civitate maxime Lutherana in publicum prodire haud ducamus nobis tutum. dubito

quin,

ut

hac

calumnia

impudenter

nos

istic impetunt,

Neque

literis quoque

in

Hispania traducant, hac utique apparenti ratione conflaturi nobis ingens odii pondus non solum apud adversarios, verum etiam apud amicos et fratres.

R a t i o n e m haberi

velim hac in parte E v a n g e l i i Christi sincere

quod hanc

a nobis annuntiati,

con-

tumeliam haud dubie subire cogitur nostra hac ratione conveniendi. 3.

Neque

si,

quod

petimus,

nobis concedatur,

inimicitiarum cum R e g e H i s p . occasionem d e m u s :

nam

verendum erit ne simul atque id

majorem

noverimus,

libentius cedemus tota A n g l i a , quam R e g e s patiemur nostra causa tumultuari.

Neque

pudet nos tanto nostro periculo hanc quam petimus emere f a c u l t a t e m : Caritas enim Christi urget n o s ,

cujus hoc periculo injuriam propulsamus.

Hisp. huic actioni sit intercessurus,

vix in animum induco.

Quod

vero

Primum,

Legatus

quod ultra

annum hlc jam egerimus, habuerimus coetus titulo Ecclesiae H i s p . , L e g a t u s resciverit, prohibuerit etiam suis ne nostris intercesserit.

coetibus

Interessent,

Certe id aut quia non p o s s i t ,

neque

aut quia nolit.

ullo

modo

Si primum,

hactenus non

est

CASSIODOHO DE HEINA.

191

quod timeamus ab invalido; si alterum, gratulari etiam debemus ipsi saniorem mentem. A d d o etiam quod post duodecirp dies idem ipse ingenue fassus est, se nobis hactenus nunquam fuisse adversatum neque si ecclesiam velimus constituere, adversatum iri, quod neque tale quippiam habeat in mandatis, neque nobis prorsus male velit. Omitto alia quae si e sincero pectore prodierunt, spem etiam faciunt ampliorem; sui minus, necessitas demum cogit ut periculum faciamus. Tantum obsecro, viri Amplissimi, ut in mentem veniat quantula vestra opera insigniter promoturi sitis negotium Christi, si pro fide vestra officium praestetis. Amplitudini vestrse addictissimus Cassiodorus Hisp. *) Endorsed: 1560 | for the Spaniardes ] ( pfess. relligiö in Lödon | Cassiodorus hispan s .**) To haue a publick place for y° exercise.

2. Annotationes Cassiodori. ***) In Isaiam. Cap. 7. 14: E c c e v i r g o c o n c i p i e t , et p a r i e t f i l i u m , et v o c a b i t n o m e n e j u s I m m a n u e l . Intelligit uxorem suam, ut videtur in principio capitis sequentis, quam sic vocat, innuens hanc totam historiam esse symbolum libertatis spiritualis quae per Christum futura erat, cujus mater futura esset virgo, cujus uxor erat figura, quemadmodum ejus filius futurus esset Christi. Immanuel. Non necesse erat filium Isaise Deum, ut nominaretur Deus-nobiscum, re esse, quemadmodum nec ut alter filius vocaretur. R e l i q u i a e c o n v e r t e n t u r . Necesse erat ut idem eas converteret, non enim ita denominabantur tanquam horum factorum auetores, sed tanquam signa et symbola ejus quod Deus esset facturus, dataque ad confirmandum populum in fide et spe promissionis. Hac ratione vocamus baptismum lavacrum regenerationis et renovationis spiritus, sepulturam peccatorum, et sacramentum panis et vini ccenam Domini, corpus et sanguinem ejus, non quod revera sint, quum sint panis et aqua communia, sed quod illud repraesentent. V o c a b u n t n o m e n e j u s I m m a n u e l . Ut in eo viderent pii testimonium praesentiae Dei apud illos. Vers. 16. A n t e q u a m p u e r s c i a t . Elim qui dictus fuit in versu 14 nasciturum. Cap. 8. 3: A c c e l e r a ad p r a e d a m , f e s t i n a ad d i r e p t i o n e m . Exponit Cassiodorus de eodem filio Isaiae. Cap. 9. 6: V o c a b i t u r n o m e n e j u s a d m i r a b i l i s . Dabitur illi nomen, dignitas et essentia D e i , quo tanquam Deus admiranda faciat. Philip. 2. Sic etiam explanat epitheta sequentia Cassiodorus. Cap. 28. 6: E t e r i t i d e m Dominus spiritus j u d i c i i illi qui s e d e b i t super sedem judieii. Spiritus j u d i c i i , quasi dicat: erit illi impulsus ad judicandum, erit is qui eum movebit in omnibus quae dixerit. Hoc significat spiritus saepe in scriptura. [1 Jo. 4. 1:] P r o b a t e s p i r i t u [ s ] , an ex D e o s i n t ; probate, an Deus sit qui eos movet; probate impulsus eorum qui doctrinis veniunt, an sint Dei. Aperte ait eumdem dominum fore hunc spiritum. Locus est insignis qui duo satis probat, unum quid *) From a tracing of the last two lines (Amplitudini to H i s p . ) , sent rue. by Mr. Warner, it is evident that the whole letter, which is written by the same hand, is Reina's autograph. ") Warner: 1560 — Hispan» in the hand of Sir William Cecil.

"') Excerpted and discerpted per Londinenses castigatores, see our Document 9.

quotation and the bracketed letter are added by me.

The bracketed

192

CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

sit spiritus sanctus, distincta, proprie

alterum

dici

Dominus

possit

misit

proprius locus. Cyro

scilicet an sit persona per se subsistens a patre et a Christo

si

sit

vis

ilia quae movet et agitat suos interne,

spiritum

me

et

sanctum

ejus

Cap. 52. 1 3 :

extra

hominem

spiritus. Ecce

Nihil

servus

prolixa annotatio. ipse etiam,

Cap. 66. 9 :

ait J e h o v a ,

prosperabitur.

ad Christum

N n m e g o qui p a r e r e

qui

et tertio an

Cap. 48. 1 6 :

dicit hie C a s s i o d o r u s ,

meus

et tanquam a figura transit Cassiodorus

esse.

facio gignere,

qui est

facio,

non

detinebor.

Nunc

quum

sit

Exponit

de

figuratus.

Est

pariam

ego

E x praecedentibus

et consequentibus videtur c l a r e , quam inepte trahant quidam hunc locum ad probandam aeternam generationem,

qua

pater gignit

generatione et nativitate ecclesiae. universam ecclesiam eos habere

filium,

quum appareat eum loqui de

Quin magis ad rem hinc eliciemus genitam esse

et unumquemque

divinam naturam Joa. 3. 1

fidelium

ex eodem D e o .

Unde

concluditur

P e t . 1 , Jacobi genitos ex semine immortali.

Hinc sequitur eos esse filios naturales, quamvis admissos ad hoc summum beneficium Christi merito et efficacia ejus spiritus qui facit eos unum corpus cum eo et idem cum D e o . In Ezechielem. Cap. 20. 4 3 :

Et rec ordabimini ibi viarum vestrarum.

nunquam potuit haberi sub lege. hortus Eden,

quasi dicat:

est qui c r e d a t ,

et non

paradisum terrestrem.

Cap. 36. 3 5 :

amcenissimus,

Terra

ista

V e r a pcenitentia

desolata

fuit

qualis fuit paradisus terrestris.

sine gravibus conjecturis,

sicut A c sic

terram promissionis fuisse antea

Cap. 12. 1 9 : Gallica translatio lapsa est turpiter (utitur autem

Cassiodorus Hispane scribens hac sibi suavissima voce : lourdement) cum annotatione. Cap. 16. 30:

Sic transtulit G a l l i c a ,

sed ignorans locutionem.

Cap. 20. 3 1 :

transtulit per futurum et per interrogationem, sed non intellexit propositum.

Gallica Cap. 23.

10: Gallicae hie variant, R e b u t t i m a l e , N i c o l a i Barbierii non tam male.

Cap. 27. 1 5 :

R e p r e h e n d i t Cassiodorus

adeo ut

versionem

Gallicam,

et multis

aliis

in locis

ex

professo earn videatur impugnare, homo ignarus Hebraeae, Greece , et non admodum doctus Gallicae linguae.

3. L a lettre

d'Olevianus

ä l'Eglise

des Estrangiers

s'est o p p o s i au ministere de Cassiodore. *) Salut en nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ. esmeut,

qui

sommes

ici

soubsignis,

de

Strasbourg,

[Heidelberg

19 Mars

T r e s chers freres,

ä vous escrire,

est que

par laquelle 1565],

la cause qui nous nous vous

voulons

advertir du domaige qui vous est devant la porte, et sommes constraints de ce faire simplement et rondement ä cause de nostre conscience. et clair,

la somme est que Cassiodore l ' E s p a g n o l ,

E t pour le tout faire brief

qui s'en va devers nous et nous

a dit estre a p p e l l i de l'eglise fran9oise de S t r a s b o u r g , s'est decouvert manifestement ä nous qu'il tient une doctrine de certains articles de la f o i , de Jesu Christ au c i e l ,

et du ciel m e s m e ,

comme de l'ascension

secondement de ce que Jesu Christ

est

assis ä la dextre de D i e u le Pere etc., et pour le troisiesme de la sainte C e n e , qui *) Carrasco: Esas tineas parecen de la mano de Casiodoro. Las siguimies no son de el. Las firmas (Olevianus etc.) son de la misma escritura, prueba que es una cqpia que Casiodoro envio ä Bexa. — Dufaur:

Sur le dos du cahier: Lettre d'Olevianus ä l'Eglise do Strasbourg touchant Cassiodorus et la response ä lad. Eglise par led. Cassiodorus 1565.

193

CAS8I0D0R0 DB REINΑ. tient,

disons n o u s ,

estre

repugnante

une

doctrine aus dits points que nous savons de

ä la v e r i t i

confession qu'ont les

de l'Escriture

eglises

de France

sainte,

aux

articles

toutesfoes,

nous

n'en

puissions

ä cause de la communion

d'un mesme bouche.

que

corps,

la

comme

rien

S e c o n d e m e n t , touchant

asseurer

d'un

c o u s t i ne

d'autre,

qu'est entre vous et nous comme membres

nous vous escrirons

seulement ce que nous avons oui de sa

A savoir qu'il a e s t i a c c u s i en A n g l e t e r r e de six crimes dont le moindre

valoit le p e n d r e , * ) six tesmoins

comm'il disoit,

s'il feust est6 vrai.

crimes,

T o u t e s f o i s il confesse que

ont d e p o s i contre lui sous serment qu'il estoit v r a i ,

qu'il n'a pas voulu attendre le j u g e m e n t , cent.

bouche et ä

car nous avons entendu les erreurs

de sa bouche qu'il les a maintenus et les maintient encores. combien

sa

foi,

et celle qui a e s t i ä S t r a s b o u r g ,

nous sommes prests ä prouver s'il est b e s o i n , sa v i e ,

de

mais qu'il s'est enfoui.

il dit que l'heresie de Servet estoit un. Laquelle

chose il nous

paravant venu ä nous.

a confessi

ä

cause

Pourtant l'avons i n t e r r o g u i ,

de sa vie.

disons rien par c o n j e c t u r e ,

Entre les autres

Mais il adjouste qu'il estoit innoque le bruit estoit desja aumais nous laissons le jugement

de cela ä D i e u , et vous prions d'y proceder sagement. que nous avons

et confesse aussi

Quant est du premier,

V o i c i le s e c o n d , les doutes & savoir la doctrine,

mais ce que nous avons oui de sa b o u c h e ,

nous ne

et ce qu'il

a soustenu et soustient encores contre l a . doctrine et confession de l'eglise de Geneve et Celles de F r a n c e , βηηοηΰέ;

et contre

la doctrine

que maistre Guillaume H e l b r a g vous a

et si maistre Guillaume H e l b r a g

eut voulu consentir ä moins de fausses

opinions que cestui ci d e f e n d , il feut encores ä Strasbourg. nous admoneste

qu'il nous faut

exhortons au nom gardes, anges,

de

Or puisque Jesu Christ

fausse doctrine,

nous

n'acceptiez

ce que cestui

nul

ministre

ci n'est p o i n t ,

qui ne soit pur en la doctrine

ce que nous disons devant D i e u et

de ses

et sommes prests ä le prouver par ses paroles e v i d e n t e s , qu'il ne peut nier.

Sachez aussi,

tres chers f r e r e s ,

confession des eglises

de

qu'il fera bien semblant

France,

savons le contraire de sa bouche. erreurs

mais que

sur

lesquels

d'estre d'accord avec la

tel fard ne

vous d e r i v e ,

il a d o n n i

content

s'il

vous

de responses merveilleuses.

trouvez bon

Nous

lui Et

avons sommes

de communiquer ceste presente k monsr

Ici nous ferons

fin,

priant nostre b o n D i e u de

son eglise de bons et fideles pasteurs par son fils Jesu Christ. vous gouverne par son saint Esprit.

d'autres

C a r nous lui avons propos6 d'aucuns articles

aussi rondement dit ici que nous advertirons l'eglise de Strasbourg. B e s e * * ) et autres freres.

car nous

Q u e piaist ä D i e u qu'il n'y eut encores

couverts sous les premiers.

Chrestiens aussi

vous

de nostre souverain pasteur Jesu Christ que vous soyez sus vos

et que vous

1'evangile,

garder du levain

Amen.

de

pourvoir

L e Seigneur

Amen.

II nous a fallu escrire ceci en haste par mon serviteur, d'autant que Cassiodore est parti aujourdhui, autrement nous vous eussions e n v o y i la dispute et ses erreurs par espace et au loing. le tesmoignage

T o u t e s f o i s le ferons se vous le j u g e z estre besoin.

qu'il allegue de monsr

on lui peut prouver aisement.

de B e s e ,

il en abuse faussement,

Touchant comment

Όοηηέ a H e y d e l b e r g ce 19 de mars 1565.

P a r vos freres humbles et a m i s , ministres de la parole au Palatinat s o u b s s i g n i s , en la presence desquels

Cassiodore

a d e c l a i r i ses erreurs,

et toutesfois

demeure

en iceux. Gaspar Olevianus. ") Ms. paindre. Biblioth. Wiffen. Π.

Johannes Sylvanus.

Franciscus Mosellanus.

" ) of course — Βδζθ.

25

194

OASSIODORO DE HEINA. 4.") R e s p o n s e de Cassiodore ä l ' E g l i s e sur la letre d ' O l e v i a n u s . b )

[Strasbourg 24 mars 1665.] A u x freres estrangiers qui sont ä Strasburg professant l'evangile de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ, grace et paix au mesme Freres

en Christ,

restitution de cest'eglise q u i , vie que de ma

Seigneur.")

afin d'obvier selon mon pouvoir

doctrine,

ä

l'empeschement

de la

par le mauvais rapport d ) de quelques uns tant de ma

est advenu,

je

aie)

deliber6

de donner ici par escrit ä

vostre Congregation et k toute l ' E g l i s e du S e i g n e u r la s u m m e ' ) de ma foi et quant et quant de ma doctrine tant en general qu'en particulier m'a chargfi, invocant 8 ) le

de ces points dont on

nom du Seigneur le D i e u V i v a n t en tesmoignage de ma

sinceriti en ce que de soubs sera comprins. 1.

Premierement,

Saint'Escriture, l'Eglise

je

re^ois

et

comme vraie P a r o l e

de Jesus Christ.

embrace de D i e u ,

tous et

les

livres

fondement

Canoniques de la foi

de

de

la

toute

Pareillement les symboles de la foi ou sont comprins les

principaux articles de nostre f o i ,

ä savoir, 1 1 ) celui

qu'on

appelle

des*)

Apostres,

celui d ' A t h a n a s i u s , et celui du Concile de N i c i e , et rejette et ai r e j e t t i tout erreur contrevenant ä quelqu'un de ces articles, et nommeement touchant l ' U n i t i d'un D i e u et la Xrinitä des Personnes

du P e r e

et du F i l s et du Saint Esprit en une mesme

essence divine en egale m a j e s t i et eternite,

celui d ' A r i u s , et celui de S e r v e t u s ,

et

Proteste devant D i e u et ses A n g e s , que j e n'ai tenu n'enseigne chose contrevenante ä c e c i , ains le contraire , et que f ' a est6 une pure et impudente calomnie ce qu'on a espars de moi touchant c e c i , l'Eglise

de Geneve a rendu

mon ministere,

de

ainsi qu'il a p p a i r t k ) par le tesmoignage que toute moi,

et apparoistra da vantage en la procedure de

quand le Seigneur se voudra servir de moi.

Y o i l a quant ä ma f o i

en general. 2.

Quant ä la doctrine en g e n e r a l , j e advoe et re^ois pour fidele et chrestienne

doctrine tout le

corps de la doctrine que j e ai ouie en l ' E g l i s e de G e n e v e ,

et en

les E g l i s e s fran9oises ä Francfort et ä L o n d r e s en lesquelles je ai c o n v e r s i comme membre d'icelles,

et en lesquelles je

ai aprins et profiti par la grace du Seigneur

aprfes ma venue d ' E s p a g n e ; du consentement desquelles j e proteste en saine conscience que

ce n'est pas n'il a est6 mon

intention de me separer touchant les principaux

points de la doctrine, ains de me conserver moyenant la grace du Seigneur, comme j e ai fait jusques ici , 1 ) dont l'experience faira ä l'advenir b o n tesmoignage. 3.

D e la Cene du Seigneur en particulier, j e c o n f e s s e , qu'ä tous les

approchants en vraie foi en est rendu tesmoignage

fideles

y

que toute la vertu de la mort

a) Two copies of this answer of Bema are at Geneva. One [A], am autograph of Edna, contains only the first twelve paragraphs and part of the twentieth with the subscription. On the hack, by Heina's hand, as it seems: Confession de Cassiodore touchant l'article de l'unite d'un Dieu et trinite de personnes, et du point de la Cene du Seigneur. Above this the date 1666. It appears that Reimi made this copy of some articles about the time when he wrote his Declaration de quelques passages, see Document 8. The other copy [B] of Heina's answer to the Strassburg brethren upon the Utter of Olevianus seems to have an inscription by Beam's hand; the text is by another hand, also different from that which copied the letter of Olevianus; the conclusion of § 9 is more complete than m A, after § 11 follows the testimony of Strassburg, then, by way of addition, §§ 12 f. The original must be restored in its integrity from A and Β together. I give the text of A, noting those differences found in Β which are not altogether insignificant, and I add in the text those parts which have not been copied in A, indicating below their derivation from B. b) B. c) A , with the following text of § 1—12. d) les m. rapors. e) j'ai. Always apostrophed. f ) somme. g) en inv. h) e'est ä savoir. i) Both mss seem to have les. Document 13 has des. k) apparoit. 1) jusques & maintenant?

195

CA8SI0D0E0 DE HEINA. du

Seigneur

certaine*)

leur

est

asseurance

f a i t s ' participants de son

sa chair,

appliquee de

vrai s a n g en viande

ä nostr'humaine 4.

remission

de

leurs

avec son P e r e .

ce

pour

la

p o u r estre

et sustantialement

son vrai corps

et

et b e u v r a g e d e leurs ames par le m o y e n de la f o i et par par une

fa90n toutesfois

admirable

p o u r c e b ) faire n'est pas de b e s o i n ,

saint corps et sang

et i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e

et si ne se d o i t p a s faire,

dedens les terriens

elements

lä e n c l o s 0 ) n e c e s s a i r e m e n t p o u r estre prins

des

pour

ou

estre

corporelled) (comm'on dit, infideles ou i n d i g n e s fragiliti

et

que

et en estre faits os de ses os et chair

presentialement

vin comm'estant fideles,

pech£s, Item,

raison.

I t e m , que

chercher

la

de l ' i n c o r p o r a t i o n avec l u i ,

leur est donn£

l'efficace du S a i n t E s p r i t ,

de

pour

leur reconciliation

porte,

mangi

corporellement,

du

pain

et

du

tant des infideles

ou oralement avec la

que

bouche

car ainsi on ne p r e n d e ) que le sacrement e x t e r i e u r ,

ä leur j u g e m e n t ,

ä leur g r a n d p r o f i t ) ,

les

fideles

ains que

et d i g n e s ,

lui

se

les

selon que l ' h u m a i n e

donnant ä n o u s f )

es sacres

s y m b o l e s , ainsi qu'il a e s t i d i t , doit estre c h e r c h i par f o i plus h a u t , c'est ä savoir en sa gloire et m a j e s t d , ou il sied ä l a dextre de D i e u s o n P e r e . 5. locale

I t e m , que

ce

de nostr'ame

rechercher Christ

par

f o i j e ne l'entend pas par

avec l a f o i j u s q u e s ä ces cieux v i s i b l e s ,

ceux qui n o u s fairions plustost present k l u i lä h a u t ,

monture

car ainsi nous serions

que n o n lui ä n o u s ici b a s ,

ains ainsi que l ' A p o s t r e [ R o m . i o * ) ] dit de tout son b e n e f i c e qui nous est p r e s e n t i par

son evangile

Qui· m o n t e r a Christ; Christ

interpretant d'icelui l e dit de M o y s e : auxh)

ou:

Qui

des

cieux?

Car

ä

savoir

Ne

(dit

dies

en

ton

il)'pour

de

lä

d e s c e n d e r a aux') enfers? ä savoir,k)

morts?

ton coeur.

c'est

Ains,

si

tu

la

crois

chose etc.,

tu

pour

coeur: amener

rappeller

e s t p r o c h a i n e en ta b o u c h e et seras

sauvi.

Voila,

freres,

en

comme

j ' e n t e n d que la f o i b i s o g n e , non p a s par l o c a l e monture ou m o u v e m e n t . 6.

Et

pour

ce

que

de

c e c i les

r a p p o r t e u r s m ' o n t πιεηέ

i la question

de

l ' u b i q u i t i du corps de C h r i s t , q u ' o n soit aussi r e s o l u de m a sentence touchant c e l a . C ' e s t que j ' e s t i m e que cest' est une q u e s t i o n outrepassante l e s b o r n e s de la m o d e s t i e chrestienne

qu'on

doit

garder1)

en

telles

sentence de Μ . B u c e r u s me p l a i t , qui d i t :

conferences.

Et

en

cest

endroit™)

la

C o m b i e n que le S e i g n e u r se bailie en sa

sainte C e n e , au m i r o i r " ) de sa parole et des s y m b o l e s qui sont c h o s e s de ce m o n d e , toutesfois en

une

ne

le

il se donne

en iceux m e s m e s n o n

certaine maniere divine regarde

pas

affection e s l e v e e

ni

par

et c e l e s t e .

apprehende

foi.

Ni

pas en maniere

aux sacres s y m b o l e s ,

ausjsi il ne se

donne

Ce

mais la seule pensee

n'est p a s seulement irreligieusement

donn6 present

ä

la Cene ?

S i le S e i g n e u r

dit,

a laissi

gloire c e l e s t e , c o m m e n t est il ici mangfi de l ' h o m m e ? hommes

d o i v e n t estre r e t i r i s et d e t o u m i s

argumentations,

etc.°)

telles

Ceux lä

illations.

de

ces

et

car c'est une viande donnant mais aussi

ineptement

et sans aucune c o n s e q u e n c e o u s u i t e , de d i r e : S i le S e i g n e u r est au c i e l , il est

mais

pas p o u r v i a n d e du ventre ou

du vieil h o m m e , mais de l ' a m e et du n o u v e l h o m m e , vie eternelle.

de ce m o n d e ,

C a r le sens o u l'affection de l a nature

le m o n d e ,

comment

et est en l a

P a r q u o i tres d i l i g e m m e n t l e s

meschantes

et

blasphematoires

V o i l a l e s titres que cest p) b o n et saint personnage bailie ä ä mon advis

font 1) encores

pire

qui,

en

se

laissantr)

a) pour certaine et ferine. b) cela. c) enclos et atachös. d) corporellement avec la bouche corporelle ouralement. e) prend pas. f) without ä nons. g) marginal note in A. h) es. i) - dra es. k) without k savoir. 1) avoir instead of garder. m) cela instead of cest endroit. n) miroir et enigme. 0) without etc. p) ce. q) sont? r) qu'en soi laissent.

196

CASSIODOBO DE BUNA.

trainer*) de telles

consequences,

afferment

et d e f e n d e n t

la dite u b i q u i t i du corps

de C h r i s t , auxquels j e ne consent pas. 7.

Pour

ce

aussi q u ' e n c o n f e r a n t de ceste matiere avec les dits rapporteurs,

ils m ' o n t o b j e c t i l ' A s c e n s i o n dextre de D i e u son P e r e ,

du S e i g n e u r

visible

f o i est simplement qu'il est m o n t i aux c i e u x , Pere.

aux

cieux,

dont ils m ' o n t traduit d'erreur,

et son A s s i e t e ä la

touchant cest article

et est assis a l a dextre

ma

de D i e u

son

M o n intelligence autour de cest article e s t : P r e m i e r e r a e n t , que j'estime avec

le c o m m u n consentement de toute l ' E g l i s e , qu'il y a quelque lieu sur l e ciel d e s t i n i ä l'assiete

et repos

ment se monstre

des e s l e u s , b )

oil D i e u ,

et communique & e u x ,

qui neanmoins est p a r t o u t ,

singuliere-

a u q u e l lieu J e s u s C h r i s t corporellement

e s t i receu et y tient singulierement la s i e g e du R o y a u m e de son E g l i s e ,

a

ainsi qu'il

est e s c r i t , E p h e s . 1. 8. outre, la

S e c o n d e m e n t , q u e , ce non o b s t a n t , l'intelligence de cest article passa plus c'est ä savoir,

donation

de

ä nous

l a gloire

enseigner

que ceste c o r p o r e l l ' a s c e n s i o n n o u s signifie

et m a j e s t e de D i e u

son P e r e ,

qui a est6 faite ä C h r i s t

h o m m e aprfes sa resurrection en salaire de son labeur p o u r l'administration perpetuelle de son e g l i s e estant au m o n d e , de laquelle donation l ' A p o s t r e parle s i n g u l i e r e m e n t , Coloss. i. sa

P h i l i p p . 2.

descente,

premierement

forme

de

de

serviteur, e t c . ,

la corporell'ascension,

Pere.e)

Et

a

que

es parties p l u s b a s s e s sa

divine

majesty

est")

par ce

l a dextre de D i e u

en q u e l q u e

locale,

la

autoriti,

que

s'en s u i t :

j e les

nous

la

est assis ί la dextre de D i e u son

ne se doit pas entendre en partie de

lieu particulier,

ainsf)

dextre de D i e u est exemptee

exempte

de toute

de toute

semblable

Q u e si on me voudra ici presser de l ' u b i q u i t i , j e lui r e s p o n d c o m m e son E g l i s e ,

a

ains plustost d'une

prenant p o u r

condition condition.

de sus.

tous les p a s s a g e s de l ' E s c r i t u r e qu'on m'amenera p o u r p r o v e r son absence de

qu'il

d e l a t e r r e ? oil ainsi que

T e l l e m e n t q u ' e n cest endroit ce qui est d i t : II est monte

declairi

que

et

en l'opposant ä sinon

ainsi mesmes ne l'ascension se doit rapporter s e u l e m e n t ä

estre assis ä la dextre de D i e u ,

ainsi

son ascension

monti,

ains ä la divine m a j e s t i et g l o i r e de D i e u son P e r e laquelle

lui a e s t i communiquee. est

Qu'il

descente ne se doit pas entendre l o c a l e m e n t ,

exinanition

auxd) cieux,

comm'aussi il p r e n d

disant:

descendu

(4 mon advis) la merveilleuse

Heb. I ,

E p h e s . 4.

entend de la conversation c h a m e l l e et v i s i b l e ,

Item,

corporelle

comme

celle

e n laquell'il a vescu entre l e s h o m m e s devant sa m o r t , et selon laquelle il a mont6 aux cieux versera

visiblement

plus

avec

d e v a n t * ) ses d i s c i p l e s ,

nous,

jusques

ä

sa

A c t . 1 , de laquelle maniere ne con-

venue

derniere,

ainsi

qu'il

est

dit

au

mesme l i e u . 9.

O r , que l ' E s c r i t u r e sainte par ce mot cieux n ' e n t e n d p a s tousjours l e s cieux

materiaux et v i s i b l e s , il est plus que manifest. Π est mont£ aux c i e u x , c'est ä d i r e , cieux

et en la t e r r e ,

Matth, ult°,

c'est

ä dire,

I t e m , que j e interprete cest a r t i c l e :

il a r e c e u de D i e u s o n P e r e toute p o t e s t i es sur toute

creature,

ne niant toutesfois la c o r p o r e l l ' a s c e n s i o n ,

ainsi que

lui m e s m e

dit,

ainsi que de sus est d i t ,

ce

n'est p a s heresie ou erreur, c o m m e v o s rapporteurs le n o m m e n t , et si j e ne suis p a s seul e n ceste s e n t e n c e , ne d e s t i t u i de t e s m o i g n a g e s de plusieurs h o m m e s d'autorite en l ' E g l i s e , avcc

moi,

tant

des anciens que

lesquels

aussi

nous

des

modernes,

produirons

s'il

lesquels

est

besoin,

f a u d r a c o n d e m n e r aussi afin que l ' E g l i s e

des

E s t r a n g e r s de S t r a s b o u r g soit par iceux m i e u x instruite que par le rapport

de

a) trainer from B. A has trenez. son Pere. f) ains plustost.

e) without

b) elevez. g) devant de.

0) qu'est ce.

d) es.

ceux

197

OASSIODOBO DE BUNA. qui ä l'estordie sans intelligence du mal qui font 1 l ' E g l i s e d u Seigneur

temeraire-

ment condemnent i heresie tout ce que n'accorde pas en autant de paroles ä leurs imaginations desquelles ils veulent faire articles de f o i . a ) 10.

Certes Bucerus en cest endroit parle ainsi:

en nul lieu es c i e u x ,

L e Seigneur n'est pas enclos

car I'Escriture tesmoigne qu'il est m o n t i par de sus tous les

cieux et sied ä la dextre du P e r e ,

en disant:

es

dire,

du P e r e b )

qu'oeil n'a v e u ,

en telle gloire

n'est m o n t i

et puissance

en coeur d'homme.

comment le Seigneur de la

foi,

demeure

laquelle

en ceste

est au doit

Donques

ciel,

d'enquerir

supracelestes,

du

croire

et inaccessible

et

c'est ä

ne aureille o u i ,

lieu

c'est chose irreligieuse,

simplement

celeste

lieux

et

de

la

ni

maniere

et estrange de la piet6

confesser

gloire du P e r e ,

que

le

et

que,

icelle, il se donne ä nous en sa Sainte Cene et y est vraiement.

Seigneur

Jesus

demeurant

en

V o i l a ce que j e

sent de cest article. 11.

Ce

que j e ai maintenant

son ascension

au c i e l ,

declairi

ne m'est pas article

tant de la Cene du Seigneur que de de

foi,

sinon

exposition

privee

de

plusieurs doctes et fideles personnages en l ' E g l i s e du Seigneur, d o n t , en cas que j e trouve qu'4 b o n droit ell'est escandaleuse pour son

edification, je

proteste

ä l'Eglise

devant D i e u c )

du Seigneur et non pas utile

de m'en deporter, suivant en cela

la prescription de l ' A p o s t r e , ι Cor. 1 4 , q u e t o u t s o i t ä e d i f i c a t i o n , item

Pour

l'edification

de

l'Eglise,

tachez

d'estre

car je entend que cela est le devoir d'un chacun chrestien, fideles

ministres,

communiquer d'attendre

ceux,

qui ont

aussi leur a d v i s , e )

rendu

tesmoignage

afin que ces bons

etc.,

et singulierement d ) des

encore que la chose soit en soi bonne et veritable.

avec

k profit,

excellents

de

la

de ma vie et doctrine,

et

delateurs

Item,

soient t r e u v i s en leurs

temeraires et bien legiers prejudices de dire que j'abuse du dit tesmoignage. 12.

E n un temps si bien plein

de calumniateurs

que d'erreurs et sectes il

est merveilleusement expedient ä toute l'Eglise· et ä un chacun fidel en particulier de

faire

distinction

entre

les articles fondementels de nostre

foi et

les

declarations et sentences lesquelles ont εβίέ tousjours libres en l ' E g l i s e , v e r i t i de la foi. freres,

privees sauve

la

II faut qu'en ce l i e u f ) je requiere et exhorte la Congregation des

et tous ceux qui veoirront cest escrit de bien considerer cest affaire ici et

de se porter modestement en leurs jugements afin que par les jugements temerairement rigoreux l'Eglise memoire,

du Seigneur ne

c h e f h ) de l'assertion

tant y a que pour cela

soit®) consumee.

de la charnelle

du

corps de

Christ,

c o n d e m n i pour h e r e t i q u e ,

qu'il ne laisse pas de

estre h o n o r i merveilleusement de

Μ. Calvin en ses e s c r i t s ,

et singulierement

commentaire

est

de J e s a i e ,

aie e s t i

Martin L u t h e r de bonne

manducation

chap. 57,

appeli

de

lui

Prophete

du Seigneur

au etc.

(Ecolampadius

qui par le mot m o n c o r p s n'a point entendu le corps') naturel de

C h r i s t , forse

que la summe de tous le benefice de l'Evangile et l'accomplissement

a) Instead of the words in Β lesquels faudra unto the end of the paragraph, A has only the following: losquols nous produira [sie?] quand il sera besoin, lesquels aussi faudra condemnor avec moi, etc. b) de Dieu instead of du Pere. c) Dieu Seigneur. d) principalemeat. e) judice instead of advis. The words afin quo unto tesmoignage are omitted in A and replaced by etc. After tesmoignage, B: Dat. 'A Strasbourg le 29 [sie] mars 1565. Vostre freie en Christ Cassiodore. Follows the testimony of Strassburg. Then the §§ 12 f., introduced by the remark: Ce que s'en suit estoit en l'original apres le chap, unziesme. f) lieu id. g) soit pas. h) le chef. i) The line Seigneur unto le corps which is wanting in the copy sent me of A , has been supplied here from B.

198

CAS8IODOBO DE HEINA.

des promesses de D i e u en C h r i s t , n'a point e s t i d e s p o u i l l i de la bonne renommee et estimation") qu'un tel personnage a bien m e r i t i en l'Eglise du Seigneur, ains a est6 ΟΓηέ de grandes louanges des hommes doctes et savans, qui aveque leurs prefations ont recommende ä l'Eglise ses escrits.

Zuinglius, qui j a m a i s b ) n'a p e n s i ä la reale

et substantiale exhibition du corps de Christ en la Cene (comme M . Calvin temoigne en son opuscule de la Cene du Seigneur) — d e g r i d'honneur. touchant le

point

on lui a neanmoins conserve le mesme

M. Bucerus e t c ) M. C a p i t o , qui furent d'accord aveque Lutherus de

la

Cene

du Seigneur,

jamais

d'eux

vivants ont e s t i

apres

molestis de personne, n'aussi e s t i m i s h e r e t i q u e s , ains ont eu des pareilles louanges par aprfes, Bucerus Capito,

de Celles q u i d ) avoient eu auparavant,

souvent,

mais

especialement

en

et singulierement de M. C a l v i n ;

la prefation sur l'epistre aux

en la prefation sur les actes des A p o s t r e s .

de la Confession A u g u s t a n e et de son A p o l o g i e , e )

Romains,

Philippus Melanchthon,

auteur

on sait bien comment et aveque

quels titres est honord de M. Calvin en ses escrits.

Que si quelqu'un voudra ici

objecter que L o u d r e s a b i e n c o n d e m n i de heretiques tous les autres ici s u r n o m m i s , ' ) j e lui reponds que ce n'est pas β) l'exemple que nous devons imiter, si nous aspirons ä la concorde

de l ' E g l i s e .

Ains

plustost c e l u i b )

de ceux lä qui estants mesmes

exagit6s de l u i , jamais ne se sont separes de la chrestienne modestie de l'honorer et estimer frere en Christ.

Que*) si nous voulons estre si delicats que personne

ne s'accorde pas ä nous qui n e k ) soit e s t i m i errer es articles de la f o i , condemnons aussi tous ces grands personnages par lesquels le Seigneur neanmoins 1 ) a r e n o u v e l i S o n Eglis'e. reserv6s,m)

C a r ce n'est pas raison que ceux l ä , et les petits

soient

pour avoir e s t i g r a n d s ,

diffamis d'estre pleins d'erreurs,

soient

estant avec les

autres 11 ) en une mesme condition. 0 ) 13.

Quant & ma venue i c i ,

danger ä vos portes, conscience,

laquelle les rapporteurs vous ont signifii estre le

je puis aussi protester en la presence du Seigneur en bonne

qu'elle n'a point est6 de ma v o l u n t i pour chercher ou mon proufit ou

mon existimation e t c . , sinon nettement pour le soulagement des freres q u i , desirans la restitution de ceste E g l i s e , m'ont a p p e l l i ; considerant aussi la grande importance qui seroit pour l'Eglise du Seigneur que ceste place fut lui r e s t i t u i , ppur

fermer

la bouche

aux

papistes

premierement

qui triomphe[n]t de l'expulsion des E g l i s e s

estrangeres de Francfort et d ' i c i , secondement pour donner courage i ceux qu'aussi ont ost6 les E g l i s e s aux estrangers de leurs v i l l e s , & prendre l'exemple de Messieurs de ceste c i t i , pour les recueillir e n c o r e s , tiercement pour tenir en ceste ville un asyle ouvert pour l'Eglise du Seigneur, si seroit encores son b o n plaisir d'affliger derechef la F r a n c e , dont les apparences en sont bien g r a n d e s ; et qu'ayant esgard ä ces choses (lesquelles vos rapporteurs,

assis desja en leurs pales et c o m m o d i t έ s , ne regardent

pas de si p r e s , forse que de detourner l'oeuvre de D i e u plustost que d'amoindrir de leurs fantasies un seul mot) je m'en suis d o n n i h a s t e , ainsi que vostre lettre portoit, toutesfois par le

conseil et advis de gens de b i e n ,

afin que l'opportuniti que D i e u

presentoit de recouvrer ceste place par la b e n i g n i t i de Messieurs de ceste ville ne fust a) existimation. b) jamais point. c) et avec lui. d) qn'ils. e) Melancthon qui neanmoins estoit l'auteur de la Conf. Aug. ou ä tout le moins de son Αρ. f ) m'objectera ici que Lutherus a bien condamne les autres tous ici surnommes d'heretiques. g) ce n'est pas cela. h) Eglise, sinon celui plustost. i) Or instead of Que. ]ΐ) personne ne s'accordant pas ä nos imaginations ne. 1) without neanmoins. m) conserves. η) estants avec eux. 0) After condition, A only copies the beginning of % 20: Voila, freres, unto de moi, then: etc. Dat. ä Strasburg le 24 de mars 1565. Vostre frere en Christ Cassiodore.

CASSIODORO DE EEINA.

199

pas perdue par ma negligence, et que le juste blasme retumbast plus aprfes sur moi. Item, que tant y a que les rapporteurs disent vrai en ce que je suis desuni, ou tasche de desunir ceste Congregation de celle de Geneve et des Eglises de France, que mon intention plustost estoit en la procedure de l'affaire, premierement rien n'accorder avec les ministres de ceste ville sans la consulte et accord de tous ceux qui m'ont appelli et des autres freres qui, esmeus de la mesme affection de la gloire de Dieu, s'eussent voulu ajoindre ä nous, et de tout faire le rapport & l'eglise de Geneve pour avoir aussi leur advis et conseil en la determination, afin de conserver le commun consentement, ce que j'ai promis aussi en mon departement de Heydelberge au mesme Olevien, et aux Docteurs Boquinus et Ursinus, theologiens de Heydelberg. Si ceci pouvoit sortir de coeur fardeement pretendant le consentement de l'Eglise de Geneve, ainsi que les rapporteurs ont calomnii, que un chacun en soit juge; et certes en la procedure de l'affaire ma fidelitfi ou infideliti eust est6 clairement decouverte, et le jugement alors eust esti plus asseuri, dont maintenant est temeraire et inique de dire que tout est en moi fardi et simuli en cest endroitj que si vous voulez suivre ce maudit prejudice sans en faire l'experience, considerez en quel lieu vous estes. 14. Quant ä ma vie, de laquelle les rapporteurs vous ont voulu aussi faire soup9on de moi, je ne tiendrai pas ici long propos pour en faire purgation, ayant celle que j'ai pres de moi laquelle pourra voir quiconque voudra, et attendant aussi celle que de tout je espere que me sera envoy6 de Londres en brief. Toutesfois je ne vous laisserai pas de dire ici que, si les rapporteurs par leur dire vous ont fait soupijon de moi en cest endroit, vous me faites grand tort, car n'ayant pas encores receu l'entiere purgation de Londres de tous mes affaires, je m'avois excus6 envers vous assez, et non obstant cela, vous m'avez voulu avoir, et avez accusfi mes excuses jusques ä me faire venir. Et si vous ne pouvez point dire que les rapporteurs vous ont dit quelque chose de nouveau, car et des autres et de moi mesme vous avez oui davantage, c'estoit ä vous donques maintenant de vous opposer pour ma defense touchant ce point ici, ne pas de vous escandelizer. 15. Reste maintenant, freres, que pour vostre entiere satisfaction quant ä la lettre des rapporteurs, vous soyez ici informis de leur fa^on de faire avec moi, afin que de lä vous pouvez mieux juger de l'effet et d'eux mesmes, et en cas que ceste mienne relation ne soit pas trouv6 plus veritable que leur rapport, je veux estre estimi de vous tel quel ils ont voulu. Estant arrivi ä Heydelberg, j'ai visiti Olevianus pour communiquer avec lui ma vocation (car j'avois quelque cognoissance ä lui de paravant), ou je n'ai point est6 receu de lui si amiablement que je pensois, ä cause qu'on lui avoit rapporti de moi que je avois esti deposi de mon ministere ä Londres, et chassi de lä ä cause que j'avois soustenu publiquement les erreurs de Servetus. Sur le propos de l'accord que Bucerus avoit fait avec Lutherus touchant le point de la Cene du Seigneur nous avons entres en dispute, lä ou j'ai afferme les points desquels il fait mention en sa lettre comme d'erreurs contrevenans aux articles de la f o i , mais ä la veriti, ä cause du faux prejudice qu'il avoit de moi, il ne pouvoit rien bien interpreter de tout ce que je disois, forse que me traiter fort rudement, ce que lui mesme a aprfes confessi. Or en lui priant de faire plus modestement avec moi, il s'en est un peu amolli pour me demander, si le predit rapport qu'on lui avoit fait de moi estoit veritable. A quoi je lui respond que non, et je lui racompte en somme l'affaire comme il se tenoit, lui certifiant devant le Seigneur que j'avois est6 blasmi et calomnii ä tort de cinq ou six calomnies, que la moindre d'icelles, estant vraies, meritoit bien la corde; dont

200

OASSIODOEO DB REIN Α.

l'une estoit des herisies de Servetus, et que me voyant aussi pressi de necessiti de perdre mon temps en ma defense, j'ai εβίέ d'advis de m'acquiter moi mesme de mon ministere, et pour enfuir les debats m'enfuir aussi de Londres pour vaquer es choses plus utiles ä l'Eglise du Seigneur, que j'avois entre les mains. 16. Or considerez un peu ici les paroles de sa lettre et vous voirez, si, lui ayant candidement, comme ä un ami, racompti les afflictions desquelles je avois est£ merveilleusement p r e s s i , 9'a esti candeur chrestien de prendre mes mots de si mauvaise part et vous les reciter plus exagereement encores de ce que j'avois fait, pour me faire ä vous suspect, et ce que j'avois d i t : m'enfuir de Londres pour enfuire les debats et mieux employer mon temps, le changer en fuir le jugement. Item, dire que ä calonnie des heresies de Servetus je avois adjousti que j'estois innocent, comme laissant ί vostre bonne discretion entendre, que en les autres choses je ne l'estois pas. Item, qu'est ce de dire que j'avois adjousti cela, et laisser astutement de vous referer la confession de foi que touchant ceci il m'a demandi par deux f o i s , et je ne lui ai pas r e f u s i pour lui remedier en un jugement si dangereux qu'il fesoit de moi seulement par les faux rapports? Certes ceci n'est pas sans malice. 17. Lui ayant done respondu aux interrogations qu'il me fist pour se certifier de moi de tout, et estant assez satisfait, ou le simulant estre, il m'a fait entendre qu'il estoit bien aise et m'a traiti plus amiablement, et sommes departis en grande amiti£. Deux jours apris je l'ai visiti derechef, et il m'a receu beaucoup rudement en me disant grandes injures, dont j'estois bien εβίοηηέ, car je ne savois l'occasion de si grand changement en si peu de temps. L e s plus petites estoient que j'estois ignorant, que je ne savois rien, etc.; les plus atroces que j'avois tromp6 Mons r de Beze et Mons r de Saules, et tous les gens de bien qui avoient rendu bon tesmoignage de moi. Entre les injures me amene9a de faire ce qu'il a fait, de estre mon adversaire partout etc. Donques n o i s ayant p o r t i assez immodestement l'un avec l'autre, ä la fin, par l'intercession de Mons r d'Honestis qu'estoit present, nous nous sommes m o d e r i s , et y a eu lieu qu'il declairaist l'occasion de ce nouveau et acerbe courroux, disant qu'on lui avoit rapporti que le jour devant j'avois esti ä la l e j o n de Μ . Ursinus, lequel traitant de la diviniti du Saint Esprit, j'avois corni de la teste en signe que je ne consentois pas; et lui ayant certifid que je n'y avois jamais estfi, il trouva son abus, et me certifia qu'on lui avoit dit, et que par ce nouveau rapport il avoit renouveli tous les vieux rapports de m o i , adjoustant que je ne convenois pas avec lui en ^interpretation du ciel etc., et que e'estoit pour cela qu'il m'avoit receu et traiti si rudement. E t pour s'en plus asseurer de moi en cela, me demanda derechef, me conjurant par le Seigneur, si de coeur je detestois les erreurs de Servetus, et je lui ai testifii devant le Seigneur mesme, qu'oui, et que je n'avois autre chose en mon coeur, et quant et quant je lui exposois l'occasion d'ou ceste blasme m'estoit venue. A l h e u r s il me donna la main avec grand j o i e , me demandant pardon des paroles passees, et moi aussi ä lui. L e mesme fist ce Sylvanus qu'estoit alhors present, et me pria et importuna de souper avec l u i , ce que j'ai refus6, et ainsi nous nous sommes departis fort amiablement. E t ä tout ce estoit present Mons r d'Honestis. 18. L e lendemain un'heure devant mon departement je l'ai visitfi pour lui dire adieu, et il m'a receu avec grande a m i t i i , et je lui ai communiqui la forme que je pensois tenir en la procedure de cest affaire, ainsi que je l'ai escrit de sus, laquelle il a fort approuvi, et si m'a racommandi de ne tenir null'autre, et m'a donn£ son advis, et des especiales et secrets advertissements de comme je me

201

CASSIODORO DE RMNA.

devois g o u v e r n e r avec A m e r b a c h i u s et a u t r e s p e r s o n n a g e s , m e d e s c r i v a n t l ' e n g e i n et m a n i e r e de faire d ' u n c h a c u n , et i la fin m e r a c o m m a n d ' ä D i e u , et moi l u i r e c o m m a n d a n t en ses p r i e r e s p r i v e e s et p u b l i q u e s m o n e n t r e p r i s e , m ' a ε η ν ο γ έ et c o n v o y i h o r s de sa m a i s o n , m e d i s a n t ces p r o p r e s m o t s au d e p a r t e m e n t : M i Casslod o r e , t a n d e m o p o r t e t u t te d i m i t t a m ; d o l e o q u o d d o m i m e c u m n o n h a b e a m n u n c T a l l e r u m u n u m , alioquin j u v a r e m t u a m e g e s t a t e m . D o n t je lui ai r e s p o n d u l u i r e m e r c i a n t , et m e c o n t e n t a n t de sa b o n n e v o l u n t i , et l u i a s s e u r a n t q u i j ' a v o i s d e l ' a r g e n t assez p o u r p a r f a i r e m o n v o y a g e , et ainsi n o u s s o m m e s d e p a r t i s . Or, f r e r e s , je vous p r i e d e c o n f e r e r ceste h i s t o i r e avec vostre l e t r e et en j u g e r avec equitö d e cestui b o n f r e r e en Christ. 19. Q u a n t es a u t r e s qui sont s o u b s i g n i s avec l u i , soyez a s s e u r i s a u s s i q u e le Sylvanus n ' a p o i n t est£ ä n o s t r e p r e m i e r colloque q u ' ä l a m o i t i i oil il est v e n u d ' a v e n t u r e , l ' a u t r e M o s e l l a n u s n ' a p o i n t e s t i a u s e c o n d , afin q u e v o u s e n t e n d i e z que ce n ' a p o i n t e s t i u n e a s s e m b l e e f a i t e d e p r o p o s p o u r d i s p u t e r a v e q u e m o i , comme il s e m b l e qu'ils v e u l e n t d o n n e r ä e n t e n d r e p a r sa l e t t r e , ains se s o n t t r o u v i s ä pieces ainsi qu'ils v e n o i e n t & l ' a v e n t u r e , et le m e s m e Sylvanus (s'il v o u d r a d i r e v e r i t i ) p o u r r a t e s m o i g n e r de l ' a m i t i i d e l a q u e l l e j e m ' e n suis d e p a r t i d ' O l e v i a n u s la p r e m i e r e f o i s , et d e la i m m o d e s t e r u d e c e , avec laquelle il m ' a r e c e u et trait£ la s e c o n d e fois ä cause de ce n o u v e a u faux r a p p o r t d e sus d i t , et c o m m e a y a n t t r e u v i * ) qu'ils avoint est£ ί τ ο π ι ρ έ β , ils ont c o n g n e u l e u r f a u t e , et O l e v i a n u s a f a i t avec m o i g r a n d a m i t i £ , en laquelle n o u s n o u s s o m m e s d e p a r t i s , ainsi q u e d e sus est dit. I t e m , v o u s e n t e n d e r e z que les deux s o u b s i g n i s n e savent r i e n de franyois, et p a r ainsi qu'ils o n t s o u b s i g n i ce que O l e v i a n u s l e u r a p r e s e n t s , n o n p a s ce q u ' i l s ont e n t e n d u . 20. V o i l a , f r e r e s , ce que je ai p o u r de p r e s e n t k v o u s p r e s e n t e r en r e s p o n s e de ces r a p p o r t s . Q u e si eile n ' e s t p a s süffisante p o u r effacer d e vos coeurs l ' o p i n i o n mauvaise q u ' o n v o u s a fait d e m o i , * * ) j ' a i b o n e s p o i r q u ' e l l e suffira assez p o u r m e p u r g e r d e v a n t t o u s h o m m e s de b i e n , q u e sans a u c u n e ou affection d e s p a r t i e s , ou passion h u m a i n e r e g a r d e r o n t le d r o i t . P o u r le m o i n s j e serai q u i t t e d e v a n t le j u g e m e n t d u S e i g n e u r , n e m ' a y a n t p o i n t e s p a r g n i en n u l l e c h o s e p o u r v o s t r e c o n s o l a t i o n , et p o u r la r e s t i t u t i o n de ceste p l a c e , et p o u r l ' a v a n c e m e n t d e son r o y a u m e , a u q u e l seul soit g l o i r e ä t o u t j a m a i s . Amen. D a t . 4 S t r a s b u r g le 24 d e m a r s * * * ) 1565.

5.

V o s t r e f r e r e e n Christ Cassiodore.

[Temoignage de l'eglise des Strangers ä Strasbourg 24 Mars 15657. f) N o u s q u i s o m m e s ci d e s o u b s s u b s i g n i s , f f )

en faveur de

estants

Beim.

c o n g r e g i s au n o m

du

Seigneur J e s u s C h r i s t et de S o n E g l i s e , testifions p a r ce p r e s e n t escrit q u ' a y a n t o u i ") Ms: traeve. ") The passage Voila mto moi is given here, qpcording to Α. Β writes: pour le present, and: quo com ci vous ont faite de moi. After moi, A: etc. Dat. & Str. . . . Corn/pare p. 198, note 0. '") A: 24 de mars. Β here at the end: 24 mars, but above, after § 11: 29 mars. The dale 24 March is confirmed by our Document 13. The date 29 is an error. f ) Copied by Beirut after the end of his copy (A) of part of his reply to the letter of Olevianus. Another copy of this testimonial is inserted in copy Β of thai reply between § 11 and § 12, compare p. 194, note a , and p. 197, note e ; the handwriting is exactly the same as in the preceding paragraphs. I take from Β the variations indicated in my notes, and the end of the text. f f ) sommes an de sonbz aoubsignez. Biblioth. WilTen. Π.

26

202

CAS8I0D0R0 DD REINΑ.

la surscrite")

confession

et

response laquelle

Cassiodore

de R e y n e , b )

Espagnol,

appell6 de nous pour nous ministrer la parole du Seigneur, nous a presentee pour se purger de ces articles

qui lui ont e s t i

de certains ministres de H e i d e l b e r g e ,

opposis

par une lettre envoyee ä nous

nous acceptons") et advouons s a d ) response,

et que nous sommes satisfaits de lui en cest endroit. ne le r e n v o y o n s f ) pour blasme qui lui soit f a i t e ,

I t e m , e ) nous testifions que nous sinon que lui mesme nous

ayant

ρ ή έ au nom du Seigneur de nous desporter de lui jusques ä ce qu'il aie resolution de certains affaires qu'il a & L o n d r e s ,

et juste

et entiere purgation de

quelques

choses qui lui ont est£ i m p o s e e s g ) tant de sa vie que de sa d o c t r i n e , afin qu'en la procedure de son ministere personne ne le puisse blasmer de quelque chose d'icelles comme

n'estant

pas

suffisanment

purgi,

nous

lui

avonsh) a c c o r d i ,

voyant

sa

petition estre j u s t e ; toutesfois avec telle condition qu'ayant la dite p u r g a t i o n , toutes et quantes

fois il sera

rappeile

de c e s t ' e g l i s e ,

sera prest d ' i c i k ) venir, ce que lui nous a

veritfi nous avons ici s o u b s i g n i de nos mains, de sus etc.

Thiebault drapier.

etc. 1 )

Et

il

en tesmoignage de

ϋοηηέ ä Strasburg,m)

le jour que

S o u b s i g n i s 13. au nom de toute la Congregation.

Jacob Bienum. le

n'ayant') autre j u s t ' i m p e d i m e n t ,

promis,

Leschenius.

Giles Wirlyrman.

Jehan Granuns.

Blaise Garin.

Nicolas M u n g e l t .

Claude

Michel

du Y e c b e r b r e

buorgeois.

T h i e r r y du F r u y orfebvre.

Cudllin.

Conrad Jacques.

Walran

Jehan Bastin.

Jozlas Mermorut.

6. [Beinius

Beza.

Francoforti

22 Aprilis

1565],n)

Pietate ac doctrina clarissimo viro D . T h e o d o r a Bezae, Ecclesise Genevensis Pastori vigilantissimo, domino ac fratri 0 ) suo in Christo imprimis c o l e n d o , Genevse. Gratiam et pacem per Christum. Oppugnatum

saepius per

Septem

aut

octo m e n s e s ,

mi domine et frater

in

Christo imprimis o b s e r v a n d e , ut ipsis restitutionem ecclesise suae molientibus auxilio e s s e m , tuo de me inducti testimonio me tandem expugnarunt A r g e n t i n e n s e s peregrini. Profectus Argentinam, et notum et amicum,

existimo e re f o r e , convenero,

si Heidelbergae O l e v i a n u m ,

mihi antea

de mea vocatione cum ipso collaturus,

ut ipsius

consilio p r o v i n c i a m , ut difficilem ita etiam ecclesise imprimis conducentem, aggrederer instruction

R e p e r i o hominem praejudicio de negotiis Londinensibus et quidem per

rumores falsos accepto adeo o c c u p a t u m , ut vix soluto vultu et ad hilaritatem utcumque composito me salutarit. verbo

aperio

ipsi

Ego

vero nihil minus suspicatus,

meam legationem,

et ut in animo h a b e b a m ,

secundo aut tertio pro

ecclesia

ilia

recuperanda ad omnia cum Germanis ministris condescendere quae citra veritatis et fidei j a c t u r a m , in qua sum e d o c t u s , atque citra conscientiarum laesionem postularent. Inter confabulandum dixi O l e v i a n o , ecclesiis S a x o n i c i s ,

de consensu

cum

si recte intelligatur, adjuncta videlicet ipsius declaratione,

me sentire,

articulos B u c e r i

esse

a) suscripte. b) Reyna. c) recevons. d) la. e) without Item, f ) renv. point. g) oposees. h) nous l'avons. i) n'ayant nul. k) de ci. 1) without etc. m) After Strasburg, A ends thus: le jour que de sus, etc. Soubsignez 13 au nom de toute la Congregation. The names are wanting. The other copy has after Strasbourg the names, written alt by the copyist, but most of them could not be read with certainty. Β has no notice concerning the date; the date indicated by Λ is the 24 March, as follows from what has been stated in Docum. 4 , p. 201. 11) Autographe letter. o) Dufour: domino tri. Avant tri on eroit voir la trace d'une f.

CA88IODOHO DE REINA.

203

satis ad piam concordiam constituendam temperatos. Homo statim vultu ad gravitatem composito ccepit invehi in Bucerum immodeste satis. Ego contra suadebam ut ab ejusmodi maledictis in virum egregie pium et de ecclesia Christi optime meritum sibi temperaret; sed videbar oleum flamm® adjicere. Hac occasione inceptum est disputare de illis articulis, ubi nihil, quod a me diceretur, non erat ipsi aut erroneum aut ambiguum. Sed quia de successu nostra disputationis fusius in hoc scripto quod ad te mitto, hic supersedeo. Depositis igitur pessimis illis prsejudiciis, melius de me sentit, modestius agit, dimittit denique amicissime. Venio Argentinam; in primo conventu eorum qui me accersiverant, opponunt quidam Oleviani virulentissimas quasdam literas, quibus unis acceptissimus fuissem Germanis, modo is ego essem quem ipse me facere in eisdem literis est conatus. Xncipiunt me, qui literas opposuerant, interrogare de illis articulis in literis annotatis; sed quum video, mea omnia juxta Oleviani delationes in sinistram partem interpretari, a disputatione subsisto , polliceorque in crastinum meam de illis articulis sententiam scripto daturum, ne fraudi ulla ex parte esset locus. Nonnulli in eo coetu erant adeo videlicet pacis amantes ac restitutionis illius ecclesiae studiosi, ut oppositioni quidem per delationes Oleviani interesse voluerint, responsioni meae nunquam. Respondeo itaque scripto, satisfacit fratribus mea responsio, hortantur ut in negotio restituendse ecclesise incumbam. Recuso ac renitor, praesenti experientia edoctus periculosum esse, ac tranquillitati ecclesise non satis consultum, ante integram purgationem rerum Londinensium inter fratres tarn parum quietos provinciam vel aggredi vel administrare. Gravissimis tarnen conjecturis adducor ut credam occasionem fuisse reprassentatam, multa cum Isetitia piorum et invidia Satanae, locum ilium recuperandi. Ego certe sie eram instruetus, ut si cum ministris Germanis (qui tarnen meo judicio una modestia et benevolentia vinci atque vinciri possent) negotii aliquid fuisset, per Dei gratiam ipsos eo fuissem adacturus ut aut Buceri articulis palam atque impudenter essent renuntiaturi aut nos admissuri. Literas quibus Olevianus temere hoc bonum intereepit, ad te mitto, cum mea tumultuaria quidem sed sincera responsione; ex quibus disces et illius (ne quid gravius dicam) intempestivum zelum, et consilium meum omne. Doleo vehementer (neque enim hic mihi ab ingemiscendo ecclesise calamitatem temperare possum) homines ejusmodi ingenio prseditos ecclesise gubernaculis prseesse, in diebus prsesertim tam calamitosis et rebus ecclesise exuleeratis. Quod attinet ad eos articulos in quibus iste dicit me pessime errare, nullo interea hactenus expresso errore, palam est ipsum nullam aliam corporis Christi praesentiam in Ccena esse assequutum quam qua corpus corpori sit prope aut quae et sensibus et ratione humana comprehendi queat, quam et merito cum ipso negamus; eam vero quam ipse Christus vel in extremo caeli angulo corporaliter positus per divinitatis suae vim ecclesise suae prsestat, et ecclesia per fidem aeeipit, nondum meo judicio est assequutus. Ascensionem Christi ad cselos, praeter eam qua a diseipülis corporeis oculis ascendisse est visus, aliam aeeipit nullam, eis qui corporalem corporis Christi manducationem ex nuda verborum Coense significatione astruunt, hac in parte haud absimilis;*) voci cselum ab ea, qua materiales istos cselos comprehendimus, nullam aliam significationem in sacris literis subesse putat. Sed ad rem. Argentinse Salennius quidam in prineipio Oleviani partes strenue defendit, sed, ut credo, bono animo, nam visus est mihi sincerus, cseterum de re melius edoctus reconciliavit se mihi per D. Sturmium, qui de eo ad me in hsec verba literas misit: Salennius apud me fuit. Candide aperui ei tuam *) assimilis.

204

CASSIODOBO BE BUNA.

sententiam

de

Coena

Domini

et

defendendo et tua innocentia, canam restitutam videamus. D . Sturmius.

Nescio

de

ascensione

Christi,

promittit

et ut perveniamus quo v o l u m u s ,

operam

in

Ignosce i l l i , nam quod f e c i t , zelo bono fecit etc.

tamen quo consilio

postea S a l e n n i u s ,

te

ut ecclesiam GalliHaec

quum existimaret

me

jam profectum A r g e n t i n a , meam illam responsionem habere voluit ut earn ostenderet ministris Germanis.

E g o vero p r o v i d e n s ,

ne quis absente

ipsis in ecclesiae damnum minus prudenter a g e r e t , asservandum tradideram, r e c e p i ,

me causam meam

scriptum m e u m ,

et tutiore loco deposui.

quod

cum

cuidam

Facile enim esset ex uno

aut altero v e r b o , Germanorum animis jam satis exacerbatis, duriore ita ipsos offendi, ut omnem in

posterum

spem

recuperandi

loci

nobis

abscinderent,

me

prsesertim

absente, qui illud aut modeste defendere aut prudenter emollire non possem. Quum primum Oleviani literae mihi fuerunt perlectae,

petivi a fratribus ut ab

ipso per literas efflagitarent ut declararet quinam essent illi errores circa articulos illos in quibus me esse a j e b a t , praeterea speciatim sententia

esse,

Argentina

sufficienter purgatum. sed frustra.

At

quando in Uteris expresserat nullum;

de me h a b e r e t ,

ut in Uteris pollicebatur m u l t a ;

videlicet

non

E x p e c t a v i postea

excedendi Argentina^

nisi

de

et

si

quid

me enim in ea

his

quae

objecisset

13 diebus quae esset missurus,

quia hominem maligno nequaquam animo praeditum

novi

(credo

enim peccasse eum potius levitate quam malignitate animi; hoc est a pessima quapiam post meum discessum exagitatum f u r i a ,

quae malum aliquem de me

rumorem,

cui

ipse fidem adhibuerit ea levitate qua b i d u o ante bis f e c e r a t , ipsi attulerit), Francofortum reversus,

hominem

per

literas

admonui

officii

sui,

modestia qua non hostem sed parentem commonefecissem. ignoro.

idque

ac

adhuc

P u d e b i t fortassis hominem in honoris gradu haud infimo constitum rumores

temere sparsos revocare. Nunc itaque,

Saniorem mentem Deus illi concedat.

mi domine

ac observande

ipsius epistola delatoria et mea ad ipsam

frater

in

responsione

Christo, ad

potest,

certior

fias.

Deinde

ut,

has literas

te

mitto.

de

tota

quando Olevianus petit ut sua epistola tibi communicetur, fieri

ea lenitate

S e d quid sperem

cum

Primum causa,

ut,

quoad

si quid in mea hac responsione impium et a

Christiana pietate minime tolerandum deprehenderis, admoneas; invenies me re ipsa praestare haud gravatim quod in eadem responsione polliceor. et praeceps consilium, Oleviani voces spirant, in posterum

infectum*) etiam insigni perfidia, in ipsis subolfeceris,

Quod

si temerarium

ut illud singulae literarum

hominem quoque officii admoneas

ut

caveat ne tam temere tanto cum malo ecclesiae in fratres aeque atque

in perniciosissimos hostes irruat. ecclesiae attinet,

Tertio u t ,

quod ad negotium recuperandae illius

si post discussas nebulas rerum L o n d i n e n s i u m ,

patiar me publicis ecclesiae negotiis rursus implicari, constituent, tuo me consilio juves.

neque enim

aliter

Dominus ad id mea opera uti

E t ut melius discas qua parte indigeam consilio,

aperiam hie sententiam meam.

S i , ut verisimile e s t , magistratus A r g e n t i n e n s i s me

cum

in

suis

ministris

commiserit

doctrinae

negotio,

praesertim

quod

ad

Ccenam

D o m i n i s p e c t a t , petam ut mihi constent articuli Buceri cum ipsius explicatione, tum ea quae cum eisdem articulis extat typis e x c u s a t u m ea quae ex articulis ad ministros Francofortenses peti potest. nostram s e n t e n t i a m ,

Haec si concesserint,

ut ex ipsis B u c e r i verbis plane

tuto et tranquille

retinebimus

et sincere possum ostendere,

tam quoad ipsam sacramenti substantiam, quam quoad id quod infideles aut indigni sumant in ipso.

Diserte enim docet in illis articulis B u c e r u s , infidelibus non exhiberi

corpus Christi in sacra Ccena; isti vero alias docent peccantes mortaliter carere ") infectum is my conjecture. The copy sent me has 111 facti.

fide,

205

CASSIODOBO DE RKINA.

unde coguntur ex ipsorum pronuntiatis indignorum nomine eos accipere quos nos accipimus. Quod ad caeremonias attinet in CcenEc administratione, a genuflexione in sumptione panis sumus liberi, utpote qua et ipsi Argentina; non utuntur. Fractionem omitti in ecclesia nostra omnino non patiar, nisi fortassis melius edoctus, quam ex sacris literis disco esse caeremoniae illius tanti momenti circunstantiam, quae et universae actioni Ccenae in principio nomen indiderit, et Paulo fracti corporis Christi in cruce allegorise sit sedes: Hoc est corpus meum, inquit, quod pro vobis frangitur. Caetera omnia quoad caeremonias baptismi etc., non usque adeo displicent, ut malim amitti locum quam eis attemperari. Haec in summa. Caeterum ut quod sentio ingenue fatear, arbitror ecclesiam illam cum integra sua pristina libertate una hactenus modestia potuisse conservari, neque Germanos ista difficultate tam vindicare doctrinam Ccenae, quam ulcisci contemptum sui. Responsum ad Brentium nunc coepi legere; placent hactenus omnia, sed modestiam vehementer probo, quam qui in hujusmodi controversiis neglexerit, defendet quidem causam, confractum vero sanabit nunquam. Quod ad uniyersum argumentum attinet, est quod t e , mi domine, commonefaciam, suis ipsorum scriptis, quae adversus Sfenchfeldium de glorificatione carnis Christi olim ediderunt, perspicue et citra ullum laborem debellari adversus eos posse. Extat ipsorum libellus: Quod Christus, quatenus homo est, etiam ad dexteram Patris sedens, sit pura creatura; an facile reperiri possit nescio. Quodsi haec jam a te sunt animadversa, Studium meum boni consule. Vale in Christo, per cujus viscera a te peto ut ab ea Christiana charitate, qua me complecti in Christo ccepisti, rumoribus ullis nisi me prius et audito et convicto te abduci ne*) patiare, id quod de tua cum pietate tum prudentia facile mihi persuadeo. Dat. Francoforti 22 Aprilis 1565.

Tuus

Cassiodorus.

7. [Beza

Eeinio.

Geneva

23 Junii

1565].**)

Mi Cassiodore, quomodo Londini vixeris, et nuper Heidelbergiae te gesseris, judicare nec possum nec volo, quia neque sum ego constitutus istarum rerum judex, neque, si judex essem, de incompertis possem quicquam constituere. De iis enim ad me neque Olivianus noster neque quisquam alius praeter te unum vel syllabam scripsit. Sed dissimulare nec possum nec debeo quid de confessione fratribus Argentinensibus a te tradita mihi videatur, qua de re etiam ad illos scripsi, ne forte testimonio, quod ab hac ecclesia accepisti, deinceps apud illos vel alios quospiam abutaris. Scio fore ut hoc verbum durum tibi et asperum videatur, sed quando ita opus est, offendere te malo (idque utinam in salutem tuam) quam connivendo veritatem et fratres prodere. Quod putas hominum asperiorum seu culpa seu imprudentia factum esse, ut istae controversiae gliscerent et Gallica ecclesia tandem istis corrueret, in eo plane te hallucinari scio, et tibi praedico fore ut id re ipsa sentias. Illud certe tibi cogitandum e s t , neque doctrinam neque zelum neque prudentiam neque rerum usum iis defuisse quos ita vides ab istis agitari, ut cum ipsis Turcis et papistis longe ") ne is not in tke ms. ") Cbpie d'une lettre de Theodore de Bexe mvoiee ä Cassiodorus fe 23 Juin 1565,

206

CASSIODORO BE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

mitius agant. Hoc si certo animi judicio faciunt, tu scilicet ab illis impetrabis ut meliore conscientia utantur; sin vero errore quodam peccant (quod mihi quidem non fit verisimile, cum nihil praeter insignem impudentiam ad defendendam suam causam afferant), non video profecto qui possis illos in viam revocare, nisi tu ipse prior erudiri te sinas. Capite confessionis tuae secundo, doctrinam Gallicarum ecclesiarum amplecti te profiteris, sed in genere, inquis, sive in toto doctrinae corpore, et praecipuis ejus capitibus. Quorsum autem hanc exceptionem, quum ingenua et plena confessio a te flagitetur? In tertio capite, praeterquam quod inter rem sacramenti et ipsius usum vel nullum vel perobscurum discrimen constituis, scribis praesente aliter et substante aliter corpus donari, quae verba quamvis commoda interpretatione leniri possint, tamen non video cur usurpare debueris. Praesens quidem esse fidei oculis et in sacramentis et in verbo ipsum Domini corpus atque adeo totum ipsum Dominum profitemur, sed quod corpus alioqui reipsa non sit alibi quam in caelis, etiamsi vere nobis donetur. Itaque ab illis qualitatis potius quam substantive adverbiis merito abstinemus, praesertim in confessionum formulis quas planas et perspicuas esse oportet. Quarto capite recte negas quaerendum esse corpus in panis elemento quasi illic sit inclusum et affixum, sed addis adverbium „necessario", quod sententiam illam obscurat; et quod in extremo adjicis: „qu'il le faut cercher par foi plus haut, c'est ä savoir en sa gloire et m a j e s t i " , quis non videt ex eorum sententia dici qui realem praesentiam corporis in terris adhuc somniant, ejus gloria praetextu qua nunc est ornatum? Transi ergo aperte in adversariorum castra, aut verba, quae non bona fide ex formula in nostris ecclesiis usitata descripsisti, pervertere desine. In quinto capite disseris de eo quod nulli unquam in mentem venit. Quis enim unquam ita insaniit, ut putaret animam locali motu per fidem in cEelum subvehi? Itaque cum umbra tua hie litigas. Et quod postea subjicis, detorquens, quod de verbo praedicato et oris confessione scripsit Moses, ad rem ipsam sacramenti sive ad corporis communicationem, istud videlicet: p r o p e e s t v e r b u m i n o r e t u o , nec vere, nec recte id facis, nec quisquam est ex adversariis qui haec non trahat ad oris manducationem, atque adeo qui non dicat manifestam esse in tuis dictis discrepantiam. Sexto capite citas domini Buceri locum adversus eos qui, quoniam corpus Christi est in caelis, idcirco negant ejus nos in terris degentes fieri posse participes, cujusmodi cogitationes perversas vocat, ac merito quidem, sed addere debuisti, ista in nos sive Zwinglianos sive Calvinistas, ut isti appellant, minime competere. Nec enim ad tollendam communicationem aut praesentiam sive fidei sive spiritualem istis argumentis utimur quae verissima et solidissima sunt, sed ut eorum delirium coarguamus, qui corpus Christi adhuc in vel sub vel cum pane realiter esse contendunt, quod nos nusquam alibi nunc quam in caelis esse affirmamus, quia verum et suis finibus circumscriptum sit corpus quantumvis gloriosum. Ista vero argumenta quomodo ad ubiquistas transferas, quasi et ipsi iis aut similibus utantur, ego quidem non video, quamvis in eo recte sentis, quod Eutychianam illam ubiquitatem repudias. Sed vide quomodo illius fundamenta non jacias sequentibus duobus capitibus 7° et 8°. Etsi enim recte sentis receptum esse Jesum Christum supra caelos omnes, tamen quum adverbium „corporaliter" addis, et diserte postea spiritualem nescio

CASBIODORO DB HEINA.

207

quem corporis ipsius praesentiae m o d u m in terris constituis, quid vis a me coifstitui nisi te cum nostris adversariis in reali et invisibili prsesentia i n , s u b vel cum p a n e manifeste s e n t i r e , et illud unicum ubiquitatis f u n d a m e n t u m j a c e r e ? Sed et in eo quoque cum illis s e n t i s , quod ascensionem in cselos cum possessione a d D e i dexteram c o n f u n d i s , cum tamen articulus ille loci, iste vero status et conditionis m u t a t i o n e m sigillatim et distincte declaret. L o c u m a u t e m ilium A p o s t o l i E p h . 4, si domini Calvini commentarios diligentius inspexeris, n o n sic i n t e r p r e t a b e r i s , quasi locali conditione e x e m p t u m sit sive incircumscriptum factum sit Christi corpus. Intolerabile etiam est quod testimonia omnia quibus absentia corporis Christi ab ecclesia manifesto confirmatur, ad visibilem illam conversationem reiers cui suo in caelum ascensu finem i m p o s u e r i t , quasi nunc invisibili quodam m o d o c o r p u s illud nobiscum versetur, quod falsissimum commentum satis nosti quam firmis argumentis sit j a m p r i d e m a nostris r e f u t a t u m . I l l u d ergo potius dicere d e b u i s t i : carnem Christi sua v i r t u t e , cujus unius respectu spiritualem ejus in terris prsesentiam a f f i r m a m u s , vere ecclesiae suse a d e s s e ; e j u s d e m autem carnis substantiam, licet vere et realiter et incomprehensibili m o d o ejus ipsius fiamus p a r t i c i p e s , tanto a nobis in terra positis intervallo a terris a b e s s e , q u a n t o quod supra omnes cselos est a terris distat. R u r s u s nono capite articulum ascensionis in cselos cum glorificatione carnis C h r i s t i , et cselos, in quos a s c e n d i t , cum g l o r i a , cujus ibi possessionem adiit, perperam confundis. Decimo capite vide n u m * ) p e r p e r a m incitaris domini Buceri auctoritate adversus eos disserentis n o n qui cselorum nomine ultra m u n d a n a m sedem significari recte j u d i c a n t , sed qui terrenum illic l o c u m et crassas ac i n f o r m a s cogitationes [?] glorificato illi corpori Christi a t t r i b u u n t , quibus nihilo sane sunt saniores qui p r o p t e r e a illocale et invisibile Christi corpus f a c i u n t , et huic f u n d a m e n t o suam illam consubstantiationem superstruunt. **)Ut autem semel finiam, pretiosa est apud nos domini Buceri et eorum quos nominas m e m o r i a , sicuti esse d e b e t , sed hoc certe n e m o n o n v i d e t , obscurius ilium aliquando tum***) de his m y s t e r i i s , t u m etiam aliis multis de rebus esse locutum, sive quod n o n omnibus datum sit perspicue animi s u i f ) sensa explicare, sive quod, dum concordise totus s t u d e t , speravit se ipsa etiam r e p u g n a n t i a aliquo m o d o posse conciliare, quod Studium, etsi p e r se est l a u d a b i l e , prsesertim in tanti judicii viro, tamen quam infeliciter aliquoties ab eo sit t e n t a t u m , res ipsa demonstrat. I t a q u e multo rectius f e c e r i s f f ) (quod cum illius pace dictum sit) si ex clarioribus et certioribus aliorum q u o r u n d a m ac prsesertim domini Martyris scriptis sapere in h o c saltern argumento didiceris. E t d e iis quidem hactenus. N u n c superest ut te obtester p e r J e s u Christi n o m e n , ut priusquam longius p r o g r e d i a r i s , accurate rem totam e x p e n d a s , teque ab iis regi patiare quibus n u n q u a m te poenitebit plusculum tribuisse. Q u o d concordiam et istius ecclesia; instaurationem tanti f a c i s , in eo te vehementer, l a u d o , sed quia *) Dufour: By a swr ce mot m gribouiUage. ") The following words υ/Λ to argumento didiceris, are excerpted by a hand of the 16. century among Varia ad hist, reform. ΠΙ. fol. 212 im, the Thomas Archives at Strassburg, with the introductory notice: Theod. Beza ad Cassiodoram Hispanum inter alia 9 cal. Iul. 1565 h»c scribit de Bncero. Prof. Ed. Eeuss found this extract and hmdly copied it for me. I derived from it some corrections of thf copy made for me of the Oenevese manuscript. "") Geneva: aliqnantnm. f ) sui is added by me from the Strassburg extract. f t ) Strassburg: faceres.

208

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

penitus mihi sint noti quibuscum tibi negotium erit, primum moneo memineris nullum in iis rebus esse conniventise l o c u m ; deinde te obtestor ne falsa spe te ipsum et gregem lactando tunc demum sapere incipias cum nullus erit errori corrigendo locus. In summa si veritatem nobiscum professus fueris, fratres et amicos nos experiere pro bonorum modulo quse a Domino accepimus, sin minus, — sed nolo male ominari,*) et Deum potius precor ut tibi nobisque omnibus luce sancti sui spiritus magis ac magis affulgeat, quo directore, et ipse in veritate et justitia ambulare et aliis fidei nostra: creditis iter ad veram salutem commonstrare possimus. Bene vale. Geneva; 9 cal. Julii 1565. Tuus T h . B .

8.**) [Reyne:]

Declaration de quelques passages en la Confession precedente. [Francfort

38 Janvier

1~>66.]

Pour ce qu'il pourra bien advenir que quelqu'un trouve ou difficulti ou bien (ä son advis) contradiction en quelques passages de ceste mienne Confession, j e ai trouvd bon (afin de me mieux donner ä entendre et oster toute occasion de l'interpreter hors de mon intention) d'adjouter ici quelque summaire declaration es lieux oil il me semble qu'on pourroit avoir semblable doute. 1. Premierement du chap. 2. Je dis que je re^ois et advoue pour fidele et chrestienne doctrine tout le corps de la doctrine que je ai ouie en l'eglise de G e n e v e , et aux eglises fran^oises auxquelles j'ai esti adjoint etc. Ceci on ne le doit prendre ou interpreter de male part, comme si je voudrois excepter quelque chose d'importance receue par le commun consentement de l'eglise, voyant principalement que je me declaire assez, disant que ce n'est pas n'y a esti mon intention de me separer des dites eglises aux principaux points de la doctrine etc., en quoi il me semble que je ai comprins tout ce que modestement et ä bon droit on me sauroit demander. Que si quelqu'un pour estre plus certifii et asseuri voudra ici que je especifie quelque chose, je suis prest ä le faire estant requis. 2. A u 3 chap, oil est traiti de la Cene du Seigneur, je ai adjousti ces mots „presentialement et sustantialement" esquels je n'entend point autre presence du corps de Christ de celle (en quelque lieu qu'il soit) que l'esprit et vertu divine de Christ exhibe, et la foi aperjoive, ce qui est assez clair de tout le contenu au 4 chap, suivant. Desquels mots j'ai u s i premierement, pour estre veritables au sens dit et selon la doctrine de la saint'escriture et des eglises auxquelles je ai protesti estre adjoint. Secondement, pour ce que l'occasion, qui estoit de restablir un'eglise entre les A l m a n s , le requeroit. Tiercement, pour ce que les exemples de ceux qui prudemment les ont usurpis (voire des plus difficiles) en semblables occasions, m'estoint devant les yeux." Que s'il y avoit dangier que quelqu'un en abuseroit des dits mots pour les tirer en mauvais sens, le chapitre suivant y provoyoit assez clairement. 3. A u 4 chap, ou est dit qu'il faut chercher le corps de Christ par foi plus haut, ä savoir, en sa gloire et majestd, ceci n'est pas perversion des paroles du commun formulaire de la Cene (qui dit: Pour ce faire eslevons nos esprits et nos coeurs en haut, oil est Jesus Christ en la gloire de Son Pere etc.), ains ou la sustance des mesmes paroles ( i mon advis) ou la legitime declaration d'icelles, et ") Geneva: cominari.

" ) Carrasco: carta autograft%.

209

CASSIODOKO DE RHINA.

le vrai objet de la foi lä oü eile cherche et trouve tout ce qu'elle requier' en Christ, non pas en quelque lieu corporel

qui soit depuis que Dieu l'a une fois destache

de Jerusalem etc. (Joa. 4). 4. A ce mesme propos ai je ameni au 5 chap, le passage de l'Apostre R o m . 10. pour monstrer que l'homme pour-obtenir et jouir de tout ce qu'en Christ et en son evangile lui est presenti et en general et en especial n'a que faire de monter aux cieux visibles ne descendre aux enfers, car · la foi lui presente le tout en son coeur, croyant de coeur et confessant de bouche. Que si quelques uns abusent de cest passage le tirant ä l'orale manducation (qu'on dit), je ne l'ai point meni a tel propos, sinon pour monstrer seulement la nature de la foi au dit endroit, ce qui est assez evident et clair au dit lieu de ma Confession. 5. A u 8 chap, oil je interprete l'article de l'Ascension du Seigneur par l'article de son Assiete ä la dextre de D i e u , le chap. 7 precedent monstre que cela doit estre entendu de ceux qui sincerement liront ma confession sans nul prejudice de la veriti de la limitation et circunscription quantitative du corps de Christ en son lieu naturel οίι il est, comme l'ont entendu ceux qui par ci devant ont interpreti le dit article sans en rien favoriser pourtant l'erreur de l'ubiquit£, comm'ä la verit6 la dite interpretation en rien favorise le dit erreur, veu que la puissance et majesti donnee ä Christ signifiee par le triomphe de sa corporelle et visibl'ascension aux cieux ne vient, ne peut aussi venir jusques ä la destruction de son corps et de sa nature humaine. Que si quelqu'uns abusent de tell'interpretation, la prenant pour fondement de leur ubiquiti ou de quelqu'autre erreur (comm'aussi font ils de la gloire et majesti de Christ pour tirer son corps voire au et de soubs le pain), ce qui a esti de tout temps orthodoxe en l'eglise, ne doit pas pourtant estre maintenant chancelli comme nuisable ä la v e r i t i , ains, puis qu'il est tout certain que jamais ν ε π ί έ n'a fait appui ä mensonge, nostre devoir est de retenir la verite, et monstrer l'abus qu'on en fait d'icelle. Or, interpreter un article de foi par un autre, sans nier toutesfois la distinction qu'ils ont entre soi quant ä 1'histoire, ce n'est pas confusion des dits articles, mais chose usitee des fidels interprets de la f o i , voire mesmes des Apostres. L a mort, sepulture, resurrection, session de Christ ä la dextre de D i e u , articles sont assez differents, selon 1'histoire, de l'article de la remission de nos pechis et renouvellement de nostre v i e , par lequel neanmoins l'Apostr'interprete les autres, non seulement comme causes d'icelui, mais aussi comme symboles ou figures. R o m . 6. Coloss. 2 et 3. Ephes. 2. Certes quant est de cest'article de l'Ascension, le mesm'Apostre, au passage alleguö en ma Confession, ä savoir Ephes. 4 , l'interprete de sa gloire et majesti respondante ä sa precedente humiliation, ä laquell'interpretation rien empesche que selon 1'histoire l'un article soit du lieu, et l'autre de la condition ou dignity, non plus que si on diroit que l'entree triomphale des rois en leur villes capitales , ou leur trone et siege royale est comm'un Symbole ou figure de leur inauguration au royaume ou de leur digniti et antoriti royale. Voila les passages qui pour le present je trouve qui pourront estre tir6s en quelque sens estrange de mon intention. encores quelque doute,

Que si en ceux ici,

ou en autres on aura

je demande et requiers par le Seigneur de en estre requis,

afin que je puisse donner ä son eglise

toute satisfaction ä moi possible.

ce 28 de Janvier 1566. ans. Cassiodore de R e y n e Espagnol. Biblioth. Wiffen.

Π.

27

Donnee

210

CASSIODOBO DE ΠΕΙΝΑ.

9. [Reinius Eximio

viro

Beza:.

D. Theodore

Argentina.

Bezac,

Ecclesi®

Martiis

suo imprimis o b s e r v a n d o , Mi minus

domine

ad

Londinensi, Neque

tuas

alteras

enim

is

intra

biennium

de A r g e n t i n c n s i

sum

qui

ad

me

in

beneficium

domino

ac

fratri

P e r me h a c t e n u s n o n stetit quo-

datas,

agentes,

acceptum

Ministro,

Genevae.

et o b s e r v a n d e f r a t e r in C h r i s t o .

binas

1566].*)

Genevensis

alteras

tempore piso

a

aut

de

confessione

mea

me r c s p o n s u m tuleris.

admonitionis

aut

etiam

c o r r e c t i o n i s , etsi minus o p p o r t u n a ilia f o r e t , s u p e r b e c o n t e m n a m . **) Quod

ad

priores

attinet,

ut

tuae

illius

mere

confessionis

correctiones

mihi

f u e r i n t gratissimao, utque q u o d e x e m p l a r m e u m , a quo tarnen et m o d e s t e et r e l i g i o s e , ut

dicis,

abstinuisti,

quibus

visum

f u i s s e t locis

tua

ipsius

manu

non

correxeris,

acgre t u l e r i m , vetus ista e p i s t o l a , quam cum isthac ad te m i t t o , testari potest. cum meo illo e x e m p l a r i ,

q u o d ad te r e m i s e r a m ,

Hispani fratres,

ad

annum

quod

me

remiserunt

ante

cum

dimidio,

Earn

qui G e n e v a · sunt,

gravioribus,

ncscio

quibus,

o c c u p a t i o n i b u s ex t e m p o r e e s s e s * * * ) distractior, ut ipsis v i s u m f u i t , quam ut vacaret legendis

meis.

Itaque

eandem

eo tantum consilio nunc ad te mitto u t ,

si l i b u c r i t

l e g e r e , ex ea discas et quantum tibi t r i b u e r i m , et i n f e s t a s atque a d e o duras censuras ut

nihil

moror,

ita

etiam

piam

tum

admonitionem,

tum

etiam

objurgationem,

si

sit o p u s , et expetere m e , et pro summo ducere b e n e f i c i o . Q u o d ad p o s t r e m a s , in quibus de A r g e n t i n e n s i m e a c o n f e s s i o n e a g i t u r , hoc in summa tibi atque adeo universal ecclesia: r e s p o n s u m e s t : ejus

conditionis

corpus

esse

a d e p t u m , quod

omnis

Christum g l o r i f i c a t i o n e sua

corporea; d i m e n s i o n i s

cancellos

praetergressum, u b i q u e d i f f u s u m sit atque d i s t e n t u m , ut sententiam ab o m n i s c r i p t u m et rei veritate p r o r s u s alienam non reeipio n c q u e r e e e p i u n q u a m , quum potius s e n t i o , ut v e r u m h o m i n i s corpus certa d i m e n s i o n e et loco pro dimensionis ipsius circumscriptum omnes

ac l i m i t a t u m ,

constitutum,

amplius

non

modo

secundum

versetur,

neque

q u o f ) tantam m a j e s t a t e m

quam

corporalem

uspiam

quam

ac

p e r spiritum suum ac divinitatis sua; v i m , suis

in sacra coena corpus

integrum,

sedentem

ad

dexteram P a t r i s ,

sit,

ubi

A c t . 3.

qua; n u s q u a m

suum et s a n g u i n e m , per

etiam

finem

usque

consentaneam vitse

vestrae n e q u e

mea;

amplector,

retenturum.

sententiae

Hanc

tua; in literis

c o n f e s s i o n i d e m u m meae,

et

caclos

nobiscum

retineri

ipsum

Deinde Christum non

est,

revera

ipsum

exhiberc

atque a d e o C h r i s t u m i p s u m totum,

eandem vim adesse suis,

g e n t i u m d e g a n t , citra cailestis loci illius c o r p o r a l e m m u t a t i o n e m , et v e r b o D e i

habitudinc

supra

localem habitudinem

in caelis

oportebit usque ad t e m p o r a restitutionis o m n i u m ,

deceat,

eandem

per D e i gratiam

sententiam

ad A r g e n t i n e n s e s

neque

ubicumque

ut s e n t e n t i a m spero

confession!

peregrinos

fidei

me

ad

ecclesiae

expressae n e q u e

m o d o adsit in i n t e r p r e t a n d o c a n d o r , a r b i t r o r ulla ex p a r t e

adversari. Ecclesiac

Italorum

cui

omnia

debeo,

tum

quod,

dum

Geneva;

vixi,

fui

ci

a d j u n e t u s , tum etiam q u o d s i n g u l a r e m et C h r i s t i a n o ccetu d i g n a m e r g a me caritatem suam

praeteritis

declaratione

in

annis eos

declaravit,

articulos, ut

eandem meam confessionem mitto,

quos jam

in tuis

sententia

es i n t e r p r e t a t u s ,

nihil sit

requiras,

non putes a b u n d e tibi satisfactum.

ad

me

literis

secus

h a c in parte in q u o ,

adjuneta mea

quam

mea

habet

si s a t i s f a c t i o n e m

M i t t o praeterca meam r e s p o n s i o n e m ad

S e r v e t i s m o s illos q u o s d i c u n t , p e r meos L o n d i n e n s e s castigatores ex m e i s annotationi') Autograph letter.

") Ms: contenam.

"*) Ms: esso.

f ) Ms: (juom . .

211

CASSIODOBO DE REINA.

bus in Biblia Hispanica decerptos,*) cum ipsis cisdem exemplaribus unde illos excerpserunt, ut apparcat primum, me lucem q u e r e r e , non tcnebras, non latebras, qua; me meaque facta occultent; deinde, quam periculosum, tcmerarium, et probis viris, nedum Christianis, indignum sit, de re nondum ex integro perspecta quocumque tandem modo sententiam ferre; tertio demum, ad quantum impudentia; culmen adversarii mei conscenderint, quod vel ex sycophantiis in unum 53 Jesaia; caput erit indubitatum. Quod ad spurca et humanis auribus indigna flagitia, qua; in me conjecerunt, spectat, propemodum pcenitet jam toties respondisse non pudere vero non potest;· credat quisque posthac quod volet, e g o v e r o D o m i n u m e x p e c t a b o , e x p e c t a b o D e u m s e r v a t o r e m m e u m , a u d i e t me D e u s m e u s . Q u u m s e d e r o in t e n e b r i s , i p s e l u x m e a e s t . Perficiet tandem aliquando, ut coepit, j u d i c i u m m e u m , e d u c e t m e i n l u c e m , v i d e b o j u s t i t i a m e j u s [Mich.7, 7—9J. Neque interea mea isthoic tarn dura exercitatio mihi est omnino inutilis. Fortassis ex ea eomplura disco, eaque utiliora quam qua; ulli me unquam libri edocere possent. Episcopus Londinensis acta hujus causa;, ut audio, ad vos misit; an omnia, vel ea tantum qua; adversum me sunt, quo etiam consilio, quove auctore, hactenus ignoro; ex ipsius tarnen tum p i e t a t e , tum literis ad me missis conjicio eum id fecisse animo sublevandi potius quam augendi calamitatcm meam, neque ut ego novis iterum et argumentis et auctoribus per orbem diffamer, sed ut atroci alioqui infamia; et ecclesia; Christi imprimis perniciosa;, quoad fieri possit, remedium adhibeatur. Igitur qua; jam vestra; sint partes inspicite, summo omnium judici Christo in totius universitatis theatro rationem brevi reddituri. Ego interea assiduis precibus insistam, ut Dominus per Christum unigenitum Filium suum Spiritu suo gubernet vestra consilia, u t , qua; ad gloriam nominis sui et ecclesia; sua; a;dificationem sint conducibilia, proferatis. Argentina) kalendis Martiis 1566.

Xuus Cassiodorus.

10. [Oporini J oh.

Oporinus,

et Zanchii J oh.

qucedam Huberto,

ad Basilea

Reinium

spectantia.

1567—68.]

Argentinam.

1567. Jun. 10: Misi ante paucos dies orationes duas adversarias Fran. Somii et Castritii, quarum inspectionem D. Sturmio et tibi committi petieram a Josia Rihelio cui easdem miseram; et simul vestrum de illis judicium audire percuperem. Nunc etiam D. Cassiodoro easdem legendas exhiberi velim. Scire etiam cuperem quid de libello ejus, quo de Hispanica per Belgicum Inquisitione egit, fiat, exustusne is sit nec n e , a u t , si non sit, an non excudendum curaturus sit, et forte etiam eorum, qua; interea acciderunt, auditu horrenda, historica narratione adjicere. Rescribe mihi quieso per hunc eundem qui hasce literas nostras tibi tradet, et a D. Sturmio vel tribus verbis judicium ejus de istis duabus orationibus ut extorqueas [et] mihi significes, itemque a D. Cassiodoro, cura. **) 1567. Nov. 15: non potui differre longius quin te certiorem redderem dc Biblia nostra Hispanica, in q u a , ut tandem prelo subjiciatur, nihil impedit aliud quam ut D. Cassiodorus a Sturmio nostra bona testimonia consequatur, id quod hactenus et ') Sec our Document 2.

") Compare above p. 118 and, 172.

212

CASSIODORO DE REINA.

i p s e , qui ter et quater jam scripsit ad e u m , et nostri censores desiderant. Vellern i t a q u e , mi D. C o n r a d e , apud D. Sturmium e f f i c e r e s , ut eo accuratius D . Cassiodorum c o m m e n d a r e t : plurimi enim id proverbii n e g o t i u m , quia censores nostri omnia, qua;· non intelligunt, suspecta habere judicantur. 1567. Dec. 1 0 : quod H e b r a i c o s proplietas a P l a n t i n o editos expectas n e c d u m vidisse te scribis miror, quod D. Cassiodorus eos jampridem ad te m i s e r i t , tuo nomine a me acceptos. 1567. Luna3 ante natalem Domini: Mitto per Cassiodorum nostrum ad Illyricum*) A n n o t a t i o n e s H e r m a n n i Bonni in totum Vetus Test. 1568. J a n . 7 : Sripsi interea etiam ad D. Cassiodorum de Bibliis suis Hispanicis, permittere senatum nostrum ut excudantur, sed omissis o m n i b u s annotationibus. Itaque si ita cxcudi ea v e l i t , ut reditum ad nos m a t u r e t , nam in nobis nulla erit mora. E t consultius ipse etiam fore censeo ut vel absque annotationibus solus textus excudatur, quam ut p r o p t e r annotationes omittendas ipso etiam textu carendum sit iis quibus aspirare etiam divinus spiritus solo textu perlecto poterit. E r i t forte alio tempore etiam annotationes seorsim excudendi occasio. Id velim D. Cassiodoro significes, et ei simul ac D. Sturmio officiosissime meo nomine salutem dicas. 1568. Jan. 1 5 : H o d i e tabellarius F r a n c o f o r d i e n s i s d i s c e s s i t , per quem ad te et Cassiodorum litems m i s i , et te oravi ut et ad ilium litems curare et D. Illyrico quas scripsi, item reddere velis, simul a d d e n s , esse a Corio aliter primo quam post ab ipso Sulcero indicatum senatusconsultum, n e m p e licere una cum annotationibus, grammaticalibus saltern, Bib. H i s p . edere. E t ecce, dum id molior, supervenit Cassiodorus ipse et tuas adfert litems. Oro autem t e , quod nostras ad Cassiodorum a c c i p i e s , ad nos vel ipsum potius Cassiodorum eas remitti per occasioncm cures, quo videat me de ipsius r e b u s , dum ipse in itinere reditus ad nos f u i t , sollicitum fuisse. 1568. Febr. 6 : De rebus nostris ab uncle te edocebit D. Cassiodorus noster, nempe de Bibliorum H i s p . editionc quid actum sit, and that a son had been born, to Oporinus. Hieron. Zanchius Jo. Huberto Heidelberga Argentinam, die paschatis 1568: D. Cassiodoro reddes hsec scripta.

11. Heina's

friends

Peter

Ramus

and

Marcos

Perez.

Petri R a m i Basilea ad senatum populumque Basiliensem. Anno. M. D. LXX1. [BASLE, Public library]. No mention of printer or printingplace; according tu Waddington, Ramus 1855 p. 467, it -was printed by J. Prohns at Lausanne. Typographus Lectori. Cum liaee P. Rami Basilea Basile;e scripta forte in nostras manus incidisset, earn maluimus illo inscio pra'lo committi, qua' adferret tibi nonniliil a d j u m e n t i , quam sepultum in tenebris delitescere. Bumus had stayed at Basle, according to Waddington p. 193, la fin de l'annee 1568 et la plus grande partie do l'annee 1569. [P. 12.] Si quis controversi juris nodus inter judicandum i n c i d e n t , quod rarum e s t , juris cunsultus pro tota civitate unions (ut antea pater J5onifacius Amerbacliius e t hodie Alius Basilius Amerbachius non solum jurisprudentia sed vera virtutis fania civis Primarius) consulitur. Ο felices Basilienses . . . [ I ' . 30. 3 1 : ] Quis vestrum oblitus est Bonifacium Amerbachium non modo B a s i l e » , sed universac Germania 1 legum ") Matthiam Flamm.

CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

213

Romanarum sapiontia vclut Apollinem fuisso: et in filio Basilio Amerbachio patnam gloriam veluti hereditaria successione perpetuasse? [P. 18. 19.] Sebastianns Castellio et Theodoras Zuingerus par alteram nobile f'aeiunt. . . . Zuingerus Castcllioni successit, nostra! quondam soholse alumnus, ed ideo vereeundius voce nostra memorandus, ne magister e diseipuli studiis laudein repetere videatur: sed tarnen accurata Grscae literatura professio studiosis fruetuosa, academia; univorsa; honorifica, civibus perjueunda: sed multo magis humana; vita; tlieatrum laboris infiniti ex iniinitis authoribus conflatum: sed quoniam medicina; se pra;cipue dedidit, Galenas praicipuis partibus, Hippocrates totus Zuingeri industriam doctrinamque etiam tacente me, amplissime demonstrabunt. [P. 25.] Theologia nempe de professionibus ordinariis ut gradu summa est, sie. divinis laudibus est amplissima. Professores ordinarii duo sunt professionis genere mihi imprimis laudato atque optato. Hic· Simon Sulcerus et Huldricus Coccius nobis auditi assidue atque auscultati sunt: nec eniin consolatio mihi major in his civilium tempestatum misoriis ulla fait, quam ut assiduas utriusque pneleetiones auscultarem: cum alter testanientum vetus Hebraice, alter novum Grace interpretaretur. Tum enim voti compos fieri mihi visus sum, pro quo prooemium Parisiensis academia; pa;ne capitale nobis extitisset, cum nostris Theologis optarem, ut tali professione puriorem verbi divini Theologiam e suis fontibus ita haurirent, et ita hauriendam diseipulis ostenderent. [P. 31 — 33.] Agedum Basiliensis academia; hospites, familiares etiam nostri in istam gratia; gratulationisque societatem succedite, hue enim nisi Andream Penam, Petriun Castelnovum, Petrum Pitheum, Joannem Bohinum, Cornelium Bombergam, Oassiodorum Rhemium, Franciscum Bethum, Sylvestrum Teglium adjunxero, erudita; mihi cum ipsis fainiliaritatis et philosophica; in (juotidiana collocutione consuetudinis immemor parumque gratus existimer . . . Cassiodorum Rhennium Hispanum labor ingens atque immensus amor patria; sacris studiis erudienda1 et ab impia superstitio[nis] sa;vitia vindicanda; quamvis taceri atque ignorari velit, minime tarnen taciturn atque ignoturn esse patietur. Francisco Betho et Sylvestro Teglio vix Italia duos Italos candidiores et vera; pietatis amantiores apposuerit. Betlms patriam patrio sermone christianismi sacris initiat. Teglius Machiavelli prineipem latine loquentem fecit, niajoraque nominis sui monimenta quotidie molitur. Te vero Marce Peresi etsi Basiliensi civitate donatum tarnen aoademi;e vel hospitem praeipuum, vel certe niunieipem, quibus tandem Iaudum argumentis appellcm? Etenim opibus magnis abundaro, eommercia cum omnibus christiani orbis gentibus perampla exercore: scire Flandrice, Germanice, Italiee, Hispanice, Gallice: imo luculenter et eleganter Latine, liberalium artium studia coluisse. sacras imprimis literas evolvisse, de tarn variis sasculo nostro tamquo discrepantibus theologorum judieiis rectissima selegisse, magna qua;dam in te raraque ingenii atque industri» encomia sunt, sed opibus amicos et cives tuos juvare, cummercio plurimarum rerum nationibus prodesse, linguarum communione cum tam ditl'crentibus populis doctis indoctisque scripto linguave comnuinicare, e religionis intelhgentia non orationis ornatum, sed cultum vita; melioris exquircre, afüicta Christiana; ecclesia' membra consilio, opera, pecunia, cohortatione. perioulo etiam s.ilutis ac vita; instruere, tuen, sustentare, consolari, propugnare, in eoque summum sibi bonum collocare, denique virtutis instrumenta ad usum virtutis referre, ea denmm tibi solida est constansque gloria. Itaque ex iniinitis urbibus urbem maxime omnium hospitalem merito adamasti, in qua iniinitis mortalibus cominunem quondam beneficentia; ac liberalitatis hospitem exhiberes.

214

CASSIODOEO DE REIN Α.

[P. 33.] Amerbaohii, Frobenii, Episcopii, Petrei, Curiones, Hervagii, Isingeri, Cratandri, Ojiorini, Bethelii, Guarini, Bryllingeri, Perna? ceteriquo nobilcs Typograplii Basileam non tantum opibus, sed cgregia liboralis industriso apud omnes nationes fama deeorarunt. *) [P. 35.] Quapropter (viri Basilionscs) P. Ramus discodens jucundi, liberalis, lmmani hospitii mcmor grati animi monimontum apud vos esse ιίιφημίαν istam voluit, a Deo opt. max. procatus, ut Basilea in pcrpetuum opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtuto honesta, pictate praecipue insignis, rcligioncquo saneta ac boata sit. Finis. Reprrintcd 1575 (see Waddington p. 468). 1580: Petri Rami praclectiones in Cicuronis orationes octo consulares. Yna cvin Ipsius Vita, per Ioann. Thomam Freigivm collecta. Quae bac editiono accessorunt, sequens pagina dicot. Basileao, per Petrvm Pcrnam. Anno CIO 10 LXXX. [STRASSBÜRG Univ] Ithemium and Rhennium are corrected into Rheinium. Superstitio (or superstio?) is corrected into superstitionis. Instead of christiani orbis is misprinted Christiani vrbis. Isingrinij and Bebelij instead of Isingeri and Bethelii. 1599 in Petri Rami professoris regii et Audomari Talasi collectanea) Prafationes, epistolao, orationes. Marpurgi CIO 10 XCIX. [ZÜRICH city]. Instead of Castellio and Castellioni is printed Castalio and Castalioni; also here, however, ice read Rhemium and Rhennium; superstitio is corrected into superstitionis. (Another edition Marpurgi 1609? See Waddington p. 470.; Marcos Perez had come to Basle from the Netherlands. He had been a banker at Antwerp („which was to the rest of Hurope in the sixteenth century what London is in the nineteenth, the great heart of commercial circulationas Prescott says, Philip I I , book 2, chap. 1). He was of Jewish extraction. As President of the consistory of the Calvinists at Antwerp, he worked hand in hand with the Lutherans against the common enemy. His name was at the head of the document by which, in October 1566, the Calvinists and the Lutherans of Antwerp offered to their Sovereign thirty tons of gold, in addition to their ordinary contributions, if he would consent to ratify their agreement with the Regent of the Netherlands. In the beginning of 1567 Marcos Perez and his ioife Ursula Lopez**) were by the Inquisitors put on the list of the suspected persons, and in an official list of the persons banished or executed during the years 1566 — 1569 he is among the banished. Rahlenbeck: L'Inq. et la ref. en Belg. 1857, p. 68. 91. 102. 131. 247. 259. 261. 263. 265. The remark p. 259 that he ivas propagateur de la Bible en Espagne seems to be Rahlenbeck's. Compare on this Perez the notice of Rahlenbeck concerning Reginaldus Gonsalvius Muntanus in our article on this one, note 15. Probably Perez left Antwerp in April 1567 together with William of Orange. He is mentioned as living in Basle in the following extracts from letters to Theodore Zwinger (Variorum ad Theodorum Zuingerum epistola), originals in the ') Mclancthon says on the typographers of Basle, in the Collectanea of Manlius (cum pnufatiuno Simonis S u l c e r i , ilated 1502. Edition B a s i l e d per Oporinum et Gcmusamm s. a., p. 574. Edition F r c f . a. 51. 15Π-1. p. 577): Unica ea urbs t y p o g r a p h i e s oporis ot oftieinis cum omnibus Germania 1 , imo (si quo69.]

Beza to Corro, epist. 59. speaking of a letter of Corro to Reina, however in all editions of Beza's letters is replaced by N.

whose

name

Timm ilium [ed. 2 foil, add contcrrancum] diu amavi ac otiam honcsto tcstimonio ornavi. Is ad me aliquando confessionis cujusdam exemplar misit, de qua quid miln videretur amiee et familiariter ad ipsum scripsi. Quum postea quorum scelerum istic ubi nunc es accusatus esset, et quam turpiter sese subduxisset, cognovissem, fatcor mihi valde jam tum [1597 eum instead of this tum of the former editions] fuisse suspectum, quum voro postea intelloxissem quos sermones de Ccena Domini habuisset, et ipsemot ad ine nonnulla ca de re scripsisset, coactus sum acerbius ilium

216

CASSIODOHO DE HEINA.

reprehendere, non prius sane pro fratre illum h a b i t u r u s , quam alium factum cognovero. T u vero quocnnque loco voles illum sane haboto. . . Quomodo possimus Verbum a Deo pro hominis remedio promissum oonsiderare antequam

carnem

demonstrarit ?

assumeret,

et

in

qua

substantia

soso

Patribus

veteris

Hanc porro quajstionem prorsus Servetanam esse si negas,

fcuderis

negas solem

.meridie lucere . . . cur etiam ex eo id quairis, quem tu minimc ignoras ut Servetanum a q u i b u s d a m , utinam falso, accusatum? instead

of

ought

not

utinam falso. to

introduced

have

such

Beza

changed

ivas the

a change.

The

text

The

second

ri/jht of

editions

in this of

edition

changing document 1582

and

(falso tarnen, opinor)

has: his

view

of Heina,

without

saying

1597 of

course

but that

follow

he he the

second. . . Altera quaistio est, Quomodo Christus dum in hoc mundo versaretur, scderet ad dexterani Patris . . .

E t scilicet hac, in rc tuus N. [Rcinius]

quippiam suppeditare,

potuit novum

tibi

quod ex illo eruditissimo Theologo Potro Martyre disccre

non

multo melius potueris, nisi tu istiusmodi libros fastidires . . . Kefers quiddam satis obscure Ν . fücinio]

tecum loqueretur,

donum Dei ot quis

do ministro oppidi Sanetae fidei,*)

qui quum de

ais tibi tunc in mcntem venisso illud .loannis Si scircs

est qui loquitur tecum,

quinam vel de to sentiro sine extrema absque intolerabili adulatione potuisti?

forsitan ]>etiisses ab co,

arrogantia,

etc.

Hoc voro

vol de tuo N. [IieinioJ

scribere

Denique quid est Scripturam tin piler profanare.

si hoc non e s t ? In

the same

letter

Beza

treats

Juan

Valdes'

Considerations

disdainfully.

13. [Reyne:

Declaration

nur sa confession

Framefort

de foi

12 Juillet

de

Strasbourg.

1~>71.]

A Monsr Möns"· de B e z c ΐι Geneve. L e soubsigne l'Eglise

fession dc Mars 1 5 6 5 , ce

que je

Christ,

Cassiodorc

de R e y n e ,

framboise recueillie en cette ville

aiant converse**) avee les ministres de Francfort

de

sur les articles de ma con-

foi jadis par moi presentee h l'Eglise framjoise de Strasbourg le 24 de et estant par cux requis de leur bailler une plus clairc declaration de sens principalement

sus ces points , de la st« Cenc dc nostrc Sgr Jesus

de son ascension au c i e l ,

ct session ä la dextre de Dieu son p e r e ,

leur ai

declaire et declaire en toute sincerite que j'entens les articles dc ma dite confession tout ainsi qu'il est porte par cc present escrit signe dc ma main. A

s a v o i r : Qu'en premier lieu perscvcrant

canoniques de la s'e

escriture

du

viel et

en l'approbation

de tous les livrcs

nouveau testament et des trois symboles

rcceus de toute l ' E g l i s e , ä savoir celui qu'on appelle des A p o s t r e s , celui du Concilc de N i c e e ct celui d ' A t h a n a s c , ct rejettant tous errcurs ct heresies ä iceux contraires (pour l'esgard principalement touchant l'unique

cssencc

dc la doctrine contcnue et declairce es deux derniers

de Dieu

et trinite

des pcrsonnes),

suivant le

premier

article de madite confession, *) In tli£ Spanish

original:

un mimslro do S a n c t a fee.

which had been taken try the Protestants Witten.

") Ms: conserve.

Thin must be S u i n t o - F o i in the Agonois,

in that year 150'i in which C'oiro'i, letter referred to by Beta

was

217

OASSIODOBO DE REINA. j'approuve comprinse nous

en

aussi e l re^ois sans a u c u n e e x c e p t i o n ni r e s t r i c t i o n t o u t e la d o c t r i n e

la

croions,

c o n f e s s i o n de f o i des E g l i s e s r e f o r m c e s de F r a n c e qui

etc.,

comme

estant

vraicmcnt

fondee

et

t o u t e s s e s p a r t i e s ä la p u r e p a r o l e de D i e n et d o c t r i n e Laquelle

pour

quantes

que

tresfois).

plus

j'en

grande

serai

certitude

par

je

au

30,

je

prest

des P r o p h e t e s

et

promets

commence:

conforme et

en

Apostres.

signer toutesfois

e u x r e q u i s ( c o m m e j e l'ai d e s j a a p p r o u v e e et s i g n e e

E t c e p o u r s a t i s f a i r e au

Quant

suis

entierement

declaire

p o i n t de m a d i t e

que

mon

intention

et au-

confession.

n ' a j a m a i s e s t e et n ' e s t

de c o n f o n d r e par i c e l u i la c h o s e s p i r i t u e l l e qui n o u s est p r e s e n t e e au

encores

sacrement

de

la s t 0 C e n e , ä s a v o i r la c h a i r et le s a n g du S e i g n e u r ct tous ses b e n e f i c e s , a v e e lc moien

par

dc

sacrement.

ce

desire

lequel

d'estre

nous Et

en

sommes

faits p a r t i c i p a n s

et le

d r o i t et l e g i t i m e

usage

q u a n t ä ces m o t s ,, p r e s e n t i c l l e m e n t et s u b s t a n t i e l l e m e n t , "

Supporte

si j e

les

ai

lä

u s u r p e outre

leur

naive

signification

je

(aiant

e s g a r d au l i e u a u q u e l j ' e s t o i s ) p o u r s i g n i f i e r la vraie p r e s e n c e et s u b s t a n c e du c o r p s et s a n g de C h r i s t ; p r o t e s t a n t que

nostre

foi

y

que j e n ' y r e c o g n o i t o u t e s f o i s autre p r e s e n c e q u e

apprehende

spirituellement,

demeurant

son

dit

corps

au

celle

ciel

et

n o n a i l l e u r s , c o m m e il sera dit ci a p r e s . Quant autre

au

4 article,

je

recognoi

y

avoir

use

de ce m o t , , n e c e s s a i r e "

tellement

le

cstiment

que

c o r p s et l e s a n g de C h r i s t aux s i g n e s v i s i b l e s du p a i n et du v i n recevoir

ces

signes

v e r i t a b l e m e n t la c h o s e par i c e u x s i g n i f i e e ,

soit

fidele

je

nuls

condamne

stration entens

de au

use

lä.

la

ne

peuvent

qu'il[s]

ne

qu'on

sens

que

de

rien

intention d'autres

recite

paroles,

communement

portent

les

innover ni

paroles

011 c h a n g e r

moins

ou i n f i d e l e .

Laquelle

en

la

celebration

du

dit f o r m u l a i r e ,

quant

au

dit

de

ci de

aussi

opinion l'admini-

d'icelle,

je

les

n'aiant eu lors

sens,

combien

d'establir quelque autre presence

C h r i s t e n terre q u e c e l l e d o n t j ' a i p a r l e

qu'ils

re^oivc[nt]

E t t o u c h a n t l e s m o t s s y m b o l i s a n s a v e c le f o r m u l a i r e

Cene

mesme

nullement j'aie

non ä

i n t e n t i o n q u e p o u r f o r c l o r r e et r e j e t t e r du tout l ' o p i n i o n de c e u x qui a t t a c h e n t

que

du c o r p s

de

sus.

Q u a n t au 5 a r t i c l e , ce q u e j ' y ai a l l e g u e , le p a s s a g e de S t . P a u l [ R o m . ] 10, v . * ) 6, 7 et 8 , en

9'a este

seulement

l'apprehension

des

parole,

et

non

pour

d'icelui

en

la C e n e ,

pour

declairer

choses

spirituelles

vouloir

precisement

ou f a v o r i s e r

en

tant

au 6 q u ' a u

qui

l'appliquer

nous ä la

du

corps

charnelle,

intention.

des p a r o l e s et s e n t e n c e s de feu M o n s r

10 a r t i c l e ,

s o n t p r o p o s e e s en sa manducation

ä l ' o p i n i o n de la m a n d u c a t i o n o r a l e et

c o m m e j e sai q u e l ' A p o s t r e n'a e u lä c e s t e P o u r l'esgard

g e n e r a l la v e r t u et e f f i c a c e de la f o i

de C h r i s t

Bucere que j'ai

alleguees

j e n ' a i n u l l e m e n t p r e t e n d u de l e s a p p l i q u e r c o n t r e

ceux

qui s u i v e n t la c o n f e s s i o n d e s e g l i s e s r e f o r m c e s ou de F r a n c e ou d u p a i s d e s S u i s s e s et l e s l a i s s e au s e n s de l ' a u t e u r d ' i c e l l e s , n ' e n v o u l a n t a b u s e r c o n t r e Quant declairer

au

8 article,

l'article

de

combien

l'ascension

de

que

j'aie

nostre

cstime

Seigneur

pouvoir

par

celui

personne.

sans de

reprehension

sa s e s s i o n

ä

la

d e x t r e de D i e u p o u r l ' a f f i n i t e d ' i c e u x , si est c e q u e j e n ' a i o n q u e s p r e t e n d u ni p e n s e de

confondre

submettant icelle,

je

ma

les

dits

dite

proteste

articles

en

interpretation de

leur

substance

au j u g e m e n t

recognoistre

la

et p a r t i c u l i e r c

de l ' E g l i s e

diversite

et

et

distinction

doctrine.

fideles des

dits

Ains

docteurs articles

ceste m a n i e r e : e'est q u e s u i v a n t le 7 article de ma d i t e c o n f e s s i o n , j e r e c o g n o i cclui

de l ' a s c e n s i o n

Christ

a este

nous

visiblement

enseigne esleve

dc

que

le

corps

la t e r r e

naturel

et de

de n o s t r e S e i g n e u r

ce bas

monde

Biblioth. Wiffen.

Π.

28

en que

Jesus

pour monter

*) Ms: et instead of v.

en

au

218

CABSIODORO I)F, REINA. il o c c u p e

un lieu

certain

p r e s e n t lä et non

ciel oil

ailleurs,

voire

circonscrit pour

y

selon la d i m e n s i o n d ' i c e l u i ,

estre

contenu

jusques

au

dernier a d v e n c m e n t , comme St. P i e r r e le t e s m o i g n e , A c t . 3 , v. 2. point

la

deification

d'icelui

en la t e r r e ,

laquelle

comme

maintenant,

mais

este

les

majeste

proprictes

circonscrite, rection,

ou que

il a obtenue

quelque

apres

de

signifiee par son

maintenant estoit

nos

corps, non

pendant

presence

plus

corps s e r o n t ,

tesmoigne,

n'ai

non

corps

plus

voulu

est contenu

visiblement

invisible encores

lui l a i s s e

exempt

au

conversoit

apres

qu'ils

possession

ou

v. 1 8 .

n ' a point

ciel

toutes

Laquelle

oste

en

ni

leur

aboli cnticr,

de la condition l o c a l e

encor

ici

bas

apres

sa

et

resur-

seront aussi ressuscites pour

estre

comme p a r l e S t . P a u l P h i l i p . 3 , v. 2 1 .

Voila

p a r l a q u e l l e j e declare

aussi

c o n f o n d r e au 9 article de ma c o n f e s s i o n l ' a r t i c l e dc la

dite ascension au ciel avec la g l o r i f i c a t i o n de la chair de C h r i s t , son

simplement et

et obtient

Math. 2 8 ,

la dite s e s s i o n

est mon i n t e l l i g e n c e quant ä ces d e u x articles ,

que j e

infinie

sa r e s u r r e c t i o n ,

ains les

qu'il

faits c o n f o r m e s ä son corps g l o r i e u x , quelle

ou

c o m m e lui m e s m e le

naturelles qu'il

corps

d e c l a i r e et establi de D i e u son p e r e p o u r roi et d o m i n a t e u r

et p u i s s a n c e

tellement qu'il n'est

son

son

la c o n d i t i o n et estat d e sa g l o i r e , m a j e s l e et p u i s s a n c e ,

mediateur

aiant

du ciel et de la t e r r e , gloire,

de

de

E t quant ä celui

de sa s e s s i o n ä la dextre de D i e u son p e r e , il nous monstre et d e c l a i r e non

estant ä

temps

circonscrit

lorsqu'il

y

au

ciel

avec

ni le lieu

auquel

la g l o i r e de l a q u e l l e il a prins

monta ä la v e u e de ses A p o s t r e s .

S u i v a n t done

ceste mienne declaration touchant ces d e u x a r t i c l e s , j e proteste n ' a p p r o u v e r et n ' a v o i r en rien voulu s y m b o l i s e r ni c o n s e n t i r ä l'opinion dc ceux qui i m a g i n e n t une u b i q u i t e ou o m n i p r e s e n c e present

invisible

corporellement

du

partout

corps

dc

Christ,

et m e s m e s

par laquelle

conjoint

ils

veulent qu'il

sous le pain de l a C e n e , a n e a n t i s s a n t , en tant qu'en eux e s t , p a r une telle la

verit6

du corps naturel de C h r i s t ,

et i n v i s i b l e , mesme

le

instant,

en tant qu'ils le p e n s e n t i n f i n i ,

f e i g n a n t estre p r e s e n t en d i v e r s lieux , ce

l ' h u m a i n e qui est

qui

ne peut

finie,

Finalement

competer

qu'ä

soit

i n s e p a r a b l e m e n t en ou a v e c ou

la

opinion

incirconscrit

v o i r e m e s m e partout en un

seule

nature

divine

ct

non

visible et circonscrite.

pour c o m p r e n d r e

toute la

resolution

de

tous

ces

points

et

les

a p p l i q u e r ä la doctrine de la ste C e n e , j e c o n f e s s e en s o m m e l i b r e m e n t et de coeur qu'en i c e l l e , et m e s m e en la simple p a r o l e de D i e u , J e s u s C h r i s t sc donne soi m e s m e aux

fideles

avec tous ses b i e n s , en vie e t e r n e l l e , et que l a f o i est le seul m o i e n ou

instrument

de ceste

communication

Parquoi je

conclus

que J e s u s C h r i s t

hensible, pour l'egard terre,

est v r a i e m e n t

de l a q u e l l e present

et union spirituelle que par

sa

vertu

seulement

divine,

nous avons

avec

lui.

spirituelle et incompre-

nous r e c o g n o i s s o n s sa p r e s e n c e en l a

en son e g l i s e ,

mais quant h l a s u b s t a n c e de la c h a i r ,

elle a este v r a i e m e n t et r e a l e m e n t e s l e v e e aux cieux hors de ce b a s m o n d e , n'estant plus

en la terre ni a i l l e u r s q u ' a u x cieux ct p a r ainsi autant

distance

locale,

de

nous

qui s o m m e s en t e r r e ,

les cieux est e s l o i n g n e de ces b a s lieux t e r r e s t r e s ; ne l a i s s o n s

d'estre

et certitude la

vie

que

nostre

eternelle,

spirituelle

nous

f a i t s participans et

ame

ainsi

sommes

d'icellc

esloingnee ,

quant ä la

c o m m e ce qui est p a r de sus tous et n e a n m o i n s

spirituellement,

que

par

foi

nous

a v e c une telle e f f i c a c e

en est v r a i e m e n t n o u r r i e et sustentee en e s p e r a n c e dc

estant

faits os

incorpores

avec Christ

p a r ceste

de ses

et c h a i r

sa chair en vertu de

os

de

communication sa

promesse. Voila que

tout

quelle

ce que

est ma f o i pure et simple , jc peux

jamais

avoir

suivant laquelle j e d e s i r e et r e q u i c r s

dit et escrit

de c e s t e maticre soit prins et

219

CASSIODORO DE HEINA. entendu.

J e v o i que par f a u t e de m e p o v o i r si b i e n e x p l i q u e r c o m m e j ' e u s s e d e s i r e ,

a u c u n s aiant p e u p r e n d r e o c c a s i o n d ' e s t i m e r que j ' a i e creu ou s e n t i a u t r c m e n t q u e j e ne

sens

droite

ou

croi

craiance

ä present,

et

afin q u e

c n t o u s ces p o i n t s ,

nul

ne

doute

la r e q u e s t e des d i t s m i n i s t r e s qui o n t c o n f e r e a v e c perseverer

en

ceste

f o i et

de l ' E g l i s e du S e i g n e u r ,

doctrine

ä laquelle

d e s i r a n t estre t e n u et r e c o g n e u F a i t ä F r a n c f o r t ce X I I

ci a p r e s de m a s i n c e r i t e

ct

j ' a i s i g n e de m a main la p r e s e n t e d e c l a r a t i o n ä et

moi,

promettant

au

surplus

de

de m e r e n d e r en t o u t e s c l i o s e s au j u g e m e n t

je

submets

et m a p e r s o n n e et tous m e s

pour vrai membre

escrits,

d'icelle.

de J u l i e t 1 5 7 1 . *)

14. Lettre

de C a s s i o d o r e ä M r

[Francfort

de B e z e . **)

25 Novembre

M o n s i e u r , la p a i x du S e i g n e u r soit a v e q u e Ces

jours

ici

le C o n s i s t o i r e de le

passe

ma

vous.

estant au p o i n t d ' a l e r ä la c o m m u n i o n de la C e n e

l ' E g l i s e fran^oise

de

ceste

ville,

ayant

Seigneur,

vous

et m o i

quelques

differents,

p o u r l ' e s g a r d de l e u r o f f i c e et de

m'ont

requis

qu'avant

que

ä la C e n e

lettres

souffisanment

de

reconciliation,

acquitte

neanmoins pour escrire

ce

ne

vous

comme

je

vous

conscience

consentement

ce

m o t de l e t t r e ,

porte de

ma

leur

derechef

pour l'esgard

d'aler

en

que

prie

je

aussi

qu'en advis

cest e n d r o i t ,

mes

par laquelle dois

nom

comm'ä

du

amis,

mon

Seigneur

ä

ce

qui

semble,

de

par

q u ' i l y en a eu p l u s i e u r s o f f e n s e s , mesmes

il

tousjours

remis de

ma

prochain

de

me

et

porter

devant

frere

en

pareille

Dieu

Christ,

affection,

a u x m i n i s t r e s de c e s t ' E g l i s e ,

ma

cause

sa j u s t i c e ,

les auquel

de$a o n t

dont Dieu

ne

de

je

prie

mon

envoyee

dont

quelques

ä Geneve,

volonte

esclaircira

Q u a n t ä la l e t t r e que

v o u s v e u s j e aussi c e r t i f i e r d e v a n t

m ' a d e s p l e u et d e s p l a i t e n c o r e s ,

y a e n c o r e s q u e l q u e s d i f f e r e n t s entre n o u s , paiement

vous

v o u s s o y e z c e r t i f i i de ma part q u e

q u a n t ä la d o c t r i n e d o n t e s t o i t p r o c e d e le p r i n c i p a l d i f f e r e n t ,

q u ' e l l e n'a p o i n t e s t e faite ne de que

l ' a y a n t fait p l u s d ' u n e f o i s ;

et s a t i s f a c t i o n j e m e suis mis m a i n t e n a n t 1

vous au

escrire

e n c o r e s que j ' a i e d e s j a 1 m o n

j ' e s p e r e q u ' e l l e c o n t e n t e r a t o u s c e u x qui la v e r r o n t . de

ä vous veu

j ' e n ai s a t i s f a i t p a r d e c l a r a t i o n s i g n c e de m a m a i n

j'entens

j'eusse

que j e f a i s m a i n t e n a n t v o l o n t i e r s ,

n u l l e h a i n e ne r a n c u n e qui m e c h a r g e la c o n s c i e n c e ce

attendu mesmes que ,

et

du

qu'il y a eu par

entre

c e l a j e ne suis p a s r e q u i s q u e de m o n d e v o i r ,

uns

entendu

conscience

quelques

je

1571].

c o n s e i l ne

de

mon

q u ' e l l e aie e s t e f a i t e .

Que

seu, s'il

j ' e s p e r e q u e le S e i g n e u r D i e u ά qui j ' a i quelque

nous

jour,

vouloir

afin

tous

qu'un

chacun

aie

tellement conduire

le par

son e s p r i t q u e n o s c o n s c i e n c e s s o i n t c n r e p o s d e v a n t s o n j u g e m e n t et nos p r o c h a i n s bien edifies.

D e F r a n k f o r t ce 25 de N o v e m b r e

1571.

V o s t r e s e r v i t e u r et f r e r e e n C a s s i o d o r e de

Reyne.

') Dufour: n'est pas siflwe, doit ctra um dopte. Cotce: Lettre de Cassiodore. ") Carrasco on this notice: Eserüura posterior.

The lettre itself is autograph.

Christ

220

CASSIODORO DD HEINA.

15. D e c l a r a t i o n et p r o t e s t a t i o n de C a s s i o d o r e s u r le c r i m e d e S o d o m i e d o n t il e t a i t a c c u s e . *)

[Francfort Je Cassiodore passe

de

des E s p a g n o l s

estant

1571.]

d e R e y n a , E s p a g n o l , m i n i s t r e d e la p a r o l e d u S e i g n e u r , p a r le

l'Eglise

Francfort,

2ö Novembre

requis

ä Londres,

bourgeois

ä

present

de

la

d e M e s s i e u r s et f r e r e s e n C h r i s t les m i n i s t r c s ,

ville

d i a c r e s d e l ' e g l i s e F r a n $ o i s e r e c u e i l l i e en c e s t e ville d e F r a n c f o r t , d e l a q u e l l e je de

suis

receu

membre,

mon innocence

de

declarer

touchant

ma

conscience et faire solemnelle

de

deputes

et

aussi

protestation

le c r i m e n e f a n d e et d e t e s t a b l e d e S o d o m i e

contre

moi

p r e t e n d u e n t r e p l u s i e u r s a u t r e s b l a s m e s q u i m e f u r e n t ä t o r t m i s e s d e sus ä L o n d r e s au c o u r s d e m o n m i n i s t e r e , de moi pour leur

il y ait e n v i r o n 8 a n s ,

satisfaction

avant que

saintc Cene du Seigneur (comm' aussi je

ce q u e l e s s u s d i t s

de m'admettre en

suis

este

ont

requis

ä la c o m m u n i c a t i o n

depuis

d e la

et ä L o n d r e s ,

et en

F r a n c e e n l ' E g l i s e de M o n t a r g i s s o u b s le m i n i s t e r e de M e s s i e u r s P i e r i u s et C o r r a n u s , et

en B e r g e r a c

s o u b s le m i n i s t e r e

d u d i t C o r r a n u s et B r o i k i u s ) ,

i n n o c e n c e n ' e s t p a s e n c o r e s d e c l a r e e p a r s e n t e n c e de j u g e

d'autant que

competente,

—

mon

confesse

et p r o t e s t e d e v a n t D i e u j u g e d e s v i v a n s et d e s m o r t s , q u e £'a e s t e u n e p u r e c a l o m n i e , et

que j'en

suis innocent

fois proteste

et

laquelle j'estois m e m b r e , Item, qu'il

promets

ne tiendra

et

de

confesse tant

et

pas

fait et

de volonte,

a i n s i q u e j e l'ai p a r p l u s i e u r s

au C o n s i s t o i r e d e l ' E g l i s e f r a n ^ o i s e d e L o n d r e s ,

de

qu'ailleurs. proteste

ä moi

de

que je

le faire ainsi a p p a r o i s t r e p o r j u g e l e g i t i m e , n'aie

ma

legitime

purgation

p l u s t o s t , d o n t j ' e n f a i r a i a p p a r o i s t r e m a d i l i g e n c e au C o n s i s t o i r e de c e s t ' E g l i s e , Dieu

m'en

donne

la

vie

et l ' o p p o r t u n i t e ,

e s t e f a i t e , il y a l o n g t e m p s ,

et

d e d e n s u n an au

et q u ' i l n ' a p a s t e n u ä m o i q u ' e l l e

si

n'aie

m a i s ä q u e l q u e s e m p e s c h e m e n s de c o n s e q u e n c e q u i sc

sont interposes. Item, ils

d'autant

estiment

estre

q u e les

un

des propos que j'y

sus

tesmoignage

avois t e n u s

d i t s Ss m i n i s t r e s du C o n s i s t o i r e

m'ont

monstre un escrit

d e l ' E g l i s e f r a n ^ o i s e de

t o u c h a n t le m e s m ' a f f a i r e , l e q u e l e s c r i t j e n ' a i p a s

recognu nc advoue pour certaines raisons, n e a n m o i n s , estant requis d'eux o u d e c l a r e r l e m o t d e p o l l u t i o n y c o n t c n u , j e d e c l a r e s o u b s la m e s m e qu'aux

propos

que j'ai

tenus

lequel

Londres

au

d'advouer

protestation,

d i t C o n s i s t o i r e ou a i l l e u r s t o u c h a n t la

declaration

d e m a c o n s c i e n c e a u d i t a f f a i r e , j e p u i s a v o i r u s e e n m o n d i s c o u r s de ces m o t s p o l l u t i o n o u p o l l u e r ou p o l l u ,

f a n t a s i e s p o l l u e s et o r d e s e n d o r m a n t p e n d a n t q u e l e g a r s o n c o u c h o i t p r e s d e ce

que je

certain garson,

n'entens pas de quelque effusion de s e m e n e e ,

et a s s e u r e

que jamais

ainsi qu'on

et fantasies vileines,

m'a

de

d i s a n t m ' e s t r e t r o u v e q u e l q u e s f o i s e n d e s s o n g e s ct

ne m'est

advenue

e n j o i n t de d e c l a r e r ,

o r d e s et p o l l u e s ,

moi;

d e l a q u e l l e j ' e n suis b i e n

alentour

ou

sus

le

corps

mais seulement l'entens je des

ainsi qu'il advient aux liommes en

E t d ' a u t a n t q u e l a q u e s t i o n est m a i n t e n a n t d ' u n e s c l a i r e i s s e m e n t

de ma

du

dit

songes

dormant.

conscience,

c t q u e j ' a i e n t e n d u q u ' a u c u n s o n t p r i n s e n m a u v a i s e p a r t les d i t s m o t s d e p o l l u t i o n , v o i r e j u s q u e s l ä q u e d e m e c h a r g e r c o m m e d ' a v o i r c o n f e s s e es d i t s m o t s o u l ' a c t e ou p o u r le m o i n s q u e l q u e g r a n d c p a r t i e , j e d e c l a r e , s o u b s la m e s m e p r o t e s t a t i o n ,

qu'en

cest e n d r o i t ,

m'est

q u a n t ä ce q u i c o n c e r n e la s i g n i f i c a t i o n d e s d i t s m o t s ,

rien

ne

ä m o i a d v e n u q u i ne p u i s s ' a d v e n i r a t o u t h o m m e d e b i e n , d e m o r a n t e n c o r e s h o m m e *) Dufour on this >iotice: annotation moderne.

The text ii> autograph.

221

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

de bien. Item que ces dits mots lä en rien m'ont graive devant le dit Consistoire oil je les puis avoir usurpe pour me defendre , ou empesche, *) en quelque maniere qui soit, la communion de la Cene, ä laquelle j'ai este par apres aveque eux par quelquesfois sans aucune contradition d'homme vivant jusques au jour de mon departement d'Angleterre. E t en tesmoignage de ceste mienne protestation et declaration j'ai donne cest present escrit soubsigne de ma main. Fait ä Frankfort ce 25 de Nouvembre 1 5 7 1 . Cassiodore de R e y n e . A monssur Monss 1 " de B e z e , ministre de la parole du Seigneur, Geneve.

16. Fx

epistola

[Bcinius Sturmio. Francofwrti 1-573. dedicatorio prcefixa libro dc Fvamjelio

Joannis.]

[Fol. a 2 : ] Clarissimo viro Joanni Sturmio, compatri suo inprimis venerando, Cassiodorus Reinius s. p. d. Haud me multuni pudet pigetvo, quod opificio manuum et industria mea victus mihi et familiai meai demum quieritandus s i t , sonectutem p r a s e r t i m j a m d u d u m ingresso, neque firmae admodum valetudinis, qui sacris oraculis, quorum studiis ab ineunte a;tate addictus f u i , odocear, homini ex originali ilia ot primasva j u s t i t i a in corruptionem lapso ac proinde in statu pcenitentia! constituto labores m a n u u m , ad quos divino dccreto, u t inde sibi victum p a r e t , dainnatus est (Gen. 1 ) , quovis illi otio adeo esse salubriores, u t in illis ipsis, fide et timorc Dei susceptis et conditis, h a u d parvam amissa; felicitatis partem recuperare liceat. Labores, inquit p r o p h e t a (psalm. 128), manuum t u a r u m m a n d u c a b i s : beatus es et bene tibi erit. l l l u d autem in hoc statu' felici alioqui, licet operoso ac negotioso, non possum non moleste ferre, quod occupationibus hisce sajcularibus, quas etiam vocant sacra> litera; (2 Tim. 2 , 4 ) , ab studiis aacrarum literarum et legitima vocatione mea inserviendi ecclesia; Christi pro ratione accepti talenti mei, a u t si mavis n u m m u l i , plus distraliar "*) quam vollem a n t etiam in initio putarain suscepti operis. Hinc factum est ut nonnulla scripta, qua) usui ecclesias esse possent, t u m m e a , t u m etiam aliena, caiterum fidei mea; commissa, apud me diutius delitescant, ***) turn maxime editio versionis Latina; novi testamenti Syri, a Tremellio, viro inprimis docto et p i o , et utriquc nostrum amico, quinque abhinc annis elaborate;, et cum ipso Syro textu Gra;co etiam e regione cum sua versione L a t i n a , ingenti et pretioso sane volumine, emissas in lucent , f ) q u a m , u t pauperioribus studiosis sacrarum literarum gratificarcr, seorsim cum nonnullis meis annotationibus einittere ipso in lucent constitueram, plus j u s t o , hoc est quarto abhinc anno, supprimatur, qua; si otium mediocre suppetiisset, vix unius anni o.->set opus. Verum cum invita fame et p a u p e r t a t e , quaeum toto hoc tempore (ut anteautum praitermittam) conseitis lacertis dimicandum f u i t , opus j a m prope flnoni esset (neque enim, quod pudet dicere, est absolutum), Joannis evangelium seorsim prius emittere consilium f u i t . . . [Fol. 0 : ] Dum enim in paranda editione Latina novi testamenti Syri pro mei ordinis scholasticis, u t supra dixi, incumbo, et ad Joannis evangelii vcnio, quod arbitror me alioqui plusquam centies legisse, ita novum visum est . . . Poteram ') Ms. empe^cher. f ) Published

" ) My transcript lias distrahat.

in 10b') btj Hcuricus

Steplutmts.

"')

Compare above p. 1 1 8 .

222

CASSIODOEO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

cquidem ab hoe laboro supersedere, quum alii pii et docti viri eamdem sibi delegerint provinciain confutandi scilicet eosdein errores adversus ortliodoxain fldei Christiana) confessionem de a3terna Christi et Spiritus sancti divinitatc, inpriniis vero odito in lucem doctoris Zanchii, ainici inpriniis obscrvandi, ejusdem argumenti locupletissimo ac pererudito commentario, in quo Universum pajne Joannis evangelium in liunc eundern finem excutitur diligentissiine, verum jam hoc quicquid est laboris erat a me paratum quum ille prodiret in luccm, imo, ni fallor, antequam typographia; committeretur.

17. [Beinius Suitsero et Coctio. Francofurti 1573. Ex dedicatione expositioni capitis quarti evangelii Matthcei

prcemissa.]

[Fol. a 2 : ] Piis juxta ac doctis veris Simoni Sultzero et Huldrico Coctio, s. theologian doctoribus. ecclesia1 Basiliensis pastoribus pientissimis ac vigilantissimis atque academia) s. theologise professoribus, amicis ac patribus suis unice colendis, Cassiodorus Reinius s. p. d. . . quum primum solus Basileam vcni, initurus rationem imprimendi Biblia nostra Hispanica, intellecta per vos adventus mei causa, dignissima quae piorum omnium et votis et conatibus promoverctur, eos vos continuo viros in ea promovenda praestitistis, in quibus, cum in inquirendo diligenter qua) ego eisern prelo commissurus, tum in sonata postea adeundo ac interpellando, ut revisa ac inspecta, quoad fieri potuit, per viros qui de Hispanice scriptis verum testimonium t'erre possent, committi prelo in isthac urbe pateretur, quod ad officium Christiani pastoris pertineret, nihil desiderari, multum vero quo sedulitas ac diligentia vestra et insigne pietatis studium eonspiecre quivis posset; et ut rebus meis privatis ac domesticis valde accisis etiam eonsuleretis, effecistis mc academia; alumnum, ut citra ullas impensas integro civitatis jure frui possem. quo liccret, dum ipse prelo adessem, honesta uxoris mea) diligentia victum nobis facilius coniparare. J a m quanto me vinculo gratitudinis perpetuo devinxistis, quum mo gravissimus ac plane letalis morbus Basileam cum uxore et familiola rccenter ingressum corripuisset V quam assidue aderatis, relictis ant intermissis studiis vestris adhortando, consolando, preeando, fidam Christi confessionem a moribundo expetendo, neque enim aliud aut medici ant vos aut amici aut demum ego ipse judicabam. Namque, ut ingenue fatear quod res est, in ea prssentis mortis certitudine, dum compos eram mei, haud me deterrebat mortis species quam iniquissimi sa;culi malitiam abundanter expertus absentem et meo judicio trahentem moras desiderabam, priBsentem jam laetissimo animo amplexabar. Peccatorum memoria, licet esset prasentissima, acuebat potius desiderium exuendi in totum veteres peccati exuvias et esse cum Christo quam aut conscientiaj metum incuteret aut quoquo modo illius pacem turbaret, Christi sanguine per Dei spiritum in ea obsignatam, pro indubitato habenti nullum superessc judicium credenti in Christum, translate nenipe a morte in vitam. Uxoris et parvulorum liberorum memoria, quos idcirco tantum videbar comportasse Basileam ut procul ab amicis et notis inter ignotos soli ac me pra;sertim destituti novum exilium inchoarent, nonnihil mmstitia 1 injiciebat, sod et illam facile ac cito excutiebam patorna; Dei Providentia) illos committens, qui et mo ipsum primum et illos mecum postea inter tot discrimina et labores crebros paternam sane ipsius curam fecisset experiri. Illam ipsum erga relictos nequaquam intermissurum, indicium mihi certum erat Perezii mei doinus, q u i , ut de ine fuit semper egregie benemeritus, ita etiam tunc caritate

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

223

ac pietate insigni, neque a me aut quovis alio, qui illius benoficentiam sit expertns, unquam satis laudata, me periculose documbentem familiolamque meam in domum suam transtulerat, curabatque tum »grotos tum recte valentes humanissime. Hoc unum summo me afficiebat dolore, videlicet quod quuin in vertendis Hispanico sermone saeris bibliis per integrum decennium laborassem atque in ea occupatione multnm pertulissem tum invidiae tum etiam calumniarum ab iis quibus illa haud erat ajque grata atque mihi, adeo ut prse hac molestia levissimus mihi fuerit ipse vertendi labor, quum jam pro foribus essemus typographiae ac fruges maturse essent ad messem et fructuum tanti laboris collectionem, relinquendi essent aliis labores mei quos ignorarom qua cura et sollicitudine absoluturi essent opus, quique etsi maxime futuri essent fidi ac diligentes, ut de Perezio non dubitabam, opus demum non erat per me absolvondum. Hase msjstitia vel in tanta virium cum corporis tum animi debilitate excitabat tarnen ardentes ad Deum preces ut mihi tantum adhuc vitse permitteret quantum ad sacrum illud opus ad gloriam nominis sui publicandum foret satis, decessuro postea ex vita cum integra animi lsetitia. Haue meam sollicitudiuem quum vobis indicassem, auetis tum publicis ecclesiaa prec.ibus tum privatis tanta contentione Deum interpellastis ut me demum vobis concederet et intra paueos dies periculi suspicione liberaret, redderet vero integram valetudinem haudquaquam ante tres menses. Itaque pro compertissimo tunc habui habeoque adhuc, vitam mihi ac valetudinem pro absolvendis sacris bibliis e mortis faueibus erepto fuisse concessam, atque earn me secundum Deum debere primum vestris preeibus, deinde summa? Perezii in me curando diligentia et optimorum medicorum summse industrias, qui, ut erant etiam amieissimi, nihil sibi aut arti in me curando pepercere. Neque minore studio ac diligentia me ac negotia mea tum consilio tum etiam opere quum opus fuit curastis postea per triennium, quo Rasilea? f u i t , quam segrotanti feceratis, ut sacras praslectiones vestras praiteream, utpote publicum ac vulgatum omnibus beneficium eruditione summa ac pietate plenas, quibus quam ssepe [fol. a 3] interfuerim, prout licebat per occupationes cum typograjihicas tum domesticas, utilissimas mihi fuisse fateor ingenue . . . . Quum quarto abhinc anno constituissem edere seorsim versionem novi testamenti Syriaci doctissimam et elaboratissimam doctoris Tremellii in gratiam vulgi studiosorum sacrarum litcrarum, ne ob pecuniae inopiam tanto prasidio ad novi testamenti aditum faciliorem fraudarontur eique adjungore decrevissem cogitationes nonnullas meas in selectiora aliquot loca: quum ad quartum Matthiei caput ventum est . . . then he had been so absorbed by the subject, that this lucubratiuncula had grown too large Im· the frame of his annotations upon the New Testament.

18. epistolm duodedm

[Cassiodori Reinii ad Theodorum Zuingerum

data·.].

Theodore Zwinger was born at Basle 1533. His mother loas a sister of •Toll. Oporinus, the learned printer. He studied philosophy at Paris under Peter Ramus, and at Padua medicine. At Basle University he was professm· of Greek, then of moral philosophy, lastly of medicine. JTe died 54 years of age. A biographical sketch by Felix Plater is inserted in the jrreface dated 1604 of Theodore Zivinger's Theatrum humanns vitir, edition of his son James Zwinger, Basileae (in folio). Compare our excerpts from Ramus here p. 213, and. Reina's letter of 15 May 1569.

224

CASSIODORO DE REIN Α.

I. Domino

Theodora

Zuingcro , Doctori

Medico,

compatri

et a m i c o

suo

unice

eolendo,

Basilese. Gratiam Carissime mco

mea

non

modo

domine

indigentia, ad

faciendum,

in

cundem

apud

eompater.

pro

itineris

itaquc

cxpensas,

quod

tuam

illam

mea

te.

cxaratcc

plurimum, Argentorato

cisdem

ut p r i u s

Hoc

manu

mi

Perczius

etiam

pccuniam

quando indigere contingat,

ea tamcn lege

pro

sigillo

eompater

13 Julii

mc ad

n o s t c r , *) viatico

rcquisiveram,

tibi n o n

i n t e l l e c t a in

instruxit

debito nunc

intactos

ut

minus

adeo

maxima

urgenti

suffccturum

tibi

eos

gratias

ago

sit.

lit

satis-

Reliqui

rcddcret, quam

discessu

libcrali

uti

spero

si u s u s

cssem:

prrescntiorc a u x i l i o exclustis utar pia ilia H b e r a l i t a t e

experiar, mca

ut f i r m u m

et

Christum.

pietate

tuos 30 f l o r e n o s plane

quodsi

habere

sua

verum

accepissc , atque

atquc

per

Dominus

singulari

tc j a m tua ,

et p a c c m

ratum

obsignala;

amantissime,

omnia

tibi

vicissim

perpetuumque

ex

publicarum

cum

vice

honcstissima

communia

me

tibi

tabularum

uxore

existimare

sit,

hoe

literre

esto.

et u n i v e r s a

Vale familia.

1570. Xuus

Cassiodorus

Reinius.

II. Clarissimis

viris,

dominis

suis

domino Doctori

. . amicis

unice

Adampctro

Gratiam Non

miror

tuto

committi

vestra quid

tam din literarum

qui sciam

nianEe,**)

possint.

diligentia effectum

usque mei,

esset

per

unice

consilio

in

sua

erga

est) ex

a

me

me

oratum

opera

voce, bala

licitabimini,

non

acccpisse

nihil

vehementer

de

ne

co

ncgotio

consilio

superesset,

tcmporis

constitui, amicitiam

volo

parente

bibliothecac

profectus

praesens

angustia

ut

ejus

me

rei,

minime

habeat

usque amplius.

ad Si

denegatum quum

qui

17.

compatre

in c o

viderem,

18.

vobis

ire.

nundinis desiderii

primum

19. 20 cesserit,

adhibito credo

demum dabitur

si

d.

etiam

haberi

o p e r a ut p e r

cum

in pro

bibliothecam

essem,

superaverit,

minoris

dabitur, doctorem

id beneficii

venire

ipse Basileae licitatione

ut,

Argentinam jam

Postulabitur

postremum

ex creditoribus

quem

ncgotio

vos admonens quam

urgeatque, meo,

Oporiepistolx

Francoforto,

instantibus

per hasce literas

ut r e m p r o m o v e a t optimo

creditorum, ut

Zuingcro,

Christum.

scire cupio , quid t a n d e m

certe

adhuc

veritus reverti

benevolentia

pro

me

Ego

communem

majore parte

praeconis

per

Q u o d s i nihil h a c t e n u s (ut e q u i d e m p u t o ) est e f f e c t u m ,

Adampetrum

(prout

Theodoro Basilece.

ct p a c c m

cffici

at

domum

certiorcm. tum

quidve

Doctori

inveniri t a b c l l a r i u m cui isthinc F r a n c o f u r t u m

Cajterum

sum,

hinc

oransquc

faciatis

facile

promoveritis.

devectus

excluderer,

hand

et d o m i n o

colendis.

viros

decretum vos

non fidos

vero liceat, balac

") See above p. 213 / . " ) I l i o r o n y m u s "Wolfius [at Augsbvrg, dial löHoy Theodoro Z w i n ^ e r o , 17 Oct. [ 1 5 7 0 ? ] : litsi, c l a r i s s i m e vir, d o m i n e c t a m i c e c o l e n d e , invitus f a c i o ut t e c t p h i l o s o p h i a n o s t r a e t H a r p y i s O p o r i n i a n i s o c c u p a t i s s i m u m i n t e r p c l l e m , t a r n e n v e n i a m a b h u m a n i t a t e t u a mihi d a t u m iri s p e r o , qui s u m d e m e i s l i b c r i s , c h a r t a c c i s iilis q u i d e m , e t q u a v i s s i m i a d e f o r m i o r i b u s , solicitus . . . S c i r e e t i a m c u p i o q u e m a d m o d u m se O p o r i n i a n a n c g o t i a h a b c a n t 5 Ε bibliopolis n o s t r a t i b u s spc m e l i o r a a u d i v i : h e r e d i t a t e m e s s e fl. 18000, ies a l i c n u m 12000, c t i p s e m i h i a b h i n c t r i e n n i u m n a r r a b a t , s i b i , d i s s o l u t e o m n i sere a l i e n o , a m p l i u s 8000 fl. s u p e r f o r c . Copy in Basle Univ. libr. in the smm volume.

225

CASSIODOKO DB REINΑ. numerentur inclusi

bona

ad

pretiura

nos

fide

tarn ex

compactis

Francofortum

superabit,

libris

transmittantur.

tantundem

mihi

adhuc

quam Quodsi

debebunt

incompactis; debitum

deinde

meum

creditores.

Si

vasibus

bibliothecae superabimur,

f i d e j u b e t e o b s e c r o pro m e , et e g o n o n d e e r o q u i n ad r e d d i t u m ex n u n d i n i s p e c u n i a m qua superabimur

transmittam per

n u l l u m Basileae v e n d i c u p i o : certo

scio

quum

m u l t i sint m i n i m e v e n a l e s ,

jacturam

me

integram

resarcire.

eum

quem

ipsi

constitueritis.

Illud

nisi forte o b o l o ,

v i d e r i n t n o s a se n o l l e s u p e r a r i . cedere

quam

libris

et

quia

recepturum,

oportebit ex selectioribus

vilium

s u m m o p e r e c a v e n d u m est ne (ut in e j u s m o d i l i c i t a t i o n i b u s

solutionem ex bibliotheca expetere, illis

acceptis

m e a m pecuniam ex distractis libris nequaquam

evenire solet) confictorum licitatorum contentione d e c i p i a m i n i ,

tune

Ex

nam certiori commodo vendentur F r a n c o f o r t i :

qui c u m v i d e r i n t

nos

t a m d i u l i c i t a b u n t u r i p s i ficta c o n t e r f . i o n e q u a n d i u

S i q u i d e j u s m o d i d e p r e h e n d e r i t i s , praestabit o p p o r -

pretio immodico libris potiri.

N e q u e me pigebit multum

si

e j u s m o d i c o n t e n t i o s i s praeter i l l o r u m s p e m l i b r o s r e l i n q u e r i t i s ante c o n s t i t u t u m a m e superius postremum pretium.

N o n a r b i t r o r p r o l i x a m i h i e r g a v o s o r a t i o n e o p u s esse

ut molestiae h u j u s v e n i a m d e p r e c e r , aut n e g o t i u m s t u d i o s i u s c o m m e n d e m , q u o s c e r t o certius

sciam

homine

summa

nequaquam

erga

legum

vobis n e g o t i u m esse. torati 9 Mart.

me

benevolentia

amicitiae i g n a r o

esse aut

propensos:

acceptorum

neque

ignoretis

beneficiorum

V a l e t e in C h r i s t o , viri c l a r i s s i m i et m i h i a m a n t i s s i m i .

1574.

V e s t e r ex animo

Cass.

cum

immemore Argen-

Reinius.

ΠΙ. C l a r i s s i m o v i r o , d. D o c t o r i T h e o d o r o Z u i n g e r o , c o m p a t r i et a m i c o s u m m o , Basileae. G r a t i a m et p a c e m p e r Carissime compater.

Christum.

Nundinae n o n s u c c e s s e r u n t ex v o t o , vix v e n d i d i e x b i b l i o -

theca

p r o 60

florenis,

p a r t i m q u o d nundinae f u e r i n t s o l i t o i n f r e q u e n t i o r e s et b i b l i o -

theca

nondum

v e n e r i t in h o m i n u m n o t i t i a m ,

p a r t i m q u o d n o n satis m i h i f u e r i t aut

t e m p o r i s aut l o c i ad earn e o o r d i n e d i s p o n e n d a m q u o l i b r i e s s e n t i n v e n t u

faciliores.

I t a q u e c r e d i t o r e s o r a r e c o n s t i t u i ut r e j e c t a in i n s e q u e n t e s n u n d i n a s u t r a q u e s o l u t i o n c mihi

et

fidejussor!

pecuniae

meo

suae a m e

ad i p s o s m i t t o ,

sint

accipiant

mitiores,

et p r o h a c

primae

q u e m ipsi c o n s t i t u e r i n t .

solutionis

mora

E a de re l i b e l l u m

quem a Balbano accipies; oro, domine compater, ut,

fructum

supplicem

quum

primum

c o n v e n e r i n t , eis l e g a s , et o f f i c i u m q u o d s o l e s praestes, n e g o t i o p r i u s c u m d. d o c t o r e Grinnaeo et aliis b o n i s a m i c i s c o m m u n i c a t o .

Quod

facientque mihi rem oppido quam gratissimam. fateor. nam

si n o b i s c o n c e s s e r i n t ,

b e n e erit,

S i n m i n u s , ex p a c t i s s o l v e n d u m est,

C u m H e n r i c o P e t r i ne u n u m q u i d e m v e r b u m c o n t u l i de n e g o t i o T h a l m u d i c o ,

certiore

amicorum

ratione

opera

altero prelo

agere constituo,

r e c i p i a r in c i v e m ,

typographicam

exercere

q u u m l i b u e r i t , e x e q u i erit f a c i l e . de T h a l m u d e ) ,

v i d e l i c e t t e n t a r e p r i u s ut et illius et a l i o r u m

et ut m i h i e t i a m a u x i l i o sint ut p o s s i m u n o ad depellendam f a m e m ;

aut

caetera,

C o m m u n i c a v i hoc meum consilium E p i s c o p i o (nihil

o r a n s ut m e v e l l e t a d id j u v a r e ,

d. Grinaeo s o c i e t a t e m a d m i t t a r . *)

hoc impetrato

aut,

si e re s i t ,

ut a d s u a m

cum

P o l l i c e t u r o m n e m a m i c a m o p e r a m , c o n s u l i t ut a d

*) Here and in the folk/wing letters to Zmnger, Reina means Eusebius Episcopius, born 1540, who dial 1509, and Samuel Oryyimis, son of Simon. In letter XII Samuel Gryrums is expressly called with his Christian name. Samuel, Dr. juris, married the widow of Nieolaus Episcopius who died 1565, a brother Biblioth. Wiffon.

Π.

29

226 te

CASSIODORO DE REIN Α.

scribam

et

ad

d. Grinaeum ea de re.

S c r i b o i g i t u r o r o q u e ut c o m m u n i c a t o

cum

Grinaeo c o n s i l i o (de T h a l m u d e ne v e r b u m q u i d e m ) u n a d e l i b e r e t i s q u i e g o B a s i l i e n s i s fiam;

nam omnino constitui,

erigendi,

ad

proximas

hie non potuerunt, tibi

fortassis

amisi.

si v o b i s

ita

ut

optimae

qui

illo Sambucciano

S e d tu r i d e s .

sin

quod

scribis,

Vale

mihi illud minus

postea justa,

tibi

Q u a ratione, ergo,

etiam

bona

dinumeratis

conscientia

probantur,

ergo

et

ride dices.

creditorum

jam

foliis vendiderunt, neque

pro

arbitrio.

tuo

R.

Habeo.

Sed

jam

accepit jam a creditoribus,

retinebo,

restituam

Cass.

nunc memini.

Sambucus*) repetiit;

p r o n o n i n v e n t o 20 c o r o n a t o s ;

tibi videntur

sed

meum

1574.

m e c u m c o n s i d e r a an m e u m sit. intelligo,

Momum

m e et u x o r e et familiae universae m u l t a m s a l u t e m Tuus

exemplo

unum

inveniri

N a r r a b o tibi r e m t r i s t e m ,

absque ulla recuperationis spe.

amissum Momum.

ex

F r a n c o f o r t i 24 S e p t e m b r i s

De

Guevarae

Invidebat credo malus quispiam genius orbi tantam fortunam.

si a m i c u s e s ,

Commatri

Epistolae

es m e o r u m i n f o r t u n i o r u m m a l u s irrisor.

A m i s i , inquam, meum M o m u m ,

n e s c i o , amisi tandem. felix.

et f a c u l t a s d e t u r p r e l u m

commigrare.

c u r a b o ut A n t u e r p i a a d f e r a n t u r .

ridiculam,

Luge mecum,

videbitur,

nundinas Basileam

erat,

ego

indicabo

non

emerim. tamen

Iterum

ut

Sambuci, Haec

me

vale,

si

habere; compater

amantissime.

IV. C l a r i s s i m o v i r o , d. D o c t o r i T h e o d o r o Z u i n g e r o ,

a m i c o et c o m p a t r i

suavissimo,

Basileae. G r a t i a m et p a c e m p e r Venerande valeatis

vos

tierintne a meo rebus

ut m e ,

etiam

rogo.

salutem

D.

in

scire

Deinde

fidejussore per

dicito.

brationes

compater,

Basileae.

hunc

cupio

quid

primum,

de

meo

an conditione qui has

literas

Ciceronem

grassante

debito

ubique

creditores

tibi r e d d e t ,

certiorem

facias,

amicis colendissimis,

etiam

indicato,

p e r m e n o n stetisse

et

Plinium,

quemadmodum

in

peste,

sum

qulnam

constituerint:

a me proposita fuerint contenti.

d o c t o r i Grinaeo et E p i s c o p i o , Eisdem

Christum.

etiam

multam

hactenus eis

rcpc-

Hisce

dc

atque ex

quin

mc

lucu-

pollicitus,

non

r e c e p e r i n t , q u i p p e qui et c o l l e g e r i m o m n e s q u o t q u o t h a b e o et p a r v u l o d o l i o i n c l u s a s ad

a d v e n t u m primae n a v i s A r g e n t o r a t e n s i s ,

cui c o m m e n d e m i m p o r t a n d a s ,

asservo; expectatur autem navis singulis horis. theologicum cui

etiam

magni,

ex meo

controversiis

religionis

b o n i s ni f a l l o r risum

ipse

ut c r e d o ,

momenti,

Bibliothecam

addam Castigationes sub veluti

auspiciis.

deposueris

An

nescio,

antidoto de

finem

apposito

amisso

maerorem

Momo certe

apud

me

E g o hie imprimendum curavi librum Sanctam

breves,

corrigantur. meo, deponere

F . Sixti

Senensis,

q u i b u s quae ille t r a d i t Liber

sub

prelo

quem

alias

unice

ipse

non

possum.

in est,

curabam, Vale,

of Eusebius. The father of those brothers Episcopius had died in 1564. Compare Rechnungsbuch dor Froben & Epibcopius, 1557 —1564. Horausg. durch Rud. Wackornagel. Basol 1881. and Beitrage zur Bafeler Buchdruekorgeschichte. Yon Stockmoyer ami Reber. Basol 1840. From Reina's words it appears that Samuel Gryrums was a partner in the typographical business of Eusebius Episcojmis. In those Beitrüge sec also notices on the· printer famity Petri, whose members were Henry Petri, mentioned here, and Adam Petri mmtißmd in letter I I ; compare p. 20. 21. and p. 214. ') The learned Hungarian wh/j died in 1584 — ?

227

CASSIODOliO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ. compater suavissime universa

familia,

amicis omnibus.

nostra

ct

quam officiose ex nobis salutabis una cum bono sene vicino

atque exoptatissimc,

cum domina

ct

Francoforti 27 Octobris 1 5 7 4 .

uxore

commatre

Tuus perpetuo

Cass. R e i n .

Rumores sunt baud omnino vani Aragoniao et Cathaloniae regna non satis pacata esse propter Inquisitionis Sanctae tyrannidem, quam exactam volunt; idem fertur de universa Sicilia. Si serio res agatur, ego ne Basiliensis quidem esse volo. Fertur etiam classes Turcicam et Cliristianam cruentissimo praalio conflixisse; utra vicerit, adhuc incertum; expectamus hodie Antuerpienses litteras, ex quibus rescire speramus veritatem etc.

V. Clarissimo v i r o , carissimo,

domino Doctori Theodoro Zuingero,

amico

summo et Basilea;.

compatri

Gratiam et pacem per Christum. Suavissime compater. Facies mihi rem magnopere gratam si quanta potueris diligentia me instruxeris de controversia heredum Wessalii cum creditoribus Op[orini], item in quo nunc temporis statu sit ea controversia. Peto autem id a te tanquam amico fidissimo et cupidissimo utilitatis meae propterea quod jam agitur de translatione juris illorum in me in eo negotio, quod et amici intercessores cuperent mea cum utilitate fieri. Itaque secretum tibi hac in parte primum ac vehementer commendo; deinde ut illud nos diligenter ac cito edoceas , ac praterea si quid habes quod e re sit. Vale in Christo cum universa familia; nostra valet adhuc Dei beneficio et vobis omnibus laetam salutem cupit. Francofurti 23 Novembris 1 5 7 4 . Tuus

Cass. R .

Literas ad me tuas poteris d. Manfredo B a l [ b a n i ] commendare ut quam fieri potest cito ac tuto ad me perveniant.

Iterum vale.

VI. Clarissimo

viro,

domino

Doctori Theodoro

Zuingero,

amico

carissimo,

summo

et

compatri

Basileas. Gratiam et pacem per Christum.

Carissime domine compater. Cum hac epistola mitto ad te aliam ad d. doctorem Grinseum eamque apertam ut legere tibi liceat et si libuerit ridere stoliditatem meam. S e d , crede mihi, adeo gravabar per illos dies atque distendebar, ut ita dicam, curis multis et molestissimis ut vix essem mei compos. Bibliothecae distractio non succedit ex voto atque adeo multum ab eo abest; solutiones sunt faciendae neque unde fiant abunde suppetit. Oro te itaque ut apud d. Grinaeum et Episcopium pro me qua soles efficacia intercedas ne jacturis jam piene obruto nova haec quinquaginta ad minus florenorum addatur jactura. Libros habent selectissimos, quos etiam, ut illis servarem, e manibus multorum abstuli multo cum meo incommodo, quando aliis non tam parvo vendidissem; requiruntur diligenter ac studiose a multis neque grave illis est vel dimidium bationem pro folio numerare. Bationem pro folio numeravit

228

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

Perna*)

pro

nonnullis in A r i s t o t e l e m

et in C i c e r o n e m ,

qui

meam

in C i c e r o n i a n i s

pro d. Grina;o et E p i s c o p i o conquirendis diligentiam eflfugerant in q u o d a m fabciculo. Commendo

ergo tibi lianc

causam et ex tuo

patrocinio,

E p i s c o p i i integritate spcro fore ut mihi batisfiat. cum honestissima uxore et universa familia.

tum etiam ex Grinaii

Bene vale,

compater

Francofurti 6 Aprilis

1575.

Tuus L i b e n t e r gratificarer C a n t h e r o ,

viro p r o b o et d o c t o ,

et

amantissime,

Cassiodorus.

sed p o e t a m illum in meis

jam non invenio.

v n . Clarissimo v i r o ,

domino T h e o d o r o Z u i n g u e r o , D o c t o r i M e d i c o ,

compatri carissimo

et amico summo,

Basilea;. Gratiam et pacem per Christum.

Carissime

domine compater.

Cum

dominis D . Grinaeo

et E p i s c o p i o ,

meorum librorum se nondum aperuisse causabantur, ita conveni u t ,

qui vas

aperto coram te

vase et inspectis l i b r i s , una tecum statuant de corrigendo m e o errore atque adeo de integra

solutione.

Conventum

essem a c c e p t u r u s ,

erat

inter me et E p i s c o p i u m ut cruciferum pro folio

quando libri ut vides sunt selecti et majori ex parte

impressionis

peregrina), et P e r n a pro nonnullis e j u s m o d i , qui duplicati e r a n t , pro folio b a t i o n e m solvit. quos

R a t i o n e deinde a me male subducta erratum f u i t , qui viginti duobus ab E p i s c o p i o

accepi,

earn

summam

confici

existimaverim.

calculo pro jure arripi non d e b e t , inter amicos prajsertim, susceperis

gratificari.

Sed

de

eo

Error

florenis,

tamen

in

et ab iis inprimis quibus

conventum j a m est inter n o s ,

ut puto.

Obsecro

igitur, domine compater, ut efficias ut primo quoque tempore vas aperiatur, et q u o d pecuniä) rependi

milii statueritis

inter

vos,

Joannis ut A r g e n t o r a t o

ad me transmittant.

recusa;,

adhuc.

sed sub prelo

honestissima meis.

et

Yale

familia u n i v e r s a ,

F r a n c o f u r t i 22 A p r i l i s

commendetur

in C h r i s t o ,

quam

Pellizariis

ad

ferias

Epistolai H i s p . Guevara; n o n d u m

obsecro

compater

suavissime,

cum

salutabis officiosissime

ex

d.

sunt uxore

me

et

summo

et

1576. Tuus

Cass. R e i n i u s .

D o m i n o D o c t o r i A m e r b a c h i o **) multam ex me salutem ut dicas oro.

v i n . Clarissimo

viro,

domino

Theodoro

Zuingero,

Doctori

Medico,

compatri o b s e r v a n d o ,

amico Basileaj.

Gratiam et p a c e m per C h r i s t u m . D i u e s t , compater a m a n t i s s i m e , ex quo nihil literarum a me a c c e p e r i s , quia,

in quo

tua pro amicitise

*) Pietro Ferna from Lxuxa.

nostra; jure

uterer

opera,

Compare above, p. 2 1 4 , rml liud.

nihil

fuit.

videlicet

N u n c ex d.

Wavtccrtuigel's cdüiou of the l i e c h -

nungsbuch dor Kröbern and Episcopius ]>. 101 f. ") träge.

Basilius

Atmrbach,

And Ramus,

see letter X .

here p. 212 — 215.

Born

1Ö34, diul l j i J l .

Compare SUKkmcycr'b and lieber's

Bei-

229

CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ. Manfredo Balbani

intelligo,

chirographum

me am o c t i n g e n t o r u m illorum florenorum,

quos pro Oporiniana bibliotheca jam p e r s o l v i , lnurere apud creditores. losum m i h i , me hoc

et iniquum Ulis merito censeo.

metu diligentia

liberes,

Id et pericu-

Quare obsecro ut tua (uti alias soles)

petito et recepto (meo et lidejussoris mei nomine)

ab eis c h i r o g r a p h o , quod discerpes aut igni trades.

B e n e v a l e , compater observan-

d i s s i m e , cum commatre honestissima atque pientissima et familia u n i v e r s a , quam ex me et uxore officiosissime

salutabis,

et si quid f u e r i t ,

sedulitatem e x p e r i r i , utere pro arbitrio.

in quo vclis meam erga te

Francofurti 7 Aprilis

P e r p e t u o amoris vinculo tuus

1577.

Cassiodorus

R.

IX. D o m i n o D o c t o r i T h e o d o r a Z u i n g e r o , compatri carissimo et amico s u m m o ,

Basileso.

Gratiam et p a c e m per Christum. Carissime res

adhuc

domine

sub

compater.

deliberatione

est.

Quod

attinet

Neque

enim

in

Poloniam,

tarn difficilem et multis

profectionem

nominibus

laboriosam provinciam temere suscipiendam arbitror, tumvis conditio sit amplissima et valde honorilica.

meam

in liac prajsertim yetate,

quan-

Ciuterum, si D e n s ita disposuerit,

ut a b e a m , senties in illo tuo n e g o t i o liaud frustra te meam coluisse a m i c i t i a m , atque de bono successu nihil d u b i t o , cum sciam negotium tibi esse cum viro bono et qui multis

scyphis

aureis

animo sis velim.

existimationem

Vale,

compater

suam

anteferat.

amantissime,

Tu

cum

itaque

ut

bono

u n i v e r s a , quam et meo et uxoris meaj nomine plurimum ut salutes oro. 23 S e p t e m b r i s

Francoforti

1577. Cassiodorus

QuanUim dici vix

quoque

uxore honestissima et familia

me

polest,

exercuerint

adeo

ut nisi

seu

potius

torserint

abbatis T r i t e m i i ,

characteres illi

qui

tuus. scriptionis t u « ,

de P o l y g r a p h i a l i b r f o s ] edidit,

non evocassem m a n e s , B a s i l e a m ad te currendum e s s e t , lit ipse interpretareris potius quam

legeres.

Vale

rursus,

et sa;pius

ad

me

scribe,

ut lectioni

illi difficillimt«

assuescens postea l e g a m facilius.

X. Clarissimo v i r o , domino T h e o d o r o Z u i n g e r o , D o c t o r i M e d i c o , amico suo et compatri carissimo,

Basileao. Gratiam et pacem per

Carissime compater.

Q u i has tibi r e d d e t l i t e r a s ,

et in bonis literis non mediocriter persequendis j u v e n t u t e m ,

Christum.

(ut mihi quidem

periculosam

j u v e n i s est A n g l u s g e n e r o s u s videtur) institutus.

alioqui lutatis p a r t e m ,

impendere

I n quibus constituit.

E j u s rei gratia contcndit i n l t a l i a m , et oravit me u t , quibus in eo itinere nossem viris doctis se commendarem.

D i g n u m arbitror ob e g r e g i u m virtutis s p e c i m e n , quod ρπκ

se f e r t , cum commendatione m e a , tum bonorum omnium v i r o r u m , in quos inciderit, amicitia.

Tu

vero,

qui

ejus D e n

haud

vulgaris

es

cultor,

quam

humanitatem ejus cultoribus neque ignoras neque n e g l i g e n t e r prajstas.

vicissim

debeas

E x c i p i e s igitur

230

CASSIODOBO DE HEINA.

hunc

et l'avore t u o p r o s e q u e r i s , et s t u d i o tuo et c o m m e n d a t i o n e m e a .

pra:terea i l i u m

domino

D. Basilio

Amerbachio,

quem,

s t u d i i j u r i s , in quo o p e r a m a l i q u a m p o n e n d a m c e n s e t . p r o v e t e r i s amicitiae nostrae j u r e , des

puto,

Commendabis

consulet

de

ratione

V i d e q u a m sim in te i m p e r i o s u s

cum ipse nihil unquam i m p e r e s ,

i m o ne

commen-

quidem. De

mea

profectione

Providentia,

ut

semper

in P o l o n i a m

alias,

qui

nosse cupis?

meas

sortes

c o m m e n d a t a s , eas g u b e r n a t p r o sua v o l u n t a t e .

in

Quiesco. manu

I d q u e n o n sine

habens,

et q u i d e m

Si illuc v e n i s s e m , sensisses

Dei valde

fructum

c o m m e n d a t i o n i s tuae c u m D . F i r l e i o * ) in illo n e g o t i o ,

de q u o i n t e l l i g o n o n d u m

satisfactum.

et f a m i l i a u n i v e r s a ,

plurimam

Vale,

salutem

compater amantissime, dicit.

D.

D . S a m u e l e m Grinaeum.

cum uxore

Amerbachium

quam

Francofurti i. Aprilis

oAciosissime

A d D. Franciscum Bettum**)

daturus

h a s Uli t e c u m c o m m u n e s v e l i m .

nos

cupio.

compotes

voti

futuros.

V a l e i t e r u m et r e s c r i b e

nomine,

et

Reinius.

sum l i t e r a s si p e r n e g o t i a l i c u e r i t . filii

Sin

dominae

n e q u e f r u s t r a , s p e r o e n i m intra p a u c o s

aliquando. cum apud vos venerit,

c o n f i c i e n d u m iter V e n e t i a s u s q u e , o b s e c r o , meo

cupio

H a ; D . Ciarae aut p e r i p s u m aut p e r se r e n u n t i a r i

N o b i l i s iste j u v e n i s si f o r t e , coronatos

Cassiodorus

E t ut intelligat in liberatione

Ciarae m e h a c t e n u s f e c i s s e q u o d in m e f u i t , dies

mea

1578. Tuus

minus,

salutatum

tibi

cui

pro q u i b u s ,

habuerit opus pecunia

d o m i n e c o m p a t e r , c u r a b i s illi a d

si ad m e in t e m p o r e r e s c r i p s e r i s ,

curabo

satisfieri ad n u n d i n a s A r g e n t o r a t e n s e s p r o x i m a s , aut ad n o s t r a t e s , si m a g i s

ad

viginti tibi

libuerit,

p e r G u a r i n u m aut E p i s c o p i u m .

XI. Clarissimo viro, domino T h e o d o r o Zuingero, Doctori M e d i c o ,

compatri

et a m i c o s u m m o ,

amantissimo

Basileae. G r a t i a m et p a c e m p e r

Carissime domine compater.

Christum.

H e r m a n n u s , qui h a s l i t e r a s r e d d e t , a p u d n o s p e r

a l i q u o t a n n o s f u i t , n u n c v e r o m e l i o r i s c o n d i t i o n i s d e s i d e r i o c u m u x o r e et p r o l e ad vos m i g r a t , a b E p i s c o p i o , ni fallor, conductus ad operas typographicas. sua

conditione

doctus,

probus

et

pius,

prae

nimia

quoque

simplicitate

f r a u d i b u s v a l d e e x p o s i t u s , d e n i q u e d i g n u s a u x i l i o et o p e v e s t r a . in i l l u m

beneficii posueritis,

commendatum ipse

saepius

tum

vestram

esse

non

illum

rursus

sim e x p e r t u s , existimationem

dubito.

Hae

Doctores Amerbachium

ad

Christo ipsi fore i m p e n s u m ,

vobis

Pollicitus

humanitatem.

liberetis, te

quod,

primum,

vel

compater

Ipsi

hominum quicquid

cujus nomine mihi valde illi

sum

videte

ut

vobis,

quam

cum fidem

de

meam,

me nihil pollicente, suavissime,

deinde

facturos ad

fortuna; injuria nos

amisisse,

sed

cum

hic

fortuna

amittit, ipsa

se

isthic

appulsus

patronos

in m e l i u s c o m m u t a s s e

vos

dominos

et Gryna^um, v e t e r e o b s e r v a n t i a m i h i c o l e n d i s s i m o s , ut

deterioris

una

commendo.

omnem

Arbitror,

una

Est pro

et a m i c o s

deprehendat.

dum non Eos

') The Public lijtrary at Basic has a copy of a letter lo Tlieod. Zwinger, written Inj Nicolaus F i r l e i j

in Dainbrowieza Castcllanu*· Yislicionsis, dated 11 .Maii 157(>. Enoyclopicdio. ")

Compare above ρ. 213.

See the articlc Firloi in Ersch. and Grubcr's

231

CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ. obsecro esse

salutabis

cupio.

familia

uxorem

felicitatem Anglo,

meo nomine amantissime,

Salutabis

item

tuam,

13 A p r i l i s

tibi

Vale,

nuper

q u i b u s et h a s l i t c r a s p e r te

officiosissime

commatrcm

precamur.

quem

quam

nostram,

compater

commendavi,

ex

me

quibus

et u x o r e

omnibus

amantissime,

rescribe

cum

et

de

mea

communes

et

universa

omnem

in

Christo

nobili

illo

juvene

primum potueris.

Francoforti

1578. Tuus

Cassiodorus

Reinius.

XII. Clarissimo

viro,

domino T h e o d o r o Zuingero,

Doctori

Medico,

compatri

et a m i c o s u m m o ,

carissimo

Basileas. Gratiam

et p a c e m p e r

Christum.

Clarissime atque observande domine compater.

A c c e p i l i t e r a s tuas

B a s i l e a d a t a s q u a s prae d e s i d e r i o t u o p r o f e c t o e x o s c u l a t u s s u m .

l8Novembris

Gratularis mihi;

de m u t a t o vita; g e n e r e h a b e o g r a t i a m , s e d de o t i o et q u i e t e in h a c praesertim aetate post

tot l a b o r e s

cum

in

eis

et i n f r a c t a s bus.

et vitae

verser jam

De

difficultates

negotiis,

ut g r a t u l a r i p o s s e s m a g i s Vellern.

dudum vires superent,

afflicta

vestri D . S u l t z e r i * )

atque

adeo

vehementer

doleo.

oro

ut

ad

eum

qui

Balbfani] ob

ex

me

lacu nos

quod

hospitium

officiosissime

exitum, expectat. mihi

et

factu

De opus

aeeepta beneficia

cui

videlicet negotio

esse

ex

et

valetudine Deus

in

animo

ut

optimi

de

bono

cupio,

precor

caelestem

Oporiniano

videtur.

bene

est

pastoris et

felicem

patriam

scripsi

ad

d.

ejusmodi

In

bonis

ab Oporino

relictis

et

in

debitis

erat

satis

cui ego

aliquem

(ut

hoc

Manfredum

D o l e o in v e s t r a r e p u b l i c a , iniquitati

ex

migrationem

e s s e , quae aueta in d i e s s i m i l i b u s o c c a s i o n i b u s a t t r a c t u r a d e m u m sit p u b l i c a s tales.

aeque

S i a d h u c est in v i v i s , ut m e t u o n o n f o r e ,

salutes,

in D o m i n o

intereepta

Precandus

s u c c e s s o r e ecclesiae vestrae p r o s p i c i a t . ilium

vero ferant

j u v a r i v e l i m p o t i u s p i i s tuis v o t i s et p r e c i -

periculose

fido

miseriarum

Nunc

quae et a f f l i c t i o n i s et f e l l i s e t i a m m u l t u m s e c u m

locum calami-

intellexi)

unde

c r e d i t o r i b u s c i v i b u s ex i n t e g r o p o t u i s s e t s a t i s f i e d , n i s i v a f r i c r e d i t o r e s , qui et s i m u l debitores essent, rem c u r a s s e n t

solutiones

ut m a j o r

i m p e d i v i s s e n t suis a r t i b u s ,

pecuniae

r e c i d a t in s i m p l i c e s et i n n o e u o s ,

pars

in

eorum

et c u r a t o r e s fidi s c i l i c e t ita

u n g u i b u s haeserit,

jactura universa

v i d e n t e i n t e r e a et c o n n i v e n t e M . et p r c e d a m ,

u s q u e ad s a t i e t a t e m sese e x p l e v e r i n t , h a r p y i s p e r m i t t e n t e .

quo-

E g o v e r o , q u i a et o f f i c i i

et e x i s t i m a t i o n i s esse p u t o , i n t e r p o s i t a praesertim m e a

fide,

injuriam potius ferre quam

detrectari solutionem,

cum

uxore

non detrecto.

f e l i c i t a t i s vestrae c u p i d i s s i m i amantissime

salutamus.

DD. Amerbachio

una

et

familia universa

te c u m h o n e s t i s s i m a a c p i e n t i s s i m a u x o r e t u a et l i b e r i s

Salutes

et C o c t i o .

Ego

v e r o r e d d e s d u p l i c a t a s a m i c i s s i m i s ac d o m i n i s m e i s

S a l u t a b i s v e r o D D . G r i n ; e u m S a m u e l e m , d. B e t t u m

vehementer gratulor secundam prolem.

B e n e v a l e , c o m p a t e r s u a v i s s i m e et

et tuis U t e r i s , l i c e t tarn m a l e s c r i p t i s ut a d eas l e g e n d a s e v o c a n d u s m i h i f u e r i t T r i t t e m i u s , me frequentius quam facis exhilara. T u u s ex animo Si

de

statu

Antuerpia

17 Januarii

Cassiodorus

h a r u m r e g i o n u m quaeras,

·) Simon Sulxcr, died 1085.

Compare p. 177 and 213.

abbas

1581.

Rein.

F e r t u r e q u i s a u r i g a etc.

pro sua d e m e n t i a qua; i m p e n d u n t , n e q u e u l l a alia r a t i o n e a v e r t i

cui

venerande,

Avertat

poterunt.

Deus

232

CASSIODORO DB REINA.

B i b l i o g r a p h y . Cassiodorus Reimius [sicj is a fhst class prohibited author. Index Sandoval y Rojas 1612, Palermo reprint 1(528, Prohib. p. 20 and 100. — Index, Juxta Exemplar excusum Madriti M. DC. LXV1I p. 22!): En Castellann. Casiodoro do la Reyna.

326.

1882.

Petition for a public place of worship in the name of the evangelical in London 1559, here p. 190 f .

Confession 327.

of faith

of the evangelical in London.

Spaniards

Spaniards

1577.

Declaration, ο | confession de fe hecha por | ciertos fieles Espa- I noles, que huyendo los abusos de la iglesia | Romana, y la crueldad de la Inquisition d' | Espana hizieron a la Iglesia de los | fieles para ser en ella recebi- | dos por hermanos en | Christo. | Declaranse en este perqueno [sic] volumen los | principales Fundamentes de la Fe y Reli- | gion Christiana necessarios ä la salud con- I forme a la Diuina Escriptura de donde | son sacados con toda fideli- I dad y breuedad. | Francford. | M. D. LXXVII. | This title in a frame. Small octavo. Forty unnumbered leaves, title included. Aviso al loctor on the back of the title. Epistola del | Autor al Lector fol. A 2 — A recto. A la iglesia [ del senor Iesvs el | Christo congrega- | da en Londres dec. fol. A 5 verso — A 7 recto. Deelaracion, ο | confession, twenty one chapters, fol. A 7 verso — Κ 5 recto. Apendice | al Lector fol. Ε ö verso — Ε 8 recto. FRANKFORT ο. M. City. Prohibited in the Index of 1583, see de Castro Hist, de los prot. Esp. p. 441 f . The title Declaracion . . en Christo agrees with the above; place and year of publication are not mentioned. The Epistola del Autor begins: Aviendo releydo muchas vezes esta Confession, ä la fin me determine de publicarla despues de mas de quinze anos que fue hecha, y do auer seruido para el fin que se hizo. It is clear that Reina means, that the Confession had never then been printed. Nor does Retrodt contradict him, when saying, in the preface of his reprint of 1601 (sec next n°): haben sie Anno 1559 . . ein . . Bekentnis jhres Glaubens in jhrer Mütterlichen Hispanischen Sprachen auszgehen lassen. The expression ausgehn lassen, to issue, to set forth, is not equivalent to printing. In Lessing's article (see here p. 166J there is no trace that he knew another edition besides that of 1601. — Reina wrote the above passage moi-e than fifteen years after that the Confession had been drawn up and that it had effected the aim for which it had been intended, viz. to procure for evangelical Spaniards in London admission into the Church of Protestant foreigners there.

233

CASRIOriORO DE REINΑ.

The preface to the Confession is dated January 4 1559. This date being according to the old English style (compare above p. 167 f.), it corresponds to 1560 new style; the admission desired by the Spaniards will have been granted some months after the presentation of the Confession; it is, therefore, improbable that Reina wrote the above later than the end of 1575. We must not, however, conclude that the edition of 1577 was not the first. 328.

1601.

Confession d e fe | C h r i s t i a n a , j h e c h a por ciertos | fieles E s p a n n o l e s [sic], la

l o s I q v a l e s l i v y e n d o l o s a b v s o s de | la I g l e s i a R o m a n a ,

crueldad

d e l a Inquisition d ' E -

| spana,

d e x a r o n su p a t r i a ,

y

para

ser recebidos de | la I g l e s i a de los f i e l e s , por hermanos | en Christo: | Das

ist,

I Bekenntnis

des

Christlichen

| Glaubens,

gestellt

etliche Christ- • g l e u b i g e Hispanier, w e l c h e w e g e n der M i s z der R o e m i s c h e n K i r c h e n , sition,

ihr V a t t e r l a n d

v n n d T y r a n n e y der H i -

verlassen,

durch

| breuch

| s p a n i s c h e n Inqui-

| damit sie von der Christgleubigen

Kirchen | als Mittbrüder in Christo a u f f g e - | n o m m e n w ü r d e n . | A n f e n g lieh

in

frommen

Hispanischer Christen zu

hardten v o n R e t r o d t , I. F. G. L e i b -

Sprachen | nütz

be-

vnd

Fürstl. H e s -

\ guardia

|

Trost

schrieben,

jetzt

verteutschet,

aber

allen

| D u r c h Eber-

| sischen b e s t e l t e n H a u p t m a n v b e r

i m Sclilosz

v n d Y e s t u n g Cassel. |

Gedruckt

zu C a s s e l , [ D u r c h W i l h e l m W e s s e l , 1 6 0 1 . | Octavo. G9 leaves, not numbered. On the reverse of the title Aviso al Lector with German translation at the side. Translator's prefatory dedication, dated Cassel May 29. 1601, seven -pages. Poems addressed to the translator, 8 pages. Index of the Confession, 3 pages. The Spaniards'1 letter to the London evangelical church, 5 pages. Confession, Spanish and German side by side, from signature A iij verso to G VI verso. Lastly ."> leaves on the Auto de fe celebvated at Valladolid in May 1559 (Retrodt: 1558J. Retrodt lies not the epistola del autor prefixed to the edition of 1577. That edition had no Index; the index added to Retrodt's edition has the inscription: Inrtice do todos Capitulos do la Confession Espannola (without article after todosj. HALLE o. S., S. Mary's library (annexed in the volume X. 1. 38J. On Retvodt's edition Theophili Sinceri Notitia historico-critica. Frkf. u. Lpz. 1753, p. 119 f.; more extensively, reprinting also the Spanish table of the contents of the 21 articles, F. G. Freytäg in his Adparatus litterarius, t. 3, Lps. 1755, p. 190 f . Catalogi librorvm Germanicorvm alphabetic! . . . seevnda pars . . . Franckfort am Mej-n . . . in Verlegung Petri Kopffcn. M. DC. II. [HALLE Univ.] P. 12: Bekantnusz dosz Christlichen Glanbens, gestolt durch etliche Christliche Hispanier, wclchc wogen der miszbräuch der Römischen Kirchen vnd Hispanischen Inquisition ihr Vatterland verlassen, Spanisch vnd Teutscli. Basel, 1600. in 8. — Basel 1600 must be α mistalce /or Cassel 1601. 1'lie Catalogvs vniversalis pro nvndinis FrancoBiblioth. Wiffon. Π. 30

234

CASSIODORO DB ΚΕΙΝΑ.

fvrt. autumn, de anno 1601. Francof. In Petri Kopffen Buchladen zu finden, has fol. Ε 1 : Bekandtnusz desz Christlichen Glaubens, gestellt durch etlicho Christliche Hispanier, wciche wegen der mi.szbräuch der Römischen Kirchen vnrl Hispanischen Inquisition jhr Vatterland vorlassen. Spanisch vnd Teutsch. Ibid. in 8. On the margin: 1601. This Ibid, means: Cassel bey Wilhelm "Wessel.

329.

1611.

Christi, und in Gottes wort wolgegründetes Glaubens Bekäntnus der verfolgten Evangel.

Kirchen in und ausser Hispanien

durch etliche Christgläubige Hispanier, welche wegen ihr Vatterland verlassen.

Amberg.

1611.

gestellet

der Inquisition

8.

From Bibliothcca symbolica evangelica Lvtherana qvam dcscripsit Jac. Wilh. Feverlinvs, Gottingae 1752 ]). 277. where also the following notice: Ex Editoris Joach. Ursini (qui etiam Beringer et Salmuth dicebatur) praifatione discimus, Exules quosdam Hispanos Evangelicos hanc Confessionem a. 1559. Hispanice primum editam Ecclesiis Evangelicis ltalorum et Hispanomm in Anglia obtulisse; eandemque Hispanice saepius, cum versione autem Germanica Cassellis a. 1601. recusam esse. Conf. de hac Confessione Buddeus in Addendis ad Isagogen p. 73 sq. et ibidem laudatus Lessingius in Analectis Societatis caritatis et scientiarum torn. II. p. 632. sqq. This notice, together with the above title, is simply repeated in. the enlarged edition made of this Biblioth. symb. Luth. by Joh. Barth. Riederer, Norimbergae 1768, part, prior. p. 256. Daniel Gerdes, subscribed to the dedication, in the Florilegium librorum rariorum, ed. I I I , Groningse et Bremse 1763, p. 87: Germanicam editionem Amberg® 1611. 8. plagis quatuor cum diinid. procuravit Joach. Ursinus sive (ut proprium ejus nomen erat) Beringer, Schote Ambergensis Rector, qui in P r a f a t . docet A. 1601. 8. liunc libmm lingua Hispanica simul et Germanica fuisse Cassellis editum, nunc autem edi solo sermone Germanico.

330.

1651.

Pierre Loyseleur, Seigneur de Villicrs, counsellor and preacher of William I. of Orange, says in Ministrorum qui verbum Dei in reformatis in Belgio ecclesiis concionantur ad authores libri Bergensis, qui etiam Concordiae dicitur, epistola 1579: Haec est nostra de sacra coena sententia, quam consentientibus animis una cum Gallicis, Anglicis, Scoticis, Helveticis ecclesiis et fratribus Romae et in Italia atque Hispania sub cruce laborantibus confiteinur. L. G. a Renesse, in his edition of this epistola Loyseleur's, Breda; 1651, says in an annotatimi to this passage: Confessiones Gallia; &c. sunt obvi®, at fratrum Hispanorum non item, et ltalorum rarissima; peculiares sunt dcclarationes; dabo itaque etiam in publicum suo tempore quas habeo; jam gustum aliquem in hoc articulo brcviter exhibebo avido lectori ex Confessione Hispanica (quas Casselis anno 1601 ox Hispanica in linguam Germanicam, et a me in Belgieam versa est). C. 13 sic sonat. The text follows in Latin.

331.

1748.

The just extracted passages of Loyseleur and Renesse I have copied the Scrinium antiquarium, tomi I pars I, Groninga; & Bremre, p. 149. 150. preface (by Gerdesius) is dated 1748.

from The

CASSIODOBO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

235

Pellicer, Ensayo p. 32, on the Spanish London confession of 1559: Pedro Villero la traduxo en flamenco, y en el Scrinium antiquariuin publicado por Daniel Gerdes se traduce al latin todo el capitulo 13. Certainly Pellicer had no other sources besides that note in the Serin, antiq., the note is, however, not Loyseleur's btit Iienesse's.

332.

1882.

Geneva papers 1563 — 71.

Here p. 191 /'.

L α

Β

ί b I i

a.

Prohibited together with all Bibles in popular languages, and especially as the translator is a first class heretic (see above j). 232). Llorente, Hist, de la lnq., cap. XIII. art. 1. §. 49: En 19 do enero de 1571 se mando recogor una Biblia en romance impresa en Basilea.

333.

1569.

Heina, in his autograph dedication of a copy of his Bible to the University library at Basle: typis ab honesto viro Thoma Guarino cive BasiN excusam. Valera, in the Exhortation prefixed to his Bible of 1002, fol. " 3 : La Biblia de Cassiodoro de Reyna impressa en Basilea aiio de 1569. Iselin in Historisch- und Geographisches Lexicon, Basel vol. 4. 1727, p. 63 said when publishing Reina's autograph dedication of his Bible to the University of Basle, that the honey-sucking bear is the device of Thomas Guarin, printer at Basle. And likewise in the Beiträge zur Basier Buchdruckergeschichte. Yon Stockmeyer and Eeber. Basel 1840. p. 157 among the Baslerische Buchdruckerzeiehen the honey bear is given with the subscription: Thomas Guarinus (von 1564); the publication from tvhich it is taken is not mentioned. But Professor Sieber, chief librarian of the Basle University library, wrote me, that he does not knoto any publication in which the name of Guarinus is found together with the honey-bear; Sieber examined ten publications: one of the year 1564 is without Guar Ms name and icith the Palma Isingrinii, his father-in-law, ιoho died in 1557, nine others 1564 —1580 bear the name of Guarinus and his own Palma in different size and design, some moreover at the end the Palma of his father-in-law. I may add that the Hebrew grammar of Aretius, Basileaj, per Thomarn Gverinvm MDLXI [VIENNA Court], has no emblem whatever. In the Supplement to Brunei's Manuel by Veschamps and G. Brunet, vol. 1. 1878, col. 127 is said: Thomas Guarin (ou Garin) otait no ä Berne, which statement seems to be intended to show that he loas entitled to use a bear-device (compare here p. 243_), but the fact is that he was from Tour nay in Belgium, see Rechnungsbuch der Proben und Episiopins, 1557 —1564. Hrsg. durch Budolf "Wackernagel. Basel 1881. p. 102. Guarin's epitaph stating the same is still extant at Basle. Some doubt about the printer toas hinted at by Sam. Engel, in republ. HelvetoBernensi bibliothecarius primarius, in his Bibliothcca selectissima. Berna; 1743, p. 17: Vulgö perhibetur Impressionem ä Guarino Typograph. Basil, procuratam fuisse, etsi insignia Apiarii Typogr. Bernensis pra! se forat. And Butsch, die Bücherornamentik,

236

CASSIODOEO DE REINA.

II. Theil, 1881, p. 28, is ritjhl in saying that that device represented by Stockbauer and Heber does not belong to Guarinus, but to Mathias Apiarius at Berne. The honey-bear on the last page of the Bescliribung vnd Geschieht desz Meylandisehon kriegsz, published together with the Müsserkrieg, Getruckt zu Born (lurch Matthkm Apiarium M. D. XXXIX. is so completely resembling that, lohicli is together wiüi the year 1569 on the title of Reina's Bible (both books. in my possession) that I should think both could well have come from the same stock. — In the Bernese impression of 1539 the ivoodcut is sided by the folloiving inscriptions which are wanting on the title of the Bible. Above: EgtwCtTt τάς γραφύς, οτ< h ανταΐς \ ζο>ην άκόνιον f/jTf. loan. 5. Below: Omnia probate, quod bonum | fucrit toneto. 1. Thcss. 5. Bight hand: Quam dulcia faucibus mois cloquia tua, super mel | ori moo. Psal. 118. Left hand: Vmis insidians & esurions, princcps super popidum paupercm. Thro. 3. Trouerb. 28. The full tenor of the last quoted verses is in the Vulgate, Lam. 3, 10: Ui'sus insidians factus est mihi, leo in absconditis, Pror. 28, 15: Leo rugiens ct ursus esuriens, princcps impius super populmn pauperem. The inscriptions help to explain the meaning of the cut. It represents bees flying about and some sitting upon an open book tohich is characterised as the Bible by the ivord mrr written in it. A bear, standing upright before a hole of a tree, is about to remove a huge mallet hung upon a branch before the hole which contains honey; the mallet loill naturally always fall back on him. — 'Hie device alludes to the name of the printer. Apiarius is the latinised German family-name Biener, which means bee-master (for which the general German expression is Bienenvator; this latter, however, is not the familyname of Apiarius. G. Rottig: Notizen über Math. Apiarius, in Archiv für Gesell, dos Deutschen Buchhandels. IV. Lpz. 1879. p. 32). Mathius Apiarius teas in 1537 called to Berne from Strassburg, where the theologians O'kolampadius, Butzer and Capita were highly satisfied with him and certainly had recommended him to the Bernese authorities with ivhom they ivere on very good terms (G. Rettig in the IJerner Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1880. Born 1879. p. 44). He used the emblem of the honey-bear in the years 1534 f . at Strassburg (niederer, quoted in our n" 333", p. 269). In the Roman prohibitory Index of 1558 he is still registered only as Argentoratensis impressor. He died some years before that Reina's Bible loent to the press. After his death his son Samuel continued printing at Berne. In March 1564 Samuel Apiarius ivas banished from the toivn and territory of Berne, because he had, as they called it, falsified (by several alterations) a popular song which he had reprinted, of Hans Krafft of Lucerne, affecting a battle in France, of which perpetration Lucerne had complained, and because he had printed a satirical poem by which some places were offended (Anzeiger für Schweizerische Geschichte. 1873. N° 3. p. 326 f.). He ivent to Solothum, where he printed in the years 1565 and 66, being the earliest printer of that toivn. Some publications of his of the year 1566 are without an imprint; one of them treats a strange appearance in the heavens seen in July and August 1566 at Baste, described by Samuel Coccius dor lieylgen Geschrifl't vnnd froyen Künsten studiosus zfi Basel im Yatterland. (See in the Anzeiger für Schweizerische Geschichte. Νοιιο Folge. Dritter Band. Solothurn. N° 3 of 1879, p. 166 /'., an article loritten by Frz. Jos. Schiffmann [librarian at Lucerne]: Samuel Apiarius, der älteste Buchdrucker Solothurns. Schiffmann asks in a note to the title ofthat publication on the phenomenon at Basle: Apiarius damals schon in Basel?). If he was not yet living at Basle when he printed this pamphlet, he certainly printed there in 1568. The printing place Basle and Samuel Apiarius as pi-inter are named together on

CASSIODOEO DE HEINA.

237

newspapers printed by him in the years 1568 and 1569 und as late as 1589 (Weller, Die ei slen deutschen Zeitungen, in Bibliothek des litter. Vereins zu S t u t t g a r t , C X I , 1872, under the year 1568 η" 3 3 0 , mtihr 1509 it" 3 5 2 , under 1571— 89 U'JS 379. 385. 391. 435. 436. 656. 092. It i* Weiler who in two unifications of the year 1506, 295. 3 1 5 , adds to the name of Samuel Apiarins the printing place Basle). I find it expressly stated that the emblem of the honey-bear ivas used by him at Basle in 1575 (Biederer p. 270). Cr. Rettin says, with reference to the bear - emblem ascribed to Guarinus by Stockmeyer and lieber (see above), that it seems that at Basle Thomas Guarinus lent for a while his name to the business of Samuel Apiarins. (In the abote quoted Notizen in the Archiv d. Deutschen Buchhandels IV. 1879. p. "SI f.: Inzwischen h a t t e er sich in Solothurn und Basel aufgehalten und hier gedruckt. An letzterem Orte scheint Thorn. Guarinus eine Zeit lang den Namen f ü r das Geschäft hergegeben zu liaben.J More accurate is the conjecture of Professor Sieber, expressed to me in a letter: that Apiarius printed Reina's Bible at Guarins expense, perhaps working in Guar Ms office, and that, Gnarin nut putting his name in the book, Apnarius was at liberty to employ his own emblem. Dr. Goldlin, Scriptor of the Court library in Vienna, observed that this conjecture was so much the more likely, as Samuel Apiarins, even while still at Berne, printed for a publisher at Frankfort: Die Guldin Arch. . . . durch Sebastian Francken von Word. M. D. L V I I . has the colophon: Getruckt inn der Loblichen S t a t t B e n i n , Boy Samuel Apiario, I n n kosten viul Verlegung desz Ersamen Dauid Zäpffels, Biichtruckcr vnnd Burger zii F r a n c k f u r t , Im Μ. D. Lvij. Jar. [VIENNA Court.] Matthias Apiarins had in 1550 printed at Berne a cosmography I n n Costen vnd Vorlegung Cyriaci Jacobi zu Franckfort am Meyn (Biederer, N a c h r i c h t e n , vol. 4 , p. 269J. What Heina says of the typographer in the letter of 4 Aug. 1508: typographies eludit nos, does not appear to be applicable to Guarin; whilst the other circumstance, stated in Rema's letter of 23 I)cc. of the same year, that Reina's typographer was hard to his debtor, is natural enough, if he was Samuel Apriarius who during his exile from Berne was himself accused there of debts by some creditor of Solothurn or Basle (for this fact see Ileltig i ι the Archiv I. c. p. 331). 1lis exile ended in 1575. (Historische Ztg. Hrsg. v. > in the title is the year 1877. Verso blank. Without imprint. In the index, fol. 2, instead ο/1 DEL' [sie] TESTAMENTO NUEVO, in 347 »>, here: DEL NUEVO TESTAMENTO, and Apocalipsis, whilst in that former edition Apocalipsi. B — r. 374 < l . 1879. Differs from 374c only by this new date. B—r. My copies of 374 c and are both bound in Roan, apparently in London. I think they were printed in England from plates of 374». They are not in Mr. CorfiekVs list of the Madrid editions. 374e. 1880. In Mr. Garfield's list of Madrid editions: 32°. f

5a ed.

374 . 1882. Title like b. Verso blank. Second leaf index agreeing with c, but of a later composition. Notwithstanding the year 1871 reappears on the title, I was informed that my copy was printed in 1882 from the plates of 1871.

268

CASSIODOEO DE REINΑ.

375®.

1872.

E l I nuevo testamento contiene

| d e | nuestro

senor J e s u - C r i s t o ,

| que

| los escritos evangelicos y apostolicos. | Antigua version de

Cipriano d e V a l e r a , | r e v i s a d a con a r r e g l o al texto Griego. | Ornamented stroke. | Madrid.

—

1872. | S e h a l l a en el D e p o s i t o

central

Sociedad B i b l i c a , B. y E . , ) Calle d e P r e c i a d o s , n ü m e r o s 46. | Imprenta p. 5 — 434.

de Jose

Cruzado,

Pefion 7.

| Second leaf recto index.

de

la

Verso: Text

Line between the columns 134 millim.

Octavo. 8°. B—r.

2 a ed.

Composed afresh,

stereotyped.

375b. 1875. Octavo, third edition from the plates of 375«. Title and index reprinted. In the title the year is changed, and the ornamented stroke differs from the jormer. Verso: Madrid: 1875. — Imp. de Jose Cruzado, Penon, 7. B — r. 375c. 1878. Octavo fourth ed. according to Mr. Corfield.

Published 376°.

by

TBS

and

BFBS.

1871.

El I nuevo testamento | de nuestro senor y Salvador | Jesucristo. | Barcelona.

| Imprenta de L. Obradors y P. Sule,

| calle

Petritxol,

n° 6 , bajos. | MDCCCLXXI. | Second leaf Libros del nuevo testamento. Title and table one quarto leaf. Text p. 3 — 561. Height of the line separating the two columns generally 187 millim. Octavo, p. 19 signature 2, p. 35 signature 3, and so on. Pandsack: 4°, letra del 14° (English). Summaries, no parallels. Composed and stereotyped in England (Pundsack thinks: in Cambridge); the Trinitarian Bible Society gave the plates to Mr. G. Lawrence at Barcelona, where the tvork was printed and the above title-page added. Β—r. „Spanish Testament (Vol.) 8vo. Barcelona, 1871." in the ABS's library at NEW YORK, registered in the Sixty-third annual report of the ABS. New York 1879. P. 121. 376 \

1876.

El I nuevo testamento | de | nuestro senor J e s u - C r i s t o : | que es, | los escritos evangelicos y

apostolicos.

| Antigua version de Cipriano

de Valera, | revisada | con arreglo al original Griego.

| Monogram of

CASS10D0E0 BE HEINA.

269

BFBS I Madrid | se halla en el deposito central de la sociedad biblica, B. y e., | calle de Preciados, n°. 46. | 1876. | The printer is nowhere named. Second leaf the table. Title and table coherent. Text p. 3—561. Table and text the identical impression as that of 1871, certainly plates. Only not in eights, but 16°. The lists, which Mr. Corfield, the Agent of the BFBS at Madrid, sent do not include this edition. Copies to be sold in his depot were furnished the above title, duplicates of the plates sent to Barcelona seem to have been to Madrid likeivise, perhaps bought in Cambridge. B — r.

376 e .

from me, with sent

1878.

In Mr. Cm-field's list. The stereotype plates of the gospels were used for separate editions of each of them, as well by the TBS as by the BFBS. Both call the size: 4°. 376.

Mat«•.

El

santo

Mateo.

1870.

TBS

evangelio

la.

de

nuestro

senor Jesu - Cristo segun san

Madrid deposito de la sagrada escritura

carrera

de

san

Jeronimo, 11, pasaje del Iris. This must have been the title 'of the first separate edition of St. Matthew, which Pundsack reports that was made in Madrid, suiting the gospel of St. John {see Ju».). It doubtless was, like SK John, bound up with certain copies of the Barcelona primer, third ed.

376.

Mat Κ

1871?

TBS 2®.

The fourth edition of the Barcelona primer icas certainly coupled with gospels likeivise. ,4s Pundsack says that two editions of these 4° gospels were made in Barcelona, I should suppose that the first edition of Madrid ivas followed by a second in the same toivn.

376.

Mat1873

Printed 376.

or 74?

in Barcelona

Matd.

1875.

TBS 3a.

together with the primer. BFBS

Pundsack.

1».

El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo | segun | san Mateo. I Monogram of BFBS \ Madrid. | Se halla en el deposito central de la sociedad biblica, B. y e., | calle de Preciados, nüm. 46. | 1875.

I The same,

and just

so divided,

on the coloured cover, only with some

other types, after Madrid colon, and between e and calle two full

stops.

Colophon p. 74: Madrid: 1875. — Imprenta de J. Cruzado, Penon, 7. | Text paged 3 — 73. B — r.

Signature

Β p. 35, C p. 67.

270

CASSIODORO DB ΚΕΙΝΑ.

. 376.

Mate.

1876.

TBS

4 a.

The text, p. 3 — 73, without title-leaf, folloios after the Ensayo metodico | de | lectura y aritmetica, | que contiene mas de 1,600 problemas sobre las cuatro reglas | simples. | Y ademäs como practica de lectura | el | evangelio Segun S. Mateo. | Sesta edicion. [ B a r c e l o n a . | S e halla en la calle de s. J u a n , 3 5 , Gracia. | 1 8 7 6 . I Verso:

I m p r e n t a de la A u r o r a de Gracia.

The title is repeated

on the coloured

Text p. 3 —32.

cover.

B—r. 376.

1877.

Mtf.

No colophon. a cover with

BFBS

Besides

the following

Jesu-Cristo

2 a.

the old title with the year 1875 (stop after Mateo title:

El

| segun | san Mateo.

Santo

evangelio

| Madrid.

| de

nuestro

faded) senor

| S e halla en el deposito

central de la sociedad biblica B . y e. | Calle de P r e c i a d o s , niim. 4 6 . | 1 8 7 7 . I On the last page of the cover:

I m p r e n t a de Enrique Rubinos, plaza

de la P a j a , num. 10. | B—r. 376.

Mts-h.

1878.

BFBS

3 a and 4a.

Madrid. 376.

Mti.

1879.

BFBS

5».

1880.

BFBS

6a.

1881.

BFBS

7a.

Madrid. 376.

MtK

Madrid. 376.

MtK

A new title-leaf which, however, is an integral part of the first layer. The new title is like that of Ί and f , but without the stop after Mateo and after Madrid, without comma after B. y e., and luith the year 1881 (without stop) instead of 1875. The coloured cover repeats the same title, but with an ornamented stroke instead of the monogram, and has on the back of the last leaf: I m p r e n t a de Enrique R u b i n o s , p l a z a de la P a j a , 7, bis. B—r. 376.

Mrca.

1875.

BFBS

la.

Madrid. 376.

MrcK

1876.

TBS.

SK Mark, without title, paged 7 4 — 1 1 8 , folloioing like that with SK Mattheiv, only that here Marcos is read

after the primer entitled in the place of Mateo.

CASSIODORO DE

271

REINA.

From the statement of Pundsack that Matthew, Luke and John were printed in Madrid, and that a new edition ivas printed in Barcelona, previous to that of 1876, which contains the primers with the four gospels, I cannot suppose that St. Mark was published with the primer before 1876. B-r. 376.

Mrcc.

1877.

d

-1878.

f- 1879.

9- 1880.

BFBS

2»—6 a .

Madrid. 376.

MrcK

1881.

7a.

BFBS

El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo | segun | san Marcos | Monogram of the BFBS.

| Madrid | S e halla en el deposito

central de la sociedad biblica, B. y e. | Calle de Preciados, num. 46. | 1881. I Octavo.

Paged: 3 — 47.

On a coloured cover the same title, icith an

m'namented stroke instead of the monogram, and without stop after 46.

On the

fourth page of the cover: Imprenta de Enrique Rubinos, plaza de la Paja, 7, bis. B—r. 376.

Lua. Madrid.

1870.

Lub. Madrid?

1871?

376.

876.

Luc.

la.

TBS

TBS 2a.

1873 or 7 4 ?

TBS 3a.

1875.

la.

Barcelona. 376.

Lud.

BFBS

Madrid. 376.

Lue.

1876.

TBS 4a.

Without title, text paged 118 —192, annexed to the primer of Barcelona as in Mat« and Mrcb, only with the name Lucas on the title. B—r. 376.

Luf.

1877.

s- h.

1878_

i. 1879.

k.

1 8 8 a

B F £ S

2a_6a.

Madrid. 376.

Lui.

1881.

BFBS

I*·.

El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo | segun | san Lücas I Monogram of the BFBS.

| Madrid | Se halla en

el deposito

272

CASSI0D0R0 DE RHINA.

central de la sociedad biblica, B. y e. | calle de Preciados, num. 46. | 1881.

|

Text pagecl 3— 77.

On a coloured cover the .tame title,

mented stroke instead of the monogram,

with an

orna-

Fourth

page

and without stop after 46.

of the cover: Imprenta de Enrique Rubinos, plaza de la Paja, 7. bis. B—r.

376. Jua. 1870. TBS 1 a. El santo evangelio | de | nuestro sefior Jesu - Cristo | segun | san Juan. I Madrid | deposito de la sagrada escritura | carrera de san Jeronimo, 11, pasaje del Iris. | 1870. |

Text paged 193—248.

After the primer which has the following title: El | Angel | del | evangelio | eterno. | Follow seven lines from Apocalipsis XIV. 6. 7. | Tercera edicion, con la esplicacion del sistema | metrico decimal, una tabla de multipliear, | y el alfabeto. | Barcelona | imprenta do L. Obrado[rs y P. Sule,] | calle de Petritxo[l, n° 6, bajos.] | 187[0]. Text beginning on the verso, ending p. 16. My copy of the primer is defective; I have added the bracketed parts of my description, not knowing, however, for certain the year.

376.

Jut.

1871?

TBS

2».

Madrid?

376.

Juo.

1 8 7 3 or 7 4 ?

TBS

1875.

BFBS

la.

1876.

TBS

3a.

Barcelona. 376.

Jud.

Madrid.

376.

Jue.

4a.

Without title, paged 193 — 848, annexed to the sixth ed. of the primer, ivith the same title and cover as the other three varieties of the same year, described above, only with the name Juan. B—r. 376.

Juf.

1877.

s- h- 1 8 7 8 .

1881.

BFBS

1

1879.

k

- 1880.

BFBS

2a-6a.

Madrid. 376.

Jul.

7 a.

El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo | segun | san Juan. I Monogram of the BFBS. | Madrid | Se halla en el deposito central de la sociedad biblica, B. y e. | calle de Preciados, niim. 46. | 1881.

Text paged 3 — 58.

On a coloured cover the same title, with an

stroke instead of the monogram,

and without stop after 46.

ornamented

On the fourth page of

the cover: Imprenta de Enrique Rubinos, plaza de la Paja, 7. bis. B—r.

273

CASSIODORO DE REINA.

377\

1872.

„Spanish Testament (Vol.) 16 mo. Loudon, 1872." In the ABS's library at NEW YORK, according to the Sixty-third annual report of the American Bible Society. May 1879. New York 1879. P. 121. Probably from the plates of the following. Pundsack lorites me that the TBS founded two copies of that Ν. T. and that they made an edition of it in London.

377".

1872.

El I nuevo testamento | de | nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo: | que es, | los escritos evangelicos y apostolicos. [ Antigua version de Cipriano de Valera, | cotejada con diversas traducciones, | y revisada j con arreglo al original texto Griego. | Barcelona: | imprenta de Obradors y Sule. I 1872. | Second leaf, first page: Libros del nuevo testamento. Text p. 1 — 315. Summaries, no parallels. Octavo. Pundsack: Letra del 7° (Minion ο Colonel). Six pages Erratas. At the end of them: Calle de San Juan, mim. 35, Gracia (Barcelona,) | se hallan biblias enteras y nuevos testamentos. | Pundsaclc: contained in the and the size was Barcelona, where Β

—

378.

For this Ν. Τ. the TBS used the composition of their Ν. T. Bible of 1875 (here n° 349j. The parallels were taken away, made smaller. The stereotype plates were sent by the Society to title and Erratas were added.

)·.

1878.

El I nuevo testamento | de | contiene los | escritos evangelicos y Cipriano de Valera, | revisada | Barcelona. | Se halla en el Deposito d e S. J u a n , 3 5 , en Gracia single line, height 123 millim. Second words. Text Letra del 11° in Barcelona,

I 1878.

nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo | que apostolicos. | Antigua version de con arreglo al texto Griego. I de la Sagrada Escritura, | Calle

I This title (not the text) framed

by a

P. 968: Imp. d e L a Aurora d e Gracia.

leaf: Libros del nuevo testamento. Verso a notice on the italicized p. 3 — 968. No parallels or summaries. One column. Sedecimo. (Pica), as Mr. Pundsack notes, who also states that it was printed partly from plates founded there.

The edition was completed for Mr. G. Laiorence, who had directed all the editions of the TBS in Spain and who in 1878 bought their printing - machinery and store in Barcelona. See the circular of Mr. T. S. Marks, London, March. 1879. on Mr. George Lawrence's Bible work in Spain, and the circular of Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Pundsack, Barcelona Sept. 1 6 t h , 1881. on the Large-type Spanish Bible. B—r. From this Ν. T. separate editions, partly from plates, partly composed with coloured covers (I have seen six colours): Biblioth. Wiffen. Π.

35

afresh;

274

CASSIODORO DE REINΑ.

378.

Mat*.

1877.

la

Barcelona. I conclude the existence and Luke were printed in that year. 378.

MatK

El

santo

1878. evangelio

of this edition from the fact that

Marie

2a. | de

|

nuestro sefior J e s u - C r i s t o

| segun |

s. Mateo. | B a r c e l o n a : | i m p r e n t a , calle de s. J u a n , 3 5 , Gracia | 1 8 7 8 . | Verso notice on the italicized words. Text payed 3—124. Coloured cover; fiont, in an ornamented frame like that of the separate Oxford Ν. T. portions of 1865/'. (n° 3 6 9 ) , the same verse as time: Crce | en el sefior | Jesu-Cristo, | y seräs salvo | tu y tu casa. | and in, the upper department of the frame: S. Mateo. On the last side of the cover: Este libro forma parte do la sagrada escritura que se com pone de los libros seguientes. Below: Se hallan biblias y nuevos testamentos, Calle | do S. Juan, n° 35, — Gracia. — Barcelona. B — r.

378. El

Mrc. santo

1877. evangelio

| de

| n u e s t r o senor J e s u - C r i s t o

| segun |

s . M a r c o s . | B a r c e l o n a : | se lialla, calle d e s. J u a n , :>5, Gracia. | 1 8 7 7 . | Verso like Matt. Text payed 3— 80. apostle being changed. B — r. 378.

Lu«·.

Cover like Matb,

only

the name

of the

1877.

Title like St. Mark, only: Lucas. Verso item. Text paged 1—132. Cover title as in the other separate portions, but with the addition below: Impreso por cuenta del Kiosko biblico del Palacio de cvistal | de Londres. This on no other of the portions I saw. Fourth page of the coiier as above. B—r.

378.

Luh

1879.

E l santo e v a n g e l i o s. Lucas.

I Barcelona:

| de

| nuestro senor J e s u - Cristo

| segun j

| imprenta, E n c a r n a c i o n , 4*2, Gracia. | 1 8 7 9 .

Verso on italicised words. Below: So hallan Biblias, Nuevos Testamentos, etc., Torrente de | las Plores, 92, Gracia, (Barcelona.). | Text payed 1 —132. On the last leaf (part of the last half-sheet) an advertisement on the Bibles and parts of the Bible to be sold in the Libreria Evangelica, Torrente de las Plores, num. 92. Cover-title as Lua, but S. Lucas printed afresh, and without the imprint of Lna. Fourth page of the cover as above, only at the end: Se hallan biblias y nuevos testamentos. | Gracia. — Barcelona.

378.

Jw.

Barcelona.

1877. I suppose this edition in analogy to Mark and Luke

of that

year.

275

CASSIODOKO DE REINA. 378.

Juh.

1879.

Title like Lub. Verso, the notice on italicizing, and: Se hallan Biblias y Nuevos Testamentes, etc., Torrente | de las Flores, 92, Gracia (Barcelona). | Text payed 1 — 99. Cover-title as above, ivith Juan. Fourth leaf as Lu1». On the last leaf of the last half-sheet the advertisement as in Lub.

378.

Juo.

1881.

El santo evangelio

| de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo

| segun |

s. Juan. I Barcelona | imprenta, Encarnacion, 42, Gracia. | 1881. | Verso only on the italicized ivords. Text p. 3— 99 (·ought to he 101; after 96 is repeated 95. 96, and then only follows 97 f.). Advertisement as above, only num. 170 instead of num. 92. Cover - title as Jul·, fourth page blank. At least part of it composed afresh, as is at once seen in Matth. 1 and Bevel, last. B—r. 378.

Hechos.

Barcelona. 378.

According

Bom«-.

to

Pundsack.

1879.

La epistola [ del apostol san Pablo j a, los j Romanos. | Barcelona: | imprenta,

Encarnacion,

•instead of 92.

Text paged

Romanos. Fourth S — r. 378.

Boml·.

42,

Gracia.

5ϋ0 — 612.

| 1879.

Cover-title

|

Verso like Jul·,

like that

only 170,

of the gospels,

with

page of the cover like Jub.

1880.

Title like that of 1879. Verso only o>i italicizing. Text paged 3— 55. Cover-title as 1879. Fourth page like 1879, only comma after testamentos. A part at least is of new composition, as is seen on the last page. B—r. 378. Hebrews,

Pundsack mentions as published Sl. Peter and adds &c.

Valera's

Ν . T . of

1602

separately

with

from

some

of

this Ν. T.

Galatians,

Liicerm's

aiterations.

379».

1868.

El I nuevo testamento | de j nuestro senor Jesu Cristo, | que es j los escritos evangelicos | y apostolicos. ι Version revista y conirontada con el I tcxto Griego, y con diversas | traducciones. | Londres: | 29, Red Lion square, Holborn. | 1 8 6 8 . |

Verso: Indice.

Colophon: Londres: 29, Red Lion-square.

276

CASSIODORO DE EEINA.

No summaries or parallels. Small octavo. One column. No paying or foliation. fhe signature begins several times afresh; this, and the blank page at the end of St. Luke's and St. John's gospels shows that the edition was intended to be issued also in small separate parts, viz. 1 Matthew, 2 Mark, 3 Luke, 4 John, 5 Acts, 6 Romans and Corinthians, 7 the other Pauline epistles, 8 the rest of the Ν. T. B — r.

379 a .

Gospels. I think to this impression belong the „Spanish Matthew, Mark, Luke, John. London 1867" registered among the „Additions to the Society's library,'' in the Sixty-third annual report of the American Bible Society. New York 1879. P . 121.

379».

1869.

The same Ν. T. as described under a, only with the year 1869 on the title. Certainly from the plates of the former. This must be the „Spanish Testament (Val.) (in 8 parts). 32mo. London, 1869" in the ABS's library at NEW YORK, according to the Sixty-third annual report of the American Bible Society. New York 1879. P. 121. It is unimportant that the size is called 32mo whilst my own copy really is a very small 8", height about 9 cenlim., including columntitle and signature.

379 c .

1876.

„Spanish Testament (Val.) 32mo. London, 1876." In the ABS's library at NEW YORK, according to the Sixty-third annual report of the American Bible Society. New York 1879. P . 121. Probably another impression from the plates of the editions 1868 and 1869.

New Testament 380a.

1875.

and Psalms of 1602, revised by Mora and Pratt. Brevier.

First

for

edition.

„Without references, but with orthographic changes, electrotype, 24°. According to Rev. Alex. Me Lean, Corresponding Secretary of ABS. 380\

1875.

Brevier.

Second

ABS,

1875."

edition.

El nuevo testamento | de nuestro | senor y Salvador Jesu Cristo: | version de Cipriano de Valera: | revisada y corregida. | Nueva York: | sociedad biblica Americana, | fundada en el ano de MDCCCXYI. | 1875. I [ S p a n i s h , B r e v i e r 24mo], Below:

2 d Edition.

Second page, table of the books of the

N.T.

Text p. 3—485.

El I libro de los salmos. Version de Cipriano de Valera, | revisada y corregida. | Nueva York: | sociedad dec. as above. Text p. 489 — 604.

277

OASSIODOEO DB KJäINA.

Summaries as ivell in the Ν. T. as in the psahns. P. 605— 009 Indice of the contents of the chapters in the Ν. T. and of each psalm. At the end of the last page 009 the signature Span. 39. B—r.

Certainly

from

the plates

The gospels have

380.

Mt.

of the first

been edited

edition.

separately:

1875.

El evangelio | de I nucstro senor Jesu Oristo | segun \ san Mateo. | Version de Cypriano de Valera, | revisada y corregida. | Nueva York: | sociedad biblica Americana, | fundada en el ano de MDCCCXVI. | 1875.

I Text p. 3 — 64.

B — r.

380.

Mrc.

1875.

El evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu Cristo | segun I san Marcos. | Version de Cipriano de Valera, | revisada y corregida. | Nueva York: [ sociedad biblica Americana, j fundada en el ano de MDCCCXVI. | 1875.

I Text,

beginning

on the second leaf, paged

65 —101.

B—r.

380.

Lu.

1875.

El evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu Cristo | segun ( san Liicas. | Version de Cipriano de Valera, | revisada y corregida. ] Nueva York: | sociedad biblica Americana, j fundada en el ano de MDCCCXVI. | (Span., Brevier 24mo.) 1875. | Text, beginning on the second leaf, paged 102—165. B — r.

380.

Ju.

1879.

El evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu Cristo | segun | san Juan, j Version de Cipriano de Valera, j revisada y corregida. | Nueva York: | sociedad biblica Americana, fundada en el ano de MDCCCXVI. | (Span., Brevier 24 mo.) 1879. ! Text, beginning on the second leaf, paged 166 — 214. B—r. Probably St. John had been edited separately already gospels, and those loill have been repeated as toas that of

in 1875 with the John.

other

CASSIODORO BE REINA.

278

381.

1599.

Matthew. From, the Bible of

Sanctvs I Matthajvs,

Ex

1569.

Then in tivo columns:

Syriace,

Italice.

Ebraice,

Hispanice.

Graece,

Gallice.

Latine,

Anglice.

Germanice,

Danice.

Bohemice,

Polonice. |

I Dispositione & Adornatione

| Eliae Hvtteri

Germani.

bergae. | Μ D X C I X . | Pages 543, including title-page. Title and text in a frame about 22 centim. Layers of eight leaves. BERLIN Royal. STUTTGART Royal. B—r.

382.

1806.

From

the Ν. T. of

Londres,

Registered by Bullen in the Catalogue oj the BFBS's

1857.

Fure-title:

From

Valera's

of lines,

height

1708?

E l Sancto Evangelio segun S a n Matlieo.

383.

j Nori-

Bible

of

1806.

12 0

library ρ. 157.

1602.

E l evangelio | de | nuestro sefior J e s u Cristo, | segun

san Mateo. | Principal

title:

E l evangelio

| de | nuestro senor

| Jesu

Cristo, 1 segun | san Mateo. | Traducido al espanol e impreso por la primera vez Reimpreso

| en el ano 1 6 0 2 en 1 8 5 7

| P o r el Doctor Cypriano de Valera. j

| por algunos amigos

del evangelio.

imprenta de Α. Chauvin, | calle Mirepoix, title is repeated without signature,

on the coloured cover.

j Tolosa, |

| 1 8 5 7 . | 'Tlus same

Text p. ~> —105.

Six layers:

principal p. 1— 24

p. 25 signed 1 , p. 37 signed 2, p. 01 signed 2. (with full stop),

p. 73 signed 3, p. 97 signed 3.; p. 106 to 108 blank. B — r.

A(jreeiu(j 384.

with ΒFltS's

X. T. of

1867.

1872.

E l santo evangelio | segun | s. Mattco. | Londres: | 1872. | yer>,o Tabla de los | libros del liuevo testamento.

Below:

Harrison e hijos, St. Martin's

279

CASSIODORO DE REIN Α.

L a n e , Londres. Text p. 3 — 98. Line dividing the two columns 95 millim. One layer, called 32°. Like the other gospels described n° 393. 400. 408, printed for BVBS. Β—r.

From

Liicena's

Bible.

385.

1869. Madrid. BFBS.

386.

32".

l»ed.

1871.

El santo evangelio I de | nucstro senor Jesu Cristo | segun | san Mateo, Bibli-

ι Madrid.

| Se

I c a , B. y E . ,

p. 3 — 95, paged. gospels of

lialla en

calle

el D e p o s i t o Central de la S o c i e d a d

de P r e c i a d o s ,

One column,

numero 46.

; 1871.

|

the whole one layer, like all the following

Text 32"

Madrid.

Colophon p. 95: Imp. de J. Cruzado, P e n o n , 7. [ Called 32°. 2» ed. B — r.

387.

1873. Madrid. BFBS.

388.

32".

3 a cd.

1877.

E l santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor J e s u - C r i s t o | s e g u n | san Mateo.

I Madrid.

Biblica,

| S e halla en el Deposito Central de la S o c i e d a d |

B. y E. calle de P r e c i a d o s ,

niim. 46.

| 1877.

| Text p.

3—92.

One layer. Colojihon p. 92: Imp. de J. Cruzado, P e n o n , 7. | Called 32°. 4» ed. B—r.

389.

1881.

The same, except a neiv title with the year 1881, comma after TS. y Ε., and an ornamented stroke above Madrid. Called 32°. 5 a od. For the difference from 388 see ch. 2, 23. B—r.

ATiS's 390.

revision.

1874.

„At Matamoras, Mexico, with funds from, this [the American Bible] Society, Valera's Matthew tvas printed in 1874." Oilman. The Sixty-second annual report of the American Bible Society, May 1878. New York 1878. p. 78 states, under Matamoras: „Mr. Purdie reports frequent calls for reference Bibles, and pocket Testaments . . . Of the separate portions which Mr. Purdie printed in 1874 and 1876, 225 Gospels and 150 of the Epistles of Peter have gone into the hands of the people."

CASSIODOEO DE REINA.

280

Pratt's

revision.

391.

1877. El I nuevo testaniento | de nuestro | senor y Salvador Jesu Cristo, traducido del original Griego, | y cotejado cuidadosamente | con nnichas diversas traducciones. | Version fundada en la antigua [ de | Cipriano de Valera. | ,,Υο para esto naci, y para esto vine al mundo, para dar I testimonio ä la verdad. Todo aquel que es de la verdad, oye | mi voz." Jesu-Cristo. — San Juan XVIII. 37. | Bucaramanga. | Imprenta de Η. Β. Pratt. | 1877. | Second page Advertencia. P. 3— 56 San JIateo. Height of the column, including column-title and Coloured cover:

On half-sheets paying, about

of 8 pages. 14 centim.

El evangelio | de j nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo, | segun | san Mateo. Nueva revision. | (Edicion de 150 ejemplares, que debe servir j como base para otra revision mas perfecta.) | Bucaramanga. | Imprenta de Η. Β. Pratt. | P. 56 Kectificaoionos y enmiendas. On the bad; - leaf of the cover Ultimas correcciones for S. Matthew and for the psalms. Below on the same first page of the backleaf: Siento participar a las personas cuya cooperacion he solicitado cn la revision de los Salmos y del Nuevo Testamente, que asi por motivo de mi salud, que pido descanso, como por la necesidad de regresar äl os Estados Unidos. tengo que suspender, por ahora, la obra en este punto: bien que cuando lo acomoti, tuve buena esperanza de poder llevarlo ä cabo. Bucaramanga [U. S. of Columbia], 4 de junio do 1877. Η. B. Pratt. B — r.

From 392.

Mar /.·. the Bible of

1569.

1600.

S a n c t v s | M a r c v s , | &c. like the title of Matthaus, with the only difference that the year here is Μ D C. Pages 349, including title-page. Signature A foil., independent from, Matthew. Layers of eight. Frame and size like Matthew 381. BERLIN Royal. STUTTGART Royal. B — r.

Agreeing

with

BFBS's

JSf. T. of

1867.

3 9 3 a . 1872. El santo evangelio | segun | s. Marcos. | Londres. | 1872. | Verso: Tabla de los | libros del nuevo testamento.

hijos, St. Martin's lane.

Text p. 3 — 63,

where:

Harrison

Two columns. One layer.

B — r.

393".

1875.

Just like B—r.

only with the new year, and without the imprint

p. 63.

e

281

CASSIODOEO DE REINA.

394. The gospel of St. Mark in embossed type for the blind (Moon's system). According to the 77 th rep0rt of BFBS. 1881, p. XXXII. Compare n° 409.

From

395.

Lucena's

Bible.

1869.

After a blank leaf: El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo | segun | san Marcos. Bibli-

| Madrid. I ca,

| Se lialla en el Deposito Central

B y E.,

calle de Preciados,

de la Sociedad

niimero 19. | 1869. |

Text

p. 3 — 61, paged. Colophon p. Gi: Called 32°. B—r.

396.

1871.

Madrid.

397.

2a ed.

32°.

3a ed.

1877.

Madrid.

399".

32°.

1873.

Madrid.

398.

Imp. de J. Cruzado, Olivar, 14 y 16. |

la ed.

32°.

4'a ed.

1881.

Madrid.

32°.

5 a ed.

399b. 1882. E l santo evangelio | de nuestro

senor Jesu-Cristo

| segun | san

Marcos. | Madrid. [ Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad | Biblica B. y E. calle de Preciados,

num. 46.

| 1882.

| Textp.3

— 59,

where: Imp. de J. Cruzado, Penon, 7. Called 32°. B-r.

Fifth ed. with new title?

Luke.

Agreeing with BFBS's 400a.

Ν. T. of 1867.

1875.

El santo evangelio | segun | s. Lucas. | Londres. | 1875. | Verso: Tabla de los | libros del nuevo testamento. Text p. 3 —105. Τιυο columns. Title and text one layer. B — r. Biblioth. "WifEen.

Π.

36

282

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

400k.

1882.

The same,

only with

the year

1882.

B—r.

From

Lucena's

Jilble.

1865. El evangelio | de nuestro | serior Jesu - Cristo | segun | san Lucas. | Antigua version de Cipriano de Valera, j cotejada con diversas traducciones, | y revisada | con arreglo al texto Griego. | Tolosa: | imprenta de Α Chauvin, | calle Mirepoix, 3. | 1865. | After the title-leaf 401.

p. 1. 2. Oraciones, at last the Lord's prayer. Luke p. 3 — 1 3 4 . Layers of 12 leaves and of 6 leaves alternating.

B—r. 402.

1869.

Madrid.

BFBS.

403.

1871.

2a.

404.

1873.

3 a.

405.

1877.

4a.

406.

1881.

32°.

laed.

El santo evangelio | de nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo | segun | san Lucas. I Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad | Biblica B. y E . calle de Preciados, niim. 46. | 1881. Text p. 3—99, where: Imprenta de J. Cruzado, Penon, 7. Called

32°.

5 a ed.

B—r.

From

John. Valera's Bible

of

1602.

1863. El evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu Cristo, | segun | san Juan. Traducido al espanol e impreso por la primera | vez en el ano 1602. | Por el Doctor Cypriano de Valera. | Tolosa, | imprenta de Α. Chauvin, | calle Mirepoix, 3. I 1863. I Text p. 3 —101. Layers of 12 and of six leaves 4 0 7.

alternating. B — r.

CASSIODORO DE REIN Α. Agreeing

with

BFBS's

283

JV. T. of

1867.

408".

1875. El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo | segun | s. Juan, I traducido por | Cipriano de Valera. | Londres. | 1875. | Verso: Tabla de los ] libros del nuevo testamento. | Text p. 1 —78.

Two columns.

One

layer.

B — r.

408 b .

1882.

The same, B—r.

only with the year

1882.

409. The gospel of St. John in embossed type for the blind (Moon's system). According to the 77 th report of BFBS 1881, p. XXXII. Mr. Pundsack says, that the edition was made in London for BFBS, without date, and that they probably reproduced Lucena, doubtless Valera.

From 410.

Madrid.

411.

Lucena's

Bible.

1869. BFBS.

32°.

1» ed.

1871.

The same.

2 a ed.

412.

1873. El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu-Cristo j segun ] san Juan. I Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Βί- I blica, B. y E. calle de Preciados, niim. 46. | 1873. | Text p. 3—74. Colophon p. 74: Imp. de J. Cruzado, Penon, 7. | Called 32°.

3 a ed.

B—r.

413.

1877.

Madrid.

414a.

BFBS.

32°.

4a ed.

1881.

Madrid.

32°.

5 a ed.

B — r.

414b.

1882.

El santo evangelio | de | nuestro senor Jesu - Cristo | segun | san Juan. I Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad |

CASSIODORO DE REINA.

284

Biblica, Β. y Ε. calle de Preciados, num. 46. | 1882. where: Imp. de J. Cruzado, Pcnon, 7. N" 414» with neio

Text p.

3—74,

tale?

B — r. A c t s . From,

415.

Lueena's

Bible.

1869.

Los hechos | de los apostoles. | Madrid. | Se lialla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Bibli- | ca, B. y Ε., calle de Preciados, niimero 19. | 1869. | Text p. 3—92, paged. Colophon: Imp. de J. Cruzado, Dos Arnigos, 10. I One column. Octavo,

called

32°.

Only

ed.

B — r. From,

416.

ABS's

revision

of

I 8 6 0 .

1878.

Al Matamoras,

Mexico,

ivith funds from the ABS.

Gilman.

R o m a n s . From

417. After

Lueena's

Bible.

1869. a blank leaf, the

title:

La epistola | del apostol san Pablo | a los | Romanos. | Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Bibli- | ca, B. y E., calle de Preciados, niimero 19. | 1869. | Text p. 3—43, paged. One column. One layer;

signature

Called 32°.

only c on p. 15, d on p. 31.

Only

ed.

B—r.

G a l a t i a n s ,

E p h e s i a n s , From,

418.

F h i l i p p i a n s ,

Lucena's

C o l o s s t a n s .

Bible.

1869.

Epistolas | del apostol san Pablo | a los | Galatos, Efesios, , Filipenses y Colosenses. | Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Bibli- | ca, B. y E., calle de Preciados, niimero 19. | 1869. I Text p. 3 —48, paged. Colophon p. 48: Imp. de J . Cruzado, Dos AmigOS,

10.

I One column.

Called 32°. B-r.

Only ed.

One layer, signed p. 9: e, p. 17: c.

CASSIODOEO DE ΠΕΙΝΑ.

2 8 5

H e b r e w s . From

Lucena's

Bible.

419. 1869. La epistola | del apostol san Pablo | a los | Hebreos. | Madrid. | Sc lialla en el Deposito Central dc la Sociedad Bibli- | ca, B. y E., calle

de

column.

Preciados,

niimero 19.

Colophon p. 33:

Octavo,

| 1869.

| Text p. 3 — 32, paged.

One

Imp. d e J. C r u z a d o , D o s A m i g o s , 10. |

called 32".

Only

edition.

B-r. P e t e r . From

420.

ABS's

At Matamuras,

toith funds

F i r s t

of

from the ABS.

e p i s t l e

From

421.

Bible

1865.

187G.

Heina

Oilman.

o f

or

Compare 390. 416.

J o h n . Valera?

1605.

L. Owen: Key to the Spanish Tongue, with Dictionarie and first Epistle of St. John in Spanish and English. 1605.

M a t t h e w , From

422.

L u k e ,

Lucena's

A c t s . Bible.

1876.

Los evangelios | de | san Mateo y san Lucas, | y | los hechos de los apostoles | con notas y dos mapas. | Madrid. | Imprenta de Jos6 Cruzado, I Calle del Penon, num. 7. | 1876. |

Octavo.

Second leaf Prologo. P. 5— 7 Introduction to St. Matthew. P. 8 blank. P. 9 begins text of Matthew, p. 469 end the notes on Acts. P. 470 blank. Follow three pages Indice alfabetico. A fourth page [4/'4] Genealogia de la farailia Herodiana. One map Palestina, the other Viages de san Pablo. Both signed: Lit. L. Duras y C ia San Sebastian. Palestine is signed moreover: E. Sprenger lit. B — r. Ρ s a l m From

423.

Va!era\s

of

1602.

1625.

Los psalmos de David y otros. Wächter.

s.

Bible

Amsterdam, en casa de Jacob

Μ. DC. XXV.

This title is given by Jose Rodriguez de Castro, who adds a description and extracts, Biblioteca Espanola, t. 1, Madrid 1781, p. 472 — 3, without saying

286

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

anything about the translator. He says: En la segunda hoja: Ephes. 5. 18. 19 . . . Coloss. 3. 16 . . . A la vuelta de esta segunda hoja Heb. 13. 15. The Bible verses are written out by de Castro. He continues: Fol. 1°. Primero Libro de los Psalinos, segun los Hebreos. Este Libro que David y otros Prophetas . . . en Griego se llama Psalmo. This preface which de Castro gives in full length is nothing else than Valera's preface to the psalms in his Bible of 1602, with some few petty and insignificant variations. Follows in de Castro the summary of psalm 1 and the first two verses of it, agreeing with what is read in Valera (v. 2: meditarä). De Castro concludes: Es un Tomo en 8°. menor, con 330. pagg. y finaliza con el Salmo CL. Carece de Prologo y Dedicatoria; y tiene numerados los versiculos en cada Salmo. Wiffen notes that on the title is a device: David killing Goliath, that the size is 12'"°, and that the text is paged 1 to 230, total 234pages.

424.

1859.

Los I salmos de D a v i d , | traducidos al Espanol | por | Cypriano de Valera.

| Londres. J 1859.

Crown Court, Temple Bar. For BFBS. B-r. From

425.

| Text p. l —144,

One column.

Lucena's

where:

W. M. Watts,

Duodecimo, called 24°.

Bible.

1867.

Los I salmos de D a v i d , | traducidos al Espanol | por | Cypriano de Valera. | Londres. | 1867. | Verso:

W M. Watts, 8 0 ,

Gray's-inn

road.

p. 125: G. M. W a t t s , 8 0 , Gray's-inn road. Second leaf: Tabla de los libros del antiguo testamento. Text p. 1—125. Two columns, height of the separating line 93 — 94 millim. Octaoo. For BFBS? B — r.

426.

1869.

Libro I de | los salmos. | Madrid: | imprenta de J. Cruzado, D o s Amigos, 10. I 1869. | p. 223·. Imp. de J. Cruzado, D o s Amigos, 10. Text p. 3 —223, paged. One column. Small octavo, culled 16°. Letra 11°. Pica. Printed for TBS. B — r.

427.

1869.

Libro I de | los salmos. | Madrid. | [Se Central de la Sociedad Biblica | [B. y E., [18J&9. I Verso: Imprenta de J. G[ruza]Ao, Ends p. 147. Two columns. Octavo, called 3 2 l a ed. Β — r (injured copy).

halla

en el Dejposito

calle de] Preciados, niim. 19. | Dos Amig/os,

10]

CASSIODORO DE REINA.

287

428.

1871. Libro I de | los salmos. | Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Biblica | B. y E., calle de Preciados, niim. 46. | 1871. | Verso: Imprenta de Jose Cruzado, Penon, 7. | Text p. 3 —123, paged. Two

columns. Octavo, called 32°.

2a ed.

Β—r.

429.

1877. Libro I de | los salmos. | Madrid. | Se halla en el Deposito Central de la Sociedad Biblica, | B. y E. calle de Preciados, num. 46. | 1877. | Verso: Imp. d e J. Cruzado, P e n o n , 7. | Text p. 3 — 202. 8°.

One column.

Octavo.

l a ed. B — r.

430.

1878.

Madrid.

431.

BFBS.

32°.

3 a ed.

1880.

Libro I de | los salmos | Madrid | Se halla en el deposito central de la sociedad biblica B. y e. | calle de Preciados, imm. 46. | 1880. | Verso: Madrid: 1880. — Imp. de Ε. Rubinos, plaza de la Paja. 10. | Octavo. Text p. 3 — 202. Called 8°. 2 a ed. B—r.

432.

One column.

At the end a blank

leaf.

1881.

Madrid. BFBS. Octavo, called 32°. 4a ed. The title like that of 1871, from which it differs in the year, in the types and in another ornamented division between Salmos and Madrid. The edition is not produced from, stereotype plates. In the summary of psalm 39 there is a broken f in both editions, a coincidence explained by the printer from his having used the same form of moveable types. The different division of the lines in v. 5 of the same psalm shows that they are two distinct editions. B—r. Pratt's

revision.

433.

1876. El libro | de los salmos. | Traducido del cotejado cuidadosamente | con muchas diversas fundada en la antigua | de | Cipriano de Valera. oye las palabras de Dios." — Jesu-Cristo. |

original Hebreo, | y traducciones. | Version | „ El que es de Dios, San Juan VIII. 47. |

CASSIODORO DE HEINA.

288 Bucaramanga. Advertencia.

| Imprenta

Coloured cover:

(Edicion

de

revision

mas

de

Η. B. Pratt,

j 1876.

Back

of the

title:

E l libro | de | los salmos. | N u e v a revision, j

150 ejemplares,

que d e b e

perfecta.) | B u c a r a m a n g a .

servil· | como b a s e p a r a otra | Imprenta

d e Η. Β. Pratt. |

1876.I Half-sheets of S pages. Each line a metrical member according to the Hebrew accentuation. P. 134 under psalm 150: Kectificaciones. . . . pido la indulgencia de las personas ä quienes se lian remitido ejemplares (con el objoto expuesto en mi circular del 30 de Octubre do 1876,) . . After the Rectificaciones, p. 135 and 136: Capitulo XIV do Job, stichometricalhj. In 1he Advertencia oj the Bucaramanga Matthew the rerixor says: El Antiguo Testamente de Valera esta basado indudablemonte en la antigua version judäico-espanola, que tengo k la vista: por csto no vacilo en decir respecto del Libro de los Salmos, que fue „traducido del original hebreo." I have got a complete copy from the translator and another one beginning p. 49, both with manuscript corrections. Also a copy of the Circular of Oct. 30. 1876, one page.

434.

1879.

E l libro

| de

los salmos.

| Traducido

del

original H e b r e o ,

c o t e j a d o c u i d a d o s a m e n t e | con m u c h a s y d i v e r s a s versiones. es

de D i o s

o y e las palabras de D i o s . "

—

Jesu-Cristo.

| y

| „ E l que | San Juan

VIII. 47. I N u e v a Y o r k : | s o c i e d a d b i b l i c a A m e r i c a n a , | f u n d a d a en el ano de 1 8 1 6 . p. 3 —147.

|

1879.

| (Spanish

P. 148 Errores tipogräflcos.

the Hebrew accents.

distributed.

|

Stichometrical

Second edition of the Bucaramanga

the revisor, Η. B. Pratt, been privately B — r.

Psalms.)

Verso:

Advertencia.

arrangement revision,

Text

according

improved

to

still by

ioho does not mention the former· edition lohich had

only

Octavo.

Proverbs. 435.

1862.

L o s I proverbios de S a l o m o n : | tornados d e la j biblia d e Cipriano d e V a l e r a , | i m p r e s a en A m s t e r d a m e n 1 6 0 2 , y traducida del | original Ebreo. | N u e v a Y o r k : | i m p r e s a por la | s o c i e d a d biblica A m e r i c a n a , f u n d a d a en el ano de M D C C C X V I . | 1 8 6 2 . | [ S p a n i s h , B o u r g . 1 8 m o . ] | This title framed

by a single line, height 13 ccntim.

Text p. 3—56. The first leaf coherent with the title. P. 5—8 coherent. P. 9 foil, three layers of 8. Mr. Pundsack of Barcelona lent me his copy. Los proverbios de Salomon , among the Obras que se hallan de venta en el deposito de la sagrada escritura. Calle de san Juan, Numero 35, bajos. — Gracia., registered on the last page of the coloured cover of each of the four gospels annexed to the primer Barcelona 1876 (see n° 376,), are copies of this American edition.

289

CASSIODORO DB ΚΕΙΝΑ.

Complying loith my ivish, Mr. Cor field, the Agent of and Mr. Pundsack, Mr. Laivrence's collaborator, sent we number of C02iies printed of each edition of the revised Heina of it, since 1869, in Madrid and Barcelona. I publish their add the numbers of my catalogue. Editions Biblia

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» »

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32°

»

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of Madrid 1869 1870 1873 1869 1870 1876 1880 1870 1871 1869 1872 1875 1878 1869 1871 1871 1873 1880 1878 1869 1871 1873 1877 1881 1875 1877 1878 1878 1879 1880 1881 1869 1869 1869 1869 1869 1871 1878 1881 1877 1880

for

BFBS in Madrid, lists containing the Bible and of parts communications and

BFBS.

25,000 30,000 30,000 20,000 20,000 20,000 10,000 5,200 10,000 10,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 25,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 5,000 140,000 120,000 120,000 120,000 80,000 10,000 . 5,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000

n° 340. 343. 346. 341. 344. 347. 348. 342. 345. 371. 375». 375b. 375«. 372. 373. 374a. 374". 374e. 376. 385. 395. 402. 410. 386. 396. 4 0 3 . 411. 387. 397. 4 0 4 . 412. 388. 398. 4 0 5 . 413. 389. 399®. 4 0 6 . 414« 376to Hubert. 1569 J anuary 16 May 15 June 24 August 3 6 to Hubert and Sturm, December 8 to Hubert, Strassburg 1570 July 13 to Zioinger. Frankfort — August 7 to Hubert, Strassburg 1574 March 9 to Zwinger, Frankfort — 12 to Hubert. April — September 24 October November 1575 April to Zivinger. 1576 April 1577 April September 23 1 1578 April — 13

313

AÜGTISTINO OASSIODORO DE RFJNA. [Frankfurt] Antiverp Cologne Antwerp — — — — —

— — —

[ —

Auyustino

1578 1579

November 6 June 27 8 December — — — 18 11 to Ritter. 1580 January February 8 — March 1 April 12 — May 17 — — August 17. 17 to Zwinger 1581 January — February 28 or April 30] •to Ritter. 9 1582 January

Cassiodoro Congo in

529.

de

Heina.

German.

1597.

[In a tablet on the top of the frame:] Regnvm | Congo | hoc est [In the frame representing α portal:] Varhaffte vnd Eigent- | liehe Beschreibung desz Konig- | reichs Congo in Africa, | vnd deren an- | grcntzenden Lander, darinnen der Inwohner | Glaub, Leben, Sitten vnd Kleydung wol | vnd auszführlich vermeldet vnd | angezeigt wirdt. | Erstlich durch Eduart Lopez, wel- | eher in dieser Nauigation alles Personlich er- , fahren, in Portugalesischer Spraach gestellt, | Jetzo aber in vnser Teutsche Spraach trans- | ferieret vnd vbersetzt, | Durch | Avgvstinvm Cassiodorvm. | Auch mit schonen vnd Kunstreichen Figu- | ren gezieret vnd an Tag geben, durch Hans | Dietherich vnd Hans Israel von Bry, Gebrii- | der vnd Burger zu Franckfurt. | Getruckt zu Franckfort am Mayn, durch Jo- | han Saur, in Verlegung Hans Dietherich vnd Hans | Israel von Bry, im Jahr | M. D. XC.VII. | [Quite below:] Jo. Theodori de bry fecit. A ij: . . . Herrn Hans Georgen Graffen zu Solms, Herrn zu Motzenberg vnd Sonnewald: vnd Herr Georgen Graffen zu Erbach vnd Herrn zu Breuberg, to. .. After quoting a verse of Sophocles about gratitude, he says: Welcher mich auch vervrsachet vn bewegt hat, weil ich die vielfaltige Gutthaten, so ich von Ε. E. G. G. empfangen, nicht kan mit der That verschulden, viel weniger vergleichen, auff mittel vnd weg bedacht zu seyn, wie ich mein vnderthaniges danckbares Gemüt E. E. G. G. zu erkennen vnd zuverstehen geben möge: vnd wie ich mit diesen Gedancken vmbgehe, wardt-mir diese auszfuhrliche Beschreibung desz Königreichs Congo in Africa, welche zuvor auff "Welscher Spraach in Truck auszgangen vnd an das Liecht kommen ist, zuverteutschen angetragen, das ich nit hab wollen auszschlagen, weil ich dardurch Gelegenheit bekommen, meine vnderthanige Danckbarkeit Ε. E. G. G. anzumelden . . . Second page ends: Thue hiemit Ε. Ε. G. G. sampt deren geliebten Gemahin, junger Herrschafft vnd Frauwlein, in Schutz vnd Schirm Gottes desz Allmächtigen befehlen. Datum Franckfort am Mayn den 15. Februarij Anno 1597. Ε. E. G. G. Vndertheniger Diener Augustinus Cassiodorus Reinius Francof. ad Mcen.

Biblioth. "Wiffen. Π.

40

314

ATJGTTSTJNO CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

A iij and IV Vorrede of Hans Dietherich vnd Hans Israel von Bry, dated Frankfort ο. Μ. 1 March 1597. Map of Eg>pt, two leaves stuck together. Congo p. 1 — 7 4 , signed Β — L. L ij — IV Index. Title-leaf: Erklärung etlicher Capitel, deren hievor gesetzten Bücher, darinnen die Ankunfft der Portugalesel· in die Insel Congo, Ercheinung vor dem Konig, . . . mit schonen vnd Kunstreichen Kupferstucken . . . vor Augen gestelt wirdt . . . Durch lians Dietherich vnd Hans Israel von Bry . . . Franckfort am Mayn, durch Johann Säur, in Verlegung Hans Dietherich vnd Hans Israel von Bry, Gebrüder. M. D. XCVII. Follow ten leaves, numbered 1 10, signed the first A a i j , the ninth Ccij, tinder the tenth: Ende., each with a print and ivith German text. A blank leaf (Cc IV). Folio, doubles. VIENNA Court. Without maps of Congo and of St. Helena. The map of Congo is registered by T. 0. Weigel (Serapeum 1845 p. 90) and by Unmet (1355), as belonging to this edition. It is the first part of the collection concerning the East Indies, but it is not expressly thus entitled. The auction Catalogue of Serge Sobolewsky's library, Leipzig Berlin Londres 1873, p. 245, has a copy Avec 14 planches; avant la planche 11 un titre impr. „Folgen noch etliche Figuren etc." En outre conforme ä la description de Brunet. But the copy has also the appendix of 1625. 530.

1609.

Second

edition.

The description of the first edition is also applicable to the second. The differences in the title are the following: ed. 2. has no comma after vbersetzt, writes vnnd before Kunstreichen , has Mat- | thias Becker instead of Joh. Saur, and is dated M. D. C. IX. In the special title of the prints likeimse M. D. C. IX. and Matthias Becker. Accessional are the prints 11 — 1 4 , Cc IV—I)d I I I , ivhere Ende; follows a blank leaf. Three maps: Egypt in two parts, Congo, St. Helena. Folio, layers of two sheets. STUTTGART Royal. In the STRASSBURG University copy the title and the map of St. Helena are wanting. To a neat, but incomplete duplicate of the Royal library at Stuttgart, which I bought, I united, from another incomplete copy, the dedication and the preface: only the map of St. Helena is wanting. The Appendix to Congo is not translated by Reina, it is a German original by the traveller: Anhang der Beschreibung desz Königreichs Congo. Innhaltend Fünfl' Schiffarten Samuel Brauns [a 1616 f.] . . . von jhme selbsten . . . beschrieben [in German], vnd mit . . . Kupiferstücken gezieret, durch . . . Johann Theodors de Bry Seeligen gemeinen Erben. Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, bey Caspar Röteln. M. DC. XXV. STRASSBURG Univ. STUTTGART Royal. VIENNA Court. 531.

1628.

Remodelled.

Title-leaf in a frame: Orientalisches Indien ... Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, bey Caspar Rotell, In Verlegung Wilhelm Fitzers. Anno M. DC. XXVIII. Fitter's preface is dated 8 Sept. 1627. P . 1 • Kurtze Sumerische Beschreibung der Schiffarth ausz der Statt Lisebona, in das Königreich Congo . . Runs to p. 40. It is Reina's text, revised and abbreviated. One map: tabula regni Congo, > identical with that of the 1597 edition. Twelve of the appended prints of 1609 arc inserted in the text. Figure 9, the zebra, is left

AUaUSTINO CASSIODORO DE REINA.

315

out. Three prints, representing trees, arc added, ji. 2. 14. 23. A map is added on p. •). Besides a vieio of St. Helena on a separate open folio. Folio, layers of two sheets. STRASSBURG Univ. (title-leaf and some other leaves injured). AABAU, Cantonal library, according to the catalogue. Congo in Latin. 1598. An engraved rich frontispiece, the ornamental part identical with that of the German editions, contains the title: Regnvm | Congo | hoc est [ vera descri- ! ptio regni Afri- | cani, qvod tarn ab in- I eolis qvam Lvsitanis j Congas appellator. | Per | Philippvm Pigafettam, | olim ex Edoardi Lopez acroamatis | lingua Italica excerpta; nunc Latio | sermone donata ab | Avgvst. Cassiod. Reinio. | lconibus & imaginibus rerum memorabilium quasi | viuis, opera & industria. loan. Theodori & loan. | Israelis de Bry fratrum, &c. exornata. | Francot'vrti | Excudebat VVolft'gangus Richter, impen- | sis Io. Theo. & Ιο. Israel, do Bry, frat. | M. D. XCVIII. | Below: Io. Theodori de biy fecit. Fol. 2 and 3 Epistola dedicatoria, dated Francofurti postridie Calend. Augusti. Anno 98. stilo veteri. Fol. 3 and 4 Praefatio, dated Francofordij, Kl. Martij, Anno M. D. XCVIII. Both by the brothers de Bry, who say of the work in the dedication: ex Idiomate Italico in Gormanicum, postmodum in Latinum sermonem transferendum curauimus. Text ρ. 1 — 60. Index fol. Η 3 — Η 5. Η ΰ is blank. Folio. Only His triple, A — Ρ are double (four leaves). Maps as in the German ed.: Egypt two parts, and Congo. Follows title-leaf of Icones |[ in aes incisae . . . |[ χ | Prancoforti |~ M. D. XCVIII. I Folloio fourteen leaves, each with engraving and text, signed, the first Aa 2, the 13th Dd 2, on fol. 14: Finis. Fol. 15 blank. Folio, layers of tivo sheets. VIENNA Court, two copies. HALLE Univ. (fol. 13 of the Icones and the maps are wanting).

532".

532».

1598 — 99.

In a catalogue of Fidelis Butsch Son (Kuczynsld) at Augsburg, Oecember 1877, χ). 2, n° 26 (also in previous catalogues of his): Regnum Congo 1598. Conform mit Brunet. Der Titel der Abth. „Icones" trägt indess die Jahreszahl 1599 und weicht sie in den 3 ersten Tafeln im Texte ab, wovon Brunet keine Notiz enthält. In one vol. with parts 2 and 3, for marks 25. This first part of the India Orientalis, the Regnum Congo 1598 permittitur, wluilst the 7 other parts are to be expurgated. Index Sandoval y Bojas 1612, Palermo reprint 1628, Prohib. p. 60, Expurg. p. 391. 533. 1624. Second edition. Regnum Congo. Francofurti excudebat Erasmus Kempffer, impensis heercduin Ioann.-Theod. do Bry, 1624 (Ί623 dans le Catal. le Langles). Brunet 1335. Appendix Regni Congo, containing voyages of Samuel Brunus, written by himself in German, translated into Latin by Ludouicus Gotfridus, published Francofvrti hier. l)e Bry 1625. [VIENNA Court.] Pigajetta's Italian book on Lopez's Cmigo travel appeared in 1591. Tross, Catal. 1878 n ° I I , p. 94. — English translation 1597. See Collection of voyages

316

ATJGrUSTINO CASSIODORO DE ΚΕΙΝΑ.

and travels, London 1745 (f.?), which I hare nut seen. I know Die Allgemeine Historie der Reisen . . . im Englischen zusammen getragen, und aus demselben ins Deutsche übersetzt. Vierter Bd. Lpzg 1749. comprising Congo by Lopez. English

534.

navigators

in America,

in

German.

1599.

America Achter Theil, | In welchem Erstlich beschrieben wirt | das Mächtige vnd Goldtreiche Königreich Guiana, zu Norden | desz grossen Elusses Oronoke . . . |||| Item, Eine kurtze Beschreibung der vmbligenden Landtschafften Emereia, Arro- | maia, Amapaia, Topago, &c., in welchen neben andern Volckern die Kriegische Weiber, von den Al- | ten Amazones genannt . . . |[| Alles mit fleisz beschrieben durch . . . Walthern Ralegh, | . . . welcher neben dem auff | dem Meer auch wolgeübten Hauptmann, Lorentz Keymis alles selber er- | fahren vnd gesehen hat im Jar 1595. vnd 1596. | Zum andern, die Reyse desz Edlen vnd vesten Thomas Candisch, welcher im Jar | 1586 . . . in Engellandt auszgefahren, . . . | . . . 1588 wider an ist gelanget . . . || Durch Frantzen Prettie einen Engellander . . . | . . . ausgezeichnet. | Vnd zum dritten die letzte Reysz der gestrengen, Edlen vnd vesten Frantzen Draeck | vnd Johan Havckens, Rittern, welche Anno 1595 . . . | . . . in Engellandt abgesegelt in die Occidentalische Indien.. l| Alles erstlich in Engellandischer Sprach auszgangen, jetzt aber ausz der Holländischen translation | in die Hochteutsche Sprache gebracht, durch | Avgvstinvm Cassiodorvm Reinivm. | Mit etlichen schonen Kupfferstücken geziert vnd an Tag gegeben, durch Dieterichen | von Bry seligen, hinderlassene Erben | [A small map, representing parts of America, Europe and AfricaJ | Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, durch Matthseum Becker. 1599. | Folio, layers of two sheets. The title, and the whole book, Gothic, with some words Roman. On the second leaf begins Vorrede: WIewol wir, gunstiger Leser, gantzlich entschlossen waren, die Americas, wie sie vnser Vatter seliger hat lassen auszgelien, bey den 7. Theylen zu beschliessen, vnd die Orientalischen Indien zu beschreiben, wie wir dann allbereit einen Anfang darinnen haben gemacht [by the volume on Congo], hat es vns doch endtlich fur gut angesehen, diese 4. Reysen noch hinzu zufügen, vnnd den 8. Theyl darausz zu machen, damit das Werck an jhm selber desto vollkommlicher were. The publishers' preface ends on the third leaf, recto; on the verso begins the preface of Ralegh, which ends on the next page; the back of the fourth leaf is blank. Large map of Guiana by a companion of Ralegh. Ralegh''s first voyage p. 1 — 56, layers signed A — G. Second voyage, with the author's preface, p. 1 — 30, signed A a — D d . P . 30 a misprint of p. 1 of the following travel of Candish is corrected. Then title-leaf: Reyse desz Edlen vnd vesten Thomas | Candisch, welcher im Jar 1586 . . . in Engellandt | auszgefahren, vnd nach dem er das Meer bey die 13000. Engellandischer Meyl | besegelt, in Anno 1588 wider an sie gelanget, . . . ||| Durch Frantzen Prettie einen Engellander . . . | . . . ausgezeichnet. | Item | Die letzte Reysz der gestrengen, Edlen vnd vesten Fran- | tzen Draeck vnd Iohan Havckens, Rittern, welche Anno | 1595 . . . | .. in Engellandt abgesegelt in die Occidentalische Indien, die Statt | Panama eynzunehmen, Auff welcher Reyse sie beyde [ jhr Leben beschlossen haben. | Alles erstlich in Engellandischer Sprach auszgangen, jetzt aber ausz | der Holländischen translation in die Hochteutsche Sprache | gebracht, durch | Avgvstinvm Cassiodorvm Reinivm. | Mit etlichen schönen Kupfferstücken geziert vnd an Tag gegeben, durch Dieteri- | chen von Bry seligen, hinderlassene Erben. | [Map of the whole earth] \

AUGUSTINO CASSIODORO DB HEINA.

317

Gedruckt zu Franckfort am Mayn, durch Matthes Becker, | in Verlegung Theodori de Bry nachgelassene Wittwe | vnd beyde Söhn. | M. D. XCIX. Candish's voyage p. 1 — 36, that of Drake and Hawkins p. 37— 48, both together signed a — f. Columne-head of all four voyages: Das achte Theyl der Occidentalischen Indien. Custos p. 48 at the end: War-. Follows title-page: X I Warhafftige vnd Eygentliche Pur- | bildung etlicher der fürnembsten Historien vnd Volcker, | deren in dieser Guianaischen Beschreibung mel- | dung geschihet. j Sampt einer kurtzen Erklärung vnter jede Figur | gesetzt. [ Alles zierlich in Kupffcr gestochen vnd an Tag geben, | Durch | Theodori de Bry | seligen, Erben. | χ | Gedruckt zu Franckfurtam Mayn, durch ] Matthaeum Becker. | M. D. XCIX. | Follotv six prints, numbered I—VI, signed g ij and so on, the fifth h i j ; under the sixth: Ende. VIENNA Court. In my copy the map of Guiana is wanting; it is the copy registered in the Sobolewsky auction catalogue 1873 under n° 3638: Fort bei exemplaire, grand de marges, mais l'Additamentum manque. That Add. is, however, a separate publication of the year 1600, containing 15 prints (see Brunet 1350) belonging to parts 7 and 8 of de Bry's America together. A copy of vol. 7 and 8, with these 15 prints, and with part of Ziegler's extract (see here 586,), but ivithout the map of Guiana, was offered in 1874 by Albert Cohn in Berlin, CVII Catalog, p. 5, n° 26, for 15 Thalers.

535.

1624. Second edition. WOLFENBÜTTEL

Franckfurt, Rödtel. Ducal.

See Brunet 1350 f .

I have seen it in

The Latin translation is not by Heina: Americae pars VIII. Three voyages of Drake, and those of Candish, Ralegh, Key mis. Primo qvidem Anglicana lingva partim ab eqvitibus ipsis, partim ab aliis, qui hisce itineribus interfuerunt, sparsim consignata: lam vero in vnum Corpus redacta, & in Latinum Sermonem conuersa, auctore M. Gotardo Artvs Dantiscano. . . . opera of Guiana. VIENNA Court, three copies; two with a small map, on p. IS (end), of Candish's travels, one of these two copies with painted maps and initials; the third copy icithoiit that small map. I possess a copy without the map of Guiana. Tabulae & imagines ad septimain et octavam Americae partem . . sumptibus dictorum Theodorici de Bry viduae & filiorum. Anno M. D. XCIX. VIENNA Court, three copies, one painted. For this Latin translation a series of expurgations is found in the Index of Sandoval y Bojas 1612, Palermo reprint 1628, Expurg. p. 34. Most of them are applicable to the German translation likewise. In Drake's last voyage p. 41, Germ. p. 45 is to be cancelled that he died in the Lord, and that the English clergymen held an efficient sermon; in the second voyage to Guiana several passages are to be suppressed which blame Bomanism and the Spaniards and which praise the gospel and the English government, p. 74. 81. 82. 89. 90. 91. 99, Germ, p. 9. 10. 15. 16. 23. 24. 30. Second edition of the eighth part of America in Latin, with prints in the text, 1625. VIENNA Court, two copies. Beina's translation, published in 1599, of those English explorations was, asBeina states, made from a Dutch translation of the English originals. The introduction to the edition of 1848 of Sir Walter Balegh's Guiana says that the first two editions

318

AUGUSTINO CASSIODOHO DE HEINA.

of the original appeared in 1596, the next in Hakluyt's voyages in 1599 (later ones in Birch's Works of Ralegh 1751, in Cayley's Life of Ralegh 1805, in the Works 1829), gives the title of de Bry's edition in Latin 1599, mentions the existence of a German translation in de Bry's collection, of two translations in Dutch, one in 4=to, the other published in 1619, and that a French translation appeared in 1722 in the second volume of F. CorreaVs Voyages. I may add that two editions of Correal's Voyages appeared in that year, one in Paris, the other in Amsterdam, both containing in vol. 2. Ralegh's Guiana, together with the second voyage to Guiana, performed and written by Lawrence Keymis, published London 1596. As for the Dutch, List