Song of Roland: An Analytical Edition. Vol. I: Introduction and Commentary 0271005165, 9780271005164

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THE SONG OF ROLAND /. Introduction and Commentary

Published in 1978 in commemoration o f the twelfth centenary o f the Battle o f Roncevaux

TH E

SONG OF

ROLAND AN AN ALYTICAL EDITION /. Introduction and Commentary

Gerard J. Brault

THE PEN N SY LV A N IA STA TE U N IV E R SIT Y PR ESS U N IV E R S IT Y P A R K A N D LO N D O N

Library o f Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Chanson de Roland. English 8c Old French. The Song o f Roland. Bibliography : v. i Contents: v. l. Introduction and commentary.— v. 2. Oxford text and English translation. Includes index. i. Roland— Romances. 1. Brault, GerardJ. P Q 152 1.E 5B 7 1978 8 4 1'.! 77-22946 ISB N 0-271-00516-5 Copyright © 1978 The Pennsylvania State University All rights reserved Designed by Glenn R u b y Printed in the United States o f America

U X O R I CARISSIM AE

Contents Volume I. Introduction and Commentary Acknow ledgm ents Forew ord Abbreviations and Frequently C ited W orks I. Introduction 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12 . 13 . 14. 15 . 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

xi xiii xv i

T he H istorical Event Legend, Poem , and T ext R ecent Scholarship on the Song of Roland Turoldus and His W orld T he Church and the Arts Popular Tradition Learned Tradition R ealism , Idealism , and the Epic U niverse A m biguity and Logic Som e Exegetical Guideposts T he M eaning o f the Song of Roland Literature T hrough A rt: Iconographie Form ulas and Transpositions Structure Them atic U n ity M etaphorical Consistency Landscape Tone N arrative D evices and Techniques Character Portrayal R h yth m O ral Interpretation : The Gestural Script

II. Com m entary

i 3 7 15 17 21 25 27 29 30 40 44 47 52 57 63 71 75 89 no h i

117

1. A Historiated Initial— Laisse 1 (verses 1-9 ) 2. T he Saracen C oun cil— Laisses 2 - 7 (verses 10 -9 5) 3. M arsile’s O ffer D elivered to Charlem agne— Laisses 8 - 10 (verses 9 6 -15 6 )

vii

117

120 128

CONTENTS

4. T he French C ouncil, Part 1 — Laisses 1 1 - 1 6 (verses 15 7 243) 5. T he French C oun cil, Part 2— Laisses 17 - 2 7 (verses 24 4 365) 6. T he R id e to Saragossa— Laisses 2 8 -30 (verses 36 6 -40 1) 7. Ganelon at M arsile’s C ou rt— Laisses 3 1- 4 5 (verses 4 0 2602) 8. Ganelon’s Sacrilege— Laisses 4 6 -52 (verses 603-660) 9. Ganelon’s Lie— Laisses 5 3 -5 5 (verses 6 6 1-7 16 ) 10. Charlem agne’s First Dream s— Laisses 5 6 -5 7 (verses 7 17 -7 3 6 ) 1 1. R olan d N am ed to Com m and the R earguard— Laisses 58-68 (verses 737-859) 12 . T he Saracen Oaths— Laisses 69-78 (verses 860-993) 13 . T he French Prepare for Battle— Laisses 79 -8 2 (verses 994-1048) 14. T he Prebattle Debate— Laisses 8 3-9 2 (verses 10 4 9 118 7 ) 15 . R on cevau x, Part 1 — Laisses 9 3 -10 4 (verses 118 8 -13 3 7 ) 16. Further French Trium phs— Laisses 1 0 5 - 1 1 0 (verses 13 3 8 -14 3 7 ) 17 . R on cevau x, Part 2— Laisses 1 1 1 - 1 2 6 (verses 14 3 8 1670) 18. T he Battlefield Debate Resum ed— Laisses 12 7 - 13 2 (verses 16 7 1-17 5 2 ) 19. R olan d Sounds the O liphant— Laisses 13 3 —135 (verses I 753- I 795) 20. Charlem agne to the R escue— Laisses 13 6 - 13 9 (verses 179 6 -18 50 ) 2 1. T he R eargu ard ’s Stand at an End— Laisses 14 0 -15 5 (verses 18 5 1-2 0 9 8 ) 22. Charlem agne’s Approach— Laisses 15 6 -16 4 (verses 20 9 9 -2221) 23. The Death o f T urpin— Laisses 16 5 -16 7 (verses 2 2 2 2 2258) 24. T he R ash Saracen— Laisses 16 8 -17 0 (verses 2 259 2296) 25. R olan d Attem pts to D estroy D urendal— Laisses 1 7 1 - 1 7 3 (verses 2297-2354) , 26. T he Death o f R o lan d — Laisses 17 4 -17 6 (verses 2 3 5 5 2396) 27. Charlem agne’s R even ge— Laisses 17 7 -18 4 (verses 2397-2524)

viii

130 135 14 1 144 15 s 15 ? 163 165 17 1 176 179 190 197 200 209 2 14 2 19 222 235 240 243 251 254 260

CONTENTS

28. Charlem agne’s Second Dream s— Laisses 18 5 -18 6 (verses 2525-2569) 29. M arsile at Saragossa— Laisses 18 7 - 19 1 (verses 2 57 0 2645) 30. Baligant’s A rrival— Laisses 19 2 -19 3 (verses 2646-2685) 3 1. Saragossa— Laisse 194 (verses 2686-2704) 32. T he Saracen Messengers— Laisses 19 5 -19 8 (verses 2705-2764) * 33. Baligant at Saragossa— Laisses 19 9 -20 2 (verses 2 7 6 5 2844) 34. Charlem agne R eturns to R on cevau x— Laisses 2 0 3 2 13 (verses 2845-2973) 35. Battle Prelim inaries— Laisses 2 14 -2 2 5 (verses 29 74 3095) 36. Charlem agne’s Prayer— Laisse 226 (verses30 9 6 -3120 ) 37. Charlem agne’s Approach R eported to Baligant— Laisse 227 (verses 3 12 1- 3 13 6 ) 38. T he Pagans Prepare fo r Battle— Laisses 2 2 8 -2 3 1 (verses 3 13 7 - 3 2 13 ) 39. B aligan t’s A rm y— Laisses 2 3 2 -2 3 4 (verses3214 -326 4 ) 40. T he Pagan A rm y Advances— Laisses 2 3 5 -2 3 9 (verses 3265-3344) 4 1. T he Battle Against Baligant— Laisses 24 0 -257 (verses 3345- 3559) 42. Charlem agne D uels Baligant to the Death— Laisses 258 -26 2 (verses 3560-3624) 43. T he Subjugation o f Saragossa— Laisses 2 6 3-26 7 (verses 3625-3704) 44. T he Death o f A lda— Laisses 268-269 (verses 37 0 5 -

3733)

266 268 272 274 275 279 282 287 290 292 293 295 297 299 309 3 11

315

45. T he T rial o f Ganelon— Laisses 270 -28 0 (verses 3 7 3 4 3872) 46. T he Ju d icial C om bat— Laisses 2 8 1-2 8 7 (verses 3 8 7 3 -

3946)

318

327

47. T he Execution o f Ganelon and His Kinsm en— Laisses 288-289 (verses 3947-3974) 48. T he Baptism o f Bram im onde— Laisse 290 (verses 3975- 3987) 49. Epilogue: Charlem agne’s D ream — Laisse 291 (verses 3988-4002)

Notes to the Introduction

330 333 336

339

IX

CONTENTS

N otes to the Com m entary Bibliography o f W orks Cited Picture Credits Index Illustrations

385 479 5 11 5 13 575

Volume II. Oxford Text and English Translation A N ote on the T ext and Translation O xford T ext and English Translation N otes to the M anuscript N otes to the O xford T ext, English Translation

v 2 246 253

Acknowledgments

It is a pleasure fo r me to thank those w ho have assisted me in various w ays set am tuz pleins. I am grateful to m y students for listening to m y ideas about the Song of Roland and fo r givin g me the benefit o f their reactions. In the prelim inary phase o f this project, three o f them , Jo h n H . D ’Espinosa, Joseph M . H ovanyecz, and Phyllis Brooks Stouffer, helped me w ith bibliography and w ith the collation o f key editions. I w ish to thank the Am erican Philosophical Society for aw arding me a grant in 1966 which enabled me to m ake excellent headw ay that year. I spent the academ ic year 1968-69 in Strasbourg, France, as a G uggenheim Fellow and Fulbright-H ays Research Scholar, indepen* dently studying m ostly Rom anesque iconography. T he approach in the present w ork is in a large measure the result o f that educational experience. In 19 73, thanks to a travel grant from the Am erican C ouncil o f Learned Societies and to a supplem entary allocation from Penn State’s Central Fund for R esearch, I was able to pursue m y study o f Rom anesque art in A uvergne, Burgundy, and Provence. D uring the w inter o f 1974, Jan Van der M eulen, now Chairm an o f the D epartm ent o f A rt at Cleveland State U niversity, agreed to teach a course w ith me entitled “ Artist and Poet in the T w elfth C entury” as part o f the Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in the Hum anities sponsored b y a grant from the N ational Endowm ent for the H u­ manities. T his sem inar centered on the Song of Roland, and I am indebted to m y form er colleague for his encouragem ent on this occasion. Several other persons helped m ake these volum es a reality. R ichard L . Frautschi, Head o f the Departm ent o f French, supported m y requests for research funds, and Thom as F. M agner, Associate Dean for Research and Graduate Study, acted favorably upon them. Stanley W eintraub, D irector o f the Institute for the A rts and Hum anistic Studies and a force prom oting scholarship at Penn State, backed this project at crucial junctures and repeatedly acted in m y interests. T he manuscript was typed b y M ae Sm ith. A lice C o lb y-H all o f C ornell U niversity, W ilbur M . Frohock o f

xi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

H arvard U niversity, and W illiam R oach o f the U niversity o f Penn­ sylvania kindly agreed to look at m y typescript critically. Each offered valuable suggestions, and I am grateful fo r their advice and insights. H ow ever, any flaw s this w ork m ay have are entirely due to me. Publication o f this book was made possible b y a grant approved b y Stanley F. Paulson, Dean o f the C ollege o f Liberal A rts. I am pleased to acknow ledge his help in financing the cost o f this undertaking. I also w ish to thank C hris W . Kentera, D irector o f T he Pennsylvania State U niversity Press, for his assistance in this and other respects. Finally, I should like to express m y gratitude to m y w ife, Jeanne, and to m y children, Frank, Anne M arie, and Sue, w ho rejoiced w ith me w hen this book was going w ell and did much to sustain me when it was not.

Foreword

Feudalism offered solutions to certain problem s o f daily livin g, but its values at times cam e into conflict w ith the Christian ethos. M ore than any other w ork perhaps, the Song of Roland exem plifies this deepseated opposition o f the M iddle Ages. M ost com m entators recognize that this discontinuity plays a prom ­ inent part in T uroldus’s epic. Nevertheless they have dw elt alm ost exclusively on human factors, in particular on the clash o f interests: R olan d against Ganelon, O liver against R o lan d , Charlem agne against Ganelon. A lso, scholars, even those w ho maintain that the Song of Roland is profoundly Christian, generally consider that there is a dark side to R o lan d 's personality. T he ch ief contention here is that these interpretations fail to do justice to the poem ’s religious dim ension or m isconstrue its techniques o f character portrayal. R olan d has no fault or flaw and makes no m istake. T uroldus’s conception o f the hero m ay not be to our liking, but to understand it is to gain valuable insight into the mind o f the M iddle A ges. T he poet view ed the w orld in unrelieved black and w hite. *

*

*

The Song of Roland survives in several versions, but it is universally acknow ledged as one o f the greatest masterpieces o f W estern literature because o f the rem arkable text preserved in a m anuscript in the Bodleian Library at O xford . T he serious student usually begins b y consulting the editions o f Bédier and Jenkins. H ow ever, a h a lf century has elapsed since these m onum ental w orks first appeared, and num erous contributions since then have increased our know ledge o f the poem . Scholars o f O ld French have, fo r the most part, remained faithful to the historical and philological concerns in vogue at the turn o f the century and have tended to neglect literary analysis. The problem s that continue to engross specialists are w orthy o f renewed investigation, but a large part o f the Song of Roland is w ithout fresh elucidation. Segre’s m agisX lll

FOREWORD

terial edition provides a thorough review o f the m any technical questions regarding the establishment o f the text, but it is not concerned w ith literary matters. T his edition has tw o main objectives: It takes into account the m any studies that have been published since Bédier and Jenkins, but, above all, it endeavors, fo r the first tim e, to provide a system atic literary analysis o f the entire poem . The m ethod o f analysis utilized here is eclectic, but it m ay be said to com bine them atic criticism w ith philology, and exegetical interpretation w ith iconography. T he Introduction is a prelim inary discourse, not a sum m ary, but some anticipation o f the Com m entary is involved. T he laisse-by-laisse Com m entary is divided into forty-nine analytical units, an arrange­ ment prom pted b y convenience m ore than b y structural considera­ tions. A ll translations o f the Song of Roland in volve a certain am ount o f conjecture and interpretation. Justification for these and for novel renderings is provided either in the Com m entary or in the N otes. In V olum e II, the N otes to the M anuscript explain the few changes introduced into the text. T he N otes to the O xford T ext, English Translation are concerned w ith variant readings and w ith the m eaning o f w ords and phrases. N o glossary or table o f proper names is appended because this inform ation is readily available in Bédier’s Commentaires and in Jenkins’s edition. This book is chiefly intended fo r m edievalists. H ow ever, it is hoped that it w ill also be o f use to others w ho seek a better understanding o f the M iddle Ages.

xiv

Abbreviations and Frequently C ited W orks

Bédier

Bédier, Commentaires Blaise

Châteauroux CL Conrad

Curtius

d. E.

FEW

Foulet, Glossaire Fr. Ger.

La Chanson de Roland, publiée d’après le manuscrit d ’O xford et traduite par J . Bédier. Paris: Piazza, 19 2 1. Glossary and Index o f Proper N am es b y Lucien Foulet ( = Foulet, Glossaire) in Bédier, Commentaires. The ’’édition définitive” (1937) has often been reissued. La Chanson de Roland commentée par Joseph Bédier. 19 2 7 ; rpt. Paris: Piazza, 1968. Blaise, A lbert. Le Vocabulaire latin des prin­ cipaux thèmes liturgiques. T um h out: Brepols, 1966. See M ortier. Classical Latin. Das Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad. Ed. C ari W esle. 2d ed. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek 69. Tübingen : N iem eyer, 1967. For M odem French translation, see M ortier. Em st R o b ert Curtius. La Littérature euro­ péenne et le moyen âge latin. 2d ed. Trans. Jean B réjou x. Paris: Presses U niversitaires de France, 1956. died. English. W artburg, W alther von. Französisches ety­ mologisches Wörterbuch. Basel, Bonn, Leipzig, Tübingen, 19 2 2 - . In progress (22 vo ls; 2d ed. o f vol. i [19 2 2-2 8 ] num bered vols. 24 and 25). See Bédier. French. Germ anic.

xv

ABBREVIATIONS AND FREQUENTLY CITED WORKS

G odefroy

G od efroy, Frédéric. Dictionnaire de l'ancienne

langue française et de tous ses dialectes, du IX * au X V * siècle, io vols. 18 8 1-19 0 2 ; rpt. Paris: G r. Greim as

Librairie des sciences et des arts, 19 3 7 -3 8 . G reek. Greim as, A . J . Dictionnaire de l'ancien français jusqu'au milieu du X IV * siècle. P aris: Larousse, 1969.

Harrison

The Song of Roland. N ew ly translated and

Heb. H orrent

w ith an Introduction b y R o b ert H arrison. M entor B o o k . N ew Y o rk and T oron to: N ew Am erican L ib rary; London: N ew English Library, 1970. H ebrew . H orrent, Jules. La Chanson de Roland dans

les littératures française et espagnole au moyen âge. Bibliothèque de la Faculté de philosophie et lettres de l’U niversité de Liège 120 . Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 19 5 1. Jenkins

Jones

Lat. Le Gentil

Lejeune and Stiennon

La Chanson de Roland: Oxford Version. Edition, N otes and Glossary b y T . Atkinson Jenkins. R e v . ed. H eath’s M odem Language Series. Boston - N ew Y o rk - C h icago London: Heath, 1929. Jones, G eorge Fenw ick. The Ethos of the Song of Roland. B altim ore: Johns H opkins Press, 1963. Latin. Pierre Le G entil. La Chanson de Roland. Connaissance des lettres 43. Paris: H atierB o ivin , 1955. Lejeune, R ita , and Jacques Stiennon. La

Légende de Roland dans l'art du moyen âge. Lyon M E. Menéndez Pidal

2d ed. 2 vols. Brussels: A rcade, 1967. See M ortier. M iddle English. R am ón M enéndez Pidal. La Chanson de Roland et la tradition épique des Francs. Trans. Irénée-M arcel C luzel. 2d ed. Paris: Picard, i960. XVI

ABBREVIATIONS AND FREQUENTLY CITED WORKS

M eredith-Jones

M Fr. M oignet

M on ier

Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi ou Chroni­ que du Pseudo-Turpin. Textes revus et publiés d ’après 49 manuscrits. Ed. C . M eredithJones. 19 36 ; rpt. G eneva: Slatkine, 1972. M odem French. La Chanson de Roland. T exte original et traduction par G érard M oignet. Bibliothè­ que Bordas. Paris: Bordas, 1969. Les Textes de la Chanson de Roland. Ed. R ao u l M ortier. 10 vols. Paris: La Geste Francor, 1940-44. I. La Version Sahagún) and Saint Primitivus martyred near this city, see Meredith-Jones, pp. 293-96; Réau, 111, 1:4 8 $ ; Vielliard, pp. 6-9, 83, and nn. 1, 2. 190. Meredith-Jones, p. 119 (see also note, p. 300). C f. the miracle o f the red crosses, which appear on the shoulders o f the knights in Charles's arm y who are to die the following day (pp. 14 6 -4 7 ; see also note, p. 300). 19 1. Blaise, par. 484. C f. the flowering staff associated with Saint Christopher (Réau, III, 1:3 0 3 , 309) and the attributes o f Aaron (Réau, II, 1:18 8 -8 9 ) and Saint Joseph (Réau, III, 2:757). 192. See introduction , 19, D. Turoldus uses espiet ‘spear’ and lance 'lance' inter­ changeably, although only the former is thrown (Foulet, G lo ssa ire, s.v. espiet); cf. hanste ( < Lat. hasta 'lance') ‘handle [o f the spear]’ . 193. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 236; see also commentary, 27, for the ob­ servation concerning the relic o f the Holy Lance in Joyeuse (vv. 2503-2508). 194. C f. the further extension constituted by the m otif o f Marsile’s right hand and Ganelon being tom limb from limb, commentary, 21 (v. 1903) and 47. 195. Meredith-Jones, pp. h i , 113 . 196. See also introduction , i i , d . 197. Meredith-Jones, p, 113 . 198. See also Isaiah 1 1 : 5 . Blaise, par. 4 4 1; Psychom achia, v. 52 (Prudentius, ed. and trans. H. J. Thomson, The Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. [1949; rpt. Cam bridge: Harvard University Press; London: Heinemann, 1962], 1:2 7 4 -3 4 3 ); Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, p. 154 ; Robertson, Preface to C haucer, p. 175, n. 1, citing Alain de Lille. 199. Rychner, pp. 128, 13 2 - 3 3 . 200. A d o lf Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries o f the V irtues and V ices in M ed ia eva l A rt From E a rly C h ristian T im es to the T hirteenth C en tu ry, trans. Alan J. P. Crick (1939; rpt. N ew Y o rk : Norton, 1964), chaps. 1 and 2. 201. Meredith-Jones, p. 113 . 202. Blaise, par. 462. 203. Meredith-Jones, p. 135. In devotional tracts the enemy o f Fortitude is often not Fear, but Sloth (Accidia), the virtue representing not physical strength and force, but a nobler quality. Tuve, A lleg o rica l Im agery, pp. 84, 97, 133, et passim. 204. In his Anglo-Norm an translation Willem de Briane substitutes another pas­ sage from Scripture; see Mandach, N aissance, 2 :39 (text on p. 64, lines 478-79). 205. Meredith-Jones, p. 143. 206. Ibid., p. 143. 207. Ibid., p. 145. 208. Ibid., p. 145. Cf. the commentary on the Christian warriors who fornicated with Saracen women, p. 185. 209. Ibid., p. 195. 210. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 230. n. 2 1 ; commentary, 7, note 36; COMMENTARY, 8.

no tes to

t h e in t r o d u c t io n

2 i i. See, for example, introduction , io , b , i ; R obert A. Pratt, “ The Old French Sources o f the Nonnes Preestes Tale (Part II),” Speculum 47 (1972): 653-54, 6 6 1-6 2 ; Marianne Cramer Vos, “ G anelon’s ‘ M ona! R ag e’,” O lifan t 2. no. 1 (1974): 2 1. It is pointless, therefore, to deny the Ganelon-Judas connection as do, for instance, Tavernier (see Vos, p. 2 1, n. 20) and John A. Stranges, “ The Character and die Trial o f Ganelon: A N ew Appraisal,” R om an ia 96 (1975): 354-56. 2 12 . D as R o la n d slied des P faffen K on rad, ed. Carl Wesle, 2d cd., Altdeutsche T ext­ bibliothek 69 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1967). On the date, see Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 1 1 - 1 9 ; André de Mandach, “ Encore du nouveau à propos de la date et de la struc­ ture de la C hanson de R o la n d allemande,” Société R en cesva ls. I V e C on grès In tern ation al, pp. 10 6 -16 . For a summary o f the published findings concerning Conrad’s use o f the P seu d o -T u rp in , see Mandach, pp. 10 8 -12 , 116 . 2 13 . F ig . 43- Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :1 2 4 - 2 5 ; 2 : fig. 9 6 (the illustration shows a stylized olive tree). Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :1 2 4 , asserts that the scene in Conrad takes place after the plotters have arrived at Marsile’s court. I find no textual basis for situating this daylong stop (v. 1982: Si women da allen einen tach) at Saragossa. The arrangement o f the figures in this illustration is not without a certain ironic parallel with the formula o f Jesus among the Doctors (Réau, II, 2 :2 8 9 -9 1). One might even consider it to be an extension o f the possible parody o f the Journey o f the M agi in the preceding drawing (Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: fig. 95; discussion in 1:12 4 , with no reference, however, to the Wise Men formula; on the latter, see Gabriel Millet,

Recherches sur l'icon ograph ie de l'év a n g ile a u x X I V e et X V I e siècles d 'a p rès les m onum ents de M istra, de la M acédoine et du M o n t-A th o s [19 16 ; rpt. Paris: Boccard, i960], figs. 36, 37, 38, 39, 67, 85, 86, 87, 95, 100, l o i ; Gérard Cames, B yzan ce et la pein ture rom ane de G erm a n ie: A pports de l’art grec posticonoclaste h l’enlum inure et à la fresq u e ottoniennes et rom anes de G erm an ie dans les thèm es de m ajesté et les évan giles [Paris: Picard, 15)66], index, p. 319 , s.v. Mages (cycle des), se rendent à cheval à Bethléem; idem, A llég o ries et sym boles dans l ’ H ortus deliciarum (Leiden: Brill, 19 71], pl- L X X V II). 214 . On the concept o f “ poor” Judas, see Wayland D. Hand, A D iction ary o f W ords and Idiom s A ssociated w ith Ju d a s Isca rio t: A C om pilation Based M a in ly on M aterial F o u n d in the G erm anic Languages, University o f California Publications in Modem Philology 24, no. 3 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1942), pp. 30 3 -4 . 2 15 . Matthew 7 :1 6 - 1 8 ; cf. 12 :3 3 - 3 7 . C f. also the “ whited sepulchre” metaphor in Matthew 2 3 :2 7 - 2 8 ; and the cup, clean outside, but filthy within, in Matthew 2 3 : 25. Locke, Q uest, p. 106, nn. 20, 21. See also commentary, 12 and 17. 216 . On companionage, see W illiam A . Stowell, “ Personal Relationships in Medi­ eval France,” P M L A 28 (19 13 ): 3 8 8 -4 16 ; Bloch, Feu d al So ciety, 1 :1 5 4 , 155. >69, 173. 236; Jones, pp. 1 14, 143. 2 17 . Similarly, in the P seu d o -T u rp in , Roland fights the giant Ferracutus, w ho is said to be dr gen ere G o lia th (Meredith-Jones, p. 147). The David-Goliath aspect o f the Pinabel-Thierry dnel is noted by Jenkins, p. xxxii. 218. The lines between chronicle, epic, and saint’s life are not clearly drawn at this time. See introduction, 2. 219. Gerard J. Brault, “ Heraldic Term inology and Legendary Material in the S ie g e o f C aerlaverock (c. 1300),” in R om ance Stu dies in M em ory o f E dw ard B illin g s H am , ed. Urban T. Holmes, Jr., California State College Publications 2 (Hayward: California State College, 1967), pp. 15 - 1 6 . 220. See introduction , 9. The tendency in the P seu d o -T u rp in and the R o la n d slied to explain symbols and clarify mysteries found in Turoldus’s poem may be char­ acterized as Gothic. Sec Eleanor Roach, “ Les termes ’roman’ et ‘gothique’ dans le domaine littéraire: Essai de définition,” Les Lettres R om anes 29 (1975): 63. The P seu d oT u rpin and Conrad’s adaptation are frequently viewed as distortions o f the French

356

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original; see, for example, Helmut A. Hatzfeld, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand: Guide pour la compréhension stylistique de la C hanson de R o la n d ,” C u ltu ra N eolatin a 2 1 (196 1): 48-56. The Latin and German versions may well be inferior to the French epic, yet each deserves to be judged on its own terms. 2 2 1. See Karl-Heinz Bender, “ La genèse de l’image littéraire de Charlemagne élu de Dieu au X I e siècle,” B oletín de la R e a l A cadem ia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 31 (1965/66): 3 5 -3 9 ; Dufournet, C ou rs sur R o la n d , pp. 18 3-8 5. See also Campbell, H ero , pt. 2, chap. 3, 6, “ The Hero as W orld Redeem er,” pp. 349-54. 222. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 2d ed. (19 21), 4 :4 56 ; Boissonnade, D u N o u veau , pp. 2 6 5 ,2 8 1- 8 5 ; H istory o f the C rusades, 1 :2 4 i; and, especially, Ernst R . Kantorowicz, T h e K in g ’s T w o B o d ies: A Stu d y in M ed ia eva l P o litica l T h eo lo gy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), chap. 3, “ Christ-Centered Kingship,” pp. 4 2-86 ; chap. 5, par. 3, “ Pro patria m ori,” pp. 232-72. Cf. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 2 4 1-6 2 ; R . Foreville, “ La typologie du roi dans la littérature historiographique anglo-normande aux X Ie et X IIe siècles,” E tudes de civilisatio n m édiévale { IX * -X U * siècles): M élan ges offerts à E d m o n d-R en é Labande (Poitiers: Centre d’études supérieures de civilisation médiévale, 1974)» PP* 2 7 5 -9 2 ; Le Goff, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 183. 223. Kantorowicz, p. 48, n. 1 1 (translation mine); Cames, B yzan ce, p. 40, n. 69. 224. Cames, p. 40. See also Kantorowicz, pp. 6 1-7 8 . 225. For fuller details, see Eugene F. R ice, T h e R enaissance Idea o f W isdom , Harvard Historical Monographs 37 (Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), chap. 1, “ The Medieval Idea o f W isdom,” pp. 1- 2 9 ; Paul Archambault, “ Com m ynes’ sa igesse and the Renaissance Idea o f W isdom,” B iblioth èqu e d’ H um anism e et R enaissance 29 (1967): 6 13 - 3 2 ; Morton W . Bloom field, “ Understanding Old English Poetry,” A n n u ale M ed ieva le (D uquesne Stu dies ) 9 (1968): 5-2 5. On the related notion o f contem ptus rnundi, see Payen, L e M o yen A g e, pp. 7 0 -7 1. 226. E V arcevesque, hi fu t sages e p ro z (v. 3691). 227. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 245-46. introduction, 19, E, F, 1, K. For the figure o f a Carolingian king in the traditional guise o f Sapientia enthroned in the N ew Jerusalem (as in the conclusion o f the Psychom achia), see Paul Lacroix, France in the M id d le A g e s: C ustom s, C la s s a and C on dition s (N ew Y o rk : Ungar, 1963), p. 349, fig. 298. 228. Meredith-Jones, pp. 2 2 1-2 9 ; Rcau, 1:1 5 4 - 6 2 ; Curtius, pp. 4 7 -5 0 ; Katzenel­ lenbogen, A lleg o ries, index, p. 96, s.v. Arts, the seven liberal. See also introduction , 10. 229. See commentary , II, 27, and 34. C f. Bédier, Légendes é p iq u a 3:443 (referring to R oland): “ comme il convient i un martyr, sa Passion est à h fois toute souffrance et toute jo ie .” The notion o f Jo y in the Midst o f Suffering is found in the Beatitudes; see Matthew 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 . C f. 1 Colossians 24. C f. Jo y in the Midst o f Desolation (com­ mentary , 3) and vice versa (introduction , 16, a , i ). The meaning o f M o n jo ie in the So n g o f R o la n d is a much-debated question; for bibliography, see commentary, 14, note 75. 230. See introduction , 15, E. For a similar view, sec Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” p. 89. 2 3 1. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” pp. 229-35. For Charles as a Christ symbol, see W illiam Wistar Com fort, “ The Character Types in the Old French C hansons de geste,” P M L A 21 (1906): 338; Erich Auerbach, M im esis: T he R epresentation o f R e a lity in W estern L iteratu re, trans. Willard R . Trask (Princeton: Princeton Univer­ sity Press, 1953), p. 10 1. The word martyr means ‘witness’ (in the N ew Testament, Gr. m artus ’witness o f G od ’ ; Bloch and Wartburg, D iction n aire, s.v. martyr), that is, one who confesses his faith. According to Christian belief, this type o f confession is superior to merely unburdening one's sins to a priest or to G od ; Blaise, par. 109.

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTIO N 232. C u m ie s de Pont- Sa in te -M a x e tu e , L a V ie de Sa in t T hom as Bechet, cd. Emmanuel Walberg, Classiques français du moyen âge 77 (Paris: Champion, 1964), introduction. C f. Le Gentil, p. 13 1 : entre O liver et Roland il y a toute la différence qui sépare le juste du saint. L ’un proportionne scs actes aux simples exigences du devoir et ne voit dans l’excès que folie et orgueil; l’autre se croit toujours en deçà de ce que Dieu demande ou espère. Olivier sera sauvé. Mais au ciel, plus encore que parmi les Francs de France, il cédera la première place à Roland. Peut-il même prétendre à la seconde? 233. Meredith-Jones, p. 1 1 1 . The building metaphor appears in i Corinthians 3 .9 15. C f. commentary , 25 (the construction o f churches helps save Charles’s soul). In the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland dies, his arms crossed over his breast in a very explicit im itatio C h risti (Meredith-Jones, p. 203). For illustrations o f the hero in this attitude, see Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : pis. L, L X ; 2: figs. 288, 293. $08. See also commentary . 26, note i i . In the Latin chronicle Saint Denis appears in a vision to Charles and in­ forms him that those who died or are about to die in Spain for the Emperor’s edifica­ tion (Meredith-Jones, p. 2 19 : lilis qui tua ammonitione et exemplo tuae probitatis animad in bellis Sarracenorum in Hyspania mortui et morituri sunt) will be absolved from all sin. 234. Meredith-Jones, p. 183. 233. This passage from John 12 :2 4 is quoted in Conrad, vv. 7883-7888. For the P seu d o -T u rp in , see introduction, 10, A, 2. 236. Delchaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 2 1 3 - 1 8 . C f. also the destruction o f the idols in vv. 238 3-2391 and Delehaye, pp. 2 1 3 - 1 6 . 237. Matthew 7 : 1 3 - 1 4 . The affection and admiration with which R olan d’s men view their protector precludes conceiving o f him as a kind o f Ishmael. 238. Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ," pp. 4 3 1-3 2 . See also intro­ duction , 13, a ; commentary , 49. 239. The term formula, as used by art historians, means a conventionalized de­ piction, and should not be confused with the word referring to a basic element o f oral poetic tradition. On the various problems discussed in this section, see F. P. Pickering, Literatu re and A rt in the M id d le A ges (Coral Gables: University o f Miami Press, 1970). 240. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:4 0 3. 241. Jenkins, note to v. 2384. See, however, oxford text , English translation . v. 2384. 242. Cited by Jenkins, note to v. 2384. 243. For other Romanesque examples, see Cames, B yzan ce, figs. 1-9 . 244. See Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 14 3 ; Carnes, p. 326, index, s.v. Trans­ position de schémas. On the use o f formulas in Christian iconography, see R cau. I, i : chap. 2. “ L ’Héritage de l’Orient, de la Grèce et de R o m e,’’ pp. 4 2-5 7. 245. Réau, II. 2:364 (Wedding at Cana); 4 1 1 - 1 2 (Last Supper). For the earliest depictions o f the Last Supper, see Millet, R echerches, Livre III, chap. 1, “ La C ène,” pp. 286-309. On the influence o f Byzantine formulas in Western Europe, see O tto Demus, B yza n tin e A rt and the W est, The Wrightsman Lectures 3 (N ew Y o rk : N ew Y ork University Press, 1970). 246. The council scenes in the Son g o f R o la n d have been studied in the light o f the Bayeux Tapestry by Angela Nuccitelli in an unpublished paper entitled “ Structural Devices: The Question o f Analogues’* read at the Conference on Medieval Studies held at Western Michigan University in 1973 (summary in O lifa n t 1, no. 1, (1973]: 38 - 39 ). 247. R o lan d , vv. 2402-2410. commentary , 27. 248. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 198-201 ; Jones, pp. 127. 182. 249. For another example o f transposition (suffering in G od’s / the K in g’s name), see COMMENTARY, 1 3.

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250. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 102 and 104. 2 51. On this formula, see Réau, II, 2 :4 1 8 - 1 9 . In the Riha Paten the Apostles are crowded together because o f the circular frame. On this process, see R éau, 1:2 9 2 -9 3 . The normal alignment is found in the late-sixth-century Rossano Gospels and in an eleventh-century mosaic in the apse o f the Cathedral o f Hagia Sophia at Kiev. Réau, II, 2 :4 18 . In the Rossano Gospels the Communion o f the Apostles appears on pages which do not face each other. See my paper “ Les dessins du R uolan tes L ie f et l’interprétation de b C hanson de R o la n d ," in the proceedings o f the Seventh Inter­ national Congress o f the Société Rencesvals held at Liège in 1976. On synoptic scenes in medieval art, see introduction , 18, B. 252. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 0 9 - 14 . On the date o f the manuscript, see Segre, p. xxxviii. 253. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 159 and 160. 254. Richard Offner, A C ritica l an d H istorical C o rp u s o f F loren tin e P a in tin g, vol. 5, section 3 (N ew Y o rk : Institute o f Fine Arts, N ew Y ork University, 1947), pp. 24 3$0; Réau, II, 2 :6 2 1- 2 6 . 1 am indebted to Mrs. Edith W. Kirsch o f the Index o f Chris­ tian Art, Princeton University, for bibliographical assistance in this respect. 255. See also commentary , 2 (v. 73), 4 (vv. 19 6 -2 13 ), 14 (v. 116 3), 23 (v. 2250), *5 (v. 2303). and 46 (v. 3943). 256. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : pi. II; 2: figs. 344, 368. 257. See commentary, 22, note 29; 26, note 55. 258. In a discussion o f the famous “ Com m union du chevalier” sculpture at Reim s (see F ig . 2 8 : Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : fig. 158), Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 0 3 -6 , suggests that the armor worn by the personage on the extreme right in the latter com­ position is “ de genre oriental.” One might perhaps say the same for the kneeling in­ dividual in 2 : fig. t$9. C f , however, Roland in 2: fig. 16 1. The armor in question would appear to be R om an, not Oriental style. See Charles A. Knuds on, “ La brogne,” M élan ges R ita L ejeu n e, 2 :16 3 3 , citing Schultz: Pour ce qui est de la tunique revêtue de lamelles de métal, elle était courante parmi les Rom ains (lorica squam ata ) et si souvent représentée dans la sculpture que la tradition en est restée dans les arts plastiques du moyen âge jusqu’à une époque où il semble bien qu’elle ne correspondait plus à la réalité. Ainsi, dans les sculptures de la cathédrale de Reim s, non loin de chevaliers dont l’armure est représentée de façon à indiquer clairement la cotte de mailles, comme le ‘chevalier communiant’ bien connu, on trouve un autre chevalier apparemment armé ‘à l’antique*. On the “ Communion du chevalier,” see note 274 below, and introduction , 19, E. 259. This section is based on m y article “ Structure et sens de b C hanson de R o la n d ," Fren ch R e v ie w 45, special issue no. 3 (19 7 1): 1 - 1 2 . 260. See note 17 above. 26 1. Rychner, pp. 38-39. For other outlines, see Brault, “ Structure et sens,” pp. 3 - 5 ; see also introduction , 18, a and c. 262. O xford, Bodleian Library, ms. University College 16$, fill. 4 1. Otto Pacht, T h e R ise o f P icto rial N arrative in T w elfth -C en tu ry E n glan d (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1962), p. 14 and pi. I, fig. 3 : “ The outstanding characteristic o f the Cuthbert illustra­ tions is their dichotomy : each picture comprises, as a rule, two episodes or incidents o f the same story.” Further discussion, pp. 14 -20. C f. Gaston Paris’s observation that each bisse often constitutes “ un petit tableau ou une scène à part” cited by Jenkins, p. xxxiv. Similar remarks in Mandach, N aissance, 1 : 1 $5, citing R ychn er; Burgess, V ocabulaire p ri-co u rto is, p. 15 ; Eugene Vinaver, T h e R ise o f Rom ance (New York and O xfo rd : O xford University Press, 1971), pp. 4 -6 . 263. Pacht, pp. 1 4 - 1 6 : in the first episode we may see the Saint making a prophecy and in the second how this prophecy is fulfilled___ The miniatures o f the Cuthbert Life are not

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION composed by setting two consecutive moments merely side b y side; they are m ore closely knit___ The figure o f the Saint is not repeated, the tw o moments overlap and merge in him ; and because the whole story hinges on him, we feel that it is through him, through his saintliness, that the situation is transformed___ T h e emphasis lies not on gradual transition from one phase o f an event to the next, but on abrupt change, revealing the intervention o f supernatural powers. In the R o la n d the same character (Blancand'l|tn. then Ganelon, at the beginning o f the epic; and. especially, Charlemagne at Ronce vaux and until the end o f the poem) appears in consecutive scenes, relating various actions to one another. 264. For another interpretation o f this dream, see commentary , 10. 26$. The conclusion refers the audience back to the beginning o f the poem, sug­ gesting that a ring structure is also involved here, commentary , 49. 266. R o la n d , v. 2. The seven-year perspective, which opens the poem, is reiterated in vv. 197, 266, 2610, and 2736, and alluded to in the locution a l prem er an, v. 2 6 13 . For a different calculation also resulting in a seven-day chronology, see Roberta A . Kunkle, “ Tim e in the Song o f R o la n d ,” Rom ance N otes 13 (1972): 550-55. On number seven in the Song o f R o la n d , see commentary , i . 267. An unspecified amount o f time elapses between Charles’s departure from Saragossa (v. 3682) and his arrival at A ix (vv. 3695-3699, 3705-3706); the summoning o f the Emperor’s judges (vv. 3700-3703, 3743-3744) supposes further delay. The trial o f Ganelon takes place on the 31st o f December (v. 3746). See commentary, 44. 268. The most elaborate study is by Hermann Graf, D er P arallelism u s im R o lan d s­ lied , Inaugural-Dissertation (W ertheim-am-Main: Bechstein, 1 9 3 0 - Horrent, p. 244 (bibliography, p. 269), refers to: “ Le parallélisme, essence même de l’art du poète.’’ Karl D. Uitti, S to ry , M y th , and C elebration in O ld French N a rra tive P o etry , 10 5 0 - 12 0 0 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973). studies the Son g o f R o la n d in terms o f epic binarism. See Larry S. Crist’s critique in O lifa n t 1, no. 3 (1974): 23-29 . The con­ trast is usually between Good and Evil (introduction, 14, a). H owever, in the case o f Roland and Oliver, this obviously requires qualification. For parallelism in the P seu d o -T u rp in , see Mandach, N aissance , 1:7 7 - 7 8 ; in Conrad, see note 426 below. 269. Bédier, Légendes épiques , 3 :4 12 . 270. See, for example, introduction , 15, d . 271. Hermann Leisinger, R om anische B ro n z en : K irchentüren im m ittelalterlichen E u ­ ropa (Zurich: Europa, 1956), pp. [iv, x] and pis. 12 -3 5 . I have deliberately used the neutral terms Plot A and Plot B because it is to no purpose to try to determine which o f the two is the main plot. The outline I propose was in part suggested by Eugene Dorfman, T h e N árrem e in the M ed ieva l Rom ance E p ic : A n Introduction to N a rra tive Structures , University o f Toronto Rom ance Series 13 (Toronto: University o f T oro n ­ to Press, 1969). Dorfm an’s structure (p. 127) is as follows: I. The Autonomous Core System i /The family quarrel, between Roland and Ganelon. 2/The insult, Roland mocks and laughs at Ganelon. 3/The act o f treachery, Ganelon arranges a Saracen ambush. 4/The initial punishment. Ganelon is beaten, chained, and held for trial. II. Expansion: The Epilogue a/The king’s council, the assemblage o f the peers as judges. b/The judicial duel, R olan d’s champion as proxy. c/The final judgm ent, the execution o f the traitor. See my review o f Dorfm an’s book in G en era l L in gu istics 10 (1970): 62-67. 272. Marcel Viller, s.j., “ Abraham ,” in D iction n aire de spiritu alité ascétique et m ys­ tique, doctrine et histoire . ed. Marcel Viller, s.j. (Paris: Beauchesne, 19 3 7 ), 1 : 1 10 ; Réau, II, i : 125-38 . 273. Genesis 2 2 :10 . 12.

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274. According to the Preface o f Prudentius’s Psyehom achia, the story o f Abraham teaches us that when a man would make a sacrifice pleasing to God, he must first overcome “ the monsters in the enslaved heart“ (v. 14); Isaac was conceived only after the Patriarch had fought and defeated the four great kings and had been blessed by Melchizedek (vv. 1 $-49) ; Abraham’s example must serve as “ a model for our life” and shows that “ w e must watch in the armour o f faithful hearts, and that every part o f our body which is in captivity and enslaved to foul desire must be set free by gath­ ering our forces at home” (vv. 50-55); only then will Christ “ enter the humble abode o f the pure heart" (v. 62). C f. introduction 1 i , e ; 12 ; 15, a and e ; 19, b and e. Early depictions o f the meeting o f Abraham and Melchizedek show the former still wearing the armor he put on to fight the four kings; see F ig . 56; R éau, II, 1 : 1 2 9 (in­ cluding the “ Communion du chevalier” at Reim s [see F ig . 28 and note 258 above|); M ed ieva l E n glan d, r e v . and ed. Austin Lane Poole, 2 vols. (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1958), 2:501 and pi. 102, fig. a. For Roland as an Abraham figure, see Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 4 1 1 . 275. A number o f isolated themes other than those listed here are mentioned in the Com m entary. M y purpose here is to discuss those that have special reference to the poem’s structure and central meaning. 276. Réau, 1 :1 7 5 - 8 4 ; II, 1 :4 0 1 - 6 ; II, 1:2 5 8 - 5 9 ; III, 2 :5 7 1- 7 9 ; R obert Will, A lsace rom ane, La nuit des temps 22 (La Pierre-qui-vire: Les Presses monastiques, 1965) , pp. 26 2-6 3; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 7 , 72. 277. Gerard de Champeaux and Dom Sebastien Sterckx, O.S.B., Introduction au m onde des sym boles, La nuit des temps 3 (La Pierre-qui-vire: Les Presses monastiques, 1966) , pp. 276-79, 297; R ené Crozet, “ Le chasseur et le combattant dans la sculpture romane en Saintonge,” M élanges R ita L ejeu n e, 1:6 6 9 -7 7. 278. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 3 . 279. Ibid., 1 : chaps. 3, 6, 9; p. 401. 280. Réau, II, i :4 I2 . 281. Ibid., II, 1:4 0 1- 6 . On the imagery o f the O rdo com m endationis anim ae, fre­ quently cited in connection with the dying prayers o f the heroes o f the Son g o f R o la n d (Jenkins, note to v. 2384; cf. also “ la prière du plus grand péril,” Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :13 1- 4 0 ) , sec Réau, II, i :402, 412. 282. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 8 . See also commentary, 19, and note 6; com­ mentary , 2 1. 283. Ibid., 1:2 0 -2 2 . On the m otif depicting the struggle between two old men, see commentary, 42, n. 1. 284. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:8 8 ; cf. 1:2 2 , 74; commentary , 12, note 2. 285. Jean Frappier. “ Le thème de la lumière de la ‘Chanson de Roland' au ‘ Rom an de la R ose’,” C ah iers de l ’A ssociation internationale des études fran çaises 20 (1968): 1 0 1 24. Additional bibliography on this theme in Old French literature in Ménard. L e R ire , p. 639, nn. 34, 35. In L es R om ans de C h rétien de T ro yes, vol. 2, C lig é s, ed. Alex­ andre Micha, Classiques français du moyen âge 84 (Paris: Champion. 1970), vv. 16 7 2 1696, God, who despises traitors and treachery more than any other villainy ( w . 1683-1684), commands the moon to reflect on the shields and helmets o f the enemy soldiers, thus revealing their presence to the sentries. 286. Helmut A. Hatzfeld, “ Esthetic Criticism Applied to Medieval Rom ance Literature,” Rom ance P h ilo lo g y 1 (1947/48): 3 12 ; idem. Literatu re T hrough A r t: A N e w A pproach to French Literature (New Y o rk : O xford University Press, 1952), pp. 8 -9 ; idem, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,” pp. 5 4 -5 5 ; Fern Farnham, “ Romanesque Design in the C hanson de R o la n d ," Rom ance P h ilo lo g y 18 (1964): 15 1 ; D avy, S ym b o li­ que rom ane, pp. 16 0 -6 1; Eugene Vance, “ Notes on the Development o f Formulaic Language in Romanesque Poetry,” in M élan ges R en é C ro z et, 1:430. 287. Psyehom achia, v. 908; Blaise, pp. 69, 75, s.v. lux, nox.

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTIO N 288. Conrad, vv. 4 3-4 $. In Turoldus’s day the era before the birth o f Christ was held to be a time o f Darkness. Petrarch appears to have been the first to characterize the period beginning with the Fall o f the Rom an Empire as the Dark Ages, and anti­ quity the Light that had to be restored. Theodor E. Mommsen, “ Petrarch’s C o n ­ ception o f the ‘Dark Ages’,” Speculum 17 (1942): 226-42. See introduction , 18, H. 289. Réau, II, 1 : $ , 3$, 62. 290. Marguerite Rum pler, L ’A rt rom an en A lsace, Les Cahiers techniques de l’art (Strasbourg: Le Tilleul, 196$), p. 12. 291. Biaise, par. 273. For the meaning attached to the extraordinary radiance emanating from Durendal and Joyeuse, see introduction , 19, d . 292. Rum pler, p. 45; pis. X L , X L II. 293. E.g., R éau, II, 1:14 6 -4 8 (Jacob’s Dream at Bethel); II, 2 :2 7 3 -7 4 (Angelic Warning o f Joseph in Slumber); III, 1 (1958): 343 (Constantine’s Dream). 294. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:9 8 -9 9 ; 2: figs. 68, 72. 29$. Réau, II, 2 :7 3 2 . C f. Hom er’s Ilia d where the battle o f the gods is a prelude to the w ar between the Greeks and the Trojans, commentary, l and note 13. 296. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 3 . For another reference to the Last Judgm ent, see commentary, 16 (vv. 14 3 4 -14 3 3 ). 297. commentary, 26. 298. Stefan Hofer, “ Das Verratsmotiv in den Chansons de geste,” Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 44 (1924): 394-609; Mark Skidmore, T h e M o ra l T raits o f C h ris­ tians and Saracens as 'P ortrayed by the C hansons de geste, Colorado College Publication. General series no. 203, Studies series no. 20 (Colorado Springs, 1933), pp. 84, 87; Adalbert Dessau, “ L ’idée de la trahison au moyen âge et son rôle dans la motivation de quelques chansons de geste,” C a h iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 3 (i960): 2 3 -2 6 ; Câlin, E p ic Q u est, p. 78. 299. Marsile’s progress from treachery to despair parallels that o f Judas and. by implication, that o f Ganelon. Deceit may be alluded to in the m alvais sa lu z made by Baligant’s messengers, v. 2710. 300. Michelle Augier, “ A propos de quelques conversions féminines dans l’épopée française,” M osaic 8 (1975): 9 7 -10 5 ; see commentary, 3 (v. 102) and 43 (vv. 3669 ff.). 301. In E rec, v. 2330, mankind before the Com ing o f Christ was in prison; cf. v. 3680 (E Bramidonie, qu’il meinet en sa prisun). For other imagery relating to the conversion o f the Saracens, see commentary, 39 (F ig . 6 2). In his adaptation o f T urpin’s speech ofTering to go to Saragossa (R o la n d , vv. 265-270), Conrad, vv. 13 3 4 -13 4 3 , emphasizes the Archbishop’s desire to convert the pagan enemy. 302. The Call to Action, which traditionally appears at the beginning o f stories such as the Son g o f R o la n d (see commentary, 49), frequently cites conversion as one o f the chief reasons for undertaking an excursion into pagan lands. Thus in Conrad, vv. 3 1-4 6 , Charles, having learned o f the benighted pagans in Spain, prays to God to save them from darkness and the clutches o f the devil. An angel appears and promises that they will be converted (v. 58). In the P seu d o -T u rp in Saint James pleads with Charles to deliver his remains, buried in Galicia, from Saracen domination. The pre­ liminary matter also makes it dear, however, that converting the pagans, not simply fighting them, is to be one o f his main objectives there. Mcredith-Joncs, pp. 89, 9 1. Conversion is not explicitly mentioned in the concluding laisse o f Turoldus’s poem, but such a possibility is doubtless envisaged for the upcoming struggle. According to Menéndez Pidal, pp. 244-48 (see also introduction , i ), the conversion motive in the Song o f R o la n d has a basis in historical fact. In the H istoire de G u illa u m e le M aréch al the death o f King Richard is viewed as an irreparable loss because he would have con­ quered all lands, Christian and pagan. Brandt, M ed ieva l H istory, p. 112 . 303. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 220, considers “ the success or completeness o f the hero’s achievement” to be an essential phase o f romance.

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NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION 304. The first mention o f victory in this poem refers to the Em peror’s triumphs (v. 3 : Tresqu’en la mer cunquist la tere altaigne), but this passage is soon followed by the detailing o f R oland’s related achievements (vv. 198 IT.). On the hagiographie source o f the Theme o f Victory, see Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” pp. 229-35. 305. O. Cullmann, “ Death o f Christ,” in T h e In terpreter's D iction ary o f the B ib le (New York and Nashville: Abington Press, 1962), 1:8 0 7 (Victory over Death). Romanesque crucifixes depict a Christus Victor. Réau, II, 2 :4 7 6 -7 7 . 306. V ie Je S a in t G eorges , in Les O eu vres de Sim u n d de F rein e, ed. John E. Matzke, Société des anciens textes français (Paris: Didot, 1909), vv. 16 3 9 -16 4 1, 16 4 6 -16 5 1. 307. L a V ie S ein t Edm und le R e i, poèm e anglo-norm and du X I I * siècle p a r D en is P ira m us, ed. Hilding Kjellman, Göteborgs kungl. vetenskaps- och vitterhets-samhälles handlingar, fol. 5, ser. A , 4, no. 3 (Göteborg: Wettergren and Kerber, 1935), vv. 2 5 1 1 - 2 5 1 3 . 2 5 3 1. 308. D e S a in t L au ren t, poèm e anglo-norm and du X I I e siècle, ed. W emer Sôdcrhjelm (Paris: Welter, 1888), vv. 622-626, 772-774. 309. Alfred T . Baker, “ Vie anglo-normande de Sainte Foy,” R om an ia 66 (1940/ 4 1): 69, w . 5 10 - 5 12 . 310. Holger Petersen, “ Trois versions inédites de la légende de Saint Eustache en ven français,” R om an ia 48 (1922) : 399, vv. 2093-2094, 2097-2098. 3 1 1 . Moral victory, that is, triumph in defeat, is a frequent theme in literature. C f. Katov's death in André M alraux’s L a C on dition hum aine. In the So n g o f R o la n d victory is often indistinguishable from revenge. Jones, pp. 1 1 , 13. However, when Christians are involved, it must be undentood that they do not merely seek personal satisfaction for offenses committed against them but wish to punish malefacton. On the identity o f divine vengeance and punishment in Ecclesiastical Latin, see Blaise, par. 59, 145, 278. 3 12 . Prudentius, e d . and trans. H. J. Thomson, The Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. (1949; rpt. Cam bridge: Harvard University Press; London: Heinemann, 1962), 1 : 2 7 4 -34 3; Réau, 1 : 1 7 5 - 9 1 ; Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, especially pt. 1, chap. 1. 3 13 . Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ,” pp. 439-52. 314. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” p. 70, links the hero with the notion o f strife, taken in a spiritual sense. 315 . Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3:36 7. On the notion o f pilgrimage roads, see intro­ duction , 4. 316 . For a similar view, see Vos, pp. 349-52 (“ The Path” ). On die road metaphor, see Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 144. In the P seu d o -T u rp in Charles’s Spanish campaign is specifically associated with a cam inus stellarum (Meredith-Jones, pp. 89, 91), that is, the M ilky W ay. On this connection, see Meredith-Jones, pp. 2 6 2-6 3; Horrent, p. 360; Réau, III, 2 :6 9 2 -9 3 ; Mandach, N aissance. 1:3 8 . 317 . Blaise, par. 304, 402. 426-28. 451 ; Locke, Q u est, chap. 1, “ The Grail and the Journ ey,” pp. 1 —1 1 ; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 68. See also Campbell, H ero, pt. I, chap. 2, I, “ The R oad o f Trials,” pp. 9 7-10 9 . 318 . Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 7 5 ; 2 : fig- 278. 319 . Jean Leclercq, O.S.B., T h e L o ve o f L earn in g and the D esire fo r G o d : A Stu dy o f M onastic C u ltu re, trans. Catharine Misrahi (N ew Y o rk : Fordham University Press, 1961), pp. 13 0 -3 5 ; Charles Muscatine, “ Locus o f Action in Medieval Narrative,” R om ance P h ilo lo g y 17 (1963): 1 1 5 - 2 2 ; Robertson, Preface to C haucer, pp. 258, 373; F. C . Gardiner, T h e P ilgrim age o f D esire : A Stu dy o f Them e and G en re in M ed ieva l Literatu re (Leiden : Brill, 19 71) ; V oyage, quête, pèlerin age dans la littérature et la civilisatio n m édiévales, Senefiance n ° 2, Cahiers du Cuer Ma (Aix-en-Provence: Cuer Ma (Uni­ versité de Provence], 1976). 320. Jenkins, note to v. 2397, citing Lanson; Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3:4 4 2; Le Gentil, pp. 109, 116 . See also introduction , 18, d .

363

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION 321. On the mountain symbol, see D avy, Sym boliqu e rom ane, pp. 69, 85, 107, 223; Blaise, par. 166, 207; Introduction au m onde des sym boles , pp. 17 1-9 9 ; Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , pp. 2 0 3-4 ; Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” chap. 2, “ The Image o f the Mountain.” 322. For trees as a symbol o f Ascent, see Introduction au m onde des sym boles , pp. 3 3 1 - 3 2 ; pis. 12 1, 123. 323. However, Saragossa and the haughty mountain on which it is said to be perched arc essentially symbols o f arrogance and pride. Sec commentary, i . 324. C f. Psalms 1 2 0 - 1 34 (Song o f the Ascents). 32$. Réau, II, i : 147, 281 ; Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries , chap. 3, “ Man's Arduous Ascent to God (The Ladder o f Virtue),” pp. 2 2 -2 6 ; D avy, Sym bo liqu e rom ane, pp. 2 2 3 -2 4 ; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 26. On the related m otif o f the children in the tree, sec R o se J. Peebles, “ The Children in the Tree,” in M ed ieva l Stu dies in M em ory o f G ertrude Sch oepperle Loontis (New Y o rk : Columbia University Press; Paris: Cham ­ pion, 1927), pp. 285-99; Ernst Brugger, T h e Illu m in ated T ree in T w o A rth u rian Rom ances , Publications o f the Institute o f French Studies (New Y o rk : Institute o f French Studies, 1929); T h e D id o t-P erceva l A ccording to the M anuscripts o f M odena and P a ris , ed. William Roach (Philadelphia: University o f Pennsylvania Press, 1941)* pp. 2 3-24 , 7 3 -7 6 ; R obert W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques sur la sculpture romane en Alsace: Les représentations du Paradis,” L es C ah iers techniques de Part 1, no. 3 (1948) : 49 - 5 3 ; idem, A lsace rom ane , p. 2 6 1; Eleanor Simmons Greenhill, “ The Child in the Tree: A Study o f the Cosmological Tree in Christian Tradition,” T raditio 10 (1954): 3 2 3 - 7 1; D urm art le G a lo is : R om an arthurien du treizièm e siècle , ed. Joseph Gildea, o.s.A., 2 vols. (Villanova, Pa.: Villanova Press, 1965-66), 2 :6 1 , n. 1. 326. Réau, III, 2 :7 2 3 -2 4 . T w o illustrations o f an eleventh-century K lim a x manu­ script are provided by Katzcnellenbogen, A lleg o ries, figs. 23, 24. 327. See introduction , 3. 328. Sec introduction , io, A, 5; cf. 1 9, F (Roland’s vision o f Paradise). 329. Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , pp. 14 1, 14 4 -4 5 ; Calin, E p ic Q u est, pp. 2 9 - 3 1, linking woman and the city. 330. Le Gentil, p. 115 , in support o f his view that the Baligant episode is an integral part o f Turoldus’s poem. 331. Peristephanon , 4: v. 54 (P ru den tius, 2 : 160). Prudcntius appears to have been at Saragossa in a .d . 348. Prudentius, i:v ii. 332. Boissonnadc, D u N o u veau , p. 48. 333. See note 19 above. 334. G. D. West, “ The Description o f Towns in Old French Verse Rom ances,” French Stu dies 11 (1957): 50-59. 335. See commentary , i. For a similar view, see Alfred Noyer-W eidncr, “ Vom biblischen ‘Gottesberg’ zur Sym bolik des ‘ Heidentals’ im R o la n d slied ,” Z eitsch rift fü r fran zösisch e Sprache und L iteratu r 81 (1971) : 1 3 - 7 1 . Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T y p o lo g y,” vacillates between Jericho (pp. 74, 308, 309, 318) and Babylon (pp. 77, 83, 98, 320) in her identification o f Saragossa. In 1 Peter 5 :1 3 . R om e is referred to as Babylon. 336. Calin, E p ic Q uest, pp. 194-95* 337* Jenkins, note to v. 2614. 338. Calin, E pic Q uest, p. 29. 339. For a similar view, see Vos, p. 315. 340. Alonso, “ La primitiva épica francesa,” pp. 5 1-5 2 , citing Cirot. 341. Ibid., pp. 5 1- 5 6 ; Menéndez Pidal, p. 230, n. 6. The nasalized form R o n z a v a lz begins to appear in Spanish sources between 110 1 and 110 4 (Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3: 3 15 : “ entre les années 110 0 et 1 1 1 4 ” ): Alonso, p. 52; Menéndez Pidal, p. 433, n. 1; Mandach, N aissance, 1:53-5 4 » 69, 418, n. 93. Alonso, p. 54, citing Gautier, suggests

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that the Basque toponym R o s or A n o s, whose meaning is uncertain, m ay account for the first part o f the original name. The proxim ity o f this place-name to C L tos ‘dew ’ doubtless suggested the form rostida. Note, however, that in a figurative sense Lat. ro sciia could also mean ‘bloody’ as in Peristephanon, to: v. 705 (P ru den tius , 2:276). On the transformation o f the name, see Jean Frappier, Etude sur Y va in ou le C h eva lier au lion de C h rétien de T ro yes (Paris: Société d’édition d’enseignement supérieur, 1969), pp. 1 1 5 - 1 6 : “ les conteurs et les romanciers français . . . ont ajouté parfois à la raison d’euphonie celle d’une ’senefiance', comme tel semble bien être le cas pour Perceval (—celui qui perce le secret du val qui conduit au château du Graal?) dont l’équivalent gallois s’appelle Peredur.” 342. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es , 3 : 297. There is much debate, however, on the loca­ tion o f the battlefield. For bibliography and discussion, see ibid., pp. 29 8-327; Boissonnade, D u N o u vea u , pp. 13 7 -4 2 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 2 1 1 , 2 17 - 3 0 ; Mandach, N aissance, 1:5 3 . For a reconstruction o f the battle as it happened in reality, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 2 0 9 -12 . 343. The name appears for the first time in the scene where the Saracens take an oath to destroy R oland and the French rearguard (vv. 892, 901, 9 12, 923, 934, 944, 963, 985), and is blasphemous in the latter context. The P seu d o -T u rp in and the G u id e du P èlerin everywhere use the nasalized form R u n cia (or R u n tia e ) v a llis. Jenkins’s G lo ssa ry, p. 362, derives R en cesva ls from R u n cia va llis but does not discuss the etymo­ logy. Medieval Latin runcia (see Charles du Fresne, sieur D u Cange, G lossariu m m ediae et in fim ae latin itatis, 10 vols, revised by Léopold Favre [18 8 3 -8 7 ; rpt. Paris: Librairie des sciences et des arts, 193 8], 7 : 2 1 2,239 , $.v. roncia, runchi, runciae) is akin to rum icem , the accusative o f C L ru m ex, which yielded Fr. ronce. The spelling en o f R en cesvals is unusual. V L close o (C L long o, short u) plus nasal ordinarily gave Anglo-Norm an u n , at times written on by the O xford copyist (e.g., v. 3487: contre ; elsewhere cuntre). C f., however, the spelling jesq u e (vv. 2538, 2638) for jo sq u e, ju sq u e, noted by Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 256. C f. also the form R en ceva ls in Wace’s R om an de R o u (116 0 ); Moignet, p. 294. Turoldus’s poem was often referred to in the Middle Ages by the name o f this battle; see Aebischer, P réh istoire, pp. 187-203 (summary in Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 4-6). See also introduction, 19, D. 344. Blaise, par. 402. Crosland, O ld French E p ic, p. 70, states that the R o la n d symbolizes the Christian’s journey through this Vale o f Tears, but she makes no specific allusion to R oncevaux in this connection. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,’’ p. 184, refers in a general w ay to Roncevaux as a v a llis lachrym arum , and, p. 287, to the poem as “ a journey from the Shadowy Valley to the Height o f Sion.’’ C f. also p. 70 (v. 2461 : Val Tenebrus). 345. L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Gautier, p. 555, mentions in passing H ugo M eyer’s suggestion that there is a possible connection between Roncevaux and “ ‘la vallée des épines’, dont il est question dans la m ythologie du Nord.*’ The iconography o f the C row ning with Thom s is discussed in Réau, II, 2 :4 5 7 -59 . On the legend o f Cain, w ho after slaying his brother Abel planted thorns, which later became Christ’s C row n o f Thorns, see Réau, II, 1 =98. The relic was purchased by Saint Louis from a Venetian merchant in 1239. R éau, II, 2:458. 346. H am artigenia, vv. 789-801 (Prudentius, 1:260). 347. Thorns are the symbol o f desolation in Isaiah 7 :2 4 - 2 5 ; 3 4 :13 . 348. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3 :3 2 4 -2 6 ; Horrent, p. 188; Lejeune and Stiennon, i :2 3 6 -3 7 , citing the K arlam agnús Saga and Strieker: “ l’anecdote est surtout destinée, à notre avis, à fournir une étymologie du nom ‘ Roncevaux’ ou ‘ Ronsasvals’, nom demeuré jusqu’ici inexpliqué.’’ 349. P eristephanon, 1 1 : vv. 10 5 -12 4 (Prudentius, 1 :3 1 2 ) ; Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, p. 204, records several other instances o f this torture. Cf. Judges 8 :7, 16.

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Saint Benedict overcame fleshly temptation by throwing himself nude into thorns and nettles. Réau, 111, 1 :200; Florence M cCulloch, M ed ia eva l L atin and French B estia ries, University o f North Carolina Studies in the Rom ance Languages and Literatures 33 (Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolina Press, 1962), p. 97, n. 36. In the S p ecu lu m H um anae S a lva tio n is thorns are a préfiguration o f Hell. R éau, II, 1:2 3 4 . 350. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 223, n. 138. 35 1. R éau, II, 1 : 1 3 5 . 352. W riting shortly after Saint Bernard’s death in n $ 3 , W illiam o f Saint-Thierry suggests that the valley received its name because o f its grim aspect and evil repute: “ Erat autem Clara-Vallis locus in territorio Linganensi, non longe a fluvio A lba, antiqua spelunca latronum, quae antiquitus dicebatur Vallis absinthialis, seu propter abundantis ibi absinthi copiam, seu propter amaritudinem doloris incidentium ibi in manus latronum’* (P L , 185, col. 241). On this explanation, which may be nothing more than a pious fiction, see B ern ard de C la irv a u x , pp. 82-83. 333. On the use o f landscape in epics, see Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 133-49. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 3 8 -7 1, discusses landscape in the So n g o f R o la n d but treats only mountains, valleys, and trees. Paul Piehler, T h e V isio n ary L a n d sca p e: A S tu d y in M ed ieva l A lle g o ry (London: Arnold, 1971), does not mention Turoldus’s epic. 334. For a brief observation concerning lyricism in these verses, see Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 1 1 . Aebischer, “ Halt sunt li pui,” deals almost exclusively with the meridional provenance o f certain terms relative to the landscape in the S o n g

o f R o la n d . 355. Le Gentil, p. 134 : Ces répétitions, on le sent bien, ne sont pas accidentelles; de loin elles se répondent et se font écho. C ’est ainsi que le poète associe plus intimement le cadre à l’action, en même temps qu’il entretient et renouvelle l’émotion. Sans doute, le trait reste schématique; mais, plusieurs fois reproduit, il s’accuse et, simplifié à l’extrêm e, il prend une valeur véritablement essentielle. Une longue description serait à coup sûr moins efficace. 336. On the meaning o f pitet in the Son g o f R o la n d , see oxford t e x t , English translation , v. 3B71 . In C hanson de G u illa u m e, vv. 581-584, Vivien declares that knights wishing to accomplish deeds o f valor must banish nostalgic thoughts. 357. See note 229 above. 358. R ychncr, p. 72: “ Les fameux vers descriptifs du R o la n d claironnent les débuts de laisse (citing vv. 157, 8 14 -8 15 , 1807, 2646, and 3345). Seuls trois vers de ce type (v. 1002. 1755. et 3991) se trouvent à l’intérieur de la laisse.” 359. See commentary, 24. Mountains figure in the imagery associated with Ascent in the Son g o f R o la n d (introduction , 15, c). For the mountain as a symbol o f Pride, see commentary, i . In his critique o f the H alt sunt li p u i refrain, Menéndez Pidal, pp. 324-26, cites four passages, omitting v. 1755 and adding vv. 3 12 5 -3 12 8 . O n the latter, see commentary, 37. 360. C f. v. 3659: C lers est la lune e les estriles flam bient. 361. Henceforth referred to as Marganice in the O xford manuscript. 362. Discussion and additional references in T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 10 1, note j. 363. The term was coined by John Ruskin in 1888. See also Frye, A n ato m y o f C riticism , p. 36. On day and night, see introduction , 14, a, 4. 364. On the allusion to Christ’s death upon the Cross, see commentary, 16. 365. Cames, A llég o ries, pp. 1 1 - 1 2 ; pi. 1. Sec note 476 below. 366. Sec oxford t ex t , English translation, v . 191. 367. Blaise, par. 3 3 1 - 3 6 . 368. See commentary, 2i (v. 1874). See also commentary, 19 (v. 1778), 25 (vv.

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2300 ft), and 27 (v. 2465). Tears constitute a form o f water o f course. Note, however, that while tears o f commiseration are plentiful in this poem, tears o f remorse (Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, index, p. 601, s.v. Larmes) are remarkably absent. 369. See note 45 above. In his inventory o f the trees mentioned by Turoldus, Aebischer, “ Halt sunt li pui,” p. 20, inadvertently omits eglenter (v. 114 ) and sapide (v. 993 )370. Frappier, C hansons de geste, 1:2 6 0 ; 2 :19 9 , n. 1 ; Delbouille, G en èse, pp. 12 9 - 3 3 ; Jean-Charles Payen, “ Encore le problème de la géographie épique," Société R en cesva ls. I V * C o n g ris Intern ation al, p. 266; idem. L e M o yen A g e, p. 6 1. For an olive tree in Great Britain, see L e H au t L iv re du C r a a l: P erlesvau s, eds. William A . Nitze and collaborators, Modern Philology Monographs o f the University o f Chicago, 2 vols. (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 19 32-37 ), 1 : line 5 8 15 ; 2 :3 1 3 , n. Curtius, p. 227, and Delbouille, G en èse, p. 152, note a poetic allusion to olive, palm, and cedar trees at Liège. Curtius describes it as a rhetorical convention; Hoepffner, cited by Delbouille, p. 136, n. I, suggests realism. 3 7 1. Curtius, chap. 10, pp. 2 26 -4 7 ; Aebischer, “ Halt sunt li pui,” p. 16 : “ L ’olivier était un accessoire obligé de toute chanson de geste” ; Delbouille, G en èse, p. 136 : “ Il s’agit d’une pure convention poétique." Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 148-49, con­ siders gardens, like palaces (pp. 147-48), to symbolize power and wealth. 372. Saint Augustine was converted while reading the Epistles o f Saint Paul under a tree. R éau, III, 1 :1 5 3 . 373. Moshé Lazar, A m ou r courtois et 'fin 'a m o rs' dans la littérature du X I / • siècle. Biblio­ thèque française et romane. Série C : Etudes littéraires 8 (Paris: Klincksieck, 1964), pp. 12 3 -2 4 . 374. Curtius, p. 245. For a possible rhetorical source, see note 383 below. 37$. Joseph J . Duggan, A C oncordance o f the C hanson de R o la n d (Colum bus: Ohio State University Press, 1969), pp. 38 1, 293, 277, respectively. 376. Conrad, v. 398, substitutes an olive tree for the garden in this passage. 377. C f. COMMENTARY, 12 (v. 993: sapide). 378. Same observation in H. Perschmann, Die S tellu n g von O in der U eberlieferu n g des altfranzösischen R o la n d slied es: E in e textskritische U ntersuchung, Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der romanischen Philologie 3 (M arburg: Pfeil, 1880), PS379. Karl-Josef Steinmeyer, U ntersuchungen z u r allegorischen Bedeutung der T räum e im altfranzösischen R o la n d slied , Langue et Parole, Sprach- und Literaturstrukturelle Studien 3 (Munich: Hueber, 1963), p. 126 ; Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 147-48 (cf. p. 69). 380. P L , 11 2 , col. 1029, a connection commented on favorably in Horrent’s review o f Steinmeyer in R om ance P h ilo lo g y 23 (1970): 600. 38 1. C f. I Kings 5 :19 - 2 0 . Harold N . and Alm a L. Moldenke, P lan ts o f the B ib le (W altham: Chronica Botánica, 1932), pp. 17 3 -7 7 . 382. Moldenke, p. 68. 383. Curtius, p. 243, n. 2. 384. Segre, note to v. 407. See also introduction , 10, b , 3. 383. P L , 11 2 , col. t o i l. Steinmeyer, U ntersuchungen, p. 126. 386. D . W. Robertson, Jr ., “ The Doctrine o f Charity in Mediaeval Literary Gardens : A Topical Approach Through Symbolism and A llegory,” Speculum 26 (19 3 1): 24-49 ; Herman Braet, “ Le songe de l’arbre chez Wace, Benoît et Aim on de Varennes," R o m an ia 91 (1970): 2 33-6 7. 387. INTRODUCTION, 3. 388. In vv. 72, 80, and 93, the olive branches refer to Blancandrin’s mission; in v. 203, an earlier episode is involved.

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389. See COMMENTARY, 2 . 390. C f. A poth eosis , vv. 338-346 (Prudentius , 1:14 4 ). C f. also the symbol o f the fig tree in Matthew 2 1 : 1 8 - 2 2 ; Mark 1 1 : 1 3 - 1 4 ; Luke 13 :6 -9 . For the illustration in Conrad (F ig . 43), sec note 2 13 above. 391. See, for example, Antonius M artyr (c. 570) in Itin era H ierosolym itan a et D e scriptionis T errae Sanctae b ellis sacris anteriora et latina lin gua exarata, eds. Titus Tobler and Auguste Molinier, Publications de la Société de l’Orient latin. Série géographique 1 (Geneva, 1879), pp. 10 0 -10 1. C f. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir , p. 175. In the M organ te M aggiore , Canto X X V , st. 77, Ganelon’s treachery is planned in the shade o f a w ild carob or false Saint Jo h n ’s bread, the same species o f tree, Pulci affirms, as the one from which Judas hanged himself. Archer Taylor, “ The Gallows o f Judas Iscariot,” W ashington U n iversity Stu d ies , H um anistic Series 9, no. 2 (1922): 153. On the figure o f Despair in medieval thought, see Robertson, Preface to C h au cer , pp. 388, 483; Payen, index, s.v. Désespoir, Impénitence, Suicide. 392. Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 43: ‘ T h e close association with animal and vegetable nature that we noted in the elegiac recurs in the sheep and pleasant pastures (or the cattle and ranches) o f the idyllic, and the same easy connection with myth recurs in the fact that such imagery is often used, as in the Bible, for the theme o f salva­ tion.” 393. Leclercq, L o ve o f L earn in g , p. 166; Cames, A llég o ries , p. 14. F lo res m artyrum ‘ Holy Innocents’ occurs in L ib er C athem erinon , 12 : v. 125 (Prudentius , 1 : 1 1 0 ) ; flo rífe ra s sedes in Cassiodorus, E xp o sitio in Psalm os (P L , 70, col. 9) and Caelius Sedulius, C arm en paschalis (P L , 19, col. 593). 394. G. D. Huck, “ Flowers, Symbolism o f,” N ew C ath olic E ncyclopedia (N ew Y o rk : M cGraw-H ill, 1967)» S '9 * * 395. In v. 2$73, Marsile falls, mortally wounded, sur la verte herbe. Foulet, G lo ssa ire , notes that the fourteen uses o f the adjective verte in Turoldus’s poem all refer to grass. 396. See Nichols, “ The Interaction o f Life and Literature.” For very different conceptions o f tone, see Rychner, pp. 69-70 (“ la laisse avait une réalité musicale----Le dessin musical de la laisse était marqué par un timbre d ’intonation et par un timbre de conclusion ; dans le corps de la laisse, le timbre d’intonation, répété, pouvait alterner avec un timbre de développem ent.. . . Tim bre conclusif peut-être que le A O I du R o la n d d 'O xfo rd ” ) and Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 122 -4 2 (“ Les tons,” i.c., L ’humour et l’ironie, les apostrophes et les injures). 397. Jenkins, p. xxxvii. On the poem’s lyrical passages, sec Rychner, pp. 11 8 - 2 4 ; on its elegiac tone, see Duggan, Son g o f R o la n d , pp. 167, 175-76 , 179, 18 1, 18 2 -8 3. On omens, see Rychner, pp. 73-74. Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 139: “ The intro­ duction o f an omen or portent, or the device o f making a whole story the fulfilment o f a prophecy given at the beginning . . . suggests, in its existential projection, a con­ ception o f ineluctable fate or hidden omnipotent w ill.” I doubt, however, that the mood was meant to be as lugubrious as that suggested by Jean Deschamps’s oral interpretation o f L a C hanson de R o la n d , L ’Encyclopédie sonore. Collection “ Les Grands Textes,” Librairie Hachette, disque 270 E 047. 398. Jenkins, p. xeix. There are some problems, however, many o f them due to obvious* scribal errors. 399. Ibid., p. cxliii-cxliv. The latter, p. c, notes that close o here was like the u in English fu ll. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” p. 60, refers to these “ desperate, rising” long - m sounds. 400. A n n ales m onastici, ed. Henry Richards Luard, vol. 4, R erum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores ; or Chronicles and Memorials o f Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages 36 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1869), p. 19; Louis F. Salzman, B u ild in g in E n glan d , D ow n to 15 4 0 : A D ocum entary

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H istory (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1932), p. 366; Otto G eorg von Simson, T h e G o th ic C a th ed ra l: T h e O rig in s o f G o th ic A rchitecture and the M ed ieva l C on cept o f O rder (London : Routledge and Paul, 1936), p. 2. C f. Suger’s emotional reaction to the remodeling o f the abbey church o f Saint-Denis c. 114 4 , A D ocum entary H istory o f A rt, vol. 1, T h e M id d le A ges an d the R en aissan ce, ed. Elizabeth G . Holt (Garden C ity : Doubleday, 1937), pp. 22-48. On the concept o f trem endum , see Hatzfeld, L iteratu re T hrough A rt, pp. 4 ,1 4 ; cf. Blaise, par. 9 6 ,37 9 :4 7 3 (timor Dei). See also commentasy , 34. According to Campbell, H ero, p. 77, beyond the first threshold which the mythological hero must cross in his journey lie “ darkness, the unknown, and danger.” This region may be a “ desert, jungle, deep sea, alien land, etc.” (p. 79). 401. Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 3 1 3 - 1 4 . Add 1 Peter 3 :8 . 402. C f. Corsablix (v. 1236 : Barbarais est, d ’un estrange pais), earlier identified as one w ho practices the black art (v. 886). 403. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, gives the meaning ’étranger’ for all uses o f the w ord estrange in the Son g o f R o la n d except in Alda’s phrase (v. 3717), where he renders it as ’étrange’. Similarly, m ar often suggests a good deal more than ‘in an evil hour’ or ‘in vain’ (see Jenkins, note to v. 330). Also, whenever blasphemy or sacrilege is involved, die poem’s tone is obviously affected. 404. Louis-Femand Flutre, T a b le des nom s propres avec toutes leurs variantes fig u ra n t

dans les rom ans du m oyen dge icrits en fra n ça is ou en pro ven çal et actuellem ent p u b liés ou a n a ly sis. Publications du Centre d’études supérieures de civilisation médiévale 2 (Poitiers: Centre d’études supérieures de civilisation médiévale, 1962), p. 236. On this imaginary universe, see Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 94-98 and, especially, chap. 3, “ L ’étrange et le m erveilleux,” pp. 376-4 16 . 403. C h rétien de T ro y es, L e R om an de P erceva l ou le C o n te du G ra a l, ed. William R oach, 2d ed.. Textes littéraires français 7 1 (Geneva: D roz; Paris: Minard, 1939); P erlesvau s, 2 :2 4 7-4 9 , note to line 17 17 . 406. Biaise, par. 402. C f. Exodus 2 :2 2 : “ I am a stranger in a foreign land" (see also 18 :3 ). 407. Rychner, chap. 4, “ La structure strophique des chansons," pp. 6 8 -12 3. R ychner’s four-part division o f Turoldus’s poem (pp. 38-39) is accepted by Duggan, So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 63-68. On the geometric view o f nature in the Middle Ages, see Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, pp. 3 3 -4 2 ; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer , pp. 148-30 . Geometricism is not necessarily a learned trait. See Leonhard Adam , P rim itive A rt, 3d ed.. Pelican Books (M elboum e-London-Baltim ore: Penguin, 1934), pp. 3 8 -4 1. 408. R ychner, pp. 119 , 122, 124. R ychner’s patterns remind one o f technopm gnon, a popular device in Carolingian times consisting o f writing words so as to form an image. See David M . R o b b , T h e A rt o f the Illu m in ated M an u script (South Brunswick and N ew Y o rk : Barnes; London: Yoseloff, 1973), p. 108. 409. Rychner, p. 98. 410. Famham, “ Romanesque Design,” pp. 13 6 -3 7 . Joseph I. Donohoe, “ A m ­ bivalence and Anger, the Human Center o f the C hanson de R o la n d ,” R om an ic R e v ie w 62 (19 7 1): 2 3 1 - 6 1 , focuses on the hero’s question in v. 2000: “ Sire cum pain, fa ite s le

vos de g re d ? ” 4 1 1. Hatzfeld, L iteratu re T hrough A rt, pp. 3 - 4 ; see also idem, “ Les études de style et la littérature médiévale," M élan ges R ita L ejeu n e, 2 :16 0 9 -10 . 4 12. Hatzfeld, L iteratu re T hrough A rt, pp. 8 - 1 3 . G uy R . Mermier, “ M ore About Unity in the So n g o f R o la n d ,” O lifa n t 2, no. 2 (1974): 9 1- 10 8 , compares the poem to the tympanum at Conques (see F ig . 19). 4 13 . Mandach, N aissan ce, 1:16 4 -6 6 . 414. Per N ykro g, “ La composition du R o la n d d’O xford,” R om an ia 88 (1967): 309-26. C f. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo gy,” pp. 183-84, 228.

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4 15. Bulatkin, Stru ctu ral A rithm etic M etaphor. 416. Jenkins, p. xxxviii, considers them to be a rhetorical device; cf. R ychner, pp. 9 3 -10 7 ; Duggan, Son g o f R o la n d , pp. 10 1- 2 . The technique makes its appearance in the Hague Fragment and experienced a decline in the twelfth century. Jenkins, p. xxxviii, n. i ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 374-75, 380; Payen, L e M o yen A g e, pp. 78-79 . Jenkins, note to w . 2 4 -6 1, lists several examples, adding that vv. 17 9 6 -18 50 constitute a possible case o f four laisses similaires. Parallel laisses are a distinct phenomenon. Rychner, pp. 8 3 -9 3 ; Duggan, pp. 98, 144-47. In an unpublished paper, “ The Laisses Similaires in the Son g o f R o la n d ,” read at the Kentucky Foreign Language Conference in 1968, Barbara N . Sargent argued that since the strophes at times relate to a single action, at other times to a repeated occurrence, laisses similaires is an inadequate designation (summary in B u lletin bibliographiqu e de la Société R en cesva ls 5 [1970]: 46, item 90). 4 17 . Eugene Vinaver, “ La mort de R oland,” C a h iers de civilisa tio n m édiévale 7 (1964): 13 3 -4 3 . C f. R ychner, pp. 9 9 ,12 4 -2 5 ; Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, pp. 1 1 1 - 2 0 ; Duggan, So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 184-88. 418. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:19 5 - 9 6 (correct marginal reference to read pi. X IV [transposed with reference to pi. X V ]). 419. See oxford text , English translation , v . 9. 420. Jenkins, p. xxxviii. 4 21. The Romanesque church at Ottmarsheim in Alsace is a replica o f this chapel. W ill, A lsace rom ane, pp. 54 -55. For other examples, see p. 58; W . Eugene Kleinbauer, “ Charlemagne’s Palace Chapel at Aachen and its Copies,” C esta 4 (1965): 2 - 1 1 . Cloisters provide a similar opportunity for viewing in the round. The corridor follow ­ ing the curve o f the apse in medieval churches (for Romanesque examples, see Henri Focillon, A rt d 'O ccid en t, vol. 1, L e M o yen A g e rom an. Le Livre de Poche, Série A rt [Paris: Colin, 19 71], 136 -37) was originally intended to afford the pilgrim a view into the radiating chapels, thus produces a centrifugal effect, i f the main altar is considered to be the focal point. 422. Réau, II, 2:74 7. 423. Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 394. 424. Ibid., p. 395 425. Ibid., p. 395; COMMENTARY, 24. 426. Philipp August Becker, “ Der distichisch-tristichische Rhythm us im Rolands­ lied,” P h ilologisch e Stu dien aus dem rom anisch-germ anischen K u ltu rk reise. K a rl V oretzsch

zum 60. G eburtstag und zum G eden ken an seine erste akadem ische B eru fu ng vo r 3 5 Ja h re n (Halle: Niem eyer, 1927), pp. 539-43. C f. William S. Woods, “ The Sym bolic Structure o f L a C hanson de R o la n d ," P M L A 65 (1950): 12 4 7 -6 2 ; Rychner, p. 124. See also note 268 above. Hans Erich Keller, “ La place du R u olan tes L ie f dans la tradition rolandienne,” L e M o yen A g e 71 (1965): 2 15 -4 6 , 4 0 1- 2 1, notes that Conrad tends to repeat two or three times episodes found in his French source. 427. Réau, 1: 6 8 ; Curtius, pp. 6 0 7 -2 3 ; G uy Beaujouan, “ Le symbolisme des nombres à l’époque romane,” C a h iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 4 (1961) : 15 9 -6 9 ; Bulat­ kin, Stru ctu ral A rithm etic M etaph or, chap. 1, “ The Meaning o f Numbers in the M iddle Ages,” pp. 3 -2 2 . See also introduction , 18, a. 428. The illusory aspect o f number symbolism is scored by Le Gentil, p. 120. When using D uggan’s Concordance for such investigations, one should not fail to tally Rom an numerals (e.g., ii, iii, iiii, x x , x x x, c) together with the numbers that happen to have been spelled out by the scribe. 429. See introduction , 18, h . 430. Meredith-Jones, p. 127 : “ U t enim Dominus noster Ihesus Christus una cum duodecim apostolis et discipulis suis mundum adquisivit, sic Karolus rex Galliorum

37O

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTIO N et imperator Rom anorum cum his pugnatoribus Yspaniam adquisivit ad decus nominis Dei.” See Meredith-Jones, pp. 3 0 2 -3 , n. O n the T w elve Peers, see commentary, 3, note 7. 4 31. On the delimitation o f the Baligant episode, see Horrent, pp. 255-59 . Por the average duration o f performances, see Rychner, pp. 48-49; Duggan, Son g o f R o lan d , pp. 63-68, 74. 432. Joachim E. Gaehde, “ The Painters o f the Carolingian Bible Manuscript o f San Paolo Fuori le Mura in R o m e [with] Appendix,” Ph.D. diss.. N ew Y ork Univer­ sity, 1963, pt. 2, pi. 79 (Conversion o f Saint Paul). For discussion o f this illustration, see pt. 1, pp. 426-42. On the manuscript, see also idem, “ The Turanian Sources o f the Bible o f San Paolo Fuori le Mura in R o m e,” Frü hm ittelalterlich e Stu d ien , Jahrbuch des Instituts für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster 5 (19 7 1): 386-92. C f. the highlighting o f Judas receiving the Thirty Pieces o f Silver in a ninth-century ivory diptych preserved in the Cathedral o f Milan. John Beckwith, E a rly M ed ieva l A rt, Praeger W orld o f Art (N ew Y o rk and Washington, D .C .: Praeger, 196$), figs. 1 13. 114 . 433. P erlesvau s, 2 :16 5 . 434. But see Nitze in P erlesvau s, 2 :16 5 -6 9 . 435. See, however, Jenkins, p. cxliv and n. 1. 436. See also commentary , 1 1 . 437. Irony here is not to be confused with sarcasm. On the use o f the term irony by Aristotle, see Frye, A n atom y o f C ritia sm , p. 41 et passim. 438. Richard A. Lanham, A H an dlist o f R h eto rical T erm s: A G u id e fo r Students o f E n glish L iteratu re (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1969), pp. 6 1- 6 2 : “ From the literary critic’s point o f view, irony and allegory ought to bear some relation, since irony is clearly a particular, 180-degree-rcversed, instance o f allegory’s double meaning. That is, the ironist depends on an allegorical habit o f mind in his reader, a habit that will juxtapose surface and real meanings.” 439. Jenkins, note to v. 2678. 440. Jones, p. 36. 441. C f. INTRODUCTION, 1 8, F. 442. Dorfman, N árrem e, p. 112 . 443. The Franks at times epitomize the reverse o f Charles’s Sapientia. See introduc­ tion , 19, K. 444. Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 275; pl. 107. C f. also the figure o f Christ with right hand raised in a heavenward gesture o f truth contrasted with Satan whose left hand is extended downward, on the west façade o f the Romanesque church at Conques (see F ig . 19 ). T h e So n g o f R o la n d , trans. Harrison, p. 2 1. 445. Frye, p. 156. 446. H. W . Janson, A p es and A p e L o re in the M id d le A g es and the R en aissan ce, Studies o f the W arburg Institute 20 (London: W arburg Institute, 1952), pp. 16 -20. In Revela­ tion 1 3 :3 the risen dragon is a grotesque representation o f the risen Christ ( T h eJeru sa lem B ib le , p. 441, n. b ; see abo n. c). 447. Janson, p. 29. 448. Ibid., p. 34. In the Psychom achia Discordia masquerades as Concordia. Katz­ enellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 3. 449. Janson, pp. 3 6 -37. On the figure o f Avaritia simulating Thrift in the Psycho­ m achia, see Katzenellenbogen, p. 3 ; Cames, A llég o ries, p. 63. 450. Janson, p. 110 . 4 51. Ibid., pp. 165-69. 452. There is possible aping o f R olan d’s praise o f Durendal in the apostrophe addressed by Ganelon to Murglais in vv. 445-449. See introduction , 19, d .

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453* Eugene Vance, “ Spatial Structure in the C hanson de R o la n d ,” M L N 82 (1967) : 6 0 4 -23; idem, R ea d in g the So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 16 - 18 . Le Goff, C iv ilisa tio n , chap. 6, “ Structures spatiales et temporelles,“ pp. 169-248, is an excellent general introduction to the matter at hand. 454. For examples o f narrative economy, see commentary , 9, 29, and 30. O n the Seven-Day C hronology in Turoldus’s poem, see introduction , 13. For signals beyond space and time, see commentary , 22 (ritual alignment), 26 (v. 2363), and 34 (v. 2867). 455. Flashback ; commentary , 9, 29 (vv. 2570 ff., 2616 ff.), and 49 (circle concept) ; flashforward: commentary , 44 (vv. 3698-3703), all dreams, and the poet’s announce­ ments in vv. 844 and 14 0 8 -14 10 . 4$6. See commentary , i . 457. See commentary , 9. On the more elaborate narrative technique known as entrelacem ent, see Payen, L e M o yen A g e , pp. 79-80, and, especially. Vina ver, R is e o f R om ance, chap. 5, “ The Poetry o f Interlace,” pp. 68-98. 458. See COMMENTARY, 2O-27. 439. See INTRODUCTION, 13. 460. R éau, I: 302; II, 2 :2 4 $, 439. For Herod, see Otto Pacht, C . R . D odw ell, and Francis W orm ald, T h e S t. A lb a n s P salter (A lb a n i P salter), Studies o f the W arburg Institute 23 (London: W arburg Institute, i960), p. 83 and pi. 17b. For the crenelated wall, see Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : fig. 146. 461. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2:fig s. 83, 8 6 ,9 1, etc. 462. Ibid., 1 : 2 1 3 ; 2 : fig. 17 2 . 463. Jenkins, citing Clark, observes apropos o f v. 668 (Guenes li quens est venuz as herberges): “ The author o f R o l. is a skillful raconteur: he passes over the deuils o f Ganelon’s return journey which would only make his audience impatient.” C f. the condensation device in vv. 2630-2644 (commentary, 29). 464. Réau, 1:2 9 2 -9 3 . 463. Cola Minis, “ Ü ber Rolands Horn, Burgers Passio Rotolandi und Konrads R oland,” M élan ges de lin gu istiqu e et de littérature rom anes à la m ém oire d 'Jstv d n F ra n k , offerts p a r ses anciens m aîtres, ses am is et ses collègues de France et de l'étra n g er, Annales Universitatis Saraviensis 6 (Saarbrücken: Universität des Saarlandes, 1937), pp. 439-53 ; Stephen G. Nichols, Jr ., “ R oland’s Echoing H o m ," R om ance N otes 3 (1963): 7 8 -8 4 ; Brault, “ Le Thème de la M o rt," p. 236; Emilie P. Kostoroski, “ Further Echoes from Roland’s Horn,” R om ance N otes 13 (1972): 34 1-4 4 . 466. On the notion o f time in medieval French literature, see Payen, L e M o yen A g e , pp. 7 7 -9 1. Epic time conventions are discussed by Calin, O ld French E p ic, pp. 18 9 -96 ; idem. E p ic Q u est, p. 103. 467. See note 168 above. 468. See Payen, L e M o yen A g e , pp. 82-83 (“ La ‘laudatio temporis acó’ ” ); Le Goff, C iv ilisa tio n , pp. 2 1 3 - 1 4 . C f. the Golden A ge or Paradise Lost topos. Curtius, Littérature européenne, pp. 102, 149, 326-27. 469. T h e L ife o f S a in t A le x is : A n O ld French Poem o f the E leven th C en tu ry , ed. V . L. Dedeck-Héry, Publications o f the Institute o f French Studies (N ew Y o rk : Institute o f French Studies, 19 31), vv. 1 - 5 . C f. Le Goff, pp. 2 13 - 14 . 470. Paul Archambault, “ The Ages o f Man and the Ages o f the W orld,” R e v u e des études augustiniennes 1 1 (1966) : 19 3 -2 0 2 ; Le Goff, p. 212 . Medieval writers referred to the world before the Birth o f Christ, whether Jew ish, Saucen, or pagan, as the O ld Law. Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, p. 429. C f. Réau, II, 1 : viii; Payen, L e M o yen A g e , pp. 84-83. See also note 288 above. 471. As for the future, the single most im porunt fact to bear in mind, as Rom anesque portals almost invariably impressed upon Turoldus’s contemporaries (see Focillon, A rt d ’ O ccident, 1 : 223), was the Last Judgment.

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472. William Wistar C om fort, “ The Character Types in the Old French C hansons de g e s te ," P M L A 21 (1906): 279-434 (the King, pp. 282-306; the Hero, pp. 3 0 7 -3 $ ; the Traitor, pp. 3 3 6 -$ 8 ; see ako:W om an, pp. 3$9 -8 4 ; Bourgeois and Vilain, pp. 384-404; the Saracens, pp. 4 0 4 -3 1); Brandt, M ed ieva l H istory, pp. 1 3 1 , n. 68, 17 2 ; C f. the technique o f primitive artists. Adam, P rim itive A rt, pp. 37 ff. On the develop­ ment o f character portrayal in Western literature, consult Scholes and Kellogg. N atu re o f N a rra tive, chap. $, “ Character in Narrative,“ pp. 160-206. C f. Frappier, Etude sur Y v a in , pp. 160-76. 473. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 2 10 : “ It is true that the great majority o f tragic heroes do possess hybris, a proud, passionate, obsessed or soaring mind which brings about a morally intelligible dow nfall." 474- Ibid., p. 38: Aristotle’s hamartia or ’flaw’, therefore, is not necessarily wrongdoing, much less moral weakness: it m ay be simply a matter o f being a strong character in an exposed position, like Cordelia. The exposed position is usually the place o f leader­ ship, in which a character is exceptional and isolated at the same time, giving us that curious blend o f the inevitable and the incongruous which is peculiar to tragedy. C f. essentially evil natures (see below), a concept implied in v. 899: Fu st chresiiens,

a see oust bam et. 47$. Ibid., p. 2 12 : The discovery or anagnorisis which comes at the end o f the tragic plot is not simply the knowledge by the hero o f what has happened to him— O ed ipu s T yran n u s, despite its reputation as a typical tragedy, is rather a special case in that regard— but the recognition o f the determined shape o f the life he has created for himself, with an implicit comparison with the uncreated potential life he has forsaken. 476. C olby, T w elfth -C en tu ry Fren ch Literatu re, pp. 47-48. Payen, L e M o yen A g e, p. 62: il existe une correspondance secrète entre le macrocosme et le microcosme, entre l’univers et la personne. Il ne s’agit pas seulement d’influences astrologiques qui font qu’un homme est bon ou m al eiiré, né sous une bonne ou une mauvaise étoile ; plus profondément, aux quatre éléments: feu, air, terre et eau, correspondent les quatre humeurs: sang, lymphe, bile et mélancolie, qui définissent les quatre tempéra­ ments. La cosmologie et la physiologie s’unissent dans une même science, conformé­ ment à un enseignement très ancien, puisqu’il remonte à la plus haute philosophie antique. On the Microcosm, see note 36$ above. 477. A character may o f course play more than one role; see introduction , 19, E. 478. Marsile is plainly oblivious to the significance o f the marble couch (v. 12). C f., however, the Saracens’ deliberate use o f the Entry into Jerusalem image later in the same passage (commentary , 2). Charles senses the mountains* moodiness or is at least in tune with it (introduction , 16, A, 1), and Roland may understand w hy he is dying near three trees and four marble objects (introduction , 16, f), but others seem unaware o f the symbolic landscape and even, on occasion, misinterpret its manifestations (vv. 1434-1437). 479. Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, pp. 13 0 - 3 1, 154 -56 , 16 0 .16 2 ; Payen, L e M o yen A g e, p. 63. C f. introduction , 15, A. 480. Bloch, F eu d al S o ciety, 2: chaps. 2 1 - 2 3 ; Curtí us, Littératu re européenne, pp. 6 28 -50 ; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 174 ; Brandt, pp. 10 8 -10 , 117 . 481. Jones, pp. 32 -3 4 , 56. On the concept o f honor, see Jones, pp. 4 6 -4 7; Brandt, pp. 1 1 1 —14. 482. Bloch, i : chap. 4. 483. Meredith-Jones, p. 307, note to p. 152, lines v f f ; Horrent, pp. 9 5-10 0 . C f. the courtly ideal epitomized in C o n te d el g ra a l, vv. 7594-7596. Smail, C rusadin g

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W arfare, p. 4$, relates the follow ing anecdote for the year 110 8 : “ After the fighting the opposing leaders exchanged friendly messages, and Tancred requested the gift o f a horse belonging to a member o f the Munqidhite household. It was dispatched to him, ridden by a young Kurd named Hasanun. Tancred admired the physique and bearing o f the youth, and promised him that i f ever he became Tancred’s prisoner, he would be set free.” 484. See commentary , 6 and 19. C f. Ganelon’s allusion to Charlem agne’s gra n t o rg u ill in v. $78. On point o f view, consult Scholes and Kellogg, N atu re o f N a rra tive, chap. 7, pp. 240-82. ' 485. See COMMENTARY, $. 486. On this notion, see Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 51 ; Charles A. Knudson, “ Serments téméraires et gabs: notes sur un thème littéraire,” Société R en cesva ls. IV * C o n grès International, pp. 254-60. C f. the emphatic language o f the martyrs. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 19 1 - 9 2 ; R cau, III, 2:787. Jenkins, note to vv. 867 fr., points to the frequency o f vantances in the chansons de geste; Brandt, M e d ie va l H isto ry, pp. 12 4 -2 5 , discusses boasting as an aristocratic stance; Duggan, So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 118 -2 5 , 16 1. details its formulaic aspect. In the Psychom achia, vv. 16 1-16 8 , Jo b “ thought o f his healed sores and, by the number o f his scan, recounted his thousands o f hard-won fights, his own glory and his foes’ dishonour.” This passage is cited by Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ," pp. 442-43, but with reference to Turpin. 487. Past: commentary , 4 (vv. 198-200) and 25 (Roland’s praise o f Durendal); future: commentary , 34 (Roland’s prophetic words at A ix). On this function o f speeches, see Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 3 1. 488. introduction , 19, c ; commentary , 34. C f. Durendal = R olan d ’s soul (commentary , 24, n. 66). In C hanson de G u illa u m e, vv. 328-329 and 3 33 -33 4 , the noble w arrion who decide to stay with Vivien are compared to gold that has been separated from an alloy. Jeanne Wathelct-Willem, R echerches sur la C hanson de G u il laum e: Etudes accom pagnées d 'u n e édition , 2 vols., Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l’ Université de Liège 210 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1975), 11297, n. 79. 489. Hanns Swarzenski, M onum ents o f R om anesque A rt: T h e A rt o f C hu rch T reasu res in N o rth - W estern E u rope (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1954), p. 27; Carnes, B yzan ce, index, p. 3 14 . s.v. Colons, fond d’or. C f. commentary, 25. Certain characters in the Son g o f R o la n d give o ff emanations o f a different sort. Petit de Julleville. cited by Jenkins, note to v. 866, observes apropos o f the Saracens’ prebattle van tan ces: “ Roland n’assiste pas à 1i scène qui suit, et pourtant i) la remplit. Tous les principaux chefs sarrasins s'avancent tour à tour, et jurent de tuer Roland. Dans toute l’armée chrétienne ils ne voient que R olan d ; et cette haine universelle de l’ennemi contre un seul homme rehausse singulièrement le héros. Il y a là un art incontestable et délicat.” Burger, “ Les deux scènes du cor,” p. 114 , writes o f the “ présence invisible" o f Ganelon in the first debate between Roland and Oliver. In the discussion that followed this paper at the Liège Colloquium in 1957, Pierre Le Gentil pointed out that, in similar fashion, R oland’s presence could be felt in the discussion between Ganelon and Marsile at Saragossa (L a T ech n iqu e littéraire des chansons de geste, p. 125). Additionally, the spectres o f Basan and Basile hover over the first French council; several characters, veiled and unveiled, appear in Charlemagne’s dreams ; the image o f the dying hero beckons insistently to the French as they hasten to his rescue (vv. 1804 ff.) ; Saint Giles figures mysteriously at Roncevaux (commentary , 22) ; and the spirit o f Roland and Oliver inhabits Rabel and Guinemant in the battle against Baligant (v. 3016). But it is after the hero’s death that a ghost looms largest in this poem. R olan d ’s ethereal presence is sensed by the French on the banks o f the Ebro (v. 2475), and his m em ory guides the Emperor as he searches for his nephew’s body (vv. 2402, 2855-2876). 374

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Above all, Roland’s form rises before French minds at A ix, when Alda falls dead, when the color o f Ganelon’s cheeks is noted (commentary , 45, vv. 3762-3763), when sparks fly heavenward during the judicial combat (commentary , 46, v. 3912), and when the hero is ultimately vindicated by Thierry (commentary , 47). Ghostly appearances, good and bad (Fr. reven an t), are frequent in folklore, but R oland’s post­ humous returns are more in the tradition o f the supernatural occurrences following the death o f martyrs (Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 2 13 - 18 ) . 490. On Ganelon’s apostrophe to his sword (vv. 445-449), see introduction , 18, G. For another evil reflection, see commentary , 2 (Marsile’s marble couch). 491. C f. Vance, R ead in g the So n g o f R o la n d , p. 68: "R o lan d and Charlemagne are supreme in the warrior’s ethos and share in a single identity, except that one is young and bold, the other old and wise.’ ’ On the notion that Charlemagne and Roland share the same mystical body, see Thierry's speech at the trial o f Ganelon (com­ mentary , 45). In R oland’s apostrophe to Durendal in the P seu d o -T u rp in , the hero refers to his weapon as a sword o f justice (Meredith-Jones, p. 191 : "P er te Dei iusticia adimpletur’’) and Charles later links this image to that o f the right arm when alluding to his nephew (Meredith-Jones, p. 20$ : “ O brachium dextrum corporis m e i. . . spata iusdciae, asta inflcxibilis” ). The sword o f justice is one o f the attributes o f the Messiah as an eschatological judge (Revelation 1:16 ) and symbolizes the power o f the W ord o f God, which strikes down pagans (Revelation 1 9 : 1 5 ; cf. Isaiah 1 1 : 4 (a rod)). The iconography o f Roland as Charles's sword-bearer, that is, as the incarnation o f the Emperor’s justice, has been studied by Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:1 2 0 , 14 0 -4 2, 359, and pi. Ill; 2 : fig. 85. In v. 119 5 Charlemagne’s right arm seems to encompass all the Franks; in v. 293$. Roland is synonymous with France. C f. commentary , 1 1 , n. 17. 492. C f. Albert Pauphilet, "S u r la C hanson de R o la n d ," R om an ia 59 (1933): 16 1-9 8 ; idem. L e L egs du m oyen âge (Melun: Librairie d’Argences, 1950), pp. 7 7 -9 0 ; see also the discussion in O lifa n t 1, no. 3 (1974): 8; no. 4, p. 73. On the related debate con­ cerning the effects o f Charles’s victory over Baligant, which supposedly tarnishes that o f Roland, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 12 4 -2 5, cited by Moignet, p. 257. 493. On Roland and O liver as reflections o f each other, see introduction , 19, c and H. 494. Gaston Paris, H istoire poétiqu e de C harlem agn e (1865; rpt. Paris: Bouillon, 1905); Bédier, Légendes épiques, 4 :4 3 7 -6 9 ; R obert Folz, L e S o u ven ir et la légende de C harlem agn e dans l'E m p ire germ anique m édiéval (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1950). 495. Adam, P rim itive A rt, pp. 48-49. 496. Baudouin de Gaiffier, s.j., "L a légende de Charlemagne : Le péché de l’empereur et son pardon," in R ecu eil de travau x offert à M . C lo v is B ru n ei p a r ses am is, collègues et élèves. Ecole des Chartes, Mémoires et documents 12 (Paris: Société de l’Ecole des Chartes, 1955), 1:4 9 0 -5 0 3 ; R ita Lejeune, “ Le péché de Charlemagne et la C hanson de R o la n d ," in Stu dia p h ilo lo g ic a : H om enaje ofrecido a D ám aso A lo n so p o r sus am igos y discípu los con ocasión de su 6 o .e an iversario (Madrid: Credos, 1961), 2 :3 3 9 - 7 1 ; Gerard J . Brault, "T h e Legend o f Charlemagne’s Sin in Girart d’ Am iens," Rom ance N otes 4 (1962): 7 2 -7 5 ; Auguste Demoulin, "Charlem agne, la légende de son péché et le choix de Ganelon pour l’ambassade,” M arche rom ane 25 (1975): 105-26. Is there perhaps a parallel in Moses's sin, the exact nature o f which is left in doubt in Numbers 2 0 :12 , and which means he cannot lead the sons o f Israel into the Promised Land? In Deuteronomy 1 : 3 7 the Hebrew liberator’s sin is said to be his abandonment o f the campaign against Canaan. See T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , note to Numbers 2 0 :12 . C f. note 64 above. 497. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 4 :4 4 3 ; Réau, III, 1:3 4 2 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 245, 310 . Charles is associated with David in the P seu d o -T u rp in (Meredith-Jones, p. 223), as is Roland (Meredith-Jones, p. 205). Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 15 :

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in a miniature o f the Bam berg Apocalypse (executed 10 0 1-2 ) Abraham is asso­ ciated with God-fearing Obedience, Moses with Purity, David with Penitence and Jo b with Patience (n. 3: 'The inscription: “Jussa Dei complens. Mundo sis corpore splendens. Poeniteat culpae. Quid sit patientia disce” defines virtuous conduct as that which the Emperor Otto III, possessor o f the manuscript, seeks to realise and which is represented by the four virtues and their O ld Testament counterparts’]. On Charles’s largesse, see commentary , 43. 498. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3:4 4 8 ; 4:440; Jenkins, notes to vv. 339-40, 19 3 1. 3066; Kantorowicz, K in g 's T w o B o dies, pp. 46 IT. The idea can be traced back to Hebrews 4 :1 4 - 7 :2 8 . Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp ology,” p. 1 1 $ , suggests that Charles is more rex than sacerdos. 499. T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 3 1, note g ; Locke, Q u est, pp. 62-63. 500. R éau, II, 1:1 2 8 - 2 9 . See notes 258 and 274 above. 501. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 0 3 -6 . 502. Ibid., 2 : fig. 102. The communion scene does not appear in Turoldus’s poem. On a related tradition (R oland’s lay communion), see Gerard J . Brault, “ Girart d’Amiens and the P seu d o -T u rp in C h ro n ic le ," Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 76 (i960): 88-90; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 119 and n. 27. 303. T h e So n g o f R o la n d , trans. D orothy L. Sayers, The Penguin Classics (Balti­ m ore: Penguin, 1963), p. 14. 304. See introduction , 3. L a C han son de R o la n d , ed. Câlin, p. 10 : “ C ’est l’archétype du Père qui domine chez lui, un Père puissant mais tendre, désolé de la perte du Fils mais qui continue la lutte, à la tête de son peuple, afin que la société survive. Il est homme et surhomme à la fois.” See also idem. E p ic Q u est, p. 209. 303. Erich Köhler, “ 'Conseil des barons’ und 'jugement des barons’ : Epische Fatalität und Feudalrecht im altfranzösischen Rolandslied,” Sitzun gsberich te der H eid el­ berger A kad em ie der W issenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse (Heidelberg: Winter, 13268). p. 28 ; Herman Braet, “ Fonction et importance du songe dans b chanson de geste,” L e M o yen A g e T l (>9 7 *): 409 -10. 306. Matthew 2 6 :2 0 -2 3 ; M ark 1 4 : 1 8 - 2 1 ; Luke 2 2 :2 1 - 2 3 ; John 1 3 :2 1 - 3 0 . C f. COMMENTARY, 11 (v. 840). 307. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , pp. 17 4 -7 5 , on the theme o f withdrawal and return. C f. the death and rebirth archetype; Calin, E p ic Quest, pp. 1 1 3 - 1 5 . See also note 504 above. 508. Meredith-Jones, pp. 195, 199, 201, 229, 231. 509. Jenkins, pp. x x iv -x x v i, xl-xliii; Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 2 2 7 -4 1. 510. Jenkins, p. xxv. 5 1 1. See, for example. Le Gentil, p. 124. 512. See introduction , 19, c. 513 . Jones, pp. 66-68. C f. Glyn S. Burgess, “ O rg u eil and F ierté in Tw elfth-Century French,” Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 89 (1973): 10 3 -2 2 . 514. Joncs, p. 67. 515. introduction , 1 9, c and d ; commentary , 25; Burgess, V ocabulaire p ré­ courtois, p. 105, n. 8.

516. INTRODUCTION,

19 ,

A.

517. Jenkins, p. xlii: “ Roland is not at the end the same person he was at the begin­ ning: he has greatly developed.” C f. Lanson, cited by Jenkins, note to v. 2397. 518. Blaise, par. 494. On Cluny's role in the formulation o f the chivalric ideal, see Paul Roussct, “ L'idéal chevaleresque dans deux V itae clunisienncs,” M élan ges E dm o n d-R en é L aban de, pp. 6 2 3-33, especially pp. 6 30-32. Heer, M ed ieva l W orld, p. 108: “ (According to Saint Bernard,] man was made in the image o f God, and had a

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'great soul’, anim a m agna. A good man could stand upright and erect before God. But man was bowed low by sin: the bent soul, anim a cu rva, turned aw ay from God in rebellion. The source o f all sin was wilfulness, propriu m co n siliu m : man thought he knew better than G o d ." For further discussion o f Roland as a Hum ility figure, see introduction , 12 , and notes 235 and $19. 319. For a comparison o f the figure o f Faith in the Psychom achia, a personage en­ dowed with a stout heart and a burning desire to fight new battles, with Roland, see Mickel, "Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ,” pp. 4 4 0 -4 1. According to R enoir, “ Roland’s Lament,” p. 373, the tone o f the passage where the hero recognizes that the French rearguard is dying for his sake (Laisse 140) is "consistently one o f profound hum ility." H owever, R en oir believes that Roland was initially proud. See introduc­ tion , 3 and note 6 1 ; commentary , 2 1 and notes 3 and 9. C f.' Le Gentil, p. 10 7: “ (Roland] se dépouille peu à peu de tout égoïsm e. . . il consent un bel acte d’hum ilité." 320. Jenkins, p. liv. This Turoldus is Jenkins’s candidate for authorship o f the Son g

o f R o la n d . 3 2 1. Meredith-Jones, pp. 20 1, 203. In this lament the author states that Roland protected the w idow , the orphan, and the poor. A few lines later, Charlemagne lauds the same traits in his nephew’s character: “ baculus orfanorum et viduarum cibus, refectio tom pauperum quam divitu m ” (p. 203). On the evolution o f these obligations o f the king and, later, the knight, see Bloch, F eu d a l S o ciety, 2 :3 1 6 - 1 9 , and, especially, Jean Larmat, "L a veuve, le pauvre et l’orphelin : Un aspect politique de Charlemagne dans le C o u ­ ronnem ent de L o u is ," Proceedings o f the Seventh International Congress o f the Société Rencesvals held at Liège in 1976. The concept stems from Isaiah 1 : 1 7 . 322. Meredith-Jones, p. 243. Before the Franks set out for Spain, Conrad, v. 216, has Charles urge them to be humble. 323. Anna Granville Hatcher, “ Eulalie, lines 1 3 - 1 7 . " R om an ic R e v ie w 40 (1949):

241-49-

324. F. J . Barnett, “ Virginity in the O ld French Sequence o f Saint Eulalia," French Stu dies 13 (1939): 2 3 2 -3 6 ; idem, “ Some Notes to the Sequence o f Saint Eulalia," in Stu dies in M e d ie va l Fren ch Presented to A lfre d E w ert in H onour o f H is S even tieth B irth d ay

(O xford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 1- 2 3 . 323. T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 12 1 , note i. 326. Meredith-Jones, p. 199. 327. Paul’s vision is never depicted in medieval art. Réau, III, 3 :10 4 4 . 328. Blaise, p. n o , s.v. virginalis, virgineus, virginitas, virgo, and Virgo. In the Middle Ages male virginity was admired in such exemplars as Saint Benedict, Saint John the Evangelist, and Saint Joseph. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 201 : “ The central theme o f (the fourth phase o f the hero’s life] is that o f the maintaining o f the inte­ grity o f the innocent world against the assault o f experience.. . . The integrated body to be defended m ay be individual or social, or both-----The theme o f invincible innocence or virginity is associated with similar images in literature." On the m otif o f the chaste knight, see P erlesvau s, 2 :1 8 1 - 8 2 . In L a Q ueste d el sain t g ra a l: R om an du X III* siècle, ed. Albert Pauphilet, Classiques français du moyen âge 33 (Paris: Cham­ pion, 1949), pp. 12 3 - 2 3 , a hermit explains to Lancelot that the supreme virtues are Virginity and Hum ility which he ranks higher than Patience, Justice, or even Charity. The problem o f Perceval’s virginity in the C o n te d el g ra a l is far more complex. See Jean Frappier, C h rétien de T ro yes et le m ythe d u g ra a l : Etude sur P erceval ou le C o n te du G ra a l (Paris: Société d’édition d’enseignement supérieur, 1972), pp. 9 4 -10 8. 329. Biaise, pp. 6 3-6 3, s.v. intactus, integer, integritas, inviolabilis, inviolatus. These, and the related epithets im m aculata, innocentia, and pu rissim a, are most frequently found in hymns, litanies, and prayers to the Virgin. On the concept o f integrity, see T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 114 3 , note q.

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NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTIO N 530. C f. martyrs who suffer no wounds in spite o f being tortured. Delehaye, L e s Passions des m artyrs, p. 209. On the aureole surrounding the entire body as a sign o f divine protection, see commentary , 22. In the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland is pierced b y four Saracen lances and also grievously wounded by enemy spears and stones (MeredithJones, p. 187). 53 1. See commentary , 25. The cult o f the Virgin in the P seu d o -T u rp in is discussed by Meredith-Jones, pp. 52, 318 , note to p. 198, line v. 532. Conrad, v. 3291. 533. Ibid., v v . 3297-3298. 334. In v. 89, Conrad sutes that the Franks must have pure hearts to serve G o d ; in v. 266, Turpin tells his men to purify their hearts; and in v. 6187, the poet refers to Roland as being ‘whiter than snow*. $3$. In the second horn scene O liver angrily swears that i f they survive the battle he w ill see to it that Roland never lies in Alda’s embrace (commentary , 18, vv. 1 7 1 9 17 2 1). Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 200: “ The archetype o f erotic innocence is less com m only marriage than the kind o f ‘chaste’ love that precedes marriage; the love o f brother for sister, or o f tw o boys for each other.’ ’ $36. Conrad dwells on Alda’s virginity in vv. 8 7 17 -8 7 19 . 337. H owever, in the K arlam agnús S a ga , Roland is .seduced b y Geluviz, Ganelon’s wife. K arlam agnús S a g a : T h e Saga o f C harlem agn e and H is H eroes, trans. C onsunce B . Hieatt, vol. 1 (Toronto: The Pontifical Institute o f Mediaeval Studies, 1973), pp. 13 2 - 3 3 (see also p. 134). Boiardo’s O rlan do innam orato and Ariosto’s O rlan do fu rio so are works o f the Italian Renaissance. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 4 0 , 390, and 393, n. 29. There is no medieval source for the wedding referred to in Victor H ugo’s poem “ Le M anage de R oland,’’ a work ultimately derived from G ira n de V ien n e. 338. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 2 0 - 2 3 , 349, n. 1 1 , 334, 387-88; pl. L V ; 2 : figs. 372-75, 4 3 1, 472, 474. 539. Bibliography in Gérard, “ L ’axe Roland-Ganelon,’’ p. 452, n. 10 ; Stranges, “ The Character and the Trial o f Ganelon,’ ’ pp. 333-6 7 . See also note 542 below and commentary , 7, note 4. 540. T . Atkinson Jenkins, “ W hy Did Ganelon Hate R o lan d ?’’ P M L A 36 (19 2 1): 1 19 -3 3 . For a review o f scholarship on Ganelon, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 3 23-24 , 4 2 5 -2 7 ; Mandach, N aissan ce, 1:6 7 -6 9 , 15 4 ; Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 14 6 -54 (see also idem, “ Ganelon’s 'M ortal R a g e ’,” pp. 15 -26 ). Add the moti­ vation provided by the K arlam agnús S a ga (Ganelon’s w ife seduced Roland). See n. 537 above. 541. Meredith-Jones, p. 18 1. In this version Marsile also sends forty horses laden with excellent wine and a thousand beautiful Saracen women so that the Christians will become inebriated and fornicate, angering God, who will let them die (MeredithJones, pp. 18 1, 183, 185; see also p. 316 , n.). Gaston Paris believed that greed was the original motivation for Ganelon’s treachery and that Turoldus added the further complication o f the quarrel. This was one o f the arguments he used to prove that the P seu d o -T u rp in antedated the R o la n d . Since then scholars have generally considered the matter o f the traitor’s greed within the framework o f this discussion, usually concluding with Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3:40 5, n. 1, that the argument is reversible and therefore not very convincing. Horrent, p. 119 , n. 3. 542. Leslie C . Brook, “ Le ‘forfait’ de R oland dans le procès de Ganelon: Encore sur un vers obscur de la C hanson de R o la n d ," Société R en cesva ls. IV * C o n g ris Inter­ n ational, pp. 120-28. In note to vv. 3 4 2 ff, L a C hanson de R o la n d , cd. Jenkins, refers to “ the human side o f Count Ganelon" and suggests that Turoldus “ draws the opposite o f an ignoble personage.” For a list o f scholars w ho have endeavored to “ rehabilitate" Ganelon, see bibliography referred to in note 539 above. B ow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp.

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306-8, analyzes Ganelon’s character as “ a series o f psychological states,” which the poet presents piecemeal. $43. Petit de Julleville, cited by Jenkins, note to v. 2 17 , observes: *T1 est clair que Ganelon hait Roland avant que le poème commence.” C f. Bédier, Légen des épiques, 3 :4 1 3 : “ une haine obscure, ancienne, dont lui-même ne sait pas encore toute l'intensité, l’anime contre son fillâtre.” Lejeune, “ Le péché de Charlemagne,” suggests that awareness o f R olan d’s incestuous birth explains Ganelon’s hypersensitivity to insult in the scene where a messenger must be chosen to deliver the Emperor’s message to Saragossa. 544. See, for example, Moignet, pp. 45, 49, 262, note to v. 3758 . 1 no longer feel, as I stated apropos o f v. 3736, in “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 230, n. 2 1, that: “ Sans doute Charles simplifie un peu trop la chose quand il qualifie le mobile de Ganelon de cupidité.” I now agree with Jenkins, p. x x ix : “ Greed for riches and display, and envy o f the wealth o f others, is the cause o f the proud Count’s downfall.” The greed motive is mentioned in a passage o f Venice IV , which many critics believe was part o f the original material missing in the O xford copy. Segre, after v. 813 (discussion, pp. 159-60). 545. P. K . Meagher, “ Avarice,” in N e w C ath olic E n cyclopedia, 1 : 1 1 2 2 - 2 3 . 546. Réau, L 16 5 . Similarly, in the C han son de G u illa u m e, the traitor Tiébaut is guilty o f greed. W athelet-Willem, 1:2 9 8 -9 9 and n. 87. For passages in Old French romances concerning this vice, see Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 16 1, 17 4 -7 5 . 547. Lester K . Little, “ Pride Goes Before Avarice: Social Change and the Vices in Latin Christendom ," A m erican H istorical R e v ie w 76 (1971) : 16-49. 548. Jo b 3 1 :2 4 ; Psalms 5 2 :7 ; Proverbs 1 1 : 2 8 ; John 1 2 :6 ; Psychom achia, v. 530; Little, p. 37; Cames, A llég o ries, pp. 98-99. 549 - Blaise, par. 46 - 47 . 150, 472 . 550. Cames, A llég o ries, p. 6 1, states that the list was derived in part from the P sy­ chom achia and in part from a treatise ascribed to Hugh o f Saint V ictor; see, however, P L , 76, col. 6 21. 551. The second part o f this quotation is drawn from Saint Paul’s admonition to the deacons in 1 Tim othy 3:8 . 552. Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, fig. 60; Cames, A llég o ries, fig. 60. 553. Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 2 ; Cames, A llég o ries, pp. 63-64. The image o f the murderous and treacherous fox in association with Judas and Ganelon occurs in Chaucer, “ The N un’s Priest’s T ale," vv. 3227, 3286. C f. the image o f Herod the fox in Luke 13 :3 2 . For Ganelon as a Herod figure, see Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y ," pp. 15 0 - 5 1. 554. M ickel, “ Parallels in Psychomachia and Roland," pp. 448-49, cites this passage in the Psychomachia and observes: “ Although Ganelon’s betrayal certainly appears to have been motivated by a desire for vengeance, considerable emphasis is placed in the bribes he accepts from the Saracens.” 555. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M o n ,” p. 230; idem, “ Ganelon et R oland,” p. 404. On the diabolical implications o f lying, see note 563 below. 556. Cames, Allégories, p. 64. 557. Ibid., pp. 64-66. 558. Ibid., p. 65. In the Charroi de N îm es, vv. 678 fr., Aym on le Vieil also preaches prudence at the w rong time. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 158 and n. 2. 559. C f. also Ganelon’s relatives, vv. 2558, 2564. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 235. 560. Cames, A llég o ries, p . 64. 561. The dog and the pig are also mentioned in R o la n d , vv. 17 5 1, 2591. C f. also vv. 30, 1874, 3223, 3527. Brault. “ Le Thème de la'M ort,” p. 235. In the apocryphal

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gospel known as the A cta T hom ae, Judas is associated with the serpent who enticed Eve, Cain, and Pharaoh. Hand, D ictio n ary, p. 289. 562. introduction , io, a, 8; B, I. M odem critics have not been unaware o f the connection; see, for example. Com fort, “ Character Types,“ pp. 3 36 ,3 38 ,3 4 4 ; Jenkins, note to v. 178. For bibliography and discussion, see Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T y p o lo gy,” p. 149 and nn. 80-82 (see also p. 68). Medieval exegetes viewed Judas and his prototype Cain as symbols o f Felony. R éau, II, 1:9 6 . On this typology, see Q u este, pp. 2 17 - 18 . For Ganelon's ancestry in the rhymed versions o f th e R o la n d , see Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 12 0 -2 2 ; Horrent, pp. 18 0 -8 1, 343; Segre, pp. 353—55. $63. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 164. For Baligant as an Envy figure, see commentary , 40. Ganelon’s diabolism is clearly indicated by Charlemagne in v. 746 (commentary, i i ). The traitor’s demonic aspect is further underscored when he plays the role o f accuser (see introduction , 10, B, 3 ; commentary, 4, n. 1 1 ; commen ­ tary , 6 ; Blaise, par. 323 (adversarius]) and, through the process o f inversion, when he suggests that Roland is a seducer (commentary, 4 ; Blaise, par. 323 [tentator]). On Ganelon as a liar (cf. the devil in Jo b 16 :8 ), see note 333 above. Finally, the follow ing description in Proverbs 6 :1 6 - 1 9 suits Ganelon to a T : “ There are six things that Yahw eh hates, seven that his soul abhors: a haughty look, a lying tongue, hands that shed innocent blood, a heart that weaves wicked plots, feet that hurry to do evil, a false witness w ho lies with every breath, a man w ho sows dissension among brothers.“ 364. L a C hanson de R o la n d : A M odem Fren ch T ran slatio n , trans. J . Geddes (1906; rpt. N ew Y o rk : Macmillan, 1926), p. xxxii. On O liver’s role in the So n g o f R o la n d , see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 3 3 6 -6 3 ; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 2 13 - 2 3 . 363. Jenkins, pp. x x v i-x x ix . Aebischer, P réh isto ire, p. 280, points out that O liver needs to be studied as part o f an inseparable pair o f companions. Aebischer implies, however, that this may not always have been $0, since no special relationship is indi­ cated in the P seu d o -T u rp in . C f., however, the testimony o f the brothers Roland and O liver in documents dating back to the beginning o f the eleventh century, intro ­ duction , 2, and n. 13. 366. Faral, L a C han son de R o la n d , pp. 2 1 3 - 2 1 . 367. F E W , 11:2 0 3 . 368. C f. Manassas o f Reim s in 1080. Bloch, F eu d a l S o ciety, 2:34 7 . Other historical parallels include O do, Bishop o f Bayeux and brother o f William the Conqueror, who was at the Battle o f Hastings (Jenkins, p. xxxi) ; Adhémar, Bishop o f Le Puy, who commanded a division o f Bohem ond’s arm y during the First Crusade in 1098 (Jenkins, p. xxxii) ; and Turoldus, another brother, or perhaps a nephew o f W illiam the Conqueror (Rita Lejeune, “ Le caractère de l’archevêque Turpin et les événements contemporains de la C han son de R o la n d [version d 'O xford],“ Société R en cesva ls. IV * C on grès In tern ation al, pp. 19 -2 1). On the historical and spiritual background, see C . A . Robson, “ The Character o f Turpin in the C hanson de R o la n d ,” M ediu m A evu m 10 (19 4 1): 9 7 -10 0 ; Edmond Faral, “ A propos de la C hanson de R o la n d : Genèse et significadon du personnage de Turpin,” L a T echn iqu e littéraire des chansons de geste, pp. 2 7 1-8 0 ; Maurice Delbouillé, “ D ’où venait la chanson de geste? A propos du livre d’Italo Siciliano, L es C hansons de geste et l'ép o p ée ,” C a h iers de civilisa tio n m édiévale 13 (1972): 2 16 - 18 . In Old French the noun tu rpin , o f uncertain origin, means a kind o f soldier. Barthélemy, the Recluse o f Molliens, in his R om an de C a rité, dated 1204, observes that C lo istriers ont lor robe escourtee; / E scu iier sanlent et tu rpin (Greimas, D ictio n n aire, p. 648). 369. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 2 2 1 ; Lejeune, “ Le caractère de l’archevêque T urpin," p. i l . 370. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 307. 571. T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 37, n. b.

380

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION 572. Ibid., p. 1 1 16 : "T h e prophet is the bearer and interpreter o f the word o f God. This is succinctly expressed in tw o parallel passages: in E x 4: 15 - 1 6 , Aaron is the interpreter o f Moses, Aaron the ‘ mouth* o f Moses, Moses ‘the god who inspired him’ ; in E x 7 : 1 , Moses is to be ‘a god for Pharaoh’, and Aaron his 'prophet* (n abi). W e are reminded o f the words o f Yahweh to Jerem iah: i am putting m y words into your mouth’, J r 1 ¡9 ." 573. The prophetic role o f women in heroic poetry is discussed by Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 4 8 0 -8 1, 489. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , pp. 3 8 -3 9 : “ Pathos presents its hero as isolated by a weakness which appeals to our sympathy because it is on our ow n level o f experience. I speak o f a hero, but the central figure o f pathos is often a woman or a child . . . pathos is increased by the inarticulateness o f the victim .’’ Alda’s role has been analyzed by Menéndez Pidal, pp. 366-67 and by Aebischer, P réh istoire, p. 279. On the name, see Delbouille, G e n ise , pp. n o - 1 1 . Roland's prediction at A ix o f the manner o f his own passing and Charlemagne’s anticipation o f the arrival o f hum e estrange (vv. 2 9 11, 2918) show the latter in more conventional prophetic roles. On Naimes, see introduction , 19, k . 574. Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 149: “ The demonic erotic relation becomes a fierce destructive passion that works against loyalty or frustrates the one w ho possesses it. It is generally symbolized by a harlot, witch, siren, or other tantalizing female, a physical object o f desire which is sought as a possession and therefore can never be possessed,’’ C f. Augier, “ Conversions féminines,’* pp. 1 0 1 - 2 ; commentary , 8 (Bram imonde). 57$. In medieval French literature, a king’s counselors often give him bad advice; e.g., the Tristan romances and C lig is , vv. 10 5 9 -10 7 1. C f. the Pharaoh’s wicked advisers in the O ld Testament (commentary, 4). The Franks at times also incarnate the Theme o f War-Weariness. Le Gentil, p. 15 1. Such recreantise runs counter to the chivalric ideal. Brandt, M ed ieva l H istory, p. h i . 576. For bibliography on weeping, see commentary , i i , note 10. On the Franks as assessors, see commentary , 3 (vv. 1 1 0 - 1 13). The Franks are “ functional onlookers,” an audience within the poem. On this notion see R obert M. Lumiansky, “ Dramatic Audience in B e o w u lf," Jo u rn a l o f E n glish and G erm an ic P h ilo lo g y 51 (1952): 545-50. C f. Alexandre Micha, “ Le discours collectif dans l’épopée et dans le roman,’’ M élan ges

de langue et de littérature du m oyen dge et de la R enaissance offerts à Je a n F ra p p ier p a r ses collègu es, ses élèves et ses am is. Textes littéraires français 112 (Geneva: Droz, 1970), pp. 8 1 1 - 2 1 . 577. Jonin, “ La ‘Clere’ Espagne de Blancandrin,** pp. 92-95, suggests that Christian communities in Spain, such as the important colony at Córdoba, communicated information about the Saracens to the outside world. Turoldus’s view o f the Saracens at times involves a curious confusion o fje w s and pagan enemies o f the Jew s in the Bible. See, for example, the identification Ganelon-Judas-Jew in introduction , 16, d (v. 366), and commentary , 2 (Marsile’s hardness o f heart) and 43 (the destruction o f the idols found in synagogues and mosques). See also Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 51 (Caneliu) and 44-48 (Butentrot). In his apostrophe to Durendal in the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland claims that he has often avenged the death o f Christ by slaying Saracens and Jew s (Meredith-Jones, p. 191). 578. Skidmore, M o ra l T ra its o f C h ristian s and Saracen s; William Wistar Com fort, “ The Literary R o le o f the Saracens in the French Epic,’’ P M L A 55 (1940): 628-59 ; C . Meredith-Jones, “ The Conventional Saracen o f the Songs o f Geste,’ ’ Speculum 17 (1942): 2 0 1- 2 5 ; Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :1 2 2 - 2 4 ; Payen, L e M o yen A g e , pp. 10 5 - 7 ; Barbara D . Edmonds, “ Le portrait des Sarrasins dans b C hanson de R o la n d ," French R e v ie w 44 (19 7 1): 870-80. 579. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 50; Horrent, p. 291. C f. H istoria K a ro li M ag n i et

38I

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R o th olan d i, ed. Meredith-Joncs, pp. 288-89, note to p. 99, tine x ; pp. 296-99, note to p. 1 14, tines i-v i. 580. P erlesvau s , 1 : tines 2 1 7 2 - 2 17 3 ; 2 :2 3 1 - 3 2 . For a similar use in the W althariu s, see Curtius, p. 245. O n T -O (three-part world) maps, consult G . R . Crone, M a p s and T h eir M a k ers: A n Introduction to the H istory o f C arto graph y (N ew Y o rk : Capricorn Books, 1966), p. 23. See also Le G off, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 178 and fig. 47. 381. Ménard, Le R ire , pp. 78-80. 382. Jenkins, note to v. 3662; Janson, A p es and A p e L o re, p. 17. See vv. 886 (males are), 1392 (artimal), 3663 (sorz, falserie). 383. Halphen, p. 22. 384. Impurity is perhaps implicit in the name Bramimonde (commentary, 33, note 3). Conrad, v. 33, refers to the impure life o f the Saracens in Spain (W ie unkusctichen si lebeten). On the moral significance o f Saracen swarthiness and ugliness, see C olb y, T w e lfth -C en tu ry French L iteratu re, pp. 7 2-8 8 ; Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 342-48. 1 do not know what prompts Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, pp. 429-30, to assert: “ Dans la chanson de geste, le païen n’est pas une figure de Satan.” According to Hugh o f Saint Victor, the contemplation o f ugliness should turn men to sainthood and eternal beauty. Fritz Peter Knapp, “ Die hässliche Gralsbotin und die victorinische Ästhetik,” Sprachkunst 3 (1972): 1 - 1 0 . According tojonin , “ La ’Clere’ Espagne de Blancandrin,” p. 90, Turoldus’s contemporaries associated die Orient with opulence: “ on a l’impres­ sion que les jongleurs dés qu’il s’agit d’Espagne ou d’Afrique traînent cet or comme une obsession.” See also commentary, 4, note 2 1. C f., however, oxford t e x t , English translation, v. 39, and commentary, 8, n. io. On the notion o f Oriental indolence, see commentary, 2, note 7. 383. See introduction , 13, b ; 14, B. 386. Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, pp. 138 -39 , cites examples o f Christian knights being spared by Muslim warriors because o f their valor, generous acts suggesting an appreciation o f Saracen nobility. One is reminded, too, o f Saint Louis’s high opinion o f Saladin. See commentary, 39 and note 9. 387. See introduction , 14, b ; 16, d ; 19, c. 388. C f. Einhard’s designation o f the Saracens, who sought to invade France but were halted by Charles Martel: N am pater eju s K aro lu s, q u i tyrannos p er totam Franciam dom inatum sib i vindicantes obpressit et Sarracenos C a llia m occupare tem plantes duobus m agnis p ro eliis (Halphen, p. 10 ; see also p. 1 1 , n. 2). R are as an insult in Old French romances (Ménard, L e R ire , p. 723), the word often refers to frightful beasts in these works (Ménard, p. 13 2 and n. 334). Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 148: “ In the sinister human world one individual pole is the tyrant-leader, inscrutable, ruthless, melancholy, and with an insatiable will, who commands loyalty only i f he is egocentric enough to represent the collective ego o f his followers.” 389. Peter Brieger, E n glish A rt 1 2 1 6 - 1 3 0 7 , The O xford History o f English Art, 4 (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1937), pp. 142, 14 3; Paul Deschamps and Marc Thibout, L a P ein tu re m urale en F ra n ce: L e haut m oyen dge et l'ép o q u e rom ane. Collection Ars et Historia (Paris: Plon, 19 31), pis. X L IX , 2 ; L X II, 1 ; Cames, B yza n ce, pp. 148-49, pl. 44, figs. 17 6 -7 7 (Herod and the Massacre o f the Innocents); Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 86, 100, 122 (Marsile; cf., however, Charles in 2 : figs. 103, 124). In medieval art a seated figure with crossed legs was the formula for a ju dge (T h e Y ear 1 z o o : A C en ten n ial E x h ib itio n at the M etropolitan M useum o f A rt, vol. 1, Konrad Hoffmann, T h e E x h ib itio n , The Cloisters Studies in Medieval Art 1 (N ew Y o rk : The M etro­ politan Museum o f A rt, 1970], pp. 38, 98, 278), but it could also represent an Oriental despot. Brieger, pp. 14 9 -30 (pis. 3 0 -3 1). H owever, a leg crossed over the knee is not to be confused with the crossed-leg posture associated with tailors. See commentary, 2, note 7.

382

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$90. R eto R . Bezzola, L es O rig in es et la form ation de ta littérature courtoise en O ccident ( ¡0 0 - 12 0 0 ) , Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des hautes études 3 19 (Paris: Champion, 1963), vol. 3, pt. i : 79-80, especially p. 79, n. 4. For tyrannus, a synonym for the devil, see Blaise, par. 314. 391. L es C h étifs in L a C hanson du C h eva tier au cygne et de G o d efro id de B o u illo n , ed. C . Hippeau, Collection des poètes français du moyen âge, 2 vols. (Paris: Aubry, 1877), 2:206. See also H uon de B ordeau x, ed. Pierre Ruelle, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Travaux de h Faculté de philosophie et lettres 20 (Brussels: Presses Univer­ sitaires de Bruxelles; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, i960), v. 3737. 392. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 17 7 -2 18 . For Marsile as a Herod figure, see Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T y p o lo g y ," p. 143. On the association o f Baligant with Superbia, see commentary, 30. 393. Auerbach, M im esis, chap. 3, “ Roland Against Ganelon," pp. 9 6 -12 2 , especially, pp. i i 61T. 394. Delbouille, “ Les chansons de geste et le livre," p. 338, n. 30. 393. R ecu eil g én éra l et com plet des fa b lia u x des X III* et X I V * siècles im prim és ou inédits, p u b liés d ’après les m anuscrits, eds. Anatole de Montaiglon and Gaston Raynaud, 6 vols. (Paris: Librairie des bibliophiles, 1872), 1 : 1 - 1 2 . See also F n a l, Jo n g leu rs, pp. 8 1- 8 2 ; Delbouille, p. 338. 396. R ychner, pp. 1 8 - 1 9 (p. 18 : “ N on seulement, donc, les chansons de geste étaient chantées, mais leur mélodie leur était propre: on pouvait parler de la musique du R o la n d comme de ses paroles"); Jacques Chailley, “ Etudes musicales sur la chanson de geste et ses origines," R e v u e de m usicologie 27 (1948): 1 - 2 7 ; idem, L ’E cole m usicale de S a in t-M a rtia l de Lim oges ju sq u ’à la fin du X I e siècle (Paris: Les Livres essentiels, i960). Livre IV. See also G. Vecchi’s unpublished paper, “ La récitation chantée des chansons de geste," read at the Second International Congress o f the Société Rencesvals, Venice, 1961 (summary in B u lletin bibliographiqu e de la Société R en cesvals 3 [1963): 108, item 280) ; M arilyn Feller Som ville, “ L ’art du chanteur au moyen âge,” Société R en cesva ls. V I* C on grès In tern ation al, pp. 287-302. 597. F a ta l, Jo n g le u rs, p. 7 7 ; Rychner, p. 17. C f. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 39. 398. See the painting at Cressac (Charente) dated 117 0 -8 0 in Deschamps and Thibout, P ein tu re m urale, p. 13 3 ; pi. L X V I, 1. C f. Bow ra, p. 38. On jongleur dress, see Faral, pp. 6 4 -6 3; Lejeune, “ Turold dans la tapisserie de B ayeu x," pp. 4 19 -2 3 . 599- R ychner, p. 17. 600. Jeanne W athelet-Willem, “ L ’épée dans les plus anciennes chansons de geste: Etude de vocabulaire," M élan ges R en é C ro z et 1 :43 5-49. 601. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, p. 336: “ La locution comporte toujours un pronom per­ sonnel— régime indirect,— par où se marque l’intérêt que prend â l’action annoncée soit un des personnages du p o èm e. . . so it. . . le lecteur ou l’auditeur." See also D ufouraet, C o u rs su r R o la n d , pp. 17 9 -8 1. 602. Perhaps there were at times symbolic sides in this respect as in medieval art and drama, the jongleur looking or stepping to the right to highlight a good action o r statement, to the left an evil equivalent. 603. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 34; W athelet-Willem, “ L ’épée,” p. 448. C f. also T h e V ulgate V ersion o f the A rth u rian R om ances, ed. H. Oskar Sommer, Carnegie Insti­ tution o f Washington, Publication no. 74 (Washington, D . C . : Carnegie Institution, I 9 H)> 3 . pt* 2:88. 604. The list o f epics studied is provided by Rychner, pp. 7 -8 . 603. For bibliographical references, see Gerard J . Brault, “ Kinesics and the Class­ ro o m : Som e Typical French Gestures," French R e v ie w 36 (1963): 374-82, especially p. 374. n. I. 606. Carl Sittl, D ie G ebärden der G riech en und R ö m er (Leipzig: Teubner, 1890);

no tes to

t h e in t r o d u c t io n

Barthélemy A. Taladoire, C om m entaires su r la m im ique et ¡'ex p ressio n co rpo relle du com édien rom ain. Collection de la Faculté des lettres de l’ Université de Montpellier i (Montpellier: Déhan, 19 51), especially pt. 4, “ Le Tém oignage des rhéteurs” ; Richard Brilliant, G estu re and R a n k in R om an A r t: T h e U se o f G estures to D en ote Status in R om an Scu lptu re and C o in age, Memoirs o f the Connecticut Academy o f Arts and Sciences 14 (N ew Haven: The Academy, 1963). See abo Faral.Jo n g le u rs, pp. 233-36, “ Caractère mimique de la littérature du moyen âge“ ; pp. 2 3 6 -3 7 , “ Le monologue dramatique.” 607. Erhard Lommatzsch, “ Deiktische Elemente im Altfranzösischen,” in his K lein ere Sch riften z u r rom anischen P h ilo lo g ie (Berlin: Akademie, 1954), pp. 3~$6. 608. Ganshof, F eu dalism , p. 126. 609. T h e B a yeu x T a p estry : A C om preh en sive S u rv e y , gen. ed. Sir Frank Stenton (London and N ew Y o rk : Phaidon, 1957), fig. 29. 610. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :1 2 3 - 2 6 ; 2: fig. 98. 6 1 1 . Philippe Ménard, “ T en ir le c h ie f em bronc, crosier le ch ief, ten ir la m ain a la m aissele: trois attitudes de l’ennui dans les chansons de geste du X IIe siècle," Société R en cesva ls. I V e C o n g ris In tern ation al, pp. 14 5 -55 . 612. Yvonne Labande-Mailfert, “ La douleur et la mort dans l’art des X IIe et X IIIe siècles.” A tti d el V C on vegn o d i S tu d i su lla spiritu alità m edievale (Todi : Presso L ’ Accademia Tudertina, 1967), pp. 295-332. See also Erhard Lommatzsch, “ Darstellung von Trauer und Schmerz in der altfranzösischen Literatur,” Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 43 (1923) : 20-67. 6 13 . M ary Laura Heuser, “ Gestures and Their Meaning in Early Christian A rt.” Ph.D. diss., Radcliffe College, 1954. 614. Karl von Amira, “ Die Handgebärden in den Bilderhandschriften des Sachsen­ spiegels,” A kadem ie der W issenschaften (Munich), Abhandlungen der philosophisch­ philologischen Klasse 23 (1909): 16 3-26 3. 6 15. C f. (1) absolution: R o la n d , v. 340; Lejeune and Stiennon. 2: fig. 28. (2) blessing: R o la n d , vv. 2194, 2848, 3066; L e V oyage de C h arlem agn e à Jéru sa lem et à C on stan tin ople, ed. Paul Aebischer, Textes littéraires français 11 5 (Geneva : D roz; Paris: Minard, 1965), v. 87; R a o u l de C am brai, chanson de geste, eds. Paul M eyer and Auguste Longnon, Société des anciens textes français (Paris: Didot, 1882), v. 7 3 ; Amira, “ Die Handgebärden,” p. 202; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 30, 104, 11 4 , 118 . (3) commendation: R o la n d , vv. 223,6 9 6 ; L e C ouronnem ent de L o u is, chanson de geste du X I I e siècle, ed. Emest Langlois, 2d ed.. Classiques français du m oyen âge 22 (Paris: Champion, 1925), v. 1902; Am ira, “ Die Handgebärden,” p. 242. (4) embrace: R o la n d , v v . 2174 , 2202, 3939; C ouronnem ent de L o u is, v. 17 4 2 ; L e C h arro i de N îm es, chanson de geste du X I I e siècle, ed. J .- L . Perrier, Classiques français du moyen âge 66 (Paris: Champion, 19 31), v. 723; Am ira, “ Die H andgebärden," p. 246; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 95, 11 3 , 148. (5) orant attitude o f prayer: R o la n d , v. 4 19 ; C ouronnem ent de L o u is, v . 58: Labande-Mailfert, “ La douleur et la m ort,” p. 323; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : figs. 146, 147. 149See also note 6 11 above. On gestures in Turoldus’s poem, see R uth Hoppe, D ie rom anische G este im R o la n d slied , Schriften der Albertus-Universität 10 (Königsberg and Berlin: Ost-Europa, 1937).

384

N otes to the Com m entary

References to the Introduction, Com m entary, Manuscript, and O xford Text, English Translation are in small capitals. References to illustrations in the text are in italics.

CO M M EN TARY t 1. Paul John Jones, P rologu e and E p ilo g u e in O ld French U v e s o f Sa in ts B efore 14 0 0 , Series in Rom anic Languages and Literatures 24 (Philadelphia: University o f Pennsyl­ vania Press, 1933). 2. Manfreid Gsteiger, “ N ote sur les préambules des chansons de geste,“ C a h iers de civilisa tio n m édiévale 2 (1939): 2 13 - 2 0 . Payen, L e M o yen A g e , p. 38, cautions against taking the injunctions to silence in these prologues too literally: “ il faut bien se garder d’étre dupe, puisque les 'O yez seigneurs* et les ‘Faites paix* se rencontrent surtout dans l’épopée décadente, à une époque où la chanson de geste est indubitablement lue et non plus récitée, dans les salles des châteaux et non plus en plein air.” On this archaistic device, see introduction , n. 166. On formulas in prologues, see Pierre Gallais, “ Recherches sur la mentalité des romanciers français du moyen âge,” C a h iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 7 (1964): 479-93. 3. Gsteiger, p. 2 13 . 4. Venice IV , w . 1 - 1 1 . C f. Conrad, w . 1 - 1 6 . 5. Gsteiger, p. 2 13 , n. 6, citing Ernst R . Curtius, “ Ueber die altfranzösische Epik,“ Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie $4 (1944): 280-82 (who states that the R o la n d 's beginning in m edias res is a reminiscence o f the A en eid ), suggests that this procedure m ay be evidence o f clerical influence. On ordo artificialis vs. ordo natu ralis in medieval rhetorical treatises, see K elly, Sen s and C o n jo in tu re, pp. 86 ff. Karl D. Uitti, “ Chrétien de Troyes’ Y v a in : Fiction and Sense,” R om ance P h ilo lo g y 22 (1969): 4 7 1-8 3 , discusses the opening scenes o f the V ie de S a in t A le x is , the R o la n d , and Chrétien’s Y v a in . 6 . The expression recurs in vv. 197, 266, 2610, and 2736. On epic seven, see Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” chap. 4, pp. 178-228 (reference, p. 186, to fullness o f time). 7. Seven years is a commonplace in O ld French literature and has classical ante­ cedents; Jenkins, note to v. 2. C f. seven days, seven years, and seven times twenty yean in Y v a in , v. 17 3 ; C o n te d e lg ra a l, vv. 6176, 8029-8030, 8831-8852. In the Enéas seven yean is the length o f time Venus has not slept with Vulcan because o f a quarrel (E n éas, rom an du X I I * siècle, ed. J . - J . Salverda de Grave, vol. 1, Classiques français du m oyen âge 44 (19 25; rpt. Paris: Champion, 1964], v. 4349. During the Middle Ages the end o f the world was expected in 7,000 yean, a period o f time equated to the seven days o f Genesis. Locke, Q u est, p. 49. Vance, “ Notes on the Development o f Formulaic Language,” p. 430, relates the verse to the archetype o f the Descent into Hell, or the Underworld. See also introduction , 13 , and n. 266. 8. Jenkins, caption for Laisse 1 ; Le Gentil, p. 91 ; R ychner, p. 38, C f. Le Gentil,

NOTES TO THE COMMENTARY p. 1 12, where the entire first part o f the poem is referred to as prologue to “ l'épisode central," that is, Roncevaux. 9. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : fig. 266. 10. Ibid., 1 :5 1 - 5 8 . 1 1 . Ibid., 1 :2 7 1 . C f. the concept o f the preamble in Strieker as an “ image lim inaire" in Lcjeunc and Stiennon, 1:2 3 0 , and the opening passages o f Revelation (R éau, II. 2:685-86) and the Psychom achia. The dueling knights ornamenting Psalm 1 in the Saint Albans Psalter do not relate to the initial hymn but constitute “ a kind o f pictorial motto for the whole Psalter” (T h e S t. A lba n s P salter, p. 15 1 ; for the text o f the great marginal gloss that explicates the Book o f Psalms as a metaphor o f spiritual warfare, see pp. 163-64). 12. Charles is actually at Cordres when Marsile holds his council (v. 7 1) and this is where the Saracen emissaries find him (v. 97). B y the time Ganelon returns from his mission, however, Charles will have reached Gaine (v. 662) which, Turoldus informs us, is nearer his homeland and was destroyed by Roland. On anatopism, see INTRODUCTION, l6, D. 13. Menard, L e R ire , p. 1 1 1 : “ Par définition, le conteur sait d’avance le sort finale­ ment réservé aux méchants. A l'égard de ses personnages le romancier a la même prescience que Dieu devant sa création. Voilà qui lui permet d ’ironiser. Ainsi dans le R o la n d l’annonce d’un malheur inexorable pour Marsile est faite dès les premiers vers." See also pp. 472-78, 484-85. The line in question (v. 9) is referred to as an illustration o f a classical rhetorical procedure (Exclamado ex persona poetae) by Curtius, L ittératu re européenne, p. 545, and as being part o f the jongleur’s oral technique b y R ychn er. P- 73 14. The dtle Magnus was first given to Charles by Nithardus. Bédier, Légen des épiques, 4: 442. It is not a Latinism here. Curtius, p. 40. Proper names are a formulaic w ay o f beginning a laisse. R ychner, pp. 7 1- 7 2 . On the significance o f being named first in the So n g o f R o la n d , sec Pauphilet, L e L egs du m oyen âge, p. 77: “ U est le signe évident de l’unité du poèm e." On the affective quality o f the term nostre, sec Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2:68, n. 2. 15. Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. 10. notes the Charles-Marsilc, God-pagan divinities opposition here. Zaal, A lei fran cesa, p. 9 1, mentions antithesis. As in Jo b 1 :6 -2 2 (see also Revelation 1 2 : 7 ; Réau. II, 1:56 ), a war in heaven parallels the struggle on earth, introduction , 14, A, 5, and n. 295. 16. Cf. the notion o f Carthage as a seaside fortress in E n éas, vv. 407-548. See Raym ond J . Corm ier, “ The Present Status o f Studies on the R om an d 'E n é a s ," C u ltu ra N eolatin a 3 1 (1971) : 7. n. i ; 12. The city o f Saragossa was never captured by Charle­ magne. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 263-64, believes it may reflect a tradition present in certain early chronicles. 17. Jenkins, note to v. 6. 18. Aurelio Roncaglia, “ Sarragucc, ki est en une muntaigne," S tu d i in onore d i A n gelo M on teverdi (Modena: Società tip. éditrice modenese, 1959), 2:6 2 9 -4 0 . C f. Menéndez Pidal’s explanation o f E l C id , v. 2698 (los montes son altos), where m onte = forest. Curtius, p. 246, n. 1. 19. Mandach, N aissance, 1:1 5 4 . A comparable symbolic elevation occurs in con­ nection with Jerusalem in the series o f psalms known as the Song o f Ascents. The city itself is actually located between tw o valleys, introduction , 15, c. 20. Isaiah 1 4 : 1 3 - 1 4 ; cf. 2 : 1 4 - 1 5 ; Jeremiah 50 :29 ; Ezekiel 2 8 :14 . Proceeding in analogous fashion. Noyer-W eidner. “ Vom biblischen ’Gottesberg’,” notes the Sara­ gossa-Babylon connection. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T y p o lo g y ," pp. 7 1- 8 4 , 98, identifies Saragossa with Jericho and the biblical “ mountain o f evil,” but also. pp. 3 18 -2 0 , with Babylon (Babylon-N ew Jerusalem archetype).

386

NOTES TO THE COMMENTARY 2 1. C f. the eagle, the tall ship, and the cedar o f Lebanon in Psalms 3 7 :3 5 ; Ezekiel

17; 27:3; 3i:322. Jeremiah 5 1:5 3 .

CO M M EN TARY 2 • i. In Venice IV Marsile also weeps (si plure). The Saracen king is again in the shade o f a tree in vv. 407 and 2571 ; cf., however, v. 383 (Charles). V erger (v. 11) becomes an olive tree in other versions o f the poem, including Conrad and the Norse Saga. Paul Aebischer, R olan dtana B o rea lia : L a Saga a f R u n z iv a ls bardaga et ses d érivés Scandi­ n aves com parés à la C han son de R o la n d . E ssai de restauration du m anuscrit fra n ça is u tilisé p a r U traducteur n orrois, Publications de la Faculté des lettres de l’Université de Lausanne U (Lausanne: R o u ge, 1954), pp. 33, 89, asserts that the Norse translator did not know the meaning o f verger (or o f p in in v. 168 [p. 31]). Segre, note to v. 1 1 , suggests that a different word was used to distinguish Marsile from Charles. See introduction , 16, D. For the shade o f a tree as a reminiscence o f Adam an 1 Eve (attempted concealment and, consequently, a sym bol o f Despair or paganism), see Robertson, ’ ’The Doctrine o f Charity,’’ p. 26. C f. the shade o f the juniper tree in 1 Kings 19 :4 - 5 (Réau, II, i : 353 - 54)2. Greimas, D ictio n n aire, p. 255: esm arbre ‘froid comme le marbre, glacé par la terreur’. 3. Curtius, pp. 24 0-4 5; Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 13 ; Stephen G. Nichols. Jr ., Form u laic D iction and T hem atic C om position in the C hanson de R o la n d , University o f North Carolina Studies in the Rom ance Languages and Literatures 36 (Chapel H ill: University o f North Carolina Press, 1961), pp. 2 9 -3 5 ; Duggan, So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 42-48. 4. Bédier, Légen des épiqu es, 3 : 4 1 1 - 1 2 . See also Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. 12 ; Horrem, p. 248. On the apparent contradiction between vv. 18 and 564, see Horrent, p. 2 37 ; Paul Zum thor, Lan gu e et techniques poétiques à l'ép o q u e rom ane ( X I eX I I I * siècles). Bibliothèque française et romane. Série C : Etudes littéraires 4 (Paris: Klincksieck, 1963), p. 76. Marsile’s desperate appeal in this scene will later be echoed b y Ganelon’s words during his trial (v. 21 : “ Si me guarisez e de mort e de hum e!’ ’ = v. 3787: “ Getez mei hoi de mort e de calunje!” ). Note also the ironic contrast between Saracen confusion here (v. 22: N ’i ad paien ki un sul mot respundet) and French determination in the battle against Baligant (v. 3540: N ’i ad icel ki un sul mot respundet). 5. Horrent, pp. 265-66. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, referring also to v. 2556, defines the p erru n in question as follow s: “ Bloc de pierre ou de marbre, qui se trouve à proximité d ’un palais, où le roi peut siéger.” On v. 2556, see commentary, 28. The technique here is evidently one o f triplication: (1) Marsile on a marble slab (v. 12 ); (2) Charles on a throne (v. 115 ) ; (3) Marsile on a throne (v. 407). See Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. i l and n. 9; see also, however, Baligant in v. 2804 (Horrent pp. 2 4 7 48, draws a parallel between Charles and Baligant only). C f. also v. 21 (“ Si me guarisez e de mort e de hum e!” ) and v. 3513 (“ Morz estes, Baligant!’ ’). 6. Faral, La C hanson de R o la n d , p. 59. C f. Horrent, p. 265: “ Marsile étendu à l’oriental” ; T h e So n g o f R o la n d , trans. Sayers, p. 20: “ Oriental manner.” 7. Clarence D. Rouillard, T h e T u rk in French H istory, Thought and Literature ( 15 2 0 16 6 0 ) (Paris: Boivin, (1941)), p. 17 (Froissart, in 1396, reports a sultan seated in his tent on a silk rug), p. 2 1 (Jean dc W avrin, in 1442, refers to the seated Grand Turk), p. 39 (Gilles le Bouvier, early in the fifteenth century, mentions eating seated). Lying on an ivory bed or sprawling on a divan are symbols o f self-indulgence and a false

NOTES TO THE COMMENTARY sense o f security in Am os 6 :4 . In the Psychom achia, v. 3 17 , Luxuria is said to be lying down at a banquet table, but Prudentius specifies that this vice comes from the W est, not the Orient. Prudence, Psychom achie, ed. and trans. Maurice Lavarenne (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1948), p. 6 1, note: “ On s’étonne que Prudence fasse venir la Sensualité de l’Occident, plutôt que de l’Orient, pays du luxe et de la mollesse pour les anciens.*’ Thomson in Pru den tius, 1:3 0 0 , note: “ M any tentadve explanations have been offered, one o f them (with which M r. T . R . Glover agrees) that R o m e is meant.’’ In 968 the Bishop o f Cremona, returning from a visit to Constantinople, referred to the Greeks as soft and effeminate. Le Goff*, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 183. On Saracen opulence, see introduction , n. 384. The Turkish custom o f sitting cross-legged, like tailors, is attested in French sources beginning in 13 19 (Rouillard, p. 178 ; for later citations, see pp. 19 4 ,2 0 1,2 3 3 , n. 1 , 274,279). This posture is not to be confused with that o f crossing a leg over the knee. See introduction , n. 389. On the habit o f reclining at meals, see pp. 203 (Thevet), 364 (Montaigne). Eastern mystery and lasciviousness are mentioned in passing, p. 173. For medieval illustrations o f Arabs wearing turbans, see Lejeune and Stiennon. 1:2 4 6 (2: fig. 237). 281 (pi. X X X V III), 288 (2: fig. 292A). 289 (2: figs. 297, 298), 304 (2: figs. 333, 334). See also Le GofT, C iv ilisa tio n , pp. 34-36. In one o f the sketches illustrating Conrad’s version, one o f the figures wears what appears to be a burnoose. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 2 3 (2: fig. 94). 8. See introduction , 19. 9. Horrent, P èlerin age, pp. 32-6 3. See introduction , note 3 1. 10. See introduction , 12. The reclining figure o f the Fisher K ing in the C o n te d el gra a l, vv. 3083 fr., is not Byzantinism, for he is m eh ain gn i. In a lyrical passage not found in its Ovidian source, the hero o f Piram us et T isb é throws him self down on the ground, lamenting his inability to be with his true love ( Piram us et T isb é, po èm e du X I I e siècle, ed. C . de Boer, Classiques français du moyen âge 26 [Paris: Cham pion. 19 21], vv. 20 9 -213). Assuming a prone position or throwing oneself on a bed are conventional ways o f expressing the torment o f love as a sickness in the O ld French romances. Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 19 3 -2 0 1 (see especially degieter so i, pp. 193-96). Add to Ménard’s examples: B éro u l, L e R om an de T ristan , poèm e du X I I e siècle, ed. Ernest Muret, 4th ed. revised by L. M . Defourques, Classiques français du moyen âge 12 (Paris: Champion, 1967), vv. 2 3 3 -2 3 7 ; L e R om an de T ristan p a r T hom as, poèm e du X I I e siècle, ed. Joseph Bédier, Société des anciens textes français, 2 vols. (Paris: Didot, 1902), i : vv. 18 7 6 -18 7 7 (see l : 368, note). In other Old French texts, marble is usually associated with caskets, horse-blocks, temples, or walls. C f. R o la n d , v v . 2268, 2272, 2966. For other beds made o f hard material, see E rec, v. 3830 (silver), and C o n te d el g ra a l, vv. 7692 fr. (gold with silver cords). n . L es R om ans de C h rétien de T ro yes, vol. 3, L e C h e va lie r de la C h á ñ e te , ed. M ario Roques, Classiques français du moyen âge 86 (Paris: Champion, 1938), vv. 18 3 6 -19 36 . On this espisode, see Tom Peete Cross andWilliam A. Nitze, Lancelot and G u e n e v e re : A Stu d y o f the O rig in s o f C o u rtly L o ve, Modem Philology Monographs (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1930), pp. 8-9, Episode 1 1 ; P erlesvau s, 2 :2 2 0 - 2 1 , note to line 469; R o ger Sherman Loomis and Gertrude Schoepperle Loomis, A rth u rian Legends in M ed ieva l A rt (London: O xford University Press: N ew Y o rk : M odem Language Association o f America, 1938), fig. 230; Alexandre Micha, “ L ’épreuve de l’épée,’’ R om an ia 70 (1948): 3 7 -4 1 ; A rth urian Literature in the M id d le A g es, ed. R o g er Sherman Loomis (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1961), p. 298; Moshé Lazar, “ Lancelot et la 'nuilicr mediatrix' : La Quête de soi à travers la femme,” L ’E sprit créateur 9 (1969) : 248-49 and notes 6 -7. C f. also Lancelot's lament over the tomb o f Guenevere in the Perlesvaus (Payen, L e ¡M o tif du repen tir, pp. 4 32-33) and the Knight o f the T om b episode fa the D id o t-P erceva l, pp. 172 fr. (Roach, p. 32, derives it from the First C on tin u ation ). See also Ménard, L e R ire , p. 4 12 and n. 114 . On Arthurian tombstones generally.

388

NOTES TO THE COMMENTARY see R égine Colliot, “ Les épitaphes arthuriennes,” B ib lio grap h ical B u lletin o f the Inter­ nation al A rth u rian So ciety 25 (1973): 15 5 -7 3 . 12. L 'A tre p é rille u x , ed. Brian W oledge, Classiques français du moyen âge 76 (Paris: Cham pion, 193d), vv. 1 1 3 1 f r .; Loomis, A rth urian Literatu re, p . 368. 13. Loomis, A rth u rian L iteratu re, p. 368. 14. C lig é s, vv. 6025-6030: Et Jehanz maintenant s’an tome, La sepolture bien atome Et de ce fist que bien apris: Un lit de plume a dedanz mis Por la pierre qui estoit dure. Et plus encor por la froidure. 15. In L e R om an de R e n a rt: P rem ière branche, ed. Mario Roques, Classiques français du moyen âge 78 (Paris: Cham pion, 1948), vv. 468-486, Couart the Hare, who is suffering from fever, is cured after sleeping on the tomb (vv. 475 (la tonbe], 478 (le mártir], 483 (la tombe]) o f Dame Coupee (v. 475). The stone over her grave is referred to as un m aubre (v. 440) and la lam e (v. 442). Ysangrain’s earache is healed by the same treatment. On the satiric aspect o f this scene, see Alfred Foulet’s review o f Ménard, L e R ire , in R om ance P h ilo lo g y 26 (1972) : 188 ; commentary, 45. 16. O v id , M etam orphoses, ed. and trans. Frank Justin Miller, The Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. (19 16 ; rpt. Cam bridge: Harvard University Press; London: Heine­ mann, i960), I, 4 : vv. 88-89. 17. Simone Viarre, L ’Im age et la pen sée dans les ' M étam orphoses’ d ’O v id e , Publications de la Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, Série* “ Recherches” 22 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), p. 203: “ un cadre approprié à la cérémonie magique [that is, the metamorphosis o f the berries o f the mulberry tree, stained with Pyram us’s blood, from white to red].” In n. 70 Viarre specifies that she is referring to “ La nuit, l’arbre et surtout le tombeau.” C f. Shakespeare’s R om eo and Ju lie t, which was inspired by this scene. 18. Piram us et T isb é, vv. 652-654. C f. vv. 587-589: A la fontaine me querez. Sous le morier en mi les prez, La ou Ninus fu enterrez. 19. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, lat. 15 15 8 (also contains Prudentius’s P sych om achia), fol. 47. Erwin Panofsky and Fritz Saxl, “ Classical M ythology in Medieval A rt,” M etropolitan M useum Stu dies 4 (1933): 268, fig. 56; Erwin Panofsky, R enaissance an d Renascences in W estern A rt, Harper Torchbooks (N ew Y ork and Evanston: Harper & R o w , 1969), p. 86 and fig. 54. 20. On self-burial, practiced by many hermits during the Middle Ages, consult R éau, III, 2:709, 7 1 8 - 1 9 ; III, 3 :12 0 9 . For the figure o f Death pointing to an open grave, see Réau, II, 2:654. 2 1. On legal impurity, contracted by touching a grave, see T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 1 13 , note /. 22. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, p. 19 1. 23. Luke 1 1 : 4 4 ; Matthew 2 3 :2 7 . The throats o f the wicked are “ yawning graves” in Psalms 5:9 and Rom ans 3 :1 3 .

24. INTRODUCTION, IO, B, 2;

19 ,

L.

25. See also Hebrews 3 :7 - 1 9 . 26. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, pp. 55, 60, n. 22; 68. On the iconography o f the Raising o f Lazarus (John 11:3 8 - 4 4 ) , see Millet, R echerches, pp. 2 3 2 -5 4 ; R éau, II, 2 :3 8 8 -9 0 ; Cames, B y z a n ce, index, p. 3 2 1, s.v. Résurrection: Lazare. The earliest tradition shows Lazarus standing at the mouth o f a cave ; in Byzantine and Romanesque

389

NOTES TO THE COMMENTARY art, Lazarus is often shown in a sarcophagus. The figure also appears in the Mystery plays. 27. Q ueste, pp. 37, 39, 67-68, 178. Locke, Q u est, pp. 34, 36. 28. On the possible historical basis for the Saracen gifts, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 1 $ 2 -3 4 ,2 6 3 -6 7 ,2 9 3 -3 0 2 . In the P seu d o -T u rp in Aigolandus offers Charles sixty loads o f gold and silver (Meredith-Jones, p. 113 ). C f. G od ’s gift o f 14,000 sheep, 6,000 camels, 1,000 yoke o f oxen, and 1,000 she-donkeys in Jo b 4 2 :12 . 29. Le Gentil, p. 13 1 . C f. Halphen, pp. 18, 20 (see also p. 20, n. 1) and Ganclon’s speech in vv. 220 ff. 30. Turoldus may have been thinking here o f the perfidy o f Charlem agne’s Saxon enemies, who, according to Einhard, swore an oath, gave hostages, and expressed a desire to become converts to Christianity (Halphen, pp. 22, 24). In v. 2620 conver­ sion becomes a threat used against Baligant. 3 1. In addition to bringing out Saracen cruelty, hostages also lend plausibility to Charles’s decision to accept the pagan offer and figure in the Haltille incident involving Basan and Basile (vv. 208, 330. 490), in the judicial combat, and in the punishment ultimately meted out to Ganelon. Early commentators o f the Son g o f R o la n d made much o f the fact that Turoldus fails to dispose o f the hostages after they are turned over to Charles. See Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3:407, 408, n. 6 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 210, 2 12 , 26 5-6 7; Sholod. C harlem agn e in S p a in , p. 35. 32. Jones, E thos, p. 47 (see also p. 44) ; Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, pp. 78-80. 86, 89. According to Jonin, “ La ‘C lere’ Espagne de Blancandrin,’’ p. 9 1, the Saracens are strongly motivated by fear o f losing their riches. 33. In the Enfances V ivie n the hero is sent as a hostage for his father. Skidm ore. M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 47: “ Here the intention is perhaps not to show the weakness o f the father relation, but rather to exalt filial piety and duty among the Christians." 34. Jenkins, note to vv. 3 0 - 3 1. On camels, see Dufoumet, C o u rs su r R o la n d , pp. 93, 94, n. i ; on mules, pp. 84-85. The relevance o f camels to the dating o f the poem is commented on b y Le Gentil, p. 3 1 ; Riquer, C hansons de geste, p. 75. Jonin, “ La ‘C lere’ Espagne de Blancandrin,” p. 90, emphasizes the notion o f Saracen opulence in this passage. 35. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 235. See also introduction , 19, g . 36. Dogs are also diabolical figures. Sommer, V ulgate V ersion o f A rth u rian R om ances (1913). 7 :1 2 7 ; Réau, 1 :128 . C f. M ax Prinet, “ Le langage héraldique dans le T o u rn o ie­ m ent A n téch rist," B iblioth èqu e de l'E c o le des C h artes 83 (1922): 49 (Felonie). 37. See COMMENTARY, 2J . 38. D avy, Sym bo liqu e rom ane, p. 104. 39. Jenkins, note to vv. 72, 80; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 2 7 ,2 8 , 3 3 , 2 1 1 - 1 3 . See also the discussions concerning the name O liver; introduction , 3. In a sculpture o f the portal o f the church o f Saint-Faron o f Meaux (c. 1200), Charlemagne carries an olive branch. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:1 6 3 . 40. Jenkins gives no examples; see, however, L a C hanson d ’A sprem on t, ed. Louis Brandin, 2d ed., Classiques français du moyen âge 25 (Paris: Cham pion, 1924), vv. 7780-7781 : En sa main porte un rainscel d’olivier: C e senefie que il est messagier. 41. Conrad, vv. 995-999. For other biblical meanings, see Moldenke, P la n ts o f the B ib le, p. 159. In P eristephanon, 4: v. 55 (Prudentius, 2 :16 0 ), a wreath o f olive leaves is a sign o f peace. In medieval art several virtues are depicted with this attribute. Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, pp. 30, n. 2 (Misericordia), 48 and n. 2, 49 (Pax. Spes). 56 (Spes), 76 (Concordia). C f. palm branches: Katzenellenbogen, pp. 12 (Humilitas),

39O

no tes to

th e co m m en tary

13, n. i (Misericordia), 3 1, n. 2 (Virtues in general), 43 (Am or coelestis), 52, n. 1 (Cardinal Virtues), 64, n. 3 (Justitia), 83, n. 1 (Castitas). 42. Jones, pp. 68-69; cf. p. 17 4 : “ [Turoldus] lacked a w ord for ‘hum ility’ and used the w ord hum ilitet only in the sense o f homage, which suggests humiliation rather than humility.” See, however, introduction , 19, f, and n. 513 (Burgess, V ocabulaire

pri-co u rto is). 43. Lat. hum us ‘soil’ > h u m ilis ‘physically low , base’ . The Church Fathers made a virtue out o f a concept that was generally held in contempt by the Rom ans. 44. Charles Foulon, ‘ ‘Les deux humiliations de Lancelot,” B ib lio grap h ical B u lletin o f the International A rth u rian So ciety 8 (1936): 79 -9 0; Brault, ‘‘Chrétien de T royes’ L a n celo t," pp. 147, 15343. On the iconography o f the Entry into Jerusalem, see Millet, R echerches, pp. 2 3 3 84; R éau, II, 2:35)6 -4 0 1; Cames, B yza n ce, index, p. 318 , s.v. Entrée du Christ à Jérusalem. The use o f this m otif in Arthurian literature is discussed in P erlesvau s, 2 :2 8 3, 317 . In early depictions o f the scene, Christ either holds nothing at all in his left hand, or a scroll or book. H owever, in the stained-glass windows o f the cathedrals o f Chartres and Bourges, the Savior bears a palm branch. The R ea llex ik o n z u r deutschen K unstgeschichte, ed. Otto Schmitt et al. (Stuttgart: Druckenmüller, 1938), 4 :10 4 4 , 1048, lists a w indow at Erfurt (c. 1230), a fresco at Cologne (c. 1230), and another w indow at Strasbourg (first third o f the fourteenth century), all showing Christ holding a palm. 46. Matthew 2 1 : 1 - 3 , citing Zechariah 9:9. See also Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 132. 47. R éau, II, 2:39 8. In folk art the animal is associated with Balaam ’s ass. Réau, II. 2:39 7. 48. John 1 2 : 1 3 . W aving branches was a traditional sign o f acclamation. T h eJeru sa lem B ib le , p. 903, n. k . 49. Matthew 2 1 :8 ; Blaise, par. 342. 30. Possibly influenced b y the tradition that the branches thrown before the Savior w ere cut from olive trees. See note 49 above. 3 1. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, ‘ ‘The ‘K in g’s Advent’ and the Enigmatic Paneb in the D oors o f Santa Sabina,” A rt B u lletin 26 (1944): 2 0 7 -3 1, points out that tw o o f the paneb o f the sixth-century doors o f Santa Sabina in R o m e are typological, representing, on the one hand, the historical Adventus, or Com ing (that is, the Entry into Jerusalem), and, on the other, the eschatological Adventus, or Second Com ing.

CO M M EN TARY 3 1. Bédier, Légendes ¿p iq u es, 3 : 4 1 1 - 1 2 . 2. See also Le Gentil, p. 133. 3. In the earliest depictions Charlemagne is consbtently shown beardless. Mandach, N aissan ce , 1 :3 4 - 3 3 , 158. On the Em peror’s age, see Julian Harris, ‘ ‘H ow O ld Was Charlemagne in the C han son de R o la n d ? " R om ance P h ilo lo g y 23 (19 7 1): 183-88. 4. Conrad dwells on Charles’s terrifying aspect, especially his eyes, which emit blinding rays like the sun (vv. 686 if.). On the latter attribute, see Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 153 ; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 256, n. 189; Jones, p. 66. The notion o f a king whose majesty is so great one need not point him out is discussed by Bédier, Légen des épiques, 3 :4 1 2 ; see also introduction , 19, d . C f. Roland in vv. 1596 ff. ; E n ia s , vv. 7 12 - 7 1 6 ( 2 :1 3 1 , note). C f. also the irony o f Perceval, who must ask who Arthur is. D. D . R . Owen, “ T w o More Romances by Chrétien de Troyes,” R om an ia 92 (15)71): 236. Naturally, in iconography and in the poet’s imagination, the king

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY always wears a crown and carries a scepter (cf. commentary, 17, v. 1670). T he devil may be helping the Saracens here too. The latter possibility occurred to Charles VII's advisers when, at Chinon, in 1429, Joan o f Arc went straight to the king w ho was hiding in the crowd. $. On the symbolism o f the pine tree, see introduction , i 6. D. The figure o f Charles seated in majesty in the P èlerin age de C harlem agn e is discussed b y Cäcilie Gaenssle-Pfeuffer, “ ‘ Majestez’ und ‘ vertut’ in der K a rlsreise: Z u r Problematik der Deutung der Dichtung,” Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 83 (1967): 2 57 -6 7 . C f. Sedes Sapientiae (Réau, II, 1 .*293-94). 6. Dancing, music, and singing are traditionally associated with religious ceremonies (Blaise, par. 9 -12 ), and choirs o f angels are thought o f as singing hymns to G od (Blaise, par. 1 12, 312). The saints in heaven are also conceived o f as dancing carols and playing musical instruments (Blaise, par. 3 12 ; for dancing, see the dream in a fourteenthcentury French translation o f a late-thirteenth-century poem by Mahieu le Bigam e in Charles-Victor Langlois, L a V ie en France au m oyen âge de la fin du X I I e au m ilieu du X I V e siècle d ’après les m oralistes du tem ps (Paris: Hachette, 1925], 2 :28 4 -8 5). H ow­ ever, medieval exegetes also considered frolicsome amusement and sport, notably dancing, to be vain and symbolic o f man enslaved by his lower instincts. Jo h n V. Fleming, T h e R om an de la R o s e : A S tu d y in A lleg o ry an d Iconography (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 86 ff. In the mid-thirteenth-century B ib le m oralisée, w orldly life is often represented as a youth holding a chessboard. Com te A. de Laborde, Etude sur la B ib le m oralisée illu strée (Paris, 1927), 5 :16 5 . C f. the image o f Solomon contemplating marionettes in Cames, A llég o ries , pp. 8 3 -8 5 ; fig. 76. The notion stems from Matthew 2 4 :3 7 -3 9 , where Christ, counseling alertness and refer­ ring to eating and drinking, says: “ As it was in Noah’s day. so it will be when the Son o f Man comes” (cf. Luke 17 :2 6 - 2 7 ; comparable stricture in Rom ans 13 :1 3 ) . The Last Judgment aspect o f the passage under consideration here suits this eschato­ logical motif. Conrad describes at length the jo yfu l activities o f the scene at Cordres, adding several new details, including the presence o f elegantly dressed ladies (vv. 666-670). Although he makes no adverse comment in this passage, the German trans­ lator earlier depicted Saracens cavorting, dancing, and sounding trumpets, actions that he condemns in scathing fashion (v. 285: Haiden die tumbi). One is tempted, therefore, to conclude that, for Conrad, gamboling about borders on illicit carousing and fornicating. On the eve o f Roncevaux, according to the P seu d o -T u rp in (MeredithJoncs. p. 181), certain French knights succumbed to temptation— wine and women were provided by the Saracens for this purpose— to their eternal sorrow. C f. intro­ duction , 19, K. The knights’ games in the Son g o f R o lan d may, consequently, also portend their deaths. Finally, with reference to the Assessors motif, Conrad, v. 234. alludes to the victims o f R oncevaux as being in heaven, where they serve as God’s advisers (Da sint si rat geben) and, in v. 702, Charles is characterized as a ju d ge (Er was recht richtere). 7. Jenkins, note to vv. 104 if., and Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 14 0 -4 1, discuss the presence here o f Geoffrey o f Anjou, who is not one o f the T w elve Peers (cf. v v . 24022410), but reject various proposals for emending the text to include a complete list o f Roland’s companions in this passage. The identification o f GeofTrey as “ one o f the Tw elve Peers” by Jenkins, p. 329, is an error. Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , pp. 1 1 12, notes the parallel with the short list o f Saracen leaders in vv. 503-505. For a sum­ mary o f what is known about the T w elve Peers in Turoldus’s day, see Jenkins, notes to vv. 793 f f , 794, 795, 797; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 37 0 -7 2 ; Bulatkin, Stru ctu ral A rith ­ m etic M etaph or, pp. 7 2 -7 6 ; Dufournet, C ou rs sur R o la n d , pp. 17 7 -7 8 . The author o f the P seu d o-T u rp in compares the T w elve Peers to the T w elve Apostles (Meredith-Jones, p. 12 7 ; see introduction , 18. c). In the P èlerin a g e'd e C h arlem agn e, vv. 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 . the

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Emperor and his Peers visit Jerusalem and sit in the seats occupied b y Christ and the T w elve at the Last Supper. The parallel is underscored when a Je w mistakes them for Christ and his Apostles (vv. 12 9 -13 9 ). Horrent, P èlerin age, pp. 3 4 -3 8 ; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 108. O n the T w elve Peers-Tw elve Apostles connection, see Com fort, “ Character T ypes,” pp. 338-39 . Listing individuals present at a council or at court is a familiar device in the Bible (e.g.. Acts 1 : 1 3 ) and in Old French epics and romances (e.g., E rec, vv. 3 1 1 ff., 1304, 16 7 1 ff., 1884fr.). Margaret M . Pelan, L 'In flu en ce du B ru t de W ace sur les rom an ciersflan fais de son tem ps (Paris : Droz, 19 3 1), pp. 2 1- 2 8 , characterizes it as an epic tradition but also notes a similar use in the B ru t. 8. The Last Judgm ent is one o f the most frequent scenes depicted in medieval portals. The visions o f the Apocalypse relate a series o f events said to precede the Last Judgm ent, but the tw o are often fused in medieval art. The notion o f assessors, that is, o f individuals assisting Christ in his judging (see note 6 above), derives from that o f the T w enty-Four Elders before the throne o f Christ in Majesty (Revelation 4 :3 - 1 1 ) . R éau, II, 2 :6 8 8 -9 3. See the tympanum at Moissac (F ig . 2 1). The T w elve were sub­ stituted for the O ld Men partly because the latter were believed to represent the twelve O ld Testament Prophets plus the N ew Testament Apostles. R éau, II, 2:690. A t times, not all the T w elve Aposdes were depicted (Réau, II, 2:740), and, as in the So n g o f R o la n d , an arbitrary number is provided. Early examples o f Christ the Judge w ith the Assessors are found on the lintel o f the abbey church o f Saint-Genis-desFontaines (Pyrénées-Orientales), c. 1020 (F ig . 3 7 ), the west porch o f the church o f Saint-Gilles at Argenton-Château (Deux-Sèvres), c. 1 1 35 (Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, pp. 1 7 - 1 8 ; fig. 18), and Carennac (Emile Mâle, L 'A r t relig ieu x du X II* siècle en F ra n ce: E tu de su r les origin es de l'icon ograph ie du m oyen dge [Paris: Colin, 1922], fig. 218). See also Cames, B yzan ce, figs. 204, 206. At Chartres, the Apostles appear in the lower register, the Elders in the voussures (Mâle, fig. 219). See also Le Mans, Saint-Loup-deN aud, Bourges, and Saint-Trophime o f Arles (Mâle, figs. 220-23). A t Beaulieu, Christ has his arm outstretched and shows his wounds and the Cross (Mâle, fig. 137) ; cf. the much-restored tympanum at Saint-Denis (Mâle, fig. 136). The Saved and the Damned appear on other tympana, e.g.. Conques and Autun (Mâle, figs. 233, 238). 9. R o la n d , vv. 3660 fr. The Them e o f Conversion is present in both scenes too (cf. vv. 3668, 3673-3674). The mention o f six o f the T w elve Peers also foreshadows R oncevaux, for all w ill die in this battle. 10. See v. 420. C f. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 62. This is the archaic orant gesture found in early Christian art; introduction , note 6 13 . For Charles’s attitude in v . 139, see Ménard, “ T en ir le c h ie f en th ron e,'' p. 148. C f. James 1 : 1 9 (“ B e quick to listen but slow to speak and slow to rouse your tem per"). Beard-pulling expresses pensive­ ness in v. 2 13 , but controlled anger in v. 2982 (commentary, 33). 1 1 . Christian history is full o f dramatic conversions by former persecutors, for instance Saints Paul and Constantine, and similar miraculous occurrences abound in hagiography. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, p. 218.

CO M M EN TARY 4 1. Charles’s hopes are at their zenith at this point, as symbolized by the bright sun. Hatzfeld, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,” p. 34: “ Quand il y a encore de l’espoir de paix avec les païens, le climat favorable se décèle dans le vers: Bels fut li vespres e li soleilz fut d e r.” Baligant’s optimism is similarly represented by the sun’s brilliance in v. 2646. Charles’s hospitality to the Saracen emissaries is a sign o f his nobility. On this epic virtue, comult Bow ra, H eroic p o etry, pp. 17 9 -8 1. 2. R ychner, p. 39.

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 3. C f. the triplication in vv. 196, 220, and 791. Verse 196 also marks the beginning o f the m ar leitmotif, introduction , 17. 4. Tw enty thousand persons, and even a thousand, constitute very large councils indeed. As in the battle scenes, however, Turoldus focuses on a few individuals only, and their deliberations arc to be visualized as in Conrad's illustrations (F ig s. 40 an d 4 1 ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 86, 96). See commentary, 3, note 4 below. O n the council formula in medieval art (the monarch surrounded by his counselors), see Karl Künstle, Ikon ographie der christlichen K u n st (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1928), 1:3 3 and fig. 8; Raim ond Van Marie, Iconographie de Vart profan e au m oyen -âge et à la R enaissance (The Hague: Nijhoff, 19 31), 1 : 1 - 3 ; Andre Grabar, V E m p ereu r dans F a rt b y z a n tin : Recherches sur Vart o fficiel de V em pire d 'O rie n t , Publications de la Faculté des lettres de l’ Université de Strasbourg 75 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1936), pp. 9 0-9 2, 207-9. In Conrad, Turpin, in what corresponds to the French Council, Part 2, is said to be seated on a chair (v. 1359) and the protagonists in a related scene are all envisioned thus by the illustrator (F ig . 40). In the French original, however, Turpin is seated on a white silk cloth (v. 272; cf. vv. 110 , 251). In the part o f the council under discussion, the French rise to their feet one by one (vv. 193, 218), come before Charle­ magne (v. 2 18 ; cf. vv. 193, 230), and address him directly (vv. 196, 220, 232). The counselors are seated in rows or in a circle (v. 264: rene). On the latter term, see commentary , 22 (v. 2 1 92: en reng). 3. British Museum, Cotton ms. Claudius B iv, fol. 63V; Monte Casino, Rabanus Maurus, ms. Katzcncllcnbogcn, A lleg o ries , p. 12, fig. 10. 6. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, ms. lat. 2077, fol. 164V. Katzenellcnbogen, p. 12, fig. i i . 7. Conrad, v. 1154 . 8. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: fig. 90 (cf. fig. 91). A certain Bishop John, said to be a holy man, offers to preach the word o f God to the Saracens in their city (vv. 10 3 3 1089; see commentary , 3, note 6). This individual, who does not appear in the French original, is also designated as the spokesman for the Franks following their council. In view o f his prominence in this passage, there is a possibility that he m ay be the mitred figure, traditionally assumed to be Turpin, in the Conrad drawing. 9. Lcjcunc and Stiennon, 2 : fig. 92. 10. On Ganclon’s attitude, sec Lcjcunc and Stiennon, 1 : 1 2 2 ; see also 2: figs. 100, 103. 1 1. C f. the court o f justice, presided over by the angel o f the Lord, where a male­ volent angel called the Accuser (Heb. satan) plays the role o f the enemy o f man. Jo b 1:6 ; Psalms 10 9 :6 ; Zcchariah 3 : 1 ; Revelation 12 :10 . C f. introduction , 19, g and note 363; commentary , 6 (vv. 366 ff.: image o f the Seducer). 12. On Roland's boasting, see below. 13. The parallelism between vv. 194fr. and 217 fr. is noted by Graf, P a rallelism u s im R o lan d slied , pp. 26-27. On this passage, see André Burger, “ Le rire de R o la n d ," C ah iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 3 (i960): 8; Jones, p. 59, n. 61 a. 14. Roland does not, however, suggest taking revenge for Basan and Basile on the Saracen ambassadors. Baligant's messengers arc also spared (vv. 2976-2981). On the other hand, Ganelon at Saragossa will twice be within an ace o f suffering the French messengers’ fate (vv. 438-440, 496-498). On the concept o f revenge in the So n g o f R o la n d , see commentary, 27 (v. 2428). The hero's concern for revenge is a variation on the Theme o f Victory, introduction , 14, d . Roland's phrase is prophetic too: it is what he will want Charles to do after he dies (destroy Marsile) and at the trial (punish Ganelon). 13. In a typical characterization, R enoir, “ Roland's Lam ent," p. 376, refers to

394

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY Roland’s speech as an “ outburst,” “ utterly uncouth,” and “ an embarrassing display o f the most outrageous pride.” 16. C f. the use o f sem pres in the saints’ lives. Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, p. 104, n. I. 17. On captatio ben evolen tiae, see Curtius, pp. 86, n. 3, 3 0 7 - 1 1. Ganelon’s selfdeprecatory use o f the phrase N e m ei ne altre (v. 221) may be a m ea p a rvita s formula. Jones, p. 59 and n. 61 a. C f. commentary , 25 (Roland’s praise o f Durendal) and 34 (Roland’s boast at Aix). In the present passage Roland refers to the cities he has van­ quished; in v. 2322, the provinces and countries. C f. vv. 3 7 1-3 7 3 (Charles’s conquests). 18. C f. the triplication in vv. 206, 300, 513. On the fourth use, by O liver, see commentary , 1 8 (v. 1 726). Blancandrin, evidently aware o f Ganelon’s sore spot, will deftly reopen the wound, commentary , 6 (vv. 378-379). The notion o f bad advice is related to the Theme o f Sapientia. introduction , 1 1 , c ; cf. Calin, E p ic Q uest, p. 108 (Hardré in A m i et A m ile). 19. See INTRODUCTION, I I , E. 20. Menéndez Pidal, p. 165 : “ Cette impétuosité guerrière est un trait essentiel du caractère héroïque; elle fait la gloire du héros. Mais c’est également un conseil clair­ voyant, comme l’événement devait le montrer.” 2 1. Jonin, “ La ‘Clere’ Espagne de Blancandrin,” p. 90; gold is “ l’évocation même de l’O rient." See introduction , note $84. On Ganelon’s envy o f Roland, see Jenkins, p. x x ix ; Burger, “ Le rire de R olan d ,” pp. 7 - 8 ; Jones, p. 60. Is Ganelon cowardly, too ? His behavior at Saragossa seems to belie this possibility. See, however, oxford text , English translation , v. 28o, and commentary , 7. Craven Aym on le Vieil in the C h a rro i de N îm es also counsels prudence at the wrong time. See introduction , note 338 above. Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 197, concerning the d w arf in Spenser: “ he is ‘fearful*, and urges retreat when the going is difficult.” For possible father-son rivalry, see commentary , 5. 22. Jenkins, note to v. 178, citing Tavernier: “ Note the skill with which the name o f Ganelon is first introduced here: eleven heroes are enumerated, the twelfth and last is ‘he who did the treason’. M ay this not be a souvenir o f Luke vi: 16, where, in the list o f the twelve Apostles, the last named is Judas, ‘qui fuit traditor’ ?” 23. Strictly speaking, the Saracen king offers to hold Spain as af i e f de reprise. Ganshof, Feu d alism , p. 123. 24. Prod is also associated with Ganelon in vv. 307 and 699. C f. v. 1407 (vendre). O n the Judas-Avarice association, see introduction , 19, g . 23. Verse 227. Ganelon again slanderously refers to Roland’s fascination with thanatos in v. 390. C f. Bram imonde’s evident admiration for the Franks, who n 'u n t cure de lu r vies (v. 2604). Ganelon obviously confuses fighting with abandon, a muchvaunted virtue on the aristocratic scale o f values o f Turoldus’s day (Jones, p. 34), and plain recklessness. On the meaning o f sages in v. 229, see commentary , 3. 26. See, for example, v. 116 3 (E vers Franceis húmeles e dulcement), his reaction on seeing the mortally wounded O liver (vv. 1982-1988), his laments over his dead companion-in-arms (vv. 2027-2030, 2207-2214), his gathering up o f the bodies o f the slain French victims (vv. 2 18 4 -219 2), and his lament for Turpin (vv. 2232-2238). O n the proxim ity o f solicitude to the notion o f gu aran í, see commentary , 14 (vv. 1 1 6 1 , 116 3). For a different interpretation, see Van Emden, “ *E cil de France’ .” 27. C f. Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ,” p. 447, who affirms that Naim es’s speech shows : “ The extent to which the Christian will has been weakened.” For a view closer to m y ow n, sec E. C . Schweitzer, Jr., “ ‘Mais qu’il seit entendut’ : Ganelon’s and Naim on’s Speeches at the Council o f the French in the C hanson de R o la n d ," Rom ance N otes 12 (19 7 1): 428-34.

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28. C f. Jones, p. 3 1 : ‘disadvantageous*. 29. On the meaning o f o rg u ill in this line, see oxford v. 28. 30. See oxford t e x t , English translation, v. 400.

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CO M M EN TARY 5 1. The parallel with the scene in which Roland is nominated to com m and the rearguard is noted by Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3 :4 2 1 ; Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , pp. 8, 2 7 -3 0 ; Horrent, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 266. The passage is analyzed by William S. Woods, “ The Choice o f Ganelon as a Messenger to the Pagans (L a C han son de R o la n d . Lines 274-336 ),” Stu dies in P h ilo lo g y 48 (1952): 7 0 7 -16 . 2. Silvio Pellegrini, "L 'ira di Gano,” C u ltu ra N eolatin a 3 (1943): 15 7 -6 6 . R o lan d ’s nomination o f Ganelon and his scornful laughter (v. 302; see note 2 1 below) are small incidents leading to enormous consequences. Medieval chroniclers usually treated such incommensurability as an ironic reflection on man's inability to understand the strange workings o f G od’s will. Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, pp. 6 5-6 6 and n. 69. On medieval dislike for “ disturbances” like quarrels, see Brandt, pp. 70 -7 6 ,8 0 . 3. Jenkins, note to v. 287. See also oxford text , English translation , v . 283. 4. Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. 4, compares this passage and the presentation o f gifts to Ganelon at Saragossa in vv. 6 17 IT. The council is attended by a throng but the poet presents dialogues, thus focusing attention upon only tw o persons at a time. On this narrative technique, see commentary , 4, note 4. 5. Jones, p. 83. 6. On the possibly comic aspect o f Turpin’s offer, see Horrent, p. 2 7 7 ; idem. P èlerin age, p. 76; Lejeune, “ Le caractère de l'archevêque Turpin,” p. 10. H um or is doubted by Jenkins, notes to vv. 2 5 1,2 7 2 . O n looks as a key to intentions, see oxford TEXT, ENGLISH TRANSLATION, V. 283; but cf. INTRODUCTION, IO, B, 2 . Conrad, W . 13 3 2 - 13 5 3 , has Turpin volunteering to try to convert the Saracens. C f. Bishop Jo h n ’s similar offer (commentary , 4, note 8). 7. Le Gentil, p. 104: “ Préparé par une courte phrase d’O livier, dès la délibération sur l’ambassade, il marque le terme d’une gradation qui porte à son comble la démesure de Roland, cette démesure qui explique le drame, et en fonction de laquelle tout à l’heure le héros sera ju g é ” ; p. 12 2 : “ C ’est aussi révéler un tempérament. U n mot d’O livier ne tarde pas à le confirmer, qui trouvera plus tard un écho puissamment amplifié dans le débat que l’on sait.” 8. Jones, pp. 3 1, 67. Hostility generally characterizes the attitude o f messengers in Old French epics and offers one reason w hy Basan and Basile may have been executed. 9. C f. m eslisez (v. 257) and m ellee (v. 450). 10. oxford text , English translation , v. 280. It is not dear whether Charles prompts Roland or how, but Ganelon m ay infer that the Emperor considers him to be expendable, as opposed to the others who have volunteered and been refused. For various interpretations, see R obert A. Hall, Jr ., “ On Individual Authorship in the R o la n d ,” Sym posium 15 (19 6 1): 298; Jones, p. 69; Köhler, ‘“ Conseil des barons’ ,” pp. 2 8 -3 1 ; Demoulin, “ Charlem agne” ; see also oxford text , engush translation , v. 275. 1 1 . Le Gentil, p. 95. C f. rending one's garments, the biblical gesture o f anger and frustration. Carnes, B yza n ce. figs. 1 3 1 - 3 3 . See also manuscript, v . 24 12. 12. Psychom achia, vv. 439-440: “ Ostentation, that paradox o f empty grandeur, is stripped bare o f her vain flowing robe.” See also Matthew 2 3 :5 : glorying in clothes is a form o f vainglory. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 385. On expensive furs as a sign o f wealth and nobility, see Jenkins, note to vv. 281 ff. Ganelon’s ch ief vice is

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avarice, which often produces a tendency to hide one’s wealth. In his frustration, however, the villain m ay be unconsciously divesting himself o f his evil proclivity, which seems to be strangling him. For another possible association o f greed with fur cloaks, see commentary , 7 (vv. 462-464, $1$). 13. The removal o f a cloak here and in v. 3941 frames the entire epic and relates to the Theme o f Revenge. C f. vv. 301 and 3989: the “ purging” o f anger alluded to by Ganelon w ill be reserved for Charlemagne. On esclairer vs. esclargier in the latter passages, see Mario Roques, “ Pour le commentaire d ’A ucassin et N icolette ‘esclairier le euer’,” M élan ges d 'h isto ire du m oyen âge offerts à Ai. Ferdin an d L o t p a r ses am is et ses élèves (Paris: Cham pion, 1925), pp. 729, 7 3 3; Foulet, G lo ssa ire ; Dufoum et, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 42-44. 14. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 160, shows that throwing a cloak on the ground is a gesture o f defiance: “ Dans le L an celot en prose, lorsque Lancelot dénonce son allégeance à Arthur, il jette son m antel à terre en pleine cour [Sommer, V ulgate V ersion o f A rth urian R om ances, 4:39]. Geste de défi qui vise à faire scandale!” Ménard cites several examples to which one may add the note by Lucien Foulet, G lo ssa ry o f the F irst C ontinuation in T h e C ontinuations o f the O ld French P erceval o f C h rétieti de T ro yes, ed. William Roach, vol. 3, pt. 2 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1933), pp. 178 -79 , s.v. mantel; L es R om ans de C h rétien de T ro yes, vol. 4, L e C h eva lier au L io n ( Y v a in ) , ed. M ario Roques, Classiques français du moyen âge 89 (Paris: Champion, 19 71), vv. 2 7 14 - 2 7 1 3 ; and Jo u fro i de P o itie rs: R om an d 'aven tu res du X I I I e siècle, eds. Perrival B . Fay and John L. Grigsby, Textes littéraires français 183 (Geneva: D roz; Paris: Minard, 1972), vv. 2 73-276 (see p. 2 13 , note). C f. Jones, pp. 3 6 -3 8 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 94, 96. 13 . Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3 :4 1 3 ; Jenkins, note to v. 277. Lejeune, “ Le péché de Charlemagne,” pp. 3 3 9 - 7 1, believes that the importance given to the terms parastre in this scene (vv. 277, 287; cf. vv. 753, 762, 1027) and filla stre in v. 743 constitutes a thinly veiled allusion to R oland’s incestuous birth, a legend with which Turoldus m ay have been acquainted. See also Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:1 4 3 - 4 9 , and R ita Lejeune, “ La signification du nom ‘ marche’ dans b C hanson de R o la n d ," Boletim de F ilo lo g ía 18 (19 6 1): 269-72. 16. C f. the meaning o f saive in v. 20 (commentary, 2). 17. See commentary , 4, note 2 1. 18. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, p. 341 : “ le mot baron en vient naturellement à exprimer toutes les qualités qui conviennent à un homme noble, et particulièrement le courage.” C f. Jones, p. 26: “ a man must be loyal to be ber, [but] the word is most frequently asso­ ciated with strength and courage, whether or not they are connected with moral integrity." See commentary , 7 (v. 331). 19. Jenkins, note to v. 292: "[o rg o ill and fo la g e] were the very accusations brought b y Ganelon against Roland in the assembly (vv. 228, 229), and the younger man has b y no means forgotten them.” See also Jones, p. 67; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 123. C f. the parallel reactions to threats in vv. 293 and 1232. 20. Jenkins, note to vv. 2 7 4 -330 ; Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 9 3 - 1 0 1 ; Horrent, L a C h an son de R o la n d , pp. 2 1 3 - 1 8 ; Delbouille, G en èse, pp. 4 -9 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 8 9 -10 4 ; Burger, “ Le rire de R olan d ,” pp. 9 ff.; Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, p. n i . n. 6 ; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 34; Segre, pp. 30-52. 2 1. Burger, “ Le rire de R o lan d ," attaches far too much importance to R oland’s laughter as the incident that triggers the ultimate catastrophe. R once vaux was caused b y the fortuitous encounter o f two vicious individuals, Marsile and Ganelon, neither o f w hom , acting alone, could have brought Roland down. On the rhetorical con­ vention o f calm before the storm, see commentary , i i , note 3. See also note 2 above. 22. See oxford text , English translation , v . 283. 23. Ganelon’s defiance o f the T w elve Peers is discussed by Bédier, C om m entaires,

NOTES TO THE CO M M ENTARY p. 99; Köhler, ‘ “ Conseil des barons’,” pp. 14 - 17 . Conrad, v. 14 18 , says Ganelon has the look o f a she-w olf as he utters these words. C f. v. 8260. Originally, d esfier meant ‘to renounce faith, to break a feudal engagement’ , but by the end o f the eleventh century it had also come to signify ‘to issue a challenge, to declare hostilities against’. Ganshof, Feu dalism , pp. 98-99. The sense o f desfier here and in vv. 2002 and 377$ seems clear, especially in view o f the accompanying gesture. The tragedy which ensues stems in part from the failure o f Roland, O liver, and the T w elve Peers to take Ganelon at his word, but the word, in this instance, may be ambiguous. 24. The witnesses to this scene m ay be visualized as assuming attitudes o f distress: (1) both hands chest high, palms outwards (Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : pis. X X V , X X V I I; 2: figs. 287, 290); or (2) both hands holding head (Labande-Mailfert, “ La douleur et la m ort,” figs. 3 1 1 , 328). The manner in which contemporaries viewed omens is detailed by Brandt, M e d ie va l H isto ry, pp. 59-63. O n the gauntlet and staff, see Jenkins, note to v. 247; Horrent, p. 157, n. 5. For the other versions o f this passage, see Horrent, pp. 15 7 -59 . 25. Conrad, v. 1440, states it is a bad omen for Ganelon. 26. Ganelon’s relatives grasp the implications for Roland (vv. 353-356). 27. C f. Luke 2 3 :3 4 : “ Father forgive them ; they do not know what they are doing.” Other religious in the So n g o f R o la n d also give absolution (v. 2957; cf. v. 3859). Jenkins, note to vv. 339-340, considers the request for the co n g il to be a matter o f etiquette; Alwin H. Schutz, “ R o la n d , v. 337,” M L N , 62 (1937): 4 5 6 -6 1, refers to the abbot’s benediction for departing missionaries. In v. 3066 Charles blesses his men preparing to join battle with Baligant. 28. Matthew 5:39. 29. The traitor is already bent on sinful revenge, and death is in his soul. For the moment o f actual possession by the devil, see commentary, 5 (v. 602) and 1 1 (vv. 746-747). In spite o f his lying assertions to the contrary, Ganelon’s refusal to be accom­ panied by anyone (vv. 357-359) is not an act o f courage or concern for his men but a w ay o f masking his shameful betrayal. C f. Roland’s leave-taking (commentary , i i ). On the departure m otif in epic poetry, see Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 18 3-8 6 .

CO M M EN TARY 6 1. Discussion in Horrent, p. 160. On the olive tree symbol, see introduction , 16,

D. For the illustration in Conrad {F ig . 4f ) , see introduction , note 2 13 . 2. Horrent, p. 270. 3. This passage usually figures in discussions o f the date o f Turoldus's poem. Horrent, p. 290 ; Dufoumet. C o u rs sur R o la n d . p. 32. 4. Jenkins, note to v. 386. Same observations relative to the royal orb in Em ile Mireaux, L a C hanson de R o la n d et l'H isto ire de Fran ce, Les chefs-d’oeuvre et l’histoire (Paris: Michel, 1943), pp. 178-79 , and Delbouille, G en èse, p. 12 1 , n. 2. For an im ­ pressive list o f examples o f this symbol o f sovereignty, see Schramm, S p h a ira . C o n ­ cerning the alleged humor in this episode, see Curtius, p. 530, contradicted by Frederick W. Locke, “ Ganelon and the C o o k s," Sym posium 2 0 (1966): 14 1-4 2 . The views that follow were first presented in m y article “ Ganelon et R oland,” pp. 395-98. For a critique by Gerald Benin and my reply, sec O lifa n t 3, no. 2 (1975): 12 9 -3 3 . Another interpretation has been given by Kathleen M. Capéis, “ The Apple Incident in Laisse X X IX o f the Son g o f R o la n d ," R om ance N otes 14 (1973): 599-605. 5. Riquer, C hansons de geste, p. 95. Lejeune, “ La naissance du couple épique ‘ R olan d et O liver',” p. 391, considers this passage to contain a “ scène mutilée” ; Delbouille. G en èse, pp. 10 9 -10 , 121 , opposes this view.

398

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 6.

OXFORD TEXT. ENGLISH TRANSLATION,

V. 2 8 .

7. See also introduction , 19, G. 8. C f. commentary , 4 (vv. 2 20 ff.) and i l (v. 746). C f. also Faral, L a C h an tan de R o la n d , p. 229: “ Est-ce médisance intéressée du traître en quête de moyens pour éveiller la haine de son compagnon? Pourtant, l'anecdote s’accorde assez bien avec la physionomie du héros." For another anecdote, see commentary , 19. 9. N ot an apple in Genesis 3, but an unspecified fruit o f the Tree o f the knowledge o f good and evil. For an early variant use o f this symbol, see introduction , 12 (Essen Madonna). M any later examples are listed by Lilian M. C . Randall, Im ages in the M argin s o f G o th ic M an u scripts, California Studies in the History o f Art 4 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1966), p. 6$, s.v. apple. 10. Réau, II, 2:74 7. 1 1 . On the original, see Victor Bayer, L a Sculpture m édiévale du M u sée de l'o e u vre N otre-D am e, C atalo gu e, 2d ed. (Strasbourg: Edition des Musées de la Ville, 1968), p. 30, item 137. T o the bibliography provided here, add Gustav Miinzcl, D er S k u lp ­ tu ren zyklu s in der V orh alle des Freibu rger M ünsters (Freiburg im Breisgau: Rom bach, (1939]), pp, 10 3 -2 7 . For early examples o f the handsome devil, see the temptations o f Saints Benedict (Réau, III, 1:200), Bernard (Réau, III, 1:209), and Juliana (Réau, III, 2 :7 7 2 -7 3 ). T o the medieval mind, beauty was a m agica quaedam persuasis used by the devil. Panofsky and Saxl, “ Classical M yth ology," p. 270. On the early depictions o f Lucifer, see R obert Hughes, H eaven an d H e ll in W estern A rt (N ew Y o rk : Stein and D ay, 1968), pp. 243, 24 7-52. 12. 2 Corinthians 1 1 : 1 4 . I» an illumination o f the Old English Junius manuscript (c. 1000), Satan appears to Eve not as a serpent but as an angel o f light. Henry Ansgar K elly, “ The Metamorphoses o f the Eden Serpent During the Middle Ages and Renaissance," V iator 2 (19 7 1): 304. 13. Matthew 4 : 1 - 1 1 . Robertson. Preface to C h au cer, p. 13, n. 16: “ The tempta­ tion involving the kingdoms o f the world is that o f avarice” (see also pp. 144, 243, 307, 333, 382-86). On the latter, cf. introduction , 19, G. The iconography o f the Three Temptations is discussed in R éau, II, 2 :3 0 4 -10 . A crown figures in the third Temptation in the S t. A lb a n s P sa lter, pi. 23, b ; see also Francis W orm ald, T h e W in­ chester P salter w ith t jq Illu stration s (London: Miller and Medcalf, 1973), fig. 21. 14. A bove all, o f course, Roland counts on God to assist him. See commentary , 43 -

CO M M EN TARY 7 1. C f. vv. 2689, 2818, 2842, 3697. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 2 10 - 14 , characterizes the ride m otif as a marker o f great events and an occasion for display. On the indirect w ay in which the plotting is narrated, consult Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3 :4 1 5 - 1 6 ; Horrent, p. 270. C f. Matthew 2 6 :16 , which describes how Judas betrayed Jesus. 2. Horrent, pp. 2 3 8 -3 9 ; Menéndez Pidal, p. 133. 3. Horrent, p. 266, contrasts the tension in the first part o f this scene with the cold-blooded betrayal in the second part. 4. R obert A. Eisner, “ In Search o f the R eal Theme o f the So n g o f R o la n d ," R om ance N otes 14 (1972): 18 2-8 3. C f. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 2 11 : "Q u i fait pareille figure n’atdre pas le mépris; la haine qui conduit à cette sorte d’héroïsme ne manque pas de grandeur"; Horrent, pp. 2 7 1- 7 2 : Ganelon y est-il odieux? Non. Le poète ne veut point de personnage tout d’ une pièce, tout à fait sympathique ou tout à fait antipathique. Ganelon n’est pas odieux quand il se venge, parce que sa vengeance lui fait courir les pires dangers. Lui qui

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redoutait tant de perdre b vie, qui craignait pour cette raison de voir se prolonger la guerre, qui avait misérablement tenté d’influencer Charlemagne, ce peureux aime mieux maintenant perdre la vie que renoncer à sa vengeance. Une telle attitude n’est pas sans grandeur. See introduction , 19, c and note 5393. On messengers, see W ilhelm Fischer, D er B ote im altfranzösischen E p o s, InauguralDissertation (Marburg, 1887). 6. Hand-holding is frequently depicted in medieval art and literature. Occurrences fall into tw o basic types: (1) H an d-h oldin g as a Ju n ctio n a l act. Saint Paul, blinded b y the vision on the road to Damascus, is led into the city by a companion (Acts 9 :8 [see F ig . 23]; Prüm, 1026-68 [Swarzenski, M onum ents o f R om anesque A rt, fig. 17 7 ]; twelfthcentury mosaics at Monreale and Palermo). In C hanson de G u illa u m e, v. 33, Estourmi supports his drunken uncle Tiébaut by holding his hand. In the T ristan de B éro u l the hero is dragged aw ay in disgrace by guards (v. 899), King Mark gives Isolt over to the lepers (v. 1220), Governal rescues Isolt from her captors (v. 1264). In Y va in the hero is led aw ay (vv. 194$. 3304). (2) H an d-h oldin g as a sign o f frien d sh ip , lo ve, or regard. For Patience with Jo b , see Helen W oodruff, “ The Illustrated Manuscripts o f Prü­ dentius,” A rt Stu dies (1929): 63, figs. 9 3-9 3, 97. In the A sprem ont Saint George takes Roland by the hand (Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:20 3). B y far the largest number o f examples o f this practice are found in the romances where it is often a sign o f court­ liness and good breeding, or a conversation gesture. E n éas, v. 139 3; C lig é s, vv. 15 4 6 1547. 3935 . 5535 ; B ree, vv. 474, 677, 1530, 1333 . 1658. I 7 I 7 . 45 *«. 5258-5260. 5510, 5520, 6535, 6540; C h arrette, vv. 188, 119 2, 3938; Y v a in , vv. 19 3 0 - 19 3 1; C o n te d e lg ra a l, vv. 1550, 4042, 4545, 5252, 5718, 5790, 8102; T ristan de B éro u l, vv. 112 5 , 3324; “ Lanval,” vv. 2 5 1-2 5 2 , in L es L a is de M a rie de Fran ce, ed. Jean R ychner, Classiques français du moyen âge 93 (Paris: Champion, 1966), p. 80; T ristan de T hom as, 1:5 7 , 58, 301, 3 31 ; L a F o lie T ristan d 'O x fo rd , ed. Ernest Hoepffner, 2d ed.. Publications de la Faculté des lettres de l’Université de Strasbourg, Textes d’étude 8 (R odez: Carrère, 1943), v. 8 6 1; Am ira, “ Die Handgebärden,’’ p. 254. In “ La Disputoison de Chariot et du Barbier,” vv. 5-8 , in O eu vres com plètes de R u teb eu f, eds. Edmond Faral and Julia Bastin, Fondation Singer-Polignac (Paris: Picard, i960), 2 :2 6 1, Chariot is holding the Barber by the hand. As he approaches them, the poet erroneously assumes they are engaged in a friendly conversation, but it turns out that they are arguing vehemently. T o grasp an adversary in debate is apparently sym bolic o f the effort to “ hold” his attention. Perhaps, however. Chariot is interrupting his adversary or even manhandling him. The gesture being discussed in the So n g o f R o la n d conveys the same meaning as the hand on the shoulder in v. 647 (commentary , 8. note 5). 7. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3 :4 17 . Ganelon evidently later corrects this impression, for no further reference is made to it by the poet, and Charles gives the order for the French to depart as soon as his envoy returns. 8. i Samuel 19 :10 . Jones, p. 17. Biblical cxegetes believed Saul’s gesture fore­ shadowed Judas’s betrayal o f Christ. R éau, 1:2 0 4 ; II, i :2Ó4- An identical poséis found in an illustration o f the slaying o f the hero by King Mark in a manuscript dated c. 1300 o f the Prose T ristan (Loomis, A rth u rian Legends in M ed ieva l A rt, p. 1 1 7 and fig. 320). Threatening to strike a messenger bearing bad tidings became a literary com ­ monplace. See H uon de B o rdeau x, Introduction, p. 79, where reference is made to thirty-two medieval examples. On the weapon itself (algier), see Henning Keller, “ Einige afr. Bezeichnungen für ‘Lanze’ und ‘Speer’ : Ein Beitrag zur Etym ologie von afr .ja v e lo t, a (l)g ie r und g u iv r e ," Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 83 (1967): 268-79. 9. The gesture that consists o f drawing the sword partially out o f its sheath is

discussed in

introduction ,

20.

4OO

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY to. Ganelon expressed the same idea as he prepared to leave the French camp for Saragossa (v. 3$9). The thought also obsesses other Franks; see vv. 839, 2864. 1 1 . Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3 :4 18 ; Le Gentil, p. 10 1. See also Bédier’s additional comment, pp. 4 18 - 19 : “ qui sait même s'il n’aimerait pas mieux être frappé là, mourir là, pourvu que la nouvelle de sa mort parvienne à Charles, à R oland, et que Roland en porte longuement le remords et la honte?” 12. See note 22 below. 13. This passage is discussed by Horrent, pp. I i $ - i 6 . 14. Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 14 5 -4 6 ; Julian Harris, “ C hanson de R o la n d , Line 485: A Disputed Reading,” R om anic R e v ie w 27 (1936): 2 2 -2 7 ; R obert Fawtier, “ Notes pour le commentaire des vers 18 7 7 -18 8 1 et 485-487 de la C hanson de R o la n d ,” Studies in French Language and M ed ia eva l Literature Presented to Professor M ild red K . P ope by P u p ils, C o lleagu es and Frien ds, Publications o f the University o f Manchester 268 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1939), pp. 9 9 -10 2 ; Horrent, pp. 238, 307; Segre; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 37. 15. Letters customarily began with the name o f the sender. Leclercq, L o ve o f L earn in g, p. 19. C f. C h arrette, v. 5258. 16. For discussion o f the versions that incorporate all the information presented orally by Ganelon in Charles’s letter, see Bédier, C om m entaires , pp. 13 2 - 3 4 ; Horrent, PP- * 57- 5 9 ; Segre, pp. 60-63. 17. Jones, p. 37: “ Marsilie means that Charlemagne will continue hostilities.” Nevertheless the expression is tactful. 18. Sec introduction , note 489. 19. Leaning against a tree is a literary commonplace (T ristan de B éro u l, v. 1694) and may be compared with the defensive action taken by Count Angrés, who, in C lig is , v. 2000, leans against a stake, or by the Archbishop o f Canterbury, who, in L a V ie de Sa in t T hom as B ecket, v. 5527, backs up to a pillar. This is not to be confused with the resting attitude: in Y v a in , v. 306, a seated rustic, watching some bulls fighting among themselves, leans idly upon his club and in C o n te d el g ra a l, v. 419 7 (cf. vv. 4329. 4423). Perceval leans upon his lance as he contemplates drops o f blood on the snow. Sec also F ig . tS . 20. A different explanation is provided by Jenkins, note to v. 507: “ One wonders w hy Blancandrin has not revealed this important fact before, and thus protected his accomplice from danger. Had Ganelon told him to keep ’hands ofT until the message o f Charles was form ally delivered?” C f. Horrent, p. 238; Moignct, p. 59. 21. See oxford text , English translation , v . 509. 22. Jenkins, note to v. 5 18 : “ Marsile has hit upon Ganelon’s weak spot: the French noble is covetous, and a gift o f costly furs is exactly what will please him most; cf. vv. 281, 462. Ganelon accepts with polite words, but the gleam o f avarice is in his eye.” See text at note 12 above. 23. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 96, believes Marsile is mocking Charles here. C f. Horrent, pp. 16 0 -6 1 ; Harris, “ H ow Old Was Charlemagne in the C hanson de R o la n d ?” p. 185: “ all that can be gleaned from the passages featuring the famous line is that the pagan M[arsile] has uttered the preposterous statement three times” ; p. 186: “ numerous bits o f evidence, conversely, suggest that (Charlemagne] was actually in the prime o f life.” 24. Moignet, p. 61 : “ les réponses de Ganelon marquent chaque fois quelque pro­ grès; ce n’est pas, à vrai dire, un progrès narratif, mais un progrès psychologique et dramatique, dévoilant peu à peu ses pensées secrètes, suggérant, insinuant la trahison.” 25. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 225, n. 1 1 . 26. Jenkins, note to vv. 425 fr.; Le Gentil, p. 99; Moignet, p. 59. 27. Ganelon’s admiration for Charles is also that o f the devil who hates God but must recognize his power.

4O I

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 28. See commentary , 5, note 18, and cf. oxford text , English translation , vv . 25, 176, 2 3 1. 533, and 576. 29. C f. Jones, p. 54 : ‘God has distinguished him with such courage that he would rather die than abandon his barons'. 30. Réau, 1:4 2 3 ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:14 0 , 19 3 if. (Chartres windows); 2 : figs. 278, 293. 3 1. Réau, II, i : 12 ; II. 2 :18 5 , 226 -27, 302, 593; Blaise, par. 273; Cames, B y z a n ce, figs. 87, 138, 144, 186, 226, 302. C f. Jones, p. 32: “ The word vertut should be under­ stood in the sense in which it is used in the Gospel o f St. Mark (3 :2 3 -3 4 ) when Jesus feels His virtue go out o f Him self into the woman with the issue o f blood." C f. Psalms 2 7 :1 : D eu s illu m in atio m ea. For traditional illustrations o f this psalm, see Brieger, E n glish A rt, p. 84. 32. The Turks were in the habit o f attacking the rearguard o f an arm y on the march. Smail. C ru sadin g W arfare, p. 80. The lead and rear elements were usually appointed on a daily basis. Smail, p. 137. 33. The narrative o f the Battle o f Roncevaux is defective in the O xford copy and is often emended on the basis o f Ganelon's scenario. Horrent, p. 226. 34. The notion o f entering into a pact with the devil was popularized during the Middle Ages by the legends o f Saints Basil and Thcophilus. Frank, M e d ie va l Fren ch D ram a, pp. 10 6 - 12 ; Réau, II, 2 :6 28 -30 . See also Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, p. 170 (Robert le Diable). 35. C f. also v. 648: “ M u lt p a r tes ber e sa g e ." 36. On the traitor’s kiss, see George Fenwick Jones, “ El papel del beso en el cantar de gesta," B oletín de la R e a l A cadem ia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 31 (1963/66): 10 3 18. Jones emphasizes the feudal aspect o f the gesture; the kiss seals a contract. See also Jenkins, note to v. 626; Moignet, p. 67. On the ceremonial kiss, see Ganshof, Feu d alism , pp. 78 -79 ; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 234. H owever, kissing in this instance is clearly related to Judas’s betrayal o f Jesus. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M o rt," pp. 229-30. See also introduction , 19, G. On the Judas kiss, see Pratt, “ Noones Preestes Tale,” pp. 6 5 3 34. Also, Saracens were viewed as diabolical, so kissing resulted in contamination. Meredith-Jones, “ The Conventional Saracen," pp. 2 2 1- 2 2 ; Ménard, pp. 9 1, n. 210, 92, 2 7 3 -7 3. See commentary , 8. In the thirteenth-century Chertsey Tiles, the barons who treacherously kiss Tristan can also be associated with Judas's act. Loomis, A rth urian Legends in M ed ieva l A rt, p. 47.

CO M M EN TARY 8 1 . On the association with Judas, see introduction , 10, a , 8 ; 10, b , 1 ; commentary , 7, note 36. Martin de R iqucr. “ Un problema en la C hanson de R o la n d , " R evista de Literatura [Madrid] 3 (1934): 9-20, suggests that the term traditio in a presumed Latin source for Turoldus’s poem was mistakenly taken to be synonymous with pro d itio , thus explaining Ganelon’s role here. Sec also Riquer, C hansons de g este, p. 109. 2. Réau, II, 2 :4 13 . For a devil, see Millet, R echerches, p. 291. 3. See also the Garden o f Olives association in v. 366. introduction . 16, D. 4. C f. commentary, 17 (v. 1643: herite), 18 (v. 17 2 1, Alda’s embrace), and 30 (v. 2664, phallic oath). 3. See commentary , 7, note 6. The hand on the shoulder in v. 647 is reminiscent o f a gesture made by Judas as he betrays Jesus in certain depictions o f this scene (Millet, R echerches, figs. 3 4 1-4 3) and thus may be a sign o f false friendship. An identical gesture occurs in portraits o f donors presenting a model o f a church to Christ in Early Christian and Ottonian art. Cames, B yzan ce, pp. 43-44 and n. 112 .

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6. John 1 3 : 2 : “ T hey were at supper, and the devil had already put it into the mind o f Judas Iscariot son o f Simon, to betray him” ; 2 1 - 2 7 : Having said this, Jesus was troubled in spirit and declared, “ I tell you most solemnly, one o f you will betray me” . The disciples looked at one another, wondering which he meant. The disciple Jesus loved was reclining next to Jesus; Simon Peter signed to him and said, “ Ask who it is he means” , so leaning back on Jesus’ breast he said, “ W ho is it. L o rd ?" “ It is the one” replied Jesus “ to whom I give the piece o f bread that I shall dip in the dish.” He dipped the piece o f bread and gave it to Judas son o f Simon Iscariot. A t that instant, after Judas had taken the bread, Satan entered him. Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” p. 150, cites this gospel passage, but suggests that the moment o f diabolic possession occurs at vv. 746-747. H owever, the parallel sacrileges (Judas’s communion (on the latter, see R éau, 11, 2 :4 1 3 ; T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le, p. 177, n. «] and Ganelon’s kiss) pinpoint the moment o f entry in the present scene. The Stuttgart Psalter shows a little blackbird entering Judas’s mouth with the bread; the Saint Albans Psalter has a tiny devil ( T h e S t. A lb a n s P salter, pp. $9, 89-90). 7. See F ig . 32-, Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: fig. 98. 8. Le Gentil, p. 100 : “ Ganelon ose jurer sur la croix de son épée, et. poussant jusqu’au bout l’ignominie, reçoit le prix de la trahison.” In the P seu d o -T u rp in (Meredith-Jones, p. 189), Durendal is cruce aurea splendidissim us. 9. Jenkins points out that the term A lcoran does not appear in French until the fourteenth century and suggests that la lei clearly implies sacrilegious writings. The problem o f finding Roland at R oncevaux is discussed in comment ary, 12. 10. Vance, R ead in g the So n g o f R o la n d , p. 77: “ The Saracen world satisfies all the direst criteria for evil but seems to satisfy, as well, a taste for the exotic and for sensuous delight. One wonders, indeed, i f the R o la n d does not betray a certain ambivalence o f motive which the crusaders shared— those o f them who came back from the East. For the Saracens are most damnably worldly. They love gold, jew elry, fine silk, and gorgeous colors.” There is perhaps a touch o f Orientalism in the present passage, but Turoldus was doubtless more interested in conveying the lure o f evil than that o f the fabled riches o f the East. See oxford text , English translation, v . 59. Accepting a gift o f jew elry can cost a person dearly. Langlois, L a V ie en Fran ce, 2 :19 7 . R obert de Blois (late thirteenth century) claims that wom en’s brooches were invented to dis­ courage indecent hands from touching the bosom. Langlois, 2 :19 6 . Another erotic association with a brooch is found in Guillaume de Lorris’s R om an de la R o se, vv. 1 16 6 IT. (Largesse gives aw ay her brooch, baring her breast in the process). Hatzfeld, Literature T hrough A rt, pp. 3 4 -35. Bramimonde’s gift is discussed in note 12 below. On the royal gift o f a golden brooch, see 1 Maccabees 10 :8 9 ; wearing a golden brooch is a sign o f royalty in 1 Maccabees 1 1 :5 8 . 1 1 . See oxford te x t , English translation, v . 29. 12. H. A . Smith, “ La femme dans les chansons de geste," C olorado C o lleg e Stu dies 9 (19 0 1): 6 -2 4 ; 10 (1903): 24 -4 0 ; F. W . Warren, “ The Enamoured Moslem Princess in Orderic Vital and the French Epic,” P M L A 29 (19 14 ): 3 4 1-5 8 ; Skidmore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 42; Meredith-Jones, “ The Conventional Saracen,” pp. 2 20 -21 ; Charles A. Knudson, “ Le thème de la princesse sarrasine dans la P rise d ’O ra n g e,” R om ance P h ilo lo g y 22 (1969): 449-62; Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 89-94 (biblio­ graphy. p. 88, n. 199); cf. pp. 8 6 -8 8 ,19 3 . 2 1 4 - 1 7 (“ hardiesse féminine” ), 234; Augier, “ Conversions féminines,” pp. 10 2-4 . For the figure o f Luxuria, sec Réau, 1: 166-68; Psychom achia, vv. 3 1 1 - 3 3 1 . In Saint Paul’s Epistles, Lechery is associated with Avarice (e.g., I Corinthians 5 : 1 0 - 1 1 ; Colossians 3:5). See also introduction , 19, c , note 541. Other prototypes o f Bramimonde may be found in the lady o f the Song o f Songs, and the Queen o f Sheba. On the Queen’s triumph over Luxuria, see Janson,

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A p es and A p e L o re, pp. $ 1- 5 2 . In the chansons de geste, Saracen women were often associated with magic. Dickmann, L e R ô le du surnaturel, p. 96; Augier, “ Conversions féminines,” p. 102. Rather than brooches, then (see note 10 above), one might expect Bramimonde to offer a charm or potion capable o f healing or casting a spell. C o n ­ sequently, sorcery, and not only eroticism, may be muted in this passage and for the same reasons (see note i ] below). This is o f course a clerical view o f Saracen w om en. In real life Crusaders did not hesitate to use them to indulge their passions. Boissonnade, D u N o u veau , p. 278; Meredith-Jones, pp. 3 1 4 - 1 $ . Intermarriage between Christians and Saracens was rare in Turoldus’s day. However, see Smail, C ru sa d in g W arfare, p. 4$, for an instance o f a Frankish girl wedded to a Muslim. 13. Horrent, pp. 97-98, apropos o f the major role played by Bram imonde in the thirteenth-century C arm en de pro d id o n e G u en o n is: Dans le G a lien de Cheltenham (ms. du X V e s.) . . . elle s’offre à lui en récompense de sa trahison (éd. Stengel, p. 96). Dans le V iaggio d i C a rlo M agn o in Ispagn a (2e moitié du X IV e s.), elle est plus insistante et plus séductrice. Mais où le rôle de la reine ressemble le mieux à celui qu’on lui fait jouer dans le C arm en , c’est chez D avid Aubert (X V e s.). Marsile s’emporte contre Ganelon ’et l’eust Marcille occis, quant la royne sa femme l’en destouma, mal de la faulte. C e fu grant domm age pour la crestienté que Marcille ne oultra son vouloir sur ce desleal traittre, mais il n’eust mie failly. n’eust esté la royne que l’en garda; laquelle s’estoit enamourée de lui, et dist a Marcille: On the name Bramimonde, see commentary, 33, note $. 14. Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, pp. 2 17 - 19 , 222; Augier, “ Conversions féminines,” pp. 10 2-4 .

CO M M EN TARY 9 1. See also commentary, 6, where Ganelon’s apparent triumph contrasts with R oland’s true victory near Carcasoine (vv. 38$, 662-663). Horrent, p. 239. n. 6. Charles’s mention o f pro d in v. 699 also reminds us o f earlier associations o f this word with Ganelon. See commentary, 4 (v. 221) and 7 (v. $07). 2. The m otif o f rising in the morning (including prayers) is said by B ow ra, H ero it P oetry, p. 186, to show that the hero is like other men. 3. Sec COMMENTARY, ^ (v. $3$). 4. On the notion o f not seeing anyone ever again (v. 690), see Brault, “ Le Thèm e de la M ort,” p. 22$. n. 1 1 . $. Storms were viewed as instruments o f G od’s vengeance in the Middle Ages. T ristan de Thom as, 1:3 8 , n. 1 ; Q ueste, p. 244; Lc Goff, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 176. But the tempest and drowning here also anticipate the baptism o f the Saracens. On this symbolism, see M. S. Luria, “ The Storm -M aking Spring and the Meaning o f Chrétien's Y v a in ,” Stu dies in P h ilo lo g y 64 (1967): 564-85. 6. Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 236 (cf. v. 1156). According to Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 4 , 194, this scene is alluded to on a sculpture o f the Cathedral o f Angouleme and in one o f the medallions o f the Charlemagne W indow at Chartres. On the lance symbol, see introduction , 19, d . 7. On the sinister forest, see Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 149; Calin, E p ic Quest, pp. 192-93. C f. v. 2549. Payen, L e M oyen A g e , p p . 57-58. notes that the forest in medieval French literature is also a place o f exile and o f sanctuary. 8. C f. also COMMENTARY, 29 ( w . 2613, 2645). 9. See INTRODUCTION, 18, H. 10. Jenkins, note to v. 668.

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11. See INTRODUCTION, 18, H. 12. Bédier translates v. 8 13 (Une bataille lur livrât le jo u r pesme) as ‘C e jour-là même (le roi Almaris, du pays de Belfem e,] leur livra une bataille dure*. Jones, Ethos, p. 3 1 : “ [either] the pagan prince fought a fierce battle on that day or . . . he fought a battle on that evil day. Since the S(ong o f] R [oland] most often uses pesm e in the sense o f fierce, the former interpretation is perhaps the better, despite Jenkins' contrary explanation." See also n. 7 1.

C O M M E N T A R Y to 1. A . H. Krappe, “ The Dreams o f Charlemagne in the C hanson de R o la n d ,” P M L A 36 (19 2 1): 1 3 4 - 4 1 ; Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 14 9 -3 0 ; Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 19 4-9 3. Jenkins, note to vv. 723 f t , discusses the tw o divergent interpretations o f the second dream. M ore recent studies include Horrent, pp. 24 3-4 6 ; Herman Braet, “ Le second rêve de Charlemagne dans la C hanson de R o la n d ,” Etudes de p h ilo lo g ie rom ane. Rom ánica Gandensia 12 (Ghent: Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, 1969), pp. 3 - 1 9 ; idem, “ Fonction et importance du songe" ; idem, L e Son ge dans la chanson de geste au X II* siècle. Rom ánica Gandensia 13 (Ghent: Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, 1973); Steinmeyer, U ntersuchungen (see also Horrent's review in Rom ance P h ilo lo g y 23 [1970]: 595-600) ; Dufoum et, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 10 9 - 15 ; W olfgang Van Emden, “ Another Look at Charlemagne’s Dreams in the C hanson de R o la n d ," French Stu dies 28 (1974): 2 5 7 - 7 1 ; T o n y Hunt, “ Träume und die Überlieferungsgeschichte des altfranzösischen R o la n d slie d ," Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 90 (1974): 2 4 1-4 6 ; and Frederick Whitehead, “ Charlemagne’s Second Dream ,” O lifa n t 3, no. 3 (1976): 189-95. The dream m otif in epic poetry is discussed by Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 2 9 1-9 8 . On the visio as a literary genre, see Carl Fritzsche, “ Die lateinischen Visionen des Mittelalten bis zur Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts: Ein Beitrag zur Culturgeschichte," R om anische Forschungen 2 (1886): 24 6 -79 ; 3 (1887): 337-69. A double vision occun before a battle in 2 Maccabees 1 5 : 1 2 - 1 6 . On prophetic dreams as opposed to private delusions, see T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le, p. 1293, note m. D. D . R . Owen, “ Charlemagne’s Dreams, Baligant and Turoldus," Z eitsch rift fü r rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 87 (19 7 1): 197-208, believes that the laisse beginning with v. 2555 belongs before v. 737. C f. André Burger, “ Remarques sur la composition de l’épisode de Baligant," M élan ges M au rice D e lb o u ille, 2:59 -6 9 . 2. Braet, “ Fonction et importance du songe,” p. 4 12 , suggests that the dream is ambiguous: “ le rêveur, qui ignore la trahison, ne conçoit qu’un obscur pressentiment." C f. introduction , 13 , c . Medieval chroniclers generally explained dreams in the light o f what transpired later. See, however, Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, p. 60. Also, in the P seu d o -T u rp in , the Archbishop’s vision (Meredith-Jones, p. 203) concerns an event that has just occurred. Individuals usually turned to religious to interpret their dreams (Jonin, Personnages fém in in s, p. 358 and n. 3). The fact that Charles relies on his own lights tells us a good deal about his role in this poem. 3. Walter C . C urry, C h au cer and the M ed ia eva l Sciences (N ew Y o rk and London: O xford University Press, 1926), pp. 220 ff. C f. Steinmeyer, U ntersuchungen, pp. 1 1 2 2 ; Braet, L e So n ge dans la chanson de geste, chap. 1. Much o f medieval scientific lore concerning dreams is derived from Macrobius’s C om m entary on the Som nium S cip io n is (c. 400). 4. C f. the roman hasta o f authority. Brilliant, R om an A rt, p. 42. 5. Whitehead, “ Charlem agne’s Second D ream ," p. 19 1 : “ Whatever interpretation w e adopt, the symbolism o f the dream w ill remain confused, irrational, and enigmatic, perhaps designedly so.”

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 6. Marsile appears in a later dream and it seems unlikely that the poet would have referred to him in two separate ways. For the opposite view, see Steinmeyer, U n ter­ suchungen, chap. 2 ; O wen, "Charlem agne’s Dreams,” p. 200. 7. Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 10 7 -8 ; Segre. 8. Charles dreams while the Saracens go about perpetrating evil here and in vv. 2630 fr. See commentary, 12 and 28.

C O M M E N T A R Y 11 1. B y repeating the word parastre in v. 1753, Roland indicates that he did not miss Ganelon’s dig here. See also commentary, $. 2. See introduction , 13, c. 3. Cames, A llég o ries, p. 63. 4. For various proposals as to the correct order o f the laisses here, see Segre, pp. 143- 44 5. On the apparent contradiction in the hero’s anger and self-control in this passage, see Horrent, pp. 16 1- 6 4 ; Vinaver, “ La mort de R oland,” p. 14 2; Segre, pp. 14 3-4 4 . The same calm before the storm, here hinging on v. 760, may be seen in Ganelon’s reactions in Laisses 2 0 -2 1 before and after Roland’s laughter (v. 302). A rhetorical convention may be involved here. See commentary. 5, note 2 1. 6. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3:4 2 0 -2 4 . According to the latter, Ganelon is able to predict that Roland w ill accept this assignment because he knows his stepson will be too proud to refuse it. 7. The im pedim enta mentioned in vv. 736-758 propertly belonged in the rearguard and probably included the Saracen hostages. Nothing more is heard o f either the baggage train or the prisoners. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 204, 210. 8. R oland’s reply is “ chivalrous” (v. 752 : a lei de chevaler), but eleventh-century notions in this respect are not to be confused with the gentlemanly ideal with which one tends to associate that term today. C f. vv. 11 6 2 - 1 16 4 and see note $ above. 9. Jenkins, note to v. 760: “ the traitor can afford to be polite and ironically concede this trifling matter to Roland's pride.” C f. Bédier. Légendes épiques, 3 :4 2 6 ; Burger, “ Le rire de R oland.” p. 6: ‘Je compte là-dessus pour tenir ma vengeance*; Moignet, p. 75: “ un sarcasme féroce.” 10. See introduction , 19, K. On weeping, see Jenkins, note to v. 349 (includes bibliography) ; Jones, pp. 14 3 -4 6 ; Leclercq, L o ve o f L earn in g, pp. 7 2 -7 3 ; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, pp. 18, 23, 3 2 -3 3 (bibliography, p. 32, n. 59), 37-38 . it . Charles’s adviser is introduced in precisely the same manner and makes an identical declaration in vv. 230-232. 12. Horrent, p. 2 6 1; Jones, p. 18 ; Segre, p. 146. 13. Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , pp. 14 - 16 , notes a possible parallel between Roland and Aelroth, notably in vv. 791 and 872. H owever, for similar echoes, see vv. 196 and 220. Horrent, p. 266, contrasts the dignity and enthusiasm o f Roland's men with the vain boasting o f the Saracen Peers in vv. 860 ff. For a similar refusal o f assistance, sec E rec, vv. 2688 ff. R oland’s pledge not to lose a single palfrey, war-horse, mule, jenny, packhorse or sumptcr entrusted to him is reminiscent o f John 18 :9 : “ Not one o f those you gave me have I lost” (see also 6 :39 , 10 :28 , 1 7 : 1 2 ; cf. T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le, p. 153, n. r, and V ie de S a in t T hom as Bechet, vv. 5540-5545). Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ," pp. 4 4 0-4 1, points out that Roland, like Faith in the Psychom achia, relies on a stout heart. In Venice IV Roland carries un escu de Sanson (Segre, p. 152). For a discussion o f the w ay in which this passage is treated in the other versions, see Horrent, pp. 164-65.

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14. In a variant o f this motif, the Lord counsels Gideon to take only a few men with him (Judges 7 :1 - 7 ) . For illustrations o f this scene, see Réau, II, 1:2 3 3 . 13. Ganelon has treachery in his heart, Roland courage. See commentary, 5, note

29 (vv. 357 - 359 )16. On Gautier, see Horrent, pp. 14 0 -4 3 ,17 2 - 7 7 ,3 0 5 , n. 2. The marching formation was normally simply a column, but flank guards were sometimes deployed. Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, p. 13 7 ; Paul Bancourt, '“ Sen’ et ‘chevalerie’ : Réflexions sur b tactique des chevaliers dans plusieurs chansons de geste des X IIe et X IIIe siècles,” Société R en cesva ls. V I* C on grès In tern ation al, p. 628. Roland says nothing to the rear­ guard about staying close to the main body o f the arm y, but this was a basic tactic in Turoldus’s day. Smail, p. 137. 17. Similarly, in v. 833, France = Roland. See below. 18. C f. Menéndez Pidal, p. 326: “ Les quatre descriptions avec H alt sunt H p u i man­ quent poétiquement d’à propos.” For brief appreciations, see Jenkins, p. x x x ix ; Le Gentil, p. 134. 19. See introduction , 17. 20. See introduction , 1 5, c. 2 1. On the meaning o f p itet in v. 822, see introduction , 16. A. 22. The plight o f women in the eleventh century was pitiable, their living and working conditions often incredibly poor. T hey also had to contend with the hostility o f clerks and with feudal economics, which regarded them as mere chattels. Francis Lee U tley, T h e C roo ked R ib : A n A n a ly tica l In d ex to the A rgum ent A bou t W om en in E n glish and Scots L iteratu re to the E n d o f the Y ear 15 6 8 (Columbus: Ohio State Univer­ sity Press, 1944), pp. 3 -3 8 ; Margaret Adlum Gist, L o ve and W ar in the M id d le E n glish Rom ances (Philadelphia: University o f Pennsylvania Press; London: O xford Univer­ sity Press, 1947) ; Andrée Lehmann, L e R ile de la fem m e dans l'h isto ire de Fran ce au m oyen dge (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1932); Doris M ary Stenton, T h e E n glish W om an in H istory (London: Allen and U n w in; N ew Y o rk : Macmillan, 1937), chaps. 1, 2, 3, and 3; Heer, M ed ieva l W orld, pp. 3 1 7 - 2 3 ; Katherine M. R ogers, T h e T roublesom e H elp m a te: A H istory o f M iso g y n y in L iteratu re (Seattle and London: University o f Washington Press, 1966), pp. 3 - 2 2 ; W . B . Faherty, “ W om an,” in N e w C ath olic E n cyclopedia, 14 : 993-95. 23. Braet, “ Fonction et importance du songe,” p. 409, states that Charles is incapac­ itated because o f incomplete information. 24. Matthew 2 6 :3 9 ; virtually identical phrasing in Luke 22:42. C f. Mark 14 :36 . 23. Rychner, L a C hanson de g este, p. 38. 26. On the length o f sessions, see Rychner, pp. 48-34. 27. Ibid., p. 4928. See introduction , 19, k . 29. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :3 3 - 3 6 (2: fig. 18), 200-202 (2: fig. 134 B), 240 (2: fig. 2 11) . For a heathen sacrifice to Apollo, see Illustrations to the L ife o f S t. A lb a n in T rin ity C o lleg e D u blin M S . E . i. 40, eds. W . R . L. Low e and E. F. Jacob, with a description o f the illustrations by M. R . Jam es (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1924), pi. 9. 30. Réau, II, 1 :20 5-6 . 3 1. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 2 5 - 2 6 ; 2: fig. 98. According to the latter, the illustra­ tion is modeled on a sketch found in a copy o f the V itae et passiones apostolorum . 32. Ibid., i :2 36 ; 2 : fig. 205. 33. This possibility is mentioned in passing by Duggan, “ The Generation o f the Episode o f Baligant,” p. 78. 34. Jenkins, note to v. 1188, mentions the Libyan king Aillrous as the possible source o f this name. Samaran, p. 34, n. 1, believing that the form was only attested in the O xford copy, characterized it as Anglo-Saxon. C f., however, A dalroth in two

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY manuscripts o f the O ld Norse translation (Segre, note to v. 1 188). W athelet-W illem , R echerches, 1:5 9 6 , n. 4 13 , identifies le v e il A staru t, a male pagan god in C h an son dr G u illa u m e, v. 2139 , with Astaroth/Astarte. On Aelroth, see commentary , i $, note 19. 35. See introduction , 18, D. C f. also raising an idol (v. 853) and tumbling an idol (v. 2587). 36. Brault. “ Chrétien de Troyes’ Lancelot ,” pp. 148-50. Add to bibliography: Delbouille, G en èse, pp. 14 6 -4 7 ; Rychner, p. 130. See also commentary, 13 , note 4.

C O M M E N T A R Y 12 1. I found Annette Laming and Monique Roussel, L a G rotte de Laseau x (Paris: Caisse nationale des monuments historiques, 1950) quite helpful in refreshing m y m emory about this cave, which I was privileged to visit in 1952, before it was closed to the general public. Anthropologists view the rites o f any people as a series o f acts fixed by tradition and usually involving religion or magic, and, consequently, would not see any significant difference between what the Franks and Saracens do here. A medieval Christian audience would not have viewed such matters in this light. The formulaic aspect o f the Saracen oaths is commented upon by Rychner, pp. 9 09 1, and Michael Holland, “ Rolandus rcsurrcctus,” M élan ges R en é C ro z et, 1:3 9 8 -4 0 0 . 2. The Saracens in this passage are contrasted with the French and pagan leaders in the Baligant episode (Graf, P arallelism u s im R o lan d slied , p. 3) and with the Franks at Gaine (p. 16); see also the Roland-Aelroth opposition (p. 16). The similarity o f Saracen and French equipment has some basis in historical fact and at times made identification in combat difficult. Smail, C rusadin g W arfare, p. 85 and n. 3. The elon­ gated Christian kite-shaped shields as opposed to the small, round Saracen bucklers did provide one distinguishing feature (Smail, p. 78) and this contrast is carried over in contemporary iconography, introduction , 14, A, 3. 3. See commentary , io, note 8. On nighttime as the occasion for evil, see Le GofT. C iv ilisa tio n , p. 226. The darkness o f the cave at Laseaux is said by Laming and Roussel, pp. 4, 30, to ofTer an appropriate environment for such rites. 4. See v. 1000 . 1 do not understand w hy Moignet, p. 84, asserts, apropos o f po ign an t in v. 889: “ ici ’rapidement’, et non, comme ailleurs, ‘en éperonnant’, puisque M alprimis est à pied.’’ C f. Turpin in v. 112 4 . 5. See INTRODUCTION, 19, F.

6. OXFORD TEXT, ENGLISH TRANSLATION, V. 886. 7. On the terminology o f killing, see Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,’’ p. 225, n. 1 1 ; Tim othy D. Hemming, “ La mort dans la C hanson de R o la n d : étude lexicosyntactique,” Société R en cesvals. I V e C on grès International, pp. 90-94. 8. It is significant that the name Roncevaux appears for the first time in a passage noted for its sinister overtones, introduction , 15, E. 9. H ow will the Saracens know the hero? See introduction , 19, a ; commentary , 1510. They w ill be called the T w elve (Saracen] Peers by Turoldus in v. 990, i f the emendation is correct. T o medieval exegetes the T w elve Saracen Peers m ay have suggested les Ju ïs de la V iez L o i, compared in the P erlesvau s, 1:2 5 7 - 5 8 , to tw elve yelping dogs. The verb g la tir used in the latter connection (line 5985) is the same as Turoldus employs to characterize the voices o f the Saracens in v. 3527. 1 1 . See introduction , 18, G. 12. Blood is not just a grisly detail here: It is associated with making a pact with the devil. See “ Le miracle de Théophile,” v. 653, in O eu vres com plètes de R u teb eu f, 2:202, referring to Strohm ayer’s review o f Sepet’s edition o f that w ork in R o m an ia 23

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(1894): 605, n. 1. T w o Saracens wish to pit their swords against Durendal (vv. 9 2 5 927,988). C f. the Rash Saracen w ho tries to steal R oland’s sword (commentary, 24). 13. See Oxford text , English translation , v . 862. 14. Horrent, p. 303: “ le centre même de la ’France’.’ ’ C f. Jenkins, note to v. 973, apropos o f a similar remark by Petit de Julleville: “ this is forcing the meaning.** 1$. On these portraits, see Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 48, 98, n. 229, $49; Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :8 3-8 4 . The expression // est ju g e t (v. 884) sounds like Muslim fatalism, but the resemblance is doubtless purely accidental. C f. commentary, 40 (vv. 3273-3274). On the meaning o f the verb, see oxford text , English translation, v. 262. 16. A similar technique is often used in the romances, the most celebrated instance being, perhaps, the naming o f the hero in Chrétien’s C harrette. 17. See commentary, 1 1. An exotic female name (Semiramis) is used for a man in C h arrette, v. 5796. The opposite occurs in the name Archipiades, doubtless for Alcibiade, one o f the “ dames du temps jadis” (François V illo n , O eu vres, ed. Auguste Longnon, 4th ed. revised by Lucien Foulet, Classiques français du moyen âge 2 (Paris: Champion, 1932), p. 22, “ Testament,” v. 331). Astaroth is mentioned as a pagan deity b y Rabelais in P antagruel, ed. Saulnier, chap. 10, p. 78. 18. Noted by many scholars, e.g., Ménard, L e R ire , p. 46. 19. Jenkins, note to v. 9 33; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 10 4 - 12 ; Horrent, p. 220, n. 4; Henry and Renée Kahane, “ Die M argariten," Z eitsch rift f iir rom anische P h ilo lo g ie 76 (i960): 18 3 -2 0 4 ; Ménard, L e R ir e , p. 46 (bibliography in notes 10 1 and 102). 20. See introduction , 6. 2 1. In view o f the generally sinister aspect o f this scene, Aelroth’s appearance on a mule is not comic but related to the packhorse m otif (vv. 481, 1748, 1828). 22. Identical features appear in descriptions o f Charles (vv. 118 , 3 1 1 3 - 3 1 1 6 ) , Ganelon (vv. 283-283, 3762-3764), and Roland (vv. 1159 , 1597). 23. Horrent, p. 220, refers to this description as containing “ de teintes à la fois pittoresques et souriantes.” According to Bloch, F eu d a l So ciety, 2 :3 0 7 : “ ‘W e shall yet talk of' this day in ladies’ chambers,’ said the count o f Soissons, at the battle o f Mansurah. This remark, the equivalent o f which it would be impossible to find in the chansons de geste, but which might be heard on the lips o f more than one hero o f courtly romance as early as the twelfth century, is characteristic o f a society in which sophistication has made its appearance and, with it, the influence o f wom en.” 24. See introduction , 10, B, 2. C f. commentary, 17, note 3 1. 23. Similar expressions are used in R o la n d , vv. 3164 and 3764; cf. v v . 1483, 1760. For occurrences in other works, see Boissonnade, D u N o u vea u , p. 2 3 3 ; Skidmore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 60; Delbouille, G en èse pp. 14 7 -4 8 ; R iquer, C hansons de geste, p. 97, n. 12 3 ; Jones, p. 27; Lewis A. M. Sumberg, L a C hanson

d 'A n tio ch e : étude historique et littéraire. U n e chronique en vers fra n ça is de la prem ière C roisade p a r le P èlerin R ich a rd (Paris: Picard, 1968), pp. 348-49. Add C h arrette, v. 2 6 13 ; A n o n y­ m ous C h ron icle o f the F irst C rusade (1097-1099) in T h e Portable M ed ieva l R ead er, eds. Jam es Bruce Ross and M ary Martin McLaughlin (N ew Y o rk : Viking Press, 1949), p. 440. C f. Petrarch’s observation: “ it seems certain to me that Cicero him self would have been a Christian i f he had been able to see Christ or to know the teaching o f Christ.” Robertson, P reface to C h au cer, p. 344.

C O M M E N T A R Y 13 I. tary ,

Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 19 1-9 4 ; Rychner, pp. 128, 13 2 -3 3 . See also 35, note 5.

409

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 2. In the P seu d o -T u rp in the noise frightens the French knights’ horses, but the Christians solve this problem by stopping up their mounts’ ears (Meredith-Jones, p. 165). 3. Ronald N . Walpole, “ Hum or and People in Twelfth-Century France,’’ R om an ce P h ilo lo g y i i (1958): 2 1$ , finds this statement amusing. 4. Hatzfeld, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,’’ p. $5 : “ la teichoscopie de l’armée ennemie inspire Olivier encore d’un courage haussé par une ivresse de lumière en vue du camp des païens.’’ See also idem, Literatu re Through. A rt , pp. 8-9. Vance, R ea d in g the S o n g o f R o la n d , p. 42, suggests that the hill that O liver climbs symbolizes his moral pre­ eminence. Frappier. C hansons de geste, 1: 15 8 -39 , using Hoepffner’s term, refers to this passage as the “ scène du guet,” and notes a similar occurrence in the C h an son de G u illa u m e. On the m otif o f the knight gazing from afar, see commentary , i i , note 36. The scene parallels the beginning o f the Battle o f Roncevaux, Part 2. See commen ­ tary , 17. 5. See oxford text , English translation , v . 1036. 6. Jones, p. 46. C f. v. 1098. The they-are-many-we-are-few leitm otif running through O liver’s words in this passage (vv. 1021, 1040. 1049-1050, 1084-1087) echoes the words o f the Israelites to Judas Maccabacus in 1 Maccabees 3:17. C f. commentary . 40, note 17, and note 18 below. 7. Jenkins, note to vv. 10 26 -10 27. 8. Menéndez Pidal, p. 243, cited by Moignet, p. 10 1. 9. George Fenwick Jones, “ La complainte de R oland— une interprétation diver­ gente,“ C u ltu ra N eolatin a 21 (19 6 1): 4 1. C f. Edmond Faral, “ Sur trois vers de la C hanson de R o la n d (vers 1016. 1465, 15 17 ).” M odem P h ilo lo g y 38 (1940/41): 235-4 2. 10. See introduction , i i , b . i 1. C f. vv. 1 1 1 7 - 1 1 19. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 165; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, pp. 376-89. Jenkins, note to vv. 1009 fr, cites analogues in Lucan and Tacitus. Jones. E thos, p. 109: “ When Roland declares that a follower must be ready to lose hide and hair ( perdre e d el q u it e del p e il, 1012), his choice o f words m ay reflect the old Germanic legal term hut und h d r; for loss o f hide and hair was a common form o f punishment.” 12. See introduction , 1 1 , B. 13. Note the specific mention o f God in v. 1008. 14. Cited by Jean G yöry, E tude sur la C hanson de R o la n d (Paris: Droz, 1936), p. 85. On the same page G yö ry also quotes Robert the Monk : Concito vitalis calor ossa reliquit eorum, Frigidus atque pavor possedit corda reorum. See also commentary , 14 (Laisses 83 fr., and 89). 15. Meredith-Jones, pp. 195, 197. 16. 2 Corinthians 1 1 :2 7 . C f. 1 Corinthians 4 : 1 1 - 1 3 . 17. Blaise, par. 442-45. 18. The French scorn for the enemy arm y in spite o f its great size (vv. 10 4 9 -10 50 , 1084-1087) will be echoed by Charles in v. 3339. It is clear that in both instances their courage comes not from their own physical strength, but from the superiority o f their religion (v. 10 15 = v. 3338). introduction , i i , a . Jenkins, note to v. 1050, points out a possible reminiscence o f 1 Maccabees 9:9. See note 6 above. 19. C f., however, vv. 899, 918.

C O M M E N T A R Y 14 1. See introduction , 3. For a discussion o f four textual problems in this passage, see Horrent, pp. 16 5 -7 1.

4IO

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 2. Bcdicr, Légendes épiques, 3:448. In typical assessments in Bédier’s wake, Pauphilet, “ Sur la C hanson de R o la n d ," p. 176, terms the hom scene “ son essence même,” and Burger, “ Les deux scènes du cor,” p. 103, “ le point central de toute la conception du poème.” 3. See introduction , 3. 4. Viewed in purely human terms, R oland’s decision to stand and fight is a typical reaction for a knight o f Turoldus’s day. Smail, C rusadin g W arfare, p. 146. C f., however, the Crusaders’ successful march to and from Bosra in 114 7 . during which discipline was maintained despite many provocations to fight. Smail, pp. 138 -39 . Other similar incidents in 113 0 and 119 0 are cited by Smail, pp. 13 9 -6 1, 16 1-6 2 . 3. Bêdier, Légendes épiques, 3:439. Such a view runs counter to the didacticism o f the R o la n d . See introduction , 10. C f. Bédier’s roughly similar view in 3 :4 3 2 : “ Que pense le poète de leur débat? Il ne le dit pas, il semble les approuver tous les deux." Roland experiences neither embarrassment nor guilt. Were he to speak bluntly, he would tell his friend what Christ said to Peter when the latter remonstrated with him for announcing his imminent death: “ Get behind me, Satan! Y ou are an obstacle in m y path, because the w ay you think is not G od ’s w ay but man’s” (Matthew 1 6 : 2 1 23). For another parallel involving Peter, sec note 33 below. 6. See introduction , 3. 7. i Corinthians 1 2 :4 - 3 1 . Blaise, par. 2 7 1. 8. See commentary, 18. 9. On the oliphant symbol, see commentary, 19. 10. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3:4 38 ; Graf, P a ra lle lis m s im R o la n d slied , p. 3 1 ; Le Gentil, p. 104. Dorfm an, N árrem e, p. 11 2 , notes the parallel in the debate between Roland and O liver, on the one hand, and Charles and Ganelon, on the other. 1 1 . Scholes and Kellogg, N atu re o f N a rra tive, p. 183 (the debate, in Homer, between A jax and Ulysses over Achilles's shield was used as a rhetorical drill) ; introduction , note 86. 12 . Between Christians and pagans, see Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 436, n. 92. On the debate between Saint Augustine and Faustus, see R èau, III, 1 : 1 3 6 ; between Saint Catherine o f Alexandria and the fifty philosophers, Réau, III, 1:2 6 9 -7 0 . On forensic encounters between Christians and Jew s, see G yöry, E tude sur R o la n d , pp. 10 2 -3 : add the debate between Chilperic and Priscus the Je w (W . P. Ker, T h e D a rk A g es, Mentor Book [N ew Y ork : N ew American Library, 1938], p. 88), and, especially. Saint Paul confounding the Jewish colony at Damascus (Acts 9 :2 2 ; Beckwith, E a rly M ed ieva l A rt, p. 198 (illustration p. 201, fig. 190]; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:13 6 ) . C f. the debate between God and Satan in Jo b 1 and 2 (cf. Réau, II, 2:636), between angels and devils (Payen, pp. 420, 517 , n. 4, 518, n. 8), and D e A ltercation e Ecclesiae et Syn agogae D ia lo g s , attributed in the Middle Ages to Saint Augustine (PL, 42, cols. 1 1 3 1 - 4 0 ; Rèau, II, 2:744). See also commentary, 18, note 3. Medieval dispute pictures are discussed by J. J . G. Alexander, N orm an Illu m in ation at M o n t-S a in t-M ich el 9 6 6 -1 to o (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1970), pp. 10 0 -10 2 . For illustrations, see pis. 22, 24 a. 13. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 189-93, especially p. 194; Jones, P r o lo g s and E p ilo g u e, p. 1 1 . 14. Meredith-Jones, chaps. 13 and 17 ; Mandach, N aissance. 1:8 9 , 14 2-43 and n. 377, 290-93: Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :7 3 ; 2: figs. 244, 283, 284. 305, 306, 348 B , 3 5 1. 480, 483, 303. See also commentary, 18, note 3. After his debate with Ferracutus, Roland slays the giant with a sword thrust through the navel, which m ay be where Saint Louis got his idea for the proper w ay to answer a Je w ’s argument. On the latter, see Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :12 8 ; Archambault, S even French C h ron iclers, pp. 4 7 48. On theological debates in epic literature, see Meredith-Jones, p. 303; Frappier, 2 :12 4 - 3 0 . 15. P L , 40, cols. 10 9 1-110 6 .

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 16. Zumthor, H istoire littéraire , pp. 183, 255. 17. Charles Oulmont, L es D ébats du clerc et du ch evalier dans la littérature po étiq u e du m oyen-âge %étude historique et littéraire su ivie de l'éd itio n critique des textes (Paris : Cham pion. 19 1 1) ; Paul R ém y, “Jeu parti et roman breton,“ in M élan ges M au rice D elb o u ille , 2 :5 4 5 -6 1. Francis Shceran’s unpublished paper, “ The Demise o f a Genre: The Medie­ val Debate and D ives and P a u p er%" read at the Seventh Conference on Medieval Studies at Western Michigan University in 1972, offers a survey o f this type o f poetry. I quote from the author’s abstract: While the debate as genre was popular and useful in structuring medieval ideas o f a more whimsical nature, it had built within it a weakness which was to be its death as a vital literary form by the year 1400. St. Augustine had permitted two apparent truths to have equal weight. Both could be amplified and allegorized. As long as topics o f later centuries were o f a morally and politically neutral sort, such as the priority o f night and day, the ways o f the ow l versus the ways o f the nightin­ gale, or the superiority o f night and day, the genre challenged the mind o f the author into invention o f appropriate things to say. But by 1350 these sorts o f com­ position were in marked decline. The rediscovery o f Aristotle had led to a marshalling o f authorities to prove one side right and vanquish the other as untrue. When the subjects o f debate entered the realms o f politics and religion, one side almost always • had to be right and the other wrong. Thus balanced debate, so necessary to artistic form in the genre, became impossible. The devil could not be given all the good lines. 18. Etienne Gilson, quoted in Larousse du X X e siècle (Paris: Larousse, 1928), 1 : 1 3 , s.v. Abélard: “ Quant à l’intention qui a déterminé la composition de l’ouvrage, rien ne permet d’y voir le désir de ruiner le principe d’autorité en opposant les Pères de l’Eglise les uns aux autres___ La méthode du S ic et non passera tout entière dans la Som m e théologique de saint Thomas, où chaque question oppose les autorités pour aux autorités contre, mais dénoue cette opposition en choisissant, déterminant et prouvant la solution.’’ See also G yöry, Etude sur R o la n d , pp. 9 9 -10 2 ; Payen, L e M o yen A g e , p. 86. On this technique in the romances, see Ménard, L e R ire , p. 200 (see also pp. 557-59, 563-65); Charles Muscatine, C h au cer and the French T ra d itio n : A S tu d y in S ty le and M ean in g (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1957), pp. 24-29 . The notion o f tw o conflicting duties is referred to by Ménard, p. 564 and n. 170 as a “ situation cornélienne.” 19. C f. vv. 2028, 2066-2069. The identical worthiness o f Roland and O liver is underscored in Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube’s G ira rt de V ien n e , where a lengthy duel between the tw o heroes ends in a draw. The expression ‘to give a Roland for an Oliver* attests to the fact that this appraisal was commonplace. According to B ow ra, H eroic P o etry , p. 65, the friendship companions share is “ based on mutual respect and . . . founded on an identity o f ideals and interests.” The junior partner may criticize his comrade, but “ in the end agreement is reached, even i f one partner doubts its wisdom .” 20. As in v. 12 12 . C f., however, v. 10 15. 2 1. See Toblcr and Lommatzsch, 7 :19 16 - 3 0 , s.v. pro. Guicttc, “ Les deux scènes du cor,” p. 850: “ Sur le sens du mot p re u x , aucune hésitation.” In fact, most critics consider p ro z in this passage as the equivalent o f MFr. p re u x , that is. ‘brave, courageous’. See Théo Vcnkeleer, R o lla n t li p r o z : C on tribu tion à l'h isto ire de quelques qualification s laudatives en fran çais du m oyen âge (Paris: Champion, 1975). The meaning ‘excessive courage’ has even been ascribed to this term; see Monika Beinhauer, R itterlich e T apferkeitsbegriffe in den altfranzösischen C hansons de geste des 12 . Jah rh u n derts (Cologne, 1958), p. 100; Hans Krings, D ie G eschichte des W ortschatzes der H ö flich keit im F ra n ­ zösischen !, Romanistische Versuche und Vorarbeiten 11 (Bonn: Romanisches Seminar

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der Universität Bonn, 196t), p. 32, n. 2. The best study is still the Münster dissertation by Agnka L. Boyscn, U eber den B e g riff preu im Französischen (p reu x , pro u , prouesse, pru d'h om m e, p ru d 'h o m ie, p ru de, p ru derie) (Lengerich, 1941). 22. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, s.v. prod. 23. F E W , 9 :4 17 - 2 3 , s.v. prode. 24. Ibid., p. 420; Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, pp. 9 1- 10 3 . See m y review o f the latter in Specu lu m . 2$. Jenkins, note to v. 26: 'T h e prozdom e at this time is brave, loyal to his lord, and faithful to his word. His merits also include religious devotion, even if, as here, he be an infidel.” C f. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, s.v. ber, chevaler, prozdom; Jones, E thos, pp. 2 2 -2 4 ; Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, p. 93. 26. E O liv e r, li p ro z e li curteis (v. $76); " S e jo a i p a ren z , n ’en i ad n u l si p r o z " (v. 2905); D ist B a lig a n t: " O ïl, car m ult est p r o z " (v. 3180); E O liv e r, li p ro z e li va illa n z (v. 3186). Jones, pp. 22, 6 1, 62, and Burgess, pp. 2 1- 2 2 , 93, assert that, in these sen­ tences, p ro z refers to courage and that, consequently, that is the meaning o f curteis and va illa n z . H owever, the premise is false. 27. D ist l'a rcevesq u e: "N o stre hum e sunt m ult p r o z " (v. 14 4 1); M u lt p a r est p ro z dan z O gers li D an eis (v. 3346); M u lt p a r est p ro z P in a b el de Sorence (v. 3913). 28. C f. also v. 604 (Cunseill n’est proz dunt hume . . . ) ; v. 1209 (“ II fist que proz qu’il nus laisad as p o rz"); v. 2423 (Naimes li dux d’iço ad fait que proz). N ote the striking resemblance between vv. 1209 and 2423. Bédier translates p ro z in the first verse as 'preux', in the second as ‘sage’, yet, in v. 1209, Roland is contradicting the antonym fo lz in v. 119 3 (“ Folz est li reis ki vos laissât as porz” ). On intelligence as a characteristic o f the hero, consult Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. io o -t0 2. 29. One o f the procedures used to elucidate the precise meaning o f a term as vague as p ro d consists in taking into consideration the word that is linked to it b y a con­ junction (e.g., E O liver, li proz e li gentilz). M ore often than not, such formulas were made up o f synonyms, and the poet sought to reinforce the idea rather than suggest a shading o f meaning. See Politzer, “ Synonym ic Repetition.” Thus, in a phrase such as X est p ro z e sage, p ro z refers to the character’s wisdom, while the same term alludes to his courage in X est p ro z e hardi. 30. C f. vv. 2 4 -2 6 : Blancandrins fut des plus saives paiens, De vasselage fut asez chevaler: Prozdom i out pur sun seignur aider. Verse 1093 is not unlike A sprem on t, v. 9362: R o lla n s est jo v e n e s et O giers est prodon . On the chivalric ideal expressed by O Fr. jo v e n s, see Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, p. 1 18 (bibliography in n. 10). Jenkins, note to vv. 1093-1096, cites A en eid , X I :29 t, where Virgil compares Hector to Aeneas. Similarly, in vv. 2066-2068, the trio o f warriors, R oland, Gautier de 1’Hum , and Turpin, are said to be equal in merit: Li quens Rollant fut noble guerrer, Gualter de Hums est bien bon chevaler, Li arcevesque prozdom e essaiet. See commentary, 21. Such comparisons are not uncommon in Old French literature. C f. E rec, vv. 1484 If. Referring to the preliminaries to the Battle o f R oncevaux, which include the laisse under consideration here, Horrent, p. 163, underscores the fact that: “ Nulle part peut-être, la tradition rolandienne ne ressemble plus à un hallier inextri­ cable.” As for v. 1093, the only manuscripts that contain this line reproduce it very closely : Chateauroux, v. 1465: R o lla n t est p ro z et O liv e r est sage. Venice IV, v. 10 37: R o lla n t est p ro f, O liv e r est safe. H owever, in a number o f manuscripts, including Chateauroux, a new laisse in -e r.

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY occurring a little later but corresponding very closely to Laisse 87, offers an interesting variant : Chateauroux, v. 1939: R o lla n t fit p rc u z et O liv e r fit bet. Paris, v. 396: R o llo n s fit preus et O liv iers li bers. Venice VII, Laisse 11 3 : R o lla n z fit p ro z & O liv e r fit ber. In the verse in question, ber m ay be a make-rhyme. It appears far more likely, how ­ ever, that the author o f this version o f Turoldus’s poem wished, by means o f this substitution, to remove any uncertainty as to the equal merit o f the tw o companionsin-arms. 3 1. The double-truth theory favored by exegetes to resolve similar dilemmas offers another viable approach to the R oland-O liver debate, the point being that each view is valid in itself. See note 17 above. One may also say that according to the pagan ethos, O liver is right, Roland wrong, but that a Christian perspective reverses the situation completely. Finally, one may consider the circularity o f O liver’s argumentation to be an inverted image o f Sapientia. introduction , i i , c . 32. C h arrette, vv. 363-377. On the classical background o f the interior debate to depict the shift from fear to courage or the throes o f love, consult Scholes and Kellogg, N atu re o f N a rra tive, pp. 179 -83. 33. commentary, 7. Roland's disagreement with O liver can be compared to the controversy at Antioch: When Peter suggested that the only true Christians were converted Jew s who observed the Law, Paul was adamant: “ I opposed him to his face, since he was manifestly in the w rong” (Galatians 2 : 1 1 ) . Roland turns a deaf ear to Oliver's entreaties, yet his flat refusal, like Paul’s, has a decidedly situational aspect. As T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 32$, n. h , observes: “ Peter’s conduct was not in itself blame­ worthy, and in different circumstances Paul was to do the same.” C f. Peter, the unwitting tool o f Satan, in Matthew 1 6 :2 1 - 2 3 . See note 3 above. 34. Conrad, vv. 3891-3892, affirms that Roland will not sound the oliphant because the Saracens will think the Franks are afraid. C f. C hanson de G u illa u m e, v. 204. 33. On Roland’s integrity, see introduction , 19, F. 36. Horrent, pp. 168, 2 18 -2 0 , suggests that a better progression would be Laisses 8 3-8 3-8 4 , as in Venice IV and Chateauroux. See also Delbouille, G en èse, p. 10 ; Menéndez Pidal, p. 337, n. 1. C f.. however, Segre, p. 197. 37. See commentary , 13. note 6. 38. Jones, pp. 47, 89. C f. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 10 2 -7 ; D. W. Robertson, Jr .. “ The Idea o f Fame in Chretien’s C lig is ," Stu dies in P h ilo lo g y 69 (1972): 4 14 -3 3 . It is not certain, either, that m un los is the first argument made by Roland. Sec note 36 above. 39. Sec introduction , i i , B; commentary, 13. 40. Psychom achia, vv. 3 8 1-3 8 3 ; Mickel, “ Parallels in Psychom achia and R o la n d ," pp. 443-46. In v. 119 4 Aelroth, alluding to the deaths o f Roland and the Franks, says France will forfeit its los. C f. the hero’s rebuttal, v. 12 10 . Bédicr, C om m en taires, PP- 39 - 4 0 : “ ce que le poète célèbre sous le nom de ’douce France’, ou de ‘ T erre m a ju r' (v. 600, etc.), qui est terra m ajorum , qui est ’patrie’, ce n’est ni le vague empire des Carolingiens, ni l’étroit domaine des premiers Capétiens, ce n’est pas un territoire délimité; c’est une personne morale, celle qui se révèle à ses yeux, aux jours de la Croisade de Terre Sainte, tandis que s’exécutent les gesta D e i p er F ra n co s: par les ‘Francs de France’.” Bédicr was chided for this view by Ferdinand Lot, “ Etudes sur les légendes épiques françaises. V. La C hanson de R o la n d . A propos d’un livre récent,” R om an ia 34 (1928): 374, n. 1 : “ Voilà qui est délicieux, juste même— à certains égards — et, tout de même, dérisoire.” For Lot’s interpretation, see commentary, 16. note 12. One is reminded, however, o f the concept o f g im u , “ which embodies all o f a Japanese citizen’s sense o f obligation to his fam ily, his associates, the organization or

4 14

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY institution to which he belongs, and ultimately to the Emperor and the nation itself" (Richard Halloran, “ Soldier’s Return from 30 Years in Jungle Stirs Japanese D eeply,” N e w Y o rk T im es, 13 March 1974, p. 12, relative to the return o f Lt. Hiroo Onoda from the Philippines; on g im u , see R uth Benedict, T h e C hrysanthem um an d the S w o rd : Patterns o f Ja p a n ese C u ltu re (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1946], pp. 1 1 3 - 3 4 , 198-99, 205-7, 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 312). 4 1. Concern for the fam ily’s honor is ultimately related to ancestor worship. E. O. James, C om parative R e lig io n : A n Introductory and H istorical S tu d y , University Paper­ backs (London: Methuen; N ew Y o rk : Barnes & Noble, 1961), pp. 37-38 . There is triplication in the references to fam ily in this passage (vv. 10 6 3.10 76), v. 1706 (second horn scene) and v. 3907 (Pinabel). 42. Menéndez Pidal, p. 210, estimates that, in 778, the $,000 men o f Charles’s arm y, m oving by twos and threes, together with the rearguard and its im pedim enta, probably stretched out over nine or ten kilometers. Turoldus speaks o f 350,000 men in the Emperor’s arm y! 43. See commentary, 43. C f. Christ weeping over Jerusalem (commentary, 29, note 14). 44. C f. the custom o f reciting acclamations to the ruler as a symbol o f exaltation o f the Lord. In the absence o f the sovereign, the bishop received the praises. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes reg ia e: A S tu d y in L itu rgical A cclam ations an d M ed ia eva l R u le r W orship (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1946), p. 88. One also associates Turpin and Charles in the blessing and absolution rites (vv. 340, 1 133, 1137). For Turpin as a Charles surrogate, see commentary, 22. 45. On Turpin’s role as a preacher, see introduction , 19, 1; commentary, 23. Turpin can also be viewed as a reflection o f Roland, introduction , 19, D. 46. C f. vv. 14 4 3-144 4 . 47. On confession and communion before battle, see Meredith-Jones, p. 318; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 119 , n. 28. In the German translation the Franks have time to hear mass. On the communion scene in the Conrad drawings, see introduc­ tion ,

12.

48. On martyrdom, see Payen, p. 46. The notion o f seats in Heaven derives from that o f Christ seated at the right hand o f God (Hebrews 1 : 3 ; Colossians 3 :1 ) , popu­ larized by a phrase in the Nicene Creed: sedet ad dexteram P atris. Blaise, par. 20 !. In v. m i Turoldus says Roland assumes an attitude fiercer than a lion or leopard. Dufoumet, C ou rs sur R o la n d , p. 95, refers to the leopard as a symbol o f Antichrist. See also Helmut Hatzfeld, “ Style ’roman’ dans les littératures romanes: Essai de synthèse," S tu d i in onore d i Italo S ic ilia n o , p. 535. One need not, however, tum to Scripture for the source o f this image which is a folk commonplace. One thinks, too, o f the lion as a symbol o f protection. See Jo zsef Deér, T h e D yn astic P o rp h yry Tom bs o f the N orm an P eriod in S ic ily , trans. G. A. Gillhoff. Dumbarton Oaks Studies 5 (Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 6 6 If.; T h e Y ear 12 0 0 , 1 :8 1 . 49. On confession and contrition, see Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, pp. 2 5 - 3 1 ; on absolution, pp. 49, 109, n. 1. 50. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 257-59 (indulgentia) ; H istory o f the C rusades, 1:2 4 5 -4 6 . 5 1. According to Fulcher, at any rate. H istory o f the C rusades, 1:2 4 2 , 244, 245. 52. Blaise, par. 110 . 53. H istory o f the C rusades, 1 : 248. 54. Ibid., 1:2 4 5 . 55. In the C hanson de G u illa u m e, Vivien also carries a white banner. Frappier, C hansons de geste, i : 12 0 - 2 1, 163. On the lance symbol, see introduction, 19, d . 56. Jones, pp. 68, 174. Like a shepherd, Roland gazes fondly on his flock and looks fiercely toward the wolves. For another shepherd image, see commentary , 22. C f.

415

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY v. 2984, where Charles looks at his own men fierem en t. See also Siegfried Heinimann, “ ‘Dulcis’ : Ein Beitrag zur lateinisch-romanischen Stilgeschichte des Mittelalters,” in Stu dia p h ilo lo g ica : H om enaje ofrecido a D dm aso A lo n so , 2 :2 15 - 3 2 . Lejeune and Stiennon, i :6 i, refers to Christ as lion and lamb. 57. Foulet, G lo ssa ire. O n Roland's humility, see introduction , 19, f ; commentary , 4$8. Greimas, D ictio n n aire, p. 6 5 1, s.v. umele. See also Burgess, “ O rg u eil and F ie rté ,’’ p. 105. 59. Jenkins, note to v. 116 4 : 'quietly, privately’. The first serious study o f the term is by Jean Frappier, "V u es sur les conceptions courtoises dans les littératures d'oc et d'oil au X IIe siècle,” C a h iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 2 (1959) : 13 5 -5 6 . See also Lazar, A m ou r courtois et 'fin 'am ors', pp. 2 1- 4 6 ; Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-co u rtois, pp. 20-34. In certain instances, including here in v. 1 164, cortéis m ay have been influenced b y O Fr. cort 'short, b rie r. C f. T h èbes, vv. 993-994: Mout parolent cortoisement Et ne font pas lone parlement. L e R om an de T ro ie par B en oit de S a in te-M a u re, ed. Léopold Constant, Société des anciens textes français (Paris: D idot: 1906), 2 :v v . 13 8 5 3 -13 8 5 4 : Corteisement e a briés moz E sagement respont a toz. 60. Jones, p. 62. 6 1. For another use o f corteisem ent, see commentary, 45 (v. 3823). 62. See also Jones, p. 76. 63. Booty is approved o f under certain conditions in Numbers 3 1:2 5 - 3 0 , and 1 Maccabees 4 :18 . In Psalms 7 6 :5 , "mountains o f spoil” are awe-inspiring p ro o f o f the power and majesty o f God in battle. According to Einhard, Charlem agne’s men took booty (Halphen, p. 38). 64. Jenkins, p. lxxxiii ; Smail, C rusadin g W arfare, pp. 9 2 ,12 3 ,18 5 . For rules governing the division o f spoils, see 2 Maccabees 8 :2 7 -2 8 ; Smail, p. 103, n. 3. 65. In Psychom achia, vv. 388-389, 454fr., 5 36 -5 4 1, spoils are associated with Avarice (for illustrations, see Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 2 ; Cames, A llé g o rie s, pp. 6 1, 62) and reference is made to Achar ( = Achan, in Joshua 7), Samuel (1 Samuel 15), and Judas. See also Sobrietas’s strictures against this practice in vv. 450-453. According to Einhard, the Gascons attacked Charles’s rearguard for spoils; this act is characterized as perfidy (Halphen, pp. 28, 30). See also the other chronicles relating this event cited by Menéndez Pidal, pp. 204, 2 12 , 295-97. For Alain de Lille’s con­ demnation o f spoils, see Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 174. According to the author o f the Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis R ica rd i, the Crusaders were punished by God on one occasion in 118 7 for searching for booty rather than continuing the battle. Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, p. 188. See also introduction , 10, A, 7. On clerical attitudes toward riches in general, see Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, p. 77, n. 28. In short, Roland, the warrior, is keenly interested in spoils, but R oland, as idealized by the clerk Turoldus, has his mind on other things. 66. On the identical phrase in v. 2478, see commentary, 27. The taking o f booty was mentioned earlier in v. 99; cf. also Charles’s promise to his men in vv. 3409 -3410. 67. OFr. cem bel derives from Lat. cym balum ‘bell’, associated with ‘alarm ’ and ultimately with ‘battle’. 68. Jones, p. 63. Segre emends gen t to gran t, a reading supported b y all other copies (see his note, p. 213). 69. Conrad, vv. 3991-399370. Jones, p. 25. 7 1. C f. M oignet: ‘jamais roi de France n’en eut un |i.e., butin| de telle valeur’ ; T h e

416

no tes to

th e co m m en tary

So n g o f R o la n d , trans. Owen : ‘ M ore precious (booty) than French king has ever w on’. 72. On the lengthy interpolation here in the rhymed versions, see Horrent, pp. 16 5 -7 1. 73. The testing o f friendship is a frequent m otif in the chansons de geste. Câlin, E pic Q uest, pp. 6 9 -7 1. 74. Blaise, par. 62, 239. 75. Julian Harris, “ ‘ Munjoie’ and ‘ Reconuisance’ in C han son de R o la n d , 1. 3620,” Rom ance P h ilo lo g y 10 (1957): 169 (see also Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 31), terms M o n jo ie here and in vv. 3092, 3300, and 3565, a call for divine assistance. On the etym ology o f M o n jo ie, see Jenkins, note to v. 11 8 1 ; Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T ypol­ o gy.” pp. 84-97 (bibliography); and Wathelet-Willem, R echerches, 1:5 7 8 and n. 301 (bibliography). The sacred nature o f battle cries in Scripture is discussed in T h e Jeru salem B ib le, p. 815, n. a. 76. Crusaders usually charged not in a single body, as suggested here, but in squad­ rons o f 100 to 150 horsemen, attacking in line or in echelon. Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, pp. 200 -201. Lynn White, Jr., M ed ieva l T echn ology and S o cia l C h an ge (O xford: O xford University Press, 1964), p. 32, n. 4, speaks o f knights charging in conrois o f twelve to forty horsemen. Considered to be the most powerful Crusader tactic, the charge was often rendered ineffective simply by not offering a stable line for the mounted knights to collide against. Smail, pp. 86-87, 1 1 4 - 1 5 . 77. This locution is referred to as an addubitatio by Curtius, p. 545. 78. Joseph E. Gillett. “ The Autonomous Character in Spanish and European Literature," H ispanic R e v ie w 24 (1959): 179-90. 79. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 7 , 72 ; 2 : fig. 46. 80. Once the charge was effected, the idea was to form up again as soon as possible for a second onslaught. H owever, Turoldus details individual duels next. Calin, E pic Q u est, p. 4 1: “ epic melees admit little or no question o f tactics or strategy. Pincer movements, flank attacks, surprise sorties, an opportune withdrawal to a better position— these are inconceivable in the world o f Roncevaux and L ’Archamp. Epic action hinges on the fact that it is considered dishonorable for Roland to call for reinforcements, even when ambushed, and for Vivien to retreat, even when betrayed by his allies." Similar observation relative to medieval chronicles in Brandt, M ed ieva l H istory, pp. 120 -22. C f., however, Bancourt, " ‘Sen’ et ‘chevalerie’,” pp. 628-30.

C O M M E N T A R Y 15 1. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3:4 34 , was the first to distinguish the first three phases listed here as well as the progression from gravity and jo y to R olan d ’s victorious death. Moignet begins Part 2 at v. 1396; I start it at v. 1438. See also Graf, Parallelism u s im R o lan d slied , p. 8. n. 3 ; Horrent, p. 266. On the first tw o phases o f the battle, see note 3 1 below. 2. Actually, not an exact match-up, for Turpin is not a Peer, and Roland and O liver have tw o duels each. On this series o f combats, see Holland, “ Rolandus resurrectus,” pp. 4 0 3 -5 ; June H. Martin, “ The Divisions o f the C hanson de R o la n d ,” R om ance N otes 6 (1965): 19 1-9 2 . 3. Rychner, p. 14 1. Graf, p. 2, had earlier cited this passage as an instance o f the “ true” repetition characteristic o f oral composition. 4. On contemporary lance tactics, see D. J . A. Ross, “ L ’originalité de ‘Turoldus’ : le maniement de la lance,” C a h iers de civilisatio n m édiévale 6 (1963), 12 7 -3 8 ; Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, pp. 1 1 2 - 1 3 . Edward A. Heinemann. “ La place de l’élément ‘brandir la lance' dans la structure du m otif de l’attaque à la lance,” R om an ia 95 (1974) : 10 5 - 17 ,

417

NOTES TO TH E CO M M EN TARY points out that, in the So n g o f R o la n d , knights do not brandish their lances before dueling. 5. See introduction , 15, a ; 19, B. 6. C f. the illustration o f the battle scene in Conrad (see F ig . 48). In m y paper “ Les dessins du R u olan tes L ie t et l’interprétation de la C hanson de R o la n d ,” I suggested that this sketch was based on a Psychom achia formula (cf. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : fig. 8). I note the same view in M. Alison Stones, “ Sacred and Profane A rt: Secular and Liturgical Book-Illumination in the Thirteenth Century,” in T h e E p ic in M e d ie v a l S o c ie ty : A esthetic and M o ra l V alu es, ed. Harald Scholler (Tübingen: Niem eyer, 1977), p. lo i. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 3 , suggests that some o f the earliest representations o f Good versus Evil, and Christian versus Saracen were later interpreted as depictions o f Roland in combat. 7. C f. Tuve, A lleg o rica l Im agery, p. 120. 8. R éau, L 18 9 ; Cames, A llég o ries, fig. 125. C f. Réau, 1: 175. 189; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, pis. 12 9 - 3 1, 13 7 ; Cames, figs, 123, 124. 9. C f. Psychom achia, vv. 285-304, referring to Goliath’s vain taunts. 10. See introduction , 6. 1 1 . Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, pp. 1, n. 3 ; 6. C f. Réau, III, 3 :1 0 4 1 - 4 2 : the earliest iconography o f Saint Paul struck down on the road to Damascus shows him on foot; influenced by Pride’s Fall in the Psychom achia, depictions, beginning in the fourteenth century, have him tumbling from a horse. 12. See commentary, 12, note 9. 13. Meredith-Jones, p. 187. The So n g o f R o la n d was composed before the beginning o f heraldry in the second quarter o f the twelfth century. Jenkins, note to v. 3090; Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 3 1 5 ; Gerard J . Brault, E a rly B la z o n : H eraldic T erm in o lo gy in

the T w elfth and T hirteen th C en tu ries IV ith S p ecia l R eferen ce to A rth u rian L iteratu re (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1972), pp. 3, 18. 14. See F ig . 7; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : figs. 68-70, 102, 104, 114 , 116 , 203, 204. Turpin’s crozier is mentioned indirectly in v. 1670 (see commentary, 17). 15. Jenkins, note to v. 767. 16. On R olan d ’s banner, see introduction , 19, f. The oriflam m e is discussed in commentary , 35. T he term suggests a connection with O Fr. o rie ’golden’ (Jenkins, G lo ssa ry, p. 3 5 1, derives the word from Lat. aurea flam m u la [cf. Bloch and W artburg, D ictio n n aire, s.v. flamme: Lat. aurea flam m a ]) but Burger (see commentary, 35, note 28) proposes Lat. aurita flam m u la ‘eared (i.e., swallowtail) pennant’. At Chartres, Roland may be the bearer o f this banner. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:19 4 . 17. The Saracens doubtless expect the French Peers to make an appropriate response to their taunts, thus identifying themselves. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 124 : “ Les Français se gardent d’une telle jactance-----Dès l’origine du genre épique, alors que les païens font figure de fanfarons sûrs de leur force, les héros chrétiens restent pénétrés de prudence et de réserve. Leur silence s’oppose à la jactance des païens. Contraste significatif! Toutefois, nos héros soulignent railleusement leur victoire une fois l’ennemi déconfit.” C f., however, Roland in vv. 154 8 -154 9 , and Turpin in vv. 16 4 5-16 4 7. See also commentary , 5 and 17, note 20. Ménard, p. 329, suggests that the place where the slain adversary is thrown (vv. 1273, 1287, 1334, 1375, 1385) may be comical. 18. Marsilc is a king, too, o f course, and his son is Jurfaleu (v. 1904); Malquiant, v. 15 5 1, is the son o f King Malcud; and Grandoine, v. 1570, is the son o f the K in g o f Cappadocia. For a clear case o f identification, see commentary, 17 (vv. 159 6-1599 ). 19. Le Gentil, p. 106, cited by Moignet, p. 105. On Aelroth, sec Samaran, p. 34; Horrent, p. 324; Dufoum ct, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 32. On the name, see commentary , h , note 34. 20. Charles’s right arm may mean the Franks in general here, commentary , 14. 2 1. Dorfman, N árrem e, p. i n .

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 22. Sec also Lyon, vv. 5 5 -5 9 ; Paris, v. 573; Cambridge, vv. 439-440. 23. Sec also v. 2847 (Gabriel has Charles in his keeping). 24. On the meaning o f fo l, see Menard, L e R ire , p. 129 and n. 3 19 ; pp. 178-83. 25. Jones, p. 91 : “ the m ais m oz (1190) spoken by Aelroth against the Franks . . . serve as both calumny and malediction.” 26. See manuscript, v. 12 15 . 27. C olby, T w elfth -C en tu ry French Literatu re, pp. 37-39. 28. Ibid., p. 75. 29. Sec INTRODUCTION, 19 , D. 30. G argan tua, ed. Screech, chap. 49. C f. vv. 15 4 1-15 4 6 , 16 0 1-16 0 6 . See Jenkins, note to v. 13 2 7 ; Meredith-Jones, pp. 306-7, note to p. 150, line v ii; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 376-78, 380, 5 12 ; Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 54-55. Add Charlemagne’s gab, P èlerin age de C h arlem agn e, vv. 454-64. On medieval insensitivity to cruelty, see Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, pp. 13 4 -3 5 . C f. B ow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 70-72, 75. 3 1. See v. 1320. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 53: “ heroic narrative . . . concentrates on the happy few and neglects the others.” 32. At the Battle o f Hastings, an English soldier is said to have cut oiT the head o f a Norman horse, making a profound impression on all (Le R om an de R o u de W ace, ed. A . J. Holden, Société des anciens textes français |Paris: Picard, 19 71), 2 :v v . 82538280). On charging tactics, see commentary, 14, note 76. 33. David Talbot R ice, A C on cise H istory o f P a in tin g From P reh istory to the T hirteen th C en tu ry, Praeger W orld o f Art (N ew Y ork and Washington, D .C .: Praeger, 1968), figs. 10 5 .10 6 ,13 2 . 34. Deschamps and Thibout, P ein tu re m urale, pp. 7 1-8 6 . 35. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : figs. 105, 107, n o . C f. also the technique o f the Aachen Casket; Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : figs. 146, 150. 36. See introduction , 18, H. 37. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 183, suggests that Turoldus has Margariz fight the second last duel in order to allow him time to reach Marsile before the next phase o f the battle begins. 38. The episode appears in the other versions o f the poem. Bibliography and discussion in Horrent, pp. 2 2 0 -2 2 ; Segre, pp. 266-68. 39. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 19 1. 40. C f. the following diabolical interventions: (1) the devil takes possession o f Ganelon (commentary, 8); (2) Satan carries the soul o f Malprimes aw ay (v. 1268). See also vv. 15 10 , 3647. The mention o f any Saracen automatically suggests demonic presence— the connection is specifically made in vv. 983, 1663. 2543— but the Rash Saracen and the ugly pagans, especially those who practice sorcery, are particularly suggestive o f the devil, introduction , 1 9 , 1 . 4 1. On the term martyr, see introduction , note 231.

C O M M E N T A R Y 16 1. Durendal was mentioned earlier b y the Saracens and by the hero (vv. 1055, 1065, 1079; also v. 1120). 2. See also v. 1399. 3. O liver's reactions in this passage have been analyzed by Horrent, p. 172. On the name M a lu n , possibly an error for M alsaron , see Segre; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 33. 4. Frappier, C hansons de geste, 1:2 6 7 ; Walpole, “ Humor and People,” p. 2 15 ; Panofsky, R enaissance and R enascences, p. 95; Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 83, n. 1 ; Jeanne W athelet-Willem, “ Quelle est l’origine du tinel de Rainouart?” B oletín de la

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY

R e a l A cadem ia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 31 (1965/66): 3 55-6 4 ; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 99; Gerald Herman, “ Unconventional Arms as a Com ic Device in Some C hansons de G e s te ," M odern Language Q u arterly 30 (1969): 328-29. C f. Goliath’s sarcastic obser­ vation in i Samuel 17 :4 3 : “ Am I a dog for you to come against me with sticks?” In C o n te d el g ra a l, v. 5 116 , a knight is scoffed at for carrying mm tros de lance. 5. C f. vv. 720-723. 6. Réau, II, 2 :7 4 5 -4 7 ; Beyer, L a Scu lptu re m édiévale, pp. 2 0 - 2 1, item 70. 7. Saracen enchanters are a commonplace in the chansons de geste. Skidm ore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s an d Saracens, p. 37; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 97 (for the romances, sec PP* 397-403, 413). Hell was often depicted in medieval art as an open mouth. See P ig- 50; COMMENTARY, 27, note 30. 8. C f. v. 2916. 9. This passage marks the first occurrence o f the expression D e (0 qu i ca lt? C f. vv. 1806, 1840, 19 13 , 2 4 11, 3339. See also v. 227. On the ironic use o f O Fr. ca leir, consult Ménard, L e R ire , p. 470. 10. Tlie entire passage, which begins with a large initial in this copy, is considered suspect by many scholars. Segre, p. 249. 1 1 . See, for example, Rychner, p. 54. 12. Lot, “ Etudes,” pp. 374-76, suggested the geography reflects a tenth-century view o f France. See also Horrent, pp. 17 7 -7 9 ; Menéndez Pidal, pp. 334 -36 . The passage in question has been studied by Louis, “ La grande douleur pour la mort de Roland.” For bibliography and discussion relative to the various toponyms in this laisse, consult Jenkins, notes to vv. 152, 1428, 1429; Horrent, pp. 3 0 0 -3 0 1; R itt Lejeune, “ Le Mont-Saint-Michel-au-péril-de-la-mer, la ’Chanson de R o lan d ’ et le Pèlerinage de Com postelle,” M illén a ire m onastique du M o n t-S a in t-M ich el, Bibliothèque d ’Histoire et d'Archéologie chrétiennes (Paris: Lethielleux, 1967), 2 :4 1 5 ; Segre, notes to vv. 14 2 8 -14 2 9 ; Dufournct, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 16 3-6 5. On the significance o f thunderstorms in Scripture, see T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le , p. 10 1, n . j ; Blaise, par. 442. See also M axw ell S. Luria, “ The Christian Tempest: A Sym bolic M o tif in M edieval Literature,” Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1965. 13. C f. Hatzfeld, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,” p. 55: “ Des éclairs fendent les nuages noirs comme seule lumière à l’approche de la défaite.” 14. Dufournct, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 166-67, studies various literary manifestations o f the signs announcing the end o f the world. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 3 14 , recognized the allusion to the Apocalypse, but also suggested a possible reminiscence o f the portents announcing the death o f Julius Caesar in the A en eid . Matthew Paris’s C h ro n ica m ajora records the fact that in the year 1244, many people interpreted a storm as a sign o f the imminence o f the Last Judgment. Brandt, M ed ieva l H istory, p. 60, n. 59. C f. Jenkins, note to v. 1436. On the tempest as a sign o f celestial displeasure, see Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, pp. 3 4 -3 5 ; as a prognostication, see Brandt, pp. 52-62. 15. Jenkins, note to v. 1436, alluding to Matthew 27:4 5 ff.; Luke 23 =4 4 ff.; R ev ela­ tion 8 :5 ; 16 :18 , 2 1. Conrad adds that a great light appeared in the sky, a further reference to the account in Revelation. 16. All other copies preserve this laisse. Segre, pp. 254-55. 17. Réau, II, 2:486-87. C O M M E N T A R Y 17 1. Jenkins, notes to vv. 1444, 3262; Foulet, G lo ssa ire; Segre. 2. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 2 15 ; Zum thor, Langue et techniques poétiques, pp. 30, 53, n. i ; Segre. Jenkins, note to v. 1444, translates: ‘That our Em peror’s men are heroes’ . On the latter interpretation {li = celu i de), sec P erlesvau s, 2:239 .

42O

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 3. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 2 14 ; Moignet, p. 120 : “ C e vers est particulièrement plat; il est peut-être altéré” ; Dufournet, C ou rs sur R o la n d , p. 146. 4. Foulet, G lossaire. 5. Segre: “ (Foulet) cita la possibilità di attribuire l’agg. vassal a Carlo, ma non serve qui.” 6. See INTRODUCTION, 18, H. 7. In medieval thought the contemplation o f cadavers inspired conversion. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 38. For another commentary on this passage, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 10$, 10 8 -9 , 1 1 1 - 1 2 . 8. Charles A. Knudson, “ Etudes sur la composition de la C han son d t R o la n d ," R om an ia 63 (1937): 4 8 -9 2; André Burger, “ Sur la transposition des vers 1467 à 1509 du ms. O de b C hanson de R o la n d ," E ssais de p h ilo lo g ie m oderne ( 19 5 t ) , Bibliothèque de la Faculté de philosophie et lettres de l’ Université de Liège 129 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1933), pp. i$ $ - 6 o ; Horrent, pp. 222 -2 8 ; Michael Holland, “ Gautier et M argarit: deux épisodes de la C han son de R o la n d ,” C a h iers de civilisa tio n m édiévale 3 (i960): 339-499. Delbouille, G en èse, pp. 1 1 1 - 3 0 . 10. Jenkins, note to v. 1434, relative to la m enee: "O riginally, this was the w ay along which a hunted animal led the hunters and the dogs.” 1 1 . Jones, p. 184; Dorfm an, N árrem e, p. h i : “ At this point, Roland announces the next great phase o f the poem [ = revenge].” C f., too, the concern about m ale chançun (v. 1466; see also v. 1014). On the latter, see Jenkins, note to v. 1466; Jones, p. 89. C f. paro le in E rec, v. 2476. Zaal, A lei fran cesa, pp. 7 - 10 , recognizes this as an epic cliché but points out an instance in the hagiographie poem Sa in te F o y . 12. On vengeance, see Blaise, par. 14 3; introduction , 14, d . See also note 18 below. 13. For an inverted image, see below, observation relative to v. 16 17. 14. Venice IV ’s m altallant ‘anger’ alters the meaning completely. 13. See introduction , note 66. For a similar association with the H oly innocents, see C ouronnem ent de L o u is, v. 734. In medieval iconography the Massacre o f the Inno­ cents is depicted as soldiers dashing infants or piercing them with swords or spears. R éau, II, 2 :2 6 9 ; R ob b, Illu m in ated M an u script, p. 74. 16. See introduction , 3. 17. Three Peers plus tw o other knights. Jenkins, note to v. 1639. The procedure here, involving initial victories followed by the gradual elimination o f every single French knight, is the exact reverse o f the situation encountered in one episode o f the P seu d o -T u rp in , where the Christians lose at first but ultimately vanquish their Saracen enemies (Meredith-Jones, pp. 133, 133). 18. R evenge is specified in v. 1303 and alluded to indirectly in v. 1390. See note 12 above. 19. Their exultation, v. 1609, does mask the growing gloom expressed in v. 1383. 20. See commentary, 13, note 17. On Climborin's boast, reported indirectly in v. 1490, see introduction , 18, c. 2 1. The importance attached to maintaining a united front in battle formations is discussed by Smail, C rusadin g W arfare, pp. 78, 12 7 -2 8 ; Bancourt, “ ‘Sen’ et ‘cheva­ lerie’,” pp. 6 25-27. 22. R ychncr, p. 54. See commentary , 16. note 11 . 23. The allusion to Valdabron’s violation o f the Temple o f Jerusalem and assassina­ tion o f the Patriarch in vv. 15 2 4 -15 2 5 has often been held to be a historical allusion (Jenkins, note to v. 1566; Horrent, p. 290), thus useful when it comes to determining a terminus a quo. H owever, the anecdote may be modeled on the profanation o f the Tem ple by Heliodorus in 2 Maccabees 3 :7 - 2 3 . At any rate, the story serves to give

42I

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY the pagans a sacrilegious background consonant with Ganelon’s behavior at Saragossa. See COMMENTARY, 8. 24. C f. also the allusion to devils in v. 1510 . 2$. According to Jenkins, G lo ssa ry, p. 34 1, the name is properly M alqu id an t and may mean ‘presumptuous* (m al + cuidant). 26: Falsaron is Marsile’s brother. 27. On sister-son relationships, see William O . Farnsworth, U ncle and N ep h ew in the O ld French C hansons de G este : A S tu d y in the S u rv iv a l o f M atriarch y , Colum bia University Studies in Rom ance Philology and Literature (N ew Y o rk : Colum bia University Press, 19 13 ); Jones, pp. 1 1 0 - 1 4 . 28. O n the importance o f fam ily ties in the So n g o f R o la n d , see introduction , 19. D. 29. Jones, p. 24. 30. T ext in Segre, pp. 2 7 3 -7 7 ; discussion in Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 1 1 5 - 1 8 ; Horrent, pp. 2 2 9 -30 ; Segre, pp. 277-78. 3 1. See INTRODUCTION, 10, B, 2; COMMENTARY, 12. 32. See commentary , 12 and 15. 33. Charles is, to be sure, seated upon a golden throne (v. 115 ). 34. C olby, T w elfth -C en tu ry French L iteratu re, pp. 6 9 -7 1. 35. See introduction , 19, D. 36. Bédier, C om m entaires , p. 303, citing Tavernier. 37. See manuscript, v. 1488. 38. Jenkins, p. cxxix. 39. Sec above, discussion o f the word guarant in vv. 1470 and 1478. 40. Elsewhere in the Son g o f R o la n d , g esir usually suggests an attitude o f repose. C f., however, vv. 1230 and 12 5 1. 4 1. R ice, P ain tin g fro m P reh istory to T hirteen th C en tu ry, figs. 135, 190; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 361. 42. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 3 0 ; 2: fig. n o . 43. See COMMENTARY, 2 2 . 44. Blaise, par. 318. C f. also the depths o f the sea (commentary , 27, n. 30). For the various meanings o f the term, see Gerard J . Brault, “ ‘ U ng abysme de science’ : On the Interpretation o f Gargantua’s Letter to Pantagruel,*’ B iblioth èqu e d 'H u m an ism e et R enaissance 28 (1966): 627, n. 1. 4$. Jenkins, note to v. 1470; Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 2 2 1 - 2 2 ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :3 2 - 3 3 , 39, n. 12. See also R uggero M . R uggieri’s unpublished paper “ L ’épisode d’Abisme dans la C hanson de R o la n d ," read at the Fifth International Congress o f the Société Rcncesvals held at O xford in 1970 (summary in the B u lletin bibliographique de la Société R en cesvals 6 [19 7 1]: 1 5 1- 5 2 , item 474). 46. On the association o f pitch and Hell, see Tobler and Lommatzsch, 7 :13 6 5 . s.v. poiz. For skin black as molten pitch, see C olby. T w elfth -C en tu ry French L itera tu re, pp. 85-86. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 38: “ le rire, c’est-à-dire l’enjouement, semble déjà tenu pour un des charmes de l'existence. En faisant le portrait du païen Abisme, l’auteur, comme pour ajouter une noirceur supplémentaire au Sarrasin, observe: unches n u is hom s n el v it ju e r ne rire (1477 [ = 1638]). C ’est là un trait chargé de réprobation. Il implique que le rire a sa place dans la civilisation médiévale.” On Val Metas, sec OXFORD TEXT, ENCLISH TRANSLATION, V. 1663. 47. Biaise, par. 3 2 1, 328; Brault, E a rly B la z o n , pp. 17 1- 7 2 . 48. See oxford text , English translation , v . 1660. 49. Bloch and W artburg, D iction n aire, s.v. felon; Jones, pp. 28-30. 50. Jones, p. 34; Dufournct. C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 15 3 : “ Nous ne sommes pas sûr qu’il faille les traduire de la même manière, l’un s’appliquant à un vassal, l’autre à

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY un suzerain." See also p. 154. C f., however. Foulet, G lo ssaire, s.v. vasselage: “ Ensemble des qualités du bon vassal et en particulier ‘bravoure’.“ 5 1. Moignet, note to v. i486. $2. Bloch and W artburg, D iction n aire , s.v. hérétique; Grcimas, D ictio n n aire, p. 236, s.v. erege, irese. On the vice o f sodomy, see Ménard, L e R ire , p. 695 and n. 123. C f. Robert A . Hall. J r .’s, etym ology o f fe lo n , cited by Jones, p. 29. In the Psychom achia, vv. 70 9 -7 10 , Haeresis is another name for Discordia. 53. See commentary , 8. In v. 2922 B u gre means ‘Bulgars’, but the medieval audience doubtless associated this term with the notion conveyed b y M Fr. bougre, E. bugger. The thirteenth-century translation o f the P seu d o -T u rp in in the G ran des C h ron iqu es renders fid em contra haereticam pravitatem (Meredith-Jones, p. 113 ) as fo i contre V eresie des Bogres (Mortier, p. 19 ; the corresponding passage in the Latin version cited by Mortier, p. 18, was badly garbled by the editor). 34. C f. the Old Norse translation where reference is made to Turpin’s function rather than to his sign o f office. Aebischer, R o lan dian a B o rea lia , p. 188: ‘Il est bien en rapport avec la charge qu’occupe l’archevêque!’ Segre, note to v. 1670. On Turpin’s horse, see introduction , 7, and note 137. 3$. I f one accepts the interpretation o f the Angouléme sculpture in Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :3 2 - 3 3 , the Archbishop slays Abisme with a spear. H owever, there is not much to identify Turpin in this illustration (2: fig. 16).

36. COMMENTARY,

13 ,

note 14.

37. Réau, II, 2 :3 3 1 (Anastasis). See also commentary, 27, note 30. The Harrowing o f Hell m otif appears in several Old French grail romances. For discussion, see P erlesvau s, 2 :2 3 3 -3 4 . Croziers are utilized as spears in the iconography o f Saints Athanasius and Augustine. Alexander, N orm an Illu m in atio n , p. 102, n. 1. In an illus­ tration o f A sprem ont, Turpin is depicted riding into battle bearing a huge cross. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 2 1 0 ; 2 : fig. 168 B .

C O M M E N T A R Y 18 1. See commentary , 14. 2. See introduction , 3. 3. N o medieval illustration o f the Roland-O liver debate survives, an indication o f the fact that commentators attached far less importance to the event than do modem critics. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:97-98, suggests that the Brindisi mosaic depicts the incident (2: fig. 69), but even i f one accepts this view, it is significant that O liver is missing from the scene. EfTorts to visualize the second phase o f the debate the w ay Turoldus imagined it can be aided i f one bears in mind that argumentation was fre­ quently indicated b y showing one o f the debaters ticking o ff his points on the fingers o f his hand. O. Chomentovskaja, “ Le comput digital : Histoire d’un geste dans l’art de la Renaissance italienne,’ ’ G a z ette des B ea u x -A rts 20 (1938): 137-72. T o the illustra­ tions referred to above in commentary , 14, note 12, add John the Baptist preaching in the Wilderness (Réau, II, 1:448) and Jesus arguing with the Doctors (Réau, II, 2:290). The gesture occurs in the iconography o f R oland’s debate with Ferracutus. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2: figs. 303, 348 B . C f. commentary , 14, note 14. 4. COMMENTARY, 14. 3. introduction , 3 and note 86. On turning the tables as a refutation technique, see A rgum entation and D eb a te: P rin ciples and Practices. Prepared under the A u spices o f T au K a p p a A lp h a , ed. David Potter (N ew Y o rk : Dryden Press, 1954), pp. 154-55. "T h e best defense against a tuming-the-tables refutation is to question the frame o f reference o f the opponent’s conclusion and to point out that the opponent is in effect not only

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY admitting the proponent's argument but also shifting around” (p. 179). Turning the tables is not unlike Ganelon’s ironic use o f filla stre in v. 743. C f. the "chiasme psycho­ logique” in the C han son de G u illa u m e alluded to by Frappier, C hansons de g este, 1 :1 5 8 , n. I, 159. 6. Bédier, Légendes ¿p iqu es, 3:439 . 7. See introduction , 3. 8. Vance, R ead in g the So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 4 3-4 4 ,4 7 , 51. 9. The detailing o f motivation is often one o f the features that distinguishes m odem from medieval literary technique, and, in his character portrayal, Turoldus simply did not provide the sort o f telltale clues one generally looks for today, introduction , 19. For examples o f sudden and unmotivated changes in behavior in O ld French romances, see Menard, L e R ire , pp. 563-6$. The latter, p. 563, remarks apropos o f the Prose L a n celo t: Le dessein de l’auteur est surtout de multiplier les rebondissements afin de donner une teinte dramatique à cet ample épisode. Mais si le lecteur moderne regarde avec un certain détachement le comportement de Pharien ou de Lambègue, il est enclin à sourire de leurs brusques changements d’attitude. Nous demandons inconsciem­ ment aux personnages d'avoir une certaine unité, une certaine stabilité psycho­ logique. Or, les volte-face ne manquent pas-----Nulle hésitation, nul débat intérieur chez nos personnages. Us donnent l’impression de se lancer à corps perdu dans l’action. Ensuite, un soudain et secret repentir s’empare d’eux : ils font marche arriére. En fait, nos personnages se trouvent devant une alternative dont aucun des deux termes ne les satisfait pleinement. Bien que leurs réactions paraissent impulsives, ils sont en quelque sorte enfermés dans une situation cornélienne. D eux devoirs contraires— peut-être successivement, plus que simultanément— les sollicitent et les tirent en sens inverse. 10. Nichols, Form u laic D ictio n , p. 36: "nowhere does the poet mention Roland as ‘thinking’ about this problem.” 1 1 . Blaise, par. 145. 12. Ibid., par. 276, 456, 458. Bramimonde’s conversion m ay also be viewed as a fruit o f R oland’s sacrifice. See commentary , 48, note 3. 13. On leg erie, see oxford text , English translation , v . 11 3 , and commentary , 4. For conjectures relative to O liver’s initial statement (v. 17 2 3 : “ Cumpainz, vos le feistes” ), see Jenkins; W illiam A. Nitze, " T w o R o la n d Passages: Verses 147 and 17 2 3 .” Rom ance P h ilo lo g y 2 (1948/49): 2 3 4 -3 7 ; Segre. Verses 17 2 4 -17 2 5 have an aphoristic quality suggesting clerical influence. Free, v. 231 (Folie n’est pas vaselages) echoes v. 1724 here. See also Philippe de Novare. L es Q uatre A ges de l'hom m e, cited by Langlois, L a V ie en Fran ce, 2:229. 14. Bédier, Légendes épiques, 3:438, terms O liver’s arguments here ironie and cruel but concedes, p. 439, that there is also much tenderness in his words. R iquer, C h an son s de geste, p. 96, writes o f an "am icale plaisanterie.” For a divergent view, see Burger, "Les deux scènes du cor,” pp. n 8 ff. ; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. n o ("ironie très amère” ). The verbs cuntrarïer (v. 1737) and cu n tralïez (v. 1741) indicate a heated argu­ ment. The conventional nature o f the debate in no w ay lessens the emotional impact upon the audience (see commentary , 14). Turpin’s kindly reproof (v. 17 3 9 : castier) does, however, pour oil on the troubled waters. On deignastes in v. 17 16 , see commen­ tary , 14. 15. C f. astysm os ‘sarcasm without bitterness’, one o f the seven forms o f alien iloqu iu m mentioned by Isidore o f Seville. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 288. 16. i Corinthians 1 : 1 8 ; Blaise, par. 192. 17. See commentary, M. Horrent, P èlerin age, p. 76: "D ans la pure C h an son de R o la n d . . . surgit, l’éclair d’un instant, l’évocation précise d’amours passionnées et

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY charnelles (v. 17 2 0 -2 1).’* For other brief mentions, see idem. L a C han son de R o la n d , p. 241 ; Bow ra, H eroic P o etry , p. 34 $; Menéndez Pidal, p. 366. In L a C hanson de G u il­ laum e, ed. Duncan M cM illan, Société des anciens textes français (Paris: Picard, 1949), 1 : v. 1036, Guibourc’s meaning is dear when she threatens her spouse: “ S i net m e ren z , ne g irr as m es entre m es b ra z .” The expression g ésir entra sa brace may thus be a euphemism (see also Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 684, 686). In the romances lovers’ bliss is frequently compared to heaven (Ménard, pp. 643-49). However, Roland clearly has another paradise in mind, introduction , 19, f and 1. 18. C f. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3 :4 3 8 : “ comme s’il s’attendrissait malgré lui’ ’ ; Jenkins, note to v. 1 7 1 1 : “ O liver, who disagrees with Roland most unwillingly, softens his emphatic objections with a compliment’’ (referring also to his note to v. 17 2 3: “ O liver’s attitude towards Roland is ever one o f deep respect’’). In his edition Bédier translates v. 1 7 1 1 as: ‘ Mais comme vos deux bras sont sanglants!’ Burger, “ Les deux scènes du cor,*’ p. 120, objects: “ 11 n’y a rien dans le texte qui justifie le ‘ mais’, le ‘com m e’, ni la tournure exdam ative.’ ’ For ‘ mais’, see Foulet, G lo ssa ire, p. 408. Burger links the phrase to v. 17 10 and suggests that it is a continuation o f O liver’s argument. H ow ever, the phrase is also clearly reminiscent o f Roland’s promise in v. 1056: “ San glan t en ert li bran z entresqu'a l 'o r " : Durendal is merely an extension o f his arm. 19. The Old Norse translation makes this connection even more apparent. Aebischer, R olan dian a B o realia, p. 192: “ mais maintenant tu as les deux mains sanglantes!” For another reference to Lady Macbeth’s hands, see commentary , 19. 20. The expression m ult ert g r e f la départie (v. 1736) is close to being that o f lovers. C f. Roland’s dying thoughts in Châteauroux, w . 3805-3808: Lors li remenbre d’Aude qui fit s’amie! Si la regrete o parole serie: “ Am ie douce, con dure départie. Mais ne serez de tel home servie.” On the portrayal o f Alda in the rhymed versions, see Horrent, pp. 13 4 -38 . For a similar use o f départie ‘ lovers’ parting’ in the T ristan de T hom as, see Lazar, A m ou r courtois et 'ß n 'a m o rs', p. 162. On the terminology o f companionage, see Georges Gougenheim, “ ‘Com pagnon’ dans la C hanson de R o la n d ," M élanges P ierre L e G e n til, pp. 325-28. 2 1. For a discussion o f the various versions o f this passage, see Horrent, p. 179. 22. In his caption, p. 132, Jenkins says Turpin would recall Charles, “ but for a different reason” ! The author o f the P seu d o -T u rp in has Roland sound his oliphant so that his remaining companions, or at least Charles and his men, may witness his last moments, save his sword and his horse, and pursue the fleeing Saracens (MeredithJones, p. 19 3; cf. p. 187). The phrase ve l si illi qui portus iam transierant is missing in many copies (Mcredith-Jones, p. 19 2; Mandach, N aissance, 2 :7 8 ); cf., however, the French translation o f the P seu d o -T u rp in in the G randes C h ron iqu es (Mortier, p. 69). 23. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 3 13 . In Matthew 7 :6 , dogs and pigs are symbols o f the devil; in 15 :2 6 , pagans are associated with dogs. Being devoured by pigs also suggests the legendary fate o f M oham med; see commentary, 29 and note 20. For an illustration o f the legend, see Montague Rhodes James, “ The Drawings o f Matthew Paris," W alpole So ciety 14 (1925/26): 4 and pi. 2. James, C om parative R elig io n , p. 92, explains that the wandering souls o f the unburied dead “ are a continual source o f danger and discomfort to the survivors. Therefore, every effort is made to dispose o f the body in a decent manner calculated to secure rebirth and renewal beyond the grave.” In the Old Testament earth must cover the body or its blood will cry to heaven for vengeance. T h e Jeru sa lem B ib le, p. 747, n. h. In Christian belief, the remains must be accorded proper respect because they were once the temple o f the Holy Spirit and will someday resurrect. Blaise, par. 394,398. In P eristephanon, 5 : vv. 397-400

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY ( Prudentius, 2 : 192), Saint Vincent the M artyr’s body is delivered to wild beasts and dogs, but no animal dares “ pollute the memorial o f glorious victory with its unclean touch.” Sec also Deschamps and Thibout, P ein ture m urale, fig. 14 ; Réau, II, 2 : 4 1 $ ; introduction , 19. F (integrity). 24. Foulet, G lo ssa ire ; Moignet, p. 138, note. 25. Jenkins, note to v. 1750. 26. James, C om parative R e lig io n , p. 281. 27. Psalms 9 2 :13 . 28. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 223 and n. 138 ; Blaise, par. 109; introduction ,

16, E. 29. introduction , 10, a , 1. 30. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 7 1 - 7 4 (pi. V I; 2: fig. 148), 1 9 4 -9 5 (pi. X ), 3 2 0 -2 1 (pi. LV), 395 (2: fig- 502). 3 1. Ibid., 1:9 8 ; 2 : figs. 68, 70. 32. James, C o m p ara tive R e lig io n , chap. 12. 33. Cited by Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 305. 34. Blaise, par. 198, 410.

C O M M E N T A R Y 19 1. Jenkins, note to vv. 1753 ff. In the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland is referred to as the ‘trumpeter’ (Meredith-Jones, p. 203: tuhicem [all other copies lubicinem ] viru m ). M Fr. oliph an t, o lifan t rarely fails to evoke Roland. Bloch and W artburg, D ictio n n aire, s.v. éléphant. According to Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:1 9 5 , Charlemagne is depicted listening to R oland’s horn in a medallion o f a stained-glass window at Chartres (pi. X V ). 2. Jenkins, note to v. 1769; Auerbach, M im esis, p. 107. 3. L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Calin, p. 12. 4. Bédier, Légendes épiqu es, 3:4 39 ; Jenkins, note to v. 176 2; Le Gentil, pp. 10 6 -8 . cited by Moignet, pp. 139, 14 1. C f. Ezekiel 3 3 :6 : “ If, however, the sentry has seen the sword coming but has not blown his horn, and so the people are not alerted and the sword overtakes them and destroys one o f them, the latter shall indeed die for his sin, but I will hold the sentry responsible for his death.” 3. For a description o f the sound o f the hunting horn, see T ristan de T hom as, 1:4 8 (also Bédier*s note, 1:4 9 , n. 1). 6. W ill, A lsace rom ane, p. 261 and fig. 114 . See also introduction , 14, a , 2 ;

COMMENTARY,

21.

7. And may even have given the mysterious adventure its name. Loomis, A rth u ria n Literature in the M id d le A g es, p. 168. 8. Ibid., pp. 1 1 3 - 1 6 . 9. Mireaux, C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 2 3 7 -3 9 ; L e G u id e du p èlerin de S a in t-Ja cq u es de C om postelle, p. 79; Georges Costa, T résors des E glises de Fran ce, I, Epoques pré-rom an e et rom ane, Grandes expositions (Paris: Publications filmées d’art et d’histoire, 1966): 134-36* The Saint-Seurin oliphant is ornamented with a lion devouring a harpy, another preying on a dog, and a dromedary. These motifs were drawn from Oriental tapestries. 10. Loomis, A rth u rian L iteratu re, p. 114 . 1 1 . For these and other points o f similarity, sec H uon de B ordeau x, p. 74. 12. It matters little whether the leagues be fifteen, as in Venice IV (see Segre), or eight, as in the P seu d o -T u rp in (Meredith-Jones, p. 193): The feat is just as miraculous. C f. the anecdote concerning the jongleur who, granted all the land reached by the sound o f his hom , in 773, climbed to a mountaintop to give the blast. Faral. Jo n g le u rs, p. 18. The Saracen bugles and trumpets (vv. 1319 , 1629) do not have mana, for their

426

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY sound does not reach Charles's ears. On this notion, see commentary , 25, note 18. Durendal is o f divine origin (vv. 2318-2320 ) and it required no great stretch o f the imagination for the medieval audience to assume that Roland's horn was similarly brought forth. 13. Meredith-Jones, p. 193. 14. Hanns Swarzenski, “ T w o Oliphants in the Museum,** B u lletin o f the M useum o f F in e A rts, Boston 60 (1962): 27-4 5, >s an excellent study o f the ornamentation and provenance o f several eleventh-century carved oliphants. Add John R . Allen, “ The Saversnake H orn,” O lifa n t 3, no. 3 (1976): 200-202; lan Short, " A N ote on O ur Eponymous H orn,” O lifa n t 3, no. 4 (1976) : 2 59 -6 1 ; idem, “ Postscript to the Savemake Horn,” O lifa n t 4, no. 2 (1976): 87-88 (notes the correct spelling Savemake). 15. It is worth noting that oliphants o f the day bore religious as well as profane motifs. Swarzenski, “ T w o Oliphants,” p. 34. 16. Minis, “ Über Rolands H orn,” believes that, primitively, Roland’s oliphant was a buisine 'trumpet (for rallying)’, not a hunting horn. 17. C f. Jenkins, note to v. 1436. 18. On the confusion o f the signs announcing Christ’s death with those fore­ shadowing the Last Judgm ent, see Réau, II, 2:486. See also commentary , 27 (v. 2459). In the Old Testament the horn is often a symbol o f power and strength. Blaise, par. 165. It is also a signal and an instrument with which to praise the Lord. 19. Rychner, pp. 94 - 95 20. The lie is o f course Ganelon’s. Jenkins, note to v. 17 7 2: “ such latitude o f speech m ay be quite in character for the French kings and nobles o f the X lth century. At this moment, the traitor is tasting whatever sweetness there may be in the success o f his elaborately-plotted revenge.” Charles is in doubt as to the sound o f the oliphant. C f. the “ uncertain” trumpet sound in 1 Corinthians 14 :8 . Naturally, repetition o f the Em peror’s query is also a literary technique comparable to O liver’s thrice-reiterated appeal to sound the horn. 2 1. Vance, R ea d in g the So n g o f R o la n d , p. 33, refers to Ganelon’s use o f language “ differently from other men in the poem” as a tool o f subversion. The same can be said, however, o f Saracens such as Blancandrin. The mention, in v. 17 8 1, o f R olan d ’s boasting may be an allusion to the event at A ix referred to in vv. 2860 ff. C f. also v. 1075. A knight fleeing from a hare is the symbol o f Ignavia in a thirteenth-century sculpture at Notre-Dam e de Paris. Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 76. See also Brault, E a rly B la z o n , p. 227, s.v. lievre rampant. Ganelon thus implies that Roland is a coward, which is actually his problem (see introduction , 19, c ; commentary , 6). C f. Roland’s stance in vv. 10 7 4 -10 75 . For other interpretations o f this passage, see Horrent, pp. 17 9 -8 4 ; Jones, pp. 6 9 -70 ; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 2 1. On the corresponding passage in the P seu d o -T u rp in , see Mandach, N aissance, 1:5 7 . 22. Paris, H istoire poétique de C harlem agn e, p. 263 ; Jenkins, p. xciv and notes to vv. 198. 17 7 5 -17 7 9 ; Paul Aebischer, T extes norrois et littérature fra n ça ise du m oyen âge, I, R echerches su r les traditions épiques antérieures à la C hanson de R o la n d d 'a p rès les données de la prem ière branche de la K arlam agm is saga, Publications romanes et françaises 44 (Geneva: D roz; Lille: Giard, 1954): 9 -4 9 ; R obert Guiette, “ Notes sur la Prise de Nobles,” in Etudes de p h ilo lo g ie rom ane. Rom ánica Gandensia 4 (Ghent : Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, 1955), pp. 6 7-8 0 ; Menéndez Pidal, p. 160; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:19 4 , 2 52 -55, 3 3 5 -3 6 : Paul Aebischer, “ Sur le vers 1776 du R o la n d d’O xford ,”

M élan ges de p h ilo lo g ie offerts â A lf Lom bard à l ’occasion de son soixan te-cin qu ièm e an n iversaire p a r ses collègues et ses am is, Etudes romanes de Lund 18 (Lund : Gleerup, 1969), pp. 1 7 - 2 1 ; Gustave A . Beckman, “ L ’identification Nobles = D ax,” L e M o yen A g e 79 (1973): 5 24; K arlam agm is S a g a : T h e Saga o f C harlem agne and H is H eroes, trans. Constance B. Hieatt, 1:4 8 -4 9 . The views that follow were first presented in m y article entitled

427

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY “ Ganelon et R oland.“ pp. 399-404. For a critique by Gerald Bertin and m y reply, see O lifan t 3. no. 2 (1975): 129- 33 23. The version closest to that preserved in the O xford copy seems to be the Sa ga a f R u n z iv a ls bardaga [ = R o ian dian a B o rea lia ], or Branch VIII o f the K arlam agnús Sa ga. a thirteenth-century Norse prose work. Halvorsen, T h e N orse V ersion o f the C hanson de R o la n d , has proved, after Aebischer, that the original (n) o f the Norse R o la n d followed a French version ( k ), which is very close to the O xford text. In the passage relative to the Capture o f Nobles, the Norse version reproduces quite faithfully the Bodleian version except, in fact, vv. 17 7 8 -17 7 9 , where the washing o f the battlefield is omitted and a phrase explaining how Roland “ fit aveugler les uns et pendre les autres, qu'il mena les autres à la décapitation” is substituted (Aebischer, R o ian dian a B o realia, p. 195 ; Halvorsen, pp. 153-56 ). Halvorsen concludes quite plausibly that this substitution can be explained by the fact that the Norse translator could not understand the verse in question in his French model (“ could make neither head nor tail o f the O verse P u is od les ew es lavat les p re z d el san e,” p. 156). H owever, Branch I o f the same K arlam agnús Saga also contains an allusion to the Capture o f Nobles. This branch is made up o f several epic elements, including a summary o f a primitive version o f the E n trée d 'E sp a gn e. It so happens that in the only extant copy o f this poem, that narrative o f the Capture o f Nobles takes up more than 2,000 verses, but does not mention flooding the battlefield. On the other hand, the summary o f the E ntrée d 'E sp a g n e in Branch I makes it clear that “ Les Français lavent et sèchent le champ de bataille, afin que Charles ne voie pas le sang” (Aebischer, T extes norrois, p. 17). Aebischer believes this detail reflects a primitive version o f the E ntrée d 'E sp a gn e, which contained this theme. I prefer to align m yself with Halvorsen, p. 155, n. 17, who opines that the detail concerning the flooding o f the battlefield in Branch I derives from k . 24. Jenkins, note to v. 1777. H owever, the construction appears to me to be o f the apo koinou type. For another example, see v. 509. On the use o f this word order, see Y ves Lefèvre, M an u el d 'a n eien fra n ça is, vol. 3, Philippe Menard, S y n ta x e (Bordeaux : Société bordelaise de diffusion de travaux des lettres et sciences humaines, 1968), p. 85, par. 99. 25. For conjectures relative to vv. 17 7 8 -17 7 9 , see Segre. 26. See manuscript, v. 1779. 27. Tobler and Lommatzsch, 5:244. L ever — la ver. In Paris (ed. Mortier, p. 37. note), the city o f Nobles is not mentioned in this passage and the incident is narrated as if it had occurred at Roncevaux. 28. The confusion o f les p re z and s'esp ee may have been due to the similarity o f / and s in this copy. On this type o f error, see Samaran, p. 34. Note also the resemblance between la spee and la p ree, forms attested in vv. 1375, 3145 (see the note in Bédier’s edition), and 3873. Reading s'esp ee instead o f les p rez does add a syllable, which seems to produce a hypermetric verse. H owever, final mute e, even when not followed by a word beginning with a vow el, was at times omitted in the scansion. Bédier, C o m ­ m entaires, p. 265; M. K. Pope, From L atin to M odern French w ith E special C on sideration o f A n glo-N orm an : P h on ology and M o rph ology, 2d ed. (Manchester : Manchester U niver­ sity Press, 1952), par. 113 3 (iii). 29. The connection with the biblical symbol o f the meadows as evildoers (Psalms 37:20) is very remote here. 30. M o tif C 913 (Bloody key as a sign o f disobedience). In A liscan s, is Rainouart's rinsing o f his tin e! in a stream a parody o f Roland’s sword-washing ? On the episode in question, see Frappier, C hansons de geste, 1:2 7 1 . In a thirteenth-century stainedglass window at Chartres, Saint Julian the Hospitaler wipes the blood from his sword after mistakenly slaying his own parents. Réau, III, 2:767, 768. Bloody hands are mentioned above, commentary , 18. note 19.

428

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3 1. Psychom achia, vv. 9 8 -104 . For medieval illustrations o f the scene, see W oodruff, “ Illustrated Manuscripts o f Prudentius,” figs. 82, 89, 99, 10 1, 102, 107. 32. Psychom achia, trans. Thomson, p. 287. 33. In the Tournoiem ent A n tecrit Patience’s banner is washed in tears o f compunc­ tion (vv. 15 7 0 -13 7 4 ); cf. Fornication’s in the river o f Vileness (vv. 1033), Peace and M ercy’s in Pity's tears (vv. 1965-1969). On the washing away o f sins, see Réau, II, 2 :3 0 - 3 1 ; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, app., p. 601, s.v. Laver (le piché). For a similar allegation, accusing Charlemagne o f excessive killings, see Brault, “ The Legend o f Charlemagne’s Sin,” p. 74. According to Chrétien de Troyes, washing honor in shame soils rather than cleanses it (C h arrette , vv. 4386-4387). 34. See v. 227. 35. See introduction , 19, c ; commentary , 6. 36. Y va in , vv. 26 02-26 15 (see R o g e r S. Loomis, A rth u rian T radition and C h rétien de T ro yes (N ew Y o rk : Colum bia University Press, 1949), pp. 239, 296-97, 301. 304 -5); E rec , vv. 5765-5766. 37. See INTRODUCTION, 19, F. 38. O Fr. tem ple < V L *tem pu la < C L tém pora, plural o f the neuter noun tem pus. The rivalry between this term and C L tem plum was reinforced by the Pauline notion that m em bra vestra tem plum sunt S p iritu s San cti (1 Corinthians 6 :19 ). Blaise, par. 398. There is a possible suggestion here o f the C row n o f Thom s, blood also flowing from a wound in Christ’s head.

C O M M E N T A R Y 20 1. See COMMENTARY, 1 4. 2. Rychner, pp. 128, 13 2 -3 7 . On the significance o f arming, see introduction , 10, A, 3. 3. C f. v. 2548: il ad desturber. 4. Jenkins, note to v. 3814. 5. Frederick W . Locke, “ Ganelon and the Cooks,” Sym posium 2 0 (1966): 14 1-4 8 . Since Petit de Julleville, this passage has been said to provoke barbarous laughter. Jenkins, note to vv. 18 16 ff.; Curtius, p. 530; Frappier, C hansons de geste, 1:2 0 0 ; Herman, “ Unconventional A rm s," pp. 3 2 0 -2 1 (bibliography, p. 3 2 1, n. 5); Peter Noble, “ Attitudes to Social Class as Revealed by Some o f the Older Chansons de Geste,” R om an ia 94 (1973) : 362-63. A similar punishment is related in the V engem ent A lix a n d re. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 324. For related cruelties, consult Ménard, pp. 72, 75-78 (reference is made here to the saints’ lives; for bibliography, see p. 78, n. 174). In the rhymed versions, Ganelon escapes. Horrent, pp. 194-98. 6. It is often said that vv. 18 7 4 -18 7 5 contain the only comparison in Turoldus’s poem. Jenkins, p. xxxvi ; Crosland, T h e O ld French E p ic, p. 85; Hatzfeld, “ Le R o lan d slied allemand,” p. 53; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 8 . In addition to the usage in v. 1827, see vv. 3 15 3 , 3162, 3 17 3 , 3319 , 3503, 3521. Horrent, p. 254, notes that comparisons are more frequent in the Baligant episode than in the rest o f the poem. Turoldus’s similes are discussed by Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 269, 275. 7. It is also condign punishment, for Ganelon is a diabolical figure (cf. Satan the Fowler). Blaise, par. 323 (laqueator). In Y v a in , vv. 625-6 27: Home qu’an ne puet chastier D evrait en au mostier lier Com e desvé, devant les prônes. The reference is to possession by the devil. Chains are associated with the damned and sin. Réau, II, 2 :7 4 3 ; Blaise, p. n o , s.v. vinculum. In Revelation 2 0 :1 - 3 , an

429

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY angel chains the devil and throws him into a well, whose cover is sealed for a thousand years. For illustrations, see R éau, II, 2 :7 2 0 -2 1. Other symbolic aspects o f the bear are listed by R éau, 1: n o - 1 1 , 13 0 ; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 94-9$. See also INTRODUCTION, 19, C; OXFORD TEXT, ENGLISH TRANSLATION, V. 727. 8. In C ouronnem ent de L o u is, v. 2186, a traitor, forced to ride bound on a horse, is derisively compared to a cofre en som ier. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 118 . On humiliating mounts, see R éau, 1:1 2 5 - 2 6 , 127, 128, 1 7 1 ; II, 1 : 2 1 7 ; H» 2 :4 8 8 ; R uth MellinkoiT, “ R id in g Backwards: Theme o f Humiliation and Sym bol o f Evil,” V iator 4 (1973): • 53~76 (add Ménard, p. 77 and n. 173). 9. See also vv. 2320, 2912, 3709. In vv. 2320 and 29 12 the term is preceded by the word cunte. In v. 308$ cataignes refers to the French barons in general. In A m i et A m ile , chanson de geste, ed. Peter F. Dem bowski, Classiques français du moyen âge 97 (Paris: Champion, 1969), the term means ‘captain’, but also, at times, ‘ worthy*. C f. : 5 17 Iluec trouva Am ile le chatainne. 2042 Va s’en Amiles, li prouz et li chatainnes. 10. Boissonnade, D u N o u vea u , p. 269. 1 1 . C f. caecus ‘blind’ and its relationship to the legend o f Saint Caecilia. R éau, III, 1 :278. 12. In the S o n g o f R o la n d caitive always refers to Bramimonde (vv. 2596, 2722. 3673, 3978). In the latter tw o instances it has the literal meaning ‘captive*. When the hero o f Chrétien’s C o n te d el g ra a l discovers for the first time what his name is (Perchevax li Galois), he is told by a damsel that he is rather P erch evax li chaitis (v. 3582). On the latter episode, see Ménard, L e R ire , p. 507; Frappier, C h rétien de T ro yes et le m ythe du g ra a l, pp. 118 -2 6 . 13. Philipp Haerle, C a p tiv u s, cattivo, ch étif: Z u r E in w irk u n g des C h ristentum s a u f d ie T erm in ologie der M o ra lb egriffe, Rom ánica Helvetica $5 (Bem e: Francke, 19 $ $); Jones, p. 52; Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, pp. 98 and n. 5, 2 17 , 270, 304, 436, 520, 526, 556. 14. C f. Zum thor’s observation reladve to n evo id , cited below, commentary , 34, note 13. A further association with OFr. cadeir, caeir, cair ‘to fall’ is also possible. The term captain seems to retain its pathetic connotation to this day in English as w ell as in French. In the last scene o f Shakespeare’s H am let, the dead hero is borne o ff the stage by four captains; cf. also Walt W hitman’s poem (186$) on the death o f Abraham Lincoln, “ O Captain! M y Captain!,’’ and this verse from Baudelaire’s “ Le V o yage’’ : “ O mort, vieux capitaine, il est temps! levons l’ancre!’’ Erich von Richthofen, “ El lugar de la batalla en la Canción de Roldan, la leyenda de O tger Catalô y el nom bre de Cataluña,’’ R evista de F ilo lo g ía E spañ ola 38 (1954): 282-88, suggests a connection between cataigne and C a ta ld , C atalu ñ a. i j . Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 12, sees a sign o f peace in the sea o f light that bathes Charlemagne’s arm y in this passage. C f. idem, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,’ ’ p. 5$ : “ Mais quand Roland a sonné le cor comme signe de désastre, le paysage sans soleil apparaît de nouveau, les vallées à parcourir semblent plus profondes encore, les échos si lointains avec l'étincelle d’espoir de la réponse des cors de l’armée de Charle­ magne.’ ’ 16. Roland sounds his oliphant one more time (v. 2104) and it is heard by Charles (v. 2105). The Saracens hear Charles’s bugles (vv. 2 1 1 3 , 2 1 1 5 - 2 1 1 6 , 2150), but there is no indication that the rearguard does.

C O M M EN T A R Y 21 1. Vance, R ead in g the So n g o f R o la n d , p. 55. 2. C f. also vv. 1018, 2185. A similar expression is found in T h ib e s, vv. 3497-3498. 3. Paul Zum thor, “ Etude typologique des planctus contenus dans la C h an so n d e

no tes to

th e co m m entary

R o la n d ,” in L a T echn iqu e littéraire des chansons de geste, pp. 2 19 -3 5 . C f. idem, “ Les planctus ¿piques," R om an ia 84 (1963): 6 1-6 9 . 4. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 137. 5. Renoir, “ R oland’s Lam ent," believes that the hero exhibits humility and repen­ tance in this passage. See introduction , note 519. Jones, “ La complainte de R olan d ,” finds no Christian sentiments whatsoever. 6. Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, pp. 105, 159. 7. The expression is repeated in v. 2384. 8. Read en vain rather than po u r son m alheur. Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, pp. 12 2 23. R en oir’s article (“ R oland’s Lament") is based on Jenkins’s interpretation. See also Menéndez Pidal, p. 339; Vance, R ea d in g the S o n g o f R o la n d , p. 55, citing R enoir. 9. Sorrow because he can no longer p ro tea (v. 1864: tenser) his men. Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 3 1. Jenkins, note to v. 1863 : p o r m ei ’because o f me’ ‘thru m y fault’ ; not ‘for m y sake’ (as Tavernier, Chamard, M oncrieff). C f. vv. 1090, 2937. Like H e a o r before T ro y, Roland bitterly re­ proaches himself, because, 'b y trusting his own might, he undid the host’. O liver’s charge (v. 1726) is then true, and Roland, stung intolerably by the realization o f its truth, can find relief only in violent action, and in the hope that he m ay yet be o f use to his brother-in-arms. The poet’s psychology rings true. C f. F o u la, G lo ssa ire, p. 452: ‘dans l’int¿r¿t de’, not ‘â cause de’ ; J o n a , “ La complainte de R o lan d ," pp. 3 6 -3 7 : ‘par égard pour m oi’ ; see also Waltz, R o la n d slied , p. 52. H ow ever, see Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 123 : “ il n’a t pas certain qu’il faille inter­ préter: ‘Barons franceis, pur mei vos vei mûrir* (v. 1863), par: ‘Seigneurs barons, c’a t par ma faute q u e je vous vois mourir’ (sens défendu entre autres par Henri Chamard et Léon Gautier)." 10. It is often referred to as the only formal comparison in the So n g o f R o la n d . See, however, commentary , 20, note 6. 1 1 . Delbouille, G en èse, p. 146, adds a reference to Fulcher o f Chartres. C f. O v id , T h e A rt c f L o v e , an d O th er Poem s, ed. and trans. J . H. Mozley, The Loeb Classical Library, (1929; rpt. C am bridge: Harvard University Press; London: Heinemann, 1969), 1 : vv. 1 1 7 - 1 1 9 ; Y v a in , vv. 882-889, 3199-3200. 12 . Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 8 , 87, 88. 13. Ibid., i : 87. For a further connection with a helpful s a g in a la ta version o f the legend, see 1:3 8 . 14. Ibid. C f. the image o f the piscatores hom inum in Matthew 4 :1 9 ; M ark 1 : 1 7 . Réau, II, 2 : 3 1 ; Blaise, par. 172. C ro z a , “ Le chasseur a le com batant dans la sculpture romane en Saintonge," p. 670, states that this church im agery m ay also be pure fan asy and a reflection o f the contemporary passion for hunting. 15. Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, p. 263. 16. For o th a symbolism con canin g the s a g , see M cCulloch, M ed ia eva l L a tin and Fren ch B estiaries, pp. 17 2 - 7 4 ; Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 44, n. 1 ; Jo h a n n a Rathofer, “ D a ‘wunderbare Hirsch’ d a M innegrotte," Z eitsch rift fü r deutsches A lter­ tum 95 (1966): 2 7 -4 2 ; R o b a tso n , Preface to C h au cer, pp. 193, 253, 255, 263-64, 394, 425, 464, 465; T h e Y ear 12 0 0 , 1:6 9 . 17. C f. also Iaiah 1 3 : 1 4 : “ Then like a sartled gazelle, like sheep that no one shepherds, each man w ill r a u m to his people, each take flight to his native land." R iq u a , C hansons de geste, p. 10 2: “ C ’a t une comparaison d ’origine biblique, a prise également à l’exercice de la chasse.” He o p in a that it is somewhat surprising to find such a rhetorical device in an otherwise arid text. 18. Horrent, p. 307, n. 2, citing F a w tia . H o w e v a , the opposition b aw een the active life o f the so ld ia and the contemplative life o f the monk was a commonplace o f medieval satirical litaature. 19. Jenkins, note to v. 1881.

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 20. 2 1. 22. 23.

Lejeune, “ Le caractère de l’archevêque Turpin,” p. 18. See introduction , note 568. Ecclesiastes 3 :1 - 8 . H uon de B ordeau x, p. 79. O n the feudal punishment, see Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 19 7 ; T h e So n g o f R o la n d , trans. Harrison, pp. 1 5 - 1 6 . Jenkins, note to v. 2574, refers to “ a similar happening at the battle o f Zalaca (1086),” but the K ing o f Seville was only wounded in the hand (Jenkins, p. lxxxiii). For the legend o f Bclzeray, the Je w who tried to spill the coffin o f the Virgin and had his hand cut o ff by Saint Michael, see Réau, II, 2 : 6 1 1 - 1 2 , citing other examples. C f. the legend o f Saint Joh n o f Damascus; Rêau, III, 2 :7 2 5 -2 6 . C f. also commentary , 47, note 17. 24. Jones, Ethos, p. 45, sutes that this mutilation “ was an especially great shame for a M ohammedan." 25. Ménard, L e R ir e , p. 327; see also pp. 158-59 . 26. R obert S. Picciotto, “ Marsile’s R igh t Hand,” R om ance N otes 7 (1966): 207-8. C f. Ganelon’s punishment (commentary, 47). 27. The scene is illustrated by the Master o f the Apocrypha Drawings. W alter F. Oakeshott, T h e A rtists o f the W inchester B ib le (London: Faber 8c Faber, 1945), pi. XIII. In a similar historical example, the murderer o f Charles the Good, Count o f Flanders in 112 7 , asked that his hand be cut o ff before his execution. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 42, n. 112 . 28. Jenkins, note to vv. 725 ff. 29. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :3 3 - 3 5 . 30. On the different phases o f the battle here, see Horrent, p. 226, n. 3. 3 1. Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 9. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 49, notes that the contrasting whiteness o f the Saracens’ teeth is also mentioned in the B a ta ille L o q u ifer. See also Blancandin et l ’O rg u eilleu se d ’am ou r: R om an d ’aventure du X I I I e siècle, ed. Franklin P. Sweetser, Textes littéraires français 11 2 (Geneva: Droz, 1964), vv. 3060, 3750 (and note to v. 3060). In Psychom achia, v. 654, Egyptians are referred to as “ the dark-skinned people o f the N ile.” 32. A line added after v. 1936 in the rhymed versions makes this clear. See Segre. 33. Jenkins, note to v. 19 31 : “ I f Charles, the priest-king, does not blame them but gives them his blessing, all will be w ell.” In m y view , it never enters Roland’s mind that the Emperor will blame them, nor does the hero doubt for a minute that his uncle will grasp the significance o f what has happened. 34. According to Jenkins, note to vv. 680-691, the copyist, u k in g Ganelon’s false report about the Caliph’s death (Laisse 54) in earnest, “ thought it w rong to make any further mention o f the Algalife as alive: hereafter he regularly replaced his name with M argan ice, or le M argan ice, but he is not supported by the other versions.” See Segre, citing Knudson. Granting that the Caliph and Marganice are one and the same person, could not the copyist simply be giving him a new name? C f. Bram im onde/Bram idonie. 35. O w en: ‘for your bane’. 36. Moignet, p. 1 5 1 : “ C ’est d’un coup déloyal, dans le dos, que Marganice frappe O livier à mort, et son cri haineux (v. 1951) : K a r de vos suI a i ben ven get les n oz constitue en réalité le plus beau des éloges." 37. C f. the Count o f Soisson’s remark at the Battle o f Mansurah. commentary , 12, note 23. 38. M urray A . Potter, Soh rab and R u stem , the E p ic T hem e o f a C om bat B etw een F ath er and S o n : A S tu d y o f its G en esis and U se in Literatu re and P o pu lar T radition (London: Nutt, 1902), pp. 207-9. The R oland-O liver encounter is cited p. 209. See also Loom is, A rthurian T rad itio n , p. 326, n. 1. 39. Ménard, L e R ire , p. 337. Loomis, pp. 3 2 8 -3 1, believes that the latter tw o

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examples may derive from the C a ttle R a id o f C o o ley in the Irish C u ch u lain n Sa ga. Ménard, p. 339. 40. E ret, vv. 4960 fr.; Y v a in , vv. $983-6434; Prose L an celot, ed. Sommer, 3 :3 9 8 ; 5:287. 4 1. Ménard, p. 337. 42. Thus Ménard, p. 338, is technically correct in asserting that the m otif is not found in the Old French epic. On the fight between Roland and O liver in G ira rt de V ien n e, consult Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 2 1 4 - 1 5 . 43. Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, pp. 494-95. For a portrait o f Sudden Death, see H errade de Landsberg, H ortus deliciaru m , eds. A . Straub and G . Keller, Société pour la conservation des monuments historiques d'Alsace (Strasbourg: Imprimerie Stras­ bourgeoise, 1879-1899), fol. 1 12. 44. Payen, pp. 4 1, 52, 116 . See also index, p. 602, s.v. M ort subite, and idem. L e M oyen A g e , pp. 65-66. 45. Saint Christopher (Réau, III, 1:3 0 5 -6 ) ; Saints Barbara and Veronica (Réau, III, 3 : 1 3 1 5 ; Payen, L e M o yen A g e , p. 66). 46. Jerem iah 5 : 2 1 ; Ezekiel 1 2 :2 ; M ark 8 :1 8 ; Blaise, p. 59, s.v. illum ino; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 103 and n. 16. 47. Faral, L a C han son de R o la n d , p. 1 1 8 ; Jones, p. 42; Vance, R ea d in g the So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 5 7 -5 8 ; Donohoe, “ Ambivalence and Anger.*' Varying interpretations o f this passage are provided b y these scholars, but all accept the premise that R oland is brave, O liver is wise. 48. M ario Roques, “ L ’attitude du héros mourant dans la C han son de R o la n d ,’ ' R om an ia 66 (1940): 355-66. 49. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 11 2 , believes it m ay be accidental: the hero has probably knelt, then fallen forward. H owever, there is no mention o f kneeling in the text; on the contrary, the poet tells us explicitly that O liver lies down (v. 2 0 13 : al tere se culchet). Turning from a supine to a prone position would definitely require willpower and physical exertion. O n the expression ad en z, see Gerard J . Brault, “ Old French ad en z, en d en z, Latin ad dentes, in den tes,” R om an ia 85 (1964): 3 2 3 -3 5 . In the Brindisi mosaic, dated 117 8 , O liver ties supine. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:9 8 -9 9 . In the P seu d o -T u rp in he is tortured and dies in a kind o f crucifixion with his arms staked to the ground. Meredith-Jones, p. 207. 50. Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, p. 53 : “à cette époque. . . le repentir le plus fréquent est celui de l’agon ie''; p. 1 1 2 : “ la coulpe est un aveu de condition pécheresse . . . aveu très général.’’ 5 1. Segre, note to v. 2014, argues in favor o f emending D urem ent en h alt to D ’ures

en altres. 52. In P eristephanon, 3 : v. 166 (P ru den tius, 2 :15 2 ), the head droops as the soul departs. Jenkins, G lo ssa ry , p. 336, defines jo ster in v. 2020 as 'to come together, crumple up (?)’ ; Foulet, G lo ssa ire : ‘ne fait plus qu’un avec la terre’ . 53. C f. the bonds o f affection and feudal loyalty between Roland and A lda; in­ troduction , 19, i. Friends identical in appearance is folk m otif F 577.1. On the use o f this notion in A m i et A m ile , see Calin, E p ic Q u est, p. 60. R olan d’s lament over OU ver’s body is depicted in die Brindisi mosaic. See F ig . 1 8 ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:9 8 -9 9 . 54. On the theme o f identity in worthiness, see commentary. 14 (vv. 1093 f f ). and below, vv. 2066-2069. 55. C f. Alda’s death wish, vv. 3 7 18 -3 7 19 . 56. On this episode in Chrétien de Troyes, see Frappier, C h rétien de T ro yes et le m ythe du g ra a l, pp. 1 3 0 - 4 1 ; to his bibliography, add Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 243-44. 57. Horrent, pp. 14 0 -4 3, 17 3 - 7 7 ; Paul Aebischer, “ U n problème d’exégèse

433

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY rolandienne: M aelgu t, la conquête de Gautier de l’Hum (C hanson de R o la n d , ms. D ig b y, v. 2047),” C u ltu ra N eolatin a 23 (1963): 14 6 -3 2 ; R ita Lejeune, “ La composition du personnage de Gautier del Hum dans la C hanson de R o la n d ,’’ in L a T ech n iqu e littéra ire des chansons de geste, pp. 23 7 -6 9 ; D . J . A . Ross, “ Gautier del H um : an Historical Element in the C hanson de R o la n d ?” M odem Language R e v ie w 61 (1966): 4 0 9 -13 . 38. Text in Segre, pp. 389-90, discussion, pp. 3 9 1-9 2. 39. For bibliography and discussion, see Segre, p. 391. 60. Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 18 9 -9 2; Lejeune, “ La composition,” pp. 2 3 2 - 3 3 ; Segre, p. 391. Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 129, n. 68, does not see any allusion to Suetonius here. See introduction , 7. 6 1. Holland, “ Gautier et M argarit," pp. 339 -4 4 ; Segre, p. 391. 62. Lejeune, “ La composition,” p. 233. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 190, believes that Gautier: “ a quelque chose à lui dire ou à se faire dire par lui” and feels, consequently, that something is missing in this passage. H owever, Holland and Segre argue that Gautier is merely seeking help to fight the Saracens who are pursuing him and whom they jointly attack in the next laisse. 63. T o the references in this connection provided in Brault, E a rly B la z o n , pp. 3 4 33 (White Knights), add Saint James the M oor-Slayer (Santiago Matamoros) at the Battle o f C lavijo in 844, henceforth patron saint o f the Reconquista. R éau, III, 2:6 9 3, 696-97. 64. See note 34 above. 63. Jenkins, note to v. 2073; Jones, pp. 16 - 17 . Turoldus is w riting before one o f the great tactical lessons o f the Crusades was assimilated, namely that the role o f the Saracen archers was to provoke the enemy into breaking formation. The Franks had to learn to resist the temptation to charge too soon. Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, pp. 82-83, 146- The poet seems to ignore the main purpose o f archery here and is intent upon contrasting the brave Franks and the cowardly Saracens who dare not approach (v. 2073). 66. Horrent, pp. 266-68, notes the progression from the simple description o f O liver’s death to the more detailed exposition o f Turpin’s passing and to R olan d ’s theatrical yet noble and triumphant departure from this world. 67. Blaise, par. 348, 432 (aedificatio). 68. Meredith-Jones, pp. 103, 103. On this concrete meaning, see Blaise, par. 432, n. I. 69. Meredith-Jones, pp. 229, 231 (see also pp. 3 33 -36 , note). C f. commentary , 23 (Roland’s laud o f Durendal). For another vision by Turpin, see below. 70. On adtestatio rei visa e, see Curtius, pp. 203, 343. 7 1. C f. the opening verses in Venice IV : Chi voil oír vere significance? A San Donis ert une geste, in France. 72. L a V ie de S a in t G ille s par G u illa u m e de B e m e v ille , p o im e du X I I e siècle, eds. Gaston Paris and Alphonse Bos, Société des anciens textes français (Paris: Didot, 1881), pp. lx x ii-lx x x ix . 73. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :1 4 3 . De Gaiffier, “ La légende de Charlem agne,” believes that the legend is based upon the Em peror’s flagrant disregard for the Church’s teaching concerning chastity. Charlemagne had several mistresses w ho presented him with numerous illegitimate children. 74. According to Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:1 4 3 - 3 0 . H owever, the earliest specific allusion is in the K arlam agnús Sa ga (1230-30). Paris, H istoire poétique de C h arlem agn e, pp. 378-82. 73. Lejeune, “ Le péché de Charlemagne et la C hanson de R o la n d ," argues that Turoldus was familiar with the tradition; see also Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :1 4 6 .

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76. Lejeune and Sdennon, 1:1 4 5 - 5 0 . 77. Ibid., i : 172, 196-97. 78. Jenkins, note to vv. 2095-2098; Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 2 6 -2 7 ; MeredithJones, pp. 3 1 5 - 1 6 ; Aebischcr, T extes n orrois, p. 4 1; Menéndez Pidal, p. 3 32 ; R iquer, C hansons de geste, pp. 2 9 - 3 1 ; Sholod, C harlem agn e in S p a in , pp. 22, n. 36, 24, n. 49; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 73. Jean G yôry, “ Réflexions sur le jongleur guerrier,“ A n n ales u n iversitatis B u dapestin ensis, Sectio ph ilolog ica 3 (19 6 1): 47-60, compares Saint Giles to the jongleurs who claim to have witnessed the battle they relate in their poems. George F. Jones, “ St. Giles at R oncevaux,“ French R e v ie w 54 (19 7 1): 881-88, believes Turoldus may have mistaken the name Eginhardus (Einhard) for Aegidius (Giles). On L oiim in v. 2097, see Sholod, p. 38; Lejeune and Sdennon, 1 :1 4 9 , 152, n. 14 ( = Lyon). 79. For another vision b y Turpin, see note 69 above. For yet another vision (by Charles), see Meredith-Jones, p. 219. See introduction , note 233. 80. Meredith-Jones, p. 195. 81. Ibid., p. 203. 82. Lejeune and Sdennon, 1 : pi. II; see also 2: fig. 368. C f. 2 : figs. 293, 294, 3 17 , 3 »8. 344. 83. Strieker says Saint Giles, not Turpin, had the vision concerning Roncevaux, further confusing the authenticating mechanism. Lejeune and Sdennon, 1 =234. 84. On this m otif in medieval art and thought, see Mâle, L 'A rt relig ieu x , pp. 339 40; Joan Evans, C lu n ia c A rt o f the R om anesque P eriod (Cam bridge: University Press, 1930), p. 78 and n. 7 ; Helen Adolf, “ The Ass and the Harp,“ Specu lu m 25 (1950): 49 57 -

C O M M E N T A R Y 22 1. E rec, vv. 5689-5695. A similar wall o f air occurs in the V ulgate M erlin S eq u el, ed. Sommer, 2 :4 6 1. See Loomis, A rth u rian Literatu re, p. 168, n. 6. 2. Blaise, par. 203. 3. Segre emends osez to sez , altering the meaning o f this verse in the process. 4. Jones, p. 36. 5. On the tactics o f Saracen archers who usually fought on foot, see Smail, C rusadin g W airfare, pp. 8 1, 85. 6. Muslim archers deliberately sought to slay the Crusaders’ horses with their arrows. Ibid., p. 81. 7. Similar occurrences are reported by contemporary chroniclers, the harmless arrows dangling from the knights' armor being said to resemble a porcupine’s quills. Ibid. 8. The bubble is a stylized cloud o f divine protection. Otto Brendel, “ Origin and Meaning o f the W ord M andorla,” G a z ette des B ea u x -A rts 25 (1944): 5 -2 4 ; Réau, L 4 2 3 -2 5 . C f. the concept o f Virginitas (introduction , 19. f). 9. R éau, II, 2 :39 . 10. On the tactical value o f horses, see Smail, p. 81. 1 1. C f. the Franks’ reaction to Thierry’s victorious blow in v. 3931 : “ D eu s i ad fa it

v e rtu t!" 12. Also 2 Kings 4 :34 . For illustrations, see Réau, II, 1:3 5 2 - 5 3 . Medieval cxegetes viewed this episode as a préfiguration o f Christ’s resurrection o f Lazarus. Réau, II, • : 349 13. C f. Death’s embrace (commentary, 41). On the various notions concerning immortality among primitive peoples, see James, C om parative R e lig io n , pp. 2 7 5 -8 1.

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14. C f. Labande-Mailfert, “ La douleur et la m ort," fig. 32. 15. The theme o f inseparability in companionage is discussed in commentary, 18. 16. Jenkins, note to v. 2177. 17. Riquer, C hansons de geste, p. too: “ Dans cette phrase est condensé tout l’esprit militaire de ce singulier archevêque.” 18. In the K arlam agnús Sa ga and the rhymed versions o f the R o la n d , only a miracle allows Charles to distinguish the Christian from the Saracen bodies. Horrent, p. 188 and n. 3 ; introduction , 15 , e. 19. The scene is illustrated in the Brindisi mosaic (see F ig . 5 4 ). Lejeune and Stiennon, i :98; 2 : fig. 70. 20. See commentary, $. One thinks, too, o f the sixty champions around the litter o f Solomon, “ the flower o f the warriors o f Israel" (Song o f Songs 3 :7 - 8 ) , which, for medieval exegetes, represented the mystical union o f Christ and his Church. For the illustration in Herrad o f Landsberg, see Cames, A llég o ries, pp. 74-77. Crosland, O ld F ren th E p ie, p. 88, compares the alignment o f the bodies by Roland to “ the reverent act o f Walther o f Aquitaine in the Waltharius, where the hero places the appropriate heads to the trunks o f the twelve knights whom he has killed in a single com bat.” 2 1. Autun, Bibliothèque municipale, ms. 19, folio 173. Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 3 3 ; Beckwith, E a rly M e d ie va l A rt, p. 6 1, fig. $ 1. The Sacramentary is dated 84484$. Raganaldus holds a crozier in his left hand. See note 27 below. C f. the chaotic arrangement o f the Saracen cadavers, commentary, 15. 22.

INTRODUCTION, IO, B, 4.

23. R éau, II, 2:69 0 ; COMMENTARY, 3, note 8. 24. Ibid. The Apostles are mentioned later in this passage (v. 2255). 2$. Ibid., II, 2:692. See also the discussion relative to the Apocalypse o f Saint-Sevcr in Mâle, L 'A r t relig ie u x , pp. 4 ff. C f. Conrad, vv. 7005-7006 (the Angel o f the Lord comforts Charles after he finds the bodies o f Roland, O liver, and Turpin): Din baitent alle rechte Da zedem oberisten troné. (All the Just await you N ext to the sublime throne). 26. C f. portraits depicting homage to the Em peror; Cames, B yz a n ce, pp. 68-69. 27. R éau, 11, 2 :4 $ . The pastoral symbolism is enhanced i f Turpin is visualized with crozier in hand. See note 21 above. In this scene Turpin is a Charlem agne surrogate. 28. R éau, II, 2:44. 29. C f. the flowers in the Brindisi mosaic (see F ig . 5 4 ). One is reminded, too. o f representations o f Abraham’s bosom (see F ig . 13). W ill, “ Les représentations du Paradis,” p. 71 ; Réau, II, 1 : 1 3 8 ; Cames, A llég o ries, pp. 124 -26 . Additional biblio­ graphy in commentary, 26, note 5$. C f. Lejeune and Stiennon, i : pi. II. For depictions o f the Saved arranged in a semicircle in Heaven, see W ill, pp. 7 7 -7 9 (“ Le cortège des Elus” ). 30. R oland's comrade is not dead yet in Conrad’s narration o f this scene. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 3 1 . 3 1. Ibid., 1:9 8 ; 2 : fig. 70. The Good Shepherd association is not made b y the Belgian scholars. 32. The formula dates back to the art o f the Catacombs. R éau, II, 2 :3 3 - 3 4 . In an interesting transposition, Abel is depicted in this characteristic pose in the R o da Bible. Réau, II, 1 :9 3 ; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, pi. 24 (for a parody, see p. 333 and pi. 128). 33. Réau, II, 2 :3 2 . The ritual alignment may indeed represent a symbolic fold.

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34. In the same w ay, the four spears that pierce Turpin’s body (vv. 2080-2084) may have suggested the image o f sin entering the soul like a poisoned arrow ( H om ar tigen ia, vv. 533-344, [P ru dentius, 1:24 2]) without necessarily im plying that the Arch­ bishop is guilty o f any transgression.

C O M M E N T A R Y 23 1. The Archbishop crosses his ow n hands, for no change o f subject is indicated. 2. See introduction , 16, c . C f. the bitter stream in the death scene o f the C hanson de G u illa u m e. Frappier, C hansons de geste, 1 : 1 2 1 , 124, 132, 2 1 1 - 1 2 , and, especially, 194; Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” pp. 2 3 0 -3 1. 3. Jenkins, note to v. 2225. 4. See commentary, 2 i (v. i874).See also Biaise, p. 54, s.v. fons. Water is a metaphor for sorrow and trouble in Psalms 12 4 :4 - $ . 5. Jenkins, note to v. 2226; Brault, “ Le Thème de b M ort,” p. 230. In the rhymed venions R oland actually dies o f thirst. Horrent, p. 360. 6. C f. commentary, 22 and note 34. 7. Blaise, par. 281 IT. Turpin takes R oland’s oliphant in a vain effort to secure life-giving water for the expiring hero (vv. 2224-2232). The split in the horn (v. 229$) suggests, then, that R olan d’s life is ebbing away. Baptismal im agery also involves water. M ark 1 : 4 - 5 ; Blaise, par. 3 3 1. Medieval exegetes viewed the crossing o f the R ed Sea as a préfiguration o f Baptism, a notion already present in 1 Corinthians 10 :2 . 8. Tripping is involved in the etym ology o f the term scandal and, consequently, is associated with the notion o f sin. Blaise, par. 454. C f. the concept o f falling into sin and, with special reference to cancelant in v. 2227, lubritum ‘that which causes to waver, to stagger*. Blaise, par. 4 21. Stumbling is abo an image o f sorrow in Psalms 66:9. 9. C f. the image o f man driven from home b y war, looking up and down and finding only distress and darkness, in Isaiah 8 :2 1- 2 3 . On the notion o f the inacces­ sible sky, stressing the futility o f the character’s acts and his remoteness, see Frye, A natom y o f C riticism , p. 147. But, in the present context, looking heavenward is essentially a gesture o f hope. In medieval thought only man is capable o f raising his face toward the source o f his salvation. Janson, A p es and A p e L o re, p. 81 (cf. Lactantius’s etym ology o f Gr. anthropos ‘he who looks upward [to God]’, Janson, p. 103, n. 31). 10. On the notion o f raising “ pure” hands to heaven, see Blaise, par. 84. 1 1 . Bloch and W artburg, D ictio n n aire, s.v. champion. For the ideal o f serving God w illingly, see Burgess, V ocabulaire p ri-co u rto is, p. 109, n. 24. 12. See commentary , 14 and 18. 13. Blaise, par. 2 7 1. 14. C f. the titles o f many medieval sermons containing the word contra, e.g.. Saint Augustine’s C on tra Faustum , D e Baptism a contra D onatistas, D e G en esi contra M anichaeos, Finda’s C on tra paganos. In Conrad, v v . 13 3 3 - 13 5 3 , Turpin volunteers to go to Sara­ gossa to try to convert Marsile. 15. Foulet, G lo ssa ire : “ ‘prophète’, ou plutôt ‘homme de Dieu’ ” ; Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 190. 16. Biaise, p. 416, n. 1 ; introduction , 19, 1. 17. On the literary uses o f gore, see commentary, 15 and 24 (vv. 2275-2276). The detailing o f Turpin’s wounds in vv. 2247-2248 inspires horror but also pity. Matthias Griinewald’s C ru cifix io n at Colm ar is the supreme example o f the use o f bleeding wounds for this purpose. 18. C f. F ig . 18 . 19. Jenkins, G lo ssa ry , p. 369: ‘lack, want, privation’.

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20. The words d œ l n e, found in Venice IV before su fraite, are inserted by many editors. On this emendation, see Segre’s note to v. 2237. 2 1. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 303, note to v. 1836. 22. On ecclesiastical terminology relative to Purgatory, see Blaise, par. 93 ; Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, index, p. 603, s.v. Purgatoire.

C O M M E N T A R Y 24 1. At R oland's death, vv. 2393-2393. 2. Gabriel is the unnamed angel in v. 836 and doubtless also the one in vv. 2 3 19 and 2432. On this archangel’s role in the So n g o f R o la n d , see Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 190-94* 3. In the Annunciation, for example. R éau, II, 1:3 2 . 4. Réau, II, i :44 (Michael); commentary , 42, note 6 (Gabriel). 5. W ill, A lsace rom ane, pp. 7 4 -7 7 ; Réau, II, 1:4 9 -3 0 . See also note 64 below. Thus, in the P seu d o -T u rp in , he alone takes R oland’s soul to heaven (Meredith-Jones. p. 203). 6. 1 am indebted to m y daughter Suzanne, who was twelve years old at the time, for this suggestion. 7. See commentary , 34 (vv. 2847-2848) and 42 (v. 3612). This notion is distinct from the guardian-angel concept, attested about this time in Honorius Augustodunensis. Le Goff, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 209. The popular devotion, associated with Raphael, dates from the sixteenth century only. Réau, II. 1:5 3 8. Réau, II, 1 : 5 2 ; Focillon, A rt d ’O ccident, fig. 9 1 ; T h e Y ear tz o o , 1 : 8 1 . C f. the cherubim with flaming swords posted at the entrance to the Garden o f Eden to fend o ff evildoers. Genesis 3 :2 4 ; R éau, II, 1:8 9 -9 0 . On this scene in Genesis, see note 6 1 below. 9. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :6 i -69. 10. Ibid., 1 : 6 1 , 69. 1 1 . See vv. 2 3 6 1-2 3 6 3 , 2863-2867. C f. also vv. 2265-2267, 2868-2869. 12. C f. Vivien’s “ step” in the C hanson de G u illa u m e, commentary, 34, note 7. 13. See COMMENTARY, 34. 14. See MANUSCRIPT, v. 2267. 15. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 308, asserts that the stone is one o f the four marble objects. See also Jenkins, note to vv. 2874-2875. H owever, Turoldus specifies that the stone in question is a p erre byse (v. 2300), a perrun de sardonie (v. 2312), and a p e n e bise (v. 2338). The fact that one and the same stone is involved in all three laisses simi­ laires is clear from Turoldus’s use o f une in vv. 2300 and 2338, and the enclitic e l in v. 2 312 . See also oxford text , engush translation , vv . 2300, 2 3 12 ; cf. also v. 2875 (commentary , 34, note 11) . This rock is in its natural state, whereas the marble has been shaped (v. 2268 : faiz). 16. On the significance o f the split in R olan d ’s oliphant, see commentary , 23, n. 7. Eyes also pop out from a sharp blow to the head in L ib er C athem erinon, 1 2 : v. 120 (Prudentius, 1:1 0 8 (Massacre o f the Innocents]): O culosque p er vu lnu s vom it. 17. See oxford text , English translation , v . 2857, and commentary , 34. 18. Some o f the comments that follow first appeared in m y paper “ Le Thèm e de la M ort,” pp. 229-30. 19. See introduction , 13 , c. 20. At A ix (vv. 2863-2867). Sec commentary , 34. 21 . COMMENTARY, l6 (w . I423-I437).

22. Frappier, C hansons de geste, i : 193-9 4. See also p. 193, n. 2 (association w ith the lam a sabachthani).

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23. Ibid., 1 :1 9 3 . The differences between R oland’s agony and that o f Vivien are underlined by Frappier, pp. 195-96. 24. Rychner, p. 126, apropos o f R a o u l dr C a m b ra i: “ La mort du héros sera traitée à l’aide de motifs comme ‘derniers coups reçus*, chute du héros, prière, ’battre sa coulpe’, ‘l’âme s’en va’, découverte du corps, regrets prononcés sur le cadavre.’’ The conventional aspects o f the epic death scene were already recognized in the nineteenth century: Johannes Altona, G ebete und A n ru fu n gen in den altfranzösischen C hansons de geste, Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der romanischen Philologie 9 (M arburg: Eiwert, 1883); Gustav Albrecht, V orbereitung a u f den T od , T otengebräuche und Totenbestattung in der altfranzösischen D ichtung (Halle: Kaemmerer, 1892). Further bibliography in Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 2 3 1, n. 27. 25. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, p. 19 ; Aigrain, L 'H a g io g ra p h ie, p. 209. 26. Delehaye, p. 2 1 (bibliography in n. 5). Further discussion in Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 233, n. 32. 27. Burger, “ La légende de R oncevaux avant la C hanson de R o la n d ," pp. 438, 447. It is unnecessary to postulate, as does Burger, the existence o f a Passio B eati R o to -

landi m artyris. 28. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 308. 29. Were the Pyrenees considered to be the border? At the time Turoldus was composing his epic, Christian dominion extended over the Spanish March. 30. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 309. 3 1. See, for example, Whitehead, G lo ssa ry , p. 15 6 ; Jones, p. 18 7 : “ he seeks out a hill on which stand four large blocks o f marble, as i f these were a fitting monument to commemorate his heroic death" ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:3 9 6 (apropos o f 2 : fig. 508: “ un perron monumental, analogue à ceux qui marquaient l'emplacement des frontières” ; on this illustration, see note 44 below) ; Moignet, p. 170, note to v. 2268. 32. In the P seu d o -T u rp in no mention is made o f four marble objects, but Roland strikes a marble stone (Meredith-Jones, p. 19 2: lapidem marmoreum; variant, p. 19 3: petronum marmoreum) with his sword. For the view that the description in v. 2271 is “ fort mal amenée," see Menéndez Pidal, p. 325. C f. Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 1 1 ; Rychner, pp. 7 2 ff.; Zum thor, L an gu e et techniques poétiques, p. 185. 33. The p u i agu í referred to in vv. 2367 and 2869 is identical with the tertre in v. 2267. 34. For bibliography and discussion, see Segre’s note to v. 2875. 35. Aebischer, R o lan d ian a B o rea lia , p. 230; Conrad, vv. 7487-7489; Segre, notes to vv. 2874, 2875. Jean G yôry, “ Les prières de Guillaume d'O range dans le C ouron­ nem ent de L o u is ," in M élan ges R ita L ejeu n e, 2 :7 7 2 , n. 1 : “ A propos des trois perrons de marbre où monte R oland à R oncevaux, il est difficile de ne pas penser à un modèle figuratif.” 36. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 309. 37. Ibid., p. 308. For another square, formed by benches set up as a boundary, see Jenkins, note to v. 3853. 38. F E W , 8 :3 1 5 - 1 6 . 39. For the meaning o f perru n in v. 2556, see below. 40. Godefroy, 6 : 1 1 0 ; F E W , 8 :3 16 . 4 1. Godefroy, 6 : 1 1 0 ; F E W , 8 :3 16 , and 322, n. 10. 42. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 309; Tobler and Lommatzsch, i : 1056. 43. Tobler and Lommatzsch, 3 :1 3 3 0 (including a reference to the C h ron iqu e rim ée de P h ilip p e M ou skés, where coulonbe and estace are synonyms). 44. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 3 2 : “ Au milieu des pierres de marbre (v. 6793) auxquelles l’artiste a donné l’apparence de frustres colonnes rectangulaires fichées en terre, Roland se redresse, tenant dans sa main gauche un énorme olifant avec lequel il assène un coup formidable sur le heaume du païen qui s’élançait pour lui ravir son

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épée” ; 2 : fig. 1 17. In the passages corresponding to R o la n d , vv. 2268 and 2272, Conrad, vv. 6782 and 6793, uses the words stam en and m arm il stainen, respectively. In the P seu d o -T u rp in a solitary marble object has been erected in a meadow near a tree (Meredith-Jones, p. 188 : sub arbore quadam iuxta Iapidem [variant, p. 189: petronum] marmoreum qui ibi erectus erat [variant, p. 189: erigebatur) in prato optim o; cf. the French translations [ed. Mortier, p. 67: drechiez; Mandach, N aissan ce, 2 :7 7 : dressé]) and Roland dies iu xta Iapidem (Meredith-Jones, p. 202 ; variant, p. 203 : petro­ num ). On this passage in the So n g o f R o la n d , see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 325-26 , 330. Turoldus distinguishes between the four marble objects and the rock that R oland strikes in this passage, but illustrators o f the P seu d o -T u rp in at times conceived o f the latter stone as a monument. Lejeune and Stiennon, 2 : figs. 267, 508 (sec note 31 above). C f. also 1 : pi. L. Natural stones are depicted in 1 : pis. X IV , X X V ; 2 : fig. 54 (if, as the Belgian scholars suggest in 1:8 7 , the figure in this sculpture is in fact striking a stone). Medieval artists frequently portray a fountain in similar fashion, even when a natural spring is intended. 45. Kantorowicz, K in g 's T w o B odies, p. 67. For illustrations o f the Tem ple columns and veil, see Introduction au m onde des sym boles, pis. 25, 13 7 ; Cames, B yzan ce . pl. 30; idem. A llég o ries, pl. 8. Stylized depictions o f the Temple o f Jerusalem are not to be confused with early medieval illustrations o f the Fountain o f Life, an enigmatic pillared structure surmounted by a conical roof. According to P. Underwood, “ The Fountain o f Life in Manuscripts o f the Gospels,” D unbarton O ak s P apers 5 (1950): 4 3 -13 8 , the latter is ultimately a reference to the H oly Sepulchre. 46. Kantorowicz, p. 67. 47. See COMMENTARY, 2 6 (v. 2396). 48. Kantorowicz, p. 68. 49. Ibid., pp. 68-69; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, fig. 183. jo . André Grabar and Carl Nordenfalk, R om anesque P ain tin g From the E leven th to the T hirteen th C en tu ry, trans. Stuart Gilbert, The Great Centuries o f Painting (Lausanne: Skira, 1958), p. 60; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 15 1 and fig. 6 5; cf. fig. 138. $ 1. The square sym bol, a “ centre cosmique," representing a Passageway to the N ext W orld, or a D oor to Heaven, is discussed by D avy, Sym bo liq u e rom ane, pp. 18 5 90; see also Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 205; Hughes, H eaven and H e ll in W estern A rt, pp. 88-91 ; Campbell, H ero, pt. 1, Prologue, “ The W orld N avel,” pp. 4 0 46. C f. Réau, III, 3 :10 9 4 (legend o f Saint Peter’s struggle with Simon the Magician). Woods, “ The Sym bolic Structure o f L a C hanson de R o la n d ," p. 1260, suggests that the four stones represent “ the material plane” (the three blows, “ the spiritual plane” ) ; cf. L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Calin, p. 13 : “ sur le point d’expirer, Roland se trouve sous un pin, entre quatre blocs de pierre, étendu sur l’herbe : un locus am oenus (Curtius), image du paradis terrestre et qui annonce le paradis céleste"; Rütten, S ym b o l u n d M yth u s, pp. 46 fr. For representations o f the Bridge to the Other W orld, see R éau, II, 2 :7 2 9 -30 . C f. the verger aven tu reu x in the C h âtelain e de V ergy (Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, p. 48, citing Frappier). $2. C f. the notion o f Agnus Dei (Will, “ Recherches iconographiques,” pp. 3 4 -3 5 ; Réau, II, 2 :3 0 - 3 1 , 476) and the embalming o f the body o f Jesus on a slab (Réau, II. 2:522). 53. W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques,” pp. 3 6 -3 9 ; Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, pp. 6 3-6 8 ; Robertson, “ The Doctrine o f Charity in Mediaeval Literary Gardens,” pp. 2 5 -2 8 ; D avy, Sym bo liq u e rom ane, pp. 2 2 1, 263; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, pp. 297-326. 54. Genesis 2:9 . 55. Réau, II, 2:483. 56. W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques,” p. 40; Introduction au m onde des sym boles.

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pp. 3 0 8 -10 , pi. 11 7 , figs. 1 3 5 ,1 3 6 ; R o b b , Illu m in ated M anuscript, pp. 154, 156, fig. 96. $7. In the H ortus D eliciaru m the image o f Paradisus V oluptatis is paired with that o f the Expulsion from the Garden o f Eden. 38. The heads which appear on the Tree o f Life are discussed by W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques,” pp. 44-48. $9. Ibid., fig. i i . On the sources o f this miniature, see pp. 44-49 (cf., especially, figs. 12 and 13). 60. Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 308. C f. the image o f Christ in Majesty seated between tw o trees within a walled enclosure representing Paradise (San Pietro al Monte, Civate, Italy; Introduction au m onde des sym boles, p. 214 , fig. 94). 6 1. Gaston Paris believed the episode was invented to explain how the oliphant was split (see Jenkins, note to vv. 2271-2296). Horrent, p. 269, characterizes this passage as “ le seul épisode im prévu,” and adds, p. 278 : (Le poète] veut créer un climat d’inquiétude autour du moribond, climat qui justifie à b fois les conseils passés de Turpin et les gestes prochains de Charles enterrant ses morts. 11 veut aussi justifier à l’avance le sacrifice audacieux de Durendal, b bonne épée, auquel se résout Roland. Les fameuses scènes de Durendal frisent en effet le sacrilège: alors qu’il sait Charles sur le chemin du retour, Roland a-t-il b droit de briser sa bonne épée, qui est elle-même comme un personnage héroïque? 11 faut légitimer ce geste, ’autoriser’ les grandes scènes de l’épée. La péripétie du Sarrasin n’a pas d’autre rôle. Elle ne crée pas de l’im prévu: elle prépare b suite du récit. James C . Atkinson, “ Laisses 16 9 -17 0 o f the C hanson de R o la n d ,” M L N 82 (1967): 2 7 1-8 4 , views R o b n d ’s destruction o f the oliphant as a repudbtion o f his prideful decision not to call for help. C f. Donohoe, “ Ambivalence and Anger,” p. 26 1, note 6. See, however, the final paragraph in this section for a different interpretation o f the split in the oliphant. For Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 13 2 -3 4 , the Rash Saracen is a G u en cs alter. According to Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:9 9 , the scene is depicted in the Brindisi mosaic. A parallel episode in the C hanson de G u illa u m e is discussed by Wilmotte, “ La C hanson de R o la n d et la C hanson de W illam e ,” pp. 68-69. 62. For other literary uses o f gore, see commentary, 13 and 23 (note 17). Looting is discussed in introduction , 10, a, 7, and commentary, 14 (v. 1167). 63. The epithet im m undus is frequently applied to the devil. Blaise, par. 323, 323, 327; Cames, A llég o ries, p. 16 (cf. R éau, III, 1:3 4 1 (legend o f Constantine’s leprosy]). According to medieval thought, man has three mortal enemies: Spiritus immundus (Satan), Caro (the Flesh), and Mundus (the World) ; Zumthor, H istoire littéraire, p. 246; Langlois, L a V ie en Fran ce, 2 :1 1 4 . See also commentary, 33, note 3 (Bramimonde). The Rash Saracen may be aping Roland, who is also covered with blood (v. 1343). 64. Blaise, par. 32 3 ; Le G olf, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 207. In medieval iconography, the last-minute struggle is often depicted as a contest between Satan and Saint Michael, a tradition originally associated with the death o f Moses. Réau, II, 1:5 0 , 2 12 ; Carnes, A llég o ries, pp. 44-43. Saint Michael appears in v. 2394. See also text above at note 3. The Saracen (Satan) tries to steal R o b n d ’s most precious possession, his sword (soul). For Durendal as a reflection o f Roland, see introduction , 19, d . Is the dying hero merely under a hallucination? The line between such aberrations and diabolic visita­ tions was blurred in the Middle Ages. C f. R o b n d ’s apostrophe to his sword in the P seu d o -T u rp in : “ Qui te possidebit non erit victus , . . . non u llis fa n ta siis fo rm id a tu s" (Meredith-Jones, p. 19 1). and the exorcising power o f the crucifix: “fu g ia n t p h a n tasm ata cu n eta" (Blaise, par. 347; Le GofT, C iv ilisa tio n , p. 207). 63. Skidmore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, pp. 43 and 68, n. 3. 66. T ristan de T hom as, 1 : 1 1 7 if. The Seneschal cuts ofT the dragon’s head, but Trisun produces its tongue and is vindicated. Folk m otif K 1932 (Imposter cbim s reward

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NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY earned by hero). Calin, E p ic Q u est, pp. 6 1, 63 (apropos o f A m i et A m ile ); Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 429, n. 69. C f. Conrad, vv. 6784-6790, where the Saracen plans to boast he has slain Roland. The Rash Saracen’s false claim also echoes Psalms 1 3 : 4 - $ ; “ Give m y eyes light, or I shall sleep in death, and m y enemy will say, i have beaten him '.’’ C f. also the Amclekitc who slays Saul at his request, then takes the crow n from his head and the bracelet from his arm back to King David after the Battle o f Gilboa (2 Samuel 1:10 ) . For an illustration o f the latter scene, see Oakeshott, A rtists o f W inchester B ib le , pi. 24. Another version o f Saul’s end is recounted in 1 Samuel 3 1:4 . Boasting in ladies’ chambers is mentioned in commentary, 12, note 23. 67. The notion o f the lying exterior is discussed in introduction , 10, B, 2. For m ortel rage, see oxford t ex t , English translation, v . 2279. The Saracen falls at Roland’s feet (v. 2291). O n the image o f crushing an enemy in the dust, see commen ­ tary , 30, note 968. Psychom achia, vv. 470-479. Smiting the skull is mentioned in v. 472 (cf. R o la n d , v. 2289). 69. On the later history o f the oliphant, see commentary, 25, note 3 ; commentary , 3$ and note 1 1 .

C O M M E N T A R Y 25 1. Jenkins, note to vv. 3685-3687; Horrent, pp. 144-45. 2. Horrent, p. 145, n. 4; Halvorsen, N orse V ersion o f R o la n d , p. 23 3 ; Mendéndcz Pidal, pp. 17 4 -7 8 ; Aebischer, R o lan dian a B o realia, p. 232. C f. Jo ël H. Grisward, “ Le m otif de l’épée jetée au lac : la mort d’Arthur et b mort de Batradz,” R o m an ia 90 (1969): 289-340, 4 7 3 -5 14 . On the disposition o f Durendal in other versions o f the poem, see Horrent, pp. 14 3-4 9 (summary in Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 50 -52). Jones, p. 96: “ he tries to avoid reproach to himself by destroying his sword so it w ill not fall into the enemy's hands.” For an illustration o f Ignavia throwing aw ay her sword, see Katzenellenbogen, A lleg o ries, p. 80, n. 1. 3. Jenkins, note to v. 3 0 17 ; Horrent, p. 144 and n. 3 ; commentary , 35 and note 1 1 . The verse in question may mean that Rabel carries O liver’s sword, Halteclere. M oignet, p. 218. On the split in the oliphant, see commentary , 24, final paragraph. 4. Mandach, N aissan ce, 1 : 1 0 6 - 1 3 , compares the hero’s apostrophe to his sword in the R o la n d with that found in the P seu d o -T u rp in . For a literary analysis o f the passage in Turoldus’s poem, see Vinaver, “ La mort de R o h n d ,” pp. 13 6 -3 7 . On the various mentions o f the name Durendal in Turoldus’s poem, see Dufoum et, C o u rs su r R o la n d , PP- 52 - 59 5. For the countries mentioned here by R o b n d , see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 15 8 - 6 1 ; Segrc's notes, pp. 438-40; Dufoumet, p. 32. On the rhetorical procedure, see com ­ mentary , 4 (vv. 197-200) and 6 (vv. 370-373). 6. Cf. Ganelon’s apostrophe to his sword in w . 445-449; introduction , 19, d . 7. On the ritual consecration o f swords, see Bloch, Feu d al So ciety, 2 :3 1 4 ; Z um th or, H istoire littéraire, p. 63. 8. introduction , 19, c ; commentary , 4, note 17. 9. Breast-beating represents striking the fault itself. Brother Leo Charles Yedlicka. E xpression s o f the L in gu istic A rea o f R epen tan ce and R em orse in O ld Fren ch , C atholic University Studies in Rom ance Languages and Literatures, (27 (sir, for 28]), W ashing­ ton, D .C . : Catholic University o f America Press, 1945), p. 383. 10. See commentary , 21 and note 69. 1 1 . Blaise, par. 98, 110 . 12. C f. the golden sword given by the prophet Jeremiah to Judas Maccabaeus in

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2 Maccabees 1 5 :1 5 - 1 6 . In 1 Maccabees 3 :1 2 , the hero takes the sword o f his enemy Apollonius and keeps it as his ow n. On the connection between Judas Maccabaeus and Perceval’s Espee as Estranges Renges, see Nitze’s notes in P erlesvau s, 2 :2 34 , 248. On the mystical provenance o f another sword, see Q ueste , pp. 207 if. In the Old Testament the sword symbolizes power, especially divine power, and the W ord o f God. In the Song o f the Sw ord (Ezekiel 2 1 :1 3 - 2 2 ) , it represents imminent disaster. For Christian symbolism (the spiritual struggle, justice, sorrow), see Blaise, par. 440, 441. For uses in profane literature (law and order, righteousness, virtue), see Anthime Fourrier, L e C ou ran t realiste dans le rom an courtois en France au m oyen âge , vol. 1, L es débuts ( X I I * siècle) (Paris: Nizet, i960), p. 86, n. 342. L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Câlin, p. 12 (apropos o f Durendal and Joyeuse): “ C e sont des g la d ii D e i, créés et employés pour la Croisade___ j Durendal] incarne la fo rtitu d o du guerrier.” 13 . Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , p. 56, n. 1, terms this a “ magnifique expression.” 14. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, s.v. servir (apropos o f v. 2350): “ Roland parle à Durendal avec une sorte de ferveur religieuse.” 15. On the rhetorical procedure, see Curtius, p. 545. In v. 2321 Roland switches from the second to the third person singular, first speaking to, then about, his sword. 16. C f. the anecdote relative to Margariz’s sword, v. 967. The scene in which an angel brings Durendal down from heaven to Charles is depicted in a manuscript o f Strieker’s K a rl der G rosse (c. 1300). Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:2 3 0 , pi. X X IV . 17. In v. 2297 Turoldus notes R oland’s failing vision. H owever, the hero is evidently still able to see his sword or at least to discern its brilliance. 18. Hatzfeld, L iteratu re T hrough A rt, p. 12 ; introduction , 19, D. In classical Greek statuary, the right hand shading the eyes (aposkopein) is an expression o f wonder before the deity’s radiance. Brilliant, R om an A rt, p. 1 1 . Anthropologists would say that Durendal has mana (Cf. commentary , 19, note 12), that an object with such power is a fetish, and that Charles is a shaman. Adam , P rim itive A rt, p. 51 (in note: “ A sham an is supposed to be endowed with supernatural gifts, acting as a mediator between man and the supernatural w orld” ). 19. C f. introduction , 19, D. and note 489. 20. On the term seintism e, see Zum thor, Langue et techniques poétiques, p. 76. Turoldus makes no mention o f the etym ology o f Durendal, but the P seu d o -T u rp in (MeredithJones, p. 189) and Conrad, vv. 3 3 0 1- 3 3 18 , both allude to its hardness (cf. Lat. durus, OFr. dur). On this and other names for weapons in Turoldus's epic, consult R ita Lejeune, “ Les noms d’épée dans la C hanson de R o la n d ," M élan ges de lin gu istiqu e et de

littérature rom anes offerts à M ario R oqu es par ses am is, ses collègues et ses anciens élèves de France et de l'étra n g er (Baden: Editions Art et Science, 19 51), 1:14 9 - 6 6 ; Gerhard Rohlfs, “ C i conte de Durendal l’espee,” M élan ges R ita L ejeu n e, 2:8 5 9 -6 9 ; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 4 7-50. Noting that the custom o f naming swords is not found in classical literature but only in Germanic and Scandinavian sources, Lejeune, p. 15 1. argues that the tradition may be ascribed to Norman and ultimately Scandinavian influence. H owever, the practice is also attested in Tatar epic poems (Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 152), which suggests the possibiUty o f a spontaneous development on French soil. The broken-sword m otif is discussed by Frappier, C h rétien de T ro yes et le m ythe d u g ra a l, pp. 10 9 - 11 3 . 2 1. Biaise, par. 464, 465. 22. See introduction , 19. F. 23. On this relic, see Jenkins, note to v. 2348; Réau, II, 2 :6 1 - 6 3 ; Brault, E a rly B la z o n , p. 14 1. The Virgin is the traditional advocate to whom the Christian prays for intercession in the hour o f his death (John 19 :26 -27). Delbouille, G en èse, p. 147; Payen, L e M oyen A g e , p. 66. On Roland’s devotion to M ary in the P seu d o -T u rp in , see Meredith-Jones, p. 318. See also note 24 below.

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24. Réau, II, i : 200-202. Moses's rock is mentioned in the Q u este, p. 69. In the same w ork, p. 10 1, a hard rock is identified as the Church. A dark stone also symbolizes the Blessed Virgin. D avy, Sym b o liq u e rom ane, p. 219.

C O M M E N T A R Y 26 1. R oland’s dying prayers are discussed in Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 3 1 0 - 1 3 ; Sister Marianna Gildea, R.S.M., E xpression s o f R elig io u s T hought an d F eelin g in the C hansons de G este (Washington, D .C . : Catholic University o f America Press, 1943), pp. 16 3 -7 3 ; Frappier, C hansons de g este, 2 : 1 3 1 - 4 0 ; and Jacques De C aluw é, "L a ‘prière épique’ dans les plus anciennes chansons de geste françaises,” O lifa n t 4, no. 1 (1976) : 7 -9 . Edelgard Dubruck, T h e T hem e o f D eath in Fren ch P o etry o f the M id d le A g es and the R en aissan ce, Studies in French Literature 1 (The Hague: Mouton, 1964), p. 37, refers to R oland’s “ prayer o f so-called precedence,” that is, a plea alluding to others who have been saved before him. C f. the argumentation used in “ D u vilain qui conquist Paradis par plait" (R ecu eil , eds. Montaiglon and Raynaud, 3 (1878]: 209-14) : in both cases the plea is based on the concept o f D eu s vera x ‘God who keeps His promises’ (Blaise, par. 164). Roland reminds God o f his promise that sinners w ho repent shall be saved (Blaise, par. 303). Contrary to what Frappier suggests, R oland is not asking to be rescued from physical danger, but to be pardoned and saved for all eternity. The contrast between R oland’s death and those o f Marsile and the Saracens is noted by Graf, P arallelisn u ts im R o la n d slied , pp. 16 - 18 . On this entire passage, see Vinaver, “ La mort de R olan d .” 2. On the heart as the seat o f life, see Brault, “ Chrétien de Troyes’ L a n c e lo t," p. 1433. Jones, p. 32. 4. Jenkins, note to v. 2369; Foulet, G lo ssa ire, pp. 33$, 498; Albert Henry, C h resto­ m athie de la littérature en ancien fra n ça is, $th ed.. Bibliotheca Rom ánica, Series altera: Scripta Rom ánica Selecta 3 -4 , 2 pts. in 1 vol. (Bem e: Francke, 1970), pt. 2, p. 18 : ‘mon repentir monte vers ta puissance'; Vinaver, “ La mort de R olan d ,” p. 140 : ‘mon cri de m ea culpa monte vers ta haute puissance’ . 5. A n attitude o f humility (cf. v. 3097). Roques, “ L ’attitude du héros m ourant," PP* 3 55-6 6 ; Biaise, par. 83. 6. In the P seu d o -T u rp in , Roland leaves the field at the end o f the battle and rides usque ad pedem portuum C isera e to a meadow su per R u n ciam vallem (Meredith-Jones, p. 189). Since the Valley o f the Cize lies on the north slope o f the Pyrenees, Menéndez Pidal, p. 329, n. I, concludes that in the Latin chronicle the hero dies facing France. On the Valley o f the Cize, see Menéndez Pidal, pp. 228-30. In Châteauroux, w . 3974 and 3986, the dying hero initially looks vers (douce) Fran ce, but then, in vv. 4 1 3 1 and 4140, vers E sp e(i)g n e la gran t. In Turoldus’s poem R oland’s attitude is much more than an aristocratic stance o f the type Brandt, M ed ieva l H isto ry, p. 114 , characterizes as “ pursued for their sake, with no other end in view beyond the public posture they permitted.” 7. C f. Vivien’s covent in the C hanson de G u illa u m e. See commentary , 34, note 7. 8. Some critics (e.g., Burger, “ Les deux scènes du cor,” p. 12$) believe that R olan d is alluding here to the sin o f pride he has committed but has now expiated. H ow ever, this is merely a general confession. See introduction , note 61 (Payen). It is m ore typical o f epic heroes to regret the many men they have slain. Skidmore, M o ra l T ra its o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 44, n. 14 (M on tage G u illa u m e, C h a rro i de N îm es) ; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir, p. 169 (G erbert de M etz ) ; Brault, “ The Legend o f Charlem agne’s Sin in Girart d’Amiens,” p. 74.

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9. Foulet, G lo ssa ire, p. 423; Payen, L e M o tif du repen tir . p. 114 . 10. Pauphilet, L e L egs du m oyen dge, p. 73, terms this “ le geste le plus sublime de toute h littérature française.“ Roland reaches skyward and may even be said to touch heaven. Bédier, Légendes ¿p iqu es, 3 : 322. C f. the early iconography o f the Ascension, where Christ’s extended arm is grasped by the Hand o f God. R éau, II, 2 : 384, 388; T h e Y ear t2 0 0 , 1 :3 0 - 3 1 (includes bibliography). i t . Ménard, “ T en ir le c h ie f em bronc ,” p. 146, states: “ Cette posture symbolise l’épuisement physique, mais peut-être aussi l’accablement m oral.” H owever, this attitude is also one o f rest, frequent, for example, in depictions o f dreams, e.g., R éau, II, 2 : 206-8. Resting the head in this fashion is a posture o f prayer, too. Blaise, par. 83. This gesture could easily have been mimed by the jongleur. C f. commentary , 23 (v. 2227). In the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland dies, his arms folded in a cross over his breast (cf. O liver’s “ crucifixion” ; Meredith-Jones, p. 207; commentary , 2 1, note 49). Meredith-Jones, p. 203. On the iconography o f R oland’s attitude in death, see introduction , note 233. 12. Blaise, p. 346, n. 4 ; commentary , 18 and 44. 13. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 366-67, notes the absence o f Alda in R olan d ’s dying thoughts. C f. Châteauroux, vv. 3 8 0 3 -3 8 11. See commentary , 18, note 20. 14. Daniel in the lions’ den was believed to prefigure Christ in the Sepulchre. Réau, II, 1 : 39 1. Much o f the imagery in R oland's dying prayers derives ultimately from the ancient O rdo com m endationis anim ae. Jenkins, note to v. 2384; Bédier, C om ­ m entaires, pp. 3 1 1 - 1 2 , citing Tavernier. The same associations appear in the art o f the Catacombs. L a C hanson de R o la n d : T ex te critique, traduction et com m entaire, gram m aire et glossa ire, ed. and trans. Léon Gautier, Edition classique, 20th ed. (Tours: Marne, 1892), p. 222, note to v. 2384. Lazarus's sepulchre was a symbol o f stubbornness in sin. commentary , 2, note 26. On the Raising o f Lazarus as a pignu s resurrectionis, see Réau, II, 2:388. 13. The prayer here is one o f faith and hope. C f. Charlemagne’s “ prière du plus grand péril” (commentary , 36). 16. L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Guillaume Picot, N ouveaux Classiques Larousse, 2 vols. (Paris: Larousse, 1963), 2 : 34. 17. Gaston Paris, E xtra its de la C han son de R o la n d , 3d ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1891), p. 104, n. 103. On the concept o f offering up one’s own person as a sacrificial victim, see Blaise, par. 246. 18. Jenkins, note to v. 2363. 19. Ganshof, Feu dalism , pp. 70-78. 20. Ibid., pp. 78-79. 2 1. Ibid., p. 74. 22. Ibid., pp. 73-74 . It has often been claimed that the custom o f joining hands over the breast to pray derives from the gesture o f homage. This view has been chal­ lenged by Gerhart B . Ladner, “ The Gestures o f Prayer in Papal Iconography o f the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries,” in D id ascaliae: Stu dies in H onor o f A nselm

M . A lba red a, Prefect o f the V atican L ib ra ry , Presented by a C ro u p o f A m erican Scholars (New Y o rk : Rosenthal, 1961), pp. 246-73, who argues that the gesture is a Franciscan devotional practice symbolizing the elevation o f the heart during mass. 23. Ganshof, Feu dalism , pp. 73-74 . 24. The latter ceremony is discussed by Ganshof, pp. 12 5 -27 . 25. Ibid., p. 126. 26. Thus in the C hanson de G u illa u m e, vv. 2533-25 37 , William throws his gauntlet down before the king and says: “ C i vus rend vo z fe e z .’’ 27. Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 3 1 2 - 1 3 . 28. Ibid., p. 312 .

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29. Ibid., pp. 3 1 2 - 1 3 . 30. Jenkins, note to v. 2363, cites G orm ont et Isem bart (ed. Alphonse Bayot, Classiques français du moyen âge 14 (Paris: Cham pion, 19 21]), vv. 374 -377, where the expression ten ir quite son fie u is used is used in this sense: Ber saint Denise, or m ’an aidiez! Jc o tenc de vus quite mun fieu D e nul autre n ’en conois ren Fors sut Deu, le veir del del. In Conrad, vv. 9 1-9 6 , Charlemagne reminds his men that God has granted them a rich and full life but requires service in return. He then goes on to say, vv. 9 7 -10 0 : Da der Reiser allir Hiemele Uorderet hin widere, Daz Er iu uirlihin hat, Frolichen ir uor Im stat. (Since the Lord o f all the Heavens N o w claims back again That which He granted to you in fief, Appear before Him joyfully). On the pledge (pignus) o f Heaven, see 2 Corinthians 1 :2 2 ; Ephesians 1 : 1 4 ; Blaise, par. 239. I f Turoldus implies that Roland is responsible for a fief o f some sort, he is evidently thinking o f the biblical notion o f stewardship or o f the parable o f the talents. Matthew 2 4 :4 3 -5 1 ; 2 3 :14 - 3 0 . 3 1. T h e Son g o f R o la n d , trans. Sayers, note to vv. 239 0 -239 1. C f. the gift o f faith viewed as a bonum depositum custodi (2 Tim othy 1 : 1 4 : Blaise, p. 398, n. 1). 32. Vinaver, “ La mort de R oland,” p. 140. 33. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 239-40. 34. Ibid., p. 240. 33. Ibid. 36. See vv. 1268, 15 10 , 3647. 37. Jones, p. 73 38. Complete summary o f Faith Lyons's unpublished paper, “ M ore About R o lan d ’s G lo v e," read before the Fifth International Congress o f the Société Rencesvals held at O xford in 1970, in the B u lletin bibliograph iqu e de la Société R en cesva ls 6 (19 7 1): 148, item 469. The article referred to by D r. Lyons is W . M . Hackett, “ Le gant de R o lan d ,” R om an ia 89 (1968): 2 33-36 . 39. On the notion o f expiatory homage, see Bloch, F eu d a l S o ciety, 2 :33 4 . For other propitiatory offerings, see Blaise, par. 234. A gauntlet is proffered to Saint Michael in Avranches MS. 210 , fol. 23. See Alexander, N orm an Illu m in atio n , p. 99 and pi. 19, h. I am indebted to M . François Avril, Keeper o f Manuscripts at the Bibliothèque N a­ tionale in Paris, for specifying, in a private communication to me dated 2 April 1969, that the manuscript in question is a cartulary o f Mont-Saint-Michel compiled during the abbacy o f R obert o f Torigni (113 4 -8 6 ). The drawing illustrates a charter recording a donation by Duke R obert the Magnificent to the Abbey. For bibliography on this cartulary, see Alexander, p. 19, n. 2. 40. On these signs o f remorse, see Yedlicka, R epen tan ce and R em orse in O ld Fren ch , pp. 352-84. 4 1. Blaise, par. 83. 42. Yedlicka, pp. 38 1-8 4 . In the P seu d o -T u rp in Roland presses his breasts and offers his flesh in expiation for his sins; in the rhymed versions he partakes o f lay com ­ munion. Brault, “ Girart d’Amiens and the P seu d o -T u rp in C h ro n ic le ," pp. 88-9 0; Payen, L e M o tif du rep en tir, p. 119 . The five senses, avenues o f temptation, were often

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alluded to in confessions. Janson, A p es and A p e L o re, p. 240; V ie de S a in t T hom as Bechet, vv. 1 1 7 5 - 1 1 7 7 ; R o n sasvals, ed. M ortier, pp. 14 1-4 2 . 43. A iiscan s, chanson de g este, eds. François Guessard and Anatole de Montaiglon, Les Anciens Poètes de la France 10 (Paris: Franck, 1870), Laisse 4, cited by T o ile r and Lommatzsch, 4: 3 1. 44. Yedlicka, R epen tan ce and R em orse in O ld Fren ch , p. 186. 43. Ibid. 46. Ibid. ; Blaise, p. 392, n. 4. 47. C f. the hero’s gesture in returning his ring to Isolt as a sign that he has fulfilled a pledge. T ristan de T hom as, 114 0 1. 48. E.g., R o la n d , v. 114 0 : B en sunt asols e gu iles de ¡u r pecch ez. 49. C f. E rec, vv. 2687, 3269. For other legal terms in the R o la n d , see Jones, p. 45. Ecclesiastical Latin pro ferre refers to the symbolical offering o f a gift. Blaise, par. 237. 30. Bédier’s translation here is accepted by Jones, p. 30. 3 1. Blaise, par. 6 1,6 7 , 80. 32. W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques,” p. 76 (fig. 39) and n. 123. 33. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : pi. II; 2 : figs. 293, 344, 368. 34. COMMENTARY, 24. 33. Twelfth-century console from Alspach, now in the Musée d’ Unterlinden at Colm ar. W ill, “ Recherches iconographiques," p. 71 ; R um pler, L 'A rt rom an en A lsace, pi. X X X I X . See also introduction , 12 and 14, a , 3 ; commentary , 22, note 29.

C O M M E N T A R Y 27 1. The dramatic contrast in these tw o scenes is noted by Horrent, p. 268. 2. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , pp. 19 8 -2 0 1 ; Jones, pp. 127, 18 2 ; Vance, R ead in g the So n g o f R o la n d , pp. 64-63. The reasons w hy, historically, R oncevaux was not avenged are discussed b y Menéndez Pidal, pp. 2 1 2 - 1 3 . 3. For another dusty pursuit, see commentary , 43 (vv. 3633-3633). 4. C f. Genesis 4 :10 . On the iconography o f the v o x san gu in is, see R éau, II, 1:9 7 . 3. Jones, pp. 83-84, explains that not only must the French deaths be avenged, but that the insult (Marsile gave his w ord to Charles) must be wiped out. 6. Ibid., pp. 4 4 -4 3 : “ Before pursuing the fleeting Saracens to avenge Roland. Charlemagne asks his vassals to grant him his feudal rights (e dreiture e honur, 2430), which probably designates the military service the vassals ow e him as their feudal lord.” H ow ever, the Emperor is clearly addressing God (v. 2429). On divine justice, see Paul Roussel, “ La croyance en la justice immanente à l’époque féodale,” L e M o yen A g e 34 (1948): 2 2 3 -4 8 ; Câlin, E p ic Q u est, p. 83. 7. Bibliography in Bédier’s n. 1. 8. Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 3 13 . Curdus, pp. 227-28, considers such references to be epic clichés ultimately derived from classical sources. On medieval lion symbolism, see Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 93-97. 9. Jenkins, note to vv. 2436 fr. 10. John 2 0 :17 . M odem commentators explain that Christ’s words m ay contain an indirect allusion to the Ascension, but they are mainly a w ay o f urging M ary Magda­ lene not to delay “ but go, tell m y brethren.” See also Réau, II, 2 :3 3 7 . However, medieval exegetes believed the scene was prefigured by Moses when he interdicted the Israelites from approaching Mount Sinai (Exodus 1 9 :1 2 - 1 3 ) . Réau, II, 1:2 0 4 ; II. 2 :3 3 7 . Numbers 1 9 : 1 1 - 2 2 sutes that touching a corpse causes a person to become unclean for seven days. 1 1. See COMMENTARY, 20.

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY 12. The problem o f distinguishing the Franks from the Saracens occasions a miracle in the K arlam agnús S a ga and the rhymed versions. Horrent, p. 188. 13. See introduction , 1 1 , d ; commentary , 34. 14. On the pursuit itself, see oxford text , English translation , v . 2445. 1$. Locke, Q u est, p. 4 1, suggests that the lateness o f the day also relates to the ninth hour, the time o f Christ’s death. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 284-85. sees a historical reminis­ cence here derived from the account in Einhard. 16. Jenkins, note to v. 2450. 17. Menéndez Pidal, pp. 3 0 5 - 1 1 , 3 1 7 - 1 8 ; Lejeune and Stiennon, 1:4 8 ; Brault, “ Le Thème de la M ort,” p. 229, n. 19 ; Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 18 2-8 5. C f. the Chronicle o f Moissac (c. 1050), cited by Jenkins, note to v. 2450, w ho also mentions a comparable phenomenon at the Battle o f Ascalon (1099). 18. The miracle o f the lengthening day is repeated in Conrad, in the battle against Paligan ( = Baligant), vv. 8 4 31-84 35, with reference (vv. 8421-8422) to the stratagem employed by Gideon in Judges 7 :16 . 19. Meredith-Jones, chap. 2. The miracle is repeated by Charles at Lucerna (Meredith-Jones, chap. 3, p. 99) and, by Roland, at Gratianapolis (variant: Granapolis; Meredith-Jones, chap. 33, pp. 237. 239, with specific references to Jericho [Joshua 6], P- 237). 20. Réau, 11, i : 225. 2 1. Ibid., II, 1:2 2 3 . 22. See commentary , 19. 23. Joshua 5 :14 . The spiritual visitor appears first in the form o f an angel, then is identified as Yahw eh in Joshua 6 :2 Íf. C f. Genesis 16 :7 , 13 ; 2 1 : 1 7 ; Exodus 2 3 :2 0 23; 3 3 : 2 ; Judges 2 : 1 - 4 ; 6 :1 1 - 2 4 . 24. A clear allusion to its mystical power. C f. Durendal’s brilliance, commentary , 25 (vv. 2 3 16 - 2317). 25. C f. the opening scene o f the C on te d el g ra a l. On the latter, see M ario Roques, “ Les anges exterminateurs de Perceval,” in F in du m oyen âge et R en aissan ce: M élan ges de p h ilo lo g ie fran çaise offerts à M . R o bert C u iette (Antwerp: De Nederlandsche Boeckhandel, 1961), pp. t - 4 ; Brault, E a rly B la z o n , p. 183. 26. Biaise, par. 3 15 , 316 . 318, 322. C f. the Valley o f Jehoshaphat (Joel 4 :2 , 12). where the Last Judgm ent will be held, popularly associated with the Valley o f Kidron in Jerusalem. In E rec, v. 2359, the V a l P erilleu s is said to be the place where Morgan la Fée lives. See also L es O eu vres d ’A den et le R o i, vol. 3, L es Enfances O g ier, ed. Albert Henry, Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, Werken uitgegeven door de Faculteit van de wijsbegeerte en letteren 12 1 (Bruges: D e Tempel, 1956), p. 347, note to v. 1730. 27. Blaise, par. 392. 28. There is a contrast here, too, between the Saracens meeting their end in the V al T enebrus and Roland dying in R en cesva b . 29. The expression p a r m erveillu s ahan (v. 2474) will echo in v. 3963, when Ganelon's punishment is decided. See commentary , 47. 30. i Peter 3 :2 1 . The medieval audience may have visualized the drowning o f the Saracens in the Son g o f R o la n d as evildoers being swallowed up by Leviathan, the gaping mouth o f Hell. This is the association made by Conrad in vv. 7067-7069. On this image, referring to Jo b 4 0 :2 5 -3 2 ; 4 1 : 1 - 2 6 , see Réau, II, 2 :7 5 1 - 5 2 ; A .C a ig c rSmith, E n glish M ed ieva l M u ra l P ain tin g (O xford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 36; Ménard, L e R ire , p. 547. For the iconography o f the D rowning o f Pharaoh’s Host, see Réau, II, 1:19 2 - 9 6 . The scene is represented allegorically in the tenth-century Paris Psalter (Bibliothèque Nationale, ms. gr. 139): a naked man ( = Abyss) seizes Pharaoh by the hair and drags him down to the deep. Charles Diehl. M a n u el d 'a rt byzan tin , 2d ed., 2 vols. (Paris: Picard. 1926), 2 :6 10 , fig. 288 (cf. also p. 6 17, fig. 293);

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R o b b , Illu m in ated M an u script, p. 48. On Abyss (Abisme), see commentary , 17, note 44. On the folk m otif o f the sea that becomes angry when evil deeds are committed, see T ristan de T hom as, 1:3 8 , note; Jonin, Personnages fém in in s, p. 448; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, pp. 400, 4 13 . 3 1. C f. Psalms 1 1 4 :3 . 32. Plunging straight down to the bottom or perhaps descending in a spinning or tumbling motion (v. 2471 : s’en tumerent). C f. OFr. go rge ‘whirlpool’ . Brault, E a rly B la z o n , p. 270. 33. See commentary , 29 (vv. 2587,2590). O n the possible humor here, see Ménard, L e R ire , p. 59. 34. See Oxford text , English translation , v . 2475. 3$. According to Horrent, p. 2$o, n. 1, the destruction o f the Saracen arm y in this passage is not a true battle. 36. See COMMENTARY, 1 4. 37. In fact, except for a single letter, vv. 99 and 2478 are identical in every respect. The possibility that v. 2478 m ay be out o f place here (cf. v. 2242) is remote, for it occurs in this passage in other copies. H owever, Jenkins notes that Venice IV substi­ tutes jo ie , “ which seems preferable,” for eschec. 38. Prostration (vv. 2449, 2480) is an attitude o f prayer found in the Bible. Blaise, par. 83. For illustrations o f this posture in Prudentius, see W oodruff, “ Illustrated Manuscripts o f Prudentius,” figs. 18, 70, 73-76 . 39. Some scholars believe the Saracens have now been fittingly punished and use this as an argument against the authenticity o f the Baligant episode. Horrent, pp. 249-50. 40. C f. Isaiah 1 1 : 6 - 9 , where repose is a reflection o f the eternal rest o f Paradise. Blaise, par. 94, 307 and n. 25 (refrigerii locus). Hatzfeld, “ Le R o la n d slied allemand,” p. 55: “ Après la vengeance de Charles la nature semble prendre part à la victoire, mais pas— hélas— à la douleur de l'empereur pour la perte de son neveu.” The elegiac quality o f this scene is commented on by Vance, R ead in g the Son g o f R o la n d , pp. 66-67. Jenkins interprets la tere deserte in v. 2489 as a ‘wilderness’, but ‘deserted land’ is doubt­ less more accurate, for an eerie peace and calm is suggested rather than uncultivated land. C f. v. 3 12 7 , tere gu aste. O n the concept o f the Waste Land, consult Vinaver, R is e o f R om ance, chap. 4, pp. 53-6 7. 4 1. Psalms 3 2 :9 ; Robertson, Preface to C h au cer, pp. 253-54 . The horse is also a symbol o f devotion (Frye, A n atom y o f C riticism , p. 152), majesty (D avy, Sym bo liqu e rom ane, p. 225; Segre, note to v. 45, citing R obert de Blois’s Ensoignem ent des prin ces, vv. 236-238 : P a r le ch eval entendre pu et / C hascons saiges qu ’1 sen efie f E t d ig n eti et seign o rie), and nobility (Dufournet, C o u rs su r R o la n d , p. 88). For other uses o f the horse in epic poetry, see Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 15 7 -7 0 . 42. The Four Horsemen o f the Apocalypse, today often associated with divine retribution, were Christ symbols o f another sort to medieval exegetes. See Réau, II, 2:696. R o n sasvals, p. 143, refers to animals being still out o f respect for the dead. C f. the legend o f the animals on Christmas eve (Réau, II, 2:228 -29 ), a possible allusion to Isaiah 1 : 3 . The tradition is mentioned in Shakespeare’s H am let. 43. Psalms 2 3 :2 . 44. On the cock symbol, see Blaise, p. 128, n. 2. For references to Christian vigilance, see R éau, II, 2:429, 439, 747. C f. the monachal custom o f rising for prayer in the middle o f the night (vigil). Blaise, par. 13. 45. See COMMENTARY, 16. 46. In 1 Samuel 2 6 :7 David finds Saul asleep inside his camp, his spear stuck in the ground beside his head. 47. See P erlesvau s, 2 :2 5 6 -5 7 . The relic was discovered at Antioch in 1098. Jenkins,

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY note to vv. 2 5 0 3 - 2 5 11; Horrent, p. 2 9 1; Menéndez Pidal, p. 24 3; Frappier, C h rétien de T royes et le m ythe du g ra a l, pp. 17 1- 7 4 . Charlemagne’s sword, preserved at SaintDenis, was part o f the regalia used in the crowning ceremony. Costa, T résors des E glises de Fran ce, p. 50. 48. Biaise, par. 9. On the notion o f G od ’s bounty in this connection (v. 2507), see Jones, p. 54; Burgess, V ocabulaire pré-cou rtois, pp. n o - 1 1 . 49. For a similar interpretation, see Pauphilet, L e L egs du m oyen âge, pp. 88-89; Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, p. 12 ; and Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 84-97, with special reference to earlier studies by Heisig. Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, p. 188, suggests that Charles is “ full o f fears about R oland,” but the Emperor already knows his nephew is dead (vv. 2 5 13 , 2516). 50. Horrent, p. 360, n. 5, explains that Charles does not yet know that R olan d’s soul has been saved, although die audience is well aware o f this. Vance, R ea d in g the Son g o f R o la n d , pp. 7 0 -7 1, suggests that the figure o f Charlemagne in this passage “ provides a context o f wisdom and maturity in which the consequences o f Roland’s ordeal and passion take on their full meaning. Although with the unfolding o f time the psychological outline o f neither Roland nor Charlemagne has changed, w e o f the audience have experienced a profound reversal o f perspective, which carries us beyond the arrogant pride o f a young knight to the tragic wisdom o f supreme old age.” For a possible parody o f the alternation between Charles’s jo y and g rie f in this passage, see commentary , 33 (v. 2789).

C O M M E N T A R Y 28 1. At this point— or thereabouts (Horrent, pp. 255-56 )— begins the Baligant episode. For bibliography, see introduction , note 17. 2. See COMMENTARY, 24 (v. 22Ó2). 3. Sec vv. 2529 -2530: Par avisiun li ad anunciet D ’une bataille ki encuntre lui ert. 4. Jenkins, note to vv. 2555 fr.; Horrent, p. 245, n. 2. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 18 5 ; Bract, “ Fonction et importance du songe,” p. 4 14 ; and Dufoumet, C o u rs sur R o la n d , pp. 27-28 , see an allusion to Lucan. 5. On the significance o f the Ardennes in these passages, see Bédier, C om m entaires, pp. 10 7 -8 . Câlin, E p ic Q u est, p. 13, considers the woods in this passage to be a sym bol o f anarchy. 6. Horrent, p. 256. On meteorological disturbances in Turoldus’s poem, see INTRODUCTION, 16, B. 7. R cau, II, i ; 1 1 5 - 16 . Medieval chroniclers characteristically viewed such afflictions as divine retribution. Smail, C ru sadin g W arfare, p. 100. Conrad, vv. 7454-7457, has Charles say that whatever God sends him will be considered a punishment for his sins and those o f his ancestors. 8. C f. A m i’s leprosy in A m i et A m ile. Calin, E p ic Q uest, p. 88. 9. H am artigenia, v. 735 (Pru den tius, 1:2 5 6 ); Réau. II, 1 : 1 1 6 ; Calin, E p ic Q u est, p. 13. 10. Horrent, p. 245, n. 3, observes that this dream foreshadows the same events as those in the second vision, vv. 724 if. O wen inserts the passage in question after v. 737. Sec commentary , 10, note I. 1 1 . See oxford text , English translation , v v . 2556, 2557. and commentary , 24 (vv. 2268, 2272, 2556) and 45 (v. 3736). 12. Vance, R ead in g the Son g o f R o la n d , p. 33.

13.

introduction ,

19, g .

NOTES TO THE CO M M EN TARY

C O M M E N T A R Y 29 1. See INTRODUCTION, 18, H. 2. T o be sure, i f there were moonlight, the shadows could be cast by the olive tree, but see vv. 2632-2637. The stopping o f the sun by Charlemagne plainly has no bearing on the matter at hand. 3. See COMMENTARY, 12. 4. See introduction , 16, d ; commentary , 6 (v. 366). C f. v. 2705 (arrival o f Saracen messengers). 5. The contrast between Marsile’s powerlessness and despair, and Roland’s hope is noted by Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. 17. 6. Lejeune and Stiennon, i : 35. 7. Ibid., 1:3 5 . 8. It is a painted chamber (v. 2594), often, in the romances, associated with magic (Loomis, A rth u rian T radition and C h rétien de T ro yes, p. 304, n. 13 ); cf., however, T ristan de T hom as, 1 :3 0 9 - 1 0 (see Bédier’s note 1, p. 309), and Charlemagne’s painted palace at Aachen (Meredith-Jones, pp. 2 2 1, 223, 225, 227, 229; but see p. 333, note to p. 220, lines xii-x iv ). 9. The Saracen queen’s observation concerning the Franks in v. 2604 (“ K i si sunt fiers n’unt cure de lur vies” ) is reminiscent o f Ganelon's complaint about Roland in v. 227 (“ N e li chalt, sire, de quel mort nus muijuns” ). 10. Bramimonde’s religion is contrasted with that o f Charlemagne and Roland by Graf, P arallelism u s im R o la n d slied , p. 17 (Saracen treatment o f idols is contrasted with Christian reverence and hope, pp. 17 - 18 ) . See also Skidmore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 24. On the importance o f Bram imonde’s despair in the debate over the authenticity o f the Baligant episode, consult Horrent, pp. 244-43. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :3 3 - 3 6 , identify a statue in the Angoulême sculpture as the idol o f Apollo (v. 2380). 1 1 . On this epic motif, see Skidmore, M o ra l T raits o f C h ristian s and Saracens, p. 34, n. 40; H uon de B o rdeau x, p. 79; Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :12 9 ; Ménard, L e R ire , pp. 62, 192 and n. 38. In Conrad, vv. 4 17 7 -4 2 16 , Roland demolishes a pagan temple on the battlefield o f R oncevaux. His men wish to keep the gold they find there, but Roland forbids it. Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 : 1 2 8 ; 2 : fig. 103. For similar episodes in the Roland legend, consult Lejeune and Stiennon, 1 :2 1 6 (2: fig. 18 1), 240 (2: fig. 2 11 ) , 328 (2: figs. 383, 386). In the P seu d o -T u rp in Charles says that the Saracens adore the devil in the form o f idols (Meredith-Jones, p. 13 1). According to Le Goff, C iv ili­ sation, p. 138, the destruction o f idols was a preoccupation o f the early Middle Ages. It was also an important m otif in the saints’ lives. Delehaye, L es Passions des m artyrs, pp. 190, 2 1 3 - 1 6 . In A po th eosis, vv. 402-403 (Prudentius, 1 :13 o ), Apollo writhes when Christ’s name is uttered. 12. Faral, L a C hanson de R o la n d , p. 242, n. 1 : “ le rôle attribué à la reine Bramimonde dans cet épisode est nécessaire pour expliquer sa conversion à la fin du poèm e; . . . il est impossible, sans ce chaînon, d’établir une liaison satisfaisante entre les événements qui précèdent et ceux de l’épilogue.” C f. Horrent, pp. 244-43. Am ong the arguments developed by the latter, pp. 249-34, against the authenticity o f the Baligant episode, there is one that calk for brief comment here. Horrent underscores “ La manière gauche de présenter pour la première fois l’amiral de Babylone" and the fact that “jusqu’à présent, personne n’a soufflé mot de l’aide hypothétique de l’allié d’outre­ m er" (p. 231). H ow ever, the transition between the destruction o f the idols by Bram i­ monde and the recollection o f Marsile’s threat to deny his gods is executed with considerable skill. The procedure is the same as the poet used in the ride to Saragossa, where the word cu n seill in v. 379 prompts Ganelon to tell the story concerning the red apple, an anecdote designed to show that his stepson is a bad counselor (commentary , 6).

n o tes to

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13. For the parallel between Bramimonde and Guibourc, see Frappier, C hansons

Je geste, 1:17 6 - 7 9 . 14. Bramimonde’s cries over Saragossa (vv. 2598-2399) are reminiscent o f biblical laments over Jerusalem : Jerem iah 1 5 : $ - 9 ; Lamentations 1 : 1 - 2 2 ; M atthew 2 3 :3 7 -3 9 . C f. COMMENTARY, 14, note 43. 15. Some editors emend .X X . in v. 2578 to .X X X . For this and other conjectures, see Segre. 16. For contemporary illustrations, see Diehl, M a n u el d 'a rt b y z a n tin , 2: figs. 303, 304; oxford text , ENCUSH TRANSLATION, v. 8. On pagan idols, see Janson, A p es and A p e L o re, p. 2 1 ; Panofsky and Saxl, “ Classical M ythology,“ p. 248, n. 26; R éau, II, 1:2 0 5 (Golden C a lf); II, 2 :2 8 0 -8 1 (Fall o f the Idols (monkey = idol]). 17. There is perhaps an ironic reference here to Clim borin’s vaunt that he would remove the Em peror’s crown (v. 1490). 18. On carbuncles, see note 35 below. 19. The incident also foreshadows the beating o f Ganelon in w . 3737-3739 , which involves aping o f the Scourging o f Christ, commentary, 45. Taking aw ay scepter and crown is an inversion o f the conferring o f these objects on Christ. 20. Jenkins, note to v. 2582, citing C om fort; Frappier, C hansons de geste, 2 :12 4 - 2 6 ; Ménard, L e R ire p. 79. C f. also vv. 17 5 1, 3223. In the Psychom aehia, vv. 7 2 1- 7 2 5 , the body o f Discord is tom asunder, then parceled out to unclean animals. See also COMMENTARY, 18, note 23. 2 1. Meredith-Jones, chap. 4, pp. 10 1, 103 (see note, pp. 29 1-92). 22. See introduction , 18, H. 23. C f. v. 2. 24. See commentary , 28, note 1. 25. G yöry, E tu de sur R o la n d , pp. 25, 9 7-9 8; L a C hanson de R o la n d , ed. Calin, p. 1 1 . Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” pp. 14 2 -4 3 , views Marsile as an Antichrist figure. It was believed that Antichrist would be bom o f the tribe o f Dan in Babylon or Antioch. Steven Runcim an, A H istory o f the C rusades, 3 vols. (Cam bridge: University Press, 1954), 3 :4 1- 4 2 . 26. See, for example, Horrent, p. 254. 27. There are numerous examples o f lengthy continuations in O ld French literature, often changing the spirit o f the original (e.g., C o n te d el g ra a l, R om an de la R o se), but also o f the work o f one author being finished by another, but in accordance with the former’s wishes (C harrette). 28. See, for example, Jenkins, note to v. 2 6 14 ; Bédier, C om m entaires, p. 53 ; D uggan, “ The Generation o f the Episode o f Baligant,” p. 7 1. C f. W athelet-W illem, R echerches,

1:6 2 2 . 29. 30. p. 77; 3 1. 32.

This identification is reinforced by mention o f Alexandria in v. 2626. Hatzfeld, Literatu re T hrough A rt, pp. 7 - 8 ; Vos, “ Aspects o f Biblical T yp o lo g y,” INTRODUCTION, 1 5, D. Daniel 7 :9 ; Revelation 1 :9 - 1 6 . Homer was known through the Ilia s latin a. Curtáis, p. 59; D avy, Sym b o liq u e rom ane, p. 142. 33. Faral, Jo n g leu rs, pp. 20, 272; D avy, Sym bo liq u e rom ane, p. 14 4 ; Le Goff, C iv ili­ sation, p. 217. C f. the image o f Socrates and Plato in Herrad o f Landsberg; Cam es. A llég o ries, pp. 15 - 1 6 , and fig. 5 (blackbirds, representing Satan, whisper in their ear). 34. Domenico Comparctti, V irg ilio n el m edio evo , 3d ed., 2 vols. (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1943-46); John W . Spargo, V irg il the N ecrom ancer, Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature 10 (Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1934); D av y, Sym boliqu e rom ane, p. 145. The revolving castle in P erlesvau s, line 5788, was made by Virgil and is associated with Hell (2:316 ).

45 2

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35. According to Bow ra, H eroic P o etry, pp. 206-7, the ships in this passage under­ score the wealth and brilliance o f the Saracens. However, in reality, the illuminated vessels cast evil reflections on their owners. See introduction , 19, d . In the Bible a tall ship is a sym bol o f pride (commentary , i , note 21). T o the bibliography on carbuncles in Brault, E a rly B la z o n , pp. 139 -4 0 , add P erlesvau s, 2 : 3 1 3 ; Calin, E p ic Q u est, pp. 29, 39, 40; T uve, A lleg o rica l Im agery, p. 16, n. 7. In v. 2389 it is an attribute o f Tervagant. The lanterns (vv. 2633, 2643) suggest a moonless night (cf. vv. 2370 fr.). The moon rises the night follow ing Baligant’s arrival (v. 3639). C f. introduction , note 283. 36. C f. Y v a in , v. 861 : ‘V an fu la bataille plus bele.” On medieval attitudes toward sirens, see M cCulloch, M ed ia eva l L atin an d French B estiaries, pp. 166-69. It is Iaer (= la v e r), 428; li, 277, 420; los, 16 7, 184, 414 ; lu is, 2:262;

572

INDEX V ocabulary {ton t.) m ahum eries, 170 , m ain a la m aissele, 11 4 ; m aisn iee, 285; m ale chançun, 4 2 1; m ales a n , 38 2, 2:263; m ales n u ve le s, 305; m al eü ré, 373; m ale vo d e, 174 ; m al p rist, 2:256; m ais, 1 1 8 ; m ais m o z , 4 19 ; m altallan t, 4 2 1; m a lva is s a lu z , 276, 362, 4 5 4 -5 5 ; m ar, 2 2 2 -2 3 , 227, 369, 4 3 1; m arche, m arches, 2:256, 2:257; m ártir, 389; m artirie, m artyrie, 18 7 , 207, 2:267; m aubre, 389; m eh ain gn é, 388; m eie cu lp e, 254; m eillo r (l i ), 2:259; m ellee, 396; m enee (la), 4 2 1; m enut, 254; m ercit, 13 3 , 2 9 1; m erve ille , 7 4 75; m erv e illie r sei, 7 4 -7 5 ;

p le in e , 2:276; p le in e sa hanste, 2:26 4 -6 5 ; p o e ir, 2 :2 7 1, 2:275; poëstet, 2:279; p o ign an t, 408; p o ro ffrir, 255; p o r ço q u e, 2:258; p o r q u e, 2:258; p o rt, 2:248; p o n , 2:260, p re e , 428; presse, 204; ptrisun, 468; p ro d , p ro d e, p r o z , 14 , 24, 85, 13 3 , 13 4 , 18 2 , 187, 18 8 , 19 3, 2 3 1, 3 5 1 , 395. 404, 4 1 2 - 1 3 , 2:255, 2:260, 2 :2 7 1; p ro p h ète, 105; p ro z d o m e, 4 12 ; p u i agut, 439; p u lcele, 2:262; p u n z relu sa n z , 275; p u r m ei, 2 23, 4 3 1; qu e que, 472; quite de p e c h ie z , 259; rage, 2:250; rage au coeur, 2 :2 6 1; recreant, 2:269, 2 :2 8 1; recreiz, 473; recreantise, 3 8 1; recrerrunt, 2:263; rec n a i, 2 :2 8 1; recu illir, 295; rem em brance, 3 10 ; rem em ber, 3 10 ; retie, 394; rendre son g a g e, 259; renges, 2:264; roet, 2:275; ronce, 365; rubostl, 2:268; sa frez , 2:264; sage, sages, saige, sa ive, sa ives, 85, 10 3 - 4 , 12 3 , 13 7 , 13 8 , 160, 182, 395, 2 :2 5 3 -5 4 ; salvem en t, 16 7; sap id e, 367, 2:264; sardonie, 2:270; S a n a z in s espans, 2:246, 2:260; saver, sa v eir, 2 7 7 , 297, 305; seint, 160; seintism e, 443; sem pres, 395; senter, 58; serm ons, 242; servir, 222; ses, 2:278; s ’espee, 428; s e z , 2:268; si, 248, 2:254, 2:272; s ’i, 248; sodom ite, 209; sofrir, 243; soldeiers, 12 3 , 2:254; sorfist, 320; s o n , 382. spee, 428; sufraite, 243; sum er, 2:259; su rvesqu iet, 2:272; taburs, 2:263; talent, ta len z , 2:259, 2:264; tant chevalcherent . . . que, 87, 144, 1 6 1 ; large, 459; tem p ez , 2:272; tem ple, 429, 2:268; tendre, 255; tenebrus, 64; ten ir le c h ie f enbronc I en clin , 1 1 4 ; ten ir quite sun fie u , 446; tere deserte, 449; tere gu aste, 449; tertre, 439; tim on ie, 2:274; tin el, 198; t¡reres, 2:270; tom be, tonbe, 389; trattur su duian t, 17 5 ; trecevant, 2:277; trespassers, 298; trestorner m ort, 1 9 1 ; lreü d, 2 :26 1; trie, trie v e , trive , 2:261 ; trop,

m erveillo s, m erveillu s, m erveillu ses, 7 4 -7 5 , 282; m erveillo sem en t, 75; m eslee, 148; m esler sei, 148; m eslisez , 3 % ; m espenser, 203; m essages, 2:272; m onte, 386; m ort, 2 :2 5 1; m ortel rage, 2 :2 6 1; m ules, 126; m un taign e, 11 9 ; m urdrie, 156 ; n e v o ld , 430, 457; n oble, 232, 240; n oit, n u it, 463, 2:252; nostre, 386; n o veles, 2:279 -80; nusches, 2:260; o, 2:272; ocis, 264; o lifan t, 426; o liv e , 2:258; o rg o il, o rg o ill, o rg o ilz , o rg u ill, 97, 14 2 , 374, 397, 2:254, 2:256, 2:260, 2:268; orgu illu s, 2:254; orgu illu sem en t, 2:276; o rie, 4 18 ; oriflam m e, 4 18 ; ost ban ie, 2:254; p a ie n , 278; p a n , pa n s, 295, 2:263, 2:265, 2:275; p a r, 2:277; p a r am u r e p a r fe id , 473; parastre, 397, 406, 2:257; p a rfu n t, 64; p a ro le , 4 2 1; P a tern e, 45, 255, 2 :2 7 1; pecchet, 134 , 2:253, 2 :2 7 8 -7 9 ; p e lé , 463; p e le rin , 58; p en d re, 2:265-6 6 ; p e rd te e d el ' q u ir e d el p e il, 4 10 ; p e rfid ia , 340; p e n e bise I byse, 247, 438; p erru n , perru n s, 246, 248, 249, 268, 387, 456, 470; p erru n byse, 438; p erru n de sardonie, 247, 438; pesm e, pesm es, 74, 136 , 347, 405; p in , 387; p itet, p itiet, 64, 472, 2 :2 8 1; p la ce, 2:262;

573

INDEX V ocabulary (cont .): 2:258, 2:264; tros de lance, 420; tru vee, 2:282; tue (la ), 207; tu m e z , 2 :2 7 1; tu rp in , 380; turs, 2:267; uers, 2 :2 6 1; u ltre, 2:265; um eliance, 187; u n kes, 2:270; va illa n t, v a illa n z , 188, 4 13 ; pairs, 2:257; vantances, 374; vassal, vassals, 85, 2 0 0 -2 0 1, 2:256 (see also bons vassals ); vasselage, 208, 4 2 2 -2 3 , 2:267, 2:275; v e ia g e, 58; v e ie , 58; v e ie r, 3 3 1 ; veisd ie, 2 T 7 , 2 :2 6 1; veltres, 2 :2 6 1; v e n g e z , 13 3 ; ven ir, 2:260; verge p e le e , 298, 463; verger, vergier, 67, 387; verte h erbe, 368; vertu os, 85; vertu t, 2 9 1, 402; vestut, 295; vifs diables, 2 :2 6 1; v ig u r, 3 10 ; viltet, 12 6 Voice: bear w ith a hum an, 268 V o s, M arianne C ram er: Bram im onde, 475; hanging o f Ganelon’s relatives, 474; interpretation o f the S o n g o f R o la n d , 353; Rash Saracen, 4 4 1; R oncevaux, 365; Saragossa, 386 V o x san gu in is, 2 6 1, 425 Vulcan, Rom an god o f fire, 385 W ake, 262 W ailing, 275 WaU o f air, 235 W all paintings Anagni: cathedral of, F ig . 5 6 Berzé-la Ville: m onastic chapel of, 45 C atacom bs, 436, 445 C ivate: church o f San Pietro, 441 C olo gn e: Sankt M aria Lyskirchen, 39 1 Crcssac: T em plars’ chapel, 383 Le Loroux-Bottereau: chapel o f Saint-Laurent, 234 Saint-Savin-sur-G artem pe: abbey church o f, 195 Walls o f T y re , 120 Walther o f Aquitaine: in the W altharius, 436 Waltz, Matthias: on the interpretation o f the S o n g o f R o la n d , 1 3 W ar dance, 288 Warfare: prospect o f never-ending, 477

W ar-W eariness (theme), 12 5 , 16 2 , 281 W asteland, 292, 449 W atchman in the to w er, 466 W ater, 437. S e e also Sym b o ls W athelet-W illem , Jeanne: on s w o r d form ulas, 1 1 2 - 1 3 W aving a banner, 2 19 W eapons, n am in g.of, 443 W earing apparel, C arolingian, 8 8 W eeping, 1 1 2 , 16 7, 258, 3 2 7 , 3 3 7 , 406. S e e also Tears W ergild, 323 W heel o f Fortune. S e e Fortune, Wheel o f W hited sepulchre, 12 2 , 356 W hite knight, 434 W idow hood, 470 W id o w ’s w eeds, 475 W ild carob tree, 368 W ilderness, 74, 461 W illiam : in the C h a n so n de G u illa u m e , 445; in the C o u ro n n em en t d e L o u is , 1 1 3 W illiam the C on queror, K in g o f England, 46, 380 W ilm otte, M aurice: on epic form ulas, 8 W isdom : term inology o f, 4 1 . S e e also V anity o f W ordly W isd o m W ithdrawal and Return (them e), 37 6 W ithholding nam e, 17 5 W om an clothed w ith sun, 308 W om en: boasting to, 227; con d itio n , 407; influence, 409; m ed ieval attitudes tow ard, 16 8, 17 5 , 3 16 . S e e also Alda; Bram im onde; G uibourc; Prophetic role o f w o m en ; Saracen w om en W oods, W illiam S .: on the fo u r stones and three b lo w s, 440 W orld, tripartite, 108 Y ear: first day o f the, 3 19 , 470 Y ou th : m edieval ideal o f, 458 Ysangrain: in the R o m a n d e R e n a rt, 3 8 9 Y vain: in Chrétien de T ro y e s’s Y v a in , 2 18 Zalaca, Battle of, 432 Z aragoza, 274. S e e a lso Saragossa Z u m th or, Paul: on the epic lam ent,

222 574