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English & Serbian Pages 206 [209] Year 2021
Miloš Todorović
Miloš Todorović
SRBIJA I EGIPAT /SERBIA AND EGYPT
SRBIJA I EGIPAT Srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi
SERBIA AND EGYPT Serbian-Egyptian intercultural relations
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ЕDICIЈА
Porta Mundi Miloš Todorović SRBIJA I EGIPAT / SERBIA AND EGYPT Srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi / Serbian-Egyptian intercultural relations Izdavač Udruženje za promociju kulturne raznolikosti „Alia Mundi“ https://udruzenjealiamundi.wixsite.com/alia-mundi [email protected] Urednik Dr Ana Stjelja Pogovor Dr Nemanja Radonjić Lektura Miroslav Loci Naslovnica Srpske šare / Prikaz merenja srca, iz “Knjige mrtvih” (foto: Manfred Werner; izvor: Wikimedia Commons - CC BY-SA 3.0) ISBN 978-86-81396-12-4
©Udruženje „Alia Mundi“ 2021. Sva prava zadržana.
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Miloš Todorović
SRBIJA I EGIPAT Srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi
SERBIA AND EGYPT Serbian-Egyptian intercultural relations Translated into English by the author
Beograd/Belgrade, 2021. 3
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Mojim dragim prijateljima iz Egipta; zbog vas sam se zaljubio u ovu državu kada sam je prvi put posetio 2017. godine, a od tada ona zajedno sa vama zauzima posebno mesto u mom srcu
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REČ UREDNIKA Pred čitaocima se nalazi jedna veoma zanimljiva i značajna publikacija sa aspekta istorijskih, političkih, diplomatskih i kulturnih odnosa Srbije i Egipta, ujedno i jedina ovako koncipirana publikacija o srpsko-egipatskim odnosima objavljena kod nas. Ove dve zemlje veže vekovno prijateljstvo koje je, u skladu sa istorijskim okolnostima, imalo svoje uspone i padove, no nit koja spaja dve kulture i dva naroda nikada u potpunosti nije bila prekinuta. Mladi istraživač i autor ove knjige, Miloš Todorović, nastojao je da se u okviru svog istraživanja dotakne onih najznačajnijih aspekata srpsko-egipatskih odnosa, počevši od uspostavljanja diplomatske misije Srbije u Egiptu (1908. koja je kasnije prerasla u ambasadu) sve do današnjih dana kada su, čine se, srpsko-egipatski odnosi dostigli svojevrsni vrhunac. Ova publikacija će svakako zanimati one kojima je tematika srpsko-egipatskih odnosa bliska, bilo da je u pitanju politički, istorijski, diplomatski ili kulturni kontekst. Ova knjiga ujedno sublimira najvažnije događaje i ličnosti koji su doprineli razvoju dobrih međukulturnih odnosa dve zemlje. Centralni deo knjige posvećen je onom periodu kada su odnosi Srbije i Egipta bili na najvišem nivou, a to je period prijateljstva predsednika SFRJ Josipa Broza Tita i Ujedinjene Arapske Republike Gamala Abdela Nasera, odnosno 6
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period formiranja Pokreta nesvrstanih, koji je ne samo u istoriji ove dve zemlje, već i u datom istorijskom trenutku odigrao veoma značajnu ulogu u političkoj, ekonomskoj, društvenoj i kulturnoj sferi zemalja članica. Ovde svakako treba dodati i ulogu koju je imao i Zdravko Pečar, osnivač i utemeljivač Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu koji je upravo u pomenutom periodu, kao novinar lista „Borba“, boravio u Egiptu te imao tu čast da intervjuiše predsednika Nasera, zahvaljujući čemu danas imamo veoma značajno neposredno svedočanstvo o ovoj zemlji i njenim prilikama. Zahvaljujući Pečaru, imamo i bogatu foto dokumentaciju koja je pohranjena u Muzeju afričke umetnosti, a na šta je, takođe, skrenuta pažnja u ovoj knjizi. Ova publikacija se osim političkih i ekonomskih, dotiče i kulturno-diplomatskih veza Srbije i Egipta. Opšte je poznata činjenica da su kulturni poslenici jedne zemlje možda i najbolji njeni reprezenti u inostranstvu. Tako je bilo i sa srpskim kulturnim poslenicima, pre svega književnicima i intelektualcima, te umetnicima i avanturistima koji su još u 19. veku pohodili Egipat, počevši od Pavla Riđičkog koji je sa svog putovanja u „zemlju faraona“ u Srbiju doneo mumiju poznatiju kao „Beogradska mumija“, zatim Milorada Rajčevića i dr Milana Jovanovića Morskog koji su sa svog putovanja u Egipat ostavili pisani trag o ovoj mističnoj zemlji koja je oduvek privlačila pažnju svetskih putnika. Svakako da je trag u srpsko-egipatskim odnosima i ostvarivanju kulturnih veza dve zemlje, doprinela i srpska književnica Jelena J. Dimitrijević koja je svoje putovanje ovekovečila kroz kraći putopis „Pisma iz Misira“ (1919) i 7
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obimniji putopis „Sedam mora i tri okeana. Putem oko sveta“ (1940). Osim književnog svedočanstva o Egiptu, Jelena je uspostavila i prijateljske odnose sa znamenitim egipatskim ženama, među kojima se svakako ističe pionirka egipatskog feminizma Huda Šaravi. Nakon Jelene J. Dimitrijević Egipat je posetila i srpska glumica Desa Dugalić koja je svoje putovanje u Egipat i Svetu zemlju ovekovečila u putopisu „Zabeleške s puta kroz Palestinu, Siriju i Egipat u leto 1931“, propraćenom brojnim fotografijama. Naravno, veoma je značajan i diplomatski rad Jovana Dučića koji je kao diplomatski predstavnik Srbije u Egiptu takođe imao zapaženu ulogu u razvoju međukulturnih odnosa dve zemlje. On je takođe za sobom ostavio pisani trag o svom boravku u Egiptu, kao i mnogi drugi koji su posetili ovu zemlju, koja svakako inspiriše i poziva na istraživanje. Zanimljivo je svakako i prisustvo srpsko-egipatskih veza u umetnosti slikara Paje Jovanovića, te prisustva elemenata orijentalizma u njegovom slikarstvu, ali i prisustvo egipatskog nasleđa u delima savremenih srpskih pesnika i pisaca na koje autor takođe skreće pažnju u ovoj knjizi. Autor se u ovoj knjizi dotakao i egipatskog nasleđa u Srbiji i to kroz kratko poglavlje o egipatskim artefaktima koji su izloženi u srpskim muzejima. Pažnju čitalaca je skrenuo i na trenutne aktivnosti koje sprovodi Ambasada Egipta u saradnji sa srpskim kulturnim institucijama i organizacijama. Posebno se ističe uloga aktuelnog ambasadora Egipta u Srbiji Nj.E. Amra Alguvejlija čijim su ličnim i profesionalnim zalaganjem kulturni odnosi Srbije i Egipta podignuti na jedan viši nivo. 8
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Ova publikacija pledira da sublimira sve one najznačajnije činioce u razvoju međukulturnih odnosa dve tradicionalno prijateljske zemlje, ali i da bude svedočanstvo o aktivnostima koje su nedavno sprovedene na polju jačanja međukulturnih odnosa, kao možda model ili obrazac po kome bi Srbija trebalo da razvija ili pak obnovi međukulturne veze sa tradicionalno prijateljskim zemljama. S obzirom na to da je knjiga osmišljena kao dvojezično (srpsko-englesko) izdanje, ona će svakako jednako biti dostupna kako srpskim i egipatskim čitaocima te zainteresovanim studentima (istorije, istorije umetnosti, arheologije, arapskog jezika i književnosti, političkih nauka...) tako i istraživačima te stručnoj javnosti kojoj je ova tematika bliska. Knjiga osim relevantnih istorijskih podataka (oslanjajući se na stručnu literaturu i relevantne izvore) nudi i foto dokumentaciju koja ima za cilj ilustraciju svih onih značajnih ličnosti i događaja koji su ostavili traga u izgradnji međukulturnih odnosa između Srbije i Egipta. Ova publikacija svakako može da posluži kao vrlo korisna polazišna tačka za neka dalja i temeljnija istraživanja na ovu i srodne teme, vrlo koncizno i hronološki prikazujući kako su se razvijali međusobni odnosi Srbije i Egipta te kakvi su oni danas.
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I Uvod
Džozef Naj je 90-ih izneo koncept „meke moći“ koji je razgradio u svojoj istoimenoj knjizi “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics”. Ono što je Naj primetio i što će dalje popularisati politikolozi i političari, jeste činjenica da se u savremenom svetu menja paradigma moći. Zapazio je da pored klasične moći koju je okarakterisao kao „čvrsta moć“ (eng. hard power), koja podrazumeva ekonomsku i vojnu moć države, u međunarodnoj politici postoji i druga, ponekad čak i suprotna vrsta moći, odnosno „meka moć“. U političkom smislu, cilj bilo kog oblika moći je da država dobije šta želi od druge ili drugih. Kod „čvrste moći“ se taj rezulat postiže nametanjem želje države koja je ima dok se kod „meke moći“ postiže isti rezultat, ali na drugačiji način. Država koja poseduje ovakav vid moći dobija šta želi, ne zbog nametanja, već zato što ostale države žele da je oponašaju i budu isto što ta država predstavlja. Odnosno, mekom moći se utiče na ponašanje i razmišljanje drugoga čime se postiže to da oni žele isto što i ta država želi bez ikakvog prisiljavanja (Nye 2004, 5). Naj takođe identifikuje i izvore ove vrste moći, navodeći da su to kultura države, njene političke vrednosti i spoljna politika koju vodi. Jasno je zašto političke vrednosti i spoljna politika države predstavljaju izvor meke moći budući da mora postojati svest o njenom integritetu kako bi druge države želele da je slede. Međutim, Naj jasno iznosi i kulturu države kao izvor moći, kako visoku tako i mnogo efikasniju popularnu kulturu, ukoliko je ona privlačna drugima (Nye 2004, 11– 14). Naravno, mnogi su kritikovali ideju „meke moći“ i njenu efikas
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nost. Dženis Biali Matern iznosi da se meka moć ne treba posmatrati kao suprotnost čvrste moći već kao nastavak čvrste moći drugim sredstvima (vidi Mattern 2005). Drugi autori iznose različite kritike: da to što je američka kultura koju Naj obrađuje prisutna u svetu ne znači da vrši uticaj, da se mekom moći ne može postići isti efekat kao sa čvrstom moći što je čini beskorisnom, da meka moć nije nužno nešto dobro kako se predstavlja jer je svojevrsna manipulacija, da zbog jedinstvenosti meke moći država koja je poseduje ne može iskoristiti sa namerom da nešto postigne budući da je ona nematerijalna, kao i da se ona ne može kontrolisati i da je nepredvidiva što je čini teškom za održavanje (Fan 2008, 152–154). Uveliko najvokalnije kritike su na račun efikasnosti meke moći, a i sam Naj naglašava ove probleme, iznoseći da meka moć zavisi od konteksta budući da uz atraktivnost mora postojati i volja druge strane da prihvati kulturu. Naj takođe iznosi i da je teško „manipulisati“ mekom moći zarad postizanja jednog konkretnog cilja, ali da ona „pomaže generalnim ciljevima koje država želi da postigne“ (Nye 2004, 15–16). Upravo zbog ovoga i svetske sile koje poseduju izraženu čvrstu moć i one države koje je nemaju shvataju važnost razvijanja javne i kulturne diplomatije. Javna diplomatija podrazumeva komunikaciju između države i stanovnika ostalih država radi promovisanja sopstvene kulture, ideala i ciljeva. Drugim rečima, javna diplomatija se može smatrati sredstvom kojim se stiče meka moć. U pitanju je relativno nov oblik diplomatije koji se menja i postaje sve relevantniji u bilateralnim odnosima između država u savremenom digitalno-povezanom svetu, a njena osnovna svrha je da se država predstavi na najbolji mogući način radi sticanja prestiža (Melissen 2005, 3; 11–12). Poseban i bitan segment ovakvog dugoročnog građenja dobrih odnosa je kulturna diplomatija kojom se razvija kulturno razumevanje. Samo polje kulturne diplomatije je dosta široko budući da joj je cilj promovisanje kulture određene države u svetu te, kako iznosi Milton Kamings, podrazume12
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va „razmenu ideja, informacija, umetnosti i ostalih aspekata kulture među nacijama i njihovim narodima kako bi se negovalo zajedničko razumevanje“ (Lenczowski 2008, 74–75). Ovde se javlja problem toga šta sve termin „kultura“ podrazumeva budući da postoji mnoštvo definicija zasnovanih na različitim određivanjima – od „istorijskih“ koje podrazumevaju da je kultura jednog društva njegovo celokupno nasleđe, preko „rezidualnih“ koje podrazumevaju da je kultura sve što nije prirodno, do različitih „deskriptivnih ili nabrajačkih“ u kojima se nabraja šta su sve elementi jedne kulture (Žolt & Koković 2017, 22–23). Čak i ovakve „nabrajačke“ koje deluju uže definisano od pomalo apstraktnih definicija da je kultura sve što nije prirodno ili sve što je nasleđeno su ipak sveobuhvatne. Na primer, Edvard Tajlor koji se smatra osnivačem kulturne antropologije u svojoj knjizi iz 1871. godine „Primitivna kultura“ iznosi „kultura ili civilizacija, uzeta u najširem etnografskom smislu, je takva složena celina koja uključuje znanja, verovanja, umetnost, moral, pravo, običaje i sve druge sposobnosti koje čovek stiče kao član društva“ (Tylor 1874, 1). Iako se u svakodnevnom govoru „kultura“ vezuje samo za „visoku kulturu“, u kulturnoj diplomatiji se osim njene promocije radi i na promociji popularne kulture, ali i različitih stvari koje se u svakodnevnom životu ne vezuju za kulturu. Tako u polje kulturne diplomatije spadaju promocija svih vrsta umetnosti (primenjene poput kaligrafije ili gastronomije, izvođačke poput muzike i pozorišta, „klasične grane“ poput slikarstva i vajarstva i naravno, književnosti), organizovanje izložbi (kako umetničkih, tako i etnografskih, arheoloških i istorijskih), organizovanje naučnih, umetničkih, učeničkih i studentskih razmena, organizovanje obrazovnih programa u inostranstvu (jezičkih radionica, radionica tradicionalnih umetnosti, ali i gostujuća predavanja stručnjaka iz svoje zemlje), emitovanje sopstvenih medija u drugim državama, davanje poklona zvaničnicima i kulturnim ustanovama, versku diplomatiju kao poseban segment, ali i apstraktnije stvari poput razmene ideja (Lenczowski 2008, 82–88). Često se 13
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ove aktivnosti guraju na margine diplomatskih odnosa budući da nisu relevantne za politiku koliko ekonomski odnosi ili vojna saradnja, te ne predstavljaju značajan segment spoljne politike država, a samim tim je teško proveriti njihov dugotrajni efekat i koliki zapravo značaj imaju (Mark 2009, 2–3). Ipak, ovakve aktivnosti se održavaju, a uticajnije države imaju čak i kulturne institucije kojima je misija da predstavljaju njihov jezik i kulturu u drugim državama – nemački Goethe-Institut, francuski Institut Français i britanski British Council su primeri takvih ustanova koje rade decenijama dok postoje i noviji primeri, kao što su španski Instituto Cervantes osnovan 1991. godine i turski Yunus Emre Enstitüsü osnovan 2007. godine. Što se kulturne diplomatije Srbije tiče, osim Nacionalne komisije za UNESCO (i stalne misije Srbije pri UNESCO-u) u Ministarstvu spoljnih poslova se nalazi i Sektor za bilateralnu saradnju u okviru kojeg se nalazi Odeljenje za međunarodnu kulturnu, prosvetnu, naučnu, tehnološku i sportsku saradnju koje ima za cilj „razvoj prosvetne, kulturne, naučne, tehnološke i sportske saradnje Republike Srbije sa drugim državama; pripremu, zaključivanje i sprovođenje sporazuma, programa i drugih ugovora sa državama i međunarodnim organizacijama u ovim oblastima - oslobađanje od carina robe koja je kulturno-prosvetnog ili naučno-tehnološkog sadržaja i koordinaciju poslova u vezi s dodelom stipendija domaćim i stranim studentima i druge poslove iz delokruga Odeljenja”. Pored Ministarstva spoljnih poslova, u kulturnu diplomatiju je uključeno i Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja koje ima zaseban Sektor za međunarodne odnose i evropske integracije u oblasti kulture u okviru kog se „obavljaju poslovi koji se odnose na: međunarodnu saradnju u oblasti savremenog stvaralaštva i kreativnih industrija; praćenje i iniciranje međunarodnih kulturnih manifestacija u oblasti savremenog stvaralaštva; saradnju u oblasti kulturnog stvaralaštva na jeziku i pismu pripadnika srpskog naroda u inostranstvu; praćenje i iniciranje međunarodne bilateralne i multilateralne saradnje u oblasti kulture; predlaganje i realizaciju programa za prikupljanje i raspoređivanje 14
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međunarodne pomoći, praćenje njihovog ostvarivanja posebno u skladu sa programima Uneska i Saveta Evrope; proces harmonizacije politika i propisa sa pravnom tekovinom Evropske unije; saradnju sa relevantnim institucijama EU; obradu svih kvantitativnih i kvalifikativnih parametara relevantnih za korišćenje sredstava iz fondova EU; pripremu strateških i programskih dokumenata za finansiranje iz fondova EU u oblasti elektronskih komunikacija, poštanskog saobraćaja i informacionog društva; usklađivanje i nadgledanje aktivnosti drugih subjekata iz delokruga rada ministarstva tokom planiranja, pripreme, sprovođenja i praćenja sprovođenja projekata; koordinaciju aktivnosti neophodne za obezbeđivanje potrebnog nacionalnog sufinasiranja EU projekata; sprovođenje mera za uspostavljanje, funkcionisanje i održivost decentralizovanog sistema upravljanja fondovima EU, u skladu sa relevantim procedurama…” (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 44–45, 46–47). Vredi napomenuti da Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja odvaja sredstva za sufinansiranje projekata međunarodne kulturne saradnje (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 47) i da Republika Srbija ima i Kulturni centar Srbije u Parizu, jedinu ustanovu tog tipa, koji je otvoren još 1973. godine kao Jugoslovenski kulturni centar (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 66). Međutim, kulturna diplomatija zahteva izdvajanje dosta novca za negovanje kulturnih odnosa, kao i dobru koordinaciju. U 10 intervjua sprovedenih sa diplomatama Republike Srbije tokom istraživanja Vjere Mujović–Prajs za njen doktorat, svi ispitanici su se složili da je „budžet za programe iz oblasti kulture minimalan ili nepostojeći, pa se i većina programa izvodi uz minimalna sredstva“ (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 225). Budući da se sredstva za realizaciju kulturnih dešavanja ne izdvajaju planski u budžetima, ona se realizuju uz minimalna sredstva ili čak bez njih. То znači da je većina aktivnosti sa ciljem promovisanja srpske kulture u inostranstvu rezultat dobre volje srpskih diplomata, a samim tim celokupna kulturna diplomatija nije na zavidnom nivou.
Međutim, sama kulturna diplomatija predstavlja instituciona15
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lizovanu, državno podržanu promociju kulture i kulturne razmene. Do te promocije i razmene dolazi i bez razvijene kulturne diplomatije radom nevladinih organizacija, izveštavanjem nezavisnih medija, naučnim radom… Iako nisu deo isplanirane kulturne diplomatije, ovi samoinicijativni oblici međukulturne razmene i saradnje takođe ostvaruju isti cilj – stvaraju most između različitih kultura i time povezuju ljude različitih država. Samim tim, iako ne postoji strategija razvoja kulturne diplomatije, važno je posmatrati kulturne odnose država jer oni neminovno utiču na diplomatske odnose između tih država, što je posebno vidljivo u srpsko-egipatskim odnosima.
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II Istorija diplomatskih odnosa Diplomatski odnosi između Srbije i Egipta zvanično započinju 1908. godine kada je u Kairu otvoren konzulat Kraljevine Srbije. Nakon formiranja Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca 1918. godine, konzulat će nastaviti da radi u tom diplomatskom rangu; biće podignut na nivo generalnog konzulata tek nakon što Egipat stekne nezavisnost 1922. Četiri godine kasnije, 1926. godine, će biti podignut na nivo poslanstva (Petrović 2007, 54). Iz ovih ranih srpsko-egipatskih odnosa vredi spomenuti da je za prvog otpravnika poslova, odnosno šefa diplomatske misije, izabran poznati srpski pisac i diplomata Jovan Dučić koji će služiti na toj funkciji nekoliko godina i nastojati da uspostavi bolje diplomatske i trgovinske odnose dveju država (Milošević 2012, 8). Prepoznajući njegov trud, kralj Fuad I mu je 1931. godine čak i uručio Orden Nila u stepenu velikog oficira (Acović 2013, 346), što je bilo jedno od najvećih odlikovanja koje je kralj mogao da dodeli nekome – dodeljivalo se onima koji su pružili veliku uslugu Egiptu, a bilo je rezervisano mahom za istaknute Egipćane i britanske zvaničnike i oficire koji su služili u Egiptu te je dodeljivanje ovog ordena Dučiću utoliko značajnije. Ipak, uprkos naporima Dučića i drugih diplomata, između Kraljevine SHS i Egipta nikada nisu razvijeni posebno dobri odnosi, prvenstveno zato što između dveju država nije bila razvijena trgovina većih razmena niti su one igrale važnu ulogu na svetskoj političkoj sceni što bi podsticalo razvijanje dobrih odnosa. Čak ni promene nakon Drugog svetskog rata nisu uticale na razvijanje boljih odnosa.
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Miloš Todorović
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1. Jugoslavija i Egipat Jasno je da Drugi svetski rat nije pomogao zbližavanju Jugolavije i Egipta, jer osim par desetina hiljada izbeglica koje su iz Jugoslavije došli u ovu državu 1944. godine (Todosijević 2008, 217–222) nije bilo nikakvih zajedničkih operacija koje bi približile ljude i vlasti. Okončanje rata i velika promena koja se dogodila na političkoj sceni u Jugoslaviji nije uticala na bliskoistočnu politiku novonastale socijalističke države. Zapravo, odnosi Jugoslavije i Egipta koji su ponovo uspostavljeni u januaru 1946. postavljanjem Ešrefa Badnjevića na mesto poslanika Jugoslavije u Kairu, nisu ni počeli najbolje. Kada je on došao na tu funkciju i predao svoje akreditive, Egipat još uvek nije priznao Federativnu Narodnu Republiku Jugoslaviju kao državu, a sam Badnjević je bio skeptičan po pitanju odnosa sa Egiptom budući da je nakon prvog sastanka sa egipatskim ministrom spoljnih poslova zaključio da ima posla sa kolonijalnom vladom (Petrović 2007, 42). Postojao je čitav niz faktora koji su uticali na to da između ove dve države ne dođe do bilo kakve bliske saradnje u posleratnim godinama. Činjenica je da iako zvanično nezavisna, Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija je bila pod velikim uticajem Sovjetskog Saveza dok je Egipat bio pod uticajem Britanije. Sukob interesa ovih država nakon rata je itekako uticao na odnose koje je Jugoslavija mogla da ima sa Egiptom, ali ih je razdvajala i politička ideologija – u Jugoslaviji, Egipat je posmatran kao britanska polukolonija koja prati njena naređenja što je bilo očito i u stavu prvog poslanika. Mada, verovatno najznačajniji faktor jeste činjenica da nakon Drugog svetskog rata Jugoslavija nije bila u mogućnosti da gradi odnose sa državama na drugim kontinentima, niti je građenje bilo kakve bliskoistočne politike za nju bilo značajno pitanje. Osim toga, nisu postojale ni privredne veze budući da nije bilo nikakve značajne razmene između Jugoslavije i Egipta (Petrović 2005, 112–114). Da stvari budu još komplikovanije, ne samo da nije bilo potrebno graditi bilateralne odnose, već ti odnosi nisu ni krenuli najbolje. Prvi problemi se javljaju već 1948. godine 18
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kada je 14. maja proglašeno stvaranje Izraela; Jugoslavija će zajedno sa Sovjetskim Savezom podržati Izrael, dok će mu Egipat zajedno sa ostalim arapskim državama u regionu objaviti rat (Petrović 2007, 49). Međutim, svega par nedelja nakon stvaranja Izraela, položaj Jugoslavije se menja jer usled nesuglasica Tita i Staljina dolazi do raskola i u junu iste godine Staljin izbacuje Jugoslaviju iz Komunističkog Informacionog biroa, poznatog kao Informbiro. Ovaj raskid je uticao na celokupnu spoljnu politiku Jugoslavije, uključujući i diplomatske odnose sa pojedinačnim državama. Što se odnosa sa Egiptom tiče, zbog izbacivanja, jugoslovenski poslanik u Kairu je zajedno sa još par pripadnika diplomatskog osoblja emigrirao i sa sobom poneo deo arhive. Iznenadan gubitak poslanika, diplomatskog osoblja i arhive je naneo veliku štetu jugoslovenskoj diplomatiji, ali usledili su dalji problemi zbog spora novog poslanika Miloša Moskovljevića sa novim savetnikom Jovanom Vukmanovićem koji se završio tek sa opozivanjem Moskovljevića u avgustu 1949. godine i dolaskom novog poslanika, Milana Ristića, u aprilu naredne godine za vreme čijeg mandata će se stanje u poslanstvu stabilizovati (Petrović 2005, 114–115). Iako je bio težak gubitak inicijalno, ispostavilo se da je taj raskol doneo pozitivan uticaj dugoročno posmatrano. Pružio je priliku za uspostavljanje boljih jugoslovensko-egipatskih odnosa jer je od sada Jugoslavija bila slobodna da razvija spoljnu politiku kakvu je želela nezavisno od sovjetskog uticaja. Već 1952. se proširuje obim trgovine između Jugoslavije i Egipta (Petrović 2005, 115). Međutim, Jugoslavija je i dalje bila skeptična po pitanju odnosa sa Egiptom koji je služio kao Britanska marioneta. Velika Britanija je decenijama vršila uticaj na Egipat, ali to se promenilo kada je grupa nezadovoljnih oficira odlučila da sprovede državni udar. Udar je izvršen 23. jula 1952. godine kada su zajedno sa par hiljada pristalica „Slobodni oficiri“ zauzeli vojni štab i strateške pozicije poput radio stanica i aerodroma. Kralj Faruk I koji se u tom trenutku nalazio u Aleksandriji nije mogao da reaguje i zato je bio primoran da abdicira u korist svog sina i trajno napusti Egipat; 19
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kako je sin imao 6 meseci, on je bio samo marioneta oficira koji su vodili državu u njegovo ime. Ciljevi novog režima su bili da prekinu uticaj stranih država, očiste državu od korupcije i ukinu monarhiju, a vođa režima, Muhamad Nagib, će ujedno postati prvi predsednik kada u junu 1953. godine Egipat zvanično bude proglašen republikom (McNamara 2003, 23–25). Ciljevi novog režima su se poklapali sa jugoslovenskim ciljevima zbog čega je Milan Ristić video potencijal ovog preokreta u egipatskoj politici i u telegramima Beogradu ga je okarakterisao kao „buržoasku revoluciju“. Dodao je da „nove reforme imaju za krajnji cilj smanjenje klasnih razlika“, a zbog takvih izveštaja Jugoslavija je težila da uspostavi dobre odnose sa novim režimom (Petrović 2007, 57–58). Budući da je nova vlast u Egiptu želela da sprovede korenite promene, i ona je bila zainteresovana za uspostavljanje boljih odnosa sa Jugoslavijom. Ti dobri odnosi počinju intenzivnije da se grade već od 1953. godine kada je na sastanku sa Gamalom Abdelom Naserom (tadašnjom desnom rukom predsednika Nagiba, a koji će već naredne godine preuzeti vlast) novi jugoslovenski poslanik Marko Nikezić predložio da neki od jugoslovenskih visokih zvaničnika dođu u posetu Egiptu. (Petrović 2007, 62–63) Zbog obostrane zainteresovanosti uspostavljena je bolja ekonomska i vojna saradnja dveju država. Jugoslavija će postati značajni vojni saradnik Egipta što se ogleda u činjenici da Egipat otkupljuje veću količinu municije i naoružanja početkom 1954. godine, poseti načelnika Generalštaba Peka Dapčevića, kao i u tome što u Kairo u maju iste godine dolazi vojni ataše, pukovnik Asim Hodžić (Petrović 2005, 124). Međutim, smena Nagiba i Naserovo preuzimanje vlasti je dovelo u pitanje kako će se razvijati odnosi Jugoslavije i Egipta jer nije bilo sigurno kakva će biti Naserova spoljna politika. Ispostavilo se da nije bilo razloga za brigu, jer je i Naser težio modernizaciji svoje države i tome da Egipat ostane slobodan od uti20
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Slika 1 – Tito i Naser na Galebu sa svojim pratnjama (izvor: foto-arhiva Zdravka Pečara u Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu)
caja Istoka i Zapada. Zbog toga je usledio i prvi susret vođa ovih država koji je bio na jugoslovenskom brodu Galeb u Sueckom kanalu nakon Titove posete Indiji (slika 1). Na brod se sa ministrima spoljnih poslova, unutrašnjih poslova i odbrane ukrcao Naser 5. februara 1955. godine i dvojica vođa su razgovarali o nizu tema, uključujući stanje na Bliskom istoku, tenzijama oko Izraela (Tito je ponudio da bude posrednik između Egipta i Izraela što je Naser odbio) i problemima sa kojima je Egipat suočen u borbi za sticanjem nezavisnosti usled toga što ekonomski i politički zavisi od Zapada (Tito je ovoga puta odgovorio da i Jugoslavija isto prima pomoć od više država te da razume probleme Egipta). Činjenica da su predočene sličnosti dveju država je pomogla Naseru da spomene mogućnost razvijanja bolje ekonomske saradnje sa Jugoslavijom i pozove Tita da zvanično poseti Egipat (Petrović 2007, 84–86). Opšte je poznato da je Tito bio vrsni diplomata. Istoričari se čak i ne slažu ni oko tačnog broja njegovih poseta u druge države; spominju se između 142 i 169 putovanja u 62 do 92 zemlje (vidi Petrović 21
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2010, 11). Kako je u Naseru prepoznao strateški važnog saradnika, njih dvojica su se od pomenute 1955. do 1969. godine susreli čak dvadeset jednom (Tešić 1969, 134). No osim posmatranja interesa, jasno je da je na ovom prvom sastanku Naser impresionirao Tita. To je očito jer je u maju iste godine prilikom posete Nikite Hruščova Beogradu Tito rekao sovjetskom vođi: „Eto, tako je po prilici obavljen taj naš put, koji je završen sastankom sa Naserom, gde sam ja dobio prilično dobar utisak o njemu, kao čoveku koji ima prilično dobre državničke sposobnosti: bistar je, i nije nekako brzoplet čovek, i ima neverovatno poštenje, što sam zapazio kod njega i kod svih. Ono što on želi učiniti, to on otvoreno govori, ali i vidi sve teškoće koje ima.“ (Petrović 2007, 104). Međutim, po svemu sudeći, ovakvo divljenje i želja za negovanjem dobrih odnosa su bili obostrani jer je Naser još pre sastanka u intervjuu sa jugoslovenskim novinarom izjavio: „Neobično se radujem što mi se pružila prilika da mogu da se sastanem sa predsednikom Titom, šefom jugoslovenske države, te velike zemlje s kojom nas spajaju čvrste prijateljske i ekonomske veze. Oslobođenje naše dve zemlje od monarhističkih režima, koji su bili prepreka daljem razvitku, ojačalo je naše veze. Ono nam je takođe omogućilo da popravimo životni standard i da stvaramo bolje uslove života za sve slojeve naroda. Na taj smo način povezani i sa svetskim delom borbe za mir i stabilnost u svetu“ (Pečar & Zagorac 1958, 319). Ipak, posmatrajući kasniji odnos Tita i Nasera, stiče se utisak da on nije zasnovan samo na državnim interesima već da se između njih razvilo i prijateljstvo. To se da uočiti i kada se pogledaju pokloni koje su ova dva lidera davali jedan drugom, jer se pored onih datih tokom diplomatskih poseta uočavaju i zanimljivi slučajevi. Tako je Naser Titu 1966. godine poslao šesnaest sanduka manga dok je Tito njemu poslao šesnaest sanduka suvih šljiva, početkom 1970. godine mu je poslao narandže, za uzvrat je dobio kao poklon jugoslovenske jabuke i šljive, a osim toga Tito je Naserovoj deci poklonio šator tokom njihove posete Brionima i slao poklone njegovoj udovici nakon što je Naser preminuo 1970. godine (Jovanović 2011/2013, 72–74). 22
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Iako ovaj kratak sastanak na Galebu nije u potpunosti otklonio sumnje Jugoslavije i Egipta po pitanju realnosti daljih odnosa, on je uveliko urodio plodom budući da je Tito svega tri dana nakon njega najavio dolazak egipatske misije koja će ispitati mogućnost privredne saradnje, a krajem meseca, 23. februara, je uspostavljena i direktna vazdušna linija između ovih država dok je u Kairu otvorena izložba Jugoslovenske narodne armije. Najavljena misija, koja je uključivala i ministra trgovine i industrije Hasana Mareja i ministra nacionalne proizvodnje Hasana Ibrahima, stigla je u Jugoslaviju 20. marta 1955. godine i zaključeno je da približavanje privreda dveju država ima potencijal (Petrović 2007, 94–95). Na diplomatskom nivou, ovo prijateljstvo je „potvrđeno“ time što je Jugoslavija podigla poslanstvo u Kairu u rang ambasade (Petrović 2007, 107). Zaista, te 1955. godine su brojne delegacije putovale između dveju država: tokom jula su jugoslovenski novinari boravili u Egiptu, kao i jugoslovenski brodogradilišni inženjeri, a u septembru dolazi i trgovinska delegacija sa ciljem da se dalje proširi trgovina (što se i dogodilo, ostvaren je mnogo veći uvoz nego prethodne godine), dok je tokom avgusta u Jugoslaviji boravila delegacija egipatske policije i 19 mornaričkih oficira (Petrović 2007, 107). Zbog ovog naglog razvoja dobrih odnosa, Tito će prihvatiti Naserov poziv i doći će u desetodnevnu posetu Egiptu krajem decembra (slika 2). Osim sastanaka, obilazio je državu i u Luksoru je dočekao Novu godinu (Jovanović 2011/2013, 68). Krajem te posete, u intervjuu rađenom u palati Republike na Kubehu Tito je izjavio: „Prijem na koji smo naišli u Egiptu, od trenutka dolaska i za sve vrijeme boravka, učinio je na nas veoma dubok utisak. Mi smo ovdje svuda gdje smo se kretali, u gradu ili na selu, kod običnih ljudi, kod seljaka i kod građana, naizlazili na takve simpatije, na takav prijem kakav se jedino može očekivati među starim prijateljima“ i dodao „moj utisak i utisak svih mojih saradnika je da se kod egipatskog naroda stvara jedna nova era ili, bolje reći, renesansa, preporod, na putu ka velikoj budućnosti. Veoma je jak utisak ostavilo na nas sve što smo vidjeli u današnjem 23
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životu Egipta, kao i ona slavna prošlost koja kroz mnoge i mnoge grandiozne spomenike govori o veličini tog naroda“ (Pečar & Zagorac 1958, 321–320). Jasno je da je prva zvanična poseta Egiptu bila uspešna, a u periodu od 1954. do 1970. godine Tito će ovu državu posetiti šesnaest puta (Radonjić 2019, 96).
Slika 2 – Tito i Jovanka u Luksoru u poseti jednoj od grobnica u Dolini kraljeva (izvor: foto-arhiva Zdravka Pečara u Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu)
Ali, novouspostavljeno prijateljstvo Jugoslavije i Egipta je stavljeno na probu već krajem 1956. godine kada je 28. oktobra Izrael napao Egipat i započeo rat oko kontrole Sueckog kanala. Izrael se pre napada dogovorio sa Britanijom i Francuskom da ga podrže, što su one i učinile, i u roku od 24 časa su poslale ultimatum Egiptu. Jugoslavija je osudila napad na Egipat i težila da pomogne što je više mogla bez eskaliranja situacije (Jovanović 2007, 170). Koliko je oštro osudila ovaj čin možda najbolje ilustruje činjenica da je jugoslovenska podrška Naseru uzdrmala dobre jugoslovensko-francuske odnose jer premijer Francuske nije mogao da poveruje u to kako Jugoslavija može 24
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podržavati Naserovu nacionalizaciju Sueckog kanala, ali i odnose sa Britanijom jer je kritikovala politiku ove države na Savetu bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 52; 56). Jugoslavija će stati uz Egipat i 1967. godine tokom takozvanog Šestodnevnog rata koji je izbio u junu; rata u kom je okarakterisala Izrael kao agresora i krivca, te je prekinula diplomatske odnose sa ovom državom 12. juna i oni nisu ponovo uspostavljeni sve do 1991. godine (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 167–170). Ne samo da je Jugoslavija bila jedna od prvih država koje su ponudile vojnu pomoć Ujedinjenoj Arapskoj Republici i da je proglasila Izrael agresorom apelujući na Ujedinjene nacije da zaustave takvo ponašanje, već je odmah poslala vojnu opremu i konzerviranu hranu koju je tražio vojni izaslanik UAR u Beogradu. Pomoć je pružala i nakon prestanka borbe kada je poslala više tona lekova, a tokom leta je u Egipat slala lekove, obuću i hranu (Životić 2007, 119–120). No, kroz ovu turbulentnu deceniju, Jugoslavija je pomagala i vojno od 1956. do 1967. godine – značajan broj jugoslovenskih vojnika je u tom periodu bio prisutan na Sinaju u okviru mirovnih snaga Ujedinjenih nacija. Jugoslovenski odred je imao različite zadatke, međutim, tokom godina provedenih na Sinaju se razvilo i veliko i iskreno prijateljstvo između tih jugoslovenskih vojnika i lokalnog stanovništva kome su pomagali (vidi Životić 2011). Jugoslavija je pomogla i drugim arapskim državama koje su učestvovale u ratu1 donirajući 95 miliona dinara, a Tito je lično posetio Egipat nakon prestanka sukoba (Tešić 1969, 139). Tokom tog sastanka u avgustu u Kairu su započeti i pregovori oko dalje vojne pomoći UAR koja se ostvarila iste godine prodajom velike količine jugoslovenske vojne opreme i naoružanja, i odobravanjem kredita sa niskom kamatnom stopom (Životić 2007, 120–128).
1 Osim materijalne pomoći, Jugoslavija je pomagala kako je mogla. Tako je u Siriju tokom juna slala lekove, zavoje, hranu, eksperte. I Jordanu je slata pomoć koja je uključivala 2.500 tone šećera uz tone konzervirane hrane, hiljade ćebića, tone lekova i sapuna, a ovim državama su takođe slate i tone vojne opreme (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 182–210).
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Ovakva „iskušenja“ su dodatno približila Jugoslaviju i Egipat. Zaista, odnosi ove dve države su postajali sve bolji tokom kraja 50-ih i početka 60-ih godina. Trgovina među njima je cvetala; Jugoslavija je izvozila mašine i industrijske proizvode dok je uvozila različite proizvode, a najviše pamuk. Postojala je saradnja na različitim građevinskim projektima, vojna saradnja, a ostvarena je i saradnja u poljima nauke, kulture i obrazovanja. Tako je 1958. godine potpisan sporazum o kulturnoj saradnji ove dve države, a postojali su i bianuelni programi saradnje. Više desetina studenata iz Jugoslavije je išlo na postdiplomske studije u Egipat, kao i egipatskih studenata u Jugoslaviju. Ostvarene su i razmene univerzitetskih profesora, pisaca, muzičara i slikara (vidi Tešić 1969, 146–147). Ovakve kulturne razmene su urodile plodom i stvorile osećaj bliskosti Jugoslavije i Egipta koji su donekle imali isti cilj – bile su ne toliko razvijene države nakon Drugog svetskog rata koje su pokušavale da nađu sebi mesto dok se na svetskoj političkoj sceni očekivalo zauzimanje strana tokom Hladnog rata. Ova želja za nezavisnošću od Zapada i Istoka je dodatno osnažila odnos Jugoslavije i Egipta i zato osim bilateralnih odnosa, moramo imati na umu i trilateralnu i multilateralnu diplomatiju. Bitan faktor u tim bliskim odnosima je činjenica da su ove države igrale ključnu ulogu u osnivanju Pokreta nesvrstanih – još tokom prvog susreta Tita i Nasera u februraru 1955. godine Tito je naglašavao benefite saradnje nedovoljno razvijenih i malih država jer one mogu međusobno da potpomažu razvoju njihovih ekonomija i budu igrač na svetskoj političkoj sceni ako rade zajedno, što je i bilo u njihovom interesu budući da bi one bile zahvaćene ukoliko izbije rat između blokova čak iako im ne pripadaju (Čavoški 2014, 188). Jugoslavija i Egipat su negovali dobre odnose i zbog toga što su ove dve države, zajedno sa Indijom, igrale ključnu ulogu u osnivanju Pokreta nesvrtanih. Tito, Naser i prvi premijer Indije Džavaharlal Nehru su delili želju da njihove države ostanu izvan Zapadnog i Istočnog bloka. Prvi put su se susreli 1956. godine igrom slučaja. Nehru je 26
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planiao da poseti Jugoslaviju sredinom jula tokom svog putovanja po Evropi dok je Naser imao iste planove tokom avgusta. Međutim, Nehru je predložio da se svi zajedno sastanu što je odgovaralo Titu koji je pokušavao da približi Nehrua i Nasera hvaleći egipatskog vođu, a Naser nije imao problema sa tim da pomeri putovanje kako bi se sastao sa njima (on je i došao u posetu Jugoslaviji nekoliko dana ranije kako bi nasamo razgovarao sa Titom). Zbog toga je 18. i 19. jula održan sastanak troje vođa na Brionima gde su razgovarali o stanju na međunarodnoj političkoj sceni. Najviše se govorilo o blokovskoj podeli koja je kritikovana, što je bilo nelagodno Nehruu koji nije želeo da ovaj sastanak bude protumačen kao „osnivanje trećeg bloka“. Ipak, i pored Nehruovog skepticizma, Samit na Brionima je bio uspešan i zbližio je troje vođa2 koji su zajedno izneli izjave o važnosti „miroljubive i aktivne koegzistencije“ (Petrović 2010, 130–136). Sastanak troje vođa i njihove izjave nisu dobro dočekani ni na Zapadu, ni na Istoku. Dok su Jugoslavija, Egipat i Indija razgovarali o koegzistenciji, na svetskoj političkoj sceni su rasle tenzije tokom Hladnog rata. Sve veći pritisci su naterali jugoslovensku delegaciju da tokom 15. zasedanja Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija 1960. organizuje sastanak Tita, Nasera, Nehrua, Sukarna (prvog predsednika Indonezije) i Nkrume (prvog premijera i kasnije prvog predsednika Gane). Ovo je bio prvi zajednički sastanak lidera nesvrstanih država, a naredne 1961. godine Tito će tokom februara, marta i aprila posetiti Ujedinjenu Arapsku Republiku, Sudan, Togo, Ganu, Liberiju, Mali, Gvineju, Maroko i Tunis kako bi dobio njihovu podršku (Hasan 1981, 114). Na kraju ove velike turneje, Tito se u Kairu sastao sa Naserom i po prvi put javno izneo predlog da organizuje konferenciju šefova država ovih nesvrstanih država, što je Naser podržao i njih dvojica su 2 Ipak, postojali su određeni problemi, poput toga da je Naser u nedelji po povratku u Egipat nacionalizovao Suecki kanal što nije spomenuo na sastanku, a zbog toga što se ta odluka sprovela tako blizu sastanka su se javile sumnje na Zapadu da su ga Tito i Nehru ohrabrili da to uradi. Obe strane su mu zamerile što ih nije obavestio o samom činu, ali jugoslovenske i egipatske diplomate su zamerivale i indijskom premijeru što je bio previše rezervisan i umanjivao značaj sastanka (Bogetić 2019, 66–67).
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zajedno sastavili pozivno pismo (Bogetić 2019, 38). Naser i Tito su pozvali lidere svih ovih i drugih nesvrstanih država na sastanak u Kairu kako bi razmatrali organizovanje zajedničkog samita. Ovaj sastanak je održan od 5. do 12. juna, a uz Jugoslaviju i Egipat prisustvovali su predstavnici Avganistana, Burme, Kambodže, Cejlona, Kube, Etiopije, Gane, Gvineje, Indije, Indonezije, Iraka, Malija, Maroka, Nepala, Saudijske Arabije, Sudana i Jemena, dok su predstavnici Brazila posmatrali. Sastanak je bio uspešan; formulisani su uslovi po kojima se država može okarakterisati kao nesvrstana3 i dogovoreno je održavanje prve konferencije nesvrstasnih država početkom septembra 1961. godine (Petrović 2010, 175). Konferencija u Beogradu4 je isto bila uspešna; kao rezultat uz pismo poslato vođama Sovjetskog Saveza i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država usvojene su Izjava o opasnosti od rata i apel za mir i Deklaracija konferencije šefova država i vlada vanblokovskih zemalja (Petrović 2010, 178). Ovim višednevnim debatama je utaban put za nastanak samog Pokreta nesvrstanih kao organizacije no takva ideja nije odmah naišla na podršku delimično zato što je postojala šansa da takva organizacija bude protumačena kao „treći blok“, a delimično zbog toga 3„Prvo, zemlja treba da prihvata nezavisnu politiku zasnovanu na koegzistenciji država sa različitim političkim i društvenim sistemima i nesvrstanosti ili pokazuje tendenciju takve politike. Drugo, zemlja u pitanju treba da trajno podržava pokrete za nacionalnu nezavisnost. Treće, zemlja ne sme biti član multilateralnog vojnog saveza zaključenog u kontekstu sukoba velikih sila. Četvrto, ukoliko zemlja ima zaključen bilateralni vojni sporazum sa nekom velikom silom ili je članica regionalnog odbrambenog pakta, ovaj sporazum ili pakt ne smeju biti izričito zaključeni u kontekstu sukoba velikih sila. Peto, ukoliko je zemlja nekoj stranoj sili ustupila vojne baze, ova koncesija ne sme da bude učinjena u kontekstu sukoba velikih sila“ (Petrović 2010, 175). ⁴ Radi održavanja konferencije bile su urađene različite pripreme koje su uključivale i uređivanje prestonice. Zbog razmatranja kulturnih odnosa Egipta i Srbije vredi spomenuti da su tom prilikom u Beogradu podignuta dva obeliska. U pitanju je stilizovani triangl koji je bio simbol tri osnovne ideje konferencije – mir, nezavisnost i ravnopravnu međunarodnu saradnju. Jedan se nalazio na tadašnjem Trgu Marksa i Engelsa (današnji Trg republike) i bio je porušen nakon konferencije (slika 3) dok se drugi i danas nalazi na desnoj obali Save, pored Brankovog mosta, u Parku nesvrstanih zemalja (slika 4).
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što je bilo upitno ko bi imao pravo da bude član. Sa jedne strane je bio stav koji je zastupala Indonezija da bi organizacija trebala da bude regionalnog karaktera, odnosno da je čine države Azije i Afrike koje dele zajedničku kolonijalnu prošlost, dok su sa druge strane bile one države koje su htele da ona ima univerzalnu prirodu bez geografskih ograničenja (uz ostale, takvog stava su bili i Jugoslavija i Egipat). Ova pitanja su bila postavljena na drugoj konferenciji nesvrstanih država organizovanoj početkom oktobra 1964. godine u Kairu, koja je bila još veća od Beogradske budući da je ovog puta učestvovalo 47 država, a posmatralo njih 10. Eskalacije u Hladnom ratu, poput Kubanske krize, sve više su ugrožavale položaj nesvrstanih država, ali sukobljena viđenja Indonezije i Jugoslavije su dovela do toga da samit ima opšti karakter i da se u završnom dokumentu ne spomene stav Konferencije o budućoj zajedničkoj strategiji država učesnica prema blokovima (Bogetić 2017, 103–114). Međutim, konferencija je rezultirala Programom za mir i međunarodnu saradnju u kom su izneti principi međunarodne saradnje država (Petrović 2010, 184).
Slika 3 – Obelisk na Trgu Marksa i Engelsa Slika 4 – Obelisk u parku Nesvrstanih (izvor: Muzej Jugoslavije; Wikimedia zemalja (autor: Miloš Todorović) Commons – CC BY-SA 3.0)
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Politika Pokreta nesvrstanih je vremenom postajala sve atraktivnija. Njihove konferencije su postajale sve veće – na trećoj konferenciji u Zambiji 1970. godine su učestvovale 54 države i bilo je 9 posmatrača, na četvrtoj u Alžiru 1973. godine 75 članova, 9 posmatrača, 15 pokreta i 3 gosta, dok je na petoj konferenciji u Šri Lanki prisustvovalo 86 članica, 10 posmatrača i 7 gostiju (Petrović 2010, 221–225). Pokret nesvrstanih je ponudio alternativu na tadašnjoj svetskoj političkoj sceni i ujedinio države širom sveta sa različitim uređenjima i uticajima. Sve to je bilo moguće zahvaljujući vođama Jugoslavije, Egipta i Indije koji su se susreli 1956. godine i zajedno počeli da razvijaju politiku nesvrstavanja, što je ojačalo odnose ovih država pokretača. Naravno, ovaj politički projekat je takođe približio Jugoslaviju, Egipat i Indiju na bilateralnim nivoima. Zbog takve borbe se javlja ideja o bliskom prijateljstvu ovih naroda koji se bore za svoje mesto u svetu. Ili, kako je Naser sam rekao prilikom njegovog poslednjeg susreta sa Titom u Egiptu između 23. i 25. februara 1970. godine – „moj dragi brate i prijatelju, ispunjava me zaista veliko zadovoljstvo što mogu da Vam zaželim dobrodošlicu kao velikom borcu današnjice i kao ličnosti koja simbolizuje ulogu koju danas igraju narodi Jugoslavije. Duboki su koreni prijateljstva koje povezuje vaš veliki narod i arapsku naciju u zajedničkim naporima za slobodu i mir“ (Mandić 2005, 326). Zaista, na bilateralnom nivou, odnosi Egipta i Jugoslavije su cvetali tokom 60-ih godina, nakon Prve konferencije u Beogradu. Tito i Naser su se susreli više puta, a tu su bile i brojne posete drugih visokih zvaničnika. Među onim zvaničnicima koje treba izdvojiti su vojna delegacija na čijem je čelu bio Radeta Hamović tokom februara 1966, državni sekretar za spoljnu politiku Marko Nikezić tokom decembra 1967. godine koga je lično primio Naser, zamenik državnog sekretara za spoljnu politiku Mišo Pavićević i pomoćnik sekretara Salko Fejić (dvojica bivših diplomata koji su služili u ambasadi u Kairu 50-ih godina) tokom marta 1968. godine kada su se sastali sa Naserom i ministrom spoljnih poslova Mahmudom Riadom, parlamentarna delegacija na čelu sa predsednikom Federalne skupštine Edvardom 30
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Kardeljem tokom februara 1969. godine (Kardelj je posetio Egipat i tokom marta 1968. godine kada ga je primio Naser) uz brojne druge (Tešić 1969, 137–140). Isto važi i za posete Jugoslaviji: u septembru 1967. godine u posetu dolazi ministar spoljnih poslova Mahmud Riad a prima ga i sam Tito, krajem maja i početkom juna dolazi delegacija na čijem čelu je bio ministar ekonomskih poslova i spoljne trgovine Hasan Abaz Zaki, početkom januara 1969. u posetu dolazi ministar spoljnih poslova Mahmud Riad koga isto prima Tito, kao i brojni drugi (Tešić 1969, 140). Još ilustrativniji primeri bliskosti su ekonomski odnosi. Naime, nakon što su se uspostavili dobri odnosi 50-ih godina, Egipat je postao najznačajniji trgovinski partner Jugoslavije na Bliskom istoku i u Africi budući da je trgovina sa Egiptom pokrivala oko 40% celokupne razmene sa ovim područjem (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 41). Ta trgovina se još dodatno proširivala i tokom naredne decenije – poljoprivreda i turizam su se posebno razvijali. Jugoslavija je u Egipat izvozila mašine, sirove materijale, hranu dok je uvozila voće, tekstile i pogotovo pamuk. Pritom, Jugoslavija je Egiptu odobrila povoljne kredite u vrednosti od više desetina miliona dolara za kupovinu jugoslovenske robe. Postojali su i zajednički projekti i saradnje, kao i razmene studenata i radnika koji su se usavršavali u specijalizovanim poljima u kojima je trebala pomoć toj državi. Čak su se negovale i saradnje između društvenih i političkih organizacija dveju država (Tešić 1969, 141–150). Zbog ovakve ekstenzivne saradnje u svim oblastima, ovaj period predstavlja zlatno doba jugoslovensko–egipatskih odnosa oličeno u prijateljstvu Tita i Nasera koje je trajalo sve do problema kasnih 60-ih godina. Rat 1967. godine je učinio Nasera skeptičnim po pitanju nesvrstanosti i njegovih spoljnopolitičkih partnerstava. Naser je smatrao da je njegova država bila žrtva upravo zbog politike nesvrstanosti koju je vodio; da do toga ne bi došlo kada bi bio u partnerstvu sa Sovjetskim Savezom te je najavio da će „UAR preispitati svoje stavove“. Upravo to je i učinio, nije se zadržao samo na iznošenju da „nesvrstane politike više nema“ već je zaista ponudio Sovjetima da koriste egipatske luke 31
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kao baze i odbio da prisustvuje Konferenciji u Lusaki (Bogetić 2019, 184). Naserovu odluku je Tito shvatio lično; kritikovao je Nasera koji „može da provede 15 dana u Moskvi, a ne nađe za shodno da tu [na konferenciju u Lusaki] dođe“, te je njihovo prijateljstvo zaista prekinuto što ogleda i činjenica da Tito nije prisustvovao Naserovoj sahrani septembra 1970. godine zbog posete američkog predsednika Ričarda Niksona Jugoslaviji. Ali, na Sednici Predsedništva SKJ 4. decembra 1970. godine je izneo da mora otići u Egipat kako bi približio Jugoslaviju i ovu državu (Bogetić 2019, 184). Iako je čuveno Titovo i Naserovo prijateljstvo prekinuto egipatskim približavanjem Sovjetima, dobri odnosi su nastavljeni i za vreme Naserovog naslednika Anvara el Sadata. Kako na bilateralnom nivou, tako i multilateralnom jer je tokom 70-ih godina dodatno porasla popularnost Pokreta nesvrstanih. Međutim, kao što je poznato, nakon Titove smrti 1980. godine Jugoslavija postepeno slabi kao igrač na svetskoj političkoj sceni dok se javljaju i unutrašnji problemi koji su eskalirali u oružane sukobe 90ih godina. Pritom, sa padom Berlinskog zida 1991. godine, odnosno kasnijim raspadom Sovjetskog Saveza, okončan je Hladni rat, a Pokret nesvrstanih kao alternativa blokovskoj podeli gubi na značaju. U godinama nakon Titove smrti postepeno slabe i diplomatski odnosi Jugoslavije i Egipta koji više nikada neće biti na tako zavidnom nivou kao ranije. Turbulentne devedesete godine se mogu posmatrati i kao očekivana prekretnica u diplomatskim odnosima ovih dveju država. Naime, kako dr Husein Abdelhalik Hasuna koji je služio kao ambasador Egipta u Jugoslaviji od 1989. godine do 1992. godine beleži u svojim diplomatskim sećanjima: „Kada je, 1989. godine, započeo talas slanja ambasadora u inostranstvo, ministar [spoljnih poslova] mi je spomenuo da me je preporučio određenom broju velikih ambasada. Međutim, predsednik Mubarak, izabrao me je za mesto ambasadora Egipta u Jugoslaviji, s obzirom na to da su između ovih dveju zemalja tada vladali čvrsti odnosi, a pogotovo zato što je, u tom periodu, Srbija predsedavala 32
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Pokretom nesvrstanih. Ovo imenovanje, smatrao sam dobrom ocenom mog diplomatskog iskustva, iako je ono do tada obuhvatalo samo rad u Ujedinjenim nacijama i zapadnim zemljama“ (Hasuna 2019, 51). Postojala je želja da se dobri odnosi održe zbog svesti o iskrenom prijateljstvu dveju država, ali to je postalo neizvodljivo. Diplomatski odnosi Egipta i Jugoslavije su počeli dobro tokom mandata Hasuna; primer toga je to što je predsednik Hosni Mubarak početkom 1990. godine poslušao njegovu preporuku i uputio zvanični poziv tadašnjem jugoslovenskom predsedniku, poziv koji je predsednik prihvatio i otišao je u Kairo sa pratnjom (Hasuna 2019, 54). Kada je u pitanju multilateralna diplomatija, nekoliko meseci po dolasku Huseina Abdelhalika Hasuna kao ambasadora Egipta 1989. godine je u Beogradu održana konferencija Pokreta nesvrstanih što mu je omogućilo da uspostavi dobre odnose sa zvaničnicima Ministarstva spoljnih poslova, uključujući i samog ministra Budimira Lončara (Hasuna 2019, 55–56). Međutim, kao što je poznato, njegov dolazak se poklopio sa početkom turbulentnog kraja Jugoslavije što je onemogućilo bilo kakvo zbližavanje Egipta i Jugoslavije. Usled tih rastućih tenzija, Hasuna je posavetovao Mubaraka da ne dolazi u posetu Beogradu kako je planirao zato što je smatrao da Egipat treba da ostane po strani tokom jugoslovenske krize, sa čim se predsednik složio (Hasuna 2019, 65). No, situacija je uskoro eskalirala te je onemogućila bilo kakve diplomatske odnose. Kao rezultat oružanog konflikta u Bosni, Savet bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija je 30. maja 1992. godine doneo rezoluciju o uvođenju sankcija Srbiji i Crnoj Gori koja je sadržala i zahtev za povlačenje ambasadora iz Beograda zemalja koje su članice Ujedinjenih nacija. Zbog toga je istog dana Amr Musa, ministar spoljnih poslova Egipta, pozvao Hasuna da ga obavesti da je predsednik Mubarak odlučio da sprovede Rezoluciju Saveta bezbednosti te da se ambasador morao odmah vratiti u Egipat (Hasuna 2019, 71–72). Ovim je po prvi put prestala da radi ambasada Egipta u Beogradu. Privremeno obustavljanje predstavničkih 33
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odnosa Egipta i Srbije i Crne Gore je ostavilo i značajan trag na diplomatiji; nakon ponovnog uspostavljanja odnosa, egipatsko poslanstvo u Beogradu je prvo vraćeno na nivou predstavništva, a tek 1997. godine je ponovo vraćeno na nivo ambasade (Akl 2019, 117). Kao što je očekivano, nestabilnost u državi je uticala na diplomatske odnose, i u narednom periodu su se javili brojni problemu u razvoju dobrih odnosa. Kako iz prve ruke svedoči Hani Hilaf koji je služio kao ambasador u Beogradu od 1997. do 1999. godine, iako se krajem devedesetih godina govorilo o postojanju obostrane zainteresovanosti za negovanje boljih odnosa, do tog razvoja nije dolazilo. U narednom periodu su se pojavili problemi u skoro svim aspektima diplomatije i saradnje. Odbijane su posete političkih zvaničnika Egiptu, nije odgovoreno na poziv upućen u oktobru 1997. godine iz Privredne komore Jugoslavije Egipatskoj federaciji privredne komore i egipatskim preduzetnicima radi slanja delegacije da ispita mogućnosti zajedničkog ulaganja, odbijeno je slanje egipatskih stručnjaka u Beograd da pomognu u izgradnji metroa, nije odgovoreno na predlog Ambasade u Beogradu o imenovanju vojnog atašea ili pomoćnika vojnog atašea, a Egipat je čak odbio i da pošalje recitatora za proslavu Ramazana tokom januara 1998. godine i studente da učestvuju na Međunarodnom muzičkom takmičenju za mlade u Beogradu (Hilaf 2019, 92–93). Nije pomoglo ni to što je zbog početka bombardovanja Srbije i Crne Gore 24. marta 1999. godine od strane NATO pakta, Egipat u aprilu 1999. godine odlučio da zatvori Ambasadu u Beogradu i hitno povuče ambasadora nazad u Kairo (Hilaf 2019, 111). Nivo predstavnika u Beogradu je u ovom periodu bio smanjen na otpravnika poslova, a na toj funkciji je do oktobra 1999. godine služio Ašraf Akl, dok ga 20. oktobra nije zamenio Basim Halil (Akl 2019, 122). Međutim, početak 21. veka doneo je velike promene na srpskoj političkoj sceni usled pada režima Slobodana Miloševića i dolaska proevropske vlasti. Kako se situacija stabilizovala, tako su i ponovo 34
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uspostavljeni dobri odnosi sa Egiptom, ali nikakvih većih promena u tim odnosima nije bilo tokom prvih nekoliko godina novog veka.
2. Srbija i Egipat Na referendumu sprovedenom 21. maja 2006. u Crnoj Gori izglasana je nezavisnost ove države. Egipat je je zauzeo neutralan stav i priznao Crnu Goru kao nezavisnu državu tek nakon što su se Crna Gora i Srbija međusobno dogovorile. Što se poslanstva tiče, po proglašenju nezavisnosti postojao je predlog da ambasador u Beogradu predstavlja Egipat i u Crnoj Gori, ali budući da je Crna Gora imala svoje predstavništvo u Kairu ipak je odlučeno da se otvori zasebno predstavništvo (Nagib 2019, 147). Što se daljih odnosa Republike Srbije i Arapske Republike Egipat tiče, u ovom periodu su nastavljeni pokušaji da se odnosi ove dve države vrate na zavidan nivo na kom su nekada bili. Adil Nagib, koji je služio kao ambasador Egipta u Srbiji od 2005. do 2009. godine, se priseća raznih načina putem kojih su se obnavljale ove veze. Događaji koji se ističu su poseta Beogradu ministarke za međunarodnu saradnju, Faize Abu el Nage, tokom koje su potpisani brojni bilateralni sporazumi, sastanak srpskog i egipatskog predsednika tokom sastanka Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija i poseta predsednika Borisa Tadića Kairu gde je razgovarao sa predsednikom Mubarakom (Nagib 2019, 150–151). Tokom Tadićeve posete 1. aprila 2009. godine, predsednik je razgovarao sa egipatskim investitorima koje je pozvao da pokrenu projekte u Srbiji uz olakšice, ali je razgovarao i sa predsednikom Mubarakom o jačanju odnosa ovih dveju država zbog duboke veze koja je postojala od sredine 20. veka i osnivanja Pokreta nesvrstanih. U tom trenutku je Egipat predsedavao Pokretom i Srbija je zato predložila da bude domaćin konfer-
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encije Pokreta nesvrstanih 2011. godine da se obeleži 50 godina od održavanja prve konferencije u Beogradu (Basjuni 2019, 157–158). Nakon Tadićeve posete su usledile posete egipatskih visokih zvaničnika Srbiji, uključujući i ministra spoljnih poslova Ahmeda Abu el Gajta 12. februara 2010. godine. Samo nekoliko dana nakon Gajtove posete, 25. februara, dolazi delegacija istaknutih egipatskih međunarodnih biznismena i investitora, a sa njima su došli i predsednik Privredne komore u Kairu i ministar trgovine i industrije Rašid Muhamed Rašid (Basjuni 2019, 158–159). Ova poseta je utoliko važna jer je delegaciju lično primio predsednik Srbije koji je iskazao svoje zadovoljstvo obećanjem da će lično pomoći da prevaziđu bilo kakvu prepreku ukoliko odluče da investiraju u Srbiji. Zbog takve obostrane zainteresovanosti za saradnju je tokom posete uspostavljena osnova za preliminarne sporazume započinjanja projekata, poput izgradnje stambenih objekata i otvaranje fabrike električnih kablova, uz druge, a razmatrala se i pomoć egipatskih stručnjaka radi otvaranja hotela na obali Dunava (Basjuni 2019, 159–160). U cilju ekonomske saradnje, 20. maja te iste godine, u Srbiju dolazi i ministarka za međunarodnu saradnju Faiza Abu el Naga koja je imala sastanke i sa predsednikom Srbije, ali i sa srpskim ministrima i istaknutim preduzetnicima (Basjuni 2019, 161). Srbija je takođe pokazivala zainteresovanost za bolju saradnju tako da je krajem 2010. godine, u novembru, tadašnji premijer Mirko Cvetković bio u zvaničnoj poseti Egiptu na čelu delegacije koju su činili visoki zvaničnici i preduzetnici. Na Cvetkovićevim sastancima sa egipatskim zvaničnicima su potpisani sporazumi o daljoj saradnji dveju država u više sektora, uključujući i nauku i kulturu. Upravo zbog ovakvih sve boljih odnosa dveju država, kako političkih i privrednih, tako i kulturnih, radi daljeg jačanja tih odnosa u januaru 2011. godine je zvanično osnovano i Društvo srpsko-egipatskog prijateljstva, a za predsednike društva su izabrani tadašnji ambasador Egipta u Srbiji Ali Gelal Basjuni i ministar spoljnih poslova Srbije Vuk Jeremić (Basjuni 2019, 161). 36
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Ipak, iako se intenzivno radilo na jačanju srpsko-egipatskih odnosa, na dalju ekonomsku saradnju dveju država, uticala je Egipatska revolucija 2011. godine koja je započeta 25. januara i okončana 11. februara smenom predsednika Hosnija Mubaraka. Nije bilo sigurno kako će se odnosi razvijati, ali se ispostavilo da je želja za daljom saradnjom opstala i nakon smene režima. Kao što je predloženo 2009. godine, u Beogradu je tokom septembra 2011. godine održana spomen konferencija povodom 50 godina od prve konferencije nesvrstanih država. Tom prilikom u Beogradu je održan sastanak ministara bivših jugoslovenskih republika, azijskih i afričkih država koje su članice Pokreta nesvrstanih, a prisustvovao je i ministar spoljnih poslova Egipta Muhamed Kamil Amr. On se sastao i sa predsednikom Tadićem i srpskim ministrima radi razgovora o trenutnoj situaciji u Egiptu i mogućnostima dalje saradnje (Basjuni 2019, 162–163). Na bilateralnom nivou, usledio je niz poseta različitih zvaničnika. Egipat je tokom 2012. godine posetio ministar spoljnih poslova radi osiguravanja podrške predsedništvu Srbije na Generalnoj skupštini Ujedinjenih nacija; delegacija Egipta je podržala Srbiju, a zauzvrat Srbija je podržavala arapska pitanja poput glasanja u korist priznanja Palestine kao nezavisne države. Sa druge strane, Srbiju je posetio ministar zdravlja sa delegacijom koja je razmenjivala iskustva; što se saradnje u ovom sektoru tiče, delegacija medicinskih sestara koja je radila u bolnicama pri Ministarstvu odbrane Egipta je pohađala obuku na Vojnomedicinskoj akademiji u Beogradu (Basjuni 2019, 165– 166). Međutim, tokom godina su se javljali i problemi u tim odnosima, a najveća iskušenja su došla 2013. godine. Egipat je inicijalno stao na stranu Srbije kada je Skupština Kosova 17. februara 2008. godine proglasila nezavisnost Kosova i Metohije od Republike Srbije. Egipatske vlasti nisu priznavale Republiku Kosovo kao nezavisnu državu uprkos međunarodnim pritiscima od strane islamskih i arapskih država da to učini (Nagib 2019, 148). Ipak, stav se promenio i 37
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Egipat 27. juna 2013. godine priznaje nezavisnost Kosova. Da situacija bude još neizvesnija, svega nekoliko dana nakon proglašenja izbijaju protesti 30. juna koji su doveli do smene režima (Bahum 2019, 179– 180). Nažalost, dolaskom predsednika Abdela Fataha el Sisija na vlast se nije promenio stav Egipta po pitanju nezavisnosti Kosova, a usled unutrašnjih problema u Egiptu duže vreme nije bilo moguće organizovati sastanke između ministara dveju država. Jedini važniji sastanci koji su se održavali su kraći sastanci između tadašnjeg predsednika Srbije Tomislava Nikolića i egipatskog predsednika Sisija tokom zasedanja Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija 2013, 2014. i 2015. godine. Osim ovih sastanaka, jedini drugi kontakt je bila poseta ministra spoljnih poslova Ivice Dačića u avgustu 2015. godine povodom otvaranja novog Sueckog kanala (Bahum 2019, 182–183). Iako je nezavisnost Kosova osetljivo pitanje u spoljnoj politici Srbije, odluka Egipta da prizna nezavisnost i nova smena režima nisu uticali na odnose dveju država. Posete i razgovori su postali sve učestaliji – Kairo je 9. marta 2015. godine posetio ministar odbrane Bratislav Gašić i razgovarao je sa predstavnicima egipatskog Ministarstva odbrane, ministar spoljnih poslova Ivica Dačić se sastao sa gradonačelnicima Hurgade i Asuana tokom 2018. godine, kao i sa guvernerom Asuana 2019. godine, a vodio je i telefonski razgovor sa egipatskim ministrom spoljnih poslova 7. juna 2020. godine, narodni poslanik Dragan Marković Palma se sastao sa guvernerom Crvenog mora u novembru 2018. i aprilu 2019. godine (guverner sa sastao sa Palmom u Srbiji u novembru 2018. godine), a ministar poljoprivrede i zaštite životne sredine Branislav Nedimović se u januaru 2018. godine sastao sa egipatskim ministrom poljoprivrede Izudinom Omarom Abusteitom. No, o tome da postoji želja za negovanjem dobrih odnosa možda najbolje svedoči to što je do sastanaka dolazilo i u najvišim krugovima. Tako je egipatski ministar spoljnih poslova Sameh Šukri došao u posetu Srbiji u novembru 2018. godine i razgovarao sa Ivicom Dačićem o daljim bilateralnim odnosima dveju država, i predsednikom Srbije Aleksandrom Vučićem o daljoj ekonomskoj i vojnoj saradnji. Tom prilikom Šukri se sastao i sa ministrom sporta i omladine Vanjom 38
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Udovičićem sa kojim je potpisao memorandum o saradnji egipatskog ministarstva sa srpskim, kao i sa Branislavom Nedimovićem i sa premijerkom Anom Brnabić. Drugi važan sastanak se odigrao u junu naredne godine kada se predsednica Narodne skupštine Srbije Maja Gojković sastala sa predsednikom Sisijem u Kairu i razgovarala o budućnosti bilateralnih odnosa.5 Prilikom svakog od ovih susreta, i srpski i egipatski zvaničnici su uvažavali istoriju srpsko-egipatskih odnosa. Zaista, iako saradnja dveju država nije na nivou na kom je bila tokom Tito–Naser ere, njen značaj se i dalje naglašava zbog prisutne svesti o „srpskoegipatskom prijateljstvu“. Svesti koja je izgrađena i koja se održava upravo zahvaljujući javnoj i kulturnoj diplomatiji, kao i mnogo širim međukulturnim odnosima.
⁵ Za više informacija o novijim događajima u srpsko-egipatskim odnosima pogledati novosti Ambasade Srbije u Kairu – http://www.cairo.mfa.gov.rs/news.php.
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III Međukulturni odnosi Prilikom razmatranja srpsko-egipatskih kulturnih odnosa bitno je naglasiti specifičan položaj kulturne diplomatije ovih dveju država, kao i njihovih kultura. Naime, kao što je rečeno u uvodu, Republika Srbija nema plan razvoja kulturne diplomatije sa pojedinačnim državama. Ipak, tokom godina su organizovana brojna gostovanja srpskih umetnika u Egiptu. Tako je slikarka Tanja Đokić učestvovala na međunarodnom simpozijumu u Luksoru u decembru 2013. godine, srpski igrani i dokumentarni filmovi su prikazivani na smotrama u Luksoru, Kairu i Ismailiji, pijanista Hrvoje Pušić je svirao u Kairu i Aleksandriji 2014. godine, soprano pevačica Katarina Jovanović i pijanistkinja Milena Petrović su takođe nastupale u ova dva grada tokom iste godine, a pijanistkinja Lenka Petrović je u njima nastupala naredne godine, kao i Ivan Basić. U ambasadorovoj rezidenciji u Kairu je u maju 2015. godine izveden i muzički performans „San o Balkanu“ povodom 70 godina od izbijanja Drugog svetskog rata, a akademski slikar Ivan Milunović je u martu 2019. godine imao izložbu svojih dela u Kairu.6 Međutim, problem je što Republika Srbija ne izdvaja dovoljno novca za promociju svoje kulture u Egiptu. Samim tim, gostovanja srpskih umetnika, izložbe, razmene i slične stvari koje spadaju u polje kulturne diplomatije nisu toliko česti. Samim tim su međukulturni odnosi ove dve države dosta „jednostrani“; u Egiptu srpska kultura nije toliko zastupljena u javnom diskursu koliko je egipatska kultura u Srbiji. Više faktora utiče na takvu disproporciju međukulturnih odnosa, a jedan od njih je to što, za razliku od Srbije, u Egiptu postoji duga tradicija javne diplomatije koja seže još do Naserovog vremena. Egipat ⁶ Za više informacija o kulturnim događajima u koje je bila uključena Ambasada Srbije u Kairu pogledati novosti ambasade – http://www.cairo.mfa.gov.rs/news.php.
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je još tada počeo da ulaže u ovaj vid diplomatije zato što je želeo da se predstavi kao oličenje i centar panarabizma i anti-kolonijalizma zbog čega je morao da komunicira direktno sa stanovnicima drugih država. Međutim, sa opadanjem značaja Egipta na međunarodnoj političkoj sceni tokom Mubarakovog režima opada i autoritet Egipta koji je neophodan za održavanje meke moći. Iz tog razloga je opala i popularnost javne diplomatije jer percepcija stanovnika drugih država više nije bila prioritet vlasti. Ipak, čak iako javna diplomatija više nije prioritet države, i dalje postoji svest o potrebi za ovim vidom diplomatije i zato u egipatskom Ministarstvu spoljnih poslova postoji zasebno odeljenje za javnu diplomatiju. Pored njega postoji i Državni informacioni servis kao zasebna državna ustanova koja se, između ostalog, bavi komunikacijom sa stranim medijima (El-Wahed 2016, 49–50). Obe institucije igraju bitnu ulogu u spoljnoj politici Egipta budući da je javna diplomatija generalno važno polje koje sve više dobija na značaju. Ipak, obe institucije su suočene sa problemima kao što su nedostatak finansija radi sprovođenja aktivnosti iz domena kulturne diplomatije, poput programa razmene i organizovanja kulturnih događaja. Osim toga, drugi veliki problem je nedostatak stručnjaka koji bi se bavili isključivo komunikacijama sa drugim kulturama (ElWahed 2016, 76–79). Sve ovo je navelo Maner Husein Abd El-Vahed koja se bavila proučavanjem ovog aspekta egipatske diplomatije da zaključi da su „egipatski pokušaji javne diplomatije često proistekli iz ličnih inicijativa zasnovanih na volonterizmu i entuzijazmu“, a ne strateškog planiranja ovih dveju organizacija (El-Wahed 2016, 84). Međutim, ono što egipatski slučaj javne i kulturne diplomatije čini posebnim je to što u svetu bez ovog „volonterizma i entuzijazma“ koje El-Vahed pominje postoji fascinacija egipatskom kulturom, barem staroegipatskim aspektom te kulture. Od 19. veka se na Zapadu javlja fascinacija drevnim Egiptom koju istraživači koji se bave istorijom ideja i kulturnom istorijom nazivaju egiptomanijom. Ovaj fenomen je započeo Napoleonovom in41
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vazijom na Egipat 1798. godine kada je Napoleon Bonapata na ovaj pohod uz vojnike poveo i naučnike i umetnike kojima je bio zadatak da prouče savremeni i drevni Egipat. Sama invazija nije uspela, ali nakon povlačenja 1801. godine, francuski naučnici i umetnici počinju da sastavljaju višetomno skupoceno ilustrovano naučno delo „Opis Egipta“ (fr. Description de l'Égypte) čiji će tomovi izlaziti od 1809. do 1822. godine. Osim ovog dela koje je promovisalo egipatsku kulturu, jedan od učesnika invazije je bio Vivant Denon i on je po povratku u Francusku 1802. godine publikovao dvotomni putopis „Putovanje u Donji i Gornji Egipat“ (fr. Voyage dans la basse et la haute Egypte) koji će biti bestseler svog vremena preveden na sve značajne evropske jezike. Ove dve publikacije će pokrenuti interes evropske publike za drevni Egipat, a s obzirom na to da Žan Fransoa Šampolion 1822. godine dešifruje hijeroglife, javlja se i naučno interesovanje budući da se pojavilo novo naučno polje – egiptologija. Zbog novog naučnog i šireg interesovanja slale su se ekspedicije u Egipat koje su imale zadatak da donesu različite starine u evropske muzeje kako bi se zadovoljile potrebe stanovništva koje je želelo da upozna ovu daleku i drevnu kulturu (Vasiljević 2016, 73–78). Danas se pak vode sporovi usled ovog nasleđa koje je završilo u svetskim muzejima, ali je ono svakako prouzrokovalo interesovanje Evropljana i Amerikanaca. Pospešeno novim otkrićima, poput Tutankamonove grobnice i čitave „tutmanije“ koja se razvila u posleratnom periodu (vidi Fryxell 2017), ova fascinacija je opstala do danas. Zapravo, osim klasičnog polja egiptologije koje se bavi proučavanjem drevnog Egipta i koje se izučava širom sveta, u skorije vreme se pojavilo i zasebno polje studija koje se bavi proučavanjem toga kako je drevni Egipat uticao na modernu kulturu (vidi Vasiljević 2016). Naravno, ovakva viševekovna fascinacija se može posmatrati i kao problem budući da je drevni Egipat samo jedan aspekt egipatske kulture koju ljudi ne upoznaju u potpunosti zbog fiksacije na antičkoj prošlosti. Međutim, ona svakako omogućava mnogo lakšu promociju egipatske kulture od koje država ima koristi – od razvoja kulturne diplomatije 42
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koja je jednostavnija kada ljudi već poznaju i žele da bolje upoznaju kulturu, do kulturnog turizma koji je veoma značajan za egipatsku privredu. Ista ova fascinacija drevnim Egiptom postoji i u Srbiji i služi kao glavni aspekt srpsko-egipatskih kulturnih odnosa. Svakako da postoji i interesovanje za savremenije aspekte egipatske kulture. Ti aspekti privlače pažnju i šire javnosti, ali i naučne zajednice budući da se orijentalistički radovi publikuju u Srbiji od sredine 19. veka. Ipak, Osmansko carstvo je bilo primarno polje delanja tadašnjih srpskih orijentalista. Seminar za orijentalnu filologiju pri Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu počinje sa radom 1926. godine, a ovime se zvanično javlja i polje orijentalnih studija u Srbiji. I dalje je primarni fokus bio na turskom jeziku i književnosti, ali početkom 20. veka nastaju i značajni radovi iz polja arabistike i prevodi dela sa arapskog na srpski (Ristanović 2014, 155–164). Zbog interesovanja za ovim aspektom orijentalistike je pri Seminaru za orijentalnu filologiju počela da radi katedra za arapski jezik, književnost i kulturu (na kojoj se izučava i egipatski dijalekat), a koja i danas radi i obrazuje brojne srpske arabiste.7 Interesovanje za srpski jezik i književnost u Egiptu je pak nešto manje izraženo. Naime, srpski jezik nije toliko popularan za učenje kao strani jezik zbog malog broja govornika koji se njime služe. Zbog toga slavistika nije razvijena kao polje studija u Egiptu niti je na egipatskim univerzitetima posvećena pažnja srpskoj književnosti. Ipak, ima primera pokušaja da se srpsko književno stvaralašto približi Egipćanima, poput „Muhtarat minaš širis serbi“, odnosno antologije srpskog pesništva koju su priredili srpski pesnici Vlasta Mladenović i Gordana Nikolić, a na arapski preveo Isak Abu Laban (vidi Mladenović & Nikolić 1996).
⁷ Važno je napomenuti da je Seminar za orijentalnu filologiju 1960. premešten na novoosnovani Filološki fakultet u Beogradu na kome se, od te godine, studira orijentalistika.
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1. Međukulturni kontakt Pre razmatranja kulturnih odnosa Srbije i Egipta, radi perspektive vredi osvrnuti se i na međukulturni kontakt koji je postojao mnogo pre nego što su nastale ove današnje države. Sam međukulturni kontakt teritorije Egipta i Srbije je posvedočen još od praistorijskog perioda budući da su fajansne perle poreklom iz Egipta pronađene na lokalitetima iz bronzanog doba na Balkanskom poluostrvu. Takve perle su pronađene na teritorijama južno od današnje Srbije, kao što su Bugarska i Grčka, ali i severno, kao što su Austrija i Mađarska. Što se same teritorije Srbije tiče, pronađene su na lokalitetu Vinča–Belo brdo te je zato moguće da se put njihove razmene prostirao i kroz Srbiju. Osim ovih perli, posvedočen je još jedan nalaz iz praistorije; skarabej na lokalitetu iz 6. veka p.n.e. Trnjaci–Pilatovići kod Užičke Požege (Anđelković 1991, 67). Ipak, udaljenost ove dve teritorije je značila da nije bilo moguće ostvariti bliži kulturni kontakt. Teško je govoriti o bilo kakvom kontaktu između stanovnika Vinče i Egipta već su artefakti verovatno dospeli na ovaj deo Balkana putem trgovine, prolazeći kroz razne ruke dok konačno nisu stigle na ovaj lokalitet na kom stanovnici gotovo izvesno nisu znali ništa o drevnom Egiptu i njegovoj kulturi. Do pravog i značajnijeg kulturnog kontakta dolazi tek tokom antičkog perioda budući da su teritorije Egipta i Srbije bile deo Rimskog carstva, a da je u okviru carstva bilo uobičajeno kretanje vojnika i civila. Posvedočeno je i postojanje staroegipatskih kultova na teritoriji Srbije u ovom periodu. Lokaliteti gde su pronađeni dokazi za to su Sirmium na kom su pronađena glava statue Izide i statua Anubisa, Timacum Minus na kom je pronađena glava statue Izide, Viminacium na kom je pronađen žižak sa predstavom Izide ili njene sveštenice, Guberevac na kom je pronađena statua Izis-Fortune, na lokalitetu kraj Čačka je pronađen žrtvenik na kome se pominje ime Izide, u Novim Banovcima je pronađena statua Harpokrata, dok je na teritoriji Niša 44
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pronađen niz kultnih predmeta, uključujući statuu Hermesa-Tota, žrtvenik boga Tota i žižak sa predstavama Izide i Serapisa. Međutim, iako njihovo prisustvo upućuje na kulturni kontakt jer su u pitanju staroegipatski kultovi, većina ovih predmeta nije poreklom iz Egipta (Anđelković 1991, 68). Ovi i brojni drugi predmeti se danas čuvaju u muzejima širom Srbije o čemu će biti više reči kasnije. Svi do sada pomenuti predmeti su iz perioda kada nisu postojala ni današnja Srbija ni današnji Egipat u bilo kom obliku i spomenuti su samo radi ilustrovanja dugotrajnog kulturnog kontakta između ove dve teritorije. Taj kontakt će postojati i tokom srednjeg veka kada nekolicina hodočasnika na svojim putovanjima po Bliskom istoku posećuju i Egipat. Svakako najpoznatiji među njima je bio arhiepiskop srpski Sava (Rastko Nemanjić) koji je Egipat posetio dva puta. O tim putovanjima izveštava Domentijan, a na njegov rad se oslanja Teodosije Hilandarac nakon samog Savinog putovanja. Sava je nameru da poseti Egipat izneo tokom hodočašća u pismu koje je iz Jerusalima poslao igumanu Studenice. Obe posete su bile tokom istog putovanja 1234/35. godine. Prvu posetu je započeo dolaskom u Aleksandriju gde je razmenio darove sa aleksandrijskim patrijarhom, a zatim je sa lokalnim pratiocem obilazio važna monaška mesta i razgovarao sa koptskim monasima. Drugo putovanje je započeo dolaskom u Kairo gde ga je primio i sam sultan sa kim je isto razmenio darove, a odatle je otišao na Sinajsku goru na kojoj je, navodno, Mojsije preuzeo 10 Božijih zapovesti, i gde se nalazio manastir Svete Katarine (Vasiljević 2016, 176–179). Međutim, Savino putovanje uveliko nije reprezentativan primer. Naime, Sava je bio visoko pozicioniran u društvu; bio je sin velikog župana Stefana Nemanje, brat kralja Stefana Prvovenčanog i prvi arhiepiskop autokefalne Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Moramo imati na umu da je on živeo u feudalnom društvu i za razliku od mnogih, mogao je da priušti da otputuje toliko daleko od Srbije. Putovanje generalno nije bilo posebno popularno u sred45
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njovekovnoj Srbiji, a većina stanovništva nije ni mogla da priušti da putuje zbog čega čak ni hodočašća nisu bila toliko česta (Berger 2020, 349–350). Naravno, budući da je Egipat bio značajno mesto kako u Starom, tako i u Novom zavetu, u kasnijim periodima hodočasnici koji su pak mogli da priušte da odu na Bliski istok su ga posećivali, iako njihova putovanja nisu opisana detaljno kao Savina. Neki od njih su: Nikon Jerusalimac koji je posetio Egipat tokom 15. veka, mitropolit kratovski Mihailo ga posećuje 1656. godine, Lavrentije Hilandarac tokom 17. veka, a Jerotje Račanin je ostavio i putopis o svom putovanju kroz Svetu zemlju 1704/05. godine u kom pominje Egipat, njegov pejzaž, životinje, način odevanja ljudi i spomenike8 (Vasiljević 2016, 179–181). Međutim, putovanja hodočasnika ne samo da su bila retka već su bila i specifična po svojoj prirodi. Naime, oni nisu odlazili u Egipat kako bi se upoznali sa tamošnjom kulturom; nisu odlazili ni zbog drevnog Egipta ni zbog savremenog već da bi posetili znamenita mesta vezana za hrišćanstvo. Ovo će se promeniti tokom 19. veka kada počinje više ljudi da odlazi u Egipat, ali i iz različitih razloga. Tu promenu možda najbolje oslikava putovanje srpskog plemića Pavla Riđičkog koji je 1888. godine otišao na hadžiluk. Tokom svoje posete Bliskom istoku će provesti dosta vremena u Egiptu, ali za razliku od njegovih prethodnika, Riđičkog zanima kako hrišćanski koptski Egipat, tako i drevni. Zbog ovoga nije obišao samo Kairo i Gizu već se parobrodom spustio Nilom do Gornjeg Egipta. Na tom putovanju je stigao čak do Asuana i usput je video sva znamenita mesta koja su ga, sudeći po njegovim zapisima, veoma impresionirala (Anđelković 1995, 332–336). Upravo zbog toga što je uvideo značaj staroegipatske kulture i toga što je bio imućan, Riđički će se izdvojiti od ostalih putnika u Egiptu. On će tokom boravka u Luksoru kupiti ⁸ Pominje i piramide u Gizi: „I vide se prema Velikom Misiru Faraonove uzvisine. To je jedno čudo na svetu. Dve ozidane od kamena kao sobe dve. I tolika je veličina i visina – od tri dana hoda se može videti“ (Vasiljević 2013, 834).
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mumiju sveštenika boga Mina „ne za sebe, nego za srpski narod“ i zato će je donirati Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu (Anđelković 1997, 101) gde je danas izložena u specijalnoj vitrini. Naravno, Riđički nije bio jedini imućni Srbin koji je u ovom periodu otputovao u Egipat i doneo artefakte nazad u Srbiju. Na tom spisku se nalaze Janoš Fernbah, Vilmoš Vetl, Maks Adler, Leonard Bem, kao i znamenite ličnosti, poput Paje Jovanovića. Ali, pored ovih poznatih dobrotvora, u muzejima u Srbiji se nalaze i artefakti iz Egipta za koje se, nažalost, ne zna ko ih je kupio i donirao (Anđelković 2007, 228).
1.1 Zajedničko nasleđe Prilikom razmatranja međukulturnog kontakta i kulturnih odnosa, važno je imati na umu da Srbija i Egipat baštine i isto nasleđe budući da su obe teritorije pripadale istoj državi više puta tokom istorije. Kako Milad Hana navodi u svojoj knjizi „Sedam stubova egipatskog identiteta“, savremeni egipatski identitet počiva na sedam stubova: faraonski, grčko-rimski, koptski, islamski, arapski, mediteranski i afrički (vidi Hanna 1994). Neki od ovih stubova su geografski dok su drugi istorijski, poput „grčko-rimskog“ koji je nama značajan jer i Srbija baštini nasleđe ovog perioda. Štaviše, početkom 21. veka nasleđe Rimskog carstva postaje izrazito značajno u Srbiji jer demokratska-proevropska vlast uspostavljena nakon pada Slobodana Miloševića vidi upravo ovo nasleđe kao način da se udalji od nacionalizma devedesetih godina. Isticanjem rimskog nasleđa i predstavljanjem Srbije kao „zavičaja rimskih careva“ nova vlast je pokušala da predstavi Srbiju kao sastavni deo evropskog narativa. Zbog nove državne ideologije, stavljanjem naglaska upravo na Rimsko carstvo, koje se doživljeva kao svojvrsni predak savremene Evrope, vlast je pokušala da izmeni kulturni identitet prisvajanjem
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rimskog nasleđa. Može se reći da je u izvesnom smislu to i učinila upravo zbog važnosti koja se danas pripisuje ovom nasleđu (Kuzmanović & Mihajlović 2018, 123–136). Takvo isticanje Rimske prošlosti se može smatrati „nametnutim“, što na neki način i jeste, ali ostaje činjenica da je rimska prošlost važna komponenta kulturne istorije Balkana. Tako je i u Srbiji; iako rimski carevi nemaju veze sa savremenom Srbijom, ostaje činjenica da je kulturno nasleđe Rimskog carstva bitno za srpsku kulturu. Naravno, uz rimsku prošlost i nasleđe, Srbija i Egipat takođe baštine i nasleđe Istočnog rimskog carstva, odnosno Vizantije. No nakon pada Vizantije, teritorije Srbije i Egipta će se ponovo naći u istoj državi početkom 16. veka; ovog puta kao delovi Osmanskog carstva. Međutim, zajedničko nasleđe ovog perioda je još specifičnije jer osim materijalne kulture, poput spomenika, osmanski period je takođe značajan zato što tokom njega nastaje odnos koji Zapad ima prema ovim teritorijama i kulturama. Upravo tokom ovog perioda se na Zapadu javlja diskurs orijentalizma, kako ga naziva Edvard Said. Odnosno, „Istok“, ili preciznije Orijent (budući da se ne radi o realnom prostoru i kulturi već o izmaštanom fenomenu ljudi u Zapadnoj Evropi koji nije geografski fiksiran niti je postojala jedinstvena „istočnjačka kultura“) je u Evropi predstavljen kao „drugačiji“ zbog čega je privlačio pažnju Evropljana, ali je ujedno bio i „inferioran“ što je uslovilo kako se Evropljani odnose prema njemu (vidi Said 2008). Međutim, osim samog orijentalizma, javio se i fenomen koji je Milica Bakić-Hajden nazvala „nesting orientalism“, odnosno javlja se viđenje da što su države „istočnije“, to su sve više drugačije, а samim tim i sve inferiornije (Bakić-Hayden 1995, 918). Budući da se Balkansko poluostrvo nalazilo „istočno“ i bilo deo „orijentalnog“ i „drugačijeg“ Osmanskog carstva, ova teritorija je takođe počela da se posmatra kroz istu tu prizmu, ali je viđenje Balkana bilo malo drugačije. Postojale su određene razlike poput toga što je Orijent doživljavan kao zavodljiv i pun bogatstva, dok je Balkan bio periferija tog bogatog predela i samim tim siromašan i tek polu-civilizovan most 48
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između Istoka i Zapada (Todorova 2009, 13–16). Zbog takvog viđenja Maria Todorova uvodi diskurs balkanizma kao fenomen koji je povezan sa orijentalizmom, ali ipak predstavlja jedan zaseban i specifičan diskurs (vidi Todorova 2009). Tako, upravo zbog osmanske prošlosti Balkan je doživljavan kao „drugi“ što je uslovilo kakav odnos Zapad ima prema njemu. Samim tim je Osmansko carstvo uslovilo kako se Zapad u vekovima nakon oslobođenja Srbije odnosi prema ovoj teritoriji. Zbog ovog isključivanja iz evropskog diskursa, u viđenju Zapada Srbija je spadala u isti diskurs „drugosti“ kao i Egipat. Takav odnos nije nužno bio loš, jer zbog njega su i stanovnici ovih područja počeli sebe da posmatraju kao „drugačije“; nisu bili poput ljudi na Zapadu, ali ni poput ljudi na Istoku. Zato se takav odnos koji je Zapad imao prema Egiptu i Srbiji (u ovom kontekstu Jugoslaviji) može posmatrati kao podsticaj, donekle i preduslov za njihovo kasnije zbližavanje, pa i formiranje Pokreta nesvrstanih budući da se obe države nisu osećale kao deo Zapada, a ni Istoka.
2. Egipat i srpska kultura Ali, ne samo da Srbija i Egipat dele zajedničko nasleđe, već je Egipat i dosta uticao na srpsku kulturu budući da je poslužio kao inspiracija brojnim srpskim umetnicima koji se mogu podeliti u dve grupe – oni koji su posetili Egipat i stvarali na osnovu onoga što su videli i oni koji su bili inspirisani egiptomanijom, odnosno pričama o mističnom i drevnom Egiptu. Što se prve grupe tiče, najdragoceniji uvid u to kako su Srbi doživljavali Egipat su putopisi koje je za sobom ostavila nekolicina poznatijih i manje poznatih autora. Za temu ove knjige su posebno bitna zapažanja Jovana Dučića budući da je on boravio u Egiptu više godina radeći kao diplomata i jedan od najuticajnijih srpskih književnika. O Egiptu je pisao u
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drugom, dopunjenom izdanju knjige „Gradovi i himere“ (1940) koja se završava poglavljem „Pismo iz Egipta“. Ne samo da je Dučić bio u specifičnoj poziciji kao diplomata i neko ko boravi duže vreme, već je i njegov putopis dosta jedinstven, budući da poglavlje o Egiptu počinje sa tim kako je on video Egipat pri njegovom dolasku. Ovu državu je opisao kao „zemlju o kojoj puno znamo, ali koja stvarno ne postoji“, jer je „zemlja gde se ništa ne događa“ (Dučić 1940, 295). Kako sam obrazlaže, to viđenje ima usled činjenice da se nalazi u zemlji koja je ravna, bez planina, bez magle, praznog neba, ali ima lepote u dvema velikim stvarima: suncu i Nilu, što je „dovoljno da ovu zemlju učine najlepšom i najraskošnijom zemljom na svetu“ (Dučić 1940, 295–296). Specifično viđenje Dučića se uočava još u ovim opisima prvog utiska. Već na samom početku on ne svrstava Egipat u „Orijent“ ili „Istok“ kako to čine mnogi evropski i srpski putopisci. Naprotiv, on ove reči i ne spominje već umesto „Orijenta“ uvod počinje opisom Afrike čime smešta Egipat u afrički diskurs, a ne orijentalni (Dučić 1940, 293–295). No ono što Dučićev rad čini zaista upečatljivim je to što on potpuno odskače od uobičajenog narativa vezanog za ovu državu, odnosno da se Egipat doživljava kao „bogati orijent“ koji je pritom posebno „bogat istorijom“. Dučić, suprotno od toga, insistira na praznini. Umesto opisa drevnih spomenika, on opisuje pustinje sa palmom – „dve palme to je već prašuma!“ (Dučić 1940, 296). Onda kada ulazi u delove karakteristične za orijentalizam i egiptomaniju, autor ih potpuno negira. Iznosi da je Egipat „razočarenje“ za one koji traže čar Istoka (Dučić 1940, 300) dok je sa egiptomanijom još suroviji: „Piramide su samo najžalosniji spomenici oholosti i tiranije i gluposti, koje najzad omrznete. Sfinks je toliko nagrđen vremenom i udarcima ljudskih ruka, da njegovo ćutanje nije više zapečaćena zagonetka, nego krik očajanja svih propalih stvari na zemlji“ (Dučič 1940, 299). Jasno je da kod njega ne postoji divljenje, ali uprkos suzdržanosti on nastavlja da obrađuje istoriju navodeći „Sama prošlost, makar i najveća, to je ipak i uvek samo jedna provalija! Sve slave i veličine Egipta već su, uostalom, hiljadama godina potopljene u ovaj vruć pesak; i trebaće još puno 50
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novih hiljada godina da se taj mrtvački pokrov skine, i Egipat faronski ponovo pokaže među živim ljudima“ (Dučić 1940, 301). Ovde se vidi da se on ne divi drevnom Egiptu per se, ali je jasno da postoji fascinacija otkrićima vezanim za njega. Zato nastavlja da iskazuje divljenje, ne po pitanju drevnosti, već divljenje zbog toga šta je otkriveno u poslednjim decenijama. On dolazi u Egipat svega jedan vek nakon što su dešifrovani hijeroglifi i divi se tome što se tokom tih par decenija „već otkrilo svih trideset dinastija o kojima je govorio prastari Maneton! Progovorili su na jeroglife sa obeliska, sa papirusa i sa stubova, faraoni kao Keops i Ramzes II i Psametik. Po grobnicama su nađeni starinske pesme o ljubavi, starinski romani o avanturama, i stari svešteni tekstovi pored najtačnijih dokumenata istorijskih“ (Dučić 1940, 301). Jasno se vidi da se autor ne divi samoj prošlosti i tome šta je ostalo već činu otkrića te prošlosti. Zato ističe da je išao u Tutankamonovu grobnicu sa Hauardom Karterom koji ju je otkrio svega par godina pre Dučićevog dolaska: „Izgledalo mi je da sam sa Kolumbom koji me vodi za ruku da mi pokaže Ameriku, sutradan pošto je pronašao. Ovaj čovek srećne zvezde prvi je otkrio sarkofag od zlata, i objavio faraona koji nepune četiri hiljade godina spavaše svoj mladićki san u blesku koji zasenjuje kao sunce, i čekaše svoj povratak među ljude, obučen kako nije nikad bio nijedan vladar ni Evrope ni Azije. Čovek, gledajući zlatarske i vajarske radove iz njegove grobnice, postane gord na svoje ljudsko poreklo, i gord na ovo novo svedočanstvo koliko je ljudstvo živelo oduvek u traganju za lepotama i veličinama. Ja sam istinski odveć malo bio ohol na svoje evropejstvo, stojeći pored mumije ovog carskog mladića u Dolini Kraljeva, ili pored njegove raskošne posmrtne opreme izložene u Kairu. Zar je bilo mogućno, pitao sam se, da je iznad stare Atine bilo išta ljupkije i otmenije, iznad starog Rima išta ponosnije, iznad kraljevskog Pariza išta raskošnije? 9 Međutim, ko nije video Egipat u njegovoj fara⁹ Jasno je da je autor očaran, međutim, ovaj kompliment dolazi do posebnog izražaja kada imamo na umu da Dučić drevni Egipat uzdiže iznad evropskih civilizacija uprkos činjenici
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onskoj magli, taj nema celu ideju o životu. I ko nije na mestu video egipatsku umetnost, taj nije imao celu ideju o ljudskom geniju. Mojih deset godina proživenih u Atini i u Egiptu, to je zlatni vek moje misli (...) Zato Egipat, to je jedna Atlantida koja nije potonula u okean, nego potonula u sunce i prašinu“ (Dučić 1940, 301–302) Svakako prilikom sagledavanja ovog dela moramo imati na umu da se Dučić nalazio u jednom specifičnom položaju. On jeste evrocentričan i nije preterano impresioniran Istokom, nije pod uticajem narativa egiptomanije, ali je fasciniram otkrićima drevnog Egipta. Sam želi da ga upozna što bolje – u putopisu pominje da ponekad ide sa prijateljem koji je arheolog u Gornji Egipat gde mu prijatelj čita hijeroglife ispisane u hramovima (Dučić 1940, 310). Vidi se da Dučić toliko ceni ova iskustva navodeći „sve bih drugo, što sam ranije proživeo, dao za nekoliko dana provedenih po ovakvim ruševinama i grobljima“ (Dučić 1940, 310). On upravo tu drevnu veličinu koju želi da upozna konfrontira sa svetom u kom živi; tako opisuje Kairo kao „čaroban grad“, ali dodaje „ovde je susret Istoka i Zapada, znači onaj apsurdum koji uvek u našoj pameti i pred našim očima napravi zbrku kakvu ništa drugo nije u stanju napraviti“ (Dučić 1940, 302). Poput pravog evrocentričnog pisca, ovaj deo u kom opisuje prestonicu završava sa „Kairo nikada nije bio ni novim Memfisom, ni novom Tebom, ni novim Saisom. Kairo nema svoje istorije, ni legende, a najmanje svog mita. Da nema Sfinksa i tri piramide, ne znam ko bi išao da Egipat traži. Ostaje i dalje samo faraonski Egipat koji ispunjava posmatrača svojim čudesnim veličinama. Egipat, to su i danas Memfis i Teba, koji više ne postoji, i za koje ovdašnji svet ne zna ništa. To je možda i ptolemeda je poput mnogih svojih savremenika bio izrazito evrocentričan, što se ogleda u njegovom radu kada navodi „nema odista, ni veće laži nego što je takozvana čar Istoka, koju su opevali evropski romantici. Osim sunca ničeg nisam našao ni na azijskim ni na afričkim obalama, ni lepog ni pametnog. Ljudi su najmudriji u Francuskoj, najradeniji u Nemačkoj, najozbiljniji u Engleskoj, najveseliji u Italiji, najštedljiviji u Švajcarkoj, najhrabriji u Srbiji“ (Dučić 1940, 306). Zapravo, njegov evrocentrizam je izražen do tih granica da iznosi da su „svi gradovi muslimanskog istoka (...) bez čara za srce i pamet prosvećenog evropskog čoveka. Ništa se osobito već desetinama vekova nije ovde dogodilo: ni napisalo, ni izvajalo, ni naslikalo, ni izgovorilo“ (Dučić 1940, 308).
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jska Aleksandrija, ali svakako ne arapski i kosmopolitski Kairo“ (Dučić 1940, 308–309). Dučić je fasciniran drevnim Egiptom, ali očito ne voli savremeni Egipat u kom se nalazi i radi. On mu predstavlja bledu senku nekadašnje velike civilizacije zbog čega je dodatno surov u svom putopisu. Dučić jeste evrocentričan, ali ostaje upitan izvor njegovog omaložavanja savremenog arapskog Egipta. Naime, u knjizi „Gradovi i himere“ on ima i „Pismo iz Palestine“ u kom iznosi potpunu opčinjenost duhovnostima ove zemlje. Pismo je posvećeno isključivo prošlosti i svetinjama-spomenicima bez da se i jednom osvrne na svet u kom se nalazio, a koji isto spada u taj orijentalni svet koji ocrnjuje u „Pismu iz Egipta“ (Dučić 1940, 260–292). Na takvo negativno viđenje savremenog Egipta je možda uticao i način na koji je Dučić dospeo u ovu zemlju. Naime, on je od januara 1925. godine radio kao stalni delegat Kraljevine SHS u Društvu naroda u Ženevi do avgusta iste godine kada je povučen sa tog mesta zbog afere za koju je on optužio Milutina Jovanovića, prethodnog delegata u Ženevi. Tog avgusta je postavljen za generalnog konzula u Kairu, međutim, otputovao je tek u martu 1926. godine kada je konzulat podignut na nivo poslanstva zbog čega je Dučić stupio kao otpravnik poslova, a ne konzul; odnosno kao šef diplomatske misije. Ipak, tokom Dučićevog boravka u Srbiji tokom leta 1927. godine ponovo se javljaju problemi zbog afere iz Ženeve, a ovog puta se završavaju time što su nesuglasice između Dučića i Jovanovića eskalirale toliko da su se njih dvojica fizički obračunala u kabinetu pomoćnika ministra spoljnih poslova Stevana Pavlovića, zbog čega su obojica suspendovani. Kada je nakon dve godine istekla suspenzija, traženo je da Dučić bude postavljen kao poslanik pri Svetoj stolici za šta nije dobio saglasnost iz Vatikana. Zbog ovoga je postavljen kao šef diplomatske misije u Kairu gde se vratio u februaru 1930. godine (Milošević 2012, 7–8). Drugim rečima, lako je protumačiti njegovo postavljanje u 53
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Kairu kao kaznu i nepravdu, pogotovo po Dučićevoj interpretaciji događaja – on je završio u Egiptu zbog afere Jovanovića. Takvo viđenje je možda uticalo na to kako je doživeo ovu državu u kojoj se našao. Ipak ostaje činjenica da je on verno radio godinama kao otpravnik poslova u ovoj državi i napisao pomenuti putopis koji je bio dosta popularan. Uticao je na druge autore čak i više decenija nakon njegovog objavljivanja. Tako je Isidora Bjelica 2004. godine objavila roman „Ljubav u Kairu“ u kom gotovo u celini inkorporira Dučićev putopis. Ne samo to, već ruši sliku o autoru kao diplomati-pesniku i opisuje ga kao špijuna i velikog zavodnika u ovom delu koje meša fikciju i stvarnost (Koch 2007, 273–274). Međutim, Dučićevo delo nije bilo prvo koje je čitaoce iz Srbije upoznalo sa Egiptom. Mnogo pre njega, dr Milan Jovanović Morski je čitaocima približio ovu državu u svom putopisu „Tamo amo po Istoku“ (1894– 1895). Ipak, rad doktora Jovanovića nije naročito deskriptivan i detaljan budući da nije boravio u Egiptu dugo – on je tuda prošao tokom svog velikog putovanja po Dalekom Istoku. Stigao je u Aleksandriju odakle odlazi morem do Port Saida pre nego što Sueckim kanalom dođe do Crvenog mora odakle će nastaviti do Indije. Zbog ovoga se „Tamo amo“ zadržava na kratkom pominjanju Aleksandrijskog pejzaža i par znamenosti poput citadele na mestu nekadašnjeg antičkog Farosa, generalnom opisu izgleda i načina života Egipćana, i različitim stvarima koje je mislio da će biti zanimljive čitaocu poput opisivanja surove klime ili plovidbe (Jovanović 1894, 3–59). Jovanović je čak i pre publikovanja ovog dela objavio putopis „S mora i sa suva“ (1892) u kom opisuje svoje putovanje kroz Port Said i Aleksandriju. Međutim, ovo delo se prevashodno bavi njegovim doživljajima sa broda, te pored brojnih razgovora sa saputnicima gotovo i da ne spominje mesta koja je posetio i samim tim srpski čitaoci jedva da otkrivaju nešto o ovoj državi (vidi Jovanović 1892).
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Slika 5 - Milorad Rajčević ispred Sfinge i Velike piramide u Gizi (javno vlasništvo)
Drugi autori koji su pisali o ovoj državi su srpski svetski putnik Milorad Rajčević (slika 5) u njegovom delu „Iz žarke Afrike“ (1924). Osim njega, svoja zapažanja o Egiptu su ostavile i dve putnice: Jelena J. Dimitrijević koja publikuje „Pisma iz Misira“10 (1929), i poznata srpska glumica Desanka Desa Dugalić koja objavljuje „Zabeleške s puta kroz Palestinu, Siriju i Egipat u leto 1931“ (Vasiljević 2016, 219). Ovi putopisi su značajni jer nam nude uvid u to zašto su ljudi iz Evrope, ¹⁰ Njeno putovanje po Egiptu će takođe biti obrađeno u knjizi „Sedam mora i tri okeana. Putem oko sveta“ (1940). Knjigu je 2016. godine ponovo izdala Laguna i time je srpska čitalačka publika ponovo mogla da se susretne sa opisom Jeleninog putovanja (Dimitrijević 2016, 75– 270). Osim toga, „Pisma iz Misira“ su ponovo publikovana kao zasebna knjiga 2019. godine u skromnom tiražu povodom obeležavanja devedesetogodišnjice prvog izdanja (Dimitrijević 2019). Činjenica da ovi putopisi dobijaju svoja reizdanja nakon više decenija ukazuje na to da
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pa i Srbije, putovali u ovu po tadašnjim standardima daleku zemlju – kako navodi dr Jovanović „Bilo da pođemo iz Trsta, Brindizi, Dženove ili Marsilje, svuda ćemo naći čitave gomile Evropljana od svake ruke. Jedni idu da vide ostatke davno minulih vekova, drugi da okrpe svoja oštećena pluća u blagom zraku od Kajira“ (Jovanović 1894, 3–4). Još značajnije, pomenuti putopisi nam ukazuju na to šta je putnicima privlačilo pažnju i kako su oni doživljavali Egipat. Samim tim što su ovi putopisi publikovani i čitani, oni verovatno ukazuju i kako su njihovi čitaoci doživljavali ovu državu budući da su takvi radovi bili jedini način na koji je većina njih mogla da „doživi“ Egipat. Tako je moguće pratiti različite niti javnog diskursa 19. i 20. veka u radu Desanke Dugalić koja ovako opisuje svoju noćnu posetu piramidama u Gizi: „Bilo je zaista čudno sve ono što smo mogli sagledati pod ovim magličastim mesečnim zracima. Iznad nas su se dizale, beskonačno visoko, kao neke noćne utvare, tri prve ogromne piramide. Izgledalo je kao da su se ogrnule nekim maestetičkim plaštom večnosti, te su, kao sa kraljevskog prestola, gledale gospodarski i nemarno na ovaj život koji šest hiljada godina svakodnevno vri oko njihovog podnožja. Kakvih li se sve čuda nisu one nagledale! Starih faraona i njihove slave, dolaska rimskih i arabljanskih osvajača i njihovog elana, zatim dolazak tromih Turaka da zabrljaju i razore ono što su velike rase pre njih stvorile. Onda avanturističke Napoleonove pokušaje da ovuda prodre u Indiju, pa prosecanje Sueckog kanala, okupaciju Engleza, Svetski rat i najzad proglas nezavisnosti Egipta… Gledaju i mudruju, neuzbudljivo i skoro dremljivo, svi starodrevni vrhovi na taj ljudski mravinjak oko sebe i kao da nam klimajući glavom vele: Šta li ćemo mi još sve doživeti?!“ (Dugalić 1931, 84–85). U navedenom pasusu se ogleda tadašnja tendencija u Srbiji da
je u Srbiji obnovljeno interesovanje za Egipat i da se doživljaji ove države sagledavaju kroz mnogo širu prizmu – mnogi srpski putnici i turisti odlaze u Egipat danas da ga upoznaju iz prve ruke, ali ljude dodatno zanima kako je ova država koju posećuju izgledala nekada, pre više od jednog veka, i kakav je utisak ostavljala na putnike tada.
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se ocrni sve što je vezano za Osmansko carstvo, ali i svetski trendovi. Tako Desanka ne govori o „velikoj (staroegipatskoj) kulturi“ ili „civilizacijama“ već o „velikoj rasi“. Uočivo je i imperijalističko gledište budući da Napoleonovu vojnu invaziju karakteriše kao „avanturistički pokušaj“. Mada, ono što najviše odzvanja u pasusu je očit ton egiptomanije. Jasno se vidi mistifikacija drevnog Egipta kao nečeg izuzetno starog i velikog budući da su se te piramide nagledale celokupne istorije Egipta i gledaju na taj „ljudski mravinjak oko sebe“. Doslovno su drevni Egipćani stvorili nešto toliko grandiozno da je praktično večno dok savremeni ljudi podižu samo „mravinjake“ kraj tih velikih spomenika. Putopis Dese Dugalić nam predočava utiske o Egiptu i njegovoj kulturi, ali rad Jelene J. Dimitrijević je možda i još značajniji. Poput mnogih, ona je opčinjena egipatskim pejzažem, čak i navodi da dolazi u Egipat sa željom „da što pre vidim Nil“. Čitaocima iz Srbije opisuje i različite spomenike, ali se osvrće i na značaj ove zemlje u Bibliji (Dimitrijević 2019, 11–29). Ovaj osvrt ne iznenađuje jer je Jelena bila duboko religiozna žena kojoj je vera bila izuzetno važna. No, isto koliko je bila religiozna i patriota, toliko je bila i kosmopolitskog duha i pobornik progresivnih ideja.11 Ne samo da je pisala o ženskim pitanjima već je bila i aktivistkinja – bila je članica Ženskog društva, članica Kola srpskih sestara i član literarnog odbora „Domaćice“, prvog ženskog časopisa u Srbiji koji je podsticao žene pisce (vidi Milanović 2018). ¹¹ Iako se liberalni „kosmopolitski duh“ i „rodoljublje” vođeno dubokom religioznošću čine kao binarne opozicije, oni su dva aspekta života i dela Jelene Dimitrijević. Taj specifičan odnos možda najbolje ilustruje sama Jelena. U Narodnoj biblioteci Srbije se nalazi njena beležnica u kojoj stoji neobjavljeno delo pod nazivom „Moja ispovest“ u kojoj Jelena navodi „Pravoslavna sam, najpravoslavnija koja postoji; a u Egiptu sam se osećala kao muslimanka, u Indiji sad bramanka a sad Paria, u Kini Budistkinja; u Japanu Šinto; na nekim ostrvima Tihog okeana kao paganka; u Americi hrišćanka, ali protestantske vere. A ipak ostajala sam pravoslavna, najpravoslavnija koja postoji (...) Narodnost nisam menjala. Svud sam bila ono što su bili i moji. Jer to se ne može promeniti...“ (Bošković 2018, 164– 165). Upravo zbog takvog radikalnog odnosa prema „drugom“, neki autori u njenom radu prepoznaju čak nacrte kritike kolonijalizma, premda kao koncepta. Tako Jelena sama navodi „prosvećeni drže ih u [ovom konkretnom slučaju Grke] u neprosvećenosti da bi ih eksloatisali. Grdna sramota! Koliko puta čovek putujuči po stranom svetu vidi da mu ništa nije strano“, ali se ipak divi Englezima i
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Zbog toga što je bila aktivna feministkinja, ona ujedno predstavlja sponu između srpske i egipatske borbe za prava žena. Tako u svom putopisu „Sedam mora i tri okeana“ iznosi brojne opise svojstvene za jedan putopis, ali celo jedno poglavlje posvećuje njenom susretu sa Hudom Šaravi propraćeno fotografijom koju joj je ona potpisala (slika 6). Šaravi je bila posebno bitna Jeleni zato što je bila obrazovana žena iz visokog društva koja se borila za prava žena u Egiptu. Osnovala je prvu feminističku organizaciju na Bliskom istoku; 1923. pokreće Savez egipatskih feministkinja. Zbog njenog imućnog porekla ne samo da finansira delovanje ove organizacije, već pokreće i časopis „Egipćanka“. Drugim rečima, Huda Šaravi je bila oličenje svega čemu se Jelena J. Dimitrijević divila – borila se za isti cilj u još težim uslovima. Zbog toga je inspiriše njihov sastanak u Hudinom domu te naglašava da je to bio jedan od najbitnijih događaja njenog putovanja po Egiptu – „da sam otišla iz Egipta, a da nisam imala sreću i čast da vidim Gospođu Šaraui-Pašinicu, bilo bi mi isto tako kao da sam otišla iz Španije a da nisam videla Alhambru“ (Stjelja 2012, 169–171). Ovi rani putopisi ukazuju na to da je Egipat bio atraktivna destinacija koja je mamila svetske putnike. Želja za putovanjem u ovu zemlju je postojala i nakon Drugog svetskog rata, a bila je pospešena dobrim odnosima i pričama o jugoslovensko-egipatskom prijateljstvu. Zbog toga u jugoslovenskoj književnosti postoji nekolicina putopisa iz Egipta koji su publikovani u različitim republikama SFRJ. Tako u Zagrebu, Mahmud Konjhodžić publikuje putopis „Vidio sam Egipat“ u kom, pored opisa Egipta i informacija o njegovoj istoriji, čitaocima predstavlja i razgovore koje je vodio sa ljudima, šaljive priče, ali i ilustracije i karikature (vidi Konjhodžić 1956). U Sarajevu Vaso Gajić publikuje kraći putopis „Utisci s puta kroz Afriku: Kenija, Etiopija i Egipat“ gde u kratkim crtama opisuje pejzaže ovih država. Kada je reč o Egiptu, autor se najviše bavi Kairom i piramidama u Gizi dok usputno spominje neke opšte karakteristike ove države (Gajić 1954, Amerikancima i voli da provodi vreme sa njima (Gvozden 2011, 218).
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Slika 6 – Fotografija egipatske feministkinje Hude Šaravi sa posvetom srpskoj književnici Jeleni J. Dimitrijević, iz putopisa „Sedam mora i tri okeana. Putem oko sveta”
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48–58). Konjhodžić i Gajić uveliko nisu jedini putopisci koji su se bavili Egiptom. Mnogi putnici su prolazili kroz tu državu tokom svojih velikih putovanja po Africi i objavili dela – Aleš Bebler („Putovanje po sunčanim zemljama“; 1954), Živko Milić („Koraci po vatri“; 1956), Zdenko Štambuk („Zapisi iz Afrike“; 1961) i Bogdan Šekler koji je bio učesnik poznate ekspedicije od Kragujevca do Kilamandžara („Džambo Afriko“; 1976) – koja imaju specifičan odnos prema Africi upravo zbog kulturno-istorijskog konteksta tih putovanja (vidi Radonjić 2016). Međutim, o atraktivnosti Egipta za srpske putnike i putopisce možda najbolje svedoči činjenica da se putopisi iz ove države publikuju čak i u 21. veku iako klasična forma putopisa u vidu knjige danas nije toliko popularna. Jedna od tih knjiga je „Bukirano: priča duga 40.000 kilometara – od egipatskih piramida do ostrva ljudoždera“ Nebojše Jojića u kojoj autor iznosi putopise nastale na osnovu njegovih mnogobrojnih putovanja tokom uspešne karijere turističkog vodiča. Kao što naslov upućuje, knjiga i započinje sa poglavljima iz Egipta. Sam putopis je dosta sličan ranijim – autor opisuje mesta, kulturu, daje savete turistima i nudi osnovne informacije o istoriji što kadkad biva problematično budući da uz zvaničnu istoriografiju iznosi i ne-naučne, pseudoarheološke i pseudoistorijske teorije. No sličnost sa ranijim putopisima iz 19. veka nastalim u doba evrocentrizma i egiptomanije se uočava u naglašavanju Egipta kao nečega izuzetno starog i drugačijeg/inferiornijeg.12 Osim „Bukiranog“, na srpskom jeziku je objavljena i publikacija „Bantustan: atlas jednog putovanja“ u kojoj je iznet opis putovanja Lazara Pašćanovića, Uroša Krčadinca i Marka Đedovića po Africi tokom zime 2009/10. godine. Pomenuta je kao publikacija, a ne nužno putopis, zato što se „Bantustan“ može posmatrati kao delo eksperi¹2 To možda najbolje ilustruju autorove reči: „Siromašne ljude, što većina stanovnika Egipta odvajkada jeste, odlikuje što žive u sadašnjem času. Za njih se budućnost ne podrazumeva, nije izvesna, svaki sledeći dan je božiji dar. U Egiptu vreme stoji, ali se mora zadobiti. Istovremeno, civilizacije koje dugo postoje nose u sebi osećaj večnosti i jasnu spoznaju da ovaj život nije toliko važan, već samo treptaj oka u okeanu vremena, kratki čin u procesu beskonačnog ponavljanja, kao izlazak i zalazak sunca ili godišnje poplave Nila“ (Jojić 2018, 39).
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mentalne književnosti: ima multilinearni pristup budući da svaki autor piše poglavlja o svom putovanju zasebno od ostalih, nema opisa mesta koje posećuju niti informacija o istoriji koji se obično vezuju za putopis već samo niz dešavanja i razgovora sa ljudima koje sreću zbog čega knjiga podseća na roman, a samo delo ima i multimedijski karakter budući da se uz tekst nalaze geografske koordinate i QR kodovi pomoću kojih čitaoci mogu na internetu da vide gde se tačno odigrava radnja, kao i jedinstvene ilustrovane mape koje je uradio Krčadinac na kojima se vide detalji sa putovanja koji ponekad nisu opisani u tekstu (slike 7 i 8). Sve ovo „Bantustan“ čini jedinstvenom publikacijom, ali on se od „tipičnih“ putopisa iz Egipta razlikuje i po tome što se ova država ne predstavlja kao nešto strano i drevno. Naprotiv, u delu se drevni Egipat predstavlja kao jedna od karika u dugoj istoriji Egipta ništa više ili manje bitna od ostalih, a Egipćani su prikazani kao ljudi slični čitaocu koji imaju iste probleme i želje za boljim životom (vidi Todorović 2020). Putopis nije jedina književna vrsta u kojoj se obrađuje Egipat. Čak i pre prvih putopisa, Egipat je bio motiv u filozofskom delu u romansnoj formi „Kandor ili Otkrovenje egipatskih tajni“ (1800) Atanasija Stojkovića, prvog srpskog romanopisca. U njemu je glavni junak, Kandor, naumio da ode u Egipat kako bi naučio tajne mudraca ove države. Takvo viđenje o egipatskom skrivenom znanju ima dugu tradiciju budući da su još antički Grci posmatrali Egipat kao takvo mesto puno misterija, a u savremenom svetu se to viđenje Egipta kao mesta skrivene drevne svešteničke mudrosti vezuje za slobodne zidare. Naravno, sam Stojković nikada nije posetio Egipat i „izučavao njegove tajne“. Ali, ovakvo viđenje Egipta je bilo tipično u tadašnjoj evropskoj kulturi i Stojković ovim delom upoznaje svoje obrazovane sunarodnike, Srbe u Habsburškoj monarhiji, sa takvim viđenjem Egipta (Vasiljević 2013a, 830–832). Čak i danas Egipat služi kao inspiracija srpskim autorima. Najrecentniji primer koji bi trebalo spomenuti jeste roman „Zamalek“ 61
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Figure 8 – Mapa Asuana iz knjige „Bantustan“ (Pešćanović, Krčadinac & Đedović 2015, 46)
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Figure 7 – Mapa Kaira iz knjige „Bantustan“ (Pešćanović, Krčadinac & Đedović 2015, 26)
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Dejana Tiago-Stankovića u kom se čitaoci upoznaju sa Kairom i Egiptom kroz priču egiptologa i vlasnika antikvarnice na ostrvu Zamalek u Kairu, Koste, i radnice u toj antikvarnici, Arne (vidi Stanković 2020). Zanimljiv kuriozitet kada su u pitanju romani inspirisani Egiptom su dve knjige u kojima ključnu ulogu u radnji odigrava egipatska mumija koja se danas čuva u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu (o kojoj će kasnije biti reči) – dečiji roman „Beogradska mumija“ Branka Miloradovića (vidi Miloradević 2018) i triler „Beogradska knjiga mrtvih“ Aleksandra Petrovića (vidi Petrović 2016). Međutim, romani nisu jedina književna dela u kojima se pojavljuju staroegipatski motivi. Primer za to je i književnica Slavica Garonja koja je 2007. godine publikovala zbirku poezije „Moj predak je drvo“, u kojoj se nalazi i poema „Staroegipatska molitva“(Garonja 2007, 15-22). Osim književnosti, Egipat se kao inspiracija i motiv pojavljuje i u srpskom slikarstvu. Kao što je već pomenuto, jedan od ljudi koji su muzejima u Srbiji poklonili predmete iz Egipta je bio i poznati srpski slikar Paja Jovanović. Poznato je da je Jovanović tokom dugogodišnje slikarske karijere naslikao nekoliko orijentalističkih dela, ali se njegov vid orijentalizma razlikuje od zapadnoevropskog orijentalizma. Jedna od stvari po kojima se razlikuje je činjenica da je tokom zime 1885/86. godine boravio više meseci u Maroku i Egiptu. Ovo putovanje mu je poslužilo kao inspiracija za nekoliko dela. Egipatski motivi se uočavaju na njegovim slikama „Enterijer napuštene orijentalne kuće“ (1886), „Motiv iz Egipta“ (1886/1887), „Dva stražara pred kapijom“ (1887/1888), „Ukrotitelj zmija“ (1887) i „Piperi i Tahir-paša“ (1888). No, ono zašto su pomenute slike značajne je to što je Paja Jovanović jedan od najpoznatijih slikara akademskog realizma. Zbog ovoga je u njegovom radu moguće prepoznati stvari koje je video. Tako je danas poznato da je na slici „Enterijer napuštene orijentalne kuće“ prikazana sala za prijem u kući muftije šeika El Mahadija u Kairu,13 ¹³ Sama kuća danas više ne postoji tako da je delo Paje Jovanovića značajan izvor prilikom proučavanja istorije arhitekture Kaira. No, dodatno je zanimljivo to što se vrlo malo zna o bo
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a kuća, odnosno kapija, koja je u pozadini „Dva vojnika pred kapijom“ je bila kuća šeika Ahmeda Muse el Arusija što je ustanovljeno na osnovu nekoliko fotografija iste kapije urađenih tokom 19. veka (Vasiljević 2019, 161–165). Naravno, orijentalni motivi se uočavaju i na drugim slikama Paje Jovanovića, ali sam orijentalizam nije zaživeo u srpskom slikarstvu kao što je u zapadnoevropskom, verovatno zbog specifičnog lokalnog odnosa prema orijentalnom nasleđu usled duge borbe za oslobođenje od Osmanlija i njihovog uticaja. Egipatski motivi se ne pojavljuju jedino u visokoj umetnosti. Drevni Egipat je zastupljen i u jugoslovenskom stripu. Jedan od popularnih stripova sa staroegipatskom tematikom je „Princeza Ru“ Đorđa Lobačeva iz 1938. godine. Ipak, radnja stripa nije smeštena u drevnom Egiptu već u savremenom svetu u kom se oživljava mumija. Stripove čija je radnja smeštena u drevnom Egiptu susrećemo u radu Nikole Kokana Mitrovića koji je u jednom intervjuu izjavio da je drevni Egipat njegova opsesija, a tu tematiku je obradio u dva stripa: „Hatšepsut“ (1979) i „Kraljica Hat – Put u neizvesnost“ (1980). U tim stripovima glavna junakinja je poznata istorijska ličnost koja je vladala Egiptomtokom 15. veka pre nove ere, Hatšepsut. Čak je i sama radnja istorijski poznati događaj, putovanje u Punt, ali to je jedino što je istorijski tačno u stripu budući da on ima brojne probleme, poput toga da Hatšepsut pominje Tutankamona koji će živeti i vladati tek u narednom veku (Vasiljević 2012, 765–771). Arhitektura je još jedan segment srpske kulture u kom se može pratiti upliv egipatskih motiva. Naime, evropski arhitekti su u 19. veku pozajmili obelisk od drevnih Egipćana. Međutim, dok se obelisk kod Egipćana dovodio u vezu sa kultom sunca, Evropljani su počeli da ga koriste kao komemorativni spomenik – obeliskom su se obeležavale ravku srpskog slikara u Egiptu; ne zna se šta je sve obilazio, gde je stanovao, pa čak ni koliko je vremena proveo u Egiptu. Istoričari umetnosti koji su se bavili ovom temom su uvereni da je i stvarao tokom svog boravka te da je svoju studiju enterijera muftijine kuće verovatno naslikao dok je bio u Kairu (Vasiljević 2014, 213–215).
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vojne pobede i žrtve, koristili su se kao nadgrobni spomenici i veličale su se istorijske ličnosti što je, recimo, slučaj sa možda najčuvenijim takvim obleskom, Vašingtonovim spomenikom u prestonici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Budući da je teritorija Vojvodine, koja je danas deo Srbije, u 19. veku bila deo Austrougarske, na njoj se mogu pronaći ovakvi primeri. Tako se na Petrovaradinskoj tvrđavi u Novom Sadu na vojnom groblju nalazi i obelisk piramidalnog oblika koji je podignut sredinom 19. veka da označi kolektivnu grobnicu austrougarskih viših oficira. Osim njega, znameniti stanovnici Novog Sada su takođe podizali obeliske kao nadgrobne konstrukcije u ovom periodu tako da se oni mogu pronaći na više grobalja u ovom gradu (Berger 2020, 352–353). Budući da se Srbija po njenom oslobođenju sredinom 19. veka ugledala na zapadnoevropske države, ona je preuzela ubotrebu obeliska kao komemorativnog spomenika. Zbog toga se oni vrlo rano javljaju kao obeležja u Beogradu na više lokacija i u Aleksincu, gde je obelisk podignut 1880. godine u znak sećanja na poginule Ruske dobrovoljce koji su učestvovali u srpsko-turskom ratu. Kasnije, tokom prve polovine 20. veka, obelisci se javljaju i u drugim gradovima poput Bora, gde je krajem 1920-ih podignut spomenik poginulim srpskim i francuskim ratnicima tokom Prvog svetskog rata, i Leskovca, gde je 1929. podignut obelisk u znak sećanja na vojnike koji su dali život prilikom odbrane tog grada (Vasiljević 2016, 186–197). Uz ove primere iz 19. veka i početka 20. veka kada su podizani obelisci kao spomenici palim junacima postoje i recentniji stilizovani primeri. Jedan takav je spomenik žrtvama eksplozije municije u Smederevskoj tvrđavi 5. juna 1941. godine koji je delo vajara Selimira Jovanovića. Jovanović je i sam preživeo eksploziju, a spomenik je postavljen 1973. godine u parku pored Muzeja u Smederevu (slika 9). Međutim, egipatski motivi su se, osim za obeležavanje događaja i junaka, koristili i kao dekoracija. Zbog toga se u Beogradu na više zdanja mogu pronaći ovakvi motivi, uključujući i višespratnice 66
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Slika 9 – Stilizovani obelisk koji je napravio Selimir Jovanović (autor: Miloš Todorović)
koje imaju stilizovan ulaz koji asocira na staroegipatsku arhitekturu (slike 10 i 11), privatne kuće koje su podizane u takvom stilu, a obelisci se nalaze i kao dekoracija na krovovima različitih zdanja, uključujući i javna kao što su zgrade Narodne banke Srbije i Ambasade Austrije (Vasiljević 2016, 209–213). Zbog misticizma vezanog za Egipat, ovakvi motivi se mogu pronaći i na brojnim srpskim grobljima. Obelisci, objekti koji podsećaju na obeliske i piramide su popularna vrsta nadgrobnih spomenika. Njih ima previše da bi se i pominjali, ali jedan primer funerarne arhitekture vredi izdvojiti – piramidalnu grobnicu poznatog srpskog komediografa Branislava Nušića na Novom groblju u Beogradu (slika 12). Ne samo da je grobnicu bitno spomenuti zbog njenog specifičnog piramidalnog oblika već i zbog interpretacije i odabira istog. 67
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Slika 10 – Ulaz u zgradu u Gospodar Jevremovoj ulici u Beogradu (autor: Miloš Todorović)
Slika 11 – Ulaz u zgradu u Gospodar Jovanovoj ulici u Beogradu koju je projektovao arhitekta Mihajlo Mitrović, a koja je sazidana 1955. godine (autor: Miloš Todorović)
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Slika 12 – Grobnica Branislava Nušića (autor: Matija; izvor: Wikimedia Commons – CC BY-SA 3.0)
Branislav Nušić je bio slobodni zidar, a poznat je i uticaj egiptomanije na ovo bratstvo. Od 18. veka masoni svoje korene počinju da vezuju za drevni Egipat i time u masonskoj simbolici počinju da se pojavljuju egipatski motivi kao što su ank i piramida (Troizi 1998, 27; 252–253). Pojavljuje se čak i specifičan „egipatski obred“ koji se pripisuje Đuzepeu Balzamou (Troizi 1998, 79), no moramo imati na umu da masoni neguju jedno ezoterično i mistifikovano viđenje Egipta koje nema uporišta u istoriografiji. Što se istorije slobodnog zidarstva
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u Srbiji tiče, ona je dosta kompleksna, duga i nerazjašena zbog tajnovitosti ove organizacije. Međutim, mnoge uticajne ličnosti sa kulturne scene su bili članovi (vidi Nenezić 1988), a samim tim bili i izloženi ovom specifičnom viđenju Egipta, te se ova nit ne može zanemariti prilikom razmatranja (indirektnih) egipatskih upliva u srpsku kulturu.
3. Egiptologija u Srbiji
Egiptologija u Srbiji nema toliko dugu tradiciju kao u zapadnoevropskim državama. Prvi predmet na tadašnjoj Velikoj školi u Beogradu koji spada u domen egiptologije je predavao klasični filolog, istoričar i arheolog Nikola Vulić. On je 1898/99. godine predavao „misirsku istoriju” u okviru predmeta Opšta istorija starog veka. Danas se egiptologija, osim na katedri za istoriju, obrađuje i na katedri za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu. Srpski arheolozi počinju da se interesuju za egiptologiju znatno kasnije, budući da je prvi profesor koji će predavati arheologiju Bliskog istoka, Dušan Glumac, prešao na Filozofski fakultet sa Bogoslovskog fakulteta 1955/56. godine gde je do tada predavao biblijsku arheologiju. Vidosava Nedomački je 1971. godine zamenila Glumca, a u isto vreme kada je ona izabrana za docenta, za naučnog saradnika je izabran Sava Tutundžić14 koji će predavati više decenija. Kolektivu katedre za arheologiju Bliskog istoka će se od 1984. godine pridružiti Vera Vasiljević koja će predavati predmete vezane za dinastički Egipat dugi niz godina (Matić 2011/2013, 38–40) sve do njenog odlaska u penziju 2020. 14 Značajno je spomenuti da je Sava Tutundžić na osnovu kulturne konvencije između Ujedinjene Arapske Republike i Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije pohađao postdiplomske studije u Kairu. Osim njega, na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Kairu je boravila i Miroslava Panić-Štorh koja je predavala egiptologiju na odeljenju za istoriju (Matić 2011/2013, 39). Tutundžića će poznije zameniti Branislav Anđelković, kome će se kasnije pridružiti i Milena Gošić Arama, a Panić-Štorh će zameniti Danijela Stefanović.
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godine.1⁵ Vasiljević i Panić-Štorh su bili prvi srpski akademski školovani egiptolozi koji su predavali na Filozofskom fakultetu i zato se može reći da se egiptologija u Srbiji formalno osniva sa njima. Međutim, egiptologija nije izdvojena kao posebno naučno polje u Srbiji i osim pomenutih profesora nema zaposlenih egiptologa u naučnim institucijama. Naravno, više studenata je upisalo postdiplomske studije i vršilo istraživanja pod mentorstvom pomenutih profesora. Neki od njih će otići i na arheološka iskopavanja u Egiptu, ali se neće posvetiti egiptologiji. Drugi su nakon osnovnih studija otišli na doktorske studije u inostranstvu. Ako se Panić-Štorh i Vasiljević mogu izdvojiti kao „starija generacija“ srpskih egiptologa, Anđelković i Stefanović kao „mlađa“, iz ove „najmlađe“ generacije se mogu izdvojiti Uroš Matić koji je doktorirao na Institutu za egiptologiju i koptologiju Vestfalijskog Vilhelmovog Univerziteta u Minsteru (prethodno završio studije arheologije u Beogradu) i Nenad Marković koji je upisao doktorske studije na Češkom institutu za egiptologiju u Pragu (prethodno završio studije istorije u Beogradu). Pored njih ima i veliki broj drugih egiptologa koji su se školovali, čak i učestvovali u iskopavanjima u Egiptu, ali im egiptologija nije postala primarno polje rada. Recentniji primer je Boris Trivan koji je diplomirao arheologiju i učestvovao na iskopavanjima u Egiptu na lokalitetima Bernik i Amarna, ali je kasnije počeo da se bavi digitalnim komunikacijama i novinarstvom; bio je glavni i odgovorni urednik portala „Noizz“ (Anđelić 2020). Jedan stariji i možda još zanimljiviji slučaj je Nina Kirsanova. Kirsanova je bila balerina koja je započela školovanje u Moskvi, ali nakon izbijanja Oktobarske revolucije dolazi sa mužem u Beograd. Putovala je svetom nastupajući u trupi čuvene ruske balerine Ane Pavlove i samostalno, ali karijeru je izgradila i u Srbiji – bila je prva balerina Narodnog pozorišta, a nakon 15 Vera Vasiljević je radila i kao rukovodilac odeljenja za arheologiju 1997/98. godine (Matić 2011/2013, 39).
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Pavlove postala je šef baleta i koreografije. No, ono zašto je spomenuta u ovom radu je činjenica da je sa sedamdeset godina magistrirala na katedri za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta sa magistarskim radom „Muzika i instrumenti drevnog Egipta“ koji je pisala pod mentorstvom Dušana Glumca (vidi Kirsanova 1968). Trivan i Kirsanova su zanimljivi kurioziteti jer su se bavili egiptologijom, ali ipak nikada nisu postali egiptolozi za razliku od svih prethodno pomenutih. Naravno, u Beogradu je više egiptologa iz sveta držalo gostujuća predavanja. Možda najznačajnija su javna predavanja koja je održao Zahi Havas, egiptolog i bivši ministar starina Egipta, 7. i 8. decembra 2018. godine u Madlenianumu, a zatim ponovo držao predavanje 24. novembra 2019. godine u Kombank dvorani, ali ovo su bila predavanja namenjena široj javnosti. Kada su u pitanju usko-stručna gostujuća predavanja, mogu se izdvojiti ona Arstida Teodoridesa sa Univerziteta u Briselu koji je održao nekoliko predavanja na Pravnom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu, Helmuta Zacingera sa Univerziteta u Beču koji je predavao na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu tokom letnjeg semestra 2004/05. godine i ponovo 2006. godine, a na Filozofskom fakultetu su gostujuća predavanja držali i Hartvig Altenmiler sa Univerziteta u Hamburgu 2004. godine, Emili Titer sa Orijentalnog instituta u Čikagu 2008. godine i Julia Budka sa Instituta za orijentalnu i evropsku arheologiju Austrijske akademije nauka 2014. godine (Matić 2011/2013, 41). Jedino mesto gde se teme iz egiptologije obrađuju van Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu je Muzej afričke umetnosti u Beogradu koji od 2018. godine ima poseban program Egiptologija u MAU. Naravno, u pitanju je program neformalnog obrazovanja kojim rukovodi upravo Nenad Marković, ali u okviru programa su održana brojna predavanja i kursevi. Što se originalnih naučnih istraživanja tiče, ona su rađena bez državne pomoći. Arheoloških iskopavanja u Egiptu nikada nije bilo iako je 1970. godine u Kairu potpisan sporazum o prosvetnoj i kulturnoj saradnji Egipta i SFRJ za 1970. i 1971. godinu u kom je navedeno 72
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da će Jugoslavija vršiti iskopavanja u Egiptu kojim će rukovoditi Sava Tutundžić. Kao rezultat iskopavanja, pola pronađenog materijala je trebalo da pripadne arheološkoj zbirci Filozofskog fakulteta, a čak su preko Savezne komisije za kulturne veze sa inostranstvom odobrena i sredstva za realizaciju ovog projekta. Ipak, izvođenje pomenutih iskopavanja se odlagalo i na kraju je istekao rok potpisane saradnje te ona nikada nisu ni realizovana (Matić 2011/2013, 39–40). Jedine radove u Egiptu su realizovali tokom 60-ih godina jugoslovenski konzervatori koji su učestvovali u UNESCO-vom projektu zaštite nubijskih spomenika zbog izgradnje Asuanske brane. Do tih radova je došlo zato što su Jugoslavija i Egipat imali odličnu saradnju te se samim tim Jugoslavija među prvim odazvala da pomogne. Jugoslovenske diplomate su već 1960. godine počele da zagovaraju ovaj projekat u svetu, a već naredne godine su zajedno sa stručnjacima obilazili lokalitete. Čak je i Tito lično posetio Egipat i Sudan 14. februara 1962. godine kako bi se uputio u ovaj projekat koji je naveliko bio promovisan u Jugoslaviji – dva meseca nakon njegove posete počela je da se izdaje poštanska marka sa natpisom „Spasite blaga Nubije” (Radonjić 2019, 96). Jugoslovenski eksperti su tada bili zaduženi za premeštanje Horemhabovog hrama sa lokaliteta Abahuda u arheološki park na otvorenom u blizini Asuana. Nažalost, projekat nije bio uspešan iz tehničkih razloga i sačuvani fragmenti se danas nalaze u Nubijskom muzeju u Asuanu, ali jugoslovenski tim je učestvovao i u uspešnom prenosu, konzervaciji i zaštiti fresaka i crkava sa više lokaliteta (Matić 2011/2013, 37). Ovaj rad se nije pokazao kao značajan samo zbog približavanja Jugoslavije i Egipta već i zato što će znanja stečena tokom projekta biti iskorišćena i u Jugoslaviji naredne decenije kada je Lepenski vir morao da bude premešten usled podizanja hidroelektrane Đerdap. No, Jugoslavija nije pomogla samo slanjem konzervatora već i materijalno. Za projekat je izdvojila 226.000 američkih dolara što je bilo u rangu Velike Britanije i Švajcarske. Ipak, iako je Jugoslavija 73
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donirala veliku sumu novca i slala svoje eksperte, za šta je dobila niz pohvala na međunarodnom nivou, ona nije dobila vredne artefakte kao što su dobile druge države zato što u Jugoslaviji egiptologija nije bila razvijena kao naučna disciplina (Radonjić 2019, 99–100). Međutim, čak i bez institucionalne podrške, jugoslovenski i srpski egiptolozi su postizali značajne rezultate. Zbog svog rada Danijela Stefanović je ugledni egiptolog u svetu, a kada je u pitanju srpsko govorno područje, vredi spomenuti da je uradila prevod staroegipatskog traktata o vlasti „Pouka za Merikarea“ (Stefanović 2018). Uz svoj naučni rad na polju arheologije Bliskog istoka i preddinastičkog Egipta, Branislav Anđelković je takođe odgovoran za detaljno proučavanje Beogradske mumije i popisivanje i proučavanje predmeta staroegipatskog porekla koji se nalaze u muzejima u Srbiji. Osim njenog proučavanja egipatske ikonografije, Vera Vasiljević se bavila i proučavanjem recepcije drevnog Egipta u Evropi i Srbiji koje je kulminiralo sa publikacijom njene knjige „Senka Egipta“ (Vasiljević 2016). Ipak, budućnost egiptologije u Srbiji nije sigurna. Pitanje koje se često javlja je to da li je egiptologija u Srbiji luksuz ili potreba, a to je bio i naslov izlaganja profesorke Vasiljević na godišnjem skupu Srpskog arheološkog društva 1998. godine. Vasiljević je to izlaganje zaključila sa tim da je egiptologija ne samo potrebna, već i korisna za srpske arheologe (Vasiljević 1999–2000, 301). Međutim, ostaje činjenica da do danas nije bilo nikakvih ulaganja u razvoj egiptologije u Srbiji i po svemu sudeći neće ih ni biti u bliskoj budućnosti zbog toga što je u pitanju izuzetno skupo polje rada.
3.1. Staroegipatsko nasleđe u srpskim muzejima
Iako srpski egiptolozi nikada nisu vršili iskopavanja u Egiptu, u muzejima u Srbiji se ipak nalazi određeni broj staroegipatskih pred74
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meta. Naravno, staroegipatska kolekcija u Srbiji nije velika kao u drugim evropskim državama. Danas se u srpskim muzejima nalazi 197 predmeta staroegipatskog porekla; ilustracije radi, u hrvatskim muzejima ima oko 4.000 takvih predmeta (Anđelković & Teeter 2006, 255). Međutim, i ova skromna kolekcija nam nudi uvid u međukulturne odnose Srbije i Egipta.
Tabela 1 – Spisak staroegipatskih predmeta u srpskim muzejima (Marković 2019, 43)
Uveliko najpoznatiji predmet staroegipatskog porekla je pomenuta Beogradska mumija koja je danas izložena u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu. Osim samih ostataka mumije, uz nju su u muzej stigli i brojni amuleti koji su se nalazili u mumiji, kao i drveni kovčeg u kom je bila položena; na osnovu teksta ispisanog na njemu je otkriveno da se u njemu nalazio sveštenik boga Mina zvani Nesmin (Anđelković & Teeter 2005, 308–318). Ono što Beogradsku mumiju čini još značajnijom je prisustvo oštećenog papirusnog svitka, ali on tek treba da bude izvađen, restauriran, konzerviran i preveden (Anđelković 2003, 145). 75
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Međutim, najbrojnija staroegipatska kolekcija se ne nalazi u Beogradu već u Gradskom muzeju Vršca gde se čuva čak 97 predmeta. Među prvim predmetima koji su stigli u muzej bilo je 5 bista koje je 1894. godine muzeju poklonio poznati srpski slikar Paja Jovanović. Osim njega, tokom 19. veka muzeju će Vilmoš Vetl pokloniti čak 65 predmeta, a Maks Adler fragmentovanu bronzanu figurinu-amulet, fragmentovani bronzani prsten, fragmentovanu posudu od alabastera, tri fragmentovane ploče sa hijeroglifima i 12 fragmentovanih statueta (Anđelković & Teeter 2006, 254–255). Krajem 19. veka se i u Gradskom muzeju u Somboru osniva skromna staroegipatska zbirka zahvaljujući donaciji Janoša Fernbaha iz 1899. godine. Kolekciju su činile dve perle, statua boga od pečene gline, dve figurine božanstva od keramike i jedan felaški žižak. Kolekcija je kasnije proširena i danas je čine 22 predmeta, ali nisu proznati svi dobrotvori koji su poklonili artefakte (Anđelković 2007, 227–238). Muzeji u Somboru i Vršcu su jedini lokalni muzeji koji imaju veću kolekciju predmeta poreklom iz Egipta. Većina ostalih predmeta se nalaze u Beogradu, a u glavnom gradu najveću kolekciju ima Narodni muzej u kom je osim Beogradske mumije izložen i kovčeg Nefer-renepet, igračice u hramu bog Mina. Sam kovčeg je napravljen od drveta i poreklom je iz sredine 4. veka pre nove ere, a na aukciji u Londonu ga je kupio Ernest Bramer 1921. godine i poklonio Narodnom muzeju (Anđelković & Elias, 2015, 702). Drugi predmeti koji se čuvaju u muzeju su figurina Izide koja doji malog Horusa, figurina Horusa deteta, 3 ušabti figurine, amulet boginje Tauret, amulet boga Tota, 3 skarabeja (Anđelković 2002, 216–220), 3 fragmenta drvenog kovčega koje je muzej dobio na poklon 2003. godine (Anđelković & Teer 2006, 256–259), dva elementa mumijske kartonaže, fragmentovanu masku i ovratno-poprsni prekrivač, koje je muzej 2009. godine dobio na poklon od sina bivšeg računovođe u ambasadi SFRJ u Kairu, Radeta Markuša (Anđelković & Elias 2019, 956).
Pored Narodnog muzeja, staroegipatski predmeti se u Beogra76
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du mogu naći i u Muzeju primenjene umetnosti u kom se čuvaju 23 koptske tkanine (Anđelković 1991, 72), Jevrejskom istorijskom muzeju u kom se čuva ušabti figurina koju je muzeju 1976. godine poklonio Hinko Lederer (Stefanović & Anđelković 2002, 225), kao i u Muzeju Jugoslavije i Muzeju afričke umetnosti koji su posebno interesantni kada su u pitanju srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi.
4. Diplomatija i muzeji Iako se možda ne čini uvek tako, politika i muzeji su blisko povezani. Ta veza seže do samog otvaranja prvih evropskih muzeja tokom 18. veka poput Britanskog muzeja u Londonu, Ermitaža u Sankt Peterburgu i Luvra u Parizu. No iako su prvi muzeji tada otvoreni, tek u 19. veku dolazi do svojevrsnog cvetanja muzeja kao institucije usled više kulturnih i istorijskih okolnosti. Najznačajnija među njima je činjenica da se usled Prosvetiteljstva pojavila svest da institucije visoke kulture, poput muzeja, treba da igraju ključnu ulogu u formiranju morala i kolektivne svesti naroda (Bennett 1995, 21). Zbog toga su muzeji počeli da igraju važnu ulogu u društvu, a druga istorijska okolnost koja je tome pomogla je bila to što u 19. veku arheologija postaje izvor nacionalnog ponosa u Zapadnoj Evropi. Samim tim muzeji postaju svojevrsni simboli statusa države i sve imperijalne sile vide donošenje eksponata u muzeje iz svoje zemlje i inostranstva kao pitanje od nacionalnog značaja (Díaz-Andreu 2007, 317–318). Naravno, čak i pre 19. veka su postojale kolekcije širom Evrope. Od Renesanse su bogati trgovci, imućni učeni ljudi i vladari pravili svoje privatne kolekcije poznate kao kabineti kurioziteta. Kao što ime upućuje, oni su sakupljali sve što im je bilo interesantno; od umetničkih dela i arheoloških artefakata do prirodnjačkih predmeta poput minerala i prepariranih životinja (Palavestra 2011, 60–61). Pred-
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meti koji su izlagani u ovim privatnim kolekcijama namenjenim samo njihovom vlasniku su bili otkupljivani i pokloni, a upravo će takve privatne kolekcije vladara i poslužiti kao temelji za otvaranje javnih muzeja u 18. veku, što i jeste bila ključna razlika – kabineti kurioziteta i predmeti koji su se nalazili u njima su pripadali vlasniku te kolekcije dok predmeti u nacionalnim muzejima pripadaju javnosti, a samim tim što su muzeji javne ustanove, one su blisko povezane sa politikom. O toj vezi u sadašnjem vremenu svedoče različiti primeri među kojima su možda najpoznatija pitanja da li muzeji sa Zapada treba da vrate eksponate državama odakle su „uzeti“ tokom kolonijalnog perioda. Odnosno, kako Mahmud Konjhodžić navodi u svom putopisu o Egiptu: „Ogromna su bogatstva odatle i odvučena, bogatstva historijskih, dragocjenih spomenika. Ako bi čovek zavirio u pariški Louvre, ili British Museum u Londonu, ili Metropolitan Museum of Arts u Bostonu,16 u muzej u Brooklynu, u Statliches Museum u Berlinu, ili u egiptološku zbirku univerziteta u Leipzigu, ako bi zavirio u mnoge druge muzeje svijeta, našao bi mnogo dokaza o tome odvlačenju silnog blaga iz Egipta“ (Konjhodžić 1956, 9). Osim ovakvih međudržavnih i međunarodnih sporova koji stvaraju tenzije, muzeji igraju i važnu ulogu u kulturnoj diplomatiji na više načina: u muzejima mogu biti izloženi diplomatski pokloni, zajedničkim radom muzeja se mogu približiti države, slanjem izložbi u muzeje u drugoj državi se radi na promovisanju sopstvene kulture… Upravo zbog te veze sa diplomatijom je Muzej Jugoslavije u Beogradu važan prilikom proučavanja bilo kojih diplomatskih odnosa Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije, jer se u ovoj ustanovi čuvaju pokloni koje je Tito dobijao tokom svog višedecenijskog vođenja države: umetnička dela, dela primenjene umetnosti, nakit, rukotvorine i mnogo štošta drugo. Zbog važnih bilateralnih odnosa Egipta i SFRJ, kao i trilateralnih odnosa SFRJ, Egipta i Indije, u muzeju se čuvaju brojni predmeti koje je ¹⁶ Konjhodžić je ovde napravio grešku; Metropolitenski muzej umetnosti se nalazi u Njujorku.
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Tito dobio kao poklon. Prvi poklon je dobio već na kraju njegove prve posete Egiptu tokom decembra 1955. i januara 1956. godine. Naser mu je u palati Koubbeh poklonio srebrni servis za čaj i koverat sa opisom drugog poklona koji nije lično uručen zbog težine, već je trebalo da bude utovaren na brod Galeb. Međutim, iz nepoznatog razloga poklon nije ukrcan na brod i stigao je u Jugoslaviju krajem februara. U pitanju je bila posuda od alabastera pronađena tokom iskopavanja 1935. godine u Džoserovoj piramidi u Sakari (Jovanović 2011/2013, 68–71). Nakon ovog usledila su mnoga druga razmenjivanja poklona od kojih je jedan bio posebno bitan Titu lično – statua Ozirisa koju mu je poklonio el Sadat tokom njegove posete Egiptu u februaru 1971. godine; ta stauta je toliko bila zanimljiva predsedniku Jugoslavije da ju je držao u svojoj spavaćoj sobi (Cvijović 2019, 178 –180). U muzeju se danas, takođe, čuva i vaza od alabastera iz Džoserove grobnice koju je Titu poklonio el Sadat za njegov 80. rođendan 1972. godine, a koju mu je uručio na Belom dvoru egipatski ministar spoljnih poslova Muhamed Murad Galeb, jedna manja posuda od alabastera za koju se ne zna ko ju je poklonio, kao i poprsje faraona i sfinga izrađeni od nepečene gline i jedna bronzana statua sedećeg pisara (Cvijović 2019, 81). Naravno, osim Tita, diplomatske poklone je dobijala i njegova supruga. Tako je 1961. godine od strane ambasadora Ujedinjene Arapske Republike u ime Predsednika skupštine Anvera el Sadata Titu uručena ručno izrađena zlatna sablja, a Jovanki Broz zanatski izrađena kutija iz Sirije i tepih iz Egipta (Jovanović 2011/2013, 71–72); predmeti koji se takođe čuvaju u Muzeju Jugoslavije. Međutim, ovakvi pokloni su zanimljivi kurioziteti jer govore o odnosu koji je Tito imao sa egipatskim zvaničnicima, ali kada se govori o muzejima koji igraju važnu ulogu u kulturnoj diplomatiji, mnogo je značajniji rad Muzeja afričke umetnosti: zbirke Vede i dr Zdravka Pečara u Beogradu. U pitanju je muzej sa fondom koji obuhvata više od 2.000 predmeta umetničke i etnografske prirode nastao na osnovu incijative bračnog para Vede Zagorac i Zdravka Pečara. Oni su gradu Beogradu poklonili svoju kolekciju afričke umetnosti koja je 79
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nastala tokom njihovog višedecenijskog boravka u Africi – Zdravko Pečar je radio kao dopisnik iz Afrike i kao ambasador SFRJ u nekoliko afričkih država (Sladojević 2014, 5–6). Tehnički, sam muzej ne poseduje nikakve predmete poreklom iz Egipta, ali u njemu se čuvaju tri maske koje pripadaju Narodnom muzeju, ali se čuvaju u Muzeju afričke umetnosti zahvaljujući sporazumu o dugoročnoj pozajmici (Marković 2019, 43; 45). No, iako sam muzej ne poseduje bogatu kolekciju predmeta iz Egipta, on još od osnivanja ima blisku vezu sa tom državom. Sam inicijator njegovog otvaranja, Zdravko Pečar, proveo jeznačajan deo svoje novinarske karijere u Egiptu gde je radio kao dopisnik novina „Borba“ između 1952. i 1956. godine.1⁷ Njegov rad je bio izuzetno značajan budući da je bio prvi strani novinar koji je intervjuisao Nagiba (prilog 1); 23. jula 1952. godine Nagib je predvodio državni udar koji je smenio kralja Faruka 26. jula, a Pečar ga je intervjuisao već 30. jula (Pečar 1952a). Naravno, intervjuisao je i druge znamenite ličnosti poput Nasera (slika 13). Ove i druge isečke je ostavio Muzeju afričke umetnosti zajedno sa svojom foto-arhivom (slika 14). Danas ta njegova arhiva predstavlja značajan izvor jer je Pečar dosta doprineo zbližavanju SFRJ i Egipta budući da je hvalio Nagibov režim još i pre nego što je jugoslovenska diplomatija zauzela pozitivan stav (Petrović 2005, 118–119). Štaviše, Nagibovu revoluciju poistovećuje sa Ataturkovom revolucijom u Turskoj i sa Francuskom revolucijom te u jednom od svojih brojnih članaka zaključuje „da se stvari u Egiptu nalaze u stanju neprekidnog razvitka“ (Pečar 1952b). Čak i nakon što su dobri odnosi uspostavljeni, on je nastavio sa pokušajima da zbliži narode ove dve države. Zato zajedno sa Vedom 1955. godine publikuje kraću knjigu „Republikanski Egipat“ u kojoj ju¹⁷ Pečar je svoju novinarsku karijeru započeo nakon Drugog svetskog rata 1945. godine kao urednik Politike gde je radio godinu dana. Od 1947. do 1950. je radio kao urednik dnevnog lista Rad, a od 1952. do 1962. godine je bio dopisnik svih uticajnijih novina u Jugoslaviji, poput Borbe, ali i novinskog servisa Tanjug (Radonjić 2017, 162).
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Slika 13 – Pečar intervjuiše Nasera (izvor: foto-arhiva Zdravka Pečara u Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu
goslovenskim čitaocima ukratko predstavlja Egipat i istoriju ove države. Zato zajedno sa Vedom 1955. godine publikuje kraću knjigu „Republikanski Egipat“ u kojoj jugoslovenskim čitaocima ukratko predstavlja Egipat i istoriju ove države, svakodnevni život (što ilustruje i fotografijama) i život radnika. Još bitnije, knjigu završava Naserovim citatima za koje je znao da će se svideti narodima Jugoslavije jer su dosta bliski socijalizmu: „Pod slobodom shvatam slobodu trudbenika, slobodu radnika da ima dostojan život i razonodu“, „I ja sam seljačkog porekla. Moja porodica i dalje obrađuje zemlju u Gornjem Egpitu“, „Uostalom, šta je to sloboda? Da li je to sloboda kapitalista koji žive u luksuzu? Ili sloboda feudalca koji lišava osnovnih prava kmeta vezanog za zemlju, od koga zapravo živi?“, „Naša će sloboda biti sloboda većine a ne manjine. Radnici i seljaci su s nama, jer oni znaju da se mi borimo za poboljšanje njihove sudbine“ (Pečar & Zagorac 1955, 83–84). 81
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Svega par godina nakon objavljivanja skomnog „Republikanskog Egipta“, 1958. godine zajedno sa Vedom publikuje mnogo opširnije delo „Egipat: zemlja, narod, revolucija“. U njemu će jugoslovenskoj publici predstaviti Egipat mnogo detaljnije, počevši od skromnog istorijskog opisa drevnog i arapskog Egipta. Nakon tog uvoda će mnogo detaljnije obraditi istoriju ove države tokom 20. veka, predstaviti svakodnevni život u tadašnjem Egiptu, kao i ulogu Egipta u svetskoj politici i arapskom svetu, ali obradiće i odnose Jugoslavije i Egipta. Uz sve to objavljuje i delove intervjua koje je vodio sa zvaničnicima, uključujući i Tita i Nasera; drugim rečima, ovom publikacijom je jugoslovenskim čitaocima ponuđen najdetaljniji opis Egipta koji je tada bio dostupan na srpsko–hrvatskom jeziku (vidi Pečar & Zagorac 1958). Pritom, sama knjiga je ilustrovana fotografijama ambasadora Jugoslavije u Egiptu, Marka Nikezića, koji im je bio blizak prijatelj (Radonjić 2017, 166). Dakle, Pečar je igrao važnu ulogu u približavanju Jugoslavije i Egipta, ali danas i Muzej afričke umetnosti igra značajnu ulogu u negovanju međukulturnih odnosa Srbije i Egipta. Ne samo da se u njemu drže kursevi egiptologije i različita predavanja, već je u njemu prvi put bila organizovana egiptološka izložba za koju je prikupljena većina korpusa staroegipatskih predmeta iz srpskih muzeja. Izložba nazvana „Pod lupom: Staroegipatske zbirke u muzejima u Srbiji“ je organizovana u znak obeležavanja 111. godina diplomatskih odnosa između Srbije i Egipta, zbog čega ju je otvorio tadašnji ambasador Egipta u Srbiji, Nj. E. Amr Alguvejli, 28. juna 2019. godine. Sama izložba je predstavljala kulturni događaj od izuzetnog značaja jer su na njoj bila izložena čak 1021⁸ od ukupno 196 artefakta staroegipatskog porekla koji se čuvaju u Srbiji (Aleksić 2019, 5–8). Podjednako je bitno i to što je do njenog zatvaranja 13. novembra iste godine bio realizovan prateći program koji je uključivao brojna predavanja, jednodnevni kurs, dečije radionice, javna vođenja i filmsko veče. 1⁸ Za detalje o izloženim artefaktima pogledati katalog izložbe (vidi Marković 2019).
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Slika 14 – Pečar sa fotoaparatom u Kairu 1955. godine (izvor: foto-arhiva Zdravka Pečara u Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu)
Drugi vid zbližavanja je raznovrstan program koji je u muzeju realizovao Nenad Marković. U pitanju su kursevi „Svakodnevni život u starom Egiptu“ (februar – mart 2020.), „Uvod u materijalnu kulturu drevnog Egipta“ (maj – jul 2019.) i „Kulturna istorija starog Egipta“ (oktobar 2018 – februar 2019.), kao i jednodnevni kurs „Životinje u starom Egiptu: tela, tekstovi i predstave“ koji je realizovao zajedno sa Urošem Matićem i Milanom Markovićem 9. oktobar 2019. Uz ove događaje, važno je spomenuti i Afro festival koji muzej organizuju svake godine, a na kom
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je 28. juna 2019. godine zemlja počasni-gost bila Arapska Republika Egipat zbog čega je organizovan nastup čuvene egipatske plesne trupe 1 „Reda“.¹⁹
Slika 15 – Nastup plesne trupe „Reda“ u Atrijumu Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu 12. jula 2019. povodom obeležavanja Dana Egipta (autor: Ana Stjelja)
No, osim organizovanjem događaja, muzej pomaže u kulturnim odnosima Srbije i Egipta svojom izdavačkom delatnošću budući da se Egipat i egiptologija obrađuju u njegovom časopisu „Afrika“ (vidi Vasiljević 2013b), a muzej je imao i posebnu publikaciju posvećenu odnosima Srbije i Egipta – zbornik radova „Egipat u sećanju Srbije“ (Epštajn 2011/2013, 13–19). Zbog svega toga, Muzej afričke umetnosti predstavlja jednu od najznačajnijih ustanova koje neguju srpskoegipatske međukulturne odnose, ali svakako nije jedina. 19 Trupu je osnovao plesač i koreograf Mahmud Reda 1959. godine. Kada je nastala, činili su je 12 muzičara i 12 plesača, dok je njena originalna koreografija bila mešavina egipatskog folklora i baleta. Trupa Reda je bila veoma uspešna u Egiptu, podržavao ju je sam Naser, a nastupala je i u inostranstvu (Stjelja 2019, 34–37). Što se Srbije tiče, tokom ove posete 2019. godine trupa je nastupala u više gradova, a u Beogradu je imala više nastupa (slika 15).
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5. Ostale institucije i događaji Postoje brojna druga udruženja koja baštine egipatsku kulturu u Srbiji, pa čak i privatni muzeji. Jedno od njih je i udruženje Adligat iz Beograda koje, između ostalog, rukovodi Muzejom knjige i putovanja. Kako je Egipat popularna destinacija putnika, te i itekako bitan književni centar, muzej poseduje i posebnu zbirku posvećenu ovoj državi. U njoj se nalaze brojne knjige, uključujući i značajna i retka dela poput knjige „Odjeci biografije“ sa posvetom autora, egipatskog nobelovca Nagiba Mahfuza (Mirković 2021). Naravno, pored ovakvih institucija koje neguju ovu kulutru, tu su i one koje je aktivno promovišu. Značajnu ulogu u promovisanju egipatske kulture u Srbiji igra i Arapski kulturni centar koji je osnovan 2017. godine. Centar se bavi promocijom arapske kulture generalno, ali i kultura pojedinačnih država. Kada je reč o Egiptu, osim kurseva arapskog jezika i egipatskog dijalekta koje organizuje, centar samostalno i u saradnji sa drugim organizacijama i samom ambasadom Arapske Republike Egipat u Srbiji organizuje različita dešavanja na kojima se promoviše egipatska kultura. Tako je učestvovao u organizovanju manifestacije „Dan egipatske kuhinje“, tribine o studentskim praksama u arapskom svetu (gde se govorilo i o Egiptu), predavanja Ibrahima Gazala o egipatskom slikarstvu i „Nedelje egipatskog filma“.²⁰1 Takođe, Arapski kulturni centar je zaslužan i za prevođenje i publikovanje knjige koju je prethodno sastavio tada izabrani ambasador Egipta u Srbiji Amr Alguvejli, „Srbija u očima Egipćana: Diplomatska sećanja i kulturne beleške“. Knjiga je objavljena kao specijalno izdanje povodom učestvovanja Arapske Republike Egipat kao 20 Iako nema direktnog kontinuiteta, vredi spomenuti da je u SFRJ postojao periodičan festival „Nedelja UAR filma“. Prva nedelja je bila 1960. godine, druga 1961. godine, a treća 1975. godine (Maričić 2011/2013, 100–109).
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počasnog gosta 64. Međunarodnog beogradskog sajma knjiga 2019. godine, realizovano u saradnji sa egipatskom organizacijom za knjigu „GEBO“ koja je već ostvarila plodnu saradnju sa poznatim srpskim izdavačima. Ovo delo nudi jedinstven uvid u egipatsko-srpske odnose jer se u njemu osim diplomatskih sećanja bivših ambasadora koji su služili u Beogradu u različitim periodima od 1989. do 2018. godine,2¹ nalaze i radovi znamenitih egipatskih ličnosti koje su u različitim svojstvima boravili u Beogradu. Tako se pored diplomatskih sećanja nalaze i kulturne beleške egiptologa Zahija Havasa, umetnice Marfat el Suifi koja je kao stipendista studirala i predavala na Fakultetu primenjenih umetnosti u Beogradu od 1990. do 1992. godine, novinara Gamala Zajida i spisateljice i radio-voditeljke Mej Halid. Tokom sastavljanja knjige Alguvejli je takođe pozvao i tadašnjeg srpskog ambasadora u Egiptu, Dragana Bisenića, da sastavi iste ovakve diplomatske i kulturne beleške srpskih ambasadora i ličnosti iz domena kulture koje su boravile u Egiptu kao zasebnu knjigu (El-Guvejli 2019, 23), ali ova knjiga do današnjeg dana nije publikovana. Naravno, sama ambasada Arapske Republike Egipat u Srbiji je organizovala dosta različitih događaja tokom godina. Događaji su se organizovali i u turbulentnim periodima za Srbiju kakve su bile 90-e godine, o čemu u svojim diplomatskim sećanjima piše Hani Hilaf koji je služio kao ambasador u Beogradu od 1997. godine do prekida misije i zatvaranja ambasade usled bombardovanja. On iznosi da je još pre putovanja u Beograd 1997. godine ministru spoljnih poslova Egipta dostavio beleške o svom viđenju ciljeva njegovog rada kao ambasadora i budućim prioritetima uz praktične savete kako dalje razvijati jugoslovensko-egipatske odnose. Ovi saveti 21 Dr Husein Abdelhalik Hasuna (ambasador od 1989. do 1992. godine), Hani Hilaf (ambasador od 1997. do 1999. godine), Ašraf Akl (otpravnik poslova Ambasade Egipta u Beogradu od januara do novembra 1999. godine), Basim Halil (otpravnik poslova Ambasade u Beogradu od 1999. do 2003. godine), Adil Nagib (ambasador od 2005. do 2009. godine), Ali Gelal Basjuni (ambasador od 2009. do 2013. godine), Minha Bahum (ambasador od 2013. do 2015. godine) i Azudin Fahmi (ambasador od 2015. do 2018. godine).
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su podrazumevali različite stvari, od uspostavljanja parlamentarnih kanala komunikacije između Predstavničkog doma Egipta i Jugoslovenskog parlamenta i osnivanja zajedničkog saveta privrednika Jugoslavije i Egipta, preko ponovnog otvaranja Novinske agencije „Bliski istok“ u Beogradu i otvaranja kancelarije Egipatske organizacije za turizam u Beogradu, sve do kulturnih aktivnosti poput razmene filmskih projekcija, predstava i folklornih ansambala (Hilaf 2019, 81–82). Iako je ministar spoljnih poslova inicijalno podržao predloge, u narednom periodu opada entuzijazam ministarstva za uspostavljanje boljih odnosa i širenje delovanja u SRJ što je Hilafa primoralo da više pažnje posveti kulturnoj diplomatiji. Kako navodi u beleškama, „s obzirom na odsustvo bilo kakvog vida kulturnog, medijskog ili turističkog predstavništva Egipta na ovom podneblju od tog teškog perioda, preuzeo sam inicijativu i organizovao sam kulturne i medijske aktivnosti i njihovo sprovođenje sam lično nadgledao“ (Hilaf 2019, 94). Neki od značajnijih događaja koje bi vredelo spomenuti su „Egipatsko veče“ održano na Katedri za orijentalistiku Univerziteta u Beogradu 28. aprila 1998. godine na kom je prisustvovalo preko 150 profesora, studenata i zvaničnika Ministarstva spoljnih poslova, predavanje „Egipat danas“ koje je lično održao ambasador na Univerzitetu Braća Karić 13. decembra 1998. godine, seminar na Akademiji umetnosti Univerziteta Karić u Beogradu „Sličnosti i razlike arapske i jugoslovenske muzike“ 27. januara 1999. godine na kom je govorila Mušira Isa sa Konzervatorijuma u Kairu, i festival „Dani egipatske kulture u Beogradu“ od 25. do 30. januara 1999. godine na kom su bili izloženi egipatski industrijski i ručno rađeni proizvodi, prikazani filmovi i održani seminari o sličnostima i razlikama jugoslovenske i arapske kulture (Hilaf 2019, 100–103). Nakon što se stanje stabilizovalo posle bombardovanja 1999. godine ponovo je otvorena diplomatska misija Egipta u Beogradu što je omogućilo dalji razvoj planske kulturne diplomatije. Recimo, Ali Gelal Basjuni je služio kao ambasador u Beogradu od 2009. do 2013. 87
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godine i u tom periodu ambasada Arapske Republike Egipat u Beogradu je organizovala više događaja. Vredi spomenuti posetu egipatske delegacije predvođene Muhamedom Salmavijem, predsednikom Saveza egipatskih pisaca, koja je učestvovala na međunarodnom kongresu PEN kluba u Beogradu, kao i posete predsednika Kairske opere, Abdelmenema Kamila i Inasa Abdeldajima, izložbu umetničkih slika mladih egipatskih umetnika povodom njihove posete Beogradu, koncert egipatskog džez umetnika Jahje Halila, ali i pojedine stvari koje su zbližavale narode ove dve države poput slanja urednika najvećih srpskih novina i časopisa u Egipat da bi nakon povratka objavili članke i reportaže o svojim utiscima (Basjuni 2019 166–170). Međutim, kao što je spomenuto na početku ovog poglavlja, iako su javna i kulturna diplomatija Egipta razvijenije od srpske, one su više rezultat entuzijazma egipatskih diplomata nego planskih aktivnosti Arapske Republike Egipat. Zbog toga i razvoj kulturne diplomatije u Srbiji varira, jer joj neki ambasadori posvećuju dosta pažnje dok druge zanimaju ostali aspekti diplomatskih odnosa.
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IV Zaključak „Na kraju, želim da ukažem na to da sam u ovom periodu, kada sam imao čast da radim kao ambasador u Srbiji, video ogroman potencijal egipatsko-srpskih odnosa, u čijem je centru duga tradicija prijateljskih odnosa i uzajamnih interesa“ (Basjuni 2019, 174 –175). Iako kulturna diplomatija i u Srbiji i u Egiptu nije na zavidnom nivou, ona ipak igra značajnu ulogu kada su u pitanju odnosi Srbije i Egipta. Kao što mnogi sa obe strane ističu, Srbija i Egipat su povezani višedecenijskim prijateljstvom. To „srpsko-egipatsko prijateljstvo“ je posebno izraženo usled toga što je ono uspostavljeno tokom 50-ih i 60-ih godina 20. veka kada su obe države imale mnogo veći ugled u svetu te se ljudi nostalgično prisećaju ovog doba. Samim tim, kada se govori o ovom prijateljstvu, obe strane se rado prisećaju tog zlatnog doba prijateljstva koje je bilo i zlatno doba njihove države. Danas je pak situacija donekle drugačija budući da se spoljna politika dveju država promenila. Od dolaska predsednika el Sisija na vlast Egipat se trudi da razvije bolje odnose sa ostalim afričkim i bliskoistočnim državama, ali uspon Islamske Države je približio Egipat i Zapad, pogotovo Sjedinjene Američke Države, radi borbe protiv ove pretnje (Hemaid 2017, 303–311). U slučaju Srbije, spoljna politika se čak i drastično promenila budući da od početka 21. veka država teži tome da postane članica Evropske unije i samim tim zbog procesa evrointegracije joj je bitnije da razvija odnose sa Zapadom, a ne sa Afrikom i Azijom kao što je činila Jugoslavija koja je imala za cilj uspostavljanje saradnje sa državama koje ne žele blokovsku podelu. To što spoljnopolitički ciljevi dveju država prestanu da se
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preklapaju često stvara prekretnicu u bilateralnim odnosima. Dodatan problem kada su u pitanju Srbija i Egipat je i činjenica da između njih danas ne postoji toliko razvijena ekonomska saradnja kao što je postojala sredinom prošlog veka. Očekivalo bi se da kombinacija te dve činjenice utiče ne samo na bilateralne odnose, već i na samu svest ljudi o tim odnosima. Naposletku, danas se u javnosti ne govori često o prijateljstvu Srbije i drugih članica Pokreta nesvrstanih. Čak se i ne neglašava „srpsko-indijsko prijateljstvo“ iako je Indija bila jedan od prvobitna tri inicijatora ovog pokreta. Međutim, to nije slučaj sa srpsko-egipatskim odnosima. Prilikom svih susreta zvaničnika ove dve države se govori o istoriji i važnosti srpsko-egipatskih odnosa. Van politike, čak i u narodu, pogotovo kod starijih generacija, postoji ta svest o „srpsko/jugoslovensko- egipatskom prijateljstvu“ usled činjenice da su mediji decenijama izveštavali o tom prijateljstvu. Isto važi i u Egiptu; Nebojša Jojić beleži da nakon što Egipćani čuju da je neko putnik iz Srbije obično sledi odgovor „Tito-Naser!“ (Jojić 2018, 21). Ta svest o istorijskom značaju srpsko-egipatskih odnosa je proizvod javne i kulturne diplomatije. Naravno, pomaže i činjenica da je Egipat česta destinacija srpskih turista, ali su znatno bitniji srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi. Ne samo da su oni omogućili nastank svesti o srpsko-egipatskom prijateljstvu, već su danas značajniji nego ikada. Ti međukulturni odnosi su osnova dobrih odnosa Srbije i Egipta u 21. veku. Kao što je napomenuto, danas se ciljevi spoljne politike ovih država ne preklapaju, niti postoji značajna ekonomska saradnja koja ih približava. Međutim, svest o tome da već decenijama postoje dobri odnosi između ove dve države ih održava. Upravo tradicija dobrih odnosa dveju država pospešena srpsko-egipatskim međukulturnim odnosima je uticala na to da postoji želja da se takvi odnosi nastave i danas iako su se u međuvremenu politički interesi ovih država promenili.
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Prilog 1 – Pečarov intervju sa Nagibom INTERVJU SPECIJALNOG DOPISNIKA „BORBE“ SA GENERALOM MOHAMEDOM NAGIBOM Cilj pokreta je čišćenje zemlje i progres na svim poljima – Vojska će podržavati reforme i obnovu – Kralj i klika oko njega bogatili su se na račun naroda (od specijalnog dopisnika „BORBE“) Kairo, 1. avgusta (kablogramom) „Naš pokret ima za cilj čišćenje zemlje i progres na svim poljima“ – izjavio je u četvrtak general Mohamed Nagib specijalnom dopisniku „Borbe“ u svom glavnom štabu u Abasiji, predgrađu Kaira. On se nalazi na putu po zemljama Srednjeg Istoka i zatekao se u Kairu posle svrgavanja kralja Faruka. „Nema sumnje da će se naša zemlja podići i razviti kada bude potpuno očišćena, nastavio je general Nagib. Što se mene tiče, ja se neću mešati u politiku. Ali će vojska uvek biti u službi narodu i podržavaće obnovu, reforme i čišćenje zemlje. Predsednik vlade ima jedan poznat program izložen u istraživanjima i knjigama objavljenim o predmetu revolucije“. Na pitanje kako su Egipćani primili izvršene promene, general Nagib je odgovorio: „Svi Egipćani, oni na Severu i oni na Jugu (u Sudanu), kao i egipatski državljani drugih narodnosti, pozdravili su i odobrili ovaj pokret. Sve su ih bili skoro zagušili mnogobrojni gorki doživljaji u protekloj eri. Dobijamo preko pet hiljada telegrama i isto toliko pisama dnevno, u kojima se izražava odobravanje našeg pokre-
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ta. Ovi telegrami i pisma su samo odjek osećanja koja Egipćani imaju sada u svojim srcima“. General Nagib je istakao da su svi Egipćani istinski srećni što je došao kraj Farukovoj eri. „Nacija je vrlo mnogo propatila – kazao je on – jer se Faruk, on i neodgovorni paraziti oko njega, mešao u državne poslove. Oni su krivi što je egipatska armija na palestinskom frontu dobijala pokvareno oružje, što je dovelo do toga da nismo uspeli da rat završimo pobedonosno. Oni su takođe prisvojili izvore zemlje da bi se lično obogatili. Podmićivanje se vršilo svuda po zemlji. Pokvarenjaštva je bilo svuda, a najgori su postali najpovlašćeniji“. Na kraju, general Nagib zamolio je našeg dopisnika da jugoslovenskim narodima prenese nejgove pozdrave i najbolje želje (Pečar 1952c).
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POGOVOR „Srpsko–egipatski međukulturni odnosi“
Knjiga Miloša Todorovića „Srpsko–egipatski međukulturni odnosi“ odgovara na jednu potrebu koja je prisutna u nauci, kulturi i diplomatiji Srbije, ali i Egipta. Radi se o potrebi da se naučni članci, monografije, katalozi izložbi, putopisi, zatim aktivnosti kulturne diplomatije, kulturnih radnika, naučnika, diplomata i društvenih aktivista povežu i predstave srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnosi u jednom preglednom radu, ali i jednoj liniji i ispitaju njeni kontinuiteti i diskontinuiteti. Koristeći široko shvaćen koncept kulturnih odnosa, posle pažljive definicije pojmova kulture i javne diplomatije, autor daje jednu sintezu povezujući nizove istraživačkih radova iz različitih nauka (egiptologija, komparativna književnost, istoriografija, istorija umetnosti, muzeologija, međunarodni odnosi) i daje adekvatanpregled ovih odnosa. Todorović pravilno identifikuje aktere koji nisu deo zvanične kulturne diplomatije i predstavljaju „samoinicijativne oblike kulturne razmene“. Ostale aktere autor stavlja u pravilan istorijski kontekst, evropski/jugoslovenski/srpski i kolonijalni/antikolonijalni, nesvrstani, kontekst tek oslobođene Srbije i nezavisnog, a zatim polu-kolonijalnog Egipta, međuratni Mediteran i hladnoratovski svet. Preko aktivnosti individualaca poput Jovana Dučića, Hude Šaravi, Amra el Guvejlija, Gamala Abdel Nasera, Josipa Broza Tita, ali i institucija poput ambasada u Kairu i Beogradu, Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije ili Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, Todorović uspešno locira uspone i padaove ovih odnosa, njihove diskontinuitete, ali i paradoks njihovog održanja 93
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uprkos često slaboj i neredovnoj državnoj podršci. Knjiga ima jasnu strukturu gde je najpre dat kratak pregled srpsko/jugoslovensko-egipatskih diplomatskih odnosa, u poglavljima „Jugoslavija i Egipat“ i „Srbija i Egipat“. Ističe se najintenzivniji period saradnje Egipta i Srbije/Jugoslavije koji se poklapa sa zlatnim dobom Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja i aktivnosti jugoslovenskog predsednika Tita i egipatskog predsednika Nasera. Za ovim poglavljem slede poglavlja o „Zajedničkom nasleđu“, koje dalje uokviruje ovaj rad; zatim „Egipat i srpska kultura“, gde se posebno obrađuje kultura putopisa; poseban odeljak o egiptologiji u Srbiji, i naročito zanimljiva poglavlja „Diplomatija i muzeji“ i „Ostale institucije i događaji“ koja pokazuju kako i zvanična, ali i naročito nezvanični kontakti preko nevladinih organizacija ili zainteresovanih pojedinaca mogu doprineti međukulturnim odnosima. U prilogu je dat intervju koji je dopisnik „Borbe“, kasnije istoričar, diplomata i osnivač Muzeja afričke umetnosti i jedan od najznačajnijih aktera afro-jugoslovenskih odnosa u hladnom ratu, Zdravko Pečar, uradio sa generalom Muhamedom Nagibom, tek nedelju dana pošto su Slobodni oficiri preuzeli vlast u Egiptu, i to kao prvi intervju koji je nominalni vođa državnog udara dao stranom dopisniku, što na konkretnom primeru pokazuje stalno prepoznavanje između Egipta i Jugoslavije/Srbije kao važnih i katkad sličnih država i društava. Knjiga Miloša Todorovića biće korisna svima koji se interesuju za srpsko-egipatske kontakte, naučnicima koji žele da uđu u ovu temu ali i budućim diplomatama i kulturnim poslanicima koji bi da ove kontakte preko zvaničnih ili nezvaničnih kanala prodube. Dr Nemanja Radonjić Naučni saradnik Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije
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SADRŽAJ
Reč urednika ......................................................................................... 6
I UVOD ................................................................................................. 11 II Istorija diplomatskih odnosa ....................................................... 18 1. Jugoslavija i Egipat ...................................................................... 20 2. Srbija i Egipat ............................................................................. 35 III Međukulturni odnosi ................................................................... 40 1. Međukulturni kontakt ................................................................. 44 1.1. Zajedničko nasleđe .................................................................... 47 2. Egipat i srpska kultura ............................................................... 49 3. Egiptologija u Srbiji .................................................................... 70 3.1. Staroegipatsko nasleđe u srpskim muzejima ......................... 74 4. Diplomatija i muzeji .................................................................... 77 5. Ostale institucije i događaji ........................................................ 85 IV Zaključak ........................................................................................ 89 PRILOG .................................................................................................91 POGOVOR ............................................................................................ 93
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To my dear friends from Egypt; You made me fall in love with your country when I first visited it in 2017, and since then, both you and Egypt hold a special place in my heart
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EDITOR’S NOTE In front of the reader is a very interesting and important work on the historical, political, diplomatic and cultural relations between Serbia and Egypt, but also the only work on Serbian–Egyptian relations framed like this that was published in Serbia. These two countries are bound by a century old friendship which had its ups and downs, in accordance to historical circumstances, but the thread that ties the two cultures and peoples together was never broken. Miloš Todorović, a young researcher and the author of this book, strived to touch on those most important aspects of Serbian–Egyptian relations in his research, starting with the establishment of the diplomatic mission of Serbia to Egypt (in 1908, which was later raised to the level of an embassy) all the way to the present day when, it seems, Serbian–Egyptian relations reached their peak. This publication will without a doubt be of interest to those who are familiar with the topic of Serbian–Egyptian relations, be it their political, historical, diplomatic or cultural context. This book also highlights the most important events and actors that helped in the development of good intercultural relations between these two countries. Certainly the central part of this book is devoted to the period when the relations of Serbia and Egypt were at the highest level, which was during the friendship between the presidents of SFRY Josip Broz Tito and of the United Arab Republic Gamal Abdel Nasser, which was also the period when the Non-Alignment Movement was formed; the movement which not only played an important role in the history of these two countries, but also in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of the member states. Here we should also note the role which Zdravko Pečar, the founder of the Museum of African Art
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in Belgrade, played as he was residing in Egypt working as a journalist at that time, and so interviewed President Nasser, thanks to which we have a very important firsthand account about this country and the state of affairs in it. Thanks to Pečar we also have a rich photo documentation which is highlighted in this book, as well. This publication, aside from the political and economic ties, also deals with the cultural and diplomatic relations between Serbia and Egypt. It is well known that cultural workers of a country might be its best representatives abroad. That was also the case with Serbian cultural workers, most notably authors and intellectuals, but also artists and adventurers who visited Egypt in the 19th century, starting with Pavle Riđički who brought a mummy to Serbia, now known as the “Belgrade mummy”, but also those like Milorad Rajčević and Dr. Milan Jovanović Morski who brought home the descriptions of this mystical land that has always attracted the attention of world travelers, both around the world and in Serbia as well. Undoubtedly the Serbian author Jelena J. Dimitrijević, who recorded her travel in the rather short travelogue “Letters from Misir” (1919) and the more extensive travelogue “Seven Seas and Three Oceans. Trip Around the World” (1940), also left a mark on Serbian–Egyptian relations and helped in the development of the friendship between them. Aside from her literary accounts of Egypt, Jelena also became friends with prominent Egyptian women, among whom the pioneer of Egypt’s feminism Huda Sha'arawi certainly stands out. After Jelena J. Dimitrijević, the Serbian actress Desa Dugalić also visited Egypt and recorded her travel to Egypt and the Holy Land in her travelogue “Notes from a Trip through Palestine, Syria and Egypt in the Summer of 1931”, which is illustrated by numerous photographs. Of course, Jovan Dučić’s work in diplomacy is also important as he played a notable role in the development of the intercultural relations of the two countries working as a diplomatic representative. He also left behind a written account of his stay in Egypt, just like many others who visited this country which certainly inspires and invites people to discover it. It is interesting to see the presence of Serbian–Egyptian ties in the work of the Serbian 100
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painter Paja Jovanović, as a unique form of orientalism, as is the presence of Egyptian heritage in the works of contemporary Serbian poets and writers which the author of this book draws attention to. The author also touches upon the Egyptian heritage in Serbia with a chapter on Egyptian artifacts that are exhibited in Serbian museums. He also draws the attention of the reader to the current activities that the Embassy of Egypt has been organizing in cooperation with Serbian cultural institutions and organizations. A special highlight is the role of the current ambassador of Egypt in Serbia, HE Amr Aljowaily, thanks to whose personal and professional efforts the cultural relations of Serbia and Egypt were raised to a whole new level. This research aims to gather all of the important factors for the development of the intercultural relations between the two traditionally amicable countries, but also to showcase the activities that were recently undertaken in the field of strengthening those ties, as an example of a good practice for Serbia to develop or rebuild its intercultural relations with other traditionally amicable countries. Considering that the book was contrived as a bilingual (Serbian–English) publication, it will certainly be equally available to Serbian and Egyptian readers, interested students (of history, art history, archaeology, Arabic language and literature, political science…), researchers and interested professionals familiar with the subject. Aside from the relevant historical data (which rely on academic literature and relevant sources), the book also offers a photo documentation that aims to illustrate all of the important actors and events that left a mark in the development of intercultural relations between Serbia and Egypt. This publication can certainly serve as a very useful starting point for some wider and more thorough research about this or similar subjects, as it concisely and chronologically shows how relations between Serbia and Egypt evolved to be as they are currently.
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I Introduction
Joseph Nye introduced the term “soft power” in the 90s, which he further explained in his book “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics”. What Nye noticed and what will be further popularized by politicians and political scientists likewise, is the fact that the paradigm of power is shifting in the modern world. He noticed that in addition to the classic “hard power” which implies economic and military power of the country, in international relations there is yet another, sometimes even an opposite type of power, i.e. “soft power”. In the political sense, the goal of any type of power is for a country to get what it wants from another. In the case of “hard power”, this result is achieved by imposing the will of the country which wields it, while in the case of “soft power” the same result is achieved, but in a different way. A country that possess this kind of power can get what it wants, not by imposing its will, but because other countries want to imitate it and become what it represents. That is, soft power influences the behavior and thinking of others, which implies that they start desiring the same thing that the country wants without any coercion (Nye 2004, 5). Nye also identifies the sources of this type of power, stating that they are the culture of the country, its political values and the foreign policy it pursues. It is clear why the political values and foreign policy of a country are a source of soft power, since there must be an awareness of its integrity in order for other countries to want to fol103
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low it. However, Nye also clearly presents the culture of the country as a source of power, both the high culture and the much more effective popular culture, but only if it’s attractive to others (Nye 2004, 11–14). Of course, many have criticized the idea of “soft power” and its effectiveness. Janice Bially Mattern argues that soft power should not be seen as the opposite of hard power but as a continuation of hard power by other means (see Mattern 2005). Other authors put forward different views: the fact that the American culture which Nye explores is present in the world does not mean that it exerts influence; that soft power cannot achieve the same effect as hard power, which makes it useless; that soft power is not necessarily as good of a thing as it is presented because it is a kind of manipulation; that due to the uniqueness of soft power, the country that possesses it cannot use it with the intention of achieving something since it is intangible; as well as that it is unpredictable and cannot be controlled, which makes it difficult to maintain (Fan 2008, 152–154). By far the most vocal criticisms are at the expense of the efficiency of soft power, and Nye himself emphasizes these problems, stating that soft power depends on the context, since in addition to attractiveness, there must also be a will from the other side to accept this culture. Nye also states that it is difficult to “wield” soft power in order to achieve a specific goal, but that it “helps the general goals which the country wants to achieve” (Nye 2004, 15-16). Precisely because of this, both world powers that possess evident hard power and those countries that do not have it understand the importance of developing public and cultural diplomacy. Public diplomacy represents communication between one country and the population of other countries, in order to promote its own culture, ideals and goals. In other words, public diplomacy can be seen as a tool for gaining soft power. It is a relatively new form of diplomacy that is changing and becoming even more relevant in bilateral relations between countries in the modern digitally connected 104
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world, and its main purpose is to present the country in the best possible way in order to gain prestige (Melissen 2005, 3; 11– 12). A special and important segment of this long-term building of good relations is cultural diplomacy, which develops cultural understanding. The field of cultural diplomacy itself is quite broad since its goal is to promote the culture of a certain country in the world and, as Milton Cummings puts it, implies the “exchange of ideas, information, art and other aspects of culture between nations and their peoples in order to foster mutual understanding”(Lenczowski 2008, 74–75). A problem arises here due to the meaning of the term “culture” since there are many definitions based on different criteria - from “historical” which imply that the culture of a society is its entire heritage, through “residual” which imply that culture is everything that is not natural, to various “descriptive or enumerative” ones in which all the elements of a culture are listed (Žolt & Koković 2017, 22–23). Even such “enumerative” which seem a bit more well defined than the somewhat abstract definitions that culture is everything which isn’t nature or the entire heritage of society, are still all-encompassing. For instance, Edward Taylor who is considered the founder of cultural anthropology in his 1871 book “Primitive Culture” states: “Culture or Civilization, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tylor 1874, 1). Although in everyday speech "culture" is associated only with “high culture”, cultural diplomacy, in addition to its promotion, also works on the promotion of popular culture, as well as other various things that are not related to culture in everyday life. Thus, the field of cultural diplomacy includes the promotion of all types of art (applied such as calligraphy or gastronomy, performing such as music and theater, “classical branches” such as painting and sculpture and, of course, literature), organizing exhibitions (both artistic and eth105
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nographic, archaeological and historical), organizing scientific, artistic and student exchanges, organizing educational programs abroad (language workshops, traditional arts workshops, but also guest lectures by experts from their country), broadcasting one’s own media in other countries, giving gifts to officials and cultural institutions, religious diplomacy as a separate segment, but also more abstract things such as the exchange of ideas (Lenczowski 2008, 82–88). Often these activities are pushed to the margins of diplomatic relations because they are not relevant to politics as much as economic relations or military cooperation and do not represent a significant segment of foreign policy. Because of this it is difficult to determine their long-term effect and how importat they actually are (Mark 2009, 2–3). However, such activities do take place, and some more influential countries even have cultural institutions whose mission is to represent their language and culture in other countries – the German Goethe-Institut, the French Institut Français and, the United Kingdom’s British Council are examples of such institutions operating for decades, but there are more recent examples such as the Spanish Instituto Cervantes founded in 1991 and the Turkish Yunus Emre Enstitüsü founded in 2007. As far as Serbian cultural diplomacy is concerned, in addition to the National Commission for UNESCO (and the Permanent Mission of Serbia to UNESCO), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also has a Sector for Bilateral Cooperation within the Department for International Cultural, Educational, Scientific, Technological and Sports Cooperation which aims at “development of educational, cultural, scientific, technological and sports cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and other countries; preparation, conclusion and implementation of agreements, programs and other contracts with countries and international organizations in these areas - exemption from customs duties of goods that have cultural, educational or scientific-technological content and coordination of work related to scholarships for domestic and foreign students and other jobs in the scope of the Department”. In addition to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the 106
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Ministry of Culture and Information is also involved in cultural diplomacy as it has a Sector for International Relations and European Integration in the field of culture, which “performs activities related to: international cooperation in the creative industries; monitoring and initiating international cultural events in the field of contemporary art; cooperation in the field of cultural creation in the language and script of members of the Serbian people abroad; monitoring and initiating international bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the field of culture; proposing and implementing programs for the collection and distribution of international aid, monitoring their implementation, especially in accordance with the programs of UNESCO and the Council of Europe; the process of harmonization of policies and regulations with the European Union; cooperation with relevant EU institutions; processing of all quantitative and qualifying parameters relevant to the use of EU funds; preparation of strategic and program documents for financing from EU funds in the field of electronic communications, postal traffic and information society; coordinating and supervising the activities of other entities within the scope of work of the ministry during the planning, preparation, implementation and monitoring of project implementation; coordination of activities necessary to ensure the necessary national co-financing of EU projects; implementation of measures for the establishment, functioning and sustainability of the decentralized management system of EU funds, in accordance with the relevant procedures”(Mujović–Prajs 2019, 44– 45, 46–47). It is worth mentioning that the Ministry of Culture and Information allocates funds for the co-financing of international cultural cooperation projects (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 47) and that the Republic of Serbia also has the Cultural Center of Serbia in Paris, the only institution of its kind, which was opened in 1973 as the Yugoslav Cultural Center (Mujović–Prajs 2019, 66). However, cultural diplomacy requires a lot of money to nurture cultural relations, as well as good coordination. In 10 interviews conducted with diplomats of the Repub107
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lic of Serbia during the research of Vjera Mujović–Prajs for her PhD thesis, all of them agreed that “the budget for programs in the field of culture is minimal or non-existent, so most programs are performed with minimal funds” (Mujović-Prajs 2019, 225). Since the funds for the realization of cultural events are not allocated in the planned budgets, they are realized with minimal funds or even without them. This means that most of the activities aimed at promoting Serbian culture abroad are the result of the good will of Serbian diplomats, and thus the entire cultural diplomacy is not at an enviable level. However, cultural diplomacy itself is an institutionalized, statesponsored promotion of culture and cultural exchange. This promotion and exchange occurs even without developed cultural diplomacy through the work of non-governmental organizations, independent media reporting, scientific work… Although they are not part of the planned cultural diplomacy, these self-initiated forms of intercultural exchange and cooperation also achieve the same goal – they create a bridge between different cultures and in this manner, they connect the people from different countries. Therefore, although there is no strategy for the development of cultural diplomacy, it is important to observe the cultural relations of countries because they inevitably affect the diplomatic relations between those countries, which is especially evident in Serbian–Egyptian relations.
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II History of Diplomatic Relations Diplomatic relations between Serbia and Egypt officially began in 1908, when the Consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia was opened in Cairo. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918, the Consulate continued to work in that diplomatic rank; it was raised to the level of a Consulate General only after Egypt gained independence in 1922. Four years later, in 1926, it was raised to the level of a Mission (Petrović 2007, 54). When looking at these early Serbian-Egyptian relations, it is worth mentioning that the wellknown Serbian writer and diplomat Jovan Dučić was elected the first charge d’affaires, i.e. the head of the diplomatic mission, and served for several years trying to establish better diplomatic and trade relations between the two countries (Milošević 2012, 8). Acknowledging his effort, King Fuad I even presented him with the Order of the Nile, Grand Officer class, in 1931 (Acović 2013, 346), which was one of the highest orders that the king could present to someone – it was awarded to those who provided a useful service to Egypt, and Dučić being presented with this order is all the more remarkable since it was primarily reserved for prominent Egyptian citizens and British officials and officers who served in Egypt. However, despite the efforts of Dučić and other diplomats, Egypt and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes never developed particularly good relations, primarily because large-scale trade between them was never developed nor did the two countries play an important role on the international political scene which would have incentivized the development of good relations. Even the changes after the Second World War did not contribute to the development of better relations.
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1. Yugoslavia and Egypt It is clear that the Second World War didn’t help in bringing Yugoslavia and Egypt closer together; aside from the several tens of thousands of Yugoslav refugees that came to Egypt (Todosijević 2008, 217–222) there weren’t any joint operations which would have brought together the people and the governments of the countries. The end of the war and the enormous change that took place on the political scene of Yugoslavia did not affect the Middle Eastern policy of the newly formed socialist state. In fact, the relations between Yugoslavia and Egypt, which were re-established in January 1946 with the arrival of Ešref Badnjević as Yugoslavia's envoy to Cairo, did not even start of well. When he took office and handed over his credentials, Egypt still hadn’t recognized the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia as a state, and Badnjević himself was skeptical about relations with Egypt, as he concluded after his first meeting with the Egyptian minister of foreign affairs that he was dealing with a colonial government (Petrović 2007, 42). There were many factors that contributed to the absence of any close cooperation between these two countries in the post-war years. The fact is that although they were officially independent, the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was under the significant influence of the Soviet Union, while Egypt was under the influenced of Britain. The conflict of interests of these states after the war greatly affected the relations that Yugoslavia could have with Egypt, but they were also separated by political ideology – in Yugoslavia, Egypt was seen as a British semi-colony following its orders, which was evident in the narrative of the first envoy. Although, perhaps the most important factor is the fact that after the Second World War, Yugoslavia was not able to build relations with countries on other continents, nor was the construction of any Middle Eastern policy an important issue for it. In addition, there were no economic ties as there was no 110
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significant exchange of goods between Yugoslavia and Egypt (Petrović 2005, 112–114). To make matters even more complicated, not only was it unnecessary to build bilateral relations, but that building of relations didn’t even go well. The first problems appeared as early as 1948 when the creation of Israel was proclaimed on May 14; Yugoslavia supported the new state together with the Soviet Union, while Egypt, together with other Arab countries in the region, declared war on Israel (Petrović 2007, 49). However, only a few weeks after the establishment of Israel, the position of Yugoslavia changed due to the disagreements between Tito and Stalin; a split occurred and in June of the same year Stalin expelled Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau, known as the Cominform. This break-up affected Yugoslavia̕s overall foreign policy, including diplomatic relations with individual countries. As for relations with Egypt, due to the expulsion, the Yugoslav envoy to Cairo, together with a few other diplomatic staff members, emigrated and took a part of the archive with him. The sudden loss of its envoy, diplomatic staff and archives caused great damage to Yugoslav diplomacy, but further problems followed due to the dispute between the new envoy Miloš Moskovljević and the new adviser Jovan Vukmanović, which ended with the recall of Moskovljević in August 1949 and the arrival of a new envoy Milan Ristić in April of the following year, during whose mandate the situation in the Mission was stabilized (Petrović 2005, 114–115). Although it was a heavy loss initially, it turned out that the Tito-Stalin split had a positive impact in the long run. It provided an opportunity to establish better Yugoslav-Egyptian relations, because since then Yugoslavia had been free to develop the foreign policy it wanted, independent of Soviet influence. As early as 1952, the volume of trade between Yugoslavia and Egypt expanded significantly (Petrović 2005, 115). However, Yugoslavia remained skeptical about relations with Egypt which still served as a British puppet. Great Brit111
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ain had an influence over Egypt for decades, but this changed when a group of dissatisfied officers decided to carry out a coup d'etat. The coup was carried out on July 23, 1952, when, together with a few thousand supporters, the “Free Officers” occupied military headquarters and strategic positions such as radio stations and airports. King Farouk I was in Alexandria at the time and couldn’t react, therefore he was forced to abdicate in favor of his son and leave Egypt permanently; as his son was only 6 months old, he was just a puppet of the officers who ran the country on his behalf. The goals of the new regime were to end the influence of foreign powers, cleanse the country of corruption and abolish the monarchy, and the leader of the regime, Mohamed Naguib, also became the first president when Egypt was officially proclaimed a republic in June 1953 (McNamara 2003, 23–25). The goals of the new regime coincided with the Yugoslav goals, which is why Milan Ristić saw the potential of this turn in Egyptian politics and characterized it in telegrams to Belgrade as a “bourgeois revolution”. He added that “the new reforms are aimed at reducing class differences”, and because of such reports, Yugoslavia strived to establish good relations with the new regime (Petrović 2007, 57–58). As the new government in Egypt wanted to carry out thorough changes, it was also interested in establishing better relations with Yugoslavia. These good relations have been strengthening more intensively since 1953, when at a meeting with Gamal Abdel Nasser (then the right hand of President Naguib, but soon-to-be the Man in power) the new Yugoslav envoy suggested that some Yugoslav high officials come to Egypt on a diplomatic visit (Petrović 2007, 62–63). Thanks to mutual interest, a better economic and military cooperation between the two countries was established. Yugoslavia would become a significant military ally of Egypt, which is reflected in three occurrences: the fact that Egypt bought large quantities of ammunition and weapons in early 1954, the visit of Yugoslav Chief of General Staff Peko Dapčević to Egypt, as well as the arrival of a 112
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military attaché in Cairo in May 1954, Colonel Asim Hodžić (Petrović 2005, 124). However, the removal of Naguib and Nasser̕s takeover brought into question how relations between Yugoslavia and Egypt would develop since it was not certain what Nasser's foreign policy would be like.
Figure 1 – Tito and Nasser on Galeb with their entourages (source: photo-archive of Zdravko Pečar at the Museum of African art in Belgrade)
It turned out that there was no reason to worry as Nasser also strived for the modernization of his country and for Egypt to remain free from the influence of the East and the West. Because of that, this was followed by the first meeting of the leaders of these two countries which took place on the Yugoslav ship Galeb in the Suez Canal after Tito’s visit to India (Figure 1). Nasser boarded the ship with foreign, interior and defense ministers on February 5, 1955, and the two leaders discussed a range of topics including the situation in the Middle East, tensions over Israel (Tito offered to mediate between Egypt and 113
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Israel, which Nasser declined), and the problems that Egypt was facing during the fight for independence due to the fact that it had been economically and politically dependent on the West (Tito disclosed this time that Yugoslavia was also accepting help from several countries, hence he understood the problem Egypt was in). The fact that similarities between the two countries were presented in such manner helped Nasser mention the possibility of developing better economic cooperation with Yugoslavia and invite Tito to pay an official visit to Egypt (Petrović 2007, 84–86). It is well known that Tito was an excellent diplomat. Historians don’t even agree on the exact number of his visits to other countries; between 142 and 169 trips to 62 to 92 countries are mentioned (see Petrović 2010, 11). As he recognized a strategically important ally in Nasser, the two of them met as many as twenty-one times between 1955 and 1969 (Tešić 1969, 134). But apart from observing the interests, it is clear that at this first meeting Nasser impressed Tito. This is obvious because in May of the same year, during Nikita Khrushchev's visit to Belgrade, Tito said to the Soviet leader: “That's generally how our trip was done, which ended with a meeting with Nasser, where I got a pretty good impression of him, as a man who has pretty good statesmanship: he's smart, and he's not a hasty man, and he has incredible honesty, which I noticed in him and in everyone else. Anything he wants to do, he says so openly, but he also sees all the difficulties he faces” (Petrović 2007, 104). But, apparently, this admiration and desire to nurture good relations were mutual, because Nasser said in an interview with a Yugoslav journalist before the meeting: “I am unusually glad that I was given the opportunity to meet with President Tito, the head of Yugoslavia, a great country with which we are united by strong friendly and economic ties. The liberation of our two countries from monarchist regimes, which were an obstacle to further development, strengthened our ties. It has also enabled us to improve the standard of living and to create better living conditions for all sections of the people. In this way, we are joined in the struggle for 114
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peace and stability in the world” (Pečar & Zagorac 1958, 319). However, observing the later relationship between Tito and Nasser, one gets the impression that it wasn’t built only on state interests but that also a friendship between them was formed. This can be noticed when looking at the gifts that the two leaders gave to each other, because in addition to those given during diplomatic visits, there are also some interesting cases. For example, in 1966, Nasser sent Tito sixteen boxes of mangoes, while Tito sent him sixteen boxes of prunes, in early 1970 Nasser sent him oranges, in return he received a gift of Yugoslav apples and plums, not to mention that Tito gave Nasser's children a tent during their visit to Brijuni and sent gifts to his widow after Nasser passed away in 1970 (Jovanović 2011/2013, 72–74). Although this brief meeting on Galeb did not completely allay Yugoslavia's and Egypt's doubts about the reality of further relations, it was fruitful as Tito announced the arrival of an Egyptian mission to examine the possibility of economic co-operation just three days later, and on February 23, a direct air line was established between these countries, while an exhibition of the Yugoslav People's Army was opened in Cairo. The announced mission, which included the Minister of Trade and Industry Hassan Maari and the Minister of National Production Hassan Ibrahim, arrived in Yugoslavia on March 20, 1955, and it was concluded that the rapprochement of the economies of the two countries has a certain potential (Petrovic 2007, 94-95). At the diplomatic level, this friendship was “confirmed” by the fact that Yugoslavia raised the diplomatic mission in Cairo to the rank of an embassy (Petrović 2007, 107). Indeed, in 1955, numerous delegations traveled between the two countries: in July, Yugoslav journalists visited Egypt, as well as Yugoslav shipbuilding engineers, and in September, a trade delegation arrived in order to expand trade (which was achieved, since a much higher import was realized than the previous year), while a delegation of Egyptian police and 19 naval officers visited Yugoslavia in August (Petrović 2007, 107). Due to this rapid development of good relations, Tito accepted 115
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Nasser̕s invitation and had a ten-day visit to Egypt at the end of December (Figure 2). In addition to meetings, he toured the country and welcomed the New Year in Luxor (Jovanović 2011/2013, 68). At the end of that visit, in an interview conducted in the Palace of the Republic in Koubbeh, Tito stated: “The reception we encountered in Egypt, from the moment of arrival and during the entire stay, made a very deep impression on us. Everywhere we went here, in the city or in the countryside, with ordinary people, with peasants and citizens, we found such sympathies, such a reception as can only be expected among old friends,” and added “my impression and the impression of all of my associates is that a new era or, better said, a renaissance, a rebirth, is being created among the Egyptian people, on the way to a great future. Everything we saw in today̕s life of Egypt left a very strong impression on us, as well as the glorious past which, through many, many grandiose monuments, speaks of the greatness of that people” (Pečar & Zagorac 1958, 321–320). It is clear that the first official visit to Egypt was successful, and in the period from 1954 to 1970, Tito visited this country sixteen times (Radonjić 2019, 96). However, the newly established friendship between Yugoslavia and Egypt was put to the test as early as the end of 1956, when Israel attacked Egypt on October 28 and started a war over control of the Suez Canal. Before the attack, Israel asked for support from Britain and France, which they provided and sent an ultimatum to Egypt within 24 hours. Yugoslavia condemned the attack on Egypt and sought to help as much as it could without escalating the situation (Jovanović 2007, 170). How sharply it condemned this act is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that Yugoslavia’s support of Nasser shook the good Yugoslav–French relations since the prime minister of France couldn’t believe that Yugoslavia can support Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal, but also the relations with Britain as it criticized its politics at the United Nations Security Council (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 52; 56).
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Figure 2 – Tito and Jovanka in Luxor visiting one of the tombs in the Valley of the Kings (source: the photo-archive of Zdravko Pečar at the Museum of African Art in Belgrade)
Yugoslavia stood with Egypt again in 1967 during the so-called Six-Day War that broke out in June; a war in which it characterized Israel as the aggressor and the sole culprit, and so cut the diplomatic ties with this country and they weren’t re-established until 1991 (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 167–170). Not only was Yugoslavia one of the first countries to offer military assistance to the United Arab Republic and declared Israel an aggressor, appealing to the United Nations to stop such behavior, but it immediately sent military equipment and canned food requested by the UAR military envoy in Belgrade. Assistance was provided even after the end of the war when Yugoslavia sent several tons of medicine, and during the summer it also sent medicine, clothes and food to Egypt (Životić 2007, 119–120). However, thought this turbulent decade, Yugoslavia helped with military assistance as well from 1956 to 1967 – a significant number of Yugoslav troops were present at that period in Sinai as a part of the United Nations Emergency Force. The Yugoslav regiment had different tasks, 117
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yet, over the years spent in Sinai a great and sincere friendship was formed between them and the local population whom they helped (see Životić 2011). Yugoslavia also helped other Arab states that participated in the war1 by donating 95 million dinars, and Tito personally visited Egypt after the end of the conflict (Tešić 1969, 139). During that meeting in Cairo in August, negotiations began on further military assistance to the UAR, which was realized that same year with the sale of large quantities of Yugoslav military equipment and weapons, and the approval of low-interest loans (Životić 2007, 120–128). Such “trials” brought Yugoslavia and Egypt even closer. Indeed, relations between the two countries improved during the late 1950s and early 1960s. The trade between them flourished; Yugoslavia exported machinery and industrial products while importing various products, though mostly cotton. There was cooperation on various construction projects, military cooperation, as well as in the fields of science, culture and education. Thus, in 1958, an agreement on cultural cooperation between the two countries was signed, and there were also biennial cooperation programs. Dozens of students from Yugoslavia went to pursue postgraduate studies in Egypt, as well as Egyptian students to Yugoslavia. Exchanges of university professors, writers, musicians and painters were also realized (see Tešić 1969, 146–147). Such cultural exchanges were fruitful and they created a sense of closeness between Yugoslavia and Egypt who had somewhat the same goal – they were two developing countries after World War II that tried to find their way, while the world expected from every country to pick a side during the Cold War. This desire for independence from the West and the East fur1 Aside from material support, Yugoslavia also helped in any way it could. And so it sent medicine, bandages, food and experts to Syria in June. Help was also sent to Jordan, which included 2,500 tones of sugar along with tones of canned food, thousands of blankets, tons of medicine and soap. Tons of millitary equipment were also sent to these countries as well (Bogetić & Životić 2010,182–210).
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ther strengthened the relationship between Yugoslavia and Egypt, and that is why, in addition to bilateral relations between these two countries, we must keep in mind trilateral and multilateral diplomacy. An important factor in these close relations is the fact that these countries played a key role in founding the Non-Aligned Movement – during the first meeting between Tito and Nasser in February 1955, Tito emphasized the benefits of cooperation between underdeveloped and small countries, since they can mutually assist each other in the development of their economies and be a player on the international political scene if they work together, which was in their utmost interest since they would be affected if a war broke out between the blocs, even if they do not belong to them (Čavoški 2014, 188). Yugoslavia and Egypt also fostered good relations because these two countries, together with India, played a key role in founding the Non-Aligned Movement. Tito, Nasser and India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, shared a desire for their countries to remain outside the Western and Eastern blocs. They first met in 1956 by chance. Nehru planned to visit Yugoslavia in mid-July during his trip through Europe, while Nasser had the same plans in August. However, Nehru suggested that everyone meet together, which suited Tito, who was trying to bring Nehru and Nasser closer by praising the Egyptian leader, and Nasser had no problem moving the trip to meet with them (he also arrived in Yugoslavia a few days earlier to talk to Tito in private). Thus, a meeting of the three leaders was held on July 18 and 19 in Brijuni, where they discussed the situation on the international political scene. The most important issue was the criticizing of the bloc division which was uncomfortable for Nehru, who didn’t want this meeting to be interpreted as “the establishment of a third bloc”. Nevertheless, despite Nehru's skepticism, the Brijuni Summit was successful and brought together the three leaders2 who made statements about the importance of “peaceful and active coexistence” 2 However, there were certain problems like the fact that Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal within a week after returning to Egypt which he didn’t mention at the meeting, and as this
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(Petrović 2010, 130–136). The meeting of the three leaders and their statements were not well received in either the West or the East. While Yugoslavia, Egypt and India discussed coexistence, tensions on the international political scene grew during the Cold War. Increasing pressure forced the Yugoslav delegation to organize a meeting between Tito, Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno (the first president of Indonesia) and Nkrumah (the first prime minister and later the first president of Ghana) during the 15th session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1960. This was the first joint meeting of non-aligned leaders, and in 1961 Tito visited the United Arab Republic, Sudan, Togo, Ghana, Liberia, Mali, Guinea, Morocco and Tunisia in February, March and April to gain their support (Hasan 1981, 114). At the end of this grand tour, Tito met with Nasser in Cairo and for the first time publically brought forward a proposal to organize a conference of the heads of state of these non-aligned countries which Nasser supported and the two of them drafted the invitation letter together (Bogetić 2019, 38). Nasser and Tito invited the leaders of all these and other nonaligned countries to a meeting in Cairo in order to discuss organizing a joint summit. This meeting was held from June 5 to 12, and in addition to Yugoslavia and Egypt, representatives of Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Cuba, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Mali, Morocco, Nepal, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen also attended while Brazil’s representatives observed. The meeting was successful and the conditions were formulated according to which a country can be characterized as non-aligned,3 and it was agreed to decision was carried out so close to the Summit there was skepticism in the West whether Tito and Nehru encouraged him to do this. Both parties condemed him for not leting them know about the act in advance, but Yugoslav and Egyptian diplomats also condemed the Indian prime minister for being too reserved and understanding the importance of the meeting (Bogetić 2019, 66–67). 3 “First, the country should have adopted an independent policy based on the coexistence of states with different political and social systems and on non-alignment or should be showing
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hold the first summmit of non-aligned states at the beginning of September 1961 (Petrović 2010, 175).
Figure 3 – Obelisk on Marx and Engels Figure 4 - Obelisk in the park of Non Square (source: Museum of Yugoslavia; Aligned Countries (author: Miloš Todorović) Wikimedia Comons – CC BY-SA 3.0)
The Summit in Belgrade4 was also successful; as a result,
a trend in favor of such a policy. Second, the the country concerned should be consistently supporting the movements for national independence. Third, the country should not be a member of a multilateral military alliance concluded in the context of Great Power conflicts. Fourth, if a country has a bilateral military agreement with a Great Power, or is a member of a regional defense pact, the agreement or pact should not be deliberately concluded in the context of Great Power conflicts. Fifth, if a country has ceded military bases to a foreign power the concession should not have been made in the context of Great Power conflicts” (Petrović 2010, 175). ⁴ In order for the summit to be held, various preparations had to be made, and they included cleaning up the capital. When examining the cultural relations between Egypt and Serbia, it is worth mentioning that two obelisks were erected in Belgrade on that occasion. It was a stylized triangle that was a symbol of the three basic ideas of the conference – peace, independence and equal international cooperation. One of them was located on the then Marx and Engels Square (today’s Republic Square) and was demolished after the conference (Figure 3), while the other one is still located on the right bank of the Sava river, next to Branko’s Bridge,
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along with a letter sent to the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States, the Declaration on the Dangers of War and the Appeal for Peace, and the Declaration of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of non-aligned countries were adopted (Petrović 2010, 178). These debates which lasted several days paved the way for the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement itself as an organization, but this idea did not immediately find support, partly because there was a chance that such an organization would be interpreted as a "third bloc", and partly because it was questionable who would have the right to be a member. On the one hand, there was a view promoted by Indonesia that the organization should be of a regional character, i.e. it should consist of Asian and African countries that share a common colonial past, while on the other hand there were those countries that wanted it to have a universal nature without geographical restrictions (Yugoslavia and Egypt had such an opinion, among others). These questions were raised at the second summit of non-aligned countries organized in early October 1964 in Cairo, which was even bigger than the first one in Belgrade since this time 47 countries participated and 10 observed. Escalations in the Cold War, such as the Cuban Missile Crisis, have persistently endangered the position of non-aligned states, but the conflicting views of Indonesia and Yugoslavia led to the summit having a general character and the final document not mentioning the position of the Summit on the future joint strategy of the participating states towards the blocs (Bogetić 2017, 103-114). However, the conference resulted in the Program for Peace and International Cooperation, which laid out the principles of international cooperation of states (Petrović 2010, 184). The policy of the Non-Aligned Movement became more and more attractive over time. Its summits were getting bigger – the third summit in Zambia in 1970 was attended by 54 countries and 9 observers, the fourth in Algeria in 1973 by 75 members, 9 observers, 15 movements and 3 guests, while the fifth summit in Sri Lanka was in the Park of Non-Aligned Countries (Figure 4).
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attended by 86 members, 10 observers and 7 guests (Petrović 2010, 221–225). The Non-Aligned Movement offered an alternative on the international political scene of that time, and united countries around the world with different types of government and influence. All this was made possible thanks to the leaders of Yugoslavia, Egypt and India, who met in 1956 and together began to develop a policy of nonalignment, which strengthened the relations between these initiating states. Of course, this political project also brought Yugoslavia, Egypt and India closer together on bilateral levels. Because of this struggle, the idea of a close friendship between these people who were fighting for their place in the world soon arose. Or, as Nasser himself stated during his last meeting with Tito in Egypt between February 23 and 25, 1970 – “My dear brother and friend, I am really pleased that I can welcome you as a great fighter of today and as a person who symbolizes the role played today by the peoples of Yugoslavia. The roots of the friendship that unites your great people and the Arab nation in the joint efforts for freedom and peace are deep” (Mandić 2005, 326). Indeed, on a bilateral level, relations between Egypt and Yugoslavia flourished during the 1960s, after the First Summit in Belgrade was held. Tito and Nasser met several times, and there were numerous visits by other high-ranking officials. Among those officials who should be singled out are the military delegation headed by Radeta Hamović in February 1966, State Secretary for Foreign Policy Marko Nikezić in December 1967 who was personally received by Nasser, Deputy State Secretary for Foreign Policy Mišo Pavićević and Assistant Secretary Salko Fejić (two former diplomats who served at the embassy in Cairo during the 50s) during March 1968 when they met with Nasser and Foreign Minister Mahmoud Riad, a parliamentary delegation led by Federal Assembly Speaker Edvard Kardelj in February 1969 (Kardelj also visited Egypt in March 1968 when he was received by Nasser), among numerous other officials (Tešić 1969, 137–140). The same goes for visits to Yugoslavia: in September 1967, Foreign Minister Mah123
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moud Riad visited Yugoslavia and was received personally by Tito, in late May and early June a delegation led by Minister of Economic Affairs and Foreign Affairs Hassan Abaz Zaki arrived, and in January 1969, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mahmoud Riad visited and was again received by Tito, as well as numerous other officials (Tešić 1969, 140). An even more illustrative example of the closeness are the economic ties. Namely, after good relations were developed in the 50s, Egypt became the most important trading partner of Yugoslavia in the Near East and Africa seeing as the trade with Egypt covered around 40% of the total trade with these regions (Bogetić & Životić 2010, 41). This trade was expanded even more during the following decade – both agriculture and tourism developed significantly. Yugoslavia exported machinery, raw materials, and food to Egypt while importing fruits, textiles and especially cotton. In addition, Yugoslavia approved favorable loans to Egypt in the amount of tens of millions of dollars for the purchase of Yugoslav goods. There were also joint projects and cooperations, as well as exchanges of students and workers who were training in specialized fields in which their country needed help. Even the cooperation between social and political organizations of the two countries was fostered (Tešić 1969, 141–150). Due to this extensive cooperation in all areas, this period represents the golden age of Yugoslav–Egyptian relations embodied in the friendship of Tito and Nasser, which lasted up until the problems of the late 60s. The 1967 war made Nasser skeptical regarding the non-aligment policy and his foreign partherships. Nasser thought that his country was the victim precisely because of the non-aligment policy which he led; that it wouldn't have come to this if he had a parthership with the Soviet Union and so state that the “UAR will re-examine its stances”. He did this exactly; he didn’t stop at just stating that the “non-alignment policy is no more” but did indeed offer the Soviets to use Egyptian ports as their bases and refused to attend the Sum124
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mit in Lusaka (Bogetić 2019, 184). Tito took Nasser's decision personally; he criticized Nasser since “he can spend 15 days in Moscow but can’t find the time to come there [the conference in Lusaka]”, and so their friendship was indeed over which is evident by the fact that Tito didn’t attend Nasser’s funeral in September 1970 because of the visit to Yugoslavia by the American President Richard Nixon. However, at the meeting of the heads of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia on December 4, 1970, he stated that he must go to Egypt in order to bring this country and Yugoslavia closer together (Bogetić 2019, 184). Even though the famous Tito–Nasser friendship was over with Egypt becoming closer to the Soviets, good relations were continued during the time of Nasser's successor, Anwar el Sadat; both bilateral and multilateral, because during the 1970s, the popularity of the Non-Aligned Movement further increased. However, as is well known, after Tito's death in 1980, Yugoslavia gradually weakened as a player on the international political scene, while internal problems arose, and escalated into the armed conflicts of the 90s. With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1991, or rather the later dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Cold War ended, and the Non-Aligned Movement as an alternative to the bloc division lost its significance. In the years after Tito's death, diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Egypt gradually deteriorated, and they would never be at such an enviable level as before. The turbulent 90s can also be seen as an expected turning point in the diplomatic relations between the two countries. Namely, as Dr. Hussein Abdelkhaliq Hassouna, who served as Egypt's ambassador to Yugoslavia from 1989 to 1992, notes in his diplomatic memoirs: “When, in 1989, the wave of sending ambassadors abroad began, the Minister [of Foreign Affairs] told to me that he had recommended me to a number of large embassies. However, President Mubarak chose me as the ambassador of Egypt to Yugoslavia, considering that there were strong relations between these two countries at that time, and espe125
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cially because, at that time, Serbia chaired the Non-Aligned Movement. I considered this appointment a good assessment of my diplomatic experience, although until then it only covered work in the United Nations and Western countries” (Hasuna 2019, 51). There was a wish to maintain good relations due to the awareness of the sincere friendship between the two countries, but that became impossible. Diplomatic relations between Egypt and Yugoslavia began well during Hassouna's term; an example of this is that President Hosni Mubarak agreed with the ambassador’s recommendation in early 1990 and sent an official invitation to the then President of Yugoslavia, an initiation which he accepted and went to Cairo with his entourage (Hasuna 2019, 54). When it comes to multilateral diplomacy, a few months after the arrival of Hussein Abdelkhaliq Hassouna as Ambassador of Egypt in 1989, a conference of the Non-Aligned Movement was held in Belgrade, which enabled him to establish good relations with officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including Minister Budimir Lončar (Hasuna 2019, 55–56). However, as is well known, his arrival coincided with the beginning of the turbulent end of Yugoslavia, which prevented any rapprochement between Egypt and Yugoslavia. Due to these growing tensions, Hassouna advised Mubarak not to visit Belgrade as he had planned, because he believed that Egypt should stay aside during the Yugoslav crisis, which the President agreed with (Hasuna 2019, 65). However, the situation soon escalated and made any diplomatic relations impossible. As a result of the armed conflict in Bosnia, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution on May 30, 1992, imposing sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro, which included a request for the withdrawal of ambassadors from UN member states in Belgrade. Therefore, on the same day, Amr Moussa, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Egypt, informed Hassouna that President Mubarak had decided to implement the Security Council Resolution and that the ambassador had to return to Egypt immediately (Hasuna 2019, 71-72). 126
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This was the first time that the Embassy of Egypt in Belgrade stopped working. The temporary suspension of representative relations between Egypt and Serbia also left a significant mark on diplomacy; after the re-establishment of relations, the diplomatic mission in Belgrade was first returned to the level of a mission, and only in 1997 was it returned to the level of an embassy (Akl 2019, 117). As expected, the instability in the country affected diplomatic relations, and in the following period, numerous problems arose in the development of good relations. As Hani Khilaf, who served as ambassador to Belgrade from 1997 to 1999, testifies, although in the late 90s there was talk of mutual interest in fostering better relations, that development did not occur. In the following period, problems appeared in almost all aspects of diplomacy and cooperation. The visits of officials to Egypt were denied, the invitation sent in October 1997 from the Yugoslav Chamber of Commerce to the Egyptian Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Egyptian entrepreneurs to send a delegation to examine joint investment opportunities was rejected, Egyptian experts were not allowed to help Belgrade build a subway, there was no response to the proposal of the Embassy in Belgrade to appoint a military attaché or assistant military attaché, and Egypt even refused to send a reciter to celebrate Ramadan in January 1998, as well as students to participate in the International Youth Music Competition in Belgrade (Hilaf 2019, 92 –93). It did not help that, due to the beginning of the bombing of Serbia and Montenegro on March 24, 1999, by the NATO pact, Egypt in April 1999 decided to close the Embassy in Belgrade and urgently withdraw the ambassador back to Cairo (Hilaf 2019, 111). During this period, the diplomatic representative in Belgrade was reduced to the level of a charge d'affaires, and Ashraf Aql served in that position until October 1999, when he was replaced by Bassem Khalil on October 20 (Akl 2019, 122). However, the beginning of the 21st century brought great 127
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changes on the Serbian political scene due to the fall of Slobodan Milošević's regime, and a pro-European government coming to power. As the situation stabilized, good relations with Egypt were re-established, but there were no major changes in those relations during the first few years of the new century.
2. Serbia and Egypt In a referendum held in Montenegro on May 21, 2006, the people voted for the independence of this country. Egypt took a neutral stance and recognized Montenegro as an independent state only after Montenegro and Serbia settled the separation. Regarding the question of the embassy, after the declaration of independence there was a proposal for the ambassador in Belgrade to represent Egypt in Montenegro as well, but since Montenegro had its diplomatic mission in Cairo it was decided to open a separate embassy (Nagib 2019, 147). As far as further relations between the Republic of Serbia and the Arab Republic of Egypt are concerned, in that period attempts to return the relations between these countries to the enviable level they once at were continued. Adel Naguib, who served as Egypt's ambassador to Serbia from 2005 to 2009, recalls the various ways in which these ties were being renewed. Significant moments include a visit to Belgrade by International Cooperation Minister Faiza Abou el-Naga, during which numerous bilateral agreements were signed, a meeting between the Serbian and Egyptian presidents during a UN General Assembly session and a visit by President Boris Tadić to Cairo to meet with President Mubarak (Nagib 2019, 150–151). During Tadić's visit on April 1, 2009, the President invited Egyptian investors to start projects in Serbia with benefits, but he also talked with President Mubarak about strengthening relations between the two countries due to the deep
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ties that have existed since the mid-20th century and the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement. At that time Egypt was chairing the Movement and so Serbia proposed to host a conference of the NonAligned Movement in 2011 to mark the 50th anniversary of the first Summit in Belgrade (Basjuni 2019, 157–158). Tadić's visit was followed by visits of senior Egyptian officials to Serbia, including Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit on February 12, 2010. Only a few days after Gheit's visit, on February 25, a delegation of prominent Egyptian international businessmen and investors arrived, accompanied by the President of the Cairo Chamber of Commerce and the Minister of Trade and Industry Rachid Mohamed Rachid (Basjuni 2019, 158–159). This visit is important because the delegation was personally received by the President of Serbia who expressed his satisfaction by promising that he would personally help them overcome any obstacle if they decide to invest in Serbia. Due to such mutual interest in cooperation, the basis for preliminary agreements for starting projects such as the construction of residential buildings and the opening of an electric cable factory were established during the visit, among others, and the help of Egyptian experts in the opening of hotels on the Danube was considered (Basjuni, 159–160). Regarding this economic cooperation, later that year, on May 20, the Minister of International Cooperation Faiza Abou el-Naga came to Serbia, and had meetings with the President of Serbia, but also with Serbian ministers and prominent entrepreneurs (Basjuni 2019, 161). Serbia also showed interest in better cooperation and so in late 2010, in November, Prime Minister Mirko Cvetković paid an official visit to Egypt at the head of a delegation made up of senior officials and entrepreneurs. At Cvetković's meetings with Egyptian officials, agreements were signed on further cooperation between the two countries in several sectors, including science and culture. Precisely because of such better relations between Egypt and Serbia, both political and economic, as well as cultural, in order to further strengthen those 129
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relations, the Serbian–Egyptian Friendship Association was officially founded in January 2011, and the then Egyptian Ambassador to Serbia Ali Galal Basyouni and the Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremić were elected presidents of the Association (Basjuni 2019, 161). However, although intensive work was being done on strengthening Serbian–Egyptian relations, further economic cooperation between the two countries was influenced by the Egyptian revolution of 2011, which began on January 25 and ended on February 11 with the removal of President Hosni Mubarak. It was not certain how further relations would flow, but it turned out that the desire for further cooperation persisted even after the regime changed. As proposed in 2009, a memorial conference was held in Belgrade in September 2011 to mark the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the first conference of non-aligned states. On that occasion, a meeting of ministers of the former Yugoslav republics, as well as Asian and African countries that are members of the Non-Aligned Movement was held in Belgrade, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Egypt, Mohamed Kamel Amr, was also present. Amr also met with President Tadić and Serbian ministers to discuss the current situation in Egypt and the possibility of further cooperation (Basjuni 2019, 162–163). At the bilateral level, visits by various officials followed. Serbian foreign minister visited Egypt in 2012 to ensure support for Serbia’s bid for the Presidency of the United Nations General Assembly; the Egyptian delegation supported Serbia, and in return Serbia supported Arab issues such as voting in favor of recognizing Palestine as an independent state. On the other hand, Egyptian health minister visited Serbia with a delegation that exchanged experiences; as for cooperation in this sector, a delegation of nurses who worked in hospitals at the Ministry of Defense of Egypt attended training at the Military Medical Academy in Belgrade (Basjuni, 2019, 165–166). However, over the years there were problems in these rela130
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tions, and the most critical one came in 2013. Egypt initially sided with Serbia when the Assembly of Kosovo declared the independence of Kosovo and Metohija from the Republic of Serbia on February 17, 2008. The Egyptian authorities did not recognize the Republic of Kosovo as an independent state despite international pressure from Islamic and Arab states to do so (Nagib 2019, 148). However, the attitude changed and on June 27, 2013, Egypt recognized the independence of Kosovo. To make the situation even more uncertain, only a few days after the proclamation, protests erupted on June 30 and resulted in a regime change (Bahum 2019, 179–180). Unfortunately, with President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi coming to power the position of Egypt didn’t change and due to internal problems in the country it wasn’t possible to organize meetings between the ministers of the two countries for a long time. The only notable meetings that took place were the brief meetings between the then President of Serbia, Tomislav Nikolić, and the Egyptian President, el-Sisi, during the sessions of the United Nations General Assembly in 2013, 2014 and 2015. Apart from these meetings, the only other contact was the visit of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Ivica Dačić in August 2015 on the occasion of the opening of the new Suez Canal (Bahum 2019, 182–183). Although Kosovo̕s independence is a sensitive issue in Serbia's foreign policy, Egypt's decision to recognize its independence and a new regime change have not affected the relations between the two countries. Visits and talks became more frequent – Serbian Defense Minister Bratislav Gašić visited Cairo on March 9, 2015, and met with representatives of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense, Foreign Minister Ivica Dačić met with the mayors of Hurghada and Aswan in 2018, as well as with the governor of Aswan in 2019, and had a telephone conversation with the Egyptian minister of foreign affairs on June 7, 2020. MP Dragan Marković Palma met with the governor of the Red Sea in November 2018 and April 2019 (the governor met with Palma in Serbia in November 2018), and the Minister of Agriculture and Environmental Protection Branislav Nedimović met with the Egyptian 131
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Minister of Agriculture Ezzaldin Omar Abusteit in January 2018. However, the existence of a desire to cultivate good relations is proven by the fact that meetings were held even in the highest circles. Thus, the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sameh Shoukry visited Serbia in November 2018 and talked with Ivica Dačić about further bilateral relations between the two countries, and also President Aleksandar Vučić about further economic and military cooperation. On that occasion, Shoukry also met with the Minister of Sports and Youth Vanja Udovičić, with whom he signed a memorandum on cooperation between the Egyptian Ministry and the Serbian Ministry, as well as with Branislav Nedimović and Prime Minister Ana Brnabić. The other important meeting took place in June of the following year when President of the National Assembly of Serbia Maja Gojković met with President el-Sisi in Cairo and discussed the future of bilateral relations.5 During each of these meetings, both Serbian and Egyptian officials pointed out the history of Serbian–Egyptian relations. Indeed, although the cooperation between the two countries is not at the level it was during the Tito–Nasser era, its importance is still emphasized due to the present awareness of the “Serbian–Egyptian friendship”. Awareness that has been built and is being maintained thanks to public and cultural diplomacy, as well as the much broader intercultural relations.
⁵ For additional information about the recent events regarding Serbian–Egyptian relations, see the news section of the Serbian Embassy in Cairo – http://www.cairo.mfa.gov.rs/news. php.
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III Intercultural Relations When looking at Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations, it is important to emphasize the specific position of cultural diplomacy of these two countries, as well as their cultures. Namely, as stated in the introduction, the Republic of Serbia does not have a plan for the development of cultural diplomacy with individual countries. However, over the years, numerous guest appearances by Serbian artists have been organized in Egypt. Thus, the painter Tanja Đokić participated in the international symposium in Luxor in December 2013, Serbian feature and documentary films were shown at festivals in Luxor, Cairo and Ismailia, pianist Hrvoje Pušić played in Cairo and Alexandria in 2014, soprano singer Katarina Jovanović and pianist Milena Petrović also performed in these two cities during the same year, and pianist Lenka Petrović performed in them the following year, as did Ivan Basić. In the ambassador's residence in Cairo, a musical performance "Dream of the Balkans" was performed in May 2015 in order to mark the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of World War II, and academic painter Ivan Milunović had an exhibition of his works in Cairo in March 2019.6 However, the problem is that the Republic of Serbia does not allocate enough funds to promote its culture in Egypt. Therefore, guest appearances by Serbian artists, exhibitions, exchanges and similar things that fall into the field of cultural diplomacy are not so frequent. Thus, the intercultural relations of these two countries are quite “onesided”; in Egypt, Serbian culture isn’t as present in the public discourse as Egyptian culture is in Serbia. Several factors influence such a ⁶ For additional information about the cultural events that involved the Embassy of Serbia in Cairo, see the news section of the Embassy – http://www.cairo.mfa.gov.rs/news.php.
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disproportion of intercultural relations, and one of them is that, unlike Serbia, there is a long tradition of public diplomacy in Egypt that dates back to Nasser's time. Back then, Egypt began to invest in this type of diplomacy because it wanted to present itself as the personification and the center of pan-Arabism and anti-colonialism, which is why it had to communicate directly with the inhabitants of other countries. However, as Egypt̕s importance on the international political scene declined during Mubarak̕s regime, we notice the declining of Egypt̕s authority, which is necessary to maintain soft power. As a result, the popularity of public diplomacy declined because the perception of the inhabitants of other countries was no longer a priority for the authorities. However, even though public diplomacy is no longer a priority of the state, there is still an awareness of the need for this type of diplomacy and that is why there is a separate department for public diplomacy in the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. There is also the State Information Service which operates as a separate state institution that, among other things, communicates with foreign media (El-Wahed 2016, 49–50). Both institutions play an important role in Egypt's foreign policy, since public diplomacy is generally an important field that is gaining in importance. However, both institutions face problems such as a lack of funding to carry out activities in the field of cultural diplomacy, like exchange programs and the organization of cultural events. In addition, another major problem is the lack of professionals who would deal exclusively with communications with other cultures (ElWahed 2016, 76–79). All of this led Maner Hussein Abd El-Wahed, who studied this aspect of Egyptian diplomacy, to conclude that “Egyptian public diplomacy efforts have often derived from personal initiatives based on volunteerism and enthusiasm” rather than strategic planning by the two organizations (El-Wahed 2016, 84). However, what makes the Egyptian case of public and cultural diplomacy unique is that even without this “volunteerism and enthusiasm” that El-Wahed mentions, the world is fascinated by Egyptian culture, or at least the 134
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ancient Egyptian aspect of this culture. Since the 19th century, the West has been fascinated by ancient Egypt, which researchers who deal with the history of ideas and cultural history call Egyptomania. This phenomenon began with Napoleon̕s invasion of Egypt in 1798, when Napoleon Bonaparte brought scientists and artists together with soldiers on this campaign, with the task of studying modern and ancient Egypt. The invasion itself did not succeed, but after the retreat in 1801, French scientists and artists started compiling a multi-volume expensive illustrated scientific work, “Description de l'Égypte”, whose volumes would be published from 1809 to 1822. In addition to this work which promoted Egyptian culture, one of the participants in the campaign was Vivant Denon, and upon his return to France in 1802, he published a two-volume travelogue, “Travel in Lower and Upper Egypt” (French: Voyage dans la basse et la haute Egypte), which would become a bestseller of its time having been translated into all major European languages. These two publications sparked an interest in ancient Egypt in the European public, and since Jean-François Champollion deciphered the hieroglyphs in 1822, there was also the scientific interest since a new academic field emerged – Egyptology. Due to new scientific and wider interest, expeditions were sent to Egypt with the task of bringing back various antiquities to European museums in order to meet the needs of the population who wanted to get to know this distant and ancient culture (Vasiljević 2016, 73–78). Today there are numerous disputes over this heritage which ended up in museums all around the world, but it undoubtedly sparked the interest of Europeans and Americans. Accelerated by new discoveries such as Tutankhamun̕s tomb and the entire “Tut-mania” that developed in the post-war period (see Fryxell 2017), the fascination has lasted up to today. In fact, in addition to the classical field of Egyptology that deals with ancient Egypt and is being studied around the world, recently a separate field of study which examines how an135
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cient Egypt influenced modern culture emerged (see Vasiljević 2016). Of course, this centuries-old fascination can also be seen as a problem, since ancient Egypt is only one aspect of Egyptian culture that people don’t get to fully know because of the fixation on the ancient past. However, it certainly makes it much easier to promote Egyptian culture, which helps the state – from the development of cultural diplomacy, which is easier when people already know and want to get to know the culture better, to cultural tourism, which is a very important aspect of Egypt’s economy. The same fascination with ancient Egypt exists in Serbia and serves as the main aspect of Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations. Of course, there is also interest in more modern aspects of Egyptian culture. These aspects attract the attention of the general public, but also the academic community as works in oriental studies have been continuously published in Serbia since the middle of the 19th century. However, the Ottoman Empire was the main area of interest of the then Serbian oriental scholars. The Seminar for Oriental Philology was opened in 1926 at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade, which marks the official beginning of the field of oriental studies in Serbia. The primary focus was still on the Turkish language and literature, but at the beginning of the 20th century, there was an influx of significant works in the field of Arabic studies and translations of works from Arabic into Serbian (Ristanović 2014, 155–164). Due to the interest in this aspect of oriental studies, the Department of Arabic Language, Literature and Culture (where the Egyptian dialect is also studied) was established as a part of the Seminar for Oriental Philology; a department that still works and educates numerous Serbian orientalists.7 Interest in Serbian language and literature in Egypt is somewhat less pronounced. Namely, Serbian language is not as popular ⁷ It is important to note that the Seminar for Oriental Philology was moved to the newly established Faculty of Philology in Belgrade in 1960 and oriental studies have been studied there since then.
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for learning as a foreign language due to the small number of native speakers. Because of that, Slavic studies were not developed as a field of study in Egypt, nor was attention paid to Serbian literature at Egyptian universities. However, there are examples of attempts to bring Serbian literature closer to Egyptians, such as “Mukhtarat min al-shi’r al-Sirbi”, i.e. an anthology of Serbian poetry, prepared by Serbian poets Vlasta Mladenović and Gordana Nikolić, and translated into Arabic by Ishak Abu Laban (see Mladenović & Nikolić 1996).
1. Intercultural Contact Before considering the cultural relations between Serbia and Egypt, for the sake of perspective, it is worth looking at the intercultural contact that existed long before these present-day states were formed. The intercultural contact between the territories of presentday Egypt and Serbia has been conferemed since the prehistoric period, since faience pearls originating from Egypt were found on several sites of the Balkan Peninsula from the Bronze Age. Such pearls were found in the territories south of today̕s Serbia, such as Bulgaria and Greece, but also to the north, such as Austria and Hungary. As for the territory of Serbia itself, they were found at the Vinča–Belo brdo site, so it is possible that their trade route extended through Serbia. In addition to these pearls, another prehistoric find is attested; a scarab on a site from the 6th century BC, Trnjaci–Pilatovići near Užička Požega (Anđelković 1991, 67). However, the distance between the two territories meant that it was not possible to make closer cultural contact. It is difficult to talk about any contact between the inhabitants of Vinča and Egypt, as the artifacts probably reached this part of the Balkans through trade, passing through numerous hands until they were finally brought to this locality where the inhabitants almost certainly knew nothing about ancient Egypt and its culture.
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The first real and significant cultural contact came during the ancient period, since the territories of Egypt and Serbia were part of the Roman Empire, and the movement of soldiers and civilians was common within the empire. The existence of ancient Egyptian cults on the territory of Serbia during this time was also confirmed. The sites and finds which testify to this are: the head of the statue of Isis and the statue of Anubis in Sirmium, the head of the statue of Isis in Timacum Minus, an oil lamp with the depiction of Isis or her priestess in Viminacium, the statue of Isis-Fortuna in Guberevac, an altar with the name of Isis on a site near Čačak, a statue of Harpocrates in Novi Banovci, while cult objects were found on the territory of Niš, including a statue of Hermes-Thoth, an altar of the god Thoth and an oil lamp with the depictions of Isis and Serapis. However, although their presence points to cultural contact because they represent ancient Egyptian cults, most of these objects do not originate from Egypt (Anđelković 1991, 68). These and many other artifacts are kept today in museums throughout Serbia, which will be discussed later in this book. All the objects mentioned so far are from the period when neither presentday Serbia nor present-day Egypt existed in any form, and they were mentioned only to illustrate the long cultural contact between these two territories. This contact will continue to exist during the Middle Ages, as several pilgrims visited Egypt while traveling through the Middle East. Certainly the most famous among them was the Serbian Archbishop Sava (Rastko Nemanjić), who visited Egypt twice. Domentian reports on these travels, and Teodosije the Hilandarian relies on his account after Sava̕s pilgrimage. Sava stated his intention to visit Egypt in a letter he sent from Jerusalem to the hegumen of Studenica during his pilgrimage. Both visits took place during the same trip in 1234/35. He began his first visit by arriving in Alexandria, where he exchanged gifts with the patriarch of Alexandria, and then visited important monastic places with a local companion 138
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and talked with Coptic monks. The second journey began with the arrival in Cairo where he was received by the sultan, with whom he also exchanged gifts, and from there he went to Mount Sinai where Moses allegedly received the Ten commandments of God and where the monastery of St. Catherine was located (Vasiljević 2016, 176–179). However, Sava's journey is by no means a representative example. Namely, Sava held a high position in society; he was the son of the ruler Stefan Nemanja, the brother of King Stefan the First-Crowned and the first archbishop of the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church. We must bear in mind that he lived in a feudal society and, unlike many, he could afford to travel so far from Serbia. Travel was generally not a particularly popular activity in medieval Serbia, and the majority of the population couldn’t even afford to travel, which is why pilgrimages weren̕t so frequent (Berger 2020, 349–350). Of course, since Egypt was an important place in both the Old and New Testament, in later periods pilgrims who could afford to go to the Middle East visited it, although their travels were not described in detail as Sava’s was. Some of them are Nikon of Jerusalem who visited Egypt during the 15th century, Metropolitan Mihailo from Kratovo who traveled in 1656, Lavrentije the Hilandarian who went to Egypt during the 17th century, while Jerotije of Rača left a travelogue about his journey through the Holy Land in 1704/05, in which he mentions Egypt, its landscape, animals, the way people dress and monuments8 (Vasiljević 2016, 179–181). However, pilgrimages weren’t only rare but also specific in nature. Namely, pilgrims didn’t go to Egypt to get acquainted with the culture there; they did not travel because of ancient Egypt or modern Egypt, but to visit famous places related to Christianity. This will change during the 19th century when more people start going to Egypt, but also for different reasons. This change is perhaps best illustrated by the journey of the ⁸ He also mentions the pyramids of Giza: “And towards the Great Misr you can see the Pharaoh’s mountains. That indeed is a miracle of the world. Two solid rock buildings, like two rooms. So grandious and tall they are – you can still see them after three days of walk.“ (Vasiljević 2013, 834).
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Serbian nobleman Pavle Riđički, who went on a pilgrimage in 1888. During his visit to the Middle East, he would spend a lot of time in Egypt, but unlike his predecessors, Riđički was interested in both Christian Coptic Egypt and ancient Egypt. Because of this, he not only visited Cairo and Giza, but also sailed down the Nile on a steamboat to Upper Egypt. On that trip, he even reached Aswan and along the way he saw all the famous places that, judging by his records, impressed him a lot (Anđelković 1995, 332–336). Precisely because he saw the importance of the ancient Egyptian culture and was wealthy, Riđički will stand out from other travelers in Egypt. During his stay in Luxor, he bought the mummy of a priest of the god Min “not for himself, but for the Serbian people” and that is precisely the reason why he donated it to the National Museum in Belgrade (Anđelković 1997, 101), where it is exhibited today in a special display case. Of course, Riđički wasn’t the only wealthy Serb who traveled to Egypt and brought artifacts back to Serbia during this period. The list includes János Fernbach, Wilhelm Wettl, Max Adler, Leonhard Böhm, as well as notable people such as Paja Jovanović. However, in addition to these well-known benefactors, museums in Serbia also contain artifacts from Egypt for which, unfortunately, it isn’t known who bought and donated them (Anđelković 2007, 228).
1.1. Shared Heritage When considering intercultural contact and cultural relations, it is important to bear in mind that Serbia and Egypt also have shared heritage since both territories belonged to the same country several times. As Mīlād Hannā states in his book “The Seven Pillars of Egyptian Identity”, contemporary Egyptian identity rests on seven pillars: Pharaonic, Greco-Roman, Coptic, Islamic, Arabic, Mediterranean, and African (see Hanna 1994). Some of these pillars are geographi-
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cal, while others are historical, such as the “Greco-Roman” which is important because Serbia also bares the legacy of this period. Moreover, at the beginning of the 21st century, the legacy of the Roman Empire became extremely important in Serbia because the democratic-pro-European government established after the fall of Slobodan Milošević saw this heritage as a way to move away from the nationalism of the 90s. By emphasizing Roman heritage and representing Serbia as the “birth place of Roman emperors”, the new government tried to present Serbia as an integral part of the European narrative. Due to the new state ideology, by placing the emphasis on the Roman Empire, which is perceived as a predecessor of modern Europe, the government tried to change the cultural identity by appropriating Roman heritage. It can be said that in a certain sense it did so precisely because of the importance that is assigned to this heritage today (Kuzmanović & Mihajlović 2018, 123–136). Such an emphasis on the Roman past can be considered “imposed”, which in a way it is, but the fact remains that the Roman period is an important component of the cultural history of the Balkans. It is the same in Serbia; although Roman emperors have nothing to do with the modern country, the fact remains that Roman heritage is important for Serbian culture. Of course, in addition to the Roman past and heritage, Serbia and Egypt also inherited the heritage of the Eastern Roman Empire, that is the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of the Byzantine Empire, the territories of Serbia and Egypt will find themselves within the same border again at the beginning of the 16th century; this time as parts of the Ottoman Empire. However, the shared legacy of this period is even more specific because in addition to the material culture, such as monuments, the Ottoman period is also significant because the relationship that the West has with these territories and cultures emerged during this time. It was during this period that the discourse of Orientalism, as Edward Said calls it, appeared in the West. That is, the “East” or more 141
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precisely the Orient (as it’s not a real space or culture but a fictional entity created by Western Europeans that isn’t geographically fixed nor was there a single “Eastern culture”) was presented in Europe as “different” which is why it attracted the attention of Europeans, but it was also “inferior”, which conditioned how Europeans treated it (see Said 2008). However, in addition to orientalism itself, there was a phenomenon that Milica Bakić-Hayden called “nesting orientalism”, i.e. the view that the more “Eastern” the state was located, the more it was considered different, and therefore even more inferior (Bakić– Hayden 1995, 918). Since the Balkan Peninsula was located “East” and was part of the “oriental” and “different” Ottoman Empire, this territory also began to be viewed through the same prism, but the view of the Balkans was a little different. There were certain differences, such as the fact that the Orient was perceived as seductive and full of wealth, while the Balkans were the periphery of that rich land and thus a poor and only semi-civilized bridge between East and West (Todorova 2009, 13–16). Because of this view, Maria Todorova introduces the discourse of balkanism as a phenomenon associated with orientalism, but that still represents a separate and specific discourse (see Todorova 2009). Thus, precisely because of the Ottoman past, the Balkans were perceived as the “other”, which conditioned the attitude of the West towards them. Because of that, the Ottoman Empire conditioned how the West treated this territory in the centuries after the liberation of Serbia. Due to this exclusion from the European discourse, in the view of the West, Serbia belonged to the same discourse of “otherness” as Egypt. Such a relationship was not necessarily bad, because thanks to it the inhabitants of these regions began to see themselves as “different”; they were not like the people in the West, but neither were they like the people in the East. That is why such an attitude of the West towards Egypt and Serbia (in this context Yugoslavia) can be seen as an incentive, to some extent a precondition for their later rapprochement, and even the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement since both countries didn’t feel 142
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as a part of the West or the East.
2. Egypt and Serbian Culture Not only do Serbia and Egypt have shared heritage, but Egypt also had a great influence on Serbian culture, since it served as an inspiration to many Serbian artists who can be divided into two groups: those who visited Egypt and created their works based on what they saw, and those who were inspired by Egyptomania, that is stories about the mystical ancient Egypt. As for the first group, the most valuable insight into how Serbs experienced Egypt are the travelogues left by several more or less known authors. The observations of Jovan Dučić are especially important for the topic of this book, since he stayed in Egypt for several years working as a diplomat and is one of the most influential Serbian authors. He wrote about Egypt in the second edition of his book “Cities and Chimeras” (1940), which ends with the chapter “Letter from Egypt”. Not only was Dučić in a specific position as a diplomat and someone who stayed for a long time, but his travelogue is also quite unique since the chapter on Egypt begins with how he saw Egypt when he arrived. He described this country as “a land about which we know a lot, but which really does not exist”, because it is “a land where nothing happens” (Dučić 1940, 295). As he explains, this view is due to the fact that he is in a land that is flat, without mountains or fog and with an empty sky, but it has beauty in two great things: the sun and the Nile, which is “enough to make this land the most beautiful and luxurious country in the world” (Dučić 1940, 295–296). Dučić̕s specific view can be seen in these descriptions of his first impression. From the very beginning, he did not classify Egypt as a part of the “Orient” or the “East” as many European and Serbian travel writers did. On the contrary, he does not mention these words; 143
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instead of the “Orient”, the introduction begins with a description of Africa, which places Egypt in the African discourse, and not in the Oriental one (Dučić 1940, 293-295). But what makes Dučić's work really remarkable is that it completely deviates from the usual narrative about this country, that is that Egypt is perceived as the “rich Orient” which is especially “rich in history”. Dučić, on the other hand, insists on the emptiness. Instead of describing ancient monuments, he describes deserts with a palm tree – “two palm trees is already a rainforest!” (Dučić 1940, 296). When he describes the parts characteristic of Orientalism and Egyptomania, the author completely denies them. He states that Egypt is a “disappointment” for those who seek the charm of the East (Dučić 1940, 300), while he is even more cruel with Egyptomania: “Pyramids are only the saddest monuments of pride and tyranny and stupidity, which in the end make you despise them. The Sphinx is so damaged by time and the strikes of human hands that its silence is no longer a sealed mystery, but a cry of despair of all failed things on earth” (Dučič 1940, 299). It is clear that he has no admiration, but despite his restraint, he continues to examine history, stating that “The past itself, albeit the greatest, it is and always will be nothing but an abyss! All the glory and greatness of Egypt have, after all, been submerged in this hot sand for thousands of years; and it will take many thousands of years more for that shroud to be removed, and pharaonic Egypt to show itself again among the living people” (Dučić 1940, 301). We can see here that he does not admire ancient Egypt per se, but it is clear that there is a fascination with the discoveries about it. That is why he continued to express his admiration not because of the ancient history, but because of what was being discovered in recent decades. He came to Egypt only a century after the hieroglyphs were deciphered, and he admired the fact that during those few decades, “all thirty dynasties mentioned by the ancient Manetho have already been revealed! Pharaohs like Cheops and Ramesses II and Psammetichus spoke from the hieroglyphs from obelisks, papyrus and pillars. 144
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Ancient poems about love, ancient novels about adventures, and old sacred texts were found in the tombs, along with the most accurate historical documents” (Dučić 1940, 301). It is clear that the author does not admire the past itself and what is left, but insted the act of discovering that past. That is why he points out that he went to Tutankhamun's tomb with Howard Carter, who discovered it only a few years before Dučić's arrival: “It seemed to me that I was with Columbus who is leading me by the hand to show me America, the day after he found it. This man, born under a lucky star, was the first to discover a gold sarcophagus, and announced a pharaoh who slept his youthful dream in a flash that shines like the sun for almost four thousand years, and waited for his return among the people, dressed as no other ruler of Europe or Asia. Any human, looking at the goldsmith̕s and sculptor̕s works from his tomb, becomes proud of his human origin, and proud of this new testimony of how much humanity has always lived in search of beauty and greatness. I was really a little too proud of my Europeanness, standing next to the mummy of this imperial young man in the Valley of the Kings, or next to his lavish funerary equipment on display in Cairo. Was it possible, I wondered, that there was anything more lovely and elegant than ancient Athens, something prouder than ancient Rome, something more lavish than royal Paris?9 However, whoever has not seen Egypt in its pharaonic fog, he has no true idea about life. And ⁹ It is clear that the author is fascinated, however, this compliment comes to the fore when we bear in mind that Dučić raises ancient Egypt above European civilizations despite the fact that, like many of his contemporaries, he was extremely Eurocentric which is reflected in his work when he states “there is indeed, no greater lie than the socalled charm of the East, sung by European romantics. Except for the sun, I found nothing on the Asian or African coasts, neither beautiful nor smart. People are the wisest in France, the most industrious in Germany, the most serious in England, the happiest in Italy, the most frugal in Switzerland, the bravest in Serbia”(Dučić 1940, 306). In fact, his Eurocentrism is expressed to the extent that he states that “all the cities of the Muslim East (...) are without charm for the heart and mind of the enlightened European man. Nothing special has happened here for tens of centuries: nothing has been written, sculpted, painted or uttered” (Dučić 1940, 308).
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whoever did not see Egyptian art on the spot, he does not have the whole idea of human genius. My ten years spent in Athens and Egypt, that is the golden age of my thought (...) That is why Egypt is the Atlantis that did not sink into the ocean, but sank into the sun and dust” (Dučić 1940, 301–302). Certainly, when considering this work, we must bear in mind that Dučić was in a specific position. He was Eurocentric and not overly impressed by the East, he wasn’t influenced by the narrative of Egyptomania, yet he was fascinated by the discoveries about ancient Egypt. He wanted to get to know it better – in his travelogue he mentions going from time to time with a friend who is an archaeologist to Upper Egypt, where his friend would read to him the hieroglyphs written on temples (Dučić 1940, 310). We can be seen that Dučić appreciated these experiences so much, stating “I would trade everything I’ve experienced before for but a few days spent in these ruins and cemeteries” (Dučić 1940, 310). Precisely that ancient greatness which he wishes to know is confronted by him with the world he is living in; he describes Cairo as a “magical city”, but adds “here is the meeting point of the East and the West, meaning the absurdity that always makes a mess in our minds and before our eyes which nothing else is able to imitate” (Dučić 1940, 302). Like a true Eurocentric writer, this part in which he describes the capital ends with “Cairo has never been a new Memphis, nor a new Thebes, nor a new Sais. Cairo has no history, no legends, not even its own myth. If it weren't for the Sphinx and the three pyramids, I don't know who would go to search for Egypt. Only Pharaoh's Egypt remains, which fills the observer with its miraculous greatness. Egypt, it is still Memphis and Thebes today, which no longer exist, and about which the people here knows nothing. It may be Ptolemaic Alexandria, but certainly not the Arab and cosmopolitan Cairo” (Dučić 1940, 308–309). Dučić was fascinated by ancient Egypt, but he obviously did not like modern Egypt in which he lived and worked. To him, the 146
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city represents a pale shadow of the once great civilization, which is why he is additionally cruel in his travelogue. Dučić is Eurocentric, but the source of his belittling of modern Arab Egypt remains questionable. Namely, in the “Cities and Chimeras”, he also has a chapter “Letter from Palestine” in which he expresses complete fascination with the spiritual aspects of this land. The letter is dedicated exclusively to the past and the shrines without even once referring to the world in which it was located, which also belongs to that oriental world which he besmirched in the “Letter from Egypt” (Dučić 1940, 260–292). Such a negative view of modern Egypt may have been influenced by the way in which Dučić came to this country. Namely, from January 1925, he worked as the permanent delegate of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to the League of Nations in Geneva until August of the same year when he was withdrawn from that position due to an affair, for which he accused Milutin Jovanović, the previous delegate in Geneva. That August he was appointed Consul General in Cairo, however, he left in March 1926, when the consulate was raised to the level of a mission, which is why Dučić became the charge d'affaires, i.e. the head of the diplomatic mission, not the consul. However, during Dučić's stay in Serbia in the summer of 1927, problems arose again due to the Geneva affair, and this time the disagreement between Dučić and Jovanović escalated so much that the two of them physically assaulted each other in the office of Assistant Foreign Minister Stevan Pavlović; because of this they were both suspended. When the suspension was lifted after two years, it was requested that Dučić be appointed as the envoy to the Holy See, but he did not receive the consent from the Vatican. Because of this, he was appointed the head of the diplomatic mission in Cairo, where he returned in February 1930 (Milošević 2012, 7–8). In other words, it is easy to interpret his appointment in Cairo as punishment and injustice, especially according to Dučić's interpretation of the events – he ended up in Egypt because of Jovanović’s affair. Such a view may have influenced how he experienced this country in which he found himself. However, the fact remains that 147
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he worked faithfully for years as the charge d'affaires in this country and wrote the mentioned travelogue which was very popular; it influenced other authors several decades after its publication. For instance, Isidora Bjelica published a novel “Love in Cairo” in 2004 in which she incorporated Dučić's travelogue almost entirely. Not only that, she destroyed the image of the author as a diplomat–poet and described him as a spy and a great ladies man in this work which mixes fiction and reality (Koch 2007, 273–274). Yet, Dučić's work was not the first to introduce readers from Serbia to Egypt. Long before him, Dr. Milan Jovanović Morski introduced his readers to this country in his travelogue “Here and There in the East” (1894–1895). However, the work of Dr. Jovanović is not particularly descriptive and detailed as he did not stay in Egypt for a long time – he passed through it on his great journey to the Far East. He arrived in Alexandria from where he went by sea to Port Said before reaching the Red Sea through the Suez Canal; from where he would continue to India. Because of this, “Here and There” only has a brief account of the Alexandrian landscape and a couple of landmarks such as the citadel on the site of the ancient Pharos, a general description of the appearance and the way of life of Egyptians, and a few curiosities he thought would be interesting to the reader, like describing the harsh climate or his sailing (Jovanović 1894, 3–59). Even before the publication of this work, Jovanović already published a travelogue “From the Sea and the Land” (1892) in which he describes his journey through Port Said and Alexandria. However, this work primarily deals with his experiences from the ship, and aside from numerous conversations with companions, he barely mentions the places he visited, and thus Serbian readers were hardly able to discover anything about this country (see Jovanović 1892). Other authors who wrote about this country are the Serbian world traveler Milorad Rajčević (Figure 5) in his work “From Scorching Africa” (1924). Apart from him, two female travelers also left their 148
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Figure 5 – Milorad Rajčević in front of the Sphinx and the Great Pyramid in Giza (public domain) accounts of Egypt: Jelena J. Dimitrijević who published “Letters from Misir”10 (1929) [Turkish name for Egypt], and the famous Ser¹⁰ Her journey through Egypt will also be covered in the book “Seven Seas and Three Oceans. Trip Around the World” (1940). The book was republished by Laguna in 2016, and thus the Serbian readership could once again encounter a description of Jelena’s journey (Dimitrijević 2016, 75–270). In addition, “Letters from Egypt” was also republished as a separate book in 2019 in a modest circulation on the occasion of marking the ninetieth anniversary of the first edition (Dimitrijević 2019). The fact that these travelogues are being reprinted after several
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bian actress Desanka Desa Dugalić who published “Notes from a Trip Through Palestine, Syria and Egypt in the Summer of 1931” (Vasiljević 2016, 219). These travelogues are important because they offer us an insight into why people from Europe, and even Serbia, traveled to this distant country by the standards of the time – as Dr. Jovanović states “Whether we go from Trieste, Brindisi, Genoa or Marseilles, we will find whole crowds of Europeans at every turn. Some go to see the remains of centuries long past, others to patch their damaged lungs in the gentle air of Cairo” (Jovanović 1894, 3–4). More importantly, the mentioned travelogues show us what attracted travelers and how they experienced Egypt. Because these travelogues were published and read, they probably also indicate how their readers experienced this country since such works were the only way in which most of them could “experience” Egypt. Thus, it is possible to follow different threads of the public discourse of the 19th and 20th centuries in the work of Desanka Dugalić who describes her late-night visit to the pyramids of Giza as follows: “Everything we could see under this foggy moonlight was really strange. The first three huge pyramids rose above us, infinitely high, like some night wraiths. It seemed as if they were clad in some cloak of eternity, and, as from the royal throne, they looked nobly and carelessly at this life that has been boiling around their feet every day for six thousand years. What miracles did they witness! The old pharaohs and their glory, the arrival of the Roman and Arab conquerors and their zeal, then the arrival of the sluggish Turks to mess up and destroy what the great races had created before them. Then Napoleon's adventurous attempts to reach India from here, then the digging of the Suez Canal, the occupation of the English, the World War and finally the proclamation of independence of Egypt… All these ancient peaks decades indicates that interest in Egypt has been renewed in Serbia and that the experiences of this country are being viewed through a much broader prism – many Serbian travelers and tourists go to Egypt today to get to know the country first hand, but they are additionally interested in what it looked like more than a century ago, and what impression it left on travelers back then.
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look at this human anthill around them, they watch and ponder, unexcited and almost drowsy, and as if nodding to us, they say: What else will we experience?!” (Dugalić 1931, 84–85). This passage reflects the tendency in Serbia at that time to besmirch everything related to the Ottoman Empire, but also worldwide trends. Thus, Desanka does not speak of a “great (ancient Egyptian) culture” or “civilizations” but of a “great race.” The imperialist point of view is also noticeable, since she characterizes Napoleon's military invasion as an “adventurous attempt”. Although, what resonates most in the passage is the obvious tone of Egyptomania. The mystification of ancient Egypt as something extremely old and great can be clearly seen, since those pyramids have looked at the entire history of Egypt and are looking at that “human anthill around them”. Quite literally, the ancient Egyptians created something so grandiose that it’s practically eternal, while modern people only build “anthills” near those great monuments. Desa Dugalić's travelogue offers us impressions of Egypt and its culture, but the work of Jelena J. Dimitrijević is perhaps even more significant. Like many others, she was fascinated by the Egyptian landscape, and she even states that she came to Egypt with the desire “to see the Nile as soon as possible.” She describes various monuments to readers from Serbia, but also emphasizes the significance of this land in the Bible (Dimitrijević 2019, 11–29). This is not surprising because Jelena was a deeply religious woman for whom faith was extremely important. But as much as she was religious and patriotic, she was just as cosmopolitan in spirit and a supporter of progressive ideas.11 Not only did she write about women's issues, but she was also 11 Although a liberal “cosmopolitan spirit” and “patriotism” led by deep religiosity seem like binary opposites, they are two aspects of the life and work of Jelena Dimitrijević. This specific relationship is perhaps best illustrated by Jelena herself. In the National Library of Serbia, there is a notebook of hers in which she wrote an unpublished work called “My Confession” in which Jelena states: “I am Orthodox Christian, the most Orthodox that exists; and in Egypt I felt like a Muslim, in India sometimes a Brahmin and other times a Pariah, in China a Bud-
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Figure 6 – Photograph of the Egyptian feminist Huda Sha’arawi with her inscription dedicated to the Serbian writer Jelena J. Dimitrijević, from the travel “Seven seas and three oceans. Trip around the world”
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an activist – she was a member of the Women's Society, a member of the Circle of Serbian Sisters and a member of the literary committee of “Domaćica”, the first women's magazine in Serbia to encourage women writers (see Milanović 2018). Being an active feminist, she also represents a link between the Serbian and Egyptian struggles for women̕s rights. Thus, in her travelogue “Seven Seas and Three Oceans”, she gives numerous descriptions characteristic of a travelogue, but she dedicates an entire chapter to her encounter with Huda Sha̕arawi, accompanied by a photograph that she signed for her (Figure 6) . Sha̕arawi was especially important to Jelena because she was an educated woman from high society who fought for women's rights in Egypt. She founded the first feminist organization in the Middle East; in 1923, she founded the Union of Egyptian Feminists. Due to her wealthy background, she not only financed the activities of this organization, but also launched the magazine “L'Égyptienne”. In other words, Huda Sha̕arawi was the embodiment of everything that Jelena Dimitrijević admired – she fought for the same goal in even harsher conditions. That is why she was inspired by their meeting at Huda's home and emphasized that it was one of the most important events of her trip to Egypt – “if I had left Egypt without the luck and honor to see Mrs. Sha̕arawi, it would have been the same for me as if I had left Spain without seeing the Alhambra” (Stjelja 2012, 169–171). These early travelogues indicate that Egypt was an attractive destination that enticed people to visit. As expected, the desire to travdhist; in Japan Shinto; on some islands of the Pacific Ocean as a pagan; in America a Christian but of the Protestant faith. And yet I remained Orthodox, the most Orthodox that exists (...) I did not change my nationality. Everywhere I was what my ancestors were. Because that cannot be changed” (Bošković 2018, 164–165). Precisely due to that radical relationship with the “other”, some authors even notice traces of a critique of colonialism in her work, although as a concept. For instance, Jelana herself notes “the enlightened keep them [in this particular case Greeks] unenlightened in order to exploit them. For shame! How often a person traveling across the world sees that nothing is foreign to them”, but still admires the English and Americans and loves spending time with them (Gvozden 2011, 218).
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el to this country continued after the Second World War, and it was fostered by good relations and stories about the Yugoslav–Egyptian friendship. Therefore, in Yugoslav literature there are several travelogues from Egypt that were published in several republics of SFRY. Thus, Mahmud Konjhodžić published in Zagreb the travelogue “I saw Egypt”, in which, in addition to describing Egypt and giving information about its history, he presents the conversations he had with people, funny stories, but also illustrations and caricatures (see Konjhodžić 1956). In Sarajevo, Vaso Gajić published a short travelogue “Impressions from the Journey through Africa: Kenya, Ethiopia and Egypt”, where he briefly described the landscapes of these countries. When it comes to Egypt, the author mostly deals with Cairo and the pyramids in Giza, while incidentally mentioning some general characteristics of this country (Gajić 1954, 48–58). Konjihodžić and Gajić by far aren’t the only travel writers who dealt with Egypt. Many other travelers passed through the country during their travels in Africa and subsequently published travelogues – Aleš Bebler (“Trip through Sunny Lands”; 1954), Živko Milić (“Steps through Fire”; 1956), Zdenko Štambuk (“Notes from Africa”; 1961) and Bogdan Šekler who took part in the famous expedition from Kragujevac to Kilimanjaro (“Jumbo Africa”; 1976) – which have a specific relationship with Africa precisely because of the cultural and historical context of these travels (see Radonjić 2016). However, the attractiveness of Egypt for Serbian travelers and travel writers is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that travelogues from this country are being published even in the 21st century despite the fact that the classical form of a travelogue as a book isn’t so popular today. One of those books is “Booked: A Story 40,000 Kilometers Long – From the Egyptian Pyramids to the Cannibal Island” by Nebojša Jojić, in which the author presents travelogues based on his numerous travels during his successful career of a tourist guide. As the title suggests, the book begins with chapters from Egypt. The travelogue itself is quite similar to earlier ones – the au154
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Figure 7 – A map of Cairo from “Bantustan” (Pešćanović, Krčadinac & Đedović 2015, 26)
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Figure 8 – A map of Aswan from “Bantustan” (Pešćanović, Krčadinac & Đedović 2015, 46)
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thor describes places, the culture, gives advice to tourists and offers basic information about history, which is sometimes problematic since he presents non-scientific pseudoarchaeological and pseudohistorical theories along with official historiography. However, the similarity with earlier travelogues from the 19th century, created in the era of Eurocentrism and Egyptomania, can be seen in the presenting of Egypt as something extremely old and different/inferior. 12 In addition to “Booked”, another publication was published in Serbia; “Bantustan: Atlas of a Journey” which contains a description of the travels of Lazar Pašćanović, Uroš Krčadinac and Marko Đedović through Africa during the winter of 2009/10. It is mentioned as “a publication”, not necessarily a travelogue, because “Bantustan” can be seen as a work of experimental literature: it has a multilinear approach since each author writes chapters about his own journey separately from the others and there are no descriptions of the places they visit or historical information which is usually associated with a travelogue, but it’s rather a series of events and conversations with people they meet which is why the book resembles a novel, and the work itself has a multimedia character since the text contains geographical coordinates and QR codes with which readers can see exactly where the action takes place on the Internet, as well as unique illustrated maps made by Krčadinac which show details from the trip that sometimes aren’t described in the text (Figures 7 & 8). All this makes “Bantustan” a rather unique publication, but it also differs from “typical” travelogues from Egypt in the sense that this country is not presented as something foreign and ancient. On the contrary, in the work, ancient Egypt is presented as just one of the links in the 12 This is perhaps best illustrated by the author’s words: “Poor people, which most of the inhabitants of Egypt have always been, are distinguished by living in the present hour. For them, the future is not taken for granted, it is not certain, every next day is a gift from God. In Egypt, time stands still, but it must be gained. At the same time, civilizations that have existed for a long time carry a sense of eternity and a clear realization that this life is not so important, but just a blink of an eye in the ocean of time, a short act in the process of endless repetition, like sunrise and sunset or the annual flooding of the Nile” (Jojić 2018, 39).
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long history of Egypt, no more or less important than the other links, and Egyptians are portrayed as people similar to the reader who have the same problems and desires for a better life (see Todorović 2020). Travelogue is not the only literary genre that deals with Egypt. Even before the first travelogues, Egypt was a motif in the philosophical work in romantic form called “Kandor or a Revelation of the Egyptian Mysteries” (1800) by Atanasije Stojković, the first Serbian novelist. In it, the main character, Kandor, intends to go to Egypt in order to learn the secrets of the wisemen of this country. Such a view of Egyptian hidden knowledge has a long tradition since even the ancient Greeks viewed Egypt as such a place full of mysteries; in the modern world this view of Egypt as a place of hidden ancient priestly wisdom is associated with Freemasons. Of course, Stojković himself never visited Egypt and “studied its secrets”. However, this view of Egypt was typical in European culture of that time, and Stojković introduced his educated compatriots, Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, to such a view of Egypt (Vasiljević 2013a, 830–832). Even today, Egypt serves as an inspiration to Serbian authors. The latest example that should be mentioned is Dejan TiagoStanković’s novel “Zamalek”, in which readers get to know Cairo and Egypt through the story of Kosta, an Egyptologist and owner of an antique shop on the island of Zamalek in Cairo, and a worker in that antique shop, Arna (see Stanković 2020). An interesting curiosity when it comes to novels inspired by Egypt are two books in which the key role in the plot is played by the Egyptian mummy that is kept today in the National Museum in Belgrade (which will be discussed later) – the children’s novel “Belgrade Mummy” by Branko Miloradović (see Miloradović 2018) and the thriller “Belgrade Book of the Dead” by Aleksandar Petrović (see Petrović 2016) Of course, novels aren’t the only works where ancient Egyptian motifs can be found. An example of this is given to us by Slavica Garonja who published in 2007 a collection of narrative poetry “My Ancestor is a Tree”, which includes a 158
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poem called “Ancient Egyptian Prayer” (Garonja 2007, 15-22). Apart from literature, Egypt also appears as an inspiration and a motif in Serbian painting. As already mentioned, one of thepeople who donated artifacts from Egypt to museums in Serbia was the famous Serbian painter Paja Jovanović. It is known that Jovanović painted several orientalist works during his long career as a painter, but his type of orientalism differs from Western European orientalism. One of the things that make it different is the fact that during the winter of 1885/86 he spent several months in Morocco and Egypt. This trip served as an inspiration for several works. Egyptian motifs can be seen in his paintings “Interior of an Abandoned Oriental House” (1886), “Motif from Egypt” (1886/1887), “Two Guards at the Gate” (1887/1888), “Snake Tamer” (1887) and “Piperi and Tahir Pasha” (1888). However, the reason why the mentioned paintings are significant is the fact that Paja Jovanović is one of the most famous painters of academic realism. Because of this, it is possible to recognize the things he saw in his work. Thus, it is known today that the painting “Interior of an Abandoned Oriental House” depicts the reception hall in the house of Mufti Sheikh el Mahadi in Cairo13 and that the house, or rather gate in the background of the “Two Soldiers in front of the gate” was the house of Sheikh Ahmed Musa al ‘Arousi, which was established thanks to several photographs of the same gate made during the 19th century (Vasiljević 2019, 161–165). Of course, oriental motifs can be seen in other paintings by Paja Jovanović, but orientalism itself didn’t become as popular in Serbian painting as it did in Western European, probably due to the specific local attitude towards oriental heritage due to the long struggle for liberation from 13 The house itself does not exist anymore, so the work of Paja Jovanović is a significant reference for the study of the architectual history of Cairo. It is also worth mentioning that very little is known about painter’s stay in Egypt; we don’t know what he visited, where he stayed, even how long he stayed in Egypt. Art historians who researched this topic are quite certain that he also painted during his visit, and that he probably created his study of the interior of Mufti Mahadi’s house while still residing in Cairo (Vasiljević 2014, 213–215).
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the Ottomans and their influence. Egyptian motifs do not appear only in high art; ancient Egypt is also represented in Yugoslav graphic novels. One of the popular graphic novels with an ancient Egyptian theme is “Princess Ru” by Đorđe Lobačev from 1938. However, the plot of the graphic novel is not set in ancient Egypt, but in the modern world in which a mummy is revived. Graphic novels whose plot is set in ancient Egypt can be found in the work of Nikola Kokoan Mitrović, who stated in an interview that ancient Egypt was his obsession, and he dealt with this topic in two graphic novels: “Hatshepsut” (1979) and “Queen Hat – the Road to Uncertainty” (1980). In these graphic novels, the main heroine is a famous historical figure who ruled Egypt during the 15th century BC, Hatshepsut. Even the plot itself is a historically famous event, the trip to Punt, but that is the only thing that is historically accurate in the graphic novels, since there are numerous inconsistencies such as Hatshepsut mentioning Tutankhamun who would live and rule in the following century (Vasiljević 2012, 765–771). Architecture is another segment of Serbian culture in which the influence of Egyptian motifs can be traced. Namely, European architects of 19th century borrowed the obelisk from ancient Egyptians. However, while the Egyptian obelisk was associated with the cult of the sun, Europeans began to use it as a commemorative monument – they commemorated military victories and sacrifices, used it as a tombstone and glorified historical figures, which is, for example, the case with perhaps the most famous such obelisk – the Washington Monument in the capital of the United States. Since the territory of Vojvodina, which today is part of Serbia, was part of Austro-Hungary in the 19th century, such examples can be found in it. One of them is in the Petrovaradin Fortress in Novi Sad, at the military cemetery, where there is a pyramid-shaped obelisk that was erected in the middle of the 19th century to mark the collective tomb of Austro-Hungarian senior officers. Apart from it, prominent inhabitants of Novi Sad 160
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also erected obelisks as tombstones during this period and so they can be found in several cemeteries throughout this city (Berger 2020, 352–353). Since Serbia was modeled on Western European countries after its liberation during the middle of the 19th century, it took over the use of obelisks as commemorative monuments. That is why they appear very early as landmarks in Belgrade at several locations and in Aleksinac, where an obelisk was erected in 1880 in memory of the Russian volunteers who took part in the Serbian–Turkish war. Later on, during the first half of the 20th century, obelisks appeared in other cities such as Bor, where a monument to Serbian and French warriors killed during the First World War was erected in the late 1920s, and Leskovac, where an obelisk was erected in 1929 in memory of soldiers who gave their lives during the defense of that city (Vasiljević 2016, 186–197). In addition to these examples from the 19th and early 20th century when obelisks were erected as monuments to fallen heroes, there are also more recent stylized examples. One such monument is to the victims of the ammunition explosion in the Smederevo Fortress on June 5, 1941, which is the work of sculptor Selimir Jovanović. Jovanović himself survived the explosion, and the monument was erected in 1973 in the park next to the Museum in Smederevo (Figure 9). However, Egyptian motifs weren’t just used to mark events and heroes but also as decoration. That is why such motifs can be found on several buildings in Belgrade, including multi-storey buildings with stylized entrances reminiscent of ancient Egyptian architecture (Figures 10 & 11), private houses built in this style, and obelisks which are used as a decoration on the roofs of various buildings, including public ones such as the building of the National Bank of Serbia and the Embassy of Austria (Vasiljević 2016, 209–213). 161
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Figure 9 – Stylized obelisk by Selimir Jovanović (author: Miloš Todorović)
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Figure 10 – An entrance into a building in Gospodar Jevremova street in Belgrade (author: Miloš Todorović
Slika 11 – An entrance into a building in Gospodar Jovanova street in Belgrade which was designed by the architect Mihajlo Mitrović and built in 1955 (author: Miloš Todorović)
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Figure 12 – Tomb of Branislav Nušić (author: Matija; source: Wikimedia Commons – CC BY-SA 3.0)
Due to the mysticism associated with Egypt, such motifs can be found in numerous Serbian cemeteries as well. Obelisks, objects reminiscent of obelisks and pyramids are a popular type of tombstones. There are too many of them to mention, but one example of funerary architecture is worth singling out – the pyramidal tomb of the famous Serbian comedian Branislav Nušić at the New Cemetery in Belgrade (Figure 12). Not only is it important to mention this tomb because of its specific pyramidal shape but also because of its interpretation and selection. Branislav Nušić was a Freemason and the influence of Egyp164
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tomania on this society is well known. From the 18th century, Freemasons began to link their roots to ancient Egypt, and thus Egyptian motifs such as the Ankh and the pyramid began to appear in Masonic symbolism (Troizi 1998, 27; 252–253). There is even a specific “Egyptian rite” that is attributed to Giuseppe Balsamo (Troizi 1998, 79), but it should be noted that Freemasons cultivate an esoteric and mystified view of Egypt that has no grounding in historiography. As far as history of Freemasonry in Serbia is concerned, it is quite complex, long and unexplained due to the secrecy of this organization. However, many prominent figures from the cultural scene were members (see Nenezić 1998), and so they were exposed to this specific view of Egypt, which is why this line can’t be overlooked when examining (indirect) Egyptian influences on Serbian culture.
3. Egyptology in Serbia Egyptology doesn’t have a long tradition in Serbia like it does in Western European countries. The first course at the then Higher School in Belgrade, which falls into the domain of Egyptology, was led by the classical philologist, historian and archeologist Nikola Vulić. He gave lectures in “Misr History” in 1898/99 as a part of the General History of Antiquity course. Today, Egyptology is studied at the department of archaeology as well as the department of history of the University of Belgrade’s Faculty of Philosophy. Serbian archaeologists became interested in Egypt considerably later as the first professor who gave lectures on the archaeology of the Near East was Dušan Glumac who came to the Faculty of Philosophy from the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in 1955/56, where he lectured on Biblical archaeology. Vidosava Nedomački replaced Glumac in 1971 and at the same time when she became an assistant professor, Sava Tutundžić14 was 14 It’s worth mentioning that Sava Tutundžić attended postgraduate studies in Cairo thanks to a cultural convention between the United Arabic Republic and the Socialist Federal Republic
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accepted as a research associate and he would go on to lecture for decades. Vera Vasiljević joined the collective of the department of Middle Eastern archaeology in 1984 and went on to teach about Dynastic Egypt for decades (Matić 2011/2013, 38–40) before retiring in 2020.15 Vasiljević and Panić–Štorh were the first Serbian formally educated Egyptologists who lectured at the Faculty of Philosophy and so it could be said that Egyptology was formally founded as a discipline in Serbia by them. However, Egyptology doesn’t exist as a separate field of study in Serbia and, aside from the mentioned professors, there are no Egyptologists employed in scientific institutions. Of course, a number of students enrolled at postgraduate studies and did research under their mentorship. Some of them even participated in archaeological excavations in Egypt but didn't devote themselves to Egyptology. Others after finishing their undergraduate studies went on to pursue doctoral studies abroad. If Panić-Štorh and Vasiljević can be classified as the “older generation” of Serbian Egyptologists, Anđelković and Stefanović as the “younger”, then Uroš Matić who finished his PhD at the Westfälische Wilhelms–Universität Münster’s Institute of Egyptology and Coptology (after finishing his studies at the department of archaeology in Belgrade) and Nenad Marković who is pursuing a PhD at the Czech Institute of Egyptology in Prague (after finishing his studies at the department of history in Belgrade) can be classified as the “youngest generation”. Yet, aside from them, there were a number of people who were interested in Egyptology and studied it, even participated in excavations in Egypt, but Egyptology didn’t become their primary field of Yugoslavia. Aside from him, Miroslava Panić-Štorh, who lectured on Egyptology at the department of history in Belgrade, also attended the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Cairo (Matić 2011/2013, 39). Later on Tutundžić was replaced by Branislav Anđelković who was joined later by Milena Gošić Arama, and Panić-Štorh was replaced by Danijela Stefanović. 1⁵ Vera Vasiljević also worked as the head of the archeology department in 1997/98. godine (Matić 2011/2013, 39).
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of work. A recent example is Boris Trivan who graduated from the department of archaeology and participated in excavations in Egypt at Berenike and Amarna, but later on went into digital communications and journalism; he was the Editor-in-chief of “Noizz” (Anđelić 2020). An older and maybe even more interesting example is that of Nina Kirsanova. Kirsanova was a ballerina who started her education in Moscow but after the October revolution broke out, she came with her husband to Belgrade. She traveled the world as a part of the troupe of the famous Russian ballerina Anna Pavlova and on her own, but she also built a career in Serbia as well – she was the lead dancer at the National Theatre and after coming back after the death of Pavlova she became the head of ballet and choreography. Yet, the reason she’s mentioned in this book is the fact that she finished her master’s in archaeology at the age of seventy, and wrote a thesis on the “Music and Instruments of Ancient Egypt” under the mentorship of Dušan Glumac (see Kirsanova 1968). Trivan and Kirsanova are interesting curiosities as they dealt with Egyptology but never became Egyptologists unlike the previously mentioned people. Of course, a number of Egyptologists from around the world gave lectures in Belgrade. Maybe the most prominent ones were held by Zahi Hawass, an Egyptologist and former Minister of State for Antiquities Affairs, on December 7 and 8, 2018, at the Opera & Theatre Madlenianum, and then again on November 24, 2019, at “Kombank Dvorana”, but these were public lectures. When considering professional lectures, several can be noted including those of Aristid Teodorides from the University of Brussels who gave a lecture at the Faculty of Law of the University of Belgrade, and Helmut Satzinger from the University of Vienna who lectured at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Belgrade during the 2004/05 Summer semester and again in 2006. Several other scholars also gave lectures at the Faculty of Philosophy, including Hartwig Altenmüller from the University of Hamburg in 2004, Emily Teeter from the Oriental Institute in Chicago in 2008 and Julia Budka from the Institute for Oriental and Euro167
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pean Archaeology of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in 2014 (Matić 2011/2013, 41). The only place aside from the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Belgrade where Egyptology is present is the Museum of African Art in Belgrade which has a special program called Egyptology at MAA, first introduced in 2018. Of course, this is a non-formal educational program which is led by Nenad Marković, but a number of lectures and courses were held as a part of the program. As far as original scientific research is concerned, it was done without institutional support. Archaeological excavations were never carried out in Egypt even though in Cairo in 1970 an agreement concerning educational and cultural cooperation between Egypt and Yugoslavia for 1970 and 1971 was signed, and in the agreement it was stated that Yugoslavia would carry out excavations in Egypt led by Sava Tutundžić. Once the excavations were carried out, half of the found material would be given to the Archaeological Collection of the Faculty of Philosophy; even the funding for the realization of this endeavor was secured through the Federal Commission for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries. However, the excavations themselves were postponed time and time again until the deadline of the arranged agreement had passed and so they were never realized (Matić 2011/2013, 39–40). The only works carried out in Egypt were realized during 60s by Yugoslav conservators who took part in the UNESCO project of rescuing Nubian monuments which were in danger because of the Aswan Damn which was being built. The works were realized because Yugoslavia and Egypt had great cooperation and so Yugoslavia was one of the first countries which answered the call for help. Yugoslav diplomats started promoting the project internationally as early as 1960 and the following year they visited the sites with experts. Even Tito came to visit Egypt and Sudan on February 14, 1962, in order to be briefed about the project which was already being widely promoted in Yugoslavia – two months after his visit, a postal stamp with the cap168
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tion “Save the Nubian Treasures” was issued in Yugoslavia (Radonjić 2019, 96). Yugoslav experts were tasked with moving the Horemhab Temple from Abahuda to an archaeological open-air park near Aswan. Unfortunately, the project wasn’t successful because of technical difficulties and the rescued fragments are kept today at the Nubian Museum in Aswan, but the Yugoslav team took part in the successful moving, conservation and protection of frescoes and churches from several sites (Matić 2011/2013, 37). These works were important because they brought Yugoslavia and Egypt closer together but also because the knowledge gained during them would be put to practice in Yugoslavia the following decade when Lepenski Vir had to be moved because of the construction of the hydroelectric power station Đerdap. However, Yugoslavia didn’t help only by sending conservators but also financially. It allocated 226,000 USD for the project which was on par with the United Kingdom and Switzerland. However, even though Yugoslavia donated a large sum of money and sent its experts, actions for which it got a lot of praise internationally, it didn’t get precious artifacts like other countries did because Egyptology wasn’t a developed discipline in the country (Radonjić 2019, 99–100). Yet, even without institutional support, Yugoslav and Serbian Egyptologists had considerable results. Because of her work, Danijela Stefanović is a world-renowned Egyptologist, and when talking about the Serbian speaking region, it’s worth mentioning that she translated the treatise on power “Teaching for King Merykara” from Middle Egyptian into Serbian (Stefanović 2018). Aside from his research in the field of Near Eastern archaeology and archaeology of Predynastic Egypt, Branislav Anđelković is also responsible for the detailed research of the Belgrade mummy and the documentation and research of ancient Egyptian artifacts in Serbian museums. In addition to her research on ancient Egyptian iconography, Vera Vasiljević also researched the reception of Ancient Egypt in Europe and Ser169
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bia which cumulated with her book “A Shadow of Egypt” (Vasiljević 2016). However, the future of Egyptology in Serbia is uncertain. The question which often arises is whether Egyptology is a luxury or a necessity in Serbia, which was also the title of a presentation professor Vasiljević gave at the annual gathering of the Serbian Archaeological Society in 1998. Vasiljevic concluded her presentation by saying that Egyptology is not only necessary, but also useful for Serbian archaeologists (Vasiljević 1999–2000, 301). Yet, the fact remains that up to today there haven’t been any investments towards the development of Egyptology in Serbia and looking at it, this probably won’t change in the near future because it is an extremely costly field of study.
3.1. Ancient Egyptian Heritage in Serbian Museums Even though Serbian Egyptologists never carried out excavations in Egypt, there is a small number of ancient Egyptian antiquities in Serbian museums. Of course, the collection of ancient Egyptian antiquities in Serbia isn’t as extensive as those in other European countries. Today there are 197 antiquities of ancient Egyptian origin in Serbian museums; for instance, there are over 4,000 such antiquities in Croatian museums (Anđelković & Teeter 2006, 255). However, even this modest collection gives us a glimpse into the cultural relations of Serbia and Egypt. By far the most famous artifact of ancient Egyptian origin is the Belgrade mummy which is exhibited today in the National Museum in Belgrade. Aside from the remains themselves, the museum also has a number of amulets which were found in the mummy, as well as a wooden coffin in which it was placed; based on the text on it, it was discovered that the mummy was that of a priest of the god Min called Nesmin (Anđelković & Teeter 2005, 308–318). What makes the
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Belgrade mummy even more important is the presence of a damaged papyrus scroll, but it has yet to be taken out, restored, conserved and translated (Anđelković 2003, 145).
Table 1 – A list of the ancient Egyptian artifacts in Serbian museums (Marković 2019, 43)
However, the largest ancient Egyptian collection is kept not in Belgrade but in the City Museum of Vršac which holds a total of 97 antiquities. The first to arrive to the museum were 5 busts which were given as a gift by the famous Serbian painter Paja Jovanović in 1894. Aside from him, during the 19th century Wilhelm Wettl donated 65 antiquities to the museum and Max Adler donated a fragmented bronze statuette-pendant, a fragmented bronze ring, half of an alabaster vessel, three fragmented stone slabs inscribed with hieroglyphs and 12 fragments of statuettes (Anđelković & Teeter 2006, 254–255).
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Towards the end of the 19th century, a modest ancient Egyptian collection was also formed in the Town Museum of Sombor thanks to the donation of Fernbach János in 1899. The collection was made up of two pearls, a clay statue of a god, two ceramic deity statuettes and an oil lap. The collection was expanded later and today it consists of 22 items but not all of the benefactors who donate the antiquities are known (Anđelković 2007, 227–238). The museums in Sombor and Vršac are the only local museums which have a large collection of ancient Egyptian antiquities. The majority of the other items can be found in Belgrade, where the largest collection is that of the National museum where the coffin of Nefer-renepet, a dancer at the temple of god Min, is exhibited next to the Belgrade mummy. The coffin is made of wood and dates to the middle of the 4th century BC; it was bought at an auction in London in 1921 by Ernest Brummer who donated it to the National Museum (Anđelković & Elias, 2015, 702). Other antiquities at the museum are a bronze statuette of Isis nursing the infant Horus, a bronze infant Horus statuette, 3 shabti figurines, an amulet of the goddess Taweret, an amulet of the god Thoth, 3 scarabs (Anđelković 2002, 216–220), 3 fragments of a wooden coffin which were donated to the museum in 2003 (Anđelković & Teeter 2006, 256–259), and two elements of a funerary assemblage – a fragmented mask and a conjoined collarbreast covering – which were donated to the museum in 2009 by the son of the former accountant in the Embassy of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in Egypt, Rade Markuš (Anđelković & Elias, 2019, 956). Aside from the National Museum, in Belgrade ancient Egyptian antiquities can be found in the Museum of Applied Arts which has 23 Coptic textiles (Anđelković 1991, 72), the Jewish Historical Museum which has a shabti figurine which was donated in 1976 by Hinko Lederer (Stefanović & Anđelković 2002, 225), as well as the Museum of Yugoslavia and the Museum of African Art which are of particular 172
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interest when talking about Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations.
4. Diplomacy and Museums Even though it often doesn’t seem like it, politics and museums are closely related. That connection stretches back to the opening of the first European museums during the 18th century, such as the British Museum in London, the State Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg and the Louvre in Paris. Although the first museums were opened then, they started developing as institutions rapidly only in the 19th century thanks to several cultural and historical developments. Chief among them was the fact that a notion that institutions of high culture, such as museums, should play a key role in the formation of morals and the collective consciousness of the people arose thanks to the Enlightenment (Bennett 1995, 21). Because of that, museums started playing an important role in society and another historical development which helped was the fact that during the 19th century archaeology became a source of national pride in Western Europe. As a result of that, museums became symbols of status for the state, in a manner of speaking, and so all imperial powers saw the bringing of artifacts to museums, both from their country and abroad, as a matter of national interest (Díaz-Andreu 2007, 317–318). Of course, even before the 19th century there were private collections all across Europe. From the Renaissance onward, rich merchants, wealthy scholars and rulers created their own private collections known as cabinets of curiosities. As the name implies, they collected everything which sparked their interest; from artworks and archaeological artifacts to artifacts of natural history such as minerals and taxidermy mounts (Palavestra 2011, 60–61). Items that were exhibited in these private collections, which were meant for their owner’s enjoyment alone, were bought and received as gifts, and these
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private collections served as the foundations for the opening of first public museums in the 18th century, which was in fact the key difference – cabinets of curiosities and items in them belonged to the owner of that collection while items in national museums belong to the public, and as museums are public institutions, they are closely linked to politics. Different examples from the present attest to this connection, and maybe the most famous are the questions of whether museums in the West should return their artifacts to their countries of origin as they were “taken” during the colonial period. Or, as Mahmud Konjhodžić states in his travelogue from Egypt: “Enormous riches were taken from there; riches of historic, precious monuments. If a man were to peek into the Parisian Louvre, or the British Museum in London, or the Metropolitan Museum of Arts in Boston,16 the museum in Brooklyn, into the Staatliches Museum in Vienna, or into the Egyptological collection at the University in Leipzig, if he were to peek into many other museums of the world, he would find so much proof of that looting of treasures from Egypt” (Konjhodžić 1956, 9). Aside from such international disputes which create tension, museums also play an important role in cultural diplomacy in several ways: diplomatic gifts can be exhibited in museums, states can be brought closer together through cooperation of museums, countries can promote their own culture by sending exhibitions abroad to museums in other countries… Precisely because of this connection with diplomacy, the Museum of Yugoslavia in Belgrade is important when researching any diplomatic relations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia because this museum houses the gifts Tito received during his time in office which spanned several decades: artworks, works of applied art, jewelry, crafts and so much more. Because of the important bilateral relations between Egypt and Yugoslavia, as well as the trilateral relations between Yugoslavia, Egypt and India, the museum has several items Tito received as gifts. 1⁶ Konjhodžić made a mistake here; the Metropolitan Museum of Art is located in New York.
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He got his first gift at the end of his first visit to Egypt during December 1955 and January 1956. At the Koubbeh Palace, Nasser gave him a silver tea set and an envelope with the description of the other gift which he couldn’t give personally due to its weight, and was instead supposed to be loaded onto the ship Galeb. However, due to an unknown reason, the gift was not loaded onto the ship and it arrived to Yugoslavia towards the end of February. The item in question was an alabaster vase found during the excavations carried out at the Pyramid of Djoser in Saqqara in 1935 (Jovanović 2011/2013, 68–71). Other gift exchanges followed after this one but one gift was very important to Tito personally – a statue of Osiris given to him by Anwar Sadat during his visit to Egypt in 1971; that statue was so interesting to the President of Yugoslavia that he kept it in his bedroom (Cvijović 2019, 178 –180). The museum today also contains an alabaster vase from Djoser’s tomb given to Tito on his 80th birthday in 1972 by Sadat and presented to him at the White Palace by the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs Mohammed Murad Ghaleb, a small alabaster pot of unknown origin, as well as a bust of a pharaoh, a sphinx, and a bronze statue of a seated scribe (Cvijović 2019, 81). Of course, aside from Tito, his wife also received diplomatic gifts. And so in 1961 the ambassador of the United Arabic Republic, on behalf of the President of the National Assembly Anwar Sadat, presented Tito with a handcrafted golden saber and Jovanka Broz with a crafted box from Syria and a rug from Egypt (Jovanović 2011/2013, 71–72); items which are also kept in the Museum of Yugoslavia. However, such gifts are quite interesting curiosities as they show the relationship Tito had with the Egyptian officials, but when talking about museums which play an important role in cultural diplomacy, the work of the Museum of African Art: The Veda and Dr. Zdravko Pečar Collection in Belgrade is far more important. It is a museum with a collection of over 2,000 objects of artistic and ethnographic nature which was created thanks to the initiative of the married couple Veda Zagorac and Zdravko Pečar. They donated to the 175
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city of Belgrade their private collection of African art which they gathered during the several decades they lived in Africa – Zdravko Pečar worked as a foreign correspondent from Africa, and was also an ambassador of Yugoslavia to several African countries (Sladojević 2014, 5–6).
Figure 13 – Pečar interviewing Nasser (source: the photo-archive of Zdravko Pečar in the Museum of African Art in Belgrade)
Technically, the museum doesn’t possess any artifacts from Egypt, yet it houses three masks which belong to the National Museum in Belgrade, but are kept in the Museum of African Art thanks to a long-term loan settlement (Marković 2019, 43; 45). However, even though the museum doesn’t possess a rich collection of Egyptian antiquities, it had a close tie to that country from the beginning. The initiator of the museum, Zdravko Pečar, spent a considerable part of his career as a journalist in Egypt where he worked as a correspondent of the newspaper “Borba” between 1952 and 1956.17 His work 1⁷ Pečar started his career in journalism after World War Two in 1945 as an editor of “Politika” where he worked for a year. From 1947 to 1950 he worked as an editor of the newspaper “Rad”, and from 1952 to 1962 he was a foreign correspondent of every influential newspaper in Yugoslavia, such as “Borba”, and the news service “Tanjug” (Radonjić 2017, 162).
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was extremely important seeing as he was the first foreign journalist who interviewed Naguib (Appendix 1); on July 23, 1952, Naguib led the coup d’etat which deposed King Farouk on July 26 and Pečar interviewed him on July 30 (Pečar 1952a). Of course, he interviewed other prominent figures such as Nasser (Figure 13). He left these and other clippings to the Museum of African Art together with his personal photo-archive (Figure 14). Today his archive is a valuable source as Pečar helped a lot in bringing Yugoslavia and Egypt closer together seeing as he praised Naguib’s regime even before Yugoslav diplomacy adopted a positive stance (Petrović 2005, 118–119). What’s more, he compared Naguib’s revolution to Ataturk’s revolution in Turkey and to the French revolution; in one of his numerous articles he concludes that “affairs in Egypt are in a state of ceaseless progress” (Pečar 1952b). Even after good relations were established, he strived to bring the people of the two countries closer together. Together with Veda, in 1955 he published a short book “Republican Egypt” in which he introduced the Yugoslav public to Egypt and the history of this country, everyday life (which he illustrated with photos) and the life of workers. Even more important, they conclude the book with Nasser’s quotes which they knew the people of Yugoslavia would like as they were close to socialism: “Under freedom I understand the freedom of the industrious, freedom of workers to have a decent life and leisure”, “I am of farmer origin. My family still works the land in Upper Egypt”, “After all, what is freedom? Is it the freedom of capitalists who live in luxury? Or the freedom of the feudal lord who strips the basic rights of peasants tied to the land, thanks to whom he lives?”, “Our freedom will be the freedom of the many, not of the few. Workers and farmer are with us because they know that we fight to make their future better” (Pečar & Zagorac 1955, 83–84). fewyears yearsafter after humble “Republican Egypt” Just aafew thethe humble “Republican Egypt” was was 177
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Figure 14 – Pečar with a camera in Cairo in 1955 (source: the photo-archive of Zdravko Pečar in the Museum of African Art in Belgrade)
published, in 1958 he published with Veda the much more extensive work “Egypt: Land, People, Revolution”. In it they would present Egypt in much more detail to the Yugoslav public, starting with a humble historical depiction of ancient and Islamic Egypt. After that introduction, they wrote a detailed history of Egypt in the 20th cen178
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tury, and presented the everyday life in Egypt at that time, as well as the role of Egypt in international politics and in the Arab World, but they also dealt with the Yugoslav–Egypt relations. In addition to all that, they also published parts of interviews which Pečar conducted with officials, including Tito and Nasser; in other words, this book offered the people of Yugoslavia the most detailed account of Egypt which was available in the Serbo–Croatian language (see Pečar & Zagorac 1958). Not to mention that the book was illustrated with photos made by the Ambassador of Yugoslavia to Egypt, Marko Nikezić, who was their close friend (Radonjić 2017, 166). Therefore, Pečar played an important role in bringing Yugoslavia and Egypt closer but today the Museum of African Art also plays an important role in fostering Serbian–Egyptian intercultural relations. Not only does it host courses in Egyptology and different lectures, but it organized the first Egyptological exhibition in which most of the ancient Egyptian antiquities from Serbian museums were presented. The exhibition “Under the Spotlight: Ancient Egyptian Collections in Museums in Serbia” was organized to commemorate 111 years of diplomatic relations between Serbia and Egypt, which is why the Ambassador of Egypt to Serbia at the time, H.E. Amr Aljowaily, opened it on June 28, 2019. The exhibition itself represented a cultural event of great importance as 10218 out of the 196 ancient Egyptian antiquities in Serbian museums were exhibited (Aleksić 2019, 5–8). Equally important is the fact that until it was closed on November 13 of the same year, it had an accompanying program which included a number of lectures, an all day long course, workshops for children, guided tours for the public and a movie night. Another way of bringing the people closer together is the diverse program which Nenad Marković realized in the museum. It included courses on the everyday life in ancient Egypt (February – 1⁸ For details about the artifacts that were exibited, see the catalogue of the exhibition (see Marković 2019).
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March 2020), an introduction into the material culture of ancient Egypt (May – July 2019) and the cultural history of ancient Egypt (October 2018 – February 2019), as well as a day-long course “Animals in Ancient Egypt: Bodies, Texts, and Representations” which he realized together with Uroš Matić and Milan Marković on October 9, 2019. In addition to these events, it’s important to mention the Afro Festival which the museum organizes every year, and where on June 28, 2019, the Arab Republic of Egypt was the country-guest of honor; for this occasion the Egyptian dance troupe Reda19 gave a performance.
Figure 15 – A performance by the Reda Troupe on July 12, 2019, at the National Museum in Belgrade given in order to mark the National Day of Egypt (author: Ana Stjelja) 1⁹ The Troupe was founded by dancer and choreographer Mahmud Reda in 1959. When it was founded, it consisted of 12 musicians and 12 dancers, while its original choreography was a mixture of Egyptian folklore and ballet. The Reda Troupe was very successful in Egypt, it was supported by Nasser himself, and it also performed abroad (Stjelja 2019, 34–37). As far as Serbia is concerned, during its visit in 2019 the Troupe performed in several cities, and it made a several performances in Belgrade as well. (Figure 15).
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However, aside from organizing events, the Museum helps in fostering Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations with its publications as well seeing as Egypt and Egyptology are topics that the Museum’s journal “Afrika” deals with (see Vasiljević 2013b) and the Museum also published a special work devoted to the Serbian–Egyptian relations, “Egypt Remembered by Serbia” (Epštajn 2011/2013, 13–19). Because of all that, the Museum of African Art represents one of the most important institutions that foster Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations, but it definitely isn’t the only one which does this.
5. Other Institutions and Events There are numerous other associations which foster Egyptian culture in Serbia, even some private museums. One of them is the civil society “Adligat” from Belgrade which, among other things, runs the Museum of Book and Travel. As Egypt is a popular destination among travelers, but also an important literary center, the Museum has a whole collection devoted to this country. In it there are numerous books, including some important and rare works such as “Echoes of an Autobiography” signed by the author, the Egyptian Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz (Mirković 2021). Of course, aside from such institutions which cherish Egyptian culture, there are also those which actively promote it. The Arabic Cultural Center which was founded in 2017 plays a very important role in the promotion of Egyptian culture in Serbia. The Center is involved in promoting Arabic culture in general, but also that of individual countries as well. Regarding Egypt, aside from courses of Arabic language and Egyptian Arabic which it organizes, with the help of other institutions and the Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt in Serbia itself, the Center organizes various events
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which promote Egyptian culture; it was involved in organizing the “Day of Egyptian Cuisine”, a lecture on student internships in the Arab world (where it was talked about Egypt as well), a lecture by Ibrahim Ghazala on Egyptian painting and the “Week of Egyptian Film.”20 It is worth mentioning that the Arabic Cultural Center is responsible for the translation and publication of the book previously edited by the then appointed Ambassador of Egypt to Serbia Amr Aljowaily, “Serbia in the Eyes of Egyptians: Diplomatic Memories and Cultural Notes”. The book was first published as a special issue in 2019 when the Arab Republic of Egypt was the guest of honor of the 64th International Belgrade Book Fair, organised in collaboration with GEBO (General Egyptian Book Organisation) which already established a very fruitful cooperation with several prominent Serbian publishers. This work offers a unique insight into Egyptian–Serbian relations as it doesn’t just provide the diplomatic memories of former ambassadors who served in Belgrade at different periods from 1989 to 2018,21 but also works by prominent Egyptian figures who visited Belgrade for different reasons. Because of that, aside from diplomatic memories, the book also contains cultural notes of the Egyptologist Zahi Hawass, the artist Marafat el Suifi who got a scholarship to study and teach at the Faculty of Applied Arts in Belgrade from 1990 to 1992, the journalist Gamal Zayd and the writer and radio presenter Mey Khaled. While editing the book, Aljowaily also invited the then Serbian Ambassador to Egypt, Dragan Bisenić, to gather such diplomatic and cultural notes of Serbian ambassadors and cultural figures who visited Egypt into a separate book (El-Guvejli 2019, 23), but this book 20 Even though there is no continuity, it’s worth mentioning that in SFR Yugoslavia there was a periodical festival “Week of UAR Film”. The first Week was organized in 1960, the second in 1961 and the third in 1975 (Maričić 2011/2013, 100–109). 21 Husein Abdelkhaliq Hassouna (ambassador from 1989 to 1992), Hani Khilaf (ambassador from 1997 to 1999), Ashraf Akl (charge d’affaires at the Embassy of Egypt in Belgrade from January to November of 1999), Bassem Khalil (charge d’affaires at the Embassy of Egypt in Belgrade from 1999 to 2003), Adel Naguib (ambassador from 2005 to 2009), Ali Galal Basyouni (ambassador from 2009 to 2013), Minha Bakhum (ambassador from 2013 to 2015) and Ezzuddin Fahmi (ambassador from 2015 to 2018).
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hasn’t been published so far. Of course, the Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt in Serbia organized several different events itself over the years. The events were organized even during troubling times for Serbia such as the 90s, about which Hani Khilaf, who served as the Ambassador of Egypt in Belgrade from 1997 until the end of the mission and the closing of the Embassy due to the bombing, writes in his diplomatic memories. He stated that even before traveling to Belgrade in 1997, he gave the Egyptian minister of foreign affairs notes on his view of the goals of his work as an ambassador and future priorities with practical advice on how to further foster the development of Egyptian– Yugoslav relations. This advice involved different things, from the opening of parallel channels of communication between the Egyptian House of Representatives and the Parliament of Yugoslavia and the founding of a joint business committee, through the reopening of the news agency “Near East” in Belgrade and the opening of an office of the Egyptian Tourism Authority in Belgrade, all the way to cultural activities like the exchange of film projections, theatre plays and folklore ensembles (Hilaf 2019, 81–82). Even though the minister of foreign affairs initially supported the suggestions, in the following period the enthusiasm of the Egyptian ministry for the development of better relations and expanding the work in FR Yugoslavia diminished, which forced Khilaf to pay more attention to cultural diplomacy. As he states in his notes, “because of the absence of any form of cultural, media or touristic mission of Egypt in this region during this hard period, I took initiative and organized cultural and media activities, and their realization I oversaw personally” (Hilaf 2019, 94). Some of the prominent events which should be noted are the “Egyptian Night” organized at the Department of Oriental Languages, Literatures and Cultures of the University in Belgrade on April 28, 1998, which was attended by over 150 professors, students and officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a lecture “Egypt Today” which 183
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the ambassador gave personally at the Karić Brothers’ University on December 13, 1998, a seminar at the Art Academy of the Karić University “The Similarities and Differences of Arabic and Yugoslav Music” on January 27, 1999, where Moushira Issa from the Cairo Conservatory gave a speech, and the festival “Days of Egyptian Culture in Belgrade” which was held between January 25 and 30, 1999, where industrial and handcrafted works were exhibited, films were shown and seminars on the similarities and differences between Yugoslav and Arabic culture were held (Hilaf 2019, 100–103). When the situation was stabilized after the bombing in 1999, the diplomatic mission of Egypt in Belgrade was reopened, which made it possible to develop cultural diplomacy. For instance, Ali Galal Basyouni served as the Ambassador in Belgrade from 2009 to 2013 and in this period the Embassy of Egypt organized several events. It’s worth mentioning the delegation led by Mohamed Salmawy, the president of the Writers Union of Egypt, which participated in an international conference at the PEN Club in Belgrade, as well as the visit of the chairpersons of the Cairo Opera House, Abdel-Moneim Kamel, and Inas Abdel-Dayem, an exhibition of paintings by young Egyptian artist because of their visit to Belgrade, a concert by the Egyptian jazz musician Yehya Khalil, but also individual things which brought the people of these two countries closer together like the visits of the editors of the biggest Serbian newspapers and magazines to Egypt in order for them to publish articles and reports of their impressions upon their return (Basjuni 2019, 166–170). However, as we’ve mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, even though public and cultural diplomacy of Egypt are more developed than Serbia’s, even they are predominantly the result of the enthusiasm of Egyptian diplomats rather than of the planed activities of the Arab Republic of Egypt. Because of that, the development of the cultural diplomacy with Serbia varies as some ambassadors pay a lot of attention to it while others are more interested in other aspects of diplomacy.
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IV Conclusion “In the end, I would like to point out that, during this period when I had the honor to work as an ambassador in Serbia, I saw the great potential of Egyptian–Serbian relations, at the center of which there is a long tradition of friendly relations and mutual interests” (Basjuni 2019, 174 –175). Although the cultural diplomacy of Serbia and of Egypt isn’t on an enviable level, it still plays an important role in Serbian–Egyptian relations. As many from both sides point out, Serbia and Egypt are connected by a friendship which spans decades. This “Serbian– Egyptian friendship” is especially prominent because it was established during the 50s and 60s when both countries played a far more significant role in the world and so people remember that era with fondness. As a result, whenever we speak of this friendship, both sides fondly remember the golden age of the friendship which was also a golden age for their countries. Today, on the other hand, the situation is a bit different as the foreign policy of the two countries changed. Since President el-Sisi came to power, Egypt’s been trying to foster better relations with other African and Middle Eastern countries, but the rise of ISIS brought Egypt and the West, especially the United States, closer in order to fight this threat (Hemaid 2017, 303–311). In the case of Serbia, its foreign policy was drastically changed because from the beginning of the 21st century the country strived to become a member of the European Union, and so because of the Euro-integration process it was more important for it to foster relations with the West, unlike Yugo185
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slavia which was turned towards Africa and Asia because its goal was to establish cooperation with countries that did not support the Bloc division. When foreign policy goals of two countries stop overlapping, it often creates a turning point in their bilateral relations. An additional problem in the case of Serbia and Egypt is the fact that today there is no significant economic cooperation as there was during the middle of the 20th century. It is to be expected that the combination of those two facts would affect not just the bilateral relations but the people’s awareness about those relations. After all, today there isn’t a lot of talk about the friendship of Serbia and other members of the Non–Aligned Movement. There isn’t even an awareness of “Serbian-Indian friendship” despite the fact that India was one of the first three initiators of this movement. However, this isn’t the case with Serbian–Egyptian relations. During every meeting between officials of the two countries, there is always talk about the history and importance of Egyptian– Serbian relations. Outside of politics, even among the people, especially among the older generation, there is an ever-lasting awareness about the “Serbian/Yugoslav–Egyptian friendship” because of the fact that the media had been reporting about this friendship for decades. The same goes for Egypt; Nebojša Jojić noted that after an Egyptian hears that someone is a traveler from Serbia, the immediate response “Tito–Nasser!” often follows (Jojić 2018, 21). That awareness about the historical importance of Serbian–Egyptian relations is the result of public and cultural diplomacy. Of course, the fact that Egypt is a common destination of Serbian tourists helps, but the Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations are of far greater importance. Not only did they pave the way for the notion of Serbian–Egyptian friendship, but they are more important today than ever before. Those cultural relations are the foundation of good Serbian–Egyptian relations in the 21st century. As we’ve noted, today the 186
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foreign policy goals of these countries don’t overlap and there isn’t large-scale economic cooperation which would bring them together. However, the awareness that there have been good relations between the two countries for decades maintains them to this day. It is this tradition of good relations between the countries coupled with Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations that has created a will to maintain such relations even if the political goals of the countries have changed in the meantime.
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Appendix 1 – Pečar’s Interview with Naguib “BORBA’S” SPECIAL CORRESPODENT’S INTERVIEW WITH GENERAL MOHAMED NAGUIB
The movement’s goals are cleansing the country and progress in all fields – the army will support the reforms and the renewal – the king and the clique around him got rich at the expense of the people (from the special correspondent of “BORBA”)
Cairo, August 1st (via cablegram) “Our movements goals are cleansing the country and progress in all fields” – General Mohamed Naguib told on Thursday the special correspondent of “Borba” in his headquarters in Abbassia, a suburb of Cairo. He is traveling across Middle Eastern countries and found himself in Cairo after the deposing of King Farouk. “There is no doubt that our country will rise and develop once it’s completely cleansed”, General Naguib went on. “As far as I’m concerned, I won’t meddle with politics. But the army will always serve the people and support the rebuilding, reforms and the cleansing of the country. The prime minister has a well known program laid out in research papers and books about the subject of revolutions”. When asked how Egyptians accepted the executed changes, General Naguib answered: “Every Egyptian, those in the North and 188
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those in the South (in Sudan), as well as the Egyptian citizens of other nationalities, have greeted and welcomed this movement. All of them were nearly asphyxiated by the many bitter events of the previous era. Every day we get over five thousand telegrams and the same amount letters which express support of our movement. These telegrams and letters are but an echo of the feelings Egyptians now have in their hearts”. General Naguib pointed out that all Egyptians are truly happy that the era of King Farouk came to an end. “The nation has suffered greatly” – he stated – “because Farouk, he and the irresponsible parasites around him, meddled with state affairs. They are the reason why the Egyptian army at the Palestine front received faulty weapons, which is why we didn’t win the war. They also appropriated the resources of the country to enrich themselves. Bribery occurred everywhere in the country. Corruptibility was everywhere, and the worst ones became the most privileged ones”. In the end, General Naguib asked our correspondent to pass on his greetings and best wishes to the people of Yugoslavia (Pečar 1952c).
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• El-Guvejli, Amr 2019. Uvod… I zaključak!. U Srbija u očima Egipćana: Diplomatska sećanja i kulturne beleške (ur. el Guvejli, Amr). Arapski kulturni centar, 15–47. • Gajić, Vaso 1954. Utisci s puta kroz Afriku: Kenija, Etiopija, Egipat. Sarajevo: Narodna prosvjeta. • Garonja, Slavica 2007. Moj predak je drvo. Beograd: Književno društvo Sveti Sava. • Hanna, Milad 1994. The seven pillars of the Egyptian identity. Cairo: General Egyptian Book Organization. • Hasuna, Husein 2019. Svedok početka tranzicije u Beogradu. U Srbija u očima Egipćana: Diplomatska sećanja i kulturne beleške (ur. el Guvejli, Amr). Arapski kulturni centar, 49–75. • Hilaf, Hani 2019. Moje nedovršeno iskustvo za vreme Miloševića. U Srbija u očima Egipćana: Diplomatska sećanja i kulturne beleške (ur. el Guvejli, Amr). Arapski kulturni centar, 77–113. • Jojić, Nebojša 2018. Bukirano: priča duga 40.000 kilometara. Beograd: Laguna. • Jovanović, Milan 1892. S mora i sa suva. Beograd: Srpska književna zadruga. • Jovanović, Milan 1894. Tamo amo po istoku – sveska prva. Beograd: Srpska književna zadruga. • Konjhodžić, Mahmud 1956. Vidio sam Egipat. Zagreb: Sloga. • Miloradović, Branko 2018. Beogradska mumija. Beograd: Laguna. • Mirković, M. 2021. Beograd mu bio u srcu: Knjiga sa posvetom jedinog arapskog Nobelovca postala deo kolekcije muzeja “Adligat”. Novosti, 16. januar. • Mladenović, Vlasta & Nikolić, Gordana 1996. Muhtarat minaš širis serbi. Kairo: Ravan Ko. • Nagib, Adil 2019. Iskustvo rada u Ambasadi. U Srbija u očima Egipćana: Diplomatska sećanja i kulturne beleške (ur. el Guvejli, Amr). Arapski kulturni centar, 141–153. • Pečar, Zdravko 1952a. Borba mladih egipatskih oficira i njihova pobeda nad Farukom. Borba, 14. avgust. 198
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• Pečar, Zdravko 1952b. Egipat bez kralja i paša. Borba, 17. avgust. • Pečar, Zdravko 1952c. Intervju specijalnog dopisnika „Borbe“ s generalom Mohamedom Nagibom. Borba, 2. avgust. • Pečar, Zdravko & Zagorac, Veda 1955. Republikanski Egipat. Beograd: Kultura. • Pečar, Zdravko & Zagorac, Veda 1958. Egipat: zemlja, narod, revolucija. Beograd: Kultura. • Petrović, Aleksandar 2016. Beogradska knjiga mrtvih. Beograd: Udruženje građana Periskop. • Stanković, Dejan 2020. Zamalek – roman o kismetu. Beograd: Laguna. • Stefanović, Danijela 2018. Pouka za Merikarea: staroegipatski trakt o vlasti. Beograd: Evoluta. • Stjelja, Ana 2019. Mahmud Reda: Pionir egipatskog folklora. Alia Mundi magazin 9: 34-37.
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AFTERWORD “Serbian-Egyptian intercultural relations” Miloš Todorović’s book Serbian–Egyptian Intercultural Relations answers a necessity that is present in the science, culture, and diplomacy of Serbia, but also of Egypt. It is a need to enlink all of the research papers, monographs, catalogues of exhibitions, travelogues, but also cultural diplomacy efforts, as well as efforts of cultural workers, scientists, diplomats and social activists, and for Serbian–Egyptian intercultural relations to be presented in one review work and in a timeline, but also to examine their continuities and discontinuities. Using the broadly defined concept of cultural relations, after carefully defining the terms “culture” and “public diplomacy”, the author gives one synthesis by lining a wide array of research works from different disciplines (Egyptology, comparative literature, historiography, art history, museum studies, international relations) and gives an adequate review of these relations. Todorović rightly identifies the actors who are not a part of official cultural diplomacy and represent “self-initiated forms of cultural exchange”. Other actors are placed by the author into the proper historical context: European/Yugoslav/Serbian and colonial/anticolonial, Non-Aligned, the context of the newly liberated Serbia and the independent, and then semi-colonial Egypt, the interwar Mediterranean and the world during the Cold War. Through the activities of individuals like Jovan Dučić, Huda Sha’arawi, Amr Aljowaily, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Josip Broz Tito, but also institutions such as the embassies in Cairo and Belgrade, the Museum of Yugoslav History or the Museum of African Art in Belgrade, Todorović successfully locates the rises and falls of these relations, their discontinuities, but also the
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paradox of them being maintained despite the often weak and irregular state support. The book has a clear structure, where a brief review of Serbian/Yugoslav–Egyptian diplomatic relations is firstly being laid out in the chapters Yugoslavia and Egypt and Serbia and Egypt. The highlight is on the most intense period of the cooperation between Egypt and Serbia/Yugoslavia, which coincides with the golden period of the Non-Aligned Movement and the activities of the Yugoslav President Tito and the Egyptian President Nasser. This chapter is followed by those about Mutual Heritage, which further encompasses this work; then Egypt and Serbian Culture, which deals with the culture of travel writing especially; a separate section about Egyptology in Serbia, and the particularly intriguing chapters Diplomacy and Museums and Other Institutions and Events which showcase how official, and especially unofficial contacts through NGOs or interested individuals can contribute to intercultural relations. In the Appendix there is an interview which the correspondent of “Borba”, future historian, diplomat and founder of the Museum of African Art, and one of the most important actors in Afro–Yugoslav relations during the Cold War, Zdravko Pečar, conducted with general Mohamed Naguib, just a week after the Free Officers took power in Egypt; not to mention that it was the first interview that the nominal leader of the coup d’état gave to a foreign correspondent, which shows on a concrete example the continual recognition between Egypt and Yugoslavia/Serbia as important and at times similar states and societies. Miloš Todorović’s book will be useful to everyone who is interested in Serbian–Egyptian communication; scholars who wish to get into this subject, but also future diplomats and cultural envoys who would like to further develop these contacts through official or unofficial channels. NemanjaRadonjić, PhD Research Associate The Institute for Recent History of Serbia 201
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Zahvalnica
Osim svojim prijateljima iz Egipta koji su me inspirisali da se posvetim proučavanju egipatske kulture te i pisanju ove knjige, moram da se zahvalim i nekolicini ljudi. Pre svega moram da se zahvalim Udruženju za promociju kulturne raznolikosti „Alia Mundi“ koje je odlučilo da objavi knjigu i učini je dostupnom svima besplatno. Zbog toga želim da se zahvalim predsednici udruženja sa kojom već godinama sarađujem, dr Ani Stjelji, jer je naporno radila i kao urednik, ali je i kao recezent davala sugestije kako da knjiga bude još interesantnija čitaocima. Podjednako sam zahvalan i Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu koji mi je pomogao prilikom istraživanja za ovu knjigu. Zahvalan sam kustosu/dokumentaristi Milici Naumov koja mi je dala pristup i pomogla prilikom istraživanja arhive dr Zdravka Pečara, ali i direktorki muzeja, dr Mariji Aleksić, koja mi je omogućila da iskoristim Pečarove fotografije iz Egipta za ilustrovanje ove knjige. Zahvalnost dugujem i dr Nemanji Radonjiću sa Instituta za noviju istoriju Srbije koji je kao recezent ukazao na pojedine mane i propuste u knjizi, te je utoliko učinio boljom i vrednijim izvorom. Naravno, kao i svaki odgovorni istraživač, moram se zahvaliti prethodnicima koji su se bavili sličnim temama u svom naučnom radu i time postavili temelj za ovu knjigu. Ali, na kraju želim da se zahvalim svom dragom prijatelju Miroslavu Lociju koji je imao strpljenja i volje da pročita ovu knjigu, dao stilske sugestije, i pomogao u njenom prevođenju, na čemu sam mu večno zahvalan. 202
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*** Svi oni su doprineli kvalitetu ove knjige, a moja nada je da će i sama knjiga doprineti daljem razvoju srpsko-egipatskih međukulturnih odnosa.
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Acknowledgments Aside from my Egyptian friends who’ve inspired me to devote myself to studying Egyptian culture and to write this book, I also have to thank a few people as well. First of all I have to thank the Association for Promoting Cultural Diversity “Alia Mundi” which decided to publish this book and make it available to everyone for free. Because of that I want to thank the president of the association with whom I worked for years, Dr. Ana Stjelja, as she worked hard as an editor, but also as a reviewer gave suggestions on how to make the book even more interesting to readers. I’m equally thankful to the Museum of African Art in Belgrade which helped me while doing research for this book. I’m thankful to the curator/ documentationist Milica Naumov who granted me access and helped while researching the archive of Dr. Zdravko Pečar, but also to the director of the museum, Dr. Marija Aleksić, who allowed me to use Pečar’s photos from Egypt to illustrate this book. I owe thanks also to Dr. Nemanja Radonjić from the Institute for Recent History of Serbia who, as a reviewer, pointed out certain flaws and oversights in the book and thus made it so much better and a more valuable source. Of course, like every responsible researcher, I have to thank my predecessors who’ve dealt with similar topics in their scientific careers and by doing so paved the way for this book. But, lastly I want to thank my dear friend Miroslav Loci who had the patience and the
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will to read this book, gave suggestions on the style, and helped in translating it, for which I’m eternally grateful. *** All of them contributed to the quality of this book and my hope is that the book itself will help in the further development of Serbian–Egyptian cultural relations.
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CONTENT
Editor’s note ....................................................................................... 99
I INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 103 II History of Diplomatic Relations ................................................ 109 1. Yugoslavia and Egypt ................................................................ 110 2. Serbia and Egypt ...................................................................... 128 III Intercultural Relations .............................................................. 133 1. Intercultural Contact ................................................................ 137 1.1. Shared Heritage ...................................................................... 140 2. Egypt and Serbian Culture ...................................................... 143 3. Egyptology in Serbia ................................................................ 165 3.1. Ancient Egyptian Heritage in Serbian Museums ................. 170 4. Diplomacy and Museums ......................................................... 173 5. Other Institutions and Events ................................................. 181 IV Conclusion ................................................................................... 185 APPENDIX 1 ...................................................................................... 188 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................ 191 AFTERWORD .................................................................................... 200 ZAHVALNICA/ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................... 202 206
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CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији Народна библиотека Србије, Београд 327(497.11:620)(0.034.2) 316.7(497.11:620)(0.034.2) ТОДОРОВИЋ, Милош, 1997Srbija i Egipat [Elektronski izvor] : srpsko-egipatski međukulturni odnos = Serbia and Egypt : Serbian-Egyptian intercultural relations / Miloš Todorović ; [translated into English by the author]. - Beograd : Udruženje za promociju kulturne raznolikosti "Alia Mundi", 2021 ([Beograd]). - 1 elektronski optički disk (CD-ROM) : tekst ; 12 cm. - (Edicija Porta Mundi) Sistemski zahtevi: Nisu navedeni. - Nasl. sa nasl. ekrana. - Tiraž 100. ISBN 978-86-81396-12-4 а) Међународни односи -- Србија б) Међународни односи -- Египат в) Србија -- Културна политика -Египат COBISS.SR-ID 42506249
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Miloš Todorović je pisac i istraživač iz Srbije. Nakon završene Smederevske gimnazije upisuje studije arheologije na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu. Tokom osnovnih studija počinje da se bavi pisanjem. Osim istraživačkih radova o kulturnom nasleđu, objavio je preko 50 članaka na razne teme, kako na srpskom, tako i na engleskom jeziku. Radove je objavio u časopisima: “Skeptic Magazine”, “Anthropology Now”, „Mons Aureus“, „PULSE“, „Alia Mundi“. Tokom osnovnih studija se usavršavao i u inostranstvu. U Egiptu je učestvovao u projektu promocije turizma 2017. godine, radio je kao pripravnik za digitalni marketing u Paster Institutu u Atini (2019) i predavao na temu „Ciljevi održivog razvoja“ u Istanbulu (2020). Nakon diplomiranja 2020. godine upisuje master studije iz istorije umetnosti takođe na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu i master iz političkih nauka na Fakultetu za medije i komunikacije. Pored pisanja, volontirao je u Vikimediji Srbije, Centru za urbani razvoj, Centru za bioetičke studije, bio član Kluba studenata arheologije i AIESEC-a, učestvovao na festivalima Noć muzeja, Noć istraživača, Festival nauke, i radio na digitalizaciji u Muzeju u Smederevu, Muzeju vojvođanskih Slovaka u Bačkom Petrovcu i Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu.
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