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SACRAMENTUM VOLUME
THREE:
MUNDI
HABI'TUS — MATERIALISM
SACRAMENTUM
MUNDI
An Encyclope-dia of Theology Edited by KarL RannNer S]], Minster and
Juan Arraro S, Rome ALBERTO BELLINI, Bergamo Carvro CoLoMBO,
Venegono
Hexr: CrouzeL S], Toulouse
JeAN Danierou S], Paris AporLr DarLapr, Munich CornELIus ErnstT
OP, Oxford
Josk FonpEviLLa S}, Barcelona Prer Fransen, Louvain Fercus
KErr OP, Oxford
PIET SCHOONENBERG, Nijmegen
Kevin SmytH, Paris 1 Gustave WEIGEL S], Woodstock
© Hermann-Hetder-Foundation, Basle—Montreal “
Published by Herder and Herder New York - Burns & Oates London - Palm Publishers
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'SACRAMENTUM MUNDI AN
ENCYCLOPEDIA
VOLUME
OF
THEOLOGY
THREE
HABITUS TO MATERIALISM
BURNS
& OATES
1969 HERDER
AND
HERDER
NEW
YDRK
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General Editor: Adolf Datlap
Nibil obstat: Lionel Swain, Censor
Imprimatar: T Patrick Casey, Vie, Gen,, Auxiliary Bishop of Westminster Westminster, 11th November 1968.
The Nihil obstat and Imprimatur ate a declaration that a book or pamphlétis consideted to be free from doctrinal or motal efror. Itis not implied that those who have granted the
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First published in West Germany © 1969, Herdet KG Printed in West Germany by Herder
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ABBREVIATIONS The following list does not include biblical and other well-known abbreviations.
Whenever an author, not listed below, is cited in an article by name only, followed
by page number(s), the reference is to a work listed in the bibliography at the end of the article. AAS ACW Billerbeck
Acta Apostolicae Sedis (19091) J. Quasten and }. C. Plampe, Ancienz Christian Writers (1946 1) (FL. L. Strack and) P, Billerbeck, Kommentar qum Neunen Testament
aus Tabmud wnd Midrasch, 1-IV (1922-28; reprint, 1956), V: rabbinical index, &d. by J. Jeremias and K. Adolph (1956)
CBQ Chalkedon
CIC ciO Collertio Lacensis
CSEL D
Catholic Biblical Quarterly (193911.)
A. Gtillmeier and H. Bacht, eds., Das Kongil von Chalkédon, Gesehichte und Gegemvart, 3 vols. (1951-54; 2nd enlarged ed., 1962) Codex [uris Canonici Codex [uris Canonici Orientalis (Unless stated otherwise, the
references are to the law relating to petsons.)
Collectio Lacensis: Acta et Decreta Sacrorum Cosiciliorum Recentiorum,
ed. by the Jesuits of Maria Laach, 7 vols. (1870-90) Corpus Seriptorum Ecclesiasticornm Latinoram (18661L)
H. Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum, Definitionum et Declara-
tionum de Rebus Fidet et Morwm (31st ed., 1957); see also DS E. Vigouroux, ed., Dictionnaire de la Bible, 5 vols. (1895-1912) L. Pirot, ed., Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplément, continued by A. Robert (19284.)
H. Denzinger and A. Schénmetzer, Enchiridion Symboloram, Definitionnm et Declarationum de Rebus Fidet et Morum (331d ed.,
1965); see also DD
M. Viller, ed., Dictivinaire de Spiritualité ascétigme et mystique. Doctrine et Histoire (193241.)
A. Vacant and E. Mangenot, eds., Dictionnaire de théologie catholigue, continued by E. Amann, I-XV, Table analytique and Tables générales, XVIH. (1903 1L.) v
ABBREVIATIONS
Enchiridion Biblicum Enchiridion Biblicum.
ETL GCS Hennecke-
Schneemelcher-
Wilson
Documenta
Eiclesiastita Sacram Seripturan
Spectantia (3rd ed., 1956) Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses (19241.)
Die privchischen, christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten dréi Jabrhunderte
(1897 f1.)
E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher and R. McL. Wilson, eds., New
Testament Apoerypha, 2 vols. (1963—-65)
HERE
J. Hastings, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, 12 vols. +
JBL JTS
LTK
Journal of Biblical Literature (18811f) Journal of Theological Studies (189911.) J. Hofer and K. Rahner, eds., Lexikon fir Thevlogic md Kirche,
Mansi
J. D. Mansi, Sacroram Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima
NRT NTS§ PG PL
J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia La:?m:, 217 vols. 4 4 index vols.
Pritchard
RGG
index (1908-26; 2nd rev. ed., 1925-40)
10 vols. + index (2nd rev. ed., 1957-67)
31 vols. (1757-98); reprint and contihuation ed. by L. Petit and J. B. Martin, 60 vols. (1899-1927) Nospelle Reyue Théologiqne (1879 1) New Testamens Studies (19544.) J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca, 161 vols. (18574.) : (1844 1) J. B. Pritchard, ed., Aurient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament (I 950; 2nd revised and enlarged ed,, 1955) K. Galling, ed., Die Religion in Geschichté nd Ga;gmwar; 6. vols,
index (3rd rev. ed., 1957-65)
Revue &’histoire ecclésiastique (19008.) Revne d*bistoireet de philosophic religienss (1921 )
RHE RHPR RSPT RSR RSV 75 I
Recherches de science religiense (191068
TWNT
G.
ZAW ZRKT
VI
Gollectio,
Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologigues (1907H.)
Revised Standard Version of the Bible
|
Theological Studies (19404.)
Texcte und Untersuchungen sur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatnr. Archiv fiir die griechisch- christlichen S fbr#f:t&ller der ‘ersten drei Jahrhunderte, hitherto 62 vols, in 5 series (1882) Kittel, ed.,
Theologisches Warterbuch zm
Newen
Testament,
comntinued by G Friedrich (1933#); E.T.: T égafqgm! Dictionary of the New Testament (196418) Zestschrift fir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaf? (1881 ) Zeitschrift fir Katholische Theologie (187TH.)
takes place in the world, which structures are
HABITUS
1. The general notion. The notion of babitus
is used to explain the special nature of human
action. Since man is spirit realizing himself in freedom, he comes upon himself not merely as a neutral entity, but primarily as a task imposed. Through and in his-action he must make himself what he is and ought to
be. But this power to make himself does not
mean that he is totally indeterminate, as if he had t0 makean absolute beginningat each
not
comprehended
in
an
abstract,
formal
definition of man’s essence but are found in
the conctete being of man, Insofar as exist-
ence itself is an orientation to action, the existentials
are
Aabifuses.
But
since
the
babitus, unlike the existential, indicates not
only a basic structure but its individual dif-
ferentiation in each person, the habitus has
more sharply defined characteristics than the existential.
This description of the ebstus differs some-
man as spirit always starts from 2 determinate
what from the classical definition given by Aristotle: ““The habitus (£5.¢) is an aequisi-
given act and enters into it as a determining
off as regards itself (i.e., its own nature) or
moment. On the contrary, the free action of state of the subject, which is prior to any
factor.
We
call this subjective
disposition
habitys — insofar as a) its nature cannot be deduced from a formal definition of the essence and hence could have been other-
wise, andb) the act in guestion is related to
man a$ a totality, that i3, to his being good or bad. If we call bodily constitution a habit (babitns), this can only be in a transferred sense, 25 when we speak of a “sickly” or healthy habit. The spiritual, free action of
man is pnly determined by thoese modes of
being which refer this action te the absolute
of truth and love. Thus these modes of being
are characterized by the fact that they are
orientated to the absolute itself: they are the
modes of existence, and a habit (Jabitus) is
a determinate quality of existence insofar as it is orientated to man’s action.
With
this,
tion whereby another
something is better or worse
(i.e., the final end of its nature).”
(Meta., V, 20; 1022, 1041.) Aristotle’s more
static view sees the habitus primarily as 2 further determination of the subject, and only then ag related to action, which is not confinéd to human action. We take it mote dynamically and strictly, primarily as the
basic possibility of specifically human action, spiritual and free and also part of the world
process.
Only when taken in this sense can
it help to explain the specific nature of human action.
2, Definition in detail. In view of what has
been said abowve, the further determination of the notion of babitus must begin with the
characteristics of existence, insofar as they
the notion of hsbitus approximates to that
determine human action. a) Existence is otientation te the Absolute,
mean the basic structutres of existence, that
bestowal of the Absolute itself. Existence as
of the existential. For by existentials we also
is, of the orientation to the absolute which
This orientation is set on foot by the self-
thus founded is the being of man in its inmost
1
HABITUS an
intefionty
not
coun-
sciously grasped. In this merely formal con-
sideration of the core of being as spurce of action, it is not yet hsbizus, since 1t has no
particular determinations beyond its essential
constitution. It is only Aebitus when it is considered in its ingriasic determination. This determination of the substantial being
(which qua produced does not yet formally
imply relationship to the world) is brought about by the fact that the Absolute bestows itself (by giving rise to the being in question) and in the way in which it bestows itself. In the pre-Christian and non-Christian realtns,
this self-bestowal remains veiled in an ano-
nymity which, though not indeterminate, is still ultimately mexphcable For Christians,
dition calls this determination of the faculties
habitus aperativ. Thereare two such operative habituses:
(i) The relationship-of the Absolute to the
world in general, accomplishéd through the
operative faculties, is c’oflsci@ufily grasped in
the act of existence, that is, in the free action,
of the spirit, though such knmwlcdgc doesnot necessarily take the form of articulate statement. But this relationship is the structuriz-
ing of worldly beings by the Absolute as they
are bmught.- about, and it is formulated ini-
tially and in general by means of the fiest prin-
ciples of being.
Since this relationship is
grasped in every spiritual activity of man, the opetative fachlties are at once materially determined in their first act by mmght irito the
it is characterized as Jesus Christ, in whom
first principles — which insight is not simply
our being to Christ thfough the offer of
factualness of the world in general. Hence the scholastics terined this imselleitas privcipiorym the primary habitus of the human
the living God turns t6 us in love, ordaining
salvation, transfcrmmg and determining it
in: Christ. It is a self-bestowal which enables men to share profoundly, though gratui-
tously, the possibilities of God’s own self-
existent being, This determination, which is
the adaptation and otdination of existence to Christ, since it iz paft of existence and yet is only intelligible in view of Christ,
- 18 the “supernatural existential” of mdn (K. Rahner). As thé dequisition which in Christ affects man in the core of his being,
elevating and changing him, it is sanctifying
gtace. Both of these, supernatural existenitial
and sanctifying grace, had to be called by
scholastic
tradition
babitus infusi,
because
absolutely inexigible by man and oaly im-
planted by God, and bebizus entitativi because
determinative of the core of man’s being — though as 4 rule only sanctifying grace is designated as an entitative isifused Aabitys. b) The orientation to the Absolute takes
place in the world, that is, the substantial
interiority of man is only there 4s related to the world. Fundamentally, it is the spiritual facnlties which realize this telationship. But
since of themselves they do not specify the relationship
any further, they must
them-
selves reeeive a further determination, s that ‘each act of ittan has not to be accomplished a5 an absolute beginning (k. 1). In contrast to the entitative bubifus, which did not formally include stich relatmnshlp to the
world, the determination
in question, in
which the relationship to the world is crystallized, implies dn immédiate relationship to 2
a logical deduction, but presupposes the
spirit.
(ii) This pflmar}* insight which is always present gives humanaction acertain (general) telationship to. the wotld, but not to history,
which being action accomplished in freedom
is never complete. And here it is not only 2,
Ly
though
the actien of man in the world Heérice tia-
matter of the history of the individual; for
his his’terry only takes forim in his réaction to history in general, which offers him, and imposes on him, its harvest of thought and experience and is thus a prior factor deter-
mining each action. The individual action
must b¢ made dn organic part of one’s own history and hence of general history, if onie is to take 2 responsible attitude to one’s own
and others’ acts. Hence the condition of
pfismb;hty of regponsibleé action is that the
operative faculties both end and preserve
this history by taking it over a8 a determisation. And this determination, being the imptint of personal and general history (in-
sofat as the individual is concerned with it), makes the actions of the individual chatac-
teristic of his petsonality — and makes them good or bad. Such determinations of the
operative faculties are then ‘thé mote in-
tellectual
virtues
of science, wisdom
and
prodence. (or their absence) or the more practical soral
virtues (6¢ vices), which
equip each action ¢f man for its fimffime af'
freedem, where the life 'of man is gathi up Hito one, 15 Yes of No to the Absaiute hence really to the living God of Jesus Christ.
TP ASPErTY e
his action,
determinant of
T TN
core, which is the primary
HEALTH
3. Conclusion, The importance of the habitus
is not merely that it can give rise to habits,
favouring an economy of effort in certain ordinaty coutses of action. First and fore-
2. For the terms “well” and “ill”’ there are
apparent synonyms, e.g., the concepts of normal and abnormal. Norms are to be found
in biology and medicine alike. They divide
lessening of freedom. Its specific character
into three groups. a) The essential qualities of the species and breeds are their “norm”,
freedom,
be exercised by
example) are abnormal. Yet such abnormali-
importance of the hebitas is that it is the
b) The average of a group already classified
most, the babitas may not be regarded as a
thakes it an invitation and outline for our which
can
enly
virtue of it and in teaction to it. Hence the means whereby man is inserted into history,
including his own, which is always history of salvation. And this organic link enables
him to confront reality as a whole com-
ptehensively, and to give the acruation of his freedom a deeper and fuller reality in this confrontation, See alse Man I, Freedom, Essence, Existence,
Human Agt, World, Principle, History 1.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. ]. Chevalier, L’Habitude, Essai de métaphysigue scientifigne (1929); P. de Roton, Les Habitus, lenr caractire ipirituel (1934); A. Arsighini, L’abitudine (1937); J. Valbuena, “De significatione specialis Praedicamenti ‘habitus’”, Angelivum 2223 (1945{46), pp. 1727, R. GarrigouLagrange, De beatitudine, de actibus bumanis ot babitibus. Comment. i 5. Th, I, I, gq. 1-54 (1951); G. Funke, “Gewahnhelt” Arehiy filr Bagriffspeschichzs, 1H (1958); K. Rahner, Thévlogical
Tnpestigations, 1 (1961}, 11 (1964).
Crswald Schwemmer
ties do
not
necessarily
connote
sickness.
as healthy could be defined as the norm
in
relation to individually widely distributed qualities (blood pressure, basic metabolism,
etc.). Yet variations from the standard are by fio medins unhealthy in every case {e.g.,
great size of body). They ate so only when
the averages concern vital functional values
such as, for example, blood pressure. Such values always include the mandatory standards of a regulative mechanism, any considerable
change in which is consequéntly unheslthy.
¢) In human life there are norms of behaviour
stemming from social custom. They are of special importance to the notion of mental illness. “Unhealthy” is the adjectival determination of a state or process which injures the health of individuals, and so makes them
ill.
The
terms
‘“‘“wounded”
or
“injured”
denote illness following a wound, the term
“dainaged” refers to the permanent result of
4 wound.
It too need not be identified witth
illgess.
3. The problematic nature of the concepts.
HEALTH
health and sickness is seen from the fact that
I, Physical Health. IL. Psychic Hygiene.
I. Physical Health 1. There is no simple, generally accepted de-
finitton of health and disease. *“Health” can indeed, as an ideal norm, be described accord-
ing to the definition of the World Health Organization as 2 “state of perfect bodily,
mental and social well- being™. This -definition is, however, neither useful in practice
not entirely acceptable in theory. Health can bé defisied only with referenceto sickness and only to the extent that the concepts are mutually ‘exclusive when they refer to a partic-
ular individual {(one is either sick ot well, never both at the same time), but a br@ad neutral area is left, where the individual feels himself neither flnurely
deviations from which (6 fingers, albino, for
well nor
yet sick.
Why this is so becomes clear if we analyse the facts.
modern medicine by its fight against disease in the last hundred years has doubled life expectation {to an average of seventy years), whereas the number of days” illness of the insured has increased roughly threefold. 4. Cur notions of health and sickness are derived from daily experience, especially that of doctors. The first guide to understanding these concepts ‘must, therefore, be the phe-
someng Of actual -manif&stati_nn-s. The basic phenomenon is how the person feels: when
he falls sick he becomes a “patient” (pati =
suffer). Pain drives him to the doctor. Subjective discomfort, however, accompanies many “physioclogical” processes and arises with innumerable
adaptive manifestations:
after use of the muscles in the form of stifftiess, in adapting to heat as a feeling of fatigue and inability for heavy work, ete. “Feeling”
can therefore be considered as a sign of illness
3
HEALTH. Dfl!}F whin it points to disturbances that are; in the widest sense, a thieat to life. Evety sickness “has death for itsaim® (Jores). Thus
a disturbanice in the way one feels is to be
taken all the more seriously the morte it seems.
to be justified by bodily indications (“’symp-
toms™) which tark a departure from the notmal. Symptoms Eive support to the
diagnosis which starts from the way
the
patient feels (e.g., fatigue through lack of
blood
pigmentation);
they
ate
usually,
though not always, sufficient to establish the
preserice of an illness. They can be -absent
evén wheére there is considerable subjective
disturbance (e.g., headache); they can be a threat to life withiout any subjective disturb-
ance {Cancer).
5. The patient is il when he himself be-
lteves he is no longer able to wotk. He alone
makes this decision, he “goes sick™; yet his decision calls for confirmation by th;e doctor who ““signs” to that effect. Health is therefore
much subject to social influences of this kind (Mitschetlich). The religions factor makes itself felt in this area and the loss of religion
in the rapid structural change in society and the wotld of work has contributed greatly to
the rise of sociosomatic disturbanees. The ability to “put up” with things has dwindled
mote and mote.
7. Here it becotnes appatent that there is 2
moral aspect to health and to sickness i the
social
sense, Most
“illnesses’” in
medical
practice are minor and are never fatal. Many
could be endured without work stoppage.
They would then be regarded as “subjectiveobjective” disturbances but not as “illnesses”. Thus classification as illness is the resultof a complex judgment. A person who is indisposed will have 2 place somewhere along
the scale between absolute health and fatal illness, and he will be all the nearer to illness
sccordance with the individual’s owa judg-
the more he feels himself subjectively threaténed, the worse his objéctive symptoms are, orat Jeast-appear, and the mote inclined heis by temperament to take his symptoms
can, however,
this case is obvious: society formerly had
in the
fuirst place
capability
for
work
id
ment. The threat of future inability to work
also constituté illness (e.g.,
cancet or arteriosclerosis). The quflstmn of
whether 4nd to what extent the patient is justified in going sick is one that cannot always
be objectively answered.
Even
the
words of the doctor can so alter the way
é patient feels that he can feel sick without any objective canse (medically induced
illness).
6. The diagnosis of the actual presence of
an illness: is complicated by the fact that the spititual and bodily elements in man react
seriously. The. sx‘gmficaflce of social norms in
fixed ethical
Iimits
to: what
one
should
endute. Today cofiventions fiil ‘or have become flabby for the most part: mén cossiders
himself or others sick at every minor in-
disposition. The rate of illness of the insured
(i.e., the nimber who are sick at any one. tlrne as & percentage of the total employed) is thereby increased and determines the statistical level of the nation’s health,
8. The moral problems
health have become
of sicknégs dnd
more extensive as a
on each otherso that he can be understood
result of the great economic importance of
somatic” approach). This mutual influence has recently been experimentally confirmed in animals. Animals tooean be psych osommatically ill (miost recent literdture in Baust-
large part of the Gross National Product is lost. The individual hds a Zuty fo bis health and
anly as 2 unity of body and soul (“psycho-
these phenomena. Because of the raté of illness and of early invalidity every year, a especially
to preserving health since the
Man’s mental coo-
community has to provide for him when he
wings of hope and success; lack of prospects,
not orily has he less resistance to feeling ill
it can to protect the individual’s health and ini case of illness to provide relief, Both the right and the duty can, however, be pasitively established -only with diffculty. That
because of the chafiges in the sympathetic
result of the modern way-of thlflklflg swith its,
indications
doubt as a cénsequence of the Christian tra-
Golenhofen-Zanchetti),
dition is also strongly influeniced by his social position and envifontnent, rises on the
monotony
of wotk, isolation, loneliness
niake him depressed ind so affect him that
but he is also more subject te such feelings
nervous system. We speak of “‘soeiosomatic’
and
illnesses and
of “social
health”. Neuroses and psychoses are véry
4
183ll. There is to be sure the corresponditig right to health: the community must do, all
they afe so miuch eémphasized today is the
strong orientition towards society, pmly ng
dition (the idea of charity as 2 dfity}
HEALTH
2. Sickness is nevertheless not a primary moral phenomeneon despite the fact that in the Middle Ages it was frequently seen in
that
light and the
étymology
of many
languages points to it (ill from evil, malade from mal!). This has not been enurely ovetcome In respect to mental illness. Here the role of convention as a basis for judgment is
very much in evidence: in matters of the
far the social structure under consideration tallies with the bias of the viewer, that is,
corresponds with his views of what is right
and hormal. Accordingly, every padgment on the health of social institutions is a political judgment, to be made only on the basis of a pre-existing concept of social order. See also filness, Death, Freedons, Body, Soul.
mirrd what is unusual is frequently regarded as illness (genius and madness according to Lombroso). It seems misleading to regard
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
can indeed
W. Sargant and E. Slater, Somatic Methods in ngréiaf{jr (1944); H. ¥. Dunbar, Mind and Bady: Psychosomatic Medicine (1947); R. Frazer, The Incidence of Newrosis-among Factory Warkers (1947);
illness
as the
be
conisequence the result
of sin.
of a lively
Iliness con-
sciousness of sin (e.g., the scrupulous con-
scietice) and would in such a case be-classified as psychosomatic. It can also be the natural
consequence of sinful bebaviour (venereal
diseases). But for the ostpart the theologian underestimates the considerable effect of emotions and suggestibility on the human body and the compulsive natute of biological
phenomena.
10. Health is a guarantee of freedom and
every illness implies a loss of freedom, i.e.,
a loss of possibilities (Jores, Mitschetlich). The sick person is unfree because sickness imposes on him a reduction in performarice,
forces hitn to take precautions, or (in the case
of psychesomatic or mental illnesses) tesults
in abnormal, jour.
But
socially unacceptable
héealth can also be the
behav-
cause
of
mental and moral mediocrity,
whereas sick-
won
sufféring
negs can bethe source of mental development through
suffering.
All
en-
riches the wotld of psychesomatic experience
and leads to mental and moral reactions that
are of the highest social importance. For that
teason too, the definition of health quoted above from the World Health Organization is unibiclogical: man without sufféfing is 2 man without adaptation to a world in which suffering of all kinds has.a great social, politi-
¢al and religious significance. In particular a
A.F. Bonnar, The Catholic
Dactor (1938); C. H. Best and N. B. Taylor, The Physiological Basis of Medical Practive (1940);
P.T. Young, Emotion in Men and Animals (1943);
E. Weiss and Q. 3. English, Psychosomatic Medicine
(1949}; A. ]. Catlson and V. Johnson, Th Machinery of the Body (1954); A. Jores and others, eds., The Fourth European Conferénce on Prychosematic Research, Huamburg {1959), A. Jores and H. Freyberger, eds., Advances in Psychosomatic Medicine (1960); A. I\rhtscherhch “Methods and Principles of Research on Psychosomatic Fundamentals®™,
Cuitare,
Seciely and Health,
Anpual
of the New York Acadenmry of Science 84 (1960), pp. 783-1060; W. Kiitemeyer, Die Krankbeit in ihrer Mmm&.’fmésff (1963);
H.
H.
Wolff and
P. Hopkins, eds. Principles of Treatments of Psychosomatic Dirorders, pub. by the Society for Psychosomatic Research (1965); W, Braust, K. Golenhavfen
and A.
Zanchetti,
Verbandlungen der dest-
schen Gesedischaft fiir Kreislaufforséhung 32 (1966), pp. 23--56,
Hans Schacfer
IX. Psychic Hygiene Mental health is 2 state of harmenious furic-
tmmng in our personality, wheféin we peiceive ourselves and the world around us with
a sense of accuracy, alertness and dynamic awareness, by meeting stimuli and respond-
ing with a measure of urge and initiative for action, or with a restful sense of satisfaction;
by enjoying the confrontation, and enduring reverses with a sense of challenge marked by
long, severe illness inclines the patient to call
commitment
lead to a constderable strengthening of these,
of the situation and the nature of our per-
on his mental and moral resources and ean
11. The terms health and illness are alsé
frequently used of higher units: the family, the State, hurnanity or certain social or political structures
(Kiitemeyer).
Since the con-
cept of health is scarcely capable of definition even in the case of the individual human being, there is much less possibility here, It
mersely serves to give a judgment as to how
patience
to
action
according
to
or
the
resolution
to
circumstances
son; recognizing limitations and emphasiz-
ing endowments and the need to expréss ourselves as individuals freely yet in keeping
with divine law,
As the personality functions, it unfolds and develops towardsa maturity which is reached
on the average around the age of 30, leading
with continued growth to the emergence of
character and finally to the development of
5
HEALTH a philosophy of life which crystallizes with
advancing
age.
Essendally,
the parts or
spheres unfolding in the petsonality are the emotional, the intellectual and the spiritual. The emotional, which is primarily of an instinctive type at and shortly after bitth, is
the predominant frame of reference in the lite of a child. Around the age of seven the intellectual cdpacities ate displayed more pmmlnefltl}g ready for schooling, and also permit the appearance of a simple logic, essetitial t6 the first masnifestations of reason,
conscience and will, Around the age of four-
teen the intellectual equipment of the individual reachies the adult level with full potential for abstraction, induction and deduction, and it is then that the spiritual activitics may
begin to uafold in the full sense. This is the time when the sense for a religious vocation may be experienced more clearly; also when
scrupulosity
may first become a problem.
The individual learns to manage these three spheres in the personality in a practical sense
in the next decade or more and shows maturity
around
the age
of thirty
regarding
choice, decision and effective mdependent' and interdependent responsible action.
Fromi birth onward 2 series of problems
make their dppearanice at cerfain successive stages in life, keep recurring thereafter and
often pose econflicts pertaining to passivity-—aggressivity, good—evil; masculinity —femininity, dependence—independence,
our iminediate knowledge. Analysis of the
uncansmflus pflini:s to thé fact thiat even thE
gu:md Re:latwe: sh.ifts inhlemrthwal prcc_e’id ence.occur during sleep, dreains, conditions
of hypnosis, brainwashing and passion, but
at no time can our mofal conceptof good be opposed
When
conflict.
without
we act
maturely our motivation is to 'de geod and
avoid evil, whether for ourselves or for the
sake of othets; » in attaining our objective; we proceed with intelligent dispatch, and seek pleasure while
aveiding
pain
insofar -as
possible. These are considerations of the
spiritual, intellectual and emotional -erder. Disregard of this hierdrchy in action
denotes immaturity. When immature, we may inadvertently or erroneously become invalved with evil Wilful involvement with evil does not fnake spititual sense;
evil action is unhealthy and per » immature. In practical living, we must realize the. need fot eommitment to zction, yet not any
action, but rather that which is good or is apprfihcndfid as good in keeping with the principle of double effect. In makmg healthy judgments, pride both conscious and. unconscions {(narcissism) is the greatest obstacle. Acceptarice of the divine will with hul:mht}r is. the greatest asset. The pitfall
is the urge {often unconscions) to get even
(seek justice vengefully thmugh one’s own hand) This represents regression to primi-
anonymity— prestige, pride— humility. The
tive,
fuller sense of the word., Maturing requires,
basis, distinct from those environmentally conditioned and interpersonally détefimined.
healthy individual acquires proficiency in handling them. As life-roles are defined, the formation of character follows in the in brief, a transition froin self-cénteredness to self-giving
Mental health permnits us as individuals to
realize our worth with dignity and to participate in the social scene, helping to resolve famllj;r andsociological issues while engagmg in the many aspects of the expression of charity-as St. Paul wmnderfillly described it. Our person is active in three spheres, emotional; intellectual and spiritual, harmonious-
ly interrelated in the psychologically mature
adult according to a hierarchical precedence: the spiritual, the intellectual and the eémotional.
It is
essential
to recognize
that,
inr addition to our conscious life guided by teason, discerning through conseience and
acting through will, there is also unconseious
menizl activity in us, vast and concealed from
law-of-the-jungle
behaviour.
Also
practical is the need to appraisé obsérvable petsonality differences on a constitutional
There
are
faster-to-act,
definite
intense
contrasts
pefson
between
with
the
multi-
faceted, superficial thinking and the slower-
t0-act, sensitive person with precise, detajl-
ed thinking. They are related to matter and
‘energy factors, aiid they point to a natural tissue predominance of the fast and solid (ta::hysteflc) ot the slow and delicate (brady-
leptic) kind, bologically inkierited at different somatic
levels,
which
determine
warious
degrees of personality activity in the emotional and intellectual spheres (reflecting in turn on spiritual activity). Consequently, various types of reactions and attitudeés regarding work, social perforini habits, etc., result
€8, persondl
o T 2L B Ly ) The flpfirfimflmn Efif pfii’@flflfllfi’? fllfi
15 6f parambunt practical impeortance but wAll
HELL
not be construed
ethically as requiring
relative rather than absolute spiritual noem
a
of conduet, fot it merely broadens the understanding ‘about pace of living, tastes and
values,
susceptibility
to
temptation,
the
meaning of communication and culture and the conception
of character and
ideals. It
should facilitate co-operation between persons
and
render
human
relations
more
fruitful, especially in martiage. BIBLIOGRAPHY.
G. Besgsten,
where eternal, unquenchable fire burns (Mt
5:22; 13:42, 50; 18:9, etc.), where there is darkness, howling and gnashing of reeth (Mt 8:12;
22:13;
25:30,
ete.).
A
similar
desctiption is found in Rev 14:10; 20:10;
21:8. St. Paul speaks of hell in abstract theological terms as eternal destruction, ruin
and
loss
(2
Thess
1:9;
Rom
Phil 3:19; 2 Thess 2:10, etc.).
9:22;
3. In its official teaching, the Church has
Pastoral Pyy-
chology (1951); W. Cartington, Pyychology, Religion and Human Need (1957); G. Vann, The Paradise Tree (1959); ]. Dominian, Pspeliatry and the Christtan (1962); L. de Lavareille, Prycholagie ot shristianisme (1962); Research in Rfi!fgrm and Health, pub. by the Academy of Religion and Mental Health, Fordham (1963); H. A. Carroll, Menta! Fygiene (4th ed., 1963); D. Brink, Readings in Mental Flygiene: Princifiles and Pmm‘m: (1965); M. Leach, Christianity and Menial Health (1967). Edward L. Suareg-Murias
defined the existence of hell (D 16, 40, 429, 464, 693, 717, 835, 840) (on the interpreta-
tion see below, 4c) and its eternity against the
doctring of the aponatastasis ag put forward
by Origen and other ancient writers (2 211).
Asserting implicitly an important principle of
hermeneutics,
the
Chutrch
eliminated
temporal patterns from the éxistence of the
dead, by affirming against the doctrine of an
intermediate
state
of the lost
before
the
general judgment that entry into hell takes place 1mmcd13teljr after their death (D 464, 531). A certain distinction is made between
the loss of the vision of God (peena damnni)
and the pain of sense (poena sensus} (D 410),
HELL
but
o
1. In the history of revelation the notion of hell as the place and state of those who are
finally lost goes back to the OT notion of Shf:fll as the place and state of the dead — the
“underworld”. a long, slow process of theological reflectmn, the state in question
differently of the
good and the bad, in keeping. with their The
(1.0 Hodayot[Qumran
“sheol
of damnation™
Thanksgiving
Hymns),
3, 19) was the final lot of the wicked (Ge-
henna;
of.
bibliography).
LTK,
The
V,
cols.
notion
445f,
this
there
is
no
official
though the difference of punishments hell is mentioned (D 464, 693).
I. Doctrine
life on earth.
from
declaration on the nature of the pains of hell,
1. Doctrine. I1. Descent of Cheist into Hell.
came to be understood
apart
with
of the fire of
judgment burning in the Valley of Hinnom (Gehenna) (Jer 7:32; 19:6; Is 66:24) also
influenced the development of the theme.
2, In keeping with the theclogy of his time; Jesus, like the Baptist, spoke in his eschatological menaces of hell as the eternal
place of punishment, prepared not only for the devil and his angels (Mt 25:41) but for
all who have réjected the salvation offered by
Ged. It is the punishment of their unbelief and refusal to repent (Mt 5:29 par.; 13:42, 50; 22:13, etc.). He speaks of hell as a place
in
4. Inspeculativeand kerygmatictheology, the following points should be noted: a)
For
a proper
understanding
of the
matter, all the rules for the hermeneutics of
eschatolagical assertions are to be observed,
as must also be done in all preaching on hell.
This means that what Scripture says about
hell is to be interpreted in keeping with its litetary character
of “threat-discourse”
and hence not to be read as a preview of
something which will exist some day, Insofar
as it is a teport, it is rather a disclosure of the situation in which the persons addressed
are actually to be found. They are placed befotre a decision of which the consequences
are irrevocable. They can be lost for ever if they reject God’s offer of salvation. The metaphors
in
which
Jesus
eternal perdition of man
describeg
the
as a possibility
which threatens him at this moment are
images
(fire, worm,
darkness,
etc.) taken
from the mental furniture of contemporary
apocalyptic. They all mean thé same thing, the possibility of man being finally lost and
estranged from God in all the dimenstons of his existenice, Hence it can be seen that v
HELL.
ate to be
the question of whether the “fire” of hell
since these prouficuncements
“fire” and suchlike wofds até metaphorical
discourses. of Jesus, which they reiterate.
18 redl or metaphorical 18 wrongly put, since
expressions for something radically not of this world. Hence they cannever be described in tefms proper to their own “phenorena™ and even when they seem to be-expressed in the maost abstract terms, they ean only be
spoken of “in images’’. Even such a term as “eternal loss™ is in the nature of an image. This does not mean that “fire” is to be given
a
indicates
Ioss
“psychological”
the
which
cosmic,
is outside
explanation.
objective
aspect
It
of
the consciousness.
contradiction
will be
torment. It also follows that speculations dabout thé “place™ where heil is to be found are pmmtless
inserting hell around us.
There
into
is no possibility
the
empirical
a
of
world
b) As regards preaching, the following
considerations are important. “Hence, the theological exposition of the dogma canniot
be primarily devoted to an objectivating speculation
on the othex
world.
It must
apply itself ‘above all to bringing out the
real relevance of the affirmation of hell to human
existence.
Herice the preacher who mounts the palpit
must not appeal to visions of the saints or
private revelgtiong in these matters. To deny or toraffirm that ahy of many were lost
would be to go outside the termsof reference set by these summonses to decision and would be an ithmediate contradiction of
the statement involved in the discourses, We miust maintain side by side and un-
waveringly the truth of the omnipotence of the universal salvific
will of God,
the
possibility of etegnal loss. Hence too light-
contradiction of the abiding and petfected this
as the judgment-
bliss with the glorified
environment, so too- loss means a definitive and
way
redemption of all by Christ, the duty of all
vision of God also involves an openness in
wotld,
in the same
of the immediate
Just as the blessedness
sharing. love and
read
Hence
it ennot
be
the
task of theology to go ititc details about
supposed facts of the next life, sach as the number of the damned, the severity of their pains and so on. But it has the task of maintaining the dogma of hell in all the severity
of its realistic claim. For without this claim it cannot fulfil its task ag part of revelation, which i t6 bring men to contrel
men to hope for salvation and also the true
heatted appeals to the dogma of hell, as for instance when pfeachitig on $in, are' te be deprecated, espcclall}r if they only induce.a servile fear which is insufficient for justifica-
tion
and
which
is unconvincing
today.
Hence the preacher must try to bring home to his hearets the seriousness 'of the threat
to eterfial salvation, with which the Christian must
reckon
without
any sly look at a
possible apocatastasis. Nonetheless, the em-
phasis on the possibility of hell as perpetuil obduracy must be paralleled by insistent
encouragement to rely with confidence on
the infinite mercy of God. d) It is possible, and indeed necessary
today, to explain the eternity ‘of hell (with Thomas Aquinas) as the consequence of the
inward
obduracy
of man,
and
not
either as cause of it or as an independent element. This innet obduracy, the rejection
of the grace which inspires a salutary act, springs from the essence of freedom and jis
not in contradiction to ficedor. Freedom is
their livesin the light of the real possibility of
the will and the possibility of positing the definitive. It is not the-possibility of constatit
as & claim of thé utmost seriousnéss. This
the continued
eternal -failure and to recognize reveélation salutary purpose of the dogma must always
set bounds to and provide the guiding lihes for all speculation in this matter.” (J. Ratzinger in LTK, V, col 448.) c) Bven in his “judgment-discourses™
Jesus. gave no cleat revelation about whether en are actually lost of how many may
be. That he restricts himself to the possibility
follows from the réal pature of these discourses,
decision.
which
For
is to
be a summons
this reason,
there
aré
to
no
decisions of the agisteriuin on the matter,
8
revision of decisions. And “etermty‘” i$ fiot duration of time -after the
historyof freedom, but the definitive achieve-
ment of history. Hence hell is “eternial’” and
thus a manifestation of the justice of God.
Hell is not to be thought of as a2 most
drastic but merely additional punitive meas-
ute of God’s vefigeance, punishing those whe. would improve but for the infliction of
this. punishment. The just God is “4ctive” in the punishment of hell {mly msnfar a5,
he does not telease muan ft‘mm the reslity of the definitive state which than himself hds achieved on his own bfihfilf eontra-
HELL
dictoty though this state be to the world as God's
creation.
Hence
the
notion of
vindictive punishment, such as inflicted by political
society
on
those
who
infringe
social order,13 not at all suitable to explain
spitit, united with his bedy in a fully hutnan
manner:
he was
no
longer
in the
earthly
state and not yet ini the heavenly. As man, he
no
longet
possessed
his humanity
as a
pilgrim; but neither had he it in its glorified
the doctrine of hell.
state
See also Aporatastasis, Eschatology, Last Things, Apocalyptic, Salvation 1, IV A, Freedom, Merey.
The redemption was not yet completed, for
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
terbeck, IV, pp. Per; fim(l%i") 146-9,
;flei}.mée# (2nd
Qid
COMPARATEVERELIGION: Bil-
1016-1165;
F. Cumont,
Lux
J. Jeremias in TWNT, 1, pp. 9f.,
6571. BiBLTICAL: P. Volg, Em&afia:’ag;e dor
ed.,
Geemeinde 1934);
Testament,
1
im
W.
nentestamentlichen
Eichrodt,
(1961).
Theslogy
Zeitalfer
of the
rueEorLoGICAL:
|. B.
Agar, “The Doom of the Lost”, Expository Times 22 (1910/11), cols, 2074.; J. P. O’Connell,
The Eschatology of St Jerome (1 948), F. von Hiigel,
“What Do We Mean by Heaveri and What Do We Mean by Hell?”, Efla s and Addresses on the
Phifprophy of Rafzgmn (1949 51); G. Bardy and others, L'enfer (1950); M. Pontifex, “The Doctrmfl of Hell”, Downside Review 71 (1953), pp. 135-52;
M.
Schmaus,
Kathelische
Dogmatik,
V(2
(Bth
ed.,, 1959, pp. 452-510; A Winklhofer, T4¢ Coming of His Kingdom. A Thealogy of the Last
Thingr (1963); A. Roets, “De
hel”
Collationes
PP
323-46.
as he did during
the beatific
his earthly life).
he was not yet glorified. In the Creed, the descent into hell is mentioned among
the
Christological mysteries. It follows upon his death and burial, and precedes the resur-
rection
and
ascension.
The
words
heaven
and hell are here used to indicate the absolute extfemes: for Christ, the condition of death,
his being less than a full human being, was
his most radical self-emptying; the ascension
in his glorified humanity was his fulfilment. As the mystery of Christ was unfolded in the:
course
of the liturgical year, the descent
into hell, the state of death, was given its
place in the liturgy on Holy Saturday.
2. The descent inte hell as a salvific evént. The
descent
into
hell
does
not
mean
a new
redemptive act of Christ beyond his death. Nonetheless,
as
the
state
of death
it is
Theological Investigations, IV (1966), Kar! Rabner
to us by reason of our being creatures, but
190-210;
K. Rahner, “The Hermeneutics of Eschatological
B,
he possessed
significant for salvation. a2} _Awibropelogically. By his death, Christ entered the state of the dead and thus expetiénced this further
Brugenses ot Gandavenses 9 (1963),pp. Assertions™,
vision
(although
element of our human lot, which is natural should not have happened to us according
to the concrete
I1. Descent of Christ into Hell
In the article of the creed ““the descent into
hell”, mode
one must distinguish between the of expression and the statement
intended.
The
terms. botrowed
expression from
to the underworld
gions,
But
the
makes
accounts
use
of
of descents
in various ancient reli-
stateinent
genuinely Christian one.
intended
is a
1. Descent into hell as assertion of death. ““The
descent into hell” {Apostles” Creed, ) 6) or “the descent into the underworld” (Fourth
order
of things.
In this
way Christ became one with us even in the
loss of the pretérnatural gift of immortality, in order to unite us with himself through 2 solidarity comprehensive enough to include even dying and the state of death. Thus our
death, which is a consequence of sin, has been “redeemed’, so that the visien of God
can be experienced in death, though only
perfectly at the resurrection of the flesh,
b) Casmically. By submitting to'death, by thus
allowing his human natuteto be rent asunder (as happens to all who die), Christ surrendered himself in the most complete
way
Lateran Council, D 429; Second Council of Lyons, [ 462) means first of all that Jesus
possible to the nothingness of all cteation.
beyond the dct of dying to the state of death,
nothingness — both of being fallen and of
truly died. This article of the Creed points
For Christ this meant that while he was still connected with the world, it was nevertheless withdrawn from him. In this state
of death (a state and not a geographical plice)
he was 1o
longer,
th his
created
And thus, beginning with his own resurrection,
he
could
emancipate
it
from
this
being “mere creation”. c) Historically. In the history of salvation, the descent into hiell is a special event, sifice it brought the vision of God to thc:sc whe died in grace. Even though those who lived before Christ
9
HELLENISM
CHRISTIANITY
AND
could have had sanctifying grace (grace of Christ), so that they could live and die as
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Q. Rousseau, “La descente
aux enfers, fonidement sotériologiqy
chrétien”, RS R 40 (1952),pp. 273-97; ©. Simmel,
rédeemed and justified, still, from the purely
“Abgestiegen zu der Hu]le”, SHmmen dor Zad 156
no access
auwx enfers duns le cadr& dés liturgiés elirétiensies”,
temporal point of view of vur lifé on earth, to the
glory
of the Father
(1954/55), pp. 1-6; O. Roussean, “La descente
was
possible until the historical completion of
the Christ Event — froim the incarnation to the exaltation. For us human beings, the
visioh of God is possible only “in the glorified Lord™. At his descent into hell, Christ identified himself ‘with the dead, but unlike them, had the vision of God; he was victor over death,
on the threshold of his glory, about to bring with him those who had died in the state of justice and were ready for the vision of God. But his entry into glory and heace the entry
of the saved into the blessed vision of God took place only after his resutrection snd
pp. &‘1 84; K. Rahner,
Maison Dien 43 (1955),
On the Theology ¢Dm;‘& quasstmfl:s Disputatae 2 (1960); J. Galnt “La descente du Christ aux enfers”, NRT 83 (1961), pp. 471-91; W. J.
Dalton, Christ's Proclapation do i Epam.r A Study of 1 Pueser 3: 18— 4:6, Analecta Biblica 23 (1965); Hell:
Is
H.
It
Vorgrimler,
Important?™,
“Christ’s
(1966), pp. 75-81.
Descent into
Conciliam
1, 0o,
2
Robert Lachenschmid
'HELLENISM AND CHRISTIANITY
A. GENERAL FEATURES
ascension. Hence this aspect of the descent
inte hell points of itself to the exaltation.
Hence the significance of the descent into
.....
hell in the order of salvation is that ef the whole paschal mystery. In the Fathers, this aspect of the descent
into hell appears in three themes, that of
“the preaching to the dead”, in which Chzist proclaimed the completion of his work of salvition, that of “baptism”™, in which he
bestowed salvation to those who were under the earth, and that of “the harrowing of hell” in which he conquered the hostile
rcv_elatmn afid
the fthulatlon
ofdqgma
from the 2nd to the 4th century, must not bé takcnasahamogcnemusphfimmphmalsystem, such as that of Plato, Atistotle orf the Stoics. It consists of syncretist structures
— neo-Pythagoreanism, ‘middle Platonism,
neo-Platonism — in which Platonistn predominates but nearly always permeated
by Aristotelian and Stoic elements. The vhanimity with which the Apmlflg_isem Gne
the liturgy, the descent into hell is
after another affirm the as it were necessary convergence of Platonism and Chmnam“ty
end of Holy Week, but also at each celebra-
larity between Moses and Plato in their dfittflflfi of the Logos and the Spirit {Ape/.,
powers.
In
célebrated as a salvific eveént whenever the paschal mystery is recalled in its unity; at the
is. very striking. Justin speaks of the sitni-
tion of the Eucharist and above all at baptism, in which we die; are buried and tise with Christ (cf. Rom 6:3-11).
to a theme that was to become classical,
of Chtist into hell is the answet given by revelation to the human questions which are
Alexandria (Szrom., ¥V, 14), Busebius {Prae-
The teaching of the Church on the descent
behind the various descents inte the under-
world of which the various religions speak. It is not an addition to the kerygma of the
I,
59£.), Plato being the plagiarist, according
Justin also accepts
God. (Dal.,
21.).
Plato’s
PFollowing
definition of Clement. -of-
paratio Evangelica, X1, 17, 20) and others find the Christian doctrine of the three hypostases
anticipated in Plato (Ep., II, 312d-¢). Plo-
death and resurrection of Christ, but is alteady contained in it, sifice’ the descent into hell is part of the mysterium paschals. It is part of the “passage from mortal life
Theedoretus (Greee: aff. onr., VI, 13) finds allies in Plato (Laws, Ti, IV, X} a;fld Pletinus
tiofi.
he is no less clear on the paint. He elaims to have found in “certain writings of the
into the: gloty of the Father™ for our salva-
See also Salvation 11 A, IV A, Ascension of Christ,
Reésurrection,
Original Sm, States of
Man { Theological), Beatific Vision. 10
|
(Enngads, 111, 2) for thn d@ctrmfi of pwwda
ence.
Augustine is not quite so: dnwmigl'rt, but
Platonists” (Confesstons; VIL,9,13) the whole
doctrine of the prolegue of st. Jthfl o ‘the etermal Word, thflugh not his incathation
HELLENISM AND CHRISTIANITY and humility. As regards the vision of God,
he goes so far as to affirm of these samé
Platonists, particularly Plotinus, that Chris-
tians are entirely in agreement with them:
“Non est nobis ullus cum his excellentioribus
philosophis
in hac quaestione conflictus.”
(De Civitate Dei, X, 2) He finds in Porphyrius “the shadow of 2 faint notion’” of the final end, the Trinity, and even some notion
of the necessity of grace, but not of the
means of attaining the end, the redemptive incarnation (De Civitate Dsi, X, 29, 1).
Augustine’s last wotds, as cited by Possidius (PL, XXXII, col. 58), are 4 literal quotation
from
Plotinus
(Emmeads,
which the content is Stoic.
1, 4, 7, 23£)
of
The influence of Stoicistm was widespread, though often not recognized as such, and attributed to other sources, as modem tesearch has revealed (Theiler, Hadot, Span-
neut). Aristotle was mostly regarded as an
adversary by Christian writers (for his denial of ptovidence); cf. J. de Ghellinck in
RHE 26 (1930), pp. 5-42. But important
exceptions were made, as when the distinction betweenh “‘substance” and ‘“‘quality”
(Categories, 6, 11a, 15) was adopted in the
contraversy with the Homoiousians (Athanasiug,
De
Symodo,
53;
Marius
Victorinus,
Adversus Arium, 1, 20, 53), and when the
concept of “relation”
was applied to the
persons of the Trinity (perhaps Alexander of Alexandria
or his
orthodox fellows,
XXVI, col. 709 ¢; Trin., V). Albert the Aquirms then became *“the philosophet™). denied the existence
PG,
esp. Augustineg, De Great and Thotnas disciples of Aristotle Epicureanism, which of the gods and the
inmortality of the soul, was unanimously
rejected (as by Origen, for instance, Conira Celsum, 1, 21), or simply ignored.
B. Tz
1. The
PROBLEMS
explicit
testitmhonies
of
Christian
‘wtiters to the pagans whom they name and quote are only a small part of what has to be investigated, though it has the advantage
of being well defined. A tnuch more exten-
sive; complicated and far-reachihg matter is,
of course, the actual — unacknowledged —
influénce of the Greeks on Christianity. 1t is - neatly always very difficult to estimate,
gitice the manuals in which Hellenism was
passed on are lost, or preserved
onlyin
fragments. Critical research has often noth-
ing else to go upon when reconstructing these missing links except the authors who
are dependent.on them, so that the coefficient
of uncertainty is. high. But some general results may be considered as assured.
2, In general, the relationship of Hellenism
to dogma
poses
three sets of questions:
) What are the topics which (i) tend to coincide
with
Christian
dogmas,
(if) are
incompatible with it, (iif) are represented
only in the Bible and were developed solelyby Christian theology? b) (1) Did the themes
adopted
by
theolegy
and
dogma
remain nnaltered, or werée théy transposed and even given an opposite meaning?
(ii)
Did these transformations or novelties he-
come patt of the strictly philosophical think-
ing of the West, perhapsina totally secularized form, and if so, under what aspects? (Cf. the able investigations of H. A. Armstrong, An Introduction to Ancient Philosophy [1947] ) ¢) What
were
the reactions,
conscious
or
unconscious, of orthodox theologians and the Councils, and again, of heretics, with tegard to Hellenism, especially from the
2nd to the 4th century ? The great heresies of the 5th century onward, and their épponernts, paid far less attention to philosophy than to
the tradition of the Fathers and the Councils. Here Chalcedon is typical.
3. To illustrate the effects and extent of this influence we propose the following four
working hypotheses as guiding lines. (For a more
and
ptecise enunciation of their natare
limits,
P. Henry,
and
for
Some
proofs,
see
The Christian Tdea of God and. its
LDevelopment [1961].)
a2)
detailed
main
themes
|
of Hellenism,
especially those of “Platonism”, were na-
turally sympathetic to Christian thought: God, the soul and their mutual relations, especially in miysticism. In this sense Pascal was right in saying: “Platon pour disposer
au
christianisme,”
Under
the
pressure
of
the heresies, orthodox doctrine as elaborated
by the theologians and confitmed in the Councils was “forced” (Athanasius, Decreta Nicaeae, 19; Ad Afros, 5-6; De Synodis, 45) to go beyond the affirmatmns of Scripture and use the terminology and even the ideclogical schemas of the suspect “Greeks”, though the vocabulary is often restored to
its pre-scientific meaning,
as for instance
in “one pefson in two natures”. This gives us the right and the obligation to fll out
11
HELLENISM. AND
CHRISTIANITY
silences by analegy (cf. Marius Victorinus,
theless admitted the value of the argurent
componere”, a principle of Hellenistic law quoted by Cicere in the form “ex eo qued
Augustine
Adp. Arinm, 11, 7, 12, “de lectis non Fecta
sit ad
scriprim
nen
id quod
scriptum
petvenire”, De Inventione, 11, 50, 152).
b) In the attempt to reach a rational synthesis of dogma, the slivish repetition of
ftom authotity and antiguity. It appears in necessario
in the form:
dupliciter
discendum
“Ad
auctoritate
ducimur,
atque ratione.” Heace at least at this period
the ideologicsl atmosphere: was less rémote than is usually thought from biblical Chtistianity, with its basisin prophecy and history.
contemporary thought-forms was often the
Plotinus appeals to the philosaphia perennis
was right in saying that Plato was the sonrce of all heresies (“doleo Platonem omnium
Gnostics for “bmakzing with Greek antiq-
source of heresy. In this sense Tertullian
hereticoruth condimentarium
factum®™,
De
Agzima, 23). 'The latent philflmphy of a heresy makes it conformist; it tries to be conservative in theology and there is nothing revolutionary in its speculation. ¢ Otthodexy, én the other hind, while on principle avoiding philosophy, is in fact mostly original and creative. Under the pressute of biblical revelation and its frequently existential categories, themes derived
from Hellenism were modified, corrected, comipleted and made more precise. Distinctions previously unknown were introduced,
as for instance between “image’’ and “like-
fiess””, cf. Clement of Alexindria, S#rom., 11,
22, 131, 5; Origen, De Principtis, 111, 6, 1. Terms
are
given new
meanings,
as
in
“homoousios” and quite new but fundamen-
tal conceptsare foried.
d) Such new creations often survived in
the philosophy of the West, sometimes even
in a secularized form. The most significant examples are the three allied concepts of
creation,
history
and
person,
which
-are
absent from Hellenism but make themselves
heard in Scripture and were developed and systematized in Christian thought, especially by Augustine in his Confessions, City of God and Trinity. The commeon basis of the three
concepts is the notion
of freedom
and
creative power (implying uniqueness, irre-
versibility 4nd so on; cf. P. Henty, Axgusting on Personality [19607). C. FUNDAMENTAL
PRINCIPLES
TrEOLOGICAL, METHOD
OF
1. Reason and tradition. It has been shown by
€. Andresen in his Logos and Nomos. Dz
Polemik. des Kelsos wider das Christentum (1955} that philosophers like Celsus, in spite of their prescinding from historical process in their feligious philesophy, none-
12
1, 8; IV, 8, 1) and blames the
(Enmeads, V,
uity” in order to be “innovators”, whereby “they abandoned the truth’ (11, 9, 6, 5-12).
2. Allegory. The parallels in the “allcg@n-
cal” methods of exegesis between paganism,
Judaisr (m Philo and others), and biblical and patristic Christianity are hotly debated.
The discussion is catried on mostly by three writers and centres on Ofigen. J. Pépin
(Mythe et Allégorte, Les origines grecques e
les comtestations judéo-chrétiennes [19587), while maintaining the “‘unquestionable originality
of Christian allegory™ (p. 479), stresses the borrowings from Greek allegory and the identity of method and accuses beth Celsus and Qrigen of “inconsisteney” (#bid., p- 261). His
thesis
is radically
réjected
by
H.
de
Lubac (RSR 46 [1959], pp. 1-43; cf. esp. Histoire et Esprir [1950]) who tries to show that the ““‘spiritual” exegesis of ‘the Fathérs s of a totally different inspiration and orientation from pagan allégory. The intermediaté position of J. Dasiélou (@rfgéfle [1948]} is a distinction between patristic “typology™” which is theologically valid and Jewish or Hellenistic “allégory”
which is
to a great extent untenable. Here one may well ask, with
de Lubac (op. .,
p. 34)
whetheér this distinction “takes all the texts into account and corresponds 1o the ter_rmnmlogy of the ancient wrriters™, espcmally
Otigen.
Along with the “spiritual” exegesis of the.
Alexandrians and the “literal” exepesis of the Antiochieries, there existed a third trend, less
widespread
and
hardly
noticed
by
historians, which aimed at the literil sense
and paid little or no artesitionto synibolisti, bmsuugh‘t a metaphysicalmntfintm'biblimai
partlcular b}r Manus ’Vx-xma flfw in the first Latin commentarics which have sutvived 6n Gal, Phil and Eph {PL, VIII, cols. 1145--294), |
HELLENISM
D, Herrenism in DogMa axp THEOLOGY
God. New attributes are mentioned and the of others is modified.
Infinity as
an attribute of God — not clearly affirmed
in Scripture — was rejected by ancient philosophers, for whom the infinite, indeterminate. and formless was essentially
the material (UAn). Origen still maiiitained
(D¢ Principiis, 11, 9, 1, undoubtedly a true
rendering of the original Greek)
CHRISTIANITY
ning or end, eternal, and hence immutable,
1. The attributes of God. In eatly Christian times there took place, even in philosophy, a profound alteration in the concept of meaning
AND
that the
and those with beginning and end. Chris-
tianity took ovet this division but added a new
category,
that of beings and events,
such as the created soul and the incarnation,
which go “from beginning to beginaing” and do not end. Gregory of Nyssa applies
this category even to the vision of God (In Canticum, bom., 8), where he supposes
constant progress, on account of the infinity and 1nmmpre.henslb1hty of God.
The
attribute
of omaipoténce
evolved
slowly.In Scripture and the early creeds it
divine power was not infinite, since othérwise
meant primarily God as Lord of history, mavTonpaTLp, but gradually came to be
and
Arium,
it could not know itself. Philo, however, and perhaps his sources, then middle Platonism
Plotinus
— for
whom,
however,
the
Absoluteis rather potency than act { Euneads, IV, 4, 4; cf. 111, 8, 10; V, 4, 2) — like Christian theology (cf. Il above), considered God
and
thc
world
of forms
as infinite
(cf. E. Gilson, “L’infinité divine chez St. Augustinn®”, Augustinus Magister, 1 [1954],
pp. 569-74; A. H. Armstrong, “Plotinus’ Doctrine of the Infinite and Christian Thought”,
Demmside
Review 73 [1955], pp.
47—58), Thisis the basis of the doctrine of the divine incomprehensibility and the “negative”’ theology.
used as an atteibute of God’s absolute being, The transition in Marius Victorinus (4ay. Hadot.
I,
3,
18)
Of the eight
has
been
attributes
described
by
enumerated
by the Fourth Lateran Council (I 428), and given in fuller form by the First Vitican
(D 1782), at least four were elaborated and defined under the influence of Hellenism,
mediated to a great extenit by Augustine,
while two (omnipotence and eternity) were transposed from the plane of history to that of immutable
essence, to some
under the same influence.
extent
‘The really new and central attribute is that of creator, unknown to classical antiqui-
In Plato, the world of the divine was characterized as immutable, to distinguish it
ty and only implicit in Scripture, though not so remote from the Greek notion of
though even this was held to be eternal.
son; also H. Junker, “Die Chaosvorstellung Gen 17, Mélanges Bibliguss powr A. Robert
from the visible world subject to change, This
moderate
dualism
was
retained
in
Christianity but completed by the concepts of divine freedoimm and creation.
But im-
mutability becomes so essential an attribute
of God that in the Arian controversy the opposition
of &rpemrog — TpenTdc Was used
to distinguish creator and creature. And for
Augustine, the main content of the concept
of God
was
not “the
Good”
of Plato,
the “Pure Thought” of Aristotle, the “One”
of Plotinus or the * Hyse'? later suggested by
Thomads, but Exod 3:14}.
immutability
(Serme
7 in
The allied attribute of eternity is stressed,
as among the Greeks, but with the difference that a
cyclic
time
as image
of eternity
is
eliminated in favour of the linear time of
history, which Christians contrast with the
eternity of God (cf. Cullmann).
Philosophy kfiows — and this may be
true of all “pagan” philosophy — only two
categories of beings: those without begin-
demiurgeas is usually supposed (cf. H. Wolf-
[1957], pp. 27-37). The clear and explicit
notion
of creation
only
developed
slowly
in the 3rd ceatury (Denis of Rome, DD 49f,; to some
distinctive
extent in Origen), with
notes
of freedom,
cam
the thtee
fempore
and ex nébilo. It was given full expression at
Nicaea through the sharp opposition between vevwndévra and momPévra which Arius and
Meanwhile,
the Greeks
without
found
unthinkable.
undergoing
any dis-
cernible influence from Christianity, Hel-
lenism ecame ““asymptotically” to a similar
concept. Atticus (cf. BEusebius, Pragparatio Eflaflgefim,
XV,
6, fr. 4) gives
a “funda-
mentalist” interpretation of Plato ( Timaens,
41b, etc,) which ascribes a beginning to the world without den}flng the eternity of
matter (so too Plutarch, in Proclus, Timuens,
I, 381; II, 153). He affirms that the world will remain eternally, but by the will of
God (cf. Justin, Dialogue, 5, 4), which is 13
AND
HELLENISM
CHRISTIANITY
compared to the creative will of man. The monist tendencies of Plotinus, however, lead hifn to a position whichis revolutionary
mulate and explain the divine processions.
Platonism.
‘The fundaterital analogy ceased to bethe pro-
2. The Trinity. a) The Nicene {Nicaea-
tionism, and became the spiritual processes in the mind of man himself. This explanation, which had been begun by the Greek Fathers
with
even
to
regard
middle
Matter emunates from the Absolute (Enueads, TV, 8, 6, 21), necessarily and éternally, as the result ofa gradual déscert,
Gonstantinople ) Creed, the confession of faith
put
before
neo-Platonic
Alexander schema
by
Arius and
of the
“threc
the
chief
hypostases™ (Emnicads, V, 1, title) are at one in affirming the strict oneness of God, a
certain trinity of supreme priflci'pk:&' and
theitr being united by emandtions or “processions”,
which
are often described by the
same words and prepositions, as for instance ¢, But the twe Cliristian ereeds always see
these principles in their relation to the his-
tory of creation and salvation — in conitrast
to the*‘essentialise® Quicumagne —and provide
the whiole confession of faith with tempotal
coefficients, affirming, for instance, that the: Son created, became and remains in-
carmate ind will comeagain, causality and “salvation’
But in Platonism remain outside
time. The conformist heresy of Arianism succeeded as little 45 Plavo {7imaeus, 28b) in
distinguishing between mathp and mointHs, or as Plotinus in distinguishing between and yhyvopoar It applied slavyewaopar ishly the schemme of déscending degtees of causality to Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Orthodox thought worked out a hitherto
undreamt-of distinction and rejected such inequalitiés' (between the divine persons).
The key-word of Nicaez, dpoodaoug, does not cote from Plate, Aristotle, the
middle: Platonism
Steics or from
of neo-
Platonism, but from the great adversaties of
“Greeks” and Christians, the Gnostics, who
used it to describe the generation of the first
natures.
It
was
rejected
by
Arias
as Manichaean and materialist. According to Basil of Ancyra (¢f G. L. Prestige,
God in Patristic Thonght [1936], pp. 209-9; Athanasivs [De Synodis, 41-45), Basil [Ep., 52), Hilary [De Synodis, 77-84), Marius Victorinus [Ady.
Arinm,
1, 28f,
II, 14]), an.
attempt ‘was madeat Antioch to give a Pla-
tonizing interpretation (“substantiain prae-
existére et sic ex ipsa patrem et filium esse”,
cited by Victor, gp. ¢it., 1, 29, 10}, but it was
rejected by bath partiess In spite of all these dangers, the term was adopted at Nicaea.
14
A third nevelty appears during the quest for an analogy which would help to forduction of the wotld “ontside God?”, which subordinahad occasioned pre-Nicaean
and sketched by Marius Victorinus (“esse — vivere — intelligere™) was given its classical expression in the psy chological theories of
Augustine (De Trin., VHI—XV) which took sevetal forins. The Logos, primarily directed
ad exira even in the prelogue of St. John (s, Aoyos mpogopindy) is now seen as
primarily God’s self-exptession for himself; and the Holy Spirit the petfect unity (through
consciousness ar love) of the immanent life of the Teinity (cf. Augustine, Di diversis quaestionibus, 63; PL, XL, col. 54).
b} The Lagos is alsa the site of the forms, the archetypcs of this wortld; zll the exem-
plarism of the order of being and knowlédge
stems.from the Logos. From Plato to Augus-
ting the development went in two §tages. The fifst transferred the forms, against Plato
but along with Platonism, into the wvolc and identified the demiurge with his ereative forms. This was as early as: Posidonius, but remained a debated point among the “Pla-
tonists™ for 2 long time (cf. Porphyriug, 1/#s Piotini, 18, 10-19). The notien was taken up
by Christians, who were alone in taking it stage further. Since the Logos is of the sami¢
substance as the Father, the forms are ity the
Absolute itself, in the first order of existence,
while in philosophy they remain in the “second God”. But Christiansavoided speiaking of the forms as being in the Father, though
the Son was in the Father (cf. Origen, fn ffl ”
1, 22). ¢)
Tbe
Holy
Spirit.
Explicit
reflection
started later (about 360) and the influence of
Hellenisin is at once noticeable, though less strong than in the doctrine of the Logos. One mfitaucr. will :suffice. When attesipti g
to-express “il accordance Wwith St::flp“l:t.w&1 the concepts by which the Spirit is to be de-
scribed” (De Spirita Sancte; 9), Basil has récourse atmiost exclusively fo tetms used
by Plotinus (Haneads, 1, 6; V,1; V1, 9}, which he also uses in Fow: XV D #3s snd elsewhere, And 2 shore treatise De Shiritu (PG, XXIX, cols. 763—73) probably by Baml blfi " certainly from his titnie, is so mucha mpsate
HELLENISM
of texts from Plotinus that it can be used to restore the text of Plotinus himself. But Basil
is quite clear (De Spiritu Sancto, 16, 38) on
what separates him from the doctrine of the “three hypostases™ (Fwmeads, V, 1, title).
3. Christelogy. The system of Apollinaris,
which is known from fragments and pseudepigrapha, is'perhaps the most profound and consistent effort ever made by the East to come to grips with the psychological prob-
lerns of Christology. It was a sort of Kenosis-
theory
in
reverse.
It was also
the
most
thoroughly penetrated by contemporaty thought, which, however, Apollinaris had not thought out creatively enough. His “metaphysical” exegesis of the Spolepx (Phil 2:7) is already 2 piece of Platonizing,
emphasizing, in contrast to Paul (Rom1:23; 5:14; 6:5; 8:3), the formal dissimilarity and
infetiority. Like Arius, who used the same
philosophic intuition as the basis of the eontrary heresy, he pushed the scheme of the Logos-Sarx, which was latent in Alexandria
and even in flnu-ach to the utmost extremes,
and applied the Platonizing Stoic vitalism,
according to which man is “‘z spirit in a body”, with absolute rigous, to the incarna-
tion of the Logos.
4. Christian anthropology. a) The immortality
of the sonl. Here again Plato is an ally of Chris-
AND
CHRISTIANITY
and terms from Plotinus (Conf., IX, 10, 23-26) and quotes (ibid., 25) 2 sentence from
the Enneads (V, 1, 2, 14-17). But just as the
“dark night of the soul”, a classic theme from Gregory of Nyssa to John of the Cross, was unknown to Plotinus, so too Augustine departs from Plotinus on two essential points. The Enneads (1, 6, 9, 23