Russian Prepositional Phrases: A Cognitive Linguistic Approach [1st ed.] 9789811552151, 9789811552168

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Marika Kalyuga

Russian Prepositional Phrases A Cognitive Linguistic Approach

Russian Prepositional Phrases

Marika Kalyuga

Russian Prepositional Phrases A Cognitive Linguistic Approach

123

Marika Kalyuga Department of International Studies Macquarie University New South Wales, NSW, Australia

ISBN 978-981-15-5215-1 ISBN 978-981-15-5216-8 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5216-8

(eBook)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Contents

1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Aims and Rationale Behind the 1.2 Theoretical Background . . . . . . 1.3 Terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 The Structure of the Book . . . . 1.5 Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part I 2

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Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality and Verticality

Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental, (na)protiv with the Genitive and po with the Prepositional 2.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prepositional Phrases of Verticality . . . . . . . 3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with 3.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . .

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3.2

Prepositional Phrases iz-pod with the Genitive and pod with the Accusative . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part II 4

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Prepositional Phrases of a Container or Bounded Area and the Prepositional Phrases of Support . . . .

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Variations in the Use of v with the Prepositional, v with the Accusative, na with the Prepositional, na with the Accusative, iz with the Genitive and s with the Genitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Words for Geographical Objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Metonymic Expressions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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181 181 183 198

Prepositional Phrases of a Container or Bounded Area 4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional . . 4.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prepositional Phrases of Pressure and Support . . . . . . . 5.1 The Prepositional Phrase na with the Prepositional . 5.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 The Prepositional Phrase na with the Accusative and s with the Genitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part III 7

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Prepositional Phrases of Proximity, Colocation and Boundary

Prepositional Phrases of Proximity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Prepositional Phrases u with the Genitive, pri and o with the Prepositional, o and s with the Accusative . 7.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

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7.2

Prepositional Phrases ot with the Genitive and k with the Dative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Prepositional Phrase of Colocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Expressions of Spatial Colocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Non-spatial Senses Based on the Source Domain of an Accompanier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 A Target Domain of a Simultaneity in Time . . . . 8.2.2 A Target Domain of a Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 A Target Domain of an Item in Comparison . . . . 8.2.4 Target Domains of Accompanying Circumstance, Manner and Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.5 Target Domains of a Means and a Stimulus . . . . . 8.2.6 A Target Domain of a Secondary Action . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prepositional Phrases do with the Genitive and po with the Accusative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Goal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Boundary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part IV

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Prepositional Phrases of a Path

10 Prepositional Phrases of a Path . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 The Prepositional Phrases with po with the Dative and čerez and skvoz′ with the Accusative . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1.1 Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Extensions of Spatial Senses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.1 Non-spatial Senses Based on the Source Domains of an Obstacle and Means of Motion . . . 10.2.2 Non-spatial Senses Based on the Source Domains of an Orientation in Different Directions and in the Same Direction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.3 Non-spatial Senses Based on the Source Domain of the Extent of a Path . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 Non-spatial Senses Based on Metonymies . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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viii

Contents

Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Appendix: List of Old Russian and Middle Russian Sources and Their Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1

Aims and Rationale Behind the Book

The present book addresses a problem that is attracting growing attention within present-day linguistics: the semantics of prepositions and cases. The aim of this book is to analyse how spatial senses of Russian primary prepositions and cases (prepositional phrases) are extended into non-spatial domains. The book also focuses on collocations of prepositional phrases with verbs as a realisation of a conceptual metaphor or a metonymy. The book follows the cognitive linguistic approach, which facilitates the explanation of how different, and seemingly arbitrary, uses of a prepositional phrase are related and linked through conceptual metaphors and metonyms. Most cognitive linguistic studies on Russian prepositions and cases are concerned with the network of senses of a single item or a group of items. For example, there are studies on the prepositions nad (Pajar and Plungjan 2000), skvoz′, čerez and pod (Plungjan and Rakhilina 1996, 2000, 2014), za (Shakhova and Tyler 2010) and na (Seliverstova 2000 and Kustova 2001). There are also surveys of Russian prepositions in comparison to prepositions in other languages, for example, by Cienki (1989), Konickaja (2018), Šarić (2008), Shmatova (2009) and Shull (2003). Fewer studies can be found on the analysis of case semantics in Russian within the cognitive framework. For example, Janda (1993) offers detailed descriptions of the Czech dative and the Russian instrumental, Ilčenko (2017) focuses on the Russian dative, while Cienki (1993) analyses the overlap between Russian dative and u+genitive. This book is the first description of conceptual motivations for the use of Russian prepositional phrases, which incorporates the analysis of a large number of items. They include: thirty combinations of primary prepositions with cases, such as the genitive (hereafter GEN), dative (hereafter DAT), accusative (hereafter ACC), instrumental (hereafter INSTR) and prepositional (hereafter PR): do+GEN, iz +GEN, iz-za+GEN, iz-pod+GEN, ot+GEN, naprotiv / protiv+GEN, s+GEN, u © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 M. Kalyuga, Russian Prepositional Phrases, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5216-8_1

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Introduction

+GEN, k+DAT, po+DAT, v+ACC, za+ACC, na+ACC, o+ACC, po+ACC, pod +ACC, skvoz′+ACC, čerez+ACC, s+ACC, za+INSTR, nad+INSTR, pered +INSTR, pod+INSTR, s+INSTR, v+PR, na+PR, o+PR, po+PR and pri+PR.

1.2

Theoretical Background

Research on semantics of spatial prepositions in Cognitive Linguistics is extensive. Numerous scholars have employed the cognitive linguistics paradigm to study of spatio-geometric semantics and functional elements associated with a particular preposition. The starting point of many of such studies is the assumption that the semantics of spatial prepositions cannot be determined only on the basis of spatial/geometric characteristics (e.g. Carlson and van der Zee 2005; Chilton 2014; Coventry and Garrod 2004; Cuyckens 1993; Feist 2000; Feist and Gentner 1998, 2003; Filipenko 2000; Gärdenfors 2014; Herskovits 1986; Vandeloise 1991, 1994). For example, as Herskovits (1986) demonstrates in her often-cited work, these are instances in which the geometric description proposed to account for a preposition does not allow its use, however the preposition is applicable and vice versa. She shows that the English preposition in can be employed to describe the relations that involve no inclusion. For example, in is used in a pear is in the bowl, even if a pear is not located at the interior of the bowl but on the top of other objects positioned at the bowl’s interior. Similarly, there are examples of the restrictions for the use of the English preposition into describe the situation where a pear is being covered by an overturned bowl (despite the fact it is geometrically located at the bowl’s interior). In such cases, the preposition under is used: a pear is under the bowl. Scholars provide ample evidence that different non-geometric aspects, such as function and force-dynamics, also play a significant role in prepositional semantics. Many scholars complement the description of spatial/geometric aspects by the analysis of functionality, such as ‘containment’, ‘support’ or ‘contact’, and propose mixed approaches (for example, Carlson and Kenny 2006; Coventry and Garrod 2005; Garrod et al. 1999) or even advocate the primacy of functionality in defining spatial prepositions (Vandeloise 1991). For example, Vandeloise (1991) points out the function of support (a bearer/burden relation) for the French preposition sur (‘on’) and Cuyckens (1993) employs the concepts of containment while examining the semantic structure of the Dutch preposition in (‘in’). The importance of function in defining spatial relations has also been demonstrated in various experimental work (see Carlson‐Radvansky et al. 1999; Feist and Gentner 2003; Coventry and Garrod 2004). There are also successful attempts at the application of topological and geometrical concepts, such as regions, vectors, and polar coordinates, to account for the spatial semantics of prepositions (Zwarts 1997; Zwarts and Winter 2000; Gärdenfors 2014; Chilton 2014). This approach allows the presentation of detailed formal descriptions of spatial semantics, in general, and of spatial prepositions in

1.2 Theoretical Background

3

particular. For example, Gärdenfors (2014) demonstrates how, by using polar coordinates, spatial prepositions can be given a highly systematic and detailed description, while Chilton (2014) shows how vector geometry can serve to explain senses of different prepositions (e.g. in front of). Among the common approaches to the study of spatial prepositions are image-schematic approaches. Image schemas are defined as “the schematic and imagistic concepts which are abstracted from pre-conceptual bodily experience, function as constituents of more complex notions, and provide the structure projected metaphorically to more abstract domains” (Langacker 2017: 5). Gibbs also noted that “image schemas are more abstract than ordinary visual mental images and consist of dynamic spatial patterns that underlie the spatial relations and movement found in actual concrete images” (Gibbs 2006: 91). Some of the most frequently mentioned examples of image schemas are: Container, Surface, Contact, Proximity, Horizontality (Front-Back), Verticality (Up-Down) and Source-Path-Goal image schemas. Image schemas underlie the relationships between polysemous senses (Brugman 1988; Brugman and Lakoff 1988; Lakoff 1987). The majority of image schemas are rather complex combinations of schematic structures. For example, the Container image schema is commonly described as the relationship of an inside, an outside and a boundary (Johnson 1987; Lakoff 1987). The Source–Path–Goal image schema comprises a starting point of motion (Source), an endpoint (Goal) and a connection between them (Path) (Johnson 1987: 114). The Path does not have a specified starting or exit point in or out of the Trajector and the focus is on the extension of the landmark. Tyler and Evans define a Path as “a conceptual construct, derived from a series of spatially contiguous locations, mediating a starting point and an ending point” (2003: 134). Some image schemas may be similar in terms of the notions that they are associated with. For example, the notion of Covering is linked to the Container, Horizontality and Verticality image schemas, given that the Trajector located inside, under or behind a larger Landmark, is covered and prototypically not visible. The notion of an Orientation is also important for several image schemas. When a Trajector and a Landmark are moving entities, they can move in the same direction (in front of and after) or in a different direction (against). The Orientational aspect is a significant part of the Path image schema, as a Trajector can move in the same direction as the direction of the Path (along) or in a different direction (across). There is also a claim that “the concepts encoded by prepositions are image-schematic in nature” (Evans and Tyler 2005: 11). Prepositional phrases evoke various image schemas portraying a relationship between two entities. Following Langacker terminology, these two entities are labelled as a Trajector, an entity being located, and a Landmark, its reference point (Langacker 1987). In example 1, the preposition v “in” with the PR marks a static location of the Trajector, car, in the Landmark, garage.

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Introduction

(1) mašina v garaže “a car is in the garage PR”.

This prepositional phrase is associated with the image schema of a Container. Image schemas can interact with one another. For example, v+ACC evokes both the Container and the Goal image schemas, as in 2: (2) mašina v"ehala v garaž “a car entered into the garageACC”.

In Russian, the sense of a prepositional phrase is comprised of the sense of a preposition and a case. The notions, prepositions associated with, include vertical or horizontal orientations, orientation along, across, against and in the same direction, as well as topological relations of inclusion and exclusion. Cases contribute very general static (Location) and dynamic (Source, Path, Goal) interpretation. In Table 1.1, prepositional phrases analysed in the book are classified according to some of the notions that they are associated with. There are tendencies in the use of prepositional phrases typical for the present-day language that can only be explained by diachronic analysis. In order to clarify the contemporary use of prepositional phrases, their obsolete (hereafter obs) senses are also mentioned in this book. The topic of many research papers is how the senses of prepositions and prepositional phrases are linked together and what are the mechanisms of semantic extensions. According to the approach largely initiated by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), most senses of primary prepositions and cases are generally assumed to be derived from their concrete (e.g. spatial) senses through metaphoric and metonymic extensions.

Table 1.1 Prepositional phrases and notions they are associated with Notions

Location

Source

Horizontality

pered+INSTR, za+INSTR, po +PR (obs), naprotiv+GEN

iz-za +GEN

Verticality

nad+INSTR, pod+INSTR

Container

v+PR

Surface, support Proximity

na+PR

iz-pod +GEN iz +GEN s +GEN ot +GEN

Collocation Boundary

u+GEN, pri+PR, o+ACC (obs), o+PR (obs), s+ACC (obs) s+INSTR po+ACC

Path

Goal za+ACC, protiv +GEN pod+ACC

skvoz′+ACC, čerez+ACC po+DAT, čerez+ACC o+PR (obs)

v+ACC na+ACC k+DAT,

do+GEN, po+ACC

1.2 Theoretical Background

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A metaphoric extension involves two conceptual domains, in which one (the target domain) is understood in terms of another (the source domain) (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). For example, the use of na+ACC in such expressions as (3) is a result of the metaphorical conceptualisation of the MEANS OF COMMUNICATING INFORMATION in terms of the image schematic source domain of a SUPPORT.1 (3) a. perevodit' / perevesti na russkij to translate onto RussianACC “to translate into Russian”.

The spatial and functional notions that the prepositional phrases are associated with can serve as a source domain in the metaphoric transfer. For example, since na +ACC is associated not only with the notion of a Support but also with the notion of a Goal, it can be used in the expressions based on the PURPOSES ARE GOALS metaphors (4): (4) prihodit’ / prijti na medicinskij osmotr to come onto a medical checkup ACC “to come for a medical checkup”.

Whereas a conceptual metaphor links two different concepts on the basis of analogy, a conceptual metonymy is a transfer that functions within the same domain and links concepts on the basis of contiguity. One of the examples of conceptual metonymy is CONTAINER FOR THE CONTENT (čajnik kipit “a kettle is boiling”, instead of voda kipit “the water is boiling”) where the CONTAINER (a kettle) stands for its CONTENT (water). “Cognitive linguistics has brought forward the importance of metaphors and metonymies as a strong tool for explaining the meaning of words” (Gärdenfors 2014: 39). However, not all scholars working within the cognitive linguistic framework agree with the terms conceptual metaphor or metonymy. For example, Tyler and Evans note that English prepositions often do not convey any metaphorical content. Instead, they use the notion of experiential correlation, “which emphasizes that two dissimilar events or conditions are recurrently observed in the world and become strongly associated in memory” (2003: 231). They suggest that the State Sense of the preposition in results from an experiential correlation linking location and emotional states. When speakers use in in such expressions as I am in love, they do not actually consider themselves as being physically contained. Nevertheless ‘the tight correlation between emotional states and location remains an important part of our everyday experience and continues to shape our understanding of the world’ (Tyler and Evans 2003: 231). As Tissari (2003) rightly comments, this

1

The conceptual mapping is represented in capitals.

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Introduction

is not such a new observation, given how much the issue of ‘dead’ and ‘live’ metaphors has already been discussed in linguistics. Similarly to experiential correlation, the EXPERIENCING A STATE IS BEING IN A LOCATION metaphor (MetaNet Metaphor Wiki, hereafter MetaNet) highlights the correlation between emotional states and location. Conceptual metaphor and metonymy serve a means of understanding and explaining language use. However, of course, not all non-spatial senses of prepositional phrases can be viewed as metaphorical or metonymical transfers. The other common factor that affects the use of prepositional phrases is the influence of their synonyms or near-synonyms, as well as antonyms. As it was mentioned by Apresjan, each normative language is trying to use its syntactic means consistently and uniformly (Apresjan 1995: 545) and, therefore, there is correspondence between the semantic and syntactic properties of a word. For example, when ponimat′ / ponjat′ “to understand” developed the other meaning “to have a good understanding of somebody or something”, they began to be combined with v+PR (5a), in the same way as their synonyms, including razbirat′sja / razobrat′sja (5b), soobražat′ / soobrazit′ (5c), znat′ tolk (5d) and byt′ sveduščim (5e). (5) a. ponimat' / ponjat' v živopisi to know in painting PR “to know about painting”; b. razbirat'sja / razobrat'sja v lošadjah to know in horses PR “to know about horses”; c. čto-to soobražat' v komp'juterah something understand in computersPR” “to have at least some understanding of computers”; d. znat' tolk v kommercii to know in commercePR “to know about commerce”; e. byt' sveduščim vo vseh proiskah zloumyšlennikov to know in all intrigues PR conspirators “to know about all the intrigues of conspirators”.

The use of prepositional phrases can also be affected by loan expressions. For example, Russian verbs with the prefix v typically govern the preposition v. The use of the preposition na “onto, upon” with the word with the prefix v, vlijanie “influence”, is an example of a syntactic borrowing from French.

1.2 Theoretical Background

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This book is primarily interested in how metaphorical transfers motivate the use of Russian prepositional phrases. However, the impact of metonymic transfer, as well as the syntactic structure of semantically similar words and the influence of foreign languages, will also be touched upon. Since the focus of the book is on the extensions into non-spatial domains, a detailed description of the spatial senses of prepositional phrases is not given. Instead, the focus is on those aspects of the spatial and functional elements the prepositional phrases are associated with, which are particularly relevant for their metaphoric and metonymic extensions. A metaphor or metonymy may generate regular patterns of semantic extension of a prepositional phrase. As Taylor notes “some sense extensions are idiosyncratic to individual preposition”, while “other processes of polysemisation are manifested, not only by individual prepositions but by classes of prepositions” (Taylor 1993: 152). An example of an idiosyncratic extension given by Taylor is “the extension of on from its basic sense of location within a 2-dimensional plane (There’s a book on the table) to its use in connection with conveyance by a scheduled means of transportation (There were some children on the bus)” (Taylor 1993: 152). The processes of polysemisation manifested by a whole class of prepositions can be illustrated through the example of Russian iz, iz-za, ot and s in combination with the GEN. In their spatial senses iz+GEN, iz-za+GEN, iz-pod+GEN, ot+GEN and s +GEN signify a Source. The shared elements of the spatial senses of these prepositional phrases explain and provide the basis for similar semantic extensions: from a Source to Cause. The metaphor involved here is based on a commonly found conceptual link, according to which CAUSES ARE ORIGINS (or SOURCES) (6a– d): (6) a. uhodit' / ujti iz gordosti to leave out of pride GEN”; “to leave out of pride”; b. terjat' / poterjat' iz-za neostorožnosti to lose from carelessness GEN “to lose through carelessness”; c. umeret' / umirat' ot goloda to die from hunger GEN “to die of hunger”; d. uhodit' / ujti so zlosti to leave out of spiteGEN “to leave out of spite”.

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1.3

1

Introduction

Terminology

Some scholars that are working within the framework of cognitive linguistics adapt the theory of semantic roles (Luraghi 2003; Thomason 2006; Brucale and Mocciaro 2011). “One of the main attractions of the theory of semantic roles is its use of a very small set of such roles, like Agent, Patient, Source, Path, Goal, and so on” (Lakoff 1993), which allows researchers to trace semantically related senses across prepositions. This is especially convenient when analysing a large number of prepositions. Lakoff notes that “metaphor is vital to the proper characterization of semantic roles and to the statement of principles for expressing those roles” (Lakoff 1993). In some instances, source or target domains in metaphorical mappings coincide with semantic roles. For example, such semantic roles as a Purpose, Cause, Instrument or Means are target domains in the following metaphors listed in the Master Metaphor List (hereafter MML) and MetaNet: PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS (or, using the other terminology, GOALS), CAUSES ARE SOURCES, INSTRUMENTS ARE COMPANIONS and MEANS ARE PATHS. In cases when they do not coincide, both semantic roles and conceptual domains will be mentioned in this book, when describing the senses of prepositional phrases. The list of semantic roles, described in this study include: Agent Amount Area

Beneficiary/Benefactor

Cause

Comparison/Contrast

a performer or an initiator of an action. quantity that can be either numerical or referential. As a narrow term, Area is equivalent to the Topic of verbs of communication (Luraghi 2003: 47–48). In the broader meaning of the term, Area includes Topic and is defined as “the thematic context or field within which an event is seen” Radden (1989: 448). In this book, the term Area is used in the broad meanings of this term. A Beneficiary is an entity that receives a benefit from the action or event, while a Benefactor is an entity that benefits a person. an entity that initiates or has “a part in bringing about a certain state of affairs” (Luraghi 2010: 44). Comparison and Contrast are concerned with qualitative and quantitative correlations. Schneider et al. (2015) also distinguish Rank as a subcategory of Comparison and Contrast (for example, “place duty before all else; at a level above the common people; warm weather for the time of year”).

1.3 Terminology

Donor Experiencer Function/Purpose

Malefactive/Malefactor

Manner/Circumstance

9

An original owner in a transfer of a possession, as well as a source of information. An entity that is aware of or is experiencing something. The use of the terms Function, Purpose and Intention often overlaps in research literature. For example, Tyler and Evans define the sense of the English preposition for in such example as “She returned for the prize” as “the purpose sense” (Tyler and Evans 2003: 153), while Mueller uses the term “intermediary intention” to describe the sense of for in a similar example —“The gunslinger went for his gun” (2016: 9). Mueller also distinguishes the “intention” sense of for in such expressions as intended for, used for and tools for (2016: 4). Zolotova differentiates between the prepositional phrases that mark a Purpose of an action and the prepositional phrases that mark a Function of an item (Zolotova 2011: 384, 430, 433). In this book, the terms Purpose and Function are also used in regards to a Purpose of an action and a Function of an item, respectively. These semantic roles are not recognised by some scholars. For example, Srikumar uses the term ‘Opponent’ instead and defines it as “one or more antagonists in a conflict or in opposition” (Srikumar and Roth 2013: 110), while the FrameNet tagged corpora introduces the roles of an Abuser and a Victim. In this study, the terms Malefactive and Malefactor are used for an entity that is disadvantaged by an action or an event and an entity that commits an offense against someone, respectively. Manner is a way in which an action is performed, whilst (Accompanying) Circumstance is “a situation occurring or holding at the same time as or in a close vicinity of some other situation” (Dirven 1993: 91). To help to differentiate the close notions of Circumstance and Manner, König (1995: 164) suggests that the term (Accompanying) Circumstance should be used for instances where two separate actions or events are

10

1

Introduction

involved (for example, to sleep with a light), while the term Manner “should only be used for sentences describing two aspects or dimensions of only one event” (for example, to work with enthusiasm). Means (Instrument)/Intermediary The distinction between Means and Instrument is not clear cut (Radden 1989: 442–443). The terms Means and Instrument are often used interchangeably. Some scholars even consider Means to be a type of Instrument, while other consider Instrument as a type of Means (Rappaport and Levin 1988, Jackendoff 1990). For example, Schlesinger (2006: 81) classifies Means of transport and Means of communication as a type of Instrument, whilst Meex (2001: 21) differentiates Means from an Instrument and notes that an Instrument is a type of Means. Luraghi (2003) argues that, contrary to Instruments, Means “cannot be manipulated and, consequently, can be controlled by agents to a lesser degree than prototypical instruments”. Similarly, Petukhova and Bunt (2008: 43) argued that: Instrument is distinguished from Means by whether it is a participant that exists independent of the event and is manipulated by an agent or not; if it is, then it is an Instrument; if not, then it may be a Means.

Mihajlov (2012: 146) also notes that while using Means (contrary to an Instrument), a performer of an action relies not on his/her own power or resources, but on another living being or mechanism. On the basis of this definition, it is not clear what to attribute to Means and what to Instruments: for example, is a gun an Instrument or a device that has a mechanism, and, according to the definition, should it be interpreted as a Means? The blurring of the boundaries between Means and Instruments has led to some researchers not differentiating these semantic roles and to “prefer to set up only one” semantic role (Luraghi 2003: 35). This study also used one term for both roles—Means. Luraghi (2014: 122) also distinguishes the semantic role of an Intermediary from an Instrument and Means and defines it “as the channel through which the agent achieves his or her purposes”. She argues that an Intermediary “is not simply an Instrument: even if the Intermediary acts under someone else’s instigation, s/he holds control of the event” and “holds the responsibility for the actual carrying out of the action”.

1.3 Terminology

11

Patient An entity that is undergoing a change of state or location. Possessor/Possession A Possessor is the entity that owns something, while a Possession is an entity that is owned or held. As a broad term, Possession and are used for various relationships, including part-whole relations (Croft 2003; Heine 1997a, b; Langacker 1991, 1999). Recipient An entity that receives something. This semantic role is often considered as comprising an Addressee (an entity that receives information). Reason According to Croft, a Reason is a motivation prompting someone to act (Croft 1991: 293). Croft observes that the notion of Reason presents a basis for the possible link between Cause and Purpose. He argues that Reason “can represent events that causally follow the verb segment” or “precede” it (Croft 1991: 293). Stimulus Is a cause of an emotional or psychological response. Theme An entity involved in a situation but not changed (Sowa 1999: 502–510). Time A period when something occurs.

1.4

The Structure of the Book

The book consists of an introduction (In this chapter), four parts, ten chapters and a conclusion. Prepositional phrases are grouped according to the image schemas they evoke: Part I Part II Part III Part IV

Prepositional phrases of Horizontality and Verticality; Prepositional phrases of a Container or Bounded area and the prepositional phrases of Support; Prepositional phrases of Proximity, Colocation and Boundary. Prepositional phrases of a Path.

In each chapter, the description of prepositional phrases starts from the account of their spatial senses (if applicable), which may be relevant for metaphoric and metonymic extensions, and then continues onto the discussion of their use in non-spatial expressions that appear as a result of metaphoric and metonymic transfers. The grouping of prepositional phrases together in a chapter, according to the similar spatial and functional aspects that they are associated with, makes it possible to discover patterns of semantic extensions and to demonstrate common conceptual metaphors and metonymies that are at the core of these extensions.

12

1.5

1

Introduction

Data

Unless otherwise indicated, examples of collocations of verbs and prepositional phrases presented in the book are constructed by the author based on the data collected from the Main corpus of the National Russian Corpus (hereafter NRC), which contains sources of written language, mainly from original prose representing standard 18th century to the present-day Russian (hereafter PDR). Verbs that collocate with prepositional phrases are presented as aspectual pairs (if applicable), for example, brat′ / vzjat′ vsë pod kontrol′ “to take everything under control”. The historical data come from the following sources: the Old and Middle Russian sections of the Historical subcorpora of the NRC, as well as dictionaries of Old and Middle Russian, notably Slovar´ russkogo jazyka 11–17 vekov (hereafter SlRJa 11–17) and Materialy dlja slovarja drevnerusskogo jazyka po pis′mennym pamjatnikam (hereafter MDS). The chronological range of these examples starts from the time of the first written Russian records, the 11th century. Examples from these sources are presented with an indication of the source, as well as the name of the author (if it is available) and the date they were written. When the name of the author is not available (for example, for Old Russian Chronicles) the name of the document is presented. The metaphors provided in the book have, in most cases, been extracted from the MML and MetaNet. These resources are specific for the English language, however, since most of the listed metaphors are common cross-linguistically, they can be used for other languages, including Russian.

References Apresjan, Ju. 1995. Izbrannye trudy. Integral’noe opisanie jazyka i sistemnaja leksikografja. Moscow: Jazyki russkoj kul’tury, 2. Brugman, C. 1988. The story of over: Polysemy, semantics, and the structure of the lexicon. New York: Garland. Brugman, C., and G. Lakoff. 1988. Cognitive typology and lexical networks. In Lexical ambiguity resolution: Perspectives from psycholinguistics, neuropsychology and artificial intelligenc, ed. G. Cottrell, S. Small, and M. Tannenhause. San Mateo, CA: Morgan Kaufman Publishers. Brucale, L., and E. Mocciaro. 2011. Continuity and discontinuity in the semantics of the Latin preposition per: A cognitive hypothesis. Language Typology and Universals 64 (2): 148–169. Carlson, L., and E. van der Zee. 2005. Functional features in language and space: Insights from perception, categorization, and development. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carlson, L., and R. Kenny. 2006. Interpreting spatial terms involves simulating interactions. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 13: 682–688. Carlson-Radvansky, L., E. Covey, and X. Lattanzi. 1999. “What” effects on “where”: Functional influences on spatial relations. Psychological Science 10: 516–521. Chilton, P. 2014. Language, space and mind: The conceptual geometry of linguistic meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cienki, A. 1989. Spatial cognition and the semantics of prepositions in English, Polish, and Russian. Munich.

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Cienki, A. 1993. Experiencers, possessors, and overlap between Russian dative and u+genitive. In Proceedings of the nineteenth annual meeting of the berkeley linguistics society: General session and parasession on semantic typology and semantic universals, 76–89. http://journals.linguisticsociety. org/proceedings/index.php/BLS/article/viewFile/1504/1286. Accessed 28 Oct 2019. Coventry, K., and S. Garrod. 2004. Seeing, saying and acting: The psychological semantics of spatial prepositions. Hove and New York: Psychology Press, Taylor & Francis. Coventry, K., and S. Garrod. 2005. Spatial prepositions and the functional geometric framework. Towards a classification of extra-geometric influences. In Functional features in language and space: Insights from perception, categorization and development, ed. L. Carlson and E. van der Zee, 149–162. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Croft, W. 1991. Syntactic Categories and Grammatical Relations. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Croft, W. 2003. The role of domains in the interpretation of metaphors and metonymies. In Metaphor and metonymy in comparison and contrast, ed. R. Dirven and R. Pörings, 161–205. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Cuyckens, H. 1993. The Dutch spatial preposition “in”: A cognitive-semantic analysis. In The semantics of prepositions. From mental processing to natural language processing, ed. C. Zelinsky-Wibbelt, 27–72. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Dirven, R. 1993. Dividing up physical and mental space into conceptual categories by means of English repositions. In The Semantics of Prepositions. From Mental Processing to Natural Language Processing, ed. C. Zelinsky-Wibbelt, 73–97. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Evans, V., and A. Tyler. 2005. Applying cognitive linguistics to pedagogical grammar: The english prepositions of verticality. Revista Brasileira de Linguistica Aplicada 5 (2): 11–42. Feist, M. 2000. On in and on: An investigation into the linguistic encoding of spatial scenes. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University. Feist, M., and D. Gentner. 1998. On plates, bowls, and dishes: Factors in the use of English IN and ON. In Proceedings of the twentieth annual meeting of the cognitive science society, ed. M. Gernsbacher and S. Derry, 345–349. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Feist, M., and D. Gentner. 2003. Factors involved in the use of in and on. In Proceedings of the Twenty-fifth Annual Meeting of the Cognitive Science Society, ed. R. Alterman and D. Kirsh, 390–395. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Filipenko, M. 2000. Problems of description of prepositions in modern linguistic theories, (a survey). In Issledovanija po semantike predlogov, ed. D. Pajar and O. Selivërstova, 12–54. Moscow: Russkie slovari. Gärdenfors, P. 2014. Geometry of meaning: Semantics based on conceptual spaces. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Garrod, S., G. Ferrier, and S. Campbell. 1999. In and on: Investigating the functional geometry of spatial prepositions. Cognition 72: 167–189. Gibbs, R. 2006. Embodiment and cognitive science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Heine, B. 1997a. Auxiliaries. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Heine, B. 1997b. Cognitive foundations of grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herskovits, A. 1986. Language and spatial cognition. An interdisciplinary study of the prepositions in English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ilčenko O. 2017. Prostranstvennye predstavlenija kak osnova kategorii padeža: dativ v russkom jazyke. Voprosy kognitivnoj lingvistiki 3 (52): 135–141. http://vcl.ralk.info/issues/2017/ vypusk-3-2017/prostranstvennye-predstavleniya-kak-osnova-kategorii-padezha-dativ-vrusskom-yazyke.html. Accessed 28 Oct 2019. Jackendoff, R. 1990. Semantic structures. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Janda, L. 1993. A geography of case semantics: The czech dative and the russian instrumental. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Johnson, M. 1987. The body in mind. Chicago: University of Chicago press. Konickaja, E. 2018. Strukturno-semantičeskie osobennosti slovenskih prostranstvennyh predlogov na fone russkih (kvazi)omonimov. Vilniaus Universiteto Leidykla 63: 129–157.

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König, E. 1995. The sense of converb constructions. In Converbs in cross-linguistic perspective, ed. M. Haspelmath and E. König, 57–95. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Kustova, G. 2001. Semantic networks and semantic processes: The case of the Russian preposition na. Glossos 1. https://slaviccenters.duke.edu/sites/slaviccenters.duke.edu/files/media_items_ files/kustova.original.pdf. Accessed 28 Oct 2019. Lakoff, G. 1987. Women, fire, and dangerous things. What categories can reveal about the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, G. 1993. The syntax of metaphorical semantic roles. In Semantics and the Lexicon, studies in linguistics and philosophy, ed. J. Pustejovsky, 27–36. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Lakoff, G., and M. Johnson. 1980. Metaphors we live by. University of Chicago Press. Langacker, R. 1987. Foundations of cognitive grammar, 1, theoretical prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Langacker, R. 1991. Foundations of cognitive grammar, descriptive application, 2. Stanford/ California: Stanford University Press. Langacker, R. 1999. Grammar and conceptualization. Cognitive linguistics research, vol. 14. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Langacker, R. 2017. Ten lectures on the basics of cognitive grammar. Brill Online. Luraghi, S. 2003. On the meaning of prepositions and cases. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: J. Benjamins. Luraghi, S. 2010. Adverbial phrases. In New perspectives on historical Latin syntax, ed. P. Baldi and P. Cuzzolin, 2; Constituent syntax: Adverbial phrases, adverbs, mood, tense, 19–108. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Luraghi, S. 2014. Plotting diachronic semantic maps: the role of metaphors, In Perspectives on semantic roles. Typological studies in language, ed. S. Luraghi, and H. Narrog, 99. Benjamins Publishing Company. MDS – Sreznevsky, I. 2003. Materialy dlja slovarja drevnerusskogo jazyka po pis’mennym pamjatnikam, Moscow: Znak. Meex, B. 2001. The spatial and non-spatial sense of the German preposition uber. In Polysemy in cognitive linguistics, ed. H. Cuyckens and B. Zawada, 1–36. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. MetaNet – MetaNet Metaphor Wiki. https://metaphor.icsi.berkeley.edu/pub/en/index.php/ MetaNet_Metaphor_Wiki. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. Mihajlov, N. 2012. Tvoritel’nyj padež v russkom jazyke XVIII veka. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Languages, Department of Modern Languages. Doctoral thesis, monograph. MML – Lakoff, G., J. Espenson, and A. Schwartz. 1991. The master metaphor list. http://araw. mede.uic.edu/*alansz/metaphor/METAPHORLIST.pdf. Accessed 21 June 2019. Mueller, A. 2016. Semantic account of the english preposition FOR based on a cognitive linguistics framework. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331772050_A_Semantic_ Account_of_the_English_Preposition_FOR_Based_on_a_Cognitive_Linguistics_Framework. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. NRC = National Russian Corpus. 2016. http://ruscorpora.ru. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. Petukhova, V., and H. Bunt. 2008. LIRICS semantic role annotation: Design and evaluation of a set of data categories – LREC. http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.678. 3144&rep=rep1&type=pdf. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. Pajar, D., and V. Plungjan. 2000. Predlog nad: fakty i interpretacii. In Issledovanija po semantike predlogov, ed. D. Pajar and O. Selivërstova, 83–116. Moscow: Russkie slovari. Plungjan, V., and E. Rakhilina. 1996. Polisemija služebnyh slov: predlogi ‘čerez’ i ‘skvoz’’. Rusistika segodnja 3: 1–17. Plungjan, V., and E. Rakhilina. 2000. Po povodu ‘lokalistskoj’ koncepcii značenija: predlog pod. In Issledovanija po semantike predlogov, ed. D. Pajar and O. Selivërstova, 115–133. Moscow: Russkie slovari. Plungjan, V., and E. Rakhilina. 2014. Semantiko-sintaksičeskie svojstva russkih konstrukcij s predlogom ‘pod’: prjamye (prostranstvennye) i perenosnye (vremennye) upotreblenija. Welt der Slaven-Halbjahresschrift fur Slavistik 59 (1): 22–56.

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Radden, G. 1989. Figurative use of prepositions. A user’s grammar of english: Word, sentence, text, interaction, 551–576. Frankfurt: R. Dirven. Rappaport, M., and B. Levin. 1988. What to do with Theta roles. In Syntax and semantics 21: Thematic relations, ed. W. Wilkins, 7–36. San Diego, Calif: Academic Press. Schlesinger, I. 2006. Cognitive space and linguistic case semantic and syntactic categories in English. Cambridge University Press. Schneider, N., V. Srikumar, J. Hwang and Martha Palmer. 2015. A hierarchy with, of, and for preposition supersenses. In Proceedings of the 9th Linguistic Annotation Workshop, Denver, Colorado, 5 June. Seliverstova, O. 2000. Semantičeskaja struktura predloga na. In Issledovanija po semantike predlogov, ed. D. Pajar and O. Selivërstova, 189–242. Moscow: Russkie slovari. Shakhova, D., and A. Tyler. 2010. Taking the principled polysemy model of spatial particles beyond English: The case of Russian za. In Language, Cognition and Space, ed. V. Evans, and P. Chilton, 267–292. London: Equinox. Shmatova, N. 2009. Osobennosti shematizacii prostranstva v kontekstah so značeniem opory v norvežskom, islandskom i russkom jazykah (na primere prostranstvennyh predlogov v i na i ih skandinavskih èkvivalentov). Vestnik Novosibirskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Lingvistika i mežkul’turnaja kommunikacija. https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/osobennostishematizatsii-prostranstva-v-kontekstah-so-znacheniem-opory-v-norvezhskom-islandskom-irusskom-yazykah-na-primere. Accessed 28 Oct 2019. Shull, S. 2003. The experience of space. The privileged role of spatial prefixation in Czech and Russian, München. SlRJa 11–17 = Barhudarov, S., F. Filin, D. Šmelëv et al. 1975–2015. Slovar´ russkogo jazyka 11-17 vekov. Moscow: Nauka. Sowa, J. 1999. Knowledge representation: Logical, philosophical, and computational foundations. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks Cole Publishing. Srikumar, V., and Roth, D. 2013. An inventory of preposition relations. https://www.researchgate. net/publication/236935701_An_Inventory_of_Preposition_Relations. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. Šarić, L. 2008. Spatial concepts in Slavic: A cognitive linguistic study of prepositions and cases. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Taylor, J. 1993. Prepositions: Patterns of polysemization and strategies of disambiguation. In The semantics of prepositions: From mental processing to natural language processing, [natural language processing 3], ed. C. Zelinsky-Wibbelt, 151–175. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Thomason, O. 2006. Prepositional systems in Biblical Greek, Gothic, Classical Armenian, and Old Church Slavic. PhD diss., University of Georgia. https://getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/thomason_ olga_a_200605_phd.pdf. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. Tissari, H. 2003. For fear or hope of reward”: On prepositions occurring with nouns for emotions. The Electronic Journal of the Department of English at the University of Helsinki, 5. https:// blogs.helsinki.fi/hes-eng/volumes/volume-5/“for-fear-or-hope-of-reward”-on-prepositionsoccurring-with-nouns-for-emotions/. Accessed 20 Oct 2019. Tyler, A., and V. Evans. 2003. The semantics of English prepositions: Spatial scenes, embodied meaning and cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vandeloise, C. 1991. Spatial prepositions: A case study from French (A. R. K. Bosch, Trans.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vandeloise, C. 1994. Methodology and analyses of the preposition in. Cognitive Linguistics 5 (2): 157–184. Zolotova, G. 2011. Sintaksičeskij slovar’: repertuar èlementarnyh edinic russkogo sintaksisa. Moscow: Editorial URSS. Zwarts, J. 1997. Vectors as relative positions: A compositional semantics of modified PPs. Journal of Semantics 14: 57–86. Zwarts, J., and Y. Winter. 2000. Vector space semantics: A model-theoretic analysis of locative prepositions. Journal of Logic, Language and Information 9: 169–211.

Part I

Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality and Verticality

Chapter 2

Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

Abstract This chapter centres on the semantics of the prepositional phrases of the Front-Back dimension, such as the pairs pered+INSTR and za+INSTR, as well as iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC. Each prepositional phrase in these pairs can be described as reversed images of each other. Naprotiv+GEN and protiv+GEN, which can refer to a location in front in some contexts, as well as po+PR, which could signify a location behind in previous centuries, are also discussed in the same chapter. Analysing these prepositional phrases together makes it possible to discover common patterns of semantic extensions. Most senses of primary prepositions are generally assumed to be derived from spatial senses. Accordingly, the chapter begins with the examination of the spatial senses of these prepositional phrases and continues with the study of their non-spatial senses, which appear as a result of metaphorical transfers. It demonstrates how different, and seemingly arbitrary, senses of the prepositional phrases are related and linked through conceptual metaphors.

2.1

2.1.1

Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental, (na)protiv with the Genitive and po with the Prepositional Spatial Senses

Pered+INSTR indicates a location at the front side of the Landmark or at the side that is nearer to the observer if the Landmark does not have a front/back asymmetry (1a–d):

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 M. Kalyuga, Russian Prepositional Phrases, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5216-8_2

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

(1) a. pered domom “in front of the houseINSTR”; b. pered televizorom “in front of the TV setINSTR”; c. pered zerkalom “in front of the mirrorINSTR”; d. pered škafom “in front of a closetINSTR”. Naprotiv+GEN and, more rarely, its derivationally related protiv+GEN, refer to a location opposite the landmark. In PDR, protiv+GEN had already lost its spatial sense to a great extent and its use became restricted to a limited number of expressions (2a–d):

(2) a. (na)protiv vyhoda “opposite the exitGEN”; b. (na)protiv upravlenija porta “opposite the harbour officeGEN”; c. (na)protiv Zoologičeskogo sada “opposite the Zoological GardensGEN”; d. (na)protiv zerkala “opposite the mirror GEN”. Za+INSTR introduces a location behind/beyond or at the side that is further from the observer (3a–d):

(3) a. za dver'ju “behind the doorINSTR”; b. za rekoj “beyond the riverINSTR”; c. za tučami “behind the cloudsINSTR”; d. za goroj “behind the mountainINSTR”.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

21

Po+PR was another prepositional phrase that could refer to the position behind/ beyond. Po+PR existed in this sense in Old and Middle Russian but did not last to the present day (4):

(4) bjahu po Ioaně were behind IoanPR “were by Ioan” (Žit. Io. Zlat. 15th-16th centuries; SlRJa 11-17 1989, 15:117). The location of the Trajector in front of the Landmark also implies the absence of any cover or accessibility (including of perceptual accessibility). Tyler and Evans (2003: 155) suggest that the English in front (of) has a functional element of perceptual accessibility, whilst behind has a functional element of perceptual inaccessibility. Their Russian equivalents, pered+INSTR and za+INSTR, are associated with the same functional elements: perceptual accessibility and perceptual inaccessibility, respectively. Perceptual inaccessibility is linked to the image schema of Covering. Covering takes place when the Trajector is hidden from view by the Landmark. What is behind is prototypically not visible. Conversely, what is in front of the Observer is not covered, is visible and, as a result, assessable. The semantics of pered+INSTR, za+INSTR, po+PR and protiv+GEN includes the component of a direction. For example, in expressions with protiv+GEN, the Trajector is located facing (positioned with the face or front towards) the Landmark or is directed against the Landmark (5a–d): (5) a. deržat' zerkal'ce protiv eё lica “to hold the mirror against her face GEN”; b. gresti protiv tečenija “to row against the stream GEN”; c. idti protiv vetra “to walk against the wind GEN”; d. gladit' / pogladit protiv šersti “to stroke against the direction of hair GEN”.

In terms of the orientational aspect, pered+INSTR is especially interesting, since the orientation of the Trajector in relation to the Landmark can be very different, as will be demonstrated in this section. Analysing the English in front, Tyler and Evans propose that if the Landmark is human, it is typically conceptualised as facing the Trajector (Tyler and Evans 2003: 158). When people are in a situation involving eye contact, they are oriented towards each other (6):

22

(6)

2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

on govoril pered zriteljami “he was talking in front of the audience INSTR”.

If a Trajector is a person and a Landmark is an object with a functional frontal side, the direction of the Trajector and Landmark to each other is also relevant. For example, the Trajector (he) is facing the functional part of the Landmark (the mirror), as in 7:

(7) on zavjazyval galstuk pered

zerkalom

“he was doing his tie in front of the mirror INSTR”. In the following examples with pered+INSTR and protiv+GEN, the Trajector and the Landmark are also facing each other (8a–b):

(8) a. on sidel pered Potapovym “he sat in front of Potapov INSTR”; b. ja stojal protiv Klary i molča smotrel na neё “I stood opposite Clara INSTR and silently looked at her”. However, pered+INSTR, as za+INSTR, can be used in expressions where the Trajector is oriented in the same direction as the Landmark when both the Trajector and the Landmark are moving entities (9a–d):

(9) a. sobaka bežala pered velosipedom “a dog ran in front of a bicycle INSTR”; b. oni idut pered drugom “they walk in front of a friend INSTR”. c. my poskakali za vsemi “we galloped behind everyone INSTR”; d. ljudi rinulis' za nim “people lunged after him INSTR”.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

23

Po+PR was synonymous with za+INSTR in this sense (10):

(10) po knjazi ne poidoša behind PrincePR did not go “did not follow the Prince” (Novg. Karamz. l. I c.1400-1450; SlRJa 1117 1989, 15: 127). Po+PR also had the sense “along” in Old and Middle Russian. (11):

(11) hodja po ulicah “walking along the streetsPR ” (Pat. Skit. 14th-16th centuries; SlRJa 11-17 1989, 15:118). Moreover, the sense of the prepositional phrase protiv+GEN is associated with the Counterforce schema, which belongs to a Force group of image-schemas (Evans and Green 2006: 187–188). The Trajector is not only directed against the direction of the Landmark, it is also exerting force on it, while the Landmark is functioning as an opposing force—Counterforce. In PDR, only a limited number of nouns can be used with protiv+GEN in such expressions, for example, veter “wind”, volna “wave”, voda “water”, potok “stream”, tečenie “current” (12):

(12) dvigatcja protiv vetra, “to move against the wind GEN, potoka, tečenija stream GEN, current GEN”.

volny, vody, wave GEN, water GEN,

Table 2.1 summarises the notions that pered+INSTR, za+INSTR, po+PR and protiv+GEN are associated with.

Table 2.1 Notions that pered+INSTR, za+INSTR, po+PR and protiv+GEN are associated with Prepositional phrases

Notions

pered+INSTR pered+INSTR/za+INSTR

In front/at the back Opening, perceptual accessibility/Covering, perceptual inaccessibility Facing, direction against Counterforce Preceding/Following

pered+INSTR, protiv+GEN protiv+GEN pered+INSTR/za+INSTR, po +PR

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

As prepositional phrases of a static location, pered+INSTR, za+INSTR, naprotiv+GEN and protiv+GEN are commonly combined with verbs of residence or existence (13a–c): (13) a. byt' pered stolom “to be in front of the tableINSTR”; b. nahodit'sja (na)protiv steny “to be located opposite the wall GEN”; c. ostavat'sja /ostat'sja za čertoj “to stay behind the lineINSTR”.

They also combine with verbs of motion, for example, when the motion of the Trajector occurs in the vicinity of the static Landmark (14a–c):

(14) a. proezžat' / proehat' pered vystroivšimsja vojskom “to drive in front of the lined up armyINSTR”; b. begat' za saraem “to run behind the barnINSTR”; c. hodit' protiv okna “to walk opposite the windowINSTR”. When both the Trajector and the Landmark are moving entities, za+INSTR often collocates with verbs with the semantic component “follow” or “pursue” (15a, b):

(15) a. sledovat'/posledovat' za mnoj “to follow meINSTR”; b. gnat'sja za mašinoj “to chase a carINSTR”.

2.1.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

2.1.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of Opening and Covering

There is a correlation between the positioning of an object in front of and the ability to perceive it. When a Trajector is before a Landmark, it is accessible and not protected and vice versa when a Trajector is behind a cover, it is inaccessible and

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

25

Table 2.2 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Opening and Covering

Prepositional phrases pered+INSTR

Semantic extensions OPEN-TO

za+INSTR

COVER

RECIPIENT STIMULUS (of fear and shame) MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR)

protected. These aspects of the notions in front and behind are presented in metaphorical expressions containing pered+INSTR and za+INSTR. Table 2.2 shows semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Opening and Covering. Target Domains of a Recipient and Means The domain of communicating information is metaphorically constructed via the domain of showing, cf.: COMMUNICATING IS SHOWING, BEING POISED TO KNOW IS BEING POSITIONED TO SEE WELL and KNOWER IS A SEER. These metaphors are listed in MetaNet as subtypes of KNOWING IS SEEING or KNOWING IS PERCEIVING metaphors. Since one of the ways to make something visible is to move it in front of the Recipient of information, the use of the pered+INSTR construction with verbs of transfer of information (showing) (16a, b) or with verbs of appearance, is self-explanatory (16c, d):

(16) a. pokazyvat'/pokazat' pered načal'stvom svoi to show in front authorityINSTR one's sposobnosti abilities “to show one's abilities to the authority”; b. demonstrirovat'/prodemonstrirovat' pered vsem to demonstrate in front whole mirom ogromnye boevye vozmožnosti našego flota worldINSTR immense combat capabilities of our fleet “to demonstrate to the whole world the immense combat capabilities of our fleet”; c. predstavat'/predstat' pered publikoj v matče “to appear before the publicINSTR in a match”; d. javljat'sja/javit'sja pered rodnej i maminymi podrugami “to appear in front of relativesINSTR and my mother's friendsINSTR”.

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

The same COMMUNICATING IS SHOWING metaphor determines the use of pered+INSTR with verbs of justifying (showing to be right) (17a, b), as well as with verbs of commitment (17c, d) and reporting (17e, f):

(17) a. obelit' sebja pered vsemi “to clear oneself before everyoneINSTR”; b. opravdyvat'sja / opravdat'sja pered ljud'mi justify oneself before peopleINSTR “to justify oneself to people”; c. kljast'sja / pokljast'sja pered sudom “to swear in front of the courtINSTR”; d. obeščat' / poobeščat' pered licom vsej strany “to promise in front of the entire countryINSTR”; e. otvečat' / otvetit' pered bol'ničnym sovetom “to answer before the medical boardINSTR”; f. otčityvat'sja / otčitat'sja pered menedžerom to report before the managerINSTR” “to report to the manager”. The metaphor COMMUNICATING IS SHOWING suggests another metaphor, MAKING INFORMATION AVAILABLE IS TAKING IT OUT. Some verbs collocated with pered+INSTR implicitly or explicitly refer to movement out of. For example, vykladyvat′ / vyložit′ “to take out” can be used in the sense “to make information available”. This can also be illustrated by obnaruživat′ “to detect” (which is etymologically related to naružu “out”), as well as by phraseological expressions vyvernut′ dušu naiznanku “to bare one’s soul, lit. to turn the soul inside out” and izlivat′ dušu “to bare one’s soul, lit. to pour out the soul” (18a–d):

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

27

(18) a. vykladyvat' / vyložit' vse svoi čuvstva pered to put out all of one’s feelings in front učitelem teacherINSTR “to vent all of one’s feelings on the teacher”; b. obnaruživat' / obnaružit' svoë nevežestvo pered drugimi studentami “to show one’s ignorance before other studentsINSTR”; c. vyvoračivat / vyvernut' dušu naiznanku pered nim “to bare my soul before himINSTR”; d. izlivat'/izlit' svoju dušu pered neznakomymi “to pour out one’s soul before strangers INSTR”.

Grady explains the link between MAKING INFORMATION AVAILABLE and TAKING IT OUT. He mentions that “perceptibility is literally correlated with location out in the open” (Grady 1998: 214). The other metaphor that is closely related to COMMUNICATING IS SHOWING is MAKING KNOWN IS REMOVING A COVER. For example, FACIAL EXPRESSION is metaphorically understood as a MASK. Accordingly, REVEALING ONE’S TRUE IDENTITY IS REMOVING A MASK. The expressions sryvat′ / sorvat′ masku “to rip off the mask” and sbrasyvat′ / sbrosit′ ličinu “to drop one’s assumed personality” also signal this conceptual mapping. Moreover, the REVEALING ONE’S TRUE IDENTITY IS REMOVING A MASK metaphor is seen in the polysemy of words of condemning: one of the obsolete senses of razoblačat′ / razoblačit′ was “to undress” and one of the obsolete senses of izobličat′ / izobličit′ and obličat′ / obličit′ “to expose, unveil” was “to open” (MDS 2003, 2: 523; Šansky et al. 1971: 298, 381). Examples include (19a–d):

(19) a. sryvat'/sorvat' s nego masku pered sudom to snatch off his mask before the juryINSTR “to expose him before the jury”; b. izobličat' / izobličit' vaši trjuki pered zriteljami to expose your tricks before spectatorsINSTR “to expose your tricks to the spectators”; c. obličat' / obličit' pered vsemi ètimi ljud'mi “to expose before all of these peopleINSTR”; d. razoblačat' / razoblačit' naši tajny pered nimi to expose our mysteries before themINSTR “to expose our mysteries to them”.

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The metaphor COMMUNICATING IS SHOWING explains the use of pered +INSTR with various other verbs that have the semantic component “display”, for example, with verbs of showing off or boastfully displaying one’s abilities or accomplishments (20a–d):

(20) a. važničat' pered sem'ëj “to boast before one’s familyINSTR”; b. gordit'sja pered ljud'mi svoim položeniem “to boast before peopleINSTR of one’s condition”; c. pyžit'sja pered drugim advokatom “to be cocking before the other lawyerINSTR”; d. hvastat'sja/rashvastat'sja pered ženoj to show off before wifeINSTR “to show off for his wife”. ACKNOWLEDGING GUILT is conceptualised as BOWING. Cf. povinnaja golova “a guilty head, lit. a bowed head”. The person being apologized to (a Recipient) is marked by pered+INSTR (21a–b):

(21) a. izvinenie pered ženoj i det'mi an apology before wifeINSTR and childrenINSTR”; “an apology to one’s wife and children”; b. izvinjat'sja/izvinit'sja pered ètim čelovekom to excuse oneself before this manINSTR”. “to excuse oneself to this man”. The other group of words that collocate with pered+INSTR are verbs of admiration and astonishment. It is possible that they developed this type of collocation due to the influence of the syntactic use of words with similar senses, such as preklonenie “worship, adoration” and preklonjat′sja “to admire, to worship” (22a–c):

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

29

(22) a. preklonenie pered tradicijami worship before traditionsINSTR “worship of traditions”; b. preklonjat'sja/preklonit'sja pered talantom to bow before one’s talentINSTR “to bow to one’s talent”; c. voshiščenie pered ego tvërdost'ju “admiration before his fortitudeINSTR “admiration of his fortitude”; Many expressions for demonstrating obedient behaviour contain pered+INSTR for an Entity the obedient behaviour is being demonstrated to (a Recipient) (23a–d):

(23) a. zaiskivat' pered nimi to fawn before them INSTR “to fawn on them”; b. lebezit' pered dvorjanstvom to fawn before aristocrats INSTR “to fawn upon aristocrats; c. podhalimničat' pered menedžerom to humble oneself before a managerINSTR “to humble oneself to a manager”; d. rabolepstvovat' pered nimi to humble oneself before themINSTR. “to humble oneself to them”. Such expressions often contain verbs of bowing and kneeling since DEMONSTRATING BEING OBEDIENT TO SOMEBODY is regarded as BOWING, KNEELING or LOWERING ONESELF BEFORE SOMEBODY (24a–d):

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

(24) a. nizkopoklonničat' pered veličajšimi iz nih “to bow before the great onesINSTR among them”; b. polzat' na brjuhe pered ètim starikom to crawl on one’s belly before this old manINSTR “to get down in the dirt before this old man”; c. stlat'sja/stelit'sja pered načal'stvom to lay before authorityINSTR “to lower oneself before authority d. unižat'sja / unizit'sja pered nej “to lower oneself before herINSTR”. This group of verbs includes presmykat′sja “to grovel”, which is related to the Greek ἕqpx “I crawl” (25):

(25) presmykat'sja pered vlast'ju “to grovel before powerINSTR”. Contrary to pered+INSTR, za+INSTR is combined with verbs of concealment. The source domain of a COVER or IMPEDIMENTS TO SEEING lies at the base of a range of metaphors, including: DECEPTION IS THE PURPOSEFUL PREVENTION OF SIGHT and AN EXTERNAL APPEARANCE IS A COVER (MML) (26a–d):

(26) a. prjatat' / sprjatat' zlost' za maskoj apatii to hide one’s anger behind the maskINSTR of apathy “to hide one’s anger under the mask of apathy”; b. skryvat' / skryt' svoi èmocii za maskoj vysokomerija “to hide one’s emotions behind the maskINSTR of arrogance”; c. tait' / utait' svoj gnev za pritvornoj ulybkoj “to conceal one’s anger behind a deceptive smileINSTR”; d. ukryvat' / ukryt' svoë gore za velikolepnoj maskoj to conceal one’s distress behind a great maskINSTR sarkastičeskoj iskušennosti of sarcastic sophistication “to conceal one’s distress behind a great show of sarcastic sophistication”.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

31

Target Domains of Being Vulnerable and Being Protected BEING UNCOVERED or VISIBLE are common source domains for BEING UNPROTECTED and VULNERABLE. That is why expressions based on the BEING UNPROTECTED AND VULNERABLE IS BEING UNCOVERED OR VISIBLE metaphor contain pered+INSTR, as in (27a–c)1:

(27) a. byt' bezzaščitnym 1 pered čelovečeskimi strastjami “to be vulnerable in front of human passionsINSTR”; b. okazyvat'sja / okazat'sja bessil'nym pered vsemi ètimi korabljami “to be helpless in the face of all of these shipsINSTR”; c. čuvstvovat' / počuvstvovat' sebja soveršenno bespomoščnym pered “to feel powerless licom vraga in the faceINSTR of the enemy “to feel powerless in the face of the enemy”. Moreover, various emotional states and feelings are associated with being UNPROTECTED and VULNERABLE and, therefore, the Stimulus can be marked by pered+INSTR. For example, verbs of fear and verbs of reactions associated with fear are used with this prepositional phrase (28a–d):

(28) a. drožat' pered svoim gospodinom “to tremble before one’s masterINSTR; b. pasovat' / spasovat' pered trudnostjami “to tremble before difficultiesINSTR”; c. robet' / orobet' pered nim “to feel a little overawed before him INSTR”; d. trepetat' pered nimi “to tremble before them INSTR”. The other emotional states that are associated with being vulnerable are shame and shyness, which explains the use of pered+INSTR with words for being ashamed or shy, as well as reactions associated with these emotional states (29a–d):

The word bezzaščitnyj “vulnerable” originated in bez “without” and ščit “shield”, lit. without a shield.

1

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

(29) a. konfuzit'sja/skonfuzit'sja pered lučše odetymi podrostkami “to shy away in the face of better dressed teenagersINSTR”; b. krasnet' / pokrasnet' pered devočkami “to blush before girlsINSTR”; c. stydit'sja / postydit'sja pered drugimi “to be ashamed before the othersINSTR”; d. tuševat'sja / stuševat'sja pered predstaviteljami novoj to shy away before representativesINSTR new literatury literature “to shy away from the representatives of new literature”. Shame is also related to the fear of being disgraced, humiliated or laughed at. Semantic differences between the words for shame and disgrace (for example, styd and pozor and their derivatives) were not that distinct until the 19th century (Bulygina and Šmelëv 2000: 233). It is no wonder that words for disgrace, like words for shame, govern the same prepositional phrase, pered+INSTR, for a Stimulus of these emotional states (30a–d): (30) a. vysmeivat' / vysmejat' ego pered vsemi sobravšimisja “to humiliate him in front of the whole meetingINSTR”; b. pozorit' / opozorit' ego pered vsemi “to disgrace him before everyoneINSTR”; c. sramit' / osramit' menja pered ljud’mi “to disgrace me before people INSTR”; d. černit' / očernit' eë pered eë očarovatel'nymi druz'jami “to disgrace her before her charming friendsINSTR”.

Moreover, the origin of pozor also reflects the conceptual link between being disgraced and being exposed. Pozor is related to poz′rěti “to look at” (Šansky et al. 1971: 349). In Old and Middle Russian, pozor, in addition to “disgrace” and some other senses, referred to “show” (SlRJa 11–17 1990, 16: 122). Cf. also the expression pozornyj stolb “a pillar of shame” and the verb nakazyvat′ / nakazat′ “to punish”, which is related to pokazyvat′ / pokazat′ “to show”. The origin of these words goes back to a time when punishment was a public spectacle. This explains why words for disgrace govern pered+INSTR.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

33

Analysing the ancient Greek preposition hupér, Luraghi (2003: 325) notes that the Beneficiary sense of this preposition “derives from a spatial metaphor involving the notion of covering.” Similar metaphors, A PROTECTOR (or A BENEFACTOR) IS A COVER and A BENEFICIARY or ENTITY PROTECTED IS AN ENTITY COVERED can be found in Russian. These metaphors can be identified in the following expressions with za+INSTR2 (31a, b):

(31) a. kniga za sem'ju pečatjami book behind seven seals INSTR “a closed book”; b. strana za sem'ju zamkami country behind seven locksINSTR “a closed land”. Such mapping is also illustrated by an expression for being married zamužem (za “behind” + mužem “husbandINSTR”) (32):

(32) zamužem za Ivanom married behind Ivan INSTR “married to Ivan INSTR”. This expression reflects the patriarchal view of a husband as the protector for a wife. Cf. also byt′ za nim kak za kamennoj stenoj “to be safe in his hands, lit. to be behind him as behind a stone wall INSTR” and the Old Russian expression žit′ za soboju “to be independent, lit. to live behind oneself INSTR”.

2.1.2.2

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of an Orientation Against

Table 2.3 presents semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of an Orientation against or towards.

2

Dlja+GEN and radi+GEN, the common markers for a Beneficiary, are not analysed in this book since they do not have a spatial origin.

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Table 2.3 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of an Orientation against or towards

Prepositional phrases pered+INSTR

protiv+GEN

Semantic extensions ENTITY FACED-TO

ATTACKER (MALEFACTOR)

ENTITY DIRECTED AGAINST

ITEM IN COMPARISON ENTITY ATTACKED (MALEFACTIVE) ITEM IN COMPARISON

Target Domains of an Entity Attacked (Malefactive) and an Attacker (Malefactor) The preposition that is associated with motion against and a counterforce, protiv, is combined with verbs of fighting and marks a Malefactive (33a), while the preposition that is associated with a static location facing a Landmark, pered, is combined with verbs of resisting and marks a Malefactor (33b):

(33) a. borot'sja protiv nas “to fight against us”; b. vystojat' pered natiskom “to resist the onslaught”. Protiv+GEN is often combined with such verbs as idti “to go, walk” (34a) and vystupat′ / vystupit′ “to step out”, which developed the senses “to oppose, attack” (34b):

(34) a. idti protiv tebja to go against youGEN “to trespass against you”; b. vystupat'/ vystupit' odnomu protiv dvoih to step alone against twoGEN “to single-handedly meet those two in a battle”. The use of these verbs is explained by the conceptual link between AGRESSION and MOTION AGAINST. The more general metaphor, CAUSING ACTION IS CAUSING MOTION, can be traced in the etymology of podbivat′ “to tamper” (from bit′ “to beat”) or

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

35

podstrekat′ “to incite” (from strekat′ “to whip”) (Dal’ 1903). Cf. the following examples with these verbs and their synonyms (35a–c):

(35) a. podstrekat'/podstreknut' rabočih protiv nih “to incite the workers against themGEN”; b. podbivat'/podbit' vseh protiv nih “to turn everyone against himGEN”; c. podgovarivat'/podgovorit' rebjat protiv nego “to turn the guys against himGEN”. Protiv+GEN is also common with many verbs of hostile encounter (36a–d):

(36) a. bit'sja vdvoëm protiv tanka “to fight against the tank GEN”; b. drat'sja protiv svoih bylyh druzej “to fight against one’s former friends GEN”; c. voevat' protiv Baltiki “to fight against the Baltic GEN”; d. sražat'sja / srazit'sja protiv nih “to fight against them GEN”. Moreover, the FIGHTING IS MOVING AGAINST metaphor is combined with the FIGHTING IS RISING metaphor.3 Whereas OBEYING is conceptualised as LOWERING, STARTING HOSTILITIES is conceptualised as RISING. Spatial metaphors based on the Up-Down image schema are characteristic for expressing the notions of struggling and obedience. For example, podnimat′sja / podnjat′sja “to rise” also has the sense “to confront” as in (37a, b): (37) a. podnimat'sja / podnjat'sja protiv cerkvi “to rise against the church

”;

GEN

b. podnimat'sja/podnjat'sja protiv èkspluatatorov “to rise against the exploiters GEN”.

3

Consider the opposite metaphor: DEMONSTRATING–WORSHIP or BEING OBEDIENT TO SOMEBODY IS BOWING, KNEELING or LOWERING ONESELF BEFORE SOMEBODY (see 24a–d).

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

The etymology or polysemy of some words, collocating with protiv+GEN reflects the STARTING HOSTILITIES IS RISING and SETTING (AGAINST) IS LIFTING metaphors. For example, the words vosstavat′ / vosstat′ “to rebel” were borrowed from Church Slavonic, where they had the senses “to rise, to stand up”, while vosstanavlivat′ / vosstanovit′ “to set (against)” originated from vos- “up” and stanoviti “to put” (Šansky et al. 1971, 94, 98) (38a, b):

(38) a. vosstavat'/vosstat' protiv srednevekovoj sistemy “to rise against the medieval system GEN”; b. vosstanavlivat' / vosstanovit' prisjažnyh protiv vas “to prejudice a jury against you GEN”. In turn, physical fight is a source domain of mental struggle, which involves restraining emotions, suppressing feelings or thoughts (39):

(39) borot'sja protiv ètih myslej “to fight against these thoughts GEN”. FIGHTING A WAR is also a source domain of TREATING ILLNESS (MML). In accordance with this metaphor, MEDICINE is conceptualised as A WEAPON and THE DISEASE IS AN ENEMY (MML), as in the following examples (40a–d):

(40) a. lekarstvo protiv kašlja “medicine against coughing GEN”; b. privivka protiv grippa “vaccination against influenza GEN”; c. sredstvo protiv morskoj bolezni “substance against sea-sickness GEN”; d. tabletki protiv grippa “pills against the flu GEN”. Expressions based on this metaphor may contain verbs of being suitable or verbs of helping (in fighting illness) (41a–b):

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

37

(41) a. godit'sja protiv maljarii to be suitable against malaria GEN “to be suitable for malaria”; b. pomogat' / pomoč' protiv golovnoj boli “to help against headache GEN”. Cf. other similar expressions (42a–c):

(42) a. garantija protiv vseh posledstvij “a guarantee against all consequences GEN”; b. zaklinanija protiv ego prokljatij spells against his bane GEN “spells for his bane”; c. zaščita protiv posjagatel'stv protection against annoyance GEN “protection from annoyance”. WORDS are metaphorically viewed as WEAPONS (MML), for example, ostrye slova “sharp words”, ranit′ slovami “to hurt with words”. The VERBAL ATTACK is structured using the source domain of a PHYSICAL ATTACK, as in the following examples with verbs of objecting, campaigning and advising against (43a–e): (43). a. vystupat'/vystupit' protiv vojny to step out against war GEN “to speak out against the war”; b. agitirovat' protiv nas “to campaign against us GEN”; c. govorit' protiv ètogo “to speak against that GEN”; d. golosovat' / progolosovat' protiv ètogo zakona “to vote against this law GEN”; e. nastraivat' / nastroit' detej protiv ètoj devočki to turn kids against this girlGEN”; “to turn the kids on this girl”.

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The conceptualization of VERBAL ATTACK as A PHYSICAL ATTACK can also be traced in the etymology of some words. For example, vozrazit′ is formed from razit′ “beat”, ratovat′ “to advocate” has the archaic sense “to fight” (Fasmer 1986–1987), while bran′ “swearing” has the archaic sense “war, battle” (44a–c): (44) a. vozražat'/vozrazit' protiv mjasnogo supa to object against meat soup GEN”; “to object to meat soup”; b. ratovat' protiv p'esy “to argue against the play GEN”; c. razražat'sja / razrazit'sja bran'ju protiv kartin mojego otca “to break out swearing against paintingsGEN of my father “to break out swearing against my father’s paintings”.

Anger is associated with aggression. As noted by Kövecses et al. (2015), ANGER is conceptualised as A WEAPON. This explains the use of protiv+GEN with words of anger, as well as rage and indignation (45a–d):

(45) a. vozmuščat'sja/vozmutit'sja protiv žestokosti object against crueltyGEN “to object to the cruelty”; b. gnev protiv vsego mira “resentment against the whole worldGEN”; c. zloba protiv ego brata “anger against his brotherGEN”; d. negodovanie protiv vseh “malice against everyone GEN”. Pered+INSTR is used in expressions based on the CONFRONTING OR DEALING is FACING and ENTITY CONFRONTED IS AN ENTITY FACED metaphors. Such an entity can be something hostile or difficult, as in (46a–d):

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

39

(46) a. byt' postavlennym pered neobhodimost'ju prinjat' to be placed in front of the needINSTR to make nemedlennoe rešenie fast decision “to be faced with the need to make a fast decision”; b. okazyvat'sja/okazat'sja pered problemoj to find oneself in front of a problemINSTR “to find oneself confronted with a problem”; c. očutit'sja pered trudnym vyborom appear in front of a difficult choice INSTR “to be confronted with a difficult choice”; d. stojat' pered vyborom to stand in front of a choiceINSTR “to face a choice”. The polysemy of some verbs that govern pered+INSTR (for example, ustojat′ “to remain standing, withstand, resist”, vystojat′ “to remain standing, withstand, resist”) reflects another metaphor—RESISTING IS REMAINING STANDING. Withstanding does not necessarily imply aggression, therefore, ustojat′ is combined with both pered+INSTR (47a) and protiv+GEN (47b):

(47) a. ustojat' pered iskušeniem to remain standing in front of temptation GEN “to resist the temptation GEN”; b. ustojat' protiv ego čar to remain standing against his charms GEN “to resist his charms”.

A Target Domain of an Entity Compared-To It is obvious that items are easier to compare and contrast if they are located close to each other. As protiv+Gen can be employed in expressions describing two entities, one of which is facing the other, it is also employed in expressions indicating comparison or contrast (48)4:

4

Cf. similar conceptual mapping reflected in the etymology of the English contrast (which is akin to the Latin contrastare—contra—“against” + stāre “to stand”). Online Etymology Dictionary, hereafter OED).

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

(48). protiv moej èta ideja nikuda ne goditsja lousy against mineGEN this idea “this is a lousy idea in comparison to mine”. 4 Similar to protiv+Gen, pered+INSTR is used in expressions depicting a Trajector facing the Landmark and, therefore, in expressions for comparison (49a, b):

(49) a. ona pered toboj urod urodom she before youINSTR freak “in comparison to you she is really ugly”; b. ty nikto pered nej you nothing before herINSTR “in comparison to her you are nothing”; In PDR, such use of pered+INSTR and protiv+GEN is limited to a few idiomatic expressions. However, in Old and Middle Russian they were quite common (50a, b):

(50) a. pered" prošlymi godami gorazdo učala malit'sja before last yearsINSTR considerably began diminish “in comparison to the last few years it began to diminish considerably” (A.I. 1697; SlRJa 11-17 1988, 14: 232); b. edina storona protiv" drugo(i) menše one side against otherGEN less “one side is less that the other” (Kn. zakonnye, 15th century; SlRJa 11-17 1995, 20: 251).

2.1.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of Preceding and Following

A number of senses of pered+INSTR, za+INSTR and po+PR are related to the notions of Preceding and Following. As source domains, Preceding and Following can be mapped onto several target domains and motivate various semantic extensions, as is illustrated in Table 2.4.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

41

Table 2.4 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Preceding and Following

Prepositional phrases pered+INSTR za+INSTR, po+PR za+INSTR, po+PR za+INSTR, po+PR (obs) za+INSTR za+INSTR po+PR

Semantic extensions ENTITY PRECEDED EARLIER IN TIME ENTITY FOLLOWING LATER IN TIME STIMULUS BENEFICIARY ENTITY FOLLOWED ENTITY WATCHING OVER (THEME) PURPOSE EXPERIENCER

Targets Domain of Preceding and Following in Time TIME is conceptualised as SOMETHING MOVING (MML). In a sequence of time and events, EARLIER TIME PERIODS AND EVENTS PRECEDE LATER TIME PERIODS AND EVENTS and LATER TIME PERIODS AND EVENTS FOLLOW EARLIER TIME PERIODS AND EVENTS, which is reflected in the following idiomatic expressions with predšestvujuščij “preceding” (from pred “before”+šestvujuščij “going”) and sledujuščij “following”: predšestvujuščij den′ “preceding day”, predyduščij god “preceding year” and sledujuščij den′ “following day”. As pered+INSTR, za+INSTR and po+PR are employed in spatial expressions for sequence and succession, they are also used in corresponding time expressions. For example, pered+INSTR marks a period of time that preceded a particular time or event (51a, b), while za+INSTR (51c, d) and po+PR (51e, f) mark a period or event that are following or coming after5:

The preposition po can be traced to the origin of potom “then”, which contained po + the pronoun t″ “that”.

5

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(51) a. ostavljat'/ostavit' vse dela v polnom porjadke pered to leave all tasks in full order before nastupajuščim prazdnikom intervening holiday INSTR “to leave all tasks in order for the intervening holiday”; b. èto slučilos' pered nastupleniem noči it happened in front of the comingINSTR of the night “it happened at the coming of the night”; c. den' za dnëm “day after dayINSTR”; d. za isteriej vsegda sledovalo prostoe ob"jasnenie behind hysteria INSTR always followed simple explanation “hysteria was always followed by a simple explanation”; e. uehat' po polunoči “to leave after midnight PR”; f. perežit' mnogoe po vozvraščenii “to have gone through various experiences since one’s returnPR”. This sense of po has been taken over by its derivationally related posle (from po “after” + s′ “this”+the particle lě. lit. “after this”) (Šansky et al. 1971: 357).

A Target Domain of a Stimulus In their famous book ‘Metaphors we live by’ (1980), Lakoff and Johnson list the SEEING IS TOUCHING and EYES ARE LIMBS metaphors and illustrate them with the following examples (52):

(52) ‘I can't take my eyes off her. He sits with his eyes glued to the TV. Her eyes picked out every detail of the pattern. Their eyes met. She never moves her eyes from his face. She ran her eyes over everything in the room. He wants everything within reach of his eyes.’

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

43

Similar examples or examples conveying the same metaphor can be found in Russian (53a–c):

(53) a. ona ne mogla otorvat' glaz ot škatulki “she could not take her eyes from the box”; b. on vodil glazami po moemu licu “he moved his eyes up and down over my face”; c. ja probežal glazami ètot doklad “I run my eyes over this report”. Given that EYES are conceptualised as LIMBS (MML), WATCHING is conceptualised as FOLLOWING WITH THE EYES. In expressions based on this metaphor, verbs of perception collocate with za+INSTR for an Entity watched (Stimulus) (54a, b):

(54) a. nabljudat' za prizemleniem to watch after the landingINSTR “to observe the landing”; b. špionit' za sosedjami to spy after neighbours INSTR “to spy on the neighbours”. Some such words (for example, sledit′, prosledit′ “to watch”) are related to sledovat′ “to follow” and to sled “footprint” (55a–c):

(55) a. sledit' za nim to watch after himINSTR “to watch him”; b. prosledit' za koškoj v zerkal'ce to watch after catINSTR in mirror “to watch the cat in one’s mirror”; c. usledit' za izmenenijami v politike SŠA to keep up after changeINSTR in policy US “to keep up with the change in US policy”.

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The source domain of FOLLOWING is also applied to UNDERSTANDING and the Entity understood (Stimulus) is encoded by za+INSTR (56a–c):

(56) a. sledit' za ego mysl'ju “to follow his thought INSTR”; b. prosledit' za vrednoj mysl'ju “to follow a heretical thoughtINSTR”; c. prodolžat'/prodolžit' pogonju za ih mysljami “to continue the pursuit of their thoughtsINSTR”. An emotional state of MISSING or LONGING is metaphorically understood as FOLLOWING a desired, although unreachable, entity (a Stimulus of this emotional state). For example, up to the 19th century, both za+INSTR (57a) and po+PR (57b) were used in expressions for this emotional state, hinting at the conceptualisation of MISSING as FOLLOWING6:

(57) a. Ivan Ivanovič … často tužil i skučal za naslednikom … “Ivan Ivanovich often ached for the heirINSTR and missed him” (Dal' 1843); b. Odin Sereža plakal po nëm “Only Sereža grieved for himPR” (Greč 1834). Za+INSTR does not have this sense in PDR and po+PR was replaced by po +DAT (58a–c):

(58) a. gorevat' po mužu “to miss one’s husband DAT”; b. skučat' po rodine “to miss one's homeland DAT”; c. toskovat' po svobode “to long for freedom DAT”. The prepositional phrase po+PR was more common, and its meanings were very diverse, in the 11th–17th century Russian compared to PDR. Likely due to semantic overload, it had lost most of its senses through competition with other prepositional phrases.

6

Cf. the use of after in the English to yearn after.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

45

A Target Domain of a Beneficiary Za+INSTR also encodes a Beneficiary since A BENEFICIARY is metaphorically understood as AN ENTITY FOLLOWED. For example, the verb uhaživat′ “to nurse, look after” originates in hodit′ “to walk” (59a, b):

(59) a. uhaživat' za jablonjami “to look after apple trees INSTR”; b. hodit' za bol'nym čelovekom to walk behind sick personINSTR “to nurse a sick person”. The metaphor SUPPORTING IS FOLLOWING or BACKING,7 is reflected in the etymology of posledovatel′ “follower”. It can also be found in some expression with za+INSTR for an Entity being supported (Beneficiary), such as (60):

(60) za ego spinoj ves' kollektiv behind his back INSTR all of the co-workers “all of the co-workers are behind himINSTR”. However, expressions based on this metaphor were more common in the language of the previous centuries than in PDR (61a–d): (61) a. … za našim" knjazem" i staja Sofija behind our prince INSTR and stood Sofiya “Sofiya supported our prince” (Ipat. l. 1425. SlRJa 11-17 1978, 5:129); b. po m"ně prěd" behind me PR came “came behind me” (Ostr. ev. 1057; SlRJa 11-17 1989, 15: 117); c. iže po Iofnně “and in Iofnn’s PR favour” (Žit. Io. Zlat. 15th-16th centuries; SlRJa 11 -17 1989, 15: 117);

1471).

7

҃ d. ože b" po nas" kto na ny “if God is for us PR who can be against us” (Novg. I. l. c.1016-

Consider the English expressions based on the SUPPORTING IS STAYING BEHIND metaphor, for example, to be behind one’s policies, to be behind one’s king and to back someone up.

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The prepositional phrase po+PR could also be used to mark an Entity being supported (Beneficiary) only up to the 19th century (62a, b):

(62) a. govori na volka, govori i po volke “speak against a wolf and also speak in a wolf’s PR favour”; b. govori po nëm “speak in his PR advantage”.

Target Domains of an Entity Watching Over and an Entity Pursued (Theme) WATCHING OVER and SUPERVISING are also conceptualised as FOLLOWING. Since the verbs sledit′ and prosledit′ are akin to sledovat′ “to follow”, they developed the sense “to watch over, to look after”. These verbs are used with za+INSTR for an Entity watched over or, according to a semantic role classification, a Theme (63a, b)8: (63) a. sledit' za čistotoj doma “to look after the neatness of the house

”;

INSTR

b. prosledit' za rabočimi “to watch over workers INSTR”.

Some words with the similar sense “oversee”, such as dosmatrivat′, nabljudat′, nadzirat′ and prismatrivat′ / prismotret′, are etymologically related to words for looking (64a–d):

(64) a. dosmatrivat' za sborom ulik to oversee after collection INSTR of evidence”; “to oversee the collection of evidence”; b. nabljudat' za porjadkom “to look after order INSTR”; c. nadzirat' za strjapnëj oversee after cooking INSTR “to oversee the cooking”; d. prismatrivat'/prismotret' za rebënkom “to look after a child INSTR”.

8

The English to look after also reflects the conceptualisation of LOOKING AFTER as FOLLOWING (with one’s eyes).

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

47

The same source domain is seen in expressions for wooing since WOOING is metaphorically viewed as FOLLOWING. In the examples 65a–c, verbs of motion and verbs etymologically related to motion are used in the sense “to woo, to court”:

(65) a. begat' za kem-to to run after somebody INSTR “to court somebody” b. voločit'sja za nej to dangle after her NSTR “to court her”; c. uhaživat' za aspirantkoj to walk after graduate student INSTR “to court, to be dating a graduate student”. Za+INSTR for an Entity courted (Theme) is used with words of similar semantics even if they are not akin to verbs of motion (66):

(66) uhlestyvat' za každoj milovidnoj devuškoj to court after every pretty girl INSTR”. “to court every pretty girl”.

A Target Domain of Purpose While analysing the English preposition that denotes Purpose, for, Tyler and Evans suggest that this sense of for “originated by virtue of the TR undergoing motion and reaching a particular location which concomitantly served an ulterior purpose” (Tyler and Evans 2003: 153). The same is applied to the use of the Russian prepositional phrase za+INSTR. GOING metonymically stands for THE CHAIN OF ACTIONS OF TRYING TO ACHIEVE A PURPOSE. This is a so-called situational metonymy when “a highly striking or otherwise significant element of a specific situation is used to stand for the larger event of which it forms part” (Ruiz de Mendoza and Díez Velasco 2001) (see also Alefirenko, 2003: 75; Ilyuhina, 2015: 45). In example 67, going is one of the actions in the sequence of other actions required to achieve a Purpose.

48

(67)

2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

idti za kartoj to go after map INSTR “to go for a map”.

This metonymy is combined with the PURPOSE IS AN ENTITY FOLLOWED metaphor. Various verbs of self-motion or caused motion are used in such expressions (68a–d):

(68)

a. ehat' za poslednimi drovami to drive after last firewood INSTR “to drive to bring the last supply of firewood”; b. pojti za hlebom to come after bread INSTR “to fetch some bread”; c. prihodit'/prijti za knigoj to come after book INSTR “to come to take the book”; d. posylat'/poslat' za doktorom to send after doctor INSTR “to send for the doctor”.

A Target Domain of an Entity Pleased (Experiencer) Po+PR indicates an Entity to whom something is suitable or pleasant (Experiencer) in the expressions built on the SUITING, PLEASING IS FOLLOWING metaphor. In PDR, such expressions are archaic (69a, b):

(69)

a. takaya žizn' ne po nëm such life not along him PR”; “such life does not suit him”; b. vsë ne po nih everything not along them PR “they are not pleased with anything”.

2.1 Pered with the Instrumental, za with the Instrumental …

2.1.2.4

49

Development of Complex Prepositional Phrases with po and za

Scholars also note an active formation of complex prepositions in the second half of the 18th century that began to replace simple prepositions (especially in legislative genres). Complex prepositions developed from common prepositional constructions due to the process of lexicalisation (cf. Huddleston 1986: 342). In business documents of the second half of the 18th century, the most frequent was the use of cause complex prepositions. Examples include, po nedostatke+GEN (10a), po neimeniju +GEN (70b), po otsutstviju+GEN (70c) and za neimeniem+GEN (70d), which contain the preposition po or and za and nouns in the prepositional case: (70) a. Proekt, osuščestvlenie koego v 1907 godu bylo otloženo A project, the implementation of which in 1907 year was delayed po nedostatke sredstv because a lack PR of funds ‘A project, the implementation of which in 1907 was delayed because of a lack of funds’ (unknown, 1911, NRC). b. Ja sam v naučnuju čast' ètogo dela ne vmešivalsja i I myself in the scientific part of this matter did not intervene and ne mog vmešivat'sja, po neimeniju nadležaščih dlja ètogo could not intervene, for the lack PR of proper for this poznanij poznanij knowledge ‘… I myself did not intervene in the scientific part of this matter and could not intervene, for the lack of proper knowledge of this’ (Vitte, 1911, NRC). c. Po otsutstviju harakternogo rokota i vibracii oni Due to the absence PR of characteristic rumble and vibration they ponjali: realized ne srabotala avtomatika spuska did not work automatic descent ‘Due to the absence of characteristic rumble and vibration, they realized that the automatic descent did not work’ (Tarasov, 2011, NRC). d. Za neimeniem faktov pridëtsja dovol'stvovat'sja psihologičeskimi For lack PR of facts, one will have to be content with psychological harakteristikami characteristics ‘For lack of facts, one will have to be content with psychological characteristics’ (Belousova, 2000, NRC).

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Parts of these phraseological prepositions subsequently underwent archaization. For example, po neimeniju disappeared at the beginning of the 20th century.

2.1.2.5

Syntactic Borrowing

Some verbs, borrowed from foreign languages, have preserved the syntactic patterns that they had in these languages. For example, the use of za+INSTR with verbs of retaining and reserving is probably linked to the Latin retinere “hold back, keep back, detain, restrain” (from re- “back”+tenere “to hold”) and reservare “keep back, save up; retain, preserve” (from re- “back”+servare “to keep, save, preserve, protect”). The RETAINING SOMETHING IN ONE’S POSSESSION IS KEEPING IT BEHIND metaphor can be found in the following examples (71a–d):

(70) a. zakrepljat'/zakrepit' imenie za sobstvennoj dočer'ju to secure estate behind own daughter INSTR “to secure one’s estate to one’s own daughter”; b. ostavljat'/ostavit' čto-to za soboj to keep something behind oneself INSTR “to reserve something”; c. sohranjat'/sohranit' mašinu za soboj to reserve car behind oneself INSTR “to reserve a car for oneself”; d. uderživat'/uderžat' imuščestvo za synom to retain property behind son INSTR “to retain the property for one’s son”. Table 2.5 demonstrates patterns of semantic extensions of pered+INSTR, protiv+GEN, za+INSTR and po+PR:

2.2 2.2.1

Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative Spatial Senses

Iz-za+GEN is a blend of iz “from” and za “behind/beyond”. It signifies a point of Origin from behind or beyond the Landmark (1a–d):

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

51

Table 2.5 Summary of patterns of the semantic extensions of pered+INSTR, protiv+GEN, za +INSTR and po+PR

Prepositional phrases pered+INSTR

protiv+GEN

za+INSTR

Semantic extensions ENTITY RECIPIENT OPEN-TO STIMULUS (of fear and shame) ENTITY FACED-TO ATTACKER (MALEFACTOR) ITEM IN COMPARISON ENTITY PRECEDED EARLIER IN TIME ENTITY DIRECTED ENTITY ATTACKED AGAINST (MALEFACTIVE) ITEM IN COMPARISON MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR) ENTITY FOLLOWING LATER IN TIME STIMULUS COVER

BENEFICIARY ENTITY FOLLOWED ENTITY WATCHING OVER (THEME)

po+PR

ENTITY FOLLOWING

PURPOSE LATER IN TIME STIMULUS BENEFICIARY (obs)

ENTITY FOLLOWED EXPERIENCER

(1)

a. iz-za škafa “from behind a closet GEN”; b. iz-za spiny “from behind one’s back GEN”; c. iz-za zakrytoj dveri “from beyond a closed door GEN”; d. iz-za kraja lesa “from beyond the edge GEN of the forest”.

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

Za+ACC marks a Goal behind the Landmark, as well as beyond its Boundary (2a–d):

(2)

a. za dom “behind a house ACC”; b. za garaž “behind a garage ACC”; c. za škaf “behind the wardrobe ACC”; d. za pograničnuju čertu “beyond the boundary line ACC”.

Za+ACC and iz-za+GEN are common in expressions that describe a situation when a Trajector’s movement has a semicircle trajectory (3a–d):

(3)

a. padat'/upast' za bort to fall behind board ACC”; “to fall overboard”; b. brosat'/brosit' za bort gruzovika “to throw over board ACC off a truck”; c. vyhodit'/vyjti iz-za povorota to come from behind a bend GEN “to come round a bend”; d. vysovyvat'/vysunut' golovu iz-za ugla to stick head from behind corner GEN” “to stick one’s head around the corner”.

Za+ACC may also implicitly profile a Path. For example, the actions of gripping or grabbing hint at a semicircle path of the movement of the arms or hands (Janda 2000: 27). Cf. the following expressions with za+ACC (4a–d):

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

53

(4) a. brat'/vzjat' za ruku to grab over arm ACC “to grab one’s arm”; b. hvatat'sja/shvatit'sja za lesku to grasp over fishing line ACC “to grasp the fishing line”; c. cepljat'sja/ucepit'sja za bort to cling over brim ACC “to cling to the brim”; d. deržat'sja za verëvku to hold behind rope ACC “to hold onto the rope”. Lakoff defines such semantic extensions as image-schematic transformations (1987: 442). This transformation corresponds to “a common experience to follow the path of a moving object until it comes to rest, and then to focus on where it is” (Lakoff 1987: 442). The other notions that these prepositional phrases are linked to are a Covering and an Opening (see Sect. 2.1.2.1) (5a–f):

(5) a. pokazyvat'sja/pokazat'sja iz-za kulis “to appear from backstage GEN”; b. predstavat'/predstat' iz-za gorizonta “to rise from the horizon GEN”; c. skryvat'/skryt' za soboj vzošedšee solnce to conceal behind oneself ACC the risen sun “to conceal the risen sun behind oneself”; d. prjatat'sja/sprjatat'sja za stvoly “to hide behind the tree trunks ACC”; e. skryvat'sja/skryt'sja za port'eru “to disappear behind the curtain ACC”. Table 2.6 summarises the notions that za+ACC and iz-za+GEN are associated with.

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Table 2.6 Notions that za+ACC and iz-za+GEN are associated with Prepositional phrases

Notions

iz-za+GEN, za+ACC iz-za+GEN, za+ACC iz-za+GEN za+ACC za+ACC, iz-za+GEN

Front/back Opening, perceptual accessibility/covering, perceptual inaccessibility Source Goal Boundary

Both iz-za+GEN and za+ACC collocate with verbs of motion, as well as verbs that imply motion, especially with the prefixes vy- “out, ex” (6a–c) and za- “behind”, respectively (6d–g):

(6) a. vylezat'/vylezti iz-za škafa “to crawl from behind a closet GEN”; b. vyhodit' / vyjti iz-za doma “to come from behind the house GEN”; c. vytaskivat'/vytaščit' revol'ver iz-za verevočnogo to take a revolver out from under the rope pojasa belt GEN “to take a revolver out from under the rope belt”; d. zahodit' / zajti za stojku “to walk behind the counter ACC”; e. zavoračivat'/zavernut' za ugol magazina “to turn behind the corner ACC of a store”; f. zapinat'sja/zapnut'sja za čto-to “to trip over something ACC” g. zakladyvat' / založit' ruku za spinu “to place one’s hand behind the back ACC”. Of the verbs of taking, gripping and grabbing collocated with za+ACC, some have the prefix ob- “around”, which highlights a semicircle path of the movement (7a, b):

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

55

(7) a. obnimat' / obnjat' kogo-to za šeju “to hug somebody around the neck ACC”; b. obhvatyvat' / obhvatit' za taliju “to grab by the waist ACC”. Za+ACC can be used in expressions with static verbs of holding since these verbs refer to the resulting state of the semicircle movement.9

2.2.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

2.2.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of Opening and Covering

Table 2.7 shows the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Opening and Covering.

Target Domains of a Recipient and Means As it was mentioned in section ‘Target Domains of a Recipient and Means’, the notions of OPENING and COVERING are linked to several metaphorical extensions, including BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING, DECEPTION IS

Table 2.7 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Opening and Covering

Prepositional phrases za+ACC, iz-za+GEN za+ACC (obs)

9

Semantic extensions MEANS COVER PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR)

The semicircle trajectory of movement is reflected in the old sense of zadet′. In PDR, this verb refers to “to touch, brush (against)”. However, the dictionary of the 11th–17th century Russian shows that at that time it signified “to hook”, for example, za rebro zadet′ krukom′ i povѣsit′ “to hook onto the rib ACC and hang” (SlRJa 11–17 1978, 5: 183). The sense changed but the verb preserved it’s old syntactic structure and still governs za+Acc (čto-to zadelo eë za ruku “something brushed against her arm ACC”).

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THE PURPOSEFUL PREVENTION OF SIGHT and A FACIAL EXPRESSION IS A MASK (MML). Since revealing and hiding implies moving something or someone (to a place where they can be seen or not seen, respectively), iz-za+GEN collocates with verbs of showing (8a, b), whereas za+ACC—with verbs of disappearance and concealment (8c–e)10:

(8) a. pokazyvat' / pokazat' svoi èmocii iz-za to show one’s emotions from behind maski vysokomerija the mask GEN of arrogance “to show one’s emotions from behind the mask of arrogance”; b. zlost’ probivaetsja iz-za maski anger make its way from behind the mask GEN privetlivoj uhmylki of an affable grin “anger make its way from behind the mask of an affable grin”; c. zaprjatyvat'/zaprjatat' svoi čuvstva za to hide one’s feelings behind nadmennuju ulybku a haughty smile ACC “to hide your feelings under a haughty smile”; d. skryvat'/skryt' pošlost' i licemerie za to hide vulgarity and hypocrisy behind ličinoj blagoobrazija a guise ACC of kindness “to hide vulgarity and hypocrisy behind a guise of kindness” 10.

A Target Domain of a Protector (a Benefactor) A PROTECTOR (A BENEFACTOR) IS A COVER and AN ENTITY PROTECTED (BENEFICIARY) IS AN ENTITY COVERED metaphors can be

10

Za+ACC and za+INSTR are used interchangeably with verbs of disappearance and concealment (see section ‘Target Domains of a Recipient and Means’). The reason for the interchangeable use of za+ACC and za+INSTR with such verbs, as well as some other verbs that have the semantic component “changing location”, is that the role of the ACC as a Goal marker is decreasing in PDR. The language began to rely more heavily on verbs in differentiating between static and dynamic situations.

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

57

found in expressions with za+ACC, such as vstat′ goroj “to back up, lit. to stand as a mountain” (9):

(9) vstavat'/vstat' za nego goroj to stand behind him ACC as a mountain “to back him up”. The etymology of some other words and expressions also reveals the conceptualisation of DEFENDING SOMEBODY as MOTION (IN)TO SOMEONE’S PLACE. Cf. for example, vstupat′sja / vstupit′sja (from v “in”+stupit′ “to step”), zastupat′sja / zastupit′sja (from za “behind”+stupit′ “to step”) or the expression postojat′ za (“lit. to stand behind”) (10a–c):

(10) a. zastupat'sja / zastupit'sja za druga “to stand up for one’s friend ACC”; b. vstupat'sja / vstupit'sja za neznakomogo “to stand up for a stranger ACC”; c. postojat' za nih to stand behind them “to back them up”.

ACC

A PROTECTOR (A BENEFACTOR) IS A COVER metaphor is linked to the ENTRUSTED PERSON IS IN FRONT and A DEPENDENT ENTITY IS BEHIND metaphors. These metaphors were very typical for the language of the previous centuries but can still be found in PDR. For example, these metaphors can be traced in the origin of predvoditel′ “leader”(pred-“in front”+vodit′ “to lead”), posledovatel′ “follower” and in the expression for getting married (vyhodit′ / vyjti zamuž “to get married, from za- “behind”+muž “husbandACC”) (11a), which is related to the expression for being married (zamužem “to be married, from za- “behind”+mužem “husbandINSTR”). Cf. also the following examples with amalgamate verbs (11b, c):

(11) a. vyhodit'/vyjti za nego to go behind him ACC”; “to marry him”; b. vydavat'/vydat' za mladšego syna to give away behind youngest son ACC “to marry to the youngest son”; c. svatat'/prosvatat' za neë “to make a match for her ACC”.

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The dictionary of the 11th–17th century Russian also gives an example of an antonymous expression with iz-za+GEN that is based on the LEAVING SOMEONE’S PROTECTION OR POWER IS MOVING FROM BEHIND metaphor (12):

(12) iz" za Garasima Dohturova běžal" from under Garasim Dokhturov GEN ran on" Kondraška he Kondrashka “Kondrashka ran from under the power of Garasim Dokhturov” (AAÈ 1294-1598; SlRJa 11-17 1979, 6: 157).

2.2.2.2

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Goal

The source domain of a Goal is present in a large number of metaphors. Table 2.8 demonstrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from this source domain.

A Target Domain of a Purpose There exist common extensions of Goal markers to signify a Purpose. These extensions are interpreted as the PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS (or GOALS) metaphor (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). Za+ACC marks a Purpose when it collocates with verbs of a hostile encounter. In these expressions with za+ACC, the PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS (or GOALS) metaphor is combined with the ONE ACTION (fighting) for THE CHAIN OF ACTIONS metonymy (13a–e):

Table 2.8 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of a Goal

Prepositional phrases za+ACC

Semantic extensions

GOAL

PURPOSE ITEM IN EXCHANGE MATCHING ENTITY BENEFICIARY AMOUNT AREA/STIMULUS

REASON

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

59

(13) a. borot'sja za svoju žizn' “to fight for one’s life ACC”; b. sražat'sja za vlast' “to fight for power ACC”; c. bit'sja za vyhod v vysšuju ligu “to fight for access ACC to the major league”; d. voevat' za golosa “to battle for votes ACC”; e. drat'sja za svoi ubeždenija “to fight for one’s beliefs ACC”.

A Target Domain of an Item in Exchange or a Substitute EXCHANGING or SUBSTITUTING is viewed as MOVING (IN)TO SOMEONE’S PLACE. The etymology of the obsolete Russian zamѣsto “in place, instead” (from za “behind”+mesto “place”), as well as the PDR vmesto “in place, instead” (from v “in”+mesto “place”) (see section ‘Target Domains of a Purpose and a Function’), suggests the understanding of SUBSTITUTING as MOVING (IN)TO SOMEONE’S PLACE11 (14a, b):

(14) a. to im" za ovsa mѣsto for that instead of oat place “for that it is instead of oat” (Dom. c.1500-1560); b. inogo ostavljati naslѣdnika v sebe mѣsto the other leave heir in of oneself place “to leave the other heir instead of oneself” (Posl. mitr. Kipr. 1378). The actions of buying and selling involve exchanging. An item in exchange (for example, an amount paid or a commodity paid for) is marked by za+ACC. Cf. the following examples where za+ACC is governed by verbs for trading (15a–g):

Cf. also the etymology of the English substitution “putting in place of, placing under or next to” and the etymology of instead “in one’s place”, which is a calque from the Latin in loco (ED).

11

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2 Prepositional Phrases of Horizontality

(15) a. pokupat' / kupit' za pjat' rublej “to buy for five ACC roubles”; b. priobretat' / priobresti za dva dollara “to purchase for two ACC dollars”; c. prodavat' / prodat' za pjat' dollarov “to sell for five ACC dollars”; d. pereprodavat'/pereprodat' za zoloto ispanskomu pravitel'stvu “to resell to the Spanish government for gold ACC”; e. sbyvat'/sbyt' za sto dollarov to sell for a hundred ACC dollars f. pokupat' / kupit' za butylku džina “to purchase for a bottle ACC of gin”; g. platit' / zaplatit' za kostjum “to pay for a suit ACC”. Commodity-money relations are projected onto other different social relations. Cf. the polysemy of the following verbs of revenge and betrayal that collocate with za+ACC (16a–e):

(16)

a. platit' / zaplatit' za svoi ošibki “to pay for one’s own mistakes ACC”; b. otplačivat'/otplatit' emu za vse ego grehi “to repay him back for all of his sins ACC”; c. rasplačivat'sja/rasplatit'sja za prošloe “to pay for the past ACC”; d. rassčityvat'sja/rassčitat'sja za vsë spolna “to repay for everything ACC in full”; e. skvitat'sja za pričinënnye bedy “to get even for the trouble ACC”.

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

61

Not only REVENGE and BETRAYAL but also REWARD and PUNISHMENT are metaphorically viewed as PAYMENT. One can be rewarded for good deeds and penalised for bad ones (17a–f):

(17)

a. nagraždat' / nagradit' soldata za smelost' “to decorate a soldier for bravery ACC”; b. odarivat'/odarit' ih za ih trudy “to reward them for their labour ACC”; c. pooščrjat'/pooščrit' za horošee povedenie “to encourage good behaviour ACC”; d. premirovat' za poslušanie “to reward for obedience ACC”; e. nakazyvat' / nakazat' ego za nedostatok very to punish him for not having enough ACC faith “to punish him for not having enough faith”; f. karat'/pokarat' za predatel'stvo “to punish for betrayal ACC”.

In such expressions, za+ACC refers to preceding events or actions (Reason for a reward and punishment for what was done). A Reason is also marked by za+ACC in the context of verbs of forgiveness or verbs of judgment communication (18a–e):

(18) a. proščat'/prostit' za ljubopytstvo “to forgive one’s curiosity ACC”; b. odobrjat'/odobrit' za èto vystuplenie “to give approval for this show ACC”; c. osuždat' / osudit' eë za èto “to blame her for that ACC”; d. hvalit' / pohvalit' mal'čika za horošee povedenie “to praise a boy for good behaviour ACC”; e. blagodarit' / poblagodarit' ego za priložennye usilija “to thank him for his effort ACC”.

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A Target Domain of a Beneficiary Za+ACC can mark a Beneficiary (19a), including the so called ‘Behalf’ sub-type of a Beneficiary, which adds the idea of substitution for benefit (19b, c):

(19) a. umeret' za svoego korolja “to die for one’s KingACC”; b.

rabotat' za nego “to work for him ACC”;

c. trudit'sja za nas vseh “to labour for all of us ACC”.

A Target Domain of a Matching Entity A source domain of CLOSENESS contributes to the emergence of the SIMILARITY IS CLOSENESS metaphor. MML provides the following examples of this metaphor (20a, b):

(20)

a. “A and B are close, but they are by no means identical”. b. “The addition brought my house closer to what I had in mind (MML).

Comparable to the SIMILARITY IS CLOSENESS metaphor (MML), MATCHING is viewed as MOVING CLOSER (TO A GOAL), while a MATCHING ENTITY is understood as a GOAL. Various Goal-markers, including za+ACC, can signify an Entity matching in size, quantity or quality (21a–d):

(21) a. rabotat' za troih “to work enough for three ACC”; b. est' / s"est' za dvoih “to eat for two ACC”; c. pit' za troih “to drink enough for three ACC”; d. šumet' za desjateryh “to make enough noise for ten ACC people”.

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

63

The idea of matching is also presented in the following expressions with verbs of categorization since an entity is conceptualised as matching if it fits the Criteria for a certain Category (22a–c):

(22) a. sčitat'/posčitat' za čest' “to count as an honour ACC”; b. priznavat'/priznat' za Roždestva “to recognise for a Russian ACC”. c. prinimat' / prinjat' ego za špiona “to take him for a spy ACC”.

A Target Domain of an Amount LINEAR SCALES are viewed as PATHS (MML) and, accordingly, AN AMOUNT, including an amount or length of time, is associated with AN EXTENT of a PATH. Za+ACC may implicitly profile a Path, focussing on the Goal. This influences its use in expressions referring to an Amount of time needed to complete an action (23):

(23) pročityvat' / pročitat' knigu za dva dnja “to finish reading a book over two days ACC”. In this sense, za+ACC is often combined with do+GEN, vperëd “ahead” or ot+GEN (24a–d): (24) a. za neskol'ko kilometrov do Essentukov “a few ACC kilometres before Essentuki GEN”; b. za tri dnja do roždestva “three ACC days before Christmas GEN”; c. za šest’ šagov ot stola “within six ACC paces of the tableGEN”. d. zvonit'/pozvonit' za tri dnja vperëd to call beyond three ACC days ahead “to call three days ahead of time”.

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Target Domains of an Area and Stimulus While studying the English prepositions of a Path, over and about, Dirven noted that they are very vague when used as Cause prepositions and their senses are ambiguous between a Cause and an Area (he uses the term Topic). A similar interpretation of the combination of za+ACC with verbs of an emotional state is also given by Zolotova (2011: 183–84). She describes these constructions as expressing an Area and a Stimulus of an emotional state (25a–g).

(25) a. radovat'sja za sestru “to be happy for a sister ACC”; b. bespokoit'sja/obespokoit'sja za svoju sud'bu to get concerned for one’s own destiny ACC i blagopolučie and wellbeing ACC “to get concerned for one’s own destiny and wellbeing”; c. bojat'sja za sud'bu “to fear for the fate

proekta of the project”; ACC

d. obižat'sja/obidet'sja za pis'mo “to be offended because of a letter ACC”; e. serdit'sja/rasserdit'sja za èti slova “to get mad about these words ACC”; f. gordit'sja za syna “to be proud of one’s son ACC”; g. stydit'sja za neë “to be ashamed of her ACC”.

2.2.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Boundary

Table 2.9 presents semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Boundary.

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

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Table 2.9 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Boundary

Prepositional phrases za+INSTR

Semantic extensions BOUNDARY

HIGH AMOUNT

A Target Domain of a High Amount As the prepositional phrase that refers to a Goal beyond a Boundary, za+ACC had the sense “more than” in Old and Middle Russian (26):

(26) čelovek za dvesti people over two hundred ACC “more than two hundred people” (SlRJa 11-17 1987, 12: 127). In example 20, a LIMIT is metaphorically viewed as a BOUNDARY and EXCEEDING A LIMIT—as CROSSING A BOUNDARY. In PDR, za+ACC can signify “more than” a high amount on a linear scale (27a–b):

(27) a. u tebja temperatura za sorok “your temperature is over forty ACC”; b. ej uže za pjat'desjat “she is already past fifty ACC”.

2.2.2.4

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Source

The semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Source are presented in Table 2.10.

A Target Domain of a Cause CAUSES are conceptualised as SOURCES or ORIGINS (MML) and the most frequent coding device for A CAUSE is the GEN with different prepositions. For

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Table 2.10 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Source

Prepositional phrases iz-za+GEN

Semantic extensions

SOURCE

REASON CAUSE STARTING POINT IN COUNTING (OBS)

example, the prepositional phrase of a Source, iz-za+GEN marks a Cause of a negative or undesirable outcome (28a–c):

(28) a. opazdyvat'/opozdat' iz-za nih “to be late because of them GEN”; b. otključat'sja/otključit'sja iz-za ètih pereživanij “to pass out from this anxiety GEN”; c. edva slyšen iz-za voja signalizacii “to be barely audible over the alarm GEN”. The semantic extension from ORIGINS (or SOURCES) to CAUSES12 is grounded in the conceptualisation of effects as coming from causes. Cf., for example, the polysemy of proishodit′ “to result (from)” and “to come (from)”, as well as proistekat′ “to result (from)” and “to spring (from)”, which suggest the metaphorical understanding of CAUSES as ORIGINS (29a–c): (29)

a. proistekat' iz-za licemerija to stream from hypocrisy GEN “to result from hypocrisy”;

b. proishodit' / proizojti iz-za pristrastija k p'janstvu “to come out of the addiction GEN to drinking”; c. proishodit' / proizojti iz-za nebrežnosti to come from carelessness GEN “to result from carelessness”.

12

The conceptualisation of CAUSES as ORIGINS is common in many languages. In one instance, Nikiforidou demonstrates this through examples related to the use of Classical Greek, Latin, French and English prepositions (Nikiforidou 1991).

2.2 Prepositional Phrases iz-za with the Genitive and za with the Accusative

67

Iz-za+GEN is used to refer to both an outer Cause (of situations of external hardship) (30a) and an inner Cause or a Stimulus, for example, a Stimulus of a negative emotional state (30b):

(30) a. ne poehat' iz-za doždja “to not go because of the rain GEN”; b. ne vstrečat'sja / vstretit'sja iz-za straha “to not meet because of fear GEN”.

A Target Domain of a Reason The Source prepositional phrase, iz-za+GEN, extends not only to a Cause but also to a Reason (31a–d): (31) “to

a. drat'sja / podrat'sja iz-za igruški fight over a toy GEN”;

b. ssorit'sja / possorit'sja iz-za deneg “to quarrel over money

”;

GEN

c. drat'sja / podrat'sja iz-za mesta na parkovke “to fight over a parking spot GEN”; d. ženit'sja iz-za deneg “to marry for money GEN”.

Whereas in expressions with za+ACC a Reason is preceded by actions or events (see section ‘A Target Domain of an Item in Exchange or a Substitute’), in expressions with iz-za+GEN a Reason is a goal to obtain something.

A Target Domain of a Starting Point in Measuring or Counting According to the AMOUNT IS AN EXTENT OF A PATH metaphor, MEASUREMENT IS MOTION ALONG A PATH, A STARTING POINT IN MEASURING OR COUNTING IS A SOURCE, while AN END POINT IN MEASURING OR COUNTING IS A GOAL.

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Table 2.11 Summary of the patterns of the semantic extensions of iz-za+GEN and za+ACC

Prepositional phrases iz-za+GEN

Semantic extensions COVER

PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR)

REASON CAUSE STARTING POINT IN COUNTING (OBS) COVER PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR) PURPOSE ITEM IN EXCHANGE REASON MATCHING ENTITY GOAL BENEFICIARY AMOUNT AREA/STIMULUS BOUNDARY HIGH AMOUNT SOURCE

za+ACC

SlRJa 11–17 gives examples of the now obsolete use of iz-za+GEN to signify a Starting point in counting (32a, b):

(32) a. iz dětstva “from childhood GEN”; b. iz" mladenčestva “from infancy GEN” (SlRJa 11-17 1979, 6: 92). In summary, the following are the patterns of the semantic extensions of the prepositional phrases iz-za+GEN and za+ACC (see Table 2.11).

References Alefirenko, N. 2003. Problemy verbalizacii koncepta: Teoretičeskoe issledovanie. Volgograd: Peremena. Bulygina, T., and A. Šmelëv. 2000. Grammatika pozora. In Logičeskij analiz jazyka: Jazyki ètiki, ed. N. Rjabceva, N. Arutjunova, and T. Janko, 216–235. Moscow: Jazyki russkoj kul’tury. Evans, V., and M. Green. 2006. Cognitive linguistics: An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Fasmer, M. 1986–1987. Ètymologičeskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Moscow: Progress, 1–4. https:// vasmer.lexicography.online/. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. Grady, J. 1998. The “Conduit Metaphor” revisited: A reassessment of metaphors for communication. In Discourse and cognition: Bridging the gap, ed. J.-P. Koenig. Center for the Study of Language and Information. https://terpconnect.umd.edu/*israel/Grady_Conduits.pdf.

References

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Greč, N. 1834. Čtenija o russkom jazyke. SPb: Čast’ vtoraja. Huddleston, R. 1986. Introduction to the Grammar of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ilyukhina, N. 2015. O tipologii leksičeskoj metonimii v svete kognitivnogo principa. Vestnik Samarskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 7: 36–48. Janda, L. 2000. A cognitive model of the Russian accusative case. In Trudy meždunarodnoj konferencii Kognitivnoe modelirovanie: 4/Part I, ed. R. Potapova, V. Solov'ev, and V. Poljakov. 20–43. Moscow: MISIS. Kövecses, Z., V. Szelid, E. Nucz, O. Blanco-Carrion, E. Akkök and R. Szabó. 2015 Anger metaphors across languages: A cognitive linguistic perspective. In Bilingual figurative language processing, eds. R. Heredia and A. Cieslicka, 341–367. New York, USA: Cambridge University Press. Lakoff, G. 1987. Women, fire, and dangerous things. What categories can reveal about the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, G., and M. Johnson. 1980. Metaphors we live by. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. Luraghi, S. 2003. On the meaning of prepositions and cases. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: J. Benjamins. MDS – Sreznevsky, I. 2003. Materialy dlja slovarja drevnerusskogo jazyka po pis’mennym pamjatnikam, Moscow: Znak. MetaNet – MetaNet Metaphor Wiki. https://metaphor.icsi.berkeley.edu/pub/en/index.php/ MetaNet_Metaphor_Wiki. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. MML – Lak, G., J. Espenson, and A. Schwartz. 1991. The Master Metaphor List. http://araw. mede.uic.edu/*alansz/metaphor/METAPHORLIST.pdf. Accessed 21 June 2019. Nikiforidou, K. 1991. The meanings of genitive: A case study in semantic structure and semantic change. Cognitive Linguistics 2: 149–205. Ruiz de Mendoza, F., and O. Díez Velasco 2001. High-level metonymy and linguistic structure. Interaction and Cognition in Linguistics. Sincronía, Fall, 6. http://sincronia.cucsh.udg.mx/ metonymy.htm. SlRJa 11–17 = Barhudarov, S., F. Filin, and D. Šmelëv et al. 1975–2015. Slovar´ russkogo jazyka 11–17 vekov. Moscow: Nauka. Šansky, N., V. Ivanov, and T. Šanskaja. 1971. Kratkij ètimologičeskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Moscow: Prosveščenie. Tyler, A., and V. Evans. 2003. The semantics of English prepositions: Spatial scenes, embodied meaning and cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zolotova, G. 2011. Sintaksičeskij slovar’: repertuar èlementarnyh edinic russkogo sintaksisa. Moscow: Editorial URSS.

Chapter 3

Prepositional Phrases of Verticality

Abstract The focus of the chapter is on the antonymous pairs of prepositional phrases of Verticality, nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR, as well as iz-pod+GEN and pod +ACC. After a brief examination of the spatial senses of these prepositional phrases, the study demonstrates how the non-spatial senses of nad+INSTR, pod+INSTR, izpod+GEN and pod+ACC are extended from their spatial senses through conceptual metaphors and metonymies. It is also shown that the prepositional phrases that have similar spatial senses have common patterns of semantic extensions.

Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

3.1 3.1.1

Spatial Senses

Nad+INSTR indicates a Place above the Landmark on a vertical axis (1a–d): (1) a. nad golovoj “over the head INSTR”; b. nad dver'ju “over the door INSTR”; c. nad kustami “over the bushes INSTR”; d. nad derevom “above the tree INSTR”.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 M. Kalyuga, Russian Prepositional Phrases, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5216-8_3

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Pod+INSTR marks a Place under the Landmark on a vertical axis (2a–d): (2) a. pod pologom “under the canopy INSTR”; b. pod kryškoj “under the lid INSTR”; c. pod stulom “under the chair INSTR”; d. pod derevom “under the tree INSTR”.

Kuznecova et al. (2013: 296) note that in expressions with pod+INSTR the Landmark is typically “a stationary object that has a functional lower surface” and, hence, a small object or liquid cannot serve as the Landmark in such expressions. They also argue that, in less prototypical uses, the Landmark is a layer (3a), dome (3b) or a vertical object (3c): (3) a. pol pod kovrom “a floor under the carpet INSTR”; b. prebyvat' pod svodami vokzala “to be under the vault of a station INSTR”; c. nahodit'sja pod goroj “to be located under a mountain INSTR”.

In expressions with nad+INSTR, the Trajector may be very close to the Landmark, as in 4a–b, or very far from it, as in 4c, but always detached from it: (4) a. malen'kaja rodinka nad uhom “a small birthmark above one’s ear INSTR”; b. šram nad brov'ju “a scar above a brow INSTR”; c. solnce nad lesom “the sun above the forest INSTR”.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

73

Pod+INSTR either includes or excludes the notion of Contact (5a, b): (5) a. podstavka pod vazoj “a stand under the vase INSTR”; b. oblako pod lunoj “a cloud under the moon INSTR”.

The notions of vertical orientation and Contact are essential for the notions of a Burden. Since pod+INSTR can signify a place under and contact, it can also signify a Burden (6a–b): (6) a. platforma pod gruzom “a platform under the load INSTR”; b. podnos pod butylkami “a tray is under the bottles INSTR”;

Moreover, pod+INSTR is associated with the notion of Covering. When a Trajector is under the Landmark, the Landmark functions as a Covering that completely or partially covers the Trajector (7): (7) tarelka pod salfetkoj “a plate under a napkin INSTR”.

The boundaries of the Trajector and the Landmark may not align exactly, for example, the Trajector may be smaller than the Landmark and vice versa (8a, b): (8) a. vešat' / povesit' lampu nad stolom “to hang a lamp above the table INSTR”; b. deržat' zontik nad golovoj “to hold the umbrella over one’s head INSTR”.

Nad+INSTR (9a, b) and pod+INSTR (9c, d) can also profile positions with respect to the Landmark that are not necessary directly above or under it:

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(9) a. podnimat'/podnjat' ruki nad golovoj “to raise hands above the head INSTR”; b. sidet' nad rekoj “to sit above the river INSTR”; c. skamejka pod stenoj a bench under wall INSTR “a bench at the foot of the wall”; d. mjač pod zaborom “a ball under the fence INSTR”.

In the examples (9c, d) the LANDMARK metonymically stands for the SPACE NEAR THE LANDMARK. Such examples with nad+INSTR often contain words for rivers, lakes and seas, since rivers, lakes and seas are located lower than the objects on the shores (10a–c): (10) a. obryv nad rekoj “a cliff above the river”; b. dom nad ozerom “a house over a lake”; c. belaja terrasa nad morem “a white terrace over the sea”;

In contrast, examples with pod+INSTR often contain words for cities because ancient cities were fortresses that were built on elevations and had high walls On the grounds of the LANDMARK FOR A SPACE NEAR THE BOUNDARY OF A LANDMARK metonymy, pod+INSTR developed the sense “near” (11a, b): (11) a. žit' pod Moskvoj “to live near Moscow INSTR”; b. rodit'sja pod Kalugoj “to be born near Kaluga INSTR”.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

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Table 3.1 Notions that nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR are associated with Prepositional phrases

Notions

nad+INSTR, pod+INSTR nad+INSTR pod+INSTR pod+INSTR pod+INSTR

Up, above/down, under Detachment Covering, perceptual inaccessibility Burden, pressure, support Proximity, contact

In PDR, pod+INSTR can be used not only words for cities but also with words for other settlements (12a, b): (12) a. pod selom Romaški “near the village Romashki INSTR”; b. pod derevnej Leškovo “near the village Leškovo INSTR”.

Table 3.1 summarises the notions that nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR are associated with. Both prepositional phrases can be combined with static verbs, for example, verbs of residence or posture (13a–d): (13) a. nahodit'sja nad vhodom “to be located over the entrance INSTR”; b. prebyvat' nad gorizontom “to be above the horizon INSTR”; c. ostavljat' / ostavit' pod skamejkami “to leave under the benches INSTR”; d. stojat' pod balkonom “to stand under the balcony INSTR”.

Nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR collocate with verbs of motion if the Trajector moves within the space above (14a) or under (14b, c) the Landmark:

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(14) a. letet' nad gorodom “to fly over the city INSTR”; b. ehat' pod prohladnoj sen'ju vetvej “to ride under the cool shadow INSTR of the branches”; c. plyt' pod mostom “to swim under the bridge INSTR”.

Moreover, nad takes the INSTR regardless of whether the Trajector is already located above the Landmark and remains there (14a–c) or whether the Trajector moves towards the space above the Landmark1 (15a–d): (15) a. podnimat'/podnjat' svečku nad golovoj “to raise the candle over one’s head INSTR”; b. podnimat'sja / podnjat'sja nad kryšej “to raise above the roof INSTR”; c. naklonjat'sja / naklonit'sja nad obryvom “to lean out over the cliff INSTR”; d. sklonjat'sja / sklonit'sja nad roždestvenskim podarkom “to lean over a Christmas present INSTR”.

3.1.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

3.1.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of Above/Up and Under/Down

The source domains of Above/Up and Under/Down are at the core of a number of metaphorical extensions, which include the POWER, CONTROL IS UP and SUBMISSION IS DOWN metaphors. BEING MORE POWERFUL AND CONTROLLING is metaphorically understood as BEING HIGHER THAN THE ONE WHO IS INFERIOR AND WEAKER. The other conceptual metaphors

Nad is not combined with the ACC in PDR. However, this collocation existed in the first half of the 19th century (Bulahovsky 1953: 365, 367). Pod is still combined with both the INSTR and the ACC, though there is some inconsistency in its use (sest′pod derevo / pod derevom “to get under a table, to sit under a tree INSTR/ ACC”).

1

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

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Table 3.2 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of above/up and under/down

Prepositional phrases nad+INSTR

Semantic extensions

pod+INSTR

UNDER

ABOVE

ENTITY HIGHER IN STATUS OR RANK MORE (OBS) ENTITY LOWER IN STATUS OR RANK

that are linked to the source domain of UP and Down are HIGHER IN RANK IS UP, LOWER IN RANK IS DOWN, WINNER IS UP, LOSER IS DOWN, BULLY IS UP, VICTIM IS DOWN, PITIER IS UP and ENTITY PITIED IS DOWN. They can be viewed as the subtypes of the more general POWER, CONTROL IS UP, SUBMISSION IS DOWN metaphors. Table 3.2 illustrates semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Above/Up and Under/Down. Target Domains of an Entity Higher in Rank and an Entity Lower in Rank A Status or Rank is conceptualised as allocating various levels of height. Superior in status or rank, and hence more powerful and controlling, is metaphorically understood as higher than the one who is inferior and weaker. In agreement with the HIGHER IN RANK IS UP and LOWER IN RANK IS DOWN or CONTROL IS UP and LACK OF CONTROL IS DOWN metaphors (Tchizmarova 2012: 247), nad+INSTR is used with verbs and expressions of leadership (16a, b), while pod +INSTR—with expressions of being ruled (16c, d): (16) a. vlastvovat' nad stranoj “to rule over the country INSTR”; b. carstvovat' nad vsemi “to reign over everyone INSTR”; c. byt' pod vlast'ju carej “to be under the rule INSTR of the tsars”; d. služit' pod komandovaniem Velikobritanii “to serve under the command INSTR of Great Britain”.

Control is also related to overpowering and, therefore, to victory, which explains the collocation of nad+INSTR with verbs of triumph and wining. In such examples, nad+INSTR marks a victim (Malefactive) (17a–c):

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(17) a.vozobladat' nad volej “to win over the will INSTR”; b. toržestvovat' / vostoržestvovat' nad slabym “to triumph over the weak one INSTR”; c. vozobladat' nad zdravym smyslom “to will over reason INSTR”.

PREVAILING (in the sense of “being widespread, frequent and more noticeable” and “occurring as the more important feature”) is also conceptualised as OVERPOWERING or REIGNING. Such verbs as carit′ “to reign” and gospodstvovat′ “to reign” developed the sense “to prevail” on the basis of this metaphor (18a, b): (18) a. tišina carila nad starym gorodom “silence reigned over the old city INSTR”; b. gospodstvovat' nad drugimi domami “to reign over other houses INSTR”.

The link between power and a large size or number is the reason for such semantic shift. In nature, strong, tall and big suppresses something that is weaker (for example, a tall tree prevents the smaller tree from growing). This semantic shift can also be traced to the etymology of prevalirovat′ “to prevail” and preobladat′ “to prevail”. Prevalirovat′ goes back to the Latin praevalere “to have greater power” (from prae “before” + valere “to have power”). Its synonym, preobladat′, similarly to the Latin praevalere, contains pre- “before” and obladat′, which is akin to volst′ “power” (Fasmer 1986–1987). Both prevalirovat′ and preobladat′ are combined with the preposition nad and the INSTR (19a, b): (19) a. prevalirovat' nad drugimi cvetami “to prevail over other colours INSTR”; b. preobladat' nad drugimi čuvstvami “to prevail over other sentiments INSTR”.

HARMING, which implicates an attempt to establish superiority over a victim (Malefactive), is metaphorically viewed as LOWERING (MML). Cf. also the etymology of unizit′ “to lower, humiliate” from nizkij “low”. Verbs of contempt and insult govern nad+INSTR (20a–d):

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

79

(20) a. izdevat'sja nad moimi političeskimi vzgljadami to mock above my political views INSTR “to mock my political views”; b. nasmehat'sja nad moej bednost'ju to laugh above my poverty INSTR “to laugh at my poverty”; c. podšučivat'/podšutit' nad ih borodami to laugh above their beards INSTR “to laugh at their beards”; d. smejat'sja nad nedostatkom voobraženija to laugh above lack INSTR of imagination “to laugh at the lack of imagination”.

Nad+INSTR is employed to mark a Stimulus for such emotions as pity. Pity implies feelings of superiority or condescension and, therefore, an ENTITY PITIED is metaphorically understood as being DOWN (21a–d): (21) a. sžalit'sja nad moej neukljužest'ju to take pity above my awkwardness INSTR “to take pity on my awkwardness”; b. smilovat'sja nad nimi to take pity above them INSTR “to take pity on them”; c. smilostivit'sja nad ètim malen'kim mal'čikom to have mercy above this small boy INSTR “to have mercy on this small boy”; d. smilovat'sja nad nim to have mercy above him INSTR “to have mercy on him”.

Cf. also the etymology of snishoždenie “condescension” (a calque from the French condescendance and from the Latin con- “together” + dēscendere “coming), which reflects a similar metaphor.

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A Target Domain of More Whilst analysing the English prepositions of verticality, scholars have noted that the use of these prepositions can be motivated by the MORE IS UP and LESS IS DOWN metaphors (Boers 1996: 37, MML). Expressions based on these metaphors exist in the Russian language. For example, the MORE IS UP metaphor clarifies the use of nad+INSTR in such Old and Middle Russian expressions, as (22a, b): (22) a. V"zljubi ž Rovoam" Maahu dščer' Absolonju nad vsěmi ženami svoimi i naložnicami “Rovoam loved Maakha, the daughter of Absolon, more than all of his th wives INSTR and concubines INSTR” (Vt. Paral 11 century; SlRJa 11-17 1983, 10, p. 60); b. … oni naddali nad starym" otkupom" pjat' rublev" “they gave five roubles in addition to the old payment INSTR” (Gr. K. È. 2. Pril. 1581; SlRJa 11-17 1983, 10, p. 60).

These senses of the prepositional phrase nad+INSTR have been lost but other expressions based on the MORE IS UP metaphor are still common in PDR. For example, the MORE IS UP and LESS IS DOWN metaphors can be traced to the polysemy of the verbs podnimat′sja / podnjat′sja, vozrastat′ / vozrasti, vyrastat′ / vyrasti, povyšat′sja / povysit′sja or ponižat′sja / ponizit′sja, snižat′sja / snizit′sja and spadat′ / spast′, the senses of which include “to move up, to become larger in number” or “to move down, to become smaller in number”, respectively (23a, b): (23) a. ceny vozrosli “prices rose”; b. bezrabotica “unemployment

3.1.2.2

ponizilas' fell”.

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of Detachment

Table 3.3 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of Detachment.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

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Table 3.3 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of detachment

Prepositional phrases nad+INSTR

Semantic extensions ENTITY DETACHED

ENTITY NON-INVOLVED (THEME)

A Target Domain of Non-involvement Since in its spatial sense nad+INSTR signifies not only the Place above, but also the absence of contact between the Trajector and the Landmark, this prepositional phrase is used in expressions based on the NON-PARTICIPATION, NON-INVOLVEMENT IS DETACHMENT metaphor. This metaphor is combined with the more general GOOD IS UP, BAD IS DOWN metaphor (24a–b): (24) a. podnimat'sja/podnjat'sja nad predrassudkami svoej èpohi “to rise above the prejudices of your era”; b. vozvyšat'sja/vozvysit'sja nad suetoj “to rise above futility”.

3.1.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Cover

Table 3.4 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Cover. Table 3.4 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a cover

Prepositional phrases pod+INSTR

Semantic extensions COVER

MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR)

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A Target Domain of Means The source domain of a Cover is at the core of such metaphors as DECEPTION IS THE PURPOSEFUL PREVENTION OF SIGHT and AN EXTERNAL APPEARANCE IS A COVER (MetaNet) (see sections ‘Target Domains of a Recipient and Means and Target Domains of a Recipient and Means’), therefore pod+INSTR is used with verbs of disappearance and concealment (25a–d): (25) a. prjatat' / sprjatat' pod maskoj rešitel'nosti to disguise under the mask INSTR of resolution mučitel'nuju trevogu a torment of nervousness “to disguise under the mask of resolution a torment of nervousness”; b. skryvat' / skryt' nečistuju sovest' pod maskoj spravedlivosti “to hide an uneasy conscience under the mask INSTR of fairness”. c. tait' / utait' kovarnuju usmešku pod maskoj družby “to hide the grin of cunning beneath the mask INSTR of friendship”; d. ukryvat' / ukryt' svoë udivlenie pod maskoj hladnokrovija “to cover one’s surprise under the mask INSTR of coolness”.

IMPLICIT SENSE is viewed as LOCATING UNDER and SUGGESTING INDIRECTLY IS PUTTING UNDER A COVER. Various Russian expressions for “to mean (by)” or “to imply (by)” govern pod+INSTR (26a–d): (26) a. imet' v vidu pod ètim strannym vyraženiem to mean under this strange expression INSTR “to mean by this strange expression”; b. podrazumevat' pod ‘hudožestvennyj’ to mean under ‘artistic’INSTR “to mean by ‘artistic’”; c. ponimat'/ponjat' pod ètim slovom to understand under this word INSTR”; “to understand by this word”; d. razumet' pod ètim obeščaniem to understand under this promise INSTR “to understand by this promise”.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

83

Cf. also the etymology of the word podspudnyj “latent” (from pod spudom “under a bucket”), which reflects the same metaphor.

A Target Domain of an Entity Protected The PROTECTION IS A COVER (MML) metaphor can be traced in the etymology of the words zaščita “protection” (from ščit “shield”) and pokrovitel′stvo “patronage” (from pokrov “cover”). On the basis of the A PROTECTOR (BENEFACTOR) IS A COVER and AN ENTITY PROTECTED (BENEFICIARY) IS AN ENTITY COVERED metaphors, these words are used with pod+INSTR (27a–c): (27) a. pod ego krylom “under his wing INSTR”; b. pod pokrovitel'stvom papy “under the patronage INSTR of the Pope”; c. nahodit'sja pod gosudarstvennoj zaščitoj “to be under state protection INSTR”.

3.1.2.4

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of a Burden and Physical Pressure

Table 3.5 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domains of a Burden and Physical pressure. Table 3.5 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domains of a burden and physical pressure

Prepositional phrases pod+INSTR

Semantic extensions BURDEN PRESSURE

DIFFICULTY (a Stimulus of negative psychological and physiological responses) INFLUENCER

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A Target Domain of Difficulties The domain of a physical BURDEN is mapped onto various target domains, all of which are associated with something difficult or harmful, for example, OBLIGATIONS ARE BURDENS (MML) or DIFFICULTIES IN ACTION ARE PHYSICAL BURDENS (MetaNet). These metaphorical burdens can also become Stimuluses of negative psychological and physiological responses (28a–d): (28) a. stradat' pod tjažest'ju objazannostej “to suffer under the weight INSTR of obligations”; b. tomit'sja pod tjažest'ju del “to groan under the load INSTR of tasks”; c. korčit'sja / skorčit'sja pod gnëtom styda “to crouch under the load INSTR of shame”; d. zadyhat'sja / zadohnut'sja pod gruzom obščestvennyh to suffocate under the burden INSTR of public objazannostej duty “to suffocate under the burden of public duty”.

While carrying a burden, one can bend under it, fall or have difficulty in moving. Accordingly, pod+INSTR marks a Cause and is often combined with verbs and expressions of slouched posture and falling (29a–d): (29) a. sgibat'sja/sognut'sja pod tjažest'ju “to bend under the burden INSTR otvetstvennosti of responsibilities”; “to bend under the burden of responsibilities”; b. gorbit'sja/sgorbit'sja pod bremenem styda “to bend under the weight INSTR of shame”; c. sutulit'sja/ssutulit'sja pod tjažkim bremenem pozora of disgrace to slouch under load INSTR “to slouch with disgrace”; d. padat' /upast' pod bremenem objazannostej “to fall under the burden of duty INSTR”.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

85

A Target Domain of Influence PRESSURE is the source domain of INFLUENCE. The words vozdejstvie “influence” and vozdejstvovat′ “to influence” historically go back to the same Indo-European root as the Greek tithēmi “(I) put”. Vlijanie “influence” is a calque from the French influence. In medieval French, the word influence was used to signify a special fluid that was believed to be secreted by the planets and to exert a special magical effect on humans (Vinogradov 1999). The other calque from French is the word vpečatlenie “impression” (impression “print, stamp; a pressing on the mind”) (Online Etymology Dictionary, hereafter OED). According to the INFLUENCING, CAUSING (SOMETHING) TO HAPPEN IS PRESSURING metaphor, BEING UNDER INFLUENCE is conceptualized as BEING UNDER PRESSURE. An entity being influenced or effected is marked by pod+INSTR (30a–d): (30) a. žit' pod vlijaniem takih zakonov “to live under the influence INSTR of such laws”; b. nahodit'sja pod vlijaniem tajnoj strasti “to be under the influence INSTR of some secret passion”; c. ostavat'sja / ostat'sja pod vozdejstviem knigi “to be under the influence INSTR of a book”; d. prebyvat' pod vozdejstviem anestezirujuščego sredstva “to be under the influence INSTR of an anaesthetic”.

Metonymic Extensions Whilst examining the semantics of the English over, Tyler and Evans (2003: 93–96) distinguished the examining sense (for example, Mary looked over the manuscript quite carefully) and the focus-of-attention sense (for example, The little boy cried over his broken toy) from other senses of this English preposition. They noted that the second sense developed from the first. In PDR, nad+INSTR is not used with words that have the semantic component “examination, inspection, observation”, however, this use of this prepositional phrase was possible until the nineteenth century (31a, b):

(31) a. i načali nabljudat' nad nim čerez dyročku v dveri “and began to observe him through the hole in the door (Boborykin 1892, NRC).

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In the sense “focus-of-attention”, nad+INSTR collocates with verbs of working on (32a, b), thought (32c, d) and crying (32f, g)2: (32) a. rabotat' nad svoim pervym romanom to work over one’s first novel INSTR “to work on one’s first novel”; b. trudit'sja nad dokumentami to work over the documents INSTR “to work on the documents”; c. dumat' nad ih slovami “to think over their words INSTR”; d. razmyšljat' nad ètoj čast'ju ego otveta to consider over this part INSTR of his answer “to consider this part of his answer”; f. plakat' nad pogublennoj žizn'ju “to weep over a wrecked life INSTR”; g. rydat' nad nim “to sob over him INSTR”. 2

The typical posture whilst working at a desk (bending over an object of work), as well as the posture adopted whilst contemplating or mourning, explains why the object of attention is marked by nad+INSTR. Such expressions with nad+INSTR are based on the so called situational metonymy, when a significant element of a specific situation (TYPICAL POSTURE) stands for a larger event (WORKING, THINKING and CRYING) (see section ‘A Target Domain of Purpose’). The idiom stojat′ nad dušoj “to breathe down one’s neck, lit. to stand over one’s soul” depicts another similar situation of leaning over someone working and asking or demanding something. This idiom is an example of the use of nad+INSTR in expressions for annoying. Pod+INSTR does not have the sense “focus-of-attention” but it is used in expressions for “examining”, as in (33): (33) nahodit'sja pod nabljudeniem “to be under supervision INSTR”.

2

According to Vinogradov (1994), these types of syntactic structures with verbs for thinking and feeling appeared in the second part of the 19th century.

3.1 Prepositional Phrases nad and pod with the Instrumental

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Table 3.6 The patterns of semantic extensions of nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR

nad+INSTR

pod+INSTR

ABOVE

ENTITY HIGHER IN STATUS OR RANK MORE (OBS) ENTITY DETACHED ENTITY NON-INVOLVED (THEME) UNDER ENTITY LOWER IN STATUS OR RANK COVER MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR) BURDEN DIFFICULTY (a Stimulus of PRESSURE negative psychological and physiological responses) INFLUENCER

The patterns of semantic extensions of nad+INSTR and pod+INSTR are summarized in Table 3.6.

Prepositional Phrases iz-pod with the Genitive and pod with the Accusative

3.2 3.2.1

Spatial Senses

Iz-pod+GEN (which is a blend of iz and pod) refers to a point of Origin from underneath, as in (1ae): (1)

a. iz-pod

kryški

“from under the lid GEN”; b. iz-pod stula “from under the chair GEN”.

Pod+ACC outlines a Goal underneath (2a, b): (2)

a. pod dver' “under the door ACC”; b. pod stul “under the chair ACC”.

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Similarly to the other prepositional phrases of Vertical orientation (see Sect. 3.1.1), iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC are linked to the notions of a Burden, Pressure and Support (3a, b), as well as Covering and Opening (3c, d): (3) a. vytaskivat' / vytaščit' iz-pod gruza “to pull out from underneath the load GEN”; b. klast'/ položit' pod gruz “to put under the load ACC”; c. pojavljat'sja / pojavit'sja iz-pod odejala “to emerge from under the blanket GEN”; d. prjatat'sja / sprjatat'sja pod odejala “to hide under the blankets

”.

ACC

Pod+INSTR, iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC can be seen in the expressions based on the SPACE NEAR THE LANDMARK FOR THE LANDMARK metonymy and have the senses “away from, from near” and “close to”, respectively (see Sect. 3.1.1). Examples include (4a, b): (4) a. ehat' pod Tulu “to go under Tula ACC”; b. priezžat' / priehat' iz-pod Tuly “to come from under Tula GEN”.

Table 3.7 summarises the notions that iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC are associated with. Iz-pod+GEN is used with verbs of motion and verbs with the semantic component “motion” that frequently have the prefix vy- “out, ex” (5a–d): (5) a. vyezžat' / vyehat' iz-pod mosta “to come from under the bridge GEN”; b. vylezat' / vylezti iz-pod stola “to crawl from under the table

”;

GEN

c. vynimat' / vynut' konvert iz-pod bumag “to pull out an envelope from under the papers GEN”; d. vysovyvat' / vysunut' bosuju stupnju iz-pod odejala “to force a bare foot out from under the comforter GEN”.

3.2 Prepositional Phrases Iz-Pod with the Genitive and Pod with the Accusative

89

Table 3.7 A list of notions that iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC are associated with Prepositional phrases

Notions

iz-pod+GEN, +ACC iz-pod+GEN, +ACC iz-pod+GEN, +ACC iz-pod+GEN, +ACC pod+ACC iz-pod+GEN

pod

Up, above/down, under

pod pod

Opening, perceptual accessibility/covering, perceptual inaccessibility Burden, pressure, support

pod

Proximity Goal Source

Pod+ACC collocates with verbs of motion and verbs with the semantic component “motion”, which often have the prefix pod- “under” (6a–d): (6)

a. podnyrivat'/podnyrnut' pod most “to plunge under the bridge ACC”; b. podkladyvat'/podložit' pod podušku “to place under a pillow ACC”; c. sadit'sja / sest' pod derevo “to sit under the tree ACC”; d. bežat' pod goru to run under mountain ACC “to run downhill”.

3.2.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

3.2.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of Above/Up and Under/Down

Table 3.8 illustrates semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of Above/Up and Under/Down.

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Table 3.8 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domains of above/up and under/down

Prepositional phrases iz-pod+GEN pod+ACC

Semantic extensions ABOVE UNDER

ENTITY HIGHER IN STATUS OR RANK ENTITY LOWER IN STATUS OR RANK

Target Domains of an Entity Higher in Rank and an Entity Lower in Rank The subtypes of the POWER or CONTROL IS UP and SUBMISSION IS DOWN metaphors (see Sect. 3.1.2.1) are the GETTING UNDER CONTROL IS MOVING UNDER (7a, b) and FREEING FROM SOMEONE’S CONTROL IS MOVING FROM UNDER metaphors (7c, d): (7)

a. perehodit' / perejti pod upravlenie voennyh “to come under the jurisdiction ACC of the military”; b. postupat' / postupit' pod ego načalo “to get under his direction ACC”; c. osvoboždat'sja/osvobodit'sja iz-pod kontrolja to free from under controlGEN”; “to free from one’s control”; d. bežat' iz-pod straži to run from under custody GEN “to run away from custody”.

3.2.2.2

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Cover

Table 3.9 presents the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Cover. Table 3.9 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a cover

Prepositional phrases iz-pod+GEN, pod+ACC

Semantic extensions COVER

ENTITY HIDDEN (MEANS) PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR)

3.2 Prepositional Phrases Iz-Pod with the Genitive and Pod with the Accusative

91

A Target Domain of an Entity Hidden with (Means) The A FACIAL EXPRESSION IS A MASK, FEELINGS ARE A HIDDEN ENTITY and BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING metaphors influence the use of izpod+GEN with verbs of appearance in such expressions as 8a, b: (8) a. pojavljat'sja / pojavit'sja iz-pod maski dobroty “to appear from beneath the mask GEN of kindness”; b. probivat'sja / probit'sja iz-pod maski spravedlivosti “to appear from beneath the mask GEN of justice”;

The use of pod+GEN with verbs of disappearance and concealment is based on the DECEPTION IS THE PURPOSEFUL PREVENTION OF SIGHT metaphor (9a, b): (9)

a. prjatat'/ sprjatat' pečal' pod masku ravnodušija “to hide sadness under a mask ACC of indifference”; b. zaprjatyvat'/zaprjatat' ulybku pod masku bezrazličija “to hide a smile under a mask ACC of coldness”.

A Target Domain of Protection The subtypes of the PROTECTOR (A BENEFACTOR) IS A COVER metaphor are the LEAVING PROTECTION is MOVING FROM UNDER A COVER (10a, b), GETTING UNDER PROTECTION IS MOVING UNDER A COVER (10c, d) and TAKING SOMEBODY UNDER PROTECTION IS MOVING SOMEBODY UNDER A COVER metaphors (10e, f): (10)

a. vyhodit'/vyjti iz-pod ego pokrovitel'stva to leave from under his protection GEN “to leave his protection”; b.vyryvat'sja/vyrvat'sja iz-pod ih opeki to escape from under their supervision GEN “to escape their supervision”. c. brosat'sja / brosit'sja pod eë krylo “to rush under her wing ACC”; d. popadat' / popast' pod pokrovitel'stvo “to get under one’s protection ACC”; e. brat'/vzjat' eë pod svoë krylo “to take her under one’s wing ACC”; f. prinimat' / prinjat' pod svoju zaščitu “to take under one’s protection ACC”.

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3.2.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domains of a Burden and Physical Pressure

Table 3.10 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domains of a Burden and Physical pressure.

A Target Domain of Difficulties Iz-pod+GEN is present in expressions that reflect the FREEING FROM OPPRESSION IS FREEING FROM A BURDEN and GETTING OUT OF INFLUENCE IS MOVING FROM UNDERNEATH metaphors and it is combined with verbs of motion, rescuing or escaping (11a–c): (11)

a. bežat' iz-pod vlijanija to escape from under influence GEN “to escape one’s influence”; b. uhodit'/ujti iz-pod ego vlijanija to get from under his influence GEN “to get out of the reach of his influence”; c. osvoboždat'/osvobodit' iz-pod gnëta to free from under oppression GEN “to free from oppression”.

Pod+ACC appears in the expressions that suggest the GETTING UNDER OPPRESSION IS GETTING A BURDEN and GETTING UNDER INFLUENCE IS MOVING UNDER A BURDEN metaphors. It collocates with verbs of falling (12a–c):

Table 3.10 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domains of a burden and physical pressure

Prepositional phrases iz-pod+GEN, pod+ACC

Semantic extensions BURDEN PRESSURE

DIFFICULTY (a Stimulus of negative psychological and physiological responses) INFLUENCER

3.2 Prepositional Phrases Iz-Pod with the Genitive and Pod with the Accusative

(12)

93

a. popadat'/popast' pod gnët to fall under oppression ACC “to get under oppression”; b. popadat'/popast' pod vlijanie to fall under influence ACC “to get under one’s influence”; c. popadat' / popast' pod čary “to fall under one’s spell ACC”.

3.2.2.4

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Goal

Table 3.11 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of a Goal. A Target Domain of a Function Pod+ACC is used to signify a Function (13a–d): (13)

a. butylka pod moloko a bottle under milk ACC “a bottle for milk”; b. korobka pod šljapu a box under hat ACC “a box for a hat”; c. zakuska pod vodku snack under vodka ACC “snack for vodka”; d. grjadka pod ogurcy a bed under cucumbers ACC “a bed for cucumbers”.

Table 3.11 Illustration of semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of a goal

Prepositional phrases pod+ACC

Semantic extensions GOAL

FUNCTION MATCHING ENTITY (THEME)

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As a prepositional phrase of a Function, pod+ACC is common with such verbs as otvesti “to set aside”, prednaznačit′ “to intend to use” and ispol′zovat′ “to use” (14a–c): (14) a. otvodit’ / otvesti grjadku pod pomidory to set aside garden beds under tomatoes ACC “to set aside garden beds for tomatoes”; b. prednaznačat' / prednaznačit' saraj to intend to use the barn “to intend to use the barn for hay”;

pod seno under hay ACC

c. ispol'zovat' banku pod sahar to use the jar under sugar ACC “to use the jar for sugar”.

A Target Domain of a Matching Entity Pod+ACC can be used in the expressions based on the combination of the MATCHING IS MOVING CLOSER and the CONTROL IS UP metaphor. In these expressions an ENTITY MATCHING TO or IMITATED understood as a CONTROLLING ENTITY. For example, according to Rakhilina and Plungian (2014), the background sounds in such expressions as (15a–c) influence the situation to some degree, i.e. dictation determines the content of a letter or music sets the pace of a dance: (15)

a. delat'/sdelat' krug pod zvuki fokstrota to make circle under sounds foxtrot ACC “to make a circle to the sounds of the foxtrot”; b. pisat'/napisat' pis'mo pod moju diktovku to write letter under my dictation ACC “to write a letter to my dictation”; c. tancevat'/stancevat' pod muzyku to dance under music ACC “to dance to the music”.

3.2 Prepositional Phrases Iz-Pod with the Genitive and Pod with the Accusative

95

Cf. also the following examples that are grounded in these metaphors (16a–c): (16) a. krasit'/vykrasit' dver' pod dub to paint door under oak ACC “to paint the door in imitation of oak”; b. poddelyvat'sja/poddelat'sja pod ego ton to mimic under his tone ACC “to mimic his tone”; c. podstraivat'sja/podstróit'sja pod trebovanija rynka to adapt under requirements ACC market “to adapt to the market requirements”.

The MATCHING IS MOVING CLOSER metaphor explains why verbs of coming and approaching developed the sense “to resemble” or “to suit”, while verbs of caused motion—the sense “to cause to match”. For example, podhodit′ “to approach” gained the sense “to suit”, while pohodit′ “to resemble” originated from hodit′ “to walk”. Cf. the following examples with these verbs and pod+ACC for Parameters in respect to which Items are viewed as being compatible (17a, b): (17)

a. podhodit'/podojti pod cvet to approach under colour ACC “to match in colour”; b. podgonjat'/podognat' fakty pod ideju to urge to move facts under idea ACC “to match facts to fit an idea”.

3.2.2.5

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of Proximity

Table 3.12 illustrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of Proximity.

A Target Domain of an Approximate Amount Pod+ACC can be employed in the expressions for linear scale measurement, especially those that involve linear scales with vertical orientation. Such expressions are based on the LINEAR SCALES ARE PATHS metaphor. Pod+ACC

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Table 3.12 Illustration of semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of proximity

Prepositional phrases pod+ACC

Semantic extensions PROXIMITY

APPROXIMATE AMOUNT PROXIMITY IN TIME

signifies a location in proximity to a mark on a liner scale. The Trajector is below a specified amount but close to it (18a, b): (18)

a. vysotoj pod dva metra height under two ACC metres “close to two ACC metres tall”; b. emu pod tridcat' he is under thirtyACC. “he is nearly thirty”.

A Target Domain of Proximity in Time SPATIAL PROXIMITY is a source domain for PROXIMITY IN TIME. However, the use of pod+ACC in expressions for time is rather limited. Among the words that can be combined with pod in expressions for proximity in time, scholars name only a few nouns for countable and specified units of time (utro “morning”, večer “evening”, osen′ “autumn”) (Krejdlin 1994: 148–149). Examples include (19a–c): (19)

a. vozvraščat'sja / vernut'sja pod utro “to return home towards morning ACC; b. vypuskat' / vypustit' pod osen' “to be released towards autumn ACC”; c. priezžat' / priehat' pod večer “to arrive towards evening ACC”.

3.2 Prepositional Phrases Iz-Pod with the Genitive and Pod with the Accusative

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Pod+ACC is also combined with words for events (for example, holidays) since AN EVENT or AN ACTIVITY stands for THE TIME OF THE EVENT or ACTIVITY (20a–b): (20)

a. zabolevat' / zabolet' pod Novyj god “to get sick on New-Year's Eve ACC”; b. uezžat' / uehat' iz gostinicy pod prazdnik “to leave the hotel on the eve of the holiday ACC”.

3.2.2.6

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Source

Table 3.13 shows the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Source.

A Target Domain of a Function Iz-pod+GEN can indicate the Function of an item as a container for something (21a, b): (21)

a. korobka iz-pod sigaret box from under cigarettes GEN “cigarette box”; b. banka iz-pod varen'ja a jar from under jam GEN “a jar for jam”.

Patterns of the semantic extensions of iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC are summarized Table 3.14.

Table 3.13 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a source

Prepositional phrases iz-za+GEN

Semantic extensions SOURCE

FUNCTION

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Table 3.14 Patterns of the semantic extensions of iz-pod+GEN and pod+ACC

Prepositional phrases iz-pod+GEN

pod+ACC

Semantic extensions ABOVE COVER

ENTITY HIGHER IN STATUS OR RANK MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR) BURDEN DIFFICULTY (a Stimulus of PRESSURE negative psychological and physiological responses) INFLUENCER FUNCTION ENTITY LOWER IN STATUS OR RANK MEANS PROTECTION (BENEFACTOR) BURDEN DIFFICULTY (a Stimulus of PRESSURE negative psychological and physiological responses) SOURCE UNDER COVER

GOAL PROXIMITY

INFLUENCER FUNCTION MATCHING ENTITY (THEME) APPROXIMATE AMOUNT PROXIMITY IN TIME

References Boers, F. 1996. Spatial prepositions and metaphor: A cognitive semantic journey along the up-down and front-back dimensions. Tubingen: Narr. Bulahovsky, L.A. 1953. Kurs russkogo literaturnogo jazyka, 2. Kiev: Radjan’ska škola. Fasmer, M. 1986–1987. Ètymologičeskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Moscow: Progress, 1–4. https:// vasmer.lexicography.online/. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. Krejdlin, G. 1994. Metafora semantičeskih prostranstv i značenie predloga. Voprosy jazykoznanija. 5: 19–27. Kuznecova, Ju, V. Plungjan, and E. Rahilina. 2013. Time as secondary to space: Russian pod ‘under’and iz-pod ‘from-under’ in temporal constructions. Russian Linguistics 37 (3): 293– 316. MetaNet – MetaNet Metaphor Wiki. https://metaphor.icsi.berkeley.edu/pub/en/index.php/ MetaNet_Metaphor_Wiki. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. MML – Lakoff, G., J. Espenson and A. Schwartz 1991. The Master Metaphor List. http://araw. mede.uic.edu/*alansz/metaphor/METAPHORLIST.pdf. Accessed 21 June 2019. OED – Online Etymology Dictionary. http://www.etymonline.com/. Accessed 10 Aug 2019. Rakhilina, E. and V. Plungian. 2014. Semantiko-sintaksicheskie svojstva russkih konstrukcij s predlogom pod: prjamye (prostranstvennye) i perenosnye (vremennýe) upotreblenija. Die Welt der Slaven. Internationale Halbjahresschrift für Slavistik 59 (1): 22–56.

References

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SlRJa 11–17 = Barhudarov, S., F. Filin, D. Šmelëv et al. 1975–2015. Slovar´ russkogo jazyka 11– 17 vekov. Moscow: Nauka. Tchizmarova, I. 2012. A cognitive analysis of the Bulgarian prepositions and verbal prefixes NAD and POD. Jazykoslovje 13 (1): 219–260. Tyler, A., and V. Evans. 2003. The semantics of English prepositions: Spatial scenes, embodied meaning and cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vinogradov, V. 1994. Istorija slov. Moscow: Tolk. http://wordhist.narod.ru/. Accessed 8 Aug 2019. Vinogradov, V. 1999. Istorija slov Moskva: RAN. https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/books/original/ 16377-История-слов.pdf. Accessed 13 May 2020.

Part II

Prepositional Phrases of a Container or Bounded Area and the Prepositional Phrases of Support

Chapter 4

Prepositional Phrases of a Container or Bounded Area

Abstract This chapter presents an analysis of the prepositional phrases v+PR, iz+GEN and v+ACC. After providing a brief overview of the spatial senses of these prepositional phrases, an analysis of how the spatial senses of v+PR, iz+GEN and v+ACC have contributed to the development of their non-spatial senses is presented. It is demonstrated that prepositional phrases with similar spatial senses receive common semantic extensions as a result of metaphoric transfer.

The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

4.1 4.1.1

Spatial Senses

V+PR is associated with a Container or a Bounded area and denotes a Location within it (1a–d): (1) a. v korobke “in the box PR”; b. v komnate “in the room PR”; c. v meške “in the sack PR”; d. v karmane “in a pocket PR”.

The relationship between a Trajector and a Landmark is considered as an inclusion if the Landmark is not only a solid object but is also a collection of identical objects (2a, b): © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 M. Kalyuga, Russian Prepositional Phrases, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5216-8_4

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(2) a. v gorah “in the mountains PR”; b. v kustah “in the bushes PR”.

The boundaries of a Container or Bounded area may also be open from at least one side (3a, b): (3) a. v vaze “in the vase PR”; b. v botinke “in the shoe PR”.

Moreover, a Landmark can be considered as a Bounded area even if it’s Boundaries are not physically visible, for example, boundaries of geographical places (4a–c): (4) a. v Tule “in Tula PR”; b. v pustyne “in the desert PR”; c. v stepi “in the steppe PR”.

Just like the majority of image schemas, the Container and the Bounded Area are rather complex combinations of schematic structures. In addition to an Interior, an Exterior and a Boundary between them, the other notion that can be mentioned in relation to the Container schema is Covering. Boundaries of a Container may cover what is inside it and, therefore, prevent it from being seen. Table 4.1 summarises the notions that v+PR is associated with.

Table 4.1 Notions that v+PR is associated with

Prepositional phrase

Notions

v+PR

Container Boundary Covering, perceptual inaccessibility

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

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In spatial senses v+PR often collocates with verbs of residence, verbs of existence and posture verbs (5a–d):

(5) a. byt' v restorane “to be in the restaurant PR”; b. žit' v Moskve “to live in Moscow PR”; c. ležat' v jaščike “to lie in the box PR”; d. stojat' v komnate “to stand in the room PR”.

Verbs of restricting movement (6a, b), as well as verbs of being tangled up or getting stuck (6c–d), are also common with v+PR since the notion of a Boundary is linked to the obstruction to motion. Boundaries restrict the movement of a Trajector to within the vicinity of the Container or the Bounded Area. (6) a. deržat' v kletke “to keep in a cage PR”; b. uderživat'/uderžat' v rukah “to keep hold of in one’s hands PR”; c. vjaznut'/uvjaznut' v bolote “to get stuck in the swamp PR”; d. zavjazat'/zavjaznut' v trjasine “to get stuck in the quagmire PR”.

4.1.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

4.1.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Container

Table 4.2 demonstrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Container.

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Table 4.2 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a container

Prepositional phrases v+PR

Semantic extensions

CONTAINER

WHOLE MEANS AREA STATE TIME AMOUNT

A Target Domain of a Whole A Container serves as a source domain for many metaphors, including WHOLES ARE CONTAINERS for their parts (MetaNet). The WHOLES ARE CONTAINERS metaphor can be found in the following examples (7a–c): (7) a. v kofe soderžitsja kofein in coffee PR contains caffeine “coffee contains caffeine”; b. v knige pjat' glav in book PR five chapters “the book contains five chapters”; c. v učebnike soderžitsja mnogo grammatičeskih pravil rules in text-book PR contains many grammar “the text-book contains many grammar rules”.

This metaphor is related to more specific metaphors, for example, GROUPS ARE CONTAINERS (MetaNet). According to this metaphor, BEING A MEMBER OF A SOCIALLY-CONSTRUCTED GROUP is conceptualised as BEING IN. In expressions based on these metaphors, v+PR is common with verbs of existence or verbs of activities typical for the members of the group (8a–d): (8) a. sostojat' v tajnom obščestve “to be in a secret society PR”; b. igrat' v komande vratarëm “to play as the goal keeper in the team PR”;

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

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c. pet' v hore “to sing in a choir PR”; d. tancevat' v ansamble “to dance in an ensemble PR”.

Among the target domains that are mapped onto the source domain of CONTAINERS are also THE BODY IS A CONTAINER FOR EMOTIONS (Lakoff 1987: 383) and THE HUMAN BODY OR ITS PARTS ARE CONTAINERS FOR EMOTIONS, THOUGHTS, PHYSICAL STATES, VITAL FORCES, AND CHARACTER (Šarić 2006). Examples include (9a–c): (9) a. probuždat'/probudit' v nëm glubokuju tosku “to unlock in him PR a deep sadness”; b.

imet' v golove blestjaščuju ideju idea to have in one’s head PR a brilliant “to have a brilliant idea in one’s head PR”; c. žit' “to live

s nadeždoj v serdce with hope in one’s heart PR”.

Emotions, thoughts, physical states, vital forces, and character can be viewed as “belonging” to a human being and, therefore, the HUMAN BODY OR ITS PARTS ARE CONTAINERS FOR EMOTIONS, THOUGHTS, PHYSICAL STATES, VITAL FORCES, AND CHARACTER metaphor can also be included in the WHOLES ARE CONTAINERS group. The HUMAN BODY OR ITS PARTS ARE CONTAINERS metaphor is combined with many other metaphors. For example, it is combined with the EMOTIONS, FEELINGS, DESIRES ARE HEAT, AROUSING FEELINGS AND DESIRES IS SETTING FIRE and CEASING EMOTIONS, FEELINGS AND DESIRES IS EXTINGUISHING A FIRE metaphors. These metaphors explain the use of v+PR with verbs of setting fire (10a, b) and verbs of extinguishing fire (10c): (10) a. zažigat'/zažeč' v nëm ljubopytstvo to ignite in him PR curiosity “to ignite curiosity in him PR”; b. raspaljat'/raspalit' nedovol'stvo v sebe “to ignite discontent in oneself PR”; c. gasit'/pogasit' gorjačie čuvstva v nih “to destroy the strong feelings in them PR”.

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The other common metaphors that are combined with the HUMAN BODY, BODY PARTS, MIND AND MEMORY ARE CONTAINERS FOR EMOTIONS, FEELINGS, DESIRES, IDEAS, KNOWLEDGE AND NONSENSE metaphor are IDEAS ARE CHILDREN (MML), BELIEFS ARE CHILDREN (MML), HOPE IS A CHILD (MML), AN EMOTION IS A CHILD (MML) and, accordingly, AROUSING FEELINGS AND DESIRES IS GIVING BIRTH and CEASING EMOTIONS, FEELINGS, DESIRES IS KILLING (11a–d): (11) a. poroždat'/porodit' bespokojstvo v duše “to create anxiousness in the heart(soul) PR”; b. roždat'/rodit' v golove somnenie to give birth in one’s head PR doubt “to give birth to doubt in one’s head”; c. ubivat'/ubit' vsjakoe želanie v sebe “to kill all wishes in oneself PR”; d. udušit' vsju volju i iniciativu v nih “to stifle all the will and initiative in them PR”.

The other similar metaphors are AROUSING FEELINGS AND DESIRES IS WAKING THEM UP (12a, b) and CEASING EMOTIONS, FEELINGS AND DESIRES IS PUTTING THEM TO SLEEP (12c): (12) a. budit' v nih vozvyšennye čuvstva sostradanija “to wake in them PR exalted feelings of compassion”; b. probuždat'/probudit' v nej opasenija to arouse in her PR fear “to arouse fear in her”; c. usypljat'/usypit' v sebe bespokojstvo i to put to sleep in oneself PR nervousness and duševnuju trevogu anxious soul “to lull nervousness and the anxious soul”.

As was mentioned by Johnson, MIND and MEMORY are conceptualised as A CONTAINER (Johnson 1987). Šarić (2006) suggests another metaphor— THINKING PROCESSES AND THEIR RESULTS ARE CONTAINERS FOR PEOPLE’S MENTAL ACTIVITIES. Cf. the following examples with verbs of image impression: (13a–c):

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

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(13) a. zapečatljat'/zapečatlet' v svoej pamjati èti volosy, brovi, glaza to capture in own memory PR this hair, eyebrows, eyes “to capture the memory of this hair, eyebrows and eyes”; b. otpečatyvat'/otpečatat' v pamjati ètu scenu to imprint in one’s memory PR this scene “to imprint this scene in one’s memory”; c. zakrepljat'sja/zakrepit'sja v pamjati v silu svoej neobyčnosti “to be fixed in one’s mind PR because of its strangeness”.

A human body can also be viewed as a place to conceal emotions or thoughts. Cf. the following examples with v+PR and verbs of concealment (14a, b), verbs of finding (14c, d) and verbs of perceptional awareness (14e, f): (14) a. prjatat' / sprjatat' v sebe strah to hide inside oneself PR fear “to hide fear inside oneself PR”; b. skryvat' / skryt' v serdce pečal' to hide in one’s heart PR sadness “to hide sadness in one’s heart”; c. obnaruživat' / obnaružit' v nëm skrytye dostoinstva “to detect in him PR unguessed fineness”; “to detect unguessed fineness in him”; d. nahodit'/najti v sebe volju i rešimost' vsë to find in oneself PR the will and determination everything preodolet' to overcome “to find the will and determination in oneself to overcome everything”; e. videt' / uvidet' bezmernuju ustalost' v ego glazah “to see a profound exhaustion in his eyes PR”; f. čuvstvovat' / počuvstvovat' v nëm strah to sense in him PR fear “to sense fear in him PR”.

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A Target Domain of Means MEANS OF COMMUNICATING INFORMATION are conceptualised as CONTAINERS (Reddy 1979) and are marked by v+PR (for example, v slovah “in the words PR”, v reči “in a speech PR”, v knige “in a book PR”, v pis′me “in a letter PR” and v predloženii “in a sentence PR”). Cf. the following expressions with verbs of encoding, expressing and communicating a message or mental content (15a–e): (15) a. vyražat'/vyrazit' v slovah “to express in words PR”; b. iz"javljat' / iz"javit' blagodarnost' v reči “to express thanks in a speech PR”; c. formulirovat' / sformulirovat' v svoej sledujuščej knige “to formulate in one’s next book PR”; d. pisat'/napisat' v pis'me “to write in a letter PR”; e. rasskazyvat'/rasskazat' v dvuh-trëh predloženijah “to tell in two or three sentences PR”.

A Target Domain of an Area Various expressions (for example, krug interesov “an area of interest”, pole dejatel′ nosti “a sphere of activity”, sfera dejatel′nosti “a sphere of activity” and oblast′ prepodavanija “the field of teaching”) signal the conceptualisation of AN AREA OF ACTIVITY, KNOWLEDGE OR INTEREST as A BOUNDED REGION. The use of prepositional phrases associated with an inclusion, for example, v+PR, also profiles the conceptualisation of AN AREA OF ACTIVITY, KNOWLEDGE OR INTEREST as A BOUNDED REGION (16a–d):

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(16) a. poznanija v medicinskoj oblasti “knowledge in the area PR of medicine”; b. prodvigat'sja / prodvinut'sja daleko vperëd v učëbe “to get far in one’s study PR”; c. zainteresovannost' v ètom dele “interest in this matter PR”; d. šedevry v oblasti iskusstva “masterpieces in the realm PR of art”.

A wide range of verbs govern v+PR in expressions that reflect this metaphor. Many of these verbs refer to different mental activities associated with thinking, knowing, remembering, and communicating. For example, among them there are verbs of making a (wrong) judgment (17a, b), verbs of doubting (17c, d), verbs of sticking to one’s opinion or beliefs (17e, f), verbs of holding a particular opinion (17g, h), verbs of convincing and reproaching (17i, j), or of trusting and suspecting (17k, l): (17) a. ošibat'sja/ošibit'sja v rasčëtah “to make a mistake in the calculations PR”; b. naputat' v takom važnom dele to make a mess in such an important matter PR “to make a mess of such an important matter”; c. kolebat'sja/pokolebat'sja v rešenii “to hesitate in one’s decision PR”; d. zasomnevat'sja v ètom voprose to doubt oneself in this matter PR “to doubt oneself in terms of this matter”; e. uporstvovat' v svoih podozrenijah to persist in one’s suspicions PR “to persist with one’s suspicions”; f. uprjamit'sja v svoih zabluždenijah “to be stubborn in one’s delusions PR”; g. ubeždat'sja/ubedit'sja v narušenii kontrolja to become certain in control violations PR “to become certain of control violations”;

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h. uverjat'sja/uverit'sja v neobhodimosti prinjatija zakonov passing laws to verify in need PR “to verify the need for the passing of certain laws”; i. ubeždat'/ubedit' v mudrosti ego slov “to convince in the wisdom PR of his words”; j. kljast'sja/pokljast'sja v ljubvi to swear in love PR “to swear one’s love”; k. doverjat' v voprosah ličnogo haraktera “to trust in matters PR of a personal nature”; l. podozrevat' v predatel'stve “to suspect in betrayal PR”.

Among the words of communicating information that govern v+PR, there are also verbs of revealing secrets (18a, b): (18) a. soznavat'sja/soznat'sja v prestuplenijah to confess in crime PR “to confess to a crime”; b. raskaivat'sja/raskajat'sja v sodejannom to repent in deeds PR “to repent for one’s deeds”.

The group of words for mental activities that collocate with v+PR includes verbs of knowing. Knowing something well is interpreted as being inside it. For example, ponimat' “to understand” acquired the new meaning “to have a good understanding of somebody or something” and began to be used with v+PR, like the other verbs with same meaning (19a–e).

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

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(19) a. ponimat' v psihologii lučše menja to know in psychology PR better than I “to know more about psychology than I do”; b. razbirat'sja / razobrat'sja v musyke “to be well versed in music PR”; c. ničego ne smyslit' v kommerčeskih i finansovyh kombinacijah nothing know in commercial PR and financial manipulationPR “to know nothing of commercial and financial manipulation”; d. znat' tolk v starinnom stekle to know in old glass PR “to know about old glass”; e. byt' sveduščim v istorii, literature i iskusstve to know in history PR, literaturePR and artPR “to know about history, literature and art”.

V+PR is also common with verbs of assistance (20a, b), verbs of hindering (20c, d) and verbs of needing (20e): (20) a. pomogat'/pomoč' v boleznjah i pečaljah “to help in disease PR and sorrow PR”; b. sodejstvovat' / posodejstvovat’v rabote “to cooperate in work PR”; c. mešat' /pomešat v učëbe “to hinder in learning PR”; d. prepjatstvovat' / vosprepjatstvovat' v realizacii idei to prevent in implementation PR of the idea “to prevent the implementation of the idea”; e. nuždat'sja v pomošči to need in help PR “to need help”.

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A Target Domain of a State STATES are conceptualised as LOCATIONS, while EXPERIENCING A STATE—as BEING IN A LOCATION (A CONTAINER) (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Kӧvecses 1989, 2010; Mostovaja 1998; Radden 1998; Rudzka-Ostyn 1985). Examples include a STATE (OF DEVELOPMENT or a STATE OF MAINTENANCE and SAFETY) IS A LOCATION metaphor (21a–d): (21) a. v krizise “in crisis PR”; b. v porjadke “in order PR”; c. v sohrannosti “in safe keeping PR”; d. v upadke “in decline PR”.

Among these examples there are many expressions that are based on the STATES OF AFFAIRS ARE CONTAINERS FOR SITUATIONS, EVENTS (22a, b) AND MENTAL STATES (Šarić, 2006) (22c, d) and EMOTIONAL STATE IS A CONTAINER OR BOUNDED AREA (22f, g) metaphors.

(22) a. v molčanii “in silence PR”; b. v speške “in a hurry PR”; c. v bol'šom smjatenii “in great confusion PR”; d. v nevedenii “in ignorance PR”; e. v strahe “in fear PR”; f. v trevoge “in anxiety PR”.

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

115

Whilst trying to find an explanation for the application of the source domain of a Container to emotional states, Radden looked at specific features of different emotional states. He argues that in the English language intensive emotional states are conceptualised as Containers. The conceptual base for this metaphoric transfer is: Containers restrict movement and, similarly, intensive states overpower people to the degree that they cannot control their actions (Radden 1998: 276). That is why, according to Radden, in is used in such expressions as in fear, in anger, in distress, in terror, in sorrow, in despair or in desperation, however it cannot be used in expressions for less intense emotional states. Cf. non-existent expressions *in worry, *in sadness, *in shame or *in disappointment (Radden 1998: 276). He also notes that, since being overpowered is a negative state, it is mostly negative emotions that are conceptualised as Containers. Thus, it is incorrect to say in English: *to be in pride, *to be in delight, *to be in pleasure, *to be in enthusiasm and *to be in surprise (Radden 1998: 276). However, in Russian it is not only the words for negative emotional states that can be used with the preposition v (23a, b) but also the words for some positive emotional states (23c, d): (23) a. v užase “in horror PR”; b. v panike “in panic PR”; c. v vostorge “in delight PR”; d. v udivlenii “in surprise PR”.

Intensity plays a role only in the case of some positive emotions. For example, it is grammatically correct to say byt′ v vostorge or v voshiščenii “to be delighted, lit. to be in delight PR” but not *byt′ v radosti “lit. to be in joy PR”. Ljubov′ “love” and nenavist′ “hate” are in the v+PR constructions when they refer not to an EMOTIONAL (inner) STATE but to a RELATIONSHIP (24a, b): (24) a. žit' v ljubvi i sovete “to live in love PR and harmony PR”; b. žit' v nenavisti i zlobe “to live in hate PR and anger PR”.

The use of ljubov′ in the expression žit′ v ljubvi was inherited from Old Russian. In such expressions, the word ljubov′ referred to a harmonious, compassionate,

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affectionate and benevolent relationship, rather than a passionate romantic emotion.1 Cf. also other similar expressions (25a–c): (25) a. žit' v mire “to live in peace PR”; b. žit' v soglasii “to live in harmony PR”; c. žit' v družbe s nami “to live in friendship PR with us”.

Such expressions often contain verbs of residence (26a, b) or manifestations of emotions and behavioural reactions associated with the emotions (26c, d): (26) a. byt' v jarosti “to be in rage PR”; b. nahodit'sja v šoke “to be in shock PR”; c. zametat'sja v toske “to rush about in distress PR”; d. zakričat' v gneve “to shout in anger PR”.

A Target Domain of Time It is often acknowledged in research literature, that space-time parallelisms are common across languages, if not universal. For example, in English UNITS OF TIME LONGER THEN A DAY are viewed as CONTAINERS or BOUNDED AREAS and are marked by the preposition in (for example, in week twelve; in January; in the year nineteen ten; in the twenty first century), while UNITS OF TIME SHORTER THEN A DAY are understood as POINTS and are marked by at (for example, at this second; at that minute). Whilst analysing English prepositions, Kranjec et al. (2010) propose “that the zero-dimensional preposition at biased thought towards small points of time; two-dimensional on, intermediate lengths of time; and three-dimensional in, large volumes of time”. A similar tendency Both the Russian žit' v ljubvi and the English to fall in love reflect the conceptualisation of love as a Container “holding different types of love”—love as a benevolent relationship and love as a romantic emotion, respectively.

1

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

117

can be noticed in Russian: the three-dimensional prepositional phrase v+PR, which describes a containment relation is used with nouns denoting units of time longer than a week (27a), the two-dimensional na+PR appears with nouns denoting a week (27b), while v+ACC occurs with nouns denoting units of time shorter than a week (27c): (27) a. v tysjača devjat'sot devjanosto devjatom godu in nineteen ninety ninth PR year “in the year nineteen ninety nine”; b. na ètoj nedele on this week PR “this week”; c. v ètu sekundu “in this second ACC”; “at this second”;

Cf. more examples of the use of v+PR with words for long units of time (28a–c): (28) a. v marte “in March PR”; b. v ètom godu in this year PR”, “this year”; c. v dvadcat' pervom veke “in the twenty first century PR”.

In Old and Middle Russian, more units of time could be marked by v+PR. For example, historical data support the use of this prepositional phrase to mark parts of the day (29a, b) and seasons (29c, d):

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(29) a. i byst' v utrě tišina and in the morning PR it was quiet “and it was quiet in the morning” (Pov. o žit. M. Klop. 1477-1480); b. V" nošči ž" toj slyšah", jako vrata domu moego otverzošasja in night PR that I heard how the gate of house mine opened “At night I heard how the gate of my house opened” (Vol. pat. c.1500-1550); c. stojal v vesně nedelju “stayed in spring PR for a week “stayed for a week in spring” (Psk. III l.: II Arh. sp. c.1400-1650); d. Byst' grom" v zime, mesjaca genvarja v" 2 den' There was a thunder in winter PR, month January on the second den' day “There was a thunder in winter, on the second of January” (Psk. I l.: Pog. sp. c.1464-1547).

In PDR, this sense of v+PR is taken over by the INSTR. However, the process of the dying out of v+PR in expressions for parts of the day and seasons continues up to the present day. Cf. the following examples from different centuries (30a–d): (30) a. … no v večeru ej stalo lučše “… but in the evening PR she felt better” (Boldyrev c.19411948); b. Telegraf ―èto stolby i provoloki, kotorye sirotlivo The telegraph is poles and wire that lonelily gudjat v poljah, gudjat i noč'ju i dnëm, hum in the fields hum at night and in the afternoon, i vesnami, i v oseni and in spring, and in autumn PR “The telegraph is poles and wire that lonelily hum in the fields at night and in the afternoon, and in spring, and in autumn” (Pil'njak 1922);

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

119

c. … Grigorij vdrug prosnulsja v noči Grigory suddenly woke up at night PR “…suddenly Grigory woke up at night” (Dostoevsky 1878); d. V lete, znaete, u nas okolo Kurska byvajut can be in summer PR you know, near our Kursk takie temnye noči such dark nights “You know, in summer PR near our Kursk nights can be so dark” (Leskov 1873).

A Target Domain of an Amount V+PR is used in expressions based on the WITHIN A PARTICULAR PERIOD OF TIME IS WITHIN A CONTAINER or a BOUNDED AREA metaphor. Such expressions were common in Old and Middle Russian (31a–c): (31) a. v pjati rubljah" sija nam" prišla korova the cow in five PR roubles cost us “the cow cost us five PR roubles” (Žit. pr. Avak. c.1672-1673); b. ot" monastyrja hotja verstah" v" treh" ili v" away from the monastery miles in three PR or in četyreh" ili v" pjati four PR or five PR “three PR or four PR or five PR miles away from the monastery” (Gr. part. Nikona, 1657); c. v" treh" dneh" ražititi in three days PR stole “stole in three days” (Nik. l. c.1526-1530).

Instead of v+PR, a length of time is denoted by v+ACC in PDR, as in (32a, b): (32) a. v minutu on byl uže za dver'ju “in a minute ACC he was already out of the door”; b. pročityvat' / pročitat' v dva dnja “to finish reading in two days ACC”.

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In PDR, only Distance is marked by v+PR. This prepositional phrase is combined with ot+GEN, as in the following examples (33a–c): (33) a. v metre ot lica “within a meter from one's face GEN”; b. v soroka kilometrah ot Kieva “within fortyPR kilometres from Kiev GEN”; c. v trëhstah jardah ot dorogi “three hundred PR yards from the road GEN”.

4.1.2.2

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of Boundaries of a Container

Table 4.3 shows the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of Obstacles (to movement). A Target Domain of Difficulties There is an obvious connection between BEING IN A DIFFICULT SITUATION and BEING (TRAPPED) INSIDE (Radden 1989: 276; Evans and Tyler 2004: 257). DIFFICULTIES are frequently viewed as OBSTACLES to movement. The boundaries of a Container may be obstacles to a movement, which explains the use of the prepositional phrase v+PR in the expressions based on the DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOVEMENT (MetaNet) metaphor (34a–d): (34) a. v stesnënnom položenii “in strained circumstances PR”; b. v žutkih uslovijah “in awful conditions PR”; c. v bezvyhodnom položenii “in a hopeless position PR”; d. v nužde “in need PR”. Table 4.3 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of obstacles (to movement)

Prepositional phrases v+PR

Semantic extensions OBSTACLES

DIFFICULTIES

4.1 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Prepositional

121

Verbs of static localization (35a, b) and verbs of appearing (35c, d) are common in the following expressions: (35) a. byt' v samom plačevnom sostojanii “to be in a sorry plight PR”; b. nahodit'sja v kritičeskom položenii “to be in a critical condition PR”; c. okazyvat'sja / okazat'sja v trudnom položenii “to appear to be in a difficult situation PR”; d. očutit'sja v žutkih uslovijah “to appear to be in awful conditions PR”.

BEING IN TROUBLE is often metaphorically understood as BEING BOGGED DOWN IN SOMETHING STICKY or BEING TANGLED UP. The collocation with verbs of getting stuck or being tangled up (36a–d) reflects this metaphorical conceptualisation: (36) a. vjaznut' / uvjaznut' v nužde “to be stuck in need PR”; b. zavjazat' / zavjaznut' v trjasine neponimanija “to flounder in a swamp PR of bewilderment”; c. pogrjazat' / pogrjaznut' v dolgah “to be deep in debt PR”; d. zastrevat' / zastrjat' v ètoj užasnoj situacii “to get caught in this terrible situation PR”.

ABANDONING SOMEONE IN A DIFFICULT SITUATION is metaphorically understood as LEAVING SOMEONE IN A HARMFUL LOCATION, while HELPING is understood as HOLDING. Cf. the following examples with verbs of leaving, throwing (37a, b) and supporting (37c):

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(37) a. ostavljat' / ostavit' v bede “to leave in trouble PR”; b. brosat' / brosit' v bede “to abandon in trouble PR”; c. podderživat'/podderžat' v nesčast'jah “to support in adversityPR”.

4.1.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Cover

Table 4.4 exhibits the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Cover.

A Target Domain of Means V+PR is used with verbs of concealment in expressions based on the DECEPTION IS THE PURPOSEFUL PREVENTION OF SIGHT and DIFFICULTIES IN KNOWING ARE VISUAL OBSTRUCTIONS (MetaNet) metaphors. V+PR marks a metaphorical cover (38a, b): (38) a. prjatat' / sprjatat' strah v serdce “to hide fear in one’s heart PR”; b. skryvat' / skryt' ciklon èmocij v svoej duše “to hide a cyclone of emotion in one’s soul PR”.

The extensions of the spatial senses of v+PR are summarised in Table 4.5.

Table 4.4 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a cover

Prepositional phrase v+PR

Semantic extensions COVER

MEANS

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

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Table 4.5 The extensions of the spatial senses of v+PR

Prepositional phrases v+PR

Semantic extensions WHOLE MEANS CONTAINER AREA STATE TIME AMOUNT OBSTACLES DIFFICULTIES COVER MEANS

The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

4.2 4.2.1

Spatial Senses

Iz+GEN indicates a Container or a Bounded area as a Source out of which a Trajector moves (1a–d): (1)

a. iz zdanija “out of the building GEN”; b. iz portfelja “from the briefcase GEN”; c. iz garaža “from the garage GEN”; d. iz banki “out of the jar GEN”.

V+ACC refers to a Goal inside a Container or a Bounded area (2a–d):

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a. v zdanie “into the building ACC”; b. v portfel' “into the briefcase ACC”; c. v koridor “into the corridor ACC”; d. v pavil'on “into the pavilion ACC”.

In the expressions with iz+GEN and v+ACC, a Landmark can also be a point (3): (3)

provodit' / provesti čertu iz točki A v točku B “to draw a line from point GEN A to point B ACC”.

Moreover, in some rare examples with v+ACC, a Landmark can be a Surface (4):

(4)

celovat' / pocelovat' ego v lob to kiss him into the forehead ACC “to kiss him on the forehead”.

The other notions that are brought to mind by the prepositional phrases iz+GEN and v+ACC are Opening, perceptual accessibility and Covering, perceptual inaccessibility, respectively (5a–c): (5) a. pokazyvat' / pokazat' iz sumki “to show from the bag b. skryvat'sja / skryt'sja v komnate “to hide in the room PR”; c. prjatat' / sprjatat' v sumku “to hide inside the bag

”.

ACC

”;

GEN

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

125

Table 4.6 Notions that iz+GEN and v+ACC are associated with Prepositional phrases

Notions

iz+GEN, v+ACC iz+GEN/v+ACC iz+GEN, v+ACC v+ACC iz+GEN

Containment, bounded area, point Opening, perceptual accessibility/covering, perceptual inaccessibility Boundary Goal Source

Table 4.6 summarises the notions that iz+GEN and v+ACC are associated with. Iz+GEN is used with verbs of motion, as well as verbs that imply motion, which commonly contain the prefix vy- “out, ex”. Examples include verbs of exiting and leaving (6a, b), removing (6c, d) and pulling out (6e): (6)

a. vybegat' / vybežat' iz doma “to run out of the house GEN”; b. dvigat'sja/dvinut'sja iz doma “to move from the house GEN”; c. vynimat' / vynut' zerkal'ce iz sumki “to pull out a mirror from the bag GEN”; d. vytaskivat' / vytaščit' nosovoj platok iz karmana “to pull a handkerchief from one’s pocket GEN”; e. vyhvatyvat' / vyhvatit' mjač iz ruk “to grab a ball out of one’s hands GEN”.

V+ACC is combined with verbs of motion and verbs that imply motion, which often have the prefix v- “in, into, im”, including verbs of entering and breaking into (7a, b), bringing (7c, d), throwing (7e), and placing (7f, g):

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a. vbegat' / vbežat' vo dvor “to run into the yard ACC”; b. vhodit' / vojti v dom “to enter the house ACC”; c. vnosit'/vnesti stul v gostinuju “to bring a chair into the living room ACC”; d. vvodit' / vvesti posetitelja v zal “to take a visitor to the hall ACC”; e. brosat' / brosit' perčatku v korobku “to drop a glove into the box ACC”; f. vmontirovat' sejf v stenu “to install a safe in the wall ACC”; g. vstavljat'/vstavit' ključ v zamočnuju skvažinu “to put a key into the keyhole ACC”.

Verbs collocated with v+ACC also include odevat′ / odet′ “to dress”, which are akin to the colloquial devat′ / det′ “to put” (8a–c): (8)

a. odevat' / odet' ego v ženskuju odeždu “to dress him up in woman’s clothes ACC”; b. narjažat' / narjadit' devočku v odno iz lučših plat'ev “to dress a girl in one ACC of the best gowns”; c. oblačat' / oblačit' ih v halaty “to dress them in dressing gowns ACC”.

4.2.2

Extensions of Spatial Senses

4.2.2.1

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Container

Table 4.7 demonstrates the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Container.

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

127

Table 4.7 Illustration of the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of a Container

Prepositional phrases v+ACC, iz+GEN

Semantic extensions

CONTAINER

WHOLE MEANS AREA STATE

A Target Domain of a Whole As was outlined in section ‘A Target Domain of a Whole’, the notion of a WHOLE is conveyed metaphorically as a CONTAINER for its parts. The WHOLES ARE CONTAINERS metaphor combines with the JOINING IS MOVING IN metaphor. Cf. the following expressions for joining parts into a whole or making a whole out of parts, containing verbs for joining (9a–d): (9)

a. skladyvat' / složit' pal'cy v kulak “to put fingers together into a fist ACC”; b. smešivat' / smešat' v grudu “to mix into a pile ACC”; c. sobirat' / sobrat' v odnu gruppu “to collect into one group ACC”; d. soedinjat' / soedinit' ih vmeste v edinoe celoe “to join them together into one piece ACC”.

Iz+GEN denotes a whole or a set of objects, from which a part is separated (10): (10)

kirpič iz steny “a brick from the wall GEN”.

A similar but more specific metaphor, SOCIAL GROUPS ARE CONTAINERS, is also combined with the JOINING IS MOVING IN and SEPARATING IS MOVING OUT metaphors. Expressions based on these metaphors often contain verbs that refer to self- or caused-motion (for example, vstupat′ / vstupit′ “to join, to

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step into”, vyhodit′ / vyjti “to quit, to exit”) or verbs that originally signified motion (for example, postupat′ / postupit′ “to join”, originally “to enter”). Cf. the following examples with v+ACC (11a–c) and iz+GEN (11d, e): (11)

a. vstupat' / vstupit' v komsomol to step into Komsomol ACC “to join the Komsomol”;

b. pojti v povara to go into cooks ACC “to become a cook”; c. postupat' / postupit' v partiju to step into the Party ACC “to join the Party”; d. vyhodit' / vyjti iz partii to exit from party GEN”; “to quit the party”; e. vygonjat' / vygnat' iz pionerov “to kick out of pioneers GEN”.

Since the notions of A HUMAN BODY, BODY PARTS, MIND and MEMORY are conveyed metaphorically as CONTAINERS (see section ‘A Target Domain of a Whole’), EMOTIONS, FEELINGS, IDEAS, KNOWLEDGE and NONSENSE can be viewed as being PUT, BEATEN or KNOCKED IN or OUT of such containers. According to this metaphor, the whole body of a person, or only his or her head are viewed as a Container into which something can be knocked in (12a, b) or from which something can be knocked out (12c, d): (12)

a. vbivat' / vbit' znanija v golovu “to knock knowledge into a head ACC”; b. zabivat' / zabit' glupuju ideju v golovu “to knock a stupid idea into a head ACC”; c. vybivat' / vybit' dur' iz golovy “to knock the nonsense out of someone's head GEN”; d. vyžimat' / vyžat' iz sebja slova to squeeze out of oneself GEN the words “to squeeze the words out of oneself”.

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

129

In addition to verbs of hitting in or out, expressions based on the A HUMAN BODY, BODY PARTS, MIND and MEMORY are CONTAINERS metaphor may contain verbs of cutting and falling (13a, b): (13)

a. vrezat'sja/vrezat'sja v pamjat' to cut into the memory “to sink into the mind”; b. zapadat'/zapast' v dušu to fall in the soul ACC “to set in the soul”.

A Target Domain of Means MEANS OF COMMUNICATING INFORMATION are marked by v+ACC or iz +GEN if they are conceptualised as CONTAINERS into which information is put or from which information is taken. For example, in the following expressions verbs of putting collocate with v+ACC (14a, b), while verbs for understanding and learning—with iz+GEN (14c, d): (14)

a. vkladyvat' / vložit' dušu v stroki pis'ma “to put one’s soul into one’s letter ACC”; b. oblekat' / obleč' čuvstva v slova “to put one’s feelings into words ACC”; c. ponimat' / ponjat' iz slov “to understand from one’s words GEN”; d. uznavat' / uznat' iz dokladov “to learn from the reports GEN”.

A Target Domain of an Area V+ACC and iz+GEN can be found in the expressions based on the AN AREA OF ACTIVITY, KNOWLEDGE or INTEREST IS A CONTAINER OR BOUNDED AREA metaphor (15a–c):

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a. vtorgat'sja/ vtorgnut'sja v oblast' drugogo specialista to invade into the field ACC of another specialist “to invade the field of another specialist”; b. èkskursy v oblast' estestvennoj istorii “excursions into the area ACC of natural history”; c. iz oblasti snovidenij “from the realm ACC of dreams.

V+ACC is also used when the AN AREA OF ACTIVITY, KNOWLEDGE OR INTEREST IS A CONTAINER or BOUNDED AREA metaphor is combined with DOING SOMETHING WITH EXTREME EFFORT OR ATTENTION IS MOVING IN. Cf. the following examples with verbs of plunging (16a–d): (16)

a. pogružat'sja /pogruzit’sja v issledovanija “to plunge into one’s research ACC”; b. uglubljat'sja / uglubit'sja v rassledovanie “to become absorbed in the investigation ACC”; c. okunat'sja/okunut'sja v rabotu “to plunge into work ACC”; d. vtjagivat'sja/vtjanut'sja v učëbu to be drawn into the study ACC “to get more and more interested in the study”.

A Target Domain of a State When a STATE is metaphorically understood as a CONTAINER or BOUNDED AREA, the RESULT STATE is viewed as A GOAL (17a–c), while the START STATE—as A SOURCE (INITIAL LOCATION) (17d–f):

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

(17)

131

a. vpadat' / vpast' v komu “to fall into a coma ACC”; b. pogružat'sja / pogruzit'sja v razmyšlenija “to sink into reflection ACC”; c. prihodit' / prijti v zapustenie “to fall into neglect ACC”; d. vybirat'sja / vybrat'sja iz komy “to get out of coma GEN”; e. vozvraščat'sja / vernut'sja iz zabyt'ja “to come out of one’s reverie GEN”; f. vyhodit' / vyjti iz depressii “to come out of one’s depression GEN”.

Since in Old Russian the word ljubov′ referred to a relationship rather than an emotion, it was not understood as something that appeared rapidly and without control and, therefore, could not be combined with the verb for a rapid and out of control move, such as falling. The idiom with the meaning “to fall in love” was never borrowed into Russian, possibly due to the existence of the idiom žit′ v ljubvi “to live peacefully, to live in love”. However, the connotation of the Old Russian verb with the prefix v- “in, into”, vljubiti sebě “to start experiencing affection”, was reinterpreted, presumably due to the French tomber amoureux “to fall in love”. The verb obtained a slightly lower connotation, especially when it is combined with the idiomatic expression po uši lit. “up to the ears” (for example, vljubljat′sja / vljubit′sja po uši “to fall head over heels in love with, lit. to fall in love up to the ears”). Moreover, many colloquial and slang neologisms with a similar sense and the same prefix v-, such as vljubit′sja were formed in the 18th–19th centuries (for example, vlopat′sja, vljapat′ sja, vtjurit′sja, vrjutit′sja, vrjuhat′sja, vrezat′sja, vtreskat′sja and vtjuhnut′sja). The Russian language borrowed the conceptualisation of ENTERING A NEW EMOTIONAL STATE as FALLING INTO and, therefore, vpadat′ / vpast′ “to fall” is used with words for various emotions (18a, b): (18)

a. vpadat' / vpast' v glubokuju depressiju “to fall into deep depression ACC”; b. pogružat'sja / pogruzit'sja v žalost' k sebe “to sink into self-pity ACC”.

However, it did not borrow the conceptualisation of CHANGING OF STATE as FALLING OUT. The verb vypadat′ / vypast′ “to fall out” is not used with words for emotional states.

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The CAUSING A NEW STATE IS MOVING THE AFFECTED PARTY TO A NEW LOCATION metaphor can also be found in 19a–d: (19)

a. vgonjat' / vognat' v bezumnoe volnenie “to send into a frenzy ACC of excitement”; b. privodit' / privesti v otčajanie “to bring into distress ACC”; c. vyvodit' / vyvesti ego iz depressii “to pull him out of his depression GEN”; d. vyvodit' / vyvesti iz ravnovesija to lead from mental equilibrium GEN “to disturb the mental equilibrium”.

4.2.2.2

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of Boundaries of a Container

Table 4.8 shows the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of Obstacles (to movement). A Target Domain of Difficulties The BEING HARMED IS BEING FORCED TO MOVE TO A HARMFUL LOCATION (MML) and DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOVEMENT (MetaNet) metaphors explain the use of v+ACC in such expressions as 20a–d:

Table 4.8 Illustration of the semantic extensions by the metaphorical mapping from the source domain of obstacles (to movement)

Prepositional phrases v+ACC, iz+GEN

Semantic extensions OBSTACLES

DIFFICULTIES

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

(20)

133

a. vvjazyvat'/vvjazat' ih v kakie-to somnitel'nye to twist them into some unwholesome spekuljacii financial transactions ACC “to involve them into some unwholesome financial transactions”; b. vovlekat'/vovleč' nas v ètu vojnu to pull us into this war ACC “to get us involved in this war”; c. stavit' / postavit' vseh v bezvyhodnoe položenie “to put everyone in an impossible position ACC”; d. zagonjat' / zagnat' vseh v tupikovuju situaciju “to drive everyone to a standstill situation ACC”;

HELPING can be metaphorically viewed as ASSISTING IN MOVING OUT FROM A HARMFUL LOCATION (21): (21)

vytaskivat' / vytaščit' ih iz bedy “to get them out of trouble GEN”.

The synonyms of these words also collocate with iz+GEN (22a, b): (22)

a. vyzvoljat' / vyzvolit' ih iz zatrudnenij “to help them out of difficulties GEN”; b. vyručat' / vyručit' iz bedy “to help out of troubles GEN”.

Accordingly, GETTING INTO A DIFFICULT SITUATION is viewed as MOVING INTO A HARMFUL LOCATION (23a, b), while GETTING OUT OF A DIFFICULT SITUATION is viewed as MOVING OUT OF A HARMFUL LOCATION (23c, d):

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a. vvjazyvat'sja / vvjazat'sja v èto delo “to be mixed up in this affair ACC”; b. popadat' / popast' v bedu “to get into trouble ACC”; c. vykarabkivat'sja / vykarabkat'sja iz trudnyh situacij to climb out of difficult situations GEN “to escape from difficult situations”; d. vylezat' / vylezti iz pozornogo položenija to climb out of embarrassing situation GEN “to get out of an embarrassing situation”.

4.2.2.3

Non-spatial Expressions Based on the Source Domain of a Goal

Table 4.9 shows the semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of a Goal.

Target Domains of a Purpose and a Function The prepositional phrase of a GOAL, v+ACC, extends this sense to mark a PURPOSE (24a–d): Table 4.9 Illustration of semantic extensions motivated by the metaphorical mappings from the source domain of a goal

Prepositional phrases v+ACC

Semantic extensions

GOAL

PURPOSE, FUNCTION ITEM IN EXCHANGE BENEFICIARY (OBS) MANNER MATCHING ENTITY (THEME) PARAMETER (MEANS) (OBS) TIME AMOUNT

4.2 The Prepositional Phrase v with the Accusative and iz with the Genitive

135

(24) a. pit' / vypit' v pamjat' druga “to drink in memory ACC of a friend”; b. pokupat' / kupit' v podarok to buy in gift ACC”; “to buy as a gift”; c. davat’/ dat' v pridaču “to give in addition ACC”; d. govorit' / skazat' v šutku to say in joke ACC”. “to say for fun”.

Some verbs used with v+ACC in such expressions may refer to one action (for example, bringing or sending), which metonymically stands for a sequence of actions that must be performed in order to achieve a purpose (25a–c): (25) a. otdavat' / otdat' odeždu v stirku to send clothes in washing “to send clothes for washing”;

”;

ACC

b. prinosit' / prinesti neskol'ko knig v pereplët “to bring a few books in for binding ACC”; c. otvozit' / otvezti mašinu v remont to send a car in repairs “to send a car for repairs”.

ACC

V+ACC is also employed in expressions where an entity is described by its Function (26a, b): (26)

a. zanaveski v stolovuju curtains into a dining room ACC “curtains for a dining room”; b. million v nagradu “a million in compensation ACC”.

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4 Prepositional Phrases of a Container or Bounded Area

A Target Domain of an Item in Exchange or a Substitute Similarly to the other Goal prepositional phrase, za+ACC (see section ‘A Target Domain of an Item in Exchange or a Substitute’), v+ACC is used to mark an Item in Exchange or a Substitute. In PDR v+ACC is not found in this sense but there are examples of its use in this sense in Old and Middle Russian (27a, b): (27)

a. i bys