Pope Mark VII: Arabic Letters to Count Von Zinzendorf and Yohannes III, Metropolitan of Abyssinia [Bilingual ed.] 3956507312, 9783956507311

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|O R I E N T U N D E U R O P A ORTHODOXIE

10

ORTHODOXIE

|ORIENT UND EUROPA

Band 10

Herrnhuter Quellen zu Ägypten; Band 5

Lina Elhage-Mensching

Pope Mark VII

ISBN 978-3-95650-731-1

ISSN 1869-9057

Lina Elhage-Mensching Pope Mark VII

Arabic Letters to Count von Zinzendorf and Yohannes III, Metropolitan of Abyssinia With the ’Sermon on the True Faith‘ in an Appendix

Lina Elhage-Mensching

Pope Mark VII Arabic Letters to Count von Zinzendorf and Yohannes III, Metropolitan of Abyssinia

ORTHODOXIE, ORIENT UND EUROPA Herausgegeben von

Martin Tamcke

Band 10

Herrnhuter Quellen zu Ägypten; Band 5

ERGON VERLAG

Lina Elhage-Mensching

Pope Mark VII Arabic Letters to Count von Zinzendorf and Yohannes III, Metropolitan of Abyssinia With the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ in an Appendix

ERGON VERLAG

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

© Ergon – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2020 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb des Urheberrechtsgesetzes bedarf der Zustimmung des Verlages. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen jeder Art, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für Einspeicherungen in elektronische Systeme. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Umschlaggestaltung: Jan von Hugo Satz: Thomas Breier

www.ergon-verlag.de

ISBN 978-3-95650-731-1 (Print) ISBN 978-3-95650-732-8 (ePDF) ISSN 1869-9057

Preface This book would not have been possible without the support and guidance of Professor Martin Tamcke. I will always be grateful for the opportunity he provided me to study and examine this exceptional chapter in the history of intercultural encounters between the West and the Christian Orient. I would also like to thank Professor Heike Behlmer whose encouragement and mentoring opened new horizons, prompted me to pursue research, and reinforced my passion in this area. My deep gratitude goes to the Unity Archives at Herrnhut, in particular to Dr. Rüdiger Kröger, who provided me with digital copies of the Arabic correspondence kept at Herrnhut, and to Olaf Nippe for allowing me to use the photos in this publication. Many distinguished scholars accompanied my efforts during the research, sharing their time and resources and offering their invaluable advice. I would like to thank Dr. Christian Mauder, Dr. Hany Takla, Dr. Frank Weigelt, and Orell Witthuhn in particular. Finally, a sincere thank you goes to Dr. Leston Buell for his diligent proofreading of my manuscript. Göttingen, June 2020 Lina Elhage-Mensching

Table of Contents Preface .................................................................................................. 5 1. Introduction ................................................................................... 9 2. The historical context................................................................... 11 2.1 The Herrnhut Brethren ........................................................ 11 2.2 The Coptic Church up to the 18th century ........................ 12 2.3 Ethiopia up to the 18th century .......................................... 15 2.4 The relinquished mission to Abyssinia and the sojourn in Egypt............................................................. 18 3. Pope Mark VII, the 106th Patriarch of Alexandria (Pope from 1745 to 1769)............................................................. 25 4. Other central figures..................................................................... 27 4.1 Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700–1760)........................................................................... 27 4.2 Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker (1713–1782) .............................. 28 4.3 Yohannes III (d. 1761).......................................................... 29 5. State of research, sources and methods ....................................... 31 5.1 State of research.................................................................... 31 5.2 Sources and methods ........................................................... 33 5.3 Brief linguistic notes............................................................. 35 6. Critical edition and commentaries .............................................. 37 6.1 R.17.B.7.b.2 ........................................................................... 38 6.1.1 Critical edition and translation ................................. 38 6.1.2 Commentaries ............................................................ 42 6.2 R.17.B.7.b.3 ........................................................................... 44 6.2.1 Critical edition and translation ................................. 44 6.2.2 Commentaries ............................................................ 50

6.3 R.17.B.7.b.4 ........................................................................... 54 6.3.1 Critical edition and translation ................................. 54 6.3.2 Commentaries ............................................................ 58 7. Conclusions .................................................................................. 61 Bibliography....................................................................................... 63 Appendices......................................................................................... 71 I.

List of manuscripts in sections R.17.B.7.b and R.17.B.7.c of the Unitätsarchiv at Herrnhut ........................... 72

IIa.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (original letter A) ............................. 74

IIb.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.9 (copy B)............................................ 75

IIc.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.10 (copy C) ......................................... 76

IIIa. Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3 (original letter A) ............................. 77 IIIb. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.11 (copy B)..................................... 78/79 IIIc. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.13 (copy C) ................................... 80/81 IVa.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4 (copy B) ..................................... 82/83

IVb. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.3 (copy C) ........................................... 84 V.

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Edition of Pope Mark’s ‘Sermon on the True Faith’.............. 85

1. Introduction The main aim of this publication is to provide the first edition of three letters written in Arabic in the 1750s by Pope Mark VII, the 106th Patriarch of the Coptic Church, in the framework of his correspondence with Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, head and bishop of the “Renewed Unity of the Brethren,” also known as the “Herrnhut Brethren” or the “Moravian Church.”1 These letters belong to a corpus of documents that has already been the subject of a DFG2-funded edition project3 headed by Martin Tamcke of the Faculty of Theology of the Georg-August University of Göttingen. In that framework, a series of publications unveiled the vast extent of the first interactions between members of the Herrnhut Brethren and the communities of various confessions in the Middle East. The research and resulting publications4 comprised the edition of original documents kept in the archives of the Brethren at Herrnhut, including diaries and letters that testify to the activities of those German protestant missionaries in Egypt in the course of the 18th century. Along with the edited diaries and letters covering the period from 1769 to 1783, the archives at Herrnhut also preserve the Arabic manuscripts5 of the first exchange ever between Pope Mark VII, head of the Coptic Church, and Count Niko1

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On the history of this community, see among others Hutton, Joseph E., History of the Moravian Church (London, 1909); Hutton, Joseph E., A History of the Moravian Missions (London, 1922); Hamilton, Taylor J./Hamilton, Kenneth G., History of the Moravian Church, the Renewed Unitas Fratrum (Bethlehem, PA, 1967). The Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) is the organization for science and research in Germany that funds research projects and facilitates national and international collaboration among researchers. Research project Edition der Quellen zu Ägypten der Herrnhuter Brüderunität. 2006– 2012. Cf. http://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/30265927, last consulted on February 16, 2020. The publications include Manukyan, Arthur, Konstantinopel und Kairo. Die Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine im Kontakt zum Ökumenischen Patriarchat und zur Koptischen Kirche. Interkonfessionnelle und interkulturelle Begegnungen im 18. Jahrhundert, Orthodoxie, Orient und Europa, 3 (Würzburg 2010); Tamcke, Martin/Manukyan, Arthur (eds.), Herrnhuter in Kairo, Die Tagebücher 1769–1783, Orthodoxie, Orient und Europa, 5 (Würzburg 2012); Tamcke, Martin/Manukyan, Arthur/ Mauder, Christian (eds.), Die arabischen Briefe aus der Zeit der Herrnhuter Präsenz in Ägypten 1770–1783, Orthodoxie, Orient und Europa, 6 (Würzburg 2012). Under R.17.B – Beziehungen zur Orthodoxen und Koptischen Kirche, 07.b and 07.c.

laus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, founder of the Herrnhut Brethren. They also preserve a letter sent by Pope Mark VII to Yohannes III, Metropolitan of Abyssinia, in relation to the Herrnhut Brethren. These manuscripts are the central subject of this publication. Before getting to the edition per se, it is necessary to provide information on the settings surrounding this correspondence as well as on its main protagonists. In chapter 2, I will present the Herrnhut Brethren and the Coptic Church in Egypt and Ethiopia in their historical context, and I will furnish details about the mission that saw the brethren setting out to Egypt. In chapter 3, I will provide a general profile of Pope Mark VII, the 106th Patriarch of Alexandria (r. 1745–1769), and in chapter 4, a general profile of the other central figures mentioned in the letters, that is, Nikolaus Ludwig Graf von Zinzendorf (1700–1760), Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker (1713–1782), the physician who volunteered for that mission, and Yohannes III (r. 1745–1761), the Metropolitan of Abyssinia. In chapter 5, after having discussed the state of research, I will describe the sources and methods of the edition as well as the languages used in the manuscripts. In chapter 6, I will proceed to the critical edition of the three letters, of which two exist in one original and two copies each and one exists only in two copies. The letters will be transcribed, provided with a critical apparatus, translated, and commented. I also edited another text by Pope Mark VII, titled ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ in appendix V. This text is relevant insofar as it explains the Pope’s insistence in his letters on receiving a clear definition of the belief of the Herrnhut brethren. The work finishes in chapter 7 with some conclusions.

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2. The historical context 2.1 The Herrnhut Brethren In 1722, refugees from Moravia, a region in what is today the Czech Republic, found asylum on the estate of Count Nikolaus von Zinzendorf.6 They were members of the Unity of Brethren (German Brüderunität), which traced back its roots to 1457 and to the followers of the reformation spirit of Jan Hus. Persecuted in Bohemia and Moravia after the Counter-reformation and the Thirty Years’ war (1618–1648), the Brethren had been dispersed and their leader, Bishop John Amos Comenius (1592–1670) exiled. Some fifty years later, fleeing on-going persecution, two families eventually sought refuge in Lutheran Saxony. The Count gave them land on the estate he had bought from his grandmother, and they founded the settlement of Herrnhut (for the name, see section 4.1). They were soon joined by other refugees from Moravia and Bohemia as well as by Lutheran Germans attracted by the piety and lifestyle at Herrnhut. In 1727, Herrnhut already had 220 inhabitants. However, the coexistence of Lutherans, Pietists,7 and Moravians and their diversity were threatened by disunity. This prompted Count Zinzendorf to move from Dresden to Herrnhut and to create a Brotherly Agreement dated July 4, 1727 that all inhabitants committed themselves to observe. Soon after the signature of the Brotherly Agreement, a service gathered the Brethren in Holy Communion on August 13, 1727.8 The Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine or Renewed Moravian Church, a protestant evangelical Church was born and [o]f all the links between the old Church of the Brethren and the new, Comenius was the strongest. He handed on the Brethren’s Episcopal Orders. He consecrated his son-in-law, Peter Jablonsky; this Peter consecrated his

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For this paragraph, cf. Hutton, History of the Moravian Church, 197 ff. Pietism was a movement within Lutheranism that combined Lutheran principles with the emphasis on individual piety and living a vigorous Christian life. The founder of German Pietism, Philip Jacob Spener was the godfather of Count von Zinzendorf. Cf. Meyer, Dietrich, Zinzendorf und die Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine (Göttingen, 2009), 5. Cf. Hutton, History of the Moravian Missions, 12.

own son, Daniel Ernest; and this Daniel Ernest Jablonsky consecrated David Nitschmann, the first Bishop of the Renewed Church of the Brethren.9 .

Zinzendorf would himself become a bishop in 1737 (for further details, see 4.1). The movement soon extended beyond the boundaries of Herrnhut and, in 1732, the first two missionaries set out from Herrnhut to the Danish West Indies. This was just a start. Within two decades, more than 70 missionaries had been sent across the world from a congregation of merely 600 members.10 It was the knowledge of the existence of a Christian Church in Egypt and especially in Abyssinia,11 with whom contact might be established, that inspired the mission given to the physician Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker in 1752.12 He was commissioned to head to Egypt and remain there until he could acquire some knowledge of the Arabic language, to present himself to the Coptic Patriarch, and to obtain a letter of recommendation from him for the Metropolitan of Abyssinia (cf. 2.3). This mission, which is the immediate context of the three letters at issue here, will be described in detail in section 2.4.

2.2 The Coptic Church up to the 18th century Tracing its roots back to the Church of Alexandria, which was founded by Saint Mark the Evangelist in the 1st century AD, the Coptic13 9 10

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Hutton, History of the Moravian Church, 171. Cf. Smith, Thomas/ Choules, John O., The Origin and History of Missions Compiled and Arranged from Authentic Documents: In two volumes (Boston, 1832), vol. 1, 41. “Abyssinia is a Europeanized form of ‘Ḥabash’, or ‘Ḥabish’ or ‘Ḥabsha’, which is the name of the Arab tribe from Yaman who invaded the country some centuries before the Christian Era; and for nearly two thousand years, Orientals have called the country by the name of its ancient invaders. Abyssinians speak of their country as ‘Ethiopia’ and dislike the Arabic name ‘Ḥabash’. Every king of Abyssinia, from the time of Tasfā ʾĪyāsūs Yĕkūnō ʾAmlāk (AD 1270–1285) until today, has been proud to adopt as his chief title ‘N EGŪS NAGAST ZA ʾĪTĔYŌPĔYĀ’, i.e. ‘King of the kings of Ethiopia’.” Wallis Budge, Ernest A., A History of Ethiopia: Volume I (Routledge Revivals), Nubia and Abyssinia (New York, 2014), Preface, VII. In the present work, both Abyssinia and Ethiopia refer to the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia. Cf. Hutton, History of the Moravian Missions, 161. The word Copt itself means Egyptian and derives from the word Αἴγυπτος, adapted by the Greeks in the 8th century BC from the ancient Egyptian H(e)tka-Ptah (residence of the soul of the god Ptah in Memphis, the capital of the

Church quickly expanded throughout Egypt under the Roman Empire. But Christians soon represented a threat to the ideological unity of the Empire and became the object of persecutions as early as 202 AD.14 Egyptian Christians were so heavily persecuted during the rule of Diocletian (284–305 AD) that the first year of his reign was chosen as the initial year of the Coptic calendar or Annus Martyrum.15 While the rule of Constantine I brought an end to the Roman persecutions, it also witnessed the birth of the first controversies about the Nature of Christ. These controversies culminated in the Council of Chalcedon in 451 AD, which declared miaphysitism heretical and saw the separation of the Coptic Church from the churches of Byzantium and Rome. The Law of the Coptic Church of Egypt progressively developed after the Arab conquest (639–642 AD),16 and since that time, the Coptic Church has been the main Christian Church in Muslim Egypt.17

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Old Kingdom), to designate the whole of Egypt by extension. When the Arabs conquered Egypt in the 7th century AD, they transformed the word into Gpt (i.e., the consonants of the word Αἴγυπτος) or Qbt to designate the inhabitants of Egypt, who were mainly Christians. With the gradual Arabization and Islamization of Egypt, the word Copt and the derivative adjective Coptic would be reserved for the Christians of Egypt and progressively qualify their culture, their liturgy, their art, and their language. For a comprehensive overview, see Du Bourguet, Pierre, Copt. In: Atiya, Aziz S. (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia (henceforth CE), online edition, Claremont, http://ccdl.libraries.claremont.edu/cdm/ landingpage/collection/cce, vol. 2, 599a–601a. “He [i.e., Severus, L.E.-M.] issued an edict, which occasioned a variety of inflictions, the most barbarous of which appear to have been perpetrated in Egypt. […] for the fears of the emperor (Severus) began to be awakened by the extraordinary progress of the latter [i.e., Christianity, L.E.-M.].” Waddington, George, A History of the Church, from the Earliest Ages to the Reformation (London, 1833), 49. The Coptic calendar used by the Coptic Orthodox Church is based on the ancient Egyptian calendar. Coptic years are counted from 284 AD, the year that Diocletian became emperor and unleashed the violent persecutions against the Christians of Egypt. That year marks the starting point of the Coptic era denoted with A.M. (Anno Martyrum). See Cody, Aelred, Coptic Calendar. In: CE, 433a–436a. For details on the Coptic canons and nomocanons, see Schön, Dietmar, Der Codex Canonum Ecclesiarum Orientalium und das authentische Recht im christlichen Orient. Eine Untersuchung zur Tradition des Kirchenrechts in sechs katholischen Ostkirchen (Würzburg, 1999), 324 ff. Cf. Chaillot, Christine, Vie et spiritualité des Églises orthodoxes orientales des traditions syriaque, arménienne, copte et éthiopienne (Paris, 2011), 211–212; Tamcke, Martin, Christen in der islamischen Welt, von Mohammed bis zur Gegenwart (München, 2008), 71–75.

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Throughout the centuries that followed the Arab conquest, Coptic Christianity went through alternating periods of peaceful coexistence and ostracism18 under the successive Muslim rulers of Egypt. The 11th century brought the heavy discriminatory measures of the Fatimid caliph al-Ḥākim bi-Amr Allāh (r. 996–1021 AD),19 followed by the closing of all churches and the dooming of many monasteries to abandonment. But with the exception of the period of persecution (1004–1012 AD) under the above caliph, as the Fatimid rulers represented themselves a šīʿa minority,20 most of them had been sympathetic to the Copts. It was during that century that at the request of the grand vizier Badr alǦamālī, Patriarch Cyril II (1078–1092 AD) transferred the Patriarchal See from Alexandria to Cairo. Fatimid rule ended when Saladin, founder of the Ayyubid dynasty (1169–1250 AD), came to power. Ayyubid rule was not marked by particularly harsh repression and the dynasty was overthrown by the Mamluks. The beginning of the Mamluk Sultanate (1251–1517 AD) saw discriminatory measures intensify, and the Coptic community was given the “coup de grâce.”21 At the end of the 13th century AD, Christians represented no more than 10% of the population, and the Coptic language was limited to liturgical use.22 At the dawn of the 18th century, Egypt was under Ottoman rule and the Coptic community had approximately 150,000 members in the whole of Egypt and more than 10,000 in Cairo.23 There were about 12 Coptic churches in Old Cairo and two in Cairo in the quarters inhab-

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Cf. Cannuyer, Christian, L’Égypte copte, les chrétiens du Nil (Paris, 2000), 61–92. “He [i.e., al-Ḥākim, L.E.-M.] burned a large number of crosses and forbade the Christians from buying servants and maids, and destroyed the churches […] He forbade the Christians from celebrating Epiphany on the banks of the Nile in Misr and put a stop to everything they used in the way of gathering and celebrating […] He built mosques in their place.” Al-Maqrīzī, a medieval Sunni historian, quoted in Werthmuller, Kurt J., Coptic Identity and Ayyubid Politics in Egypt, 1218–1250 (Cairo, 2010), 35. Cf. Meinardus, Otto F.A, Two Thousand Years of Coptic Christianity (Cairo, 2002), 65; Werthmuller, Coptic Identity, 31–32. Cf. Meinardus, Two Thousand Years of Coptic Christianity, 65–66; Munier, Henri/Wiet, Gaston, Précis de l’histoire d’Égypte, 2 : L’Égypte byzantine et musulmane (Cairo, 1932), 267–268. Cf. Martin, Maurice, Statistiques chrétiennes d’Égypte. In : Travaux et jours, 24, 1967, 65–75. Cf. Raymond, André, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siècle (Damas, 1973), Tome II, 452 ff.

ited by Christians.24 The “Patriarch of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Abyssinia, Nubia, the Egyptian territories and all territories in the Holy See of St. Mark,”25 head of the Coptic Church, resided in Cairo and the Church of the Virgin Mary in Ḥārat al-Rūm was the seat of the Coptic Patriarchate.26

2.3 Ethiopia up to the 18th century Ethiopia or Abyssinia, also referred to as “India” by some patristic writers,27 is located in East Africa to the southwest of Nubia. While Christians have been documented as being present in Abyssinia as early as the 1st century AD in the New Testament of the Bible,28 the history and organization of the Ethiopian Church trace back their roots to the Christianization of the kingdom of Aksum in the 4th century AD.29 As related by Rufinus of Aquilea in his Historia Ecclesiastica,30 it was Patriarch Athanasius of Alexandria (r. 326–373 AD) who consecrated Frumentius from Tyre as first bishop of Aksum. Rufinus adds that under Frumentius many churches were built and “a countless number of barbarians was converted to the faith,”31 also mentioning that he had the story from Frumentius’s brother Aedesius himself, whom he had met in Tyre. After having been consecrated bishop in Alexandria, Frumentius went back to Aksum. There, Frumentius was recognized as the head of the Church and addressed as Abūna, which means ‘our father’ in Gǝʿǝz

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25 26 27 28 29

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Cf. Warner, Nicholas, The Monuments of Historic Cairo: A Map and Descriptive Catalogue (Cairo, 2004), 160–161; Pockocke, Richard, A Description of the East and Some Other Countries. Observations on Egypt, vol. 1 (London, 1743), 27; Tamcke/Manukyan, Herrnhuter in Kairo, XIV. Cf. the manuscripts edited in chapter 6. From 1660 AD to 1799 AD. Cf. Warner, Nicholas, The Monuments of Historic Cairo, 161. Cf. McGuckin, John A., The A–Z of Patristic Theology (London, 2005), 124. Acts 8:26–40. Troupeau, Gérard, Églises et chrétiens dans l’Orient musulman. In: Mayeur, Jean-Marie et al. (eds.), Histoire du christianisme des origines à nos jours, vol. 4, Évêques, moines et empereurs (610–1054) (Paris, 1993), 434. Rufinus Aquileiensis, Historiae Ecclesiasticae Libri duo. In: Migne, J.P. (ed.), Tyrannii Rufini Aquileiensis Presbyteri Opera Omnia (Paris, 1878), cols 478–480. Amidon, Philip R. (transl.), The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia. Books 10 and 11 (New York, 1997), Book 10:10. See also Tabbernee, William (ed.), Early Christianity in Contexts: An Exploration across Cultures and Continents (Grand Rapids, 2014), 210–212.

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and Amharic, a title also used in one of the manuscripts edited herein (cf. section 6.2). The consecration of Frumentius marked the beginning of a tradition32 that would last for centuries, with the Ethiopian Church becoming a bishopric of the Coptic Church of Alexandria.33 The heads of the Ethiopian Church being referred to as metropolitans or bishops, were Egyptian Copts.34 Some of the historical events that shaped Christian Ethiopia in the period extending from the establishment of the Ethiopian Church to the 18th century are of interest for the present publication to the extent that they also explain the attitude of the Christian Ethiopian rulers at the time the Herrnhuter attempted to reach Ethiopia. Following the consecration of Frumentius, Christianity was further spread with the arrival of nine Syrian monks fleeing the aftermath of the Chalcedon Council in the 5th century. Known as the “Nine Saints,” they contributed to the further establishment of Ethiopian Christianity, translating the Bible into Gǝʿǝz, and founding monasteries.35 The rise of Islam in the 7th century and its growing power in the following centuries led to the establishment of Muslim sultanates along the trade routes previously dominated by the “Christian highland kingdom which called itself Ityopʾya”36 and to the isolation of the Christian kingdom. The Aksumite kings were overthrown by the Zagwe dynasty (1137– 1270), which in turn was overthrown by Yĕkūnō ʾAmlāk, who claimed to have restored the Solomonic Dynasty.37 In the 14th century, two Ethio-

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Further asserted in the Fǝtḥa nägäśt: “42. As for the Ethiopians, a patriarch shall not be appointed from among their learned men, nor can they appoint one by their own will. Their metropolitan is subject to the holder of the See of Alexandria, who is entitled to appoint over them a chief who hails from his region and is under his jurisdiction.” Strauss, Peter (ed.), The Fetha Nagast. The Law of Kings (Addis Abeba, 1968), 18. “It was only in 1959, after sixteen centuries of meaningful mutuality, that the bond was broken when the Ethiopian Church became autocephalous.” Erlich, Haggai, The Cross and the River: Ethiopia, Egypt and the Nile (Boulder, CO, 2002), 17. For a detailed account of the relations between the Church of Ethiopia and the Coptic Church of Alexandria, see among others Munro-Hay, Stuart C., Ethiopia and Alexandria: The Metropolitan Episcopacy of Ethiopia (Warsaw 1997). Cross, Frank L./Livingstone, Elizabeth A. (eds.), The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (London, 2005), 569. Clapham, Christopher/Smidt, Wolbert G. C., An Annotated Late Eighteenth Century Map of Ethiopia. In: Ityopis, Extra Issue I, 2015, 47–59, 48. Cf. Cross/Livingstone, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 569.

pian national books were written. The first one, the Kǝbrä nägäst38 (The Glory of Kings), aimed at legitimating the Solomonic dynasty. The second one, the Fǝtḥa nägäśt 39 (The Law of Kings), derived from the codified rules of the Coptic Church, establishing among other things that the king had to adhere to Orthodox Christianity and be crowned by the Abūna. The Islamic invasions of the 16th century by the state of Adal had prompted the Ethiopian emperors to seek the assistance of the Portuguese. Following the Portuguese military help, Catholic missionaries were sent to Ethiopia and succeeded in converting many to Catholicism. They were well received in the beginning, until the emperor Sūsinyōs (1575–1632 AD) took as his advisor Pedro Paez, a Spanish Jesuit, and himself converted in 1622. When Sūsinyōs declared obedience to the Roman See and Afonso Mendez, a Portuguese Jesuit appointed Catholic Bishop of Ethiopia by Rome, required changes in liturgy and religious practices, anti-Catholic resistance intensified. The resentment and local clerical opposition led to the abdication of Sūsinyōs and to the expulsion of all missionaries from Ethiopia by imperial decree under the reign of his son Fāsīledes (r. 1632–1667 AD), who restored the Ethiopian Church.40 In the two centuries that followed, including the period in which the manuscripts edited herein were written, the country became closed to any kind of religious mission, while “all Europeans had to ask permission from the King to enter Abyssinia.”41 The year the letter of Pope Mark VII was written to the Metropolitan of Abyssinia, Yohannes III (r. 1745–1761 AD, see section 6.2), the Ethiopian king was Iyoʾas I (r. 1755–1769 AD).

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Cf. Orwin, Carolin, Ethiopia: Zagwe Dynasty, 1150–1270. In: Shillington, Kevin (ed.), Encyclopedia of African History: A-G, vol. 1 (New York: 2005), 850– 854. See the translation of the Kǝbrä nägäst by Budge, Ernest Alfred Wallis, The Queen of Sheba and her Only Son Menyelek (London/Liverpool/Boston, MA, 1922). Strauss, The Fetha Nagast. Sundkler, Bengt/Seed, Christopher, A History of the Church in Africa (Cambridge 2000), 76. Friis, Ib, An Unknown German Manuscript on Ethiopia in the Goethe Nachlass in Weimar: Niebuhr on His Research Expedition and His Criticism of James Bruce. In: Ityopis, Extra Issue I, 2015, 35–45, 38.

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2.4 The relinquished mission to Abyssinia and the sojourn in Egypt In his hope to establish a “spiritual connection between the reviving Unity of the Brethren and other divisions of the Church of Christ on earth,”42 Count von Zinzendorf wished to send “Brethren to visit the distant and hitherto nearly inaccessible Christians in Egypt and Abyssinia.”43 Knowing that the Coptic Church was present in Egypt and Abyssinia and that the Patriarch of the Coptic Church was also the Patriarch of Abyssinia,44 Count von Zinzendorf hoped that the Brethren could obtain a letter of recommendation to the Metropolitan of Abyssinia from the Patriarch.45 In 1750, the acquaintance of Count von Zinzendorf with a certain French Count d’Esneval brought the mission to Abyssinia to the foreground. Count d’Esneval claimed to be at the service of the Emperor of Ethiopia, who had empowered him to find skilled educated artists and artisans who would settle in Abyssinia.46 While the Brethren decided against joining Count d’Esneval,47 Count von Zinzendorf still entertained the plan of coming in contact with the above Churches. For this purpose, Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker (see section 4.2) set out to Egypt in May 1752. Hocker, deacon of the Church of the United Brethren, was a physician by profession and had already been in the Middle East three years earlier in an attempt to establish a line of missionary communication

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47

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Brethen’s Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel, Periodical Accounts Relating to the Missions of the Church of the United Brethren Established Among the Heathen, vol. 12 (London: 1831), 97. Ibid. See notes 32, and 34. The Patriarch of the Copts had also the title of Patriarch of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Abyssinia and Nubia and consecrated the Metropolitan of Abyssinia, head of the Abyssinian Church. For more details on the vision of Count von Zinzendorf in relation to Ethiopia, see Elhage-Mensching, Lina, The Herrnhuter Brethren in Search of Ethiopian Christianity: A Letter to Abuna Yohannes III (1756). In: Tamcke, Martin/Paulau, Stanislau (eds.), Global Entanglements in the History of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. Proceedings of Panel 1302 at the 20th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, 1–5 October, 2018, Mekelle University (forthcoming). For more details on Count d’Esneval and Count von Zinzendorf ’s plans, see Bechler, Theodor, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten. Evangelisation und Mission der Herrnhuter Brüder in Ägypten im 18. Jahrhundert und ihr Vorstoss nach Abessinien (Herrnhut, 1936), 11–15; Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 212–220. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 15

in Persia.48 During that time and in a letter written in August 1747 from Aleppo, he had already mentioned using the opportunity of his two-month stay in Aleppo to learn Arabic “and in six weeks [I] have made so much progress that I can understand and speak anything required for common life.”49 Before undertaking his new mission and as Count Zinzendorf was at that time in England, Hocker traveled to England to receive instructions. He writes in his diary50 in 1752: As the travel to Abyssinia was in the foreground, he [i.e., Count von Zinzendorf, L.E.-M.] gave me his approbation to go to Cairo, instructing me to keep my eyes on Abyssinia at the same time, and as soon as I had a competent knowledge of the Arabic language, he would send me a brother with whom I could travel; he also gave me a letter to the Coptic Patriarch.51

Embarking in May 1752, it took Friedrich Hocker no less than four months to reach Alexandria. There he had the opportunity to visit the Church of St. Mark. He describes this visit in his diary, noting that it was the only Church that the Copts possessed in Alexandria at that time.52 Friedrich Hocker reached Cairo at the end of August 1952 and after being the guest of the English Consul at Cairo, he rented a house in the Street of the Franks, where he started practicing as a physician, improving his knowledge of Arabic, and gathering information relative to Abyssinia. In a conversation with a native of Abyssinia, he was informed that the “Emperor wished to introduce Europeans into his territories, especially such as were skilful artisans.”53 He was also informed that the country could best be reached by traveling down the Red Sea 48 49

50 51

52 53

Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 10; Hutton, History of Moravian Missions, 160–161. Brethen's Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel, Periodical Accounts Relating to the Missions of the Church of the United Brethren, vol. 1 (London, 1790), 384. Also see Herrnhut Archives R.15.P.a.2.5.c, letter sent to Johannes von Watteville, mentioned by Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 229. Preserved at the Herrnhut Archives under signature R.21.A.70. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 98. The German text from Herrnhuter Archives R.21.A.70.5, 1–2 is cited in Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 209: “Weil damals die Aethiopische Reise in bewegung war, so gab er seine approbation zu meinem nach Cairo gehen, mit der Bedingung, daß zugleich mein Auge auf Aethiopien sollte gerichtet seyn laßen; und so bald ich das arabische zum durchkommen gelernt habe[n] würde, so wollte er mir einen bruder schicken, mit dem ich dahin reisen möchte; auch gab er mir einen brief an den Coptischen Patriarchen mit.” Cf. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 99. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 102.

19

from Suez to Ǧidda and Muṣawwaʿ. There, from a place not far from Muṣawwaʿ under Turkish control, there was a caravan traveling periodically to Gondar, the capital of the kingdom of Ethiopia. He was advised to obtain a firmān54 from the Sultan at Constantinople so as not to be hindered by the Turks, who controlled all the ports of the Red Sea.55 Friedrich Hocker waited until November 28, 1953 to pay an initial visit to the Patriarch of the Copts, Pope Mark VII.56 He writes in his diary that he had by then made himself sufficient master of the Arabic language to translate the letter addressed by Count Zinzendorf to the Coptic Patriarch and to converse with the latter on the object of my mission without the aid of an interpreter.57

On the occasion of that visit, he presented the Patriarch with the letter of introduction from Count Zinzendorf and gave him a brief account of the Brethren’s Church. He also spoke to him about his wish to reach Abyssinia and his hope to be recommended by the Patriarch. Hocker visited the Patriarch two additional times. On his second visit, he informed Pope Mark VII of his intention to undertake a journey to Constantinople to obtain the permits that would enable him to travel to Abyssinia and kindly asked him for a reply to the letter from Count Zinzendorf. A few days later, when Hocker visited the Patriarch again, the latter gave him the letter, which is our manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (see section 6.1).58 Early in 1754, Hocker set out to Constantinople where, with the help of the British Ambassador, he was able to obtain the firmān as well as “a letter of introduction to the Prime Minister of Abyssinia.”59 But as Hocker returned to Cairo, he was informed of the death of the Sultan of Constantinople, thus invalidating the acquired firmān. Facing this fact and the insecure situation60 in Egypt at that time, Hocker decided

54 55 56 57 58 59 60

20

“A grant or permit” from Persian firmān. Stevenson, Angus (ed.), Oxford Dictionary of English (Oxford, 2010), 658. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 19 and Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 102. Cf. Hutton, History of Moravian Missions, 160–161. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 103. Cf. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 104. Hutton, History of Moravian Missions, 161. Cf. Crecelius, Daniel, Egypt in the eighteenth century. In: Daly, M. W. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt, vol. 2. Modern Egypt from 1517 to the end of the twentieth century (Cambridge, 1998), 59–86, 74.

to wait for a better opportunity and to return to Herrnhut, where he arrived in the summer of 1755.61 Accompanied by Georg Pilder, a theology student,62 Hocker set out back to Egypt in 1756 and reached Cairo on August 12, 1756. He waited until September 5 to visit the Patriarch, that is, after having received the reply promised by Count von Zinzendorf to the first letter of the Patriarch. This letter along with a letter to the Abūna of Abyssinia reached Hocker in Cairo on September 3, 1756. Both were dated July 9, 1756.63 On September 8, having translated the letters, Hocker was able to give the Patriarch both the German and the Arabic versions. After a few visits, the Patriarch gave Hocker a letter of recommendation to the Metropolitan of Abyssinia (our second manuscript, R.17.B.7.b.3, section 6.2). While waiting for an opportunity to travel to Suez and from there on to Abyssinia, Hocker and Pilder were informed that the King of Abyssinia had died and that his successor was a seven-year old prince under the regency of his grandmother. Moreover, all Catholic priests and Greeks had to leave the country (see section 2.3). Yet these developments did not discourage Hocker and Pilder. While waiting for the opportunity to travel to Abyssinia, the Brethren visited the Patriarch on more than one occasion. On their last visit before setting off to Suez, in September 1758, the Patriarch gave Hocker a letter addressed to Count von Zinzendorf. This is our third manuscript (see section 6.3), preserved only in copies at Herrnhut. Hocker and Pilder left Cairo to Suez on September 22 and sailed from Suez on a Turkish vessel in early October 1758,64 so as to reach Ǧidda and Muṣawwaʿ and from there to travel by land to Abyssinia. On the way from Suez to Ǧidda, after a voyage of 11 days, the ship anchored near the coast of the island of Ḥassān. There, the ship got bogged down during a night storm and broke. Finally taken ashore two days later, Hocker and Pilder had lost most of their luggage, clothes, and money. They had to remain an-

61

62 63 64

Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 20; Cranz, David, Alte und neue BrüderHistorie oder kurz gefaßte Geschichte der evangelischen Brüder-Unität in den älteren Zeiten und insonderheit in dem gegenwärtigen Jahrhundert (Barby, 1772), 600. Cf. among others Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 23; Cranz, Alte und neue Brüder-Historie, 675; Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 293. Herrnhuter archives, R.17.B.7.c.7 and R.17.B.7.c.8. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 25; Cranz, Alte und neue Brüder-Historie, 677; Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 189.

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other 19 days before being able to take a ship and reach the port of Ǧidda on November 30, 1758.65 While in Ǧidda, they were introduced to two Turkish merchants who told them that they had been commissioned by the regent of Abyssinia to bring a physician to Gondar, as the Prime minister of Abyssinia was very ill. Although this would have been a great opportunity to reach Abyssinia, “for three cogent reasons, however, Dr. Hocker declined the invitation. He had lost his medicine-chest; his friend Pilder was ill; and the Lot,66 when consulted, answered ‘No’.”67 Hocker told the merchants that they would come back the next year with a new supply of medicines, and he kindly asked them to give a letter to the Metropolitan of Abyssinia. The brethren waited another four months before sailing from Ǧidda. After a long journey through Yanbuʿ al-Quṣayr and Faršut, the brethren finally reached Cairo late in July 1759.68 On their arrival, they learned that many had fallen victim to the plague while they were away. Pilder, who was ill, returned to Europe. Friedrich Hocker waited in Cairo for a reply from Count Zinzendorf to the last letter of the Coptic Patriarch. While in Cairo, Hocker was informed of the death of Count Zinzendorf in July 1760. He finally left Cairo and returned to Europe in 1761 without having been able to reach Abyssinia and without having been able to deliver to the Patriarch the reply that Count Zinzendorf had written before his death (April 28, 1759).69 Still, not discouraged by his previous attempts, Friedrich Hocker returned once more to Cairo in 1769, accompanied by Johann Danke. Whereas all the information they could gather from Abyssinia convinced them that any attempt would be unsuccessful, they decided to remain in Egypt and turn their attention to the Christians in Egypt. 65

66

67 68

69

22

The details of the shipwreck and the hard conditions of the stay on the island of Ḥassān are described in Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 25 and 81–86 and in Cranz, Alte und neue Brüder-Historie, 677–678. On the use of the Lot by the Moravian Brethren, see Sommer, Elisabeth W, Gambling with God: The Use of the Lot by the Moravian Brethren in the Eighteenth Century. In: Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 59, n. 2, 267–286. Hutton, History of Moravian Missions, 162. For more information focused on the relinquished mission to Ethiopia, see Elhage-Mensching, Lina, Wie kommt man nach Äthiopien? Patriarch Markos VII. (r. 1745–1769), Abuna Johannes III. (r. 1747–1761) und Ireneos Hocker (1713–1782), in: Tamcke, Martin/Behlmer, Heike (eds.), Imaginiert und real, erschaut und erdacht, Literarische Werke von und über Christen in Ägypten (Wiesbaden, 2017), 79–88. Cf. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 196.

Hocker visited the Patriarch of the Copts again. During one of his visits, he had the opportunity to meet the newly ordained Metropolitan of Abyssinia, the successor of Yohannes III, who invited him to accompany him. Yet Hocker replied that it would be better to send younger brethren as he felt too old to undertake the trip. He remained in Cairo and attended Patriarch Markos in his illness before he died in May 1769.70 The Brethren remained in Egypt until 1783.71 Hocker, who had tried so heartily to reach Abyssinia, died in Cairo in 1782.72 To summarize the aspects that are essential to the present work, the three letters edited in section 6 represent landmarks regarding the relinquished mission to Ethiopia. The letter conserved as manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (see section 6.1) is the first letter ever written by the Coptic Patriarch to Count von Zinzendorf; the letter of recommendation addressed to the Metropolitan of Ethiopia, conserved as manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3 (see section 6.2) was meant to facilitate contact with the Ethiopian Church; and the fact that only copies of the third letter (as manuscripts R.17.B.7.b.4 and R.17.B.7.c.3) are conserved in the archives at Herrnhut, is a direct consequence of the failed attempt to reach Ethiopia, as we will see in section 6.3.2.

70 71

72

Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 32. The publications of the Project “Quellen zu Ägypten der Herrnhuter Brüderunität” mentioned in note 4 are a precious testimony to the activities in Egypt until they left in 1783. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 46.

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3. Pope Mark VII, the 106th Patriarch of Alexandria (Pope from 1745 to 1769)73 The author of our three letters (see sections 6.1, 6.2, and 6.3) and of the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ (see appendix V) was born in the village of Qolūṣna in Upper Egypt’s Menya governorate and his birth name was Simeon. At a young age, he retired to the Monastery of Saint Paul (Dayr Anba Būla),74 which was administered by the abbot of the Monastery of Saint Antony (Dayr Anba Anṯuniyus)75 until the 19th century. He had taken the monastic vow and been at the Monastery of Saint Antony for years when Patriarch John XVII (Pope from 1726 to 1745) died. He was then chosen to succeed him by the Coptic community, escorted to Cairo, and consecrated Patriarch on May 30, 1745. He was the seventh Patriarch to have been an Antonian monk.76 Pope Mark VII occupied the patriarchate for 24 years and was known as “kind, with a very beautiful voice and was very fluent in speech.”77 In his days, apart from the clashes that set the Copts at odds with the Muslims during the grand-scale preparations for a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre in 1753, there were no other major repressions against the Copts. Yet the Patriarch, like his predecessors, was confronted with the Catholic missionaries and more specifically with the Jesuits and the Franciscans, who tried to proselytize the Copts and established numerous schools, especially in Upper Egypt. Their mission had found an initial short-term success in the conversion of Athanasius, Coptic bishop of Jerusalem, who made a secret profession of faith in 1739 but returned

73

74 75 76

77

This section mainly follows Atiya, Aziz S., Mark VII. In: CE, 1537b–1538a; Coptic Synaxarium, the Twelfth of the Month of Bashans, edited by the St. George Coptic Orthodox Church, Chicago, Illinois, 338–343; Khater, Antoine/KhsBurmester, Oswald Hugh Ewart (eds.), History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church known as the history of the Holy Church of Sawirus ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, Bishop of el-Ashmunein. Vol. 3, pt. 3, Cyril II – Cyril V (AD 1235–1894). (Cairo, 1970), 292–295. Meinardus, Otto F.A., Dayr Anba Būla. In: CE, 741a–744b. Meinardus, Otto F.A., Dayr Anba Anṯuniyus. In: CE, 719b–729a. “Twelve Antonian monks ascended the patriarchal throne, and for almost three hundred years, they determined the history of the church” Meinardus, Dayr Anba Anṯuniyus. Coptic Synaxarium, 342.

to the Coptic Orthodox Church a few years later.78 Yet their efforts were further rewarded in 1758, when Anthony Fleyfel, bishop of Girga, became Catholic and was subsequently appointed Apostolic Vicar, serving from 1761 to 1774.79 This episode triggered the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ (edited in appendix V) as Pope Mark himself says: “[…] the reason for bringing it [i.e., the Sermon, L. E.-M.] out to them is an Antonian who was previously bishop of Girga in upper Egypt and who does not deserve that title now as he has denied the true faith and […] the Jacobite creed […]. […] he has been excommunicated, banned, estranged, and discharged from all the ranks of the church he received from the St Mark Apostolic See of Alexandria.” (See Appendix V.)

This may also explain the attitude of the Patriarch towards the Brethren and his insistence on receiving in writing from Count Zinzendorf details about the faith and the confession of the Moravian Church (see manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4 and the discussion in section 6.3). Towards the end of Pope Mark’s tenure, the Metropolitan of Abyssinia, Abūna Yohannes, died, and a delegation was sent by the Emperor of Ethiopia to ask Pope Mark VII to ordain a new Metropolitan. The Pope ordained Metropolitan Yosab six months before he died, and the latter left Egypt to his chair after the death of Pope Mark. Pope Mark VII died on May 18, 1769 at the monastery of al-̒ʿAdawīya near Cairo and was buried at the cemetery of the Monastery of St. Mercurius in Old Cairo.

78

79

26

Cf. O’Mahony, Anthony, The Coptic Catholic Church, the Apostolic Vicar Maximus Giuaid (1821–1831), the Propaganda Fide and the Franciscans in Early Nineteenth-century Egypt. In: Murre-van den Berg, Heleen (ed.), New Faith in Ancient Lands: Western Missions in the Middle East in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. (Leiden, 2006), 93–99, and ʿAbd el-masīḥ, Daniel, Tārīḫ al-kanīsa al-qibṭīya. In: Majallat al-ṣilāḥ, 79:2008, 18–22. Cf. O’Mahony, The Coptic Catholic Church, 97–98, and the web page https:// st-takla.org/books/helmy-elkommos/catholic/apostolic-vicariate-antonios.html, last consulted February 28, 2020.

4. Other central figures 4.1 Nikolaus Ludwig Graf von Zinzendorf (1700–1760)80 Born in Dresden into a noble family, Nikolaus Ludwig, Count von Zinzendorf lost his father when he was six weeks old. When his mother remarried four years later, he was entrusted to the care of his grandmother, Catherine von Gersdorf, an active member of Pietist circles. The Pietist leader Jakob Philipp Spener was his godfather and another influential Pietist, August Hermann Francke, was a frequent guest of the house. At the age of ten, he was taken by his mother to Francke’s Paedagogium in Halle. In 1716, having completed his studies in Halle, he wanted to study theology, but his family insisted that he study law in order to prepare himself for employment at the court. He studied from 1716 to 1719 at the University of Wittenberg, and there he spent hours reading the Bible and studying hymns. After his studies and as part of his education as a member of the aristocracy, he traveled throughout Europe between 1719 and 1720. This gave him the opportunity to make numerous contacts and to practice various foreign languages. Back from his tour, Zinzendorf became counsellor for the state of Dresden. In 1722, he purchased a large estate, which included the village of Berthelsdorf. It was there that the first ten Moravian exiles sought refuge that same year (see section 2.1). Zinzendorf allowed them to settle, and they called their settlement Herrnhut, meaning “the Lord’s watch.” Zinzendorf waited until the death of his grandmother to officially resign from governmental service, as it had been her wish that he remains in office. In 1727, Count Zinzendorf moved to Herrnhut and with the “Brotherly Agreement” further organized the community (see section 2.1). In the period 1727–1729, it was decided that the Herrnhut community would be a Unity of the Brethren congregation. Already, in 1728, Zinzendorf and the Brethren had discussed the possibility of missionary work in places such as Turkey and Africa, Greenland and Lapland.81 80

81

This section mainly follows Freeman, Arthur. Count Nicholas Ludwig Von Zinzendorf: An Ecumenical Pioneer. In: Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Summer– Fall, 1999, and Spangenberg, August G., Leben des Herrn Nikolaus Ludwig Grafen und Herrn von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf (Barby: 1772). Cf. Hamilton/Hamilton, History of the Moravian Church, 51.

The first opportunity for missionary work presented itself in 1731, when Count Zinzendorf met a converted slave from the Danish West Indies at the court of Copenhagen, who spoke to him about the lamentable state of his fellow slaves. Two brothers set off from Herrnhut in 1732, marking the beginning of Moravian missions. In 1734, the count was ordained a Lutheran minister. Yet he had many opponents and was banned from Saxony in 1736. He then created a mobile committee, which became known as the “Pilgrim Congregation,” that traveled through Germany, England, Holland, and Switzerland. In 1737, in Berlin, he was ordained a bishop of the Moravian Church. The edict banishing him from Saxony was withdrawn in 1747. 1760, the year Count Zinzendorf died, marked 28 years in Moravian missions during which more than 220 missionaries were sent out to various parts of the world.

4.2 Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker (1713–1782)82 Born in 1713 in Großenberingen near Gotha, where his father was a pastor, Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker attended the Gymnasium in Gotha before enrolling at the University of Jena, where he studied Theology and Oriental Languages. After two years of studies, he was examined by his father and allowed to preach. However, overtaken by doubts about his faith, he started to study medicine in 1735 at Helmstedt. In 1739, he met a physician and member of the Herrnhut community, who had also first studied theology and was on his way to a mission abroad. This prompted Friedrich Hocker to finish his studies and aroused his interest in the work of the Brüdergemeine. Soon afterwards, he met other members of the Herrnhut community and decided to join them. He was ordained deacon in 1745, and in 1747 he was sent on his first mission to Persia along with the surgeon Johannes Rüffer. Due to the political troubles in the region, both had to return after a three-year stay. Back from Persia, he expressed his wish to travel to Egypt, the goal being to reach Abyssinia. He was sent by Zinzendorf to Egypt in 1752 (see above, section 2.4). The instructions of Count Zinzendorf were clear: Not to interfere with the ecclesiastical relations of the native Christians, […] in all their intercourse to endeavour to direct attention to the essence of 82

28

This section mainly follows Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 17–18.

Christianity and to impart advice to such as listened to them according to the Scriptures and their own experience.83

When the first sojourn ended without his being able to travel to Abyssinia, Hocker returned to Germany. He set off again in 1756 and came back to Germany in 1761. Between 1761 and 1768, while in Germany, he wrote “A Medical Introduction for Missionaries and Pathology,” which was never published.84 He returned to Cairo in 1769, where he died in 1782, a year before the Moravians left Egypt for good.

4.3 Yohannes III (d. 1761)85 Information concerning Yohannes III is quite scarce. He had been consecrated by the Coptic Patriarch John XVII in 1743 to succeed to Krestodolu III as metropolitan of Abyssinia and was only able to reach Ethiopia and assume his functions in 1745. Not unlike his counterparts in Egypt, Yohannes III had also been confronted with the Catholic missionaries, which, at first, had been invited to Ethiopia by the Negus, who had asked for skilled and learned missionaries. When the missionaries who responded to the call of the Negus made efforts to restore friendly relations between the court of Ethiopia and the Roman Church, Yohannes III was able to elude their plans and have them evicted by the Negus. Towards the end of his life and office, Yohannes III was also confronted with the emergence of a new doctrine known as the Ya-sagga lej (Son by Grace) which he condemned, excommunicating the monk who had formulated it. However, the effects and repercussions of that new teaching outlasted Yohannes III, who died in 1761.86 His successor Yosab, who was ordained by Pope Mark VII shortly before the Pope’s death, reached Ethiopia only eight years later.

83 84

85

86

Watson, Andrew, American Mission in Egypt (Pittsburgh, 1904), 30–31. Wilson, Renate, Moravian Physicians and Their Medicine in Colonial North America: European Models and Colonial Reality. In: Gillespie, Michele/ Beachy, Robert (eds.), Pious Pursuits: German Moravians in the Atlantic World (New York, 2007), 65–82, 78. This section mainly follows Tedeschi, Salvatore, Ethiopian Prelates (d.1699– d.1761). In: CE, 1005a–1044a; see also Chaîne, Marius. La chronologie des temps chrétiens de l’Égypte et de l’Éthiopie (Paris, 1925), 247 and 270. See Tedeschi, Salvatore, Ethiopian Prelates (d.1803–d.1867). In: CE, 1005a– 1044a.

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5. State of research, sources and methods 5.1 State of research As already mentioned in the introduction, the letters edited in this work belong to a corpus of documents preserved at the Herrnhut archives. The research and the publications that resulted from the project funded by the DFG from 2006 to 2012 comprised the edition of original documents including diaries and letters covering the period from 1769 to 1983.87 The unedited Arabic manuscripts88 edited in the present work were written in 1753, 1756, and 1758. They testify to the first exchanges between Pope Mark VII and Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, undertaken to enable contact with the Coptic Church and a mission to Abyssinia. This correspondence, the mission to Abyssinia, and the Herrnhut Brethren’s stay in Egypt have been mentioned in every reference relative to the history of the Moravian Church, the life of Count von Zinzendorf, or the periodical accounts relating to the missions of the Moravian Brethren. In many of such works, extracts of various lengths of the first letter (our manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2) and of the second letter (our manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4) of Pope Mark VII to Count von Zinzendorf have been published in Arabic,89 German,90 or English,91 based on the originals or on the translations provided by Hocker and preserved at Herrnhut,92 such as the following extract from the first letter of the Patriarch, corresponding to lines 1 to 11 in my edition (section 6.1): Im Namen des erbarmenden und barmherzigen Gottes. In Gott ist das heil. Von Marcus, dem Knecht der Knechte des Herrn: Der Friede unseres Herrn und Gottes und des Herzogs unseres Heils, den er auf dem Göller zu Zion 87 88 89 90 91

92

See Introduction (section 1) and notes 2, 3, and 4. See Introduction (section 1), note 5. Cf. Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 269 and 328–329. Manukyan investigates the Moravian records without providing editions. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 19; Cranz, Alte und neue Brüder-Historie, 597–598; Spangenberg, Leben des Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, 2194–2195. Cf. Holmes, John, Historical Sketches of the missions of the United Brethren for propagating the Gospel among the heathen, from their commencement to the present time (Dublin, 1818), 459; see also Spangenberg, August G., The Life of Nicholas Lewis Count Zinzendorf, Bishop and Ordinary of the Church of the United (or Moravian) Brethren (London 1838), 489–490. R.17.B.

ausgeschüttet hat über die Versammlung der Jünger, Der [sic] Schütte aus diesen Frieden über den geliebten Bruder, den ehrwürdigen Bischof, unsern Vater Aloysius (Ludwig), den Liturgen der Unität der Brüder!93

Or the following extract from the second letter of the Patriarch to Count von Zinzendorf, corresponding to lines 12 to 16 and 20 to 21 in my edition (see section 6.3): We pray for you always, as well as for all Christians, and call upon the Lord Jesus Christ, that he would make the Christian name honourable throughout the habitable globe, and that he would blot out and take away from us, you, and all the brethren, all sin and iniquity, in order that we may all together become children of the kingdom of God. And now what we desire of you, most dearly beloved brother, is, that you would send us your confession of faith, concerning the Trinity and Unity of God, the incarnation of the Son of God, his crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension. Send us also your entire history, that we may know something certain respecting you and your affairs,– what kind of Christians you are, and from what Christian nation you are descended. We expect this without fail. May the great God preserve you carefully by his right hand! Amen.94

Only a short extract of the letter of recommendation (manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3) addressed by the Patriarch to the Metropolitan of Ethiopia and a few sentences of the second letter addressed by the Patriarch to Count von Zinzendorf (manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4) are quoted in Arabic.95 As for translations of the letter of recommendation (manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3) in English, I only came across the following two sentences in the Periodical Accounts, corresponding to lines 27 to 29 in my edition (see section 6.2): Suffer me, dear brother, to recommend to you this blessed man, both for the sake of Him who has said, I was a stranger, and ye took me in, and likewise out of love to me.96

These extracts of translations of the letters or of quotations are usually correct and provided in the framework of the description of the missionary encounters, activities, and reports or in support of theological commentaries, but none has given rise to an edition. The main subject and aim of this work are to provide the first edition of the three Arabic manuscripts written by Pope Mark VII in the framework of his corre93 94 95 96

32

Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 19. Spangenberg, The Life of Nicholas Lewis Count Zinzendorf, 489–490. Cf. Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 301 and 328–329. Brethren’s Society, Periodical Accounts, vol. 12, 143.

spondence with Count von Zinzendorf, which mark the early encounters of the Coptic Church and the Moravian Brethren. As concerns the ‘Sermon on the True Faith,’ edited for the first time, to my knowledge, in appendix V, the text is briefly mentioned by Georg Graf in his seminal Geschichte as included in the collected works of Pope John XVIII, the successor of Pope Mark VII. Known as Kitāb al-Adrāǧ,97 the collected works were preserved in two manuscripts from the 18th century and two others from the 19th century, as explained by Hany Takla.98 The oldest (dated Hatur 1, 1510 AM = November 8, 1793 AD) is Ms. 113 Theol. which is kept at St. Mark’s Patriarchal Library in Cairo.99 In Ms. 113 Theol., Pope Mark VII’s sermon is the 38th Daraǧ.100 The ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ reflects the attitude of the Coptic Orthodox Church regarding the activities of the Catholic missionaries at that time in Egypt.101

5.2 Sources and methods Initially founded in 1764 in the Netherlands, the Unity Archives (German Unitätsarchiv), was transferred to Herrnhut in 1820. As an official repository of the Worldwide Moravian Church, the archives contain a variety of manuscripts, diaries, records of mission works, and memoirs, as well as printed books.102 The three manuscripts edited in this work can be found in the catalog of the Unity Archives under “A. Weltweite Brüder-Unität, A.9. Beziehungen zu anderen Konfessionen und Religionen, R.17.B, Inv. Num. 07.b und 07.c.” My edition in chapter 6 is based on the following manuscripts:

97 98

99

100

101 102

Cf. Graf, Georg, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, vol. 4, (Vatican City, 1951), 135–136. Cf. Takla, Hany, A Rare Manuscript in the Collection of the St. Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society. In: The Alexandria School Journal, December 2018, vol. 5, 39–58, 39–40. Cf. Simaika, Marcus, Catalogue of the Coptic and Arabic Manuscripts in the Coptic Museum, the Patriarchate, the Principal Churches of Cairo and Alexandria and the Monasteries of Egypt, vol. II, (Cairo, 1942), 188. Translated by Simaika as “Book of Degrees,” the Adrāǧ are sermons and teachings “to guide the Coptic community in proper behavior,” Armanios, Febe, Coptic Christianity in Ottoman Egypt, (Oxford, 2011), 131. Cf. Note 79. Cf. Site of the Unity Archives www.archiv.ebu.de.

33

R.17.B.7.b.2

(1753)

Original manuscript – A in section 6.1 Mark VII acknowledges the receipt of the letter brought by Friedrich Hocker and confirms their common love of Christ and concern for all Christians.

R.17.B.7.b.3

(1756)

Original manuscript – A in section 6.2 Mark VII recommends Friedrich Hocker to the Metropolitan of Ethiopia.

R.17.B.7.b.4

(1758)

Copy – B in section 6.3 Mark VII thanks Count Zinzendorf and asks him to describe the confession and beliefs of the Brethren.

In the critical apparatus and the commentaries, I also include the following manuscripts: R.17.B.7.c.3

(1758)

Copy of R.17.B.7.b.4 – C in section 6.3

R.17.B.7.c.9

(1753)

Copy of R.17.B.7.b.2 – B in section 6.1

R.17.B.7.c.10

(1753)

Copy of R.17.B.7.b.2 – C in section 6.1

R.17.B.7.c.11

(1756)

Copy of R.17.B.7.b.3 – B in section 6.2

R.17.B.7.c.13

(1756)

Copy of R.17.B.7.b.3 – C in section 6.2

Chapter 6 is divided into three main sections, 6.1, 6.2, and 6.3, respectively dedicated to each of the letters and respective copies, and further subdivided into edition, translation, and commentaries. I decided to make a diplomatic edition, meaning that I have copied the three manuscripts without making any corrections. This also includes all diacritic marks such as vowel signs and diacritic points above and below the Arabic letters as well as punctuation. In the critical apparatus, I use the abbreviations A for the original, B for the first copy, and C for the second copy. In the case of the preserved original manuscripts R.17.B.7.b.2 in section 6.1 and R.17.B.7.b.3 in section 6.2, I first faithfully transcribe them with possible errors and lacunae existing in the original and then compare them to their respective preserved copies B and C. I have then noted the possible errors, omissions, and differences between the copies in the critical apparatus. As for manuscripts R.17.B.7.b.4 and R.17.B.7.c.3, they are both copies of a missing original and I compare them to one another (see section 6.3). The critical apparatus contains all important changes made by the copyists as far as the Arabic consonants are concerned, with the exception of the inconsistent use of the diacritic points of the letter yāʾ (‫( )ﻱ‬see 6.1.2).

34

The use of vocalization marks sometimes differs in the copies, although none of these changes affects the pronunciation; for this reason and so as not to overburden the edition, I have not included the additions or omissions of vowel signs in the critical apparatus. In both the editions and the translations, I follow the line breaks of the manuscripts. I have translated the manuscripts as literally as possible, consciously avoiding any interpretation and leaving the Arabic names mentioned in the letter of recommendation (manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3) in transcription. The translation is arranged synoptically with respect to the edition, with the translation on the left-hand side (even page number) and the edition on the right-hand side (odd page number). In the translation, I reproduce the punctuation marks (˙ and ‫ )؞‬used in the Arabic original. Additionally, I have added some modern punctuation marks in order to facilitate the reading; the latter are, of course, subject to interpretation. In 6.1.1, 6.2.1 and 6.3.1, when dealing with the commentaries, I first place the respective manuscripts in their historical background, describing their content, and then proceed to comment upon the language, vocabulary, and orthographical elements. The edition and translation of the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ in appendix V follow the same criteria. Of the four manuscripts mentioned at the end of section 5.1, only three are extant today.103 As I was unable to obtain a copy of Ms. 134 Theol., my edition only considers Ms. 113 Theol. and ML.MS.207.104

5.3 Brief linguistic notes The letters and the Sermon are written in Middle Arabic. Unlike Middle English or Middle Latin, “the term Middle Arabic refers to forms of Arabic that are intermediate between […] standard Classical Arabic

103 104

Cf. Takla, A Rare Manuscript, 40. I am indebted to Dr. Hany Takla, President of St. Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society in Los Angeles for his valuable support. Thanks to him, I was able to locate the microfilmed copy of Ms. 113 Theol. (cataloged in Macomber, William, Final Inventory of the Microfilmed Manuscripts of the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate, al-Azbakiyah, Cairo, Manuscripts in Arabic and Ethiopic, vol. 2 (Provo, 1997), 340–341) and to compare it to ML.MS.207 of the St. Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society.

35

and spoken vernacular Arabic.”105 According to Khan, this phenomenon was related to the religious community to which the writer belonged, Middle Arabic texts being more common among Christians and Jews who might have not considered Classical Arabic as “so prestigious.”106 As for the isolated Syriac words mart (šûâ) used in manuscript R.17.B.7b.2, and mar(ī) (‹ûâ) used in the Sermon, they also belong to the complex of the Middle Arabic phenomena.107 In addition to Middle Arabic, the Coptic language is present in the letters, in the seal apposed on the left top of the original manuscripts and reproduced in the available copies. In the letter of recommendation (manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3), an indication in Coptic above the seal represents the birth name of the Patriarch, that is, Simeon (see section 3). In dating his letters, the Patriarch uses the zimām numerals.108 Although “Coptic Christians made the transition to the Arabic language and script, the zimām numerals continued to be used in economic documents otherwise written in Arabic”109 and by the Coptic Church.

105

106 107

108

109

36

Khan, Geoffrey, Middle Arabic. In: Weninger, Stefan/Khan, Geoffrey/Streck Michael/Watson, Janet (eds.), The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook (Berlin, 2011), 817–835, 817. Khan, Middle Arabic, 818. “Christian Arabic texts of all periods frequently contain forms of lexical elements borrowed from the literary languages of Christian Scripture, such as Greek and Syriac, or from a substrate spoken language, such as Neo-Aramaic.” Khan, Middle Arabic, 824. The zimām numeral system or ḥurūf al-zimām developed in Egypt from the register’s numerals. Unlike the classical Coptic system, the signs are cursive minuscule letters rather than uncial ones. After the 12th century, Coptic Christians continued to use zimām numerals in documents otherwise written in Arabic. Cf. Chrisomalis, Stephen, Numerical Notation: A Comparative History (New York, 2010), 149–151; and Colin, George S., De l’origine grecque des chiffres de Fès et de nos chiffres arabes. In: Journal asiatique, CCXXII (1933), 193–215. Chrisomalis, Numerical Notation, 151.

6. Critical edition and commentaries

6.1 R.17.B.7.b.2 6.1.1 Critical edition and translation

In the name of the merciful and clement God. In God is salvation.

5

10

15

From Marqoṣ, the servant of the servants of the Lord Jesus Christ called Patriarch, with God’s grace and his unknown wills, of the great city of Alexandria and the great city of Jerusalem and Ethiopia and Nubia and the Egyptian territories and all that is [included in the Episcopate of Saint Mark. The peace of our Lord and God and holder of our salvation [Jesus Christ that came upon the assembly of good disciples and pure Apostles in the house of Sion, may peace come upon and extend over the beloved virtuous wise brother, the venerable prelate Anba Aloysius servant of the United Brethren Church. This is to say, our brother, that [your affectionate letter reached us through the blessed son, honorable deacon Irenaeus Hocker, so we have read it and become aware of the extent of your love [to all Christians and we likewise pray God for you and the rest of the Christian people that he may promote the condition of Christians in the whole inhabited [world with the power of his life-giving cross, and with the prayers and pleas of the Holy Virgin

38

‫ⲥⲟⲕⲣⲁⲙ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺹ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴّﻴ َﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺪ َﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺏ ﻳَ ُ‬ ‫ﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑَﻄﺮﻳ ًﻜﺎ ﺑﻨﻌ َﻤﺔ ﷲ ﻭﺍ َﺣﻜﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻭﻛﻪ َ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺎ‪ 110‬ﺍﻻﺳْﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺎ‪ 111‬ﺍﻻﻳﺮﻭﺷﺎﻟﻴﻤﻴﻪ‪112‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺒﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺯﻩ‪113‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ ِ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎ ﻳَ ُ‬ ‫ﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻪ َ‬ ‫ﺳﻴِﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻼ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻗ َ‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﻱ َﺣﻞ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﻪ ﻳﺤﻞ ﺩﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺴّﻼﻡ ﻭﻳﺸﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻁﻬﺎﺭ‪ 116‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺥ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺴﻴﻮﺱ‪117‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺴﺔ ﺍﺗ َﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺧﻮﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ َﺣﻀﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﻴ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻳﻨﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺻ َﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍ َ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺖ ﻣ َﺤﺒﺘﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺭﻓﻘﺮﻳﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﻭﻧَﺤﻦ ﻛﺪﻟﻚ ﻟﻜﻢ َ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﻳﺮ‪ 118‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌَﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺴِﻴﺤﻲ‪ 119‬ﻣﻦ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻁﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ ﻭﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻘﻮﺕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺍﻥ ﻳﺪﻓ َﻊ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴِﻴ َﺤﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤ َ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻲ ﻭﺑﺼﻼﺕ ﻭﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳّﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺭﻯ‪120‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬

‫‪110‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪118‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ‪B,C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ‪B,C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻳﺮﻭﺷﺎﻟﻴﻤﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻤﻴﻪ ‪above the line‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺯﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﻠﺮﺍﺯﻩ ‪B,C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻫﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺎ ‪C‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺮﺕ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ‪C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻁﻬﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻁﻬﺮ ‪C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺴﻴﻮﺱ‪ :‬ﻳﺴﻴﻮﺱ ‪above the line‬‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻳﺮ ‪B,C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻦ ‪C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺭﻯ ‪omitted in B,C:‬‬

full of blessing, Mart Mariam who gave birth to the salvation of the [world, from whose loins appeared the non-implanted seed of salvation. Amen. On the fifth of Khoiak 1470 Coptic year

40

‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻌَﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﻤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺕ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍ َﺣﺸﺎﻫﺎ ﺯﺭ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻗﺒ َ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻄﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺲ‪ 121‬ﻳﻮﻡ ﻛﻬﻴﻚ‬ ‫َ‬

‫‪121‬‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﺲ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻣﺶ ‪B‬‬

6.1.2 Commentaries Having reached Cairo in 1752, Friedrich Wilhelm Hocker had with him a letter of introduction122 written by Count von Zinzendorf to be delivered to the Coptic Patriarch (see chapter 3). In that letter, dated May 28, 1752, Count von Zinzendorf calls himself “Brother Aloysius” (cf. line 10 of our letter) and addresses “those that shall read this greeting.” After mentioning that “it is twenty years since I resolved and even tried to express and declare our Love to the renowned Chair of St. Mark,” he goes on introducing Friedrich Hocker as deacon of the Brethren Church and a physician by profession, ordered to salute the venerable See of St. Mark in Egypt and Ethiopia in the Name of its Sister known for some Ages past both in East and West by the Name of Unitas Fratrum […] our Church with unanimous and effectual sighs prays for […] every Coptic and Abyssinian.123

This is the letter mentioned in lines 11–12 of our manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (see appendix IIa) and to which the manuscript itself is the reply. The manuscript shows traces of wax and bears the seal of the Coptic Patriarch in the left upper, where one can read in Coptic ⲓⲥ ⲭⲥ, the abbreviation for Jesus Christ, followed by the name of the Patriarch ⲙⲁⲣⲕⲟⲥ and the abbreviations ϫⲥ and ⲑⲥ, corresponding to Lord and God, respectively. Two crosses appear in the middle over and under the name of the Patriarch. The first two lines are written in calligraphy at the same level as the Patriarch’s seal. This is followed by the content, which comprises 19 lines, including the two first introductory expressions written in calligraphy. While the first line is straight, the writing goes on slightly descending more or less regularly. The letter begins with several long formulaic greetings (lines 1 to 11). In line 11, the Patriarch confirms receipt of Zinzendorf’s letter (see above), which seems to be the main purpose of the present letter. Lines 14 to 18 contain formulaic wishes for Zinzendorf/the Brethren as well as for all Christians that God’s message be heard in the world. As far as the writing is concerned, it is interesting to note that, although the writer uses the two diacritic points under the letter yāʾ (‫ )ﻱ‬at the end of the prepositions ‫( ﺍﻟﻰ‬ʾilā) ‘to’ and ‫( ﻋﻠﻰ‬ʿalā) ‘on’, the tāʾ marbūta (‫ )ﺓ‬at the 122 123

42

Herrnhuter archives, R.17.B.7.b.1 (Latin original, English and Arabic translations). R.17.B.7.b.1 includes a translation in English by Henry Cossart, Archdeacon of the Unitas Fratrum.

end of feminine words is often lacking its two diacritic points. The words ‫‘ ﺯﻣﺮﺕ‬assembly’ in line 8, ‫‘ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺖ‬extent’ in line 13, ‫‘ ﻗﻮﺕ‬power’ in line 15, ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺖ‬full’ and ‫‘ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺕ‬mother’ in line 17, nowadays written with a tāʾ marbūta (‫ )ﺓ‬are written with a tāʾ (‫)ﺕ‬. Furthermore, the writer never uses the diacritic point over the ḏāl (‫)ﺫ‬, a point that distinguishes this letter from a non-fricative [d]. At the end of lines 5 and 10 of the text, parts of the last words are written above the line. The text is written in Middle Arabic and does not present any major linguistic difficulty. First, lines 5 to 7, the Patriarch introduces himself as “Patriarch […] of the great city of Alexandria and the great city of Jerusalem, and Ḥabaša (Abyssinia) and Nubia and the Egyptian territories and all that is included in the Episcopate of Saint Mark.” In line 10, the Patriarch refers to Count von Zinzendorf as “Anba Aloysius.” The word ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎ‬ preceding the name corresponds to the Coptic ⲁⲡⲁ, a title of reverence which itself corresponds to the Late Greek ἀββᾶς,124 which also appears in the form ⲁⲛⲃⲁ documented here.125 In line 12, Friedrich Hocker is referred to as Irenaeus, which is a Greek adaptation of the German name Friedrich (cf. Gr. εἰρήνη). Furthermore, one word is noteworthy in line 17, where the name of the Virgin Mary (Mariam) is preceded by the epithet mart (šûâ), which is the feminine of mar(ī) (‹ûâ), the word for saint in Syriac.126 Ending his letter, the Patriarch uses the Coptic month and year dating,127 writing in Arabic the fifth of Khoiak, corresponding to December 12, and using the zimām128 numerals to indicate the Coptic year 1470, corresponding to 1753 AD. There are two copies of this manuscript under signatures R.17.B.7.c.9 (manuscript B) and R.17.B.7.c.10 (manuscript C), see appendices IIb and IIc. These are clearly made by non-native Brethren, who tried to reproduce the text of the original as faithfully as possible with a commendable yet imperfect knowledge of Arabic. The transposition of k (‫ )ﻙ‬and l (‫( )ﻝ‬note 113), omissions of the letter alif a (‫( )ﺍ‬notes 116 and 117), and omission of the word ‫‘ ﺍﻟﻌَﺪﺭﻯ‬virgin’ (note 120) are some of the differences noted in the critical apparatus and testify to the non-native character of the copyists. 124 125 126 127 128

Crum, Walter Ewing, A Coptic Dictionary (Oxford, 1939), 13a. Cf. ibid. Payne Smith, Jessie (ed.), A compendious Syriac dictionary, founded upon the Thesaurus Syriacus of R. Payne Smith (Eugene, OR, 1999), 298. See note 15. See note 108.

43

6.2 R.17.B.7.b.3 6.2.1 Critical edition and translation

In the name of the merciful and clement God. In God is salvation. From Marqoṣ· the servant of the servants of Jesus Christ· called with God’s grace and his unknown wills· Patriarch of the great city of 5

Alexandria· and the God-loving city of Jerusalem· and the Egyptian territories· and all that is included· in the Episcopate of Saint Mark‫ ؞‬The peace of our Lord and [God Jesus Christ· that came upon the assembly of innocent disciples· our fathers the pure apostles· in the house of Sion· may the peace

10

that He told them would be upon them· for ever and ever· embrace, grow,· increase, and extend upon our beloved· virtuous wise brother‫ ؞‬supported by God· our brother, the venerable· Muṭrān, Anba Yūʾanis (ιων) ‫؞‬ Muṭrān of Ḥabaša· God bless him· his people

15

and his priests· with every spiritual blessing· Amen‫ ؞‬After reiterating the blessings upon him· and wishing him the spiritual peace expressed herein· I entrusted this [letter] to be carried by the blessed son· and venerable deacon· Irenaeus Hocker· a blessed man of European race· loving (to) the rest of

20

Christians‫ ؞‬and all God’s creatures· who informed us of his intention to see the land of Ḥabaša· so we wrote to you this text· so that you might welcome him· because the aforementioned

44

‫ⲛⲱⲅⲙⲓⲥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪ َﻋﻮﺍ‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫‪15‬‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺹ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴّﻴ َﺢ·ﺍﻟﻤﺪ َﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺏ ﻳَ ُ‬ ‫ﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ· َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻌ َﻤﺔ ﷲ ﻭﺍ َﺣﻜﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻭﻛﻪ·ﺑﻄﺮﻳ ًﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌَﻈﻤﺎ‪ 129‬ﺍﻻﺳْﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‪·130‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻤ َﺤﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﷲ ﺍﻻﻳﺮﻭﺷﺎﻟﻴﻤﻴﻪ·ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻪ·ﻭﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ ِ ّ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻪ؞ َ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗ َﺤﻮﻳﻪ· ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻗ َ‬ ‫ﻳ ُﺴﻮ َﻉ ﺍﻟﻤ َﺴﻴ َﺢ· ﺍﻟﺪﻱ َﺣﻞ َﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺑﺮﺍﺭ·‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺮ ُ‬ ‫ﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﻪ· َ‬ ‫ﺳﻞ ﺍﻷﻁﻬﺎﺭ·ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻧﺪﺍ ﻣﻌَﻜﻢ·ﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻫﻮﺭ· ﻭﺍﻻﺯﻣﺎﻥ·‬ ‫ﻳﻔﻴﺾ ﺩﻟﻚ·ﻭﻳﺘﻀﺎ َﻋﻒ ﻭﻳﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ·‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺐ·ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻴﺐ؞ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﷲ·‪131‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﺲ ‪ιων‬؞‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ·ﺍﻧﺒﺎ ﯨﻮﺍﻧِ َ‬ ‫ُﻣﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺒﺸﻪ·ﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ· َﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻌَﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻬﻨﺘﻪ·ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ·ﺍﻣﻴﻦ؞ﺑَﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ·ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﱠﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﺎﺕ َ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻪ·ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﻻﺻﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ·ﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻳﻨﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ·‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ·ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ·‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺭ·ﺭﺟﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻓﺮﻧﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺲ· ُﻣﺤﺐ ﻟ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺼﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴﻴ َﺤﻴﻴﻦ؞ ﻭﺟﻤﻴ َﻊ ﺧﻠﻴﻘﺖ ﷲ· ﻓﻘ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺒﺸﻪ·ﻓﻜﺘﺒﻨﺎ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻔﺮﺝ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨَﺺ·ﻻﺟﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻛﻢ·ﻻﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫‪132‬‬

‫‪45‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ‪B,C‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺷﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ‪C‬‬ ‫‪Omission of the whole line in B‬‬ ‫‪Interpreted by Hocker as 137, most probably stand for Yūʾanis‬‬

has not spoken like the hypocrites· who upset their fellow Christians· 25

‫···· ؞؞؞‬

their fellow Christians· with words false and corrupt· but, my brother, this is a man who is blessed and that you take· the utmost care of him· for the sake of the one who said· I was a stranger and you welcomed me· and for our sake· and when he wants to depart from you·

30

write to us a letter· [to take] with him because in the past· Greeks came to you· followers of the Europeans· along with Mīḫāyil al-Ḥabaši· and we were not aware of it· and take the utmost care of this brother· and recommend him· to the blessed son, the priest Anṭūnī ·your student·

35

And in the past· we received a letter from your side· written by muʿallim Šenūda al-Ḫašāb· brought by an Ethiopian deacon· and we sent you a reply with the priest Benyāmīn al-Ḥabaši· and a letter to the Emperor Iyāsū · Nīḥallāh himself· and blessing notes to the priest Anṭūnī

40

a note·and to the monk Bāḫūm a note· and to muʿallim Šenūda al-Ḫašāb a note· and to you a note of our writing· unlike what is usually written· and we informed you therein· being aware of the issue you entrusted to· Mīḫāyil al-Ḥabaši· and that you, our brother, take care of muʿallim Šenūda

46

‫‪25‬‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫‪40‬‬

‫ﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ·ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴ ﱠﺠ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤ َﺴﻴ َﺤﻴﻴﻦ· ؞؞؞ ····‬ ‫ﺴﻴ َﺤﻴﻴﻦ· ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤ َ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ·ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﺪﺍ ﺭﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻣﻪ·‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺘﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺑﻪ·ﻏﺎﻳﺖ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻯ ﻗﺎﻝ·ﻏﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻓﺎﻭﻳﺘﻤﻮﻧﻲ·‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎ َﻁﺮﻧﺎ·ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ َﻋﻨﺪﻛﻢ·‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻌَﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ·ﻻﻥ َﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻪ·‬ ‫ﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﻡ·ﺗﺎﺑَﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻛﻢ ﺟﻤﺎ َ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻲ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ· ُ‬ ‫ﺻ َﺤﺒﺔ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺒﺸﻲ·ﻭﻟﻢ ﻛﺎﻥ َ‬ ‫ﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ ﺑﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻻﺥ·ﻛﺘﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭﺗﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ·ﻭﺍﻧﻚ ﺗﺘﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺲ ﺍﻧ َﻄﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺪﻛﻢ·‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ·ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻪ· َﺣﻀﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ·ﺑﺨﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﱠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻ َﺤﺒﺔ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻗﺴ ْ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌَﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺸﺎﺏ· َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺲ‬ ‫ﺻ َﺤﺒﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َﺣﺒﺸﻰ·ﻭﺍﺭ َ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻜﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻪ َ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺒﺸﻰ‪.‬ﻭﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﻠ َﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎ ُﺳﻮﺍ·‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺲ ﺍﻧَﻄﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻪ·ﻭﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴ َﺢ ﷲ ﻧﻔ ُ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻗﻪ·ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﻡ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ·ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌَﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺸﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ·ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻢ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ﺑﺨَﻄﻨﺎ·‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓًﺎ َﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺏ·ﻭﺍ َﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ·‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺘﻬﺎ·ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌَﻠﻢ ﺍﻟ َﻤﺼﻠ َﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺭ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌَﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ َﺤﺒﺸﻲ·ﻭﺍﻧﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺗﺘﻮ َ‬

‫‪47‬‬

45

al-Ḫašāb· and [there] came our children· the students, [the priest Ǧerǧes

In margine

al-Naǧǧār· and the priest Anṭūnī al-Zīd· and the priest [Qeryāqoṣ ·and the

There is no other writing on the margin after these words

hegumen Tādros al-Bahǧūri· and the monk ʿAmmallāh and muʿallim Maqār· and his brother Bešāy·and muʿallim [ʿAbdalmasīḥ · and Ḥannallāh his brother· and Anṭūnī Tādros send [you their 50

best regards and thanks. The first of Tout 1473 AM [forty-three

48

‫ﺟﺮﺟﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺲ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺍﻟﺨﺸﺎﺏ·ﻭ َﺣﻀﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻧﺎ·ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻣﻴﺬ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪133‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺲ ﻗﺮﻳﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺲ ﺍﻧﻄﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪ·‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ·‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻤﺺ‪134‬‬ ‫ﻋ ّﻢ ﷲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺱ‪ 135‬ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺠﻮﺭﻱ·ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﺐ َ‬ ‫َ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺭ·ﻭﺍﺧﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺸﺎﻱ·ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌَﻠﻢ َﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟ َﻤﺴﻴﺢ·‬ ‫ﺴﻠﻤﻮﺍ َﻋﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ َﺣﻦ ﷲ ﺍﺧﻴﻪ·ﻭﺍﻧﻄﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺱ‪·136‬ﻳ َ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻛﺘﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﱠﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ 137‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺕ‬

‫‪133‬‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫‪136‬‬ ‫‪137‬‬ ‫‪138‬‬

‫‪49‬‬

‫ﺟﺮﺟﺲ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﺟﻮ ‪B‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺺ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ ‪C‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺵ ‪B‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺩﺭﺵ ‪B‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ‪C‬‬ ‫‪In margine.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪138‬‬

6.2.2 Commentaries The manuscript preserved as R.17.B.7.b.3 (see appendix IIIa) is the letter of recommendation written by the Patriarch, Pope Mark VII to the Bishop of Abyssinia and given to Friedrich Hocker on September 10, 1756.139 In his report dated October 31, 1756,140 Hocker writes that the Patriarch gave him an excellent letter in which he recommends receiving Hocker well, paraphrasing Mt 25:35 “I was a stranger and you welcomed me.”141 In lines 23 and 24, the letter includes a repetition of the catchwords “fellow Christians” and ends the sentence “with words false and corrupt” in lines 25–26. Mark VII underscores the fact that Hocker is nothing like the other liars who upset their fellow Christians, using in his writing the imperfect of form II of the verb ‫‘ ﺳﺠﺲ‬to upset’ (‫ﺴﻮﻥ‬ ُ ‫)ﻳﺴ ﱠﺠ‬,142 in the same structure and almost the same words as a passage from the Apocryphal Acts of Bartholomew and Andrews.143 From the words of the Patriarch, it seems that Hocker was successful in convincing him of the well-meaning character of his mission. Here one should note that the mission of the Brethren was based on nonintrusiveness, as they believed that God positively wills the existence of a variety of churches to cater for different spiritual needs and that there 139 140

141 142 143

50

According to R.17.B.6.a.14.g, cited by Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 300. Cf. Section 2.4. Cited in Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 24: „Der Patriarch hat mir einen exzellenten Brief an den abessinischen Mathran (=Metropoliten) gegeben. Er nennt den Erzbischof Johannes 137, von Abessinien den geliebten, exzellenten, gelehrten und von Gott geliebten Bruder. Überbringer, so schreibt er, ist der gesegnete Sohn und ehrwürdige Diakonus, Irenaeus (Friedrich) Hocker, ein gesegneter Mensch vom Geschlecht der Franken, der alle Christen und alle Kinder Gottes lieb hat. Er hat sich bei uns anmerken lassen und will einen Besuch in Abessinien abstatten, und wir haben Euch diese kurze Relation kommuniziert, damit Ihr von ihm eine Meinung haben könnt. Wenn er Euch sieht, so lass Dir diesen Menschen auf beste und vollkommenste rekommandiert sein, um des willen, der gesagt hat: „Ich war ein Fremdling und ihr habt mich beherbergt“.“ Line 28 of our manuscript. Cowan, J. Milton (ed.), The Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic. Fourth Edition (Urbana, IL, 1979), 463. ".‫" ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻮﻻﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺠﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻮﻧﺔ‬, Lewis, Agnes S., Acta Mythologica Apostolorum in Arabic: Transcribed from an Arabic MS in the Convent of Deyr-EsSuriani, Egypt, and from MSS in the Convent of St Catherine, on Mount Sinai (London, 1904), f34a and Lewis, Agnes S., The Mythological Acts of the Apostles: Translated from an Arabic MS in the Convent of Deyr-Es-Suriani, Egypt, and from MSS in the Convent of St Catherine, on Mount Sinai and in the Vatican Library (London, 1904), 17.

was no need to win converts from other Christian Churches. Their presence was also based on fellowship and giving an example of virtuous and useful living.144 The letter already shows the first signs of the benevolent attitude of the Patriarch of the Copts towards Hocker and the community that he represented. The Patriarch seems convinced that the community of the Brethren is sincere, not like the “hypocrites who upset their fellow Christians with words false and corrupt,” hinting at the Catholics and Greeks and at the previous attempts to convert the Ethiopians and Copts to Catholicism. This also brings us to the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ edited in appendix V, where the Patriarch gives vent to his resentment against such above attempts. The manuscript consists of two longitudinal sheets glued together and shows traces of wax and glue. The two sheets were glued together between lines 24 and 25 where one can see the mentioned repetition of “‫ﺤﻴﻴﻦ‬ َ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ َ ‫‘ ”ﺍﺧﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤ‬their fellow Christians’. On the left and in the upper right, it bears the seal of the Coptic Patriarch, already described in the commentary of manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (cf. 6.1.2). But here, in the upper left and right above the seal, there are two inscriptions, one in Coptic reading ⲥⲓⲙⲅⲱⲛ ‘Simʾon’, the birth name of the Patriarch (cf. section 3), followed underneath by the mention ‫ﻋﻮﺍ‬ َ ‫ ﺍﻟﻤﺪ‬which means ‘called’. The first two lines are written in calligraphy between the two seals. This is followed by the context, which comprises another 48 lines. The Patriarch makes extensive use of punctuation points in red ink, clearly added after having written the letter. They are placed at short intervals above the last letter of words in order to separate parts of sentences and facilitate reading and sometimes for no apparent reason. While most of these punctuation marks are one full point, there are five occurrences where the writer uses three full points, either to mark the end of a paragraph (lines 7, 15 and 24) or the importance of the written word (lines 12 and 13). It is worth noting that here, unlike our other two manuscripts addressed to Count von Zinzendorf, the Patriarch omits the phrase “of Abyssinia and Nubia,” when introducing himself. In line 13, the Patriarch refers to the Bishop of Ethiopia as Muṭrān145 meaning metropolitan in Arabic, followed by the denomination Anba already discussed in the commentary related to our first manuscript. In expressing his bless144 145

For an exhaustive presentation of manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3, see ElhageMensching, The Herrnhuter Brethren in Search of Ethiopian Christianity. Cowan, The Hans Wehr Dictionary, 1072.

51

ings to the Metropolitan of Ethiopia, the Patriarch paraphrases the Epistle to the Ephesians.146 The formulaic greetings end on line 15 with the word Amen. The recommendation proper of Friedrich Hocker, who is again referred to as Irenaeus (cf. 6.1.2), starts on line 17 and ends on line 29. The Patriarch ends this part of the letter by asking the Metropolitan to send him a letter that Hocker should bring him when he left Ethiopia to return to Cairo. Most of the remainder of the letter is dedicated to the contact between the two prelates in the past, which seems not to have always been fortunate. This passage is rather obscure and warrants further research in the future. Like the manuscript described in section 6.1, this manuscript is written in Middle Arabic and the writer always uses two diacritic points under the letter yāʾ (‫ )ﻱ‬at the end of the prepositions ‫( ﺍﻟﻰ‬ʾilā) ‘to’ and ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ (ʿalā) ‘on’, while these points are omitted in both copies of the manuscript. This may reflect the way these prepositions were pronounced in the Patriarch’s dialect. Here again, the tāʾ marbūta (‫ )ﺓ‬at the end of feminine words often lacks its two diacritic points. The words ‫ﺯﻣﺮﺕ‬ ‘assembly’ in line 8, ‫‘ ﺧﻠﻴﻘﺖ‬creature’ in line 20, ‫‘ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬utmost’ in line 27 and ‫‘ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬along with’ in line 46, written nowadays with a tāʾ marbūta (‫ )ﺓ‬are written with a tāʾ (‫)ﺕ‬. The diacritic point over the ḏāl (‫ )ﺫ‬is also missing in this manuscript, as already mentioned in 6.1.2. At the level of the six last lines of the manuscript, the margin bears the mention “There is no other writing on the margin after these words.” Ending his letter, the Patriarch uses the Coptic month and year dating,147 writing in Arabic the 1st of Tout, corresponding to September 10, and using the zimām148 numerals to indicate the year 1473, corresponding to 1756 AD. The date is followed by the symbol representing the Era of Martyrs. There are two copies of this manuscript under signatures R.17.B.7.c.11 (manuscript B) and R.17.B.7.c.13 (manuscript C), see appendices IIIb and IIIc. Manuscript B shows a greater effort to reproduce the original as faithfully as possible, even in terms of punctuation marks (one or three full dots), and a better understanding of Arabic handwriting, yet it is clear that both manuscripts are the work of non-natives. Here again, the omission of line 12 (note 131) and the mistaking of diacritic signs for 146 147 148

52

Ephesians 1:3 “Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has blessed us in Christ with every spiritual blessing in the heavenly places.” See note 15. See note 108.

diacritic points in more than one occurrence (use of ‫ ﺵ‬š instead of ‫ ﺱ‬s) (notes 130, 135, and 136) are some of the differences noted in the critical apparatus.

53

6.3 R.17.B.7.b.4 6.3.1 Critical edition and translation In [the name of] the merciful and clement God. In God is salvation.

5

In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, the One God [blessed be He ever Amen: From Marqoṣ, the servant of the servants of Jesus Christ called Patriarch [of the great city of Alexandria and the Egyptian territories and the great city of Jerusalem and Ethiopia [and Nubia and all that is included in the Episcopate of Saint Mark. The peace of our Lord God and holder of our salvation [Jesus Christ that came upon his pure disciples and innocent apostles in the third hour of the day, may spiritual peace [come upon the soul and the spirit

10

and the body of our beloved, virtuous, wise worshipper and ascetic [brother who fears God and follows his teachings, the venerable prelate and great pontiff, our father Aloysius, may God [endow him with a life of many years and safe times benefiting the Christians with his prayers and the intercession of our [Lady the blessed Virgin Mary and of Saint Mark, protector of the Egyptian territories.

15

Our spiritual greeting and thanks for having asked about us. We are in [good health and we pray for you at all times and for all Christians asking the Lord Jesus Christ to [promote the condition of Christians in the entire inhabited world, and to take away from us, [you, and them all sins and guilts and that we may all together be the children of the kingdom of God. And what we wish [from you o our brother, o our brother is that you send us your [confession of faith in the Trinity

54

‫̄ⲥ̄ⲭ ̄ⲥ̄ⲓ‬ ‫ⲥⲟⲕⲣⲁⲙ‬ ‫̄ⲥ̄ⲑ ̄ⲥ̄‪ϫ‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪ ﺩﺍﻳ ًﻤﺎ ً ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻗﺺ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺏ ﻳﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﻄﺮﻳ ًﻜﺎ َ‬ ‫]ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻻﻳﺮﻭﺷﺎﻟﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺒﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫]ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺳﻪ‪149‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﻨﺎ ﻳﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫]ﺗﻼﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻅﻬﺎﺭﻭﺭﺳﻠﻪ ﺍﻻﺑﺮﺍﺭﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺤﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻰ‬ ‫]ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻦ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺻﺎﻳﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺴﻴﻮﺱ‪ 150‬ﺍﺩﺍﻡ ﷲ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫]ﺳﻨﻴﻨﺎ ً ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺯﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺼﻠﻮﺍﺗﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺔ ﺳﻴﺪﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺑﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫]ﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻗﺺ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻀﻠﻜﻢ ﻓﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﻁﻴﺒﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﻨﻜﻢ ﻁﺎﻟﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻳﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺏ ﻳﺴﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺢ ﻳﺮﻓﻊ ﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﻤﺤﻲ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻨﻜﻢ ﻭﻋﻨﻬﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻧﻮﺏ‬ ‫]ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ً ﺑﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻮﺕ ﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻞ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻜﻢ ﻓﻰ ﺗﺘﻠﻴﺖ‬

‫‪149‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬

‫‪55‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺳﻪ ‪ read :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺴﻴﻮﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺴﻴﻮﺱ ‪B‬‬

of God and his Unity and in the incarnation of the Son of God, his [crucifixion, his resurrection from the dead and his ascension [to heaven because we have seen that your faith is close to our faith, [i.e., the faith [of] us, the Copts, so if you send this, it would bring us great joy as it would mean that our faith is one, pray God, Amen. Written on the 13th of Tout 1475 Anno Martyrum. 20

Send us all your news to reassure us about you and to inform us of [which kind and origin you are, of which Christian confession, without fail. May the almighty God keep [you by his unassailable right side, Amen [verso]

56

To be given to our brother, the venerable prelate Abūna Aloysius

‫ﷲ ﻭﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﺗﺠﺴّﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﷲ ﻭﺻﻠﺒﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻨﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻜﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﺤﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻂ ﻓﻬﻠﻴﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻﻥ ﺻﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ ﻓﺮﺡ ﻛﺘﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺩﻟﻚ ﻟﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﷲ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﻚ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٣‬ﺗﻮﺕ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻄﻴﻪ ﻟﻠﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻻﻅﻬﺎﺭ‬

‫‪ 20‬ﻭﺗﺮﺳﻞ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻛﻢ ﻻﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻛﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫]ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻯ ﻁﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻢ ﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺤﻔﻈﻜﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫]‪[verso‬‬

‫‪57‬‬

‫ﺗﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴَ‬ ‫َ‬

6.3.2 Commentaries After Friedrich Hocker reached Cairo accompanied by George Pilder in 1756, both had to wait for almost two years before being able to try to reach Ethiopia. In September 1756, Hocker had already given Pope Mark VII the German and Arabic versions of Count von Zinzendorf letter, dated July 9, 1756.151 During their stay in Cairo between August 1756 and September 1758, they had the opportunity to visit the Patriarch on many occasions. In the period preceding their attempt to travel to Abyssinia, the Patriarch had asked them about details relative to their organization. He wanted to know how many bishops there were in the Unity of the Brethren and make sure that they were not dependent on the Pope of Rome.152 The Patriarch had been convinced that, except for England, the whole of Europe was dependent of the Pope of Rome. After many exchanges, Pope Mark VII stated that he understood that he was dealing with a Christian community of biblical apostolic simplicity. Yet he insisted on having the opinion of Hocker and Pilder regarding the councils. Hocker then asked him to address any dogmatic questions directly to Zinzendorf. On September 21, 1758, Hocker and Pilder visited the Patriarch before setting off to Suez and the Red Sea. During that visit, the Patriarch asked Hocker if he would receive a reply should he write to Zinzendorf, and when Hocker replied affirmatively, the Patriarch gave him the letter addressed to Count von Zinzendorf, of which our manuscripts are the copies.153 Hocker took the original with him, and the Brethren left Cairo on September 22, 1758. As we saw in chapter 3, they embarked in Suez on a Turkish vessel headed to Ǧidda. When on the way from Suez to Ǧidda, the ship got bogged down near the coast of the island of Ḥassān, and Hocker and Pilder lost most of their luggage, clothes, and money.154 It must be there that Hocker lost the original letter of which manuscripts R.17.B.7.b.4 and R.17.B.7.c.3155 (see appendices IVa and IVb) are copies that were probably made before or during the first days of the trip by Hocker himself and carried on his person. 151 152 153 154 155

58

See note 63. Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 316–319. Manukyan, Konstantinopel und Kairo, 325–328. See note 65. Recognized as copied by Friedrich Hocker. Personal communication with Christian Mauder.

In this letter, which comprises 22 lines, after expressing his wishes for blessings upon the soul, spirit, and body of “Brother Aloysius” (Ludwig), whom he qualifies as a beloved, virtuous, wise, ascetic, venerable, and great pontiff, the Patriarch thanks him for having inquired about him and asks him to send his confession of faith in the Trinity of God, His Unity and in the incarnation of the Son of God, His crucifixion, His resurrection from the dead, and His ascension to heaven. Referring to the various conversations he had with the Brethren in Cairo, the Patriarch states that he had seen that the Brethren’s faith was close to that of the Copts. Yet in a post scriptum (line 20), he reiterates his request for information about the type and origin of the Christian confession of the Brethren. Here again, ending his letter, Pope Mark VII uses the Coptic month and year dating,156 writing in Arabic the 13th of Tout, corresponding to September 21, and using zimām157 numerals to indicate the Coptic year 1475, corresponding to 1758 AD. For the edition, I chose manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4 as the basis because of its better readability. The seal of the Patriarch is reproduced in handwriting in the upper left of the letter across from the first two lines. The formulaic greetings and the language used are similar to the manuscripts edited in 6.1 and 6.2. Finally, the same punctuation signs and vowels marks are used in both copies. Noteworthy is the fact that their writing reveals a clearly better knowledge of Arabic than the copies of the letters edited in 6.1 and 6.2 preserved in the Unity Archives, and appearing in appendices IIb, IIc, IIIb, and IIIc.

156 157

See note 15. See note 108.

59

7. Conclusions The three letters by Pope Mark VII edited in the present work represent landmarks regarding the presence of members of the Renewed Unity of Brethren in Egypt. The first letter is a valuable testimony to the first contact between the head of the Coptic Church and the head of the Renewed Unity of Brethren, although its content does not give rise to further correspondence. The objective of the second letter was never achieved, and Friedrich Hocker was never able to meet the addressee of the letter of recommendation in person. Yet the letter already shows the first signs of the benevolent attitude of the Patriarch of the Copts towards Hocker and the community he represented. The Patriarch seems convinced that the community of the Brethren is sincere, not like the “hypocrites who upset their fellow Christians with words false and corrupt,”158 hinting at the Catholics and Greeks. Although the Herrnhuter mission to Ethiopia ultimately never took place, the objective of our second manuscript can be seen as a small piece of the puzzle of deconstructing the view of Ethiopian Christianity as forgotten by the rest of the world. Count Zinzendorf ’s vision of an Ethiopian mission and the extreme effort of the Herrnhut brethren over the course of several years to reach Ethiopia testify to an immense interest in establishing contact and interaction with those they considered to be fellow Christians in the far-away country. The letter of recommendation shows the Coptic Patriarch in Cairo as an intermediator of this endeavor, so making the Herrnhut–Cairo–Ethiopia triangle an interesting example of a kind of global interconnection, which unfortunately was not put into practice.159 While from the content of our second manuscript, it seems that Pope Mark VII has a favorable opinion of the Renewed Unity of Brethren, the third letter clearly testifies to his skepticism. Despite the numerous encounters with Friedrich Hocker and, occasionally, with two other members of the community, namely Georg Pilder and Heinrich Cossart,160 the Patriarch still needed a written assurance on 158 159 160

Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3, section 6.2.1, lines 23 and 24. Cf. Elhage-Mensching, The Herrnhuter Brethren in Search of Ethiopian Christianity. Cf. Bechler, Die Herrnhuter in Ägypten, 21–22.

behalf of Count von Zinzendorf as to the essential elements of the Brethren’s Christian belief. This attitude on the part of the Patriarch is a clear result of the difficulties encountered by the Coptic Orthodox Church at that time due to the activities of Catholic missionaries and to the conversion of Copts to Catholicism and is furthermore expressed in the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ edited in appendix V. As far as the copies are concerned, and although they display some inconsistencies that I have mentioned in the critical apparatus and in the commentaries, they are nevertheless a marvelous proof of the high level of knowledge of the Arabic language that these Brethren had acquired in their endeavor to establish contact with the Coptic Church and the local inhabitants.

62

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Meyer, Dietrich (2009). Zinzendorf und die Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Migne, Jacques-Paul (ed.) (1846). Patrologia Latina, Tom. LIV. Paris: Petit Montrouge. Munier, Henri/Wiet, Gaston (1932). Précis de l’histoire d’Égypte, 2: L’Égypte byzantine et musulmane. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. O’Mahony, Anthony (2006). The Coptic Catholic Church, the Apostolic Vicar Maximus Giuaid (1821–1831), the Propaganda Fide and the Franciscans in Early Nineteenth-century Egypt. In: Murre-van den Berg, Heleen (ed.), New Faith in Ancient Lands: Western Missions in the Middle East in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. Leiden: Brill, 93–99. Orwin, Carolin (2005). Ethiopia: Zagwe Dynasty, 1150–1270. In: Shillington, Kevin (ed.), Encyclopedia of African History: A-G. vol. 1. New York: Fitzroy Dearborn, 850–854. Payne Smith, Jessie (ed.) (1999). A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, Founded upon the Thesaurus Syriacus of R. Payne Smith. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers. Pockocke, Richard (1743). A Description of the East and some other Countries. Vol. I. Observations on Egypt. London: W. Bowyer. Raymond, André (1973). Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siècle. Tome II. Damascus: Presses de l’Ifpo. Roberts, Alexander/Donaldson, James (eds.) (1886). The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. VI. Buffalo: The Christian Literature Company. Rufinus Aquileiensis (1878). Historiae Ecclesiasticae Libri duo. In: Migne, J. P. (ed.), Tyrannii Rufini Aquileiensis Presbyteri Opera Omnia. Paris: Apud Garnier Fratres (=Migne, J. P. ed. Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina Prior, vol. 21), cols. 478–480. Schön, Dietmar (1999). Der Codex Canonum Ecclesiarum Orientalium und das authentische Recht im christlichen Orient. Eine Untersuchung zur Tradition des Kirchenrechts in sechs katholischen Ostkirchen. Würzburg: Augustinus Verlag. Simaika, Marcus (1942). Catalogue of the Coptic and Arabic Manuscripts in the Coptic Museum, the Patriarchate, the Principal Churches of Cairo and Alexandria and the Monasteries of Egypt, vol. II. Cairo: Government Press. Smith, Thomas (1824). The History and Origin of the Missionary Societies. London: Charles Baynes.

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Appendices I.

List of manuscripts in sections R.17.B.7.b and R.17.B.7.c of the Unitätsarchiv at Herrnhut

IIa.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.2 (original letter A)

IIb.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.9 (copy B)

IIc.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.10 (copy C)

IIIa. Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.3 (original letter A) IIIb. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.11 (copy B) IIIc. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.13 (copy C) IVa.

Manuscript R.17.B.7.b.4 (copy B)

IVb. Manuscript R.17.B.7.c.3 (copy C) V.

Edition of Pope Mark’s ‘Sermon on the True Faith’

The images in appendices IIa–IVb are published with the kind permission of the Unitätsarchiv, Herrnhut.

Appendix I List of manuscripts in sections R.17.B.7.b and R.17.B.7.c of the Unitätsarchiv at Herrnhut R.17.B.7a

R.17.B.7.b.1

R.17.B.7.b.2

R.17.B.7.b.3

R.17.B.7.b.4 R.17.B.7.c.1

R.17.B.7.c.2

R.17.B.7.c.3 R.17.B.7.c.4

R.17.B.7.c.5

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German original and Arabic translation of the letter sent by Count Zinzendorf to Patriarch Mark VII, dated April 28, 1759. Count Zinzendorf replies to the Patriarch, who had asked him for details about the beliefs of the Brethren. Latin original and English and Arabic translations of the letter of recommendation sent by Count Zinzendorf “To whom it may concern,” dated May 28, 1752. Count Zinzendorf recommends Friedrich Hocker, pastor member of the Brethren and physician. Original Arabic manuscript and German translation of the letter written by Mark VII to Count Zinzendorf, dated December 12, 1753. Original Arabic manuscript and German translation of the letter of recommendation written by Mark VII to Yohannes, Bishop of Ethiopia, dated September 10, 1756. Copy of Arabic manuscript written by Mark VII to Count Zinzendorf, dated September 21, 1758. Arabic letter sent by Count Zinzendorf to Mark VII acknowledging receipt of the Patriarch’s letter. No date. Count Zinzendorf explains he had difficulties finding someone to translate the letter especially after the departure of Messrs Hocker and Pilder. Arabic letter sent by Friedrich Hocker to Mark VII from Herrnhut, dated September 8, 1761. Hocker informs the Patriarch that he sent him a letter from Brother Johannes with its translation in Arabic and asks him to acknowledge its receipt. Copy of Arabic manuscript written by Mark VII dated December 12, 1753. Arabic letter sent by Friedrich Hocker to Mark VII. No date. Hocker asks the Patriarch to reply to Count Zinzendorf and to confirm his willingness to write a letter of recommendation to the bishop of Ethiopia. Arabic translation of the original Latin letter of recommendation written by Count Zinzendorf to the See of St. Mark, dated May 20, 1752. Seems to be the first draft translation of document R.17.B.7.b.1.

R.17.B.7.c.6 R.17.B.7.c.7

R.17.B.7.c.8

R.17.B.7.c.9 R.17.B.7.c.10 R.17.B.7.c.11

R.17.B.7.c.12

R.17.B.7.c.13 R.17.B.7.c.14 R.17.B.8.1

R.17.B.8.2

R.17.B.8.3

Same contents as above, dated May 28, 1752. Seems to be final draft of the Arabic translation of document R.17.B.7.b.1 Arabic letter written by Count Zinzendorf to the Bishop of Ethiopia, dated July 9, 1756. Also informs the Bishop of Ethiopia that the Brethren have translated Coptic hymns. Arabic translation of the letter written by Count Zinzendorf to Mark VII in reply to the first letter of the Patriarch. Count Zinzendorf informs the Patriarch that he has asked Hocker and Pilder to translate the hymns of the Brethren into Arabic. Copy of the Arabic manuscript written by Mark VII to Count Zinzendorf, dated December 12, 1753. Copy of the Arabic manuscript written by Mark VII to Count Zinzendorf, dated December 12, 1753. Copy of the Arabic manuscript of the letter of recommendation sent by Mark VII to Yohannes, Bishop of Ethiopia, dated September 10, 1756. Arabic letter sent by Friedrich Hocker to Mark VII, written in Alexandria and dated April 13, 1761. Hocker informs the Patriarch of the death of Count Zinzendorf. Copy of Arabic letter sent by Mark VII to Yohannes, Bishop of Ethiopia. Arabic letter sent by Count Zinzendorf to Mark VII, dated July 9, 1756. Same as R.17.B.7.c.8. Arabic letter from Brother Johannes to Mark VII, dated November 13, 1760. Informs the Patriarch of the death of Count Zinzendorf. Arabic translation of the letter sent by the pastors Johannes, Joseph, David, Friedrich, and Christian to Mark VII, dated June 28, 1768. Hoping that the Patriarch has received the letter written by Count Zinzendorf before his death, in which Count Zinzendorf had given the Patriarch all details regarding the beliefs and the faith of the Brethren. German draft of the letter sent by the pastors Johannes, Joseph, David, Friedrich, and Christian to Mark VII, dated June 28, 1768. German draft of R.17.B.8.2.

73

Appendix IIa – R.17.B.7.b.2

74

Appendix IIb – R.17.B.7.c.9

75

Appendix IIc – R.17.B.7.c.10

76

Appendix IIIa – R.17.B.7.b.3

77

Appendix IIIb – R.17.B.7.c.11 recto

78

Appendix IIIb – R.17.B.7.c.11 verso

79

Appendix IIIc – R.17.B.7.c.13 recto

80

Appendix IIIc – R.17.B.7.c.13 verso

81

Appendix IVa – R.17.B.7.b.4 recto

82

Appendix IVa – R.17.B.7.b.4 verso

83

Appendix IVb – R.17.B.7.c.3

84

Appendix V – Edition of the ‘Sermon on the True Faith’ Note: The main text of what follows is a transcription from Ms. 113 Theol., a manuscript kept at St Mark’s Cathedral in Cairo, known as Kitāb al-adrāǧ. The following text is the 38th Daraǧ by Patriarch Mark on the true faith, folios 209v–212r (manuscript A). Some variants of manuscript ML.MS.207, preserved at St. Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society (manuscript B), have been included in the critical apparatus.

85

St Mark’s Cathedral, MS. Theology 113, Kitāb al-adrāǧ [Folio 209v]

5

10

15

In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, the One God, [glory be to Him forever eternally. Daraǧ to be read on the true faith from the sayings of the deceased [father Patriarch Anba Markos, the one hundred and sixth patriarch of Alexandria, his [blessing be with us. Amen. This blessing was bestowed upon all the blessed beloved obedient trust [worthy priests and the provident archpriests and the revered religious orthodox [deacons, and the esteemed notables and the worthy honorable scribes and all [the Christian people in the cities of Misr and Cairo. May God bestow on them the spiritual [blessings bestowed on his prophets and apostles and martyrs and those who fulfill His will and [commandments in every generation with the intercession of the Virgin Saint Mary at all times and of the [martyrs and saints. Amen. We inform them, may God again bestow His blessings on them, and [spiritual peace be with them, that the reason of bringing it out to them is an Antonian who was previously bishop [of Girga in upper Egypt and who does not deserve that title now as he has denied [the true faith and the good complete Jacobite creed which we received from our fathers the [apostles and their successors after them namely Alexandros and Timotheos and Cyrillus and Dioskorus the [Patriarchs of Alexandria and Egypt, the leaders of the councils. This non-bishop transgressed [the creed of those fathers and believed in two natures in Christ after unity and [separated

86

‫]‪[Folio 209v‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎ ً ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺎ ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻳﻘﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺏّ ﺍﻟﺒَﻄﺮﻳﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺑّﺮﻛﺘﻪ ﻣﻌَﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎ َﻣﺮﻗﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻴ َﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑَﻄﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻻ َﺣﺒﺎ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﻄﺎﻳﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺼﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺑّﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻣﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺪﻛﺴﻴﯨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺗﻤﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻤﺎﻣ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺍﺧﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺠﻠﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏّ ﺍﻻﺟﻼ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘَﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌَﺐّ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺤﻲ‬ ‫ْﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﷲ َ‬ ‫ﺑﻤ َﺤﺮﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ َﺟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﻩ ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌَﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻪ ﻭﻭ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺳﻠﻪ ﻭﺷﻬﺪﺍﻩ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻔﺎ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻌَﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ َﺣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ َ ِء ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳ َ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴْﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻮ َﺟﺐّ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻌـَﻠﻤﻬ ْﻢ ﺟّﺪﺩ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﺎﺕ َ‬ ‫ﺩﺟﺮﺟﺂ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻴْﻬﻢ ﻫَﻮ ﺍﻧَﻄﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ً ﺍﺳﻘﻔﺎ ً َ‬ ‫ﻻ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺼ َﺤﻴ َﺢ ﻭﺍﻻ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻌَﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘ َﺤﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺧﻠﻔﺎﻳ ْﻬﻢ ﺑﻌَﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ َﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺎ َﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻌَﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻨﺎ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﺎﺗﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﻭﻛﻴﺮﻟﺲ ﻭﺩﻳﺴﻘﻮﺭﺱ ﺑَﻄﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻭﺳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎ َﻣﻊ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺧﺎﻟﻒ ﺍ َ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻘﺪ َ‬ ‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌَﺘﻴﻦ ﺑَﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺗ َﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻻﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺑﺂء ﻭﺍ َ‬ ‫‪Critical apparatus‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ]ﻣﻌﻨﺎ | ‪ B‬ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ]ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻪ ‪ B 3‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺪﻛﺴﻴﻪ ] ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻪ ‪ om. B 2‬ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺎ ً ‪ -‬ﺑﺴﻢ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ B‬ﻛﻴﺮﻟﺺ ] ﻛﻴﺮﻟﺲ ‪ B 14‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪87‬‬

20

His divine nature from His human nature and followed the [Chalcedonian confession of the Francs and began putting insignia and his seal on blank paper and they would write on it [the explanation they want and send it to our Copt children so that they may follow them. But this [was not possible and all the papers

88

‫ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﺒ َﻊ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻳَﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻁﺎﻳﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮ َﺡ ﻣﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺍﺑﻴﺾ ﻭﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﺘﺒﻮﺍ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺳﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺒ َ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻟﻌَﻠ ْﻬ َﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻌَﻮﻫﻢ ﻓﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫‪89‬‬

[Folio 210r]

5

10

15

the papers which were sent by this hypocrite non-bishop have a teaching [not accepted by us. and this corrupt one became like an adulteress who surrendered herself [to whoredom and he has no fear of God nor shame before the people and he resembles the [carcass of a dead animal which is thrown on a hill and all dogs feed on it and snap at it. And this [abject one resembles those as he puts the insignia in pen and seals blank paper and he does not know what they wrote but he dared to do it on [account of his love of power and gold and silver which are the root of all evil and he became [excommunicated, banned, estranged, and discharged from all the ranks of the church he received [from the St. Mark Apostolic See of Alexandria. He is like Judas Iscariot who sold his lord because of the love of silver and like Dathan and Abiram that the earth [opened her mouth and swallowed them. And he became banished from the Holy Catholic [Apostolic Church of God as He said in the holy Gospel from His pure mouth: He who is not with [Me is against Me, and he who does not gather with Me scatters, which means he is [banished from the holy church. As we explained to you first and we explain to you now, o blessed [children, the true faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, we believe in the Father and [the Son

90

‫]‪[Folio 210r‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﻠ ْﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺑﺘﻌَﻠﻴﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﻤﺚ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﺓ ﺯﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺴ ْﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﺴﻖ ﻭﻻ َ‬ ‫ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﷲ ﻭﻻ َﺣﻴّﺂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻴَﻮﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﻡ ﻭﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺏّ ﺗﺎﻛﻞ ﻭﺗﻨﻬﺶ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻘﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻣﻴّﻪ َ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺍﺑﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﻳﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻚ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﺪ ﺟﺮﺁ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻣ َﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎ َ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ َﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺻﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﻪ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻘ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺗﺐْ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻄﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻤﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻗ َ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻞ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺨﺮﻳﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺑﺎ َ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻻﺟﻞ ﻣ َﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻪ ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﻴﺮﻭﻡ‪ 161‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﺘ َﺤﺖ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣ َ‬ ‫ﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻌَﺔ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌَﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻠﻌَﺘْﻬﻢ ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻄﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻌَﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺠ َﻤﻊ ﻣﻌَﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻔﺮﻕ‪ 162‬ﺃﻱ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ َﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﺡ ﻟﻜﻢ ﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻛﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﺮ َﺣﻨﺎ ﻟﻜﻢ َﺍﻭﻻً ﻭﺍﻻﻥ َ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴَﺢ ﻭﻧ َﺤﻦ ﻧﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻳَﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺼ َﺤﻴ َﺢ ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟ َ‬

‫‪Critical apparatus‬‬ ‫‪ om. B‬ﻛﻞ ‪7‬‬

‫‪Book of Numbers 16:31‬‬ ‫‪Lucas 11:23‬‬

‫‪91‬‬

‫‪161‬‬ ‫‪162‬‬

and the Holy Spirit, the one God, and we believe that one of those [sacred hypostases is the Son of God, the Word, the only begotten Son of the Father and [existing in eternity He descended from heaven while He did not withdraw from heaven and He was [incarnate of the Holy Spirit and of the Virgin Mary, the mother of God the Word as it is written. And [He became man by His will

92

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻭﻧﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻫﻮﻻﻱ ﺍﻻﻗﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪَﺳﻪ ﻭﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮ َﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺯﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎ َ ﻣﻦ َﺣﻴﺚ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎ َ ﻭﺗﺠﺴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭ َﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺸﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪَﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺓ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ َ‬

‫‪Critical apparatus‬‬ ‫‪ om. B‬ﻭﻫﻮ ‪16‬‬

‫‪93‬‬

[Folio 210v]

5

10

as He did not abandon His divinity and He is One Nature in union and [composition with His body and One Hypostasis and one face which means One Son and One Lord, [One Christ and One Hypostasis, the Word of God. He was incarnate, humanized, [without change to His divinity, as before He was incarnate, He is One spiritual being with His Father [and His Spirit and One spiritual Hypostasis. He has the divinities and He has the humanities. He has the [glory and He has the humility. He does not have two natures after the union, and He has neither two [hypostases nor two deeds or two wills as the blasphemers and excommunicated Arius and Nestorius said, but [His deeds, glory be to Him, are like His divine plan. And we do not worship four, the Father, the [Son, the Holy Spirit and the man but we worship the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, One God, as [our Lord instructed His apostles in His Holy Gospel: “Go and teach all nations and baptize them.”163 [And we excommunicate anyone who speaks the views of Arius and Nestorius and the defiled Council of [Chalcedon.164 And Gregory Thaumaturgus also said to those who thus dissemble [theological glorification 165 and make a tetrad of the Trinity that he cried out and demonstrated [and showed us One Lord Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of God, the Son of the Eternal God and He [was born of Mary and he repeated and said He who was

163 164

165

94

Matt. 28, 19. Vivian, Tim (ed.), Witness to Holiness: Abba Daniel of Scetis (Kalamazoo, 2008), 117; MacCoull, “When Justinian Was Upsetting the World”: A Note on Soldiers and Religious Coercion in Sixth-Century Egypt. In: Miller, Timothy/Nesbitt, John William (eds.), Peace and War in Byzantium: Essays in Honor of George T. Dennis, S.J. (Washington, 1995), 106–113, 106. Cf. Roberts, Alexander/Donaldson, James (eds.), The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. VI (Buffalo, 1886), 47.

‫]‪[Folio 210v‬‬

‫ﺍﺫ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻪ ﻭﻫﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌَﻪ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗ َﺤﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺐ َﻣﻊ ﺟﺴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻨﻮﻡ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻭﻭﺟﻪ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻳﻌَﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻭﺭﺏّ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻴ َﺤﺎ ً ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺠﺴﺪﺍ ً ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺴﺎ ً ﺑﻐﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻼﻫﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻨﻮﻡ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﷲ َ‬ ‫َﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺍﺫ ﻫﻮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺘﺠﺴﺪ َﻣﻊ ﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﻭﺭﻭ َﺣﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻨﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً ﺭﻭ َﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً ﻫﻮ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌَﻈﻤﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﻀﺎ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻟﻪ َ‬ ‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌَﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑَﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺗ َﺤﺎﺩ ﻭﻻ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﻨﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻌَﻠﻴﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻣﺸﻴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﻭﻧﺴ ُ‬ ‫ﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻌَﺎﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺪﺑﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻧﺴﺠﺪ ﻻﺭﺑﻌَﻪ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ُﺭﺳﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺠﺪ ﻟﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍ ٓﻟﻪ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍ َ‬

‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﻀﻮﺍ ﻭﺗﻠﻤﺬﻭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ َﻭ َﻋ ّﻤﺪﻭﻫﻢ ﻭﻧ َﺤﻦ ﻧ َﺤﺮﻡ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤ َﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺲ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ً‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﻭﻧﺴ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧ َﻊ ﺍﻟﻌ َﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﻨﺎﻓﻘﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﺴﺒﻴ َﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﻳﻐﻮﺭﻳﻮﺱ َ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻅﻬﺮ ﻭﺑﻴّﻦ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺭﺑﺎ ً ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً ﻳﺴﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺠﻌَﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﻮﺙ ﺭﺍﺑﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻉ َ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴَﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﺏ ﺍﻻﺯﻟﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﻛﺮﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬

‫‪95‬‬

15

born of Mary is the Son of the Father and the Son of the Father is He [who was born of Mary, One no other, as testified upon in the Holy Gospel both at His baptism166 and at His transfiguration167 [and we believe that the Divine did not separate from the Human for the twinkling of an eye168 neither in conception [nor in birth, neither at Crucifixion nor in the tomb, neither in hell nor in the human soul which saved [Adam and his descendants. And I say and I believe in these Hypostases [together and I say and I believe that everything the Father’s

20

is

166 167 168

96

Matt. 3, 17. Matt. 17, 5. Coptic Liturgy of Saint Basil of Caesarea.

‫ﻋﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً ﻫﻮ ﻻ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻌَﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻶ ﻭﻧﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺕ ﻟﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﻭﻻ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻁﺮﻓﺔ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺒَﻞ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺩﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﺼﺖ ﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﻭ َﺡ ﺍﻻﺩﻣﻴّﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻠ َ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺮ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﻻ َ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻟﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﻳﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻗﺎﻧﻴﻢ َ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻮ‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫‪97‬‬

[Folio 211r]

5

10

15

is also the Son’s.169 I believe that the union of the Son with the body is [in truth and not in imagination, nor is it a recourse for the salvation of Adam and his descendants. I believe [that His manhood is not an unreality nor an image as maintained by Theodorus,170 the excommunicated from [the house of Jacob. I believe and I say that whoever worships Christ’s Divinity without His humanity or His [humanity without His Divinity is excommunicated and whoever attributes the wonders, prodigies, and miracles to the [Divinity and the foibles like eating, drinking, sleeping, getting tired, and the lack of divine deeds to the humanity is excommunicated. But I believe and declare and [confess and say openly and secretly and publicly that the Divinity and humanity deeds are all one and we [believe in what was said by St. Athanasius the Apostolic, the beautifier of the See of St. Mark the [Apostle. He said when the body of God the Word suffered, the Divinity was not separated from Him at all [and when He was accomplishing the prodigies and miracles, the Humanity was not separated from Him at [any time and in these sayings we ascertained that He is in the Father and the Father is in [Him and that He became [One Incarnate Nature and One Essence, Divinity and Humanity united like the spirit and body which [are called one human being, one deed, one will and likewise the Nature of Christ [is composed of the Divinity and the Humanity, One God without [mingling, confusion, or alteration and this creed is the creed of John Chrysostom and Cyril, the [Pillar of Faith

169 170

98

John 16, 15. Theodorus of Mopsuestia.

‫]‪[Folio 211r‬‬

‫ﻟﻼﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﺍﺗ َﺤﺎﺩَ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺴﺪَ ﺑﺎﻟ َﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺨﻴﺎﻝ ﻭﻻ ﺣ َﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻻﺟﻞ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﺍﺩﻡ ﻭﺩﺭﻳﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺴﺪﻩ ﻻ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻳَﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤ َﺤﺮﻭﻡ َ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻻﻫﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ ﺩُﻭﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻩ َﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣ َﺤ َ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﻋ َ‬ ‫ﻄﺂ ﺍﻟﻤﻌَﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌَﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﻟﻠﻼﻫﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌَﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻌَﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻓﻌَﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﺏ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﻭﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﻬﺮ ﻭﺧﻔﻲ ﺳﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣ َﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻞ ﺍﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﺮ ﻭﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻌَﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻭﻧﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻨﺎﺳﻴﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﻗﺲ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺗﺂﻟﻢ ﺟﺴﺪ ﷲ‬

‫‪ 10‬ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺕ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﻗﺎ ً ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼً ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌَﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌَﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﻗﺎ ً ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ً ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺗ َﺤﻘﻘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌَﻪ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺏ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﺎﻧﺴﻪ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴْﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً ﻻﻫﻮﺕ ﻭﻧﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﻣﺘ َﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺴﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﻕ َ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻓﻌَﻞ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻣﺸﻴﻪ ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﻩ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ َ‬ ‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌَﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺎ ً ﻭﺍ َﺣﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺝ ﻭﻻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼ َ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﻮ َﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﻛﻴﺮﻟﺲ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺍ َ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ َﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻ َ‬

‫‪Critical apparatus‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻩ ‪4‬‬

‫‪ B 10–11‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻮﺕ ] ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻮﺕ ‪ B 10‬ﺍﻗﺮ ] ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ‪ B 7‬ﺑﺸﺮﺍﻩ َﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﺍﻩ ] ﺑﺸﺮﻩ َﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪ B‬ﻛﻴﺮﻟﺺ ] ﻛﻴﺮﻟﺲ ‪ in marg. B 16‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ً ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻼً‬ ‫‪99‬‬

and Basil and Gregory Theologus and Gregory Thaumaturgus and Epiphanius, the bishop of Cyprus and Mar171 Jacob of Sarug [and Anba Ephrem the Syrian and Anba Dioscorus the militant and Anba Severus, the teacher of [Orthodox and Mar Bar-soma

171

Mar(ī) is a Syriac title meaning ‘Lord’, given to saints and bishops.

100

‫ﺠﺎﻳﺒﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪّﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﺎﺳﻴﻠﻴﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﻏﺮﻳﻐﻮﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻭﻟﻮﻏﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﻏﺮﻳﻐﻮﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﻌَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﻴﻔﺎﻧﻴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮﺹ ﻭﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌَﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﱠﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺁﻡ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺒﺂ ﺩﻳﺴﻘﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﻧﺒﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻌَﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ َ‬

‫‪101‬‬

[Folio 211v]

5

10

15

the head of monks. This is the corroborated True Faith and everyone [who believes in it is above suspicion of Arianism and he who does not believe in this guiding [faith will be excommunicated, banned, estranged, and detached from the dogmatic [Word of God, like this non-bishop as related by David the Prophet who said “His words [were softer than oil, yet as spearheads,”172 as our Lord said. And he is like the clandestine [wolf173 who wanted to rip apart the Coptic Church and the Jacobite Apostolic faith for which [our fathers have shed their blood. And I ask and call upon you, o blessed children, present and [absent, to stand firm in this expounded faith174 and not to follow the sayings of [this non175 bishop who became like Leo and Nestorius and the new Arius, this [person dropped from the bishopric ranks and grade and anyone who is devoted to him [or helps him in his sayings secretly or openly is to become like him, let his dwellings [be ruined and his name be dropped from the book of life. Because this blasphemer new [Arius who became like Judas, serving another master. As it is said in the Praxis Christ our God “shall cut him in two”176 in the same way he ripped [open the trust of his lord and I ask the Holy God, the creator of bodies and the reviver of souls, to save you [and protect you from

172 173 174 175

176

Psalm 55, 21. Matt. 7, 15. 1 Corinthians 16, 13. Pope Leo I, cf. Labbe, Philippe and Cossart, Gabriel, Sacrosancta Concilia ad regiam editionem exacta, Tom. IV (Venice, 1728), col. 343; also Migne, JacquesPaul, Patrologia Latina, Tom. LIV (Paris, 1846), col. 756. Luke 12, 46.

102

‫]‪[Folio 211v‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺼ َﺤﻴ َﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻳﺪﻩ ﻟﻜﻠﻤﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻮ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒ ْﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﻳﻮﺳﻴﻪ َﻭ َﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴ َ‬ ‫ﻄﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻘ ُ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ َ‬ ‫ﻁﻌَﻪ ﺍﻻﺯﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻄﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ َﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ َ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺼﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﻳﺐّ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻫﻦ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺎﻟﻨ َ‬ ‫ﻳﺸﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻌَﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻄﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌَﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﱠﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻔﻜﻮﺍ ﺩﻣﺎﻫﻢ َ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻁﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻠﻜﻢ ﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭ َﺣﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺗﺘﺒﻌَﻮﺍ ﺍﻗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﺘﻴﻦ َ‬ ‫ﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻘﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻻﻭﻭﻥ ﻭﻧﺴ َ‬ ‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ َ‬

‫ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺒَﻪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺴﺎ َ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺗﺐ ﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﻘﻔﻴﻪ ﻭﻛﻠﻤﻦ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﻓﻴﺎ ً ﺍﻭ ﻅﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻓﻠﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻭﺗ َ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻘﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﻻﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪﻑ ﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺑﺮﻛﺴﻴﺲ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ َﺢ ﺍﻻﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺸﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳ َ‬ ‫ﻄﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻁﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺼﻜﻢ ﻭﻳ َﺤﺮ َ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﷲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻭﺱ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﻭﻣ َﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺨﻠ َ‬

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the grievous wolves177 and the followers of Arius. Stand firm in the faith in His Holy name, bishops and archpriests, priests and deacons, monks, notables, and laymen. And do not give the devil an opportunity178

20

neither through a strike to the left nor through a strike to the right and [may He keep you at his invincible right side and cause you to be

177 178

Acts 20, 29. Ephesians 4, 27.

104

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻁﻔﻪ ﻭﺷﻴﻌَﺔ ﺍﺭﻳﻮﺱ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻴﻦ َ‬ ‫ﺻﻪ ﻭﻗﺴﻮﺱ ﻭﺷﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻭﺭﻫﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺪَﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﻗﻔﻪ ﻭﻗﻤﺎ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺍﺧﻨﻪ ﻭ َﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺠﻌَﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺸَﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻧ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺼﻨﻜﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻟ َﺤ َ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺑﻀﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻀﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳَﺤ َ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺠﻌَﻠﻜﻢ‬

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‫‪105‬‬

[Folio 212r]

5

and cause you to be among the obedient sons, abiding by His behests [and listening to His rightful truthful Word which was proclaimed by our fathers in the [whole world. and be blessed and absolved from the mouth of the Holy Trinity, the [Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, the One God and from the mouth of the one, only, Holy, [Catholic and Apostolic Church and from the mouths of the holy council fathers, the three [hundred and eighteen assembled at Nicea and the one hundred and fifty at [Constantinople, and the two hundred at Ephesus and from my mouth Markos who sits on the Holy See of [St. Mark. May the ineffable and indescribable benediction of the Holy Lord [embrace you from all sides and may the grace and blessing be upon you and thanks [to God always and forever. Amen.

10 Ended and completed Daraǧ of faith from the sayings of the father Anba Markos, the one hundred and sixth patriarch of Alexandria 15

In peace from the Lord Amen

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‫]‪[Folio 212r‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺠﻌَﻠﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﻄﺎﻳﻌَﻴﻦ ﺍﻟ َﺤﺎﻓﻈﻴﻦ ﻭﻻﻭﺍﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﻌَﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻤ َﺤﻖ ﺍﻟ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﺒَﺎﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﻣ َﺠﺎﻟﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﻮﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻻﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭ َﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻻ ٓﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍ َﺣﺪ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻓﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍ َﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻮ َﺣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌَﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺻ َﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻣ َﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻠﺜﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻻﺑﺂء ﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻄﻨ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌَﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺴ َ‬ ‫ﻄﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ َ‬ ‫ﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺴﺲ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺎ ⲥⲟⲕⲣⲁⲙ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻟﺲ َ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻗ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻭﻛﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻌَﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺏّ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻭﺱ ﺗَﺤﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻁ ﺑﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺎ َﺣﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻌ َﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎ ً ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺎ ً ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ﺗﻢ ﻭﻛﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺏ ﺍﻧﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﻗﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺑﺴﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬

‫‪Critical apparatus‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ َﻣﺪﻳﺎ ً ] ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺎ َ ‪9‬‬ ‫‪ B 12–16 om. B‬ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺎ ً َ‬

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