Phonology and Morphology of Mambay (Niger-Congo, Adamawa)

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Erik John Anonby

Phonology and Morphology of Mambay (Niger-Congo, Adamawa)

Phonology and morphology of Mambay (Niger-Congo, Adamawa)

Proefschrift

ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. P.F. van der Heijden, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op donderdag 22 mei 2008 klokke 15.00 uur

door

Erik John Anonby geboren te Winnipeg, Canada in 1975

Promotiecommissie

Promotor: Copromotor:

Prof. dr. Th. C. Schadeberg Dr. C. Kutsch Lojenga

Referent:

Dr. R. Boyd (CNRS, Villejuif, Frankrijk)

Overige leden:

Prof. dr. W. F. H. Adelaar Prof. dr. M. Mous Prof. dr. M. van Oostendorp

Phonology and morphology of Mambay (Niger-Congo, Adamawa)

Erik John Anonby

Acknowledgments

This book is dedicated to Ti’za Christina, star of the Ramadan moon, who endured my dream of Africa and made it come true; and to Tinaga Parisa and Kyahrimi Nisse, my hot-blooded little Mambay girls. The present research on Mambay was conducted for a doctoral programme in the Department of African Languages and Cultures at Leiden University in the Netherlands. Fieldwork was funded within the context of a language development consultancy jointly administered by SIL Chad and SIL Cameroon. Authorization for field research was granted by MINREST (the Ministère de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique) of Cameroon, permit 006/MINREST/B00/D00/D11. I wish to thank my colleagues at Leiden University for their insight, humour, and encouragement, in particular Christian Rapold, Maarten Kossmann, and K’es Mulugeta Seyoum. I thank my colleagues of SIL Chad and SIL Cameroon, many of whom contributed in specific ways to the success this research and the enjoyment of our work together: Padeu Dakouli, Diane Friesen, Marti Giger, Caroline Grant, Jeff Heath, Jérémie Mondy Mégay, Julien Tchékoua, Bruce Jakeway, Gideon Noussi, Edward and Diane Tong, and Liz Williams. Discussions on a wide range of linguistic topics with Jim Roberts, Lukas Neukom and Richard Gravina were constructive. Vaughn and Mary Ohlman helped us greatly during times of sickness. I appreciated academic exchange with many other people working in the field. Assessments of aspects of the present research by Roger Blench, John Esling, Ken Olson, Cho Jun-Mo and Gordon Tisher were beneficial. In particular, Stefan Elders (deceased) did all he could to ensure that I was well-prepared for fieldwork on Mambay by furnishing me with numerous resources which would have been otherwise difficult to locate, by sharing his own field notes on Mambay, by involving me in his other works-inprogress in the field of Adamawa languages. Paul Eguchi similarly laid the foundation for the present research through his previous work on Mambay, and encouraged me to engage in this field of study. I also thank Keith Snider for fostering in me a sense of wonder and love of language, especially in the areas of phonology and tone, and so for inspiring me to pursue further studies in African linguistics. His comments on the tone chapter of the present research were invaluable.

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Au Cameroun, nous avons apprécié l’accueil que nous avons reçu dans chaque secteur. Nous reconnaissons les administrateurs tels que le préfet de Guider, le sous-préfet de Guider, le sous-préfet de Figuil et son adjoint. En plus, nous avons apprécié la sécurité qu’ont pourvue la gendarmerie et le poste de police de Figuil. D’autres personnes qui ont enrichi notre séjour à Figuil sont nos frères de la congrégation EFL à Figuil, les pères à la mission catholique de Figuil (en particulier le père Vladislav), le patron de Figuil Pierre Roca, et le directeur de l’École de Kolléré. Parmi les Mambay, nous avons connu un accueil chaleureux depuis le premier moment. En effet, le pays mambay nous est devenu un foyer. Les chefs des villages mambay nous ont ouvert la porte au peuple : nous nous sommes présentés devant les chefs de Beepahna (Biparé), Kaakaala (Kakala), Kaakyo’w (Katchéo), Kaaku’ (Kakou), Bisooli (Bissolé) et Kaaguma (Kagouma), et nous avons reçu leur bénédiction. D’autres chefs nous ont accueillis depuis leurs sièges. Arrivés au pays mambay, c’était d’abord chez Swahy Kada Moïse que nous nous sommes installés. Il nous à considéré comme ses enfants, et pour nos propres enfants il était dazwa’ ‘grand-père.’ Nous le remercions pour son partage de lui-même et de sa famille. C’était un grand privilège de pouvoir travailler avec la direction (ancienne et nouvelle) de COLAMA (Comité de langue mambay) y compris Kam Kaagbungni et Moussa Tao, et avec ses membres, en particulier Oussoumanou Bouba, Kwe Nathaniel, Koué Agabus, Bégui Démas et Bouba Robert. J’ai apprécié aussi l’aide de Tao Justin et de Peevina Salomon dans l’apprentissage de la langue. Nos voisins à Kaakaala et à Figuil étaient pour nous un support et une grande joie : Saadu Kami Taw, Younoussa Wouri, Kada Kaakaala, Amina Beezwa’ et sa famille, Adoum Kami, Barnabas et Tigam Kaakaala, Parna paaru Samson, Napuga, Haman Kaakaala, Njidda Robert, et les grands parmi les Mambay qui se rassemblèrent saa napuga chez Kami Koué. En plus, nous étions à l’aise parmi nos frères de l’église à Kaakaala et avec leur catéchiste. Je remercie aussi ceux que nous connaissions hors du pays mambay. À N’Djaména, nous avons eu le plaisir de connaître Oumarou Beïki, Abassi Moustapha, Mohamadou Maouarmi et tous les membres du Comité des Ressortissants du Canton de Beepahna (Biparé). À Maroua, Issa Haman et Souahibou Kassala m’ont orienté avec justesse. C’est à Oussoumanou Bouba que je réserve un remerciement tout particulier. Il est quelqu’un qui vit selon le proverbe, « Ku’l za’ ah paa bin, muu zyagri i am » ‘Si tu apprends la danse du pied d’un autre, tu tromperas le tien.’ Cette individualité, ferme et parfois rigide, lui a permis pourtant de se donner sans vacillation à la promotion de sa langue pour l’honneur de ses parents et pour l’héritage des ses enfants et de son peuple. Nous avons connu ensemble une collaboration enrichissante, et j’espère donc que j’ai pu, en revanche, l’aider à réaliser ses propres aspirations. En ce qui concerne notre cheminement divergeant, je lui affirme qu’il n’y aura pas un autre comme lui, puisque

iii

« Heega hii haa saa fi naale ya » ‘Un couteau ne peut pas rentrer dans le fourreau de son collègue.’ Finalement, je dis au peuple mambay, ri zoori ro! Nous vous saluons! Kiswa! Nous vous remercions! Comme « Tuh bom hii marva ya » ‘Un seul bracelet ne fait aucun bruit,’ que vous vous épanouissiez dans un esprit d’entente mutuelle. La’ fah kaa fuu peh bee naa sigzi Kaakaala ma Lahzwa’, ró haan iro kinabom. Ná liizi ka ná %aazi ig para. Siketi má gbah sehzinza, má gii zimfin anza. Má pale la’ ido’.

iv

Contents

Acknowledgments............................................................................................................... ii Contents .............................................................................................................................. v Abbreviations and symbols................................................................................................ xi Glossary ........................................................................................................................... xiv 1

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1 1.1 The Mambay ethnic group .................................................................................. 1 1.1.1 Population ................................................................................................... 4 1.1.2 Geography and subsistence......................................................................... 5 1.1.3 Historical background ................................................................................. 6 1.2 The Mambay language...................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Earlier studies on Mambay ....................................................................... 11 1.2.2 Classification............................................................................................. 12 1.2.3 Sociolinguistic situation............................................................................ 19 1.3 Research framework ......................................................................................... 25 1.3.1 Scope and overview of this study ............................................................. 25 1.3.2 Field research ............................................................................................ 28 1.3.3 Orthography used in this study ................................................................. 31

2

PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE........................................................................... 33 2.1 Consonants........................................................................................................ 35 2.1.1 Inventory of consonants............................................................................ 35 2.1.2 Distribution ............................................................................................... 36 2.1.3 Contrast ..................................................................................................... 44 2.1.4 Issues in consonant interpretation............................................................. 47 2.1.5 Internal structure of consonants ................................................................ 52 2.1.6 Phonetic realizations ................................................................................. 53 2.1.7 Airstream mechanisms.............................................................................. 59 2.1.8 The labial flap ........................................................................................... 61 2.2 Vowels .............................................................................................................. 63 2.2.1 Inventory of vowels .................................................................................. 63 2.2.2 Distribution ............................................................................................... 65 2.2.3 Contrast between vowels .......................................................................... 69 2.2.4 Issues in vowel interpretation ................................................................... 71 2.2.5 Phonetic realizations ................................................................................. 72 2.3 Issues relating to both consonants and vowels ................................................. 73 2.3.1 Consonant/vowel distribution patterns ..................................................... 73

v

2.3.2 Contrast ..................................................................................................... 76 2.3.3 Interpretive issues ..................................................................................... 77 2.4 Syllable structure .............................................................................................. 92 2.4.1 Inventory of syllable shapes...................................................................... 92 2.4.2 Syllable structure ...................................................................................... 92 2.4.3 Syllable weight.......................................................................................... 93 2.5 Word structure .................................................................................................. 95 3

NASALITY............................................................................................................... 96 3.1 Vocalic nasality................................................................................................. 96 3.1.1 Restrictions on nasalized mid vowels ....................................................... 97 3.1.2 Exceptional nasalized mid vowels ............................................................ 98 3.2 Consonantal nasality ......................................................................................... 98 3.2.1 Obstruents ................................................................................................. 99 3.2.2 Type 1 sonorants ..................................................................................... 100 3.2.3 Type 2 sonorants ..................................................................................... 100 3.2.4 Type 3 sonorants ..................................................................................... 100 3.2.5 Remaining consonants ............................................................................ 101 3.3 Issues relating to vowels and consonants........................................................ 102 3.3.1 Degrees of phonetic nasality................................................................... 102 3.3.2 Effects of nasality on sonorants .............................................................. 102 3.4 Distribution and spread ................................................................................... 106 3.4.1 Distribution within syllables ................................................................... 106 3.4.2 Distribution within morphemes .............................................................. 109 3.4.3 Spread across morpheme boundaries...................................................... 111

4

TONE AND INTONATION .................................................................................. 118 4.1 Tone inventory ................................................................................................ 119 4.1.1 Tone levels .............................................................................................. 119 4.1.2 Tone melodies......................................................................................... 120 4.2 Other structural aspects of the tone system..................................................... 129 4.2.1 Floating tones.......................................................................................... 129 4.2.2 Replacive tone melodies ......................................................................... 130 4.2.3 Interaction between tone and other structures ........................................ 131 4.3 Tonal processes............................................................................................... 131 4.3.1 Lexical tone deletion............................................................................... 131 4.3.2 Downstep ................................................................................................ 133 4.3.3 High tone spread (HTS) .......................................................................... 138 4.3.4 Low tone spread (LTS) ........................................................................... 143 4.3.5 Adjacent operation of postlexical processes ........................................... 146 4.4 Intonational phenomena.................................................................................. 146 4.4.1 Tone register shift (TRS) ........................................................................ 146 4.4.2 The expectation marker ....................................................................... 148

5

NOUNS................................................................................................................... 150 5.1 Morphological structure.................................................................................. 151

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5.1.1 Noun root structure ................................................................................. 151 5.1.2 Prefixation............................................................................................... 154 5.1.3 Suffixation............................................................................................... 166 5.1.4 Reduplication .......................................................................................... 169 5.2 Free and linked forms ..................................................................................... 169 5.2.1 Distribution ............................................................................................. 169 5.2.2 Linked form structure ............................................................................. 171 5.3 Possessive constructions ................................................................................. 182 5.3.1 Semantic relations................................................................................... 183 5.3.2 Structural characteristics......................................................................... 183 5.3.3 Axes of description ................................................................................. 185 5.3.4 Inalienable possessive constructions....................................................... 188 5.4 Compound nouns ............................................................................................ 196 5.4.1 Compound nouns vs. noun phrases......................................................... 196 5.4.2 Morphological constitution..................................................................... 197 5.4.3 Semantic constitution.............................................................................. 201 5.5 Plural formation .............................................................................................. 202 5.5.1 Limitations on the application of pluralization....................................... 202 5.5.2 Pluralization strategies ............................................................................ 207 5.6 Collective constructions.................................................................................. 215 5.6.1 The human collective prefix tì ............................................................... 215 5.6.2 Inherently collective human nouns ......................................................... 217 5.7 Participant noun constructions........................................................................ 217 5.7.1 Male/generic participant nouns............................................................... 218 5.7.2 Female participant nouns ........................................................................ 220 5.7.3 Non-human participant nouns................................................................. 221 5.7.4 Pluralization and collective strategies..................................................... 222 5.8 Diminutives and augmentatives...................................................................... 223 5.8.1 Diminutives............................................................................................. 223 5.8.2 Augmentatives ........................................................................................ 224 5.9 Verbal nouns ................................................................................................... 225 5.9.1 True verbal nouns ................................................................................... 225 5.9.2 Fossilized verbal nouns........................................................................... 234 5.10 Modifier promotion and nominalization......................................................... 239 5.10.1 Nouns ...................................................................................................... 241 5.10.2 Adjectives ............................................................................................... 242 5.10.3 Numerals ................................................................................................. 242 5.10.4 Specifiers................................................................................................. 242 5.10.5 Directional adverbs ................................................................................. 242 5.10.6 Prepositional phrases .............................................................................. 243 5.10.7 Relative clauses....................................................................................... 243 5.11 Ideophonic nouns ............................................................................................ 244 5.11.1 Examples of ideophonic nouns ............................................................... 244 5.11.2 Ideophonic nouns exhibiting reduplication............................................. 244 5.11.3 Ideophonic nouns derived from adjectives ............................................. 246 5.12 Proper names................................................................................................... 246

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5.12.1 Personal names........................................................................................ 246 5.12.2 Clan names.............................................................................................. 249 5.12.3 Place names............................................................................................. 250 5.13 Locative function of nouns ............................................................................. 250 5.14 Noun phrases................................................................................................... 253 5.14.1 Noun + noun ........................................................................................... 253 5.14.2 Noun + adjective ..................................................................................... 253 5.14.3 Noun + numeral ...................................................................................... 254 5.14.4 Noun + specifier...................................................................................... 254 5.14.5 Noun + prepositional phrase ................................................................... 254 5.14.6 Noun + relative clause ............................................................................ 254 6

PRONOUNS ........................................................................................................... 255 6.1 Personal pronouns........................................................................................... 255 6.1.1 Pronoun slots........................................................................................... 257 6.1.2 Subject pronouns..................................................................................... 265 6.1.3 Object pronouns ...................................................................................... 274 6.1.4 Possessive pronouns................................................................................ 278 6.1.5 Emphatic pronouns ................................................................................. 286 6.2 Interrogative pronouns .................................................................................... 296

7

VERBS.................................................................................................................... 299 7.1 Verb stem structure ......................................................................................... 300 7.1.1 Canonical verb stems .............................................................................. 300 7.1.2 Non-canonical verb stems....................................................................... 300 7.2 Verbal extensions............................................................................................ 303 7.2.1 Inventory of verbal extensions................................................................ 304 7.2.2 Distribution ............................................................................................. 305 7.2.3 Synchronically productive verbal extensions ......................................... 306 7.2.4 Other verbal extensions........................................................................... 308 7.2.5 Combinations of verbal extensions......................................................... 311 7.2.6 Relations among the extensions ri, gi, r, and g ................................. 313 7.3 Verb word morphology................................................................................... 315 7.3.1 Affixation................................................................................................ 315 7.3.2 Verb classes ............................................................................................ 324 7.3.3 Irregular verbs ......................................................................................... 334 7.4 Basic verbal inflection .................................................................................... 339 7.4.1 Indicative................................................................................................. 342 7.4.2 Optative................................................................................................... 352 7.5 Verbal negation............................................................................................... 357 7.5.1 Inventory of negative forms.................................................................... 357 7.5.2 Negation particles ................................................................................... 357 7.5.3 Negative subject pronouns...................................................................... 358 7.5.4 Summary of negative verbal forms......................................................... 360 7.6 Expansions of verbal inflection ...................................................................... 360 7.6.1 TAM indicators....................................................................................... 360

viii

7.6.2 Possessive constructions ......................................................................... 368 7.6.3 Complex inflectional constructions ........................................................ 369 7.7 Composite verbal expressions......................................................................... 374 7.7.1 Verb stem + noun.................................................................................... 375 7.7.2 Verb stem + prepositional phrase ........................................................... 376 7.7.3 Verb stem + directional adverb............................................................... 377 7.7.4 Verb stem + adjective ............................................................................. 377 7.7.5 Verb stem + ideophonic adverb .............................................................. 377 8

ADVERBS, ADJECTIVES AND IDEOPHONES ................................................ 379 8.1 Adverbs ........................................................................................................... 379 8.1.1 Directional adverbs ................................................................................. 381 8.1.2 TAM adverbs .......................................................................................... 384 8.2 Ideophones ...................................................................................................... 384 8.3 Ideophonic adverbs ......................................................................................... 387 8.3.1 Distribution of ideophonic adverbs......................................................... 387 8.3.2 Ideophonic adverb structure.................................................................... 388 8.4 Adjectives ....................................................................................................... 390 8.4.1 Distribution of adjectives........................................................................ 391 8.4.2 Adjective structure .................................................................................. 393 8.5 Ideophonic derivation ..................................................................................... 398 8.5.1 Plural template ........................................................................................ 399 8.5.2 Emphatic template .................................................................................. 401 8.5.3 Emphasis by means of segmental lengthening ....................................... 402 8.5.4 Repetitive templates................................................................................ 402 8.5.5 Adjectival template ................................................................................. 406 8.5.6 Flexible class membership...................................................................... 407

9

MINOR WORD CLASSES.................................................................................... 409 9.1 Numerals ......................................................................................................... 409 9.1.1 Syntactic distribution of numerals .......................................................... 410 9.1.2 Numeral categories ................................................................................. 412 9.1.3 Ordinal nouns.......................................................................................... 419 9.1.4 Other nouns with numeric values ........................................................... 422 9.2 Specifiers......................................................................................................... 422 9.2.1 Proximity demonstratives ....................................................................... 423 9.2.2 The anaphoric demonstrative dô’ ........................................................... 423 9.2.3 The indefinite article bîn......................................................................... 424 9.3 Prepositions..................................................................................................... 425 9.3.1 Prepositional phrase structure ................................................................. 425 9.3.2 Prepositional phrase distribution............................................................. 427 9.3.3 Use of other word classes for locational functions ................................. 428

10

CLAUSES AND CLAUSE COMBINATIONS................................................. 431 10.1 Clauses ............................................................................................................ 431 10.1.1 Constituent order..................................................................................... 431

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10.1.2 Clause and clause constituent particles................................................... 433 10.1.3 Verbless clauses ...................................................................................... 436 10.1.4 Independent utterances other than clauses.............................................. 439 10.2 Clause combinations ....................................................................................... 440 10.2.1 Coordination ........................................................................................... 440 10.2.2 Subordination.......................................................................................... 441 TEXTS ............................................................................................................................ 448 Appendix 1: Inalienable possession paradigms .............................................................. 465 Appendix 2: Verb conjugations ...................................................................................... 470 References....................................................................................................................... 487 Curriculum vitae ............................................................................................................. 498 Samenvatting (summary in Dutch) ................................................................................. 499

x

Abbreviations and symbols

adj. adv. al. ANAPH ATTRIB AUG

borr. C C /I CAUS

Cd CL1 COLL COREF / coref.

dem. DU EMPH EXCL / excl. EXPECT

F0 Fr. Fulf. FUT GEN

H h HEAD

Hz i

IDEO IMPERS / impers. IMPFV INAL / inal. INCL / incl.

adjective adverb alienable anaphoric demonstrative attributive copula augmentative borrowing consonant co-referential/impersonal causative coda class 1 collective co-referential demonstrative dual emphasis exclusive expectation marker fundamental frequency French Fulfulde future generic high (tone); laryngeal pharyngealization syntactic head Hertz identical participant reference ideophone impersonal imperfective inalienable inclusive

xi

INDEP

intr. IRR j

L lex. LF

lit. N n. NEG NONPFV NUM

O OBJ OPT ORD PERF PFV PFX PL / pl. PLUPERF

pn. POSS

Pred. QM QUOT

R re. REAL REFL REL REP

S SG / sg.

sp. TAM TOPIC

tr. TRS

V v.

independent pronoun intransitive irrealis non-identical (switch) participant reference low (tone); Type 2 sonorant lexically determined linked form literally nasal consonant; Type 1 sonorant noun negative, negation non-perfective numeral prefix onset; obstruent; object object optative ordinal perfect perfective prefix plural pluperfect pronoun possessive predicate question-marking particle quotation marker rhyme; Type 3 sonorant regarding realis reflexive relativizer reported speech subject singular species tense/aspect/mode topicalization and related functions transitive tone register shift vowel; oral vowel; verb nasalized vowel verb xii

VN / v.n.

VV X α σ Ø 1 1&2 2 3 * [ ] / . : + = ± ~

’

verbal noun long vowel segment (C or V) exhibiting a specific value mora syllable zero pronoun first person first-and-second person second person third person ungrammatical or unattested structure phonetic transcription; boundary either/or; phonological transcription syllable boundary (used to distinguish a g + b sequence from unitary gb); separator between words glossing a single morpheme separator between glosses of fused morphemes morpheme boundary morpheme boundary stem-clitic boundary optional free variation / allomorphic alternation non-automatic downstep high tone/pitch low tone/pitch falling tone/pitch mid pitch rising tone/pitch expectation marker preglottalization glottalization (vowels) nasalization

xiii

Glossary

Mambay )àzgárà

reciprocal kinship unit used between a person and all blood relatives with the person’s female in-laws who are older than his or her spouse

fààzárà

reciprocal kinship unit used between a woman and her female relatives with her male in-laws who are older than her husband

fàhzárà

reciprocal kinship term used between a man and his male relatives with his male in-laws who are older than his wife

Regional French boule

ball of moist cooked grain meal; also called cous cous

xiv

1 INTRODUCTION 1

INTRODUCTION

To the north of the Adamawa Massif and approximately eight hundred kilometres from the Gulf of Guinea, the Mambay ethnic group straddles the border of Cameroon and Chad. Members of the group, numbering about fifteen thousand, live along the Mayo Kebbi (Kebbi River) at the point where it flows south-west from Chad toward its confluence with the Benue River in Cameroon. The Mambay language belongs to the Adamawa-Ubangi family, a group which has been considered “probably the most poorly documented of all the major divisions of NigerCongo” (Bennett 1983:23). Researchers have overlooked this language family— especially the Adamawa branch of which Mambay is a part—due to its distance from the coast, the small populations of many of its constituent groups, and their dispersal among larger, unrelated languages. Other possible reasons for this situation include the Adamawa languages’ distance from urban centres as well as the sheer number and diversity of languages in this linguistically fragmented area of west-central Africa (Bennett 1983:23, Boyd 1978:190, Samarin 1971:217). Consequently, despite Strümpell’s identification of the language as early as 1910, Mambay has long managed to elude serious investigation. Those studies in which Mambay is mentioned (1.2.1) are for the most part concerned with the still-unresolved genetic structure of the larger language groupings of which it is a part, and give little information on the language itself. The present research responds to this lacuna by providing an in-depth description of the Mambay language, with a focus on phonology and morphology. In the following sections of this chapter, the Mambay ethnic group is introduced within its historical context (1.1). This is accompanied by an overview of the Mambay language which gives attention to the current sociolinguistic situation and existing linguistic exploration, including genetic classification (1.2). Finally, the framework and methodology of this study are presented (1.3).

1.1 The Mambay ethnic group The Mambay ethnic group is found in north-eastern Cameroon and south-western Chad (see Figure 1 on the following page). In Cameroon, they are primarily located in the Guider and Figuil Subdivisions (Mayo-Louti Division) as well as the Bibémi and Pitoa Subdivisions (Bénoué Division), all of which are found in the North Province (Dieu and Renaud 1983:387, Breton and Fohtung 1991:83–7). In Chad, the Mambay are found in Biparé Canton, which is located in the Léré Subdivision of the Lac-Léré Division

nnnn MM

Figure 1: The Mambay ethnic area ALGERIA

EGYPT

LIBYA

NIGER

MALI

CHAD SUDAN

BENIN NIGERIA

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

CAMEROON Gulf of Guinea

CONGO

EQ. GUINEA GABON

Mayo Louti

Sorawel

FIGUIL

Mayo Oulo

CHAD

Badadji

Zalbi

Baïla 13˚ 40' N

Golombé Kaakyo’w

Kaakaala Léré Beepahna Lake Kebbi Kaaku’

Boula Ibbi

Djaloumé

CAMEROON

Wafango

Guégou

Padarmé

Mambay population (majority) Mambay population (minority)

Tihélé

settlement

Mayo Kebbi

watercourse (seasonal)

Mayo Lawa 13˚ 20' N

international boundary

BIBEMI

0

Adi Adoumri 13˚ 40' E

DEM. REP. OF CONGO

N 14˚ E

10

20 km

© Erik John Anonby 2007

(sources consulted for geographical data: Institut Géographique National (France) and Institut National de Cartographie (Cameroun) 1994, Institut Géographique National (France) 1974, and Defense Mapping Agency Aerospace Center 1982)

2

(formerly part of the larger Mayo-Kebbi Division) (Hamm 2001:7, Grimes 2000a:43, 68). There are small communities of Mambay outside the language area in the cities of Garoua, N’Gaoundéré and Maroua in Cameroon; in Chad, displaced populations live in Léré and N’Djaména. Members of the Mambay ethnic group call themselves tì màmbày ‘those who are (of) Mambay,’ and they refer to their language as dâg tì màmbày ‘mouth of those who are (of) Mambay. According to Oussoumanou, the principal informant for this study, the name màmbày comes from the phrase màm bèyà, which in the language as it was used by the ancestors of the Mambay people group meant ‘my friend’. The name ‘Mambay’ has been rendered elsewhere as follows: Mambai Mambaï Mambay Mamgbay Mamgbei Mangbai Mangbaye Mangbei Mangbaï Mombaye Mongbaï Mumbaye

(Boyd 1989a, 1989b, Église des Frères Lutheriens (n.d.)) (Eguchi 1971) (Baudelaire 1944, Lembezat 1961, Lestringant 1964, Dieu and Renaud 1983, Elders 2000, Hamm 2001) (Dieu and Renaud 1983) (Dieu and Renaud 1983) (Lukas 1937, Westermann 1940, Westermann and Bryan 1952, Boyd 1978, Mann and Dalby 1987, Boyd 1989a, 1989b) (Republic of Chad 1993) (Strümpell 1910, Tessmann 1932, Greenberg 1949/55, 1963, Samarin 1971, Ubels and Ubels 1980, Bennett 1983) (Lembezat 1961, Westermann 1948) (Republic of Chad 1993) (Republic of Chad 1993) (Hamm 2001)

Lembezat records the additional variants Bangeï, Mabai, Mambei and Mangbay (1964:437). Additional variant spellings of the name catalogued in the Ethnologue but for which no ulterior source has been identified are Manbai, Momboi, and Mongbay (Grimes (2000a:68). The multiplicity of transcriptions in various sources is attributable to the influence of competing orthographies (German, French, African languages, phonological orthographies) on the name used by the Mambay for themselves as well as those used by other people groups for the Mambay. Often, the Mambay also refer to themselves as tì bò%gì [tì ò)l0gì] ‘those who are (of) Bo’lgi’ (see, for example, Elders 2000:15). Oussoumanou insists that the term bò%gì properly refers to the use of one’s own language as a secret or in-group language. The Mambay have yet to form the subject of an ethnographic or historical study; documentation of their culture and history is limited to scattered references in a few sources (Lembezat 1961:136, 147, 191; Lestringant 1964; Hamm 2000:6, 8–13; Jogri 2006). In the following sections, three specific topics are addressed in relation to the Mambay. First, a jumble of population figures is evaluated and a current estimate of the

3

ethnic group’s population is put forward (1.1.1). Second, the geography of the Mambay ethnic area and the people group’s patterns of subsistence are introduced (1.1.2). Third, historical background is presented for the Mambay with reference to both oral and written sources (1.1.3).

1.1.1 Population Population statistics for the Mambay are lacking, and those that exist are often outdated, incomplete or difficult to interpret. The main issues compromising the usefulness of the figures are: census reliability concerns; a poor understanding of the extent of the Mambay ethnic area (especially in the south and east) by researchers; a lack of account for other ethnic groups living in “Mambay” villages; and a converse lack of account for Mambay living outside the ethnic area. It seems that the Mambay population declined in the first half of the 20th century (Hamm 2001:7), but that it has, on the whole, increased since the 1960s. The following sources, whose figures are variously given for Cameroon, Chad and both countries together, support the trend of a recent increase: Cameroon Cameroon Colonial Administration (1944) in Lestringant (1964:297, 300)

more than 1285

Westermann and Bryan (1952:46)

3051

Cameroon Colonial Administration (1958) in Lestringant (1964: Appendix)

more than 1450

Chad

860

both countries

3911

Lembezat (1961:151)

1500

Voegelin and Voegelin (1964:43)

4000

Lestringant (1964:104)

less than 5000

Welmers (1971:842)

2000

Stennes in Samarin (1971:217)

2000

uncited (1982) in Grimes (2000a:43)

2500

Dieu and Renaud (1983:161)

less than 5000

Republic of Cameroon (1969) in Eguchi (1971:139)

5857

Republic of Cameroon (1987) in Hamm (2001:8)

7288

Republic of Chad (1993)

2067

4

Figuil Diocese (1999), pers. comm. Father Vladislav (2005)

13 000

Hamm (2001:8)

8000

2000

10 000

The current population of the Mambay ethnic group has been reviewed within the context of the present study. Unfortunately, at the time of writing, the results of the 2005 Cameroon census had not been released. However, taking into account selected new (2005/6) figures gathered during polio vaccination campaigns in both countries as well as population growth rates for older census figures, and attempting to address the limitations highlighted above, the population of the Mambay ethnic group is estimated to be as follows: Cameroon: Chad: Both countries:

12 000 3 000 15 000

1.1.2 Geography and subsistence The Mambay ethnic area is dominated by a mountain and a river. Mambay Mountain is a long, tawny inselberg known to the Mambay simply as zé’gà ‘the mountain.’ The Mayo Kebbi (also spelled Kebi or Kébi) river, which the Mambay refer to as tí4byàá ‘the great waters’ or síì ‘the valley, the river,’ flows year-round through floodplains located around the northern and western slopes of the mountain. While the mountain has historically been a place of refuge for the Mambay (see 1.1.3.1– 1.1.3.2 below), its flora and fauna continue to serve as a source of food, medicine and building materials. When the Mambay dispersed from the mountain in the mid-19th century, the majority of the people group relocated to villages that sprinkle the floodplain. Since this time, the river has also played a major part in the livelihood of the group in the areas of agriculture and fishing. The principal food crops are various species of millet and sorghum, white and yellow maize, peanuts, beans, taro and sweet potatoes. Wild leaves and herbs, which are gathered during the rainy season and dried, constitute an essential element in staple sauces. In some areas of the floodplain, there are lush groves of bananas and mangoes. Although it has become less lucrative than it was in the latter half of the 20th century (cf. Lembezat 1964:32–3), cotton is grown as a cash crop; in addition, onions are cultivated in the dry season with water taken from wells along the river and sold to merchants who distribute them to other parts of the two countries. Fish was among the most important food items in the past, and fish were abundant in the Mayo Kebbi as late as the 1960s (Lembezat 1964:60). However, because of consistently low water levels and the introduction of dragnet fishing by Nigerian immigrants (now settled in Kaaku’ (Kakou)) since this date, fish stocks have decreased dramatically and meals eaten with traditional fish-based sauces are the exception rather than the rule. This

5

change is one of many instances in which the effects of pressure on the environment and changes in the environment itself have affected the livelihood of the Mambay. Interestingly, the Mambay lexicon is a witness to two other major environmental changes which have affected the people group. First, this is evident in the domain of animal vocabulary. Older speakers of Mambay know the names of many large mammals, and have seen and eaten some of these animals; in contrast, younger speakers of the language know only the names of a few large mammals which appear in folk tales, but have not seen or consumed them. This is an indicator that, as speakers report, almost all of the larger mammals have recently disappeared (or, as they say, “gone away”) from the ethnic area. Second, the Mambay calendar (described in Anonby and Oussoumanou 2008 forthcoming) hearkens to a time when the rainy season lasted for about eight lunar months; the length of this period is deducible from the names of the months and their place in the agricultural cycle. In the last ten years, however, the rainy season has lasted for an average of four months. This means that rather than three major harvests in a year, which was still the norm fifty years ago, there are now usually only two. In 2005 in particular, only one harvest was gathered, and a small-scale famine resulted in the Mambay area. Upheavals in the external cultural landscape have accompanied and, in many cases, precipitated these changes to the livelihood of the Mambay. The history of these movements is addressed briefly in the following section.

1.1.3 Historical background The origins of the Mambay have been recorded primarily by means of oral history. Written documentation on the people group’s past is meagre; the principal historical records of pre-colonial and colonial history are passing references in a few sources. For the pre-colonial period, existing sources rely on oral history. In the present section, oral and written sources are weighed against one another, and a single historical account is presented. Oral historians who made a significant contribution to this account are Oussoumanou Bouba (the principal collaborator), Saadu Kami Taw, Kada Moïse, and Kam Kaagbungni. Written sources referring to the history Mambay are Lestringant (1964), Lembezat (1961), Adler (1982), Mohammadou (1979), and Nassourou (n.d.), who may have relied on Mohammadou’s work. Themes which figure consistently in oral and written accounts are historical origins and arrival in the present-day ethnic area (1.1.3.1), establishment of Fulbe hegemony over the Mambay (1.1.3.2), the status of the Mambay under European colonial administration (1.1.3.3) and their present position within the independent nations of Cameroon and Chad (1.1.3.4).

6

1.1.3.1 From origins to arrival in the present-day ethnic area According to the oral historians, the Mambay came in the distant past from a place to the east of where they are now found. However, at the point where names and places are still remembered, the Mambay were approaching their present-day ethnic area from the west. The Fulbe (also “Fulani” or “Peul”) jihad, which began in the first years of the 19th century, spread out from Sokoto in present-day north-western Nigeria (Trimingham 1980, Mohammadou 1979:277). Within a couple of years from its inception, the movement’s effects were felt across the Sahel. One front of the movement was based in Yola, the capital of what came to be known as the Adamawa Empire. As early as 1805, the empire began to destabilize the uneasy equilibrium that had existed beforehand in northern Cameroon (Lestringant 1964:112). Soon, the Adamawa Empire advanced west and north, and many small populations were scattered before them. The outcome for these populations was bleak: many were enslaved; some were forcibly converted to Islam and, eventually, subsumed within the Fulbe population of the empire; others were wiped out; and still others managed to flee (Lestringant 1964:85, Lembezat 1961:156, Mohammadou 1979). One of the latter groups was a community of Fali situated at káà zé’gì hùùrí (Fulf. hooseere fawru) between Yola and Garoua, the present-day capital of Cameroon’s North Province. Over a period of about twenty years, they were consistently pushed back to the west and north. Often, this group fled to mountain strongholds for refuge. Despite this, in many of the years, their position was imperilled and they were forced to establish new settlements or, in some cases, join communities living in other mountain strongholds. Eventually, they joined a Nyam-Nyam community at gàlìm. When the Fulbe attacked this village, they fled together with the Nyam-Nyam across the Mayo-Kebbi and together founded the village of gàrnà; later, they moved a short distance to the south, to a village called tárà (Kami Taw 2005, Lestringant 1964:103). A second group of Fali, some of whom had recently been driven from the east, were dislocated around 1825 when a Fulbe principality attacked from the north and destroyed their settlement (located at the same place as present-day Golombé). Like the first group, these Fali fled across the Mayo Kebbi. There, they established the village of Kaakyo’w (Katchéo) on the north-western slope of Mambay Mountain (Lestringant 1964:291, Oussoumanou 2004). A third group which fled across the Mayo Kebbi was composed of members of communities who had been part of the Guidar confederation. However, when the confederation was destroyed, some fled to Mambay Mountain. To this day, descendents of this migration are counted among the Mambay clans. However, their Guidar origin is evident in that some still speak Guidar; in addition, one of their villages located on the south-western flank of Mambay Mountain is named Biou, after the Guidar clan from which they emerged (Oussoumanou 2004, Lestringant 1964:102).

7

Together, these three groups formed what is now known as the Mambay ethnic group. Although there was significant interaction between the Mambay and the Mundang at a later time (1.1.3.2), and some present-day Mundang clans are reputed to originate from among the Mambay (Adler 1982:122–6), the Mambay do not view the Mundang as one of the peoples from whom they originate (Kam Kaagbungni 2000, Kada 2003, Oussoumanou 2004, Kami Taw 2005; cf. 1964:292, contra Lestringant 1964:104). 1.1.3.2 Establishment of Fulbe hegemony For several decades, the Fulbe were unable to gain dominance over the Mambay living on the mountain, or over the separating floodplain of the Mayo Kebbi, since their cavalry could not control the area for much of the year. During this time, the Mambay spread out around the mountain. Their settlements extended from Kaakyo’w and Tara on the west and south-west to Gehgu (Guégou) to the east and Beepahna (Biparé) to the north (Lestringant 1964:291, Oussoumanou 2004). Lestringant states that the Mambay adopted Mundang as a common language at this time, due to close relations with the Mundang of Léré (1964:292, 296); however, Mambay historians maintain that the Mambay continued to use their own language among themselves as a bò%gì ‘secret code, in-group language’ (Oussoumanou 2004, Kami Tao 2005; see also 1.1). In the years leading up to 1850 and in much of the latter half of the 19th century, the Fulbe principality of Bibémi, centred thirty kilometres south of the mountain, attacked and progressively conquered the Mambay villages around the mountain (Lembezat 1964:292, Nassourou n.d.). Of all the villages, only Beepahna successfully resisted the Fulbe forces thanks to its situation by the floodplain to the west and south, and an independent Mundang principality to the north and east (Lembezat 1964:292, contra Nassourou n.d.). While some of the Mambay from villages conquered by the Fulbe took refuge and, in time, settled on top of the mountain for over a decade, others became subjects of the Fulbe. After this period, the mountain community began to come down and settle in the now-desolate village of bò%gì (Balgi or Boulgui) on the north side of the mountain near Kaaku’ (Kakou). With Kaakyo’w under Fulbe dominion, the Mambay were too weak to resist the Fulbe from the north, who took over the floodplain and set up a government at Golombé. Eventually, the Mambay of bò%gì consented to the Fulbe hegemony and were permitted to inhabit the north side of the floodplain, which was better suited to agriculture (Lestringant 1964:291, 312). 1.1.3.3 European colonial administration The first written record of the Mambay people group was made in 1851 by Barth, who did not visit the Mambay area but distinguished them as one of many people groups in what would later become northern Cameroon (Barth 1857 in Lembezat 1964:75). In 1889, an English expedition travelled up the Mayo Kebbi and reached the Mambay village of Beepahna (Biparé), passing several Mambay hamlets along the way. However, their record of the voyage gives no further details (Meckler-Ferryman 1892 in Lembezat 1964:75).

8

German troops conquered the Fulbe governments of northern Cameroon between 1900 and 1902. In doing so, they acquired domination over most of the Mambay ethnic area. Beepahna, however, was claimed by both the French and German administrations: the French, since Beepahna had managed to escape Fulbe control and the Germans, because it was coveted by the intermediary Fulbe administration for the same reason. Importantly, the Mayo Kebbi on which it was situated also represented a navigable route to the Atlantic Ocean for the French colony of Chad (Tchad). In defiance of a treaty that had been established between Germany and France in 1894, the German administration decided to establish control over Beepahna. They burned it to the ground the same year (Adler 1982:25). Again in 1905, when the chief of Beepahna protested German rule on the grounds that they needed to respect a prior agreement with the French, the outlying Mambay village of Kaagbungni (Kaboni) was burned—along with its inhabitants—by the German-led police force. To this day, its names káà4gbú7nì ‘place of ruins’ and káà4 sá’bà ‘place of traditional salt (collected from ashes)’ recall this event (Kam Kaagbungni 2000; Lembezat 1964:156, 297; Adler 1982:25; Schilder 1994:127, 129). The German administration lost control of Cameroon in 1915, and the French were given a mandate over much of the former German colony. Immediately, Beepahna was reincorporated into Chad; and from that moment onward, the Mambay have been divided between Cameroon and Chad (Lembezat 1964:151, 157). Under the French, the Fulbe traditional government endured, although it was considerably weakened by the introduction of a parallel system of direct rule (Schilder 1994:133). Aspects of infrastructure, including the promotion of a cash-based market economy and the construction of a basic transport network, government buildings, schools, and a few health care facilities, appeared during this period (pp. 219–45). However, since the Mambay were located at the fringes of two administrative districts (Guidar and Bénoué), they experienced few of these benefits (p. 243). 1.1.3.4 The Mambay in independent Cameroon and Chad Since the independence of Cameroon in 1961, Fulbe hegemony has persisted. However, there are signs that it is being further compromised (Schilder 1994:6). For example, all of the Mambay chiefs have been relegated to the lowest level recognized by the national government until recently. However, in 2006 the chief of Kaakyo’w was invited to apply for the status of 2nd-degree chief. In Chad, the Mambay chief in Beepahna has been recognized as a high-ranking traditional chief by the Chadian government. Because of this, Mambay in both countries give allegiance to him as the supreme chief of their ethnic group. From an economic perspective, the Mambay continue to experience some of the marginalization that characterized their status under the colonial government (1.1.3.3). For example, there is no high school (lycée) in the Mambay area. Because of this, students who wish to pursue a high school diploma are required to relocate, usually to Figuil. Many (perhaps most) of the students who attend high school do not return to live in the ethnic area.

9

Another instance of marginalization is evident in the poor transportation network among the Mambay villages. The Mambay population is distributed fairy evenly between the north and south banks of the Mayo Kebbi. However, there is no bridge over the river within the ethnic area; to drive—during the dry season—from Kaakaala (Kakala, pop. 2000) to Kaaku’ (Kakou, pop. 1500), five kilometers apart across the Mayo Kebbi, it is necessary to make a ten-hour detour to the south-west and south, travelling close to Garoua. In the rainy season, even this route is usually impassable…bàhrá )éébà ‘it is better to swim.’ Nor are there any sealed (paved) roads in the Mambay ethnic area. Within living memory, the markets of Kaakyo’w and Kaakaala were the main commercial centres in the area, and people from the Fulbe, Mundang, Fali and Guidar ethnic groups came long distances every week. However, these have died out in favour of the markets of Figuil and Baïla, both more expediently located on a sealed road. It is now the Mambay who must travel for hours to buy and sell, often to one another, outside of the ethnic area. In addition to these secular considerations, the present religious landscape of the Mambay deserves attention. For a century after the Fulbe takeover (1.1.3.2), most of the Mambay resisted conversion to Islam, since it was associated with those who had deprived them of their autonomy. However, Islam grew rapidly among the Mambay between 1950 and 1980 for several reasons. First, many soldiers were stationed in predominantly Muslim areas in northern Cameroon (see also Schilder 1994:149). Second, it provided a universal forum within which all peoples of northern Cameroon were able to express resistance to the French colonial administration. Third, in the first decades after independence, the Cameroonian president Ahidjo, who was himself Fulbe, endorsed administrative policies favourable not only to the Fulbe rulership but also to Muslim clerics and converted chiefs (Schilder 1994:6, Oussoumanou 2004). Christianity grew most rapidly in the same time period, although its association with the previous colonial administration compromised its appeal. Rather than being directly introduced to the Mambay by western Christian missionaries, as was the case for most or all of the surrounding people groups, this faith came to them through the Mundang (Jogri 2006). As with Islam, the spread of Christianity was hampered by regional ethnic associations, in this case with the Mundang. In the end, it grew most rapidly among the Mambay villages of Chad, which the Fulbe had never conquered and where the influence of Ahidjo’s policies was at best indirect. Until recently, Mundang was used in Protestant church services, much to the dismay of Mambay inside as well as outside of the Church (Schilder 1994:188–90, Kam Kaagbungni 2000). Catholic churches among the Mambay have also been moving from services conducted primarily in Fulfulde to those which are mostly in Mambay. The last person claiming to practice traditional religion among the Mambay died in Kaakyo’w in 2003 (Oussoumanou 2004). At present, most Mambay consider themselves Muslim, and about 500 Mambay (3%) are adherents of Christianity (Hamm 2001:11, Kada 2003). There is also a sizable group of secularized Mambay, perhaps 5%, who do not claim adherence to any religion, including traditional religion; however, many people

10

who fall into this category have formerly practiced one of the three religions (Kada 2003). A final issue which radically affects the Mambay are changes in population demography. A major increase in the area’s population in the last half of the 20th century (1.1.1) has resulted in crises such as decreased soil productivity, diminished fish stocks, depletion of other fauna, and a scarcity of firewood for cooking (1.1.2). Some of this increase reflects the incursion of clans from other ethnic groups, in particular Mundang, Tupuri, Guidar and Guiziga. Conversely, many Mambay have left the ethnic area: the largest concentrations of Mambay emigrants are found in Figuil and Garoua (1.1.1). Both movements have destabilized traditional authority structures (families as well as villages) and have resulted in increased pressure on the Mambay language, primarily from Fulfulde (1.2.3.1).

1.2 The Mambay language In the first part of this section, earlier studies on Mambay are catalogued (1.2.1). The classification of the language and the sociolinguistic situation form the discussion in the second and third portions of this section (1.2.2 and 1.2.3).

1.2.1 Earlier studies on Mambay Mambay word lists are found in Strümpell (1910), Lukas (1937), Baudelaire (1944; numerals), Stauch (1966; fish names), Eguchi (1971), Elders (field notes from 1992/3) and Hamm (2001). Classificatory remarks on Mambay are found in Tessmann (1932), Westermann (1940, 1948, 1952), Baudelaire (1944), Greenberg (1955, 1963), Samarin (1971), Boyd (1974, 1978, 1989a), Ubels and Ubels (1980), Hagège (1981), Bennett (1983), Dieu and Renaud (1983), Mann and Dalby (1987), Bright (1992), Elders (2000), Grimes (2000a, 2000b), and Hamm (2001). These remarks have formed the basis for the classification presented in 1.2.2. Among these sources, the two articles which constitute important exceptions to a general tendency of brevity and uncertainty are those of Eguchi (1971) and Hamm (2001). In his Esquisse de la langue Mambaï, Eguchi expresses the hope that “ce rapport préliminaire, sans doute plein de fautes dûes au manque d’investigation intensive, pourra être utile” (1971:139). Eguchi’s study, while basic, has nonetheless been indispensable as a starting point for the present investigation of Mambay. It provides concise background to the language before presenting a brief phonology and morphology; these sections are followed by the transcription and translation of a story as well as an 800-word lexicon. Eguchi’s work raises a number of interesting questions on the language in the areas of consonant and vowel inventory, alternations in tone, length and nasality, tone-consonant interaction (p. 155) and the absence of tongue-root vowel harmony. Perhaps most remarkable is his positing of nasal implosives (p. 144). This question is revisited in the present research in 2.1.7.1.

11

While Eguchi concentrates on linguistic aspects of Mambay, Hamm’s (2001) Sociolinguistic survey of the Mambay of Cameroon and Chad provides a complementary portrayal of the language. Although its stated purpose is to examine possibilities for language development (p. 2), Hamm’s study offers findings regarding key topics such as demographics, multilingualism, dialect variation, intelligibility with related varieties, language attitudes and other related sociolinguistic questions. In addition to these two longer sources, a number of articles have been written on Mambay in the context of the present research. A provisional version of the standard Mambay orthography appeared in 2004 (Anonby 2004a; see also 1.3.3). In the same year, a paper was presented in which the labial flap was described in Mambay (2004b). In that study, which has been developed in a recent article (2007), it is argued that the labial flap is profoundly phonologized (see also 2006:224 and section 2.1.8 in the present study). Elsewhere, a preliminary description of the structure of discourse in Mambay has appeared (2005). In addition to these studies, an article has been published which outlines the phonetic inventory and basic phonological system of Mambay. It is accompanied by recordings of phonetic data, including a longer text which is also transcribed phonetically (2006). Further, in a work that is both descriptive and comparative/historical in nature, a set of vestigial noun suffixes is defined; its effect on the morphological structure of nouns is delineated, and its origins are explored (2007b). Finally, a short sketch of Mambay grammar and phonology is destined to appear in the Mambay dictionary (Anonby and Oussoumanou 2008 forthcoming) along with an updated version of the orthography which includes tone marking.

1.2.2 Classification Mambay has been classified as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, North, Adamawa-Ubangi, Adamawa, Mbum-Day, Kebi-Benue, Mambay (Williamson 1989, Boyd 1989a, Elders 2000:9, Grimes 2000a:68; see also the following subsections). Figure 2 (see following page) shows how each of these divisions fits into the larger picture of Niger-Congo classification (note that relations among higher levels of classification are still the subject of discussion). In this chart, names written with uppercase letters refer to language families, and those written with lower-case letters refer to terminal nodes (i.e. individual languages). Although other aspects of the language have been studied relatively little, the genetic classification of Mambay has been subject to some controversy. Debates affecting the classification of Mambay and the language groups to which it belongs have taken place at all levels of its genetic hierarchy, although some intermediate labels (such as “Adamawa”) have—for better or for worse—remained for the most part unchallenged since their establishment. In the following sections, competing positions are reviewed, and the classification given here is defended for lower levels. 1.2.2.1 Early classifications Although the Mambay language was recognized as early as 1910, its genetic status remained poorly defined until Greenberg’s (1955/63) classification. Up to that point, Mambay was often categorized with other “Sudanic” languages. However, this grouping

12

aaaaaaaaaaaaa Figure 2: The classification of Mambay in Niger-Congo

NIGER-CONGO

MANDE

ATLANTIC-CONGO

ATLANTIC

DOGON?

KORDOFANIAN

VOLTA-CONGO

KWA

IJOID

BENUE-CONGO

KRU

NORTH

ADAMAWA-UBANGI

ADAMAWA

A. 2, 4, 5, 12

A. 6, 13, 14, Day (MBUM-DAY)

KEBI-BENUE (MBUM / A.6)

NORTHERN

UBANGI

A. 1, 7, 10

BUA (A.13)

CENTRAL

DAMA-GALKE

Dama

Ndai-Pormi

Kali

GUR

A.8

A.9

A.3?

KIM (A.14)

A.11?

Day

SOUTHERN

TUPURI-MAMBAY

MUNDANG-KPAM/MONO

Mambay

Tupuri

(based on Williamson 1989, Williamson and Blench 2000, Boyd 1989a, Elders 2000 and Grimes 2000a, 2000b) 13

was largely based on geography and typology, both of which have proven unreliable as indicators of genetic affiliation in the fragmented central African linguistic area (Greenberg 1963, Thomas 1972, Williamson and Blench 2001:14–5). The first mention of the Mambay language is found in Strümpell’s (1910) assemblage of word lists elicited from among the “Heidensprachen Adamauas” (Adamawa pagan languages). Although Strümpell demonstrates relationships between a number of the languages under investigation, Mambay is not included in these groupings. Delafosse (1924) refers to Strümpell’s (1910) work in his classification of central African languages; however, he neglects to mention Mambay or to place it within one of the sixteen “soudanaises” families which he proposes. Using the information provided in Strümpell’s (1910) article, Tessmann (1932:187–9) provides a generic classification of Mambay within the frame of “Musiktonsprachen, Nigritische, Nichtklassensprachen: Sudansprachen (Sudanneger).” Like Strümpell, however, Tessmann is unable to relate Mambay to the numerous other languages and language groups within his classification. Lukas (1937:107) likewise makes reference to Strümpell’s article, and tentatively affirms Mambay’s status as an unaffiliated language. However, paying particular attention to the data, he acknowledges the possibility of a relationship between Mambay and Mundang, and lists similarities in basic vocabulary from various domains, including lower numerals, to support this hypothesis. Although Mouchet (1938) classifies a number of neighbouring languages under the label “Kabi-Benwe,” he makes no mention of Mambay. Westermann (1940/8) classes Mambay within a “Shari-Logone-Tshad” group, itself part of an “Innersudanische” (Inner Sudanic) division of Sudanic languages. He admits that degrees of relationship within this group are uncertain, and provides no further suggestions regarding the relationship of Mambay to other languages in this group (1948:459). Elders (2000:10) has noted that Westermann’s (1940/8) classification is based on geographic and typological rather than genetic criteria; a number of the languages included in Westermann’s Shari-Logone-Tshad grouping are presently classified as Chadic. Baudelaire (1944) mentions Mambay in a comparison of numeral systems which groups together some of the “dialectes Habé” of the upper Benue region (note that the term Habé is based on the Fulfulde word haabe ‘pagans’ (Schilder 1994:37, 43), and is more accurately viewed as a cultural (rather than linguistic) designation. However, he does not attempt to relate these languages to larger genetic groupings. Oblivious to the suggestions of Lukas (1937) and in contradiction to the similarity evident (in retrospect) between numerals in his “Mbum-Laka-Mundang” subgrouping and those of his Mambay list, Baudelaire concludes that Mambay appears unrelated to any other language in the region (1944:24, 27).

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In their (1952) classification of Sudanic languages, Westermann and Bryan provide a more conservative grouping of Inner Sudanic than that of Westermann (1940/8). In the later work, many of the Inner Sudanic languages are moved back into unclassified “isolated groups.” Significantly, for the first time Mambay is included within the isolated “Mbum” group (1952:145–7) which had itself been posited as early as Tessmann (1932:188). This grouping prefigures most of the later lower-level classifications of Mambay. 1.2.2.2 Position and labelling of Kebi-Benue (“Mbum”/“Adamawa 6”) The earlier placement of Mambay within the “Mbum” group by Tessman (1932) and Westermann (1952) is confirmed in Greenberg’s (1963; cf. 1949/55) influential classification of African languages. Greenberg (1955:11) makes an additional advance, however, in that he links the Mbum group with higher levels of classification. His (1949) partition of the Sudanic languages into Niger-Kordofanian (now generally referred to as Niger-Congo; see Williamson 1989:19) and Nilo-Saharan phyla is well-known. Within Niger-Kordofanian, one of his innovations is the collection of a number of unclassified languages and language families, including Mbum, under the label “Adamawa” (1955:11). Ultimately, he joins the Adamawa languages to a neighbouring family “Eastern” to constitute the “Adamawa-Eastern” (now Adamawa-Ubangi) branch of Niger-Congo (1963; cf. Samarin 1971:213, 225). While some sources originally queried this decision (e.g. Voegelin and Voegelin 1964:38–9), it has gained widespread acceptance, although it has been defined in recent classifications as a continuum (which may even include Gur) rather than a monolithic family (Williamson and Blench 2000:18). As regards Mambay’s inclusion among the Adamawa languages, only Caprile (1977:18, contra 1972:36 and 1977:16) has questioned this assessment. However, he admits that his skepticism is tentative, and does not defend it. In Greenberg’s work, then, the Mbum family is re-labelled “Adamawa 6”—one of fourteen Adamawa families. Boyd, who has subsequently (1974, 1978, 1989) examined the internal structure of the Adamawa languages, views Greenberg’s groupings as generally accurate but also as conservative: “…ces groupes sont assez homogènes, souvent à tel point que les langues appartenant à chacun représentent plutôt de simples dialectes d’une seule langue” (1978:187). Boyd thus proposes a conflation of Adamawa 6 (Mbum) with 13 (Bua) and 14 (Kim) into a single division (p. 190). In a (1989) revision, he also adds the language Day to this core within Adamawa (pp. 179–80). Essentially, the Mbum group remains an integral unit in later classifications, although typically subsumed under the higher Adamawa 6/13/14/Day node described here (Bennett 1983, Dieu et Renaud 1983:359 in Elders 2000:10, cp. Mann and Dalby 1987, Boyd 1989, Bright 1992, Grimes 2000, Williamson and Blench 2000:27–8). In addition to the terms “Mbum” and “Adamawa 6,” several other labels for this lowerlevel group have been proposed: “Lakka,” and more recently, “Kebi-Sanaga” and “KebiBenue.” Boyd (1974:17–8), followed by Ubels and Ubels (1980:1–3), uses the term “Lakka.” However, in a later work (1989) Boyd reverts to the term “Mbum” due to the imprecise and possibly pejorative nature of the term “Lakka.” Later suggestions informally put forward by Boyd (pers. comm. 2004) are “Mbumoid” and “Southwestern.”

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Elders (2000:10) has argued that the term “Kebi-Sanaga” would be preferable to “Mbum” since it avoids the confusion caused by a single label (“Mbum”) which applies to both a language family and a member of that family; additionally, it follows the Niger-Congo convention of naming language families after rivers (cf. Williamson 1989:18–20). In a later statement, issued after discussion with other scholars working in the language family, he refines the term as “Kebi-Benue” (Elders 2006). In addition to sharing the stated advantages of “Kebi-Sanaga,” this term is geographically appropriate, since most of the languages in the group fall within the basins of the Kebi and Benue rivers. Finally, it has the appeal of posterity: Mouchet proposed the term “Kabi-Benwe” for a group containing a number of the same languages as the family under discussion as early as 1938 (1.2.2.1). Because of these reasons, the term “Kebi-Benue” has been used in this study. 1.2.2.3 Internal structure of Kebi-Benue Academic understanding of the genetic relationship among languages of the Kebi-Benue family is still inadequate. Unfortunately, most of the classifications proposed have been impressionistic rather than methodical. The first major contribution to the internal classification of Kebi-Benue is that of Boyd (1974), who shows a close relationship among many of the languages. Although it does not include the whole group, Boyd’s (1974) classification of Kebi-Benue is unique in that it is the only study in which satisfactory comparative evidence has been provided for a large portion of the group. Although some of the northern Kebi-Benue languages (including Mambay) signalled by Greenberg (1963:9) are absent from Boyd’s classificatory comments, he divides the rest of the group into two divisions: Eastern (“oriental”), which is composed of languages closely related to the major language Mbum, and Western (“occidental”), which accounts for the other languages under investigation. The Eastern languages are further divided into two sub-groups, “type Pandjama” and “type ndó mbàlì” (1974:17). The next major attempt at classification of Kebi-Benue is that of Ubels and Ubels (1980). While following Boyd’s general Eastern/Western structure, a number of languages passed over by Boyd (1974) are accounted for. Mundang and Kali are placed in the Western division; the languages of the Eastern division are revised in terms of inventory, names, and internal classification; and several unclassified languages are added (Ubels and Ubels 1980:5). Mambay, however, is once again omitted from the discussion. Dieu and Renaud (1983:359) alter the internal classification of Kebi-Benue with the addition of a Northern division. Importantly, Mambay is recognized as a Kebi-Benue language and is included in this division along with Tupuri and Mundang. The remainder of Kebi-Benue languages are relegated to a single Southern division. Although Boyd (1989a) cites Ubels and Ubels (1980) as his primary authority, his classification diverges from theirs in some respects. He splits the Kebi-Benue family into three divisions: Northern, Central and Southern. Boyd’s Northern division accounts for the languages found in Dieu and Renaud’s (1983:359) new Northern division, but differs

16

in that it subsumes the remainder of Ubels and Ubels’ Western languages: Dama, Galke (Ndai)/Pormi, and Kali. His Central and Southern divisions correspond to the two branches of Ubels and Ubels’ (1980) Eastern division, but in contrast are seen as primary divisions within Kebi-Benue. Boyd’s (1989a) resulting classification is thus as follows: A. Northern 1. Tupuri, Mundang, Mambay 2. Dama, Galke (Ndáí)/Pormi, Kali B. Central 1. Koh [Kuo], Sakpu 2. Karang, Pana, Njak Mbai, Ngumi, Kãr C. Southern: Mbum, Mbere, Kpere ~ Kepere Unclassified languages: Pondo, Gonge, Tale, Dek Stefan Elders (2000:8–9) accepts this classification of Kebi-Benue for the most part, but makes the important observation that Kpam/Mono has been accidentally (“fortuitement”) omitted and places it in along with Mundang as a separate node of Kebi-Benue’s first Northern group (Tupuri-Mundang-Mambay). Elders (2006) provides a comprehensive overview of issues in the classification of the Kebi-Benue group. In addition to cataloguing research which has been done in the languages, a history of classification of Kebi-Benue is given and a number of corrections of and additions to Boyd’s (1989a) inventory are offered. Importantly, Gikaw is added and assigned to the same subgroup as Kpam/Mono, and Man and Tali (Tale) are included in the Southern division (but cf. Davis and Seguin 1990:33–4). Final modifications accepted in the present study are the placement of Gonge as a variety of Njak Mbay, and Pondo as a variety of Pana (Davis and Seguin 1990:35, cf. Elders 2006). Considering the discussion in the present section and the sources to which it refers, the following provisional classification of Kebi-Benue is offered: Figure 3: Classification of Kebi-Benue I. Northern A. Tupuri B. Mundang, Kpam/Mono, Gikaw C. Mambay II. Southern A. Dama, Galke (Ndai)/Pormi, Kali B. 1. Mbum, Mbere, Man, Kpere 2. a. Kuo, Sakpu b. Karang, Pana/Pondo, Njak Mbai/Gonge, Ngumi, Kare, Tali Unclassified language: Dek (based on Boyd 1989a, Elders 2000, 2006 and Davis and Seguin 1990)

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Kebi-Benue languages whose location is specified in the sources consulted are shown in Figure 4. Figure 4: The Kebi-Benue languages

NIGER

N

CHAD NIGERIA TUPURI

MAMBAY MUNDANG

DAMA

MONO

KUO NJAK MBAY

MBUM KARANG KARE PANA

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC CAMEROON Gulf of Guinea

CONGO

DEM. REP. OF CONGO

© Erik John Anonby 2007

(based on Boyd 1989a and Grimes 2000) 1.2.2.4 Controversy over Mambay’s position within Kebi-Benue Notwithstanding a widespread acceptance of the Kebi-Benue group, the status of Mambay within this group has been questioned on several occasions. While such perspectives do not reflect the thrust of the comparative literature in general (1.2.2.3), they are maintained here as residue since all arguments for Mambay’s position have up to this point been supported with little data. Samarin (1971) attributes Mambay’s categorization within Kebi-Benue to undue geographical considerations and recommends a revision. He states:

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Fali, Mangbei and Mundang, although not at all closely related, are all found in the same geographical area…. On the basis of his own linguistic observations, de Waard (pers. comm.) supports the integrity of this [Kebi-Benue] group with the exception of Mangbei. Since Stennes (pers. comm.) considers Mangbei to be closer to Fali (Group 9) [sic: Fali is Greenberg’s Group 11] than it is to Mundang of this group, it would seem that Mangbei may indeed have to be excluded. (217)

Hagège (1981) supports the view that Mambay should be excluded from the Kebi-Benue group. Although Hagège makes reference to “une information complémentaire,” he does not provide evidence for this decision; he states simply that Mambay is too different from the other languages of the Kebi-Benue group to be attached to it (1981:4). Bennett (1983:33, 42) implicitly acknowledges this position by calling the Kebi-Benue group “Mangbei-Mbum,” but Mambay is not investigated as part of his sample for classification. Based on a bare 10% apparent lexical similarity (among 227 words) between Mambay and Mundang, Hamm (2001:6, 10) concludes that while Mambay may belong to the Kebi-Benue group, it is likely that it should be excluded from the Tupuri-MundangMambay subgroup. In contrast to these sources, and in keeping with other classifications starting with Westermann (1952; see 1.2.2.1–1.2.2.3), Boyd (1989a) accepts that Mambay belongs to the Northern division of the Kebi-Benue group. Reflecting on his previous comparative work in the Adamawa languages (1974, 1978a), he responds skeptically to the exclusion of Mambay from the Kebi-Benue group, claiming that no evidence has been presented to support such a claim: A doubt was raised about the classification of Mangbai by Samarin (1971) for reasons that are unclear. Early word lists published by Strümpell (1910) and Lukas (1937) reveal a clearly, if distantly, related language. Eguchi’s (1971) publication confirms this impression. (185)

Boyd’s (1989a) resulting classification presents Mambay within the Northern division of Kebi-Benue. Elders (2000, 2006) tentatively reiterates this position. Given these hesitations, an in-depth comparison of Mambay with other members of the Northern division of Kebi-Benue is needed to clarify the relationship among these languages.

1.2.3 Sociolinguistic situation In the following subsections, three topics are addressed: multilingualism (1.2.3.1), domains of use of Mambay (1.2.3.2), and the dialect situation (1.2.3.3). While some of the information is based on Hamm’s (2001) sociolinguistic survey, these observations have been weighed in the light of field research for the present study, and additional observations have been incorporated.

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1.2.3.1 Multilingualism Mambay is situated in the north-central African linguistic “core,” at the crossroads of three linguistic phyla (Niger-Congo, Afro-Asiatic and Nilo-Saharan) and host to myriad sub-families. While genetic diversity is high, contact among languages impacts their composition to a remarkable degree (Thomas 1972, Greenberg 1983:4). Most Mambay speakers are proficient in at least one other language. The most common languages of multilingualism are (in order of decreasing frequency) Fulfulde (the language of the Fulbe), French and Mundang. Proficiency in Hausa and Arabic, two other languages of multilingualism, is limited to a small minority of men (Hamm 2001:12). In the Mambay language area, as throughout most of Northern Cameroon, the dominance of Fulfulde is an inescapable part of the sociolinguistic equilibrium. This dominance is the result of a century and a half of Fulbe hegemony (1.1.3.2–1.1.3.4); it has steadily increased among the Mambay, with the possible exception of the last decade, since the ethnic community has begun to show interest in the preservation of their language (1.2.3.2). Even in interethnic encounters involving groups other than Fulbe, Fulfulde is almost always used as a language of wider communication. Proficiency in French is, unsurprisingly, correlated to level of education in the Frenchlanguage school systems of Cameroon and Chad. Because Mambay men have, on average, a higher level of education than women, bilingualism in French is generally limited to men (Hamm 2001:12–3). Interestingly, proficiency in additional languages is also correlated to religious adherence. The Mambay view Fulfulde as an Islamic language, and while Arabic is used for prayer, imams in the area use Fulfulde for religious teaching; use of Mambay (or any language other than Arabic or Fulfulde) is discouraged for Muslims in religious contexts. Because of this, Mambay who are Muslim tend to be more proficient in Fulfulde than those who are Christian (Hamm 2001:11–2). In contrast, Mambay who consider themselves Christian (particularly those who are protestant) generally have a higher level of proficiency in Mundang than those who are Muslim. This is particularly true of Mambay Christians living on the Chad side of the border because until recently, Mundang was the primary language used there in Christian celebrations. Finally, geographic proximity to other language areas is related to multilingualism: proficiency in Mundang is more common in Chad, where the Mambay and Mundang language areas are adjacent to one another (Hamm 2001:12). Still, although Grimes (2000a:68) states that Mambay “speakers are reported to understand Mundang,” Hamm demonstrates that even among the Mambay population in Chad, average proficiency in Mundang is low (2001:12).

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1.2.3.2 Domains of use of Mambay As the previous section indicates, languages other than Mambay are used primarily in situations where members of other ethnic groups are present, and in domains where written languages are used. Among Mambay speakers, the only place where another language is used in an oral domain is in conversation in and around the mosque; until recently, only Fulfulde has been permitted (Moussa Taw, pers. comm. 2005/6). Recently, the use of Mambay has expanded into several new domains: religious services and conversation, radio and writing. Changes in language use in religious services and conversation are addressed in the previous section (1.2.3.1). As concerns radio, COLAMA (Comité de Langue Mambay) has sponsored a weekly radio program in Mambay since mid-2005. However, the most important expansion of Mambay has been the development of a writing system (see 1.3.3). As has been the case for other ethnic groups in the area, it has opened a major avenue for the Mambay to assert themselves as a people, and has acted as a catalyst for the expansion of the other domains mentioned here. To date, numerous written materials have appeared in Mambay (transcriptions for titles in the lists below are given as they appear on the materials). The first publication in Mambay was a probably a catechism and prayer service, which the Catholic Church produced. A recent revision of the prayer service has been reproduced by COLAMA in conjunction with the Catholic Church and SIL. Catechisme ma dag ti Mambay [Mambay catechism] Zimfinu geh Badazi [Sunday prayer service] On its own, COLAMA has published a calendar, and for the past few years has regularly produced schedules, reports and minutes for language committee meetings. Oral texts transcribed by COLAMA in conjunction with SIL in the context of narrative discourse workshops, named with their oral sources, are as follows: Adoum Kami: Sahna [A prayer] Bégui Démas: Zooga pazi kohmna [Conference of the birds] Kami Philippe Daouda: Namza kohmzi [Conference of the animals]

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Koué Agabus: Kaa wii yo pale ka keti kpargile ma sigro na ? [Why is it that the sky has become distant from the earth?] Koué Lazare Bessoum: Gogra ma nahurde7ge [The bee and the wasp] Kwe Lazar [A story about Koué Lazare] Kwe Nathaniel: Asya7miya [It-doesn’t-concern-me] Nasah [A question] Paa fugzo ma sa’nni ee [The cotton farmer and his commerce] Oussoumanou Bouba: @ig tivin rama [The blind woman’s child] Geeri nii si’la ma gyah [The north wind and the sun] Hurtigohm [The locust] Kaga ma liba [The chicken and the guineafowl] Mu kyahri laa kyah, mú ku’l gbahna [You want to eat fish, so learn to fish!] Nahra [The star] Natu’ [Proverbs] Taw Namuura [Taw Namuura] (with Kwe Nathaniel) Tawso yah gwaare [Tawso took the sickle] Wahwah [Hubbub] Yih Mambay [The name “Mambay”] Saadu Kami Taw: Dag du’lo [The sacred enclosure] (with Younoussa Wouri) Saadu Kami Taw [Autobiography of Saadu Kami Taw] Younoussa Wouri: Mi kyah sehro [What I desire for you] Five of the oral texts have been selected for analysis; these texts appear in at the end of this study. Editions published by COLAMA in conjunction with the Église des Frères Luthériennes include a hymnbook and a pre-primer. Chio4hi’in Siketi ma4dag tiMambai [Songs to worship God in Mambay] Ku’ul %e’e igga ma dag ti Mambai [Learning to write things in Mambay] Works which have been published or are being prepared for publication in Mambay by COLAMA in conjunction with SIL are as follows:

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Abeseder twa ma dag ti Mambay [A new alphabet chart in Mambay] Ig nii seh paa tu’n ku’l daga yag tii naa izire keh iga ma dag bin [Resource for teachers of those who are literate in another language] La’ inaa koozi Yeeso [This is how Jesus was born] Mah ro’ra ma dag ti Mambay [Mambay dictionary] Ná ku’l keh iga ma dag ti Mambay [Let’s learn to write in Mambay] Naga, mú nu ga! Dehmtere ku’lni urni dag ti Mambay [Naga, don’t sleep! A book for learning to read the Mambay language] Namzi sigri ti Mambay [Animals of the land of the Mambay] Dehmtere ku’lni urni dag ti Mambay 2 [A book for learning to read the Mambay language, part 2] 1.2.3.3 Dialect situation There is little linguistic variation among varieties of Mambay, and the variation that exists does not significantly impede comprehension between speakers of different varieties (Hamm 2001:9). Three main dialect areas, which constitute links in a modest continuum, have been identified. Varieties south of the Mayo Kebbi are at one end of the continuum, and those in Chad, which are in the north-eastern part of the language area, are at the other end. Varieties in the north-western section of the language area, situated north of the Mayo Kebbi in Cameroon, are ambivalent in their affinities to the dialects at the ends of the continuum. 20th-century migrations have disrupted this neat distribution, so that two of the villages north of the Mayo Kebbi (Bisooli~Bissolé and Kaaguma~Kagouma) speak a “southern” dialect, and a village south of the river (Kaaku’~Kakou) speaks a “northern” dialect. According to some sources, the variety spoken on the south side of Mambay Mountain, from Pyahga (Piaga) to Lam, constitutes an additional dialect area. However, it has not been possible to gather data from this variety. Most of the dialect differences are lexical, and are often limited to tone, nasality or a single segment. In the database, these differences affect only about 1% of the lexicon. A representative selection of attested variations grouped by dialect area is given in Figure 5 (see following page):

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Figure 5: Lexical variation among Mambay dialects eight soldier money giant rat weakness with (adv.) up to, until knock over walk (v.n.) our (incl.) impatient give learning green monkey water turtle star

southern fwàrnágà gáhlbú kó ò màà4ráárà tì4dúgrì má4geFn háá fwàr té’là )ánzá faFhw híí kû%gó kpùm káà kpèègá lágâ7gá náhrà

northern (Cameroon) fwàrnágà gáhlbú kó ò màà4ráárà tì4dúgrì má4geFn háá ~ háá fwàr ~ fòr té’là ~ dá’là )ánzyá faFy híí kû%vó kpùm pùgá lágângá ráhnà

northern (Chad) fwàrnâh gáhlbó kóbò máà4ràárà tà4dúgrì má4gèé háá fèr sé’là ~ dá’là )ánzyá faFy híí kû%vó kpùm pùgá lágângá ráhnà

In addition to lexical variants, two regionally defined phonological differences have been identified. The most important difference concerns the inventory of nasalized vowels. While the other dialects exhibit three peripheral nasalized vowel positions i a u (2.2.1, 3.1), the dialect in Chad also allows nasalized mid vowels, at least on the surface. This shows up in the linked forms of yaX- and waX-final nouns (5.2.2.2.2): default form, all dialects

linked form, Chad dialect

linked form, other dialects

fish wink (n.) cricket sp.

kyaFh nà4ryáà nà4syâ’

keFh nà4réè nà4sê’

kHFh nà4ríì nà4sî’

hole, den fool bracelet

nwâ’ rwáà twâh

nô’ róò tôh

nû’ rúù tûh

The Chad dialect’s expanded inventory may reflect the influence of Mundang, which exhibits nasalized vowels in seven positions (Elders 2000:40). Another conspicuous difference exhibited by the dialect in Chad as against the other dialects is its realization of s and z as [L] and [M] respectively with the semivowel y or, with some speakers, before the high front vowel i.

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phonological form, all dialects

phonetic realization, phonetic realization, Chad dialect other dialects

tree sp. shine song

syáà syé syóò

[L]áà [L]é [L]óò

[sy]áà [sy]é [sy]óò

net jackal mistake (v.)

zyáà zyâh zyàgrí

[M]áà [M]âh [M]àgrí

[zy]áà [zy]âh [zy]àgrí

crocodile valley, river year

sígò síì sììrá

[L]ígò [L]íì [L]ììrá

[s]ígò [s]íì [s]ììrá

large hoe fish sp. gnaw

zí’gò zìírì zìr

[M]í’gò [M]ìírì [M]ìr

[z]í’gò [z]ìírì [z]ìr

Because of these differences, Mambay speakers often state that the Mambay in Chad speak with a Mundang accent (local French: ton) (Hamm 2001:9). This promotes the prevailing perception (in all dialect areas) that the varieties spoken in Cameroon are “purer” than those spoken in Chad (13). In particular, the variety spoken in Kaakyo’w is esteemed: the historical primacy of Kaakyo’w (see 1.1.3.1) as well as its geographical isolation, which has minimized the influence of other languages, contribute to this opinion.

1.3 Research framework In this section, the research framework of this study is addressed. The first subsection (1.3.1) outlines the scope of the research and gives an overview of the topics that are addressed in each chapter. The next part (1.3.2) summarizes the organization and process of field research. A final portion (1.3.3) describes the emergence of the standard Mambay orthography and compares it to the phonological orthography used in this study, which is based upon it.

1.3.1 Scope and overview of this study This study is a description of Mambay as it is spoken today. The variety under investigation is that of the principal collaborator, Oussoumanou Bouba (see 1.3.2) of Kaakyo’w (Katchéo), Cameroon. This variety falls within the dialect spoken by Mambay living south of the Mayo Kebbi (1.2.3.3). Description revolves around the phonological and morphological structure of the language. Pertinent issues in phonetics are treated within the framework of the phonological system, and topics in syntax, discourse structure and semantics are treated in reference to morphological classes. A number of linguistic theories and sub-theories have been taken into account in the present study. These are, in particular, the structuralist tradition, functional grammar, the generative movement and its progeny 25

Autosegmental Phonology, Lexical Phonology and Optimality Theory. When 1 appropriate, theoretical insights have been incorporated ; however, the descriptive focus of the study assumes a minimal amount of theoretical background on the part of the reader. In this first chapter, the Mambay ethnic group is situated geographically as well as historically. Existing studies on the Mambay language are catalogued, and the classification of the language and its sociolinguistic situation are considered in detail. The final section of this chapter presents the framework and methodology of the study. The phonology of Mambay is addressed in chapters 2–4. In chapter 2, an overview of the phonology is presented. Contrastive phonological constituents are examined starting with consonants and vowels, and syllable and word structure are treated in turn. A number of interpretive issues are probed; of these, the interpretation of pharyngeal and glottal articulations is the most involved. Chapter 3 examines the role of nasality in the language. Nasality is shown to be contrastive for vowels as well as consonants, and the determination of its source is often problematic. The distribution and spread of nasality is therefore treated in reference to domains of association, within morphemes as well as across morpheme boundaries. Chapter 4 is devoted to an analysis of the tone system. The Mambay tone system is depicted as a register tone system with two contrastive levels, High and Low. These levels are organized into seven contrastive tone melodies which may be associated with morphemes. Tonal processes, both lexical and postlexical, are also addressed. In addition, the role of intonational phenomena, which interact with tonal phenomena, is accounted for. The word classes in the language are dealt with in chapters 5–9. First of all, nouns are described in chapter 5. Of the various classes, nouns show the greatest diversity in attested root structures. Affixational and template morphology is also a significant attribute of nouns: this is evident in the widespread occurrence of prefixation, some instances of which have been lexicalized, and some of which continue to function grammatically. Template morphology, for its part, plays an active role in pluralization and in a pervasive free vs. linked distinction on nouns. The left-headed possessive construction, which is the primary context in which linked forms of nouns are found, is then described in reference to three axes: spontaneous vs. lexicalized, obligatory vs. optional possession, and alienable vs. inalienable possession. Additionally, specific types of nouns and noun-related constructions are considered: participant noun constructions, ideophonic nouns, proper names, compounding and other types of derivation and the 1

The contribution of Autosegmental Phonology (Leben 1973, Goldsmith 1990) is especially evident in the description of the internal structure of consonants (2.1.5), syllable structure and syllable weight (2.4.2, 2.4.3), nasality (Chapter 3) and tone (Chapter 4); that of Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky 1982, Kenstowicz 1994) is evident in the lexical/postlexical distinction that has informed the description of tone association and tonal processes (4.1–4.3); and the insights of Optimality Theory (Archangeli and Langendoen 1997) have been incorporated in the discussion of constraints on the distribution of nasality (3.1.1, 3.4.1, 3.4.2) and the distribution of vowels in adjectives (8.4.2.1.1).

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locative function of nouns are all taken into account. inventory of attested noun phrase types.

A final section provides an

Chapter 6, which is concerned with pronouns, is an appropriate transition between chapter 5 on nouns and chapter 7, which is concerned with verbs. While, prototypically, pronouns take the place of nominal referents, they also play an important role in the verbal system, where they bear TAM (tense, aspect and mode) distinctions. The larger part of the chapter is concerned with the basic categories of personal pronouns distinguished in Mambay: subject, object and possessive pronouns. Each of these pronoun types also has emphatic forms produced by various strategies. A final section deals with interrogative pronouns. Chapter 7 examines verbs. First, canonical morphologically simple stems are examined. This is followed by a discussion of non-canonical stems, most of which are morphologically complex; the most prominent group of non-canonical stems contain verbal extensions. A description of verb word morphology then leads into a discussion of verbal inflection, which is marked on the verb word, subject pronouns and by means of expanded verb forms, including those which incorporate auxiliary verbs and TAM adverbs and particles. A final section describes composite verbal expressions: these are constructions composed of a verb stem recurrently found with another element (noun, prepositional phrase, etc.) in the lexicon. Chapter 8 deals with two classes of modifiers: adverbs and adjectives. Since ideophones comprise a majority of adverbs as well as adjectives, they are also treated in this chapter as a parallel topic with major implications for both of these word classes. One striking trait of ideophones in Mambay is the existence of several derivational ideophonic templates. Apart from ideophones, directional and TAM adverbs as well as a poorly defined group of non-ideophonic adjectives are addressed. Chapter 9 brings together three minor word classes, all of which are closed in the lexicon: numerals, demonstratives and prepositions. Numerals in particular are morphologically diverse; a small group of underived numerals is found, but many numerals are derived from other parts of speech, especially nouns. Chapter 10 serves to introduce the structure of clauses and clause combinations. The section on clause structure, which comes first, deals with constituent order, clause and clause constituent particles and verbless clauses; independent utterances other than clauses are also considered. The section on clause combinations then concentrates on strategies of coordination and subordination, giving special attention to conjunctions and particles. At the end of this study, a collection of five texts is transcribed and interlinearized. These texts have been selected from a variety of genres—song, proverb, legend (account of origins), and fable—in order to illustrate a range of morphological, syntactic and discourse structures. In addition, there are two appendices: Appendix 1 provides an

27

inventory of inalienable possession paradigms, and Appendix 2 presents conjugations of verbal inflection as it patterns with contrastive tonal verb classes. One theme that is recurrently invoked in the description is that of canonicity. Phonological structures from some of the word classes fall between two ends of a continuum: canonical and non-canonical. Canonical structures belong to the homogeneous phonological core of the language and represent the vast majority of structures in the language. However, there are small but persistent groups of marked and highly varied structures in all of the lexically open word classes; and often, non-canonical roots exhibit a cluster of uncommon features. The sections which discuss canonicity reveal that some non-canonical structures, such as nasalized mid vowels (3.1.1), are attested only a handful of times in the data. Words borrowed from other languages usually exhibit the same behaviour as other non-canonical items in the same class (e.g., 5.2.2.3, 7.1.2.3). In later chapters, canonicity is considered in reference to the following topics: - geminate consonants (2.1.2.7); - repetition of consonants within a syllable (2.1.2.8); - distribution of vowels within morphemes (2.2.2.3); - syllable weight (2.4.3); - inventory of nasalized vowels (3.1); - noun CV structure (5.2.1.1) and tone melody (5.1.1.2); - noun-to-noun derivation with prefixes (5.1.2.3.1); - linked form (5.2.2.2) and plurality (5.5.1.1) templates; - verb stem structure (7.1); - ideophones (8.2; see also 5.11 and 7.1.2.2); and - prepositions vs. locational nouns (9.3.3). The Fulfulde examples given in the text have been verified using SIL (2003) and Noye (1974), and Hausa examples are from Abraham and Mai Kano (1949) and Maarten Kossmann (pers. comm. 2007).

1.3.2 Field research My initial exposure to Mambay was as part of an SIL Chad team that conducted a sociolinguistic survey on Mambay (Hamm 2001) in May 2000. Along with Cameron Hamm and Mbernodji Calvain, I received a warm welcome and introduction to the Mambay language and culture. Aspects of Mambay phonology such as pharyngealization, glottalization and the labial flap were some of the unfamiliar phenomena that whetted my desire to better understand the phonology of the language. In addition, the well-watered plain of the Mayo Kebbi with its lush pastures and orchards groves was a refreshing change from the hotter, drier areas of north-east Chad where we had been working previously (Anonby and Johnson 2001). But the kindness, hospitality and humour of our hosts were, in the end, what drew me back to the Mambay language area.

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I was able to return to the Mambay area three and a half years later under a collaborative arrangement among SIL Chad, SIL Cameroon, COLAMA (Comité de Langue Mambay) and MINREST (Ministère de la recherche scientifique et technique) of Cameroon. While most of my time was to be devoted to fieldwork, I was given an opportunity to contribute as a consultant by applying the result of my linguistics research to the development of an orthography as part of a larger language development project (this is described in detail in the following section). Eventually, the scope of my involvement expanded to embrace a number of additional activities. Much of my commitment to the language development project centred on the facilitation of linguistics and computer courses and workshops for members of COLAMA and, later on, the Bible translation team. This included training on phonetics and orthography, data management, community vocabulary collection and lexicography, transcription of texts, literacy primer construction, narrative discourse and translation. I was also privileged to play a part in the reorganization of COLAMA, which evolved from a church-run Bible translation committee into a non-partisan language committee whose increased repertoire of activities came to represent and serve the Muslim as well as Christian segments of the ethnic group. Rather than taking away from the contemporaneous investment in fieldwork, involvement in the language development project enriched my awareness of the Mambay language and culture (see Kutsch Lojenga’s (1996) discussion of participatory research). In this capacity, I was able to visit most of the larger Mambay villages; happily, these were distributed in all three of the major dialect areas (1.2.3.3). Since all of the language committee’s activities were conducted in Mambay (see 1.2.3.2), I was forced to pay close attention to the language, especially at the point when colleagues in the committee felt that it was no longer necessary to translate everything for me because I was beginning to speak and understand the language. In addition, the vocabulary collection efforts of several members of the language committee resulted in a lexicon of almost 2000 items. This lexicon formed an underpinning for the 3450-word vocabulary prepared for the purposes of this study and which will, hopefully, be published in a Mambay dictionary (COLAMA in preparation). Fieldwork was conducted between October 2003 and February 2006, and interposed by two periods of write-up at Leiden University in the Netherlands: six months in 2004 and three months in 2005. Three principal localities of field research may be distinguished: 1) the Mambay ethnic area, especially Kaakaala and the Mambay quarter of Figuil; 2) the small Mambay community of N’Djaména; and 3) Maroua, where, with reliable electricity, intensive instruction and elicitation sessions were conducted. A large number of Mambay speakers assisted by providing and collecting data. The principal collaborator for this study is Oussoumanou Ka a Bouba of Kaakyo’w (Katchéo), Bibémi Subdivision, Bénoué Division, North Province, Cameroon. He speaks the dialect on which this study has been primarily based, namely that which is found south of the Mayo Kebbi River (1.2.3.3). Oussoumanou, who is 47 years old, works as a

29

geotechnical engineer, Bible translator, linguist, and cultivator. He is also a member of COLAMA (Comité de Langue Mambay), and is active as a lay reader for the Catholic community in Kaakyo’w and Bookiré. In addition to helping with hundreds of hours of elicitation, Oussoumanou assisted by collecting vocabulary for a dictionary (COLAMA in preparation), proofreading transcriptions, and helping defining orthographic conventions and linguistic terminology for Mambay (see 1.3.3). Other collaborators who contributed significantly to this study are acknowledged in the following paragraphs. Kada Moïse was born in Kaakaala (Kakala), Cameroon, where he still lives. He is the deputy chief of Kaakaala, where he also works as a cultivator and community health care facilitator. Kada hosted our family when we first moved to Kaakaala. He taught us much useful vocabulary, and oriented us to the culture and historical context of the Mambay people. Sadou Kami Tao was born in Kaalaw (Kalao), Cameroon. He has lived for many years in Figuil, Cameroon, where he worked as a civil servant until his retirement. Sadou recounted and allowed me to record the early history of the Mambay, his own life story and some of the vanishing religious rituals of the Mambay. Yunusa Wuri was born in Kaagbungni (Kaboni), Chad. He now lives in Figuil, and has worked as a merchant’s assistant. Yunusa helped with the translation of numerous texts into French, and collaborated extensively in the production of data for tone analysis. Titogo Tao Justin is from Kaakaala, although his family is originally from Kaagbungni. He is now located in Figuil, where he has finished his studies and works as a tutor. Tao was the principal resource person using the Chadian dialect of Mambay. and helped with the elicitation of vocabulary. Kwe Nathaniel was born in Kaagbungni, and continues to live there. He works as a grain merchant and cultivator, and is the coordinator for COLAMA’s literacy programme. He provided a number of texts, contributed to vocabulary collection for the dictionary, and was active in the development of the orthography. Koué Agabus was born in Kaagbungni. Presently, he is a pastor of an EFL (Église des Frères Luthériens) church in Bidé, which is near Bibémi, Cameroon. Koué is a member of the Bible translation team. He was involved in a number of training events, and provided consistent criticism of transcribed texts and COLAMA publications. Pévina Salomon, originally from Kaakaala and Kaagbungni, is currently studying in a technical training school in N’Djaména. He helped with elicitation for a major initial portion of vocabulary for the dictionary. Badilou Kada is originally from Kaakaala. He now lives in Figuil, where he works in a cement factory. Badilou who was the main informant from the dialect area north of the

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Mayo Kebbi in Cameroon, thoughtfully and enthusiastically answered selected questions on the language over a year-long period. As the previous list shows, all of the major contributors to the present research were men. The selection of collaborators reflects the choice of COLAMA and, indirectly, cultural considerations since in Mambay culture a respectful distance is observed between the sexes in most social contexts. Despite this shortcoming, numerous smaller selections of data were consistently collected from women in public contexts.

1.3.3 Orthography used in this study The phonological orthography used in this study is based on the standard Mambay orthography (Anonby 2004a), but has been modified to reflect additional phonological considerations. The standard orthography reflects the work of many individuals and the collaboration of the Mambay language community as a whole. The first version of the orthography, which appeared in three publications (1995–2000), was designed by COLAMA (Comité de Langue Mambay) based on the orthography of other regional languages and the phonological transcriptions used in Eguchi’s (1971) study. Several additional orthographic issues were addressed in consultation with Gravina (2001). While significant strides had been made toward the development of a standard orthography, a number of issues continued to detract from its utility: these included an incomplete alphabetic inventory, inconsistency, problematic interpretations of ambiguous sequences, lack of tone marking, and variation between dialects (cf. 1.2.3.3). In a series of workshops co-sponsored by SIL and COLAMA, Anonby and members of COLAMA began to address these issues, and conventions set forth in Tadadjeu and Sadembouo’s (1984) Alphabet générale des langues camerounaises and DAPLAN’s (2000) manuscript Les lettres de l’alphabet national des langues du Tchad were put into practice. A provisional version of the standard orthography was written up in Anonby (2004a), and a refined version which includes some tone marking is to appear in Anonby and Oussoumanou (2008 forthcoming). The orthography used in this study is based on the latest version of the standard orthography, but is more phonologically robust. The principal ways in which the two writing systems differ are summarized in Figure 6 on the following page, and examples are provided. Phonetic transcriptions of Mambay data are given in square brackets; phonetic detail is reserved for realizations of the segments under discussion in a given section. For the most part, the phonetic transcription follows IPA (International Phonetic Association) conventions. Minor divergences from the IPA alphabet are explained in 2.1.1.

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Figure 6: Comparison of the standard Mambay orthography with the orthography used in this study standard Mambay orthography

examples

orthography used in this study

examples

tone marking is limited to aspectual and modal distinctions on subject pronouns

suuzo ‘hair’

lexical and grammatical tone are both fully marked

sùùzó ‘hair’

predictable nasality on vowels is unmarked within a syllable

nama ‘animal’

morpheme-final CyVV and CwVV sequences are written with a single vowel

zya ‘net’

preglottalized nasals are written as implosives followed by a nasalized vowel

ró voro ‘[you (2pl.)] go!

biiru ‘cobra’

rwa ‘fool’

ara ‘friend’ %aa ‘flow’

glottalization on vowels and preglottalization on consonants are not orthographically distinct

ku’ ‘sand’

morpheme-initial glottal stops are unmarked

ahra ‘canoe’

morpheme boundaries within words are unmarked

tivina ‘woman (respect form)’

capitalization is used for proper names and at the beginning of sentences

Taw ‘(personal name)’

’wahra ‘debt’

oo ‘braid (v.)’

all nasality on vowels is marked

ró vòró ‘[you (2pl.)] go! nàmá ‘animal’ bíírù ‘cobra’

morpheme-final CyVV zyáà ‘net’ and CwVV sequences are rwáà ‘fool’ written with a double vowel preglottalized nasals are demonstrated to be contrastive (2.1.2.3) and are written as such

Nmárà ‘friend’ Nnáá ‘flow’

glottalization on vowels is marked with a curved apostrophe, and preglottalization on consonants is marked with a straight apostrophe

kû’ ‘sand’

glottal stops are marked everywhere

)àhrá ‘canoe’

morpheme boundaries within words are marked

tí4vínà ‘woman (respect form)’

heezi ‘they climbed’

Nwàhrá ‘debt’

)óó ‘braid (v.)’

hèè4zí ‘they climbed’ capitalization is not used

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tâw ‘(personal name)’

2 PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE 2

PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

The Mambay language is characterized by a rich system of phonological structures. In this chapter, consonants and vowels are treated first (2.1 and 2.2). While some of the phonetic phenomena that have been explored in Anonby (2006) are reviewed here, analyses of phonological structures, in particular issues relating to both consonants and vowels (2.3), are pursued in greater detail. These sections are followed by descriptions of syllable structure (2.4) and word structure (2.5). Additional chapters have been devoted to nasality (Chapter 4) and tone (Chapter 5); each of these phenomena represents an involved system which functions in reference to the structures described in the present chapter. The section on consonants presents an inventory of twenty-nine contrastive consonants in Mambay, with four additional consonants found in borrowed words (2.1.1). The six attested places of articulation (labial, alveolar, palatal, velar, labial-velar and glottal) reflect a system typical of the Niger-Congo phylum in general (Williamson and Blench 2000:37) and the Kebi-Benue languages in particular (Boyd 1974:21, Elders 2006). However, the palatal series in particular is less developed than that which has been described in closely related languages (ibid.); contrastive palatal stops, prenasalized stops, fricatives and nasals are all absent in Mambay. Nine distinct manners of consonant articulation are represented (see the chart in 2.1.1 below). These are, for the most part, the same as those of closely related languages. However, the prenasalized stops found in other Kebi-Benue languages (Boyd 1974:21– 2)—albeit on a reduced scale in the Northern group (Elders 2006)—are lacking in words of Mambay origin. Two other conspicuous components of the consonant inventory are a profoundly phonologized labial flap (2.1.8) and a robust glottalic series consisting of eight members, five of which are oral and three of which are nasal. Along with other glottalic segments, the two implosives in the language pattern as sonorants rather than obstruents, since they are sensitive to nasality (2.1.1 below and 3.2; see also Kaye 1981, Creissels 1994:107 and Clements 2000:132). The distribution of consonants, which is discussed in various syllable and morpheme positions (2.1.2), is followed by an establishment of contrast among members of the inventory (2.1.3). Further sections devoted to consonants regard interpretive issues (2.1.4), internal structure of consonants (2.1.5), phonetic realizations (2.1.6), airstream mechanisms (2.1.7) and the labial flap (2.1.8).

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The section on vowels presents a system with five basic units: i e a o u (2.2.1). This basic inventory is simpler than those found in most other Kebi-Benue languages, some of which contain ten basic vowels (Boyd 1974:38–40, 56; Elders 2000:39). In contrast to many other Niger-Congo languages, there is no ATR (advanced tongue root) vowel harmony in Mambay; the additional vowel qualities [O] and [P] are found only as realizations of e and o in closed syllables (2.2.5). However, the basic vowels in Mambay occur with four other vowel modifications: length, nasalization, glottalization and pharyngealization. In some cases, only a reduced inventory is found with a particular modification. Since several combinations of the vowel modifications are permitted, a total of thirty contrastive vowel qualities are represented. While vowel modifications may have originated as consonants (Boyd 1974:56–7), they have been interpreted as synchronically vocalic in Mambay (2.3.3.2, 2.3.3.3). The existence of pharyngeal articulations in particular is fascinating, since in Africa this phenomenon is for the most part restricted to the Afro-Asiatic languages of the north and north-eastern parts of the continent, and Khoisan languages in the southwest (Clements 2000:128, 139). The distribution of vowels in the language is presented in 2.2.2. Contrasts between vowels are established in 2.2.3, and interpretive issues relating to vowels (2.2.4) are followed by a discussion of their phonetic realizations (2.2.5). The section on issues relating to both consonants and vowels first outlines limitations on which consonants and vowels may occur with each other (2.3.1). The establishment of contrast for glottalic sequences across syllable boundaries (2.3.2) is followed by an indepth examination of possible interpretations for semivowels (2.3.3.1 and 2.3.3.4), pharyngeal articulations (2.3.3.2), and glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes (2.3.3.3). The perplexing behaviour of glottalic articulations in this position is reminiscent of that found in mid 20th-century descriptions of the Oto-Manguean languages of southern Mexico (Aschmann 1946, Pickett 1951, Longacre 1955, Robbins 1961, Pike 1967:387)), and a later study on Duru / Yag Dii of north-central Cameroon (Bohnhoff 1976, 1987). While the Mexican studies treat glottalization as the distribution of glottal consonants within syllable nuclei, Bohnhoff assigns this phenomenon to structurally discrete “double vowels.” The section on syllable structure catalogues the seven attested syllable shapes in the language (2.4.1) and provides a description of syllable structure (2.4.2) and syllable weight (2.4.3). Four noteworthy properties of syllables in Mambay, especially within the context of sub-Saharan African languages are: the requirement that all syllables have an onset; the existence of complex (CC) onsets; syllable codas in which most consonants may be found; and the existence of a number of morphemes containing superheavy CVVC syllables. The chapter concludes with a section on word structure. The possibilities available to phonological words are discussed in reference to syllable structure and derivational as well as inflectional morphology (2.5).

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The phonetic transcription in this chapter is concerned with segmental phonology; details pertaining to nasality and tone are presented more fully in the relevant chapters (4 and 5). In addition, phonetic detail is reserved for realizations of the segments under discussion in a given section.

2.1 Consonants In the present section, an inventory of consonants is provided (2.1.1). The distribution of consonants in various morpheme and syllable positions (2.1.2) is coupled with a demonstration of contrast among them (2.1.3). Additional topics are interpretive issues (2.1.4), the internal structure of certain consonants (2.1.5), phonetic realizations (2.1.6) and airstream mechanisms (2.1.7). A special section is devoted to a discussion of the labial flap (2.1.8).

2.1.1 Inventory of consonants The consonant inventory of Mambay, presented in phonological orthography, may be schematized as follows:

alveolar

velar

labialvelar

glottal

voiceless stops

p

t

k

kp

())

voiced stops

b

d

g

gb

voiceless fricatives

f

s

voiced fricatives

v

z

nasal glottalic series

Nm

Nn

N7

nasals

m

n

7

flaps and trills

vb

r

sonorants

obstruents

manner

palatal

labial

place

(h)

oral glottalic series

%

Q

Nw

)

approximants

l

y

w

h

Besides these consonants, which form a core within the inventory, four additional stops j b nd 7g are found in words borrowed from Fulfulde.

m

Default phonetic realizations of consonants whose orthographic symbolization differs significantly from counterparts in the IPA alphabet are as follows: Q y

preglottalized palatal approximant palatal approximant

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(IPA [)j]) (IPA [j])

vb

bilabial flap

(IPA [ ]; cf. 2.1.8)

j

voiced palatal-alveolar affricate

(IPA [dM])

Phonetic realizations are described in greater detail for the consonant inventory as a whole in 2.1.6. As shown by the chart, consonants are articulated in six different places, and nine manners of articulation are attested. An additional precision regarding place of articulation is that the consonants % and r are realized with either alveolar or retroflex alveolar articulation depending on their position within a morpheme (2.1.6.2, 2.1.6.4). Among the nine manners of articulation, a basic division exists between obstruents and sonorants. Only for obstruents, which are represented by stops and fricatives, is a distinction in voicing contrastive (although it is only found in morpheme-initial position; see 2.1.3.2). In addition, obstruents are impervious to the effects of nasality, and block the association of nasality within morphemes (3.2.1, 3.4.2). Sonorants, in contrast, are generally voiced, and are either nasal or inherently nasalizable (3.2). Although implosives contain a glottalic stop component, they pattern with sonorants rather than obstruents, since they cannot retain their oral quality when nasality is found elsewhere within the same morpheme (3.3.2.1). The glottal stop is placed in the same category based on symmetry, although there is no language-internal phonological evidence that points either way regarding its behaviour in reference to nasality. The patterning of the glottal fricative h is also uncertain; it likely patterns as a sonorant, since it does not block the spread of nasality within a morpheme (note however that there is only one example in which the behaviour of nasality in relation to h can be observed; cf. 3.4.1), and since it alternates with y and w in certain morphological contexts (5.2.2.2.1). For this reason, if has been classified in the table above as an approximant rather than a fricative. The obstruent/sonorant identity of the labial flap vb cannot be determined with respect to nasality, since it is overwhelmingly found in morpheme-initial position (2.1.2.1), where the blocking of nasal association within morphemes is not testable, and where there is no attested spread of nasality to or from morphemes on the left side; also, there are no morpheme-internal co-occurrences of vb and nasality in the data (3.4.1). While the schematization of sonorants on the consonant chart for the most part reflects a sonority hierarchy, glottalic sonorants and their non-glottalic counterpart have been placed in adjacent rows (see 2.3.3.3.1.1 for further discussion of this phonological pairing).

2.1.2 Distribution There are limitations on the distribution of consonants related to positions in syllables (2.4) and morphemes (2.5). The following four positions are relevant for Mambay:

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1. 2. 3. 4.

morpheme-initial onsets (2.1.2.1); non morpheme-initial onsets (2.1.2.2); morpheme-final codas (2.1.2.3); and non morpheme-final codas (2.1.2.4).

Distributional possibilities in consonant sequences are discussed separately for morpheme-initial (2.1.2.5) and morpheme-internal (2.1.2.6) positions. Geminates, which pattern differently than individual consonants in sequences, are treated in 2.1.2.7. All other consonantal distribution patterns that have been observed are considered in 2.1.2.8. 2.1.2.1 Morpheme-initial onsets Almost all consonants are found in morpheme-initial onsets; only the velar nasals 7 and N7 are absent. Examples of consonants in this position are as follows: p b t d k g gb kp f v s z Nm Nn m n vb r % Q Nw ) l y w h

páá bàà táá dáá káh gáà gbáh kpàg fàh váá sáá zàà Nmáá Nnáá màà náá vbáh ráá áà %áá Qáá Nwáá )áá làà yáh wáà hàà

cultivate grow, harden stir fight (v.) like, ask, tip over state of fasting catch, thicken, befit call with the hand seduce bless tell, trick, finish cross (tr.) respect (v.) stretch give an opinion touch share, divide spread out tree sp. find, succeed, have move away split open, lose taste eat take fig, fig tree surround

In words borrowed from Fulfulde, the consonants j

37

m

b nd 7g are found in this position.

j

m

b d 7 g n

jám m bây n dóò 7 gàm

good manioc that (anaphoric demonstrative) because

2.1.2.2 Non morpheme-initial onsets In syllable onsets in non morpheme-initial position, the following consonants are found: p/b t k/g f/v s/z Nm Nn m n vb r % Q l y w h

zábà kètí kágà ráávà bàzá tì4góNmi ná4bìbùNnà sámà nánà T féévbà párà pá à wá%à NmàQá sàlá fáyá7 ná4wíwàh bàháà

scorpion sky, life, above chicken grass sp. dancing skirt wrinkle small bee sp. pregnancy maternal uncle pair of twins goodness milk boule with sauce fast cowrie shell light (weight), agile belt made of bells ibis sp.

Since oral obstruents (with the marginal exception of t and d; see 2.1.2.7) show no contrast in non morpheme-initial position, they are paired in the lists in this section, and are written in the phonological orthography using a single symbol, namely that of the voiced counterpart (see 2.1.3.2 for further explanation). The absence of velar nasals 7 and N7 in non morpheme-initial onsets parallels their absence in morpheme-initial onsets (2.1.2.1). The labial-velars kp and gb and the glottal stop ) are also absent here. Since other glottalized consonants and semivowels are found here, the absence of Nw likely reflects its sparse representation in the lexicon rather than a phonological restriction. The absence of d in non morpheme-initial onsets may be relegated to a general historical weakening of d to r in non morpheme-initial position (Boyd 1974:23); alternatively, it could be viewed as a synchronic neutralization of contrast between members of the pair

38

d/r. More surprising than the absence of d is the presence of t in this position in seven words in the data: àtì gbàrgàtàg kètí sí4kètí tí4kúr4kùùtí vbàhtátá wátùtáà

two completely sky, life, above God water plant sp. strong and healthy, solid salt, sugar

The presence of t in this position is in contradiction to the distribution of other obstruents, all of which are voiced; for at least some of the words, this asymmetry may be due to synchronic or historical morphological complexity. 2.1.2.3 Morpheme-final codas In morpheme-final codas, the following consonants are found: p/b t k/g f/v s/z Nm Nn m n 7 r % Q Nw l y w

ràb kpàt ág ròv gbìrìz dèNm gùNn ám kàn lá7 zèr sà Qà% tàQ nàNw sèl lèy wàhw

hug far meet, support scald frighteningly comment (v.) accompany trample, carve pass, exceed, abuse move comb vomit feel, rub sway rhythmically spank dispute (v.) groan, crash, order bark (v.)

(The pairing and orthographic representation of obstruents, for which there is no voicing contrast in this position, is explained in 2.1.3.2). Missing from this position are the labial-velars kp and gb, the glottal consonants ) and h, the preglottalized nasal N7, and the labial flap vb. The additional lack of d in this position is discussed in 2.1.2.2.

39

The inventory of consonants in morpheme-final codas is surprisingly rich. Two comments relate to this. First, the lexicon reveals that sonorants are much more common in this position than obstruents. Second, some of the consonants appear to have arisen here historically as verbal extensions which have been fused to the verb root (7.2). 2.1.2.4 Non morpheme-final codas In non morpheme-final codas, the following consonants are found: p/b t k/g f/v s/z Nm Nn N7 m n 7 r % Nw l y w

gáhblà kpâtgá ná4kógrà gbòvví mìzzí ná4dóNmnà mûNnrá sùN7gá nà4kêmrá kángà kpò7rá bêrgá ló là %â%rá kpéNwrà hàlgá nà4lêyrá gáwrà

hare distance worm wash clothes sprinkle anus moan, groan razor youthfulness (man’s) male circumcision tibia (of animal) sweetness island sowing melon crab grinding, command savannah

(As mentioned in the preceding section, the pairing and orthographic representation of obstruents, for which there is no voicing contrast in this position, is explained in 2.1.3.2). As is the case for morpheme-final codas, the consonants d kp gb vb ) h are missing in this position (re. the absence of d, see 2.1.2.2). In addition, Q is not attested. In contrast, N7 appears in this position even though it is not attested in morpheme-final codas. For a number of consonants that are attested in non morpheme-final codas, there are significant morphological restrictions in distribution. The consonants Nn n % are only found in fossilized verbal nouns (5.9.2); f/v and s/z are only found as part of geminates in ideophonic verbs (2.1.2.7, 7.1.2.2); and t is limited to these two morphological contexts. 2.1.2.5 Morpheme-initial consonant sequences Syllable onsets may be simple or complex (2.4.2). A complex onset, which is always morpheme-initial, contains two C positions (2.4.2). There are distributional limitations on the consonants that may occur in either position. In the second C position, only the semivowels y and w may be found (the interpretation of y and w in this position is

40

defended in 2.3.3.1). As the following list shows, most consonants are attested in the first onset position preceding these semivowels: p b t d k g kp f v s z m n Nm vb r % l

pyâh byàá tyáà — kyáh gyàà kpyáà fyáà vyáh syáà zyáà myû’ — — vbyâh ryáh yá7 %yóò —

stream, spring water fish sp. ask, love, praise care for a child leopard moon, month, festival winnow tree sp., bark used for rope net cat

cheek curse, mourn growl grass sp.

pwáh bwáà twáà dwáh kwáà gwàà — fwáh vwáà swaFh zwâ’ mwì’ nwâ’ NmwaFN vbwâh rwáh — %wá’ lwàhná

wet (v.) roan antelope newness shoot, sting, bud (v) grass rob wash, bless dog tree sp. ancestry smile hole, den snake sp. fog, cloudburst anoint liberally bloom, push aside edible plant sp.

Consonants after which neither y nor w is found within an onset are gb 7 Nn N7 Q Nw ) y w h. While the absence of 7 N7 Q Nw y w h in the first onset position is systematic, that of gb and Nn may be due to their modest frequency in the lexicon, since the analogous consonants kp as well as Nm and n are found in this context. The absence of ) is related to the interpretation of preglottalized semivowels presented in 2.1.4.2. In addition, y is not found after Nm or the alveolar consonants d n and l; and w is not found after the consonants kp and , both of which also exhibit a labial articulation. 2.1.2.6 Morpheme-internal consonant sequences Because of the robust consonant inventory in morpheme-internal onsets (2.1.2.2) and codas (2.1.2.4), many different consonant sequences are attested across syllable boundaries within morphemes. (Geminate consonants are treated separately in 2.1.2.7). The inventory of consonants in the first position of heterosyllabic consonant sequences is addressed in the section dealing with non morpheme-final codas (2.1.2.4), since the two positions are structurally equivalent in Mambay. The inventory of consonants found in the second position of heterosyllabic consonant sequences is more restricted than that found in the first position. In addition to d kp gb 7 N7 Nw, which are absent from morpheme-internal onsets, t, h, the glottalic consonants

41

% Q Nw Nm Nn and the semivowels y w are absent from the second position of morphemeinternal consonant sequences. Only the following consonants are found there: p/b k/g f/v s/z m n vb r l

kàrbá hàlgá kú%vò sígzò tàrmá márnà lwâgvbá ná4kógrà pìrlá

lungfish crab smoke middle harmattan, haze older sibling tenderness, youngness worm torch, flashlight

Once positional distribution of consonants in heterorganic clusters is taken into consideration, there are few systematic restrictions on the combinations that may be found. Of these constraints, the obligatory sharing of nasality is the most important, and is discussed in 3.4.2. Another important gap concerns the sequences nr and lr, since elsewhere l n and r are all frequently attested in both positions of consonant sequences. In contrast, remaining patterns of combinatory possibilities are allowed. For example, even heterorganic nasal-stop sequences, which are cross-linguistically marked, are attested in Mambay: fàmgá kángà cf. %á7gà

announcement male circumcision ground squirrel

2.1.2.7 Geminate consonants Geminate consonants are uncommon, and most of the words in which they are attested are non-canonical (1.3.1). Still, it is basically the high-frequency, phonologically noncomplex consonants which are found as geminates; a conspicuous gap in the inventory of geminates is that of glottalic consonants and labial-velars. Several consonants appear as geminates where they are absent in sequences: d t (first and second sequence positions; d only in borrowed words) and y w (second position; cf. 2.1.2.6). An exhaustive list of words with geminate consonants is as follows: p/b

nà4bàbbá

d

)àddá older female relative (cf. Fulf. adda) èddí increase (cf. Fulf. ezd ) dàddà4yûhrí bunting (bird sp.) (cf. Fulf. dadda ‘grandmother’)

locust sp.

42

t

bìttí ná4túttè tùttí vbìttí

k/g

nà4syàggàm (in nà4syàggàm àhy ‘electric fish’)

f/v

gbòvví

wash clothes

s/z

gìzzìg mìzzí

with a flop sprinkle

m

)àmmá

but (cf. Arabic amma ‘but,’ via Fulf. amma)

n

Nmánnà kpánnà sànná

truth penis pus

l

nà4kûllá nà4táálUlá

youthfulness (woman’s) ant sp.

y

)áhyyáà )àyyéé

oh dear! indeed! (cf. Chadian Arabic ayye ‘yes’)

w

kpàhwwà )òwwó

rattling and glittering yes

pull away soap pluck unroll (shutters)

2.1.2.8 Other distributional patterns In addition to the distributional constraints on consonants defined by positions in syllables and morphemes (2.1.2.1-2.1.2.7), two other patterns have been observed. First, there are constraints on the shared nasal value of consonants occurring together in syllables and morphemes. This phenomenon is discussed at length in 3.4. Second, there are only a few instances of morpheme-internal syllables in the data where the same consonant is found in the onset and the coda of a single syllable. Where this does occur, examples are largely limited to non-canonical words (1.3.1) and verb stems which contain synchronically fused verbal extensions (7.2). An exhaustive list of words containing a syllable with the same consonant in onset and coda is as follows: p/b nà4bàbbá

locust sp.

t

soap pluck

ná4túttè tùttí

k/g gàg

prevent, be capable 43

góg gógrà gyáglè kàgzàg kòg kyág nà4kógrà ná4kógrà

jump, fly bee, flock of birds (cf. góg jump, fly) flute with a flop see (VN) hurt look (n.) (cf. kòg ‘see (VN)’) fish sp., worm

m

màmbày nà4mâm

Mambay opinion

n

nàn nànzà

touch (cf. náá ‘touch’) 1&2PL.INDEP

%

%à% %â%rá

sow, plant sowing (cf. %à% ‘sow, plant’)

l

làl lòl

eat time after time (cf. làà ‘eat’) crunch, chomp, snack on

While the distribution and frequency of consonants in codas may contribute to this tendency, it does not explain it adequately, since CVC and CCVC syllables with a wide range of coda consonants are extremely common in the lexicon (2.1.2.3, 2.1.2.4, 2.4.1). No other restrictions on the co-occurrence of non-contiguous consonants within morphemes have been observed.

2.1.3 Contrast Contrast among oral consonants may be established from the morpheme-initial inventory (2.1.2.1), and contrast between nasal and oral consonants is evident in morpheme-final position (2.1.2.3). Outstanding issues in contrast which call for additional evidence are the inventory of nasals (2.1.3.1) and the limitation of voicing contrast in obstruents (2.1.3.2). Additional questions involving the interpretation of consonants are addressed in 2.1.4. 2.1.3.1 Contrast among nasals Since 7 and N7 are not found in syllable onsets, contrast among nasal consonants must be demonstrated in coda position. The following set of words shows this: Nm Nn N7

hâNmgá mînmìNngá sùN7gá

bluntness sterility (soil) razor

44

m n 7

fàmgá kángà %á7gà

announcement male circumcision ground squirrel

2.1.3.2 Limitation of voicing contrast in obstruents Voiced and voiceless oral obstruents contrast in morpheme-initial position (2.1.2.1). However, in non morpheme-initial positions, voicing contrast is almost always absent. For the obstruent pairs p/b, k/g, f/v and s/z, phonetically voiceless obstruents are found in codas, while phonetically voiced counterparts are found in non morpheme-initial onsets. k/g is exceptional in that it may be optionally voiced in codas (2.1.6.1), but it is consistent with the other obstruents in that there is no contrast signalled by voicing in this position. In other words, non morpheme-initial obstruents are specified for place of articulation, but not for voicing. Examples of obstruents in each position, along with phonetic realizations, are as follows: non morpheme-initial onsets: p/b k/g f/v s/z

zá(p/b)à ká(k/g)à nú(f/v)à má(s/z)à

[zábà] [kágà] [núvà] [mázà]

scorpion chicken fat (n.) first child after remarriage

non morpheme-final codas: p/b k/g f/v s/z

nà4ré(p/b)là pí(k/g)lò — —

[nàréplà] [píklò] ~ [píYlò] — —

tuber sp. bile — —

morpheme-final codas: p/b k/g f/v s/z

rà(p/b) á(k/g) rò(f/v) gbìrì(s/z)

[ràp[] [ ák[] ~ [ áY] [ròf] [gbìrìs]

hug meet, support scald frighteningly

When voiced oral obstruents in syllable onsets are reassigned to coda position as a result of syntactic and morphophonological processes, they lose their voicing (2.1.6.1). This is evident in the following possessive constructions (cf. 5.3): zá(p/b)à zâ(p/b) )íí

[zábà] [zâp )íí]

scorpion my scorpion

45

ká(k/g)à kâ(k/g) )íí

[kágà] [kâk )íí] ~ [kâY )íí]

chicken my chicken

nú(f/v)à nû(f/v) )íí

[núvà] [nûf )íí]

fat my fat

má(s/z)à mâ(s/z) )íí

[mázà] [mâs )íí]

first child after remarriage my first child after remarriage

This phenomenon strengthens the argument that the obstruent pairs do not exhibit contrast non morpheme-initially. If the present discussion is taken into consideration, the resyllabification of the obstruents as coda consonants is sufficient to explain the change in voicing. Since (with the exception of t and d) they show no contrast in non morpheme-initial position, oral obstruents are written throughout this study using a single symbol, namely that of the voiced counterpart (which is, as mentioned in the preceding paragraph, devoiced as a result of resyllabification in codas). This is consistent with the standard Mambay orthography (1.3.3). t and d differ from other oral obstruents in three ways. First, it is the voiceless obstruent t rather than d that is found (albeit uncommonly) in non morpheme-initial onsets (2.1.2.2). àtì gbàrgàtàg wátùtáà

two completely salt, sugar

Second, there is a marginal contrast between the two consonants morpheme-internally when they appear as geminates (2.1.2.7). t

bìttì ná4túttè

pull away soap

d

)àddá èddì

older female relative (cf. Fulf. adda) increase (cf. Fulf. ezd )

Third, and unlike other obstruents, t seems to be inherently voiceless, since it causes consonants which follow it to be devoiced (2.1.6.6). kpâtgá [kpât[ká] kpàtgì [kpàt[kì]

distance become distant

For these reasons, the two consonants are not treated as a set, and in all contexts each consonant retains its own symbol in the phonological orthography. 46

2.1.4 Issues in consonant interpretation The phonological status of three consonantal phenomena requires interpretation: that of the glottal stop in morpheme-initial position (2.1.4.1), preglottalized semivowels (2.1.4.2), and palatal and labialized velar nasals (2.1.4.3). 2.1.4.1 The glottal stop in morpheme-initial position The glottal stop poses interpretive challenges in morpheme-initial position as well as in syllable rhymes. In morpheme-initial position, it is debatable whether or not the glottal stop is a contrastive consonant or whether it is demarcative (that is, a predictable effect of its morphological context); this question is posed in Anonby (2006:224) but is not answered there. In syllable rhymes, the glottal stop could be interpreted as a consonant, a vowel feature, or a feature associated with glottalic consonants that follow vowels. The two issues are related, since positing contrast for the glottal stop in one position would have consequences for the other position. The phonological status of the glottal stop in morpheme-initial position is addressed in the present section, and its status elsewhere is pursued in 2.3.3.3. The glottal stop is phonetically salient in morpheme-initial position: )áá )ìn )éé )óó )ùl

[)áá] [)ìn] [)éé] [)óó] [)ùl]

open, lose taste lift, carry fail, miss braid rope, compress blow

Even at the beginning of utterance-internal morphemes, including those that follow words ending in consonants, it is retained: ná4)áà [ná)áà] ná4ráh4)áà [náráh)áà] tí4kpâ4kpàr4)áà [tíkpâkpàr)áà]

bean leaves (cf. noun prefix ná4, )áà ‘bean’) snake sp. (cf. ná4râh ‘snake sp.,’ )áà ‘bean’) wheatear (bird sp.) (cf. )áà ‘bean’)

làà )ígà

[làà )ígà]

kàm )ígà

[kàm )ígà]

kòg )ígà

[kòg )ígà]

to eat something (cf. làà ‘eat (VN),’ )ígà ‘thing’) to weave something (cf. kàm ‘weave (VN),’ )ígà ‘thing’) to see something (cf. kòg ‘see (VN),’ )ígà ‘thing’)

There are two interpretive possibilities for the glottal stop: it could arise predictably before vowels in morpheme-initial position, or it could be a contrastive consonant there. On the one hand, it is not unreasonable to posit the predictable articulation of the glottal stop whenever a morpheme is vowel-initial. Studies of other Kebi-Benue languages have uniformly followed this interpretation (see Elders 2006 for a listing), and the most 47

important comparative/historical study in this family does not regard the glottal stop as a member of the proto-language’s morpheme-initial consonant inventory (Boyd 1974:33). On the other hand, there are some satisfactory arguments that the glottal stop contrasts with other consonants in morpheme-initial position. The invariable realization of the glottal stop before morpheme-initial vowels, as in the above examples, is one of these indicators. The contrastive value of glottalic articulations elsewhere in the language as part of glottalic consonants (2.1.5) and glottalized vowels (2.2.1) also supports this possibility, and one morphophonological process in which a glottal stop contributes its glottalic feature to a vowel (5.12.1.1) underlines such a phonological relationship. Further, the positing of contrast here would help to address the relatively low incidence of morphemes which would otherwise be considered vowel-initial (about 1% of nouns and 5% of verbs). Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it promotes a simpler inventory of allowable CV shapes (cf. 2.4.1); there is no need to posit several additional V-initial syllables. Given these factors, the morpheme-initial glottal stop is treated as a consonant in the present study. 2.1.4.2 Preglottalized semivowels The categorization of phonetically preglottalized semivowels [)y] and [)w] in syllable onsets also calls for interpretation. Given the interpretation of the glottal stop as contrastive (2.1.4.1), and given that the language permits consonant sequences in morpheme-initial syllable onsets where y or w is the second consonant (2.1.2.5), then two options are available for the interpretation of [)y] and [)w] onsets: as CC clusters )y and )w, or as contrastive C units Q (=Ny) and Nw. There is no contrast between these two phonological possibilities in the language, so a single interpretation is appropriate. Both [)y] and [)w] are moderately represented in the lexicon; in fact, there are about as many words beginning with these onsets as there are words beginning with [)] followed by a vowel. This lends a small amount of support in favour of a unitary interpretation of [)y] and [)w], but is not decisive. The existence of preglottalized stops in syllable codas (2.1.2.3, 2.1.2.4 above) should be a crucial factor in determining their status in morpheme-initial onsets; however, preglottalized stops are also ambiguous in coda position, since they depend on the interpretation of V-glottal-C sequences as vowels followed by a preglottalized consonant (2.3.3.3). There is, in fact, one substantial problem with an interpretation of [)y] and [)w] as sequences: the occurrence of [)y] in a morpheme-internal onset in two lexical items. NmàQá [Nmà)yá] ‘fast’ ná4dâr4kwéQà [nádârkwé)yà] ‘tree sp.’

48

Since syllables with y and w as the second onset consonant are always morpheme-initial (and never morpheme-internal), a unitary interpretation of these onsets as Q is necessary here. The parallel interpretation of Q as a single C in morpheme-initial position is a natural consequence of this assessment. In order to maintain symmetry with Q, it is appropriate to interpret [)w] as the unit consonant Nw. The resulting analysis of Q and Nw as contrastive units accords well with descriptions of several other Kebi-Benue languages (Ubels and Ubels 1984:20; Elders 1995:1, 2000:23, 2006; see also ambiguous data in Ruelland 1992:30). 2.1.4.3 Palatal and labialized velar nasals The consonant chart given in 2.1.1 shows that palatal and labialized velar nasals \ and 7w are not included in the inventory of contrastive consonants. The same is true for the glottalized counterparts of these nasals. In reality, these gaps in the inventory result from the interpretation of phonetic palatal and labialized velar nasals as nasalized semivowels. The reasoning behind this interpretation is given in the present section first for palatal nasals, and then for labialized velar nasals. Phonetically, the palatal nasal [\] and the preglottalized palatal nasal [)\] are found in a subset of onset and coda positions. In utterance-initial position and following morphemes that end in an oral segment, both [\] and [)\] are found. However, when they follow nasal or nasalized segments within an utterance, they are realized as nasalized semivowels [y]] and [)y]] respectively (cf. 3.3.2). [\]âh sáà [y]]âh

stalk (n.) in the stalk

[)\]âh sáà [)y]]âh

name in the name

Elsewhere, morphophonological evidence shows that the palatal semivowel y is nasalized and pronounced as [y]] when it is found next to a nasalized vowel in the same phonological word (3.3.2.2, 3.4.3). páà man

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

pá[y]] my father (inal.)

páà4vàà husband

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

páà4vá[y]] my husband (inal.)

mìí kúú 1SG:PFV.NEG grab:PFV

=yá NEG

49

mìí kúú=[y]]á I did not grab

cf. mìí kùù =yá 1SG:PFV.NEG gather.firewood:PFV NEG

mìí kùù=yá I did not gather firewood

This causes difficulty for the interpretation of a nasal(ized) palatal consonant after a nasalized vowel: it could either be a palatal nasal \ which is structurally equivalent to y before nasal vowels; it could be a ny sequence, since such sequences are found with other consonants; or it could be y underlyingly. There is no contrast between the three structures in any position. [\] is also found in syllable codas, but its occurrence there gives no additional support to the existence of \ as a contrastive consonant, since it is explainable as a realization of 7 after front vowels (2.1.6.7). bî7 bèlè7

[bî\] [bèlè\]

forest eagle sp.

cf. saF7 tì4tô7 kpú7

[saF7] [tìtô7] [kpú7]

ill omen remains hill

Similar issues relate to the labialized velar nasals in the data. Parallel to [\] and [)\], both [7w] and [)7w] are found in utterance-initial position and following morphemes that end in an oral segment. When [7w] and [)7w] are found after nasal or nasalized segments within an utterance, they too are realized as approximants: [7w]áà sáà [w]]áà

nose in the nose

[)7w]íh[)w]]íh achy and restless Theoretically, the underlying identity of the labialized velar nasals [7w] [)7w] and nasalized labial-velars [w]] [)w]] in these words could be any of the following pairs of contrastive consonants or consonant sequences: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

7w / )7w 7w / )7w nw / )nw mw / )mw 7m / )7m w / )w

The first possibility (7w / )7w) is rejected because labialization is not a feature of the consonant system (2.1.1). The consonant sequences 7w and N7w in (2) are not viable alternatives, since a more basic consonant 7 is never found in onset position without labialization (2.1.2.1, 2.1.2.2). The sequences in (3) and (4) nw mw Nmw (and Nnw by 50

extension) should be ruled out because they contrast with [7w] in morpheme-initial position, as shown by the following words: [7w]áà nwaFh mwì’ NmwaF’

nose wound (n.) smile snake sp.

The possibility that the pair 7m / )7m (6) underlies the realizations [7w] [)7w] as well as [w]] [)w]] should be regarded with caution because there are no examples of underlyingly nasal consonants in the language which lose their oral closure (resulting in realizations like [w]] [)w]]) any environment. While (in contrast to y) there is no morphophonological evidence that proves that [w]] is a realization of w in a nasal context, there is one morphophonological process in which [7w] ~ [w]] behaves like the consonant w: namely, when w is found before a back vowel as the result of its morphological context, it alternates with h as follows (see 5.2.2.2.1): [7w]áà + chief

)íí 1SG.POSS

húù )íí my chief

wáà fig

)íí 1SG.POSS

hóò )íí my fig

+

Since this process reveals that [7w] is subject to the same constraints as w in a particular context, it is not unlikely that [7w] is w underlyingly. Intuitively, the transformation of [7w] into h in this process seems less plausible than that of w into h, since between [7w] and h an additional difference in nasal value needs to be accounted for. In the end, arguments for the contrastive status of the nasals \ N\ 7w and N7w are not convincing. Such a decision would add complexity to the consonant inventory without simplifying the analysis of other aspects of the phonology. Additionally, the distinction between these nasals and their nasalized semivowel counterparts (shown above) would remain unclear. Nor is the alternative analysis of these segments as the sequences ny Nny 7w and N7w a viable possibility for the consonant sequences 7w and N7w because, as stated earlier, 7 and N7 are never found in onset position without labialization. The limitation of this interpretation to ny and Nny would therefore introduce asymmetry into the system by treating palatal semivowels differently than labial-velar semivowels in reference to nasality. In contrast, an analysis where nasalized semivowels are preferred can account for all aspects of the data. For these reasons, palatal and labialized velar nasals [\] and [7w] have been excluded from the consonant inventory in the present study, and have been analyzed as realizations of palatal and labial-velar semivowels y and w in the context of nasality.

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2.1.5 Internal structure of consonants Two categories of consonants, both of which employ complex articulations, show signs of internal structure: glottalic consonants % Q Nw Nm Nn N7, which exhibit a secondary glottalic articulation (2.1.5.1), and labial-velar stops kp gb, which exhibit double articulation (2.1.5.2). The labial-velar approximant w, which has no stop quality, does not pattern with these consonants. 2.1.5.1 Glottalic consonants There are four indicators of internal complexity for glottalic consonants, that is, consonants with secondary glottalic articulation Nm Nn N7 % Q Nw. Three of these indicators are distributional and the other is based on morphophonological evidence. Morpheme-internally, these consonants are never found after long vowels (2.3.1.2), nor are they found in the second position of a morpheme-internal consonant cluster (2.1.2.6). Additionally, they are never geminated (2.1.2.7). Finally, when a glottalic consonant is found morpheme-initially, any long vowel which precedes it in the utterance is phonetically shortened. This suggests that, given an appropriate environment, the glottalic element of the preglottalized segment associates with the coda position of the previous syllable. σ

σ

CVX

σ

CVV CV

=)y míì Qàà yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG finish:FUT NEG I will not finish

[m í ` Qàà

σ

σ

yá]

σ

CVX CVV CV cf. míì yáh yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG take:FUT NEG I will not take

[míì yáh yá]

2.1.5.2 Labial-velars The evidence for the complex internal structure of doubly-articulated labial-velar stops kp gb is weaker, since their relegation to morpheme-initial position (2.1.2.1) limits the contexts in which they may display internal complexity. However, consider the following example:

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tí4kpâ4kpàr4)áà

wheatear (bird sp.) (cf. )áà bean)

This example is ideophonic (5.11, 8.2) and probably shows reduplication (5.11.2) of the syllable kpar. There are two difficulties with this word. First, it shows a pattern of segmental reduplication that differs from other patterns in the lexicon, such as those found in the following comparable words: lè74lé74gérmù tí4kéé4kèèrú

kingfisher sp. (cf. gérmù women) firefly (cf. kéè brilliant, intense (red))

The reduplication of the onset and nucleus of kpar rather than the whole syllable is surprising, since there are no other examples where this template is applied (reduplication of whole syllable rhymes is, in contrast, common; see 8.4.2.1). However, the fact that kp does not occur in non morpheme-initial position elsewhere in the data suggests that there is indeed a morpheme boundary before both occurrences of kp in tí4kpâ4kpàr4)áà, attributable to a morphological phenomenon such as reduplication. The question remains, then, as to why the r of kpar is not reduplicated along with the rest of the syllable. A promising resolution to this puzzle is the recognition of internal structural complexity for the labial-velar kp in Mambay, as has been described in other languages (Clements and Hume 1995; Kutsch Lojenga 1994:47ff.). When kp is viewed as complex, it helps explain the obstruction to the reduplication of r along with the rest of the syllable kpar: the coda position in the preceding syllable is thus dominated by the k portion of the kp from the second syllable. This situation may be represented as follows: σ

σ

σ

σ

CVX

CVX

CVX

CVX

= k p kp a r + kp a r

kp a r

kp a r

attested in: tí4kpâ4kpàr4)áà ‘wheatear (bird sp.)’ Although no similar evidence has been observed for gb, there is no reason to posit an internal structure differing from that of kp, since a double articulation is characteristic of both consonants.

2.1.6 Phonetic realizations The phonetic realization of some consonants may be predicted with reference to the consonant chart (2.1.1). However, as detailed in Anonby (2006), a number of consonants exhibit more than one realization based on their position in syllables and phonological

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phrases or due to the articulatory features of adjoining segments. These consonants, which represent a large part of the consonant inventory, are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

stops, implosives, preglottalized semivowels in onsets, the central approximant r, the semivowels y and w, consonants which follow t, the nasal 7, glottalic consonants in codas, and oral sonorants affected by nasality.

While the first seven topics are addressed here, glottalic consonants in codas are described in the section dealing with glottalization in syllable rhymes (2.3.3.3.1), and oral sonorants affected by nasality are discussed in the chapter on nasality (3.3.2). 2.1.6.1 Realizations of stops in syllable codas Typically, in addition to being voiceless (see 2.1.3.2), the three oral stops which are found in codas (p/b, t, and k/g; see 2.1.2.3, 2.1.2.4) are unreleased. This is the case utterance-finally as well as utterance-internally.

p/b t k/g

utterance-finally

utterance-internally

ràb [ràp[] hug kpàt [kpàt[] far lèg [lèk[] suck

nà4bàhbgá [nàbàhp[gá] acacia sp. kpâtgá [kpât[ká] distance nà4nìg.bó [nànìk[bó] civet

(The pairing and orthographic representation of obstruents, for which voicing contrast is neutralized in this position, is explained in 2.1.3.2; the voiceless realization of the velar stop in kpâtgá is accounted for in 2.1.6.6). Realizations are more varied for the velar stop k/g than for the other stops, which are always unreleased. Utterance-finally, k/g is realized as an unreleased voiceless velar stop [k[] after front vowels i e, and as an unreleased voiceless uvular stop [q[] after back vowels a o u. víg lèg

[vík[] [lèk[]

plug, look longingly suck

ràg lóg rùg

[ràq[] [lóq[] [rùq[]

straddle, sling uproot pour

In careful speech, the same realizations are also found in utterance-internal codas. 54

vHFg4nà lêg4ná râg4ná loFg4nà rûg4ná

[vHFk[nà] [lêk[ná] [râq[ná] [loFq[nà] [rûq[ná]

plugging, looking longingly sucking straddling, slinging uprooting pouring

In normal and fast speech, however, k/g is voiced and softened to [Y] or [b] in utteranceinternal codas (as in the previous examples, a uvular articulation is found after back vowels). It is optionally realized with an open transition. vHFg4nà lêg4ná

[vHFYnà] ~ [vHFYinà] [lêYná] ~ [lêYená]

plugging, looking longingly sucking

râg4ná loFg4nà rûg4ná

[râbná] ~ [râbaná] [loFbnà] ~ [loFbonà] [rûbná] ~ [rûbuná]

straddling, slinging uprooting pouring

2.1.6.2 Realizations of and % The implosives and % each exhibit several realizations, depending on their position in utterances and syllables. In utterance-initial position, is pronounced as a voiced bilabial implosive [ ], and % as a voiced retroflex alveolar implosive [ ] (see Welmers 1973:50 as well as Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996:53–5, 82–7 for acoustic characteristics of preglottalized implosives, and Greenberg 1970:129 for comments on retroflexion of alveolar implosives). ám úú

[ ám] [ úú]

trample, carve create, sprout

%á7 %úú

[ á7] [ úú]

roll along hit

In non utterance-initial onsets, both implosives are preglottalized. lú ò pá à

[lú) ò] [pá) à]

sesame milk

hú%ò wá%à

[hú) ò] [wá) à]

death, corpse boule with sauce

In syllable codas, is realized as an unreleased voiceless preglottalized stop [)p[]. The lack of voicing and release in this realization is parallel to that of oral stops (2.1.6.1). In contrast, % is realized as a voiced preglottalized and glottalized lateral approximant [)l0].

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sà ló là

[sà)p[] [ló)p[là]

vomit (v.) island

yà% bâ%gá

[yà)l0] [bâ)l0gá]

feel, rub club (stick)

The effect of syllable position on the realization these consonants is evident in the following possessive constructions (cf. 2.1.3.2): pâ )íí cf. pá à

[pâ)p[ dùgú] [pá) à]

their milk milk

wâ% )íí cf. wá%à

[wâ)l0 dùgú] [wá) à]

their boule with sauce boule with sauce

2.1.6.3 Realizations of Q and Nw in syllable onsets Typically, Q and Nw are realized as preglottalized semivowels in syllable onsets. Qáh Nwáh

[)yáh] [)wáh]

call, invite tie, decide

(Coda realizations of Q and Nw are described in the section dealing with glottalization in syllable rhymes; see 2.3.3.3.1.1). However, when Q is found before a nasalized and pharyngealized high vowel as a result of morphophonological alternation, the sequence is pronounced as a syllabic nasalized voiced aryepiglottic trill [ ] (this trill is sometimes non-technically described as epiglottal) with an epiglottal stop [ ] onset (Anonby 2006:229). Qîh Qîh )ám cf. Qâh

[ ] [ )ám]

name, call, invitation of … your name, call, invitation

[)yâ ]

name, call, invitation

Prominent perceptual characteristics of this sequence’s articulation include a stop followed by a plainly audible voiced trill whose origin is clearly further back than the oral cavity; this is coupled with the croaking quality associated with pharyngeals. Esling, who emphasizes the epiglottal properties of pharyngeal articulations in general (1996:84), gives a detailed articulatory comparison of the aryepiglottic trill with other pharyngeal and epiglottal articulations (1996, 2002).

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2.1.6.4 Realizations of r Like the implosives and % (2.1.6.2), the central approximant r has several realizations which correspond to its position in utterances and syllables. In utterance-initial position it is realized as a retroflex alveolar flap [c] or, less commonly, as an alveolar trill [r]. ríí ráá ròò

[cíí] ~ [ríí] [cáá] ~ [ráá] [còò] ~ [ròò]

carry spread out trick, amuse

In syllable-initial positions within utterances, the realization [c] is found. zìírì pààrá dúùrú

[zìícì] [pààcá] [dúùcú]

fish sp. field, farm hyrax

In syllable codas, r is realized as an alveolar trill [r]. If it is not utterance-final, it may also be realized with an open transition. bìr kàr sùr

[bìr] [kàr] [sùr]

praise, snatch put, set put in order

bîr4ná kâr4ná sûr4ná

[bîrná] ~ [bîriná] [kârná] ~ [kâraná] [sûrná] ~ [sûruná]

praising, snatching putting, setting putting in order

2.1.6.5 Realizations of y and w in complex onsets When y and w are found in complex onsets (2.1.2.5), they are normally realized as semivowels. gyáálà kyàárì

[gyáálà] [kyàárì]

medicine, fetish paternal aunt

gwàárè kwáàvbá

[gwàárè] [kwáàvbá]

sickle bush sp.

tyáà àtì [tyáà àtì] fish.sp two

two fish (sp.)

kwàá àtì [kwàá àtì] neck/voice two

two necks, two voices

However, when the syllable in which they are found is utterance-final, they are phonetically realized as vowels: their duration is increased, and they carry pitch which

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signals the underlying tone melody. The duration of the following vowel, in contrast, is reduced. tyáà tyàá

[tíà] [tìá]

fish sp. hole-digger, jackhammer

kwàá kwáà

[kùá] [kúà]

neck, voice grass

The interpretation of these semivowels as underlyingly consonantal is defended in 2.3.3.1. 2.1.6.6 Realizations of consonants after t When a consonant follows the inherently voiceless alveolar stop t (see 2.1.2.2) across a syllable boundary, it is devoiced. Such a sequence is only found in two related words in the data, where it is realized as follows: kpâtgá

[kpât[ká]

kpàtgí

[kpàt[kí]

distance (cf. kpàt ‘far,’ 4ga (historical noun suffix; see 5.1.3.2)) become distant (cf. kpâtgá ‘distance’; see 7.1.2.1 on derived verbs)

This contrasts with the realization of consonants following the stops p/b and k/g (2.1.3.2); in this environment, consonants are not devoiced. nà4bàhbgá [nàbàhp[gá] vòbgí [vòp[gí] síblè [síp[lè]

acacia sp. daub termite sp.

nà4nìg.bó rág.bà dèglèm

civet triviality, trifle insect sp.

[nànìk[bó] [ráq[bà] [dèk[lèm]

(Realizations of g are described in 2.1.6.1). 2.1.6.7 Realizations of 7 after vowels When the nasal 7 follows non-front vowels a o u, it is realized with a velar place of articulation. saF7 tì4tô7 kpú7 sá7nì

[saF7] [tìtô7] [kpú7] [sá7nì]

ill omen remains hill mortar

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kpò7rá gbú7nì

[kpò7rá] [gbú7nì]

tibia (of animal) shack

It is also realized as 7 when it follows a front vowel i or e and is itself followed by a velar stop k/g. tí7gà [tí7gà] nà4ré7gérè [nàré7gérè]

monitor lizard hanging roots

However, when it follows a front vowel in any other context, it is realized as a palatal nasal. bî7 bèlè7

[bî\] [bèlè\]

forest eagle sp.

tî74ná nà4sè7rá

[tî\ná] [nàsè\rá]

to start (cf. tì7 ‘start,’ 4na verbal noun suffix) toothache

The weakly attested preglottalized nasal N7 is not found after any front vowels in the data, so it is not possible to establish its realization in this environment.

2.1.7 Airstream mechanisms The Mambay language employs three airstream mechanisms. As is likely the case in all languages, egressive pulmonic air is the primary mechanism by which segments are articulated. In Mambay, however, two groups of consonants employ other airstream mechanisms: implosives are articulated with an ingressive glottalic airstream (2.1.7.1), and labial-velar stops are articulated with egressive pulmonic air accompanied by an ingressive velaric airstream (2.1.7.2). In addition, a paralinguistic “nasal click” exhibits a variation on a typical ingressive velaric airstream, since its release is nasal rather than oral (2.1.7.3). 2.1.7.1 Ingressive glottalic The implosives and % are produced with an ingressive glottalic airstream in syllable onsets (2.1.6.2). In Eguchi’s presentation of the Mambay consonant inventory, he also includes two implosive nasals and symbolizes these consonants as m and n (1971:145). Ladefoged and Maddieson admit the articulatory possibility of implosive nasals, but they state that none have been attested in the world’s languages (1996:102–3). Careful observation reveals that their assertion holds true for Mambay. While these nasal consonants are contrastive and pattern with implosives as part of a glottalic series (2.1.1), they are phonetically preglottalized rather than implosive. Consequently, they have been symbolized as Nm and Nn in the present study.

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2.1.7.2 Ingressive velaric In Mambay, the labial-velar stops kp and gb are articulated with a combination of the egressive pulmonic and ingressive velaric airstreams. Ladefoged (1968:9) catalogues this type of articulation as one of three ways in which labial-velar stops may be produced, and describes its articulatory and phonetic qualities in detail. In short, this airstream mechanism is made by negative pressure in the oral cavity, accomplished by the lowering of the jaw at the point when both velar and labial closure have been achieved. The ingressive velaric quality of these stops in Mambay is confirmed by a “popping” sound which is present upon their release, when air rushes into the oral cavity from both front and back. This sound is more clearly heard with kp than it is with gb. 2.1.7.3 Ingressive velaric with rear oral release A variation on the ingressive velaric airstream described above (2.1.7.2) is found in a “nasal click” used by speakers of Mambay. Like labial-velar stops, it is produced with an ingressive velaric airstream; however, for the nasal click the ingressive velaric airstream mechanism is primary, and its release takes place at the back rather than the front of the mouth. The nasal click is a paralinguistic utterance used in Mambay as the default means of communicating agreement or assent. It is typically repeated, especially when a speaker wants to signal strong agreement. This articulation is used by speakers of many other languages for an equivalent function; its areal distribution extends to much of northern Cameroon, southern Chad and likely other adjacent regions. Sang-Yong Lee (pers. comm. 2003) has suggested that the same clicking sound is also used in south-eastern dialects of Korean, where it expresses sympathy and condolence. A similar phenomenon is the “ingressive nasal accompaniment” which occurs with clicks in some Khoisan languages (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996:102). However, in that context, there is also a release at the front of the mouth. Descriptions of this intriguing phenomenon as it occurs in Mambay and other languages in the region are uncommon in the literature, and those that do exist provide only modest phonetic detail. For Mundang, Elders depicts the sound as an “injectif uvulaire” (uvular implosive) (2000:586). He also quotes Lukas (1937:147), who describes its articulation in Kanuri (a Saharan language of Nigeria) as a postvelar click in which the lips are closed. More may be said regarding the articulation of the nasal click in Mambay, some of which is likely pertinent to its realization in other languages. Visual and auditory observation reveals that, similar to what happens with the production of labial-velar stops (2.1.7.2), negative pressure in the oral air chamber is accomplished by the lowering of the jaw and/or the tongue during velar and labial closure. However, rather than releasing the negative balance of pressure at the lips, the back of the tongue is dropped. When the tongue’s seal with the velum is broken, air rushes into a newly unified oropharyngeal cavity from an open nasal/pharyngeal breathing tract. The resulting sound is a sharp click with a high-pitched onset and a low, dull reverberation in the oropharyngeal cavity,

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and the sound may be heard from the nose as well as through the cheeks. There is no voicing at any time during the articulation. The direction of an accompanying pulmonic airstream is irrelevant to the accomplishment of the articulation; in fact, breathing normally takes place through the nose throughout the period of articulation. The negative balance of oral air pressure described in the previous paragraph is compensated for by an increase of air rushing in though the nose (during incidental inhalation) or an egressive pulmonic airstream (during incidental exhalation).

2.1.8 The labial flap The labial flap, rare among the world’s languages, is the most unusual member of the Mambay consonant inventory. Important cross-linguistic studies on the labial flap are those of Thomas (1972), Greenberg (1983) and Olson and Hajek (1999, 2001, 2003, 2004; Olson 2004). For the most part, the labial flap has been documented among languages of north-central Africa, but it is also attested in a few languages in the south-east portion of the continent and in a single Malayo-Polynesian language of Indonesia. In Africa, the languages in which the labial flap has been reported belong to three major phyla: Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic (Chadic only). By far the highest concentration is found in the AdamawaUbangi branch of Niger-Congo, of which Mambay is a member (Olson and Hajek 2003:157–60, 1.2.2). According to Olson and Hajek, “the labial flap is produced by retracting the lower lip into the mouth well behind the upper teeth and then bringing it forward rapidly, striking the upper lip or teeth in passing” (2003:157). The term “labial flap” thus acts as a cover term for two distinct phonetic entities: the labiodental flap and the bilabial flap. However, as these two units are not known to contrast in any language, they have often been given the same phonological label. In actual fact, most languages exhibit the labiodental sound as the sole or primary place of articulation. Only three languages, including Mambay, are reported to employ a bilabial articulation in all environments (Thomas 1972:113, Olson and Hajek 2003:166). The photographs on the following page, which are taken from Anonby (2007) and which feature the study’s principal collaborator Oussoumanou Bouba, confirm this assessment for the labial flap in Mambay.

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Photographic documentation of the labial flap in Mambay Figure 1. The labial flap is shown in the word vbìná ‘male (n.).’ At 0.00 seconds, the mouth is in resting position.

Figure 2. At 0.30 seconds, the lower lip has been pulled behind the upper teeth.

Figure 3. At 0.45 seconds, the upper lip is pulled down as the lower lip begins to move forward into contact with it. The tightening and dropping of the upper lip is characteristic of the bilabial variant of the flap, which is attested in Mambay.

Figure 4. At 0.55 seconds, the lower lip comes rapidly forward into contact with the upper lip, sealing the oral cavity briefly. Air pressure builds up behind the closure. There is a popping sound when the seal is released.

Figure 5. At 0.60 seconds, the outward motion of the lower lip is complete.

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In most of the languages which contain the labial flap, it is phonologically peripheral (Olson and Hajek 2003:167). However, Anonby (2004b, 2007) argues that for Mambay the labial flap must be considered a basic and contrastive member of the consonant inventory: it is shown that the labial flap is found in about 120 lexical items representing several word classes, and additionally occurs among a variety of phonological environments, including complex morpheme-initial onsets (2.1.2.5) and morphemeinternal onsets (2.1.2.2). These characteristics are evident in the following sample of words with the labial flap (represented by vb in the phonological orthography; see 2.1.1): bùvbú7 àvbâw féévbà kààvbèègà kàvbâw lwâgvbá ná4vbâh pùgvbí vbáhrà vbàhtátá vbààlá vbá’là

net sp. fish sp. pair of twins cucumber, squash the end (story margin) tenderness, youngness distribution scatter clod of earth strong and healthy, solid testicle chunk, muscle

vbè% vbìgìm vbíí vbìlá vbízò vbìNn vbó’ vbòlvbòl vbúù vbwâh vbyâ’ vbyâh

peel off green, unripe cut, cut up piece of boule fishhook hard-boil mix furiously grass sp. fog, cloudburst marsh cheek

There is a growing body of evidence for languages (like Mambay) in which the labial flap patterns as an integral, contrastive phonological unit (Olson and Hajek 2001, 2003, 2004; Anonby 2004b). Because of this, the International Phonetic Association has recently adopted the transcription [ ] for the labiodental flap (IPA 2005:261). For the bilabial flap, the modified symbolization [ ] has been proposed, since it admits an articulation further forward than the labiodental place of articulation (Olson and Hajek 1999:12).

2.2 Vowels In the present section, an inventory of vowels is provided (2.2.1). The distribution of vowels in the language (2.2.2) is followed by a demonstration of contrast among them (2.2.3). Additional topics are vowel interpretation issues (2.2.4) and phonetic realizations of vowels (2.2.5).

2.2.1 Inventory of vowels The vowel inventory of Mambay consists of five basic vowel units which may be lengthened, or modified by nasalization, glottalization or pharyngealization. These vowels, which represent thirty distinct qualities, may be schematized in eight sets. Each set provides contrast among its members, and a number of the sets may be contrasted with one another, since they are morphologically equivalent. Contrasts which are not satisfactorily demonstrated by these sets are shown in 2.2.3.

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basic (short) vowels: front high mid low

central

i e a o u

zím sèm zám vbòm vúm

bend to the ground, pray sneeze, avoid weave or braid finely divide, spread, ruin blow

ii ee aa oo uu

ríí réé ráá ròò rúú

carry melt spread out trick, amuse leave without warning

i a u

hùùrí bùùrá bíírù

hyena millet sp. cobra

uu

ii aa uu

ríí ráá dúú

clean out, wink blind (v.), singe slip something into a person’s hand

back

i’ e’ a’ o’ u’

bí’ bé’ bá’ bó’ bú’

dip spy (v.) fill up put in one’s mouth gather up

back

i

u e

o a

long vowels: front high mid low

central

ii

back uu oo

ee aa

short nasalized vowels: front high mid low

central

back

i

u a

long nasalized vowels: front high mid low

central

back

ii aa

glottalized vowels: front high mid low

central

i’

u’ e’

o’ a’

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pharyngealized vowels: front high mid low

central

eh

back oh

ah

eh ah oh

sêh zàh tòh

hand of … (cf. 5.2.2.2) cow of … snake of …

i’ a’ u’

rí’ rà’ rú’

glue, be infected rot twist, extract

ih ah uh

ríh Qáh rúh

slip, crawl call, invite polish

nasalized and glottalized vowels: front high mid low

central

i’

back u’

a’

nasalized and pharyngealized vowels: front high mid low

central

ih

back uh

ah

These eight vowel sets reveal three gaps in the inventory: 1) there is no phonological distinction between high and mid nasalized or pharyngealized vowels; nasalized mid vowels are absent (see 3.1.1 for discussion), as are high oral pharyngealized vowels (see 2.2.4); 2) there is no contrast in length for glottalized or pharyngealized vowels (see 2.3.3.2 and 2.3.3.3); and 3) although glottalization and pharyngealization may be found with nasality, they never occur with one another.

2.2.2 Distribution There are a number of limitations on the distribution of vowels. In addition to general frequency patterns (2.2.2.1), some limitations depend on the syllable shape (2.2.2.2) or morpheme position in which vowels are found (2.2.2.3). There are also restrictions on which vowels may occur together within a morpheme; these restrictions differ according to the morphological class of the morpheme (2.2.2.4).

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2.2.2.1 General frequency patterns The presentation of vowels in 2.2.1 above is valuable in showing the range of attested vowel possibilities. However, two additional observations regarding the frequency of different types of vowels are instructive in communicating a more balanced picture of vowel frequencies in the language. First, a cursory survey of the lexicon reveals that the low vowel a/aa is by far the most frequent vowel. High vowels i/ii and u/uu are also frequent. However, mid vowels e/ee and o/oo are uncommon. Second, vowels which are modified by nasalization, glottalization, and pharyngealization are less common than unmodified vowels. When these two patterns overlap, individual vowels representing low-frequency tendencies are poorly attested. Thus, mid pharyngealized and mid glottalized vowels, as well as nasalized glottalized and nasalized pharyngealized vowels, are scarce. Because of such frequency patterns, it is difficult in some cases to find contrasts which are morphologically equivalent for mid and modified vowels (cf. 2.2.3). 2.2.2.2 Vowels in syllables All vowels are found in open syllables (for a discussion of syllable types, see 2.4.1; for examples of vowels in open syllables, see word lists in 2.2.1 and 2.2.3). Almost all instances of vowels in closed syllables are short vowels. These vowels are generally oral or modified only by nasalization. Additionally, according to the interpretations presented in 2.3.3, there are some instances of pharyngealized and glottalized vowels in closed syllables. In five morphemes, unambiguously long vowels are also found in closed syllables (2.4.1). 2.2.2.3 Vowels in morphemes As is evident in the lists presented to demonstrate contrasts among vowels (2.2.1, 2.2.3), all vowels are found in root-initial syllables of morphemes. In all other morphological positions, however, the vowel inventory is restricted; long, glottalized, and pharyngealized vowels are almost absent. In the data, the only exceptions to this pattern which could be construed as monomorphemic are found in the lists which follow. long vowels: )áhyyáà )àyyéé bàháà àrgúú

oh dear! indeed! ibis sp. both

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pìpùùrí tí4tòòn`tíì wátùtáà

horn (instrument) lark (bird sp.) salt, sugar

glottalized vowels: bìzápé’ mìhaF’ ná4dídá’ ràfá’

five animal sp. summit brownness

pharyngealized vowels: fwàrnâh gàgàh7 gìwâh kàrwàhz ná4 í áhrâm ná4wíwâh ná4zìzáh

eight drumstick cup abruptly and desperately bedbug belt made of bells dance sp., instrument sp.

The distribution of long, glottalized and pharyngealized vowels in these words is unquestionably marginal in the language, and even in the words presented in the list above, a simple morphological identity is tentative. In many cases, the words’ forms hint at structural complexity, or may point to borrowing from Mundang (note in particular the Ci-initial forms, which are reminiscent of the Cd-initial “preformatives” in Mundang; see Elders 2000:125ff.). In addition, the atypical distribution of vowels in words such as interjections, species names and musical instruments may be related to the employment of non-canonical structures available to ideophonic words (8.2). 2.2.2.4 Co-occurrence restrictions Within morphemes, two factors in addition to syllable (2.2.2.2) and morpheme position (2.2.2.3) relate to restrictions on which vowels may occur in the same morpheme: the morphological class to which a morpheme belongs, and the distribution of nasality in the morpheme. Morphological classes demonstrate varying degrees of restrictions on which vowels may occur together within a morpheme. On the one hand, strong co-occurrence tendencies are evident between vowels in the first and second syllable of nouns: identical V1-V2 vowels and V1-a sequences are by far the most common (Anonby 2008), but these are not binding. The following list shows attested V1-V2 sequences for the five basic vowel qualities (2.2.1) in nouns. Whenever possible, short vowels are given; modified (long or glottalized) vowels are shown when no short vowels are attested for a given sequence.

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i4i i4e i4a i4o i4u

wízì bíbél gílà vbízò ná4kpíígù

wagtail (bird sp.) summit rainy season fishhook fish sp.

e4i e4e e4a e4o e4u

yèrí bègé béyà — tè’nú

clothing small hoe sp., friend (archaic)

a4i a4e a4a a4o a4u

là í tálè bàlá — gà’rú

left (n.), left-handedness roof elephant

o4i o4e o4a o4o o4u

óólì kóólè tórà rógò —

intelligent swaddling clothes, nest lining seed tomorrow (n.)

u4i u4e u4a u4o u4u

tùúrì — kùgá tú ò sùmú

boule

side (body)

binga (flying fish)

plant sp. blood potter’s kiln

These data do not show any categorical limitations on which vowels may occur together within a noun root. Rather than suggesting synchronic restrictions, the unsystematic gaps that are found likely point to tendencies in historical noun suffixation (Anonby 2008). On the other hand, there are tight synchronic restrictions on ideophonic modifiers, which prohibit vowels of differing value to be found together within certain morpheme or word structures (8.4.2.2.1). Canonical verb stems are monosyllabic (7.1.1), and are thus exempt from a discussion of vowel co-occurrence; and other word classes do not have enough members with more than one syllable from which to draw authoritative conclusions on the topic. Restrictions on the nasality of vowels in morphemes are addressed in detail in 3.4.2.

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2.2.3 Contrast between vowels The word sets given with the vowel inventory in 2.2.1 demonstrate contrast among the members of each set. In addition, a number of the sets given there may be contrasted with one another, since they uniformly present verbs consisting of an open syllable. This is the case for the following sets: -long vowels -long nasalized vowels -glottalized vowels -nasalized glottalized vowels -nasalized pharyngealized vowels However, there are a few vowel sets whose context is not comparable (i.e., it is something other than a verb consisting of an open syllable). Consequently, in the present section, additional evidence is presented for contrasts in length on oral and nasalized vowels (2.2.3.1), pharyngealized vowels with short and long vowels (2.2.3.2), and short vowels with glottalized vowels (2.2.3.3). 2.2.3.1 Length Each of the short, basic vowel qualities i e a o u contrasts with a long counterpart. i ii

gílà gììlá

rainy season quiver (for arrows)

e ee

bègé bèèlá

slave pangolin

a aa

bàlá báálà

elephant captive

o oo

tórà gòòrá

seed roof, preparation

u uu

súgò sùùgó

ear thought, wisdom

This contrast in length is also characteristic of nasalized vowels: i ii

nínù nììnú

eye, face, life bottom, meaning

a aa

wárà wààrá

mosquito valley, used pasture

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u uu

bùrí pìpùùrí

wild manioc sp. horn (instrument)

2.2.3.2 Pharyngealization Pharyngealized vowels, which do not exhibit distinctions of length (cf. 2.2.1, 2.3.3.2), contrast with basic short vowels and long vowels: eh e

béhlég %élé7

small intelligent

eh ee

%èh pèè

bow low cease, be limited

ah a

wàhlá wálà

nape (of neck) orphan

ah aa

baFh báà

rain cane rat

oh o

kpòhròm tí4tóró7

blunt small bronze bell

oh oo

gòh tí4góò

narrow window (in dâg tí4góò ‘window’)

Pharyngealized vowels also contrast with glottalized vowels: eh e’

héh hé’

stop bang, bang into

ah a’

sáh sá’

ask, rip, play buy

oh o’

tòh dò’

snake of … belly of … , centre of …

2.2.3.3 Glottalization and short vowels Glottalized vowels contrast with short vowels: i’ i

sí’là tílà

cold (n.) sickness, blight

e’ e

pè’gá bègé

tree hollow, beehive slave

a’ a

sà’lá sàlá

rope, trap cowrie shell

o’ o

ò’lá tórà

tumor seed

u’ u

kù’rá túrà

melon millet

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2.2.4 Issues in vowel interpretation There are two major issues related to vowels which necessitate interpretation: lack of contrast in length on glottalized and pharyngealized vowels, and the underlying height of non-low pharyngealized vowels. The first issue is addressed in 2.3.3.2 and 2.3.3.3, where it forms part of a general discussion considering the consonantal vs. vocalic identity of glottalized and pharyngealized vowels; the second issue is addressed in the present section. Underlying height of non-low pharyngealized vowels A comparison of oral and nasalized inventories of pharyngealized vowels reveals that, at least on the surface, oral non-low pharyngealized vowels are mid ([eh] and [oh]), but nasalized non-low pharyngealized vowels are high ([ih] and [uh]). Three possible interpretations for the underlying height of non-low pharyngealized vowels are as follows: 1. Other than a basic low/non-low distinction, pharyngealized vowels are not underlyingly specified for height (i.e., mid vs. high). 2. Non-low pharyngealized vowels are all underlyingly mid. 3. Non-low pharyngealized vowels are all underlyingly high; the mid phonetic value of the oral members is an articulatory consequence of pharyngealization. 4. Oral non-low pharyngealized vowels are underlyingly mid, and nasalized non-low pharyngealized vowels are underlyingly high. The first, second and third explanations are helpful in that they advocate symmetry between the oral and nasalized pharyngealized vowel inventories. While the second explanation does not respect restrictions on nasalized mid vowels in the language (cf. 3.1.1), the third explanation does so explicitly. The second explanation also falls short in that it needs to account for the high realization of the nasalized pharyngealized vowels. The fourth explanation, in contrast, advocates asymmetry between oral pharyngealized and nasalized pharyngealized vowels. Like the third explanation, it explicitly respects the absence of nasalized mid vowels in the language. However, it is less abstract; it conveniently proposes underlying forms which correspond exactly to surface realizations. A final piece of evidence in support of the fourth explanation relates to vowel distribution in ideophones. As described in 8.4.2.1.1, there are strong limitations on which vowels may occur within the same ideophonic modifier. In most cases, a single vowel position is permitted. kpìgzìm làr àg vbérgé òglòm

thick (dimension) flat-nosed runt-like bulging

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This is the case even if one of the vowels is modified by glottalization or pharyngealization. gàh7gàrà7 vbàhtátá kàrwàhz

abnormally doubled strong and healthy, solid abruptly and desperately

The following list shows ideophones which contain pharyngealized vowels eh and oh in the same ideophonic modifier as another unmodified vowel. béhlég gòh7rò7 kpòhròm póh7gó7gó7

small, a bit bent blunt narrow

(*béhlíg) (*gòh7rù7) (*kpòhrùm) (*póh7gú7gú7)

Forms such as those on the right (marked with asterisks) are not permitted. In each of the attested cases, however, the value of the unmodified vowel, which represents the same vowel position as the pharyngealized vowel, is mid rather than high. Because of these data, and weighing the other factors given above in support of each explanation, the fourth explanation has been chosen for this study: oral non-low pharyngealized vowels are treated as underlyingly mid (eh and oh), and nasalized nonlow pharyngealized vowels are treated as underlyingly high (ih and uh).

2.2.5 Phonetic realizations Three types of vowels exhibit more than one phonetic realization depending on where they are found in syllables and utterances and, in some cases, the speed and register at which they are articulated: short mid vowels, glottalized vowels and pharyngealized vowels. Realizations of short mid vowels are described in the present section. However, realizations of glottalized and pharyngealized vowels are described in the sections on the interpretation of those vowels (2.3.3.2 and 2.3.3.3). Short mid vowels Short mid vowels e and o are realized as phonetic close-mid vowels [e] and [o] in open syllables. bègé tì4kóólè

[bègé] [tìkóólè]

slave pipe

tórà gììgó

[tórà] [gììgó]

seed firewood

In closed syllables, however, they are realized as open-mid vowels [O] and [P].

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gèmná kêrgá

[gO`mná] [kOfrgá]

entrance hut loose-weave basket

kómnà gòg.bá

[kPTmnà] [gP`gbá]

hunger ill omen

bègé [bègé] 4z4 PL slave

bègzé [bO`gzé] (cf. singular form above) slaves

tórà [tórà] seed

tórzà [tPTrzà] (cf. singular form above) seeds

4z4 PL

2.3 Issues relating to both consonants and vowels In the present section, issues relating to both consonants and vowels are explored. A discussion of consonant/vowel distribution patterns (2.3.1) is followed by a demonstration of contrast for specific sequences (2.3.2). Four interpretive issues, all of which have major implications for the phonological structure of the language, are addressed in 2.3.3.

2.3.1 Consonant/vowel distribution patterns Besides restrictions defined by positional distribution constraints (2.1.2, 2.2.2), there are few limitations on the consonants and vowels that may occur next to one another. Within syllables, most possibilities are attested. With the exception of nasal consonants and the semivowels y w Q Nw, all onset consonants (2.1.2.1) are followed by vowels representing all of the five basic vowel positions (2.2.1). Similarly, with the exception of the same consonants, there do not appear to be any systematic constraints on which of the basic vowels may occur together with attested coda consonants (2.1.2.3 and 2.1.2.4). While the distribution of vowels after nasal consonants is treated in 3.4.1, the distribution of vowels next to semivowels is discussed in the following subsection (2.3.1.1). In morphemes with more than one syllable, long vowels, glottalized vowels and pharyngealized vowels are not found before glottalized consonants, even across a syllable boundary (2.3.1.2). No other heterosyllabic inventory constraints have been observed. 2.3.1.1 Limited distribution of vowels with semivowels Within syllables, a limited inventory of vowels is found adjacent to the semivowels y w and glottalized semivowels Q Nw in all positions: simple onsets (2.3.1.1.1), complex onsets (2.3.1.1.2), and codas (2.3.1.1.3). 2.3.1.1.1 After simple onsets After simple syllable onsets (2.4.2), the high front vowel i never follows y or Q, and the distribution back vowels o u is almost excluded after w and Nw.

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yi ye ya yo yu

— yè yàg yôm yúh

Qi Qe Qa Qo Qu

— Qèl Qá% — Qúú

peace, wholeness ululate enough narrow

disturb feel, rub penetrating like an arrow

wi we wa wo wu

wîr wéy wàr )òòwó )úùwú

Nwi Nwe Nwa Nwo Nwu

NwíhNwíh achy and restless Nwêy fish sp. Nwàg such — —

then virginity leave yes 3SG.POSS (fast speech)

The absence of Qo in the data is probably due to chance rather than a systematic gap, since yo is found and because the sequence is pronounced without alteration in words of Fulfulde origin such as Qóólà (place name). Conversely, occurrences of wo and wu are limited. While wo is found only in the word )òòwó ~ )òwwó ‘yes,’ wu is limited to the morphemes )úùwú and 4 `wú, casual speech variants of úùrú (3SG.POSS) and 4 `rú (3SG.POSS.INAL; cf. 6.1.4). Words of Fulfulde origin with the sequence wu are reinterpreted with hu in Mambay; for example, Fulfulde wuro ‘village’ is pronounced húrò. In addition, the arisal of wo and wu in some complex morphological contexts results in the alternation of w with h before back vowels (5.2.2.2.1). 2.3.1.1.2 After complex onsets Distribution restrictions on vowels after complex syllable onsets are parallel to those found after simple onsets (2.3.1.1.1), although only y and w are found here (2.1.2.5). The high front vowel i is absent after y, and back vowels o u are absent after w. yi ye ya yo yu

— yè% byàá %yóò fyùú

wi we wa wo wu

repeat oneself water grass sp. completely

zwî’gá kwérè kwàá — —

beauty, fineness fence neck, voice

Although all of these sequences are attested, the vast majority CCy and CCw sequences are found with the vowel a and its modified counterparts. 2.3.1.1.3 Before codas As is the case in syllable onsets, there are restrictions on the inventory of vowels that may occur next to semivowels in syllable codas. The following sequences have been attested:

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iy ey ay oy uy

— wéy faFy — —

iQ eQ aQ oQ uQ

— — kpàQ — —

virginity fish sp.

swing the hips

iw ew aw ow uw

— nà4gbéhwrà wild hibiscus sp. kaFw frog sp. támbyòw billy goat —

iNw eNw aNw oNw uNw

kpíNwsí kpéNwrà nàNw kyôNw —

shallow melon spank (v.) warthog, pig

A number of factors limit this inventory of combinations. 1. The sequences iy and uw do not contrast with the long vowels ii and uu; all instances of these sequences have been interpreted as long vowels (2.3.3.4). 2. Similarly, the sequences iQ and uNw do not contrast with the glottalized vowels i’ and u’; all instances of these sequences have been interpreted as glottalized vowels (2.3.3.3), which do not show a distinction in length. 3. There are no instances where the vowel-semivowel sequences uy and iw contrast with the semivowel-vowel sequences win/ wii and yu / yuu. All potential occurrences of these sequences have been interpreted as semivowel-vowel sequences (2.3.3.4); the length of the vowel in each case is determined by behaviour of the word in non utterance-final position (cf. 2.1.6.5). A parallel interpretation is not available for and uQ (which is not in any case attested) and iNw, since VNC sequences are in most cases interpreted as a vowel followed by a glottalized consonant (see 2.3.3.3). 4. The sequence oy appears to be supplanted by we / wee in Mambay. Evidence of this comes from the borrowed Mambay word bwéè ‘domestic helper,’ which is a reinterpretation of the word boy (Colonial British English via Hausa and Fulfulde boy). 5. aw and ow are in variation in non morpheme-final syllables (for example, lâwrán~ lôwrá ‘large egret sp.’), where aw is the preferred variant in careful speech. 6. The glottalized semivowels Q and Nw are only modestly attested in coda position. Consequently, especially as concerns Q, inherent restrictions on the vowels that may follow these consonants are difficult to establish.

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2.3.1.2 Limitation of vowel length and quality before glottalized consonants With the exception of words borrowed from Fulfulde, there are no Mambay words in which long vowels are found before glottalized consonants, even across a syllable boundary. In addition, glottalized and pharyngealized vowels are never found in this position. The apparent restriction on glottalized vowels results from the interpretation of most syllable-internal V’C sequences as vowels followed by glottalized consonants (2.3.3.3). In contrast, the absence of pharyngealized vowels before glottalized consonants reflects a manifest gap in the phonological system. These distributional restrictions likely originate in the complex internal structure of glottalized consonants (2.1.5.1).

2.3.2 Contrast Although most contrasts have been established in the sections devoted to consonants (2.1.3) and vowels (2.2.3), additional contrasts involving glottalic sequences (2.3.2.1) and codas affected by nasality (2.3.2.2) relates to both groups of segments. 2.3.2.1 Glottalic sequences There are a number of distributional gaps (2.3.1.2) and ambiguous sequences (2.1.4.1, 2.1.4.2, 2.3.3.3) associated with glottalic articulations. Over a syllable boundary, however, glottalized vowels followed by a b contrast with non-glottalized vowels followed by the implosive . This contrast persists in spite of the penetration of glottalization from glottalic consonants into the vowels of preceding syllables (2.1.5.1). Phonetically, the contrast is signalled by the presence vs. absence of glottalization on the vowel in the first syllable, the persistence of phonetic implosion on the (phonetically preglottalized) implosive stops, and the possibility of a phonetically open vs. closed transition (i.e., oral release) between the glottalic element and the stop element. lê’bá [lê bá] ~ [lé)èbá] ~ [lê)bá] tí4sì’bá [tísì bá] ~ [tísì)ìbá] ~ [tísì)bá] pá à tú ò

[pá) à] [tú) ò]

metal, money honour milk blood

This contrast suggests that vocalic glottalization and consonantal glottalization are phonologically independent of one another in this environment. An equivalent contrast that might be expected with d and % is not possible because d is never found non morpheme-initially in Mambay (2.1.2). 2.3.2.2 Codas affected by nasality There is contrast between V7 and VV codas. This is evident in the following examples: dú7 dúú

bend down slip something into a person’s hand 76

nà4kààrá nà4kà7rá

faithful companion, disciple cane, coward

2.3.3 Interpretive issues There are number of interpretive issues involving both vowels and consonants. This topic has major implications for segmental and syllable inventories. These issues concern the interpretation of y and w in complex onsets (2.3.3.1), pharyngeal articulations (2.3.3.2), glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes (2.3.3.3), and syllable rhymes ending in high vowels and semivowels (2.3.3.4). 2.3.3.1 y and w in complex onsets Clements has noted that “it is often hard, in synchronic analysis, to determine whether a phonetic segment such as [kw] should be analysed phonemically as /ku/, /kw/, or even as the single segment /kw/” (2000:130). In other words, it is possible that onsets comprised of a consonant-semivowel sequence be interpreted as CV, CC or C. In Mambay, where this interpretive question arises, none of the three alternatives is without shortcomings. The weakest of the three possible interpretations is that of CV (Ci and Cu). Arguments for this alternative are that: 1. In utterance-final monosyllables, y and w are phonetically realized as vowels: their duration is greater in this position, and they carry pitch which signals the underlying tone melody (2.1.6.5). tyáà kwáà

[tíà] [kúà]

fish sp. grass

2. y and w participate in vowel height assimilation processes in certain multimorphemic contexts (5.2.2.2.2). tyáà + fish sp.

)íí 1SG.POSS

téè )íí my fish sp.

kwáà grass

)íí 1SG.POSS

kóò )íí my grass

+

However: 1. The designation of y and w as vowels in this context would require an introduction of vowel diphthongs or non-identical vowel sequences into the phonology, since none are found unambiguously in the language. 2. Even more problematic is the existence of a marginal contrast in vowel length after Cy and Cw sequences. CyVV and CwVV syllables are not uncommon. On the contrary, there are only ten words in the data with CyV and CwV syllables; and of these, two are borrowed, and at least one is a morphologically complex 77

ideophone. Still, in light of certain data (for example: kwérè fence, nà4dwárà7 sore, pimple; vs. gwàárè sickle, gwáàlá thief, robbery), this contrast in vowel length must be recognized. An interpretation of y and w as V in this context would therefore necessitate the recognition of three-mora vowels (VVV) syllables in the phonology, even though there is no evidence for these elsewhere in the language. Somewhat more satisfactory is a C (Cy and Cw) interpretation, where y and w are seen as palatal or labial modifications of consonants. The key argument for this is that syllableinitial consonant clusters are otherwise unattested; with this interpretation, all complex onsets can be accounted for as single consonants rather than sequences, and no new syllable types need to be accounted for in the inventory (cf. CV and CC interpretations). However: 1. Phonetically, y and w typically accompany consonants as an off-glide rather than as a secondary articulation. That is, the point of greatest palatal and labial closure is after the release of the accompanied consonant, not with it. The lack of phonetic connection between the consonant and y or w is even greater in utterance-final syllables, where y and w are pronounced as vowels (cf. the first argument in favour of CV above, and 2.1.6.5). 2. y and w may accompany most consonants, including those which are labial (2.1.2.5). Thus, rather than applying to a limited number of consonantal series (especially velar consonants), this interpretation would entail the applicability of palatalization and labialization to the consonant inventory as a whole. While possible, this is a marked configuration. 3. Complex onsets involving y and w are limited to morpheme-initial position (2.1.2.5). If the interpretation of these onsets as Cy and Cw were followed, the relegation of all palatalized and labialized consonants to morpheme-initial position would lend imbalance to the distributional patterns of consonants in the language, since codas as well as onsets have rich inventories (2.1.2). However, because syllabic complexity is typical of morpheme-initial syllables (2.4), it could be more appropriate to assign y and w to an additional syllable position as in the third alternative (CC) below. 4. The morphophonological process in which y and w coalesce with adjacent vowels (given just above and in 5.2.2.2.2) is difficult to explain if y and w are interpreted as consonantal features. If this were the case, one would expect that in addition to affecting the following vowels, the palatal or labial feature would remain on the host consonant. However, it does not; the only remaining indications of y and w’s presence are the fronting or backing of a following vowel and its raising from low to mid. A CC (Cy and Cw) interpretation is also worth considering. alternative are that:

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Arguments for this

1. The phonetic realizations of y and w in this position are best represented by this option (cf. the first arguments presented in favour of CV and C interpretations). 2. Although this interpretation is perhaps less satisfying than a CV interpretation in explaining the morphophonological process in which y and w coalesce with adjacent vowels (cf. the second argument in favour of a CV interpretation and the fourth argument in favour of a C interpretation; see also 5.2.2.2), it is more convincing than a C interpretation, since the dissociation of the palatal and labial features from the syllable-initial consonant is not an issue in need of resolution. Still, in spite of these advantages: 1. Significantly, it requires the recognition of CC-initial syllables in the phonology, and there are no other kinds of syllable-initial consonant clusters in the language. Although neither the second (Cy and Cw) nor the third (Cy and Cw) interpretation of complex onsets is without limitations, both are adequate. Throughout this study, the third interpretation is used as a basis for transcription and discussion. 2.3.3.2 Pharyngeal articulations Pharyngeal articulations are contrastive in Mambay, and present a major interpretive challenge. In examining the issue, topics which have been invoked range from phonetics, distribution, and syllable structure to the analysis of systematic errors by learners of Mambay as a written language. Even in light of all these issues, none of the analytical alternatives is entirely satisfying. Interpretive possibilities allow that pharyngeal articulations pattern as one of three structures: 1. an inherent quality of a pharyngeal consonant; 2. an inherent quality of pharyngealized vowels; or 3. a suprasegmental pharyngeal feature which associates with larger units such as syllable rhymes or syllables. In the analysis that follows, the distribution and phonetic realizations of pharyngeal articulations are reviewed (2.3.3.2.1). Evidence for a consonantal interpretation (2.3.3.2.2) is followed by that which supports a vocalic interpretation (2.3.3.2.3). Drawbacks to each position are assessed (2.3.3.2.4 and 2.3.3.2.5), and a suprasegmental interpretation is briefly considered (2.3.3.2.6). The issue is concluded in 2.3.3.2.7. 2.3.3.2.1 Distribution and phonetic realizations Pharyngeal articulations are primarily associated with syllable rhymes, although the articulatory effect of pharyngealization sometimes extends to onset consonants (2.1.6.3). Phonetically, such articulations exhibit both vocalic and consonantal qualities. Because an understanding of the phonetic situation contributes toward an interpretation,

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realizations will be described here in each of the three contexts in which they occur: non utterance-final open syllables, utterance-final open syllables, and closed syllables. In an utterance-final syllable which is otherwise open, the only realization which is attested is a pharyngealized vowel followed by a voiceless pharyngeal fricative component. f[á U]

path

In a non utterance-final syllable which is otherwise open, a pharyngeal articulation is realized with at least a pharyngealized vowel. In some cases, it is realized with an accompanying pharyngeal fricative component, which is itself optionally voiced. In addition, an open transition consisting of a pharyngealized echo vowel optionally follows the fricative component in this position. (Transcriptions are arranged from slow, careful speech to fast, casual speech). f[á g]là ~ f[á ag ]là ~ f[á g]là ~ f[á ga ]là ~ f[á ]là

frog sp.

In an unambiguously closed syllable, attested realizations are slightly different. Here, a pharyngealized vowel may be realized without a following pharyngeal fricative component; and when a fricative component is present, it is never accompanied by an echo vowel. In every case, the syllable-final consonant is also pharyngealized. k[á lU ]gá ~ k[á lU ]gá ~ k[á lU ]gá

bitterness

With these phonetic realizations in mind, it is appropriate to evaluate each of the three interpretive possibilities listed above. 2.3.3.2.2 Factors supporting a consonantal interpretation Four factors support a consonantal interpretation for pharyngealization in Mambay. First, and most obviously, a consonantal quality is evident in most phonetic realizations of pharyngeal articulations (this is shown in the examples immediately above). According to this line of reasoning, pharyngealization found on vowels (and, in some cases, on other consonants in the same syllable) would be interpreted as a phonetic effect of an adjacent or nearby pharyngeal consonant. In addition, the optional presence of an echo vowel after the point of greatest consonantal closure is in keeping with the articulation of the consonant g in coda position (2.1.6.1). A second factor in favour of a consonantal interpretation is the attractive possibility that pharyngeal articulations reflect the realization of h in coda position. This is the conclusion given by Eguchi (1971:147–8). A third argument is based on morpheme-internal distributional patterns: namely, glottalized consonants never follow pharyngeal articulations (2.3.1.2). This is parallel to

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the morpheme-internal prohibition on glottalized consonants following other consonants (2.1.2.6). A final point in favour of a consonantal interpretation for pharyngealization relates to the acceptance of complex onsets in the language (2.4.2). As is shown in the examples above, a pharyngeal articulation may precede another coda consonant. If complex onsets—and ones in which the C position next to the nucleus is restricted to a subset of the consonant inventory—are permitted in the language, then why not complex codas, which would be a near-mirror image of the onsets? 2.3.3.2.3 Factors supporting a vocalic interpretation There are also two substantial arguments which support the interpretation of pharyngealization as an inherent quality of a subset of the vowel inventory. First, and even more decisive than the equivalent argument given for consonants, is the point that whenever it occurs, the phonetic realization of pharyngeal articulations is always found at least on vowels. According to a vocalic interpretation, although pharyngealization is underlyingly vocalic, it may be phonetically realized with an accompanying consonantal quality in some environments (cf. 2.3.3.2.1). Second, pharyngealization occurs with only three of the five oral vowel positions, and with three nasalized vowels (two of which have a different underlying place of articulation than unmodified vowels) (2.2.1). The fact that pharyngealization is found with specific vowels corresponding to all five of the basic vowel positions, but not with any complete oral or nasalized set of five vowels, suggests that it is an inherent quality of the vowels with which it is found. 2.3.3.2.4 Arguments against a consonantal interpretation Several arguments of varying significance highlight difficulties with a consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization. First, if pharyngeal consonants were accepted, two additional syllable shapes would have to be accounted for: CVCC and CCVCC (incidentally, because of the lack of vowel length contrast in pharyngeal articulations (2.2.1), no C(C)VVCC syllables would arise). Still, the existence of CC onsets is itself the result of an interpretation; and, based on ambiguous data, the positing of configurations which necessitate the recognition of additional syllable shapes cannot be done lightly. C(C)VCC syllables, of which there would be many if one were to follow a consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization, would contain three segments in the syllable rhyme. In this respect, they would be comparable to CVVC syllables, which are superheavy (i.e., three-mora; cf. 2.4.3), since all vowels and coda consonants contribute a unit of weight in Mambay (2.4.3). However, there are very few (only five) unambiguous examples of morphemes containing CVVC syllables (2.4.3). Elsewhere, a constraint against morpheme-internal superheavy syllables holds sway. And although superheavy syllables arise in some complex morphological contexts, they are resisted in others (see, for

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example, the plural form of wàá ‘hump’ in the following paragraph). The general constraint against superheavy syllables, then, should be considered when positing additional syllables of this type. If C(C)VCC syllables were, after all, accepted as part of the inventory, one might expect that other glide-like consonants be allowed to fill the first coda position. However, semivowels y and w are never followed by another consonant in the same coda. Also, in plural constructions, morphemes ending in glides y and w or other consonants consistently avoid the insertion of r or l that is obligatory in pharyngeal rhymes without an additional consonant, and that also occurs often with syllables containing long vowels (5.5.2.1), as shown in the following examples: syllables with pharyngeal rhymes and long vowels: vâh + 4zV arrow PL

váhlzà arrows

wàá + 4zV PL hump

wàlzá humps

cf. syllables ending in semivowels and other consonants: kaFw + 4zV frog sp. PL

kàwzá (*kàwlzá) frogs (sp.)

kâ7+ 4zV bowstring PL

ká7zà (*ká7lzà) bowstrings

A further factor which weakens a consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization is a constraint on the distribution of vowels before the purported pharyngeal consonant. In contrast to the regular gaps in the distribution of vowels before semivowels within syllable rhymes (2.3.1.1.3), restrictions on vowels before a pharyngeal consonant would be odd: while underlying high vowels are absent from the oral inventory, underlying mid vowels are absent from the nasal inventory (cf. 2.2.1). This shows that even if a pharyngealized consonant avoids co-distribution with high vowels, it accepts a high vowel under the pressure of the language-wide constraint against nasalized mid vowels (3.1.1). A final argument against a consonantal interpretation comes from observations of errors Mambay speakers already literate in French, Fulfulde and in some cases, Mundang, make when learning to write their own language. In the standard Mambay orthography (1.3.3), word-initial h is written as h, and syllable rhymes with a pharyngeal articulation are written Vh (i.e., eh, ah, oh, etc.). Although no systematic errors are made when writing h in syllable onsets, it is common that subjects write long (orthographically double) vowels in place of h in pharyngealized syllable rhymes (in particular, those with no 82

additional coda consonant). The number of segment places is still correct, but there is no consonant marked there. If pharyngealization were the realization of h in syllable codas, one would not expect this systematic error. This situation may also show that pharyngeal articulations are not perceived as underlyingly consonantal: if a consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization is upheld, it is difficult to account for the systematically erroneous writing of a double vowel rather than the coda consonant symbol used in the standard orthography. 2.3.3.2.5 Arguments against a vocalic interpretation Although the factors supporting a vocalic interpretation of pharyngeal articulations are less decisive than those supporting a consonantal interpretation, the arguments against a vocalic interpretation are less numerous. Crucially, following an interpretation of pharyngealization as an inherent quality of some vowels in the inventory, there is no contrast between short and long pharyngealized vowels. In itself, this is not problematic, and evidence could be gathered which would indicate whether pharyngealized vowels are short or long. For example, they occur in nouns comprised of an open syllable, a structure never attested with a short vowel (in other words, there are no CV nouns in the data; see 5.1.1.1): fâh kaFh vbaFh

path placenta large mixing stick

In addition, they are commonly found in closed syllables, an environment where, with the exception of five non-canonical words (2.4.3), long vowels are not found unambiguously. A selection from the numerous words in which pharyngeal vowels are found in closed syllables is as follows: díht fêhm gáhlbó kâhlgá kaFhm róhlgóm rôh7gá

warbler fish sp. soldier bitterness wool joint (body) smoothness, slipperyness

In sum, the interpretation of pharyngealized vowels as either uniformly long or uniformly short is problematic. It is precisely this problem which the consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization given above attempts to resolve by positing additional syllable types. 2.3.3.2.6 A suprasegmental interpretation of pharyngealization Because of the drawbacks associated with consonantal and vocalic interpretations of pharyngealization, it is instructive to consider a suprasegmental interpretation of the issue.

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In one case, pharyngealization could be viewed uniquely as a feature that associates with syllable rhymes or even syllables as a whole. Such an explanation corresponds to facts relating to the wide-ranging realization of pharyngealization within syllables (2.1.6.3, 2.3.3.2.1); however, since these realizations are predictable, it is not necessary to invoke pharyngealization as an independently operating feature. A suprasegmental solution would be preferable if there were evidence of long-distance alignment or spread of pharyngealization among units on the same tier (such as vowels with vowels, or consonants with consonants), but in the data there is no evidence of this. Alternatively, pharyngealization could be viewed as a feature usually hosted by a contrastive pharyngeal consonant but one which is hosted by a vowel when the syllable is closed. This alleviates a major concern of the consonantal interpretation, namely the positing of complex codas. However, the dual identity (consonant and feature) of pharyngealization is unsettling, especially since there are no demonstrably contrastive pharyngeal consonants in the language, even in syllable onsets. Finally, because of the other concerns mentioned for a consonantal interpretation, this solution is less than ideal. 2.3.3.2.7 Conclusion In sum, none of the interpretations of pharyngealization is without significant limitations. For the remainder of this study, the interpretation of pharyngealization as an inherent quality of some vowels in the inventory has been employed. In regard to CV structure, pharyngealized vowels in open syllables are treated along with long vowels, and in closed syllables these vowels are treated along with short vowels. The possibilities for phonetic realizations given in 2.3.3.2.1 above suggest, but do not prove, that this reading may be phonologically suitable. Additionally, this convention respects the commonly attested morpheme structures for each word class. 2.3.3.3 Glottal articulations in syllable rhymes The interpretation of glottal articulations in syllable rhymes presents many of the same possibilities and challenges as the interpretation of pharyngeal articulations (2.3.3.2). While evidence from a variety of areas has been examined, there is no single clear interpretive solution that emerges. Interpretive possibilities allow that glottalic articulations pattern as one of several structures: 1. an inherent quality of a glottal or preglottalized consonant; 2. an inherent quality of glottalized vowels; or 3. a suprasegmental glottalic feature which associates with larger units such as syllable rhymes or syllables. Additionally, it should be noted that Bohnhoff (1976:26–9, 1987:15–6), who has tackled a comparable issue with Duru / Yag Dii in north-central Cameroon, posits structurally discrete “double vowels.” However, his conclusion has yet to be successfully integrated into a theory of segment and syllable structure (cf. Segerer 1995:69–75).

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In the analysis that follows, the distribution and phonetic realizations of glottalic articulations are described (2.3.3.3.1). Complexities pertaining to the behaviour of glottalic articulations in unambiguously closed syllable rhymes are given special attention (2.3.3.3.1.1). Two consonantal interpretations (0) are contrasted with a vocalic interpretation of the issue (2.3.3.3.3). The issue is concluded in 2.3.3.3.4. 2.3.3.3.1 Distribution and phonetic realizations In syllable rhymes, glottalic articulations are realized in various ways depending on the environment in which they are found. Three pertinent environments, each with its own characteristic phonetic realizations, are: non-utterance final syllable rhymes which could be interpreted as open; utterance-final syllable rhymes which could be interpreted as open; and syllable rhymes which are unambiguously closed. In each environment, there are striking similarities with the phonetic realizations associated with pharyngealization (2.3.3.2.1). In a non utterance-final syllable rhyme which is otherwise open, a glottalic articulation is realized with at least a glottalized vowel. In some cases, there is glottal closure. In addition, a glottalized echo vowel optionally follows the glottal closure in this position. (Transcriptions are arranged from slow, careful speech to fast, casual speech). k[ù)]rá ~ k[ù)ù]rá ~ k[ù ]rá

melon

In an utterance-final syllable rhyme which is otherwise open, glottal closure after the glottalized vowel is obligatory, and a glottalized echo vowel is optional in fast speech. k[û)] ~ k[ú)ù]

sand

In an unambiguously closed syllable, there are two types of glottal articulations. In glottal articulations where the syllable-final consonant is glottalized or has a glottalized counterpart, there is always glottalization on a vowel and a coda consonant, and there is an optional glottal closure between the two segments; however, there is no vocalic articulation after the closure (see 2.1.6.2). d[è)m] ~ d[èm]

comment (v.)

Otherwise, there is variation between a lack of complete glottal closure and an open transition (echo vowel) between the glottal closure and the syllable-final consonant. [)á)ár]và ~ [)ár]và run (VN) (cf. )à’ ‘run (perfective)’; this and similar examples are analyzed in 0) At this point, it is appropriate to address further complexities regarding glottalic articulations in unambiguously closed syllable rhymes (2.3.3.3.1.1), since these have major implications for the interpretation of glottalic articulations elsewhere.

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2.3.3.3.1.1 Description of glottalic articulations in closed syllable rhymes A detailed account of glottalic articulations in unambiguously closed syllable rhymes is an important step toward their interpretation in general. Obstruents appear to be absent in rhymes with glottalic articulations. Consonants which are permitted may be divided into two categories. The first category contains consonants which are glottalized or, alternatively, have a non-glottalic counterpart (see the discussion in this section below). These consonants, shown in the context of glottalized syllable rhymes, are as follows: y, Q

t[ày] ~ t[à)y]

sway rhythmically

w, Nw m, Nm n, Nn 7, N7

n[àw] ~ n[à)w] d[èm] ~ d[è)m] g[ùn] ~ g[ù)n] s[ù7]gá ~ s[ù)7]gá

spank comment (v.) accompany razor

(p/b), (t, d), l, %

s[àp ] ~ s[à)p ] Q[àl] ~ Q[à)l]

vomit feel, rub

Importantly, there is no contrast between glottalic and non-glottalic consonants in syllable rhymes which contain glottalic articulations. While the symmetry between the first five pairs of non-contrasting consonants is clear, non-glottalic counterparts of and % need further explanation. In this context, p/b is not an ideal non-glottalic counterpart for , nor is t or d for %, since no obstruents are found unambiguously in this glottalic environment. Interestingly, l is a preferable candidate for the non-glottalic counterpart of %. There are five reasons for this: 1) l is not an obstruent, and is therefore (in contrast to t and d) not barred from glottalic syllable rhymes; 2) % is realized as )l in codas (2.1.6.2); 3) V% does not contrast with V’l in rhymes; 4) verbs which appear to contain a historical verbal extension 4l on a glottalized verb root (7.2) exhibit the same phonetic realization; 5) there is no open transition realization of V’l in syllable rhymes parallel to that of V’r (see the next paragraph as well as the following section). The second category of consonants is limited to r. Glottalized syllable rhymes with r differ from those with other consonants in three ways. First, r is the only non-glottalic sonorant consonant found in syllable codas that does not have a glottalic counterpart in the phonology. Second, the phonetic realization of r in a glottalized rhyme is unique. Unlike other consonants, when glottal closure is employed, it is accompanied by an open transition consisting of a glottalized echo vowel. It is an open question whether 86

differences in its realization are the product of a contrastive phonological identity or whether they are a phonetic consequence of its rhotic or periodic (exhibiting repeated movement) articulation. Third, unlike other consonants in the same position, it is extremely uncommon; its distribution is restricted to four irregular verbal nouns (see the following section for further discussion). 2.3.3.3.2 Consonantal interpretations of glottalization Two types of consonantal interpretation are available for glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes. While the first interpretation is relevant for all syllable rhymes, the second interpretation is relevant in particular for glottal articulations in closed syllable rhymes. The first interpretation is that glottalic articulations in this position are contrastive realizations of an independently occurring glottal stop. This interpretation is, on the whole, acceptable for glottalic articulations in open syllables. It reflects the consonantal quality found in some realizations of such utterances (2.3.3.3.1). Also, as is the case for pharyngeal articulations (2.3.3.2), the optional presence of an echo vowel after the point of greatest consonantal closure is reminiscent of the articulation of the unambiguously consonantal g in coda position (2.1.6.1). Notably, an interpretation in which glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes are consonantal also respects the positing of a contrastive glottal stop at morpheme boundaries (2.1.4.1). There are even two situations in which a glottal stop at a morpheme boundary alternates with a glottal articulation in a syllable rhyme2: sá’4 buy

+

tí4

+

AUG

n CAUS

sà)án sell

)ízà (female name)

tí’zà (female name, respect form)

One objection to this first consonantal interpretation, that of evidence from writing errors, is parallel to that presented in the discussion on a consonantal interpretation of pharyngealization (2.3.3.2.4). As stated above, observations have been made concerning the errors Mambay speakers already literate in French, Fulfulde and in some cases, Mundang, make when learning to write their own language. In the standard Mambay orthography (1.3.3), the contrastive morpheme-initial glottal stop (2.1.4.1) is not written, and otherwise open syllable rhymes with a glottalic articulation are written V’. When writing an open syllable rhyme with this articulation, it is common that subjects write a long (orthographically double) vowel (VV) rather than a glottalized vowel (V’). This may indicate that glottalic articulations in such syllable rhymes are perceived as vocalic rather than consonantal.

2

The first of these alternations is productive and occurs whenever a suffix consisting of a nasal consonant is added to a root ending in a glottalic rhyme (6.1.4.2.1, 7.2.3.1, 7.3.1.2.1, 7.3.1.5.1); the second (5.12.1.1) is idiosyncratic. Also, the first applies in one direction and the other in the opposite direction.

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A similar objection to a consonantal interpretation of glottalic articulations originates in an observation on the language style used in Mambay choral music (this style includes both traditional dance music and church music). Importantly, in choral lyrics there is no glottalic quality in open syllable rhymes, even in articulations which in spoken language are glottalic. In other words, open glottalic rhymes are sung as unmodified vocalic rhymes. This differs from morpheme-initial glottal stops and preglottalized consonants, where glottalic articulations are retained in singing. This first interpretation, where glottalic articulations in this position are contrastive realizations of an independently occurring glottal stop, is faced with a major difficulty in unambiguously closed syllables. As is the case for a consonantal interpretation of pharyngeal articulations, it would lead to the creation of CC codas and, consequently, the recognition of new superheavy syllable types (cf. 2.4.3). For example, the word d[èm] ~ d[è)m] ‘comment (v.)’ would be interpreted as a CVCC sequence d4è4)4m (or d4è4)4 Nm). The positing of such syllables causes the same difficulties as have been discussed in 2.3.3.2.4. However, a second possibility exists for a consonantal interpretation of glottalic articulations in unambiguously closed syllable rhymes: namely, that glottalization is part of the coda consonant (V-NC). Importantly, this rhyme sequence never contrasts with V’C or V’-NC rhymes. A review of attested glottalic articulations in such syllables (2.3.3.3.1.1), when compared with the inventory of contrastive glottalized consonants (2.1.1), shows that in the vast majority of cases, a closed glottalic rhyme could be interpreted as an unmodified vowel followed by a preglottalized consonant. Thus, a word like d[èm] ~ d[è)m] ‘comment (v.)’ would be analyzed as a CVC sequence d4è4Nm. The only difficulty facing this interpretation is the presence of four irregular verbal nouns in the data, in which a glottalic articulation accompanies the consonant r within a syllable rhyme (there are no other words with this configuration): [)ár]và ~ [)á)ár]và

run (VN) (cf. )à’ (perfective))

Nm[ ír]và ~ Nm[ í)ír]và go down (VN) (cf. mì’ (perfective)) k[ír]và ~ k[í)ír]và

grow to a gigantic size (VN) (cf. kì’ (perfective))

m[ár]và ~ m[á)ár]và

make a sound (VN) (cf. mà’ (perfective))

These four examples are ambiguous, and it is evident from the consonant inventory presented in 2.1.1 that there are no unambiguous examples of a contrastive preglottalized counterpart Nr. Thus, a CVC interpretation is problematic for CVNr rhymes, which in addition exhibit phonetic characteristics slightly different than those containing other consonants in the same position (2.3.3.3.1.1). If a CVC analysis is adhered to for all other glottalized articulations in closed rhymes, three possibilities are available to account for CV Nr sequences:

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1) even though Nr only occurs ambiguously, it should be classified as part of the consonant inventory; 2) the four words with CVNr rhymes should be analyzed as containing exceptional CVCC syllables; or 3) the verbal nouns in which CVNr rhymes are found should be analyzed as morphologically complex. The first explanation is obviously weak, since contrast or another strong argument should be demonstrated for each segment in the consonant inventory. The second explanation exhibits the same weakness in relation to the syllable inventory (note that, if adhered to, it would create additional ambiguity by alleviating the necessity of a CVC interpretation for other unambiguously closed glottalic syllable rhymes). The third explanation, however, deserves further consideration; and since CVNr rhymes are only found in four words, it is useful to examine these words. One pattern that emerges is that all four words have a nasalized first syllable. While there may be a historical explanation for this, nasality does not appear to provide insight into the preferability of any of the three interpretations. More promising in this regard is the likelihood of morphological complexity. All four words are irregular verbal nouns and, as shown in their presentation above, each may be identified with a source verb stem. However, in the description of verbal nouns (5.9.2), it is stated that fossilized verbal nouns are structured in (almost) the same way as other nouns, including the historical noun suffixes that are found with most of them. Although there are correspondences between irregular verbal nouns and the verbs from which they originate, these correspondences are varied and in many cases idiosyncratic. Consequently, the morphological boundary between verbal noun root and verbal noun suffix is probably better considered a historical boundary. In the end, the third explanation does not provide a way out of the interpretive difficulties which CVNr sequences pose to a consonantal interpretation of glottalic articulations. It is possible that, as suggested by the second explanation, CVCC syllables have arisen or are arising in the language as a result of morphological reconfigurations driven by historical processes such as that which has generated irregular verbal nouns. 2.3.3.3.3 A vocalic interpretation of glottalic articulations The most basic argument in support of a vocalic interpretation for glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes is the fact that such articulations are always realized at least on vowels. A vocalic interpretation maintains that although glottalic articulations are underlyingly vocalic, they may be phonetically realized with an accompanying consonantal quality in some environments (cf. 2.3.3.3.1). Simply put, the only other factors in support of a vocalic interpretation are those which stand in opposition to a consonantal interpretation (0). One oddity resulting from a uniform vocalic interpretation of glottalic articulations in syllable rhymes is a complete absence of preglottalized consonants in this position. In 89

cases where preglottalized consonants in syllable onsets are resyllabified as coda consonants due to morphophonological processes (see especially the free/linked alternation of nouns in 5.2.2.2), the glottalic quality of the rhyme would be reassigned to the preceding vowel (recall phonetic realizations and the discussion of the relationship between % and l specified in 2.3.3.3.1.1): pá à milk

+ )íí *pâ’b )íí my milk (cf. preferable form pâ )íí) 1SG.POSS

wá%à + )íí *wâ’l )íí my boule with sauce (cf. preferable form wâ% )íí) boule with sauce 1SG.POSS This is unfortunate, because it promotes a phonological identity for these coda consonants which is less defendable than one where a glottalized consonant retains its identity even when it has been reassigned to a new syllable position. In addition, it masks the phonetically salient contrast between glottalized vowel / non-glottalic consonant and non-glottalized vowel / preglottalized stop sequences across a syllable boundary (2.3.2). Also, as is the case for pharyngealized vowels (2.3.3.2), there would be no contrast between short and long glottalized vowels. Further, it would be unclear whether these vowels which do not have a contrast in length were underlyingly short, long, or both. What would be interpreted as glottalized vowels are found in some environments in which short vowels are never found, such as nouns consisting of a single open syllable (5.1.1.1): faF’ kâ’ naF’

mouse sp. medicine, care side chamber

In contrast, with an across-the-board vocalic interpretation these vowels would be found in closed syllables, an environment where, with the exception of five non-canonical words (2.4.3), long vowels are not found unambiguously. Example words containing syllables which would have to be interpreted as long vowels followed by a consonant have been given in 2.3.3.3.1.1 above. 2.3.3.3.4 Conclusion In sum, each interpretation of glottalic articulations is significantly limited. While arguments in favour of a consonantal interpretation are stronger than those for a vocalic interpretation, so are objections toward it. Also, as is the case for pharyngealized vowels, a suprasegmental interpretation does not provide additional insight into the issue. Bohnhoff’s (1976, 1987) ad hoc positing of structurally discrete “double vowels” a is convenient interpretation, but has yet to be integrated into a theory of segment and syllable structure. For the remainder of this study, a split interpretation has been followed in regards to length. For syllables which are otherwise open, glottalic articulations have been 90

interpreted as long glottalized vowels phonologically parallel to pharyngealized vowels (2.3.3.2). In light of the lack of contrast between V’-C, V-NC and V’-NC rhymes, and considering the identical articulation of these syllable rhymes with those containing unambiguous preglottalized stops in syllable onsets which have been resyllabified as codas (2.1.3.2), glottalic articulations in closed syllable rhymes with consonants other than r are treated as short unmodified vowels followed by glottalic consonants. Syllablefinal V-glottal-r sequences, which do pattern neatly with either of these other groupings (0), are treated as short glottalized vowels followed by a non-glottalized consonant. 2.3.3.4 Rhymes ending in high vowels and semivowels There is no contrast between syllable rhymes ending in high vowels and those ending in semivowels (non-glottalized or glottalized). Rhymes which exhibit a single place of articulation are interpreted as long vowels rather than VC sequences. This interpretation assures that the inventories of long and glottalized vowels (2.2.1) are complete. ii/iy

síì sììgó

valley, river mosquito larva

uu/uw

kúù kúúrà

fields, bushland hunt (n.)

i’/iQ

sí’ sí’là

fish (v.), bloat cold (n.)

u’/uNw

kû’ kù’rá

sand melon

All attested rhymes in which the vowel’s place of articulation differs from the unit which follows it are ambiguous, since they contain a high element which could be semivocalic rather than vocalic. In order to avoid the positing of non-identical vowel sequences based on ambiguous data, these rhymes are interpreted as VC sequences, since VC rhymes occur commonly in the language (2.4.1). Examples of each attested sequence are given below; whenever possible, both morpheme-final and morpheme-internal examples are shown. ei/ey

wéy nà4lêyrá

virginity grinding, command

ai/ay

faFy

fish sp.

eu/ew

nà4gbéhwrà wild hibiscus sp.

au/aw

kaFw gáwrà

frog sp. savannah

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ou/ow

támbyòw

billy goat

a’i/aQ

kpàQ

swing the hips

i’u/iNw

kpíNwsí

shallow

e’u/eNw

kpéNwrà

melon

a’u/aNw

nàNw tâNwgá

spank (v.) rope

o’u/oNw

kyôNw

warthog, pig

Reasons for distributional gaps in attested vowel-semivowel sequences are given in 2.3.1.1.3.

2.4 Syllable structure A number of syllable shapes are attested in Mambay, and some of them are reasonably complex. In the present section, an inventory of allowable syllable shapes is provided (2.4.1). This is followed by a description of syllable structure (2.4.2) and a discussion of syllable weight (2.4.3).

2.4.1 Inventory of syllable shapes The following syllable shapes are found in Mambay: CV CVV CVC CVVC

gé déé dím fááwh

get lost chop faint light (weight)

CCV syè shine CCVV gyáá take out, gather up CCVC bwàr untie

Words containing examples of attested syllable shapes are found in relevant sections at the beginning of descriptions of each word class (Chapters 6–9).

2.4.2 Syllable structure Syllables (σ) contain three parts: onset (O), nucleus (N), and coda (Cd). Together, the nucleus and coda constitute the rhyme (R) of the syllable. Possible syllable structures in Mambay are accounted for in the following diagram:

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σ R O

N

Cd

C (C) V (V) (C) As the diagram shows, all syllables are found with a consonantal onset. Syllable onsets may be simple, consisting of a single C, or complex, in which case they are comprised of a CC sequence (see 2.3.3.1). The lack of V-initial syllable shapes in the inventory is in keeping with the interpretation of the glottal stop as a contrastive unit (2.1.4.1). A syllable nucleus contains a single vowel. This vowel is either short (V) or long (VV) (2.2.3.1). Codas are optional syllable constituents. When they occur, they contain a single C. Although the vast majority of codas are found following a V nucleus, a few morphemes exhibit syllables containing codas after a VV nucleus (2.4.3 below). The maximal potential syllable CCVVC, which contains a complex onset, a long vowel and a coda, is not attested in the data.

2.4.3 Syllable weight In Mambay, syllables may be light, heavy or superheavy. In Mambay, each segment in a syllable rhyme contains a single unit of weight, called a mora ( ) (cf. Broselow 1995). A light syllable contains a single mora, and a heavy syllable contains two. Superheavy syllables, which are uncommon, contain three morae (see Broselow 1995:202 for other descriptions which appeal to more than two morae; see also the Mambay example in this section below). These structures may be schematized with reference to syllable weight as follows: light syllable:

σ R O

N

C (C)

V

93

heavy syllables:

σ

σ R

O

R

N

C (C) V V superheavy syllable:

O

N

Cd

C (C)

V

C

σ R

O

N

Cd

C (C) V V

C

While light and heavy syllables are common, five non-canonical (cf. 1.3.1) morphemes in the data contain a superheavy syllable: fááwh fíítg nà4táálUlá rùùg` tí4tòòn`tíì

light (weight) (sound of fingers wiping a plate clean) ant sp. cylindrical shape lark (bird sp.)

However, superheavy syllables also arise when stems take suffixes comprised of a consonant: fàà + back:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

fààmi

your (sg.) back, skin (inal.) (cf. 6.1.4.2)

làà + eat:PFV

4nT

làànT

feed (i.e., cause to eat; cf. 7.2.3.1)

CAUS

The defining of syllable weight is useful for two reasons. First, distribution of syllables in words is constrained by the weight of the syllables (see the distribution sections in each chapter). Second, syllable weight is central to an understanding of the tone system, since tones associate with the morae which are made available by segments in syllable rhymes (4.1.2.1). While a light (one-mora) syllable may bear only one tonal unit, two tonal units may be associated with a heavy syllable, and up to three with a superheavy syllable. An instance of the mapping of three tonal units on a superheavy syllable is as follows:

94

HLH Qáà4mi move.away:PERF-2SG.REFL

[Q á à mii ]

in: mù Qáàmi ‘you have moved away’

2.5 Word structure Many word structures are attested in Mambay. The diversity in allowable forms is in keeping with a rich syllable inventory (2.4.1), the fact that morphemes of more than one syllable are allowed in the language (see following paragraph), and inflectional and derivational morphology. Word structure, for which association of a single tonal melody is the primary defining criterion in this study (cf. 4.1.2, especially 4.1.2.3), varies according to morphological class and is therefore addressed in the relevant sections in chapters on each word class. Minimally, a phonological word is comprised of a single morpheme. Morphemes range in shape from a single light syllable to several syllables. While verbs and some minor word classes exhibit some monomorphemic words comprised of a light syllable, nouns are minimally comprised of a heavy syllable (5.1.1.1). Monomorphemic nouns in particular may contain three syllables, more than one of which may be heavy. For a number of word classes, derivational morphology results in the formation of complex stems. This is achieved through affixation (nouns and verbs), compounding (nouns), and the application of morphological templates (modifiers). Inflectional morphology, which is found on nouns and verbs, allows further complexity in the structure of phonological words. Usually, but not always, nasality and tone function within composite phonological words in the same way they function within morphemes (3.4.3, 4.1.2.3).

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3 NASALITY 3

NASALITY

Nasality in Mambay is a feature of vowels as well as consonants. It cannot be described with reference to only one or the other; there are numerous examples of words in which nasality is only found on consonants, or only on vowels (see 3.4.1). Nasality is found with short as well as long vowels (3.1), and may co-occur with pharyngealization and glottalization. However, restrictions on nasalized mid vowels result in the limitation of nasality to a subset of the vowel inventory (3.1.1). Consonants may be split into the basic categories of obstruents, which cannot bear nasality, and sonorants, which can (3.2). In particular, sonorants are divided into several types based on their behaviour in reference to nasality. Two issues relate to nasality on vowels as well as consonants: degrees of phonetic nasalization, and effects of vocalic nasality on oral consonants (3.3). Nasality exhibits consistent distributional patterns. The domains in which nasality is found are described within syllables, within morphemes and across morpheme boundaries (3.4). In the phonological orthography used throughout this study (1.3.3), a cedilla3 is used to mark nasalization on vowels. In the phonetic transcriptions in this chapter, phonetic detail is limited to issues pertaining to nasality; otherwise, the phonological orthography is used.

3.1 Vocalic nasality Several sets of contrastively nasalized vowels are found in Mambay (2.2.1). Both short and long nasalized vowels are found. Also, nasalization on vowels may co-exist with pharyngealization and glottalization. In the latter situations, however, there is no contrastive distinction for length (cf. 2.2.1, 2.3.3.2, 2.3.3.3). Contrast between oral and nasalized vowels as well as contrast among nasalized vowels is established in 2.2.1 and 2.2.3. As shown earlier (2.2.1), the four sets of nasalized vowels are: 3

The use of the cedilla to mark nasalization is in keeping with the conventions established in Tadadjeu and Sadembouo’s (1984) Alphabet générale des langues camerounaises as well as that which is used for the standard Mambay orthography (1.3.3). For this reason, and due to limitations in available fonts at the time of research, other conventions such as the typographically similar Polish hook (also known as the ogonek), the tilde and the under-tilde (cf. Pullum and Ladusaw 1996:254–5, 261) have not been adopted.

96

short nasalized vowels:

long nasalized vowels:

i

ii

u a

uu aa

vowels with nasalization and glottalization:

vowels with nasalization and pharyngealization:

i’

ih

u’ a’

uh ah

The vowel o also appears in two morphemes in the data (see 3.1.2).

3.1.1 Restrictions on nasalized mid vowels The most prominent restriction on the inventory of nasalized vowels is a near-absence of nasalized mid vowels in morphologically simple items; with only two exceptions (3.1.2), no mid vowels are nasalized—either contrastively or non-contrastively. Even pharyngealized vowels, which in oral contexts are phonologically mid (2.2.4), are high when associated with nasality. An indicator that nasalized mid vowels are also disfavoured in morphologically complex contexts is found with the linked forms of nouns in noun phrases (5.2.2). For nouns ending in a Cy4 or Cw-plus-low vowel sequence, the sequence in the corresponding linked form is usually levelled to C-plus-mid vowel. However, sequences in nouns ending in Cyaa or Cwaa are changed to high vowels rather than mid vowels (see 5.2.2.2.2). kyáà + container

)íí 1SG.POSS

kíì )íí my container

cf. tyáà + fish sp.

)íí 1SG.POSS

téè )íí my fish sp.

kwáà + fly

)íí 1SG.POSS

kúù )íí my fly

cf. kwáà + grass

)íí 1SG.POSS

kóò )íí my grass

In addition to conforming to the language’s patterns of the distribution of nasality (3.4), the following borrowings show the same intolerance for mid vowels in a nasal environment: 97

tí4ríírì onion (cf. Fulf. tinyeere) tí4búúnúúzè date (fruit) (cf. Fulf. dibinooje (pl.))

3.1.2 Exceptional nasalized mid vowels A phonologically peripheral nasalized vowel o is found in a morphologically simple context in two items in the data: nògtí tì4góNmì

knead wrinkle (n.)

Since o is in each case found beside a nasal consonant, it is possible to attribute its nasality to the presence of the nasal consonant rather than to inherent nasality in the vowel. In any case, both interpretations highlight an inconsistency in the phonological system, since no other examples of a mid vowel are found in a morphologically simple environment where nasalization is obligatory (3.4.1, 3.4.2). Nasalized mid vowels also arise in one morphologically complex environment: when the second person singular reflexive suffix is attached to a stem ending in a consonant or a short vowel, the second person reflexive suffix 4mi is realized as 4nVgm (where V is a vowel which echoes the final vowel of the stem) (7.3.1.2.1). mù àr4nám you got better 2SG get.better:PFV-2SG.REFL mù nú4núm you had slept 2SG sleep:PLUPERF-2SG.REFL This process applies equally to mid vowels, which are restricted from bearing nasality in almost all other contexts (3.1.1). Taking this into consideration, the mid quality of the vowel and/or its nasality may better be viewed as an effect of its phonetic context rather than an underlying trait. mù )èr4ném you got up 2SG get.up:PFV-2SG.REFL mù ròv4nóm 2SG scald:PFV-2SG.REFL

you scalded yourself

3.2 Consonantal nasality Consonantal nasality functions as part of a complex system; consonants may be classified based on their behaviour in reference to nasality. A basic phonological division may be made between (oral) obstruents, which are not nasalizable, and sonorants, which are (cf. Le Saout 1973, Bole-Richard 1985, Kaye 1981, Creissels 1994:107 and Clements 2000:132).

98

palatal

(labial-) velar

nasal glottalic series

alveolar

manner

labial

place

Nm

Nn

[N\]

N7

%

Q

Nw

oral glottalic series nasals

retroflex alveolar

If a complete analysis of contrast has not been done for consonants, it may appear at first that there is full complementarity between nasal sonorants and a corresponding set of oral sonorants, depending on the oral or nasal specification of adjacent vowels. Such analyses have been presented for other Niger-Congo languages (Le Saout 1973; Kutsch Lojenga 1976, 1985:3–4; Bole-Richard 1985:6; cf. Schadeberg 1982a). The possibility of an equivalent situation in Mambay is taken into consideration by the presentation of sonorants in the following chart (cf. the consonant chart in 2.1.1; non-contrastive phonetic realizations are included in square brackets):

m

oral approximants

n

[ ]

[\]

7

l

r [c]

y

w

In actual fact, the situation is more complex than this. Five groups of consonants must be distinguished based on their behaviour in regard to nasality: 1. obstruents, which are inherently oral (3.2.1); 2. Type 1 sonorants, which are inherently nasal (3.2.2); 3. Type 2 sonorants, which are oral but which alternate with contrastive nasal counterparts (3.2.3); 4. Type 3 sonorants, which alternate non-contrastively for nasality (3.2.4); and 5. remaining consonants, for which there is insufficient evidence for placement in one of the other groups (3.2.5). Contrast among consonants has been established in 2.1.2 and 2.1.3, but patterns of contrast and complementarity will be addressed in the following discussion. The distribution of these groups of consonants in syllables and larger units is discussed in detail separately in 3.4.

3.2.1 Obstruents At one end of the spectrum, obstruents are inherently and necessarily oral. These consonants cannot be nasalized by the presence of an adjacent nasalized vowel or nasal sonorant. b p t d k g kp gb f v s z Examples of words with obstruents are as follows: 99

mààbá páàgá vbààzá

tail hair, mane, trap dirtiness, black filth fish sp.

3.2.2 Type 1 sonorants Type 1 sonorants are at the other end of the nasality spectrum: they are inherently nasal. These consonants are as follows: m n 7 Nm Nn N7 Examples of words with Type 1 sonorants are as follows: kpò7rá ná4dóNmnà nàmá

tibia (of animal) anus meat, animal

Type 1 sonorants may not occur in the onset of a syllable with an oral vowel. However, they may be found in the coda of a syllable with an oral vowel, where they contrast with Type 2 sonorants, which are contrastively oral (3.2.3). Interpretation and realizations of preglottalized nasals in particular have been addressed in 2.1.4.2 and 2.1.4.3.

3.2.3 Type 2 sonorants Another group of contrastively oral sonorants, labelled Type 2, is as follows: l

%

Examples of words with Type 2 sonorants are as follows: àrá %áá làà

(female proper name) find, succeed, have eat

Type 2 sonorants l % contrast with Type 1 sonorants (i.e., nasals) in syllable codas (2.1.2.3). Contrast between the two groups is, however, neutralized in syllables which contain a nasalized vowel, since realizations are necessarily those of the nasal counterparts (n Nm and Nn respectively; see 3.3.2.1) in this position.

3.2.4 Type 3 sonorants A third group of sonorants alternates for nasality, but nasal vs. oral counterparts are never contrastive. These sonorants are nasalized in the presence of an adjacent nasalized vowel or contrastively nasal consonant (i.e., Type 1 sonorant), and only then. Type 3 sonorants are as follows:

100

r y Q w Nw Examples of words with these sonorants are as follows: mààrá NmàQá nwaFh

[ma]Ua]U a]g] [Nma]UQj a]g] [nw]a]Fh]

gift fast (adv.) wound

Type 3 sonorants exhibit an array of realizations based on nasality and position within a syllable. Oral realizations of this group of sonorants are presented in greater detail in 2.1.6, and nasal realizations are presented in 3.3.2.1 and 3.3.2.2. A summary is as follows: Group 3 realization realization realization realization realization in oral in oral in initial in nasal consonant in medial onset coda nasal onset nasal onset coda r

[c]

[r]

[ ]

[ ]

[rj]

y

[y]

[y]

[\]

[y]]

[y]]

Q

[)y]

[)y]

[ )\ ]

[)y]]

[)y]]

w

[w]

[w]

[7w]

[w]]

[w]]

Nw

[)w]

[)w]

[)7w]

[)w]]

[)w]]

3.2.5 Remaining consonants There is not adequate evidence to place the remaining Mambay consonants h ) and vb in any of the other categories with confidence. This is because (with the exception of h in one ideophonic noun: bàháà ‘ibis sp.’) the three consonants are not found in nasalized word-medial environments where their distribution in relation to the minimal domain of nasality (in particular, two light syllables separated by Type 1 or Type 3 sonorants; see 3.4.2) may be observed. Phonetic evidence is ambivalent, since the voicelessness of the laryngeals h ) and the brief articulation of vb (cf. 2.1.8) makes a nasal value difficult to determine. Given that laryngeals such as h and ) are often considered to be unspecified for nasality (Kenstowicz 1994:146), they would likely behave as Type 3 (noncontrastively alternating) sonorants (3.2.4). There is no evidence in the language or (to the author’s knowledge) in accounts of other languages which could be confidently used to predict the potential behaviour of vb. Similarly, the phonological identity of the peripheral borrowed consonants j mb nd 7g does not fall neatly into any of the above categories. As stated earlier (2.1.1), the words in which they are found in the data are all borrowed from Fulfulde. Since Fulfulde (and thus material of Fulfulde origin in the data) does not have nasalized vowels, it is not possible to confirm the behaviour of the borrowed consonants when they are adjacent to a nasalized vowel. The restriction of these consonants to positions in front of oral vowels

101

is therefore better considered a case of limited distribution. In sum, because the m n 7 consonants j b d g do not observably participate in the system of nasality, they will not be included into the present discussion.

3.3 Issues relating to vowels and consonants Two topics in nasality which must be discussed in reference to vowels as well as consonants are degrees of phonetic nasality (3.3.1) and effects of nasality on oral consonants (3.3.2).

3.3.1 Degrees of phonetic nasality Similar to what has been described in some related languages (Bentinck 1975:10–4, Ruelland 1992:26, Elders 2000:65), the researcher’s impressions suggest that there are several degrees of phonetic nasality in Mambay. Obviously, nasality is phonetically strongest on nasal and nasalized sonorants; there, it is always strongly articulated, even when the nasality originates from adjacent vowels rather than from the consonants themselves. This is especially evident in the nasalized realizations shown in 3.3.2.1. On vowels, phonetic nasality is strongest on nasalized vowels which follow an oral obstruent. In addition to being perceptually less salient, nasality seems to be more weakly articulated on vowels which follow a nasal or nasalized sonorant. It is weakest on short vowels which follow a nasal(-ized) sonorant, but it is also weak on long vowels in the same position. Along with articulatory factors, the weakness with which nasality is realized on these vowels could be attributable to the fact that nasality is automatic rather than contrastive in this context (3.4.1). A final environment in which weak nasality appears is on phonologically oral vowels which precede a contrastively nasal sonorant. The conclusion that such vowels are not contrastively nasalized is supported by the occurrence of mid vowels, which resist nasalization (3.1.1).

3.3.2 Effects of nasality on sonorants Nasality influences sonorants in different ways. Sonorants which are not inherently nasal (i.e., those which are not Type 1) are influenced by nasality in syllable onsets (3.3.2.1) as well as codas (3.3.2.2). Obstruents, on the other hand, are typically impervious to the effects of nasality (3.3.2.3). 3.3.2.1 Sonorants in syllable onsets Sonorants which are not inherently nasal (i.e., those which are not Type 1) are influenced by nasality in syllable onsets. This is due to a constraint whereby the nasal value of a sonorant must be the same as that of the vowel which follows it (3.4.1). Although the phonetic consequences of this constraint are equivalent for Type 2 and Type 3 sonorants, their distributional status in this position falls into two groups. 102

For Type 2 sonorants l % (3.2.3), there is contrast with Type 1 nasal counterparts n Nm Nn in codas but complementarity in syllable onsets. Contrast in codas is shown by the following data (see also 2.1.2.3): Type 2 sonorants

Type 1 counterparts

l

n Nm Nn

sèl dispute (v.) sà vomit (v.) % gbù% germinate

sìn dèNm béNn

pick up tiny things comment (v.) first

Complementary distribution in onsets is reflected by the following data: l

làà eat àrá (female proper name) % %áá find, succeed, have

n Nm Nn

náá Nmárà Nnáá

touch friend stretch

There are no examples of Type 2 sonorants followed by a nasalized vowel, nor of their contrastive nasal counterparts followed by an oral vowel (see also 3.4.1). l

n Nm Nn

*làà * àrá % *%áá

*náá *Nmárà *Nnáá

There is clear morphophonological evidence that l alternates with n when it comes under the influence of nasality across a morpheme boundary (3.4.3.3). Evidence from similar contexts shows that alternates with Nm (3.4.3.8.1) and % with Nn (3.4.3.2). This suggests that in respect to nasality l and % pattern sonorants rather than with obstruents. For Type 3 sonorants r y Q w Nw (3.2.4), nasality spreads from an adjacent nasal(-ized) segment onto the onset sonorant. The attribution of underlying nasality to somewhere other than the sonorant is possible because nasalized realizations of the sonorant are only ever found in the immediate environment of another contrastively nasal consonant or nasalized vowel. This application of nasality to the second set of sonorants generates a series of striking realizations a) in utterance-initial position and b) whenever the onset follows an oral segment over a syllable boundary. In these two contexts, all of these sonorants are articulated with oral closure: r y

[ ] [\]

Q

[ )\ ]

w

[7w]

Nw

[)ŋw]

103

Example realizations of these sonorants in utterance-initial onsets, both oral and nasalized, are as follows: consonant r y Q w Nw

oral environment

nasal environment

ráá yáh Qáh wáà Nwáá

ráá yâh Qáh wáà NwíhNwíh

spread out (v.) take press fig, fig tree split

[ a]ga]g] blind (v.) [\a]kh] stalk (n.) call, invite [)\0a]gh] [7wa]ga]U] nose, chief ) w ) [ ŋ Hjgh w]0Hgjh] achy and restless (for the realization of the second instance of Nw in this word, see the next paragraphs)

In syllable onsets which are preceded by a nasal or nasalized segment, all of the Type 3 sonorants are nasalized; here, only r exhibits an oral closure. r y Q

w Nw

[ ] [y]] [Qj ]

[w]] [)w]]

Example realizations of these sonorants in onsets preceded by a nasal(-ized) segment are as follows: consonant

example

r y Q w Nw

mààrá sáà yâh NmàQá sáà wáà NwíhNwíh

[ma]Ua]U a]g] [sa]ga]U y]a]kh] [Nma]UQj a]g] [sa]ga]U w]a]ga]U] [)ŋwHjgh)w]0Hjgh]

gift inside the stalk (cf. sáà ‘inside,’ yâh ‘stalk’) fast inside the nose (cf. sáà ‘inside,’ wáà ‘nose’) achy and restless (for the realization of the first instance of Nw in this word, see the previous paragraphs)

The phonetic effect of nasality on the semivowel portion of complex onsets Cy and Cw is the same as on those which are in onsets preceded by a nasal(-ized) segment (as shown in the previous paragraph). Cy Cw

kyáà kwáà

[ky]a]ga]U] [kw]a]ga]U]

container fly (n.)

104

3.3.2.2 Sonorants in syllable codas The phonetic effect of nasality on sonorants in codas is similar to that observed in onsets (3.3.2.1), with the exception that Type 1 (inherently nasal) sonorants may follow oral vowels. This is caused by a partial independence of coda nasality from that of the nucleus (3.4.1). After an oral vowel, there is contrast among all sonorants—both nasal (3.2.1) and oral (3.2.1). After a nasalized vowel, nasality will necessarily spread to sonorants. Because of this oral sonorants l % (Type 2, which have contrastive nasal counterparts; see 3.2.1) are absent; only nasal sonorants and nasalizable oral sonorants r y Q w Nw (Type 3) are found (see 3.4.1). As is the case before a nasalized vowel, Type 3 sonorants are nasalized after a nasalized vowel. Except for r, their realization is the same as when they are found in an onset after a nasal or nasalized segment in the preceding syllable (3.3.2.1). In a nasalized coda, r is realized as a nasalized trill [r]] (cf. [r], which is the oral realization of r in codas; see 2.1.6.4). Example realizations of these sonorants in codas affected by a preceding nasalized vowel are as follows: consonant

example

r y Q w Nw

kúrgún fày kpàQ kàvbâw nàNw

[kujgrjgun] [fa]Uyj] [kpa]UQj ] [kàvba]kw]] [na]UNw]]

oval twist up one’s mouth swing the hips the end (of a story) spank (v.)

3.3.2.3 Obstruents Typically, obstruents are impervious to the effects of nasality (3.2.1, 3.4.2). None of the obstruents can be phonologically nasalized, and they inhibit the spread of nasality within words. It should be noted that the labial-velar kp, which employs a secondary velaric airstream mechanism (Ladefoged 1968:9–13, 2.1.7.2), exhibits a phonetically nasal release before nasalized vowels (cf. Elders 2000:64): kpáávìrá [kpŋma]ga]gvìrá] plant sp. with bulb cf. kpáhlà [kpáhlà] stool, chair This obvious nasal release does not surface with the voiced labial-velar gb, however:

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gbíìgú gbììgú

[gbHjgHjUgú] [gbììgú]

game bird sp. goat milk

3.4 Distribution and spread The feature of nasality is associated with individual vowels and consonants (3.1, 3.2); however, it is also limited to specific phonological domains within syllables (3.4.1) and morphemes (3.4.2), and it spreads across morpheme boundaries (3.4.3).

3.4.1 Distribution within syllables Within syllables, there are clear limitations on the distribution of the feature of nasality depending on the types of consonants in the syllable. In the distribution table on the next page, the following symbols are used (symbols refer to the types of consonants described in 3.2): N L R H O V

Type 1 sonorant (i.e., inherently nasal consonant) Type 2 sonorant (i.e., oral with contrastive nasal counterpart) Type 3 sonorant (i.e., alternates non-contrastively for nasality) laryngeal obstruent oral vowel nasalized vowel

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Distribution of nasality within syllables rhyme onset

V

VV

VN

N

—

—

làr rinse

—

lòl crunch

—

lèg suck

—

wà7 gossip

yàn spread out

wàr leave

(accid. gap?)

wàl bring up

—

ràg straddle

(accid. gap?)

húm crush

húm swell

hàr hurry

hàr tear

hà% cough

—

hâg break (VN)

hìg give (VN)

zám weave

—

zàr tread

zìr gnaw

zàl explain

—

góg jump

—

háá hàà surround squeeze

R

wágà skin

wárà mosquito

wàá hump

H

húgò bone

húmù kapok fruit

O

dágà mouth

gùrá crane

zàà cross

záá pull

O

—

wáá diminish

—

làà eat

VO

—

—

L

lágà mud shelter

L

—

làm prepare drink

—

VL

núg sleep (tr.)

—

—

N

níí defecate

R nàr drive

nàn touch

nàmá animal

VR

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A number of clear patterns are visible in this table. First, there is complementarity in the first two rows, since oral vowels never follow a nasal (N = Type 1 sonorant) onset, and nasalized vowels never follow Type 2 sonorants l % (i.e., L = oral sonorants with nasal counterparts). In other words, where nasality can be shared by onset and nucleus, it must. The distribution of Type 2 sonorants l % in codas mirrors distribution in onsets: these consonants are never found after a nasalized vowel in the same syllable. However, in contrast to the absence of oral vowels after nasal (N) onsets mentioned in the first paragraph above, oral vowels may be found before a nasal coda. This situation allows for contrast between nasal (Type 1) and Type 2 sonorants l % in the coda following an oral vowel (2.1.2.3). The oral identity of some vowels before a nasal coda is confirmed by three factors: frequent distribution of mid vowels (which resist nasality; see 3.1.1) in this position (ex. vbòm ‘divide’); the presence of Type 2 sonorants in onsets preceding the vowels (ex. làm ‘prepare drink’), keeping in mind that Type 2 sonorants always share the nasal value of the following vowel; and, surprisingly, contrast between oral and nasalized vowels before a nasal coda consonant in word pairs like húm ‘crush’ vs. húm ‘swell.’ Obstruents (O) and Type 3 sonorants r y Q w Nw (i.e., R = those which alternate noncontrastively for nasality) may precede or follow oral as well as nasalized vowels within a syllable. In both positions, Type 3 sonorants alternate for nasality in keeping with the nasal value of the adjacent nucleus vowel; however, this alternation is never contrastive in itself. The same pattern of non-contrastive alternation appears to hold for laryngeals (i.e., H, cf. 3.2.5), which are only found in onsets. Since specification for nasality is always shared between a sonorant onset (nasal or oral) and the nucleus but, as stated above, may differ between the nucleus and a sonorant coda, it seems in Mambay that—at least in terms of nasality—the nucleus is more intimately linked with the onset than it is with the coda. An additional group of patterns involve constraints on nasality on short vowels in closed syllables, especially those that begin with an obstruent. Most importantly, as indicated by the dashed line in the table, there are no examples of oral/nasal contrast on short vowels between an obstruent and a nasal (N) coda. The example (zám ‘weave’) has been placed in the oral vowel column because, as noted above, the oral identity of some or all vowels in this position is confirmed by frequent occurrence of mid vowels (ex. vbòm ‘divide’). Contrast exists between oral and nasal vowels for closed syllables beginning with laryngeal (H) consonants, but there are very few examples (ex. hàr ‘hurry’ vs. hàr ‘tear’; hâg ‘break (verbal noun)’ vs. hìg ‘give (verbal noun)’). A parallel contrast with Type 3 sonorants, while to be expected if these sonorants function like laryngeals (cf. the paragraph on Type 3 sonorants above and 3.2.5), is absent from the data; all examples of this structure are found with oral vowels (ex. wàr ‘leave,’ ràg ‘straddle’). Finally, short nasalized vowels are conspicuously absent from syllables with both obstruent onset and obstruent coda. Taken together, these facts show that, whether historically or synchronically, contrast in nasality for short nasalized vowels is disfavoured in closed syllables.

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In the five instances of morpheme-internal superheavy syllables within a morpheme (2.4.3), two patterns should be noted. First, as is the case for short oral vowels, long oral vowels are allowed before a nasal coda (tí4tòòn`tíì ‘lark (bird sp.)’). Second, in contradiction to restrictions on nasality for short vowels in a syllable with obstruents in both onset and coda, nasality is allowed for long vowels in this context (fíítg ‘(sound of fingers wiping a plate clean)’).

3.4.2 Distribution within morphemes In morphemes, as in syllables (3.4.1), there are coherent patterns in the distribution of nasality; these are consistent across all word classes. The following patterns hold for the vast majority of data: If nasality is found in a morpheme with no obstruents (cf. 3.2.1) and no mid vowels (cf. 3.1.1), it is found throughout the morpheme. NmàQá níínà rámà wárà

fast lower millstone, mill blindness, blind person mosquito

If there is nasality in a morpheme with an obstruent, it does not associate with or through the obstruent. kpáávìrá páàgá súúbà vbààzá

plant sp. with bulb dirtiness, black filth urine fish sp.

Similarly, if there is nasality in a morpheme with a mid vowel, it does not associate with or through the mid vowel. doF7nì kpò7rá lómnà pêmná

wealth tibia (of animal) sourness, acidity ant sp.

In six Mambay items in the data, the distribution of nasality is irregular: it is incomplete within the morpheme even where it is not blocked by an obstruent or a mid vowel. dàrmí hùùnú límà lwàhná màlà súùná

clay thigh (cf. historical body part suffix -nú; see 5.1.3.2) lameness, lame person edible plant sp. art, craft in-law 109

Minimal domain of association Nasality requires a specific minimal domain in order to associate. Minimal domains are as follows (the first four of these five domains have already been delineated in 3.4.1): - a nasal coda (ex. vbòm ‘divide’); - a long vowel (ex. záá ‘pull’); - a nasal(-ized) onset plus a nasal(-ized) nucleus (ex. núg ‘sleep (tr.)’); - a nasal(-ized) nucleus plus a nasal(-ized) coda (ex. zìr ‘gnaw’); or - two short vowels separated by a nasal(-ized) sonorant (ex. gùrá ‘crane’). Thus, within a morpheme, nasality may be limited to a single nasal consonant if that consonant is in syllable-final position (3.4.1; see also 3.4.2 immediately above). %á7gà fáyá7 làm vbóm

ground squirrel light (weight), agile prepare hot peanut drink divide, spread, ruin

Otherwise, there must at least two adjacent nasalizable vowel or consonant units in the morpheme (a long vowel being two units), as is the case for the following examples, some of which are repeated from above: gùrá hàr kúmù má núg páàgá záá zìr

crane tear herder with, and sleep (tr.) dirtiness, black filth pull gnaw

The first and third items given in the list above express an additional constraint on the minimal domain of nasality in morphemes with more than one syllable: a nasalized short vowel in an open syllable is only found when there is another nasalized vowel in the morpheme, and the two vowels are separated by a nasal(-ized) sonorant. A single divergence from this pattern is the allowing of short nasalized vowels in the first syllable after a nasal consonant if an obstruent begins the second syllable. Thus, plausible morphemes of the following types are absent (C here refers to any type of consonant): 1. *CVC ; 2. *C CV (except for N OV, which is permitted).

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The only items in the data which do not conform to this pattern are the following two words (both of which also exhibit non-canonical obstruent voicing suggestive of morphological complexity; cf. 2.1.3.2): ràfá’ wátùtáà

brownness salt, sugar

3.4.3 Spread across morpheme boundaries There are six cases in which nasality spreads across morpheme boundaries: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

between inalienable pronominal suffixes and nouns (3.4.3.1); between reflexive verb suffixes and verb stems (3.4.3.2); between nouns and plural affixes (3.4.3.3); between verb stems and a perfect affix (3.4.3.4); between Optative verb stems and an appended vowel (3.4.3.5); and between a phrase-final constituent and a negation clitic (3.4.3.6).

The first case of spread involves the leftward incorporation of a suffix’s nasality into a stem vowel. In the second case, the leftward direction of spread is even clearer. The other four cases of spread are rightward. Of these, two are from stem to affix, and the last one is from any preceding verb phrase constituent onto a clitic. The extent and limitations of the spread of nasality are considered in 3.4.3.7. Contexts in which the nasal feature is lost are discussed in 3.4.3.8. 3.4.3.1 Inalienable pronominal suffix to noun In all six cases where a noun ending in a long oral vowel takes the 1SG inalienable possessive pronominal suffix 4í (cf. 6.1.4.2 and Appendix 1), the nasality of the suffix appears in the syllable into which the suffix is incorporated. páà man

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

páy my father (inal.)

páà4vàà husband

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

páà4vaFy my husband (inal.)

túù mother

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

tíí my mother (inal.)

kwàá neck

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

kwìí my neck (inal.)

syâh hand

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

síh my hand (inal.)

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dwaF’ belly

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

dwHF’ my belly (inal.)

None of the stems with which the 1SG inalienable possessive pronominal suffix is found end with a nasalizable oral consonant, so the possible effect of nasality in this exact context cannot be determined; however, the behaviour of nasal-initial reflexive suffixes (3.4.3.2) suggests that leftward spread could occur. 3.4.3.2 Nasal-initial reflexive suffix to verb stem When nasal-initial reflexive suffixes follow a stem-final Type 2 sonorant l or %, the nasality of the pronoun assimilates to the left and the stem-final oral sonorant is realized as the respective nasal counterpart n Nm or Nn (cf. 3.2.3, 7.3.1.2.3). nà 1&2

zòl leave:PFV

+

4ná nà zònná -1&2SG.REFL

we (you (sg.) and I) left

mì 1SG

sà vomit:PFV

+

4ní -1SG.REFL

mì sàNmní

I vomited

mù 2SG

zà% + tremble:PFV

4nVgm -2SG.REFL

mù zàNnnám

you trembled

3.4.3.3 Noun to plural affix Various strategies are used to pluralize nouns (5.5.2). In one type of construction, when the plural template 4lzV is applied to a noun in which the last syllable contains a nasalized vowel, the nasality of the noun spreads rightward onto it. kwáà fly

4lzV

cf. kwáà grass

4lzV

gaFh beard

kwánzà flies

PL

kwálzà grasses

PL

4lzV

gàhnzá beards

PL

cf. nà4kpyaFh 4lzV francolin (bird sp.) PL

nà4kpyàhlzá francolins

In the above examples, the transcription appears to suggest that the nasalized vowel is actually denasalized when its nasality spreads onto the adjacent l. However, this is simply a consequence of the non-marking of nasality in syllables with an obstruent onset and a nasal coda, since nasality is never contrastive in this position (3.4.1).

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3.4.3.4 Verb stem to Perfect affix 4rì When the Perfect affix 4rì is attached to a verb stem ending in a nasalized vowel or a nasal consonant, the nasality of the verb stem spreads rightward onto it (7.3.1.3). In the pairs of examples below, the first example shows the spread of nasality onto 4rì, and the second example shows a similar context in which there is no spread of nasality. mì 1SG cf. mì 1SG mì 1SG cf. mì 1SG mì 1SG cf. nà 1&2

kúú grab:PERF kùù gather.firewood:PERF

4rì PERF

4rì PERF

Qáh call:PERF

PERF

Qáh press:PERF

PERF

dú7 bend.down: PERF

PERF

dú7 4zí bend.down:PERF PL

4rì 4rì

4rì 4rì PERF

mì kúúrì I have grabbed mì kùùrì I have gathered firewood mì Qáhrì I have called mì Qáhrì I have pressed mì dú7rì I have bent down nà dú7zírì we (incl.) have bent down

3.4.3.5 Optative verb stem to appended vowel 4í When there is no explicit object with an Optative and the verb is phrase-final, an additional vowel 4í is appended after some consonants (7.4.2.1). If 4í follows a stem-final nasal consonant, nasality spreads from the consonant onto it. mú 2SG:OPT

kàn4í pass:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] pass (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

zòNm4í fix:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] fix (something)!

cf. the oral vowel 4í after stems ending in an oral consonant: mú 2SG:OPT

lòl4í crunch:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] crunch (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

sà 4í vomit:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] vomit (something)!

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3.4.3.6 Negation particle yá The particle yá is used in negation (10.1.2.3). In terms of nasality, it functions as a clitic: whenever it follows any morpheme ending in a nasalized vowel or nasal consonant, nasality spreads from that morpheme onto the clitic. mìí kúú 1SG:PFV.NEG grab:PFV

=yá NEG

cf. mìí kùù =yá 1SG:PFV.NEG gather.firewood:PFV NEG mìí làà nàmá 1SG:PFV.NEG eat:PFV meat cf. mìí làà vúù 1SG:PFV.NEG eat:PFV goat

=yá NEG

=yá NEG

mìí kúú=yá I did not grab mìí kùù=yá I did not gather firewood mìí làà nàmá=yá I did not eat meat mìí làà vúù=yá I did not eat the goat

3.4.3.7 Extent and limitations of spread Nasality spreads across morpheme boundaries only in the six contexts described above (3.4.3.1–3.4.3.6). Even within phonological words, the spread of nasality is sensitive to morphological boundaries (cf. 2.5.1, 4.1.2.2). For example, nasality does not spread across prefix-noun or other noun-internal boundaries: prefix-noun boundary (5.1.2.2): ná4)áà nà4rúvò tí4náánì tí4kà4ràhgú

bean leaves phlegm, moist object dragonfly large heron sp.

boundary between a regular verbal noun and a dummy object (5.9.1.1): làà eat:VN

4na -OBJ

làánà eating (something)

gîr insult:VN

4na -OBJ

gîrná insulting (something)

other noun-internal boundaries (5.4.2): lè74lé74gérmù tâw4nîn4gáhlà7 tôr4nà4múùrá

kingfisher sp. (cf. gérmù ‘women’) fish sp. (cf. tâw ‘(male proper name),’ nínù ‘eye,’ gáhlà7 ‘faceted’) maize (cf. tórà ‘seed,’ nà4múùrá ‘jinn’)

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Conversely, while nasality spreads across the boundary to the negation clitic yá from the word that precedes it (3.4.3.6), tonal boundaries remain intact in this context. This is evident in the following example: múùrá=yá silt = NEG (in: mùú kó múùrá=yá you did not see the silt) If there were no tonal boundary between the two morphemes, the sequence would constitute a single tonal word múúràyá with a HLH melody, like other HLH words of the same shape (4.1.2.2). However, this is not the case. 3.4.3.8 Loss of the nasal feature There are four contexts in which a nasal feature is lost. In the first case, it is lost from a consonant (3.4.3.8.1), and in the other cases it is lost from a vowel (3.4.3.8.2–3.4.3.8.4). 3.4.3.8.1 The ideophone plural template In the plural template used with ideophones (8.5.1), the nasal feature is lost from a consonant. In this context, the consonant Nm is copied to a position immediately before an oral vowel íì; as a result, its nasality evaporates and it is realized as . source ideophone

derived ideophone

NmíNn4NmíNn very thin

íì4NmíNn very thin (pl.)

The data contain no examples of the derivation of ideophones beginning with other nasal consonants. 3.4.3.8.2 Plural marking on nouns When a plural template containing z (5.5.2) applies to a noun ending in a light syllable with a nasalized vowel, the nasal feature is lost from that syllable. This happens because when it is preceded by the obstruent z, the short nasalized vowel is deprived of the minimal domain required for the hosting of nasality (3.4.2). singular

plural

bùrí wild manioc sp.

bùrzí wild maniocs (sp.)

rámà blind person

rámzà blind people

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ná’rà sauce

ná’nzà sauces

núúrú breast

núrzó breasts

3.4.3.8.3 The 1SG inalienable possessive suffix 4í It appears that when the 1SG inalienable possessive suffix 4í (6.1.4.2) attaches to one of three obligatorily possessed nouns (5.3.3.2), its nasal feature is lost. As is the case with plural marking on nouns (3.4.3.8.2), a constraint against a short nasalized vowel after an obstruent (cf. 3.4.2) is active here. )ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì my member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL (see Glossary)

fààzì + member.of. fààzárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

fààzí my member of member.of.fààzárà: fààzárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL (see Glossary)

fâhzì + member.of. fàhzárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

fâhzí my member of member.of.fàhzárà: fàhzárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL (see Glossary)

The underlying forms of these three nouns have been established with reference to their shapes throughout the inalienable possession paradigms (see Appendix 1). They may be historically composed (note the consistent 4zi ending). Still, whatever morphological complexities may be present, the loss of the suffix’s nasal feature is clear. An alternative explanation, and one which is ad hoc but admissible, is that the 1SG inalienable possessive suffix is a floating H tone without segmental support (the deletion of the excess H tone in )ázì T is discussed in 4.3.1.4). In the two other examples of nouns ending in an obstruent-V syllable which are found with inalienable pronominal possession, the suffix 4í retains its nasality. súgò ear

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

súgí my ear (inal.)

sábà tail

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

sabí my tail (inal.)

The reasons for this difference in nasal value of 4í in comparable environments (z vs. g and b) are unclear, but it is worth noting that neither of the final examples is obligatorily possessed, and that both refer to body parts rather than social relations. 116

3.4.3.8.4 Irregular verbal nouns Long nasalized vowels found before an obstruent in the context of irregular verbal nouns (5.9.1.2) alternate with V7. In these cases, the nasal value of the vowel evaporates. sú7gà sú7zírà cf. sùù yá7gà yá7zírà cf. yàà

lie down (VN) lie down (VN:PL) lie down sit, be, stay (VN) sit, be, stay (VN:PL) sit, be, stay

The difference in vocalic nasality is confirmed by the realization of the y, which is strongly nasalized (as described in 3.3.2.1) in yàà.

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4 TONE AND INTONATION 4

TONE AND INTONATION

Like the vast majority of Niger-Congo languages, Mambay is tonal. All syllables in all utterances are affected by tone, and its behaviour in the language is systematic. In the context of a rich inventory of consonants, vowels, syllable and word shapes, and contrastive nasality (Chapters 2 and 3), the functional load of tone in distinguishing lexical items within word classes is moderate, and minimal tone pairs within classes are surprisingly uncommon. However, its role in the language is much broader than this. Among other things, tone is an important means of distinguishing among word classes (4.1.2.4). In addition, tone plays a central role in the verbal system, where it is used as a basic means of TAM (tense/aspect/mode) marking (7.3.2.2). Further, tone is sensitive to boundaries of phonological phrases (4.3); the resulting limitation of tonal processes in phrase-final position helps provide pragmatic coherence and contrast in discourse. Two contrastive tone levels are found in Mambay: H (high) and L (low). Tones from these two levels are organized into contrastive tone melodies and associated with morphemes or, in some cases, phonological words (4.1). Additional structural aspects of the tone system include floating tones, replacive tone melodies, and interaction between tone and other phonological structures (4.2). Four major processes affect the tone system. While tone deletion is a lexical process, postlexical processes consist of downstep, H tone spread and L tone spread (4.3). In addition to a complete tonal system, two important intonational phenomena are attested in Mambay: tone register shift (which is different than downstep) and an expectation marker. Both interact closely with the tone system (4.4). Terminology and transcription Whenever phonologically contrastive tonal elements are under discussion, the terms “tone” and “tone melody” are used. In contrast, the term “pitch” is limited to phonetic descriptions of tonal realizations. Regarding the transcription of tone, several comments are in order. For typographical reasons, the phonological orthography used in this study consistently limits tone marking to orthographic vowels; the tone marked on vowels is thus applicable to the whole

118

syllable. This convention is pertinent for syllables with a VC coda, which have two tonebearing units (2.4.3). In cases where the tonal value of the coda C is different than that of the preceding V, it is transcribed on the V as follows: underlying simplified phonological phonological form orthography

example

/ká7`/ /kùmi/

bowstring, drum snare baobab

kâ7 kuFm

This convention also applies to pharyngealized and glottalized vowels (whether phonologically long or short; see 2.2.1, 2.3.3.2–3), which are represented with Vh and V’ in the phonological orthography. /fáhU/ /fà’g/

fâh faF’

path mouse sp.

Exceptionally, in superheavy syllables (2.4.3), tone is marked on all the tone-bearing units. fááwh nà4táálUlá

light (weight) ant sp.

Qáà4mi (in: mù Qáàmi ‘you have moved away’) move.away:PERF-2SG.REFL In the present chapter, the phonetic detail provided in the transcriptions between square brackets is limited to pitch. Otherwise, the transcription is phonological. Phonetic phenomena relating to structures other than tone are addressed in the sections on consonants (2.1), vowels (2.2), and nasality (Chapter 3).

4.1 Tone inventory The following sections provide an inventory of the tone levels in Mambay (4.1.1), and the melodies which are produced by combining these two levels (4.1.2).

4.1.1 Tone levels Two underlying tone levels are found in Mambay: H (high) and L (low). ká kà

(attributive copula) when, and then

háh hàh

gather prevent

119

Qáá Qàà

move away finish

The phonetic interval between H and a following L is twice as great as the interval between L and a following H; this difference is attributable to the effect of downstep (see pitch traces in 4.3.2). In addition to the level pitches at which H and L are often realized, contour pitches are also found. A phrase-final light syllable may host a falling pitch, and heavy syllables (cf. 2.4.3) may be realized with falling or rising pitch. However, according to the present analysis, contour pitches are not in and of themselves contrastive. Rather, they may be attributed to contrastive tone melodies (4.1.2) associated with words as well as postlexical processes which affect the realization of these melodies (4.3). A mid pitch, halfway between H and L, is also attested in restricted contexts (4.3.3.1.2). However, as is the case for contour pitches, it can be explained with reference to postlexical processes.

4.1.2 Tone melodies H and L tones combine to produce various underlying tone melodies. Seven melodies have been observed in morphologically simple words in Mambay: H HL HLH HLHL

L LH LHL

The following discussion describes the association of these tone melodies with tonebearing units (TBUs) (4.1.2.1), and shows that the melodies which may be associated with a word are limited by the number of TBUs in that word (4.1.2.2). The formation of tone melodies in composite phonological words is then examined (4.1.2.3). In addition, it is pointed out that each word class exhibits its own inventory of tone melodies, and that frequencies of attested melodies vary greatly from one class to another (4.1.2.4). Contrasts between melodies are demonstrated (4.1.2.5) and examples, including phonetic realizations, are given for each of the attested combinations of CV shape and tone melody in the data (4.1.2.6). 4.1.2.1 Tone-bearing units (TBUs) The most important limitation on the melodies which can be found with a word is the word’s quantity of tone-bearing units (TBUs). In Mambay, the pertinent TBU is the mora ( ). A mora is acknowledged for each V or C found in a syllable’s nucleus or coda (see 2.4 for discussion of the mora). Each mora is associated with a single underlying H or L tonal value. Thus, words comprised of a single light (one- ) syllable may only host the melodies H or L.

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H ká

L kà

(attributive copula)

when, and then

In contrast, words with two morae—and this may be represented by either a single heavy (two- ) syllable or two light syllables—may host melodies with up to two tonal values, namely: H, L, HL and LH. H Qáá

L Qàà

move away

HL láà

finish

LH làá

gourd

H L

haunch

H L

lágà mud shelter, scaffolding

làgá lie, Mundang

Likewise, three- and four-mora words may be found with up to three and four alternating (between H and L) tonal values respectively. This pattern of tone-melody distribution, which is almost completely consistent throughout the data, may be summarized as follows: tone melody H L HL LH HLH LHL HLHL

1- word x x — — — — —

2- word x x x x — — —

3- word x x x x x x —

4+- word x x x x x x x

Two morphologically simple exceptions to this pattern have been observed in the data; both of these are two-mora kinship terms with a three-unit (HLH) melody of which the third unit floats on the right edge of the morpheme:

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HLH

HLH

nánà T maternal uncle

)ázì T member of )àzgárà (see Glossary)

At the end of a phrase, the final H tone is not realized on such words (4.3.1.4); however, in the context of possessive constructions (5.3), its effects are evident (4.3.3.3). In addition, the verbal noun dummy object suffix 4na exhibits polar behaviour which may be related to the presence of more tones than tone-bearing units in verbal nouns; see the extended discussion in 5.9.1.1.1. gîr insult:VN

4na -OBJ

gîrná

insulting (something)

kòg see:VN

4na -OBJ

koFgnà

seeing (something)

4.1.2.2 Association of tones with TBUs It is generally acknowledged that initial association of tones with TBUs proceeds on a one-to-one basis from the left edge of the word to the right (Yip 2002:93). Still, at the point when postlexical processes apply in Mambay (cf. 4.3), tones appear to be associated in reference to the right edge of the word. This configuration shows up when the number of available TBUs is greater than the number of tones, since the associated tone furthest to the left is associated with the remaining TBUs all the way to the left edge of the word. This situation suggests that, after initial left-to-right association, there is a subsequent lexical shift of all tonal units as far to the right as possible, with a one-to-one tone-toTBU re-association taking place. Thus, for example, a HL melody will associate at the lexical level with various CV shapes as follows (an exhaustive table of association with attested CV shapes is found in 4.1.2.6): HL láà

HL kâ7

gourd

HL lágà

H

bowstring, drum snare L

léérà

mud shelter, scaffolding

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poultry flea, louse

H

L

má 7sî7

H

L

síígírò

amoebic dysentery

stork sp.

For words which (like the three examples in the right column) contain more TBUs than tonal units, a hypothetical lexical association pattern other than that which is given here is not possible. H

L

* léèrà Thus, tone melodies associate according to a subset of possible tone sequence possibilities. In the same way, a LH melody will associate at the lexical level with various CV shapes as shown in the following examples (an exhaustive table of association configurations is found in 4.1.2.6): LH làá

LH kuF m

haunch

LH làgá

L H vààlá

lie, Mundang

L H fìrlá

baobab

L

grass sp. H

g ù ù g ì n ú gill

torch

There are two restricted exceptions to this language-wide pattern of lexical association. First, there is an intolerance for the association of LH (i.e., a rising contour) on a heavy syllable if a mora to the left is available to host the L tone (cf. the monosyllabic LH examples immediately above, where there is no available mora to the left). L H

HL H

tùlgúm fish sp.

tíì rím

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fish sp.

Second, in the two nouns in the data with more tones than tone-bearing units, the rightmost tone is underlyingly floating on the right edge of the morpheme (cf. 4.1.2.1); it only makes itself known non phrase-finally, in the context of possessive constructions (4.3.3.3): HLH

HLH

nánà T maternal uncle

)ázì T

member of )àzgárà (see Glossary)

The fact that the floating tone is on the right rather than the left edge of these words supports the idea of an initial left-to-right association, whereby the excess tone is left floating on the right. However, since there are only two such examples in the data, conclusions about their implications for the tone system as a whole should be held lightly. 4.1.2.3 Phonological word melodies The melody of a phonological word (2.5.1) is usually the sum of the melodies of its constituent morphemes. fàà + back:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

fààró

your (pl.) back, skin (inal.) (cf. 5.3.4.2.4)

hèè + climb:PFV

4zí

hèèzîn

they climbed to here (cf. 7.3.2.2.3)

PL

+ 4n` to.here

When adjacent morphemes in a phonological word exhibit identical tones, these tones are usually merged in accordance with the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP; cf. Leben 1973, Snider 1999:32, Yip 2002:84). káà + head:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

káàrú

his/her/its head (inal.) (cf. 5.3.4.2.4)

hèè + climb:PERF

4zí

hèèzìré

they climbed to here (cf. 7.3.2.2.3)

PL

+ 4ré 3PL.REFL

However, simple addition and merging of the tone melodies does not always take place within a phonological word. In some cases, the melody of a phonological word is simpler than that of the melodies of its constituents. káà + head:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

káání

my head (inal.) (cf. 5.3.4.2.4)

Additional instances of simplification are examined in the section on lexical tone deletion below (4.3.1).

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In other cases, the mismatch between the melody of the phonological word and those of its constituents cannot be explained as simplification. This is the case for replacive tone melodies (see 4.2.2). Qaa + finish:PERF

4zí PL

+ 4ré 3PL.REFL

Qààzírè

they have finished (intr.)

Finally, there are two cases where merging of tones within a phonological word does not take place. First, the tone melody of noun prefixes is tonally separate from that of the nouns to which they are attached (5.1.2.2). tì4kúrgú dwelling, main room (cf. hypothetical single tonal word *tìkùrgú) nà4dígzílè algae (cf. hypothetical single tonal word *nàdìgzílè) Second, each of the nouns that makes up a compound usually retains its distinctive tone melody (5.4). ná4rím4byàá 1&2:OPT-dip:OPT-water

cormorant, darter (bird sp.)

tóò4nîn4gáhlà7 Taw:LF-eye:LF-faceted

fish sp.

4.1.2.4 Tone melodies and word classes Possibilities for tone melodies associated with words are limited not only by the quantity of available TBUs (4.1.2.1), but are also restricted by the word class to which a word belongs. For example, although most verb roots are comprised of a single heavy syllable (2.4.3), in their basic (Perfective) form they make use of only two of four possible melodies (H and L but not HL and LH) (7.3.2.2.1). The vast majority of nouns, in contrast, are associated with complex tone melodies (especially HL, LH and HLH), and the simple melodies H and L are associated with non-canonical nouns (5.1.1.2). An inventory of tone melodies associated with attested CV shapes of members of each word class is found at the beginning of the relevant sections in the following chapters. 4.1.2.5 Contrasts between tone melodies Each of the seven underlying tone melodies is contrastive. Word pairs are given in a table on the following page to demonstrate these contrasts, and a minimal distinction between the words in the same word class (here: nouns or verbs) is provided whenever possible (an exhaustive list of each of the melodies associated with all attested shapes is given in 4.1.2.6).

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Contrast between tone melodies H

L

HL

LH

Qáá ‘move away’ Qàà ‘finish’

HLH L

kpú7 ‘hill’ kâ7 ‘bowstring’

màrvà ‘regret’ márnà ‘older sibling’

fém ‘stupidity’ kuFm ‘baobab’

kpà7 ‘different’ kpaF7 ‘salty’

súmù ‘night’ sùmú ‘potter’s kiln’

núúrú ‘breast’ múùrá ‘silt’

wàrbà ‘strength’ bêrgá ‘sweetness’

gyáálà ‘medicine’ gyáàlá ‘nanny’

núúrú ‘breast’ màánì ‘mother (al.)’

Nwà7gà ‘hardness’ doF7nì ‘wealth’

gbú7nì ‘shack’ doF7nì ‘wealth’

HL

126

LH òòzá ‘seam’ óòzá ‘clod’ dàmná ‘thatch’ doF7nì ‘wealth’

HLH séègá ‘red-brownness’ LHL lèégè ‘nightjar’

Because its CV shape lacks a close equivalent with other morphemes, there are no solid illustrative pairs for tonal contrasts with the single HLHL morpheme in the data; the existence of HLHL as a distinct tone melody has instead been established with reference to principles of tone association (4.1.2.1) in order to account for the idiosyncratic phonetic form of the HLHL example in the data (4.1.2.6). 4.1.2.6 Examples of tone melodies associated with attested CV shapes Each of the seven attested tone melodies is shown here with all of the CV shapes with which it is found in the morphologically simple data. Where postlexical processes (4.3) cause the tone melody of a morpheme to be realized differently than might be inferred from the orthographic representation of its underlying form (see the introduction to this chapter), underlying forms as well as surface realizations are provided. The exclusion of lexical prefixes from the CV shape and from the tone melody of nouns is discussed in 4.1.2.3 and 5.1.2.2. tone melody H

L4

surface realization

CV shape

example

CV CVV CVC CVVC

ká náá kpú7 fíít

CV.CV CV.CVV CV.CVC CVV.CV CVC.CV CVC.CVC CV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC

óró (ná4)dídá’ kókól núúrú kpá7gú úndún únúnú béhlégí má7dírí ká7kárá7

(attributive copula) this, these hill (sound of fingers wiping a plate clean) deep, far away summit small drum breast early dwarf, withered pursed (lips) few tree sp. dried out and hard

CV CVV CVC CVVC CV.CV

kà bèè gàl rùùg` màlà

when, and then without baldness, receding hairline cylindrical shape art, craft

4

gloss

Note that in contrast to most other Niger-Congo languages (Snider 1999:46), the pitch of L does not fall in phrase-final position in Mambay.

127

CV.CVC CVV.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CV CVC.CVC CV.CV.CV CV.CVC.CV CVV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CVC CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CVC.CV

gàràm gbòòrò zùùrùm màrvà dèglèm gàzèrè (nà4)gbògò7gà wààgùnà bààbùrùm gbòndòrò kù7kùrù7 sìnzàhwlà

HL

CVV CVC CVVC CV.CV CV.CVV CV.CVC CVV.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CV CVC.CVC CV.CVV.CVC CV.CVC.CV CV.CVC.CVV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CVV.CV

síì kâ7 fááwh bá%à (ná4)wíwâh zó%ôm tíílò (tí4)fúúgûm búglì má7sî7 (ná4) í áhrâm %í%óh7gì (ná4)kúrúm áà síígírò (nà4)dígzílè (tì4)kó7kórô7 támbúúrà

LH

CVV CVC CV.CV CV.CVV CV.CVC CC.CC CVV.CV CVC.CV CVC.CVC CV.CVV.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV

fùú kuFm gùrá ràfá’ bùvbú7 mhmhhmi vbààlá fìrlá tùlgúm pìpùùrí gùùgìnú (nà4)gìzgìró

hippo-hide whip bald, bare fish sp. regret insect sp. short waterlily bulb large basket main room puff adder hunched porcupine [síî] [ká7f] [fááwf] [bá%â] [náwíwáhf] [zó%ómf] [tíílô] [tífúúgúmf] [búgTlî] [má7sí7ff] [ná í áhgrámf] [%í%óhg7Tgî] [nákúrúmi áâ] [síígírô] [nàdígTzílê] [tìkó7Tkóró7f] [támibúúrâ]

[kùmi]

128

valley, river bowstring, drum snare light (weight) tamarind belt made of bells ten eagle sp. edible wild plant sp. hat amoebic dysentery bedbug bent fish sp. stork sp. algae red ant sp. pigeon, dove trench baobab fish trap brownness net sp. yes testicle torch fish sp. horn (instrument) gill antelope sp.

HLH

CV.CV CVV.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CV CVVC.CV CV.CV.CV CV.CVC.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV

nánà T háàvá tíìrím bêrgá (nà4)táálUlá kíkòví lágâ7gá híívìlá (nà4)lé7gìrá

[nánâ] (see 4.3.1.4) [háá vá] [tíí rími] [bérT gá] [nàtáálg lá] [kíkó ví] [lágá7T gá] [hííví lá] [nàlé7Tgí rá]

maternal uncle snake sp. fish sp. sweetness ant sp. coward water turtle sp. slimy mud movement

LHL

CV.CVV CV.CVC CVV.CV CVC.CV

bàháà àvbâw lèégè zoF7nì

[bàháâ] [ àvbáwf] [lèégê] [zò7Tnî]

CVVC.CVV CV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV

(tí4)tòòn`tíì kòzágà vwàhgílè tàrnágà

[títóòn`tíî] [kòzágâ] [vwàhUgílê] [tàr`nágâ]

ibis sp. fish sp. nightjar large bracelet for legs or arms lark (bird sp.) red millet intrusion seven

CV.CV.CVV

wátùtáà

[wátùtáâ]

salt, sugar

HLHL

4.2 Other structural aspects of the tone system In addition to tone levels and melodies (4.1), three structural aspects of the tone system deserve consideration. These are: floating tones (4.2.1), replacive tone melodies (4.2.2), and interaction between tone and other phonological structures (4.2.3).

4.2.1 Floating tones Underlying floating tones are sparsely attested in the data. In fact, the positing of floating tones is needed to describe the tonal constitution of only two groups of words: nouns with more tones than TBUs, and Perfect verb words in a subset of the six tonal Classes (7.3.2.2.1). While the occurrence of floating tones on nouns has been addressed in 4.1.2.2 and 4.3.3.3, floating tones on Perfect verb words is addressed here. In most cases, the tone melody of the verb word is a fusion of tonal TAM inflection on the verb stem (7.3.2.2.1) and the tone of the suffixes (7.3.1); the resulting lexical melody associates starting at the right edge of the word (cf. 4.1.2.2). However, for Perfect forms of intransitive verb stems in Class 1 and Class 2 comprised of a heavy syllable, this is not the case. Instead, it is necessary to posit a floating H tone on the left edge of the Perfect verb word (7.3.2.2.3). mì 1SG

T[Qàà4ní move.away:PERF-1SG.REFL

129

mì Qáàní

I have moved away

nà 1&2

T[Qàà4zínzá move.away:PERF-1&2PL.REFL

nà Qáàzìnzá we (incl.) have moved away

Ø 3:PFV

T[Qàà4zí4ré move.away:PERF-3PL.REFL

Qáàzìré

they have moved away

For Perfect forms of intransitive Class 1 verbs with a CV stem, a floating L tone marks the right edge of the Perfect verb word (7.3.2.2.3). Alternatively (cf. 4.2.2), this could be viewed as a replacive HL melody which dominates the entire Perfect verb word. mì 1SG

gé4ní] ` mì génì get.lost:PERF-1SG.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

nà 1&2

gé4zínzá] ` nà gézínzà we (incl.) have gotten lost get.lost:PERF-1&2PL.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

Ø gé4zí4ré] ` gézírè 3:PFV get.lost:PERF-3PL.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

I have gotten lost

they have gotten lost

4.2.2 Replacive tone melodies In addition to positing floating tones for some Perfect verb forms, it is necessary to posit replacive tone melodies for others. Replacive tone melodies are inflectional morphemes which, in contrast to other phonological word melodies in Mambay (cf. 4.1.2.3), dominate words without reference to the sum of the underlying melodies of the consitutent morphemes (Snider 2007:9). For Perfect forms of transitive Class 4 verbs, a L melody dominates the entire verb word and does not allow the underlying H tone of the verbal plural morpheme 4zí (7.3.1.1) to surface. Ø laa4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PERF

lààrì

he/she/it has eaten

Ø laa4zí4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PL-PERF

lààzìrì

they have eaten

For Perfect verb words from Class 5 and Class 6, a replacive LHL melody characteristic of a transitive source verb dominates transitive as well as derived detransitivized forms (cf. 7.3.2.1.2) of these verbs. This is shown by the following pair of examples showing a transitive source verb contrasted with its detransitivized counterpart: Ø Qaa4zí4rì 3:PFV finish:PERF-PL-PERF

Qààzírì

130

they have finished (tr.)

Ø Qaa4zí4ré 3:PFV finish:PERF-PL-3PL.REFL

Qààzírè

they have finished (intr.)

4.2.3 Interaction between tone and other structures There is no significant interaction between tone and phonological structures other than the TBUs with which they are associated. All consonants and vowels are found in syllables with H and L tones, as are the vowel modifications of glottalization, pharyngealization and nasalization (2.2.1). Normal acoustic and perceptual consequences of features such as preglottalization (2.1.6) and glottalization (2.2.1) are in operation, but are not associated with a phonological system of tone raising or lowering. Specific phonetic effects of segments and suprasegmental features on tone are open to further exploration.

4.3 Tonal processes A number of tonal processes occur in Mambay, one of which is lexical and several of which are postlexical. A lexical tone process is one which affects the composition of underlying tone melodies (4.1.2) associated with phonological words (4.1.2.2). In Mambay, a process of lexical tone deletion (4.3.1) is found in a number of contexts. Tones which are deleted at this level are never realized. Postlexical tone processes are those which affect the phonetic realization of a phonological word’s tone melody. In Mambay, three such processes are downstep (4.3.2), High tone spread (HTS; 4.3.3), and Low tone spread (LTS; 4.3.3.3). In the case of HTS and LTS, a general preference for the simplification of contours is operative. The postlexical nature of all three processes is evident in the applicability of downstep and HTS across word boundaries, and the dependence of LTS on the concurrent application of HTS. Postlexically, adjacent identical tones are realized at the same pitch level; thus it is assumed that, in accordance with the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP; cf. Leben 1973, Snider 1999:32, Yip 2002:84), they are merged.

4.3.1 Lexical tone deletion Lexical tones are deleted in the following four cases: 1) 2) 3) 4)

in linked forms of LH, HLH and LHL nouns (4.3.1.1); in HL nouns inalienable possessive constructions (4.3.1.2); in idiosyncratic linked forms of HL nouns (4.3.1.3); and when they float in phrase-final position (4.3.1.4).

4.3.1.1 Linked forms of LH, HLH and LHL nouns In most cases, the tone melody of a noun’s free form is the same as that of its linked form (5.2.2.1) However, LH contours are not permitted on linked forms of nouns; this affects linked forms of nouns with LH, LHL and HLH melodies. Consequently, linked forms of 131

nouns with LH and LHL melodies pattern as L; and the final H on linked forms of nouns with an HLH melody is not realized (5.2.2.1). LH = fùú + gbòndòrò trench puff.adder

L

[fùù gbòn`d òrò] trench of puff adder H L H ==

kíkòví + gbòndòrò coward puff.adder

[k í k ó vì gbòn` d òrò] coward of puff adder LH L =

doF7nì + gbòndòrò wealth puff.adder

L

L

[dò7` n ì gbòn`d òrò] wealth of puff adder

Idiosyncratically, the linked form of the single HLHL noun in the data (wátùtáà ‘salt, sugar’) retains the full tone melody of its free form (5.2.2.1). 4.3.1.2 HL nouns in inalienable possessive constructions When they are found with inalienable possessive pronouns (6.1.4.2), HL nouns undergo, in addition to segmental reduction (5.3.4.2.1), the deletion of their L tone (5.3.4.2.4). káálà head

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

káání my head (inal.)

This tone deletion does not take place in alienable possessive constructions. káálà + head

)íí 1SG.POSS

káà )íí my head (al.)

4.3.1.3 Idiosyncratic linked forms of HL nouns There are a handful of idiosyncratic HL nouns which, in addition to segmental reduction (5.3.4.2.1), lose their L tone when they are found as linked nouns in a possessive construction (5.2.2.1). Nmárà + friend

ígà child

Nmár ígà [NmárT ígâ] friend of child

132

This contrasts with the normal realization of HL nouns in the same context, where the retention of the L tone is signalled by downstep (4.3.2) on subsequent H tones. ígà child

+

Nmárà friend

îg Nmárà [ ígT Nmárâ] child of friend

4.3.1.4 Floating H tones in phrase-final position There are two nouns in the data with floating H tones on their right edge (4.1.2.2). HLH

HLH

nánà T maternal uncle

)ázì T member of )àzgárà (see Glossary)

Only nánà T may occur phrase-finally, because )ázì T is obligatorily possessed (5.3.3.2) and therefore only found in the initial position of possessive constructions. At the end of a phrase, the final H tone does not surface on nánà T, which is realized tonally like other two-mora CVCV nouns: [nánâ]. For evidence of the floating tone on underlying form of this word, see 4.3.3.3.

4.3.2 Downstep Downstep is a central feature of the Mambay tone system, and with few exceptions, applies throughout the language. Downstep in Mambay refers to the phonetic lowering of the tone register (4.3.2.1). In Mambay, both automatic downstep (also called downdrift) (4.3.2.2) and non-automatic downstep (also simply called downstep) (4.3.2.3) are found, and are treated as two aspects of the same phenomenon: automatic downstep takes place when a L tone is nonfloating, and non-automatic downstep takes place when a L tone is floating. The terminology used here follows that of Stewart (1983) and Snider (1999). Environments in which downstep appears not to apply are treated in 4.3.2.4. In the phonetic transcriptions, the symbol [ ] is used to mark non-automatic downstep; in contrast, automatic downstep is assumed whenever the necessary conditions are met (4.3.2.2). Supplementary pitch transcriptions (where [ ] represents a high pitch and [ ] a low pitch) are, however, provided where they are helpful in clarifying the phonetic effects of automatic downstep. 4.3.2.1 Phonetic effect and placement of downstep For descriptive purposes, the phonetic interval between H and a following L may be described as the spanning of two equal levels. If the number 2 represents an utteranceinitial H tone, and the number 0 represents an adjacent L tone, the phonetic effect of downstep may be schematized as follows:

133

2 1 0 -1 -2

H H L

H L

H L

As the diagram shows, H tones are lowered to one level below that of the previous H whenever they follow a L tone. This lowering effect is iterative; it takes place with each HLH sequence. In Mambay, it is not clear whether the tonal register is lowered between L and H, or between H and L. Regarding other languages, this topic has been considered elsewhere (Snider 1999:21ff.). In recordings of texts elicited from Oussoumanou Bouba, the principal collaborator, the effect of downstep is clear. The interval between H and a following L tends to be about 40 Hertz (Hz; 150–110 Hz), and the interval between L and a following H tends to be about half that (20 Hz; 110–130 Hz). The interval between two H tones separated by a L tone appears to be the same (20 Hz) whether or not the L is realized on the surface; in other words, the effect of automatic downstep appears to be the same as that of nonautomatic downstep. In the following sections, these claims are supported by pitch traces of utterances exhibiting both types of downstep (4.3.2.2 and 4.3.2.3). However, it should be noted that recordings are excerpted from longer texts and are therefore not controlled for the effects of tone register shift (4.4.1) and utterance length. 4.3.2.2 Automatic downstep Automatic downstep refers to the lowering of a H tone after a HL sequence in which the L is realized on the surface. síì nàmá valley animal

[ ] [síí nàmá ] valley of animal

búglì bègé hat slave

] [ [búglí bègé] hat of slave

)îg kyàg dígní thing:LF hurt:VN liver:1SG.POSS.INAL

[ ] [)ígT kyàg` dígní] thing that hurts my liver

High tone spread (4.3.3), which has applied to the first word in each of these examples, has no effect on the phonetic realization of downstep here or elsewhere. A pitch trace of the third example, )îg kyàg dígní ‘thing that hurts my liver,’ is provided on the following page. This pitch trace confirms the operation of automatic downstep.

134

Pitch trace5 showing automatic downstep (see 4.3.2.2)

[ ) í gT F0 (Hz): 156.7

k y à g` 117.9

à

5

d í gT 135.5

í

n

í 137.9

]

In this pitch trace as well as the one on the following page, the pitch (i.e., F0 = fundamental frequency) of each tone-bearing unit is given in Hertz (Hz). A short vertical stroke is used to mark the point at which the pitch has been measured; this point has been selected according to the principles set out in Snider (1998:97–8). The occurrence of echo vowels after g in this example is accounted for in 2.1.6.1.

135

4.3.2.3 Non-automatic downstep Non-automatic downstep refers to the lowering of a H tone after a HL sequence in which the L tone is floating (i.e., not realized on the surface). The floating L tone comes about as a result of HTS (4.3.3) both within words and across word boundaries. HL H = bêrgá

sweetness

[b é rT gá] H L H =

kíkòví

coward

[k í k ó ví] HL =

síì kpú7 valley hill

[síí kpú7T] valley of hill H

búglì kpú7 hat hill

H

L =

[búgTT l í kpú7T] hat of hill L

zòògì sáà kwérè bird:LF inside fence

H

HL =

HL

[zòògì sáá kwérê] bird inside the fence

A pitch trace of the final example, zòògì sáà kwérè ‘bird inside the fence,’ is provided on the following page. This pitch trace confirms the operation of non-automatic downstep.

136

Pitch trace6 showing non-automatic downstep (see 4.3.2.3)

[ F0 (Hz):

6

z ò ò g ì s á á 122.0 118.0 146.8

See note 5 in the previous section.

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kw é r ê ] 127.5 124.5–103.0

4.3.2.4 Non-application of downstep There are two restricted contexts in which downstep does not (or appears not to) apply: in nouns (either simple or compound) with a HLHL melody, and in sections of text for which tone register shift (4.4.1) has counterbalanced the effect of downstep. The non-application of downstep in nouns (both morphologically simple and complex) with a HLHL melody is shown in the following examples: wátùtáà

[ ] [wátùtáâ ]

salt, sugar

ná4kândé%è

[ ] [nákán`dé%ê ]

clitoris

máà4dùùgárè

[ ] [máádùùgárê]

stork sp.

This appears to be a result of local raising of H tones before L tones, a phenomenon which has been reported in other languages (for example, see Snider 1990:456, 1998). However, the environment in which local raising takes places in Mambay is more specific than what is described in these accounts. Apparent suspension of downstep is also one of several ways in which tone register shift may affect words or phrases in a discourse. The function and phonetic consequences of this phenomenon are discussed in 4.4.1, and an example text in which tone register shift has counterbalanced the effect of downstep is also provided.

4.3.3 High tone spread (HTS) HL sequences in the language consistently provoke High tone spread (HTS), a pervasive postlexical process in which H tone spreads rightward onto an adjacent L-toned mora. The application of this process differs based on whether or not the HL sequence is phrase-final (4.3.3.1, 4.3.3.2). The case of HTS non-application with two-mora HLH nouns is given special attention (4.3.3.3). 4.3.3.1 Typical application of HTS For most HL sequences—both word-internally and across word boundaries—the application of HTS involves a rightward spreading of a H tone onto an adjacent L-toned mora, and a delinking of the L tone from that mora. This is the most common application of HTS and is valid for non phrase-final HL sequences in particular (a variation is described in 4.3.3.1.2. 4.3.3.1.1 Word-internally Word-internally, four of the seven tone melodies (4.1.2) contain HL sequences: HL, HLH, LHL and HLHL. Except for the first HL sequence in HLHL words and two-mora words with a HLH melody (4.3.3.3), the HL sequences in all of these melodies undergo HTS. 138

HL Within HL words in non phrase-final position, HTS invariably applies. When a following word begins in a H tone, the presence of the floating L tone is signalled by downstep on that word. HL = síì kpú7 valley hill

H

[síí kpú7T] valley of hill H

búglì kpú7 hat hill

L =

H

[búgTT l í kpú7T] hat of hill

When a HL word is followed by a word beginning with a L tone, the H tone of the first word spreads onto its final mora, and the L tone of the first word detaches and is not realized on that mora. HL L = síì gbòndòrò valley puff.adder

[síí gbòn` d òrò] valley of puff adder H

búglì gbòndòrò hat puff.adder

L =

L

[búgTT l í gbòn` d òrò] hat of puff adder

HLH Within HLH words, HTS also applies to a full extent. Since the HL sequence within a HLH melody is necessarily non phrase-final, HTS applies to HLH words in both phrasefinal and non phrase-final position. This is evident in the following example: H L H = kíkòví

coward

[k í k ó ví]

Even when it does not surface, the persistent presence of the floating L tone in the first example is signalled by a downstep in the pitch the following subsequent H tones.

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In addition to HTS, non phrase-final examples also undergo LTS (4.3.3.3). H L H HL == kíkòví súù coward yesterday in: %áá kíkòví súù

[k í k ó vì súû] he/she/it found a coward yesterday

LHL The HL sequence in word-internal LHL melodies also undergoes HTS (in addition, LTS must take place; cf. 4.3.3.3). LH L H L == doF7nì súù wealth yesterday in: %áá doF7nì súù

[dò7`n í súû] he/she/it found wealth yesterday

Because the LHL melody is levelled to L in possessive constructions (4.3.1.1), the structural conditions which trigger HTS are removed in that particular context. HLHL In the single HLHL morpheme in the data, the final HL sequence melody undergoes HTS in the same way as occurs in HL words. However, the first sequence does not. H L HL wátùtáà salt, sugar

[w á t ù t á â]

Note also that downstep does not apply in this context (as described in 4.3.2.4). 4.3.3.1.2 Across word boundaries HTS applies whenever a HL sequence is found across word boundaries. As is the case for word-internal HL sequences, it typically involves a rightward spreading of a H tone onto an adjacent L-toned mora, and a delinking of the L tone from that mora. This is shown in the following examples:

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H L = tí4 + gbòndòrò AUG puff.adder

[tígbón` d òrò] large puff adder H

kpú7 gbòndòrò hill puff.adder

[kpú7T gbón` d òrò] hill of puff adder H

kpú7 bègé hill slave

L =

L H =

[kpú7T bé gé] hill of slave

However, when the L tone of the second word is associated with an initial first syllable and at least one additional mora, the L is not delinked when H tone spreads onto the mora with which the L is associated. Instead, the H and L cohabit the initial light syllable of the second word; the underlying tonal contour is simplified and realized with a mid pitch. H L tí4 + gàràm [tígal r àmh] AUG hippo-hide.whip large hippo-hide whip H kpú7 gàràm hill hippo-hide.whip

L

[kpú7T gal r àmh] hill of hippo-hide whip

4.3.3.2 Application of HTS phrase-finally When an underlying HL sequence is found phrase-finally (i.e., on the last two morae), HTS applies. However, its effect is limited by an obligatory realization of utterance-final L tones. Consequently, when the H tone spreads onto the last mora, the L associated with this mora is not deleted, and the final mora is realized with a falling (high-low) contour pitch. This is the case whether the HL sequence is found within a word or across a word boundary.

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HL síì

valley

[síî] H

búglì

hat

L

[búgTT l î] H

kpú7 rè hill TOPIC

L

[kpú7T rê] hill…

4.3.3.3 The case of HTS non-application with two-mora HLH nouns As stated above, there are two examples of a HLH melody on two-mora nouns (4.1.2.2): nánà T ‘maternal uncle’ and )ázì T ‘member of )àzgárà’ (see Glossary). The second H tone of these nouns floats on their right edge. Phrase-finally, it has no realization or other effect; such nouns sound like HL nouns in this context (4.1.2.6). HL (phrase-final): nínù [nínû] HLH (phrase-final): nánà T [nánâ]

eye, face, life maternal uncle

However, when two-mora HLH nouns are found as linked forms (5.2.2) in the head position of possessive constructions (5.3), they behave differently than HL nouns: HTS is prevented from applying to the first H of two-mora HLH nouns because of the presence of the floating H on the right edge, which itself prevents the L tone from being delinked (for a description of segmental alternations that accompany the linked form, see 5.2.2.2). HLH L H nân T + dùgú [nán` dùgú] maternal.uncle:LF 3PL.POSS their maternal uncle cf. HL nouns, where HTS applies in the same context: HL L H = nîn + dùgú eye:LF 3PL.POSS

[nínT d ù g ú ] their eye

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It is interesting that the presence of the floating H tone in nân T dùgú is allowed to persist on the surface (in the form of perturbation in the realization of other tones), since other LH contours in linked nouns are consistently simplified to L (4.3.1.1): kíkòví + gbòndòrò coward puff.adder

kíkòvì gbòndòrò (*kíkòví gbòndòrò) coward:LF puff.adder

This brings into question the very existence of a floating H tone in nánà T and )ázì T, since a process which affects some H tones could affect them all in the same way (i.e., non-realization). Still, it is a reasonable conjecture that a floating H might behave differently than one which is associated (cf. Yip 1989:151). Since no other workable account has been ascertained, the idea of a floating H tone on the right edge of nánà T and )ázì T has been maintained throughout the discussion.

4.3.4 Low tone spread (LTS) Low tone spread (LTS), a second pervasive postlexical process, involves the rightward spread of L tone onto an adjacent H-toned mora. In this way, it shows a strong resemblance to HTS (4.3.3). However, there is an imbalance between the two processes: LTS differs in that its application is limited to non phrase-final words. (Since H tone deletion applies to LH sequences in linked nouns in possessive constructions (4.3.1) and thus eliminates the environment in which LTS would otherwise apply, this construction is not used in the examples). Examples of LTS are as follows: LH H L = fùú súù trench yesterday in: %áá fùú súù

[fùù súû] he/she/it found a trench yesterday LH L ==

H

fùú fààlé [fùù fá à lé] trench back:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL in: %áá fùú fààlé

he/she/it found a trench behind it

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L dàrmí súù clay yesterday in: %áá dàrmí súù

H HL =

[dàr`m ì súû] he/she/it found clay yesterday L

H L = =

H

dàrmí fààlé [dàr`m ì fá à lé] clay back:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL in: %áá dàrmí fààlé

he/she/it found clay behind it H L H HL ==

kíkòví súù coward yesterday in: %áá kíkòví súù

[k í k ó vì súû] he/she/it found a coward yesterday H L H L = ==

H

kíkòví fààlé [k í k ó vì fá à lé] coward back:3C/I.SG.POSS.INAL in: %áá kíkòví fààlé

he/she/it found a coward behind it LH L H L ==

doF7nì súù wealth yesterday in: %áá doF7nì súù

[dò7`n í súû] he/she/it found wealth yesterday

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LH L L ==

H

doF7nì fààlé [dò7`n í f à à lé] wealth back:3C/I.SG.POSS.INAL in: %áá doF7nì fààlé

he/she/it found wealth behind it

LTS does not apply to word-internal LH sequences in two cases: when the word that hosts the melody is phrase-final, and within HLHL morphemes. This is because in these contexts, there is no available mora onto which the L of the LH sequence can spread: the H tone, having no place onto which it can fully spread, is unable to delink and thereby free up its own mora for the L; and a LH sequence on a single mora is not permitted here (nor is it attested anywhere else in the language). The following examples show that LTS does not apply in phrase-final words (cf. the preceding set of non phrase-final examples): LH fùú

trench

[fùú] LH

bègé

slave

[bègé] L

dàrmí

clay

H

[dàr`m í] H L H =

kíkòví

coward

[k í k ó ví] LH L

doF7nì

wealth

[d ò 7T n î ]

The absence of LTS is also evident for the LH sequence within the single HLHL morpheme in the data:

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H L HL wátùtáà salt, sugar

[w á t ù t á â]

Note also that downstep does not apply in this context (as demonstrated in 4.3.2.4).

4.3.5 Adjacent operation of postlexical processes Both HTS (4.3.3) and LTS (4.3.3.3) spread one mora, and to the right. Consequently, they never interfere with one another. However, they often operate in adjacent positions. Because of this, and because of the application of downstep (4.3.2), the underlying tonal structure of an utterance may be quite different than the surface realization initially seems to indicate. In addition to the examples in the previous section, the following example from the data illustrates this situation: LH L H L = == = mìí Qàá nàmá 1SG:IRR finish:FUT meat

H

[mìì Qáà ná má ] I will finish the meat

4.4 Intonational phenomena Although most pitch-related configurations in Mambay can be explained by reference to the tone system, there are two frequently-occurring phenomena which appear to be intonational rather than tonal: tone register shift (TRS) (4.4.1) and the expectation marker (4.4.2). Both use intonation to signal pragmatic functions and thus interact closely with the tone system: while TRS controls the pitch register upon which tone is realized, expectation marking applies in reference to this register as well as to the tones related to it (for a detailed definition of intonation and a discussion of the interaction between tone and intonation, see Ladd 1996:7–8). Declination, an intonational phenomenon whereby the tone register goes down gradually over the course of an utterance (Yip 2002:12, Snider 1990:453–4), has not been observed in Mambay. Instead, the effect of physiological constraints usually resulting in declination is overshadowed by downstep, which allows tonal register to drop according to phonologically determined intervals (cf. Yip 2002:12).

4.4.1 Tone register shift (TRS) Tone register shift (TRS) is pervasive in discourse, and involves the raising and lowering of the register at which tones are realized. The pragmatic prominence of a given portion of text determines the degree to which its tone register is raised. In keeping with features typical of a tonal system, TRS involves the vertical shifting of a pitch register at specific junctures rather than the gradual rise or fall of pitch over the course of an utterance.

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However, one key feature of TRS suggests that its behaviour is more closely aligned with an intonational system than a tonal system: it arises as a result of stimuli in the pragmatic realm rather than structures in the phonological context. Two factors are related to this. First of all, TRS acts across syntactically unified portions of an utterance rather than individual morae. Secondly, the tone register may shift either up or down, and the degree to which a register shifts is not limited to incremental values, but is relative to the degree of pragmatic pressure in a given discourse. In this study, the symbols [ ] and [ ] are used to indicate the direction of register shift (up or down); the number of times each one is used provides a relative indication of the vertical magnitude of the shift. TRS applies in the following examples from the data: )à 3:IMPFV

kòg see:VN

cf. )à 3:IMPFV )à 3:IMPFV cf. )à 3:IMPFV

mí 1SG.OBJ

he/she/it sees me

kòg see:VN

mí 1SG.OBJ

he/she/it sees me

ká

párà goodness

it is good

párà goodness

it is good

ATTRIB

TRS

ká ATTRIB

gyâh mûn sun then

TRS

TRS

TRS

lúgù go.out:VN

toFg sóórà be get.hot:VN

TRS

m, EXPECT TRS

toFg be

toFg sóórà be get.hot:VN

TRS

TRS

héérà toFg héérà climb:VN be climb:VN toFg sóórà be get.hot:VN

then the sun comes out, it is rising, it is rising, it is getting hot, it is getting hot, it is getting hot! In the final example, TRS marked with a single rising arrow ( ) is realized as a neutralization of downstep (4.3.2) on the following text. Where two rising arrows are shown, the register is raised phonetically (a recording of this text is available from the online posting of Anonby 2006:231). The present description provides only a general overview of TRS, and a number of aspects of the phenomenon deserve further investigation. These include: TRS and pitch range variation; relationship between syntactic constituents and the application of TRS;

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differences in the extent to which TRS is used in various oral genres; and differences in the extent to which TRS is employed by various speakers of the language.

4.4.2 The expectation marker m The expectation marker (here symbolized as m ) is a non-segmental morpheme which raises the pitch of a phrase-final mora. Although its phonological identity may initially seem unclear, evidence suggests that like TRS (4.4.1), it is intonational rather than tonal (4.4.2.2). It has three important roles in the cohesion of text, all of which broadly relate to expectancy in a discourse: topicalization, the signalling of an incomplete utterance, and rhetorical question marking (4.4.2.3). 4.4.2.1 Phonetic realizations The expectation marker has the consistent effect of raising the register of a phrase-final mora. When it links to a L-toned mora, this mora is realized with a high pitch equivalent to that of an (actual or hypothetical) preceding H-toned mora; and when it links to a Htoned mora, the mora is realized with a super-high pitch several intervals (4.1.1) above the baseline realization of the H-toned mora. kúù bushland nàmzá animal:PL

m EXPECT

m EXPECT

[kúú] bushland, …

(cf. 4.4.2.3)

[nàmh zá] animal, …

(cf. 4.4.2.3)

4.4.2.2 Phonological identity Phonologically, the expectation marker displays behaviour characteristic of both tone and intonation. Its confinement to a single mora as well as its phonetically consistent effect on pitch (4.4.2.1) are occurrences one might expect of a tonal element. However, there is evidence that the expectation marker is essentially intonational. As the examples in the preceding section show, the expectation marker may attach to and be realized in words for which each TBU is already associated with a tone. Because it does not require its own mora to be realized, it is necessary to address the possibility that the expectation marker might be a replacive tone. However, the mora to which it links continues to reflect the relative pitch of the underlying tone (the pitch of raised L is still a consistent interval lower than raised H; see the examples immediately above and 4.3.2.1). In this respect, the expectation marker functions intonationally rather than tonally. 4.4.2.3 Pragmatic functions The expectation marker has three important roles in the cohesion of text, all of which broadly relate to expectancy in a discourse: topicalization (cf. 10.1.2.4), floor-holding (cf. 10.1.2.4), and rhetorical question marking (cf. 10.1.2.1). An example of each role is as follows:

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topicalization: nàmzá animal:PL

m EXPECT

gâh )éré má midst 3PL.POSS with

nàpùgpùgá humankind

the animals, their dwelling was with humankind floor-holding (cf. Payne 1997:358): náhzí take.out:PFV

kááré head:3PL.POSS.INAL

vòró kúù to.there bushland

m, EXPECT

mûn tììzí nàmzí kúù then become:PFV animal:PL:LF bushland they departed for the bush […], and became wild animals marking of rhetorical questions: mù húm nàkógrà 2SG come look(n.)

m EXPECT

you came to look, didn’t you? Interestingly, the first two of these three roles overlap with those of the topicalization particle rè (10.1.2.4), and the two morphemes may be used together, as shown by the following example: mì rè 1SG TOPIC

m, EXPECT

mì yáá 1SG stay:PFV

149

kâ’ here

as for me, I stayed here

5 NOUNS 5

NOUNS

This chapter is a description of nouns in Mambay. The first major section (5.1) outlines the morphological structure of nouns. In particular, noun roots are presented in reference to attested root shapes and allowable tone melodies. Prefixation is then analyzed as a morphologically salient process involving a mixture of compounding and derivation. Suffixation, in contrast, is referred to as a primarily derivational process which, although it has significantly impacted noun structure, is synchronically unproductive and morphologically indistinct. Reduplication, a minor phenomenon in regard to nouns, is mentioned briefly. A second major section (5.2) deals with a basic morphological distinction between free (unmarked) and linked noun forms. Linked forms, which are subject to various morphological templates depending on the structure of their free form, are used for head nouns in most noun phrase constructions. Following this, a section on possessive constructions (5.3) complements the discussion, since both free and linked forms are used in this context. The description of possessive constructions, which are the most important type of noun phrase construction in the language, revolves around three axes. First of all, a continuum between spontaneous and fixed possession is established. The issue of optional vs. obligatory possession is then considered. The greatest part of the discussion, however, deals with the distributional and structural characteristics of alienable vs. inalienable possession. A section on compound nouns (5.4) follows naturally on that of possessive constructions, since most compound nouns are structured in the same way. Formal and behavioural particularities of compound nouns are also accounted for. Plural formation, which comprises an additional topic (5.5), is achieved by means of a loosely defined morphological template. In this section, the scope of pluralization is delimited, and a range of possible structural alternations is recognized. Collective constructions, which constitute an alternative plural-like strategy for some nouns, are also considered (5.6). In subsequent sections, four derivational topics are considered: participant noun constructions (5.7), diminutives and augmentatives (5.8), verbal nouns (5.9) and the promotion of modifiers to independent noun status (5.10). A mixture of derivational strategies, including but not limited to affixation, is common to all four phenomena. For verbal nouns in particular, complications in determining the direction of derivation are

150

acknowledged. Ordinal numerals, which constitute a closed category of nouns derived from numerals, are dealt with in the presentation on numerals (9.1.3). In later sections, ideophonic nouns (5.11) and proper names (5.12) are given special attention, and the locative function of nouns is delineated in 5.13. In the final section, an overview of noun phrase constructions is provided (5.14).

5.1 Morphological structure The relatively large syllable shape inventory of Mambay (2.4.1) allows for an array of noun root shapes (5.1.1.1) accompanied by a variety of tone melodies (5.1.1.2). These roots vary from between one and four syllables. Affixation plays a basic role in Mambay noun structure. Nouns may take prefixes (5.1.2) as well as suffixes (5.1.3). Noun prefixes in Mambay do not appear to be related to the systems of noun classification prevalent elsewhere in Niger-Congo (5.1.2, Anonby 2008:3; contra Greenberg 1963:9, 11). Mambay noun prefixes, which are associated with derivation (for example, noun-to-noun and verb-to-noun), do not operate in conjunction with any system of noun class concord or singular/plural alternation. Although most or all of the prefixes are reflexes of simplified linked nouns (see 5.3.3.3.1), the compoundlike nature of many of the prefixes is no longer semantically transparent. In addition, the process of prefixation itself is no longer productive for many of the prefixes, which are obligatorily found with specific nouns in the lexicon. Apart from pronouns in inalienable possessive constructions (5.1.3.1), productive noun suffixation is lacking in Mambay. Although some suffixes carry a definable semantic value, most are phonologically fused to the roots they accompany. Evidence for historical suffixation is reviewed in 5.1.3.2. In addition to affixation, the noun system exhibits reduplication of noun roots. The forms and possible functions of this process are discussed in 5.1.4. Compound nouns and verbal nouns, which are well-represented in the lexicon, are described in later sections (5.4 and 5.9 respectively).

5.1.1 Noun root structure Noun roots show considerable diversity in their structure. There is a wide variety of attested root shapes (5.1.1.1), and noun roots are found with all of the seven contrastive tone melodies found in the language (5.1.1.2). 5.1.1.1 Attested root shapes The large inventory of noun root shapes in Mambay is in keeping with the large syllable inventory (2.4.1) and the allowing of noun roots with more than one syllable. In total, 30 distinct noun root shapes are attested in words of Mambay origin, and an additional 14 shapes are found in borrowed words.

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While the minimal noun root consists of a single heavy syllable, roots with more than one syllable are numerous. In fact, disyllabic noun roots are by far the most common type in the lexicon. On the contrary, trisyllabic roots are uncommon, and the distinction between a noun root and an opaque compound noun is often difficult to make in such cases (see 5.4.3). Noun roots with four syllables are limited to borrowed words. Below is an inventory of all the attested CV shapes of non-borrowed, simple noun roots in the data (i.e., those that are not verbal nouns or compounds), of which there are a total of 707. The number of occurrences of each root shape is given, and each shape is illustrated with an example. Examples with no or little phonological ambiguity (cf. 2.1.4, 2.2.4, 2.3.3) are given when possible. This inventory is followed by a list of root shapes found only in borrowed words, along with an example of each shape. As explained in 5.1.2.2, obligatory noun prefixes (e.g. na4, ti4, etc.) are not included as part of the noun root shape. The length of pharyngealized vowels (Vh) in the examples below follows the convention established in 2.3.3.2.7. root shape # of occurrences monosyllabic roots: 5 shapes CVV (66) CVC (31) CCVV (66) CCVC (2) CVVC (1)

example báà zûm kwàá swâhy rùùg`

cane rat seam, hem, divide neck, voice elder, old man cylindrical shape

disyllabic roots: 13 shapes CV.CV (120) CV.CVV (1) CV.CVC (16) CCV.CV (1) CCV.CVC (1) CVV.CV (209) CVV.CVC (6) CVC.CV (119) CVC.CVC (9) CCVV.CV (19) CCVC.CV (5) CVVC.CV (1) CVVC.CVV (1)

sírò bàháà kùrùm kwérè nà4dwárâ7 kéélà zùùrùm pìrlá má7sî7 fwáánà gyáglè nà4táálUlá tí4tòòntíì

grave ibis sp. ground hornbill fence sore, pimple arrow shaft fish sp. torch, flashlight amoebic dysentery snail, shell flute ant sp. lark (bird sp.)

trisyllabic roots: 12 shapes CV.CV.CV (7) CV.CV.CVV (1)

kíkòví wátùtáà

coward salt, sugar

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CV.CVV.CV CV.CVV.CVC CV.CVC.CVV CV.CVC.CV CCV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CVC CCVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CVC.CV

(3) (1) (1) (4) (1) (5) (1) (1) (5) (1) (2)

pìpùùrí ná4 í áhrâm ná4kúrúm áà lágâ7gá kwèzágà wààgùnà bààbùrùm vwàhgílè nà4dígzílè tí4kó7kórô7 sìnzàhwlà

horn (instrument) bedbug fish sp. water turtle sp. red millet large basket main room intrusion algae red ant sp. porcupine

root shapes found only in borrowed words: 14 shapes CVVCC CV.CCVC7 CVV.CVV CVC.CVV CV.CV.CVV CV.CV.CVC CV.CVC.CCV CV.CCVV.CV CVV.CVV.CV CVV.CVC.CV CVC.CVC.CCV CVC.CCVV.CV CV.CV.CVV.CV CV.CVC.CV.CV

tááblU mìsyô7 wàhsóò làmpóò )ávòkáà )ánánâz sóló7zyì múswáárì géélóóbà fúúná7gè tándáwzyè múzkwáárè málápáárè )àlà7gétà

table (French borr.) mission (French borr.) gift (Fulf. borr.) tax (French borr.) avocado (French borr.) pineapple (French borr.) green monkey (Fulf. borr.) sorghum (Fulf. borr. via Mundang) camel (Fulf. borr.) north (Fulf. borr.) taro (coarse variety) (Fulf. borr.) sorghum (Fulf. borr.) hat sp. (Fulf borr.) flute (Fulf. borr.)

As is evident from the numbers given in the table above, the most common noun shapes are a single heavy syllable, two light syllables, and a heavy syllable followed by a light one. These shapes may be considered canonical, and are compatible with the linked noun (5.3.3.3.1) and plural templates (5.5); other, less-attested shapes tend to exhibit packages of non-canonical features and resist morphological templates (see, for example 5.2.2.3 and 5.5.1.1). 5.1.1.2 Allowable tone melodies All seven tone melodies (H, L, HL, LH, HLH, LHL, HLHL; see 4.1.2) are found with noun roots. Contrast between these melodies is demonstrated in 4.1.2.5. Selected examples of each of the tone melodies associated with noun roots of various shapes are 7

This interpretation has been chosen for this item because semivowels are never found in the second position of a morpheme-internal consonant sequence in the Mambay data (2.1.2.6). Whenever Cy occurs word-internally, it is the onset of a morpheme-initial syllable within a morphologically complex word (5.1.2.2).

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reviewed here. The number of simple noun roots with which each tone melody occurs is also given. H (22 occurrences): kpú7 ná4dídá’ kókól núúrú má7dírí

L (38 occurrences): yè màlà gàràm dèglèm wààgùnà

hill summit small drum breast tree sp.

peace, wholeness art, craft hippo-hide whip insect sp. large basket

HL (321 occurrences):

LH (241 occurrences):

síì bá%à tíílò búglì síígírò

fùú gùrá vbààlá tùlgúm pìpùùrí

valley, river tamarind eagle sp. hat stork sp.

HLH (61 occurrences): háàvá tíìrím bêrgá kíkòví híívìlá

trench fish trap testicle fish sp. horn (instrument)

LHL (23 occurrences): bàháà àvbâw lèégè doF7nì vwàhgílè

snake sp. fish sp. sweetness coward slimy mud

ibis sp. fish sp. nightjar wealth intrusion

HLHL (1 occurrence): wátùtáà

salt, sugar

As is evident from the numbers of occurrences in the list above, the tone melodies HL and LH are far more commonly found on noun roots than other melodies. In contrast, other melodies are uncommon, and the roots with which they are found tend to be noncanonical (1.3.1).

5.1.2 Prefixation The Mambay language, like its close relatives Mundang and Tupuri (Elders 2000:125– 47, Ruelland 1992:144–6), is characterized by recurrent noun prefixes. In Mambay, there is a series of twelve derivational prefixes: dà4 fà4 fí4 ka4

kì4 ma4 na4 pa4

si4 ta4 ti4 )ì4

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While some of the prefixes are used synchronically as a productive means of derivation, others are an obligatory component of specific nouns (over 200 of 707 simple roots, as well as many compound and verbal nouns; see also 5.1.2.1 and 5.9.2.1). It is likely that all of the prefixes originated as typical possessed (head) nouns but have been reduced to a CV shape through frequent usage. Proposed etymologies, which are defended in the discussions on each prefix (5.1.2.4), are as follows: dà4 fà4 fí4 ka4 kì4 ma4 na4 pá4 si4 ti4 )ì4

from from from from from from from from from (?) from (?) from from (?)

dàá fààlá fíílò káálà kyaF’ màánì nàmá páà síì sììrá tíìrá / túù )ígà

papa back, skin, place house head, reason place, time, atmosphere mother (al.) animal, meat man, father valley, river; or year mother (al.), matron / mother (inal.) thing

The prefix ta4 has not been identified with a possible source noun in Mambay. Some of the prefixes are semantically transparent, but the synchronic semantic contribution of others is in many cases variable. The prefixes fí4, kì4, tí4 (when used as a female participant prefix or in an augmentative capacity; see 5.7.2 and 5.8.2) and )ì4 are completely productive and, unsurprisingly, their semantic contribution is consistent; in contrast, the other prefixes, all of which are confined to use as part of specific lexical items, supply an unpredictable and at times negligible semantic value. These prefixes do not operate in conjunction with any system of noun class concord or singular/plural alternation (Anonby 2008). In the subsections that follow, the structure and distribution of noun prefixes are described (5.1.2.1), and reasons for positing the morphological distinctness of these prefixes are provided (5.1.2.2). After a demonstration of their derivational nature (5.1.2.3), each of the prefixes is presented along with examples which illustrate its distribution and clarify its semantic contribution (5.1.2.4). 5.1.2.1 Structure and distribution Each prefix is comprised of a single light (CV) syllable. This contrasts with noun roots, which are minimally comprised of a heavy syllable (5.1.1.1). Prefixes bear a simple H or L tone. The tone found on a given prefix is not synchronically correlated with the tone melody of the accompanying noun root; both H and L prefixes are attached to nouns representing H-initial and L-initial tone melodies.

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ká4síblè ká4kààlá

termite sp. cocoon

kà4 á’rè kà4kàhlé

fish sp. throw-knife

In addition to showing the tonal independence of prefixes, such examples illustrate the dual tonal identity of some of the prefixes. In particular, tí4/tì4, ná4/nà4 and ká4/kà4 are sometimes found in the lexicon with H tone, and sometimes with L tone; however, the tone of a prefix which is an obligatory component of a given prefixed lexical item is invariable with that item. With the exception of the three synchronically productive derivational prefixes (5.1.2.4.3, 5.1.2.4.5, 5.1.2.4.11), there is no consistent semantic or tonal explanation for the appearance of some prefixes with either H tone or L tone. Nasality does not spread across the prefix-noun boundary. nà4rúvò ná4yâgrá tí4náánì tí4kà4ràhgú

phlegm, moist object ululation dragonfly large heron sp.

It is possible for a sequence of two prefixes to be part of a single lexical item. The combinations ná4sí4, pá4tá4, ti4ka4 and ti4nà4 are attested, as shown by the following examples: ná4sí4swaFh

leech

pá4tá4kpáhbrù cuckoo tí4ká4 uF’ tí4kà4ràhgú tì4kà4zû’

aquatic plant sp. large heron sp. fish sp.

tí4nà4bùùzà tí4nà4dáázá tì4nà4múùrá

Orion’s belt spider jinn, totem, vision

Prefixes may attach to simple noun roots (as shown in the examples above) or morphologically complex stems. Examples of prefixes used with compound nouns (5.4) and reduplicated nouns (5.1.4) are as follows: compound nouns: tí4nàm4kùù4dù’gá giraffe PFX-animal:LF-neck:LF-length tì4kùm4tí4sùú sorcery sp. PFX-protect:VN:LF-PFX-fabric 156

reduplicated nouns: tí4%úú4%ùù tì4gbúl4gbùl

owl sp. large air bubble in water

5.1.2.2 Morphological distinctness of prefixes For productive as well as lexically determined prefixes, there are a number of indicators of the morphological distinctness of prefixes from the nouns with which they are associated. To begin with, prefixes are found recurrently in the lexicon. The prefix na4, for example, is an obligatory component of 171 non-compound noun roots in the data (5.1.2.4.7). Prefixes are all comprised of a single light CV syllable; noun roots, on the other hand, are minimally comprised of a heavy syllable (5.1.1). In this regard, prefixation is morphosyntactically distinct from noun + noun compounding in Mambay, which links two morphologically satisfactory nouns (5.4.2). Further, the inventory of CV shapes attested among non-prefixed noun roots is equivalent to the inventory of CV shapes found on the root portion of obligatorily prefixed nouns. If prefixes were to be included as part of noun roots, it would compromise the regularity of the inventory of CV shapes: most of the existing root shapes would have to be duplicated in the inventory with an initial CV syllable; and the only four-syllable nouns of Mambay origin would be those with a prefix. Segmental distribution also strengthens the idea that prefixes are not part of the noun root: C-semivowel consonant clusters (2.1.2.5) and specific consonants (d, kp, gb and ); cf. 2.1.2), which are elsewhere found only in morpheme-initial position, are found after prefixes. ná4syàá fire, gun tí4gwáá4vààrí ancestral spirit sp. pá4dálà tí4kpéhwè nà4gbáhrà ná4)áà

oribi (antelope sp.) goose sp. peace bean leaves

Moreover, prefixes do not form part of the lexical tone word; the tone of the prefix is associated independently from the highly constrained tone melody sequence on the accompanying root. If the prefix were part of the tonal word, it would associate in the same way as equivalent CV structures where there is no prefix (4.1.2.2). tì4kúrgú nà4dígzílè

dwelling, main room (hypothetical single tonal word: *tìkùrgú) algae (hypothetical single tonal word: *nàdìgzílè)

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The fact that nasality does not spread across the prefix-noun boundary (3.4.3.7) is an additional phonological argument for the morphological distinctness of prefixes and the nouns with which they are associated. nà4rúvò tí4náánì

phlegm, moist object dragonfly

Since, elsewhere in the language, nasality regularly associates throughout morphemes unless blocked by obstruents or mid vowels (3.4.2), it is evident that prefixes—even those which are lexically determined—have not been phonologically incorporated into noun roots. Finally, perhaps the strongest argument for morphological distinctness is the alternation of prefixes in noun-to-noun and verb-to-noun derivation. This is explored in the following section. 5.1.2.3 Derivation with prefixes Prefixation is a mechanism by which nouns are derived from nouns (5.1.2.3.1), verbs (5.1.2.3.2) and other parts of speech (5.1.2.3.3). In noun-to-noun derivation, some prefixes are synchronically productive (see 5.1.2.1). In other cases, however, prefixes are obligatory components of specific nouns; in such instances, prefixation must be treated as a historical inheritance rather than a synchronic process. 5.1.2.3.1 Noun-to-noun derivation Prefixes are used to derive nouns from other nouns. In the case of the prefixes fí4, kì4 and tí4 (when used as an augmentative; see 5.8.2), this derivational mechanism is synchronically productive (see examples of each prefix in 5.1.2.4). fí4gòòrá fí4sú7gà

kitchen (i.e. room of preparation) bedroom (i.e. room of lying down)

cf. gòòrá cf. sú7gà

preparation lying down

In other cases, a prefix’s distribution is lexically determined; however, the historical role of derivation is often discernible. The following list presents obligatorily prefixed nouns where a semantically related source noun is independently attested in the language. dà4zwâ’ fà4dágà fà4syâh nà4)áà nà4fâh nà4kwàá nà4pùgá sí4kètí tí4sígò tí4níínà

grandfather crumbs after a meal handprint, writings bean leaves doorway necklace person God fetish against thievery molar

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cf. zwâ’ cf. dágà cf. syâh cf. )áà cf. fâh cf. kwàá cf. pùgá cf. kètí cf. sígò cf. níínà

ancestry mouth, edge hand bean path neck, voice blackness, darkness sky, above crocodile lower millstone, mill

tí4vúù

cf. vúù

antelope sp.; ibis sp.

sheep, goat

As the above examples show, there are many cases where a semantic relationship between a derived noun and its source is apparent. In a few instances, there is little or no semantic difference between the two: nà4núúrú nà4nììnú tí4zà’rá

cf. núúrú cf. nììnú cf. zà’rá

breast bum dance sp.

tì4nà4múùrá = nà4múùrá tí4síblè ~ ká4síblè ~ tí4ká4síblè = síblè

breast, human milk bottom, meaning dance jinn, totem, vision termite sp.

In numerous cases, however, the semantic relationship between a derived noun and its apparent source is unclear. nà4vbyâ’ ká4kààlá tì4nà4múùrá tí4nà4dágà

cf. vbyâ’ cf. kààlá cf. múùrá cf. dágà

treachery cocoon jinn, totem, vision Pleiades

marsh axe silt mouth, edge

In a number of cases, a sort of historical noun-to-noun derivation has applied in which borrowed nouns are reinterpreted as having noun prefixes. There appear to be two reasons for this. First, the interpretation of existing word-initial syllables helps borrowed nouns to conform to common root shapes (cf. 5.1.1.1). má4swàrì tí4búúnúúzè tí4kúúzè tì4páà tí4ríírì

sorghum (Chad dialect) date (fruit) papaya tobacco onion

(cf. Fulf. muskuwaari) (cf. Fulf. dibinooje (pl.)) (cf. Fulf. dukuuje (pl.)) (cf. Fr. tabac) (cf. Fulf. tinyeere)

Second, prefixation may underline the non-canonical status of some borrowed words (cf. 1.3.1). ná4búndúgáá rifle (cf. Arabic bunduq yn ah/bundug yn ah) nà4lígtíríg electric fish (cf. English electric via Hausa; Fr. électrique) tí4kéérééwà giraffe (cf. Fulf. kireewa) 5.1.2.3.2 Verb-to-noun derivation Prefixes also appear on irregular verbal nouns, where they reflect a historical verb-tonoun derivation. nà4sêl nà4tû’

cf. sèl cf. tú’

dispute (n.) proverb

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dispute (v.) show, teach

tì4ryâh

cf. ryáh

ululation

cry (v.)

Other characteristics of verb-to-noun derivation are discussed in 5.9, where numerous examples are also provided. 5.1.2.3.3 Derivation of nouns from other parts of speech The prefix )ì4 (5.1.2.4.12) is productively used to derive modifiers from a number of word classes by promoting them to the status of independent noun (5.10). bàhlàm gúrúrú kètí náá zó%ôm

)ì4bàhlàm )ì4gúrúrú )ì4kètí )ì4náá )ì4zó%ôm

thick, fat deep above this, these ten

that which is thick, fat that which is deep that which is above this (n.), these (n.) the ten [of them]

5.1.2.4 Inventory of prefixes In the present section, each of the noun prefixes is presented in alphabetical order along with comments on productivity, frequency in the lexicon, historical origins, and semantic value, as well as examples. 5.1.2.4.1 dàThe prefix dà4 is lexically determined, and is attested with two nouns in the data: dà4vá7 dà4zwâ’

minnow sp. grandfather

(cf. zwâ’ ‘ancestry’)

Considering the meaning of zwâ’ in dà4zwâ’, it is possible to posit the origin of dà4 in dàá ‘papa’ (compare also Mundang d ì / d ‘man, person’; see Elders 2000:125, 138– 40). That the word dà4vá7 ‘minnow sp.’ is a prefixed CVC root rather than a CVCVC noun is confirmed by the fact that high tone of the root does not flatten to L in the context of the possessive construction, as is the case with LH nouns (cf. 5.2.2.1): dà4vá7

dà4vá7 )íí

minnow sp. / my minnow sp.

cf. tùlgúm

tùlgùm )íí

fish sp. / my fish sp.

5.1.2.4.2 fàThe prefix fà4 is lexically determined, and is attested with four nouns in the data: fà4gbàh7 fà4Nmàhná fà4pààrá fà4syâh

outside (n.) footprint ground readied for cultivation handprint 160

(cf. Nmàhná ‘foot’) (cf. pààrá ‘field, farm’) (cf. syâh ‘hand’)

It is likely that fà4 originates in the noun fààlá (linked form: fàà; cf. 5.2.2.2.6.1) ‘back, skin, place,’ and this semantic value is appropriate given the nouns in the data. It should also be noted, however, that Mundang has a prefix fà derived from fàn"` ‘thing’ (Elders 2000:125, 136–7). For three of the four terms above, whose root is also independently attested, there is a structural as well as semantic difference between nouns with fà4 as an obligatory prefix and those with fàà as a possessed noun. fà4Nmàhná footprint (cf. fàà Nmàhná ‘top of the foot, area behind the foot, place of the foot’) fà4pààrá ground readied for cultivation (cf. fàà pààrá ‘back of the field, area behind the field, place of the field’) fà4syâh handprint (cf. fàà syâh ‘back of the hand, area behind the hand, place of the foot’) In dialects north of the Mayo Kebbi, the prefix fà4 is synchronically productive rather than lexically determined, and consistently carries the meaning of fààlá / fàà ‘back, skin, place.’ Because of this, there is no distinction in these varieties between the noun pairs directly above. 5.1.2.4.3 fíThe prefix fí4 is synchronically productive and exhibits the same range of meaning as its historical source fíílò: ‘house, room, chamber, concession, dwelling, context.’ Since there is no commonly used alternative linked form for fíílò (see 5.2.2.2.6), the prefixnoun constructions in which it is found function semantically like compounds and/or possessive constructions. Prefix-noun constructions in which it is attested in the lexicon include the following words: fí4gòòrá fí4kòòlá fí4nìì4mírà fí4súúbà fí4sú7gà fí4tí4nà4dáázá fí4zòògá

(cf. gòòrá ‘preparation’) (cf. kòòlá ‘birth’) (cf. níí ‘defecate,’ mírà ‘excrement’) (cf. súúbà ‘urine’) (cf. sú7gà ‘lying down’) (cf. tí4nà4dáázá ‘spider’) (cf. zòògá ‘bird)

kitchen womb outhouse bladder bedroom spider’s web bird’s nest

5.1.2.4.4 kaThe prefix ka4 is lexically determined, and it has two tonal forms (ká4/kà4) which are also lexically determined; the reason for the appearance of two forms is unknown. It is attested with twelve nouns in the data:

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kà4 á’rè kà4féè kà4kàhlé kà4ràhbá tí4kà4kàà tí4kà4ràhgù tì4kà4zû’

fish sp. coffee (cf. Fr. café) throwing knife blueness goose sp. large heron sp. fish sp.

ká4síblè ~ tí4ká4síblè ká4tárkó ká4kààlá tí4ká4vbû’gá

termite sp. bridge cocoon plant sp.

(cf. Fulf. katarko) (cf. kààlá ‘axe’)

There does not seem to be any consistent semantic difference between nouns of each tonal form. It is possible that ka4 originates in the common Mambay word káálà ‘head.’ Mundang also has a tonally ambivalent prefix ka and Tupuri has kV4 ; for both of these, the historical origin is undetermined (Elders 2000:125, 146; Ruelland 1992:145). 5.1.2.4.5 kìThe prefix kì4 is synchronically productive and exhibits the same range of meaning as kyaF’ ‘place, time, state, atmosphere, condition,’ from which it is historically derived. As is the case for fí4, the prefix-noun constructions in which it found function semantically like compounds and/or possessive constructions. Prefix-noun constructions in which it is attested in the lexicon include the following words: kì4gòh7rò7 kì4puF’ kì4rí’rò kì4róhlgòm kì4sòògá kì4vìrìm kì4zàà4byàá

bend (n.) light, clarity entryway joint (body) dry season, galaxy thin darkness ford

(cf. gòh7rò7 ‘bent’) (cf. puF’ ‘whiteness, innocence’) (cf. rí’rò ‘entering’) (cf. róhlgòm ‘joint (body)’) (cf. sòògá ‘hotness, smithy’) (cf. vìrìm ‘thinly dark’) (cf. zàà ‘cross,’ byàá ‘water’)

kì4 is also used productively in verbal noun constructions involving place or intent (cf. 7.6.3). vè4lé kì4kòg zaFh he/she/it went to see the ox go:PFV-3SG.REFL place:PFX-see:VN ox 5.1.2.4.6 maThe prefix ma4 is lexically determined and is attested with four nouns in the data:

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má4nâ’ má4ràrírà má4swàrì mà4zwâ’

man’s mother-in-law oily substance sorghum (Chad dialect) grandmother

(cf. Fulf. muskuwaari) (cf. zwâ’ ‘ancestry’)

The occurrence of ma4 in mà4zwâ’ ‘grandmother’ is parallel to is appearance in dà4 zwâ’ ‘grandfather’ (cf. 5.1.2.4.1). It may be historically derived from màánì ‘mother (al.)’. That the H-toned form is indeed a prefix is underlined by the tone melody of má4 swàrì ‘sorghum,’ which does not exhibit a standard tonal association of HL starting on the right edge of the word (cf. 4.1.2.2). Its appearance with H tone in Mambay could be the result of borrowing or pressure from Mundang, which has a má$ noun prefix originating in má$nì% ‘mother’ (Elders 2000:125, 132–6). 5.1.2.4.7 naThe prefix na4 is lexically determined, and it has two tonal forms (ná4/nà4) which are also lexically determined; the reason for the appearance of two forms is unknown. Of the obligatorily attached prefixes, na4 is the most common: there are 25 occurrences of ná4 and 146 occurrences of nà4 as obligatory components of non-compound noun roots. Examples of words exhibiting both tonal forms are as follows: nà4gbògò7gà waterlily bulb nà4lèhgá bat nà4sâh request nà4sè7rá toothache nà4vàhlá minnow ná4gáhgù ná4gbóglà ná4kpìrvílè ná4rìmnú ná4tárgì

crow toad, frog dust devil tongue, bud seasonal river

The largest group of nouns with which na4 is found are species names and other natural phenomena, and there are also quite a few verbal nouns (see 5.9.2.1). The high proportion of species names accords well with the positing of the historical origin of na4 in nàmá (linked form: nàm; cf. 5.2.2.2.3) ‘animal, meat.’ In Mundang a parallel prefix nà is found, but no source noun has been identified for it (Elders 2000:125, 146). 5.1.2.4.8 páThe prefix pá4 is lexically determined and is attested with four nouns in the data: pá4dálà pá4dâg4vâh pá4tá4kpáhbrù

oribi (antelope sp.) fish sp. (cf. dágà ‘mouth,’ vâh ‘arrow’) cuckoo 163

pá4wâ%4nìì4gyàh whydah (bird sp.)

(cf. wâ%4nììnú ‘buttocks,’ gyàh ‘longtailed’)

It appears to be historically derived from páà ‘man, father,’ and resembles the Mundang prefix pá which originates in pánì ‘father’ (Elders 2000:125, 127–31). 5.1.2.4.9 siThe prefix si4 is lexically determined and is attested with six nouns in the data: dâg4sì4sí’ ná4sí4swaFh sí4gâ’ sí4kètí sí4nùú sí4síì

spots on skin leech ring God the day(s) before yesterday waxbill (bird sp.)

(cf. dágà ‘mouth, edge’) (cf. gâ’ ‘fulfillment of needs’) (cf. kètí ‘sky, life’) (cf. nùú ‘that (dem.)’)

While five of the six occurrences of si4 are H-toned, one is L-toned. The reason for the appearance of two tonal forms is unknown. The origin of si4 is, according to a popular etymology cited by the principal informant, the noun síì ‘valley, river.’ A similar Mundang suffix s ' has been attributed to the Mundang word síì ‘year’ (Elders 2000:125, 141), for which the cognate in Mambay is sììrá ‘year.’ 5.1.2.4.10 taThe prefix ta4 is lexically determined and is attested with four nouns in the data: pá4tá4kpáhbrù tà4tàhrgú tà4dúgrì tà4vbêr

cuckoo rock pile weakness (Chad dialect) (village name)

(= tì4dúgrì ‘weakness’)

While three of the four occurrences of ta4 are H-toned, one is L-toned. The reason for the appearance of two tonal forms is unknown. No convincing historical source noun has been identified for ta4, but in Mundang the similar prefix tà (for which, similarly, no source noun has been identified) is found (Elders 2000:125, 146). 5.1.2.4.11 tiThe prefix ti4 is represented by a synchronically productive augmentative/female form tí4 as well as the ambivalent form tí4/tì4, whose tonal value and distribution is lexically determined. The productive form tí4 carries augmentative and/or female connotations, which suggests that ti4 (or at least the form tí4) may be historically derived from túù ‘mother’ and/or tíìrá ‘matron’ (also compare Mundang t and Tupuri tV-; see Elders 2000:125, 141–4

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and Ruelland 1992:146). Examples of this prefix, which is discussed in further detail in 5.7.2 and 5.8.2, are as follows: tí4byàá tí4kpèègá

large water-body large tree

(cf. byàá ‘water’) (cf. kpèègá ‘tree’)

tí4dìgì tí4bùù sé%gà

female neighbour female potter

(cf. dìgì ‘neighbourship’) (cf. búú ‘build,’ sé%gà clay cooking pot’)

A productive prefix tì4 is used as a collective marker for human nouns (see 5.6.1). Examples in which this prefix appears are: tì4màmbày tì4ná4syàá

the Mambay people (cf. màmbày ‘(ethnic name)’) white people (cf. ná4syàá ‘fire, gun‘)

There is not, however, any semantic evidence for a relation between the collective prefix tì4 and the obligatory noun prefix of the same shape. As is the case with ka4 and na4, when ti4 is an obligatory component of specific lexical items, it has two tonal forms (tí4/tì4) which are lexically determined; the reason for the appearance of two forms is unknown. There does not seem to be any consistent semantic difference between nouns of each tonal form. The largest group of nouns with which ti4 is found are species names, and there are also a number of reduplicated nouns (5.11.2). While an augmentative and/or female semantic value is not incompatible with the nouns of which it is a part, neither is it transparent. ti4 is well-represented in the lexicon: there are 65 occurrences of tí4 and 13 occurrences of tì4 as an obligatory component of non-compound noun roots. Examples of words exhibiting both tonal forms of the prefix ti4 are as follows: tí4syá’rì tí4fúúgûm tí4kíí4kìì tí4sì’bá tí4zoFr

millet stalk missed during harvesting edible wild plant sp. whooping cough honour rafter

tì4dúgrì tì4góhm tì4kóólè tì4tèvbírè tì4ryá74ryà7

weakness tree and fruit sp. pipe flute sp. edible gourd sp.

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5.1.2.4.12 )ìThe prefix )ì4 is productively used to promote modifiers from a number of word classes to the status of independent noun (5.10). example modifier

modifier promoted to independent noun status

bàhlàm gúrúrú kètí náá zó%ôm

)ì4bàhlàm )ì4gúrúrú )ì4kètí )ì4náá )ì4zó%ôm

thick, fat deep above this, these ten

that which is thick, fat that which is deep that which is above this (n.), these (n.) the ten [of them]

Because of its segmental and grammatical value (especially as regards nominalization), it is tempting to posit )ígà ‘thing’ as the historical source of )ì-; the implications of its tonal value for this interpretation are inconclusive.

5.1.3 Suffixation Noun suffixation in Mambay functions synchronically to a limited degree (5.1.3.1), but there is evidence that it has functioned pervasively in the history of the language (5.1.3.2). 5.1.3.1 Synchronically productive suffixation Synchronically productive noun suffixation in Mambay is limited to inalienable possessive constructions (5.3.4). linked form

inalienable assoc. pn.

inalienable assoc. construction

káà + head:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

káámi head:2SG.POSS.INAL

your (sg.) head (inal.)

While some nouns in some plural constructions and some noun phrase types (5.5.2 and 5.14) appear to employ suffixation, they have been described in reference to morphological templates rather than suffixes. Plural alternations include: bî7 yèrí óólì bùmgó

forest clothing lion ribcage

pl. bí7zò pl. yèrzí pl. ólzì pl. bùmzó

Linked forms (5.2.2) of nouns in some noun phrase constructions include:

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free form

linked form

kpèègá píglò

kpèègì )íí píglì )íí

tree / my tree bile / my bile

5.1.3.2 Evidence of historical suffixation There are several indicators that, in addition to having a synchronically limited contribution, suffixation is a pervasive historical reality. In an article on the subject, Anonby (2008) outlines three synchronic arguments for the existence of vestigial suffixes in Mambay. First, there is a segmental imbalance in the noun lexicon. On CV-final nouns, which make up most of the simple noun lexicon, over three-quarters of endings contain one of the consonants r l g n and almost exactly two-thirds of endings contain the vowel a; most remaining vowel endings assimilate to the value of preceding root vowel (pp. 4–6). Examples of nouns which exhibit these recurrent sequences include: túrà zìírì

millet fish sp.

kpèègá wágà

tree skin

káálà pìrlá

head, reason torch, flashlight

tììná gèmná

bush sp. entrance hut

Second, there are many irregular verb-to-noun alternations marked by the historical addition of a suffix (pp. 6–8; see also 5.9.2.1). gà’rá cf. gà’

nail (n.) nail (v.), stay fixed

sì’lá cf. sí’

fishing fish (v.), bloat

páhnà cf. pàh

mud, clay wet (v.)

vbô’gá cf. vbó’

stirred-up waters mix, get caught up in a dispute

Third, there is a definable semantic value associated with a few of the historical noun suffixes, in particular a body part suffix 4nu, non-count suffixes with labial consonants, and a generic or collective suffix 4(g)VrV (pp. 8–11). An exhaustive list of noncompound nouns containing the suffix 4nu, which is found almost exclusively with body parts, is as follows: dígnù fínù gìhgìnú gì’nú gùùgìnú hùùnú )ínù kìhnú

nà4gbíínú nà4rígnù ná4rìmnú nà4vínù ná4nììnú nììnú nínù síínù

liver forehead wing, fin small of back gill thigh body, self waist, hip 167

(village name) underarm tongue co-wife bum bottom eye, face, life horn, antenna

tè’nú tìnú

zínù

side (of body) front, genitals

tooth, tusk

Non-count nouns, which account for a clear majority of nouns with labial consonants in a final CV syllable, include the following: -bV:

bùùbá gííbò hì’bá màhbá

-mV: dìmá nàmá sámà tàrmá

white hair alcoholic drink hunger adultery

- V:

lú pá tá tú

ò à à ò

sesame milk flour blood

beauty animal, meat pregnancy fog, haze

-vV:

kpá%và kú%vò núvà màrvà

leprosy smoke fat, oil regret

Nouns containing the generic or collective suffix 4(g)VrV often alternate with other verbs and nouns in the lexicon. A complete list of these nouns, which are either generic stative nouns or collective terms (cf. 5.6.2), is as follows: )àzgárà fààzárà fàhzárà màngárà nà7gárà

reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) age-group maternal uncles

cf. )ázì Tmember of )àzgárà cf. fààzí member of fààzárà cf. fâhzí member of fàhzárà cf. màn age-mate cf. nánà T maternal uncle

bààgárà òògárà fìmgórò fùhgárà ná4vyà7gárà rà’gárà rè’gárà sò7górò sòògárà syàhgárà

hardness cf. bàà be hard, bààgá hardness bonus cf. óó hit heaviness cf. fìm be heavy, fìmgó weight spreading of a smell cf. fùh smell (v.); fùhgá smell (n.), stink jealousy, ambition, polygamy rot (n.) cf. rà’ rot (v.), rà’gá rot (n.), stink fruit, fruit production cf. ré’rà bear, produce fruit, clump aging cf. sò7gí age (v.), sò7gó old age heat cf. sòò get hot, boil; sòògá hotness, smithy coolness, dampness cf. syàh get cold, syàhgá chill

A comparison of numerous noun roots with reflexes in other Kebi-Benue languages confirms the historical contribution of suffixation in Mambay (pp. 11–20). Most of the suffixes in Mambay and closely related languages cannot be traced to a historical system of noun classification; rather, they are the product of an unevenly applied reconfiguration of noun structure in the languages of the language family (pp. 20–1).

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Because the historical noun-suffix boundary is in many cases difficult to determine, and because historically-suffixed nouns function synchronically as a morphologically simple phonological word with respect to voicing (cf. 2.1.3.2), nasality (3.4) and tone (4.1.2.2), such nouns are treated as roots in the present study.

5.1.4 Reduplication Reduplication is not a synchronically productive means of deriving nouns. Rather, it appears to serve an ideophonic function. Some instances of reduplication are appropriately described as a type of compounding (5.4.2.6). Examples of reduplicated nouns are: %èlè74%élé7 bell lèhrù4lèhrù large-eared person wàh4wàh hubbub

tí4kíí4kìì whooping cough tì4kpá%4kpà% malaria tì4gbúl4gbùl large air bubble in water

Reduplication is discussed in greater detail in the section on ideophonic nouns (5.11.2).

5.2 Free and linked forms In Mambay, nouns are found as one of two basic forms: free and linked. In the following sections, the distribution of free and linked nouns is contrasted (5.2.1), and intricacies in the structures exhibited by linked forms are catalogued (5.2.2).

5.2.1 Distribution When a noun is found without any of its own syntactically dependent elements in a noun phrase, its free (unmarked) form is used. The free form exhibits the noun’s full phonological identity. This is evident with the example nouns húgò ‘bone’ and zòògá ‘bird’: húgò

bone

dâg húgò mouth:LF bone

skeleton (lit. mouth of bone)

nìì dâg húgò bottom:LF mouth:LF bone

bottom of skeleton

zòògá

bird

dâg zòògá mouth:LF bird

beak (lit. mouth of bird)

nìì dâg zòògá bottom:LF mouth:LF bird

bottom of beak

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When a noun is found with a syntactically dependent element other than a numeral, its linked form (LF) is used. A noun’s linked form is the result of morphological templates which, in many cases, diminish or otherwise alter the phonological identity of the free form (5.2.2). Linked forms of the nouns húgò ‘bone’ and zòògá ‘bird’ are used in the following example constructions: hûg kágà bone:LF chicken

bone of chicken

dâg hûg kágà mouth:LF bone:LF chicken

skeleton (lit. mouth of bone) of chicken

hûg )íí bone:LF 1SG.POSS

my bone

hûg ìltì7 bone:LF dirty

dirty bone

zòògì kpèègá bird:LF tree

tree bird (lit. bird of tree)

dâg zòògì kpèègá mouth:LF bird:LF tree

tree bird’s beak (lit. mouth of bird of tree)

zòògì )íí bone:LF 1SG.POSS

my bird

zòògì %élé7 bird:LF intelligent

intelligent bird

Nouns in typical count constructions (5.14.3) exhibit a free rather than a linked form. This provides evidence that the use of linked forms is sensitive to grammatical relation as well as a noun’s position within a phrase. wáà àtì nose/chief two cf. húù àtì nose/chief:LF two

two noses / two chiefs

the two noses / the two chiefs (restricted usage; see 5.14.3, 9.1.1)

Nouns in apposition, including nouns followed by a dependent element promoted to the status of independent noun by the prefix )ì4 (5.10), also exhibit a free rather than a linked form. This underlines the fact that each of the components in such constructions constitutes a separate noun phrase.

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nouns in apposition: wáà ká%à nose/chief Kada

the chief Kada / Kada, the chief

cf. húù ká%à nose/chief:LF Kada

Kada’s nose / Kada’s chief

noun + dependent element prefixed with )ì4: và’zá leaf cf. và’zì leaf:LF

)ì4bá%à HEAD-tamarind

the tamarind leaf

bá%à tamarind

tamarind leaf

Comparable free vs. linked oppositions are found in a number of other Kebi-Benue languages (Elders 2006). In Mundang, for example, linked forms are attested for nouns and some nominals (noun-like words including verbal nouns, adjectives, numerals and possessive pronouns; see Elders 2000:102). However, the distribution of linked forms in Mundang is more tightly based on occurrence in non phrase-final position. Several of the basic numerals in Mambay exhibit linked forms in non phrase-final position (9.1.2.1.1). This pattern is, like that of Mundang, defined by syntactic position rather than grammatical relations.

5.2.2 Linked form structure Nouns’ linked forms are based on their unmarked free forms. This is true as concerns tone melody, where correspondences between free and linked forms are regular (5.2.2.1). Segmental alternations are more complex. For most nouns with canonical shapes (5.2.2.2), significant segmental alternations accompany the appearance of linked forms; these are most fittingly described not in terms of affixation, but rather morphological templates. Non-canonical nouns, in contrast, do not typically exhibit segmental alternation (5.2.2.3). Linked forms of morphologically complex nouns are discussed in 5.2.2.4. The following subsections show that in cases where there is alternation, the linked form contains a reduced subset of the free form’s phonological information. For example, linked forms of nouns whose free forms have L, LH and LHL tone melodies are all realized with a L melody (5.2.2.1).

L: LH: LHL:

regret bird mouse sp.

free form

linked form

màrvà zòògá zùúrà

màrvì zòògì zùùrì 171

In addition, the linked form of certain CV shapes is associated with the loss of a free form’s final vowel (5.2.2.2.3).

bone clothing tamarind

free form

linked form

húgò yèrí bá%à

hûg yèr bâ%

Further examples reveal that the linked form does not retain contrast for some segmental sequences in the free form (5.2.2.2.2): free form large hole-digger tí4tyàá bush sp. tí4tèé roan antelope boasting

linked form tí4tèè tí4tèè

bwáà póò

bóò póò

The morphological templates which produce linked forms may also add phonological information, but it is predictable. For example, in linked forms of nouns with certain CV shapes, the noun’s final vowel is replaced with a uniform vowel i (5.2.2.2.4, 5.2.2.2.5).

drum lion white hair

free form

linked form

vbíílò óólì bùùbá

vbíílì óólì bùùbí

Linked forms of nouns which are found in the context of inalienable possessive constructions are highly irregular. These forms are addressed in the discussion on inalienable possession (5.3.4.2, 6.1.4.2). Linked forms are always produced with a subsequent noun phrase element (5.2.1). Because of this, most of the examples below are given in this context. While there are many possible items with which linked forms may be found, the first singular possessive pronoun )íí ‘my (al.)’ has been used throughout for the sake of simplicity and uniformity. 5.2.2.1 Tone melody Tonally, the melody of the linked form is often the same as that of the free form, although it may associate differently depending on the availability of tone-bearing units (4.1.2.2). This is the case for linked forms corresponding to nouns whose free forms are associated with H, L and HL tone melodies. (As noted in the previous paragraph, the pronoun )íí ‘my (al.)’ has been used throughout to provide a natural context for example linked forms).

172

free form

linked form

H:

só’lé kókól

só’lí )íí kókól )íí

greatness / my greatness small drum / my small drum

L:

màrvà dìgì

màrvì )íí dìg )íí

regret / my regret neighbourship / my neighbourship

HL:

húgò zyáà

hûg )íí zéè )íí

bone / my bone net / my net

However, LH tone contours are not permitted on linked forms of nouns with LH, LHL and HLH melodies. Because of this, linked forms of nouns with LH and LHL melodies pattern as L; and the final H on linked forms of nouns with an HLH melody is not realized (4.3.1.3). (The special case of HLH on two-mora nouns is treated in 4.3.3.3). free form

linked form

LH:

zòògá gùrá

zòògì )íí gùr )íí

bird / my bird fish trap / my fish trap

LHL:

zùúrà doF7nì

zùùrì )íí dò7nì )íí

mouse sp. / my mouse sp. wealth / my wealth

HLH:

óòzá kíkòví

óòzì )íí kíkòvì )íí

clod / my clod coward / my coward

The linked form of the single HLHL noun in the data retains the full tone melody of its free form. free form

linked form

HLHL: wátùtáà

wátùtáà )íí

salt, sugar / my salt, sugar

Four other instances of idiosyncratic correspondences between the tone melody of free and linked forms are listed in 5.2.2.2.6 and 5.2.2.4.1. Further detail on tonal phenomena in noun phrases is found in 4.3.1. 5.2.2.2 Canonical nouns Linked forms of nouns with some of the canonical noun shapes (5.1.1.1) undergo segmental alternations as a result of morphological templates applied to their corresponding free forms. While CVV and C(C)VC nouns are exempt from segmental alternation, other canonical nouns are usually modified as follows:

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free form of canonical noun CCVV C(C)V.CV C(C)VV.CV C(C)VC.CV

corresponding linked form CVV C(C)VC C(C)VV.Ci C(C)VC.Ci

Examples of typical linked forms of each of the canonical CV shapes are given in the following sections (5.2.2.2.1–5.2.2.2.5), and irregular linked forms are also catalogued (5.2.2.2.6). The presence of prefixes (5.1.2) on otherwise canonical nouns does not affect their eligibility for morphophonological alternation. free form

linked form

nà4kwàá cf. kwàá

nà4kùù )íí kùù )íí

necklace / my necklace neck, voice / my neck, voice

5.2.2.2.1 CVV and C(C)VC Linked forms of nouns with CVV and C(C)VC shapes are usually the same as corresponding free forms: free form

linked form

báà fùú kaFh síì tí4tèé bî7 gôm ká4ràm kyôNw tì4tùm

báà )íí fùù )íí kàh )íí síì )íí tí4tèè )íí bî7 )íí gôm )íí ká4ràm )íí kyôNw )íí tì4tùm )íí

cane rat / my cane rat trench / my trench placenta / my placenta valley / my valley bush sp. / my bush sp. forest / my forest vine sp. / my vine sp. reedbuck / my reedbuck warthog, pig / my warthog, pig ancestor / my ancestor

In the linked forms of nouns comprised of yVV or wVV syllables containing low vowels, the initial semivowel alternates with h. Also, when the low vowel is non-nasalized, it coalesces with the high semivowel, resulting in a mid vowel: wáà wàá wâh

hóò )íí hòò )íí hôh )íí

fig, fig tree / my fig, fig tree hump / my hump cup / my cup

174

However, when the low vowel of the free form is nasalized, it is realized in the linked form as a high rather than a mid nasalized vowel. These forms reflect the language-wide restriction on nasalized mid vowels (3.1.1). yâh wáà

hîh )íí húù )íí

stalk / my stalk nose, chief / my nose (al.), chief

Although there is no corresponding consonantal alternation, a similar vowel alternation is attested in the linked form of Qâh ‘name; yellow weaver (bird sp.)’ (there are no other nouns with an equivalent preglottalized semivowel–nasalized vowel CVV structure). Qâh

Qîh )íí

name/weaver (bird sp.) / my name/weaver

5.2.2.2.2 CCVV The linked form of some CCVV nouns is signalled by the application of a CVV template. When the template applies to noun roots comprised of CyVV or CwVV syllables containing low vowels, the onset’s semivowel coalesces with its vowel. This results— similarly to what happens to yVV or wVV nouns (5.2.2.2.1)—in linked forms with front and back mid vowels respectively: byàá kwáà nà4swàá syáà syâh

bèè )íí kóò )íí nà4sòò )íí séè )íí sêh )íí

water / my water grass / my grass peanut / my peanut tree sp. / my tree sp. hand / my hand (alienable)

(Exceptionally, the linked form of kwàá ‘neck, voice’ is kùù.) When the low vowel is nasalized, its realization in the linked form is high rather than mid. These forms reflect the language-wide restriction on nasalized mid vowels (3.1.1). kwáà kyaFh nà4syâ’ nwâ’ rwáà

kúù )íí kìh )íí nà4sì’ )íí nû’ )íí rúù )íí

fly / my fly fish / my fish cricket sp. / my cricket sp. hole, den / my hole, den fool / my fool

There are four CCVV nouns in the data containing a non-low vowel. The linked forms of these nouns are not modified. %yóò kyóò

%yóò )íí kyóò )íí

myû’ syòó

myû’ )íí syòò )íí

grass sp. underdeveloped child / my underdeveloped child cat / my cat song / my song 175

5.2.2.2.3 C(C)V.CV The linked form of C(C)V.CV nouns is signalled by a loss of the final vowel. In other words, a C(C)VC template is applied. bá%à húgò kwérè pìzá yèrí

bâ% )íí hûg )íí kwêr )íí pìz )íí yèr )íí

tamarind / my tamarind bone / my bone fence / my fence horse / my horse clothing / my clothing

One CVC noun also exhibits a morphophonological alternation which is more commonly found with CVV nouns (see 5.2.2.2.1). wágà

hôg )íí

skin / my skin (al.) (also attested: wâg )íí)

5.2.2.2.4 C(C)VV.CV The linked form of C(C)VV.CV nouns is signalled by the replacement of the final vowel with i. bùùbá óólì kwáàvbá kpèègá vbíílò

bùùbì )íí óólì )íí kwáàvbì )íí kpèègì )íí vbíílì )íí

white hair / my white hair lion / my lion bush sp. / my bush sp. tree / my tree drum / my drum

If the final vowel of the free form of the noun is nasalized, this nasality is retained on the i of the template. hùùrí sààrá tí4níínà

hùùrì )íí sààrì )íí tí4níínì )íí

hyena / my hyena tortoise / my tortoise molar / my molar

5.2.2.2.5 C(C)VC.CV As is the case for C(C)VV.CV nouns (5.2.2.2.4), the linked form of C(C)VV.CV nouns is signalled by the replacement of the final vowel with i. fìrlá lwâgvbá

fìrlì )íí lwâgvbì )íí

ná4kógrà píglò tì4dúgrì

ná4kógrì )íí píglì )íí tì4dúgrì )íí

torch / my torch tenderness, youngness / my tenderness, youngness worm / my worm bile / my bile weakness / my weakness

176

If the final vowel of the free form of the noun is nasalized, this nasality is retained on the i of the template. gèmná nà4pê7rá sá7nì

gèmnì )íí nà4pê7rì )íí sá7nì )íí

entrance hut / my entrance hut wild fruit sp. / my wild fruit sp. mortar / my mortar

5.2.2.2.6 Irregular linked forms Some canonical nouns exhibit irregular linked forms. A small number, including body parts as well as a few other common nouns, have more than one form (5.2.2.2.6.1). Linked forms with other irregularities are given in 5.2.2.2.6.2. 5.2.2.2.6.1 Nouns with more than one linked form There are a number of body parts and other commonly used nouns with optional monosyllabic linked forms. There is significant but incomplete overlap between words with these short linked forms and words which may be used in inalienable possessive constructions (compare the list in 5.3.4.1). Invariably, monosyllabic linked forms are more commonly used than the morphologically regular longer forms (i.e., those which are subject to the morphological template given in 5.2.2.2). When questioned concerning differences in the usage of respective long and short forms, Mambay speakers cite factors such as formal vs. informal register, whole vs. part designation, neutral vs. emphatic linking, and distant/intangible vs. proximal/tangible presence. However, none of these variables have been consistently borne out by elicited examples, and instances of the longer forms are altogether absent in the spontaneous text that has been gathered. It is possible that the longer forms are archaic but legal alternatives for the short forms. An exhaustive list of nouns with optional monosyllabic linked forms is given here, and has been broken down based on morphological patterns. First, there are a number of CVV.CV words with a regular (long) CVV.Ci linked form and a short CVV form. free form

linked form (regular/long)

linked form (short)

à’rá fààlá

à’rì )íí fààlì )íí

à’ )íí fàà )íí

káálà gì’rá mùhná

káálì )íí gì’rì )íí mùhnì )íí

káà )íí gì’ )íí mùh )íí

ná4nììnú ná4rìmnú

ná4nììnì )íí ná4rìmnì )íí

ná4nìì )íí ná4rìm )íí

177

seed / my seed back, skin, place / my back, skin, place (al.) head / my head (al.) gourd / my gourd vulva, centre / my vulva, centre (al.) bum / my bum (al.) tongue, bud / my tongue, bud (al.)

nììnú

nììnì )íí

nìì )íí

ná’rà rò’rá sààrá sììrá vbààlá wàhlá zà’rá

ná’rì )íí rò’rì )íí sààrì )íí sììrì )íí vbààlì )íí wàhlì )íí zà’rì )íí

nâ’ )íí rò’ )íí sàà )íí sìì )íí vbàà )íí wàh )íí zà’ )íí

bottom, meaning / my bottom, meaning (al.) sauce / my sauce word, issue / my word, issue root, sinew / my root, sinew year / my year testicle / my testicle (al.) nape (of neck) / my nape (al.) dance / my dance

It is interesting to note that the consonant in the last syllable of each of these nouns (which is deleted in the short linked form) is one of the common alveolar segments r l or n. There is no consistent phonological distinction that sets these nouns apart from most other nouns (without a short linked form) that have r l or n in the last syllable (e.g., 5.2.2.2.4, 5.2.2.2.5). However, the lack of short linked forms which correspond to free forms with g in the last syllable is conspicuous, since in the lexicon as a whole g is also very common in this position (5.1.3.2). There is a single CVV.CV word with a regular (long) CVV.Ci linked form and a short CV prefix form which is tonally simplified (see 5.1.2.4.3). fíílò

fíílì )íí

fí4)íí

house / my house

The same pattern has been observed for the word fààlá ‘back’ among some speakers of dialects north of the river (cf. fààlá / fàà earlier in this section): fààlá

fààlì )íí

fà4)íí

back, skin, place / my back, skin, place (al.)

One CCVV and one CV.CV noun also exhibit this pattern. kyaF’

kè’ )íí

kì4)íí

Nmárà

Nmár )íí

Nmá4)íí

place, time, state / my place, time, state (cf. 5.1.2.4.5) friend / my friend (see also 5.2.2.2.6.2 re. the tonally irregular long form)

Two CVV.CV nouns exhibit other atypical short forms alongside the long linked form. páhnà síínà

páhnì )íí síínì )íí

páhn` )íí síín` )íí

mud, clay / my mud, clay play / my play

Finally, three CVV nouns (all of which, incidentally, contain pharyngealized vowels) exhibit optional long forms which are not warranted by the synchronic structure of their free form. 178

gaFh NmaFh vbyâh

gàhnì )íí Nmàhnì )íí vbéhlì )íí

gàh )íí Nmàh )íí vbêh )íí

beard / my beard (al.) foot / my foot (al.) cheek / my cheek (al.)

5.2.2.2.6.2 Other irregularities Five CVV.CV nouns (cf. 5.2.2.2.5) which exhibit irregular linked forms that lose the final vowel but retain the last syllable’s consonant are as follows: free form

linked form

gì’nú kàhrá hùùnú sáhmà síínù

gìNn )íí kàhr )íí hùùn` )íí sâhm )íí síín` )íí

small of back / small of my back wax, glue, birdlime / my wax, glue, birdlime thigh / my thigh feather / my feather horn, antenna / my horn, antenna (note that the linked form is neutralized with the “intermediate” form of síínà ‘play’ in the previous section)

There are also two CVC.CV (cf. 5.2.2.2.5) nouns with irregular CV.CVC linked forms (these two nouns have irregular plurals which are formed in a similar way; see 5.5.2.1.5): dígnù dígîn )íí (nìì) nà4rígnù (nìì) nà4rígîn )íí

liver / my liver armpit / my armpit

Finally, in addition to all of these nouns with segmentally irregular linked forms, three CV.CV noun roots (cf. 5.2.2.2.3) exhibit an irregular tonal alternation. Rather than retaining the complexity of their basic tone melody in their linked form, as is the case for other HL nouns (5.2.2.1), their HL tone melody is simplified to H. mírà Nmárà

mír )íí Nmár )íí

vínà

vín )íí

excrement / my excrement friend / my friend (also: Nmá )íí; see 5.2.2.2.6.1) woman / my woman

5.2.2.3 Non-canonical nouns Linked forms of non-canonical nouns are segmentally identical to their free counterparts. This is true of nouns with non-canonical CV shapes (cf. 5.1.1.1): rùùg` kókól tí4díìrím séréré wátùtáà

rùùg` )íí kókól )íí tí4díìrìm )íí séréré )íí wátùtáà )íí

cylindrical shape / my cylindrical shape small drum / my small drum bare gums, molar / my bare gums, molar thinness / my thinness salt, sugar / my salt, sugar

179

wààgùnà

wààgùnà )íí

bààbùrùm tí4tòòn`tíì

bààbùrùm )íí tí4tòòn`tíì )íí

large basket / my large basket (also attested: wààgùn )íí; cf. 5.2.2.4.3) main room / my main room lark (bird sp.) / my lark

There are also a number of examples of nouns of canonical CV shape which have segmentally invariable linked forms. These nouns are non-canonical in other ways: non-canonical nasality pattern (cf. 3.4.2): màlà

màlà )íí

art, craft / my art, craft

uncommon noun endings e and u (cf. 5.1.3.2): lèégè núúrú tí4kà4ràhgù

lèègè )íí núúrú )íí tí4kà4ràhgù )íí

nightjar (bird sp.) / my nightjar breast / my breast large heron sp. / my large heron sp.

uncommon root-internal obstruent distribution (cf. 2.1.2.2): kètí

kètì )íí

sky, life / my sky, life (also attested: kèt )íí)

borrowed noun (cf. 1.3.1): %éré

%éré )íí

yam sp. / my yam sp.

a combination of the above factors: )àddá

)àddà )íí

bàkà

bàkà )íí

lúúmù

lúúmù )íí

ná4túttè

ná4túttè )íí

older female relative / my older female relative (cf. Fulf. adda) older male relative / my older male relative (cf. Fulf. baka) market, week / my market, week (cf. Fulf. luumo ‘market’) soap / my soap (also attested: ná4túttì )íí)

Conversely, two nouns have been attested which, although they have a non-canonical CV shape, exhibit alternating linked forms: ná4bìbùNnà ná4táálUlá

ná4bìbùNn )íí ná4táálUlì )íí

small bee sp. / my small bee sp. ant sp. / my ant sp.

5.2.2.4 Morphologically complex nouns Linked forms of three categories of morphologically complex nouns are examined here: plurals (5.2.2.4.1), nouns with 4(g)VrV suffixes (5.2.2.4.2), and compound nouns (5.2.2.4.3).

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5.2.2.4.1 Plurals Plurals, which typically conform to a CVC.zV template (5.5.2.1), exhibit linked forms the same as those of other CVC.CV nouns: namely, the final vowel alternates with i. Examples of linked forms of typical plurals are as follows: free form of plural noun

linked form

lálzà tyárzà fùlzó kwérzè yèrzí

lálzì )íí tyárzì )íí fùlzì )íí kwérzì )íí yèrzì )íí

gourds / my gourds fish sp. (pl.) / my fish sp. (pl.) trenches / my trenches fences / my fences pieces of clothing / my pieces of clothing

Linked forms of irregular plurals (5.5.2.2) also conform to templates for morphologically simple nouns of the same CV shape. élà vyá’rà zàrá ~ zàrzá

êl )íí vyá’rì )íí zàr )íí ~ zàrzì )íí

children / my children mice / my mice oxen / my oxen

Exceptionally, and like its singular counterpart vínà ‘woman’ (5.2.2.2.6.2), the linked form of gérêm ‘women’ is marked by a simplification of the corresponding noun’s tone melody from HL to H. gérêm

gérém )íí

women / my women

5.2.2.4.2 Nouns with 4(g)VrV suffixes Linked forms of nouns with 4(g)VrV suffixes (5.1.3.2) are formed by the alternation of the first suffix vowel with i and the dropping of the final suffix vowel. free form of suffixed noun )àz4gárà fìm4górò nà4ré74gérè sò74górò syàh4gárà

linked form )àzgìr )íí fìm4gìr )íí nà4ré74gîr )íí sò74gìr )íí syàh4gìr )íí

in-laws / my in-laws weight / my weight hanging roots / my hanging roots aging / my aging coolness, dampness / my coolness, dampness

5.2.2.4.3 Compound nouns Linked form templates are applied to the final root of a compound noun (5.4), which is transformed in the same manner as if it were not part of a compound:

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dâg mouth:LF

gèmnì entrance.hut:LF

cf. dâg mouth:LF fàà back:LF cf. fàà back:LF

)íí my entryway 1SG.POSS

gèmná entrance.hut pààrì field:LF

entryway

)íí 1SG.POSS

my abandoned field

pààrá field

abandoned field

This extends to compound nouns which are partially or completely opaque (cf. 5.4.3): ná4rím4bèè )íí PFX-dip?-water:LF 1SG.POSS

my cormorant, darter (bird sp.) (also attested: ná4rím4byàà )íí)

cf. ná4rím4byàá PFX-dip?-water

cormorant, darter (bird sp.)

tàm4bú’lì )íí my courtyard (opaque compound; see 5.4.3):LF 1SG.POSS cf. tàm4bú’là (opaque compound; see 5.4.3)

courtyard

Similar to their singular counterparts just above, the linked forms of compound plurals (5.5.2.4) are based on the CV shape of the pluralized final root: free form of linked compound plural form dâg gèmzá tàm4bú’lzà

dâg gèmzì )íí entryways / my entryways tàm4bú’lzì )íí courtyards / my courtyards

5.3 Possessive constructions Possessive constructions are a central means of noun expansion in Mambay. They are a type of noun phrase (5.14): in terms of internal syntax, possessive constructions are minimally composed of a possessed head noun followed by a dependent possessor noun. The semantic relation signalled by the dependent noun in reference to the head noun is often possessive, but many other types of relations are attested. An overview of semantic and structural characteristics of possessive constructions is provided in 5.3.1 and 5.3.2. Peculiarities of tone in possessive constructions are covered in 5.2.2.1 and in relevant subsections below.

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Possessive constructions are further described in reference to three axes: spontaneous vs. fixed, obligatory vs. optional, and alienable vs. inalienable possession (5.3.3). Alienable and inalienable possessive constructions, which are both defined by complex morphology, are considered further in 5.3.3.3.1 and 5.3.4. Compound nouns, which typically exhibit a structure identical to that of alienable possessive constructions, are treated separately in 5.4.

5.3.1 Semantic relations In Mambay as well as other languages, the semantic relations signalled by possessive (i.e., “genitival” or “associative”) constructions are much more varied than possession. In possessive constructions, possession is prototypical but semantic relations are varied and flexible; those commonly signalled by the dependent noun in reference to the head noun include the following (these examples are alienable possessive constructions; see 5.3.3.3): possession:

hûg vwáà bone:LF dog

social relation: túù ígà mother:LF child

bone of dog mother of child

part-whole:

sûg vwáà ear:LF dog

ear of dog

description:

pâ ô7gá milk:LF acidity

sour milk

composition:

nâ’ ná4)áà sauce of bean leaf sauce:LF PFX-bean.leaf

location:

nìì nwâ’ bottom:LF hole

purpose:

bèè doFg4nà drinking water water:LF drink:VN-OBJ

count:

sìì àtì year:LF two

bottom of hole

the two years (cf. 5.14.3)

5.3.2 Structural characteristics Possessive constructions are minimally composed of a possessed head noun followed by a dependent possessor noun. As is typically the case for head nouns followed by a dependent element, the head noun exhibits the linked noun form; the dependent noun exhibits the unmarked free form (5.2.1, 5.14). This is evident in the following N + N

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possessive constructions composed of the nouns ‘hole’ (free form: nwâ’; linked form: nû’) and ‘mud wasp’ (free form: hámzà; linked form: hámzì) (alternations between free forms and linked forms of nouns are addressed in 5.2.2 above): nû’ hámzà hole:LF mud.wasp

hole of mud wasp

hámzì nwâ’ mud.wasp:LF hole

mud wasp of hole

When the dependent possessor noun is the possessed head of another element, it exhibits the linked form of the noun. This is evident in the following N + [N + N] constructions: nû’ [hámzì só’lé] hole of large mud wasp hole:LF mud.wasp:LF greatness hámzì [nû’ só’lé] mud wasp of large hole mud.wasp:LF hole:LF greatness There is no formal bracketing of internal phrase structure. Consequently, the above examples could be construed as [N + N] + N constructions: [nû’ hámzì] só’lé large hole of mud wasp hole:LF mud.wasp:LF greatness [hámzì nû’] só’lé large mud wasp of hole mud.wasp:LF hole:LF greatness Both internal structures are commonly attested. In cases of formal ambivalence, only the referential context may clarify which meaning has been invoked. Like other nouns, possessive pronouns are commonly found in the dependent position of possessive constructions. An additional formal distinction, that of alienable vs. inalienable possession, is attested with possessive constructions composed of certain nouns followed by possessive pronouns (it is not, however, available to constructions with two typical/non-pronoun nouns; cf. 5.3.3.3): páà )íí man:LF 1SG.POSS

my colleague

páy man:1SG.POSS.INAL

my father, my intimate friend

Alienable vs. inalienable possession is described in detail in 5.3.3.3 below.

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5.3.3 Axes of description Possessive constructions may be described in reference to three axes. The first axis, spontaneous vs. fixed possession, deals with the variable status of possessive constructions in the lexicon (5.3.3.1). The second axis, obligatory vs. optional possession, is concerned with whether or not a noun can occur syntactically without a possessor (5.3.3.2). The third axis, alienable vs. inalienable possession, treats a formal distinction available to constructions involving (certain) nouns followed by possessive pronouns (5.3.3.2). 5.3.3.1 Spontaneous vs. fixed possession Possessive constructions may be either spontaneous or fixed. In spontaneous constructions, any noun may be possessed by any other semantically appropriate noun. nû’ hámzà hole of mud wasp hole:LF mud.wasp

fâh nàmá path:LF animal

path of animal

hámzì nwâ’ mud wasp of hole mud.wasp:LF hole

nàm fâh animal:LF path

animal of path

In contrast, fixed possessive constructions have membership in the lexicon and are essentially a kind of compound noun (Dimmendaal 2000:167ff., 179; Payne 1997:94) (see 5.4 for a more complete treatment of compound nouns). pâ ô7gá sour milk milk:LF acidity

sààrì tú ò sinew:LF blood

blood vessel

nàm kúù wild animal animal:LF bushland

bèè )ínù water:LF body

colour

In many cases it is difficult to assign a possessive construction to either end of the spontaneous vs. fixed continuum; the difference is gradient rather than quantal, and must be based on frequency of usage rather than form. 5.3.3.2 Optional vs. obligatory possession The second axis which defines possessive constructions is a distinction between optional and obligatory possession. This has been described elsewhere as a distinction between free and relational nouns (Welmers 1973:212) and non-inherent vs. inherent relation (Payne 1997:105–6). In contrast to alienability (5.3.3.3), this axis is syntactically rather than morphologically defined. Nouns which are obligatorily possessed are those which are only found as head nouns in a possessive construction; such nouns are always accompanied by a dependent possessor noun. In contrast, optionally possessed nouns, which represent the great majority of nouns in the lexicon, may occur either with or without a dependent possessor. A full listing of obligatorily possessed nouns in the data is given here. Most of these nouns are confined to alienable possession (5.3.3.3.1): 185

úrí ùrì … úùrúm … dúùrú … gbèh … kâ% … kúùrín … kpôhlgóm … màn … má4nâ’ … páà … syâg … tí4gìgí% … tì4tô7 … zà zà … zàhwràw … zwárá7 …

piece of … block of … adam’s apple of … (in: dúùrú kwàá; cf. kwàá ‘neck’) adam’s apple of … (in: gbèh kwàá) reputation of … pile of … adam’s apple of … (in: kpôhlgóm kwàá) age-mate of … parent-in-law of … man, father, person of … own, self of … (as in: ‘on its own, by itself’) base of … remains of … piece of … spiky pile of … entirety of …

Ordinal numerals (9.1.3) are also included: áàrí … bìsâhrí … (etc.)

second of … third of …

Also, six obligatorily possessed nouns may express either alienable or inalienable possession (5.3.3.3). )ázì T … fààzí … fâhzí … páà … súùní … túù …

member of )àzgárà (see Glossary) of … member of fààzárà (see Glossary) of … member of fàhzárà (see Glossary) of … man, father of … younger in-law of … mother of …

5.3.3.3 Alienable vs. inalienable possession A third and final axis concerns a morphologically formalized distinction of alienable vs. inalienable possession. As stated in the previous section, this axis is morphologically defined; this contrasts with optional vs. obligatory possession, which is syntactically defined (5.3.3.2). And rather than signalling intrinsic properties of specific nouns (as is the case with optional vs. obligatory possession), this axis deals with the relationship between nouns: alienable vs. inalienable possession falls under what has been called indirect vs. direct determination (Boyeldieu 1987:20). It is not uncommon for both optional/obligatory and alienable/inalienable distinctions to interact in a single language (Payne 1997:106), as is the case in Mambay.

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Although many other languages extend an alienable/inalienable distinction to possessive constructions in general, in Mambay it is only formalized between possessed nouns and possessive pronouns. Examples of alienable possessive constructions involving a possessed noun and a possessive pronoun are as follows: páà )íí man:LF 1SG.POSS

my colleague

ár )íí friend:LF 1SG.POSS

my friend (i.e., a friend who is not close)

kùù )íí neck:LF 1SG.POSS

my neck (i.e., the neck of an animal which is mine)

Corresponding inalienable possessive constructions, which exhibit morphological fusion of the possessed noun and possessive pronoun, are as follows: páy man:1SG.POSS.INAL

my father, my intimate friend

árí friend:1SG.POSS.INAL

my intimate friend

kwìí neck:1SG.POSS.INAL

my neck (i.e., the neck which is part of my own body)

Alienable and inalienable noun-pronoun constructions are explored in the following subsections (5.3.3.3.1 and 5.3.4). 5.3.3.3.1 Alienable possessive constructions Alienable possessive constructions are the default means of relating possessed nouns with possessor nouns, including pronouns. Their structure, which has been described above (5.3.2), involves the linked form of the head noun followed by the free (unmarked) form of the dependent noun. This is evident in the following constructions involving the nouns ‘milk’ (free form: pá à; linked form: pâ ) and ‘neck’ (free form: kwàá; linked form: kùù): pâ nàmá milk:LF animal

milk of animal

nàm pá à animal:LF milk

animal of milk (i.e., animal used to provide milk)

The pronouns used in alienable possessive constructions differ from those found in inalienable possessive constructions (5.3.4.2). Alienable possessive pronouns, which are

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presented in 6.1.4.1, are reproduced here in the context of an alienable possessive construction: person 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF/IMPERS 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF/IMPERS

example pâ )íí pâ )ám pâ )áná pâ )úùrú ~ pâ )úùwú pâ )éé pâ )írí pâ )óró pâ )ánzá pâ dùgú pâ )éré

gloss my milk your (sg.) milk our (your (sg.) and my) milk his/her/its milk his/her/its (coref.) milk; its milk our (excl.) milk your (pl.) milk our (incl.) milk their milk their (coref./impers.) milk

5.3.4 Inalienable possessive constructions Inalienable possessive constructions formalize an inherent, intimate and natural possession between certain nouns and their pronominal referents. As stated above (5.3.3.3), the alienable/inalienable distinction in Mambay is not available to possessive constructions involving two nouns unless the second noun is a pronoun. Inalienable possession is formalized by the fusion of the linked form of a noun (5.2) and an inalienable possessive pronoun (5.3.4.2.2, 6.1.4.2). páy man:1SG.POSS.INAL

my father, my intimate friend

árí friend:1SG.POSS.INAL

my intimate friend

kwìí neck:1SG.POSS.INAL

my neck (i.e., the neck which is part of my own body)

In the subsections below, the closed inventory of nouns which may be used in inalienable possessive constructions is provided (5.3.4.1), and the structure of inalienable possessive constructions is described (5.3.4.2). 5.3.4.1 Inventory of inalienably possessible nouns Inalienable possession is available to a closed set of nouns comprised of some body parts as well as some terms of kinship and social relation. Body part nouns (here limited to those with synchronically indivisible roots and opaque compounds) which may be used with inalienable possessive pronouns are as follows:

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ná4kànsí’nù ná4kànsí’nù ná4nììnú nà4púrà (nìì) nà4rígnù ná4rìmnú nììnú nínù sábà síínù súgò syâh tè’nú tìnú vbààlá vbyâh wáà wàhlá zínù

dágà mouth dígnù liver dwaF’ belly fààlá back, skin fínù forehead gaFh beard gìhgìnú wing, fin gì’nú small of back gùùgìnú gill hùùnú thigh )ínù body, self káálà head (káà) ná4wâ%nììnú buttocks káà nà4sí’nù knee kìhnú waist, hip kwàá neck, voice kpánnà penis mùhná vulva Nmàhná foot

shadow, soul, spirit kneecap, fontanelle bum navel underarm tongue bottom eye, face, life tail horn, antenna ear hand, finger side front, genitals testicle cheek nose nape (of neck) tooth, tusk

About half of these nouns contain a historical derivational body part suffix 4nu (5.1.3.2; Anonby 2008). Although many of the body part nouns in the list can also be used locatively in inalienable possessive constructions (see 5.13), the glosses in this section reflect their prototypical use as body parts. Nouns which specify kinship or social relations and which may be used with inalienable possessive pronouns are as follows: )ázì T fààzí fâhzí kyáá4rììná márnà Nmárà nánà T páà páá4ná4rììná páà vàà náábà nà4vínù súùní túù

member of )àzgárà (see Glossary) member of fààzárà (see Glossary) member of fàhzárà (see Glossary) paternal aunt eldest sibling friend maternal uncle man, father paternal uncle husband colleague co-wife younger in-law mother

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There are many compound nouns which contain one of these nouns as a possessor. Such compounds may also be found with inalienable possessive pronouns: îg Nmárà child:LF friend

îg Nmárí friend’s child / my friend’s child child:LF friend:1SG.POSS.INAL

gbèh kwàá adam’s.apple:LF neck

gbèh kwìí adam’s apple / my adam’s apple adam’s.apple:LF neck:1SG.POSS.INAL

páà fààlá man:LF back

páà fààní witness / my witness man:LF back:1SG.POSS.INAL

sà’lì nà4púrà rope:LF PFX-navel

sà’lì nà4púrí umbilical cord / my umbilical cord rope:LF PFX-navel:1SG.POSS.INAL

Exceptionally for two prefixed words, possessed nouns (which are, in addition, suppletive) rather than the possessor nouns take the inalienable pronominal suffix: dà4zwâ’ father:PFX-ancestry

páy zwâ’ man:1SG.POSS.INAL:LF ancestry

grandfather / my grandfather

mà4zwâ’ mother:PFX-ancestry

tíí zwâ’ mother:1SG.POSS.INAL:LF ancestry

grandmother / my grandmother

5.3.4.2 Structure Inalienable possession is formalized by the fusion of the linked form of a noun (5.2) and an inalienable possessive pronoun. fàà + back:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

fààró back:2PL.POSS.INAL

your (pl.) back, skin (inal.)

It is not possible to pluralize a noun in the context of an inalienable possessive construction (5.5.1.2). Therefore, depending on the referential context, the gloss of the previous example could just as well be ‘your (pl.) backs, skins.’ The segmental structure of inalienable linked nouns is described in 5.3.4.2.1, and inalienable possessive pronouns are presented in 5.3.4.2.2. Idiosyncratic inalienable possessive construction paradigms are listed in 5.3.4.2.3. The tone and nasality of inalienable possessive constructions are discussed separately in 5.3.4.2.4 and 5.3.4.2.5 respectively. Complete paradigms are given for inalienable possessive constructions in Appendix 1.

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5.3.4.2.1 Inalienable linked noun forms For the most part, the segmental value of the inalienable linked noun forms corresponds to the segmental value of linked forms in alienable possessive constructions (5.2.2): noun

free (unmarked) form

inalienable linked form

alienable linked form

beard body friend

gaFh )ínù Nmárà

gàh4 )ín4 már4

gàh )în már

When a regular (long) linked form (5.2.2) as well as a short linked form (5.2.2.2.6.1) are available to a given noun, the segmental value of the inalienable linked noun form in a possessive construction corresponds to that of the short form. noun

free (unmarked) form

bottom nììnú nape (of neck) wàhlá testicle vbààlá

inalienable linked form

short alienable regular alienable linked form linked form

nìì4 wàh4 vbàà4

nìì wàh vbàà

nììnì wàhlì vbààlì

Besides nouns with idiosyncratic paradigms (5.3.4.2.3), which in many cases have more than one linked form, there are only two nouns in the data with inalienable linked forms that differ segmentally from those of their alienable counterparts (see 5.2.2.2.6.2): noun

free (unmarked) form

inalienable linked form

alienable linked form

liver underarm

dígnù (nìì) nà4rígnù

dîgn4 (nìì) nà rîgn4

dígîn (nìì) nà4rígîn

5.3.4.2.2 Inalienable possessive pronouns The inalienable possessive pronouns paradigm is distinct from that of alienable possessive pronouns (5.3.3.3.1, 6.1.4.1). Basic inalienable possessive pronoun forms are given in the table below, and their behaviour is shown for the example word káálà ‘head,’ whose short linked form is káà (cf. 5.2.2.2.6.1):

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person 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF/IMPERS 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF/IMPERS

inalienable possessive pronoun 4í 4mi 4ná 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá ~ 4zíná (dùgú) 4ré

example usage káání káámi kááná káàrú ~ káàwú káálé káárí kááró káázínzá ~ káázíná (káà dùgú) kááré

gloss my head (inal.) your (sg.) head (inal.) our (your (sg.) and my) head (inal.) his/her/its head (inal.) his/her/its (coref.) / its head (inal.) our (excl.) head (inal.) your (pl.) head (inal.) our (incl.) head (inal.) their head their (coref./impers.) head (inal.)

A detailed section on inalienable possessive pronouns is found in the chapter on pronouns (6.1.4.2). Morphophonological alternations, which frequently accompany inalienable possessive pronouns, are addressed there. 5.3.4.2.3 Idiosyncratic paradigms The following nouns exhibit segmentally idiosyncratic inalienable possession paradigms: dwaF’ kwàá kyáá4rììná márnà Nmárà náábà nánà T nà4púrà

ná4rìmnú páà páá4ná4rììná páà vàà syâh túù wáà

belly neck, voice paternal aunt eldest sibling friend colleague maternal uncle navel

tongue father paternal uncle husband hand mother nose

Four of the paradigms are incomplete in the language; speakers of the language use alienable possessive pronouns to fill in gaps (see Appendix 1). Gaps reflect usage: singular forms are more complete than plural pronominal forms, and address forms (‘my friend,’ etc.) are more complete than non-address forms. The paradigm of túù ‘mother’ has, in addition to other irregularities, a suppletive root. tíí kyááná

my mother our (your (sg.) and my) mother

Complete paradigms are given for all of these idiosyncratic constructions in Appendix 1. 192

5.3.4.2.4 Tonal structure Like the segments of inalienable noun-pronoun possessive constructions, which are fused into a single phonological word, a simplified tone melody is found on inalienable nounpronoun possessive constructions. The tone melody of the resulting forms is dependent both on the tone of the linked noun roots and the tone of the possessive pronouns. 5.3.4.2.4.1 Linked forms corresponding to HL nouns When a linked form corresponding to a HL-toned noun is fused with a H-toned inalienable possessive pronoun, the resulting melody of the composite phonological word is usually H. This is shown by constructions involving káálà ‘head’ (linked forms are accounted for in 5.2.2): linked form

inalienable assoc. pn.

inalienable assoc. construction

káà + head:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

káámi head:2SG.POSS.INAL

your (sg.) head (inal.)

káà + head:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

kááró head:2PL.POSS.INAL

your (pl.) head

When a linked form corresponding to a HL-toned noun is fused with a LH-toned inalienable possessive pronoun, the resulting melody of the composite phonological word is HLH. Consider constructions involving káálà ‘head’ (linked forms are accounted for in 5.2.2): káà + head:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

káàrú head:3SG.POSS.INAL

his/her/its head (inal.)

Exceptionally, as concerns 4zínzá in particular (but not its alternate form 4zíná; see 6.1.4.2), three tonal forms have been attested in inalienable possessive constructions with linked forms corresponding to HL-toned nouns. This is shown with the noun páà ‘man, father’: páà + man:LF

4zínzá 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

páázínzá ~ our (incl.) father (inal.) páà zínzá ~ páà zìnzá man:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

The first form (ex. páázínzá), which is tonally parallel to other inalienable possessive constructions, is the most common. The second and third forms (ex. páà zínzá ~ páà zìnzá), which are less common, resemble constructions involving the third person plural pronoun dùgú in that the tonal form of its possessed head noun—as in alienable constructions—is not fused with the suffix. Still, as is sometimes the case with dùgú, a semantically inalienable construction is expressed (6.1.4.2). Although the issue has been

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probed, no semantic difference has been identified among the three tonal forms found with constructions involving the noun páà or other kinship terms. However, when the same tonal forms are found with body parts which can be used to indicate location (5.13), the third form (only) indicates locative (see 5.3.1) rather than part-whole semantic relation. This is shown in reference to káálà ‘head’: káà + head:LF

4zínzá 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

káázínzá ~ our (incl.) head (inal.) káà zínzá head:1&2PL.POSS.INAL cf. káà zìnzá on us (incl.) head:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

5.3.4.2.4.2 L-toned linked forms When a L-toned linked form is fused with a H-toned inalienable possessive pronoun, the resulting melody of the composite phonological word is LH. This is shown in constructions involving fààlá ‘back, skin’: fàà + back:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

fààmi back:2SG.POSS.INAL

your (sg.) back, skin (inal.)

fàà + back:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

fààró back:2PL.POSS.INAL

your (pl.) back, skin (inal.)

When a L-toned linked form is fused with a LH-toned inalienable possessive pronoun, the resulting melody of the composite phonological word is LH: fàà + back:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

fààrú back:3SG.POSS.INAL

his/her/its back, skin (inal.)

In contrast to tonal patterns found when 4zínzá is attached to linked forms corresponding to a HL-toned noun, (5.3.4.2.4.1), there is a single and regular tonal pattern for L-toned linked forms. fàà + back:LF

4zínzá 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

fààzìnzá our (incl.) back, skin back:1&2PL.POSS.INAL (inal.)

5.3.4.2.4.3 Linked forms corresponding to HLH nouns When a linked noun form corresponding to a HLH noun is fused with a H- or LH-toned inalienable possessive pronoun, the resulting melody of the composite phonological word is HLH. This is shown in the following three-mora (cf. 2.4.2) constructions with the nouns fâhzí (linked form: fâhzì) and )ázì T (linked form: )ázì T):

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fâhzì + member.of. fàhzárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

fâhzí my member of member.of.fàhzárà: fàhzárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL (see Glossary)

fâhzì + member.of. fàhzárà:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

fâhzám your (sg.) member of member.of.fàhzárà: fàhzárà (inal.) 2SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

)ázìrú his/her/its member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 3SG.POSS.INAL (see Glossary)

When the resulting construction contains more than 3 available morae, the tonal association for the possessed noun portion adheres to that found on the normal linked form of the HLH noun, where a LH contour may not be realized (this restriction is described in 5.2.2.1 and 4.3.1.3); the second H is not realized on the possessed noun portion. fâhzì + member.of. fàhzárà:LF

4ná 1&2SG.POSS.INAL

fâhzìná our (your (sg.) and my) member.of.fàhzárà: member of 1&2SG.POSS.INAL fàhzárà (inal.)

This pattern of association contrasts with morphologically simple nouns (including those which are HLH-toned), where tones consistently associate with morae from the right end of the word. bâhgá nà4ráávìrá

dregs foam

Right-edge tones which exceed the number of available morae are not realized (see also 4.1.2.2). This is shown in a construction with )ázì T(linked form: )ázì T) )ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì my member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL

5.3.4.2.5 Nasality There is no spread of nasality between linked nouns and inalienable possessive pronouns. fàà + back:LF

4ná 1&2SG.POSS.INAL

fààná our (your (sg.) and my) back:1&2SG.POSS.INAL back, skin (inal.)

nà4nìì + bum:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

nà4nììró bum:2PL.POSS.INAL

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your (pl.) bum (inal.)

For nouns with linked forms ending in 4zi, the nasality of the first person pronoun 4í does not appear in the resulting inalienable possessive construction: )ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì my member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL

5.4 Compound nouns Compound nouns are extremely common in Mambay; of the non-borrowed lexicalized nouns in the data, almost half (811 of 1625) are compounds. In the following discussion, differences between compound nouns and noun phrases are reviewed (5.4.1). The morphological and semantic constitution of compound nouns is then examined in 5.4.2 and 5.4.3. Pluralization of compound nouns is described in 5.5.2.4, and the behaviour of compound nouns in inalienable possessive constructions is discussed in 5.3.4.1.

5.4.1 Compound nouns vs. noun phrases The vast majority of compound nouns exhibit an internal structure identical to noun phrases, and in particular that of possessive constructions, which contain a possessed head noun followed by a dependent possessor noun (5.3.3.3.1). nàm kúù animal:LF bushland

wild animal

In other words, the primary way in which compound nouns may be distinguished from spontaneous possessive constructions is the compound nouns’ membership in the lexicon (cf. Payne 1997:94; as stated in 5.3.3.1, lexical membership of possessive constructions in Mambay is based on frequency and is therefore a gradient rather than quantum distinction). Another important way of distinguishing compound nouns from spontaneous possessive constructions is the occurrence of compounds in which the meaning of the compound is different than the sum of the meaning of its parts. This is developed in the section on semantic constitution below (5.4.3). However, noun + noun compounds differ subtly from possessive constructions in a number of other respects. First, although plurality is marked on the semantically plural morphological constituent of a spontaneous possessive construction, it has the additional possibility of cliticizing on some noun + noun compounds (5.4). compound noun

plural

láà tú ò gourd:LF blood

láà tú zò ~ lálzì tú ò gourd:LF blood:PL ~ gourd:PL:LF blood 196

heart / hearts

cf. láà pá à gourd:LF milk

lálzì pá à gourd:PL:LF milk

milk gourd / milk gourds

Additionally, and importantly, noun phrases other than possessive constructions may constitute compounds (5.4.2). vbîz bóm fishhook:LF one

fishing line

There are, however, several types of words that are attested as dependent elements in noun phrases but not in compound nouns: possessive pronouns (5.14.1 and 6.1.4), specifiers (5.14.4 and 9.2), and relative clauses (5.14.6 and 10.2.2.3). Further, there is a small number of compounds which differ from noun phrases in that they do not contain a constituent head noun. Instead, they are comprised of a clause (5.4.2.4). mì4háà4làárè 1SG-return:VN-Léré

duck sp.

Finally, there are words in some categories of compound nouns which literate speakers of the language consistently prefer to write as single orthographic words: nouns with semantically opaque components (5.4.3), those composed of a clause (5.4.2.4), those containing proper names (5.4.2.5), and those which exhibit reduplication (5.4.2.6). This differs from spontaneous noun phrases which, with the exception of inalienable pronominal possessive constructions, are always written with separate orthographic words.

5.4.2 Morphological constitution Most compound nouns are composed of the linked form of one noun (5.3.3.3.1) followed by the free (unmarked) form of another noun. nàm kúù wild animal animal:LF bushland sààrì tú ò blood vessel sinew:LF blood As stated above, such compounds are formally equivalent to spontaneous possessive constructions (5.3.3.1). Attested variations on the prototypical noun + noun compound construction are as follows: - three- and four-noun compounds (5.4.2.1); - noun + numeral compounds (5.4.2.2); - compounds containing prepositional phrases (5.4.2.3); - clausal compounds (5.4.2.4); 197

- compounds containing proper names (5.4.2.5); and - nouns exhibiting reduplication (5.4.2.6). Examples of compound nouns representing each of these structures are given in the following paragraphs, and formally equivalent constructions are noted when they occur. 5.4.2.1 Three- and four-noun compounds Some compounds are composed of three or even four nouns. In each case, these nouns are internally organized such that one of the nouns in the construction is itself a compound noun and/or a possessive construction. Examples of three-noun compounds are as follows: káà [và’zì dágà] head:LF leaf:LF mouth

lip (cf. và’zì dágà ‘lip area’)

vbíílì [káà wáà] drum:LF head:LF chief

drum sp. (cf. káà wáà ‘chief (respect form)’)

Four-noun compounds include the following: nàm [[dâg tèNn] bà7gè] gazelle sp. (cf. dâg tèNnú ‘bottom of the rib’) animal:LF mouth:LF side(body):LF rust.colour tí7gì [fàà [Nmàh zaFh]] monitor lizard sp. monitor.lizard:LF back:LF foot:LF ox As these examples suggest, embedded compound nouns are more commonly found in the possessor position rather than the possessed position of three- and four-noun compounds. As is the case for spontaneous possessive constructions, which are formally equivalent, the internal formal structure of the compound is ambiguous (cf. 5.3.2). For example, if such a referential context were possible, nàm dâg tèNn bà7gè could also be understood to mean ‘animal of mouth/edge of side of rust-colour.’ 5.4.2.2 Noun + numeral compounds Other compound nouns contain a numeral (9.1) as a dependent element. hèègì dâg àt knife:LF mouth:LF two

circumcision knife, scissors

tòh dâg àt snake:LF mouth:LF two

snake sp.

vbîz bóm fishhook:LF one

fishing line

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These compounds are formally equivalent to count constructions in which the head noun is definite (5.14.3, 9.1.1.1). For example, depending on the referential context, vbîz bóm may also be understood to mean ‘the one fishhook.’ 5.4.2.3 Compounds containing prepositional phrases A few compound nouns in the data contain or are comprised of prepositional phrases (9.3): páà bèè káálà man:LF without head

stupid person

sáà dwaF’ inside belly

womb

The prepositional phrases in these compounds are formally equivalent to normal prepositional phrases (9.3.1). For example, depending on the referential context, sáà dwaF’ may also be understood to mean ‘inside the belly.’ 5.4.2.4 Clausal compounds A number of compounds consist of combined clause elements. Minimally, there is a subject and a predicate (most often represented by a pronoun and a conjugated verb respectively). As shown by the example below, other components may include objects, negation clitics, locative complements and clitics, and adverbial ideophones. compound noun with etymological parsing

gloss

explanation

mì4háà4làárè 1SG-return:VN-Léré

duck sp.

lit. “I am returning from Léré.” This duck species (White-faced Whistling Duck) has a call which reportedly sounds like such a phrase.

ná4)áà4báhrà PFX-bean.leaves-better

fish sp.

lit. “bean leaves [are] better.” This fish type (small stage of “Kanga” / Heterotis niloticus) is often so bitter when improperly prepared that it is better to eat bean leaves, which constitute the simplest sauce.

ná4rím4byàá 1&2:OPT-dip:OPT-water

cormorant, darter (bird sp.)

lit. “let’s [1&2 (sg.)] dip [in] the water.” These birds catch fish by diving.

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nà4rígrí4mírà 1&2-roll:VN-excrement

scarab beetle

lit. “we [1&2 (sg.)] are rolling excrement.” These insects, also known as dung beetles, roll excrement into small balls.

ná4dím4kpírá 1&2:OPT-dip:OPT-IDEO

heron sp.

lit. “let’s [1&2 (sg.)] cover with a kpírá-like posture.” This heron sp. (Black Heron) catches its prey under an umbrella which it forms of its wings.

ná4gbáh4n`4záh 1&2:OPT-catch:OPTto.here-ox

Orion’s belt

lit. “let’s [1&2 (sg.)] catch the ox [by bringing it] toward [ourselves].” This formation of three stars in a line looks like a person chasing an ox, which is in turn chasing another person.

Ø zàà4fâh4yá 3:PFV cross:VN-path-NEG

tiny shrew sp.

lit. “it did not cross the path.” This shrew is so small that it has difficulty crossing even a path.

In the data, such compounds describe the appearance or behaviour of a species or natural phenomenon. In most cases, literate Mambay speakers insist that these terms should be written as single words. In Mambay, there are no compounds comprised of only a verb phrase (e.g. “run-a-gate” or “cache-sexe”); such compounds are expressed by clauses (as shown in this section) or participant noun constructions (5.7). 5.4.2.5 Compounds containing proper names A further group of compounds, namely those which contain proper names, are of interest for several reasons. First of all, these nouns contain only canonical names (5.12.1.1). Secondly, the internal structure of these nouns is complex; in some cases, like those shown in the previous section (5.4.2.4), these nouns are composed of clause elements. Thirdly, and as is also the case with most nouns composed of clause elements (5.4.2.4), speakers of the language insist that nouns containing proper names should be orthographically fused. compound noun with etymological parsing

gloss

nà4syàg4gàm àhy 1&2-shine:VN-Gam like.electricity

electric fish

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tóò4nîn4gáhlà7 Taw:LF-eye:LF-faceted

fish sp.

tóò4pyàá Taw:LF-?

lizard sp.

tí4gàm4kùù4kpà’lá AUG-Gam:LF-neck:LF-snail

stork sp.

tí4kwéé4má4gâw AUG-Kwee:LF-with-hunter

secretary bird

5.4.2.6 Nouns exhibiting reduplication Nouns exhibiting reduplication differ from other compounds in that they are composed of two morphologically similar or identical roots whose semantic value is opaque (see 5.11.2 for further discussion). %èlè74%élé7 fùgù4fúgú tì4kòht4kôht

tí4kíí4kìì whooping cough vùrùm4bùrùm satchel wàh4wàh hubbub

bell lungs hornbill sp.

5.4.3 Semantic constitution Often, the meaning of a compound noun may be predicted from the meaning of its parts . nú’ byàá hole:LF water

well

tîl súgò earache sickness:LF ear

sùùzì )ínù hair:LF body

body hair

tòh byàá water snake snake:LF water

However, there are many compounds in which the meaning of the whole construction diverges from the literal sum of its parts. Still, a semantic connection is usually discernable. )àhrì kètí canoe:LF sky

airplane

bèè )ínù water:LF body

colour

hú% fyàá lunar eclipse death:LF moon kpân vwáà penis:LF dog

praying mantis

In some cases, the meaning of one part of a compound is synchronically opaque.

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dàm4kà4ràhbá kingfisher sp. ?:LF-PFX-blueness nàm4bááyá animal:LF-?

baboon

hùr4tì4góhm ?-PFX-tree.sp.

locust sp.

ná4ráh4baFh PFX-?:LF-rain

snake sp.

tì4kùm4súbà

fire-sorcery

PFX-protect:VN:LF-?

In other cases, it is appropriate to posit compounds even when both component noun roots are synchronically opaque. Complexity in CV shape (cf. 5.1.1.1), abnormal tone melody association (cf. 4.1.2.2) and recurrent segmental elements (including prefixes; see 5.1.2.1) point toward the morphological complexity and internal structure characteristic of compound nouns. hùr4tí4kpîm ?-PFX-?

locust sp.

ná4hùr4kpyáglé fish sp. PFX-?:LF-?

5.5 Plural formation In Mambay, morphologically explicit pluralization is compatible with a large proportion—well over half—of nouns. Limitations on the application of pluralization are discussed in 5.5.1. Pluralization strategies, which are based on a morphological template, are outlined in 5.5.2. Collective constructions, which provide an alternative means of signalling semantic plurality on nouns, are discussed in 5.6. Productive plural constructions associated with verbs and ideophonic modifiers are discussed in the relevant sections (7.3.1.1 and 8.5.1).

5.5.1 Limitations on the application of pluralization There are three major limitations on the application of pluralization: phonological (5.5.1.1), semantic (5.5.1.2), and pragmatic (5.5.1.3). 5.5.1.1 Phonological limitations There are strong phonological limitations on which nouns may be pluralized. Noun pluralization applies almost exclusively to canonical noun roots (5.1.1.1), which are

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represented by the following shapes: a single heavy syllable, two light syllables, and a heavy syllable followed by a light one. During field research, no plural forms of non-canonical root shapes were observed in spontaneous speech. In elicited speech, some Mambay speakers produced plurals for a small number of non-canonical noun root shapes (see 5.5.2.1.6 for examples). This given, there was often lack of agreement among subjects concerning the shape and productivity of these plural forms; thus, no conclusion is promoted in the present study regarding the legitimacy or pervasiveness of such constructions. In addition to CV shape-related limitations, there is a tendency for nouns whose rightmost consonant is an obstruent (besides g) or vb to resist pluralization. Thus, there are many nouns which appear to be pluralizable from a CV-shape and semantic point of view (5.5.1.2), but which cannot be pluralized. A few of these nouns are as follows: féévbà kwáàvbá mázà ná4kpéévà wízì zììbó

pair of twins bush sp. first child after remarriage kite (bird) sp. wagtail (bird) werewolf

5.5.1.2 Semantic limitations A number of semantic categories of nouns are rarely or never found with plurals. Those which are rarely pluralized are non-count nouns: irregular verbal nouns and other abstract nouns, including those which describe physical attributes, or human states and conditions; substances without a fixed shape, including gases, liquids, grains, powders and pastes; and things which are found collectively. In addition, borrowed words are seldom pluralized, even if they meet the phonological and semantic criteria for pluralizable nouns. Examples of non-pluralizable nouns from each of these categories are as follows: fossilized verbal nouns (5.9.2): gaF%lè kììló nà4ryáà nà4wâhwrá sâ’gá vóglà

deaf person (cf. gà% ‘be deaf’) walk (n.) (cf. kíí ‘set in motion’) wink (n.) (cf. ríí ‘clean out, wink’) barking (cf. wàhw ‘bark’) number (cf. sá’ ‘buy’) watch (n.), beginning of dry season (cf. vóg ‘watch, guide’)

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attributes of the physical world: dù’gá kpâtgá pâh pùgá séègá wíìgá

size, length distance wetness, newness blackness, darkness red-brownness thickness, fatness

human states and conditions: dwáhlà thirst ná4vyà7gárà jealousy nà4kûllá youthfulness (woman’s) tí4gwâhrí sickness from breaking a taboo tí4táárì weakness, unsteadiness, staggering púùgá ugliness, badness other abstract nouns: dìgì gâ’ kárà hì’bá tí4saF’ tí4sî’bá

neighbourship fulfillment of needs drought abundance chance honour

substances without a fixed shape, including gases, liquids, powders and pastes: dàrmí gííbò kú’lvò múùrá súúbà tùúrì

clay alcoholic drink smoke, dust silt urine boule

things which are found collectively: bùùbá bùùrá nà4dígzílè nà4ré7gérè pêmná síblè

white hair millet sp. algae hanging roots ant sp. termite sp.

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borrowed words: gâw húrò lèèmú

hunter (cf. Fulf. gawjo) village (cf. Fulf. wuro) citron (cf. English lemon via Hausa lèèmóó (sg.) / léémúúnàà

pêl sírlà zííbà

and Fulf. leemun) shovel, scoop (cf. Fr. pelle ‘shovel’) trousers (cf. Fulf. sirla) pocket (cf. Arabic j ,b via Fulf. jiiba)

(pl.)

Nouns which are inherently non-pluralizable are names of people and places, regular verbal nouns, and nouns in the context of inalienable possessive constructions. Examples of non-pluralizable nouns from each of these categories are as follows: names of people and places (5.12): búrò gaFm káàrá kà%gà tâw vbaFglà

(clan name) (female name) (place name) (clan name) (male name) (place name)

regular verbal nouns (5.9.1.1): bà7 âr kôhm kùh rò’ zyágrì

tying, knot (cf. bá7 ‘tie’) getting better, healing (cf. àr ‘get better’) gathering together, meeting (cf. kòhm ‘gather together’) becoming scarce, scarcity (cf. kúh ‘be scarce’) talking, saying, conversation (cf. ró’ ‘talk, say’) making a mistake, mistake (cf. zyàgrì ‘make a mistake’)

nouns in the context of inalienable possessive constructions (5.3.4): káání my heads(s) head:1SG.POSS.INAL

káázínzá our (incl.) head(s) father:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

páy my father(s) man:1SG.POSS.INAL

páázínzá our (incl.) father(s) man:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

5.5.1.3 Pragmatic limitations Even for nouns that are phonologically and semantically pluralizable, the application of pluralization in discourse is moderate. Some general observations which put this situation into perspective are as follows:

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- Even when phenomena in the referential realm are semantically plural, morphologically explicit plural constructions appear to be the exception rather than the rule. kà%á má zaFh. Kada with ox Kada has oxen. (Or: Kada has an ox.) - When a morphologically explicit plural is used, the semantic plurality of the referent is emphatic: kà%á má zàhlzá. Kada with ox:PL Kada has oxen. - Morphologically explicit plurals are rarely with numerals (9.1), since the plurality of the referent is already understood from an inherently plural number. kà%á má zaFh Kada with ox Kada has two oxen.

àtì. two

- Additionally, and in contrast to other pluralizable nouns, human or personified nouns are most often pluralized when there is a plural referent, even if the plurality of the referent is not emphatic (cf. Corbett 2000:55ff.): kà%á má gérêm. Kada with woman:PL Kada has wives (i.e., Kada is married and has more than one wife). gérêm má ná4túttè. woman:PL with PFX-soap The women have soap. tí4gérêm wáà %à%4zí túrà kúù. AUG-woman:PL chief sow:PFV-PL millet fields The wives of the chief sowed millet in the fields. nà4pùgzá lùg4zí. PFX-person:PL go.out:PFV-PL The people went out. nm gâh )éré má nà4pùgpùgá. nàmzá animal:PL TOP dwelling 3PL.POSS with PFX-humankind The animals had their dwelling with humankind.

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In addition to the animacy hierarchy, pragmatic factors such as definiteness and grammatical (subject vs. object, head vs. non-head position) and discourse roles (including topicalization and definiteness) may condition the use of morphologically explicit pluralization on nouns; these issues deserve further investigation.

5.5.2 Pluralization strategies Noun plurals are typically formed with a template containing the consonant z (5.5.2.1). In addition, there are a number of noun plurals which are formed irregularly (5.5.2.2). The tone of typical and—with one exception—irregular plurals is the same as that of the singular nouns from which they are derived. The application of the plural template can result in the morphophonological alternation of vocalic as well as consonantal nasality (5.5.2.3). The presence of derivational prefixes on nouns (5.1.2) does not affect the application of pluralization to accompanying noun roots: kwàá ná4kwàá

pl. kwàlzá pl. ná4kwàlzá

neck, voice necklace, bead

The preceding examples also show that in plural constructions, in contrast to some linked noun forms (5.2.2.2.1, 5.2.2.2.2), semivowels do not participate in morphophonological alternation. Pluralization strategies on possessive constructions and compounds are discussed in 5.5.2.4. 5.5.2.1 Typical plurals Typical plurals appear to be formed by the addition of various affixes containing the consonant z. However, when pluralized nouns are reviewed as a group, it becomes clear that they consistently conform to a C(C)VC.zV template. This plural template is achieved for any given root shape in at least two of the following five ways: 1. addition of the consonant z to the onset of a final syllable; 2. deletion of existing onset consonants in the final syllable, or shifting them to the coda of the second-last syllable; 3. addition of l or r to the coda of the second-last syllable; 4. shortening of long vowels in the second-last syllable; and 5. addition, retention, or alteration of a final vowel. The application of these strategies depend on the shape of the host root, but there is a surprising amount of variation among resulting plural forms even when base nouns are not greatly different. For example, the identity of the final vowel (#5 above) depends on the structure of the noun which is subject to pluralization (this is shown in further detail in 5.5.2.1.1–5.5.2.1.6 below). 207

An additional instance of this strategic variation is that in most cases (but cf. 5.5.2.1.5), there is no synchronically discernable phonological motivation for the insertion of l versus r in a pluralized noun (#3 above). This is evident from the following examples: báà áà

cane rat tree sp.

pl. bárzà (also: bárà, but not bálzà) pl. álzà (but not árzà)

baFh taFh

rain tree sp.

pl. bàhlzá or bàhrzá pl. tàhrzá (but not tàhlzá)

dwaF’ vwaF’

belly, centre large-spotted genet

pl. dwà’lzá (but not dwà’rzá) pl. vwà’rzá (but not vwà’lzá)

kwáà kwàá

grass neck, voice

pl. kwálzà or kwárzà pl. kwàlzá (but not kwàrzá)

láà làá

fig, fig tree hump

pl. lálzà (but not lárzà) pl. làlzá (but not làrzá)

wáà wàá

fig, fig tree hump

pl. wálzà or wárzà pl. wàlzá (but not wàrzá)

The choice of l versus r for plural nouns often varies between dialect areas, but not in a readily apparent direction for the lexicon as a whole. Within a single dialect area, Mambay speakers are usually consistent in their use of a given plural. However, for nouns which are infrequently used, speakers may accept or even provide inconsistent forms in the context of elicitation. The sociolinguistic complexities of this situation are acknowledged in the present research, but deserve further exploration. One consequence of the application of a consistent morphological template to nouns of different CV shapes is the neutralization of contrast among plural forms. Consider the following singular/plural alternations: wáà wàá wálà wààlá

pl. wálzà ~ wárzà pl. wàlzá pl. wálzà pl. wàlzá

fig, fig tree hump orphan basket rim, wheel

Hypothetically, plurals of nouns from all of the canonical shapes (5.1.1.1) could be neutralized to a single shape: wáà wâl* wálà

pl. wálzà pl. wálzà pl. wálzà

fig, fig tree [hypothetical root] orphan

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wáálà* wálgà*

pl. wálzà pl. wálzà

[hypothetical root] [hypothetical root]

However, there are no examples of such a profound neutralization in the data. The output of each of the five template-accommodating processes listed at the beginning of this section is further explored in reference to the specific noun root shapes to which they apply: - C(C)VV (5.5.2.1.1); - C(C)VC (5.5.2.1.2); - C(C)V.CV (5.5.2.1.3); - C(C)VV.CV (5.5.2.1.4); - C(C)VC.CV (5.5.2.1.5); and - other CV shapes (5.5.2.1.6). 5.5.2.1.1 C(C)VV roots CVV and CCVV noun roots conform to the noun plural template C(C)VC.zV by the addition of z to the root, the addition of l or r to the coda of the first syllable (see the first part of 5.5.2.1), the shortening of the long vowel in the first syllable, and the addition of a final vowel. With roots containing the vowel aa the added final vowel is the same quality as that of the root: láà kwàá nà4pàá

gourd neck, voice antelope sp.

pl. lálzà pl. kwàlzá pl. nà4pàlzá

báà dàá tyáà

cane rat papa fish sp.

pl. bárzà (also: bárà; see 5.5.2.2) pl. dàrzá pl. tyárzà

However, with CVV and CCVV noun roots containing the vowels ii, oo, (there is only one example of each in the data) and uu, the added final vowel is o: sìí

fish sp.

pl. sìnzó (see 5.5.2.3.1 regarding nasality)

syòó

song

pl. syòlzó

fùú nà4súù túù

trench insect sp. fish sp.

pl. fùlzó pl. nà4súlzò pl. túlzò

tí4vúù

antelope sp.

pl. tí4vúrzò

There are no CVV and CCVV noun roots in the data which contain ee and which may be pluralized. 209

5.5.2.1.2 C(C)VC roots Only a few of the C(C)VC noun roots in the data may be pluralized. Each of these roots conforms to the noun plural template C(C)VC.zV by the addition of z and a final vowel to the root. For CVC roots containing the vowel a, the added final vowel is a or o: kâ7 kaFw

bowstring, drum snare frog sp.

pl. ká7zà pl. kàwzá ~ kàwzó

For CVC roots containing other vowels, the added final vowel tends to be o: bî7 fêhm kuFm kyôNw kpú7 Nwêy

pl. bí7zò pl. féhmzò pl. kùmzó pl. kyó’wzò pl. kpú7zó pl. Nwéyzò ~ Nwéyzà

forest fish sp. baobab warthog, pig hill fish sp.

5.5.2.1.3 C(C)V.CV roots CV.CV and CCV.CV noun roots conform to the noun plural template C(C)VC.zV by the addition of z to the onset of the root’s final syllable, shifting of the existing onset consonant in the final syllable to the coda of the second-last syllable and, for roots ending in the vowels i e a o, the retention of the final vowel. yèrí vbìlá súgò kwérè

pl. yèrzí pl. vbìlzá pl. súgzò pl. kwérzè

clothing piece of boule ear fence

For roots ending in the vowel u, the final vowel becomes o: kpúgù sùmú zínù

pl. kpúgzò pl. sùmzó pl. zínzò

tree sp. potter’s kiln tooth, tusk

Exceptionally, for C(C)V.CV roots in which the onset of the final syllable is z, four strategies have been observed. This is illustrated using data gathered for vbízò ‘fishhook,’ a root with which all four strategies have been attested: 1. 2. 3. 4.

invariable plural: addition of l to coda of first syllable: addition of r to coda of first syllable: gemination of z: 210

vbízò vbílzò vbírzò vbízzò

Although the fourth strategy accords with that which is normally used for other C(C)V.CV roots, in roots where z is the final syllable’s onset it has only been observed with a single speaker. While a number of people have given plural forms with l or r in this situation, the invariable plural is even more commonly employed (see 5.5.1.1). 5.5.2.1.4 C(C)VV.CV roots CVV.CV and CCVV.CV noun roots typically conform to the noun plural template C(C)VC.zV by the addition of z to the onset of the root’s final syllable, addition of l or r to the coda of the second-last syllable, shortening of long vowels in the second-last syllable and, for roots ending in the vowels i e a o, the retention of the final vowel. óólì fíílò tíìrá tì4kóólè

pl. ólzì pl. fílzò pl. tîrzá pl. tì4kólzè

lion house mother, matron pipe

Plural forms of C(C)VV.CV noun roots ending in u are the same, except that the final vowel of the plural form is o rather than the identical vowel u. bíírù dúùrú hùùnú

pl. bírzò (cf. 5.5.2.3.1 re. nasality) pl. dûrzó pl. hùnzó (cf. 5.5.2.3.1 re. nasality)

cobra hyrax thigh

When the consonant in the last syllable of a C(C)VV.CV noun is an obstruent, the obstruent is replaced by the z of the plural tempate. óòzá kpèègá Nwáàgá

pl. ôlzá pl. kpèlzá pl. Nwâlzá

lump of mud tree crack

Almost all CVV.CV and CCVV.CV nouns roots ending in rV and lV consistently insert r and l respectively during pluralization (as evident from the examples earlier in this section). This could also be viewed as the shifting of these consonants from the coda of the last syllable to the onset of the first syllable. There are, however, a few exceptions in the data, including: fúúrà gì’rá tí4dî’rá

pl. fúlzà ~ fúrzà pl. gì’lzá pl. tí4dî’lzá ~ tí4dî’rzá

hernia gourd millet sp.

5.5.2.1.5 C(C)VC.CV roots CVV.CV and CCVV.CV noun roots conform to the noun plural template C(C)VC.zV by the addition of z to the onset of the root’s final syllable, deletion of the existing onset

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consonant in the final syllable and, for roots ending in the vowels a and o, the retention of the final vowel. dàmná nà4fóblà ná4gwálgà bùmgó hîmgó nà4kpô7gó

pl. dàmzá (cf. 5.5.2.3.1 re. nasality) pl. nà4fóbzà pl. ná4gwálzà pl. bùmzó pl. hîmzó pl. nà4kpô7zó

thatch, grass sp. water hyacinth mountain pass ribcage owl sp. chameleon

There are two C(C)VV.CV noun roots ending with the vowel u that are pluralized in a similar fashion, except that the final vowel becomes o: ná4rîmnú rúglò

pl. ná4rîmzó (cf. 5.5.2.3.1 re. nasality) pl. rúgzò (also: rúgúlzò; see below)

tongue, bud fish sp.

None of the C(C)VV.CV noun roots in the data which end in i or e may be pluralized. Exceptionally, three plurals retain the existing consonant in the final root syllable after z has been added. This results in the copying of the previous syllable’s vowel before the persistent consonant, and the consequent creation of an addition syllable: dígnù liver nìì nà4rígnù armpit rúglò fish sp.

pl. dígínzò pl. nìì nà4rígínzò pl. rúgúlzò (also: rúgzò; see above)

5.5.2.1.6 Other root shapes Apart from those noun roots exhibiting one of the canonical shapes presented in the sections immediately above, there are very few roots which can be pluralized. Even those who are able to provide plural data for other shapes are cautious about the validity and frequency of most of these forms. A representative list of non-canonical nouns for which plurals have been elicited is as follows: bàháà àvbâw gùùgìnú gìhgìnú gìwâh lágângá nà4sógôngá pùpùùrí

pl. bàhánzà pl. àvbáwzò pl. gùùgìnzó pl. gìhgìnzó pl. gìwáhlzà pl. lágânzá pl. nà4sógônzá pl. pùpùrzí

ibis sp. fish sp. gill wing, fin cup water turtle sp. earthworm horn (instrument)

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A possible reason for the pluralizability (however marginal) of these words is that they could be perceived as morphologically complex (prefixed or compound) words, which may take plural morphology if at least one of the roots is pluralizable (5.5.2.4). 5.5.2.2 Irregular plurals Ten of the nouns in the data, most of which are commonly used vocabulary items, employ alternative pluralization strategies. For eight of the ten words, the irregular plural exists alongside a typical plural form; however, the irregular forms are more commonly used. For six monosyllabic nouns, the plural is formed by the addition of a -ra (after a low vowel) or -ro (after u) suffix. (For comparative discussion of this suffix, see Anonby 2008:15–7; Ruelland 1992:142–3, 249–52; and Elders 2000:118, 122–3). Three of the six nouns contain contrastively long vowels, and in each of these cases the root vowel is shortened during pluralization. Another way of expressing the process of pluralization for these nouns is the subjection of the singular C(C)VV roots to a plural template C(C)VrV. These alternations are as follows: báà kyáà vúù

pl. bárà (also: bárzà) pl. kyárà (also: kyánzà; see 5.5.2.1.3) pl. vúrò (also: vúrzò)

cane rat container sheep, goat

The remaining three of the six nouns which employ this strategy contain vowels which are modified: in two cases by pharyngealization, and in the other case by glottalization. However, pharyngealized and glottalized vowels do not support contrast in length (2.2.1). Consequently, for two of the words, the C(C)VrV plural template does not affect the length of the modified root vowels. These singular/plural alternations are as follows: hâh vyâ’

pl. háhrà (also: háhlzà)

shepherd’s stick, herd of 100 cows mouse

pl. vyá’rà (also: vyá’rzà)

The evaporation of pharyngealization on a final monosyllabic noun is without parallel in the language. It is associated with the shortening of the vowel in both of its two irregular plural forms. zaFh

pl. zàrá, zàrzá (also: zàhlzá)

ox

Other irregular plurals are unpredictable. For two nouns, idiosyncratic plural forms show only a nominal similarity to the singular roots: ígà náábà

child colleague, intimate friend

213

pl. élà pl. nágrò

For two additional nouns, however, there is no discernible resemblance between singular and plural forms: vínà vbìná

pl. gérêm ~ gérmù (also: vínzà) pl. húrmù (also: vbìnzá)

woman male (n.), husband

5.5.2.3 Morphophonological alternation of nasality There are two cases in which nasality is subject to a morphophonological alternation when the noun plural template is applied. First, nasality evaporates from the final vowel of a root to which the noun plural template is applied (5.5.2.3.1). Second, l alternates with n in a nasal environment (5.5.2.3.2). 5.5.2.3.1 Evaporation of nasality from the final vowel of a pluralized root When the C(C)VC.zV plural template (5.5.2.1) is applied to a noun root in which the final vowel is nasalized, nasality on that vowel evaporates. bùrí gèmná hámà nà4kààrá sá7nì sììrá

wild manioc sp. entrance hut duiker sp. faithful companion, disciple mortar year

pl. bùrzí pl. gèmzá pl. hámzà pl. nà4kàrzá pl. sá7zì pl. sìrzá

This alternation takes place because the intervening obstruent z of the plural template deprives the word-final final nasalized vowel of the minimal environment required to host nasality (3.4.2, 3.4.3.8). 5.5.2.3.2 Alternation of l and n in a nasal environment Whenever l is inserted into a nasal environment as part of a plural template (as described in 5.5.2.1), it is realized as n. kwáà cf. kwáà

fly grass

pl. kwánzà ~ kwárzà pl. kwálzà ~ kwárzà

ná’rà cf. vbá’là

sauce chunk, muscle

pl. ná’nzà pl. vbá’lzà

nà4syâh cf. syaFh

sucking air between teeth and lip boundary

pl. nà4syáhnzà pl. syàhlzá

sàá cf. sáà

woman’s loin-garment, menstruation pl. sànzá stone pl. sálzà ~ sárzà

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When the inserted n is found as part of a plural construction, the singular root with which it is associated always exhibits a nasal environment; because of this, it is apparent that the underlying form of the inserted consonant is l rather than n (3.3.2.3). 5.5.2.4 Possessive constructions and compounds In alienable possessive constructions (5.3.3.3.1), plurality is marked on the semantically plural morphological constituent. Either noun or even both nouns in the possessive construction may be pluralized, depending on the semantic intent. This is evident in the possible plural forms of fàà syâh ‘back of the hand’: fàà syâh back:LF hand

fàlzì syâh back:PL:LF hand

backs of the hand

fàà syáhlzà back:LF hand:PL

back of the hands

fàlzì syâh back:PL:LF hand

backs of the hands

On lexicalized noun + noun compounds (5.4), which typically appear to be identical to alienable possessive constructions (5.3.3.1), plural morphology may cliticize on the dependent possessor noun even if the possessed head noun carries the semantic plurality. This is the case with the compound noun ‘heart’: láà tú ò gourd:LF blood

láà tú zò gourd:LF blood:PL

hearts

~ lálzì tú ò gourd:PL:LF blood

hearts

There is no plural marking on inalienable possessive constructions; semantic plurality on such constructions is unspecified (5.5.1.2).

5.6 Collective constructions Collective constructions are used with human nouns, and differ from plural constructions (5.5) in their morphology and in that they prototypically refer to groups as a whole rather than to multiple members within a group. Collective constructions in Mambay are signalled in two ways: prefixation with tì4 (5.6.1), and use of inherently collective nouns (5.6.2).

5.6.1 The human collective prefix tì4 The human collective prefix tì4 is used with names of social groups, such as ethnic groups, clans, inhabitants of a locality, and religious groups. Ethnic groups include: tì4byúù

the Guidar people (cf. byúù ‘(locality name)’) 215

tì4hàwsà tì4káà4byàá tì4làkà tì4làgá ~ tì4làgzá tì4màmbày tì4ná4syàá tì4zàmí

the Hausa people white people (cf. káálà / káà ‘head, reason, on’; byàá ‘water’) southern Chadians (especially Laka, Ngambay, Sara) the Mundang people (cf. làgá ‘lie (n.)’ / pl. làgzá) the Mambay people white people (cf. ná4syàá ‘fire, gun’) the Fulbe people

Mambay clans (5.12.2) include: tì4gáà tì4kà%gà tì4sáà4búúrà tì4tárà

the gáà clan the kà%gà clan the sáà4búúrà clan the tárà clan

Inhabitants of localities (see 5.12.1.4 for discussion of locality names) include: tì4bèè4páhnà tì4káà4kààlá tì4káà4síì tì4zé’gà

inhabitants of Beepahna inhabitants of Kaakaala inhabitants of the Mambay area (cf. káálà / káà ‘head, reason, on’; síì ‘valley, river’) inhabitants of the mountain (cf. zé’gà ‘mountain’)

Adherents to Islam and Christianity, the two major religious groups, are labelled in various ways. Muslims are referred to as follows: tì4)ìzlâm tì4mìzìlmâ7 tì4zìm4fínù

(cf. Arabic islam and Fr. islam) (cf. Fr. musulman) (cf. zìm ‘hit (v.n.)’; fínù ‘forehead, front’)

Christians are referred to as follows: tì4fí4sí4kètí (cf. fí4 ‘house,’ sí4kètí ‘God’) tì4kìrîz ~ tì4kríztù (cf. Fr. christ) tì4mìsyô7 (cf. Fr. mission via Fulf. misyo-) tì4njàpá (cf. Sango / Fulf. njapa ‘mission’) (Eguchi 1971:186) The prefix )ì4 (5.10) lends emphasis to the identity of the group. tì4)ì4màmbày ~ tìì màmbày those who are Mambay people COLL-HEAD-Mambay ~ COLL:HEAD Mambay cf. tì4màmbày COLL-Mambay

the Mambay people

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As the above example shows, the emphatic form of collective nouns has two possible realizations; both of these are formed with tì4 and the prefix )ì4 (5.10). While the first form (tì4)ì4màmbày) is more phonologically regular, it is the second form (tìì màmbày) which is almost always used, even in formal contexts. The absence of the glottal stop in tìì is significant in this morphological context, since it persists in segmentally comparable constructions such as tì4)ìzlâm ‘Muslims’ (see above in this section). tìì appears frequently as the collective form of male/generic and female participant nouns (5.7). singular form páà fâh man:LF path

collective form tìì fâh messengers / those who COLL:HEAD path are messengers

messenger

páà vbìì nàmá butcher man:LF cut:VN animal/meat

tìì vbìì nàmá butchers / those who are COLL:HEAD cut:VN butchers animal/meat

(tí4)vín bùù sé%gà potter (female (AUG-)woman: profession) LF-build:VNclay.cooking.pot

tìì bùù sé%gà potters / those who are COLL:HEAD build:VN- potters clay.cooking.pot

5.6.2 Inherently collective human nouns There is a handful of inherently collective nouns which refer to social groups. These nouns, which contain a historical derivational suffix -(g)VrV (see 5.1.3.2), are as follows: )àzgárà fààzárà fàhzárà màngárà nà7gárà

reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) reciprocal social unit (see Glossary) age-group maternal uncles

cf. )ázì Tmember of )àzgárà cf. fààzí member of fààzárà cf. fâhzí member of fàhzárà cf. màn age-mate cf. nánà T maternal uncle

5.7 Participant noun constructions Participant noun constructions are used to identify people and objects by what they do or, more broadly, things by which they are identified. These constructions are described separately in this study because of their productivity in spontaneous constructions, their important contribution to the lexicon (well over one hundred items in the data), and because they are formed by two distinct means: possessive constructions and prefixation. Participant noun constructions are of three types in Mambay: male/generic (5.7.1), female (5.7.2) and non-human (5.7.3).

217

As is the case in many African languages (Dimmendaal 2000:170), participant nouns in Mambay are typically found as possessed head nouns in the context of possessive constructions. This is true of all three types (male/generic, female and non-human). An additional and equivalent female participant noun construction in Mambay involves the addition of a prefix to a noun. Possessor nouns which follow the possessed noun or prefix are commonly, but not exclusively, verbal nouns (cf. 5.9.1). Participant nouns may have either an agentive or a patientive role in relation to verbal nouns. Participant nouns employ varied pluralization and collective strategies (5.7.4).

5.7.1 Male/generic participant nouns Male/generic participant noun constructions are formed by inserting the noun páà ‘man, father, owner’ in the possessed-noun position of a possessive construction. The prototypical usage of páà as an alienable noun is that of ownership: páà )ígà man:LF thing

owner

Although páà is typically used for male referents, and Mambay speakers consistently give the gloss ‘man, father,’ it may also be used generically: páà bîn man:LF another

another person (male or female)

páà só’lí )ì4vínà man:LF greatness:LF HEAD-woman

female boss (cf. páà só’lé ‘master, lord’)

A wide representation of syntactic possibilities is found with male/generic participant nouns, which comprise about two-thirds of the participant nouns in the data. Participant noun constructions composed of páà and a typical (i.e., non-verbal) noun are illustrated by the following examples: páà páà páà páà páà páà

dìgì fâh )ígà káálà ràhbá sò7gó

cf. dìgì neighbourship cf. fâh path cf. )ígà thing cf. káálà head, reason cf. ràhbá poverty cf. sò7gó old age

neighbour messenger owner guide poor man old man

Constructions involving other components are as follows: páà + verbal noun:

páà sûm4ná acquaintance man:LF know:VN-OBJ

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páà + compound noun:

páà tí4vín hú%ò widower (cf. tí4vín hú%ò ‘dead woman’) man:LF AUG-woman:LF die:VN

páà + prepositional phr.: páà bèè káálà stupid person man:LF without head páà + adjective:

páà gbéndén man:LF short

dwarf

páà + nominalized adv.: páà tùm man:LF forward

guide

Of the various participant noun constructions, those containing verbal nouns are the most common. In all cases, the participant noun is the subject of the verb (whatever the semantic role of the subject in relation to the verb): páà hú%ò man:LF die:VN

dead person

páà pààrá man:LF cultivate:VN

farmer

páà ryáhrà man:LF cry:VN

caller, wailer

páà tígrò man:LF fall:VN

falling person

For regular verbal nouns derived from transitive verbs, an object (either explicit or the dummy object suffix 4na; cf. 5.9.1.1) always accompanies the verbal noun. páà sàh )ígà man:LF play:VN thing

musician

páà kòg kyaF’ man:LF see:VN situation

diviner, fortune-teller, prophet

páà vbìì nàmá man:LF cut:VN animal/meat

butcher

páà gêy4ná man:LF boast:VN-OBJ

boaster

páà hHFh4nà man:LF fear:VN-OBJ

coward

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páà sôg4ná man:LF send/order:VN-OBJ

messenger

5.7.2 Female participant nouns Female participant noun constructions may be formed in one of two ways: by inserting the noun vínà ‘woman’ or its respect form (cf. 5.8.2) tí4vínà in the possessed-noun position of a possessive construction; or by attaching an augmentative/female prefix tí4 (cf. 5.8.2) to a noun. (tí4)vín sûm4ná acquaintance (AUG-)woman:LF know:VN-OBJ

= tí4sûm4ná

female

= woman:PFX-know:VN-OBJ

The two forms appear to be interchangeable, although it is possible that (tí4)vínà may be associated with more formal speech or used to focus on the female identity of the participant. Participant noun constructions composed of (tí4)vínà / tí4 and a typical (i.e., non-verbal) noun are illustrated by the following examples: (tí4)vín dìgì / tí4dìgì (tí4)vín só’lé / tí4só’lé

female neighbour first wife

cf. dìgì neighbourship cf. só’lé greatness

Constructions involving other components are as follows: (tí4)vínà ~ tí4 + verbal noun: (tí4)vín sûm4ná = tí4sûm4ná female acquaintance (AUG-)woman:LF know:VN-OBJ = woman:PFX- know:VN-OBJ (tí4)vín bùù sé%gà (AUG-)woman:LF build:VN clay.cooking.pot

= tí4bùù sé%gà = woman:PFX-build:VN clay.cooking.pot

potter (female profession)

(tí4)vín káà pít (AUG-)woman:LF head:LF adultery

= tí4káà pít = woman:PFX- head:LF adultery

prostitute

(tí4)vín mùh sìgró (AUG-)woman:LF centre:LF land

= tí4mùh sìgró = woman:PFX-centre:LF land

first wife

(tí4)vínà ~ tí4 + compound noun:

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(tí4)vínà ~ tí4 + adjective: (tí4)vín sâ’ (AUG-)woman:LF elderly

= tí4sâ’ = woman:PFX-elderly

elderly woman

5.7.3 Non-human participant nouns Non-human participant noun constructions are formed by inserting the noun )ígà ‘thing’ in the possessed-noun position of a possessive construction. Almost all non-human participant noun constructions in the data involve a verbal noun derived from a transitive verb. The participant )ígà can be the subject or object of a verbal noun. Subject status is evident in the following constructions: )îg bù’ dígnù thing:LF gather.up:VN liver

nausea

)îg kàm zírmìn thing:LF weave:VN cloth

loom

)îg kpuFg4nà thing:LF saw(v.):VN-OBJ

saw (n.)

)îg paFh4nà thing:LF plan:VN-OBJ

plan

The object status of )ígà is evident in the following constructions (since )ígà is coreferential with the dummy object suffix 4na): )îg doFg4nà thing:LF drink(v.):VN-OBJ

drink (n.)

)îg fú’rì4ná thing:LF swell:VN-OBJ

swelling

)îg sàá4nà thing:LF pay.tribute:VN-OBJ

tribute

)îg sûm4ná thing:LF know:VN-OBJ

knowledge

The only attested non-human participant noun constructions involving components other than verbal nouns are as follows: )ígà + compound noun: )îg káà súgò earring (cf. káà súgò ‘top of ear’) thing:LF head:LF ear 221

)ígà + prepositional phr.: )îg sáà wáà nose ring thing:LF inside nose )ígà + nominalized adv.: )îg sùgú thing:LF below

that which is below / the bottom thing

5.7.4 Pluralization and collective strategies Participant nouns employ various pluralization and collective strategies, depending on whether they are male/generic, female or non-human. The male/generic participant páà may not be pluralized. Instead, Mambay speakers use collective constructions with the generic human collective participant tìì (= tì + )ì; see 5.6.1) ‘those [who are] of’: páà fâh man:LF path

tìì fâh

messenger

COLL:HEAD

páà vbìì nàmá butcher man:LF cut:VN animal/meat

messengers path

tìì vbìì nàmá butchers COLL:HEAD cut:VN animal/meat

The female participant (tí4)vínà ~ tí4 has two possibilities available. If the female identity of the participants is significant, the plural noun (tí4)gérêm (an irregular plural of (tí4) vínà; see 5.5.2.2) is employed ((tí4)vínà is used in the examples here, but its short form tí4 is equivalent; see 5.7.2). (tí4)vín dìgì female neighbour (AUG-)woman:LF neighbourship

(tí4)gérêm dìgì female neighbours (AUG-)women:LF neighbourship

(tí4)vín bùù sé%gà potter (female (AUG-)woman:LF profession) build:VN clay.cooking.pot

(tí4)gérêm bùù sé%gà potter women (AUG-)women:LF build:VN clay.cooking.pot

However, if the female identity of the participants is incidental, the human collective participant tìì is employed: (tí4)vín dìgì female neighbour (AUG-)woman:LF neighbourship

COLL:HEAD

(tí4)vín bùù sé%gà potter (female (AUG-)woman:LF profession) build:VN clay.cooking.pot

tìì bùù sé%gà potters COLL:HEAD build:VN clay.cooking.pot

222

tìì dìgì neighbourship

neighbours (who happen to be female)

The non-human participant )ígà ‘thing’ is usually used with verbal nouns (cf. 5.9.1), which are often not countable (5.5.1.2). In such cases, the noun resists pluralization, and no collective construction is available (cf. the human collective participant in the examples earlier in this section). )îg sàá4nà tribute thing:LF pay.tribute:VN-OBJ

—

tribute (pl.)

)îg sûm4ná knowledge thing:LF know:VN-OBJ

—

knowledge (pl.)

In cases where participant nouns constructed with )ígà ‘thing’ are countable, )ígà is pluralized (cf. 5.5.2.4). )îg kàm zírmìn loom thing:LF weave:VN cloth

)ígzì kàm zírmìn looms thing:PL:LF weave:VN cloth

)îg kpuFg4nà saw thing:LF saw(v.):VN-OBJ

)ígzì kpuFg4nà saws thing:PL:LF saw(v.):VN-OBJ

5.8 Diminutives and augmentatives Diminutive and augmentative strategies are both available in Mambay. While diminutive derivations (5.8.1) employ compounding (5.4), augmentative derivations (5.8.2) employ prefixation (5.1.2).

5.8.1 Diminutives Diminutives are a productive means of expressing small (or diminutive) size and/or specificity. They are formed by coupling ígà ‘child’ with another noun in the context of a possessive construction (5.3.3.3.1). Diminutives expressing small size include the following phrases: base noun bî7 fíílò kpèègá vúù

diminutive îg îg îg îg

forest house tree goat

bî7 fíílò kpèègá vúù

thicket small house bush goat kid

Diminutives expressing specificity include the following phrases: ká’ kuF

îg ká’ îg kuF

here (n.) there (n.)

right here (n.) right there (n.)

Diminutives which have been lexicalized as compound nouns include the following:

223

héérì ná4syàá kyaFh màhbá tì4nà4múùrá

coal fish concubinage, adultery jinn, totem, vision

îg îg îg îg

héérì ná4syàá kyaFh màhbá tì4nà4múùrá

spark nile perch betrothal butterfly

Plural diminutives are formed with élà ‘children,’ the plural form of ígà (see 5.5.2.2). îg îg îg îg

héérì ná4syàá kpèègá tì4nà4múùrá vúù

êl êl êl êl

spark bush butterfly goat kid

héérì ná4syàá kpèègá tì4nà4múùrá vúù

sparks bushes butterflies goat kids

Plural diminutives may also be used with nouns referring to small things, even when their base forms are not otherwise pluralizable (cf. 5.5.1). This type of construction emphasizes small or diminutive size as well as the plural nature of the things. baFh féévbà )îg gógrà kúmù ná4gbú74gbâ’ sí4síì zàà fâh yá

êl êl êl êl êl êl êl

rain pair of twins flying insect herder (boy) tadpole waxbill (bird sp.) shrew sp.

baFh féévbà )îg gógrà kúmù ná4gbú74gbâ’ sí4síì zàà fâh yá

drizzle twins flying insects herders tadpoles waxbills shrews (sp.)

5.8.2 Augmentatives Augmentatives are a productive means of expressing large (or exaggerated) size and/or respect. They are formed by attaching the prefix tí4, which likely originates in the words túù ‘mother’ and/or tíìrá ‘matron’ (cf. 5.1.2.4.11). (This prefix has two other functions, one of which marks female participant nouns (5.7.2) and one of which is obligatorily found as a part of specific nouns (5.1.2.4.11)). Augmentatives expressing large size include the following examples: base noun byàá kyaFh kpèègá súgá

augmentative water fish tree spear

tí4byàá tí4kyaFh tí4kpèègá tí4sùgá

large water-body large fish large tree large spear

Augmentatives expressing respect are found with nouns denoting females, including canonical female personal names (cf. 5.12.1.1). This accords well with the ‘female’ sense of the prefix which is found in female participant nouns (5.7.2). Augmentatives expressing respect include the following examples:

224

base noun )ázì T %èví nàgá nà4vínù vínà má4nâ’

augmentative (respect form) member of )àzgárà (see Glossary) (female proper name) (female proper name) co-wife woman man’s mother-in-law

tí4)ázì T tí4%èví tí4nàgá tí4nà4vínù tí4vínà tí4má4nâ’

An augmentative semantic value is also evident in many nouns which are obligatorily found with the suffix tí4 (5.1.2.4.11). In such cases, however, the semantic association between the base noun and the augmented form is often much more general than one of proportion or respect; in some cases, it approaches the female- or “mother”-type participant noun function of the prefix (5.7.2, 5.1.2.4.11). base noun fígò gyáàlá hú%ò kúù níínà sígò sìgró sòògá twaFh vúù

5.9

lexicalized augmentative flea nanny death fields, bushland lower millstone, mill crocodile land hotness, smithy snake goat

tí4fígò tí4gyáàlá tí4hú%ò tí4kúù tí4níínà tí4sígò tí4sìgró tí4sòògá tí4twaFh tí4vúù

duck maternal aunt Death (personified) fields, bushland molar fetish against thievery world anvil python antelope sp.

Verbal nouns

Verbal nouns fall into two major categories: true verbal nouns, which participate in productive noun/verb derivational processes (5.9.1) and those which are fossilized: such nouns show evidence of historical noun/verb derivation but do not participate in such derivation synchronically (5.9.2). In both cases, derivation is responsible for endowing them with the action-centred semantic contribution typical of Mambay verbs (Chapter 7).

5.9.1

True verbal nouns

True verbal nouns (henceforth referred to simply as verbal nouns) exhibit characteristics of nouns as well as verbs (Chapter 7). They are semantically predictable in that they minimally refer to a verbal action or state which is brought about by the subject (whether agent or another role) (cf. fossilized verbal nouns; see 5.9.2). verbal noun úù %áárà %â%

verb stem úú %àà %à%

sprouting alighting sowing, planting 225

sprout alight sow, plant

púgvbì

pùgvbí

scattering

scatter

As regards their status as nouns, they exhibit the distributional possibilities of other nouns with similar semantic values (ex. 5.3.3.3.1, 5.5). For example, they may be possessed (5.3.2). verbal noun hú%ò

possessed form hû% )íí my dying/death die:VN 1SG.POSS

dying, death

hû% nàmá die:VN animal

animal’s dying/death

Structurally, verbal nouns pattern with nouns in that they are minimally comprised of a heavy syllable or two light syllables; this contrasts with verbs, since in the data there are fifteen examples of verb roots comprised of a light syllable. In fact, a compensatory g is inserted for verbal nouns derived from verb roots comprised of a light syllable (2.4.3, 7.1.1): verbal noun dòg pàg

verb stem dó pá

drinking doing

drink do

However, verbal nouns also exhibit some characteristics of verbs. By definition, all verbal nouns correspond to finite verb roots, with which they are found in derivational relationship. While complexities of derivation are discussed in the sections devoted to each type of verbal noun (5.9.1.1 and 5.9.1.2), some general observations underline the verb-like behaviour of verbal nouns. Importantly, verbal nouns are used in the Mambay verbal system, where with subject pronouns they express the verbal function of the Imperfective (7.4.1.1.2). A comparable situation is found in the well-known case of Hausa (Dimmendaal 2000:171, Newman 2000:288–92) and in Kebi-Benue languages such as Mundang (Elders 2000:327–30). verbal noun

Imperfective verb form

%áárà

alighting

mì %áárà 1SG alight:VN

I alight / I am alighting

hú%ò

dying, death

mì hú%ò 1SG die:VN

I die / I am dying

The verbal nature of such constructions is further underlined by the possibility of their accompaniment by adverbs (8.1).

226

rì hú%ò búvbùvbù 1PL die:VN IDEO

we (excl.) are dying buvbuvbu (i.e., left and right)

Syntactically, there is a further resemblance to verbs, namely: verbal nouns which correspond to transitive verbs must be accompanied by an object or a dummy object suffix (7.3.2.1.2). verbal noun *kòg Ø see:VN

verbal noun with object *seeing

kòg )ígà see:VN thing

seeing something

koFg4nà see:VN-OBJ

seeing (something)

In one context, verbal nouns exhibit obviously verbal morphology: when an explicit plural subject is invoked in the Imperfective, the verbal plural affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) is attached following the first syllable of the verbal noun (7.4.1.1.2). verbal noun %áárà

Imperfective verb form nà %áá4zí4rà we (incl.) alight / we (incl.) 1&2 alight:VN-PL-VN are alighting

alighting

Verbal nouns are subdivided into the structurally regular transitive verbal nouns (5.9.1.1) and the structurally irregular intransitive verbal nouns (5.9.1.2). 5.9.1.1 Regular verbal nouns Regular verbal nouns are productively derived from transitive verbs stems; this is an instance of what Payne (1997:224–5) calls action nominalization. Regular verbal nouns are typically comprised of the same segmental content as corresponding stems (given here as basic Perfective verb forms; see 7.4.1.1.1.1). verbal noun %â% gyàh gbóógì púgvbì Qàh )ùù

verb stem %à% gyáh gbòògí pùgvbí Qáh )ùù

sowing, planting sewing, hemming enlarging, widening scattering calling, inviting whistling

sow, plant sew, hem enlarge, widen scatter call, invite whistle

(Like their source stems, regular verbal nouns require an object or dummy object suffix to follow; see the previous section and 7.4.3.1.2. This object is not shown in present discussion except when it is being directly addressed.) This regular segmental correspondence includes most (but not all) g4final verbal nouns: 227

àg gbùg vòg )ìg (etc.)

ág gbúg vóg )íg

meeting, supporting throwing watching, guiding killing

meet, support throw watch, guide kill

There are, however, eight (otherwise) regular g4final verbal nouns in the data which differ from the segmental content of the corresponding verb stems. Seven of the eight exceptions are derived from verbs comprised of a C(C)V syllable, which does not meet the minimal two-mora weight requirement for nouns (5.1.1.1). It appears, therefore, that g has for the most part been inserted as a compensatory measure. These verbal nouns are as follows: verbal noun nùg dòg hìg kòg kyàg pàg syàg )ìg

verb stem nú dó híí kó kyé pá syé )í

sleeping (tr.) drinking giving seeing hurting doing shining knowing

sleep (tr.) drink give see hurt (tr.) do shine know

The tone melody of regular verbal nouns is distinct from that of corresponding verb stems. Regular verbal nouns exhibit two possible melodies: L and HL. Regular verbal nouns with L tone may be derived from verbs with either H-toned (Class 1) or L-toned (Class 4; see 7.3.2.2.1) stems. verbal noun

verb stem

dù7 fòò

bending down spying, reviewing

dú7 fóó

bend down spy, review

màà pì’

giving an opinion transplanting

màà pì’

give an opinion transplant

In contrast, heavy (two-mora) HL regular verbal nouns are always derived from verbs with L-toned stems (Class 5), and HL regular verbal nouns with three or more morae are derived from verbs with LH stems (Class 6). verbal noun ûl sîn

verb stem dividing picking up tiny things

228

ùl sìn

divide pick up tiny things

gíín` rímrì

gììnT rìmrí

persuading immersing

persuade immerse

Verbal nouns derived from transitive verbs are always accompanied by an object. This object may be expressed: ûl tà4tàhrgù dividing a rock pile divide:VN PFX-rock.pile

dòg byàá drinking water drink:VN water

%â% à’rá sowing seed sow:VN seed

Qàh vwáà call:VN dog

calling a dog

If the object is not expressed, the suffix 4na acts as a dummy object. If the verbal noun to which it is attached is L-toned, the resulting word has a LHL melody. verbal noun

verbal noun w/ dummy object

dòg fòò gòò pì’

doFg4nà fòó4nà gòó4nà pHF’4nà

drinking (something) spying (something) preparing (something) transplanting (something)

If the verbal noun is HL-toned, the resulting word has a HLH melody. ûl %â% gwáà hágrì

ûl4ná %â%4ná gwáà4ná hágrì4ná

dividing (something) sowing (something) robbing (something) shattering (something)

As the examples above show, the dummy object suffix’s nasality does not travel leftward into the verbal noun. The apparently polar tonal behaviour of 4na is addressed in the following subsection (5.9.1.1.1). This is followed by a discussion of the function of regular verbal nouns as Imperfective verb forms (5.9.1.1.2). 5.9.1.1.1 Tonal behaviour of 4na A simple explanation for the polar tonal behaviour of 4na has not been reached. However, it is probable that it underlyingly bears a contour (HL or LH) melody. It is possible that 4na is underlying HL. If this is the case, its melody is fused with that of L-toned verbal nouns as follows: verbal noun

dummy object

verbal noun word

fòò

4nâ

fòó4nà

+

229

spying (something)

gbùg

+

4nâ

gbuFg4nà

throwing (something)

With HL verbal nouns, the process would take place as follows: ûl %â%

+ +

4nâ 4nâ

ûl4ná %â%4ná

dividing (something) sowing (something)

This implies the deletion of the final L tone of 4nâ, which never surfaces with a HL verbal noun. Since, in these examples, there are only three tone-bearing units on the resulting verbal noun word, it is not unreasonable to posit the lexical deletion of an excess fourth tone (cf. 4.3.1.4). Comparable situations are attested elsewhere in the language (e.g., a HLH melody on two-mora nouns; see 4.1.2.2). However, in stems with sufficient tone-bearing units, there is no evidence that this hypothetical final L tone is ever associated. expected realization

actual realization

*QáànT4nà *)óògí4nà

Qáán`4ná )óógì4ná

cause (something) to finish set (something) crawling

Alternatively, if 4na were considered underlying LH, more assumptions must be accepted. First of all (similar to what is described in the HL explanation above), the melody of HL verbal nouns would have to have fused with that of the LH suffix 4naF, resulting in a single HLH word. ûl %â%

+ +

4naF 4naF

ûl4ná %â%4ná

dividing (something) sowing (something)

The LH identity of 4na would be more difficult to account for with the other (“L-toned”) verbal nouns. It is possible that the underlying tone of what are described above as Ltoned verbal nouns is actually LH, even though the H portion of the melody only surfaces when 4na replaces the explicit object. The loss of the LH verb’s H tone when accompanied by an explicit object would be seen as parallel to the attested loss of any LH possessed noun’s H tone in the context of the possessive construction (see 5.2.2.1). If this were the case, the verbal noun data throughout would be re-presented as follows: verbal noun

verbal noun w/ explicit object

fòó gbuFg

fòò … gbùg …

spying (something) throwing (something)

The result of affixation with 4naF would be as follows: fòó gbuFg

+ +

4naF 4naF

fòó4nà gbuFg4nà

230

spying (something) throwing (something)

Still, the final H of 4naF never surfaces. But since there are only three morae on the resulting verbal noun word, and since (in contrast to HLH verbal noun words; see above) there are no examples in the data of LHL verbal noun words with more tone-bearing units than this, it is not unreasonable to posit the lexical deletion of an excess fourth tone (4.3.1.1). Comparable situations are attested elsewhere in the language (e.g., a three-tone melody on two-mora nouns; see 4.1.2.2). An underlying H melody for 4na is harder to defend, but should also be considered. As in the previous hypothesis, affixation with HL nouns would be straightforward. ûl %â%

+ +

4ná 4ná

ûl4ná %â%4ná

dividing (something) sowing (something)

Still, and also as in the previous hypothesis, what are described above as L-toned verbal nouns would have to be considered LH in order to pursue an account in which 4na was H-toned: verbal noun

verbal noun w/ explicit object

fòó gbuFg

fòò … gbùg …

spying (something) throwing (something)

With LH verbal nouns, it is possible that Meeussen’s rule (see Meeussen 1965:110 and Goldsmith 1984) causes a H-toned 4ná suffix to be realized as L after H: fòó gbuFg

+ +

4ná 4ná

fòó4nà gbuFg4nà

spying (something) throwing (something)

The major weakness of this explanation is that such a process has not been observed elsewhere in the language (merging of H tones is the norm in other phonological words; for an example, look at inalienable noun-pronoun constructions in 5.3.4.2.4.1). Because of the complexity of these arguments, the tonal identity of 4na is accounted for throughout as part of lexical HLH and LHL melodies on words composed of a verbal noun + 4na. 5.9.1.1.2 Imperfective function of regular verbal nouns Apart from their basic nominal status, regular verbal nouns function as Imperfective verb forms (7.4.1.1.2).

231

verbal noun dòg

Imperfective form drinking

mì dòg )ígà 1SG drink:VN thing

I drink something / I am drinking something

mì doFg4nà 1SG drink:VN-OBJ

I drink (something) / I am drinking (something)

As stated above (5.9.1), the verbal behaviour of verbal nouns in this context is further underlined by the possibility of their accompaniment by adverbs (8.1). mì dòg )ígà hárì 1SG drink:VN thing quickly

I drink something quickly / I am drinking something quickly

mì doFg4nà hárì 1SG drink:VN-OBJ quickly

I drink (something) quickly / I am drinking (something) quickly

In one context, regular verbal nouns exhibit obviously verbal morphology: when an explicit plural subject is invoked in the Imperfective, the verbal plural affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) is attached following the final syllable of the regular verbal noun. nà dòg4zí )ígà hárì 1&2 drink:VN-PL thing quickly

we (incl.) drink something quickly / we (incl.) are drinking something quickly

nà dòg4zí4nà hárì 1&2 drink:VN-PL-OBJ quickly

we (incl.) drink (something) quickly / we (incl.) are drinking (something) quickly

5.9.1.2 Irregular verbal nouns Irregular verbal nouns correspond to intransitive verbs stems. In addition to their intransitivity (cf. 7.3.2.1), they differ from regular verbal nouns (5.9.1.1) in their derivational behaviour. Importantly, there is no synchronic process by which irregular verbal nouns are derived from verb stems. Historically, irregular verbal nouns appear to have undergone a historical wave of unevenly applied derivational suffixation along with the rest of the nouns in the language (5.1.3.2; this has been further described in Anonby 2008). This process has resulted in irregular, lexicalized verbal nouns as follows: verb stem

vestigial suffix

irregular verbal noun

%àà ‘alight’ + *4rV tè’ ‘walk’ + *4lV sùù ‘lie down’ + *4gV

%áárà ‘alighting’ té’là ‘walking’ sú7gà ‘lying down’

To a large degree, then, irregular verbal nouns represent the most common noun shapes (cf. 5.1.1.1). The five attested CV shapes of irregular verbal nouns in the data are as follows: 232

CV shape

irregular verbal noun

corresponding verb stem

CVV CV.CV CVV.CV CVC.CV CCVV.CV

gúù gélà %áárà fímrò gyáárà

gúú gé %àà fìm gyàà

flowing, flow (n.) getting lost alighting weighing foaming up

flow (v.) get lost alight weigh (intr.) foam up

Tonally, irregular verbal nouns are mostly HL, but occasionally LH. irregular verbal noun

corresponding verb stem

HL

gúù gélà %áárà fímrò

flowing, flow (n.) getting lost alighting weighing

gúú gé %àà fìm

flow get lost alight weigh (intr.)

LH

dààrá kììbá lààbá sòglá

fighting, fight dreaming, dream eating, food working, work

dàà kìì làà sóg

fight (intr.) dream eat (intr.) work (intr.)

tone melody

As is the case with regular verbal nouns, irregular verbal nouns function as Imperfective verb forms (7.4.1.1.2). verbal noun

Imperfective verb form

%áárà

alighting

mì %áárà 1SG alight:VN

I alight / I am alighting

hú%ò

dying, death

mì hú%ò 1SG alight:VN

I die / I am dying

As stated above (5.9.1), the verbal nature of verbal nouns in this context is further underlined by the possibility of their accompaniment by adverbs (8.1). rì hú%ò búvbùvbù 1PL die:VN IDEO

we (excl.) are dying buvbuvbu (i.e., left and right)

As is the case with regular verbal nouns, morphological evidence for noun-to-verb derivation is found when an explicit plural subject is invoked in the Imperfective: the verbal plural affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) is attached following the first syllable of the irregular verbal noun. 233

verbal noun %áárà

5.9.2

Imperfective form nà %áá4zí4rà we (incl.) alight / we (incl.) 1&2 alight:VN-PL-VN are alighting

alighting

Fossilized verbal nouns

In addition to true verbal nouns (5.9.1), there are many fossilized verbal nouns which show segmental and semantic correspondences to specific verb stems. However, in other respects they are like nouns in general. Over one hundred fossilized verbal nouns have been identified in the data; this is out of a total of 1525 non-borrowed, lexicalized nouns. Fossilized verbal nouns correspond to transitive as well as intransitive verbs. fossilized verbal noun fìmgó lóózìrá rámà sòògá

intransitive verb stem weight tiredness blindness, blind person hotness, smithy

fìm lóó ràà sòò

weigh (intr.) get tired go blind get hot, boil

transitive verb stem kúmù Nmààzìlá ròólè sù’gó

kúm Nmáá ròò sú’

herder respect trick (n.), comedy ploughed land

protect, guide, care for respect trick, amuse pull

Fossilized verbal nouns are like irregular true verbal nouns (5.9.1.2) in that there is no synchronic process by which they are derived from verb stems. However, they differ from true verbal nouns (regular and irregular) in three important ways. First, fossilized verbal nouns cannot participate in verbal constructions, notably those involving Imperfective verb forms (cf. 7.4.1.1.2); second, although they exhibit more structural complexity than true verbal nouns, transitivity does not influence their structure; and third, they are semantically unpredictable. In the subsections that follow, the morphological structure and semantic values of fossilized verbal nouns are described (5.9.2.1 and 5.9.2.2). Following this, the direction of historical noun/verb derivation is considered (5.9.2.3). 5.9.2.1 Morphological structure The structures of fossilized verbal nouns are a significant subset of those found with nouns in general (5.1). The inventory of CV shapes of fossilized verbal nouns in the data is as follows:

234

CV shape

verbal noun

CVV CVC CCVV CV.CV CVV.CV CVC.CV CCVV.CV CCVC.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV

wâh nà4mâm tì4ryâh kúmù sòògá fìmgó gwáàlá nà4rwâ%gá lóózìrá nà4vìgzìló

corresponding verb cup opinion ululation herder hotness, smithy weight thief, robbery joint tiredness longing stare

wàh màà ryáh kúm %àà fìm gwàà rwà% lóó víg

water (v.) give an opinion cry protect, guide, care for get hot, boil weigh (intr.) rob dislocate get tired plug, look longingly

Like irregular true verbal nouns (5.9.1.2), most or all fossilized verbal nouns have undergone a historical wave of unevenly applied derivational suffixation (Anonby 2008, 5.1.3.2; but see 5.9.2.3). However, the structure of fossilized verbal nouns is more varied. For example, while irregular true verbal nouns contain a maximum of two syllables (5.9.1.2), there are many fossilized verbal nouns with three-syllable stems. Also, in addition to historically fused suffixes (5.1.3.2), there are also two semantically salient suffixes found principally with fossilized verbal nouns: 4(g)VrV and 4zi. 4(g)VrV is a fused generic suffix found with nouns historically derived from intransitive verbs, and is described in 5.1.3.2. Examples of this suffix are: fìmgórò fùhgárà sò7górò sòògárà

cf. fìm weigh (intr.), fìmgó weight cf. fùh smell (v.); fùhgá smell (n.), stink cf. sò7gí age (v.), sò7gó old age cf. sòò get hot, boil, sòògá hotness, smithy

heaviness spreading of a smell aging heat

The suffix 4zi, which is formally reminiscent of the noun plural template (5.5.2.1), verbal plural person affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) and the verbal extension 4zi (7.2.4.4), appears to have a pluractional meaning when it is found in the context of fossilized verbal nouns. With a single exception (lóózìrá ‘tiredness, difficulty’; see list below), it is found only in fossilized verbal nouns derived from transitive verbs. pluractional verbal noun lóózìrá nà4kyàhzìlá nà4pòòzìlá nà4sà’zìlá nà4sììzìlá nà4sìhzìlá nà4sììzìlá

corresponding verb lóó kyáh pòò sá’ sìì síh síí

tiredness, difficulty love payment congratulations envy dislike intense hatred 235

get tired ask, love, praise pay congratulate covet hate, burn (tr.) hate intensely

nà4sògzìlá nà4vìgzìló nà4zòòzìlá Nmààzìlá

sòg víg zóó Nmáá

command longing stare greetings respect

send, order, serve, pass on plug, look longingly greet respect

The above list reveals that in addition to fused suffixes, many fossilized verbal nouns contain obligatory prefixes (see 5.1.2 for a discussion of noun prefixes). These prefixes are not attested with irregular true verbal nouns (5.9.1.2). The prefix nà4 is quite common with fossilized verbal nouns, and all fossilized verbal nouns with this prefix are derived from transitive verbs. The single example of a verbal noun with the prefix tì4 is, in contrast, derived from an intransitive verb. corresponding verb

verbal noun nà4)âwrá nà4 yáà nà4kyâh nà4lé7gìrá nà4lêyrá nà4mâm nà4Nmùùrá nà4ryáà nà4sáágìrá nà4sâh

yawn (n.) chewing request, praise, begging movement grinding, command opinion drawing, writing wink flattery request

)àw éé kyáh lè7gí lèy màà Nmùr ríí sààgí sàh

yawn bite ask, love, praise move, swing, shake groan, crash, order give an opinion draw, write clean out, wink deceive, flatter ask, rip, play

tì4ryâh

ululation

ryáh

cry

Tonally, fossilized verbal nouns are also more varied than irregular true verbal nouns (5.9.1.2). HL, LH, HLH and LHL tone melodies, the first three of which are the most common melodies for nouns in general (5.1.1.2), are all found with fossilized verbal nouns. tone melody

verbal noun

corresponding verb

HL

gíírò kúmù wâh

insult herder cup

gìì kúm wàh

answer, accept, admit protect, guide, care for water, grow (tr.), tame

LH

gbaFh fàmgá nà4zòòzìlá

tongs announcement greetings

gbáh fám zóó

catch, thicken, befit announce, propagate greet

HLH

sâ’gá gyáàlá

number nanny

sá’ gyàà

buy take out, gather up

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LHL

nà4lé7gìrá

movement

lè7gí

move, sway

ròólè gaF%lè fìmgórò

trick (n.), comedy deaf person heaviness

ròò gà% fìm

trick, amuse be deaf weigh (intr.)

5.9.2.2 Semantic relationship with corresponding verbs In contrast to true verbal nouns (5.9.1), fossilized verbal nouns are semantically unpredictable. True verbal nouns minimally refer to a verbal action or state which is brought about by the subject (whether agent or patient), and this is the case for some fossilized verbal nouns. fossilized verbal noun %â%rá fúrù nà4 yáà nà4zê% sì’lá

verb stem %à% fùr éé zè% sí’

sowing, planting piling dirt chewing mocking, mockery fishing

sow, plant pile dirt chew mock, decorate fish (v.)

However, many other fossilized verbal nouns centrally exhibit semantic roles such as the agent, patient, instrument, or location of the verb from which they have been historically derived. This is evident for the following examples of fossilized verbal nouns: fossilized verbal noun òògárà gógrà gwáàlá gyáàlá kángà kû%gó kúmù mâh nà4tû’ nà4zù’ló páhnà pò’lá súúbà vbáhrà Nwáàgá

verb stem bonus bee, flock of birds thief; robbery medicine, fetish male circumcision apprentice herder granary proverb object which is thrown mud, clay money urine clod of earth cracks

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óó gòg gwàà gyáá kàn kù% kúm màh tú’ zú’ pàh póó sùù vbàh Nwáá

hit jump, fly, blow away rob take out, gather up pass, exceed, abuse study, learn protect, guide, care for gather together show, teach throw, patch, add wet (v.) pay urinate share, divide split

5.9.2.3 Direction of historical derivation It is often difficult to establish the direction of historical derivation between fossilized verbal nouns and corresponding verb stems. In contrast to what happens with regular verbal nouns, whose derivation from verb stems is marked by the possibility of suffixation with the dummy object suffix 4na (5.9.1.1), there is no productive synchronic affixation on fossilized verbal nouns. Rather, as demonstrated by the previous sections (5.9.2.1, 5.9.2.2), the morphological structure and semantic value of fossilized verbal nouns is varied, and does not correspond systematically with related verb roots. Obviously, there are two historical derivational possibilities for each pair: verb-to-noun, and noun-to-verb. On the one hand, it is technically possible that noun-to-verb derivation has taken place, and that verbs have been historically derived from corresponding nouns by means of CVC(CV) morphological templates. (?) (?) (?) (?)

gyáàlá kúmù nà4lé7gìrá sòògá

medicine, fetish herder movement hotness, smithy

gyáá kúm lè7gí sòò

take out, gather up protect, guide, care for move, swing, shake get hot, boil

Most such verbs are monosyllabic and/or have H or L tone in their basic Perfective form. Synchronically, however, verbs which are demonstrably derived from nouns or any other part of speech are disyllabic and always have LH tone in their basic Perfective form (7.4.1.1.1.1). gbóògá kpâtgá puF’ ràhbá

wideness distance (n.) whiteness poverty

gbòògí kpàtgí pù’gí ràhbí

enlarge, widen distance (tr.) become white impoverish, become poor

This suggests that few or none of the corresponding noun/verb pairs categorized as fossilized verbal nouns reflect a historical noun-to-verb derivation (or, at least, one that functioned in the same way as the synchronic noun-to-verb derivation). On the other hand, there are a couple of modest indicators of historical verb-to-noun derivation. One indicator is, with one exception, the limitation of fossilized verbal noun prefixes to nà4 (5.9.2.1 above). This is very different from nouns in general, with which any of ten different prefixes may constitute an obligatory component (5.1.2.1). If many or most corresponding verbs were derived from nouns, a range of prefixes would likely be represented. A second indicator of historical verb-to-noun derivation is the repeated occurrence of more than one noun corresponding to a single verb.

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fossilized verbal noun

corresponding verb

nà4kyâh request, praise, begging nà4kyàhzìlá love

kyáh

ask, love, praise

sâ’gá sá’rà

number price

sá’

buy

sòògá sòògárà

hotness, smithy heat

sòò

get hot, boil

vbâh ná4vbâh

forked pole for shelters distribution

vbáh

share, divide

vbáhrà ná4vbáhrà

clod of earth intersection

vbàhrí

split (cf. vbáh ‘share, divide’ + -ri iterative/ intensive extension)

Given the lack of evidence for most examples, the term “fossilized verbal noun” refers throughout this study to nouns for which there is a semantically related and segmentally similar verb form, even when the direction of derivation is difficult to demonstrate.

5.10 Modifier promotion and nominalization The prefix )ì4 promotes modifiers from a number of word classes to the status of independent noun (cf. 5.14). In the context of discourse, prefixation with )ì4 is the basic strategy used to emphasize modifiers. It promotes these dependent phrase elements to the place of a basic clause constituent: with )ì4, a modifier is recast as an independent noun, and may be placed in apposition with a noun which (except in the case of directional adverbs; see below) it would have otherwise modified. This derivational process is shown here with possessor nouns, which modify head nouns (cf. 5.3): noun phrase with head noun and modifier

promoted modifier in apposition with antecedent noun

kpáhlì kpèègá wood stool stool:LF tree/wood

kpáhlà )ì4kpèègá the wood stool (lit. the stool HEAD-tree/wood stool, the wood one)

và’zì bá%à leaf:LF tamarind

và’zá )ì4bá%à leaf HEAD-tamarind

tamarind leaf

the tamarind leaf (lit. the leaf, the tamarind one)

Note that phrase-initial nouns followed by )ì4 and a modifying noun exhibit a free (unmarked) rather than linked noun morphology (5.3.3.3.1); this is evidence that the nouns are in apposition rather than in a head-dependent relationship. 239

When the modifier is something other than a noun or noun phrase, its promotion to the status of independent noun requires that this modifier be understood as nominalized. kpèègì árá7 straight tree tree/wood:LF straight

kpèègá )ì4 árá7 the straight tree (lit. the tree/wood HEAD-straight tree, the straight one)

îg bîn child:LF other

ígà )ì4bîn child HEAD-other

another child

the other child (lit. the child, the other one)

In the case of directional adverbs, the modifier has not been part of a noun phrase; it is simply nominalized and may be placed in apposition with an antecedent noun. fàárì backwards

fâh )ì4fàárì path HEAD-backwards the path behind

Importantly, the first noun in apposition may be left implicit when )ì4 attaches to and promotes any modifier. promoted modifier in apposition with antecedent noun

promoted modifier with implicit antecendent concept

kpáhlà )ì4kpèègá the wood stool stool:LF tree/wood

)ì4kpèègá HEAD-wood

that which is wood

kpèègá )ì4 árá7 the straight tree tree/wood HEAD-straight

)ì4 árá7 HEAD-straight

that which is straight

fâh )ì4fàárì the path behind path HEAD-backwards

)ì4fàárì HEAD-backwards

that which is behind

Sometimes, the antecedent concept is not mentioned at all in a discourse. mù yáh4rì )ì4dò’dò’ 2SG take:PERF-PERF HEAD-attractive

you have taken that which is attractive

mú 2SG:OPT

do the right [thing] (lit. do the [thing] with path!)

pá )ì4má fâh do:OPT HEAD-with path

Still, whether or not an antecedent concept is explicitly mentioned, the modifier to which )ì4 is applied presupposes that such a concept is known to the listener; this lends it the effect of definiteness. As evident in the examples throughout the present section, this definiteness has been expressed in most glosses with ‘the … (one)’ and, when the antecedent concept is implicit, ‘that which is…’ (i.e., the thing, the … one).

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The possibility that )ì4 is historically related to the noun )ígà ‘thing’ is entertained earlier in this chapter, where )ì4 is described along with other noun prefixes (5.1.2.4.12). The modifier promoted by )ì4 may be any one of the following: - nouns (5.10.1); - adjectives (5.10.2); - directional adverbs (5.10.5); - numerals (5.10.3); - specifiers (5.10.4); - prepositional phrases (5.10.6); and - relative clauses (5.10.7).

5.10.1 Nouns The prototypical application of the prefix )ì4 is to a possessor noun in a possessive construction. noun phrase with head noun and modifier

promoted modifier in apposition with antecedent noun

promoted modifier with antecedent concept left implicit

îg vbìná child:LF male(n.) male child

ígà )ì4vbìná child HEAD-male(n.) the male child

HEAD-male(n.)

kpáhlì kpèègá stool:LF tree/wood wood stool

kpáhlà )ì4kpèègá stool HEAD-tree/wood the wood stool

HEAD-tree/wood

và’zì bá%à leaf:LF tamarind tamarind leaf

và’zá )ì4bá%à leaf HEAD-tamarind the tamarind leaf

)ì4bá%à HEAD-tamarind that which is tamarind

yèr kwéé clothing:LF Kwe male child

yèrí )ì4kwéé clothing HEAD-Kwe the clothing of Kwe

HEAD-male(n.)

)ì4vbìná that which is male )ì4kpèègá that which is wood

)ì4kwéé that which is Kwe’s

This strategy is also used to promote possessive pronouns (5.3.3.3, 6.1.4) to the status of independent nouns: và’zì )íí leaf:LF of.me my leaf

và’zá )ì4)íí leaf HEAD-of.me my leaf

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)ì4)íí HEAD-of.me

mine

yèr )óró yèrí )ì4)óró clothing:LF of.you (pl.) clothing HEAD-of.you (pl.) your (pl.) clothing your (pl.) clothing

)ì4)óró HEAD-of.you (pl.) yours (pl.)

5.10.2 Adjectives Adjectives (8.4) promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4 are shown in the following examples: fâh árá7 path:LF straight straight path

fâh )ì4 árá7 path HEAD-straight the straight path

)ì4 árá7 HEAD-straight that which is straight

béè gúrúrú water:LF deep deep water

byàá )ì4gúrúrú water HEAD-deep the deep water

)ì4gúrúrú HEAD-deep that which is deep

5.10.3 Numerals Numerals (9.1) promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4 are shown in the following examples: fâh àtì path two two paths

fâh )ì4 àtì path HEAD-two the two paths

)ì4 àtì HEAD-two the two / both [of them]

Nmár zó%ôm friend ten ten friends

Nmárà )ì4zó%ôm friend HEAD-ten the ten friends

)ì4zó%ôm HEAD-ten the ten [of them]

5.10.4 Specifiers Specifiers (9.2) promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4 are shown in the following examples: îg bîn child:LF other another child

ígà )ì4bîn path HEAD-other the other child

)ì4bîn HEAD-two the other

Nmár náá friend:LF this this friend

Nmárà )ì4náá friend HEAD-this this friend

)ì4náá HEAD-this this one

5.10.5 Directional adverbs Directional adverbs (8.1.1), which (unlike other modifiers in this section) are not found in noun phrases, may also be promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4; this is shown in the following examples:

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fàárì backwards

fâh )ì4fàárì path HEAD-backwards the path behind

)ì4fàárì HEAD-backwards that which is behind

kètí upwards

tálè )ì4kètí roof HEAD-upwards the roof above

)ì4kètí HEAD-upwards that which is above

5.10.6 Prepositional phrases Prepositional phrases (9.3) promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4 are shown in the following examples: lààbí bèè kpâh7gá eat:VN:LV without saltiness bland food

lààbá )ì4bèè kpâh7gá path HEAD-without saltiness the bland food

)ì4bèè kpâh7gá HEAD-without saltiness that which is bland

sòglí má syâh eat:VN:LV with hand work done by hand

sòglá )ì4má syâh work HEAD-with hand work done by hand

)ì4má syâh HEAD-with hand that which is by hand

5.10.7 Relative clauses Relative clauses (10.2.2.3), like the modifiers described above, may also be promoted to the status of independent noun with )ì4. However, in contrast to the other modifiers, the antecedent concept to which they refer must be expressed. Example noun phrases comprised of a head noun and a dependent relative clause are as follows: )îg nàá pá4lé thing:LF REL happen:PFV-3SG.REFL a thing that happened îg nàá nú4lé káá4mi child:LF REL sleep:PERF-3SG.REFL head:2SG.POSS.INAL a child that has gone to sleep before you do When these relative clauses are promoted to the status of independent nouns, they are expressed as follows: )ígà )ì4nàá pá4lé thing HEAD-REL happen:PFV-3SG.REFL the thing that happened

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ígà )ì4nàá nú4lé káá4mi child HEAD-REL sleep:PERF-3SG.REFL head:2SG.POSS.INAL the child that has gone to sleep before you do

5.11 Ideophonic nouns Unlike the categories of adjective and adverb, in which ideophones are dominant, ideophones are marginally represented among nouns. There are no syntactic indicators which separate ideophonic nouns from other nouns, nor are there any precise morphological criteria whereby they can be distinguished. However, there is a strong correlation between non-canonical noun structure (5.1.1.1) and ideophonic function (as described in 8.2). For example, species names and unusual items whose phonological forms reflect perceptual realities are well-represented (and perhaps even normative) among non-canonical nouns (examples are given in 5.11.1). In particular, this is the case for noun stems which exhibit reduplication (5.11.2). In addition to nouns which are inherently ideophonic, ideophonic nouns derived from adjectives also exist (5.11.3).

5.11.1 Examples of ideophonic nouns The sound symbolism characteristic of ideophones is easier to identify for some nouns than for others. The clearest cases of ideophonic nouns are those which reflect a sound which speakers of the language associate with a given item. In Mambay, two examples of ideophonically transparent groups of nouns are musical instruments and birds, both of whose names are often based on the sounds they make. Ideophonic names for musical instruments include: %èlè74%élé7 bell gàgàh7 drumstick kâ7 drum snare

kókól pìpùùrí tí4tóró7

small drum horn (instrument) small bronze bell

Ideophonic names for birds include: bàháà díht ná4gáhgù

kyóò4kòrí hornbill sp. tí4kà4ràhgú large heron tí4tòòn`tíì lark

ibis sp. warbler crow

5.11.2 Ideophonic nouns exhibiting reduplication Nouns which exhibit segmental reduplication in their stem shapes are typically ideophonic. As with other nouns, some reduplicated nouns have prefixes (usually ti4; see 5.1.2.4.11); however, the presence or absence of a prefix is not correlated to whether or not reduplication has applied, and prefixes are excluded from the process. Both partial and full segmental reduplication are attested; full reduplication is less common, but easier to delimit and describe (as talked about in 8.4.2.1.2). For some fully reduplicated nouns, as may be observed from the examples below, there seems to be a semantic link to pairing and plurality. Interestingly, an independent source morpheme is 244

not identifiable for any of these words. An exhaustive list of nouns in the data exhibiting full segmental reduplication is given here. Fully reduplicated nouns without prefixes are: bègè4bégé úrí4 ùrì dìgìm4dígím %èlè74%élé7 fùgù4fúgú

spleen, pancreas piece corn silk bell lungs

là 4là lèhrù4lèhrù sìrìm4sìrìm wàh4wàh

bud large-eared person dark colour hubbub

tì4kòht4kôht tì4kpúr4kpùr tì4kpá%4kpà% tí4lwáN4lwàN

hornbill sp. weeding (first cycle) malaria grass and burr sp.

Fully reduplicated nouns with prefixes are: tí4%úú4%ùù tì4fyáh74fyàh7 tì4gbúl4gbùl tí4gbúm4gbùm tí4kíí4kìì

owl sp. minnow sp. large air bubble in water edible creeper sp. whooping cough

A single kinship term, nánà T ‘maternal uncle,’ also shows segmental reduplication. However, rather than reflecting any ideophonic quality, the repetition in this word is better seen as the result of a universal repetitive tendency found in kinship terms (and, surprisingly, a tendency which is otherwise unexploited in Mambay). 5.11.2.1 CV structure CV shapes of the fully reduplicated nouns in the list above are as follows: CVV+CVV CVC+CVC CV.CV+CV.CV CV.CVC+CV.CVC CVV.CV+CVV.CV It should be noted that those forms with prefixes are limited to the reduplication of a single heavy (two-mora; see 2.4.3) syllable, whereas most of the forms without prefixes show the reduplication of two syllables. This may be significant, but it is also possible that this pattern is due to the small sample size provided by the data. 5.11.2.2 Tone melodies H-toned stems are absent among fully reduplicated nouns, but L-toned nouns are reduplicated in a straightforward manner, e.g. sìrìm4sìrìm ‘dark colour.’ It is interesting that for other nouns, however, tone is not simply reduplicated along with the segmental information. A number of reduplicated stems show a HL melody on the reduplicated stem with the H on the first section and the L on the second, e.g. úrí4 ùrì ‘piece’; conversely, several stems show a LH melody on the reduplicated stem with the L

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on the first section and the H on the second, e.g. dìgìm4dígím ‘corn silk.’ This tone association, which differs from that found on morphologically simple nouns (4.2.1.1), confirms that reduplicated nouns are not comprised of one long root. Finally, the LHL melody on the word tì4kòht4kôht ‘hornbill sp.’ does not appear to be the product of reduplication, but rather a simple tone melody associated with the word as a whole.

5.11.3 Ideophonic nouns derived from adjectives Four ideophonic nouns appear to have been derived from adjectives: derived noun

ideophone bùg4bùg

covered with a dusting of something

bíì4búglá

a dusty littering of something

kéè

brilliant, intense (red)

kíì4kéérú tí4kéé4kèèrú

brilliance, intense red (n.) firefly

ryá74ryá7 long, straight and thin

tì4ryá74ryà7

gourd sp. with long, thin neck

While the derivational template is different for each example, the following structures are evident in the derived forms: 1) an adjective base which has undergone an ideophonic plural derivation (8.5.1) (bíì4búglá, kíì4kéérú); 2) presence of a noun prefix (5.1.2) (tí4kéé4kèèrú, tì4ryá74ryà7); 3) presence of a fused noun suffix (5.1.3.2) (bíì4búglá, kíì4kéérú, tí4kéé4kèèrú).

5.12 Proper names Three types of proper names which are well-represented in the data are personal names (5.12.1), clan names (5.12.2) and place names (5.12.3).

5.12.1 Personal names There are three major categories of personal names in Mambay, each of which serves a distinct function: canonical (5.12.1.1), situational (5.12.1.2), and religious (5.12.1.3). Although most Mambay infants are given many names by relatives at a naming ceremony (Qâh), only one name from each category is typically retained by unofficial consensus and associated with a person for the remainder of his or her life. Of these three names, one or two names from any of the three categories are applied to a person publicly. Place names are additionally used to disambiguate between people whose publicly recognized names are identical (5.12.1.4).

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Each name has a contrastive underlying tone melody. However, forceful or exasperated vocatives are pronounced with a replacive H melody. tâw táw

(male canonical name) hey, Taw!

pàná páná

(female canonical name) hey, Pana!

5.12.1.1 Canonical names There are exactly ten Mambay canonical personal names (nà4wâgrá) in common usage. Four of the names are for males, and six are for females. Birth order, parent’s nà4wâgrá, and a child’s temperament are factors which play into the choice of the name. This name also emphasizes a person’s membership in the ethnic group. The four canonical personal names for males are: kwéé kà%á

kàmì tâw

The six female canonical personal names are: àrá %èví gaFm

)ìzá pàná nàgá

All of the canonical names contain two morae: either two light syllables or one heavy syllable. While male canonical names exhibit four tone melodies (H, L, HL, LH), all of the female canonical names are LH. For married women, the augmentative/female prefix tí4 (5.8.2) is normally used with the name as a means of conveying respect: tí4 àrá tí4%èví tí4gaFm

tî’zá tí4pàná tí4nàgá

In the case of tî’zá in the list above, the source V)V sequence alternates idiosyncratically with a glottalized vowel. tí4

+

AUG

cf. tí4 AUG

+

)ízà (Iza (female canonical name))

AUG:Iza

)ígà thing

tí4)ígà large thing AUG-thing

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tî’zá

(Iza, respect form)

Like other nouns, canonical names have a linked form determined by a morphological template (cf. 5.2.2.2). %èv )íí kà% )íí kàm )íí tî’zí )íí

my %èví my kà%á my kàmì my tî’zá

However, when names are used in apposition (cf. 5.2.1), the free form rather than the linked form of the name is found. kàmì tâw (name) (name)

cf. kàm )íí (name) 1SG.POSS

5.12.1.2 Situational names Situational names are given as a way of marking the circumstances surrounding a child’s birth: for example, they may be used to respond to a lie or an insult, to complain, or to show thankfulness. Most such names are unique to individuals, and they are formed in the same way for males and females. One situational name comprised of a noun has been attested (nà4kàrá ‘cane, guide’), but most names are comprised of a complete clause. These include: )à4záárà4nà cf. )à záárà nà (lit. ‘did it [the disease] infect?’) 3:IMPFV cross/infect:VN QM mì4víì4ní

cf. mì víì4ní (lit. ‘I have been afraid’) 1SG be.afraid:PERF-1SG.REFL

ná4súú4zí

cf. ná súú4zí (lit. ‘let’s [incl.] remember’) 1&2:OPT think/remember:OPT-PL

wàr4zèèlá

cf. Ø wàr zèèlá (lit. ‘[only] lies remain’) 3:PFV remain:PFV lie:VN

zaFh4háà4lé

cf. zaFh háà4lé (lit. ‘the ox has returned’) ox come.back:PERF-1SG.REFL

5.12.1.3 Religious names Almost all Mambay now claim adherence to either Islam or Christianity (1.1.3.4), and this is reflected in the normative use of religious names. The Mambay associate Fulfulde with Islam, and French with Christianity; consequently, it is from these two languages that religious names are selected and applied along the religious lines within the ethnic group. Interestingly, religious names tend to conform to the CV and tonal norms of the Mambay canonical names (cf. 5.12.1.1): those names that are more than two syllables often have short (two-mora) forms, and short names are pronounced with LH tone.

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Examples of names associated with each of the major religions are given here, and a short form is provided when it has been attested: “Islamic” name

short form

bùbá fà%ìmádù mùsá nàfìsátù/nàfí )ùsùmánù

— fà%í — nàfí mànú

“Christian” name

short form

)àgábùs )èlìzàbêt làzár mùwíz nàtànyêl

)àgá )èlíz — — nàtá

(male name) (female name) (male name) (female name) (male name)

(male name) (female name) (male name) (male name) (male name)

5.12.1.4 Personal names referring to place names When two people in the same referential sphere have publicly recognized names (see beginning of 5.12.1) that are identical, place names (cf. 5.12.3) are frequently used to disambiguate between the two people. kàmì )ìsá fígíl kàmì )ìsá káà4kààlá

Kami Isa from Figuil Kami Isa from Kaakaala

kwéé làzár bèè4sûm kwéé làzár káà4gúúmà

Kwe Lazar from Beesum Kwe Lazar from Kaaguuma

tí4pàn bèè4páhnà tí4pàn káà4kyôNw

Tipana from Beepahna Tipana from Kaakyo’w

5.12.2 Clan names The names of major Mambay clans are as follows: búrò gáà gyàhrá (cf. gyàhrá ‘termite sp.’) kà%gà kà4zû’ kò7gò7 kpí’rà / má7gà kpùmú / tárà (cf. kpùmú ‘monkey’)

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lâh4zwâ’ (cf. zwâ’ ‘ancestry’) làmbèy (cf. làmbùù ‘(village name)’) nà4hî’ / táárè nà4hîmgó (cf. hîmgó ‘owl’) sáà4búúrà (cf. sáà inside, búúrà ‘wall, construction’) sàgró

These clan names show a variety of tone melodies (L, HL, LH, HLH) and CV shapes, and three of the names contain an obligatory prefix. Two of the clan names appear to be compound nouns. While most of the names are semantically opaque, the meaning and/or source of some of them may be determined. Rather than plurals, the collective prefix tì4 (5.6.1) is used with clan names. tì4búrò tì4sáà4búúrà

the búrò clan the sáà4búúrà clan

5.12.3 Place names Place names are varied in Mambay, but many settlement names are compounds formed with káálà (linked form: káà) ‘head, reason’ and byàá (linked form: bèè) ‘water.’ Some of these names include: káà4fí4fyàá káà4fí4ná4rùù káà4kààlá káà4gbú7nì káà4kû’ káà4kyôNw káà4ná4gáhgù káà4nà4wá’và

(cf. fí4 ‘place of’; fyáà ‘moon, month, festival’) (cf. fí4 ‘place of’; ná4rùù ‘(personal name)’) (cf. kààlá ‘axe’) (cf. gbú7nì ‘shack’) (cf. kû’ ‘sand’) (cf. kyôNw ‘warthog, pig’) (cf. ná4gáhgù ‘crow’) (cf. nà4wá’và ‘bush sp.’)

bèè4kàhlí bèè4páhnà bèè4sòòlì bèè4sûm bèè4zwâ’

(cf. kà4kàhlí ‘throw-knife (northern dialects)’) (cf. páhnà ‘mud, clay’) (cf. ?) (cf. súmù ‘night’?) (cf. zwâ’ ‘ancestry’)

5.13 Locative function of nouns As is the case for prepositions (9.3), nouns may be used to indicate location (for formal differences between the two word classes, see 9.3.3). Like objects of transitive verbs (7.3.2.1.2), nouns functioning locatively are morphologically unmarked complements which follow a verb. Ø yàà fíílò 3:PFV stay:PFV house cf. Ø kó fíílò 3:PFV see:PFV house

he/she/it stayed at the house he/she/it saw the house

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Importantly, and similar to what is found in Mundang and some related languages (Elders 2000:253–4, Welmers 1973:216–7; cf. Ruelland 1992:230–1), there is no formal difference between the two following a transitive verb. This may lead to ambiguity which is only resolved in the referential realm, as the following example shows: Ø làà4rì túrà 3:PFV eat:PERF-PERF millet

he/she/it has eaten millet / he/she/it has eaten at the millet (i.e., among the millet plants)

When an object and locational complement are found in the same clause, the object comes first. Ø làà túrà )áà 3:PFV eat:PFV millet beans

he/she/it has eaten millet among the bean plants

Ø làà )áà túrà 3:PFV eat:PFV beans millet

he/she/it has eaten beans among the millet plants

Although a wide range of nouns could be used in a locative function, three categories in particular are commonly used: locations in the referential realm, inherently locative nouns, and body parts used in a locative capacity. Examples of locations in the referential realm (see also 5.12.3) are as follows: bèè kàhbí fíílò káà4kààlá vbaFglà zé’gà

(river name) [a particular] house / home (village name) (fields near Kaakaala) [a particular] mountain; Mambay Mountain

Ø yàà fíílò 3:PFV stay:PFV house

he/she/it stayed at the house

Ø yàà káà4kààlá 3:PFV stay:PFV Kaakaala

he/she/it stayed in Kaakaala

Ø yàà zé’gà 3:PFV stay:PFV mountain

he/she/it stayed on the mountain / he/she/it stayed on Mambay Mountain /

All of the inherently locative nouns in the data are as follows: fà4gbàh7 fìn gâh kaF’

outside toward midst here

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kô’ kuF’ là í sígzò

there there left side middle

Ø yàà sígzì fíílò 3:PFV stay:PFV middle:LF house

he/she/it stayed in the middle of the house

Ø yàà gâh )éré 3:PFV stay:PFV midst:LF 3PL.POSS

he/she/it stayed among them (lit. in their midst)

Ø yàà kà’ náá 3:PFV stay:PFV here this

he/she/it stayed right here

That these words are nouns rather than prepositions is proven by their compatibility with dependent noun phrase elements such as possessor nouns, possessive pronouns and specifiers. This is shown in the example sentences above. Body parts commonly used in a locative capacity are as follows: noun

body part gloss

locative gloss

dágà dwaF’ fààlá fínù )ínù káálà mùhná Nmàhná nììnú nínù syâh tèNnú tìnú vbyâh

mouth, edge belly back, skin, place forehead, front body, self head, reason vulva leg, foot eye, face, life eye, face, life hand, finger side front, genitals cheek

by, at, at the tip of centre at, at the back of, behind in front of, facing at the place of, in the presence of on, in reference to, in order to, because at the centre of at the foot of under, at the bottom of, for, because in the presence of for beside at the front of on the flank of

These body parts are a subset of the nouns which take inalienable pronominal possession (5.3.4.1). When they are used in a locative capacity, they are necessarily possessed (cf. 5.3.3.3.1). The possessor may be a noun or an inalienable possessive pronoun (cf. 5.3.4.2.2). Ø yàà káà zé’gà 3:PFV stay:PFV head:LF mountain

he/she/it stayed on top of the mountain

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Ø yàà káálé he/she/it stayed on top of it 3:PFV stay:PFV head:3SG.C/I.INAL mountain

5.14 Noun phrases Noun phrases are constructions involving a head noun and, potentially, additional elements. Like clauses (10.1.1) and prepositional phrases (9.3), noun phrases are leftheaded in Mambay. The following noun phrase constructions are used commonly: noun + noun (including possessive pronouns and noun phrases) noun + adjective noun + numeral noun + specifier noun + prepositional phrase noun + relative clause In the subsections below, examples of these constructions are provided.

5.14.1 Noun + noun Noun + noun phrases, described here as possessive constructions, are the most common type of noun phrase in Mambay (5.3). They are composed of a possessed head noun followed by a dependent possessor. While the possessed noun exhibits a linked form (5.2.1), the possessor’s form is free (i.e., unmarked). hûg kágà bone:LF chicken

chicken bone

In addition to typical nouns, possessive pronouns and possessive constructions may fill the possessor slot of a possessive construction. hûg )íí bone:LF 1SG.POSS

my bone

hûg kâg só’lí )íí bone of my large chicken bone:LF chicken:LF greatness:LF 1SG.POSS

5.14.2 Noun + adjective Noun + adjective phrases are formed in the same way as possessive constructions (5.3, 5.14.1): while the head noun exhibits a linked form (5.2), the dependent adjective is unmarked. îg child:LF

gbéndén short

short child

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5.14.3 Noun + numeral There are two types of noun + numeral phrases; these differ only in the form of the first noun. In typical count constructions (9.1.1.1), a free (unmarked) noun is followed by a numeral. sììrá year

àtì two

two years

When the noun + numeral phrase has a definite value (9.1.1.1), the head noun appears with a linked form (5.2). sìì àtì year:LF two

the two years

5.14.4 Noun + specifier Noun + specifier phrases are composed of the linked form (5.2) of a noun followed by a specifier (9.2). sé%gì clay.cooking.pot:LF

núú that

that clay cooking pot

5.14.5 Noun + prepositional phrase In phrases composed of noun + prepositional phrase, the head noun appears in its linked form (5.2), and the prepositional phrase (9.3) is unmarked. )îg thing:LF

sáà wáà inside nose

thing inside the nose; nose ring

5.14.6 Noun + relative clause Noun + relative clause phrases are composed of the linked form (5.2) of a noun followed by a relative clause headed by the relativizer nàá (10.2.2.3). )îg thing:LF

nàá pá4lé REL happen-3SG:REFL

a thing that happened

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6 PRONOUNS 6

PRONOUNS

Because pronouns play a major role in verbal inflection (cf. 7.4), the description of pronouns in Mambay provides a suitable transition between the description of nouns (Chapter 5) and that of verbs (Chapter 7). Most of the present chapter is devoted to the cataloguing and description of personal pronouns (6.1), and a final section (6.2) presents interrogative pronouns.

6.1 Personal pronouns In Mambay, thirteen pronoun slots are grammaticalized based on person, number and related values (6.1.1). Pronouns are used to mark subjects (6.1.2), objects (6.1.3) and possessors (6.1.4). Each category of personal pronoun is found with a corresponding set of emphatic pronouns (6.1.5). The table on the following page provides an overview of Mambay personal pronouns:

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Mambay personal pronouns

mì

mìí

mìí

míì

mí

mí

)íní

)íí

4í

2SG

mù

mù

mù

mùú

mùú

múù

mú

4mi

)íním

)ám

4mi

1&2SG

nà

nà

nà

nàá

nàá

náà

ná

ná

)íná

)áná

4ná

3SG

dú

)áà~ híì

—

)úùrú~ )úùwú

4 `rú~ 4 `wú

má

4 `rú~ 4 `wú lé

)ílé

)éé

4lé

)à / Ø )àá

3SG.IMPERS )à

alienable

reflexive

basic

Perfective tenses Ø

)àá~ hìí

inalienable

mì

Optative

mì

person

Imperfective

1SG

independent

negative nonPerfective

possessive

negative Perfective

object

Indicative Irrealis

subject

3SG.COREF

lè

lè

lè

lèé

lèé

léè

1PL

rì

rì

rì

rìí

rìí

ríì

rí

rí

)írí

)írí

4rí

2PL

rò~)ò

rò~)ò

rò~)ò

ròó

ròó

róò

ró~)ó

ró

)író

)óró

4ró

1&2PL

nànzà nà

nà

nàá

nàá

náà

ná

zìnzá~ 4zíná

)ínzínzá~ )ínzá

)ánzá

4zínzá~ 4zíná

3PL

dùgzí

)àá~ hìí

)áà~ híì

dùgú

—

dùgú

dùgú

)éré

4ré

3PL.IMPERS )à 3PL.COREF

rè

Ø rè

)à / Ø )àá rè

rèé

rèé

réè

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má

ré

)íré

6.1.1 Pronoun slots Thirteen pronoun slots are grammaticalized based on person, number and related values. 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.IMPERS 3SG.COREF 3GEN 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

first person singular second person singular first-and-second person “singular” third person singular third person impersonal singular third person co-referential singular third person generic first person plural (exclusive) second person plural first-and-second person plural third person plural third person impersonal plural third person co-referential plural

This chart shows that in addition to distinctions among first, second and third person and between singular and plural, the following pronominal categories are grammaticalized in Mambay: first-and-second (6.1.1.1); impersonal (6.1.1.2); generic (6.1.1.3); and coreference (6.1.1.4). Instances of formal redundancy between some of the slots are summarized in 6.1.1.5. In particular, the third person generic (omitted in the main chart on the previous page; see 6.1.1.3) and third person impersonal slots are marginal, since in most cases they share the form of other third person pronouns. Taking this into account, the basic pronoun system of Mambay may be schematized as follows: The basic pronoun system of Mambay 1SG

1PL

2SG

2PL

1&2SG

1&2PL

3SG

3PL

3SG.COREF 3PL.COREF

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6.1.1.1 First-and-second (1&2) First-and-second (1&2) person pronouns are “inclusive,” that is, they involve (at least) a speaker and an addressee. Mambay stands apart from most closely related languages and other languages in the region not in that it has inclusive pronouns, but in that this slot is distinguished for “singular” and plural (Duru / Yag Dii in north-central Cameroon also exhibits this system; see Bohnhoff 1986:104). 1&2 singular pronouns refer to the minimal communication dyad, namely, a speaker and an addressee. nà 1&2SG.INDEP kpáhlì stool:LF

sáà mâh we (you (sg.) and I) are in the granary inside granary

)áná 1&2SG.POSS

our (your (sg.) and my) stool

From a numeric point of view, these pronouns are dual rather than singular. However, in the pronominal system, they pattern as singular by virtue of a grammaticalized opposition to the 1&2 plural pronouns (cf. Thomas 1955:207–8, Corbett 2000:166–9, Cysouw 2003:85–90, 260–4 and 2005:5). 1&2 plural pronouns refer to a communication dyad with a speaker, an addressee, and at least one other participant. The “other(s)” may be aligned with either the speaker or the addressee. nànzà 1&2PL.INDEP kpáhlì stool:LF

sáà mâh we (you and we / you (pl.) and I) are in the granary inside granary

)ánzá 1&2PL.POSS

our (your and our / your (pl.) and my) stool

In the above examples, it is evident that the form of the 1&2 singular is similar to that of the plural (this is also the case in Duru; see Bohnhoff 1986:104, 129 footnote 3). In fact, for verbal subject pronouns, 1&2 singular and plural forms are identical; the singular vs. plural distinction is instead formalized on verbs through the use of the verbal plurality affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) and singular vs. plural reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) on verb stems. nà 1&2

hèè climb:PFV

we (you (sg.) and I) climbed

nà 1&2

hèè4zí climb:PFV-PL

we (you and we / you (pl.) and I) climbed

nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4ná we (you (sg.) and I) will climb climb:FUT-1&2SG.REFL

nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4zìnzá we (you and we / you (pl.) and I) will climb climb:FUT-1&2PL.REFL

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In all cases where there is a formal singular vs. plural distinction, the plural counterpart contains a morpheme with the consonant z. This underlines the 1&2 plural’s formal alignment with other explicit plural marking in the language, which is also typically found with z (5.5, 5.9.2.1, 7.3.1.1). An alternative presentation of the same system using the more familiar distinctions of inclusive vs. exclusive and singular vs. dual vs. plural has also been considered. In such a presentation, the 1&2 singular slot shown above would be labelled “first person inclusive dual” and the 1&2 plural slot would be labelled “first person inclusive plural”; also—and importantly—the first person plural slot described in this study would be recast as “first person exclusive plural.” Such a description is provided for a parallel system in Margi (a Chadic language of Nigeria) by Hoffman (1963:72ff.). The two presentations may be compared as follows: Presentation with 1&2SG/PL slots

Presentation using familiar distinctions

1SG

1PL

1SG

1DU.INCL 1PL.INCL 1PL.EXCL

2SG

2PL

2SG

2PL

1&2SG

1&2PL

3SG

3PL

3SG

3PL

3SG.COREF

3PL.COREF

3SG.COREF

3PL.COREF

The latter presentation, which relies on more familiar distinctions, falls short in that it sets up a dual vs. plural opposition, even though a “dual” category is not grammaticalized elsewhere in the Mambay pronoun system (or anywhere in the language, for that matter; see Thomas 1955:205, Plank 1996 and Cysouw 2003:87–8). In contrast, the presentation with 1&2SG/PL slots recognizes a communication dyad as a basic person category; as such, it brings out symmetry in the applicability of plurality to 1&2 person pronouns and inherently singular pronouns (Greenberg 1988:3–4). The semantic confusion that arises from the labelling of a “you-and-I” (i.e., 1&2SG) pronoun as singular can be addressed by considering this pronoun, along with the inherently singular pronouns, as “minimal”; remaining pronouns could be considered “augmented,” since they all involve the addition of “other” persons to “minimal” slots (Bohnhoff 1986:104, Beavon 1986:175, Corbett 2000:199–9, Cysouw 2003:85–90, 2005:5).

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6.1.1.2 Impersonal For third person singular as well as third person plural pronouns, there is a partial default vs. impersonal contrast. Whereas default third person pronouns make explicit reference to a discourse participant, impersonal pronouns are used when a participant is not in view (i.e., is backgrounded or irrelevant) but the grammatical context still requires a pronoun. The default vs. impersonal distinction is formalized only for independent pronouns (6.1.2.1) used as subjects of verbless attributive clauses (cf. 8.4.1) and for possessive pronouns (6.1.4). An illustration of this distinction in verbless clauses is as follows: default third person pronouns: dú ká párà 3SG.INDEP ATTRIB goodness

he/she/it is good

dùgzí ká párà 3PL.INDEP ATTRIB goodness

they are good

impersonal third person pronouns: )à 3IMPERS

ká ATTRIB

párà goodness

)à míz4míz 3SG.IMPERS drizzly

it (impers.) is good (Fr. c’est bon) / they (impers.) are good (Fr. ce sont bons) it is drizzly

For third person possessive pronouns, impersonal pronouns pattern with co-reference pronouns rather than the default third person pronoun set (see 6.1.1.5.2). default third person pronouns: bèè water:LF

)úùrú 3SG.POSS

his/her/its water

bèè water:LF

dùgú 3PL.POSS

their water

fààrú back/skin:3SG.POSS.INAL

his/her/its back/skin (inal.)

impersonal and co-referential third person pronouns: bèè water:LF

)éé his/her/its (coref.) water / its (impers.) water 3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS

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bèè water:LF

)éré their (coref./impers.) water 3PL.COREF/IMPERS.POSS

fààlé back/skin:3SG.POSS.INAL

his/her/its back/skin (inal.) (coref./impers.) / afterward (cf. 5.13)

6.1.1.3 Generic A marginal generic third person category in Mambay is expressed using the third person generic pronoun duFg ‘one, they, people.’ This pronoun differs from all other twelve pronominal person slots in that it is not found with its own distinctive pronoun forms (i.e., subject, object and possessive); instead, it patterns syntactically like a subject noun or an emphatic subject pronoun (6.1.5.1), since it is found as the subject in clauses which are already accompanied by a third person (singular or plural) pronoun. In the following examples, the generic third person pronoun duFg is compared with the formally similar emphatic forms of the third person singular and plural: duFg 3GEN

)àá hèè 3:IRR climb:FUT

one will climb

dúù )àá hèè 3SG.EMPH 3:IRR climb:FUT

he/she/it will climb

dùgzí )àá hèè4zí 3PL.EMPH 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL

they will climb

Other examples showing the generic third person pronoun (always patterning syntactically as an emphatic subject pronoun) are as follows: duFg sáà 3GEN inside

rò’rá word

one is caught up with an issue (lit. one is inside a word) duFg Ø héérà 3GEN 3:REAL climb:VN one climbs duFg má hèè 3GEN 3:OPT climb:OPT one must climb duFg híì nàh kpáávìrá té%é 3GEN 3:NONPFV.NEG take.out:VN plant.bulb.sp. all one doesn’t take out all the plant bulbs

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yá NEG

Because the generic third person pronoun bears a non-specific referential value (‘one, they, people’), it is never found with Perfective verb forms, which signal events that have taken place in conjunction with specific subjects (6.1.2.2). *duFg Ø hèè 3GEN 3:REAL climb:PFV

*one climbed

Because (as mentioned at the beginning of this section) the third person generic pronoun does not have its own distinctive pronoun forms, it is not discussed in the sections which deal with pronoun forms. 6.1.1.4 Co-reference In addition to the person-related pronominal categories already catalogued in this section, Mambay makes use of a system of co-reference with third person pronouns. This system, which helps users of the language to keep track third person referents, has been described in Anonby (2005:27–44). In the present section, generalities of co-reference in Mambay are laid out. Co-reference pronouns are used to show that a real-world referent is the same as one which has been previously designated. In contrast to anaphoric demonstratives (9.2.2), which are used to refer back over longer distances of text, co-reference functions within a clause. Although they comprise a single formal set in Mambay, co-reference pronouns are used in two capacities: reflexive and logophoric (cf. Wiesemann 1986:438, Kutsch Lojenga 2007:143–5). Reflexive co-reference pronouns are used within a simple clause to refer back to the subject of the clause. They are represented by reflexive object pronouns (6.1.3.2) and possessive pronouns (6.1.4). third person reflexive object pronoun: )à kòg 3:IMPFV see:VN

)ílé he/she/it sees himself/herself/itself body:3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS

cf. third person non-reflexive object pronoun: )à kôg4rú 3:IMPFV see:VN.3SG.OBJ

he/she/iti sees him/her/itj

third person co-referential possessive pronoun: Ø hàh7gí Qîh 3:PFV forget:PFV name:LF

)éé he/she/iti forgot his/her/itsi name 3SG.C/I.POSS

cf. third person non co-referential possessive pronoun:

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Ø hàh7gí Qîh 3:PFV forget:PFV name:LF

)úùrú 3SG.POSS

he/she/iti forgot his/her/itsj name

For their part, logophoric co-reference pronouns in Mambay show that a participant in an Indicative complement clause refers to the same participant as the subject of the main clause (cf. Watters 2000:225). Specifically, it is main-clause verbs of “speech, thoughts, feelings, or general state of consciousness” followed by the complementizer bè (10.2.2.1) which trigger the use of logophoric pronouns in the complement clause (Clements 1975:141, cf. Hagège 1974:290). When default (non co-reference) pronouns are used in this context, it signals a switch in pronominal reference. A pair of examples contrasting the use of logophoric co-reference pronouns with default pronouns is as follows: logophoric co-reference pronoun: Ø ró’ bè lè vè 3:PFV say:PFV QUOT 3SG.COREF go:PFV

dâg byàá mouth:LF water

he/she/iti said that he/she/iti went to the water’s edge cf. default (here: switch-reference) pronoun: Ø ró’ bè Ø 3:PFV say:PFV QUOT 3:PFV

vè go:PFV

dâg byàá mouth:LF water

he/she/iti said that he/she/itj went to the water’s edge Unlike third person subject pronouns found in Indicative complement clauses, which exhibit a logophoric/default contrast, those found in Optative complement clauses are invariable. Ø ró’ bè má vè4lé dâg byàá 3:PFV say:PFV QUOT 3SG:OPT go:OPT-3SG.REFL mouth:LF water he/she/iti said that he/she/iti/j must go to the water’s edge Because the domain of logophoric co-reference is within a single main clause (including embedded complement clauses), referentially identical subjects in juxtaposed main clauses are marked with a default pronoun. Ø ró’ )ígà, 3:PFV say:PFV thing

Ø vè 3:PFV go:PFV

dâg byàá mouth:LF water

he/she/iti said something [and] he/she/iti went to the water’s edge 6.1.1.5 Formal redundancy between categories Of the thirteen pronominal person slots, five do not share forms with other slots: 1SG, 2SG, 3GEN, 1PL and 2PL. First-and-second person (6.1.1.5.1) and most third person

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(6.1.1.5.2) pronouns, in contrast, exhibit partial formal redundancy with other pronouns in the same group. 6.1.1.5.1 First-and-second (1&2) person pronouns The distinction between first-and-second person singular vs. plural (6.1.1.1) is absent on (non-emphatic) verbal subject pronouns (6.1.2). Instead, it is formalized on verbs through the use of the plurality affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) and singular vs. plural reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) with verb stems. nà 1&2

hèè climb:PFV

we (you (sg.) and I) climbed

nà 1&2

hèè4zí climb:PFV-PL

we (you and we / you (pl.) and I) climbed

nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4ná we (you (sg.) and I) will climb climb:FUT-1&2SG.REFL

nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4zìnzá we (you and we / you (pl.) and I) will climb climb:FUT-1&2PL.REFL

This singular vs. plural distinction is, however, marked on all other first-and-second person pronoun forms (6.1.1.1). 6.1.1.5.2 Third person pronouns There are two sets of third person pronouns which exhibit partial formal redundancy: third person singular with third person plural, and third person (sg./pl.) with third person impersonal (sg./pl.). Similarly to what happens with first-and-second person pronouns (6.1.1.5.1), a distinction of plurality is not marked on (non-logophoric) third person verbal subject pronouns; rather, it is formalized through the use of the inflectional plurality affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) and/or the third person singular and plural reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) on verbs. )àá hèè 3:IRR climb:FUT

he/she/it will climb

cf. )àá hèè4zí 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL

they will climb

= )àá hèè4ré 3:IRR climb:FUT-3PL.REFL

they will climb

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= )àá hèè4zì4ré they will climb 3: IRR climb:FUT-PL-3PL.REFL (For a discussion of the function of these affixes in plural Future forms, see 7.3.1.2 and 7.4.1.2.1). The distinction between default and impersonal third person pronouns is formalized only for independent pronouns and possessive pronouns (6.1.2.1, 6.1.1.2). dú ká párà he/she/it is good 3SG.INDEP ATTRIB goodness )à 3IMPERS

ká

párà it (impers.) is good goodness

ATTRIB

bèè water:LF

)úùrú ~ )úùwú his/her/its water 3SG.POSS

bèè water:LF

)éé his/her/its (coref./impers.) water 3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS

6.1.2 Subject pronouns There are seven sets of subject pronouns: - independent (6.1.2.1); - Perfective (6.1.2.2); - Imperfective (6.1.2.3); - affirmative Indicative Irrealis (Future) (6.1.2.4); - negative Perfective (6.1.2.6); - negative non-Perfective (6.1.2.6); and - Optative (6.1.2.7). As this list shows, formal diversity among subject pronouns is largely a reflection of mood, realis value and aspect marking (cf. Wiesemann 1986:x, Burquest 1986:73–80). Distinctions are conveyed by means of contrastive vowel length, tone, and the patterning of third person pronouns. The structure of first and second person subject pronouns is regular. Pronoun forms which pattern together for the first and second person are 1) Indicative Realis, 2) Indicative Irrealis and 3) Optative. 1. Indicative Realis pronouns represent independent pronouns, Perfective tenses and the Imperfective, and exhibit a common CV structure.

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2. Indicative Irrealis pronouns, which represent the affirmative Indicative Irrealis (i.e., Future) as well as negative Perfective and negative nonPerfective clauses, share a CVV structure; while the tone melody for the affirmative Indicative Irrealis and negative Perfective pronouns is HL, that of the negative non-Perfective pronouns is LH. 3. Optative pronouns exhibit an invariable CV structure, whether affirmative or negative. These patterns are summarized in the following table: First and second person subject pronouns subject pronoun type Indicative Realis

Indicative Irrealis

structure

independent

CV

Perfective tenses

CV

Imperfective

CV

affirmative Indicative Irrealis

CVV

negative Perfective

CVV

negative non-Perfective

CV V

Optative

CV

The patterning of third person pronouns is more complex, and distinguishes each of the seven sets. This topic is discussed in the subsections below for each of the sets, but patterns are summarized and presented as a reference in the following table:

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Third person subject pronouns subject pronoun type Indicative Realis

structure and patterning

independent

dú / dùgzí (default), )à (impersonal); appears when there is no nominal subject

Perfective tenses

zero pronoun (Ø)

Imperfective

)à; appears when there is no nominal subject

affirmative Indicative Irrealis )àá; obligatory pronoun Indicative Irrealis

negative Perfective

)àá; obligatory pronoun; optional hìí form

negative non-Perfective

)áà; obligatory pronoun; optional híì form má; obligatory pronoun

Optative

In fast speech, the second person plural pronouns (independent form: rò) with a CV shape are alternately realized with a glottal onset. rò 1SG

làà )ígà eat:PFV thing

you (pl.) ate something

= )ò 1SG

làà )ígà eat:PFV thing

you (pl.) ate something

This reduction is not attested with the structurally similar first person plural (independent form: rì) and logophoric third person plural (independent form: rè) pronouns. Paradigms and illustrative examples of each pronoun set are given in the sections below (6.1.2.1–6.1.2.7), and references to the verbal forms with which these pronouns are used are also provided. Emphatic subject pronouns corresponding to each subject pronoun category are discussed in 6.1.5. 6.1.2.1 Independent Independent pronouns, which typically exhibit a CV structure, are as follows:

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Independent pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.IMPERS 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

mì mù nà dú )à lè rì rò ~ )ò nànzà dùgzí )à rè

Independent pronouns are most commonly found as subjects of verbless clauses (10.1.3). mù ká párà 2SG ATTRIB goodness

you are good

mì sáà mâh 1SG inside granary

I am in the granary

Third person independent pronouns exhibit a distinction between default subjects, which use the pronouns dú (sg.) / dùgzí (pl.), and impersonal subjects, which use the pronoun )à. dú ká párà 3SG.INDEP ATTRIB goodness

he/she/it is good

dùgzí ká párà 3PL.INDEP ATTRIB goodness

they are good

)à 3IMPERS

it (impers.) is good / they (impers.) are good

ká ATTRIB

párà goodness

The third person independent pronouns appear only when there is no nominal subject. dú sáà mâh 3SG.INDEP inside granary

he/she/it is in the granary

)à 3IMPERS

it (impers.) is good / they (impers.) are good

ká ATTRIB

párà goodness

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cf. verbless clauses with a nominal subject: ígà child

sáà mâh inside granary

a child is in the granary

òòlá ká párà a wooden club is good wooden.club ATTRIB goodness In addition to their central use as subjects of verbless clauses, independent pronouns are found as complements of the prepositions má ‘with, and’ and bèè ‘without’ (9.3). má mú with 2SG

with you (sg.) / and you (sg.)

bèè mú without 2SG

without you (sg.)

The preposition yâg ‘to, for,’ in contrast, is accompanied by object pronouns (6.1.3). 6.1.2.2 Perfective tenses Pronouns used with Perfective tenses (7.4.1.1.1) typically exhibit a CV structure. Pronous used with Perfective tenses 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mì mù nà Ø lè rì rò ~ )ò nà Ø rè

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mì hèè 1SG climb:PFV

I climbed

rò làà )ígà 2PL eat:PFV thing

you (pl.) ate something

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As is often the case in verbal paradigms (Dimmendaal 2000:175, Cysouw 2003:61), the third person is marked with a zero pronoun with Perfective tenses in Mambay. This is the only pronoun category which is always unmarked, and it is significant because third person Perfective forms are by far the most commonly used pronouns in discourse (in particular, narrative discourse) in Mambay (Anonby 2005:29–32). Ø hèè 3:PFV climb:PFV

he/she/it climbed

Ø làà4zí )ígà 3:PFV eat:PFV-PL thing

they ate something

This contrasts with Independent (6.1.2.1) and Imperfective (6.1.2.3) third person subject pronouns, which are only dropped when a nominal subject is used. 6.1.2.3 Imperfective Pronouns found with Imperfective verb forms (7.4.1.1.2) typically exhibit a CV structure. Imperfective pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mì mù nà )à / Ø lè rì rò ~ )ò nà )à / Ø rè

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mì héérà 1SG climb:VN

I climb / I am climbing

rò làà )ígà 2PL eat:VN thing

you (pl.) eat something / you (pl.) are eating something

As is the case with Independent pronouns used as the subject of verbless clauses (6.1.2.1), the third person Imperfective pronoun appears only when there is no nominal subject.

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)à héérà 3:IMPFV climb:VN

he/she/it climbs / he/she/it is climbing

cf. Imperfective clauses with a nominal subject: gaFm Gam

Ø héérà 3:REAL climb:VN

Gam climbs / Gam is climbing

6.1.2.4 Indicative Irrealis (Future) Affirmative Indicative Irrealis pronouns, which are found with Future verb forms (7.4.1.2), exhibit a CVV structure. Indicative Irrealis (Future) pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mìí hèè 1SG:IRR climb:FUT

I will climb; I will climb!

)àá hèè4zí 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL

they will climb; they will climb!

élà )àá hèè4zí children 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL

the children will climb; the children will climb!

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6.1.2.5 Negative Perfective Pronouns found with negative Perfective verb forms (7.5.1) also exhibit a CVV structure. Negative Perfective pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mìí mùú nàá )àá ~ hìí lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá ~ hìí rèé

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mìí hèè yá 1SG:PFV.NEG climb:PFV NEG

I did not climb

ròó hèè4zí yá 2PL:PFV.NEG climb:PFV-PL NEG

you (pl.) did not climb

For the third person negative Perfective pronoun, either )àá or hìí may be used; although the issue has been investigated, no differences in usage patterns or meaning have been established. )àá hèè yá 3:PFV.NEG climb:PFV NEG

he/she/it did not climb

= hìí hèè yá 3:PFV.NEG climb:PFV NEG

he/she/it did not climb

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6.1.2.6 Negative non-Perfective Pronouns found with negative non-Perfective constructions (7.5.1) exhibit a CVV structure. Negative non-Perfective pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

míì múù náà )áà ~ híì léè ríì róò náà )áà ~ híì réè

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: míì héérà yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN NEG múù sáà 2SG:NONPFV.NEG inside

I do not climb / I am not climbing

mâh yá you are not in the granary granary NEG

For the third person negative non-Perfective pronoun, either )áà or híì may be used; although the issue has been investigated, no differences in usage patterns or meaning have been established. híì héérà 3:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN = )áà héérà 3:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN

yá

he/she/it is not climbing

NEG

yá

he/she/it is not climbing

NEG

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6.1.2.7 Optative Pronouns found with Optative verb forms (7.4.2) exhibit a CV structure. Optative pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mí mú ná má má rí ró ~ )ó ná má má

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mú 2SG:OPT

hèè climb:OPT

[you (sg.)] climb!

má 3:OPT

hèè4zí climb:OPT

they must climb!

Third person Optative pronouns do not exhibit a basic vs. logophoric distinction (6.1.1.4); their form má is invariable. Ø ró’ bè má 3:PFV say:PFV QUOT 3SG:OPT

vè4lé dâg byàá go:OPT-3SG.REFL mouth:LF water

he/she/iti said that he/she/iti/j must go to the water’s edge

6.1.3 Object pronouns There are two categories of object pronouns in Mambay: basic (6.1.3.1) and reflexive (6.1.3.2). 6.1.3.1 Basic object pronouns Basic object pronouns are as follows:

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Basic object pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mí 4mi ná 4 `rú lé rí ró zìnzá ~ 4zíná dùgú ré

Object pronouns are typically found immediately following transitive verb stems (cf. 7.3.2.1.2). Examples include: mì kòg 1SG see:VN

dùgú 3PL.OBJ

I see them / I am seeing them

mù zóó rí 2SG greet:PFV 1PL.OBJ

you (sg.) greeted us (excl.)

While most of the object pronouns are segmentally and tonally independent from the verb word, three object pronouns suffixes: 2SG, 3SG, and the 4zíná form of 1&2PL. Ø zóó4mi 3:PFV greet:PFV-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it greeted you (sg.)

Ø zóò4rú 3:PFV greet:PFV-3SG.OBJ

he/she/iti greeted him/her/itj

Ø zóó4zíná 3:PFV greet:PFV-1&2PL.OBJ

he/she/it greeted us (incl.)

Phonological evidence for treating these object pronouns as suffixes is presented in the section on verb word suffixes (7.3.1.5). As shown in the table above, the third person singular object pronoun 4 `rú is also attested as 4 `wú; the variant 4 `wú is associated with informal speech. Ø zóò4rú 3:PFV greet:PFV-3SG.OBJ

he/she/iti greeted him/her/itj

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= Ø zóò4wú 3:PFV greet:PFV-3SG.OBJ

he/she/iti greeted him/her/itj

The first-and-second person plural object pronoun also has two variants, both of which are common: a phonologically independent morpheme zìnzá and a suffix 4zíná. Either form may be used with no change in meaning. Variation between the forms is likely sociolinguistic rather than linguistic, reflecting a process of contraction that is taking place; however, the precise factors influencing usage have not been identified (see also 7.3.1.5 for discussion of the formally similar 1&2PL reflexive suffixes). Ø 3:PFV = Ø 3:PFV

zóó zìnzá greet:PFV 1&2PL.OBJ

he/she/it greeted us (incl.)

zóó4zíná greet:PFV-1&2PL.OBJ

he/she/it greeted us (incl.)

Object pronouns show many similarities to reflexive verbal inflection suffixes (7.3.1.5), but for two of the persons (first person singular and second person singular) there are segmental contrasts. This is shown in the following examples: object pronouns: mù gìì mí 2SG answer:PFV 1SG.OBJ

you (sg.) answered me

mì dèr4ém 1SG cut.off:PFV-2SG.OBJ

I cut you off

corresponding reflexive verbal inflection suffixes: mì gìì4ní 1SG consent:PFV-1SG.REFL

I consented

mù )èr4ném 2SG get.up:PFV-2SG.REFL

you got up

In addition to their prototypical position immediately following a verb, object pronouns are also found as complements of the preposition yâg ‘to, for’ (9.3.1). yâg4rú to-3SG.OBJ

to him/her/it

yâg zìnzá to 1&2PL.OBJ

to us (incl.)

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6.1.3.2 Reflexive object pronouns Members of a set of reflexive object pronouns are used whenever the object of a simple clause is co-referential with its subject. Similar to what is found in many other African languages (Watters 2000:213), reflexive object pronouns in Mambay are composed of the noun )ínù ‘body, self’ and an inalienable possessive pronoun (6.1.4.2). Reflexive object pronouns are as follows: Reflexive object pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

)íní )íním )íná — )ílé )írí )író )ínzínzá ~ )ínzá — )íré

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: mì kó 1SG see:PFV

)íní I saw myself body:1SG.POSS.INAL

rò lá’ 2PL hear:PFV

)író you (pl.) heard yourselves body:2PL.POSS.INAL

Whenever a paradigm of basic object pronouns (6.1.3.1) is being elicited with a transitive verb, reflexive object pronouns are always substituted if the subject and object are coreferential. mù 2SG

zóó greet:PFV

mí 1SG.OBJ

you (sg.) greeted me

mù 2SG

zóó greet:PFV

)íním body:1SG.POSS

you (sg.) greeted yourself

Like reflexive verb suffixes (7.3.1.5), reflexive object pronouns reduce the number of semantic participants in a transitive verb construction. However, they achieve this using different strategies: while reflexive suffixes result in the detransitivization of a transitive verb (7.3.2.1.2), reflexive object pronouns satisfy transitivity requirements by supplying the transitive verb with an object. The detransitivization strategy is only moderately

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productive and is often accompanied by semantic shift (7.3.2.1.2), but the use of reflexive objects is fully productive. reflexive verb suffix: mì gìì4ní 1SG consent:PFV-1SG.REFL

I consented

rò gìì4ró 2PL consent:PFV-2PL.REFL

you (pl.) consented

reflexive object pronoun: mì gìì )íní 2SG answer:PFV body:1SG.POSS.INAL

I answered myself

When reflexive object pronouns are plural, they may reflect either a reflexive or a reciprocal function; such a distinction is not grammaticalized. rò gìì )író 2PL answer:PFV body:2PL.POSS.INAL

you (pl.) answered yourselves (i.e. each of you answered yourself or each of you answered the others of you or [both of these possibilities])

Because reflexive object pronouns are inherently co-referential (cf. 6.1.1.4), basic (non co-referential) third person pronouns are absent from the reflexive object pronoun paradigm.

6.1.4 Possessive pronouns Mambay has two sets of possessive pronouns: alienable (6.1.4.1) and inalienable (6.1.4.2). While alienable possessive pronouns are the default set and may be used with any noun, inalienable possessive pronouns may only be used with a small subgroup of nouns representing certain body parts as well as terms of kinship and social relation (5.3.4.1). The two sets are as follows:

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Alienable possessive pronouns 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.IMPERS 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

Inalienable possessive pronouns

)íí )ám )áná )úùrú ~ )úùwú )éé )éé )írí )óró )ánzá dùgú )éré )éré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.IMPERS 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

4í 4mi 4ná 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 4lé 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá ~ 4zíná (dùgú) 4ré 4ré

As the table shows, alienable possessive pronouns are minimally comprised of either one heavy syllable or two light syllables and thus meet the minimal weight requirement characteristic of nouns (5.1.1.1). This is not the case for inalienable possessive pronouns, which in most cases are comprised of a single light syllable. Possessive pronouns of both sets differ from other sets in that their third person impersonal pronouns are formally equivalent to their third person co-reference pronouns (6.1.1.2). 6.1.4.1 Alienable possessive pronouns Alienable possessive pronouns are phonologically independent words rather than suffixes. They may be found with the linked form (5.2.2) of any noun. Pronouns in this set, shown in the context of an alienable possessive construction (5.3.3.3.1) with pá à ‘milk’ (linked form: pâ ), are as follows: person 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF/IMPERS 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF/IMPERS

example pâ )íí pâ )ám pâ )áná pâ )úùrú ~ pâ )úùwú pâ )éé pâ )írí pâ )óró pâ )ánzá pâ dùgú pâ )éré

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gloss my milk your (sg.) milk our (your (sg.) and my) milk his/her/its milk his/her/its (coref./impers.) milk our (excl.) milk your (pl.) milk our (incl.) milk their milk their (coref./impers.) milk

For the third person singular pronoun, the form úùrú is more common in careful speech, and the form úùwú is more common in rapid speech. As the table shows, alienable possessive pronouns are (like nouns) minimally comprised of either one heavy syllable or two light syllables (cf. 5.1.1.1). All but one of the alienable possessive pronouns begin with a )–vowel sequence. Also, even in the pronouns with two syllables, a single vowel quality is attested for each pronoun. Tonally, most of these pronouns are H. However, the third person singular pronoun )úùrú is HLH, and the third person plural pronoun dùgú is LH. The following examples show that the tone melody of possessive pronouns is independent from those of the head nouns which they qualify: vbúù )íí vbúù )úùrú vbúù dùgú

my grass sp. (cf. vbúù grass sp.) his/her/its grass sp. their grass sp.

núúrú )íí núúrú )úùrú núúrú dùgú

my breast (cf. núúrú breast) his/her/its breast their breast

bìlìm )íí bìlìm )úùrú bìlìm dùgú

my drum sp. (cf. bìlìm drum sp.) his/her/its drum sp. their drum sp.

These examples also show that the nasal value of head nouns is independent from that of the qualifying possessive pronouns. 6.1.4.2 Inalienable possessive pronouns Inalienable possessive pronouns formalize an inherent association between nouns and pronominal referents (5.3.4). They are found with a closed set of words containing some body parts as well as some terms of kinship and social relation (5.3.4.1). Inalienable possessive pronouns show a clear resemblance to their alienable counterparts (6.1.4.1). However, with the exception of the third person plural inalienable possessive pronoun, whose form is the same as its alienable counterpart (see below in this section), inalienable possessive pronouns are suffixes. Pronouns in this set, shown in the context of inalienable possessive constructions (5.3.4) with the body part káálà ‘head’ (linked form: káà), as well as the kinship term súùní ‘younger in-law,’ are as follows:

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Possessive construction with káálà ‘head’ and inalienable possessive pronouns

person 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF/IMPERS 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF/IMPERS

inalienable possessive pronoun 4í 4mi 4ná 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá ~ 4zíná (dùgú) 4ré

example usage káání káámi kááná káàrú ~ káàwú káálé káárí kááró káázínzá ~ káázíná (káà dùgú) kááré

gloss my head (inal.) your (sg.) head (inal.) our (your (sg.) and my) head (inal.) his/her/its head (inal.) his/her/its (coref./impers.) head (inal.) our (excl.) head (inal.) your (pl.) head (inal.) our (incl.) head (inal.) their head their (coref./impers.) head (inal.)

Possessive construction with súùní ‘younger in-law’ and inalienable possessive pronouns

person 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.C/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.C/I

inalienable possessive pronoun 4í 4mi 4ná 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá ~ 4zíná (dùgú) 4ré

example usage súùní súùmi súùná súùn`dú súùlé súùrí súùró súùn`zìnzá ~ súùn`zá (súùnT dùgú) súùré

gloss my younger in-law (inal.) your (sg.) younger in-law (inal.) our (your (sg.) and my) younger in-law (inal.) his/her/its younger in-law (inal.) his/her/its (coref./impers.) younger in-law (inal.) our (excl.) younger in-law (inal.) your (pl.) younger in-law (inal.) our (incl.) younger in-law (inal.) their younger in-law their (coref./impers.) younger in-law (inal.)

Whenever the segmental structure of the third person singular pronoun is 4 `rú (and not - `dú; see 6.1.4.2.2), it is optionally realized as 4 `wú in casual speech.

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careful speech

optional form in casual speech

fààrú sêhrú sûgrú

fààwú sêhwú sûgwú

his/her/its back, skin (inal.) his/her/its hand (inal.) his/her/its ear (inal.)

The first person plural pronoun also presents a segmental variation, 4zínzá vs. 4zíná , but factors motivating this alternation are more complex. The two forms seem to reflect, respectively, the following tendencies of usage: archaic vs. contemporary, formal vs. casual, and dialects south vs. north of the Mayo Kebbi. archaic (etc.)- contemporary (etc.)type speech type speech fààzìnzá séhzínzá súgzínzá

fààzìná séhzíná súgzíná

our (incl.) back, skin (inal.) our (incl.) hand (inal.) our (incl.) ear (inal.)

There is no contrast in the form of the inalienable vs. alienable (6.1.4.1) third person plural possessive pronoun dùgú (cf. 6.1.1.3). In both cases, dùgú resembles alienable rather than inalienable possessive constructions in that its tonal value is not fused to the head noun which it follows (cf. 4.1.2.3). alienable possession

inalienable possession

páà dùgú man:LF 3PL.POSS

páà dùgú man:LF 3PL.POSS

their acquaintance / their father

páy man:1SG.POSS.INAL

my acquaintance / my father

cf. páà )íí man:LF 1SG.POSS

The tone of inalienable pronouns has been dealt with in the context of inalienable nounpronoun possessive constructions (5.3.4). Nasality, which does not spread between inalienable pronouns and nouns, is described in 5.3.4.2.5. In most cases, the segmental structure of an inalienable noun-pronoun possessive construction is a simple amalgamation of the linked form (5.2.2) of the head noun and the inalienable possessive pronoun. fàà + back:LF

4ró 2PL.POSS.INAL

fààró back:2PL.POSS.INAL

your (pl.) back, skin (inal.)

sûg ear:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

súgí ear:1SG.POSS.INAL

my ear (inal.)

+

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Still, many segmental alternations take place at the boundary between inalienable possessive pronouns and the head nouns to which they are attached. These alternations are summarized in the following subsections according to the segmental context offered by the linked forms of head nouns they accompany. Complete paradigms of regular inalienable possession are provided for all shapes in Appendix 1, and all of the numerous idiosyncratic paradigms are also given. 6.1.4.2.1 With linked forms ending in a long vowel Inalienable possessive constructions involving nouns with linked forms ending in a long vowel insert n before the first person singular suffix 4í as a means of avoiding illegal VVV structures, which are not found elsewhere in the language. káà + head:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

káání head:1SG.POSS.INAL

my head (inal.)

fàà + back:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

fààní back:1SG.POSS.INAL

my back, skin (inal.)

6.1.4.2.2 With linked forms ending in a consonant In constructions involving nouns with linked forms ending in a consonant, the second person singular suffix 4mi is realized as 4Vgm (where V is an echo of the vowel in the previous syllables, but which carries the High tone of the underlying suffix 4mi). This is a means of avoiding an illegal CC coda, since no other such structures are found in the language (2.4.1). kpân + penis:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

kpánám your (sg.) penis (inal.) penis:2SG.POSS.INAL

sâb tail:LF

+

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

sábám tail:2SG.POSS.INAL

your (sg.) tail (inal.)

sûg ear:LF

+

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

súgúm ear:2SG.POSS.INAL

your (sg.) ear (inal.)

tìn + front:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

tìním your (sg.) front, front:2SG.POSS.INAL genitals (inal.)

In this context, forms ending preglottalized nasals pattern in an unusual manner: the VNn sequence is reinterpreted as a V)V sequence, where the glottal stop is discrete (cf. 2.3.3.3.2), and the alveolar nasal articulation disappears. tèNn + side:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

tè)ém side:2SG.POSS.INAL

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your (sg.) side (of body) (inal.)

Final obstruents Constructions involving nouns with linked forms ending in an obstruent differ from other constructions in that the third person singular co-reference/impersonal suffix 4lé is realized as 4é: sâb tail:LF

+

4lé 3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

sábé his/her/its (coref.) / its tail:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL tail (inal.)

sûg ear:LF

+

4lé 3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

súgé his/her/its (coref.) / its ear:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL ear (inal.)

Final sonorant consonants Constructions involving nouns with linked forms ending in a sonorant differ from other constructions in several ways. First, most CV suffixes that begin with a sonorant displace the final sonorant of the linked form of the head noun: fîn + forehead:LF

4ná 1&2SG.POSS.INAL

fíná our (your (sg.) and my) forehead:1&2SG.POSS.INAL forehead (inal.)

kpân + penis:LF

4lé 3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

kpálé his/her/its (coref.) / its penis:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL eye, face, life (inal.)

tìn + front:LF

4ré 3PL.C/I.POSS.INAL

tìré their (coref./impers.) front:3PL.C/I.POSS.INAL front, genitals (inal.)

However, for the third person suffix 4 `rú, the suffix-initial r constricts to d when it follows a sonorant, and does not replace the sonorant: hùùn` + thigh:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

hùùn`dú his/her/its thigh (inal.) thigh:3SG.POSS.INAL

nà4pûr + navel:LF

4 `rú 3SG.POSS.INAL

nà4pûrdú his/her/its navel (inal.) navel:3SG.POSS.INAL

tìn + front:LF

4 `rú 3PL.C/I.POSS.INAL

tìndú his/her/its front (inal.) front:3SG.POSS.INAL

(Considering that dú is the independent form of the third person pronoun (6.1.2.1), this d/r alternation more likely reflects a historical d r softening in word-internal positions other than after r (see 2.1.2.2). However, since 4 `rú is synchronically represented in a wider range of environments, it has been selected as the underlying form of the third person singular pronoun.)

284

Additionally, the 4zíná variant of the first-and-second person plural suffix is optionally reduced to 4zá when it attaches to n-final linked forms: nîn eye:LF

+

4zíná 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

nínzá ~ nínzíná our (incl.) eye, face, eye:1&2PL.POSS.INAL life (inal.)

hùùn` + thigh:LF

4zíná 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

hùùn`zá ~ hùùn`zìná our (incl.) thigh (inal.) thigh:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

For CVVn-final linked forms in particular, the final n of the linked form is displaced by the suffix 4mi. hùùn` + thigh:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

hùùmi your (sg.) thigh (inal.) thigh:2SG.POSS.INAL

súùn` + 4mi younger.inlaw:LF 2SG.POSS.INAL

súùmi your (sg.) younger.inthigh:2SG.POSS.INAL law (inal.)

6.1.4.2.3 With linked forms ending in zi Three nouns, all of which express social relations, and all of which could be historically composed, form inalienable possessive constructions differently than other nouns. These nouns are as follows: )ázì T fààzí fâhzí

member of )àzgárà (see Glossary) member of fààzárà ( ” ) member of fàhzárà ( ” )

They pattern differently than other nouns in three ways. First, the nasality on the first person form (usually marked by the suffixation of the nasalized pronoun 4í) does not appear in the resulting possessive construction. )ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì my member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL

fààzì + member.of. fààzárà:LF

4í 1SG.POSS.INAL

fààzí my member of member.of. fààzárà: fààzárà (inal.) 1SG.POSS.INAL

Second, the linked form’s final vowel loses its identity completely when it encounters a second person singular or (optionally) third person singular (coref./impers.) pronoun.

285

)ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4mi 2SG.POSS.INAL

)ázàm your (sg.) member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 2SG.POSS.INAL

)ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4lé 3SG.C/I. POSS.INAL

)ázè ~ )ázìlé his/her/its (coref.) / its member.of.)àzgárà: member of )àzgárà 3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL (inal.)

Third, for constructions with the first-and-second person plural 4zínzá, a potential zizi sequence is simplified to zi. )ázì T + member.of. )àzgárà:LF

4zínzá 1&2PL. POSS.INAL

)ázìnzá our (incl.) member of member.of.)àzgárà: )àzgárà (inal.) 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

fâhzì + member.of. fàhzárà:LF

4zínzá 1&2PL. POSS.INAL

fâhzìnzá our (incl.) member of member.of. fàhzárà: fàhzárà (inal.) 1&2PL.POSS.INAL

6.1.5 Emphatic pronouns Emphatic pronouns are the product of a largely regular formal strategy of emphasis (i.e., focus and prominence) unique to pronouns. This strategy is available to all of the basic personal pronoun sets (6.1.2–6.1.4); the attested types of emphatic pronouns are therefore as follows: - emphatic subject pronouns (6.1.5.1); - emphatic object pronouns (6.1.5.2); and - emphatic possessive pronouns (6.1.5.3). Typically, emphatic pronouns are composed of a basic pronoun coupled with an independent pronoun. For emphatic subject pronouns, the independent pronoun precedes the basic pronoun; for other emphatic pronoun sets, the independent pronoun follows it. This is shown in the following chart:

286

A comparison of basic pronoun sets with typical emphatic pronouns basic pronoun set

example

gloss

typical emphatic pronoun structure

example

gloss

subject

mìí

I (IRREALIS)

independent pn. + subject pn.

mì mìí

I (IRREALIS)

object

mí

me

object pn. + independent pn.

mí mì

me

reflexive object

)íní

myself

reflexive pn. + independent pn.

)íní mì

myself

inalienable possessive

4í

my (inal.)

inal. poss. pn. + independent pn.

4í mì

my (inal.)

alienable possessive

)íí

my (al.)

inal. poss. pn. + independent pn.

)íí mì

my (al.)

However, emphatic third person and first-and-second person plural pronouns often deviate from this regular pattern because of the complex distributional patterns of their basic counterparts (6.1.2). On the following page, a table provides an overview of all emphatic personal pronouns in Mambay. The patterns common to each set as well as the exceptional behaviour exhibited by emphatic third person and first-and-second person plural pronouns are described in the subsections which follow.

287

Emphatic pronouns

1SG

mì mì

2SG

reflexive

basic mí mì

mù mù mù mù

mù + pn.

1&2SG

nà nà

nà + pn.

3SG

dúù / dúù / dú dúù dú dúù

dúù + pn.

3SG.COREF

lè lè

lè lè

lè + pn.

lé lè

1PL

rì rì

rì rì

rì + pn.

2PL

rò rò

rò rò

rò + pn.

1&2PL

nànzàà nànzà(à) nà nànzà(à) + pn. nànzà

)ínzínzá nànzà ~ 4zínzá nànzà ~ )ánzá nànzà )ínzá nànzà 4zíná nànzà

dùgzíì

dùgzí(ì)

dùgzí(ì) + pn.

dùgzí

—

rè rè

rè rè

rè + pn.

ré rè

)íré rè

3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

nà nà

4í mì

)íí mì

mú mù )íním mù

4mi mù

)ám mù

ná nà

)íná nà

4ná nà

)áná nà

—

4 `rú dú ~ 4 `wú dú

)úùrú dú ~ )úùwú dú

4lé lè

)éé lè

)ílé lè

4lé lè

)éé lè

rí rì

)írí rì

4rí rì

)írí rì

ró rò

)író rò

4ró rò

)óró rò

dú dú

)íní mì

alienable

emphatic possessive

inalienable

emphatic object

mì + pn.*

3SG.IMPERS

mì mì

other verb forms: (Indic. Irrealis, neg. Perfective, neg. non-Pfv., Optative)

Perfective tenses and Imperfective

person

indepenent

emphatic subject

dùgzí

dùgzí

4ré rè

)éré rè

4ré rè

)éré rè

* In this table, “pn.” refers to the usual subject pronoun for the verbal forms listed in the column; see table in 6.1 above.

288

6.1.5.1 Emphatic subject pronouns For most of the personal pronouns, any type of emphatic subject pronoun may be produced by placing an independent pronoun (6.1.2.1) before a subject pronoun of the same person. mì mì sáà mâh 3SG 3SG inside granary cf. mì sáà mâh 3SG inside granary mù mù hèè 2SG 2SG climb:PFV cf. mù hèè 2SG climb:PFV

I am in the granary I am in the granary

you climbed you climbed

rè rèé hèè4zí they (log.) will climb 3PL.COREF 3PL.COREF:IRR climb:FUT-PL cf. rèé hèè4zí 3PL.COREF:IRR climb:FUT-PL

they (log.) will climb

However, for the third person singular (6.1.5.1.1), first-and-second person plural (6.1.5.1.2) and third person plural (6.1.5.1.3), the emphatic pronoun template is more complex than this. In all of these cases, the attested strategies include lengthening of independent pronouns and the presence of a word-final L tone (compare emphatic negative objects in 10.1.2.3). This is possible for these three pronouns only because they are segmentally distinct from verbal subject pronouns, where length and tone are already used to mark TAM distinctions (6.1.2.4–6.1.2.6). 6.1.5.1.1 Third person singular For emphatic forms of third person singular subject pronouns, the pronoun dúù is used. It resembles the default third person singular independent pronoun dú (6.1.2.1), but its vowel is long and it carries a HL rather than a H tone melody. For most verb forms, dúù patterns like other emphatic subject pronouns (6.1.5.1): it is placed before a regular subject pronoun. dúù )àá hèè 3SG.EMPH 3:IRR climb:FUT

he/she/it will climb

289

cf. )àá hèè 3:IRR climb:FUT dúù má hèè 3SG.EMPH 3SG:OPT climb:OPT cf. má hèè 3:OPT climb:OPT

he/she/it will climb

he/she/it must climb he/she/it must climb

When it is used with Perfective forms, the emphatic pronoun dúù appears alone, since the third person Perfective pronoun is a zero pronoun (6.1.2.2). dúù Ø hèè 3SG.EMPH 3:REAL climb:PFV cf. Ø hèè 3:PFV climb:PFV

he/she/it climbed he/she/it climbed

When dúù is used with Imperfective forms, it replaces the third person Imperfective pronoun )à (as is the case with other nominal subjects; see 6.1.2.3). dúù Ø héérà 3SG.EMPH 3:REAL climb:VN cf. )à héérà 3:IMPFV climb:VN

he/she/it climbs / he/she/it is climbing he/she/it climbs / he/she/it is climbing

cf. other nominal subjects: tâw Taw

Ø héérà 3:REAL climb:VN

Taw climbs / Taw is climbing

For the third person singular of independent as well as Perfective and Imperfective subject pronouns, an additional level of emphasis may be achieved by placing an independent pronoun dú (6.1.2.1) before the emphatic pronoun (dúù). dú dúù sáà 3SG.INDEP 3SG.EMPH inside

mâh granary

HE/SHE/IT is in the granary

dú dúù Ø hèè 3SG.INDEP 3SG.EMPH 3:REAL climb:PFV

HE/SHE/IT climbed

dú dúù Ø héérà 3SG.INDEP 3SG.EMPH 3:REAL climb:VN

HE/SHE/IT climbs / HE/SHE/IT is climbing

290

6.1.5.1.2 First-and-second person plural Emphatic forms of first-and-second person plural subject pronouns are produced in two ways. First, in the case of verbal subject pronouns, an independent pronoun nànzà (6.1.2.1) is placed before the verbal subject pronoun. nànzà 1&2PL.INDEP cf. nà 1&2

nà 1&2

hèè4zí climb:PFV-PL

hèè4zí climb:PFV-PL

nànzà 1&2PL.INDEP

we (incl.) climbed we (incl.) climbed

ná hèè4zí 1&2:OPT climb:OPT-PL

cf. ná hèè4zí 1&2:OPT climb:OPT-PL

let us climb! / we must climb! let us climb! / we must climb!

Second, for independent as well as verbal subject pronouns, the last syllable of the pronoun nànzà may be lengthened, becoming nànzàà. In the case of independent pronouns, this is the only available means of pronominal emphasis. nànzàà 1&2PL.EMPH

sáà mâh inside granary

we (incl.) are in the granary

cf. nànzà 1&2PL.INDEP

sáà mâh inside granary

we (incl.) are in the granary

In the case of verbal subject pronouns, it is used to achieve an additional level of emphasis (cf. forms at the beginning of this section). nànzàà 1&2PL.EMPH

nà 1&2

hèè4zí climb:PFV-PL

nànzàà 1&2PL.EMPH

ná hèè4zí 1&2:OPT climb:OPT-PL

WE (incl.) climbed let US climb! / WE must climb!

6.1.5.1.3 Third person plural Like emphatic forms of first-and-second person plural subject pronouns (6.1.5.1.2), emphatic forms of the third person plural are produced in two ways, one for verbal subject pronouns and one for subject pronouns in general. In the case of emphatic verbal subject pronouns, an independent pronoun dùgzí (6.1.2.1) is placed before the verbal subject pronoun.

291

dùgzí )àá hèè4zí 3PL.INDEP 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL cf. )àá hèè4zí 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL dùgzí má hèè4zí 3PL.INDEP 3:OPT climb:OPT-PL cf. má hèè4zí 3:OPT climb:OPT-PL

they will climb they will climb

they must climb! they must climb!

When it is used with Perfective forms, the emphatic third person plural pronoun dùgzí appears alone, since the third person Perfective pronoun is a zero pronoun (6.1.2.2). This is parallel to what happens with third person singular (6.1.5.1.1). dùgzí Ø hèè4zí they climbed 3PL.INDEP 3:REAL climb:PFV-PL cf. Ø hèè4zí 3:PFV climb:PFV-PL

they climbed

When the emphatic third person plural pronoun dùgzí is used with Imperfective forms, it replaces the third person Imperfective pronoun )à (as is the case with other nominal subjects; see 6.1.2.3). This is also parallel to what happens with third person singular (6.1.5.1.1). dùgzí Ø héé4zí4rà they climb / they are climbing 3PL.INDEP 3:REAL climb:VN-PL-VN cf. )à héé4zí4rà 3:IMPFV climb:VN-PL-VN

they climb / they are climbing

cf. other nominal subjects: tâw má Taw with

gaFm Gam

Ø héé4zí4rà 3:REAL climb:VN-PL-VN

Taw and Gam climb / Taw and Gam are climbing

In the case of independent as well as verbal subject pronouns, the last syllable of the pronoun dùgzí may be lengthened and accompanied with L tone, becoming dùgzíì. In the case of independent pronouns, this is the only available means of pronominal emphasis. dùgzíì sáà mâh 3PL.EMPH inside granary

they are in the granary

292

cf. dùgzí sáà mâh 3PL.INDEP inside granary

they are in the granary

In the case of verbal subject pronouns, it is used to achieve an additional level of emphasis (cf. forms at the beginning of this section). dùgzíì )àá hèè4zí 3PL.EMPH 3:IRR climb:FUT-PL

THEY will climb!

dùgzíì má hèè4zí 3PL.EMPH 3:OPT climb:OPT-PL

THEY must climb!

6.1.5.2 Emphatic object pronouns Emphatic object pronouns are typically produced by the addition of an independent pronoun (6.1.5.1) following an object pronoun (6.1.3), whether it is basic (non-reflexive) or reflexive. However, as described in this section below, first-and-second person plural and third person basic object pronouns deviate from this pattern. This is evident from the following table: Emphatic object pronouns

1SG

basic reflexive (non-reflexive) mí mì )íní mì

2SG

mú mù

)íním mù

1&2SG

ná nà

)íná nà

3SG

dú dú

—

person

3SG.COREF lé lè

)ílé lè

1PL

rí rì

)írí rì

2PL

ró rò

)író rò

1&2PL

nànzà

)ínzínzá nànzà ~ )ínzá nànzà

3PL

dùgzí

—

3PL.COREF ré rè

)íré rè

The following examples illustrate the use of emphatic basic (non-reflexive) object pronouns: Ø éé mí mì 3:PFV bite:PFV 1SG.OBJ 1SG

he/she/it bit me

cf. Ø éé mí 3:PFV bite:PFV 1SG.OBJ

he/she/it bit me

293

Ø kó ró rò 3:PFV see:PFV 2PL.OBJ 2PL

he/she/it saw you (pl.)

cf. Ø kó ró 3:PFV see:PFV 2PL.OBJ

he/she/it saw you (pl.)

The following examples illustrate the use of emphatic reflexive object pronouns: Ø éé )ílé 3:PFV see:PFV body:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

lè he/she/it saw 3SG.COREF himself/herself/itself

cf. Ø éé )ílé 3:PFV see:PFV body:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

he/she/it saw himself/herself/itself

nà 1&2

kó4zí )ínzínzá see:PFV-PL body:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

cf. nà 1&2

kó4zí )ínzínzá see:PFV-PL body:1&2PL.POSS.INAL

nànzà 1&2PL.INDEP

we (incl.) saw ourselves

we (incl.) saw ourselves

For first-and-second person plural and the third person plural basic object pronouns, the default (non-emphatic) independent pronoun (6.1.2.1) is used alone. Ø éé nànzà 3:PFV bite:PFV 1&2PL.INDEP

he/she/it bit us (incl.)

cf. Ø éé zìnzá 3:PFV bite:PFV 1&2PL.OBJ

he/she/it bit us (incl.)

Ø éé dùgzí 3:PFV bite:PFV 3PL.INDEP

he/she/it bit them

cf. Ø éé dùgú 3:PFV bite:PFV 3PL.OBJ

he/she/it bit them

In the case of the first person singular basic object pronoun, the default (non-emphatic) independent pronoun (6.1.2.1) is repeated. Ø éé dú dú 3:PFV bite:PFV 3SG.INDEP 3SG.INDEP cf. Ø éè4rú 3:PFV bite:PFV-3SG.OBJ

he/she/iti bit him/her/itj he/she/iti bit him/her/itj

294

6.1.5.3 Emphatic possessive pronouns Emphatic possessive pronouns are created by placing an independent pronoun after a possessive pronoun. This strategy is used for constructions containing alienable as well as inalienable pronouns (6.1.4.1, 6.1.4.2). Emphatic possessive pronouns person 1SG

alienable )íí mì

inalienable 4í mì

2SG

)ám mù

4mi mù

1&2SG

)áná nà

4ná nà

3SG

)úùrú dú ~ )úùwú dú

4 `rú dú ~ 4 `wú dú

3SG.IMPERS )éé lè

4lé lè

3SG.COREF

)éé lè

4lé lè

1PL

)írí rì

4rí rì

2PL

)óró rò

4ró rò

1&2PL

)ánzá nànzà

4zínzá nànzà ~ 4zíná nànzà

3PL

dùgzí

dùgzí

3PL.IMPERS

)éré rè

4ré rè

3PL.COREF

)éré rè

4ré rè

The following examples illustrate the use of these pronouns: kpáhlì stool:LF cf. kpáhlì stool:LF

)íí mì 1SG.POSS 1SG

my stool

)íí 1SG.POSS

my stool

káání head:1SG.POSS.INAL

mì 1SG

my head (inal.)

cf. káání head:1SG.POSS.INAL

my head (inal.)

In the case of the third person plural emphatic possessive pronoun, the addition of the independent pronoun is accompanied by the dropping of the possessive pronoun.

295

kpáhlì dùgzí stool:LF 3PL

their stool

cf. kpáhlì dùgú stool:LF 3PL.POSS

their stool

A second degree of emphasis may be achieved by using an emphatic independent pronoun (6.1.2.1, 6.1.5.1) in the possessive construction. kpáhlì stool:LF

)íí mì mì 1SG.POSS 1SG 1SG

MY stool

6.2 Interrogative pronouns A set of seven interrogative pronouns is found in Mambay: bì4)án káà wíí kín víí wíí )án )ì4kín

how much / how many? why? where? who? what? how? which?

While four of the pronouns are morphologically simple, three are complex: bì4)án NUM-how?

how much / how many?

káà wíí head/reason:LF-what?

why?

)ì4kín HEAD-where?

which?

Most commonly, interrogative pronouns co-occur with the question particle nà (10.1.2.1). If the interrogative pronoun is the subject of the clause, it comes in the usual subject position (before the verbal complex; see 10.1.1) and the question particle comes at the end of the clause. víí Ø húmgò nà who? 3:REAL come:VN QM

who comes? / who is coming?

wíí Ø pá4lè nà what? 3:REAL happen:PERF-3SG.REFL QM

296

what has happened?

If the interrogative pronoun and question particle are found alone in a clause, or if the interrogative pronoun is found in clause-final position (e.g. as an object, adverbial complement, or predicate nominal), the pronoun and question particle form a single phonological word. kínà where?:QM

where?

mù vú4m kínà where are you going? / where are you about to go? 2SG go:FUT-2SG.REFL where?:QM wíí4nà what?-QM

what?

mù pàg wíínà 2SG do:VN what?:QM

what are you doing? / what do you do?

)ánà how?:QM

how?

mù toFg )ánà 2SG be how?:QM

how are you?

)ì4kínà

which one?

NOM-where?:QM

dú )ì4kínà 3SG.INDEP NOM-where?:QM

which one is he/she/it?

When used with the conjunction kóó ‘-ever, even if’ and the question particle nà (10.1.2.1), interrogative pronouns become non-interrogative but still exhibit an ‘-ever’ type of indefiniteness (cf. Welmers 1973:435). kóó kóó kóó kóó kóó kóó kóó

bì4)ánà káà wíínà kínà víínà wíínà )ánà )ì4kínà

however much / however many for whatever reason wherever whoever whatever however whichever

297

kóó víínà vâg má )ígà sêh -ever who? go: VN with thing hand:LF

lâ’ gííbò, like alcoholic.drink

má kòhm 3:OPT gather.together:OPT whoever goes / is going with something in hand like an alcoholic drink must gather together [with others]

298

7 VERBS 7

VERBS

The Mambay verb system exhibits richness in the types of available verb structures as well as the functional distinctions represented by combinations of these structures. These possibilities are outlined in the following paragraphs. The first major section of this chapter (7.1) introduces verb stems. While some are canonical and morphologically simple, others are non-canonical and, in some cases, morphologically complex. Non-canonical verbs result from the application of verbal extensions, derivation of verbs from other parts of speech, the ideophonic nature of some verbs, and borrowing of verbs from other languages. The set of verbal extensions is the most significant way in which verb stems are composed, and is investigated in detail in 7.2. This set is reminiscent of systems found elsewhere in Niger-Congo. While some extensions found in Mambay are synchronically productive, others are not; also, the semantic transparency of verbal extensions varies. The subsequent section (7.3) examines verb word morphology. Segmental affixes are dealt with in detail, and the behaviour of tone in verb words is examined. In addition, verbs are classified with respect to transitivity and tone melody. Irregular verbs are also considered. Verbal inflection is explored in 7.4. Specifically, this section treats basic inflectional categories, which are marked length on subject pronouns and tone on subject pronouns and verb words. It is shown that a division between Indicative and Optative mood is fundamental to the verb system, and Indicative verb forms are also distinguished for realis value and aspect. Negative verb forms, which pattern differently than their affirmative counterparts, are treated separately in 7.5. The expansion of verbal inflection by means of TAM indicators, possessive constructions and complex inflectional constructions (specifically, serial and auxiliary verbs) forms the substance of the discussion in 7.6. A final section (7.7) discusses composite verbal expressions and their contribution to the verb lexicon. Unless it has been otherwise specified, example verbs are given in their basic Perfective forms (cf. 7.4.1.1.1.1).

299

7.1 Verb stem structure Verb stems may be divided into two groups: canonical (7.1.1) and non-canonical (7.1.2). While a general discussion of canonicity is found in 1.3.1, the two groups of verb stems are formally distinguished in the following discussion.

7.1.1 Canonical verb stems There are 307 canonical verb stems in the data, all of which are morphologically simple and consist of a monosyllabic root. In the vast majority of cases, it is a heavy syllable. Attested CV shapes of canonical verb stems, along with the number of occurrences in the data and illustrative examples, are as follows: root shape

# of occurrences

example

CV CCV CVV CVC CCVV CCVC

(13) (2) (225) (48) (17) (2)

gé syè Qáá kám gyáá yá7

get lost shine move away weave take out, gather up growl

Although onsets of canonical verb stems are found with a wide variety of consonants, codas are characterized by a restricted consonantal inventory: only g, m and 7 are attested. vóg fám %í7

watch, guide announce, propagate bow (tr.) in greeting

Transitive as well as intransitive verbs are represented by canonical verb stems. Tone melodies attested with canonical verb stems are discussed in 7.3.2.2.

7.1.2 Non-canonical verb stems Non-canonical verb stems, which exhibit formal differences from those which are canonical, are of several types. While some non-canonical verb stems are derived from verb roots in the language by means of verbal extensions (7.2), others are derived from various parts of speech (7.1.2.1). In many cases, verbal derivation is historically significant rather than synchronically productive. Along with derived stems, ideophonic verbs (7.1.2.2) and verbs borrowed from other languages (7.1.2.3) pattern as noncanonical verb stems. Non-canonical stems are uniformly transitive. In contrast to canonical stems (7.1.1), they allow a wide range of consonants in the coda of the stem-initial syllable. Non-canonical stems are also distinguished in that they are limited to tonal Classes 5 and 6, which they represent exclusively. Like morphologically simple stems, non-canonical stems in tonal

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Class 5 are monosyllabic; however, non-canonical stems in tonal Class 6 range from one (superheavy; see 2.4.3) to four syllables. Vowels in the non-initial syllables of the stem are either echo vowels (in CV.CVC stems) or the default vowel i (in all other cases). In total, there are 294 non-canonical verb stems of Mambay origin in the data. Attested CV shapes of these stems, along with the number of occurrences and illustrative examples, are as follows: stem shape

# of occurrences

example

CVV CVC CCVV CCVC CVVC CV.CVC CVV.CV CVC.CV CCVV.CV CCVC.CV CVV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CCVV.CV.CV CVV.CV.CV.CV

(5) (131) (5) (14) (19) (11) (30) (66) (1) (3) (1) (4) (2) (1)

Qàà sèl gwàà kwàg òònT tìgín lòòrí làmgí rwàhbí zyàgrí )òògìní gòrgìrí rwàhbìrí )òògìnìrí

CVC.CV.CV.CV (1)

finish (tr.) dispute rob drag increase (tr.) drop whip stir mix, tangle mistake cause to set crawling loosen repeatedly mix or tangle repeatedly cause to set crawling repeatedly / cause repeatedly to set crawling kpàtgìnìrí cause to become distant repeatedly / cause repeatedly to become distant

7.1.2.1 Verb stems derived from other parts of speech In addition to arising from derivation by means of verbal extensions (7.2), it appears that a few verb stems are derived from nouns and adjectives; while there is no verb root corresponding to certain verb stems, these other parts of speech from which they are presumably derived are attested. For monosyllabic roots, the derivational template adds gi to the end of it, and assigns the word to tonal Class 6 (cf. 7.3.2.2). puF’ sâ’

whiteness elderly

pù’gí sà’gí

become white become old, wear out

When the source word is more than one syllable, the template functions in two ways. If the source word exhibits reduplication, the first CVX unit is taken and treated like a monosyllabic source (cf. directly above). gòrògòrò nùmnùm

loose soft

gòrgí nùmgí

301

loosen soften

If (as is attested for other cases) the source word begins with a non-reduplicated CVX.CV shape, the template retains the CVXC part of the sequence and adds only i to the end of it. kpìgzìm ràhbá

thick poverty

kpìgzí ràhbí

thicken impoverish, become poor

Examples of verbs which appear to be derived from nouns are as follows: gbóògá kpâtgá puF’ ràhbá rág.bà

wideness distance (n.) whiteness poverty triviality, trifle

gbòògí kpàtgí pù’gí ràhbí ràg.bí

enlarge, widen distance (tr.) become white impoverish, become poor set wandering, make trivial

Examples of verbs which appear to be derived from adjectives (most of which are ideophonic; see 7.1.2.2) are as follows: gòrògòrò nùmnùm kpìgzìm sâ’ sìhsìh

loose soft thick elderly fresh

gòrgí nùmgí kpìgzí sà’gí sìhgí

loosen soften thicken become old, wear out refresh

7.1.2.2 Ideophonic verb stems A small group of ideophonic verb stems is found in Mambay. The ideophonic nature of these verbs is, like that of ideophones in other word classes, pervasive but difficult to demonstrate for all examples; and as for Mambay ideophones in general, it is put forward in light of the recurrent convergence of non-canonical structures and sound symbolism (1.3.1, 8.2). Ideophonic verb stems exhibit basic structures limited to non-canonical verbs: a CVX.CV stem shape, and Class 5 or 6 tone melody (7.1.2, 7.3.2.2.1). And like other non-canonical verbs, they are uniformly transitive (7.1.2, 7.3.2.1.2). Ideophonic verb stems exhibit, in addition, consonant distribution patterns that are not found with other types of verb stems. In the following examples, four geminate obstruents are attested. In addition, the consonants t, b and vb, which are never found in the second syllable of any other type of verb stem, are attested among ideophonic verbs in the data. Finally, the nasalized vowel o, which is found in only two morphologically simple items in the data (3.1.2), appears in this list of ideophonic verbs: bìttí gbòvví mìzzí

pull away wash clothes sprinkle 302

nògtí pùgvbí ràg.bí rwàhbí tùttí vò gí vbìttí

knead scatter wander mix, tangle pluck daub unroll shutters

A few ideophonic verbs appear to be derived from ideophonic adjectives (7.1.2.1, 8.4). gòrògòrò nùmnùm kíríkìrì kpìgzìm

loose soft spherical thick

gòrgí nùmgí kìrgí kpìgzí

loosen soften ball up thicken

7.1.2.3 Borrowed verb stems A handful of verb stems borrowed from Fulfulde are used in Mambay. Usage is much more frequent among Mambay speakers in ethnically mixed communities (cf. 1.2.3.1). The tone melody associated with these verbs is the same as that of other derived verbs, namely Class 6 (7.3.2.2). While four of the five examples below conform to CV patterns found with other non-canonical verb stems of Mambay origin (cf. beginning of 7.1.2), the CV pattern of màrí ‘possess’ is unique (Fulfulde source vocabulary for these examples is from Noye 1974). èddí hàbdí jà7gí màrí vìndí

increase fight learn possess write

(cf. Fulf. esd ) (cf. Fulf. ha ) (cf. Fulf. ja-ng ) (cf. Fulf. mar ) (cf. Fulf. winnd )

7.2 Verbal extensions Verbal extensions are the primary way by which verb stems in Mambay become derived (cf. 7.1.2). Several verbal extensions may be easily recognized by virtue of their productivity and because their semantic and morphological contribution is readily identifiable; however, others are less productive and are better considered vestiges of a historical system of verbal extension within Niger-Congo. These historical origins will not be addressed here, but the methodology and findings of Elders (2000:172–94) concerning Mundang are relevant to a discussion of this topic in Mambay. In addition to their role in the Mambay verb system, verbal extensions appear to be related to vestigial suffixes found on nouns (5.1.3.2). This topic has been addressed in Anonby 2007b:REF. In the sections that follow, an inventory of verbal extensions is provided (7.2.1). After a discussion of the distribution of verbal extensions (7.2.2), both synchronically productive 303

and unproductive extensions (7.2.3 and 7.2.4) are described. Attested combinations of verbal extensions are catalogued (7.2.5), and a problem concerning the semantic and phonological relationship among several of the suffixes is examined (7.2.6).

7.2.1 Inventory of verbal extensions Sixteen verbal extensions have been identified in Mambay. These extensions vary greatly in their productivity and, to some extent, in their structure. Three of the verbal extensions are highly productive (7.2.3); they may be applied to almost any verb root, and they contribute a definable semantic component to the resulting stem. 4n (#1) causative 4ri iterative/intensive 4gi iterative/intensive Each of these extensions results in tonal Class 6 verb stems with an expanded segmental structure. The remaining thirteen verbal extensions (7.2.4) are attested to varying degrees as part of derived verb stems, but are not synchronically productive. In most cases, their specific contribution to the meaning of a verb stem is difficult to identify. These extensions, which have been arranged from high to low frequency, are as follows: 4r intensive 4g extensive 4l separative 4zi pluractional 4n (#2) 4% 4b 4Nw 4Nm 4m 47 4 ’ (glottalization) (tonal extension) With the exception of 4zi, which behaves like the three productive extensions above, the application of these extensions results in tonal Class 5 verb stems (7.3.2.2). There is (also excepting 4zi) no expansion of the segmental structure for stems containing these extensions; rather, the extension consonants appear to have replaced a timing unit of the historical source root’s long vowel.

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Nasality does not spread from a verbal extension onto a root, or vice versa; nor does it spread from one extension to another when two are found in combination. hà4n làà4nT

render feed

cf. háá cf. làà

nàm4rí rìm4rí

grind repeatedly cf. nám immerse cf. rím

come back, go back eat grind dip

dè4Nm4rí harmonize cf. dè4Nm comment sù4m4rí know definitively cf. sù4m know

7.2.2 Distribution Almost all verbs may take extensions; the only exceptions which have been identified are the irregular verbs vè ‘go,’ húm ‘come’ and tògó ‘be’ (7.3.3). The existence of verbal extensions in the first place is suggested by recurrent sets of verbs with similarities in both meaning and segmental structure. In most cases, a source verb root may be identified for verbs stems containing extensions. gìì

answer, accept, admit

gì% gì%gí gììnT gìl gìlgí

accept definitively accept definitively and repeatedly persuade (i.e. cause to accept) give one’s opinions give one’s opinions repeatedly or in a disorderly fashion gìr insult gìrgí insult vehemently or repeatedly

háá come back, go back

hààrí hàlgí hàn hàr

coil come/go back repeatedly render hurry

súú think, crush

sù% sùg sùlgí sùm sùmrí sùr sùùnT sùùrí

trickle sink think repeatedly, crush repeatedly know know definitively put in order cause to think, cause to crush mix

305

zóó rise, greet

zòl zòlgí zòNm zòònT

leave greet profusely fix cause to emerge

In other cases, it appears that although there is no identifiable source verb, the extensions associated with the stems may be substituted. For example, while there is no synchronically attested verb káá, three stems appear to be related to this hypothetical root: kàn kànní kàr

pass, exceed, abuse overtake, overdo, cause to pass put, set

Occasionally, neither a source verb nor a pattern of substitution is evident. In such cases, the contribution of a verbal extension is suggested based on the verb stem’s conformity to the tonal patterns (Classes 5 and 6) associated with more typical extended verbs, which are obviously derived. Also, when possible, a stem’s intimation of the semantic contribution of a particular verbal extension is considered (7.2.3, 7.2.4). gù)ún lìgín rìgrí zèhmgí

accompany tickle roll (tr.) pound

(cf. 4n (2)) (cf. 4n (1) causative) (cf. 4ri iterative/intensive) (cf. 4gi iterative/intensive)

More than one verbal extension may be found with a single stem, as shown in the following example: 4l (separative) + 4gi (iterative/intensive):

dwàh dwàhl dwàhlgí

shoot, sting shoot several times shoot repeatedly

A list of attested combinations is provided in 7.2.5.

7.2.3 Synchronically productive verbal extensions 7.2.3.1 Causative 4n The extension 4n is the most productive verbal extension in Mambay, and contributes a causative meaning to the stems in which it is found. (An alternative causative construction formed by means of the auxiliary verb pá ‘make, do’ is presented in 7.6.3). When it is applied to a verb stem ending in a long vowel other than a glottalized vowel, it is added to the existing heavy root syllable, thereby making it superheavy (2.4.3): hèènT lift làànT feed

cf. hèè climb, go up cf. làà eat 306

sàhnT cause to rest cf. sàh rest vììnT frighten, threaten cf. víí fear QàànT cause to move away cf. Qáá move away When 4n is applied to a stem that ends with a glottalized vowel (V’), this vowel is reinterpreted as a V)V sequence: the glottal stop is discrete, and the second vowel, which is syllabic, echoes the first. sà)án sell tù)ún teach

cf. sá’ buy cf. tú’ show, teach

Whenever 4n is applied to a stem ending in a short vowel, the consonant g and a syllabic echo vowel are inserted between the stem and the extension. dògón cause to drink gègén lose (tr.)

cf. dó cf. gé

drink get lost

Whenever 4n is applied to a stem that already ends with g, the syllabic echo vowel is inserted between the verb root and the extension. hègén dry (tr.) lùgún cause to leave

cf. hég dry up cf. lúg go out

Whenever it is applied to a stem that ends with any other consonant, it is realized as 4ni. àrní heal (tr.) )ìnní load

cf. àr get better cf. )ìn lift, carry

Occasionally the function of 4n diverges from its prototypical use as a causative morpheme. In each case, however, some sort of semantic association between the root and the stem which has been extended with 4n is still evident. dùùnT kàhnT nàhnT tù)ún

reveal tip over drag teach

cf. cf. cf. cf.

dùù káh náh tú’

shout, squeak, humiliate like, ask, tip over take out show, teach

A second verbal extension 4n, which behaves differently and whose semantic value is indistinct, is discussed in 7.2.4.5. 7.2.3.2 Iterative/intensive 4ri 4ri is another highly productive verbal extension. It typically contributes an iterative or intensive semantic value to the stems in which it is found; still, additional specific meanings brought about by the lexicalization of these stems are common. Its relation to

307

the intensive extension 4r and to the iterative/intensive extension 4gi is described in detail in (7.2.6). The distribution of 4ri is phonologically restricted; it is never attached to verb stems which end in an alveolar consonant or 47. Verbs containing 4ri include the following: bà’rí gbàhrí hààrí hàgrí ràbrí rìmrí

fill up with air help coil shatter hug repeatedly immerse

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

bá’ gbáh háá hág ràb rím

fill up (tr.) catch, thicken, befit come back, go back break hug dip

7.2.3.3 Iterative/intensive 4gi 4gi is a third highly productive verbal extension. Like 4ri, it typically contributes an iterative or intensive semantic value to the stems in which it is found, and additional specific meanings brought about by the lexicalization of these stems are common. Its relation to the extensive extension 4g and to the iterative/intensive extension 4ri is described in detail in 7.2.6. The distribution of 4gi is phonologically restricted in that it never attaches to verb stems ending with g. Verbs containing 4gi include the following: hà%gí là7gí làrgí )òògí sààgí làmgí

break into pieces stagger rinse repeatedly crawl deceive, flatter stir

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

hà% lá7 làr )óó sáá làm

cough, break something soft move rinse braid (rope), compress tell, trick, finish prepare hot peanut drink

7.2.4 Other verbal extensions In addition to synchronically productive verbal extensions (7.2.3), there appear to be a number of other extensions which have applied historically. A few of these extensions are moderately well-attested and, in some cases, the identification of a common meaning can be attempted (7.2.4.1–7.2.4.4). Others are poorly attested; their historical involvement in verbal derivation has been discriminated in reference to their tonal and (in most cases) segmental structure (7.2.4.5; see also 7.3.2.2) (cf. Dimmendaal 2000:182). 7.2.4.1 4r The extension 4r prototypically intensifies the meaning of the stems in which it is found. For a discussion of the relationship between 4r and 4ri, see 7.2.6. Examples of stems containing 4r include:

308

dèr gìr hàr hàr nàr zàr

chop insult hurry tear drive tread

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

déé gìì hàà háá náá zàà

cut answer, accept, admit come back, go back squeeze touch cross

7.2.4.2 4g Verb stems which contain the extension 4g prototypically signal actions in which things spread out; this is reminiscent of the “extensive” extension whose meaning is described Schadeberg (1994) and whose contribution to verb stems in Mundang is presented in Elders (2000:176–9). For a discussion of the relationship between 4g and 4gi, see 7.2.6. Examples of stems containing 4g include: nìg tàg vbìg ràg Nwàg zàg

have diarrhea sweep clean, plunder elude, avoid straddle, sling suck refuse, divorce

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

níí táá vbíí ráá Nwáá zàà

defecate stir cut spread out split cross

7.2.4.3 4l The extension 4l is moderately productive. Formally, it resembles the “separative” extension l in Mundang which Elders (2000:174), based on the definition provided in Schadeberg (1982b:61), sees as describing movement away from an original position or state. Synchronically, however, this semantic value is not fully transparent in Mambay, nor is it completely consistent. Verb stems containing 4l include the following: ùl divide dwàhl shoot several times kìl wander vbìl boil furiously, hack zàl explain zòl leave

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

úú dwáh kíí vbìì zàà zóó

create, sprout shoot, sting set in motion cut, cut up cross, pull rise, greet

7.2.4.4 4zi The extension 4zi is modestly productive. It is formally similar to other plural morphemes, which contain z or zi (cf. 5.5, 5.9.2.1, 7.3.1.1); semantically, the data allow that it could have originated as a pluractional extension. Normally, pluractional extensions signal a plurality of verbal action; this may be performed by several agents or experienced by several patients or instruments, or it may be an action performed in several places (Newman 1990:53ff., Elders 2000:183). Verb stems containing 4zi include the following:

309

lùgzí nìhzí zì’zí )ìhzí

resemble approach with intention nibble in several places wipe off excrement

cf. cf. cf. cf.

lúg níh zìr )ìh

go out, sprout (happen) to approach gnaw grunt

The fact that the verbal extension 4zi is distinct from the verbal plural morpheme 4zí (7.3.1.1) is demonstrated by their distribution in the following set of words: lúg he/she/it went out lùgzí he/she/it resembled

lúgzí he/she/it went out lùgzìzí they resembled

7.2.4.5 Unproductive verbal extensions The unproductive verbal extensions listed here are more difficult to establish than those found above. There are numerous cases of formally and semantically similar correlate verbs from which they may have been derived historically, but not as many as for productive extensions. Still, the inventory of unproductive extensions given here serves (at least) as a catalogue of forms which are like the more obvious verbal extensions of the same shape in their non-canonical tone melody (Class 5) and, usually, segmental composition (especially that of the coda). Unproductive extensions which are marked segmentally include: 4n (#2), 4%, 4b, 4Nm, 4m, 47 and 4Nw. There also appears to be one unproductive extension marked with glottalization, and one marked only by a tonal alternation. The extension 4n (#2) shares its segmental shape with the causative extension 4n (7.2.3.1). However, it does not contribute a uniformly causative semantic value, nor does it increase the segmental content of the verb (7.2.1). Verb stems containing 4n (#2) include the following: hàn tàn sìn yàn

render weave, braid pick up tiny things spread out (tr.)

cf. cf. cf. cf.

háá táá sìì yàà

come back, go back stir covet sit, stay, be

cf. cf. cf. cf.

kùù Nwáá Qáá zàà

gather (firewood) split move away cross

The following verbs contain 4%: kù% Nwà% Qà% zà%

study, learn have a headache feel, rub, massage tremble

The following verbs contain 4b: )àb lìb

grill, fry straighten

cf. )àà cf. lìì

310

open, lose taste measure, weigh, try

ràb sìb

hug hatch

(no similar root) cf. sìì covet

The following verbs contain 4Nm: dèNm comment zòNm fix

cf. dém cf. zòò

merit consideration rise

The following verbs contain 4m: sùm know vbòm divide, spread, ruin

cf. sùù think, crush (no similar root)

The following verb contains 47: tì7

start

cf. tìì

become, clip, serve (food)

cf. náá

touch

The following verb contains –Nw: nàNw spank

The following verb may contain a glottalization extension 4 ’: kù’

put, store, set up

cf. kùù

gather (firewood)

Verbal derivation may be marked only by tone (change to Class 5) in the case of a few verbs (cf. 7.3.2.2; see also Elders 2000:183 for a similar situation): gwà’ gwàà gyàà syàà Qàà

disappear rob care for a child diminish finish

cf. gwá’ laugh (no similar root) cf. gyáá take out, gather up (no similar root) cf. Qáá move away

Only the five verbs listed above appear to contain a tonal verbal extension. A point worth noting is that the onset in the first four verb stems is complex (cf. 2.3.3.1), and that the fifth stem starts with a complex (preglottalized) palatal consonant (cf. 2.1.5). However, no further conclusion has been reached concerning a relation between these structures and the tonal verbal extension.

7.2.5 Combinations of verbal extensions Up to three verbal extensions may be applied to a single verb root in Mambay. An example of each attested sequence of verbal extensions is given in this section. Sequences of two extensions are as follows:

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4b + 4ri (iterative/intensive):

ràbrí cf. ràb

hug repeatedly hug

4% + 4gi (iterative/intensive):

kù%gí cf. kúú cf. kù%

learn continually gather (firewood) study, learn

4g + 4ri (iterative/intensive):

nìgrí cf. nìg

defecate diarrhea repeatedly defecate diarrhea

4l + 4gi (iterative/intensive):

dwàhlgí cf. dwáh cf. dwàhl

shoot repeatedly shoot, sting shoot several times

4Nm + 4gi (iterative/intensive):

dèNmgí cf. dèNm

harmonize comment

4Nm + 4ri (iterative/intensive):

dèNmrí cf. dèNm

comment repeatedly comment

4n (#2) + 4gi (iterative/intensive):

nìngí cf. níí

defecate repeatedly defecate

4n (#2) + 4n (#1) (causative):

)ìnní cf. )íí cf. )ìn

load marry lift, carry

4r (intensive) + 4gi (iterative/intensive): dèrgí cf. déé cf. dèr

cut up in pieces repeatedly chop cut off

4r (intensive) + 4n (#1) (causative):

àrní cf. àr

heal get better

4Nw + 4gi (iterative/intensive) or 4ri (iterative/intensive)

nàNwgí = nàNwrí spank repeatedly cf. náá touch cf. nàNw spank

Three verb stems which appear to contain three verbal extensions have been attested. In one case (4ri), an extension is repeated for hyperbolic effect. 4g + 4ri (iterative/intensive) + 4ri (iterative/intensive):

hàgrìrí cf. háá cf. hàg 312

shatter (hyperbolic) come back, go back break

4l + 4gi (iterative/intensive) + 4ri (iterative/intensive):

cf. hàgrí

shatter

dwàhlgìrí cf. dwáh cf. dwàhl cf. dwàhlgí

shoot definitively and repeatedly shoot, sting shoot several times shoot repeatedly

4gi (iterative/intensive) + 4ri (iterative/ )òògìrìní intensive) + 4n (#1) (causative): cf. )óó cf. )òògí cf. )òògìrí cf. )òògìní

cause to set crawling repeatedly / repeatedly cause to set crawling braid (rope), compress set crawling set crawling repeatedly cause to set crawling

7.2.6 Relations among the extensions 4ri, 4gi, 4r, and 4g From a semantic as well as phonological point of view, the four verbal extensions 4ri, 4gi, 4r, and 4g (7.2.1) appear to be intimately connected. Consequently, any decision to distinguish or conflate these extensions needs to be defended. An initial comparison of verbs with 4ri, 4gi, 4r and 4g reveals an apparent contrast among the four extensions. In the following set of words, the four verbal extensions are attached to roots which appear to be phonologically equivalent. While 4ri and 4gi constitute a new syllable in an extended verb stem (7.2.1), 4r and 4g replace the second timing unit of a long vowel in the verb root to which they are attached (7.2.1) as follows: hààrí sààgí hàr tàg

coil deceive, flatter hurry sweep, clean, plunder

cf. cf. cf. cf.

háá sáá háá táá

come back, go back tell, trick, finish come back, go back stir

However, the relationships among the four extensions are more complex than this apparent contrast suggests. In the following sections, the semantic and distributional relationships between pairs of similar forms are discussed. There, it is suggested that 4ri and 4gi are partially complementary, and that while 4ri and 4r are also partially complementary, 4gi and 4g should be regarded as contrastive. Finally, 4r and 4g demonstrate clear evidence of contrast. Partial complementarity of and Although contrast is presented immediately above for the verbal extensions 4ri and 4gi, an examination of their lexical distribution, semantic value and phonological distribution reveals a surprising degree of complementarity. Unlike the corresponding extensions 4r and 4g (cf. below), 4ri and 4gi are virtually lexically complementary in the data; a given verb root may be associated either with -ri 313

or with 4gi, but usually not with both. The only exceptions are the following pairs of stems: dèNmgí dèNmrí cf. dèNm

harmonize comment repeatedly comment

nàNwgí nàNwrí cf. nàNw

spank repeatedly = spank repeatedly spank

While one substitution makes a difference in meaning, the other does not. The comparable semantic value of the extensions 4ri and 4gi supports a similar pattern of complementarity. Both forms signal actions which are repeated or intensified (7.2.3). Since the two extensions are typically found with complementary sets of verb roots (see previous paragraph), a direct and representative comparison of their meaning is not possible. These extensions are variously found on verbs with iterative or intensive values: on the one hand, verbs with 4ri are about evenly divided between those which contain iterative and intensive meanings; on the other hand, verbs in which 4gi carries an iterative meaning are arguably more common than those which are intensive, but not significantly so. Finally, there is partial complementarity in the phonological distribution of the two extensions (7.2.3). It is true that either may be associated with a verb stem ending in a vowel or a labial consonant. However, in other environments, complementarity is clear: while on the one hand only 4ri is found with verb roots ending in g, on the other hand only 4gi is found with roots ending in an alveolar consonant or 7. Relationships within the extension pairs / and / Although apparent contrast between 4ri and 4r and between 4gi and 4g is shown above (7.2.6), the relationship between members of these extension pairs is more complex than this. There is an obvious structural similarity between 4ri and 4r and between 4gi and 4g. The possibility of complementarity is especially plausible in light of i-insertion phenomena found at morpheme boundaries elsewhere in the language: for example, the causative extension 4n is realized as 4ni in certain morphological contexts (7.2.3.1; for other similar examples, see 5.2.2, 7.1.2.1, 7.1.2.2 and 7.4.2.1). A further indicator of complementarity is that whenever these extensions are one of two associated with the same root, 4r or 4g is always placed first, while 4ri or 4gi is invariably placed second (7.2.5). This evident complementarity is disrupted by the semantic values associated with each form (7.2.3–7.2.4). On the one hand, 4gi and 4g are semantically distinct: whereas 4gi bears an iterative or intensive value, 4g is bears an extensive value and is clearly neither 314

iterative nor intensive. On the other hand, a semantic distinction is more difficult to draw between 4ri and 4r. Like 4gi, 4ri carries an iterative or intensive value. However, 4r shares only the intensive value of 4ri and is never iterative. Based on these semantic considerations, and despite the partial phonological and morphological complementarity that is evident, it is necessary to posit contrast between 4 ri and 4r and between 4gi and 4g. Contrast between r and g The preceding discussion shows that a partial complementarity exists between the extensions 4ri and 4gi as well as between members of the extension pairs 4ri / 4r and 4gi / 4g. It is therefore reasonable to consider whether the extensions 4r and 4g may also be partially complementary. However, this is not the case; the distribution of 4r and 4g is contrastive in some word pairs. Examples which show this are as follows: sùg sùr cf. súú

sink put in order think, crush

zàg zàr cf. zàà

refuse, divorce tread cross

7.3 Verb word morphology Verb words, along with subject pronouns (6.1.2, 7.4) and expansions of verb forms (7.6), are fundamental in furnishing morphological structures which communicate the functions of verbal inflection in Mambay (7.4). In the present section, affixational possibilities are catalogued (7.3.1) and the tonal behaviour of the verb word is discussed (7.3.2.2.3). Elements of verb classification (7.3.2) and are then followed by a description of the morphology of irregular verbs (7.3.3).

7.3.1 Affixation Several types of affixes are found with verb words in Mambay. The most basic affixes, which are tonal inflection morphemes, are treated in the section on verb classification (7.3.2), since they fall into a number of lexically determined classes. All of the other morphemes which are part of verb words are suffixes. Basic inflectional distinctions are expressed by the verbal plural morpheme 4zí (7.3.1.1), reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) and the Perfect suffix 4rì (7.3.1.3). Other verb suffixes are the dummy object suffix 4na (7.3.1.4), several object suffixes (7.3.1.5) and the directional suffix 4ìn / 4n` ‘to here’ (7.3.1.6). Combinatory possibilities of verbal suffixes are listed in 7.3.1.7.

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7.3.1.1 The verbal plural affix 4zí The verbal affix 4zí is used to specify plurality for three of the five plural persons (6.1.1): first-and-second (1&2) person, third person, and third person co-referential. For the 1&2 person and the third person, its importance is obvious, since plurality is not specified for the subject pronoun; singular and plural verbal subject pronouns are identical (6.1.1.5). For plurals of these three persons, the affix 4zí is obligatory when there is no reflexive suffix on the verb, as the following singular/plural pairs show: nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè climb:FUT

nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4zí we (three or more people, inclusive) will climb climb:FUT-PL

)àá 3:IRR

hèè climb:FUT

)àá 3:IRR

hèè4zí they will climb climb:FUT-PL

lèé hèè 3SG.COREF:IRR climb:FUT

we (you (sg.) and I) will climb

he/she/it will climb

he/she/it (coref.) will climb

rèé hèè4zí they (coref.) will climb 3PL.COREF:IRR climb:FUT-PL When third person plural or third person plural co-referential reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) are found on the verb word, the presence of 4zí is optional and serves only to make the plurality of the subject explicit. This is shown in the following plural examples: )àá 3:IRR

hèè4ré they will climb climb:FUT-3PL.REFL

= )àá 3:IRR

hèè4zì4ré they will climb climb:FUT-PL-3PL.REFL

rèé hèè4ré they (coref.) will climb 3PL.COREF:IRR climb:FUT-3PL.REFL = rèé hèè4zì4ré they (coref.) will climb 3PL.COREF:IRR climb:FUT-PL-3PL.REFL

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However, there is no optional use of 4zí to mark plurality on verbs with a 1&2 person plural reflexive suffix; plurality is already explicit in the suffix (which in turn appears to have historically subsumed the form and role of 4zí). nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4zìnzá we (three or more people, inclusive) will climb climb:FUT-1&2PL.REFL

cf. the singular counterpart: nàá 1&2:IRR

hèè4ná we (you (sg.) and I) will climb climb:FUT-1&2SG.REFL

7.3.1.2 Reflexive suffixes A set of reflexive suffixes is used to mark subject agreement on most intransitive (7.3.2.1) and detransitivized (7.3.2.1.2) verb forms. The suffix set, which resembles many of the other pronominal sets (6.1), is as follows: 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

4ní 4mi ~ 4nVgm 4ná 4lé 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá ~ 4zíná 4ré 4ré

Third person and third person co-referential reflexive suffixes are identical. They resemble co-referential object pronouns (6.1.3), and may have originated from these historically. Long and short forms of the 1&2 person plural reflexive suffix, 4zínzá and 4zíná, are also found in other pronominal paradigms (see 6.1.3, 6.1.4). A number of morphophonological alternations accompany the application of reflexive suffixes to verb stems. This is evident with the second person singular reflexive suffix 4 mi ~ 4nVgm (7.3.1.2.1) as well as r-initial and nasal-initial reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2.2 and 7.3.1.2.3). In addition, the irregular verb vè ‘go’ exhibits extensive suffix-to-stem vowel assimilation (7.3.3.1). 7.3.1.2.1 The second person singular reflexive suffix 4mi ~ 4nVgm When attached to a stem ending with a long vowel other than a glottalized vowel, the second person singular reflexive suffix is realized as 4mi.

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mù gìì4mi you consented 2SG accept:PFV-2SG.REFL mù syàh4mi you got cold 2SG get.cold:PFV-2SG.REFL When attached to a stem ending with a glottalized vowel (V’), this vowel is reinterpreted as a V)V sequence: the glottal stop is discrete, and the second vowel, which is syllabic, echoes the first. mù 2SG mù 2SG

fì)4ím blow:PFV-2SG.REFL tè)4ém walk:PFV-2SG.REFL

you revived you walked

When the second person singular reflexive suffix is attached to a stem ending in a consonant or a short vowel, it is typically realized as 4nVgm (where V is a vowel which echoes the final vowel of the stem). mù àr4nám you got better 2SG get.better:PFV-2SG.REFL mù nú4núm you had slept 2SG sleep:PLUPERF-2SG.REFL This includes mid vowels, which are restricted from bearing nasality in most contexts (cf. 3.1.1). This suggests that the mid quality of the vowel and/or its nasality may be an effect of its phonetic context rather than an underlying trait. mù )èr4ném you got up 2SG get.up:PFV-2SG.REFL mù ròv4nóm 2SG scald:PFV-2SG.REFL

you scalded yourself

When the second person singular reflexive suffix is attached to a stem ending in a stop, it is optionally realized as 4Vgm (where V is a vowel which echoes the final vowel of the stem). mù àg4nám ~ àg4ám you got stuck 2SG get.stuck:PFV-2SG.REFL mù lìb4ním ~ lìb4ím you straightened up 2SG straighten:PFV-2SG.REFL

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Finally, whenever the suffix is attached to an 7-final verb stem, it is realized as 4gVgm. This realization prevents from 7 appearing in onset position (cf. 2.1.2.1). mù ó74góm you were revolted 2SG revolt:PFV-2SG.REFL mù dú74gúm you bent down 2SG bend.down:PFV-2SG.REFL 7.3.1.2.2 r-initial reflexive suffixes When an r-initial reflexive suffix is suffixed to a verb stem ending in r, the resulting r+r sequence is shortened to a single r. rì 1PL

)èr + get.up:PLUPERF

4rí -1PL.REFL

rì )èrí

we (excl.) had gotten up

rò 2PL

)èr + get.up:PLUPERF

4ró -2PL.REFL

rò )èró

you (pl.) had gotten up

Ø )èr + 3:PFV get.up:PLUPERF

4ré -3PL.REFL

)èré

they had gotten up

7.3.1.2.3 Nasal-initial reflexive suffixes When nasal-initial reflexive suffixes follow a stem-final oral sonorant % or l, the nasality of the pronoun assimilates to the left and the stem-final oral sonorant is realized as the respective nasal counterpart Nm Nn or n (cf. 3.4.3.2). mì 1SG

sà vomit:PFV

+

4ní -1SG.REFL

mì sàNmní

I vomited

mù 2SG

zà% + tremble:PFV

4nVgm -2SG.REFL

mù zàNnnám

you trembled

nà 1&2

zòl leave:PFV

4ná nà zònná -1&2SG.REFL

+

we (you (sg.) and I) left

7.3.1.3 The Perfect suffix 4rì The suffix 4rì is only found on transitive verbs (7.3.2.1.2), where it marks the Perfect tense (7.4.1.1.1.2). Often, Perfect forms with 4rì are found without an explicit object; this suggests that 4rì satisfies (or at least relieves) transitivity requirements. mì làà4rì 1SG eat:PERF-PERF

I have eaten (something)

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mì póó4rì 1SG pay:PERF-PERF

I have payed (something)

The suffix 4rì cannot be treated as a dummy object, however, since it allows an accompanying explicit object or object pronoun (in contrast to 4na; see 7.3.1.4). mì làà4rì 1SG eat:PERF-PERF

)ígà thing

I have eaten something

mù kó4rì 2SG see:PERF-PERF

mí 1SG.OBJ

you have seen me

Several morphophonological alternations accompany the suffixation of 4rì to verb stems. When 4rì is suffixed to a verb stem ending in r, the stem vowel is lengthened and the r of the stem disappears. mì 1SG

deFr + cut.off:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì dèérì

I have cut (something) off

mì 1SG

waFr + leave:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì wàárì

I have left (something)

When 4rì is suffixed to a verb stem ending in either n or l, the r of the suffix assimilates to the stem-final consonant. mì 1SG

kaFn + pass:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì kaFnnì

I have passed (something)

mì 1SG

loFl + crunch:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì loFllì

I have crunched (something)

When 4rì is suffixed to verb stems ending in a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel, nasality spreads from the stem to the suffix. mì 1SG

dú7 + 4rì bend.down:PERF -PERF

mì dú7rì

I have bent (something) down

mì 1SG

deFNm + 4rì comment:PERF -PERF

mì deFNmrì

I have commented (on something)

mì 1SG

kúú + grab:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì kúúrì

I have grabbed (something)

mì 1SG

sáá + swallow:PERF

4rì -PERF

mì sáárì

I have swallowed (something)

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7.3.1.4 The dummy object suffix 4na The suffix 4na is a dummy object marker which is found with verbal nouns derived from transitive verbs, whether they are used as nouns (5.9) or used verbally (as in the Imperfective; see 7.4.1.1.2). làá4nà eat:VN-OBJ

eating (something)

mì làá4nà 1SG eat:VN-OBJ

I eat (something) / I am eating (something)

The structure and role of 4na is described in greater detail in reference to verbal nouns in 5.9.1.1. 7.3.1.5 Pronominal object suffixes Three object pronouns are verb word suffixes: second person singular (7.3.1.5.1), third person singular (7.3.1.5.2), and the 4zíná variant of the 1&2 person plural (7.3.1.5.3). In all three cases, there is morphophonological evidence of these suffixes’ interdependence with the verb word; such evidence is lacking for other object pronouns (6.1.3.1). 7.3.1.5.1 The second person singular object suffix -mi The second person singular object is a verb word suffix 4mi. mì zòò4mi 1SG greet:VN-2SG.OBJ

I greet you / I am greeting you

)à kyàh4mi 3SG love:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it loves you / he/she/it is loving you

When 4m is attached to a stem ending with a glottalized vowel (V’), this vowel is reinterpreted as a V)V sequence: the glottal stop is discrete, and the second vowel, which is syllabic, echoes the first, although it carries the High tone of the underlying suffix 4mi. )à là)4ám 3SG hear:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it hears you / he/she/it is hearing you

When 4m is attached to a consonant-final verb stem, an echo vowel is also inserted. )à lîb4ím he/she/it straightens you / he/she/it is straightening you 3SG straighten:VN-2SG.OBJ )à àg4ám 3SG meet:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it meets you / he/she/it is meeting you

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)à sòg4óm 3SG send:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it touches you / he/she/it is touching you

Nasality does not travel leftward from the suffix to the host stem: mì kòò4mi I give birth to you / I am giving birth you 1SG give.birth:VN-2SG.OBJ However, echo vowels that follow a stem ending in a nasal consonant are nasalized. )à àm4ám 3SG trample:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it tramples you / he/she/it is trampling you

In this context, mid echo vowels are also nasalized. Like the second person singular reflexive suffix (7.3.1.2.1), the identity of the suffix vowel and/or its nasality may be an effect of phonetic context rather than an underlying trait. )à sèm4ém 3SG avoid:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it avoids you / he/she/it is avoiding you

)à rôhm4óm 3SG wait:VN-2SG.OBJ

he/she/it waits for you / he/she/it is waiting for you

7.3.1.5.2 The third person singular object suffix 4 `rú Tonally, the third person singular object suffix 4 `rú (which in informal speech may be reduced to 4 `wú; see the discussion at the beginning of 6.1.3.1) forms part of the same word as the verb stem. Ø éé + 3:PFV bite:PFV

4 `rú ~ 4 `wú -3SG.OBJ

éèrú ~ éèwú he/she/iti bit him/her/itj

Ø gìì + 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 3:PFV answer:PFV -3SG.OBJ

gììrú ~ gììwú

he/she/iti answered him/her/itj

It is realized as 4 `dú when it follows a verb stem that ends in an alveolar consonant. Ø dèr + 4 `rú ~ 4 `wú 3:PFV cut.off:PFV -3SG.OBJ

dèrdú

he/she/iti cut him/her/itj off

Ø kàn + 3:PFV pass:PFV

kàndú

he/she/iti passed him/her/itj

4 `rú ~ 4 `wú -3SG.OBJ

7.3.1.5.3 The first-and-second (1&2) person plural object suffix variant -zíná The -zíná variant of the 1&2 plural object zìnzá ~ -zíná (see 6.1.3.1) is also a suffix, since tonally it forms part of the same word as the verb stem.

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Ø 3:PFV

zóó + -zíná greet:PFV -1&2PL.OBJ

zóózíná

he/she/it greeted us (incl.)

Ø 3:PFV

kàn + pass:PFV

kànzìná

he/she/it passed us (incl.)

-zíná -1&2PL.OBJ

7.3.1.6 The directional suffix 4ìn ~ 4n` The directional suffix 4ìn / 4n`, which is a shortened form of the directional adverb hîn ‘to here’ (8.1.1.1), attaches to the stem of intransitive verbs. Like its uncontracted counterpart, it signals an action approaching the speaker. In cases where the suffix is attached to a verb stem ending in a consonant, its underlying form 4ìn is realized in full. mù háá + 4mi + 4ìn mù háámîn you had come back to here 2SG come.back:PLUPERF -2SG.REFL -to.here When it is attached to a verb stem ending in a vowel, it is realized as 4n`. )àà háá4n` he/she/it will come back here 3SG:IRR come.back:FUT-to.here )àà té’4n` he/she/it will walk here 3SG:IRR walk:FUT-to.here Along with a regular suffixed form, there is a complete irregular conjugation of the verb húm ‘come’ with 4ìn ~ 4n` (7.3.3.2). 7.3.1.7 Combinatory possibilities A limited number of combinatory possibilities are available to verbal suffixes. For example, the Perfect suffix 4rì, with which explicit objects are permitted, may be followed by the second person singular object suffix. mì zóó4rì4mi 1SG greet:PERF-PERF-2SG.OBJ

mì zóòrím I have greeted you / I greet you

Also, reflexive suffixes may be followed by the directional suffix 4ìn ~ 4n`. mù háá4mi4ìn 2SG come.back:PFV-2SG.REFL -to.here

mù háámîn you have come back to here

Finally, the verbal plural affix 4zí is always closest to the stem, and may be found in conjunction with all other verbal suffixes, including attested combinations of these suffixes.

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Plural affix + reflexive suffix: Ø háá4zí4ré 3:PFV come.back:PLUPERF-PL-3PL.REFL

háázíré

they had come back / they had gone back

Plural affix + Perfect suffix: nà 1&2

zóó4zí4rì greet:PERF-PL-PERF

nà zóózírì we (incl.) have greeted (something)

Plural affix + dummy object suffix: nà 1&2

zòò4zí4nà greet:VN-PL-OBJ:VN

nà zòòzínà we (incl.) are greeting (something) / we (incl.) greet (something)

Plural affix + pronominal object suffix: nà 1&2

zóó4zí4mi greet:PFV-PL-2SG.OBJ

nà zóózím we (incl.) greeted you

Plural affix + Perfect suffix + pronominal object suffix: nà 1&2

zóó4zí4rì4mi greet:PERF-PL-PERF-2SG.OBJ

nà zóózírìm we (incl.) have greeted you

Plural affix + directional suffix: Ø háá4zí4n` 3:PFV come.back:PLUPERF-PL-to.here

háázín`

they had come back to here

Plural affix + reflexive suffix + directional suffix: Ø háá4zí4ré4n` háázírên 3:PFV come.back:PLUPERF-PL-3PL.REFL-to.here

they had come back to here

No other verbal suffix combinations are attested.

7.3.2 Verb classes Verbs are divided into lexical classes based on two parameters. First, a distinction between intransitive and transitive verbs is signalled syntactically as well as morphologically (7.3.2.1). Second, verbs fall into six distinct classes of tonal inflection (7.3.2.2). 7.3.2.1 Transitivity There is a basic subdivision of the verb lexicon between two formally distinct classes of verbs: intransitive (7.3.2.1.1) and transitive (7.3.2.1.2). While the labels “intransitive” 324

and “transitive” are helpful in describing the two classes, there are areas of ambiguity regarding the patterning of transitivity. Because of this, the verb classes are defined by further formal requirements specific to each. Defining characteristics of intransitive vs. transitive verbs are summarized in the following table: Characteristics of intransitive vs. transitive verbs intransitive verbs

transitive verbs

cannot take an object

must take an object in most contexts

Perfect form does not take the suffix 4rì

Perfect verb form must take the suffix 4rì

found with a corresponding irregular verbal noun

found with a corresponding regular verbal noun

corresponding verbal noun may not take dummy object suffix 4na

corresponding verbal noun must take dummy object suffix 4na when no there is no explicit object

underived

derived in some cases

transitivity achieved by application of the causitive verbal extension 4n

detransitivized by reflexive verb suffixes

Each of these characteristics is addressed in the subsections below. 7.3.2.1.1 Intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs differ syntactically from transitive verbs in that they cannot take objects. mì )à’ 1SG run:PFV

I ran

mì hèè 1SG climb:PFV

I climbed

mì húm 1SG come:PFV

I came

Irregular verbal nouns (5.9.1.2) correspond to intransitive verbs.

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irregular verbal noun

corresponding intransitive verb stem

gúù gélà %áárà fímrò gyáárà

gúú gé %àà fìm gyàà

flowing, flow (n.) getting lost alighting weighing foaming up

flow (v.) get lost alight weigh (intr.) foam up

Intransitive verbs are never found with the transitive Perfect suffix 4rì (7.3.1.3) or the dummy object suffix 4na (7.3.1.4) and they are never derived from other verbs or nouns (cf. 7.1.2.1). Intransitive verbs are frequently found with reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2); for some tenses, inflection with reflexive suffixes is obligatory (7.4.1.1.1). mì )â’4ní I have run 1SG run:PERF-1SG.REFL

mì )á’4ní I had run 1SG run:PLUPERF-1SG.REFL

Intransitive verbs may be followed by complements expressing location and manner. Importantly, when such complements are nouns, there is no marking on the complement to show that it is an oblique rather than an object (objects are also unmarked; see the extended discussion in 5.13). Example locative complements are as follows: mì gè fâh 1SG get.lost:PFV path

I got lost on the path

mì rì’ gèmná I entered at the entrance hut 1SG enter:PFV entrance.hut mì yáá fíílò 1SG sit:PFV house

I sat in/at the house

Ø %àà kpèègá 3:PFV alight:PFV tree

he/she/it alighted on the tree

Example manner complements are as follows: mì bàà sáà I hardened like stone 1SG harden(intr.):PFV stone mì hèg kómnà I withered with hunger 1SG dry.up:PFV hunger mì húm vérgà I came like a stranger 1SG come:PFV traveller

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Ø sòò gyâh 3:PFV get.hot:PFV sun

it was [as] hot [as] the sun

In the end, the oblique status of the complement is confirmed only by the patterning of the verb elsewhere, since in other contexts it shows the formal characteristics of the intransitive verbs mentioned in this section. Intransitive verbs are effectively transitivized by the application of the causative verbal extension 4n (7.2.3.1). corresponding intransitive causitive (= transitivized) verb stem verb stem with 4n bàà lóó sòò

bàànT lòònT sòònT

grow (intr.), harden (intr.) get tired get hot, boil (intr.)

grow (tr.), harden (tr.) tire, irritate heat, boil (tr.)

7.3.2.1.2 Transitive verbs Transitive verbs are almost always found with a nominal (or pronominal) object, a dummy object suffix, or a reflexive suffix. Transitive verbs found with objects are shown in the following examples: bòNmsí hàh7gí káálé Bo’msi lost his head Bo’msi forget:PFV head:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL mì dó byàá 1SG drink:PFV water

I drank water

twaFh èè káà nà Does a snake bite the stick? snake bite:VN stick QM zèèlá lòònT mí lie tire:PFV 1SG.OBJ

a lie bothered me

The Perfect suffix 4rì (7.3.1.3) is only found with transitive verbs. mì kó4rì 1SG see:PERF-PERF

I have seen (something)

Ø gìì4rì he/she/it has answered (something) 3:PFV answer:PERF-PERF In contrast to intransitive verbs, which are only found with corresponding irregular verbal nouns (5.9.1.2), regular verbal nouns (5.9.1.1) always correspond to transitive verbs.

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verbal noun

corresponding transitive verb stem

%â% gyàh gbóógì púgvbì Qàh

%à% gyáh gbòògí pùgvbí Qáh

sowing, planting sewing, hemming enlarging, widening scattering calling, inviting

sow, plant sew, hem enlarge, widen scatter call, invite

These regular verbal nouns take a dummy object suffix 4na if no explicit object is specified (5.9.1.1; the tonal behaviour of 4na is also addressed in this section). verbal noun

verbal noun w/ dummy object

%â% gyàh gbóógì púgvbì Qàh

%â%4ná gyaFh4nà gbóógì4ná púgvbì4ná QaFh4ná

sowing, planting (something) sewing, hemming (something) enlarging, widening (something) scattering (something) calling, inviting (something)

A minority of transitive verb stems undergo derivation with reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2). This contrasts with intransitive stems, with which reflexive suffixes function inflectionally (7.3.2.1.1). With transitive stems, the reflexive suffixes appease obligatory object requirements, resulting in valence reduction; in other words, transitive verbs are detransitivized. Such verbs are inflected like intransitive verbs belonging to the same tonal class. transitive verb construction

detransitivized verb construction

mì dú74rì 1SG bend:PERF-PERF I have bent (something) down

mì dú74ní 1SG bend:PERF-1SG.REFL I have bent down

mì lHFb4rì 1SG straighten:PERF-PERF I have straightened (something)

mì lHFb4nì 1SG straighten:PERF-1SG.REFL I have straightened up

Detransitivized verbs differ from transitive verbs in that they are not found with basic Perfective (7.4.1.1.1.1) or Imperfective (7.4.1.1.2) forms. In cases where the detransitivized basic Perfective or Imperfective meaning is intended, the transitive counterpart is used with a predictable or dummy object.

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transitive verb construction

transitive verb construction used in place of a detransitivized verb construction

mì dú7 1SG bend:PFV I bent (something) down

mì dú7 )ínù 1SG bend:PFV body I bent down

mì lîb4ná 1SG straighten:VN-OBJ:VN I straightened (something)

= mì lîb4ná 1SG straighten:VN-OBJ:VN I have straightened up

Detransitivized verbs are also distinct from intransitive verbs: reflexive verbal suffixes are optional for Future (7.4.1.2.1) and Optative (7.4.2) forms of intransitive verbs, but they are obligatory for detransitivized verbs. intransitive verb

detransitivized verb construction

)àá hèè(-lé) 3:IRR climb:FUT-(3SG.REFL) I will climb

)àá Qàà-lé 3:IRR finish:FUT-3SG.REFL I will finish

mú hèè(-mi) 2SG:OPT climb:OPT-(2SG.REFL) [you (sg.)] climb!

mú Qàà-mi 2SG:OPT finish:FUT-2SG.REFL [you (sg.)] finish!

Semantic shift frequently accompanies detransitivization. And often, because the meanings of detransitivized stems are specific or part of fixed expressions, the tenses with which they may be used are limited. Stems with which this type of semantic shift has been attested are as follows: transitive verb stem

meaning (transitive)

meaning (detransitivized)

ág éé dìì fì’ gà’ gìì gòò kpàtgí pá páá sí’ Qàà )òògí

meet, support bite join blow nail answer prepare distance (tr.) make, do dirty (tr.) fish finish (tr.) set crawling

get stuck stick together, become thin be related through marriage revive (intr.) stay fixed in one place consent be afraid become distant happen, do with oneself get dirty bloat (intr.) finish (intr.) drag one’s feet 329

Detransitivized verbs pattern lexically as transitive verbs in that the regular verbal nouns to which they correspond (like that of their transitive counterparts) must take the dummy object suffix 4na when no other object is expressed. verbal noun

verbal noun w/ dummy object

èè dìì fì’ gà’

èé4nà dìí4nà fHF’4nà gaF’nà

biting (something), sticking together, becoming thin joining (something), being related through marriage blowing (something), reviving (intr.) nailing (something), staying fixed in one place

One context in which syntactic transitivity requirements are relaxed is with Optative verb forms in cases where an object has been previously mentioned. mú 2SG:OPT … mú 2SG:OPT

làà nàmá eat:OPT meat

[you (sg.)] eat meat!

làà eat:OPT

[you (sg.)] eat (meat)!

Transitive verbs, in contrast to intransitive verbs, may be derived from other nouns or verbs (7.1.2.1). 7.3.2.2 Tone Tone on the verb stem is determined by the tense and the tonal class to which a stem belongs. Tone classes are accounted for in 7.3.2.2.1. Minimal tone pairs, which are uncommon among verbs, are listed in 7.3.2.2.2, and the behaviour of tone in verb words is described in 7.3.2.2.3. 7.3.2.2.1 Inventory of tone classes There are six basic inflectional categories which are signalled by tonal distinctions on the stem: basic Perfective, Perfect, Pluperfect, Future, Optative and Imperfective, which is expressed with a verbal noun (5.9). The tonal possibilities for these categories fall into six sets, or classes (see table below). The melodies found with the Perfect tense are unusual in two regards: first, Perfect verb words with intransitive stems from Class 1 (all shapes) and Class 2 (CVX only) contain a floating H tone on the left; and second, the melody for Perfect verb words with intransitive stems from Class 1 (CV only), transitive stems from Class 4, and all Class 5 and Class 6 stems, overrides the tone of any accompanying verb suffixes (7.3.2.2.3, 7.4.1.1.1.2). Each of the tonal classes is fully illustrated in Appendix 2 along with transitive and intransitive verbs and all CV shapes of the stems with which it is attested. These classes are also summarized in the following table:

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PERFECT

PLUPERFECT

FUTURE

OPTATIVE

IMPERFECTIVE

1 (intr., CVX)

Qáá

H

°H[L

H

H

H

(lex.)

1 (intr., CV)

gé

H

HL*

H

H

H

(lex.)

éé

H

H

H

H

H

L

2 (intr.)

sùù

L

°H[L

H

H

H

(lex.)

3 (intr.)

vè

L

L

L

H

L

(lex.)

4 (intr.)

hèè

L

L

L

L

L

(lex.)

4 (tr.)

gìì

L

L*

L*

L

L

L

5 (intr., tr.)

Qàà

L

LHL* LHL*

LH

LH

HL

6 (intr., tr.)

)òògí

LH

LHL* LHL*

LH

LH

HL

tonal verb class

1 (tr.)

(verbal noun)

example verb

PERFECTIVE

Tone on the verb stem

°H[L = floating H tone on the left boundary of a L stem * = replacive melody, i.e., dominates the entire verb word (see 7.3.2.2.3) 7.3.2.2.2 Minimal tone pairs Even though there are six tonal classes, there are few minimal tone pairs among verbs, i.e., segmentally identical verbs in different tonal classes (this does not include the productively detransitivized forms described in 7.3.2.1.2). For some of the pairs (e.g., gyáá/gyàà and háá/hàà), a historical transitivity-related derivation (cf. 7.2.4.5) appears to be responsible for membership in separate classes; however, the direction of this derivation is inconsistent, and it is otherwise unproductive. Such verbs are as follows: Class 1: Class 5:

gwá’ laugh gwà’ disappear

Class 1: Class 5:

gyáá take out, gather up gyàà care for a child

Class 1: Class 4:

háá hàà

come back, go back surround (tr.)

Class 1: Class 4:

hí’ hì’

breathe (intr.); spurt (tr.) stake out (tr.)

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Class 1: Class 4:

sáá sàà

shut up (intr.) tell, trick, cease (tr.)

Class 1: Class 5:

súm sùm

punt know

Class 1: Class 5:

Qáá Qàà

move away finish (tr.)

Class 1: Class 4:

zóó zòò

greet (tr.) rise, emerge (intr.)

The fact that all of the minimal tone pairs in the above examples involve Class 1 and Class 4 or 5 is conspicuous. However, these are the most commonly attested tonal classes; and since the formation of Class 5 verb stems is almost always accompanied by segmental derivation (7.1.2), it hardly adds to the inventory of minimal tone pairs among verb stems. 7.3.2.2.3 Tonal behaviour The verb word bears a single tone melody, which is almost always a fusion of the tonal TAM inflection of the verb stem (7.3.2.2.1) and the tone of the suffixes (7.3.1); it initially maps from left to right, but it later shifts to the right (cf. 4.1.2.2). Ø hèè 3:PFV climb:PFV

hèè

he/she/it climbed

Ø hèè4zí 3:PFV climb:PFV-PL

hèèzí

they climbed

Ø hèè4zí4n` 3:PFV climb:PFV-PL-to.here

hèèzîn

they climbed to here

Ø hèè4ré 3:PFV climb:PERF-3PL.REFL

hèèré

they have climbed

Ø hèè4zí4ré 3:PFV climb:PERF-PL-3PL.REFL

hèèzìré

they have climbed

Ø hèè4zí4ré4n` 3:PFV climb:PERF-PL-3PL.REFL-to.here

hèèzìrên

they have climbed to here

However, the association of tone on Perfect forms (7.4.1.1.1.2) is problematic for verbs in three tonal classes. For intransitive verbs in Class 1 and Class 2 comprised of a heavy syllable, the tone of the Perfect verb word does not associate evenly. This situation,

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which shows up clearly in verb words with more than three morae, can be explained by the presence of a floating H tone on the left edge of the Perfect verb word. mì 1SG

T[Qàà4ní move.away:PERF-1SG.REFL

mì Qáàní

nà 1&2

T[Qàà4zínzá move.away:PERF-1&2PL.REFL

nà Qáàzìnzá we (incl.) have gotten lost

Ø T[Qàà4zí4ré 3:PFV move.away:PERF-3PL.REFL

Qáàzìré

I have moved away

they have gotten lost

For Perfect forms of intransitive Class 1 verbs with a CV stem, a HL melody dominates the entire Perfect verb word. This can be explained as the result of a floating L tone marking the right edge of the Perfect verb word. mì 1SG

gé4ní] ` mì génì get.lost:PERF-1SG.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

nà 1&2

gé4zínzá] ` nà gézínzà we (incl.) have gotten lost get.lost:PERF-1&2PL.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

Ø gé4zí4ré] ` gézírè 3:PFV get.lost:PERF-3PL.REFL-CL1CV:PERF

I have gotten lost

they have gotten lost

For Perfect forms of transitive Class 4 verbs (all of which consist of a heavy syllable), a L melody dominates the entire verb word and does not allow the underlying H tone of the verbal plural morpheme 4zí (7.3.1.1) to surface. Ø laa4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PERF

lààrì

he/she/it has eaten

Ø laa4zí4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PL-PERF

lààzìrì

they have eaten

For Perfect verb words from Class 5 and Class 6, the LHL melody characteristic of a transitive source verb dominates the derived detransitivized form (cf. 7.3.2.1.2) of that verb. This is shown by the following three pairs of examples showing transitive source verbs contrasted with their detransitivized counterparts: mì 1SG

Qaa4rì finish:PERF-PERF

mì Qàárì

I have finished (tr.)

mì 1SG

Qaa4ní finish:PERF-1SG.REFL

mì Qàánì

I have finished (intr.)

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nà 1&2

Qaa4zí4rì finish:PERF-PL-PERF

nà Qààzírì

nà 1&2

Qaa4zínzá finish:PERF-1&2PL.REFL

nà Qààzínzà we (incl.) have finished (intr.)

we (incl.) have finished (tr.)

Ø Qaa4zí4rì 3:PFV finish:PERF-PL-PERF

Qààzírì

they have finished (tr.)

Ø Qaa4zí4ré 3:PFV finish:PERF-3PL.REFL

Qààzírè

they have finished (intr.)

In addition to these Perfect forms, the tone on Imperfective forms (verbal nouns; see 7.4.1.1.2) with the dummy object suffix 4na is not accounted for by simple fusion of verb stem and suffix melodies. verbal noun

verbal noun w/ dummy object

dòg fòò

doFg4nà fòó4nà

drinking (something) spying (something)

ûl %â%

ûl4ná %â%4ná

dividing (something) sowing (something)

Although this alternation may be attributed to two possible lexical tone melodies associated with verb + dummy object suffix words, alternate explanations are pursued in the section on verbal nouns (5.9).

7.3.3 Irregular verbs There are three verbs with irregular conjugations in Mambay: vè ‘go’ (7.3.3.1), húm ‘come’ (7.3.3.2) and tògó ‘be’ (7.3.3.3). 7.3.3.1 vè ‘go’ The verb vè ‘go’ is morphologically irregular (7.3.3.1.1) and exhibits a Realis Future category not found with other verbs (7.3.3.1.2). 7.3.3.1.1 Morphological irregularities In its basic Perfective form, vè is conjugated like other verbs: the stem is segmentally invariable (see Appendix 2). However, elsewhere vè has an irregular conjugation in which, among other things, the stem vowel typically assimilates to the quality of the vowel in the accompanying reflexive suffixes. This is illustrated by the following Future forms:

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person

pn.

form w/ refl. suffixes

1SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

mìí nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó )àá rèé

ví4ní vá4ná vé4lé vé4lé ví4rí vó4ró vé4ré vé4ré

IRR

FUT

I will go we (you (sg.) and I) will go he/she/it will go he/she/it (coref.) will go we (excl.) will go you (pl.) will go they will go (short form; see 7.3.1.1) they (coref.) will go (short form)

The matching of the verb’s vowel quality with that of the reflexive suffix persists even when there is a synchronically intervening plural morpheme 4zí (cf. 7.3.1.1): 3PL 3PL.COREF

)àá rèé

vé4zí4ré vé4zí4ré

they will go (long form; see 7.3.1.1) they (coref.) will go (long form)

When it accompanies the verb vè, the 2SG reflexive suffix is 4núm rather than (as is the case with all other verbs; see 7.3.1.2.1) 4(n)Vm. 2SG

mùú vúnúm

you (sg.) will go (long form)

Presumably, the underlying u vowel in the 2SG reflexive form of vè has its origin in the second person subject pronoun mù; however, it is no longer found contrastively with any other verbs. This historical vowel quality u persists on the verb stem in an alternative short 2SG conjugation, even though there is no vowel in the reflexive suffix. 2SG

mùú vúm

you (sg.) will go (short form)

The 1&2 plural forms of vè are idiosyncratic. Rather than exhibiting a zí + ná ( zínzá/zíná) suffix sequence (cf. 7.3.1.1, 7.3.1.2, 7.3.1.7), they exhibit a fused 4nzyá or -nzá suffix. 1&2PL

nàá nàá

vánzyá ~ vánzá

we (incl.) will go

A full paradigm of all forms of vè ‘go’ is given in Appendix 2. 7.3.3.1.2 Realis Future The verb vè ‘go’ is unique in that it exhibits an additional Realis Future conjugation. Like Realis verb forms, it is found with a CV pronoun; this pronoun patterns in the same way as the Imperfective pronoun (7.4.1.1). However, the tone on the verb stem is that of the Future (which is normally Irrealis; cf. 7.4.1.2.1). Semantically, the Realis Future of vè is more certain and more immediate than the Irrealis Future. 335

ex. mì 1SG )à 3SG:IMPFV

ví4ní go:FUT-1SG.REFL

I am going to go / I am going presently / I will go now

vé4lé go:FUT-3SG.REFL

he/she/it is going to go / he/she/it is going presently / he/she/it will go now

cf. Imperfective forms: mì 1SG

vágà go:VN

I go / I am going

)à 3SG:IMPFV

vágà go:VN

he/she/it goes / he/she/it is going

cf. Irrealis Future forms: mìí 1SG:IRR

ví4ní go:FUT-1SG.REFL

I will go

)àá 3SG:IRR

vé4lé go:FUT-3SG.REFL

he/she/it will go

A full paradigm of Realis Future forms of vè ‘go’ is given in Appendix 2. Two expansions of verbal inflection with similar meanings use the verb vè ‘go’; in one case, it is in the context of a serial verb construction (7.6.3.1), and in the other case it is as an auxiliary (7.6.3.2.1). 7.3.3.2 húm ‘come’ The verb húm ‘come’ is irregular in that it allows a contracted root form when it is accompanied by the directional adverb suffix 4ìn ~ 4n` (from hîn) ‘to here’ (7.3.1.6, 8.1.1.1) in certain conjugations. Segmentally, the root form of ‘come’ is normally húm. However, when 4ìn ~ 4n` ‘to here’ accompanies the verb and there is no reflexive suffix (7.3.1.2), the hú of the first syllable may be dropped. In addition, the quality of the stem vowel ú, which in the normal conjugation is echoed before 4ìn ~ 4n` (ex. húmûn), is retained in the contracted forms. This is evident in future forms of húm with 4ìn ~ 4n`:

person

pn.

normal contracted conjugation conjugation with 4n` with 4n`

1SG

mìì

húmûn

IRR

~ mûn

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I will come here

2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.COREF 1PL 2PL

mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó

húmûn húmûn húmûn húmûn húmûn húmûn

~ mûn ~ mûn ~ mûn ~ mûn ~ mûn ~ mûn

you (sg.) will come here we (du.) will come here he/she/it will come here he/she/it (coref.) will come here we (excl.) will come here you (pl.) will come here

With contracted forms that contain the plural affix 4zí (7.3.1.1), it appears that 4ìn ~ 4n` attaches twice: to the verb root as well as to 4zí.

person

pn.

normal contracted conjugation conjugation with 4n` with 4n`

1&2PL 3PL 3PL.COREF

nàá )àá rèé

húmzîn húmzîn húmzîn

IRR

~ múnzîn ~ múnzîn ~ múnzîn

we (incl.) will come here they will come here they (coref.) will come here

However, the tone melody of the contracted conjugation is simplified; rather than retaining the L tonal value of 4ìn ~ 4n` each time it appears (*mûnzîn), the tone melody follows that of the normal conjugation (múnzîn). The normal paradigm for húm is accounted for by the tonal Class 1 paradigm in Appendix 2. Contracted forms of húm with 4ìn ~ 4n` in other conjugations are tonally regular and segmentally identical to the future forms given above. 7.3.3.3 tògó ‘be’ The morpheme tògó ‘be’ is an existential copula. It is like a verbal noun in that exhibits an Imperfective meaning (cf. 7.4.1.1.2). mì 1SG

tògó be

I am / I am there

However, it differs from verbal nouns in that it is not possessible (cf. 5.9). With existential phrases that have a complement, it provides an alternative to basic verbless clauses (10.1.3). mì 1SG

toFg be

sáà in

= mì 1SG

sáà in

fíílò house

fíílò house

I am in the house I am in the house

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The existential function that it fulfills in the Imperfective is taken over by the verb yàà ‘sit, stay, be’ for past and future expanded verb forms (7.6.3). mìí 1SG:IRR

yáá sit:FUT

sáà in

fíílò house

I will be in the house

Like verbs, it is found with the verbal plurality suffix 4zí. However, it differs from verbs in that it takes an independent subject pronoun (6.1.2.1) rather than a verbal one (6.1.2.2ff.). nànzà tòg4zí 1&2PL:INDEP be-PL

we (incl.) are / we (incl.) are there

It also resembles verbs in that it may be accompanied by directional adverbs (8.1.1), which in all other cases are found with verbs. dú 3SG:INDEP

tògó4n` be-to.here

he/she/it is on the way here

dú 3SG:INDEP

toFg vòró be to.there

he/she/it is on the way there

A full conjugation of tògó is as follows: 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.IMPERS 3SG.COREF

mì mù nà dú )à lè

tògó tògó tògó tògó tògó tògó

1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.IMPERS 3PL.COREF

rì rò nànzà dùgzí )à rè

tògó tògó tògzí tògzí tògzí tògzí

A commonly used irregular form of dú tògó ‘he/she/it is / he/she/it is there’ is tí tògó. The forms above show that the morpheme-final o of tògó usually disappears phraseinternally. nànzà tòg4zí 1&2PL:INDEP be-PL mì 1SG

toFg be

sáà in

we (incl.) are / we (incl.) are there fíílò house

I am in the house

However, it is maintained before the directional suffix 4ìn ~ 4n` ‘to here’ (7.3.1.6).

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dú 3SG:INDEP

tògó4n` be-to.here

he/she/it is on the way here

7.4 Basic verbal inflection The basic inflectional categories in Mambay are marked by length and tone on subject pronouns (6.1.2) and tone on verb words (see 7.3.2.2 as well this section below). Mambay verb forms may be divided into Indicative (7.4.1) and Optative (7.4.2) moods. The clear majority of verb forms are Indicative, and are further subdivided according to realis value, aspect, and tense.8 Optative forms, in contrast, do not reflect these distinctions. This basic verb system may be schematized as follows: Functions of basic verbal inflection in Mambay mood Indicative

realis value Realis

aspect Perfective

tense Perfective (basic) Perfect Pluperfect

Imperfective Irrealis

Future

Optative Indicative verb forms are used to express events (7.4.1). Optative verb forms, in contrast, are used to express a speaker’s wishes, to express purpose in dependent clauses, and to express the effect of causation (7.4.2). Formally, the classification of Indicative vs. Optative mood corresponds to the use of the negation particles yá and gá (7.5.2) respectively. In addition, Indicative verb forms are inflected for realis value, aspect, and tense. Indicative verb forms are specified for Realis and Irrealis values. In contrast to Optative forms, which are inherently irrealis and not marked for realis distinction, Indicative Realis (7.4.1.1) and Irrealis (7.4.1.2) forms are distinguished. Formally, this distinction is marked on the subject pronoun: Realis pronouns are short (CV), and Irrealis pronouns are long (CVV) (6.1.2). While Realis forms signal events which have happened or are happening, Irrealis forms signal events that have not already happened and which are not 8

In the present study, as has been common in the study of Niger-Congo generally, the term “tense” is understood in a traditional sense: “any one of the different forms or modifications (or word-groups) in the conjugation of a verb which indicate the different times (past, present, or future) at which the action or state denoted by it is viewed as happening or existing, and also (by extension) the different nature of such action or state, as continuing (imperfect) or completed (perfect)” (Oxford English Dictionary online 2007; cf. Doke 1935:209, Dimmendaal 2000:162 and Crystal 2003:459–60). This differs from the use of the term in Comrie (1976) and, subsequently, much of the literature (e.g. Lyons 1995:312 ff.), where event sequence (“tense”) and the internal structure of events (“aspect”) are treated as distinct categories of verb modification. In Mambay, there is no formal justification for such a distinction.

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happening. The Future tense (typically; see 7.4.1.2.1) as well as negated forms of Indicative verbs (7.5) are expressed using Irrealis pronouns (this grouping is defended in 7.4.1.2). All other Indicative verb forms fall under the domain of Realis. Among Realis verb forms, a distinction is made between Perfective (7.4.1.1.1) and Imperfective (7.4.1.1.2) aspects. Perfective forms communicate events which have been completed in reference to a given point in time, and Imperfective forms refer to events which happen but which have not been completed in reference to a given point in time. Perfective forms are represented by three distinct tenses (basic Perfective, Perfect and Pluperfect), but there is only one basic Imperfective tense. The two aspects differ formally in several respects. First of all, the segmental shape of the Perfective is the verb stem, but that of the Imperfective is the verbal noun (5.9). Secondly, while the third person is invariably marked in the Perfective with a zero pronoun, it is marked in the Imperfective with a segmental pronoun )à whenever there is no nominal subject (7.4.1.1.2). Thirdly, the negated form of the Perfective is found with a LH pronoun, but negated Imperfective forms are found with a HL pronoun (7.5.3). The Optative and the five Indicative tenses (basic Perfective, Perfect, Pluperfect, Imperfective and Future) are distinguished from one another by contrastive tone melodies and by the inventory of verbal suffixes which may found with each (7.3.1). The tone melodies associated with the possible forms of a given verb fall into six tonal sets or classes (7.3.2.2). If the tone melody is known for the basic Perfective, Perfect and Future, melodies for the remaining forms can be predicted. Concerning the inventory of verbal suffixes, reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2) are obligatorily found with Perfect and Pluperfect forms of intransitive verbs, and optionally found with Future and Optative forms of intransitive verbs. Further, the Perfect forms of transitive verbs always take the suffix 4rì, and Imperfective forms of transitive verbs must take the dummy object suffix 4 na if there is no explicit object. An additional minor verb form, a Realis Future, is found uniquely with the verb vè ‘go’ (7.3.3.1.2). It is composed of an Imperfective pronoun and a Future verb stem. Each of the basic infectional categories is presented in the sections below (7.4.1–7.4.2). Negative verb forms are considered separately (7.5). Criteria used for distinguishing verb forms, all of which have been presented in this section, are summarized in the following table:

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Overview of structural criteria for recognizing verb forms

Irrealis Optative

Future

intr. tr. intr. tr. intr. tr.

negative particle

Imperfective

transitive verb suffix

Pluperfect

reflexive suffixes

Indicative

verb tone

Realis

intr. tr.

verb shape

Perfect

3 pers. subject pronoun

Perfective

negative subject pronoun

Perfective (basic)

subject pronoun

transitivity

structural criteria

tense

aspect

realis value

mood

verb forms

CV

CVV

Ø

stem

PFV

—

—

yá

CV

—

Ø

stem

PERF

+ —

— 4rì

yá

CV

CVV

Ø

stem

PLUPERF

+

—

yá

CV

CV V )à~Ø

v.n.

VN

—

— 4na

yá

)àá

stem

FUT

—

yá

má

stem

OPT

—

gá

CVV CV V CV

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CV

± — ± —

7.4.1 Indicative Indicative verb forms, which are used to express events (but see 7.4.1.2.1), are specified for Realis (7.4.1.1) and Irrealis (7.4.1.2) values. While Realis forms signal events which have happened or are happening, Irrealis forms signal events that have not already happened and which are not happening. 7.4.1.1 Realis Realis verb forms are divided into two aspects: Perfective (three tenses; 7.4.1.1.1) and Imperfective (one tense; 7.4.1.1.2). Perfective forms signal events which, in reference to a given point in time, have already happened. Imperfective forms are used for events which, in reference to a given point in time, happen but are not completed. One formal characteristic common to Realis verb forms is a subject pronoun paradigm with a CV structure (6.1.2). Other formal features vary among the four constituent tenses. A minor Realis Future verb form, which is found uniquely with the verb vè ‘go,’ is discussed in 7.3.3.1. 7.4.1.1.1 Perfective There are three perfective tenses: basic Perfective (7.4.1.1.1.1), Perfect (7.4.1.1.1.2), and Pluperfect (7.4.1.1.1.3). Perfective verb forms have in common that they are based on the verb stem, that third person forms are invariably marked with a zero pronoun, and that negated forms are found with LH pronouns (7.5.3). 7.4.1.1.1.1 Basic Perfective The basic Perfective tense is used for completed events. In contrast to the Perfect and Pluperfect (7.4.1.1.1.2, 7.4.1.1.1.3), it is unspecified regarding the consequences of an event for a later point in time. The basic Perfective tense is the default means of marking sequential events in narrative discourse (Anonby 2005:29–32). It is typically structured as follows: subject pronoun +

verb

Realis pronoun (CV) stem (Perfective tone) ex. mì hèè 1SG climb:PFV rò làà )ígà 2PL eat:PFV thing

I climbed you (pl.) ate something

(Transitive verbs such as làà ‘eat,’ shown in the above example, have object requirements (7.3.2.1.2) and are thus shown with objects in this section and following sections).

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As is the case with the Perfect (7.4.1.1.1.2) and Pluperfect (7.4.1.1.1.3), third person singular and plural forms (excluding co-referential forms) of the basic Perfective are marked with a zero pronoun. Ø hèè 3:PFV climb:PFV

he/she/it climbed

Ø hèè4zí 3:PFV climb:PFV-PL

they climbed

Morphologically, the basic Perfective tense is never found with reflexive suffixes. Examples of basic Perfective forms from each of the six tonal classes are as follows: tonal class, tone transitivity melody 1 (intr.) (tr.) 2 (intr.) 3 (intr.) 4 (intr.) (tr.) 5 (intr.) (tr.) 6 (intr.) (tr.)

example

H Qáá H éé L sùù L vè L hèè L gìì (uses tr. counterpart Qàà) L Qàà (uses tr. counterpart )òògí) LH )òògí

he/she/it moved away he/she/it bit he/she/it lay down he/she/it went he/she/it climbed he/she/it answered he/she/it finished (intr.) he/she/it finished (tr.) he/she/it dragged his/her/its feet he/she/it set crawling

Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. Negative forms of the basic Perfective are discussed in 7.5. 7.4.1.1.1.2 Perfect The Perfect tense is used for previously completed events with consequences for a point in time contemporaneous with the sequence of events in a discourse (typically the present). It is structured differently for intransitive and transitive verbs. For intransitive verbs and detransitivized transitive verbs (7.3.2.1), reflexive suffixes are used: subject pronoun +

verb

Realis pronoun (CV) stem (Perfect tone (see 7.3.2.2.3)) + reflexive suffix ex. mì hèè4ní I have climbed 1SG climb:PERF-1SG.REFL rò hèè4ró you (pl.) have climbed 2PL climb:PERF-REFL-2PL.REFL

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For typical transitive verbs, a Perfect suffix 4rì (7.3.1.3) is used: subject pronoun +

verb

Realis pronoun (CV) stem (Perfect tone) + 4rì ex. mì làà4rì 1SG eat:PERF-PERF

)ígà thing

I have eaten something

rò làà4rì 2PL eat:PERF-PERF

)ígà thing

you (pl.) have eaten something

As is the case with the basic Perfective (7.4.1.1.1.1) and Pluperfect (7.4.1.1.1.3), third person singular and plural forms (excluding co-referential forms) of the Perfect are marked with a zero pronoun. Ø hèè4lé 3:PFV climb:PERF-3SG.REFL

he/she/it has climbed

Ø hèè4zì4ré 3:PFV climb:PERF-PL-3PL.REFL

they have climbed

Ø làà4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PERF

)ígà thing

he/she/it has eaten something

Ø làà4zí4rì 3:PFV eat:PERF-PL-PERF

)ígà thing

they have eaten something

Examples of Perfect forms from each of the six tonal classes (separated here for transitivity as well as CV shape when it makes a difference for the mapping of tone) are as follows: tonal class, transitivity

v. word tone melody example

1 (intr., CVX) (intr., CV) 2 (intr.) 3 (intr.) 4 (intr.) 5 (intr.) 6 (intr.)

°H[L-H] HL* °H[L-H] L-H L-H LHL* LHL*

Qáà4lé gé4lè súù4lé vè4lé hèè4lé Qàá4lè )òògí4lè

he/she/it has moved away he/she/it has gotten lost he/she/it has lain down he/she/it has gone he/she/it has climbed he/she/it has finished (intr.) he/she/it has dragged his/her/its feet

1 (tr.) 4 (tr.)

H-L L*

éé4rì gìì4rì

he/she/it has bitten he/she/it has answered

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5 (tr.) 6 (tr.)

Qàá4rì )òògí4rì

LHL* LHL*

he/she/it has finished (tr.) he/she/it has set crawling

(°H[L-H] = floating H tone on the left boundary of a verb word composed of a L verb stem and a H suffix; * = replacive melody, i.e., dominates the entire verb word; see 7.3.2.2.3.) Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. As is evident, the tonal nature of Perfect forms in some tonal classes is complex: while Class 1 (CVX intransitive only) and Class 2 exhibit a floating H tone on the left boundary of the verb word, some other Classes (4, transitive only; 5; and 6) exhibit a replacive melody that applies to the Perfect verb word as a whole. The tonal behaviour of these forms is reviewed in 7.3.2.2.3. There is no negative form of the Perfect; negated Perfect constructions use negative perfective forms (7.5.1). 7.4.1.1.1.3 Pluperfect The Pluperfect tense is used for previously completed events with consequences for a point in time subsequent to the event but prior to the point of reference in a discourse. The Pluperfect is found with intransitive verbs as well as transitive verbs that take reflexive suffixes (7.3.1.2). It is typically structured as follows: subject pronoun +

verb

Indicative pronoun (CV) stem (Pluperfect tone) + reflexive suffix ex. mì Qáá4ní I had moved away 1SG move.away:PLUPERF-1SG.REFL rò Qáá4ró you (pl.) had moved away 2PL move.away:PLUPERF-2PL.REFL cf. corresponding Perfect forms: mì Qáà4ní I have moved away 1SG move.away:PERF-1SG.REFL rò Qáà4ró you (pl.) have moved away 2PL move.away:PERF-2PL.REFL As is the case with the basic Perfective (7.4.1.1.1.1) and Perfect (7.4.1.1.1.2), third person singular and plural forms (excluding co-referential forms) of the Perfect are marked with a zero pronoun. Ø Qáá4lé he/she/it had moved away 3:PFV move.away:PLUPERF-3SG.REFL 345

Ø Qáá4ré they had moved away 3:PFV move.away:PLUPERF-3PL.REFL A distinction between Perfect and Pluperfect exists only for intransitive verbs from tonal Classes 1 and 2. Examples of Pluperfect forms from each of the six tonal classes (separated here for transitivity) are as follows (forms in classes marked with † are identical to those used for the Perfect): tonal class, v. word tone transitivity melody example 1 (intr.) 2 (intr.) †3 (intr.) †4 (intr.) †5 (intr.) †6 (intr.)

H-H H-H L-H L-H LHL* LHL*

Qáá4lé súú4lé vè4lé hèè4lé Qàá4lè )òògí4lè

he/she/it had moved away he/she/it had lain down he/she/it had gone he/she/it had climbed he/she/it had finished (intr.) he/she/it had dragged his/her/its feet

†1 (tr.) †4 (tr.) †5 (tr.) †6 (tr.)

H-L L* LHL* LHL*

éé4rì gìì4rì Qàá4rì )òògí4rì

he/she/it had bitten he/she/it had answered he/she/it had finished (tr.) he/she/it had set crawling

(* = replacive melody, i.e., dominates the entire verb word; this is only found with Pluperfect forms identical to those of the Perfect. See 7.3.2.2.3 and 7.4.1.1.1.2 for discussion.) Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. Negated forms of the Pluperfect are discussed in 7.5. 7.4.1.1.2 Imperfective The Imperfective is used for events which, in reference to a given point in time, happen but are not completed. In addition to carrying a generic imperfective meaning, it often communicates a habitual meaning. Usually the events are anchored in the present, but as the example at the end of this section shows, they may be expressed as events in the past. Represented by a single tense, the Imperfective is typically expressed simply by using a Realis subject pronoun (6.1.2) with a verbal noun (5.9). As is explained in the section on verbal nouns, a comparable situation is found in the well-known case of Hausa (Dimmendaal 2000:171, Newman 2000:288–92) and in Kebi-Benue languages such as Mundang (Elders 2000:327–30).

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subject pronoun +

verb

Realis pronoun (CV) verbal noun (lexical tone) ex. mì héérà 1SG climb:VN

I climb / I am climbing

rò héérà 2PL climb:VN

you (pl.) climb / you (pl.) are climbing

When the verbal noun corresponds to a transitive verb, an object or dummy object suffix must accompany the noun (7.3.2.1). mì làá4nà 1SG eat:VN-OBJ

I eat (something) / I am eating (something)

mì làà 1SG eat:VN

I eat something / I am eating something

)ígà thing

The verbal plural affix 4zí (7.3.1.1) is used with verbal nouns in Imperfective conjugations. With intransitive verbs, it attaches following the first syllable of the verbal noun. For monosyllabic verbal nouns, this is straightforward. mì Qáà 1SG move.away:VN

I move away / I am moving away

nà Qáà4zí we (incl.) move away / we (incl.) are moving away 1&2 move.away:VN-PL With disyllabic verbal nouns, morphophonological alternations are complex. If the verbal noun has two light syllables and the vowel of the first syllable is an exact echo of the second syllable’s vowel (i.e., V1=V2), the second vowel is deleted when 4zí is added. mì vágà 1SG go:VN

I go / I am going

nà vâg4zí 1&2 go:VN-PL

we (incl.) go / we (incl.) are going

Otherwise, the second syllable is maintained, and 4zí precedes it. mì héérà 1SG climb:VN

I climb / I am climbing

nà héé4zí4rà 1&2 climb:VN-PL-VN

we (incl.) climb / we (incl.) are climbing (cf. héérà ‘climbing’)

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The affixation of 4zí to some disyllabic nouns is accompanied by irregular morphological alternations—even suppletion. For example, the final syllable of a two-syllable irregular verbal noun changes to 4rV if the original suffix is 4gV. (This alternation corresponds the domain of vestigial noun suffixes, which are otherwise opaque. Note also that historically, the value of the final vowel has often assimilated partially to the stem; see 5.1.3.2 and Anonby 2007b:REF). ex. mì húmgò 1SG come:VN nà húm4zí4rò 1&2 come:VN-PL-VN

I come / I am coming

we (incl.) come / we (incl.) are coming

cf. lV-final verbal nouns, in which l does not alternate: mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

I walk / I am walking

nà té’4zí4là 1&2 walk:VN-PL-VN

we (incl.) walk / we (incl.) are walking

In the case of a verbal noun ending in 4%V, a similar process happens, but the % of the first syllable is deleted and the short vowel in the first syllable undergoes compensatory lengthening. mì hú%ò 1SG die:VN-PL-VN

I die / I am dying

nà húúzírò 1&2 die:VN-PL-VN

we (incl.) die / we (incl.) are dying

If an irregular verbal noun ends with 4bV or 4vV, the final syllable’s consonant is retained and the vowel i is epenthesized before the plural affix 4zí. Additionally, a renewing suffix 4rV is added to the final syllable. mì )éébà 1SG swim:VN-VN

I swim / I am swimming

nà )ééb4í4zí4rà 1&2 swim:VN-V-PL-VN

we (incl.) swim / we (incl.) are swimming

mì núvà 1SG sleep:VN-PL-VN

I sleep / I am sleeping

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nà núv4í4zí4rà 1&2 sleep:VN-V-PL-VN

we (incl.) sleep / we (incl.) are sleeping

mì )á’rvà 1SG run:VN-PL-VN

I run / I am running

nà )á’rv4í4zí4rà 1&2 run:VN-V-PL-VN

we (incl.) run / we (incl.) are running

When the verbal noun is transitive, 4zí precedes the object or dummy object suffix. nà làà4zí4nà 1&2 eat:VN-PL-OBJ

we eat (something) / we are eating (something)

nà làà4zí )ígà 1&2 eat:VN-PL thing

we eat something / we are eating something

When there is no nominal subject, the third person pronoun )à is used. )à héérà 3:IMPFV climb:VN

he/she/it climbs / he/she/it is climbing

)à héé4zí4rà they climb / they are climbing 3:IMPFV climb:VN-PL-VN However, when there is a nominal subject, this pronoun is reduced to zero. gaFm Ø héérà Gam 3:REAL climb:VN

Gam climbs / Gam is climbing

kwéé má kà%á Ø héé4zí4rà Kwé and Kada climb / Kwé and Kada are climbing Kwé with Kada 3:REAL climb:VN-PL-VN The tone of Imperfective forms of intransitive verbs is lexically determined and unpredictable, because it is the same as that of the irregular verbal noun used in an Imperfective function (5.9.1.2). Most commonly, it is HL (for Imperfective forms corresponding to intransitive stems in any tone class; see 5.9.1.2). For transitive verbs, the tone melody of the verbal noun is uniform within a given tonal class (5.9.1.1). Examples of Imperfective forms from each of the six tonal classes (separated here for transitivity) are as follows:

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tonal class, v. word tone transitivity melody example 1 (intr.) 2 (intr.) 3 (intr.) 4 (intr.) 5 (intr.) 6 (intr.)

(lex.) )à Qáà (lex.) )à sú7gà (lex.) )à vágà (lex.) )à héérà (uses tr. counterpart )à Qáà) (uses tr. counterpart )à )óógì)

1 (tr.) 4 (tr.) 5 (tr.) 6 (tr.)

L L HL HL

)à )à )à )à

èè gìì Qáà )óógì

he/she/it is moving away he/she/it is lying down he/she/it is going he/she/it is climbing he/she/it is finishing (intr.) he/she/it is dragging his/her/its feet he/she/it is biting he/she/it is answering he/she/it is finishing (tr.) he/she/it is setting crawling

(lex. = lexically determined, i.e., exhibits the verbal noun’s lexical tone; see above) Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. Negative forms of the Imperfective, which are marked with a HL pronoun, are discussed in 7.5. An example from the data which shows that an Imperfective may be anchored to past events in a story line is as follows: tâw kúú sêh káálé, gbáh fâh Taw grab:PFV hand:LF head/on:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL catch:PFV path )à lêg4ná 3:IMPFV suck:VN-OBJ:VN

bóm one

fíí, home

bóm. one

Taw took hold of them (lit. put his hand onto it), headed (lit. grabbed the path) home, [and] sucked (lit. sucks / is sucking) them one by one. 7.4.1.2 Irrealis Irrealis forms signal events that have not already happened and which are not happening. They have in common a CVV subject pronoun shape. Irrealis verb forms are represented by the Future tense and negated Indicative verb forms. Although this higher-level grouping could seem like an ad hoc device to account for a coincidental formal match, Payne (1997:244–5) and Palmer (2001:168–75) state that both future and negative forms frequently pattern as irrealis in languages that mark this distinction; Roberts (1990) gives examples of this (see especially p. 378). While the Future tense is presented in this section, negated Indicative verb forms are addressed in 7.5.

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7.4.1.2.1 Future The Future tense is used for events which will take place subsequent to a reference point in time and, secondarily, as a means of expressing one’s wishes insistently (such modal functions of the Future tense are common in the world’s languages; see Comrie 1976:2 and Palmer 2001:5). The Future tense is typically structured as follows: subject pronoun +

verb

Irrealis pronoun (CVV)

stem (Future tone) (+ optional reflexive suffix)

ex. mìí hèè 1SG:IRR climb:FUT ròó hèè 2PL:IRR climb:FUT

I will climb / I will climb! / let me climb! you (pl.) will climb / you (pl.) will climb! / [you (pl.)] climb!

mìí làà )ígà I will eat something / I will eat something! / 1SG:IRR eat:FUT thing let me eat something! ròó làà )ígà you (pl.) will eat something / you (pl.) will eat something! 2PL:IRR eat:FUT thing [you (pl.)] eat something! Optionally, Future forms of intransitive verbs may be found with reflexive suffixes. ex. mìí hèè4ní I will climb / I will climb! / let me climb! 1SG:IRR climb:FUT-1SG.REFL ròó hèè4ró you (pl.) will climb / you (pl.) will climb! / [you (pl.)] climb! 2PL:IRR climb:FUT-2PL.REFL Although the issue has been investigated, no difference in meaning has been established between Future forms of intransitive verbs without vs. with suffixes. Both may be found without (as directly above) or with complements (cf. 7.3.2.1.1): ex. mìí hèè4ní zé’gà I will climb the mountain / I will climb the 1SG:IRR climb:FUT-1SG.REFL mountain mountain! / let me climb the mountain! ròó hèè4ró zé’gà you (pl.) will climb the mountain; you (pl.) 2PL:IRR climb:FUT-2PL.REFL mountain will climb the mountain! / [you (pl.)] climb the mountain! The verb vè ‘go’ (7.3.3.1) and detransitivized verb stems (7.3.2.1.2) are exceptional in that their Future forms are always found with reflexive suffixes (see also Appendix 2). Additionally, it allows a Realis form of the Future (7.3.3.1).

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Examples of Future forms from each of the six tonal classes (separated here for transitivity) are as follows: tonal class, v. word tone transitivity melody example 1 (intr.) 2 (intr.) 3 (intr.) 4 (intr.) 5 (intr.) 6 (intr.)

H-H H-H L-H L-H L-H L-H

)àá )àá )àá )àá )àá )àá

Qáá(-lé) súú(-lé) vè4lé hèè(-lé) Qàà-lé )òògì-lé

he/she/it will move away he/she/it will lie down he/she/it will go (see previous paragraph) he/she/it will climb he/she/it will finish (intr.) he/she/it will drag his/her/its feet

1 (tr.) 4 (tr.) 5 (tr.) 6 (tr.)

H L LH LH

)àá )àá )àá )àá

éé gìì Qàá )òògí

he/she/it will bite he/she/it will answer he/she/it will finish (tr.) he/she/it will set crawling

Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. Negative forms of the Future, which are found with a pronoun of the same structure as that of the negated Imperfective, are discussed in 7.5.

7.4.2 Optative The Optative mood is attested in three contexts. In main clauses, a general Optative function prevails; prototypically, it communicates an imperative intention (7.4.2.1). It is also found in subjunctive constructions following the subordinating conjunction kà (7.4.2.2), and in subjunctive constructions formed with the causative auxiliary pá ‘make, do’ (7.4.2.3). Negative forms of the Optative are discussed in 7.5. 7.4.2.1 In main clauses Optative verb forms are most commonly found in main clauses. In this context, a general Optative function applies, expressing a wish on the part of the speaker. Typologically, Mambay stands out in that it has no verb form marked specifically for an imperative function. Instead, Optative verb forms in main clauses prototypically communicate an imperative intention—the idea that a member or members of an audience must do something (cf. Bybee 1985:171, Payne 1997:303, Crystal 2003:227, Palmer 2001:80). Most frequently, this audience is the second person (singular or plural), and the illocutionary force is that of a command (“you…!, you must….”). However, in Mambay the audience of a command may also be the first or the third person (sample descriptions for which an imperative function has been described for all pronominal persons are Robertson 1934:320–30, Lakoff 1968:172–6; Roberts 1990:369 and Mounce 1994:143–8; cf. also Palmer 2001:81, who discusses the theoretical

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implications of such a system). For forms in which the first person is a speaker, orders are given to oneself (the first person singular) or a group of which one is a part (first person plural and 1&2 person forms); for the singular, this has the force of resolve (“let me…,” “I must…”), and for the plural, exhortation (“let us…,” “we must…”), respectively. For the third person (singular or plural), the Optative expresses the idea that an audience which is not being directly addressed must do something; this carries an obligative (“he/she/it must…”) force. For all three persons, the formal expression of imperative constructions is equivalent; there is no formally discrete second person conjugation (cf. Dimmendaal 2000:175, Watters 2000:203, who note that in most languages the subject pronoun is omitted for second person imperatives). More broadly, Mambay speakers use the Optative to communicate intentions other than those which are strictly imperative. For example, third person Optative verb forms may express a jussive (“may he/she/it”) force. Other more specific functions (for example, suggestion or imploring) are expressed by using TAM indicators in conjunction with the Optative forms (7.6.1). Optative verb forms are found with all of the pronominal persons (cf. 6.1.1), and in all cases a subject pronoun is obligatory. The Optative is structured as follows: subject pronoun +

verb

Optative pronoun (CV)

stem (Optative tone) (+ optional reflexive suffix)

ex. mí hèè 1SG:OPT climb:OPT

let me climb! / I must climb

má hèè 3SG:OPT climb:OPT

let them climb! / they must climb

ró hèè 2PL:OPT climb:OPT

[you (pl.)] climb! / you (pl.) must climb

mí làà 1SG:OPT eat:OPT

)ígà thing

let me eat something! / I must eat something!

ró làà 2PL:OPT eat:OPT

)ígà thing

[you (pl.)] eat! / you (pl.) must eat something!

má làà4zí 3PL:OPT eat:OPT-PL

)ígà thing

let them eat something! / they must eat something!

Optionally, Optative forms of intransitive verbs may be accompanied by reflexive suffixes.

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ex. mí hèè4ní 1SG:OPT climb:OPT-1SG.REFL

let me climb!

ró hèè4ró 2PL:OPT climb:OPT-2PL.REFL

[you (pl.)] climb!

As is the case with Future verb forms (7.4.1.2.1), no difference in meaning has been established between Optative forms of intransitive verbs without vs. with suffixes. Both may be found without (as directly above) or with complements: ex. mí hèè4ní zé’gà 1SG:OPT climb:OPT-1SG.REFL mountain ró hèè4ró 2PL:OPT climb:OPT-2PL.REFL

zé’gà mountain

let me climb the mountain! [you (pl.)] climb the mountain!

The verb vè ‘go’ (7.3.3.1) and detransitivized verb stems (7.3.2.1.2) are exceptional in that their Optative forms are always found with reflexive suffixes (see also Appendix 2). Examples of Future forms from each of the six tonal classes (separated here for transitivity) are as follows: tonal class, v. word tone transitivity melody example 1 (intr.) 2 (intr.) 3 (intr.) 4 (intr.) 5 (tr.) 6 (tr.)

H(-H) H(-H) L-H L(-H) L-H L-H

má má má má má má

Qáá(-lé) súú(-lé) vè4lé hèè(-lé) Qàà4lé )òògì4lé

let him/her/it / he/she/it must move away let him/her/it / he/she/it must lie down let him/her/it / he/she/it must go let him/her/it / he/she/it must climb let him/her/it / he/she/it must finish (intr.) let him/her/it / he/she/it must drag his/her/its feet

1 (tr.) 4 (tr.) 5 (tr.) 6 (tr.)

H L LH LH

má má má má

éé gìì Qàá )òògí

let him/her/it / he/she/it must bite let him/her/it / he/she/it must answer let him/her/it / he/she/it must finish (tr.) let him/her/it / he/she/it must set crawling

Full paradigms are given for each class in Appendix 2. In contrast to Indicative verb forms, transitivity requirements appear to be relaxed with Optatives in cases where an object has been previously mentioned. mú 2SG:OPT

làà nàmá eat:OPT meat

[you (sg.)] eat meat!;

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… mú 2SG:OPT

làà eat:OPT

[you (sg.)] eat (meat)!

When there is no explicit object with an Optative and the verb is phrase-final, an additional vowel is appended after some consonants (there is no accompanying change in the tone melody). mú 2SG:OPT

tàg4á sweep:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] sweep (something)!

cf. phrase-internal distribution: mú 2SG:OPT

taFg kyaF’ sweep:OPT place

[you (sg.)] sweep the place!

This could be a historical remnant of an object suffix (cf., for example, 4rì; see 7.3.1.3). However, since it is only found after some consonants and disappears in phrase-internal position, it is hard to define whether its contribution is phonological, morphosyntactic, or both. After transitive verb stems ending in a stop, an identical echo vowel is appended: mú 2SG:OPT

dèg4é burn:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] burn (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

ràb4á hug:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] hug (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

lìb4í straighten:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] straighten (something)!

After transitive verb stems ending in other oral consonants and n, the vowel i is appended. mú 2SG:OPT

ròv4í scald:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] scald (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

wàr4í leave:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] leave (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

kàn4í pass:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] pass (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

lòl4í crunch:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] crunch (something)!

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mú 2SG:OPT

sà 4í vomit:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] vomit (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

zòNm4í fix:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] fix (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

wàhw4í bark:OPT-V

[you (sg.)] bark (something)!

As the examples above (in particular kàn4í and zòNm4í) show, nasality spreads from a final consonant to the appended vowel. After transitive verb stems ending in a vowel or the nasal consonants m and 7, no vowel is appended. mú 2SG:OPT

Qàá finish:OPT

[you (sg.)] finish (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

kúm protect:OPT

[you (sg.)] protect (something)!

mú 2SG:OPT

kyá7 wait:OPT

[you (sg.)] wait (for something)!

7.4.2.2 Subjunctive constructions with kà Optative verb forms are also found in subjunctive constructions with the adverbializer kà ‘when, and then’ (10.2.2.2). Semantically, a purpose clause (‘so that, in order to’) results from the combination of kà and the Optative verb form. The structure of the Optative in this context is the same as that found in main clauses (7.4.2.1). Examples of Optative verb forms used with kà are as follows: Ø kuF’4zì4rú wáà kà má yáá húù )éré 3:PFV put:PFV-PL-3SG.OBJ chief and.then 3:OPT be:OPT chief:LF 3PL.C/I.POSS they made him chief so that he would be their chief mùú 2SG:IRR

mú làà kwáà nà tíì nàbàbbá kà become:FUT locust.sp and.then 2SG:OPT eat: OPT grass QM

will you become a locust so that you can eat grass? 7.4.2.3 Subjunctive constructions with pá ‘make, do’ Finally, Optative verb forms are found in subjunctive constructions which pattern as the object of pá ‘make, do’ (7.6.3). In this case, a periphrastic causitive construction results:

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mì pàg4rú má 1SG make:VN-3SG.OBJ 3:OPT

tè’ walk:OPT

I make him/her/it walk / I am making him/her/it walk

mì pá4rù má 1SG make:PFV-3SG.OBJ 3:OPT

làà )ígà eat:OPT thing

I made him/her/it eat something

7.5 Verbal negation Five of the six basic inflectional categories (7.4) have corresponding negative forms (7.5.1). The segmental and tonal form of a verb word remains constant when it is negated. Verbal negation is instead marked by negative particles (7.5.2), and with Indicative verb forms, by negative subject pronouns (7.5.3). A summary of negative verbal forms is provided in 7.5.4.

7.5.1 Inventory of negative forms The following basic inflectional categories have corresponding negative forms: - basic Perfective - Pluperfect - Imperfective - Future - Optative An example of each of the negative forms is found in 7.5.3 below. There are no negative forms corresponding to the Perfect tense. In the context of discourse, when a Perfect verb is negated, a negative Perfective form is used (this is similar to the neutralization of negative “past” and “anterior” forms by many speakers of Swahili; see Dimmendaal 2000:172–3). mì 1SG

làà4rì eat:PERF-PERF

)ígà thing

I have eaten something

mìí 1SG:PFV.NEG

làà eat:PFV

)ígà yá thing NEG

I did not eat something / I have not eaten something

7.5.2 Negation particles There are two negation particles used with verbs: yá and gá. The particle yá is used with Indicative (7.4.1) verb forms. It is also found in other negative constructions. Its use with verbs is illustrated by the following examples: mìí 1SG:PFV.NEG

làà eat:PFV

)ígà thing

yá NEG

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I did not eat something

míì làà 1SG:NONPFV.NEG eat:VN

)ígà thing

yá

I am not eating something

NEG

In terms of nasality, yá is a clitic, since it takes the nasal value of the last syllable of the preceding morpheme (3.4.3.6). mìí sùù yá 1SG:PFV.NEG lie.down:PFV NEG míì làà 1SG:NONPFV.NEG eat:VN

I did not lie down

nàmá meat

yá

I am not eating meat

NEG

The particle gá is used exclusively to negate Optative (7.4.2) verb forms. This is shown in the following examples. mú 2SG:OPT

hèè climb:OPT

gá

má 3:OPT

hèè4zí climb:OPT-PL

gá

NEG:OPT

NEG:OPT

don’t [you (sg.)] climb! / you (sg.) mustn’t climb! don’t let them climb! / they mustn’t climb!

7.5.3 Negative subject pronouns In addition to being marked by negative particles (7.5.2), verbal negation is marked on Indicative subject pronouns (6.1.2). Negative Indicative pronouns exhibit the CVV shape which distinguishes Irrealis verb forms, but their tonal value varies: negative Perfective verb forms are LH, and negative non-Perfective (negated Imperfective and Future) forms are HL. Examples of negative Perfective forms are as follows: mìí hèè 1SG:PFV.NEG climb:PFV

yá

I did not climb

NEG

mìí Qáá4ní yá 1SG:PFV.NEG move.away:PLUPERF-1SG.REFL NEG

I had not moved away

cf. affirmative counterparts of the examples: mì 1SG

hèè climb:PFV

I climbed

mì 1SG

Qáá4ní move.away:PLUPERF-1SG.REFL

I had moved away

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A third person negative Perfective pronoun hìí may be used, apparently without a change in meaning, in place of the equivalent third person negative Perfective pronoun )àá (6.1.2.5). hìí 3:PFV.NEG

hèè climb:PFV

yá

= )àá 3:PFV.NEG

hèè climb:PFV

yá

he/she/it did not climb

NEG

he/she/it did not climb

NEG

hìí 3:PFV.NEG

hèè4zí yá climb:PFV-PL NEG

they did not climb

= )àá 3:PFV.NEG

hèè4zí yá climb:PFV-PL NEG

they did not climb

Examples of negative non-Perfective (Imperfective and Future) forms are as follows: míì héérà 1SG:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN míì hèè 1SG:NONPFV.NEG climb:FUT

yá NEG

yá NEG

I do not climb / I am not climbing I will not climb / I will not climb!

cf. affirmative counterparts of the examples: mì 1SG

héérà climb:VN

I climb / I am climbing

mìí 1SG:IRR

hèè climb:FUT

I will climb / I will climb!

A third person negative non-Perfective pronoun híì may be used, apparently without a change in meaning, in place of the equivalent third person negative non-Perfective pronoun )áà (6.1.2.6). híì héérà 3:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN

yá

= )áà héérà 3:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN

yá

híì 3NONPFV.NEG

he/she/it is not climbing

NEG

he/she/it is not climbing

NEG

héé4zí4rà climb:VN-PL-VN

yá NEG

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they are not climbing

= )áà héé4zí4rà 3:NONPFV.NEG climb:VN-PL-VN

yá

they are not climbing

NEG

Negation is not marked on pronouns in Subjunctive verb forms. mú 2SG:OPT

hèè climb:OPT

gá

don’t [you (sg.)] climb! / you (sg.) mustn’t climb!

NEG:OPT

cf. its affirmative counterpart: mú 2SG:OPT

hèè climb:OPT

[you (sg.)] climb! / you (sg.) must climb!

7.5.4 Summary of negative verbal forms Negative verb forms are marked with negation particles (7.5.2) and negative subject pronouns (7.5.3). These forms are summarized in the following table: Negative verbal forms in Mambay negative verb form

subject pronoun

verb shape and tone melody

negative particle

Perfective (basic)

PFV.NEG pronoun

(CV V)

stem + PFV

yá

Pluperfect

PFV.NEG pronoun

(CV V)

stem + PLUPERF

yá

Imperfective (basic)

NONPFV.NEG pronoun

(CV V)

verbal noun

yá

Future

NONPFV.NEG pronoun

(CV V)

stem + FUT

yá

Optative

OPT

stem + OPT

gá

pronoun (CV)

7.6 Expansions of verbal inflection Expanded verb forms allow for functional enrichment of the categories in the basic inflectional system. While some are formed by means of TAM indicators (7.6.1), others are formed using possessive constructions (7.6.2) and complex inflectional constructions, including serial and auxiliary verb constructions (7.6.3).

7.6.1 TAM indicators In addition to TAM (Tense/Aspect/Mode) marking in the basic verbal system (7.4), TAM is marked by means of TAM particles (7.6.1.1) and adverbs (7.6.1.2). Particles form a closed set and, since they bear a single mora, do not meet the minimal weight requirements for adverbs (8.1, 8.3). TAM adverbs, on the other hand, are part of the open class of adverbs (8.1).

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TAM indicators are prototypically found with verbs. The syntactic distribution of each group is distinctive (and as concerns adverbs, complex), and is discussed in the individual subsections. The examples in the following subsections show that while TAM indicators expressing aspect are found with a wide range of verb forms, those which express distinctions of mood are often limited to Optative forms. TAM indicators found with Indicative verbal forms are also attested with verbless clauses (10.1.3). Representative examples of this are as follows: - example particle with a verbless clause: yó ‘indeed, (affirmative particle)’ (10.1.2.2) Kwéé yó (personal name) (affirmative particle)

it is Kwé

cf. an example of its verbal use: mì té’là yó 1SG walk:VN indeed

I am indeed climbing

- example adverb with a verbless clause )àhná ‘maybe’ )àhná maybe

mì má sámà 1SG with pregnancy

maybe I am pregnant / I may be pregnant

cf. an example of its verbal use: )àhná maybe

mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

maybe I am walking / I may be walking

Some TAM indicators may be found in combination with other ones; this enriches the matrix of TAM possibilities greatly. Such combinations are illustrated by the following examples: )àhná ‘maybe’ + nà ‘(question particle)’ )àhná maybe

mì té’là nà 1SG walk:VN QM

perhaps I am walking…?

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%âh ‘go ahead…’ + Qàh ‘for now, go ahead’ mú %âh 2SG:OPT go.ahead

té’ Qàh walk:OPT for.now

go ahead and walk for now!

gíí ‘so…(plaintive), but then’ + rè ‘come on, (topicalizer)’ gíí so

mú 2SG:OPT

té’ rè walk:OPT come.on

so come on and walk!

tà’ ‘so…(plaintive), but then’ + yá (Indicative negative particle) mìí té’ tà’ yá 2SG:IRR walk:FUT again NEG

I will not walk again / I will never walk

7.6.1.1 TAM particles TAM particles are divided into two groups, one of which functions with Indicative clauses (cf. 7.4.1), and the other of which functions with Optative (7.4.2) verb forms. All of these particles are consistently found in post-verbal position; the patterning of these particles in clauses is described in 10.1.2. 7.6.1.1.1 Indicative particles TAM particles found with clauses containing Indicative verb forms have been described in greater detail in 10.1.2. These are as follows: nà ‘(question particle)’ mù té’là nà 2SG walk:VN QM

are you walking?

rè ‘(topicalization/floor-holding particle)’ (also found with Optative clauses; see 7.6.1.1.2) mì té’là rè 1SG walk:VN TOPIC

I am walking, you know…

yá ‘(Indicative negative particle)’ (cf. 7.5.2) míì té’là yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG walk:VN NEG

I am not walking

yó ‘indeed, (presentational particle)’ mì té’là yó 1SG walk:VN indeed

I am indeed walking

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The question particle nà may be combined with either yá ‘(Indicative negative particle)’ or yó ‘indeed, (presentational particle)’: múù té’là 2SG:NONPFV.NEG walk:VN

yá

nà

NEG

QM

mù 2SG

yó indeed

nà

té’là walk:VN

aren’t you walking? are you indeed walking?

QM

7.6.1.1.2 Optative particles TAM particles found exclusively with clauses containing Optative verb forms are as follows: bè ‘first’ mú 2SG:OPT

lá’ listen:OPT

bè first

listen first! / just listen!

gá ‘(Optative negative particle)’ (7.5.2) mú 1SG:OPT

té’ walk:OPT

gá

don’t walk! / you mustn’t walk!

NEG:OPT

kò ‘come on, first’ (kò is also used as a clause-initial conjunction ‘if, when’; see 10.2.2.2) mú 2SG:OPT

lá’ listen:OPT

kò come.on

come on, listen first! / come on, listen up!

lè please

please eat!

lè ‘please’ (Fulf. borr.) mú 2SG:OPT

té’ walk:OPT

One TAM particle found with clauses containing Indicative verb forms (7.6.1.1.1) may also be used with clauses containing Optative verb forms. rè ‘come on’ (10.1.2.4) mú 2SG:OPT

té’ walk:OPT

rè come.on

come on, eat!

Optative TAM particles are never found in combination with one another.

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7.6.1.2 TAM adverbs TAM adverbs constitute an open set, and there is no clear boundary between TAM adverbs and other adverbs (8.1). In addition to a majority of morphologically simple adverbs, composed and reduplicated adverbs are attested (e.g. bóm gbúù ‘once more’ and dáhbì dáhbì ‘repeatedly’). The syntactic distribution of TAM adverbs is heterogeneous: they are found before subject pronouns, after verb words, in both of these positions and, in one case (%âh ‘go ahead…’), between the subject pronoun and verb word. However, consistent TAM functions are associated with each position. Before subject pronoun TAM adverbs found before the subject pronoun express modal information; attested items are as follows: )àhná ‘maybe’ )àhná maybe

mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

maybe I am walking / I may be walking

mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

it is better that I walk

bàhrá ‘better’ bàhrá better

gíí ‘so…(plaintive), but then’ (cf. gìì ‘answer, accept, admit’) gíí so

mú 2SG:OPT

té’ walk:OPT

so (plaintive) walk! / so (plaintive) you must walk!

kyáh ‘need, it is necessary’ kyáh mú need 2SG:OPT

té’... walk:OPT

you need to walk!... / it is necessary that you walk…

lâ’ ‘it seems; may’ (cf. là’ ‘hear, feel, understand’) lâ’ mì it.seems 1SG

té’là walk:VN

it seems that I am walking / I seem to be walking

lâ’ may

té’ walk:OPT

may you walk!

mú 1SG:OPT

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làrà / làà ‘if only, almost, about to’ làrà if.only

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

if only I had walked / I almost walked / I was about to walk

= làà if.only

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

if only I had walked / I almost walked / I was about to walk

sé’ ‘must; except, only, until’ sé’ must

mú 2SG:OPT

té’ walk:OPT

you must walk!

Between subject pronoun and verb word A single TAM adverb has been attested between the subject pronoun and the verb word: %âh ‘go ahead…’ mú 2SG:OPT

%âh té’ go.ahead walk:OPT

go ahead and walk!

After verb word TAM adverbs may be found after verb words. mìí té’ béNn 1SG:IRR walk:FUT first

first, I will walk

If the verb takes an object, the object precedes the TAM adverb (10.1.1). mìí làà 1SG:IRR eat:FUT

)ígà thing

béNn first

first, I will eat something

TAM adverbs found after verb words are of two types: aspectual adverbs found with a range of semantically compatible verb forms and, in two cases, mood adverbs found with Optative verb forms.9 Attested items are as follows: bà’ ‘right after’ mìí té’ bà’ 1SG:IRR walk:FUT right.after

9

I will walk right after

If you’ve been reading closely enough to find this note, I would like to take you out for a drink.

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béNn ‘first’ mìí té’ béNn 1SG:IRR walk:FUT first

first, I will walk

bóm gbúù ‘once more’ (cf. bóm ‘one’; see gbúù ‘again’ below) mìí 1SG:IRR

té’ bóm gbúù walk:FUT once.more

I will walk once more

à’ ‘(past marker)’ mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

à’

I walked (PAST)

PAST

dáhbì dáhbì ‘repeatedly’ mì tè’ dáhbì dáhbì 1SG walk:PFV repeatedly

I walked repeatedly

fàà )éré fàà )éré ‘repeatedly’ (cf. fàà ‘back, skin, behind (linked form),’ )éré ‘their (coref./impers.)’) mì tè’ fàà )éré fàà )éré 1SG walk:PFV repeatedly

I walked repeatedly

gbá7 ‘please / I beg’ mú 2SG:OPT

té’ gbá7 walk:OPT please

walk, please! / walk, I beg you!

gbúù / dòó4gbúù ‘again’ mì té’là gbúù 1SG walk:VN again

I am walking again

= mì té’là dòó4gbúù 1SG walk:VN again

I am walking again

hù7gù yá ‘no longer’ (cf. yà ‘(Indicative negative particle)’) míì té’ hù7gù yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG walk:FUT no.longer

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I will not walk any longer

hù7gù yô’ ‘never again’ míì té’ hù7gù yô’ 1SG: NONPFV.NEG walk:FUT never.again

I will never walk again

kpà7 yá ‘never’(cf. kpà7 ‘different’ yá ‘(Indicative negative particle)’) míì té’là 1SG: NONPFV.NEG walk:VN

kpà7 yá never

I never walk

laF7 ‘while waiting, also’ mú 2SG:OPT

té’ laF7 walk:OPT while.waiting

while you’re waiting, walk! / you also walk!

lì’ ‘definitively, directly, forever’ mìí té’ lì’ 1SG:FUT walk:FUT definitively

I will walk directly / I will walk forever

sò’ yá ‘not yet’ (cf. yà ‘(Indicative negative particle)’) míì té’là sò’ yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG walk:VN not.yet

I am not walking yet

tà’ ‘also’ mìí 1SG:IRR

té’ tá’ walk:FUT also

I will also walk

tém yá ‘never’(cf. tém ‘differently,’ yá ‘(Indicative negative particle)’) míì té’là 1SG: NONPFV.NEG walk:VN

tém yá never

I never walk

tígì ‘please, forgive me but’ mú 2SG:OPT

té’ tígì walk:OPT please

walk, please! / forgive me, but walk!

tí’ tí’ ‘always’ mì té’là tí’ tí’ 1SG walk:VN always

I always walk / I am always walking

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tìtím tìtím ‘repeatedly’ mì tè’ tìtím tìtím 1SG walk:PFV repeatedly

I walked repeatedly

vòró ‘keep on; to there’ (cf. 8.1.1.1) mú 2SG:OPT

té’ vòró walk:OPT keep.on

keep on walking! / walk there!

Two attested positions A handful of TAM adverbs may be found in either pre-pronoun or post verb-word position. There are semantic differences corresponding to the position of these adverbs; the differences reflect the typical function of TAM adverbs in each of the positions (prepronoun or post verb-word). Attested items are as follows: bî’ ‘a little, almost’ mì 1SG

té’là walk:VN

bî’ mí almost 1SG:OPT

bî’ a.little

I am walking a little

té’ walk:OPT

I am almost walking

wîr4gíí ‘already, still; so…(plaintive)’ (cf. above: gíí ‘so…(plaintive), but then’) mì té’là wîr4gíí 1SG walk:VN still

I am already walking / I am still walking

wîr4gíí mú 2SG:OPT so

so (plaintive) walk! / so (plaintive) you must walk!

té’ walk:OPT

Qàh ‘for now, go ahead’ (cf. Qáh ‘call, invite) mú 2SG:OPT

té’ Qâh walk:OPT for.now

walk for now! / go ahead and walk!

Qàh mì té’là for.now 1SG walk:VN

for now, I am walking

7.6.2 Possessive constructions An expansion of the Imperfective (7.4.1.1.2), the Imperfective Progressive 1, is formed by placing a verbal noun in the possessor position of a possessive construction (cf. 5.3).

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Imperfective Progressive 1 Structure: Realis pronoun + possessive construction with káà (linked form of káálà ‘head/ on’; see 5.2.2) plus possessor verbal noun mì káà té’là 1SG head/on:LF walk:VN

I am in the process of walking

Note that, formally speaking, this is a verbless clause (cf. 10.1.3).

7.6.3 Complex inflectional constructions There are two kinds of complex inflectional constructions: serial verb constructions (7.6.3.1) and verbal constructions formed by means of auxiliaries (7.6.3.2). 7.6.3.1 Serial verb constructions Two types of serial verb constructions are commonly attested in Mambay: these have been labelled Realis Future 2 and Imperfective Progressive 2. Realis Future 2 In Realis Future 2 constructions, two finite verbs are found together, and there is no independent person marking on the second finite verb (as per the typical serial verb constructions described in Payne 1997:308). Structure: various forms of vè ‘go’ + Perfective verb word mì 1SG

vè go:PFV

tè’ walk:PFV

I was going to walk

nà 1&2

vè4zí go:PFV-PL

tè’ walk:PFV

we (incl.) were going to walk

Imperfective Progressive 2 Structure: optional Realis pronoun + tògó ‘be’ (7.3.3.3) + Imperfective ex. (mì) toFg mì té’là 1SG be 1SG walk:VN

I am walking / I am in the process of walking

The optional nature of the subject pronoun with tògó ‘be’ shows that two discrete types of constructions are used to express the Imperfective Progressive 2. When tògó is found with its own subject pronoun, the Imperfective Progressive 2 is a serial verb construction. Evidence for its identity as a serial verb construction rather than an instance of juxtaposed clauses comes from two directions: first, the subject of both tògó ‘be’ (when it is used) and the subject of the following Imperfective verb form must be identical; and second,

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tògó appears in the Imperfective Progressive 2 as toFg, which is its phrase-internal realization (cf. its phrase-final realization; see 7.3.3.3; also cf. Payne 1997:308–9). The optional nature of the subject pronoun with tògó ‘be’ suggests that tògó is in the process of being grammaticalized as a TAM adverb (7.6.1.2) with progressive meaning. 7.6.3.2 Constructions with auxiliaries A variety of complex inflectional constructions employ auxiliaries, that is, verbs which are head of the verb phrase but which do not embody the main activity expressed by the clause (Payne 1997:84). In addition, the examples below show that auxiliaries express a meaning that is not fully compositional, that is, one which differs from the meaning found when the same verb does embody a clause’s main activity. When an auxiliary is used in Mambay, the main activity or state is expressed as an object or adverbial complement of the auxiliary. Formally, there are two major types of constructions with auxiliaries: those followed by verbal nouns (7.6.3.2.1), and those followed by subordinate clauses (7.6.3.2.2). 7.6.3.2.1 Auxiliaries followed by verbal nouns Most auxiliaries are followed by verbal nouns, which express the central event or state of a clause. This given, there are three positions in which the verbal noun accompanying an auxiliary may be found: 1. on its own; mì 1SG

%áá find:PFV

té’là walk:VN

I was able to walk

2. prefixed with kì4 ‘place, time, situation’ (5.1.2.4.5); mì 1SG

)èr get.up:PFV

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I was just walking

3. as a complement of a preposition (cf. 9.3) mì 1SG

tìì become:PFV

má with

té’là walk:VN

I walk (habitually) / I walked (habitually)

As is evident from the first and second examples here, the distribution of a verbal noun vs. a verbal noun prefixed with kì4 does not appear to be semantically significant. However, in most cases a given auxiliary is syntactically limited to one of the two strategies; the reasons for the choice of one form over another are not clear. Both are found with intransitive as well as intransitive verbs, so based on transitivity requirements established elsewhere in the language (7.3.2.1), verbal nouns (with or without kì4) must be viewed variously as adverbial complements (with intransitive auxiliaries) or objects (with transitive auxiliaries). 370

The inflectional categories expressed by constructions have been organized according to form and labelled according to their function as follows: - Habitual - Potential - Realis Future 3 - Recent Past - Past-Imperfective 1 - Future-Imperfective 1 - Past-Imperfective 2 - Future-Imperfective 2 The structure and function of these forms is described below, and a chart summarizing the structure of all the forms is found at the end of this section. Habitual Structure: various forms of tìì ‘become’ + prepositional phrase composed of má ‘with’ and a verbal noun ex. mì 1SG

tìì má become:PFV with

té’là walk:VN

I walk (habitually) / I walked (habitually)

mìí tìì má 1SG:IRR become:FUT with

té’là walk:VN

I will walk (habitually)

Potential Structure: various forms of %áá ‘find, succeed, have’ + verbal noun ex. mì 1SG

%áá find:PFV

té’là walk:VN

I was able to walk

mìí %áá 1SG:IRR find:FUT

té’là walk:VN

I will be able to walk

Realis Future 3 Structure: various forms of vè ‘go’ + verbal noun (without or with kì4) ex. mì 1SG

vè go:PFV

té’là walk:VN

I was going to walk

= mì 1SG

vè go:PFV

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I was going to walk

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mìí ví4ní té’là 1SG:IRR go:FUT-1SG.REFL walk:VN = mìí ví4ní kì4té’là 1SG:IRR go:FUT-1SG.REFL place:PFX-walk:VN

I will be going to walk I will be going to walk

Recent Past Structure: various forms of )èr ‘get up’ or hàà ‘come back, go back’ + verbal noun with kì4 ex. mì 1SG

)èr get.up:PFV

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I was just walking

mìí )eFr 1SG:IRR get.up:FUT

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I will have just been walking

mì 1SG

háá kì4té’là come.back:PFV place:PFX-walk:VN

mìí háá kì4té’là 1SG:IRR come.back:FUT place:PFX-walk:VN

I was just walking I will have just been walking

Past-Imperfective 1 Structure: Perfective of yàà ‘sit, stay, be’ + verbal noun with kì4 (cf. 5.1.4.2.5) ex. mì 1SG

yàà be:PFV

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I was walking / I have been walking / I just walked

Future-Imperfective 1 Structure: Future of yàà ‘sit, stay, be’ + verbal noun with kì4 ex. mìí yáá 1SG:IRR be:FUT

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I will be walking

Past-Imperfective 2 This construction and the parallel Future-Imperfective 2 (immediately below) are interesting in that the agent of the clause’s semantically central verb is demoted from subject position to that of the object of the auxiliary %áá ‘find, succeed, have.’ Structure: Perfective of %áá + object pronoun + verbal noun with kì4 ‘find, succeed, have’ ex. Ø 3:PFV

%áá mí find:PFV 1SG.OBJ

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

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I was walking (lit. it found me walking)

Future-Imperfective 2 Structure: Future of %áá ‘find, + object pronoun + verbal noun with kì4 succeed, have’ ex. )àá 3:IRR

%áá be:FUT

mí 1SG.OBJ

kì4té’là place:PFX-walk:VN

I will be walking (lit. it will find me walking)

The following table organizes the structural characteristics of expanded verb forms constructed by means of auxiliary verbs with verbal nouns:

preposition

form of semantically principal verb

Habitual

tìì ‘become’

—

má

VN

Potential

%áá ‘find’

—

—

VN

Imminent 2

vè ‘go’

—

—

Recent Past

)èr ‘get up’ / hàà ‘come back, go back’

—

—

kì-VN

Past-Imperfective 1

yàà ‘sit, stay, be’ (PFV)

—

—

kì-VN

Future-Imperfective 1 yàà ‘sit, stay, be’ (FUT)

—

—

kì-VN

%áá ‘find’ (PFV)

—

kì-VN

Future-Imperfective 2 %áá ‘find’ (FUT)

—

kì-VN

auxiliary verb

clause agent as object of aux. v.

Structure of verb forms with auxiliary verbs followed by verbal nouns

complex verb form

Past-Imperfective 2

VN

/ kì-VN

7.6.3.2.2 Auxiliaries followed by subordinate clauses In addition to being followed by verbal nouns (7.6.3.2.1), auxiliaries may be followed by subordinate clauses. Past and Future 2 constructions are made possible by periphrastic

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constructions in which the auxiliary verb %áá ‘find, succeed, have’ is followed by a subordinate clause (cf. 10.2.2.2). Past Structure: Perfective of %áá ‘find, succeed, have’ + subordinate clause ex. Ø %áá kà 3:PFV find:PFV and.then Ø %áá kà 3:PFV find:PFV and.then

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

I walked (lit. it found that I walked)

mì té’là 1SG PFX-walk:VN

I was walking (lit. it found that I walk)

Future 2 Structure: Future of %áá ‘find, succeed, have’ + subordinate clause ex. )àá %áá kà 3:IRR find:FUT and.then )àá %áá kà 3:IRR find:FUT and.then

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

I will have walked (lit. it will find that I walked)

mì té’là I will be walking (lit. it will 1SG place:PFX-walk:VN find that I am walking)

7.7 Composite verbal expressions Composite verbal expressions constitute an important part of the verb lexicon; well over a third of the verbs in the data (347 out of 948) are composite expressions. In contrast to verb expansions, which have to do with enrichment of the inflectional system (7.6), composite verbal expressions may be found as lexical items (Dimmendaal 2000:179). As with compound nouns (cf. 5.4), composite verbal expressions are primarily distinguished from spontaneously constructed verb phrases by recurrent usage rather than structure. As fixed collocations, they tend to express a single verbal concept; and this semantic value is often idiomatic. The following structures have been attested for composite verbal expressions: - verb stem + noun (7.7.1) - verb stem + prepositional phrase (7.7.2) - verb stem + directional adverb (7.7.3) - verb stem + adjective (7.7.4) - verb stem + ideophonic adverb (7.7.5) For composite verbal expressions containing transitive verbs and whose additional element is not a noun, an object or dummy object (7.3.2.1.2) (neither of which are necessarily lexicalized as part of the composite verbal expression) must also be present. gbàh )ígà gbìrìz catch thing IDEO

surprise something

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7.7.1 Verb stem + noun Composite verbal expressions most commonly exhibit a verb stem + noun structure, and the noun is usually an object. %áá find

syòó song

làà eat

ríívà inherit inheritance

hèè kángà be initiated (males) climb male.circumcision

sing

vúm fyáhgà blow bellows

work the bellows

Some verb stems in the lexicon are limited to specific objects. mwì’ gwá’rà smile smile laugh(n.)

vìì híhnà be afraid fear(v.) fear(n.)

súm punt

Qél káálà disturb head

)àhrá canoe

punt

trouble, amuse

The basic verb pá ‘make, do’ appears recurrently as part of composite verbal expressions. In such cases, objects are underived nouns which refer to activities. pá kì4swá’ thank make PFX:place-thanks(n.)

pá vérgà travel make travel(n.)

pá kúúrà make hunting

pá síínà make play(n.)

hunt

play

A number of objects also appear recurrently as part of composite verbal expressions. These nouns, which are common objects of (primarily human) animate behaviour and physicality, are as follows: dágà ‘mouth, edge’ káálà ‘head, reason’ nììnú ‘bottom, meaning,’ rò’rá ‘word, issue,’ )ínù ‘body, self.’ Example usage of each of these objects is as follows: sú’ pull

dágà mouth

be corrupt

náh káálà take.out

leave head

gbáh catch

dágà mouth

plan

déé chop

káálà head

prevent

kù% study

dágà mouth

stutter, babble

wàh dip

káálà head

get someone into difficulty

lòònT tire

dágà mouth

annoy, bother

Qèl káálà disturb head

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trouble, amuse

à’ cut

nììnú bottom

slander

dèrgí cut.off

rò’rá word

àl split

nììnú bottom

explain

gìì rò’rá answer word

answer

lùgún nììnú reveal, betray cause.to.leave bottom

rí’ enter

rò’rá word

imply

nàNw spank

nììnú bottom

spank

sáá tell

rò’rá word

tell

gbáh catch

)ínù body

abstain

ryáh mourn

)ínù body

complain

làà eat

)ínù body

gossip

sàrgí )ínù lean(tr.) body

mumble

lean

Nouns which are part of composite verbal expressions may also act as locative, manner or purpose complements. locative: súú káà tâNwgí bóm lie.down head/on:LF rope:LF one

agree

manner: wàr )ígà syâg leave thing oneself:LF

)éé 3SG.C/I.POSS

abandon

purpose: yáh take

káà head/on:LF

sòg work:VN

sòglá work(n.)

hire

7.7.2 Verb stem + prepositional phrase Composite verbal expressions are sometimes constituted of a verb stem and a prepositional phrase beginning with má ‘with, and.’ These constructions are structured in the same way as verbs with typical prepositional phrase complements (9.3). )áh paddle

)ígà má thing with

%èh má bow.low with

fûrgá paddle(n.)

káà4nà4sí’nù knee

paddle kneel

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%úú hit

)ígà má thing with

Nmàhná foot

kick

híí give

)ígà má thing with

dágà mouth

promise

7.7.3 Verb stem + directional adverb Composite verbal expressions may also be constituted of a verb stem and a directional adverb. háá kètí come.back upward

be high

háá sùgú be low come.back downward kàn pass

)ígà tùm overtake something thing forward

kyàh )ígà hîn borrow something want thing to.here

7.7.4 Verb stem + adjective Additionally, composite verbal expressions may be constituted of a verb stem followed by an adjective. hàn )ígà Nwàgàgà roughen something render thing rough pá )ígà zèyzèy make thing proud

cause something to be proud

7.7.5 Verb stem + ideophonic adverb Finally, composite verbal expressions may be constituted of a verb stem followed by an ideophonic adverb. háá vbìgtìg come.back IDEO

return without having accomplished anything

sòò vbòlvbòl become.hot IDEO

boil furiously

tè’ walk

hobble about with one’s head and neck jutting out in front

tégùtégù IDEO

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)ùrní stand

árá7

right, set straight

IDEO

In some cases, ideophonic adverbs are bound to a specific verb stem in the lexicon. dím )ígà kpírá cover thing IDEO

cover something by leaning over with arms or wings

gbàh )ígà gbìrìz catch thing IDEO

surprise something

tìg fall

váhb

faint

tìg fall

Nwáb

IDEO

fall freely and crash (something breakable like a gourd)

IDEO

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8 ADVERBS, ADJECTIVES AND IDEOPHONES 8

ADVERBS, ADJECTIVES AND IDEOPHONES

This chapter deals with adverbs and adjectives. Since ideophones comprise a majority of adverbs as well as adjectives, they are also treated here as a parallel topic with major implications for both of these word classes. The first major section (8.1) discusses adverbs, with a focus on two categories: directional adverbs and TAM (tense/aspect/mode) adverbs. The subsequent section addresses topics pertaining to ideophones in general (8.2). The description then focusses on ideophonic adverbs (8.3) as well as adjectives (8.4), the great majority of which are ideophonic. The final section treats derivational phenomena associated with ideophones from various word classes (8.5).

8.1 Adverbs Three types of adverbs are found in Mambay: directional adverbs, TAM (tense/aspect/ mode) adverbs, and ideophonic adverbs. The first two types, which constitute semantically unified sets, are discussed in the present section (8.1.1, 8.1.2). Remaining adverbs, which are consistently ideophonic in nature (8.3) and function as qualifiers as well as quantifiers (8.2), are presented after the topic of ideophones in general is introduced in 8.2. Functions which are expressed by adverbs in some languages (such as locational and temporal functions) are commonly expressed in Mambay by nouns (5.13) and prepositional phrases (9.3) used adverbially. The following data show unambiguous noun morphology and/or syntax (alienable and inalienable possession or accompaniment by a specifier; see 5.3.3.3 and 9.2): sììrá

year, last year

mágá

today

sìì mágá year:LF today

this year

fààlá

back, skin

fààlé behind/after him/her/it (coref.) / behind/after it back/after:3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS.INAL

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sí4nùú

two days ago

sí4nùù PFX-two.days.ago:LF

núú that

three days ago

However, their locational and/or temporal function is evident not only from the glosses, but also from their adverbial usage in examples such as the following: sììrá year

zòl4lé leave:PFV-3SG.REFL

he/she/it left (i.e., went away) last year fààlé, back/after:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

%áá find:PFV

sòglá fígíl work Figuil

after this, he/she/it found work in Figuil sí4nùú PFX-two.days.ago:LF

mì lá’ fâmgí )éé 1SG hear:PFV announcement 3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

a couple of days ago I heard news of him/her/it )àá háá sìì mágá 3SG:IRR come.back:FUT year:LF today he/she/it will come back this year The following examples show prepositional phrases used adverbially: háá4lê4n má come.back:PFV-3SG.REFL-to.here with

hâr4ná hurry:VN-OBJ

he/she/it came back here hurriedly tìg4lé bèè sûm4ní )úùrú fall:PFV-3SG:REFL without know:VN-OBJ:LF 3SG.POSS it fell unknowingly (lit. it fell without his/her knowledge) má4)ì4náá toFg à%gí4zí lààbá with-HEAD-this be peck.around:VN-PL eat:VN meanwhile, they were pecking food in the evening

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má with

líbà evening

má4kì4dô’ yàà4zí fíílò with-place:PFX-that.ANAPH sit:PFV-PL house at that time, they lived in the house

8.1.1 Directional adverbs There is a closed set of six directional adverbs in Mambay. These are distinct from locative nouns (5.13) as well as prepositions (9.3) in that they obligatorily co-occur with verbs. Other differences among these forms are catalogued in 9.3.3. 8.1.1.1 Inventory Directional adverbs, which are found in three semantically opposed pairs, are as follows: hîn ~ 4ìn ~ 4n` vòró ~ vè

to here to there

kètí sùgú

upward downward

fàárì tùm

backward forward

The directional adverb hîn ‘to here,’ may attach directly to the verb word as 4ìn (with consonant-final stems) or 4n` (with vowel-final stems) when there is no intervening object (7.3.1.6). mù háá4mi4în 2SG come.back:PLUPERF-2SG.REFL-to.here = mù háá4mi hîn 2SG come.back:PLUPERF-2SG.REFL to.here )àà háá4n` 3SG:IRR come.back:FUT-to.here

you had come back to here you had come back to here

he/she/it will come back here

= )àà háá hîn 3SG:IRR come.back:FUT to.here

he/she/it will come back here

There is no difference in meaning between vòró and vè ‘to there.’ vòró appears to have its origins in the perfect verb word vòró ‘you (pl.) have gone,’ and vè appears to be derived from the simple perfective form vè ‘went’ (see Appendix 2 for all conjugated forms of vè ‘go’). While both forms are used throughout the language area, the shorter form vè appears to be more common in rapid speech and in dialects north of the river.

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The adverb kètí ‘upward’ is structurally identical to the noun kètí ‘sky, life,’ and the adverb fàárì ‘backward’ is structurally identical to the ordinal noun fàárì ‘last’ (9.1.3). Cognates in other word classes are lacking for the other directional adverbs.. 8.1.1.2 Distribution Directional adverbs are primarily found with intransitive verbs which mark a change in position, such as vè ‘go,’ húm ‘come,’ háà ‘come back, go back,’ tè’ ‘walk,’ hèè ‘climb, go up’ and Nmí’ ‘go down.’ Host verbs must be semantically compatible with accompanying directional adverbs; combinations such vè ‘go’ + hîn ‘to here’ and hèè ‘climb, go up’ + sùgú ‘downward’ are not permitted. A directional adverb directly follows the verb it modifies. In the case of the short forms of the directional adverb hîn ~ 4ìn ~ 4n` ‘to here’ (see 8.1.1.1 immediately above) it is suffixed to the verb; also, when there is an object, it follows that object (see the end of this subsection). Attested usages of each of the directional adverbs with intransitive verbs are as follows: mú 2SG.OPT

tè’4n` walk:OPT-to.here

[you (sg.)] come here!

mú 2SG.OPT

tè’ walk:OPT

vòró to.there

[you (sg.)] go there!

mú 2SG.OPT

hèè climb:OPT

kètí upward

[you (sg.)] climb up!

mú 2SG.OPT

Nmì’ go.down:OPT

mú 2SG.OPT

vù4mi tùm go:OPT-2SG.REFL forward

[you (sg.)] go forward!

mú 2SG.OPT

háá come.back/go.back:OPT

[you (sg.)] go back the same [you (sg.)] go backward!

sùgú downward

fàárì backward

[you (sg.)] go down!

Directional adverbs are also commonly used with the defective verbal copula tògó ‘be’ (7.3.3.3). dú 3SG:INDEP

tògó4n` be-to.here

he/she/it is on the way here

dú 3SG:INDEP

toFg vòró be to.there

he/she/it is on the way there

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Occasionally, directional adverbs are used with transitive verbs. When the verb has an object, the adverb follows that object; otherwise, as shown in the second example below, it follows the verb directly (as is the case with intransitive verbs). Examples in the data which illustrate directional adverbs with transitive verbs are as follows: yáh4rì sà’lá hîn take:PERF-PERF rope to.here he/she/it has brought the rope here mú 2SG:OPT

dó vòró fàà drink:OPT to.there back/after:LF

nà4swàá PFX-peanut

drink the peanuts down (lit. drink there after the peanuts) má yáh4zí gííbò vòró 3:OPT take:OPT-PL alcoholic.drink to.there nììlé má êl rù’gó bottom/under:3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS.INAL with child:PL:LF clay.water.jar they must take alcoholic drinks down there with small clay water jars In addition to a strict directional usage, the adverb vòró ‘to there’ may also be used aspectually to signal the continuation of an activity (7.6.1.2). mú 2SG:OPT

té’ vòró walk:OPT to.there

keep on walking! / walk to there!

Certain combinations of the directional adverbs are permitted: specifically, members of the first pair above (hîn and vòró) may be followed by a single member of the second or third pair. hîn hîn hîn hîn

kètí sùgú fààrî tùm

vòró vòró vòró vòró

up to here down to here back to here forward to there

kètí sùgú fààrî tùm

up to there down to there back to there forward to there

Examples of combined directional adverbs are as follows: mú 2SG.OPT

hèè4n` climb:OPT-to.here

kètí upward

mú 2SG.OPT

Nmì’ vòró sùgú go.down:OPT to.there downward

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[you (sg.)] climb up to here! [you (sg.)] go down there!

mú 2SG.OPT

háá4n` fàárì [you (sg.)] come back here! come.back/go.back:OPT-to.here backward

mú 2SG.OPT

tè’ vòró tùm walk:OPT to.there forward

[you (sg.)] go on ahead!

8.1.2 TAM adverbs A number of TAM (tense/aspect/mode) adverbs are found in Mambay. These constitute a small (less than forty items in the data) but apparently open morphological subclass. Most are monosyllabic, but a few disyllabic and morphologically complex items are also attested. Usually, those which express modal information are found before the subjectverb complex (7.6.1.2, 10.1.1). làrà if.only sé’ must

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV mú 2SG:OPT

if only I had walked / I almost walked / I was about to walk

té’ walk:OPT

you must walk!

In contrast, TAM adverbs which express temporal or aspectual information are usually found after verbs (7.6.1.2, 10.1.1). mìí té’ béNn 1SG:IRR walk:FUT first

first, I will walk

mì tè’ 1SG walk:PFV

I walked (PAST)

á’ PAST

TAM adverbs are discussed in greater detail in 7.6.1.2.

8.2 Ideophones In Mambay, it is appropriate to distinguish ideophones as a morphological reality. However, this grouping is “not on a par” with other word classes in the language, which are for the most part self-contained and which exhibit an essentially uniform syntactic distribution (cf. Newman 2000:249, contra Cole 1955:370). Instead, it is an open “superclass” (cf. Welmers 1973:462, Ameka 2001:26, Elders 2001:97) whose members are spread among four word classes: adverbs, adjectives, nouns, and verbs. While ideophones dominate the classes of adverbs and adjectives, they are only moderately attested among nouns and verbs. The present study grapples with the morphological classification of ideophones in Mambay and provides a description of their structure. This focus, coupled with the richness of the topic in general, has precluded a satisfactory treatment of related topics such as the semantics of ideophones, the relationship of structural features to perceived

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realities, and the role of ideophones in discourse. comments are in order.

However, a couple of general

Ideophones, sometimes referred to as phonaesthemes (Dimmendaal 2000:183), distinguish themselves from other morphemes and words primarily in the way that they refer and mean. They transcend the arbitrary sound-symbol relationship characteristic of most lexical items and enrich discourse by dramatizing salient real-world phenomena as they are perceived by users of the language (Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz 2001:3): they are “descriptive of sound, colour, smell, manner, appearance, state, action or intensity…vivid vocal images or representations of visual, auditory and other sensory or mental experiences” (Cole 1955:370). In Mambay, the distinctive structure of ideophones, which often deviates from canonical structural characteristics of the classes in which they are found (cf. Welmers 1973:462, Elders 2001:98–100), is generated by these perceptions. As the later sections of the chapter demonstrate, structural repetition is perhaps the most salient feature to result, and is an important component of morphological structure as well as derivational processes. Also, ideophones make significant use of intonation, more so than other words (4.4.1; cf. Newman 2000:242). At the level of discourse, ideophones are a basic means of establishing the importance of an entity or an action. Anonby (2005:15) points out that in Mambay, the simple presence of an ideophone highlights an element within a discourse; conversely, only important elements are accompanied by ideophones (this is evident in all of the longer texts found at the end of this study). This tendency is especially evident in the climax of stories, where each verb is characteristically accompanied by an ideophone (p. 16). In addition to its presence, the way in which an ideophone is presented is an important means of marking emphasis. In particular, this presentation allows the speaker to regulate the degree of emphasis. For example, the pitch intervals signalling tonal register raising and lowering (4.4.1) are more drastic with ideophones than with other words. Further, repetition (e.g. 8.4.2.1.2, 8.5) and lengthening of segments (e.g. 7.1.2.2, 8.5.3), which are used as a means of echoing real-world phenomena (cf. Doke 1935:118–9, Watters 2000:196), starkly underscore the discourse elements to which the ideophones affected by these processes relate. In the present section, methodological issues relating to the description of ideophones are addressed in further detail. The remainder of the chapter is then devoted to the structural description of ideophonic adverbs (8.3), adjectives (which appear to be inherently ideophonic; see 8.4) and a description of derivational issues pertinent to ideophones (8.5). Ideophonic nouns and verbs are treated elsewhere (5.11 and 7.1.2.2), but the principles presented in this section are applicable for these morphological subclasses. Methodological issues Rather than attempting an exhaustive analysis of ideophones in Mambay, the present chapter provides a basic descriptive framework for an intricate but indistinctly structured

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area of the language. The study of ideophones in Mambay is problematic, and several methodological comments are in order. First of all, ideophones are difficult to elicit (cf. Welmers 1973:461). Initially, the researcher encounters the perception among speakers of a language that since ideophones are poorly represented in the written languages with which they are familiar, they are irrelevant as linguistic data. Once this idea has been countered, a deeper issue remains: the relationship of ideophones to larger texts. A basic function of ideophones is to enrich texts, and ideophones are inseparable from these texts (Voeltz and Kilian-Hatz 2001:3). Whereas an inevitably small inventory of ideophones based on an French or English wordlist might suggest that they are peripheral to the language, an examination of natural speech, including texts such as those found at the end of this study, shows that they are integral to both the structure and the flavour of discourse (as mentioned in 8.2 above). Secondly, unlike other morphological classes, usage of ideophones varies considerably from one person to another, and outside the context of discourse, speakers of the language are often unable to determine the meaning of ideophones used by people from other clans or villages (cf. Childs 2001:67–70). In the ideophonic lexicon, both the words used as well as the meanings of these words are variable among speakers. And even where people concur on the form and meaning of a given ideophone, they may differ regarding its admissibility in the various host word classes (adverb, adjective, noun and verb; see especially 8.5.6). Numerous speakers of Mambay have been involved in this study of ideophones; however, in order to cope with the complexity of the information, this chapter relies on data gathered from the researcher’s primary language assistant. Thirdly, it is difficult to draw a line between those words in a given class which are ideophonic and those which are not (Welmers 1973:460). Transparent sound symbolism and, secondarily, non-canonical structures provide a basis for deciding what is ideophonic. In the present analysis, such words are used as structural templates for the comparison of words whose ideophonic qualities are more difficult to establish. The following example serves as a case in point. As stated above, ideophones dominate the word classes of adverb and adjective (cf. 8.2, introductory discussion). However, except in the case of directional adverbs (and to some degree, TAM adverbs), it is difficult to identify any adverbs or adjectives which are not ideophonic. Quantifiers (adverbial or adjectival) such as the following might be expected to distinguish themselves formally from ideophonic qualifiers: bî’ yâN7 gáb lôNw té%é

a bit, slowly, almost halfway (measured horizontally) halfway (measured vertically) very, much completely, all, whole, together

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However, in the language these quantifiers exhibit the non-canonical characteristics of ideophones outlined in the discussion above (e.g., non-canonical structure, repetition and repeatability, and highly variable intonation). It is clear that ideophones present some fundamental challenges to morphological classification. In the following sections, ideophones whose identity is unambiguous (based on syntactic limitations) provide a structural framework for the consideration of a given class. However, morphological ambivalence is an important feature of ideophones in Mambay, and flexibility in class membership is revisited in (8.5.6) below.

8.3 Ideophonic adverbs The first word class in which ideophones are well-represented is that of adverbs. In contrast to adjectives, which are almost completely represented by ideophones, ideophonic adverbs are one of several major categories of adverbs (8.1). Ideophonic adverbs distinguish themselves from other types of adverbs and other types of ideophones both in distribution (8.3.1) and morphological structure (8.3.2) (see also 8.4.1 for differences).

8.3.1 Distribution of ideophonic adverbs Ideophonic adverbs are found in post-verbal position (cf. TAM adverbs; see 7.6.1.2). Clause constituents such as objects, directional adverbs and locational complements may be interposed between a verb and the ideophonic adverb which modifies it (10.1.1). The syntactic distribution of ideophonic adverbs is illustrated by the following text (found in its entirety at the end of this study), where these adverbs are found in their typical post-verbal position at the end of three of the five clauses which have been chained together in a story’s climax. káálé BòNmsí hàh7gí Bo’msi forget:PFV head:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

gbàrgàtàg IDEO

Bo’msi lost his head completely, yáh nà4gbáh7gú ríí fíít take:PFV PFX-cultivated.hibiscus.sp clean.out:PFV IDEO

fíít IDEO

took the rich hibiscus-leaf sauce, cleaned it all out with his fingers, yáh take:PFV

nâ’ sauce:LF

gôm síg vine.sp place:PFV

sùgú kpíh. down IDEO

then took the bitter vine-leaf sauce and put it down with a clunk. Syntactic differences between ideophonic adverbs and adjectives, which are structurally similar, are discussed in 8.4.1.

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Probably all ideophonic adverbs are subject to semantic restrictions on the inventory of verbs with which they may be used. In fact, some may be only used with a single verb from the lexicon (7.7.5). This is the case for the following examples: gbaFh4nà catch:VN-OBJ tígrò fall:VN

gbìrìz

startling something

IDEO

váhb

falling unconscious

IDEO

vbíttì4ná unroll(shutters):VN-OBJ

vbìt

unrolling shutters with a snap

IDEO

8.3.2 Ideophonic adverb structure In the following sections, the structure of ideophonic adverbs is described in terms of allowable CV shapes (8.3.2.1) and tone melodies (8.3.2.2); morphologically simple stems and morphologically complex stems are each discussed in turn. 8.3.2.1 Allowable CV shapes As with adjectives, many CV shapes are attested among ideophonic adverbs. These shapes may be divided into those which are morphologically simple (8.3.2.1.1) and those which are complex (8.3.2.1.2). 8.3.2.1.1 Morphologically simple stems A wide range of shapes are found among morphologically simple ideophonic adverbs. Like nouns, ideophonic adverbs are minimally comprised of a single heavy syllable (cf. 2.4.3). In the list below, attested shapes are given along with examples. stem shape

example

CVV CVC CCVC CVVC CV.CV CV.CVC CVV.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CV CVC.CVC CVC.CV.CVC

sèè kpúz yâN7 fíít hárì gbìrìz dáárú kàhràz kpá7gú gbà7tà7 gbàrgàtàg

quietly, slowly late, far away halfway (horizontally) (sound of wiping with fingers) quickly frighteningly craning one’s neck and looking around with heavy eyes early spread out completely

8.3.2.1.2 Morphologically complex stems A few ideophonic adverbs are complex in that they do not occur without being reduplicated. Although they exhibit a typical adjectival structure, a handful of such cases

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have been found among adverbs which cannot be used adjectivally. All five attested examples are given here along with their CV patterns: stem shape

example

CVV+CVV

sà’4sà’

in many clumps

CVC+CVC

pá%4pá% sàNw4sàNw zàhw4zàhw

rapidly a bit, slowly hastily

CV.CV+CV.CV

tégú4tègù

with head and chin sticking out

The final word here, tégú4tègù, is also treated as morphologically complex because only the first half of the word is copied when it undergoes a plural derivation (8.5.1). Other morphologically complex ideophonic adverbs formed by productive derivations are discussed in detail in (8.5). 8.3.2.2 Allowable tone melodies Ideophonic adverbs have been attested with five different tone melodies: H, L, HL, LH and HLH. In the lists below, each tone melody is given along with the CV shapes with which it is found in the data. First, morphologically simple stems are described (8.3.2.2.1); this is followed by a comment on tone associated with morphologically complex stems (8.3.2.2.2). 8.3.2.2.1 Morphologically simple stems H-toned morphologically simple stems include the following: CVV CVC CV.CV CVV.CV CVC.CV

kpíh Nwáb kpírá dáárú kpá7gú

with a clunk irreversibly covering with arms or wings craning one’s neck and looking around early

L-toned morphologically simple stems include the following: CVV CVC CV.CVC CVV.CVC CVC.CVC CVC.CV.CVC

sèè vbìt gbìrìz kàhràz kàgzàg gbàrgàtàg

quietly, slowly with a snap frighteningly with heavy eyes with a flop completely

HL is found on the following morphologically simple stems:

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CVV CCVC CV.CV

Qáà yâN7 hárì

quickly halfway (horizontally) quickly

LH is found on a single morphologically simple stem: CVV

hoFh

fast-leaking

HLH is also found on a single apparently morphologically simple stem: Qáàgú ‘quickly.’ Since this word has a shape similar to and means the same as Qáà ‘quickly,’ it is conceivable that it has been composite at some point in the language’s history, or reflects some historical derivation similar to those represented by vestigial noun suffixes (5.1.3.2). However, the word’s composition is now opaque. The phonetic realization of these tone melodies conforms to the general patterns described for stems of the same shape (see 4.1.2.5). 8.3.2.2.2 Morphologically complex stems Three of the five tonal melodies found on simple ideophonic adverb stems are also attested with morphologically complex stems: H tone:

CVC+CVC

pá%4pá%

rapidly

L tone:

CVV+CVV CVC+CVC

sà’4sà’ zàhw4zàhw

in many clumps hastily

tégú4tègù

with head and chin sticking out

HL tone: CV.CV+CV.CV

Tonal association and phonetic realizations of tone on these stems are the same as those of the better-attested morphologically complex adjective stems of the same shape (8.4.2.3.2).

8.4 Adjectives Adjectives play an important role as noun modifiers in noun phrases and attributive predicates (5.14.2, 10.1.3.3). Adjectives are syntactically distinct from nouns (8.4.1, 10.1.3.2, 10.1.3.3) and ideophonic adverbs (8.3), and although there is overlap in attested morphological structures, the frequency of these structures is very different among the classes. Of the four word classes in which ideophones are found in Mambay, that of adjectives is the most inherently ideophonic (cf. 8.2). In fact, it is difficult to establish the existence of adjectives which are not ideophonic. In many Niger-Congo languages, the category of adjective is restricted to a small, closed set of basic vocabulary items (Creissels 2000:249). In Mambay, however, the category labelled as adjective contains an open set of items, and non-ideophonic core vocabulary is the exception rather than the norm. The

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following items could be considered “real” adjectives, since they express core concepts and since it is hard to establish an ideophonic contribution to their phonological structure: fyàh gáà syáà

free, cheap simple, only female

Importantly, however, there is no discernable syntactic or morphological distinction between such adjectives and those whose ideophonic nature is transparent. It is true that all the adjectives in the above list are monosyllabic; however, this selection is as likely as not a result of the fact that the ideophonic nature of monosyllabic adjectives in Mambay is harder to identify because there is little or no place for repetition, a phenomenon which is otherwise common among ideophones. Considering the overwhelmingly ideophonic nature of the class of adjectives as a whole, and considering the structural similarity among core and peripheral members of the adjective lexicon, all adjectives are addressed together in this section.

8.4.1 Distribution of adjectives Adjectives are used in two positions: first, in the dependent position of a noun phrase (5.14.2); and secondly, as an attributive predicate (10.1.3.3). In this section, both possibilities are compared with nouns found in an equivalent position. They are also compared with adverbs which, although they are structurally similar to adjectives, have a distinct syntactic distribution. Adjectives are syntactically distinct from nouns, which are also used to express noun attributes. It is true that in noun phrases, it is not possible to distinguish nouns and adjectives syntactically (5.14.1, 5.14.2): noun + adjective:

bàh míz4míz rain:LF drizzly

drizzly rain

noun + noun:

bàh pâh rain:LF wetness

wet rain

However, the difference between adjectives and nouns may be deduced from attributive predicate constructions: an adjective is juxtaposed with the noun it modifies (10.1.3.3), but an attributive noun is always connected to the noun it modifies with the copula ká (10.1.3.2): adjective:

)à 3IMPERS

míz4míz drizzly

noun:

)à 3IMPERS

ká ATTRIB

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it is drizzly pâh it is wet wetness

The situation is comparable for adjectives and ideophonic adverbs (8.3). Although there are many structural similarities between these two classes, there are differences in syntactic distribution. As shown above and repeated in the following examples, adjectives are found in the dependent position of a noun phrase or in an attributive predicate. dependent position:

bàh míz4míz rain:LF drizzly

attributive predicate: )à 3IMPERS

míz4míz drizzly

drizzly rain it is drizzly

Adverbs, on the other hand, modify a verb or an entire clause. They come after the verb and can only be followed by a particle (10.1.1). Qàá4rì hárì nà ? finish:PERF-PERF quickly QM has he/she/it finished quickly? Following a nominal object, adjectives as well as adverbs may be found. If the postobject item in question is an adjective which describes the object, the object displays linked noun morphology (5.2.2). tìgín nâ’ drop:PFV sauce:LF

lùr ùg sticky

he/she/it dropped the sticky sauce However, if the item is an adverb, the object lacks this morphology since the adverb modifies the verb or clause rather than the object. tìgín ná’rà drop:PFV sauce

kpíh IDEO

he/she/it dropped the sauce with a clunk This morphology usually serves to identify the word class of the post-object word, even when the word in question is an ideophone showing flexibility between adjectival and adverbial class membership (8.5.6). sèm nà4pùgzí té%é avoid:PFV PFX-person:PL:LF all he/she/it avoided all of the people

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sèm nà4pùgzá avoid:PFV PFX-person:PL

té%é completely

he/she/it avoided the people completely However, in cases where the object noun is of a structure whose linked form is identical to its free (unmarked) form (5.2.2), the distinctiveness of the flexible ideophone as adjective vs. adverb is neutralized. sèm sáà avoid:PFV stone:LF

té%é all

he/she/it avoided all of the stones / the whole stone sèm sáà avoid:PFV stone

té%é completely

he/she/it avoided the stone(s) completely

8.4.2 Adjective structure In the following subsections, the structure of adjectives is outlined. First, the distinction between adjective stem and morphologically complex adjective stem is examined in reference to the structural repetition which is common among adjectives (8.4.2.1). Adjectival structure is then presented in terms of allowable CV shapes (8.4.2.2) and tonal melodies (8.4.2.3). 8.4.2.1 Structural repetition Structural repetition is a pervasive feature of adjectives in Mambay, where it has been observed only in adjectives with more than one syllable. It is evident in repetition of segments (8.4.2.1.1) as well as partial and full reduplication (8.4.2.1.2). A review of these phenomena shows that while co-occurrence patterns and partial reduplication must be considered inherent to the adjectival root, full reduplication is the result of a morphological template associated with the root (8.4.2.1.2), even when no derivation may be identified. Consequently, in the discussion on adjective structure, monomorphemic adjective stems will be considered separately from morphologically complex adjective stems. 8.4.2.1.1 Repetition of segments Repeated segments are found in almost every adjective with more than one syllable. In the data, for example, vowels within an adjective are overwhelmingly identical. óró kpírfí làr àg yérkété7

deep, far away low flat-nosed round

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Formally, the limitation of adjectives to a single vowel place quality is slightly less strict (since vowels in the adjective may still be unevenly subject to modifications such as length and pharyngealization). However, it is found with extreme regularity. fàhlàm gáhlà7 gbòòrò póh7gó7gó7

flat faceted bald, bare narrow

There are only a handful of exceptions to this tendency, as shown by the following items: gàmzù gbùhrì kwì’gà kpé’fú

long-legged snotty bent-up shallow

In addition to a consistent vowel place quality, coda consonants within an adjective are usually identical. The overlapping of these two tendencies means that entire syllable rhymes are, more often than not, repeated. This could alternatively be viewed as variation of the onset with a constant rhyme. dòldòl gírgír là7tà7 vbìgtìg

very hot rigid flexible and bouncy unsuccessful

8.4.2.1.2 Reduplication of syllables Additionally, the composition of three-syllable adjectives in particular reveals repetition of entire syllables; this brings to mind reduplication of a greater scope than simple repetition. In most examples of three-syllable adjectives, the final two syllables are identical. rùgùgù vbàhtátá wágágá

slow strong and healthy healthy, cool

(but cf. kpìmsìrì ‘thick, fat’) And for typical two-syllable adjectives—including those for which a derivation (8.5) is not identifiable—it appears that full reduplication has applied, resulting in adjective stems composed of a single repeated syllable. kpó’4kpó’ lòr4lòr pyúú4pyúú

dry shiny with baldness pointed, sharp 394

Several derivational processes (8.5) are available to provide evidence as to whether or not such words are morphologically complex stems derived from a monosyllabic root. One derivation in particular, that of ideophonic emphasis (8.5.2), is used here to explore this question. The intensified forms of the two-syllable CVC.CVC and CVV.CVV adjectives are as follows: kpí4kpó’ lì4lòr pí4pyúú

very dry very shiny with baldness very pointed, very sharp

In these forms, only one of the two syllables is used as a source for the derivation. However, when three-syllable adjectives undergo the same derivation, all segmental information is preserved:

slow strong, healthy healthy, cool

base form

emphatic form (‘very …’)

rùgùgù vbàhtátá wágágá

ríì4rúgúgú vbíì4vbáhtátá wíì4wágágá

Further specifications are needed to accurately delineate these patterns. First, the twosyllable adjective à à ‘shy,’ which is of an uncommon CV.CV shape, is exceptional in that its emphatic form íì4 á á does not pattern with the typical two-syllable adjectives above, but with other adjectives, whose segmental information is copied in its entirety. Second, the single attested four-syllable adjective kírí4kìrì ‘spherical’ does not have a derived emphatic form; this makes the determination of its morphological composition problematic. However, since adjectives and ideophonic adverbs undergo some of the same derivational processes, it is possible to argue that the derivation of an ideophonic adverb of the same shape (see 8.5.4.2 in particular) provides evidence for a morphological complexity similar to that of typical two-syllable adjectives. tégú4tègù tégú tègù tégú

with head and chin sticking out back and forth, with head and chin sticking out

In sum, the data presented here suggest that typical two-syllable adjective stems with identical reduplicated syllables (CVC.CVC and CVV.CVV) are morphologically complex. In contrast, other stems in which the last two syllables are identical appear to be morphologically simple stems whose repetition is a function of their ideophonic identity rather than a morphological process. 8.4.2.2 Allowable CV shapes Based on the principles outlined in section (8.4.2.1.2) above, allowable shapes for adjectives are divided into those that consist of morphologically simple stems (8.4.2.2.1), and those that occur as morphologically complex stems (8.4.2.2.2).

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8.4.2.2.1 Morphologically simple stems The following shapes have been attested among adjectives found as morphologically simple stems: stem shape

example

CVV CVC CCVV CCVC CVVC CV.CV CV.CVC CCV.CVC CVV.CV CVC.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CVC CV.CV.CV CCV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CVC.CVC

gáà yôm syáà vyaFh7 fááwh vé é gùlùg swárá7 gbòòrò kpùgrù kpòhròm lùr ùg dòròrò gyòròrò lèmtéré yérkété7 póh7gó7gó7

simple, only enough female distant, isolated light (weight) short hollow straight bald, bare medium-sized and thick (tuber) blunt shiny with baldness pitiable, appalling teary flat round narrow

8.4.2.2.2 Morphologically complex stems Adjectives consisting of morphologically complex stems are frequent, but only the following shapes have been attested: C(C)VV+C(C)VV, C(C)VC+C(C)VC and CV.CV+CV.CV. stem shape

example

C(C)VV+C(C)VV

kpó’4kpó’ pyúú4pyúú

dry pointed, sharp

C(C)VC+C(C)VC

íl4 íl ryá74ryá7

filthy long, straight and thin

CV.CV+CV.CV

gòrò4gòrò kírí4kìrì

loose spherical

Morphologically complex adjectives which share the same shapes, but which are derived from monosyllabic ideophonic adverbs, are discussed in (8.5.4.2.2, 8.5.5).

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8.4.2.3 Allowable tone melodies Adjectives are found with four different tone melodies: H, L, HL and LH. In the lists below, adjectives associated with each tone melody are given along with each attested stem shape. First, morphologically simple stems are described (8.4.2.3.1); this is followed by a discussion of tone associated with morphologically complex adjective stems (8.4.2.3.2). 8.4.2.3.1 Morphologically simple stems H-toned morphologically simple stems include the following: CVV CVC CV.CV CV.CVC CCV.CVC CVC.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CVC CV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC CVC.CVC.CVC

gbí’ pít óró %élé7 swárá7 vbérgé béhlég úndún gúrúrú yérkété7 póh7gó7gó7

unconscious adulterous, promiscuous deep, very far away intelligent straight runt-like small dwarf, withered deep round narrow

L-toned morphologically simple stems include the following: CVV CVC CCVV CV.CVC CVV.CV CVC.CV CVV.CVC CVC.CVC CV.CV.CV CVC.CV.CV CVC.CV.CVC

bàà kpà7 rwà’ gùlùg gbòòrò kpùgrù )ìhrìz lùr ùg dòròrò lèmtèrè kù7kùrù7

hard different abundant, cheap hollow bald, bare medium-sized and thick (tuber) right beside sticky pitiable, appalling flat hunched

HL is found on the following morphologically simple stems: CVV CVC CVVC CVV.CVC

gáà gbîm fááwh gáhlà7

simple, only short light (weight) facet-eyed

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LH is found on the following morphologically simple stems: CVV CVC CCVC CV.CV CVV.CV.CV

boF’ kpaF7 vyaFh7 NmàQá vbàhtátá

ugly salty distant, isolated fast strong and healthy

Tonal associations on these morphologically simple adjective stems are for the most part the same as those found with words from other classes having the same stem shape (see 4.1.2.5). However, on the single three-syllable LH stem in the data (vbàhtátá ‘strong and healthy’), the tone does not map as L.L.H (as would other words of the same shape; see 4.1.2.2) but rather as L.H.H. This could be viewed as a violation of standard (i.e. noun-like) tonal mapping patterns, nonetheless available to ideophones; alternatively (and in contradiction to the evidence presented in 8.4.2.1.2 above) this tonal mapping could be regarded as the product of a tonal reduplication that accompanies a partial segmental reduplication found in this word. 8.4.2.3.2 Morphologically complex stems All four tonal melodies found on simple adjective stems (H, L, HL and LH) are also attested with morphologically complex stems: H tone:

CVV+CVV CVC+CVC CCVV+CCVV CCVC+CCVC

kpó’4kpó’ gír4gír pyúú4pyúú ryá74ryá7

dry rigid pointed, sharp long, straight and thin

L tone:

CVV+CVV CVC+CVC CV.CV+CV.CV

gàà4gàà %àg4%àg gòrò4gòrò

equal flat loose

HL tone: CVV+CVV CV.CV+CV.CV

póó4pòò kírí4kìrì

wailing spherical

LH tone: CVC+CVC

kaFy4kaFy

restless

H and L melodies associate straightforwardly. For complex adjectives with HL tone, there is a single contour; each of the two reduplicated parts bears its own tonal unit (H on the first and L on the second). In contrast, for complex adjectives with LH tone, each of the two reduplicated parts bears a LH melody.

8.5 Ideophonic derivation Although productive ideophonic derivation is uncommon (cf. Welmers 1973:461–2), a number of derivational possibilities are available to ideophones in Mambay. Classpreserving derivations include a plural derivation (8.5.1) as well as two emphatic 398

derivations (8.5.2, 8.5.3). In addition, two types of repetitive derivation exist which may be either class-changing or class-preserving, since they transform both ideophonic adverbs and adjectives into repetitive adverbs (8.5.4). Of those derivational strategies which are strictly class-changing, that of adverb-to-adjective derivation (8.5.5) is the most important. Zero derivation of ideophones, which is appropriately viewed as flexible class membership, is discussed in 8.5.6. Unproductive derivation of nouns and verbs from ideophones is described elsewhere (5.11.3, 7.1.2.1, 7.1.2.2). While the structural application of most of the derivational processes is straightforward, there are many irregularities in the inventory of morphemes to which these processes apply. It is likely that semantic and phonological restrictions can be invoked as a partial cause of this patchy application. However, numerous instances are found in which the reasons for restrictions appear arbitrary. To cite a single example, the ideophonic adverb hárì ‘quickly’ can be intensified as hí4hárì using an emphatic derivation (8.5.2), but the nearly identical morpheme wárì ‘quickly’ has no such emphatic form. In short, the sections which follow describe recurrent structures associated with ideophonic derivation, but it is acknowledged that these derivational processes are applied erratically to the lexicon of ideophones.

8.5.1 Plural template Although plurality is sometimes marked by inflection—cross-linguistically (Corbett 2000:138ff., Newman 1990:15–6, 53) as well as in Mambay (7.3.1.1)—ideophonic modifiers in Mambay are subject to plural derivation. The plural derivation template may be applied to ideophonic adverbs and adjectives, and words of the same class result. This derivation is plural in a general sense. For ideophonic adverbs, it signals an explicit plurality of actors, actions and/or parts of an action (this could be termed “pluractional”; see Newman 1990:53ff.). For adjectives, it indicates explicit plurality of items and/or of features pertaining to a single item. The following examples, given with precise glosses, illustrate these possibilities: source ideophone

plural ideophone with potential meanings

sèè ‘quietly, slowly’ síì4séé ‘quietly (many actors)’ or ‘quietly (many actions)’ or ‘quietly (many parts of an action)’ vò7 ‘open’

víì4vó7 ‘open (many items)’ or ‘perforated with many holes’

The morphological template for plural derivation copies the initial consonant of the source morpheme, appends the vowel ii, and prefixes this information to the source morpheme. Regardless of the tone melody of the source morpheme, a HL tone melody is applied to the prefix, and the source morpheme to which the prefix is appended receives a H tone. This derivational process may be formulated as follows:

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source morpheme

derived ideophone

C1VX…

C1íì`+C1VX…

The process is illustrated below with both adjectives and adverbs, and simple stems are treated separately from complex stems. 8.5.1.1 Ideophonic adverbs Ideophonic adverbs, including simple stems and complex stems, are derived with this template. Simple stems: quietly, slowly quietly, slowly with heavy eyes rife with

source ideophone

plural ideophone

sèè sàNm kàNwrì tùglùg

síì4séé síì4sáNm kíì4káNwrí tíì4túglúg

Complex stems: in many clumps sà’4sà’ rapidly pá%4pá% with head and chin sticking out tégú4tègù

síì4sá’ píì4pá% tíì4tégú

8.5.1.2 Adjectives Adjectives are derived in exactly the same way. Simple stems: intense (red) open light, agile runt-like small thick slow

source ideophone

plural ideophone

kéè vò7 fáyá7 vbérgé béhlég kpìgzìm rùgùgù

kíì4kéé víì4vó7 fíì4fáyá7 vbíì4vbérgé bíì4béhlég kpíì4kpígzím ríì4rúgúgú

gàà4gàà ìl4 ìl

gíì4gáá íì4 íl

Complex stems: equal filthy

400

8.5.2 Emphatic template As with plural derivation, emphatic derivation may be applied to ideophonic adverbs adjectives, and words of the same class likewise result. Mambay speakers are unclear concerning the exact purpose of this process, but have suggested that it gives additional emphasis to an ideophone (cf. 8.2). The morphological template for emphatic derivation copies the initial consonant and the first tonal value of the source morpheme, appends the vowel i as a host for this tone, and prefixes this information to the source morpheme: Source morpheme

Derived ideophone

C1V(α tone)X…

C1i(α tone)+C1V(α tone)X…

This process is illustrated below with both ideophonic adverbs (8.5.2.1) and adjectives (8.5.2.2), and simple stems are treated separately from complex stems. 8.5.2.1 Ideophonic adverbs Ideophonic adverbs, including simple stems and complex stems, are derived with this template. Simple stems: quietly, slowly all quickly all rife with

source ideophone

emphatic ideophone

sèè fét hárì pá%ág tùglùg

sì4sèè fí4fét hí4hárì pí4pá%ág tì4tùglùg

sà’4sà’ pá%4pá%

sì4sà’ pí4pá%

Complex stems: in many clumps rapidly

8.5.2.2 Adjectives Adjectives are derived in exactly the same way. Simple stems: open light (weight) light, agile like a runt small

source ideophone

emphatic ideophone

vò7 fááwh fáyá7 vbérgé béhlég

vì4vò7 fí4fááwh fí4fáyá7 vbí4vbérgé bí4béhlég

401

thick slow

kpìgzìm rùgùgù

kpì4kpìgzìm rì4rùgùgù

Complex stems: in constant motion kpà’4kpà’ very tight íl4 íl

kpì4kpà’ í4 íl

8.5.3 Emphasis by means of segmental lengthening An additional class-preserving derivation is commonly used to provide emphasis, but it is gradient rather than exact and its template is applied to segments rather than morphemes. In this second emphatic derivation strategy, specific segments in ideophones are lengthened as a means of emphasizing discourse items (cf. 8.2) as well as a way of more precisely communicating perceived features of a real-world phenomenon; the amount of lengthening applied to a given ideophone is relative and reflects qualitative features of the corresponding phenomena. The following are examples of ideophones which Mambay speakers have spontaneously lengthened: ideophone

lengthened form

hoFh sèè vbîr

hòòòòòóóh sèèèèèèèè vbírprqrqrqrqrqrqrqrq

leaking (very) profusely (very) quietly, slowy with a (great) whirr

8.5.4 Repetitive templates While plural and emphatic ideophone derivations (8.5.1–8.5.3) are class-preserving, the repetitive derivation of ideophones turns both ideophonic adverbs and adjectives into ideophonic adverbs which signal an intensified and/or repeated action. Two major patterns of repetitive derivation are treated below: invariable repetition (8.5.4.1) and repetition with tonal alternation (8.5.4.2). The choice between these two patterns tends to be influenced by the morphological shape of source ideophones: ideophone roots comprised of a single syllable (which may or may not be reduplicated in their stems) tend to be repeated three times, whereas those which are composed of two or more syllables are usually repeated only twice. The data also contain a few examples of numerals which are derived into ideophonic adverbs by means of invariable repetition (8.5.4.1.2). 8.5.4.1 Invariable repetition The morphological template for invariable repetition is a simple copy of an ideophone stem, whether it is morphologically simple or complex. It is almost always doubled, but two examples exist in which a morpheme is repeated three or more times. Invariable repetition operates as follows:

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source morpheme

derived ideophone

C1V1X1…

C1V1X1…+C1V1X1… (+C1V1X1…)

An example derivation is: sèè ‘quietly, slowly’

sèè sèè ‘very quietly, slowly and repeatedly’ or: sèè sèè sèè ‘very quietly, slowly and repeatedly, on and on’ or: (etc.)

Although the morphological template for invariable repetition is structurally comparable to the template that derives two-syllable adjectives from monosyllabic ideophonic adverbs (8.5.5), including the way in which tones are mapped, it differs in that its input may be adjectival or adverbial (not uniquely adverbial), and its output is always adverbial (rather than adjectival). The derivational process of invariable repetition is illustrated here with ideophonic adverbs (8.5.4.1.1), adjectives (8.5.4.1.2) and numerals (8.5.4.1.2). 8.5.4.1.1 Ideophonic adverbs Examples of invariable repetition applied to ideophonic adverbs are as follows: bî’ bî’ bî’

a bit a little bit

sà’ sà’ sà’

a bit a little bit

gbàh7 gbàh7 gbàh7

always, forever, a lot always, for ever and ever, a whole lot

fíít fíít fíít

wiping with fingers wiping repeatedly with fingers

hárì hárì hárì

quickly very quickly

Qáàgú Qáàgú Qáàgú

quickly early, very quickly

pá%ág pá%ág pá%ág

completely absolutely completely

kàNwrì kàNwrì kàNwrì

with heavy eyes with very heavy eyes 403

gbà7tà7 gbà7tà7 gbà7tà7

spreading out spreading out everywhere

8.5.4.1.2 Adjectives Examples of invariable repetition applied to adjectives are as follows: à à à à à à

timid very timidly

tùN7gà tùN7gà tùN7gà

jelly-like, fully of liquid moving around like jelly

béhlég béhlég béhlég

small very little

ìl4 ìl ìl4 ìl ìl4 ìl

filthy very filthily

là7tà7 là7tà7 là7tà7

flexible and bouncy very flexibly and bouncily

rùgùgù rùgùgù rùgùgù

slow very slowly

vbàhtátá vbàhtátá vbàhtátá

strong and healthy very strongly and solidly

8.5.4.1.3 Numerals The data contain a few examples of numerals which are derived by invariable repetition into an ideophonic adverb with distributive meaning (cf. 9.1.1.2): bóm bóm bóm

one one by one, here and there

zó%ôm zó%ôm zó%ôm

ten (numeral or adverb) ten by ten

8.5.4.1.4 Multiple application of invariable repetition For the following ideophones, invariable repetition may applied more than once: sèè sèè sèè sèè

quietly, slowly very quietly, slowly and repeatedly, on and on

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tùglùg in large quantity tùglùg tùglùg tùglùg in enormous quantity 8.5.4.2 Repetition with tonal alternation An additional template exhibits repetition with tonal alternation. This template first doubles the segmental information of the root morpheme. Regardless of the tone of the source morpheme, the first morpheme of the derived ideophone is H, and the second is L. This resulting stem may itself be copied—seemingly without limit—when textual emphasis warrants it. Automatic downstep, which applies almost everywhere else in the language (4.3.2), is suspended within this environment (cf. 4.3.2.4). The template then adds a single root morpheme to the end bearing a H tone (which is, like almost all other H tones in the language following a L tone, automatically downstepped). The entire derivational process may be symbolized as follows: source morpheme

derived ideophone

C1V1X1…

(C1V1X1+ C1V1X1) ⁿ1 + C1V1X1

Example derivation: kaFy ‘restlessly’

káy kày [ ] káy or: káy kày [no ] káy kày [ ] káy

‘restlessly and repeatedly’ ‘restlessly and repeatedly, on and on’

or: (etc.) This process is illustrated below with both ideophonic adverbs (8.5.4.2.1) and adjectives (8.5.4.2.2). 8.5.4.2.1 Ideophonic adverbs Examples of repetition with tonal alternation applied to ideophonic adverbs are as follows: zàhw4zàhw záhw zàhw záhw

hastily hastily and repeatedly

pá%4pá% pá% pà% pá%

rapidly rapidly and repeatedly

tégú4tègù tégú tègù tégú

with head and chin sticking out back and forth, with head and chin sticking out

The ideophonic adverb vbúm vbùm vbúm, which describes the inherently repetitive sound made by a waterfall, is realized with repetition with tonal alternation even though it has no independent base stem.

405

8.5.4.2.2 Adjectives Examples of repetition with tonal alternation applied to adjectives are as follows: gàà4gàà gáá gàà gáá

equal equally and repeatedly

gír4gír gír gìr gír

rigid rigidly and repeatedly

kpà’4kpà’ kpá’ kpà’ kpá’

in constant motion in constant motion and repeatedly

ryá74ryá7 ryá7 ryà7 ryá7

long, straight and thin in a craning-out manner and repeatedly

vbérgé vbérgé vbèrgè vbérgé

runt-like lolling about like a runt or rag doll

vbàN7gà like a reptile vbáN7gá vbàN7gà vbáN7gá moving like a reptile

8.5.5 Adjectival template A moderately productive class-changing derivation changes monosyllabic ideophonic adverbs into adjectives. The morphological template for adjective derivation reduplicates a monosyllabic ideophonic adverb. The inventory and realization of tonal melodies on derived adjectives is a subset of those associated with adjectives of the same shape (8.4.2.3.2). Examples of adjectival derivation are as follows: gHFr rigidly gír4gír rigid (note irregular adverb/adjective tonal correspondence) kaFy kaFy4kaFy

restlessly restless

kpà7 kpà74kpà7

differently different

tém tém4tém

differently different

406

A set of examples which illustrates this contrastive usage is as follows: )à 3SG:IMPFV

té’là tém walk: VN differently

he/she/it walks differently / he/she/it is walking differently

)à 3IMPERS

tém4tém different

it is different

)ígzì tém4tém thing:PL:LF different

different things

8.5.6 Flexible class membership The description of ideophones in previous sections has focussed on examples whose syntactic behaviour and morphological classification is unambiguous; however, as many ideophones are used in more than one syntactic context, a description of class membership possibilities is essential. Specifically, a minority of ideophones may be used variously as adjectives, ideophonic adverbs and—to a lesser degree—ideophonic nouns, and are structurally identical regardless of usage. This could be viewed as pervasive zero-derivation; however, because of overlap in possible base structures, the direction of such a derivational phenomenon is in many cases indeterminate. More appropriate is a recognition of flexible class membership possibilities available to ideophones. The following are representative examples of ideophones found in more than one word class: ideophone

adverbial usage

adjectival usage

nominal usage

dòhlòm Nnám fyág kéhy4kéhy kpó’4kpó’ lôNw ràh té%é Nwíh4Nwíh

— well abundantly restlessly — a lot, very — completely achily and restlessly

round and thick good abundant restless dry much, many sad all achy and restless

round, thick object — — restlessness dryness — sadness — —

(In addition the structural and derivational tendencies outlined in previous sections, ideophonic adverbs have been distinguished from adjectives based on their dependence on the presence of a verb (rather than a neighbouring noun) and their relegation to postverbal position. Adjectives have been distinguished from nouns based on the syntactic criteria outlined in 8.4.1.)

407

Patterns of flexible class membership deserve further investigation. A cursory observation on flexibly used ideophones in the data (which is, incidentally, borne out in the examples immediately above) reveals that while some ideophones used as adjectives share distribution with adverbs or nouns, nouns and adverbs never share distribution unless an adjective is also implicated. This supports the idea that in Mambay, adjectives are situated on a morphological continuum between ideophonic adverbs and ideophonic nouns. In some cases, derived ideophones also show flexible word class membership. The most complete example of derivational potential is that of word kàhm ‘rapidly, with agility.’ In each of three separate derivations, this morpheme exhibits distributional potential as adjective, ideophonic adverb, and noun. All of the following forms and usages are possible: derivational strategy

derived ideophone

adjectival usage

adverbial usage

plural (8.5.1)

kíì4káhm

rapid, agile (pl.)

emphatic (8.5.2)

kì4kàhm

very rapid, very rapidly, with very agile great agility

adjectival (8.5.5)

kàhm4kàhm rapid, agile

rapidly, with agility (pl.)

rapidly, with agility

408

nominal usage rapidity, agility (inherent plurality of action) much rapidity, much agility rapidity, agility

9 MINOR WORD CLASSES 9

MINOR WORD CLASSES

In the present chapter, three minor word classes are introduced: numerals (9.1), specifiers (9.2), and prepositions (9.3). Structurally, these three word classes resemble the major word classes of nouns (Chapter 5) and verbs (Chapter 7) as well as adverbs and adjectives (Chapter 8) in that their members are typically comprised of at least one heavy syllable or two light syllables (cf. 2.4.3); this sets them apart from particles, which are uniformly comprised of a single light syllable (2.4.3, 10.1.2). However, they diverge in that whereas nouns, verbs, adverbs and adjectives are lexically open classes, numerals, specifiers and prepositions are represented by closed lexical sets.

9.1 Numerals In Mambay, as in other languages, numerals are words used for counting. Numerals often modify nouns, whether as a dependent element in a noun phrase or as a predicate of a verbless clause (9.1.1.1). Occasionally, they appear to function adverbially (9.1.1.2); in addition, they can fulfill mathematical operations even when there is no syntactic head in view (9.1.1.3). Basic numerals (9.1.2.1), which are used for values from one to ten, are as follows: one two three four five six seven eight (short form) (long form) nine (short form) (long form) ten (short form) (long form)

bóm àtì bì4sáh bì4nàh bì4zápé’ bì4gírò tàrnágà fwàrnágà (Chadian dialect: fwàrnâh) wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 àtì sêh4bóm (dialects north of the Mayo Kebbi: sê’4bóm) wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bóm zó%ôm séhná kíríb

Differences in the usage and structure of long vs. short forms are discussed in 9.1.1.3 and 9.1.2.1.2. 409

In the following sections, various aspects of numerals are described. First, the syntactic distribution of numerals is defined (9.1.1). Following this, numeral categories ranging from basic numerals to those with higher values are examined (9.1.2.1–9.1.2.4). Three additional elements in a description of numerals in Mambay include proportions (9.1.2.5), ordinal nouns (9.1.3), and other nouns with numerical value (9.1.4).

9.1.1 Syntactic distribution of numerals Numerals often modify nouns, whether as a dependent element in a noun phrase or as a predicate of a verbless clause (9.1.1.1). There are also cases in the data where they appear to function adverbially (9.1.1.2). Finally, they are used for mathematical operations even when there is no syntactic head in view (9.1.1.3). 9.1.1.1 As noun modifiers Numerals are most commonly found as a dependent element in a noun phrase. Here, they distinguish themselves syntactically from other noun modifiers in that they prototypically follow the unmarked free form of a noun rather than its linked form (5.2.2). In this way, a noun + numeral phrase resembles nouns in apposition (5.2.1) rather than a simple noun phrase (5.14). kágà àtì chicken two

two chickens

nààrá cloud

seven clouds

tàrnágà seven

cf. nouns in apposition: kágà )à4syá74mí4yá chicken Asyangmiya

the chicken [called] Asyangmiya

cf. noun phrases composed of noun + noun / adjective / specifier: kâg ígà chicken:LF child

child’s chicken

kâg ìltì7 chicken:LF dirty

dirty chicken

kâg náá chicken:LF this

this chicken

In addition to their distribution in typical count constructions, numerals may be used in definite count constructions. These are composed of the linked (5.2.2) form of a head noun followed by a numeral.

410

sìì bì4sáh year:LF NUM-three sìì bì4sáh year:LF NUM-three

the three years )ì4náá HEAD-here

pá do:PFV

kô’ there

%ùg4rú ruin:PFV-3SG.OBJ

the three years that happened there ruined him/her/it cf. parallel typical count constructions sììrá year

NUM-three

bì4sáh

pá do:PFV

kô’ there

three years sììrá year

bì4sáh NUM-three

three years happened there Usually, as in the above examples, plurality is not marked explicitly on a noun which is modified by a numeral. However, it may be marked. This occurs more commonly with human nouns (5.5.1.3). nà4pùgzá PFX-person:PL

àtì two

two people

For non-human nouns in particular, the pluralization of a counted noun puts its plural nature into focus (5.5.1.3). òlzá àtì wooden.club:PL two

two wooden clubs

In addition to their use as noun modifiers in a noun phrase, numerals may appear as the predicate of a verbless clause (9.1.1.1). Thus, when the noun + numeral constructions given above stand alone, they constitute a clause: kágà àtì chicken two

there are two chickens (lit. ‘the chickens are two’)

nààrá cloud

there are seven clouds (lit. ‘the clouds are seven’)

tàrnágà seven

9.1.1.2 Adverbial function Although numerals are most commonly used to modify nouns (9.1.1.1), there are a few cases in the data where they appear to be used adverbially:

411

hûm4ré bì4sáh come:PERF-3SG.REFL NUM-three the three of them have come (Fr. ils sont venus à trois) sígò hìí %ùù byàá nîn crocodile 3:NONPERF.NEG hit:VN water in.presence:LF

bàháà àt yá ibis.sp. two NEG

a crocodile doesn’t strike the water twice in the presence of an ibis Regarding the second example, note that the usual way of saying “twice” (or any other multiplicative) is expressed as follows (cf. 7.6.1.2): fàà )éré back:LF 3PL.C/I.POSS

àtì two

twice

9.1.1.3 Absolute (mathematical) function In addition to their other functions, numbers may also be used in an absolute way. In contexts which use mathematical operations—for example, school, counting games and the calculation of money—numbers relate to one another rather than to a syntactic head. In cases where both short and long forms are found (cf. 9.1), short forms rather than long forms are used for mathematical operations. eight (short form) (long form) nine (short form) (long form) ten (short form) (long form)

fwàrnágà (Chadian dialect: fwàrnâh) wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 àtì sêh4bóm (dialects north of the Mayo Kebbi: sê’4bóm) wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bóm zó%ôm séhná kíríb

Note that there appears to be a shift away from the use of the long forms by younger speakers of the language, even for modifying nouns. For the numerals ‘eight’ and ‘nine,’ this shift is partial. However, for the numeral ‘ten,’ the shift is complete: the long form is known only to older speakers of the language.

9.1.2 Numeral categories The Mambay numeral system is decimal, i.e., numeric place holding is based on the number 10. While most basic numerals are underived (9.1.2.1.1), words used for higher numerals are derived from other parts of speech or borrowed from other languages (9.1.2.1.2–9.1.2.4). 9.1.2.1 Basic numerals: 1 to 10 Most of the basic numerals are underived (9.1.2.1.1). The remaining items have been historically derived from other constructions (9.1.2.1.2).

412

9.1.2.1.1 Underived basic numerals The numerals from one to seven and the short forms of the numerals ‘eight’ and ‘ten’ are underived. one two three four five six seven eight (short form) ten (short form)

bóm àtì bì4sáh bì4nàh bì4zápé’ bì4gírò tàrnágà fwàrnágà (Chadian dialect: fwàrnâh) zó%ôm

These items differ from other numerals in that they are not identifiably derived (cf. 9.1.2.1.2 and 9.1.2.2) or borrowed (9.1.2.4). They are structurally comparable to nouns, exhibiting a subset of the CV shapes (5.1.1.1) and tone melodies (5.1.1.2) found with them. Although they are not derived from other word classes, some of these numerals exhibit morphological complexity as a result of obligatory co-occurrence with the prefix bì4. three four five six

bì4sáh bì4nàh bì4zápé’ bì4gírò

A comparison with cognates in other Kebi-Benue languages and neighbouring Chadic languages (Boyd 1989b:172) shows that this prefix is unique to Mambay. The possibility that bì4 has originated as a numeral classifier is supported by its use elsewhere in the language as part of the interrogative count pronoun bì4)án ‘how much? / how many?’ (6.2). bì4)án NUM-how?

Three of the underived numerals ( àtì ‘two,’ tàrnágà ‘seven’ and fwàrnágà ‘eight’) exhibit contracted forms reminiscent of nouns subjected to a linked noun template (5.2.2). However, in contrast to the linked noun template, contraction of these numerals has no grammatical significance. Rather, it is a predictable phenomenon which applies in non phrase-final position. In each case, the final vowel is dropped and the tone melody remains stable. Example alternations are as follows: kágà àt náá chicken two this

these two chickens

413

cf. kágà àtì chicken two bì4gírò, six

tàrnâg, seven

cf. bì4gírò, six

tàrnágà seven

káálà head/ten cf. káálà head/ten

two chickens

fwàrnágà eight

fwàrnâg sóm eight plus

six, seven, eight (counting; cf. 9.1.1.3) six, seven (counting)

bóm one

eighty-one

fwàrnágà eight

eighty

9.1.2.1.2 Derived basic numerals Of the numerals from one to ten, the short form of ‘nine’ and the long forms of ‘eight,’ ‘nine’ and ‘ten’ have been derived. Of these, three of the numbers are derived from clauses, and one from a noun phrase (in another dialect, it is derived from a prepositional phrase). The meanings of component morphemes are semantically transparent, referring to hand motions used in counting. Dialect differences in the short forms of ‘nine’ stem from use of contrasting senses of the word syâh (linked form: sêh; see 5.2.2.2.2): ‘hand’ / ‘finger.’ These derived numerals are as follows: eight (long form), derived from a clause: wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL PFX-outside

àtì two

lit. he/she/it left our fingers outside [the hand] twice / there remain our fingers outside [the hand] twice nine (short form, dialects south of the Mayo Kebbi), derived from a noun phrase: sêh4bóm hand/finger:LF-one lit. the one finger [outside the hand] nine (short form, dialects north of the Mayo Kebbi), derived from a prepositional phrase:

414

sê’4bóm except-one lit. [all the fingers inside our hand] except one nine (long form), derived from a clause: wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL PFX-outside

bóm one

lit. he/she/it left our fingers outside [the hand] once / there remain our fingers outside [the hand] once ten (long form), derived from a verbless clause (10.1.3): séhná kíríb hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL pressed.together.at.the.tips lit. our fingers/hands are pressed together at the tips 9.1.2.2 Composite numerals from 11 to 19 Numerals from eleven to nineteen are all composite and are formed regularly by joining zó%ôm ‘ten (short form)’ and a numeral from one to nine with the numeral connector sóm ‘plus.’ zó%ôm sóm bóm ten plus one

eleven

zó%ôm sóm àtì ten plus two

twelve

zó%ôm sóm bì4sáh ten plus NUM-three

thirteen

zó%ôm sóm wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bóm ten plus leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL PFX-outside one nineteen The numeral connector sóm ‘plus’ may also be used with the preposition má ‘with, and’ (9.3) after a numeral to communicate the idea of ‘a few more.’ zó%ôm má sóm ten with plus

ten and a few more

gàmbù má sóm bag/thousand with plus

a thousand and a few more

415

9.1.2.3 Multiples of ten Multiples of ten from twenty to ninety are formed regularly by the addition of a multiple from two to nine to the noun káálà ‘head,’ which as a numeral carries the extended meaning ‘ten.’ káálà head/ten

àtì two

twenty

káálà head/ten

bì4sáh NUM-three

thirty

káálà head/ten

bì4nàh NUM-four

forty

káálà head/ten

wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bóm leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL PFX-outside one

ninety When a basic numeral is added to a multiple of ten from twenty to ninety, it is joined to the numeral with the preposition má ‘with, and.’ káálà head/ten

bì4zápé’ má bìgírò NUM-five with six

fifty-six

That káálà ‘head, ten’ is acting as a numeral rather than a noun in count constructions is demonstrated by the non-application of linked noun morphology (cf. 5.2.2.2) which would be present with the head noun if káálà were functioning as a noun (see discussion at beginning of 9.1). kágà chicken

káálà head/ten

cf. kâg káálà chicken:LF head/ten

àtì two

twenty chickens

àtì two

two-headed chicken / hundred-franc chicken (see 9.1.4)

káálà ‘head, ten’ may be used with the preposition má ‘with, and’ (9.3) after a numeral to communicate the idea of ‘a few more tens.’ gàmbù má bag/thousand with

káálà head/ten

a thousand, and a few more tens

Along with káálà bàtì, two other terms for the numeral twenty have been attested among older Mambay speakers. Unlike káálà, they are not used as a base for numerals higher than twenty. The terms are:

416

zó%ôm sóm zó%ôm ten plus ten séhná kíríb Nmàhná kíríb hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL IDEO foot: 1&2SG.POSS.INAL IDEO (cf. kíríb ‘pressed together at the tips’) 9.1.2.4 Higher numeral values Words indicating the higher numeral values ‘hundred,’ ‘thousand,’ and ‘million’ have been borrowed from other languages. These numerals are as follows: tèèméérè )ùzìnéérè gàmbù mìlyô7

hundred (cf. Fulf. teemerre ~ te’merre ) thousand (cf. Fulf. ujineere) thousand (calque from Fulf.; see below) million (cf. Fr. million)

)ùzìnéérè is the more common term for the numeral ‘thousand.’ gàmbù, which is used primarily but not exclusively for counting money, means both ‘bag’ and ‘thousand.’ While gàmbù does not constitute a lexical borrowing, it is likely a calque from Fulfulde, which has extended the term booro ‘bag’ to denote ‘one thousand francs’ (Eguchi 1971:164–5, cf. Elders 2000:151). As is the case with káálà ‘head, ten,’ these higher values act as numerals rather than nouns in count constructions (Welmers 1973:289). This is demonstrated by the nonapplication of linked noun morphology (cf. 5.2.2) which would be present on the head noun if the numerals were nouns. kágà tèèméérè chicken hundred

a hundred chickens

When a multiple of ten, one hundred, or one thousand is added to a higher numeral, it is joined to that numeral with the preposition má ‘with, and.’ gàmbù má tèèméérè wàr séhná thousand with hundred leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL fà4gbàh7 bóm PFX-outside one

má káálà wàr séhná with head/ten leave:PFV hand/finger:1&2SG.POSS.INAL

fà4gbàh7 àt sóm PFX-outside two with

bì4nàh NUM-four

nineteen eighty-four

417

If George Orwell’s novel 1984 were translated into Mambay, it would be advantageous to write the title using digits rather than orthographic words. Exactness in counting with a higher numeral is achieved when a lower numeral modifies it. gàmbù bóm thousand one

one thousand

gàmbù má bóm thousand with one

one thousand and one

cf. gàmbù thousand

a thousand

9.1.2.5 Proportions In Mambay, fractions are used to express approximate numeric proportions, and comparison of whole numerals expresses exact proportions. The following fractions expressing approximate proportions of nouns have been attested: dágà bóm mouth/edge one

a bit, a part

fìn bóm toward one

a side, a half

vbá’là bóm chunk one

a part, a section

These fractions accompany whole numerals, to which they are joined using the preposition má ‘with, and.’ tàrnágà seven

má fìn bóm with toward one

seven and a half

The borrowed fraction réétà (cf. Fulfulde reeta) is sometimes used to express the idea of ‘half’ more exactly. Eguchi (1971:165) also gives the term réétì réétà (lit’ ‘half of half’) for the concept of ‘one quarter’; however, this term has not been accepted by Mambay speakers in the context of the present research. Two adverbs are also used to express fractional proportion: gáb yâN7

halfway (measured vertically) halfway (measured horizontally)

418

ex. mì tè’ yâN7 1SG walk-PFV halfway.horizontally

I walked halfway

Exact proportions are expressed using whole numerals; comparison is made using the terms sáà ‘inside’ or sígzò ‘middle’ (linked form: sígzì; cf. 5.2.2) káálà head/ten bì4sáh NUM-three

bì4gírò NUM-six

sáà tèèméérè inside hundred

sígzí middle:LF

ex. nà4kààrá bì4sáh PFX-disciple NUM-three

bì4zápé’ five

sixty in one hundred / sixty per cent three of five

sáà zó%ôm sóm àtì inside ten plus two

three of the twelve disciples

9.1.3 Ordinal nouns Ordinal nouns are, prototypically, nominalized numerals (9.1.2) which express the place of a noun within a series. In Mambay, most ordinal nouns are formed by adding the ordinal suffix 4rì to a numeral. Ordinal nouns range from ‘first’ to ‘tenth’ and also include the word ‘last.’ They are given here, alongside the numerals to which they correspond (when relevant): digit 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 —

numeral

ordinal noun

gloss of ordinal noun

(bóm) àtì bì4sáh bì4nàh bì4zápé’ bì4gírò tàrnágà fwàrnágà / fwàrnâh wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 àtì sêh4bóm / sê’4bóm wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bóm zó%ôm —

dâg tômná áárì bì4sáhrì bì4nàhrì bì4zápé’rì bì4gíírì tàrnággì fwàrnággì / fwàrnáhrì wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 áárì sêh4bómrì /sê’4bómrì wàr séhná fà4gbàh7 bómrì zó%ómrì fàárì

first second third fourth fifth sixth seventh eighth (short form) eighth (long form) ninth (short form) ninth (long form) tenth last

Some Mambay speakers do not use the form zó%ómrì ‘tenth.’ Where two forms are given on the same line in the list above (e.g., fwàrnágà / fwàrnâh), this reflects a dialect difference (1.2.3.3). Except for dâg tômná ‘first’ (9.1.3.1), ordinal nouns are found in head (initial) position in the noun phrases in which they are found (cf. 5.2, 5.14).

419

áárì kágà two:ORD:LF chicken

the second chicken

bì4sáhrì kágà the third chicken NUM-three:ORD:LF chicken cf. kâg dâg tômná chicken:LF first

the first chicken

Even though they are nouns, ordinal nouns are never pluralized (cf. 5.5.1.2). When an ordinal noun is derived using the ordinal suffix 4rì, the tone melody of the numeral and the suffix are fused: bì4sáh + NUM-three

4rì

bì4gírò

4rì

+

NUM-six

bì4sáhrì

third

bì4gíírì

sixth

ORD

ORD

The tonally idiosyncratic ordinal noun ‘second’ constitutes an exception to this pattern. àtì two

+

4rì

áárì

second

ORD

Irregularities associated with the ordinal nouns ‘first’ and ‘last’ are discussed in 9.1.3.1, and segmental alternations are examined in 9.1.3.2. Ordinal values for numerals beyond ten are presented in 9.1.3.3. 9.1.3.1 ‘First’ and ‘last’ The ordinal nouns for ‘first’ and ‘last’ differ from other members of the series. The ordinal noun dâg tômná ‘first’ is a compound noun made up of the nouns dágà ‘mouth, edge’ and the word tômná, which is used only in this context. It differs from other ordinal nouns in that it is not derived from its corresponding numeral (in this case, bóm ‘one’). Additionally, it differs in that it is typically found in a dependent rather than head position (cf. 5.2).

cf.

kâg dâg tômná chicken:LF first

the first chicken

áárì kágà two:ORD:LF chicken

the second chicken

420

The ordinal noun fàárì ‘last’ differs from the other ordinal nouns in that there is no specific numeral to which it corresponds. In contrast, it is probably derived from the noun fààlá ‘back, skin, place’ (linked form: fàà; see 5.2.2). However, its membership in the ordinal noun series is underlined by the fact that it contains the ordinal suffix 4rì. 9.1.3.2 Segmental alternations In four cases, the derivation of numerals with the ordinal prefix suffix 4rì results in morphophonological alternation. For two of the numerals ( àtì ‘two’ and bì4gírò ‘six’), this derivation is multi-faceted and may be represented as follows: àtì ‘two’

bì4gírò

1) the vowel of the final syllable of the numeral is dropped;

àt+rì

bì4gír+rì

2) the alveolar–r sequence is disallowed;

à+rì

bì4gí+rì

3) the final vowel of the numeral root is lengthened to compensate for this loss.

áá+rì

bì4gíí+rì

‘six’

The resulting tone melody on áárì ‘second’ is idiosyncratic; see 9.1.3. In the other two cases (tàrnágà ‘seven’ and fwàrnágà ‘eight’), the final vowel of the numeral is dropped and the r in the suffix 4rì assimilates to the numeral’s final g. tàrnágà seven

+

fwàrnágà + eight

4rì

tàrnággì

seventh

fwàrnággì

eighth

ORD

4rì ORD

9.1.3.3 Ordinal values for numerals beyond ten It is not possible to express numerals beyond ten using an explicitly ordinal strategy. Items may be ordered, however, by a simple count. Resulting ‘ordinal’ constructions are identical to typical count constructions (9.1.1.1). kágà zó%ôm sóm chicken ten plus kágà káálà chicken head/ten

bóm one

the eleventh chicken / eleven chickens

àtì two

the twentieth chicken / twenty chickens

421

9.1.4 Other nouns with numeric values In addition to nouns used as numerals (9.1.2) and nouns derived from numerals (9.1.3), there are a few nouns which, even when used as nouns, refer to a certain quantity of an item. word

basic meaning

numeric value

dàlà (Fulf. borr.) dù’ló gàmbù (Fulf. borr.) hâh súúlò

a sum of money enclosure bag stick herd

five francs a hundred domestic animals in an enclosure a thousand francs (see 9.1.2.4) a hundred cows a hundred (any animal)

If these nouns are modified by a numeral, their numeric value is interpreted as exact. hâh stick

bóm one

cf. hâh stick gàmbù tàrnágà bag/thousand seven cf. gàmbù bag/thousand

one hundred cows a hundred cows

seven thousand a thousand

9.2 Specifiers In Mambay, there is a small class of specifiers. Three demonstratives and an indefinite article make up this class. Members of this class are used to situate participants within a discourse, and have in common a restricted distribution: they are only found at the very end of a noun phrase (5.14) headed by a linked (5.2.2) noun. kâg náá chicken:LF this

this chicken

kâg ìltì7 àt náá chicken:LF dirty two this

these two dirty chickens

More precisely, specifiers are represented by two proximity demonstratives (9.2.1), one long-distance anaphoric demonstrative (9.2.2), and an indefinite article (9.2.3). The longdistance anaphoric demonstrative may be used with either of the proximity demonstratives (9.2.2), but other combinations are not permitted.

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9.2.1 Proximity demonstratives Two demonstratives are, in addition to their specifying function, used to signal the degree of an item’s proximity to a reference point (prototypically, the reference point is the location of the speaker). Examples of the use of the proximal demonstrative náá ‘this’ and the distal demonstrative núú ‘that’ are as follows: proximal demonstrative:

distal demonstrative:

kâg náá chicken:LF this

this chicken [here]

kágzì chicken:PL:LF

these chickens [here]

náá this

kâg núú chicken:LF that

that chicken [there]

kágzì chicken:PL:LF

those chickens [there]

núú that

With the third person singular independent pronoun dú (6.1.2.1), the morphemes indicating these demonstrative values exhibit irregular forms. dá7gáá 3SG.INDEP:this

he/she (this person [here])

dú7gúú 3SG.INDEP:that

he/she (that person [there])

cf. the third person plural independent pronoun: dùgzí 3PL.INDEP

náá this

they (these people [here])

dùgzí 3PL.INDEP

núú that

they (those people [there])

9.2.2 The anaphoric demonstrative dô’ A third type of demonstrative, represented by dô’ ‘that/those (anaphoric),’ is used to make long-distance (i.e., in separate sentences) anaphoric references to a previouslymentioned participant in a discourse (Anonby 2005:37). kâg chicken:LF

dô’ that.ANAPH

that chicken (that was mentioned previously)

kágzì chicken:PL:LF

dô’ that.ANAPH

those chickens (that were mentioned previously)

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Like other specifiers, the anaphoric demonstrative dô’ cannot be used without an explicit head noun; the participant to which it refers must be repeated along with it. The following text demonstrates its usage in two instances: %áá páà vérgì found:PFV man:LF travel:LF

bîn, certain

tògó, lóò4lé, be get.tired:PERF-3SG.REFL

yáà4lé sùgú. sit:PERF-3SG.REFL down There was found a certain traveller, he is there, he has gotten tired, he has sat down. á7 )ílé wrap:PFV body:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

má with

tí4sùú PFX-fabric:LF

wágà. neck

He wrapped himself in a robe. mûn tí4vínà then AUG-woman )în body/at:LF

bè QUOT

lèé 3SG.LOG:IRR

boFr yèr dô’ undo:FUT clothing:LF that.ANAPH

páà dô’ rè. man:LF that.ANAPH TOPIC

A woman then [came] saying she would take those clothes from that man… The proximity demonstratives náá ‘this/these’ and núú ‘that/those’ may be used in conjunction with dô’. kâg chicken:LF

dô’ náá that.ANAPH this

that (anaph.) chicken here

kágzì chicken:PL:LF

dô’ núú that.ANAPH that

those (anaph.) chickens there

9.2.3 The indefinite article bîn In addition to its specifying function, the demonstrative bîn ‘(an)other, (a) certain’ contributes an indefinite meaning to the noun it modifies. kâg chicken:LF

bîn other/certain

another chicken / a certain chicken

kágzì chicken:PL:LF

bîn other/certain

other chickens / certain chickens

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In discourse, bîn is used to introduce minor participants. %áá páà vérgì found:PFV man:LF travel:LF

bîn. certain

There was found a certain traveller. When bîn is used with indefinite but semantically plural referents, it is preceded by the inherently plural noun gyàárì ‘ones.’ gyàárì bîn ones certain

vè4zì4ré vòró kúù. go:PERF-PL-3PL.REFL to.there bushland

Certain ones had gone out to the bushland.

9.3 Prepositions Although members of several word classes in Mambay are used for locational functions, prepositions are the only class devoted to these functions. True prepositions, which are found as heads of prepositional phrases, constitute a closed word class of only seven items. Of these, two appear to be borrowed. Mambay prepositions are, in alphabetical order: bèè háá ~ háá lâ’ má sáà sé’ ~ séQ yâg

without until, up to, all the way to (cf. Fulfulde haa, Mundang há$á) like, as with, and, by, during inside, in except, only, not until (cf. Fulfulde sey) to, for

All seven prepositions are monosyllabic. While the commonly used preposition má ‘with, and, by, during’ is comprised of a light syllable, the other prepositions are comprised of a heavy syllable (cf. 2.4.3). The structure and syntactic distribution of prepositional phrases are presented in 9.3.1 and 9.3.2. The use of other word classes for locational functions is discussed in 9.3.3; there, the distribution of these classes is contrasted with that of prepositions.

9.3.1 Prepositional phrase structure Prepositions head prepositional phrases, where they are located at the phrases’ left edge (in this regard, prepositional phrases resemble noun phrases, which are also left-headed; see 5.14). A preposition is always followed by a noun or a noun-phrase complement. bèè túrà without millet

without millet

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háá ~ háá kpèègá until tree

all the way to the tree

lâ’ kwéé like Kwe

like Kwe

má îg )úùrú with child:LF 3SG.POSS

with his/her child

sáà fíílò inside house

inside the house

sé’ rógò except tomorrow

not until tomorrow

yâg sí4kètí to/for PFX-God

to God / for God

When the complement of most of the prepositions is a pronoun, it is an independent pronoun (6.1.2.1). bèè dú without 3SG.INDEP

without him/her

háá ~ háá dú until 3SG.INDEP

up to him/her

lâ’ dú like 3SG.INDEP

like him/her

má dú with 3SG.INDEP

with him/her

sáà dú inside 3SG.INDEP

inside him/her

sé’ ~ séQ except

except him/her

dú 3SG.INDEP

Uniquely, in the case of the preposition yâg ‘to, for,’ which hosts a verb’s second object, an object pronoun (6.1.3.1) is used. yâg mí to/for 1SG.OBJ

to me / for me

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yâg4rú to/for-3SG.OBJ

to him/her / for him/her

This distribution sets prepositions apart from nouns, which are accompanied by possessive pronouns (5.3, 6.1.4). káání head/on:1SG.POSS.INAL

my head / on me

káàrú head/on:3SG.POSS.INAL

his/her head / on him/her

9.3.2 Prepositional phrase distribution Prepositional phrases are typically found as verbal modifiers in post-verbal position. As the following clauses show, they contribute information on manner and/or location: tìglé bèè sûm4ní )úùrú fall:PERF without know:VN-OBJ:VN:LF 3SG.POSS it has fallen without his/her knowledge )à té’là háá 3:IMPFV walk:VN until

káàkààlá Kaakaala

he/she/it walks / is walking all the way to Kaakaala gbáh kágà lâ’ mààrá take:PFV chicken like gift he/she/it took a chicken as a gift mìí háá4n` má súmù 1:IRR come.back:FUT-to.here with night I will come back at night mìí kóg4óm sé’ 1:IRR see:FUT-2SG.OBJ except/not.until

rógò tomorrow

I will not see you until tomorrow rò’zí sáà kôhm4ní )éré say:PFV-PL inside gather.together:VN-OBJ:VN:LF 3PL.C/I.POSS they said in their meeting that…

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bè ... QM

mú 2SG:OPT

híí give:OPT

byàá yâg4rú water to-3SG.OBJ

give water to him/her/it If they occur in a verbal clause with directional adverbs and/or objects, they are found after these constituents (10.1.1). má yáh4zí gííbò vòró má 3:OPT take:OPT-PL alcoholic.drink to.there with

êl rù’gó child:PL:LF clay.water.jar

they must take alcoholic drinks down there with small clay water jars Prepositional phrases may also be found clause-initially; information in this position locates a clause within the temporal or logical framework of a discourse (10.1.1). má with

rúgà morning

vérgà traveller

mún4zî4n bì4sáh come:PFV-PL-to.here NUM-three

in the morning, three travellers came here Prepositional phrases may further be used as predicates of verbless clauses (10.1.3.5). mì má dú 1SG with 3SG.INDEP

I am with him/her/it

mì bèè túrà 1SG without millet

I have no millet (lit. I am without millet)

dú sáà rò’rá 3SG.INDEP inside word/issue

he/she is caught up in an issue

Finally, prepositional phrases may be found as modifiers of the head noun in noun phrases (5.14.5): tí4vín PFX:AUG-woman:LF

má káálà with head

intelligent woman

páà bèè sùùzó man:LF without hair

hairless person / person with a shaven head

kèt sky/life:LF

the underwater world

sáà byàá inside water

9.3.3 Use of other word classes for locational functions Adverbial functions, including those which are locational, are not restricted to prepositions. In fact, nouns and directional adverbs are more commonly used to express

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location (together with direction) than are prepositions. In addition, a number of high frequency verbs express such information. In Mambay, there are several types of locational nouns (this is described in greater detail in 5.13). Most locational nouns pattern like prepositions in that they require a dependent element to follow when they are used locatively (otherwise, they may stand alone). For locational nouns, however, the dependent element is a possessor noun or possessive pronoun rather than a complement (9.3.1). nîn gyâh eye/in.presence:LF sun

in the sun (cf. nínù ‘eye, face, life’)

nílé in his/her/its (coref.) presence / in its presence eye/in.presence:3COREF/IMPERS.POSS.INAL The locational sense is an extension of the central meaning of a noun (usually a body part), and there is no structural contrast between the two senses (5.13). There are, in contrast, no non-locational nouns corresponding to true prepositions. As Hagège (1975:155–6) points out in the context of the Kebi-Benue languages, these differences are sufficient to treat locational nouns and prepositions as belonging to separate grammatical classes. Remaining locational nouns (5.13) are not derived from corresponding non-locative nouns but fail to conform to the distributional criteria for prepositions in at least one of two ways. First, like the locational nouns above, some have discrete linked forms (5.2.2) and/or may be found with possessor nouns (5.3.2) and possessive pronouns (6.1.4) rather than complements (as shown in 9.3.1 above). sígzì middle:LF

káàfíílò village

middle of the village (cf. sígzò ‘middle’)

fìn toward:LF

)ánzá 1&2PL.POSS

the place where we (incl.) come from

gâh midst:LF

)óró 2PL.POSS

your (pl.) midst

Second, a few locational nouns without a corresponding non-locative sense may be found without any following dependent element. Examples of such nouns are: fà4gbàh7 kaF’ kuFF’ là í

outside here (i.e., this place) there (i.e., that place) left side

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Locational nouns also show minor structural differences from prepositions. For one thing, a noun’s minimal shape is a heavy syllable (5.1.1.1) rather than a light syllable (cf. 9.3), and may exceed one syllable (5.1.1.1). Also, attested tone melodies of prepositions are more often than not H or L, unlike the usual HL or LH melody of canonical nouns (5.1.1.2). Like prepositions, directional adverbs (8.1.1) are also used to express locative concepts. However, they differ from prepositions in that they may not themselves take a complement (cf. 9.3.1), and in that they are always found with a verb. mú 2SG.OPT

tè’ walk:OPT

vòró to.there

[you (sg.)] go there!

mú 2SG.OPT

hèè climb:OPT

kètí upward

[you (sg.)] climb up!

Finally, a number of high frequency verbs express locational information. hèè lúg Nmì’ rì’ )èr

climb (i.e., go up) go out go down enter (i.e, go in) get up, go from

In particular, the verb )èr ‘get up, go from’ expresses a concept which in many other languages is expressed by a preposition meaning ‘from.’ )èr get.up:PFV

káàkààlá Kaakaala

vè dâg byàá go:PFV mouth/edge:LF water

he/she/it went from Kaakaala to the river’s edge

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10 CLAUSES AND CLAUSE COMBINATIONS 10

CLAUSES AND CLAUSE COMBINATIONS

The present chapter deals with clauses (10.1) and clause combinations (10.2) in Mambay. While these topics are treated in greater detail within the context of an analysis of Mambay discourse (Anonby 2005), an overview of major patterns is given here.

10.1 Clauses The following aspects of clause structure are covered in this section: constituent order (10.1.1), clause and clause constituent particles (10.1.2), verbless clauses (10.1.3) and single-word utterances (10.1.4).

10.1.1 Constituent order In Anonby (2005:8–13), constituent order in Mambay is detailed, and the effects of changes in order are also examined. In the present study, a basic summary is provided. In Mambay, the basic (unmarked) order of major constituents in verbal clauses is rigidly SVO (subject–verb–object). tí4gérêm %á%4zí túrà AUG-woman:PL sow:PFV-PL millet S V O

the women sowed millet

mìí 1SG:IRR S

I will take the horse

yáh take:FUT V

pìzá horse O

Constituent order in verbless clauses is uniformly S–Pred (subject–predicate; see 10.1.3). mù kwéé 2SG Kwe S Pred

you are Kwe

ígà child S

the child is in the granary

sáà mâh inside granary [Pred ]

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In a verbal clause with two objects, one object is typically a patient and the other a recipient. Two strategies are available in such situations, and in both cases, the more salient object in the discourse follows the other object. If the more salient object is a patient, it simply follows the recipient: Ø híí 3:PFV give:PFV

mí sò lá 1SG.OBJ axe

he/she/it gave me an axe

If the more salient object is a recipient, it is introduced after the patient with the preposition yâg ‘to, for.’ Ø híí 3:PFV give:PFV

sò lá yâg mí he/she/it gave me an axe axe to 1SG.OBJ

In both cases, object pronouns (6.1.3.1) are used for a pronominal recipient. Subsequent to the SVO complex, the following order is exhibited: directional adverb – locative (spatial or temporal) adverbial complement – aspectual or descriptive adverbial complement – particle. Examples which illustrate this ordering are as follows: má yáh4zí 3:OPT take:OPT-PL

gííbò vòró alcoholic.drink to.there

nììlé bottom/under:3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS.INAL

má êl with child:PL:LF

rù’gó clay.water.jar

they must take alcoholic drinks down there with small clay water jars mì té’là tí’ tí’ nà 1SG walk:VN always QM do I always walk? / am I always walking? Discourse-orienting elements such as topic nouns, modal adverbs (7.6.1.2) and connective locational (spatial and temporal) constructions are placed before the SVO complex. kwéé rè, Ø yáá Kwe TOPIC 3:PFV stay:PFV

kâ’ here

as for Kwe, he stayed here bàhrá better

mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

it is better that I walk

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rógò má rúgà mìí gòg4ní tomorrow with morning 1SG.IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL tomorrow morning I will fly

10.1.2 Clause and clause constituent particles A small number of particles are used in reference to clauses and clause constituents. (Particles which are used to define relations between clauses are discussed separately in 10.2.2). Unlike adverbs, which are minimally comprised of a heavy syllable, clause- and clause constituent-modifying particles uniformly exhibit a light (CV) syllable. These particles fall into three groups: Indicative particles, Optative particles, and an attributive copula ká. While Indicative particles are treated in the present section, Optative particles are described in the chapter on verbs (7.6.1.1.2), and the attributive copula is described in the context of verbless clauses (10.1.3.2). Four Indicative particles are found in Mambay: nà yó yá rè

(question particle; see also 4.4.2.3) (affirmative particle) (negative particle) (topicalization particle)

Indicative particles are used in reference to clauses as well as clause constituents. Since the core of a clause is prototypically a verb, applying a particle to a verbal clause is formally and functionally equivalent to applying it to the verb (see 7.6.1.1 for examples). In the following section, each of the Indicative particles is shown (whenever attested) in a verbless clause, with an Indicative verb, and with at least one other clause constituent. 10.1.2.1 The question particle nà When the question particle nà is juxtaposed with a noun, an interrogative clause results. kwéé nà Kwe QM

is it Kwe?

The particle nà may also be applied to complete verbless clauses (10.1.3.1). mù kwéé nà 2SG Kwe QM

are you Kwe?

cf. mù kwéé 2SG Kwe

you are Kwe

Further, nà is frequently used with verbal clauses (7.6.1.1.1). 433

mù 2SG cf. mù 2SG

vúm nà go:FUT:2SG QM

are you about to go?

vúm go:FUT:2SG

you are about to go

The use of nà with interrogative pronouns is discussed in 6.2. The following serves as an example: wíí pá4lè nà what? happen:PERF-3SG.REFL QM

what has happened?

10.1.2.2 The affirmative particle yó The affirmative particle yó ‘indeed’ has the effect of affirming a clause or putting focus on an Indicative clause constituent. When it is simply juxtaposed with a noun, a presentational clause or an answer results. kwéé yó Kwe indeed

here is Kwe / it is Kwe

With the exception of interrogative pronouns (6.2), sentences consisting of a single word are not permitted; thus, in cases where a noun is used to answer a question—as shown by the preceding example—it is always accompanied by yó. The particle yó may also be applied to complete verbless clauses (10.1.3). mù kwéé yó 2SG Kwe indeed

you are indeed Kwe

cf. mù kwéé 2SG Kwe

you are Kwe

An example of yó applied to a verbal clause is as follows (cf. 7.6.1.1.1): mì té’là yó 1SG walk:VN indeed

I am indeed walking

Finally, yó may be used to put focus on a subject. mì yó 1SG indeed wíí yó what? indeed

páà só’lé man:LF greatness

I am the boss / I am the Lord

pá4lè nà happen:PERF-3SG.REFL QM

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what has happened?

10.1.2.3 The negative particle yá Negation is always signalled by the clause-final negative particle yá along with some additional indicator. For negation of an equivalence clause, yá is found in conjunction with a third person negative non-Perfective pronoun híì (6.1.2.6) in initial subject position. híì wáà 3:NONPFV.NEG chief

yá

he/she/it is not the chief

NEG

cf. dú wáà 3SG.INDEP chief

he/she/it is the chief

For absence/non-existence clauses, a third person negative Perfective negative pronoun hìí (6.1.2.5) is used directly before yá. wáà chief cf. wáà chief

hìí 3:PFV.NEG

yá

the chief is not there / there is no chief

NEG

tògó be

the chief is there / there is a chief

The negative particle yá is most commonly found with verbs (7.6.1.1.1) and, like the other Indicative particles, is found clause-finally; the marking of negation in this position is an areal feature (Watters 2000:207). Here, yá is accompanied by a modification of the structure of subject pronouns, which mark realis value (see 6.1.2). míì té’là yá 1SG:NONPFV.NEG walk:VN NEG

I am not walking / I do not walk

cf. mì té’là 1SG walk:VN

I am walking / I walk

Objects may also be negated: modifications in tonal and segmental structure similar to those applied to subject pronouns signal that negation concerns an object rather than the verb or clause. This negation has the effect of focus on the object, and indicates that the object is different item than the one which the listener expects. In the following cases, the object’s final syllable is lengthened and a low tone is associated with it. mìí kó ígàà yá 1SG:PFV.NEG see:PFV child:EMPH NEG cf. mìí kó ígà 1SG:PFV.NEG see:PFV child

yá NEG

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I didn’t see the child I didn’t see the child

mìí kó pìzáà yá 1SG:PFV.NEG see:PFV horse:EMPH NEG cf. mìí kó pìzá 1SG:PFV.NEG see:PFV horse

I didn’t see the horse

yá

I didn’t see the horse

NEG

The structural effect of object negation has yet to be investigated with nouns of other CV shapes and tone melodies. 10.1.2.4 The topicalization particle rè The prototypical use of the particle rè is to strongly topicalize constituents, that is, to centralize relevant known information in the context of a discourse (cf. 7.6.1.1.1). mì rè, mì yáá kâ’ 1SG TOPIC 1SG stay:PFV here

as for me, I stayed here

kyaFh rè, )à ká gêh7gá fish TOPIC 3IMPERS ATTRIB sweetness

as for fish, it is delicious

kà mù héh4rì if/when 2SG stop:PERF-PERF mú keFhl 2SG:OPT look.for:OPT

kuFl4nà rè, plow:VN-OBJ TOPIC

páà bîn man:LF other

when you have finished plowing, look for another person Another important use of rè is as a floor-holding device (cf. Payne 1997:358): it shows that a speaker intends to continue an utterance (cf. the expectancy marker in 4.2.2). rè ! TOPIC

let me finish! pàrà rò’ )éé goodness! issue 3SG.POSS.C/I

kyàg )în hurt:VN body/at:LF

kágà rè chicken TOPIC

goodness! how this issue troubles the chicken … The particle rè is also found with Optative verb forms, where it is used to express mild supplication (7.6.1.1.2).

10.1.3 Verbless clauses Verbless clauses (chains) are common in Mambay. Except in the case of interrogative pronouns, they must contain another element in addition to a noun or noun phrase (6.2, 436

10.1.2.2). Verbless clauses are constructed by combining a subject noun phrase (minimally consisting of a noun or pronoun) with one of the following elements: - particle (10.1.3.1); - noun (phrase) (0); - adjective (10.1.3.3); - numeral (10.1.3.4); or - prepositional phrase (10.1.3.5). The structure and, in some cases, function of each type of construction are considered in the following subsections. 10.1.3.1 Noun + particle The simplest verbless clauses are those comprised of a (pro)noun and an Indicative particle (10.1.2). mù nà 2SG QM

is it you?

líbà yó guineafowl indeed

it is a guineafowl

rò’ word:LF

párà yó it is well said (lit. ‘it is a good word’) goodness indeed

10.1.3.2 Noun + noun (phrase) Equivalence-type (A is B / A is a kind of B / A is identified by B) clauses are constructed by juxtaposing a (pro)noun with another noun or noun phrase. mì kwéé 1SG Kwe

I am Kwe

líbà zòògí kúù the guineafowl is [a kind of] wild bird guineafowl bird:LF bushland fíílò páhnà house mud

the house is [made of] mud

Locative clauses may be constructed in the same way, except that the second noun necessarily refers to a place. This leads to structural ambiguity which may be resolved by appealing to discourse-internal references as well as the text-external referential realm. mì fíílò 1SG house

I am at the house (/I am the house)

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Ká%à káàkààlá Kada Kaakaala

Kada is in Kaakaala (/Kada is Kaakaala)

When the predicate of a verbless clause is a noun which describes the quality of the subject, the subject and the predicate noun are linked by the attributive copula ká. Although this particle may have originated historically from a preposition (cf. Elders 2000:243), in Mambay it is not used synchronically in any other context. )à 3IMPERS ná’rà sauce

ká

bààgá hardness

ATTRIB

ká ATTRIB

kpâh7gá saltiness

it is hard the sauce is salty/tasty

In verbless clauses with human subjects, an attributive predicate noun may be pluralized (cf. 5.5). dùgzí ká zó%zà 3PL.INDEP ATTRIB greatness:PL

they are great/large/important

10.1.3.3 Noun + adjective Clauses in which an adjectival predicate modifies the subject are constructed by juxtaposing a subject (pro)noun and an adjective. )à 3IMPERS ná’rà sauce

árá7 straight lùr ùg sticky

it is straight the sauce is sticky

10.1.3.4 Noun + numeral Count clauses may be constructed using a (pro)noun and a numeral. dùgzí bì4gírò 3PL.INDEP NUM-six

there are six of them

élà child:PL

there are three children

bì4sáh NUM-three

10.1.3.5 Noun + prepositional phrase In addition to being found with a noun + noun structure (10.1.3.2), locational clauses may be constructed by juxtaposing a subject with a prepositional phrase headed by the prepositions sáà ‘inside, in,’ má ‘with/and’ or bèè ‘without’ (9.3).

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mì sáà fíílò 1SG inside house

I am in the house

hùùrí sáà mâh hyena inside granary

the hyena is in the granary

When the prepositional phrase is headed with má ‘with/and,’ the idea of ‘have’ is understood; when it is headed with bèè ‘without,’ the idea of ‘have not’ is communicated. tí4vínà AUG-woman

má with

tí4vínà

bèè túrà without millet

AUG-woman

túrà millet

the woman has millet the woman does not have millet

10.1.4 Independent utterances other than clauses In some cases, a word or phrase may in itself constitute a complete utterance even though it does not meet the minimal formal requirements for a clause (i.e., subject plus predicate). While its significance is bound to the discourse of which is it a part, it is syntactically independent. Items which typically pattern in this way in Mambay include interjections, swear words, commands, vocatives and formulae as well as affirmative and negative markers. The following serve as examples: háá/)ààháà haFy kây )áhyyáà

ha! aha! you see? (gloating) oh my! (astonishment) of course not!; of course! (being taken aback) (cf. Fulf. kay) woe is me! (horror, grief)

Nmánà pàrà sú’nì

really! (sincerity, astonishment; lit. ‘truth’) goodness! (astonishment; cf. párà ‘goodness’) damn! (frustration, regret)

náà swá’

come! get over here! (cf. náá ‘touch’) go! rah rah rah! (cf. swà’ ‘encourage’)

ká%á pàná

Kada! (cf. 5.12.1) Pana!

kàvbâw kì4swá’

“the end” thankyou! hello! (cf. kì4 ‘place,’ and swá’ immediately above)

)áà )áá, )á)à, )áá)à

yes no

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)ààyéé, )àyyéé )ìhíì mhmhmi òòwó, òwwó, òòó (nasal click)

yes, indeed! (cf. Chadian Arabic ayye ‘yes’) yes, that’s right yes yes (cf. Fulf. ooho) yes (acquiescence) (see 2.1.7.3)

10.2 Clause combinations In Mambay, clauses are related within a sentence by means of coordination (10.2.1) and subordination (10.2.2). In the present discussion, a description of clause combinations is carried out with an emphasis on the morphemes as well as the syntactic structures that make relations between clauses possible.

10.2.1 Coordination Clauses of equal grammatical status may be coordinated by juxtaposition or with a conjunction. Juxtaposition is the more common way that this is achieved. nà4pùgzá lùg4zí, kó4zì4rú the people went out, and they saw him PFX-person:PL go.out:PFV-PL see:PFV-PL-3SG.OBJ baFh húm, nà4táálUlá gyáá the rain came, and the ants swarmed rain come:PFV PFX-ant.sp. foam.up:PFV mù nà, mì nà 2SG QM 1SG QM

is it you, or is it me?

Within a sentence, conjunctions may also be used to coordinate clauses. mûn is used to coordinate sequential clauses. fààlé, back/after:3SG.COREF/IMPERS.POSS

vè go:PFV

bú’ mîr hùùrí gather.up:PFV excrement:LF hyena

mûn tààgí sáà mâh vúù vúù then whip:PFV inside:LF granary IDEO IDEO after, he/she/it went and gathered up the hyena excrement and then splashed the inside of the granary with it vuu vuu Two forms of a conjunction màà ~ má ‘or’ are used to present alternative possibilities within a sentence. In the first example, which uses màà, the coordinated clauses stand on their own: làà4rì eat:PERF-PERF

kyaFh nà màà fish QM or

zaFg4lè refuse:PERF-3SG.REFL

has he/she/it eaten the fish or has he/she/it refused?

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In a second example, the form má ‘or’ (which represents a special function of the preposition má ‘with, and’) coordinates two clauses which are themselves subordinated (10.2.2) to a following clause: sí4kètí PFX-God

gìì4lé má gìì yá, consent:PERF-3SG.REFL with/and/or consent:PFV NEG

mìí 1SG.IRR

gòg4ní fly:FUT-1SG.REFL

rógò tomorrow

[whether] God has consented or not, I will fly tomorrow Precise factors influencing the contrastive usage of má vs. màà have not been determined, but are likely motivated by considerations of emphasis (cf. 6.1.5, 10.1.2.3), realis value (cf. 6.1.2, 7.4), and/or subordination (10.2.2) (either inherent to each of the forms or reflecting those of the discourse context).

10.2.2 Subordination Clauses may be combined so that one clause is the main clause and another clause is subordinate. Subordinate clauses are of three types: complement (10.2.2.1), adverbial (10.2.2.2), and relative (10.2.2.3). 10.2.2.1 Complement clauses In Mambay, object complement clauses are found following the verb (as is any other object; see 10.1.1), and are introduced by the complementizers bè and bàh. While these complementizers are typically used as quotation markers with speech verbs, they may also be found with verbs of cognition and performance (see below). The first quotation marker, bè, is the more common of the two; it typically signals a quotation (indirect as well as direct speech). Indirect speech: ró’ bè lè vé4lé dâg byàá say:PFV QUOT 3SG.COREF go:FUT-3SG.REFL mouth/edge water he/she/it said that he/she/iti was about to go to the water’s edge Direct speech: ró’ bè mì ví4ní dâg say:PFV QUOT 1SG go:FUT-3SG.REFL mouth/edge he/she/it said, “I am about to go to the water’s edge” Often, the speech verb is dropped, but bè implies its existence.

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byàá water

baFh bè léè húm yá rain QUOT 3SG.COREF:NONPFV.NEG come:FUT NEG the rain [said] that it would not come The second quotation marker, bàh, is usually reserved for reported speech in embedded quotations: myû’ ró’ yâg bìsáhmà bè )ààháà, cat say:PFV for sheep QUOT ha! míì ró)4óm yá nà bàh mú leFy 1SG:PFV.NEG say:PFV-2SG.OBJ NEG QM QUOT.REP 2SG.OPT give.orders:OPT kór káà donkey head/reason:LF

síínì )éé play:LF 3SG.C/I.POSS

rè TOPIC

the cat said to the sheep, “Ha! Didn’t I tell you, ‘You must reprimand the donkey for his fooling around’… ?” There is, however, one example in the data where bàh is used for a quotation that is not embedded. The usage of bàh rather than bè here has been investigated, but its significance (if any) has not been determined. nà 1&2

Qàh4zí dùgú bàh nàmzì fíí call:VN-PL 3PL.OBJ QUOT.REP animal:PL home

we call them “domestic animals” While bè and bàh are typically used as quotation markers with speech verbs, they may also be found as complementizers with verbs of cognition and performance (cf. Clements 1975:141, Hagège 1974:290). lá’ bè kó ò hear/understand:PFV QUOT money

)ì4)éé yó HEAD-3SG.C/I.POSS indeed

he/she/iti understood that the money was actually his/hers/itsi own ró’ bè lèé tù’n4úm bàh lè say:PFV QUOT 3SG.COREF:IRR teach:FUT-2SG.OBJ QUOT.REP 3SG.COREF yó indeed

ká ATTRIB

só’lé rè greatness TOPIC

he/she/iti said that he/she/iti would teach him/her/itj that he/she/it was greater…

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Note the use of the second person object pronoun (cf. 6.1.1) for the quotation addressee in the final example (see also Anonby 2005:42). 10.2.2.2 Adverbial clauses Adverbial clauses are used to express a range of adverbial information pertaining to a main clause. Attested functions include time, purpose, concession and condition. The following adverbializers are used introduce these adverbial clauses: kà kò kóò má4kì4nàá

when, if; and then, before, so that, in order to when, if even if, whether while, when, even though (cf. má ‘with, and,’ kì4 ‘place, situation,’ nàá (relativizer))

As the subsequent discussion shows, all of the adverbializers are found clause-initially. The adverbializer kà functions differently depending on where the subordinate clause in which it occurs is placed. When the subordinate clause comes before the main clause, kà means ‘when’ (simultaneous time) or ‘if’ (condition). In this position, it is only attested in the data with Indicative verb forms. kà vérgà hûm4lé, duFg gbàh kágà when/if traveller come:PERF-3SG.REFL 3GEN catch:VN chicken when a traveller has come, they catch a chicken kà sí4kètí when/if PFX-God mìí 1SG.IRR

gìì4lé, consent:PERF-3SG.REFL

rógò má tomorrow with/and

rúgà morning

gòg4ní fly:FUT-1SG.REFL

if God has consented, tomorrow morning I will fly However, when the subordinate clause follows the main clause, kà means ‘and then, before’ (sequential time; with an Indicative verb form) or ‘so that’ (purpose; with an Optative verb form). kà in a subordinate clause with an Indicative verb form: mìí làà béNn 1SG.IRR eat:FUT first

kà and.then

mìí mûn 1SG.IRR come:FUT:to.here

I will eat first before I come / I will eat first and then I will come

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kà in a subordinate clause with an Optative verb form: mìí làà béNn 1SG.IRR eat:FUT first

kà and.then

mí mûn 1SG.OPT come:OPT:to.here

I will eat first so that I might come The adverbializer kò differs from kà in that it is only found in subordinate clauses that precede the main clause. There, it performs the same function as kà, meaning ‘when’ or ‘if.’ kò vérgà hûm4lé, duFg gbàh kágà when/if traveller come:PERF-3SG.REFL 3GEN catch:VN chicken when a traveller has come, they catch a chicken kò sí4kètí when/if PFX-God

gìì4lé, consent:PERF-3SG.REFL

rógò má tomorrow with/and

rúgà morning

mìí gòg4ní 1SG.IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL if God has consented, tomorrow morning I will fly The adverbializer kò is also distinctive in that, unlike kà, it has an emphatic counterpart kóò ‘even if’ (concession and condition). If kóò is used with more than one coordinated construction, it carries the sense ‘whether.’ kóò even.if

ígà child

hûm4lé, duFg gbàh kágà come:PERF-3SG.REFL 3GEN catch:VN chicken

even if a child has come, they catch a chicken kóò even.if ró 2PL:OPT

rò tìì káàlàw, 2PL COLL:HEAD Kaalaw lá’ listen:OPT

kóò even.if

rò tìì káàkààlá, 2PL COLL:HEAD Kaakaala

kwìí Nnám neck/voice:1SG.POSS.INAL well

whether you are people from Kaalaw, or whether you are people from Kaakaala, listen well to my voice One final adverbializer, which is found before a sentence-initial subordinate clause, is má4kì4nàá (lit. ‘with-[the]place-that’). It typically means ‘while, when’ (simultaneous time).

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má4kì4nàá mù làá4nà, mìí while 2SG eat:VN-OBJ 1SG:IRR

kyá74gám wait:FUT-2SG.OBJ

while you are eating, I will wait for you à’

à’

PAST

PAST

má4kì4nàá sí4kètí while PFX-God

nàmzá gâh animal:PL midst:LF

)éré 3PL.C/I.POSS

ó’ kètí má create:PFV heaven with má with

tí4sìgró, AUG-earth

nà4pùgpùgá PFX-humankind

long ago, when God created heaven and earth, the animals dwelt with humankind If the main clause is inherently counter-expectational with respect to the subordinate clause, má4kì4nàá admits the sense ‘even though’ (concession). má4kì4nàá mìí while 1SG:PERF.NEG

lá’ Nnám yá, listen/understand:PFV well NEG

mì hûm4ní 1SG come:PERF-1SG.REFL even though I did not understand, I have come Major adverbial functions which could be expressed in other languages with adverbial clauses are in some cases relegated to adverbial noun and prepositional phrases in Mambay. This is true of manner, reason and some time constructions: manner: mì hûm4ní má á’rvà 1SG come:PERF-1SG.REFL with run:VN I have come running (lit. I have come with running) reason: mì hûm4ní káà sú7gì )ám 1SG come:PERF-1SG.REFL head/reason:LF lie.down:VN:LF 2SG.POSS I have come because you were lying down (lit. I have come [for the] reason of your lying down)

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time (the two clauses are also expressed in separate sentences): mì lá’4rì. fààlé, mì mûn 1SG hear:PERF-PERF back:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL 1SG come:PFV:to.here I heard. After this (lit. Its back), I came. 10.2.2.3 Relative clauses Relative clauses, which function as noun modifiers, are uniformly postnominal: they follow the linked form (5.2.2) of the noun they modify and the invariable relativizer nàá (cf. 5.14.6). páà nàá Ø nú4lé káámi dâg tômná man:LF REL 3:PFV sleep:PFV-3SG.REFL head/on:2SG.POSS.INAL first the person that has gone to sleep first ahead of you )îg nàá )àá pá4lé thing:LF REL 3SG:IRR happen:FUT-3SG.REFL what (lit. the thing that) will happen Relative clauses in Mambay are versatile: there appear to be few restrictions on the distribution of TAM in relative clauses, and the antecedent nouns they accompany may function as their subjects, objects or locative/temporal complements. First of all, subject relative clauses—those for which the antecedent noun is the subject of the relative clause—are common (relative clauses are shown in square brackets). páà [nàá man:LF REL

Ø nú4lé káámi dâg tômná] 3:PFV sleep:PFV-3SG.REFL head/on:2SG.POSS.INAL first

)à kpûg káámi tùm 3:IMPFV wake.up:VN head/on:2SG.POSS.INAL forward the person that has gone to sleep first ahead of you wakes up before you mì kó )îg 1SG see:PFV thing:LF

[nàá REL

Ø pá4lé] 3:PFV happen:PFV-3SG.REFL

I saw what (lit. the thing that) happened Object relative clauses, that is, those for which the antecedent noun is the object of the relative clause, are also well-attested. Inanimate objects are typically represented by a gap within the relative clause.

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mì sá’ )îg 1SG buy:PFV thing:LF

[nàá REL

mì kyáh] 1SG want:PFV

I bought what (lit. the thing that) I wanted gbíí4zí )îg [nàá abandon:PFV-PL thing:LF REL

Ø yáh4zí 3:PFV take:PFV

vòró kô’] to.there there

they abandoned what (lit. the thing that) they took there Traces of animate objects, however, often surface as object pronouns in the relative clause. vè go:PFV

mà with

páà [nàá person:LF REL

rò sûm4rú] 2PL know:VN-3SG.OBJ

he/she/it went with a person that you know Finally, an antecedent noun may also function as locative (spatial or temporal) adverbial complement (cf. 10.1.1) of a relative clause. kèhl look.for:PFV

kè’ place:LF

[nàá REL

hùùrí hyena

nìì mírà] defecate:PFV excrement

he/she/it looked for the place that the hyena defecated gêh [nàá day:LF REL

Ø záh4zí4rì îg wáà], 3:PFV tread:PERF-PL-PERF child:LF chief

)àá mûn má lóózìrá káà dùgú 3:IRR come:FUT:to.here with difficulty head/on:LF 3PL.POSS.INAL the day that they have trampled the chief’s child, he will come with hardship

447

TEXTS TEXTS

This section contains a selection of five Mambay texts representing various genres. The texts, which are transcriptions of recordings of the main collaborator Oussoumanou Bouba, are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Song: hùrtìgóhm ‘The locust’ Song: wàhwàh ‘Hubbub’ Legend: táwsóò yáh gwàárè ‘Tawsoo took the sickle’ Fable: kágà má líbà ‘The chicken and the guineafowl’ Hortatory text: nà4tû’ ‘Proverbs’

The texts are presented with an interlinear translation. In the first line, the Mambay text is found; morpheme boundaries are marked with hyphens. The second line gives a literal translation of each morpheme or, when relevant, its grammatical function. In the third line, an idiomatic translation is provided in italics.

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1. Song: hùrtìgóhm ‘The locust’ hùrtìgóhm mù húm locust.sp.1 2SG come:PFV Locust, did you come…

m EXPECT

zà’rá kaF’ nà. dance:VN here QM to dance here? nà4kógrà i m mù húm 2SG come:PFV PFX-look(n.) EXPECT You came to watch, didn’t you? káà sáà Qá7 mù )ùr 2SG stand:PFV head/on:LF stone IDEO You stood on the stone unperturbed,

m, EXPECT

kuFm dáárú. mù Nnáá 2SG stretch:PFV neck:2SG.POSS.INAL IDEO you stretched your neck, craning it and looking all around. mùú tìì nà4bàbbá 2SG.IRR become:FUT PFX-locust.sp.2 Will you become a grasshopper kà mú làà kwáà nà. and.then 2SG.OPT eat:OPT grass QM so that you can eat grass too?

449

2. Song: wàhwàh ‘Hubbub’ mí. wàhwàh! zèèlá lòònT hubbub lie:VN bother:PFV 1SG.OBJ Hubbub! A lie bothered me. dô’ nà. zèèlì wíì lóón` páà dô’ nà, páà lie:VN:LF what? bother:VN man:LF ANAPH QM man:LF ANAPH QM What rumour is bothering that man, that man? túrà kúù. tí4gérêm wáà %à%4zí AUG-woman.PL:LF chief sow:PFV-PL millet bushland The wives of the chief sowed millet in the fields. %áá yá, baFh [)àá]1 %áá yá. baFh [)àá]10 rain 3:PFV.NEG succeed:PFV NEG rain 3:PFV.NEG succeed:PFV NEG The rain did not come, the rain did not come. gúú4zí nììré vòró fàà sá’bà pull.back:PFV-PL bottom:3PL.C/I.POSS.INAL to.there back/place:LF traditional.salt They [the women] bent over at the place where the salt is kì4gòò nà4rígrílè, nà4rígrílè. place:PFX-prepare:VN PFX-gourd.seed PFX-gourd.seed to roast gourd seeds, gourd seeds. kyéé ró’ lé bè lé gbáh Nmárà mother-3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL talk:PFV 3SG.C/I.OBJ QUOT 3SG.C/I.OPT catch:OPT friend

10

This pronoun is absent in the song, but Oussomanou maintains that it is obligatory in normal speech; cf. 7.5.

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má boFNm4bòNmsí, with Bo’m-Bo’msi [Shei said ] heri motherj / the motherj told heri that shei/j must become friends with Bo’m-Bo’msi, káálé gbàrgàtàg bòNmsí hàh7gí Bo’msi forget:PFV head:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL IDEO but Bo’msi lost his head completely, yáh nà4gbáh7gú ríí fíí[t]11 fíí#[t] take:PFV PFX-cultivated.hibiscus.sp. clean.out:PFV IDEO IDEO took the rich hibiscus-leaf sauce and cleaned it all out with his fingers, yáh nâ’ gôm síg sùgú kpíh. take:PFV sauce:LF vine.sp. place:PFV downward IDEO took the bitter vine-leaf sauce and put it down with a clunk. yá. lòòrí yá, lòòrí lick:PFV NEG lick:PFV NEG He didn’t lick it, he didn’t lick it. mú tìì páà hûr tùúrì. kwéé m, Kwe EXPECT 2SG.OPT become:OPT man:LF eat.powder:VN boule Kwe, be the one who eats the dry boule. múù nîn bèè délà yá, kwéé m, Kwe EXPECT 2SG.NONPFV.NEG eye:LF without mature:VN NEG Kwe, you are like eyes without maturity, mú yáh tùúrì mú lòòrí. kwéé m, Kwe EXPECT 2SG.OPT take.OPT boule 2SG.OPT lick:OPT Kwe, take the boule and lick it.

11

The final t of this ideophone is absent in the song, but Oussomanou maintains that it is used in normal speech.

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3. Legend: táwsóò yáh gwàárè ‘Tawsoo took the sickle’ laFh má yáá káà tí4sìgró gbà7tà7. story 3:OPT sit/be:OPT head/on:LF AUG-land IDEO May this story live on throughout the wide world. %á7 pá%pá%. spread.out:OPT/PFV IDEO [Audience:] [May it] spread out rapidly / It spread out rapidly. gwàárè. táwsóò yáh Tawsoo take:PFV sickle Tawsoo took the sickle. gwàárè m, bè lè vé4lé wàà tùgló. táwsóò yáh Tawsoo take:PFV sickle EXPECT QUOT 3SG.C/I go:FUT-3SG.REFL diminish:VN hedge Tawsoo took the sickle, intending to go and trim the hedge. sêhrú. tùgló vbíí hedge cut:PFV hand:3SG.POSS.INAL The hedge cut his hand. kàr dágé káà ryaFh. set:PFV mouth:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL head/reason/on:LF cry(n.) He opened his mouth with a cry. m, háá hé’ kètí. ná4gbóglà hùr PFX-toad jump:PFV EXPECT until bang:PFV sky The toad jumped, so high that he banged into the sky. baFh húm m, nà4táálUlá gyàà. rain come:PFV EXPECT PFX-ant.sp. foam.up:PFV The rain came, and the ants swarmed. 452

nà4vbérgà bè lè sâr4ná. PFX-agama.lizard QUOT 3SG.C/I devour:VN-OBJ The agama lizard intended to devour them. ré )án lâ’ náá nà4táálUlá bè gíì mù sâr PFX-ant.sp. QUOT but.then 2SG devour:VN 3PL.C/I.OBJ how? like this The ants said, But how could he devour them like this? nà4vbérgà bè léè sâr ró yá PFX-agama.lizard QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG devour:VN 2PL.OBJ NEG

m. EXPECT

m, EXPECT

rò gyàà gyáárì àgá nà. 2PL foam.up:PFV foam.up:VN:LF a.little QM The lizard said, [How could it be that] he not devour them? Did they only swarm a little swarming? bè QUOT

húmgì réè gyàà yá, baFh húm 3PL.C/I:NONPFV.NEG foam.up:FUT NEG rain come:PFV come:VN:LF

àgá nà m. a.little QM EXPECT They said, [How could it be that] they will not swarm? Did the rain only come a little coming? baFh bè léè húm yá, ná4gbóglà hè’ kètí rain QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG come:FUT NEG PFX-toad bang:VN sky hè’4nì àgá nà. bang:VN-OBJ:LF a.little QM The rain said, [How could it be that] it will not come? Was the toad only banging the sky a little banging? léè hé’ yá, táwsóò sàh rèh ná4gbóglà bè PFX-toad QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG bang:FUT NEG Tawsoo rip:VN cry(n.):LF àgá nà m. a.little QM EXPECT The toad said, [How could it be that] he will not bang [into the sky]? Was Tawsoo only letting loose a little cry? 453

léè sàh yá, tùgló vbíí lé táwsóò bè Tawsoo QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG rip:FUT NEG hedge cut:PFV 3SG.C/I.OBJ vbìì4nì àgá nà. cut:VN-OBJ:LF a.little QM Tawso said, [How could it be that] he will not let loose [a cry]? Did the hedge only cut him a little cutting? tùgló bè léè vbíí4mi yá, mù wàà lé hedge QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG cut:FUT-2SG.OBJ NEG 2SG diminish:VN 3SG.C/I.OBJ wàà4nì àgá nà m. diminish:VN-OBJ:LF a.little QM EXPECT The hedge said, [How could it be that] it will not cut him? Was Tawsoo only trimming him a little trimming? léè wáá4mi yá, lé waFr táwsóò bè Tawsoo QUOT 3SG.C/I:NONPFV.NEG diminish:FUT-2SG.OBJ NEG 3SG.C/I.OPT leave:OPT dâg tí4)ázè vò7 nà m. mouth/door:LF AUG-member.of.)àzgárà:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL open QM EXPECT Tawso said, [How could it be that] he will not trim it? Must he leave his mother-in-law’s door open? bè

tí4)ázàm pàg wíí yâg4ám nà. QUOT AUG-member.of.)àzgárà:2SG.POSS.INAL make:VN what? to-2SG.POSS.INAL QM [The hedge] said, what does his mother-in-law do for him? kòò vínà yâg lé. bear:PFV woman to 3SG.C/I.OBJ He said, His mother-in-law gave birth to a wife [woman] for him. bè

tí4)ázè

QUOT AUG-member.of.)àzgárà:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL

vínà pàg wíí yâg4ám nà. woman make:VN what? to-2SG.POSS.INAL QM …And what does the wife do for him?

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vínà kòò vínà yâg lé. woman bear:PFV woman to 3SG.C/I.OBJ …The wife [woman] gave birth to a girl [woman] for him. wíí yâg4ám nà? ígà pàg child make:VN what? to-2SG.POSS.INAL QM …And what does the child do for him? ígà nìì mírà, nà4kùró lêg4ná. child defecate:VN excrement PFX-vulture suck:VN-OBJ …The child keeps the vultures happy (lit. the child craps, and the vultures suck it up). îg vínà yáh rù’gó child:LF woman take:PFV clay.water.jar

m,

bè

EXPECT QUOT

lè vé4lé 3SG.C/I go:FUT-3SG.REFL

Nmàhlé tí4kpéhpèhw. dâg byàá, kpùr mouth/edge:LF water bump:PFV foot:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL AUG-IDEO The girl took the clay water jar, intending to go the the water’s edge, and bumped her foot throwing her right off balance. rù’gó hùg4lé, hàn dágé bè clay.water.jar break:PFV-3SG.REFL put.back:PFV mouth:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL QUOT The clay water jar shattered, and she let out a groan, saying: kà’ wáà sú’nì, mì yàà damn! 1SG stay/be:PFV area.outside.gate:LF chief

zàhmbà, mì háá IDEO 1SG come.back:PFV

má sàlá kpàhwwà. with cowrie.shell IDEO “Damn! I was outside the chief’s gate all beautifully ornamented, and I came back with the tinkling of cowrie shells.” îg támbúúrà child:LF pigeon

m, EXPECT

)óó îg lóólà braid:PFV child:LF rope

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m, EXPECT

)óó îg lóólà kàrwàhz n. RES braid:PFV child:LF rope IDEO The little pigeon, it braided a little rope, it braided a little rope abruptly and desperately… kàvbâw the.end

m, EXPECT

laFh mú túú káání gá, story 2SG:OPT partake:OPT head:1SG.POSS.INAL NEG.OPT

mú túú káà tâw gbòòrò m. 2SG:OPT partake:OPT head:LF Taw(:LF) bald EXPECT The end!…Tale, don’t take [any hair] from my head; take it from Taw’s bald head / take it from Bald Taw’s head…

456

4. Fable: kágà má líbà ‘The chicken and the guineafowl’ )îg nàá pá4lé thing:LF REL happen:PFV-3SG.REFL

m, EXPECT

kágà chicken

m, EXPECT

dúú 3SG.EMPH

tìì zòògì fíí, líbà m, dú zòògì kúù. become:PFV bird:LF home guineafowl EXPECT 3SG.INDEP bird:LF bushland This is how it happened that the chicken, he became a domestic bird, and the guineafowl, [became] a wild bird. à’ PAST

ó’ kètí má tí4sìgró à’ mákìnàá sí4kètí PAST while PFX-God throw/create:PFV heaven with PFX-earth

m, EXPECT

nàmzá m, gâh )éré má nà4pùgpùgá. animal:PL EXPECT dwelling:LF 3PL.C/I.POSS with humankind Long ago when God created heaven and earth, the animals, their dwelling was with humankind. gyààrì bîn ones:LF certain

m, EXPECT

náh4zí kááré vòró take.out:PFV-PL head:3PL.C/I.POSS.INAL to.there

nàmzì kúù. kúù m, mûn tìì4zí bushland EXPECT then become:PFV-PL animal:PL:LF bushland Certain ones departed for the bush, and then became wild animals. tìì

fíí nàá pèè4zì4ré be.limited:PFV-PL-3PL.REFL home

COLL:HEAD REL

m, EXPECT

nà Qàh4zí dùgú bàh nàmzì fíí. 1&2 call:VN-PL 3PL.OBJ QUOT.REP animal:PL:LF home Those confined to habitations, we call “domestic animals.” tìì COLL:HEAD

má gìhgá laF7 with pinion.feather also

m, EXPECT

pá4lé lâ’ dòógbúù. happen:PFV-3SG.REFL like again

And for those with feathers, this happened similarly.

457

)ì4náá HEAD-this

m, EXPECT

ná lá’4zí )îg nàá 1&2:OPT hear:OPT-PL thing:LF REL

pá4lé m, kà kágà má pèè4lé fíí. happen:PFV-3SG.REFL EXPECT and.then chicken 3:OPT be.limited:OPT-3SG.REFL home This thing, let’s listen to the thing that happened, whereby the chicken was confined to habitations. rò’ náá )èr )în líbà má kágà, word:LF this get.up:PFV body/at:LF guineafowl with chicken dùgzí àrgúú zòògì sáà kwérè: 3PL.INDEP both bird:LF inside fence This issue arose for the guineafowl and the chicken, both of them birds in captivity: kà )ù’4lé vâg vérgà when arrive:PFV-3SG.REFL go:VN:LF travel(ler)

m, EXPECT

nà4pùgpùgá gbàh PFX-humankind catch:VN

kágà lâ’ )îg nìì séh káà pàg mààrá. chicken like thing:LF bottom:LF hand(adv.) head/reason:LF make:VN:LF gift When it has come about to go on a trip, people take a chicken as something in hand to give as a gift. kà vérgà hûm4lé when travel(ler) come:PERF-3SG.REFL

m, EXPECT

duFg gbàh kágà, 3GEN catch:VN chicken

káá gòó4nà yâg4rú. head/reason:LF prepare:VN-OBJ to-3SG.OBJ When a traveller has come, they catch the chicken to cook it for him. pàrà rò’ )éé kyàg )în kágà rè. goodness! word 3SG.C/I.POSS hurt:VN body/self:LF chicken TOPIC Goodness! This issue pains the chicken himself… gêh4náá day:LF-this

m, EXPECT

toFg á%gì4zí lààbá má líbà, be peck.around:VN-PL eat:VN with evening

458

mûn kágà m, ró’ líbà bè come:PFV:to.here chicken EXPECT talk:PFV guineafowl QUOT One day, when they were pecking food in the evening, the chicken came along, and he said to the guineafowl: Nmár )íí, mú lá’ )îg kyàg dígní. friend:LF 1SG.POSS 2SG.OPT hear:OPT thing:LF hurt:VN liver:1SG.POSS.INAL “My friend, listen to what is distressing me. kà nà4pùgá vé4lé vérgà when PFX-person go:FUT-3SG.REFL travel(ler)

m, EXPECT

)à gbàh 3:IMPFV catch:VN

mí m, míí dòógbâh7. 1SG.OBJ EXPECT 1SG:EMPH always “When a person is about to go travelling, he catches me, always me. kà vérgà hûm4lé hîn )îndú, when travel(ler) come:PERF-3SG.REFL to.here body/at:3SG.POSS.INAL )à gbàh mí m, káà pàg ná’rà yâg4rú. 3:IMPFV catch:VN 1SG.OBJ EXPECT head/reason:LF make:VN sauce to-3SG.OBJ “When a travelleri has come here to hisj place, hej catches me, in order to make sauce for himi. rógò tomorrow

m, EXPECT

má rúgà pímpím, mìí gòg4ní with morning very.early 1SG:IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL

m, EXPECT

mìí ví4ní kúù. 1SG:IRR go:FUT-1SG.REFL bushland “Tomorrow, early in the morning, I will fly, and I will go to the bush.” líbà gìì bè )ààyéé m, lâ’ )ì4dô’ m, Nmár )íí. guineafowl answer:PFV QUOT indeed! EXPECT like HEAD:ANAPH EXPECT friend 1SG.POSS The guineafowl replied, “Indeed! So be it (lit. Like that), my friend. gíì but.then

m, EXPECT

kà mù zoFn4nòm, gíì míí when 2SG.S leave:PERF-2SG.REFL but.then 1SG:EMPH

459

m, EXPECT

mìí yáá má víínà. 1SG.FUT stay:FUT with who?:QM “But then…when you have left, but then what about me? Who will I stay with? kà sí4kètí gìì4lé rógò má líbà when/if PFX-God consent:PFV-3SG.REFL tomorrow with evening

m EXPECT

mìí gòg4ní. 1SG:IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL “If God has consented, tomorrow evening…I will fly.” kágà bè káà )îg kín mù Qàh Qîh chicken QUOT head/reason:LF thing:LF which? 2SG.S call:VN name:LF sí4kètí sáà nà m. PFX-God inside QM EXPECT The chicken said, “For what reason are you calling the name of God into this? sí4kètí gìì4lé má gìì yá mìí gòg4ní PFX-God consent:PFV-3SG.REFL with accept:PFV NEG 1SG:IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL rógò má rúgà. tomorrow with morning “Whether God has consented or not, I will fly tomorrow morning.” nìì rúgà pá4lé kágà %úú gìhgìlé m, bottom:LF morning happen:PFV-3SG.REFL chicken hit:PFV wing:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL EXPECT gìh )ílé bè lè gógrà strive:PFV body/self:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL QUOT 3SG.C/I fly:VN

m, EXPECT

pèè4lé káá kwérè m kàgzàg. be.limited:PFV-3SG.REFL head/on:LF fence EXPECT IDEO When the first light came, the chicken [kaga] flapped his wings, made a great effort intending to fly, but petered out on top of the fence…with a flop [kagzag].

460

má rúgà with morning

m,

nà4pùgzá

EXPECT PFX-person:PL

lùg4zí, kó4zì4rú bè go.out:PFV-PL see:PFV-PL-3SG.OBJ QUOT

kágà yóò m, )ì4náá kágà yóò. )áhyyáà, )ì4náá oh.dear! HEAD-this chicken indeed:EMPH EXPECT HEAD-this chicken indeed:EMPH In the morning, the people went out and saw him [and they said], “Oh dear! This is the chicken, this is the chicken.” gbaFh4zì4rú m, haFn4zì4rúT hîn sáà kwérè. catch:PFV-PL-3SG.OBJ EXPECT put.back:PFV-PL-3SG.OBJ to.here inside fence They caught him, and put him back here inside the fence. gyâh hàg4lé sun break:PFV-3SG.REFL

m, EXPECT

líbà rô’4rú bè Nmár )íí, guineafowl say:PFV-3SG.OBJ QUOT friend 1SG.POSS

líbà yáh4rì káálé hîn evening take:PERF-PERF head:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL to.here

m, EXPECT

kà sí4kètí when/if PFX-God

gìì4lé mìí gòg4ní vòró kúù rè. consent:PFV-3SG.REFL 1SG:IRR fly:FUT-1SG.REFL to.there bushland TOPIC When the sunlight had diminished, the guineafowl said to him, “My friend, evening has joined us here…if God has consented I will fly out to the bush…” líbà pá4lé evening happen:PFV-3SG.REFL

m, EXPECT

líbà )ì4zòògá )ìn guineafowl HEAD-bird lift:PFV

)ílé bè sí4kètí, yáh Nmàhlé body/self:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL QUOT PFX-God take:PFV foot:3SG.C/I.POSS.INAL sà’

sà’, gòg4lé fly:PFV-3SG.REFL

IDEO IDEO

m,

vbírprqrqrqrqrqrqrqrq, kàn4lé pass:PFV-3SG.REFL

EXPECT IDEO

kpúz lì’. far.away definitively Evening [liba] came, and the guineafowl [liba] which is a bird lifted himself saying “God,” slowly and jerkily pulled each of his legs up, flew…with a great whirr and went far away forever.

461

zòògì fíí, líbà m zòògì kúù. kágà kàgzàg tìì chicken IDEO become:PFV bird:LF home guineafowl EXPECT bird:LF bushland So Flop the Chicken [kaga kagzag] became a domestic bird, and the guineafowl a wild bird. )ígà kpá’ thing all

m, EXPECT

mú Qáh Qíh sí4kètí, 2SG:OPT call:OPT name:LF PFX-God

)àá pá4lé yâg4ám. 3:IRR happen:FUT-3SG.REFL to-2SG.OBJ For everything, call the name of God, and it will happen for you.

462

5. nà4tû’ ‘Proverbs’ káà nà m. twaFh èè snake bite:VN stick QM EXPECT Does a snake bite the stick? explanation: A snake doesn’t bite the stick, but rather the person holding the stick. In the same way, one should not attack a messenger for bringing bad news. nà4táálUlá ò’ páà zèèlá tùm. PFX-ant.sp. throw:VN man:LF lie:VN forward The ant throws the rumour-monger in front. explanation: Like the ant that returns to the colony with a report about food and is obliged to lead the way back to the food, a person who makes a claim will have to prove it. nìì gàmbù. nà4káhrì páà kómnà rúrà PFX-fruit.sp.:LF man:LF hunger ripen:VN bottom:LF bag The fruit of a hungry man ripens at the bottom of his bag. explanation: A hungry person carefully watches over his or her food supply. súmù m sé’ hìg súgò. kágà m bè vyàh tûr chicken EXPECT QUOT winnow:VN millet:LF night EXPECT must give:VN ear The chicken says, “[Is someone] winnowing night millet? [One] must listen carefully.” explanation: Like a chicken that listens carefully for the sound of food at night, people should be alert for unseen things that might benefit them. nínù yâg páà bîn kà mù híí4rì when 2SG give:PERF-PERF eye to man:LF other

m EXPECT

)à )àà4mi kòg kyaF’. 3:IMPFV surpass:VN-2SG.OBJ see:VN place/situation When you have given your eyes to another man, his view surpasses yours. explanation: People exaggerate what they actually see.

463

nà4múùrì súmù té’là má héélà nà m. PFX-jinn:LF night walk:VN with whistling QM EXPECT Does the night jinn whistle when it walks? explanation: If someone is doing something wrong, he or she will do it stealthily. sígò crocodile

m EXPECT

bàháà hìí %ùù byàá nîn 3:NONPFV.NEG hit:VN water eye/in.presence.of:LF ibis.sp.

àtì yá. two NEG The crocodile, it doesn’t stir the water near an ibis twice. explanation: Like a bird that has been frightened by a crocodile’s attack on another bird, a watchful person cannot be overtaken by danger. káámi dâg tômná páà nàá nú4lé man:LF REL sleep:PFV-3SG.REFL head/on:2SG.POSS.INAL first

m EXPECT

)à kpûg káámi tùm. 3:IMPFV wake.up:VN head/on:2SG.POSS.INAL forward The man who is asleep ahead of you, he wakes up before you. explanation: A person that prepares early has an advantage over those who do not. duFg hìí nàh kpáávìrá káà pá7nì )éé 3GEN 3:NONPFV.NEG take.out:VN bulb.plant.sp.:LF head/on:LF site:LF 3SG.C/I.POSS té%é yá. all NEG One doesn’t take out all the plant bulbs from where they are situated. explanation: People should look after what they may need in the future. káà nà4tú’zì náá páà nàá lá’4rì man:LF REL understand:PERF-PERF head/meaning:LF PFX-proverb:PL:LF this

m EXPECT

)àà sóg )îg nàá mì soFg4nà nìì êl rógò. 3:IRR send:FUT thing:LF REL 1SG send:VN-OBJ bottom/for:LF child:PL:LF tomorrow The man that has understood the meaning of these proverbs, he will pass on what I pass on for the children of tomorrow. explanation: A wise person will teach his or her wisdom to the next generation.

464

Appendix 1: Inalienable possession paradigms

This appendix provides an inventory of inalienable possession paradigms, which are attested in noun-pronoun possessive constructions. Nouns which may participate in inalienable noun-pronoun possessive constructions (5.3.4.1) are listed in the following table and divided into groups based on the CV shape and tonal melody of their linked forms (5.2.2.1). In each group, inalienable possessive constructions are formed in the same way for all nouns in the group. Nouns exhibiting idiosyncratic paradigms are also listed. linked form type

noun

Group 1a: CVV-final, L tone

Group 1b: CVV-final, HL tone Group 2: CVC-final (where final C is a consonant other than n), HL tone Group 3a: CVC-final (where final C is n), L tone Group 3b: CVC-final (where final C is n), HL tone

fààlá gaFh (káà) ná4wâ%nììnú mùhná Nmàhná ná4nììnú nììnú vbààlá wàhlá káálà vbyâh dágà súgò sábà

linked form (cf. 5.2.2) fàà gàh (káà) ná4wâ%nìì mùh Nmàh ná4nìì nìì vbàà wàh káà vbêh dâg sûg sâb

back, skin beard buttocks vulva foot bum bottom testicle nape (of neck) head cheek mouth ear tail

gìhgìnú gùùgìnú tìnú fínù )ínù kpánà nà4vínù nínù zínù

gìhgìn gùùgìn tìn fîn )în kpân nà4vîn nîn zîn

wing, fin gill front, genitals forehead body, self penis co-wife eye, face, life tooth, tusk

465

gloss

Group 4a: CVNn-final, L tone Group 4b: CVNn-final, HL tone Group 5: CVhn-final, L tone Group 6a: CVVn-final, L tone Group 6b: CVVn-final, HL tone Group 6c: CVVn-final, HLH tone Group 7: CVgn-final, HL tone Group 8a: CV-final, L tone Group 8b: CV-final, 2mora, HLH tone Group 8c: CV-final, 3mora, HLH tone Idiosyncratic constructions

gì’nú tè’nú káà nà4sí’nù ná4kànsí’nù ná4kànsí’nù kìhnú

gìNn tèNn káà nà4sîNn ná4kànsîNn ná4kànsîNn kìhn

small of back side (of body) knee shadow, soul, spirit kneecap, fontanelle waist, hip

hùùnú

hùùn`

thigh

síínù

síín`

horn, antenna

súùní

súùnT

younger in-law

dígnù nìì nà4rígnù fààzí

dígn` nìì nà4rígn` fààzì

)ázì T

)ázì T

fâhzí

fâhzì

dwaF’ kwàá kyáá4rììná márnà Nmárà náábà nánà T nà4púrà ná4rìmnú páà páá4ná4rììná páà vàà syâh túù wáà

(multiple forms; see paradigms below)

liver underarm member of fààzárà (see Glossary) member of àzgárà (see Glossary) member of fàhzárà (see Glossary) belly neck, voice paternal aunt eldest sibling friend colleague maternal uncle navel tongue father paternal uncle husband hand mother nose

Inalienable noun-pronoun possessive construction paradigms are given on the following pages for an example noun from each group in the table above as well as for all nouns with idiosyncratic forms. The third person plural forms are not, morphologically speaking, part of the paradigms (see 6.1.4.2); however, they are included because they complete the semantic inalienable sets, and because they show the linked form of each of the nouns in alienable possessive constructions.

466

pronoun gloss 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.L/I

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.L/I

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.L/I

inalienable possessive pronoun 4í 4mi 4ná 4 `rú 4lé 4rí 4ró 4zínzá (dùgú) 4ré

Group 1a: fààlá ‘back, skin’ fààní fààmi fààná fààrú fààlé fààrí fààró fààzìnzá (fàà dùgú) fààré

Group 1b: káálà ‘head’ káání káámi kááná káàrú káálé káárí kááró káázínzá (káà dùgú) kááré

Group 2: súgò ‘ear’ súgí súgúm súgná sûgrú súgé súgrí súgró súgzínzá (sûg dùgú) súgré

Group 3a: tìnú ‘front, genitals’ tìní tìním tìná tìndú tìlé tìrí tìró tìnzìnzá / tìnzá (tìn dùgú) tìré

Group 3b: nínù ‘eye, face, life’ níní níním níná nîndú nílé nírí níró nínzínzá / nínzá (nîn dùgú) níré

Group 4a: tè’nú ‘side (of body)’ tè’ní tè)ém tè’ná tèNndú tè’lé tè’rí tè’ró tèNnzìnzá / tèNnzá (tèNn dùgú) tè’ré

Group 4b: káà nà4sí’nù ‘knee’ káà nà4sí’ní káà nà4sí)ím káà nà4sí’ná káà nà4síNndú káà nà4sí’lé káà nà4sí’rí káà nà4sí’ró káà nà4síNnzínzá / káà nà4síNnzá (káà nà4sîNn dùgú) káà nà4sí’ré

Group 5: kìhnú ‘waist, hip’ kìhní kHFhm kìhná kìhndú kìhlé kìhrí kìhró kìhnzìnzá / kìhnzá (kìhn dùgú) kìhré

Group 6a: hùùnú ‘thigh’ hùùní hùùmi hùùná hùùn`dú hùùlé hùùrí hùùró hùùn`zìnzá / hùùn`zá (hùùn` dùgú) hùùré

Group 6b: síínù ‘horn, antenna’ sííní síími sííná síín`dú síílé síírí sííró síínTzínzá / síínTzá (síín` dùgú) sííré

Group 6c: súùní ‘younger in-law’ súùní súùmi súùná súùn`dú súùlé súùrí súùró súùn`zìnzá / súùn`zá (súùnT dùgú) súùré

Group 7: dígnù ‘liver’ dígní dígním dígná dígîndú díglé dígrí dígró dígínzínzá/ dígínzá (dígîn dùgú) dígré

467

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.L/I

Group 8a: fààzí ‘member of fààzárà’ (see Glossary) fààzí fààzám fààzìná fààzìrú fààzé / fààzìlé fààzìrí fààzìró fààzìnzá (fààzì dùgú) fààzìré

Group 8b: )ázì T ‘member of )àzgárà’ (see Glossary) )ázì )ázàm )ázìná )ázìrú )ázè / )ázìlé )ázìrí )ázìró )ázìnzá ()ázì Tdùgú) )ázìré

Group 8c: fâhzí ‘member of fàhzárà’ (see Glossary) fâhzí fâhzám fâhzìná fâhzìrú fâhzé / fâhzìlé fâhzìrí fâhzìró fâhzìnzá (fâhzì dùgú) fâhzìré

dwHF’ dò)óm dò’ná dò’rú dweFQ dò’rí dò’ró dò’zìnzá (dò’ dùgú) dò’ré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL

Idiosyncratic: kwàá ‘neck, voice’ kwìí kuFm kùùná kùùrú kùùlé kùùrí kùùró kùùzìnzá

Idiosyncratic: márnà ‘eldest sibling’ mární — — — — — — —

Idiosyncratic: Nmárà ‘friend’ Nmárí Nmárám — Nmârdú — — — —

3PL 3PL.L/I

(kùù dùgú) kùùré

Idiosyncratic: kyáá4rììná ‘paternal aunt’ kyáá4rììní kyáá4rììmi kyáá4rììná kyáá4rììn`dú kyáá4rììlé kyáá4rììrí kyáá4rììró kyáá4rììzìnzá / kyáá4rììn`zá (kyáá4rììn` dùgú) kyáá4rììré

(márnì dùgú) —

(Nmár dùgú) —

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL

Idiosyncratic: náábà ‘colleague’ náání náámi — náàrú náálé — — —

Idiosyncratic: nà4púrà ‘navel’ nà4púrí nà4púrám — nà4pûrdú — nà4púrí nà4púró —

Idiosyncratic: ná4rìmnú ‘tongue’ ná4rìmní ná4rìmním ná4rìmná ná4rìmrú ná4rìmlé ná4rìmrí ná4rìmró ná4rìmnìzìnzá

3PL 3PL.L/I

(náábì dùgú) —

(nà4pûr dùgú) nà4púré

(ná4rìmnì dùgú) ná4rìmré

Idiosyncratic: nánà T ‘maternal uncle’ nánà nánàm nánà nândú nánè / nálè nárì nárò nânzìnzá / nânzá (nân T dùgú) nárè

468

Idiosyncratic: dwaF’ ‘belly’

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I

Idiosyncratic: páà ‘father’ páy pám pááná páàrú páy

Idiosyncratic: páá4ná4rììná ‘paternal uncle’ páá4rììní páá4rììmi páá4rììná páá4rììn`dú páá4rììlé

1PL 2PL 1&2PL

páárí pááró páázínzá

3PL 3PL.L/I

(páà dùgú) pááré

páá4rììrí páá4rììró páá4rììzìnzá / páá4rììnzá (páá4rììn` dùgú) páá4rììré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.L/I 1PL 2PL 1&2PL

Idiosyncratic: túù ‘mother’ tíí túm kyááná túùrú kyéé kyáárí kyááró kyáázínzá

3PL 3PL.L/I

(túù dùgú) kyááré

Idiosyncratic: wáà ‘nose’ wíí / húúní húúmi húúná húùrú húúlé húúrí húúró húúzínzá / húúnTzá / wánzá (húù dùgú) húúré

469

Idiosyncratic: páà vàà ‘husband’ páà vaFy páà vaFm páà vààná páà vààrú páà vaFy / páà vààlé páà vààrí páà vààró páà vààzìnzá

Idiosyncratic: syâh ‘hand’ síh sáhm séhná sêhrú séhlé

(páà vàà dùgú) páà vààré

(sêh dùgú) séhré

séhrí séhró séhzínzá

Appendix 2: Verb conjugations

This appendix contains conjugations of the six tonally contrastive verb classes (7.3.2.2.1). Paradigms are given for tenses which are signalled tonally (7.4): Perfective, Perfect, Pluperfect, Imperfective, Future, Optative and, in the case of the verb vè ‘go,’ Realis Future (7.3.3.1.2). Since morphology is different for intransitive and transitive verbs (7.3.2.1), and since tone is mapped on verb stems based on their CV shape (7.3.2.2.3), verbs which illustrate these distinctions are shown when they are found in the data. The order of the conjugations given in this appendix is as follows: tonal class

transitivity

CV shape of stem

example verb

intransitive

C(C)VX C(C)V

Qáá ‘move away’ gé ‘get lost’

transitive

C(C)VX C(C)V

éé ‘bite’ pá ‘make, do’

2

intransitive

C(C)VX

sùù ‘lie down’

3

intransitive

C(C)V

vè ‘go’

4

intransitive

C(C)VX

hèè ‘climb, go up’

transitive

C(C)VX

gìì ‘answer, accept, admit’

intransitive

C(C)VX

Qàà ‘finish (intr.)’ (derived)

transitive

C(C)VX

Qàà ‘finish (tr.)’

intransitive

C(C)VX.CV

)òògí ‘drag one’s feet’ (derived)

transitive

C(C)VVC C(C)V.CVC C(C)VX.CV C(C)VX.CV.CV C(C)VX.CV.CV.CV

QàànT ‘cause to finish (tr.)’ dògón ‘cause to drink (tr.) )òògí ‘set crawling’ )òògìní ‘cause to set crawling’ )òògìnìrí ‘cause to set crawling repeatedly / cause repeatedly to set crawling’

1

5

6

470

Verb class 1, intransitive, C(C)VX: Qáá ‘move away’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì Qáá mù Qáá nà Qáá Qáá lè Qáá rì Qáá rò Qáá nà Qáází Qáází rè Qáází

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì Qáàní mù Qáàmi nà Qáàná Qáàlé lè Qáàlé rì Qáàrí rò Qáàró nà Qáàzìnzá Qáàzìré rè Qáàzìré

Imperfective mì Qáání mù Qáámi nà Qááná Qáálé lè Qáálé rì Qáárí rò Qááró nà Qáázínzá Qáázíré rè Qáázíré

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáàzí Qáàzí Qáàzí

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáází Qáází Qáází

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáá Qáází Qáází Qáází

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

471

Verb class 1, intransitive, C(C)V: gé ‘get lost’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì gé mù gé nà gé gé lè gé rì gé rò gé nà gézí gézí rè gézí

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì génì mù génèm nà génà gélè lè gélè rì gérì rò gérò nà gézínzà gézírè rè gézírè

Imperfective mì géní mù géném nà géná gélé lè gélé rì gérí rò géró nà gézínzá gézíré rè gézíré

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

gélà gélà gélà gélà gélà gélà gélà gézílà gézílà gézílà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

gé gé gé gé gé gé gé gézí gézí gézí

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

gé gé gé gé gé gé gé gézí gézí gézí

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

472

Verb class 1, transitive, C(C)VX: éé ‘bite’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì mù nà lè rì rò nà rè

éé éé éé éé éé éé éé éézí éézí éézí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éézírì éézírì éézírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

èè èè èè èè èè èè èè èèzí èèzí èèzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

éé éé éé éé éé éé éé éézí éézí éézí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mì mù nà lè rì rò nà rè

Imperfective mì mù nà lè rì rò nà rè

éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éérì éézírì éézírì éézírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG Optative

mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

éé éé éé éé éé éé éé éézí éézí éézí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

473

Verb class 1, transitive, C(C)V: pá ‘make, do’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì pá mù pá nà pá pá lè pá rì pá rò pá nà pází pází rè pází

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì párì mù párì nà párì párì lè párì rì párì rò párì nà pázírì pázírì rè pázírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì párì mù párì nà párì párì lè párì rì párì rò párì nà pázírì pázírì rè pázírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

pàg pàg pàg pàg pàg pàg pàg pàgzí pàgzí pàgzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

pá pá pá pá pá pá pá pází pází pází

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

pá pá pá pá pá pá pá pází pází pází

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

474

Verb class 2, intransitive, C(C)VX: sùù ‘lie down’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì sùù mù sùù nà sùù sùù lè sùù rì sùù rò sùù nà sùùzí sùùzí rè sùùzí

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì súùní mù súùmi nà súùná súùlé lè súùlé rì súùrí rò súùró nà súùzìnzá súùzìré rè súùzìré

Imperfective mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

súúní súúmi súúná súúlé súúlé súúrí súúró súúzínzá súúzíré súúzíré

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

sú7gà sú7gà sú7gà sú7gà sú7gà sú7gà sú7gà sú7zírà sú7zírà sú7zírà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

súú súú súú súú súú súú súú súúzí súúzí súúzí

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

súú súú súú súú súú súú súú súúzí súúzí súúzí

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

475

Verb class 3, intransitive, C(C)V: vè ‘go’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect and Pluperfect mì vè mù vè nà vè vè lè vè rì vè rò vè nà vèzí vèzí rè vèzí

Imperfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

mì vìní mù vùnúm / vuFm nà vàná vèlé lè vèlé rì vìrí rò vòró nà vànzyá vèzìré rè vèzìré

Realis Future vágà vágà vágà vágà vágà vágà vágà vâgzí vâgzí vâgzí

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

víní vúnúm / vúm váná vélé vélé vírí vóró vánzyá vézíré vézíré

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

vìní vùnúm / vuFm vàná vèlé vèlé vìrí vòró vànzyá vèzìré vèzìré

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

víní vúnúm / vúm váná vélé vélé vírí vóró vánzyá vézíré vézíré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

476

Verb class 4, intransitive, C(C)VX: hèè ‘climb, go up’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì hèè mù hèè nà hèè hèè lè hèè rì hèè rò hèè nà hèèzí hèèzí rè hèèzí

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì hèèní mù hèèmi nà hèèná hèèlé lè hèèlé rì hèèrí rò hèèró nà hèèzìnzá hèèzìré rè hèèzìré

Imperfective mì hèèní mù hèèmi nà hèèná hèèlé lè hèèlé rì hèèrí rò hèèró nà hèèzìnzá hèèzìré rè hèèzìré

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

héérà héérà héérà héérà héérà héérà héérà héézírà héézírà héézírà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèèzí hèèzí hèèzí

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèè hèèzí hèèzí hèèzí

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

477

Verb class 4, transitive, C(C)VX: gìì ‘answer, accept, admit’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì gìì mù gìì nà gìì gìì lè gìì rì gìì rò gìì nà gììzí gììzí rè gììzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì gììrì mù gììrì nà gììrì gììrì lè gììrì rì gììrì rò gììrì nà gììzìrì gììzìrì rè gììzìrì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì gììrì mù gììrì nà gììrì gììrì lè gììrì rì gììrì rò gììrì nà gììzìrì gììzìrì rè gììzìrì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gììzí gììzí gììzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gììzí gììzí gììzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gìì gììzí gììzí gììzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

478

Verb class 5, intransitive, C(C)VX: Qàà ‘finish (intr.)’ (derived from Qàà ‘finish (tr.)’; see 7.3.2.1.2) Perfective

Perfect

(uses transitive counterpart; cf. 7.3.2.1.2)

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Pluperfect

Imperfective

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì Qàánì mù Qàámh nà Qàánà Qàálè lè Qàálè rì Qàárì rò Qàárò nà Qààzínzà Qààzírè rè Qààzírè

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì Qàánì mù Qàámh nà Qàánà Qàálè lè Qàálè rì Qàárì rò Qàárò nà Qààzínzà Qààzírè rè Qààzírè

(uses transitive counterpart; cf. 7.3.2.1.2)

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

Qààní Qààmi Qààná Qààlé Qààlé Qààrí Qààró Qààzìnzá Qààzìré Qààzìré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

479

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

Qààní Qààmi Qààná Qààlé Qààlé Qààrí Qààró Qààzìnzá Qààzìré Qààzìré

Verb class 5, transitive, C(C)VX: Qàà ‘finish (tr.)’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì Qàà mù Qàà nà Qàà Qàà lè Qàà rì Qàà rò Qàà nà Qààzí Qààzí rè Qààzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì Qàárì mù Qàárì nà Qàárì Qàárì lè Qàárì rì Qàárì rò Qàárì nà Qààzírì Qààzírì rè Qààzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì Qàárì mù Qàárì nà Qàárì Qàárì lè Qàárì rì Qàárì rò Qàárì nà Qààzírì Qààzírì rè Qààzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáà Qáàzí Qáàzí Qáàzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qààzí Qààzí Qààzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qàá Qààzí Qààzí Qààzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

480

Verb class 5, intransitive, C(C)VX: )òògí ‘drag one’s feet’ (derived from )òògí ‘set crawling’; see 7.3.2.1.2) Perfective

Perfect

(uses transitive counterpart; cf. 7.3.2.1.2)

1SG

mì )òògínì

2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mù )òògínìm nà )òògínà )òògílè lè )òògílè rì )òògírì rò )òògírò nà )òògìzínzà )òògìzírè rè )òògìzírè

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Imperfective mì )òògínì mù )òògínìm nà )òògínà )òògílè lè )òògílè rì )òògírì rò )òògírò nà )òògìzínzà )òògìzírè rè )òògìzírè

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

(uses transitive counterpart; cf. 7.3.2.1.2)

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

)òògìní )òògìním )òògìná )òògìlé )òògìlé )òògìrí )òògìró )òògìzìnzá )òògìzìré )òògìzìré

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

481

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

)òògìní )òògìním )òògìná )òògìlé )òògìlé )òògìrí )òògìró )òògìzìnzá )òògìzìré )òògìzìré

Verb class 6, transitive, C(C)VXC: QàànT ‘cause to finish (tr.)’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì QàànT mù QàànT nà QàànT QàànT lè QàànT rì QàànT rò QàànT nà Qààn`zí Qààn`zí rè Qààn`zí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì QàànTnì mù QàànTnì nà QàànTnì QàànTnì lè QàànTnì rì QàànTnì rò QàànTnì nà Qààn`zírì Qààn`zírì rè Qààn`zírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì QàànTnì mù QàànTnì nà QàànTnì QàànTnì lè QàànTnì rì QàànTnì rò QàànTnì nà Qààn`zírì Qààn`zírì rè Qààn`zírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

Qáán` Qáán` Qáán` Qáán` Qáán` Qáán` Qáán` Qáán`zí Qáán`zí Qáán`zí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT Qààn`zí Qààn`zí Qààn`zí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT QàànT Qààn`zí Qààn`zí Qààn`zí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

482

Verb class 6, transitive, C(C)V.CVC: dògón ‘cause to drink (tr.)’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì dògón mù dògón nà dògón dògón lè dògón rì dògón rò dògón nà dògònzí dògònzí rè dògònzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì dògónnì mù dògónnì nà dògónnì dògónnì lè dògónnì rì dògónnì rò dògónnì nà dògònzírì dògònzírì rè dògònzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì dògónnì mù dògónnì nà dògónnì dògónnì lè dògónnì rì dògónnì rò dògónnì nà dògònzírì dògònzírì rè dògònzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

dógôn dógôn dógôn dógôn dógôn dógôn dógôn dógônzí dógônzí dógônzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògònzí dògònzí dògònzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògón dògònzí dògònzí dògònzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

483

Verb class 6, transitive, C(C)VX.CV: )òògí ‘set crawling’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì )òògí mù )òògí nà )òògí )òògí lè )òògí rì )òògí rò )òògí nà )òògìzí )òògìzí rè )òògìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì )òògírì mù )òògírì nà )òògírì )òògírì lè )òògírì rì )òògírì rò )òògírì nà )òògìzírì )òògìzírì rè )òògìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì )òògírì mù )òògírì nà )òògírì )òògírì lè )òògírì rì )òògírì rò )òògírì nà )òògìzírì )òògìzírì rè )òògìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

)óógì )óógì )óógì )óógì )óógì )óógì )óógì )óógìzí )óógìzí )óógìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

)òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògìzí )òògìzí )òògìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

)òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògí )òògìzí )òògìzí )òògìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

484

Verb class 6, transitive, C(C)VX.CV.CV: )òògìní ‘cause to set crawling’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì )òògìní mù )òògìní nà )òògìní )òògìní lè )òògìní rì )òògìní rò )òògìní nà )òògìnìzí )òògìnìzí rè )òògìnìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì )òògìnírì mù )òògìnírì nà )òògìnírì )òògìnírì lè )òògìnírì rì )òògìnírì rò )òògìnírì nà )òògìnìzírì )òògìnìzírì rè )òògìnìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì )òògìnírì mù )òògìnírì nà )òògìnírì )òògìnírì lè )òògìnírì rì )òògìnírì rò )òògìnírì nà )òògìnìzírì )òògìnìzírì rè )òògìnìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

)óógínì )óógínì )óógínì )óógínì )óógínì )óógínì )óógínì )óógínìzí )óógínìzí )óógínìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

)òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìnìzí )òògìnìzí )òògìnìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

)òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìní )òògìnìzí )òògìnìzí )òògìnìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

485

Verb class 6, transitive, C(C)VX.CV.CV.CV: )òògìnìrí ‘cause to set crawling repeatedly / cause repeatedly to set crawling’ Perfective 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

Perfect mì )òògìnìrí mù )òògìnìrí nà )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí lè )òògìnìrí rì )òògìnìrí rò )òògìnìrí nà )òògìnìrìzí )òògìnìrìzí rè )òògìnìrìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Pluperfect 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì )òògìnìrírì mù )òògìnìrírì nà )òògìnìrírì )òògìnìrírì lè )òògìnìrírì rì )òògìnìrírì rò )òògìnìrírì nà )òògìnìrìzírì )òògìnìrìzírì rè )òògìnìrìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Imperfective mì )òògìnìrírì mù )òògìnìrírì nà )òògìnìrírì )òògìnìrírì lè )òògìnìrírì rì )òògìnìrírì rò )òògìnìrírì nà )òògìnìrìzírì )òògìnìrìzírì rè )òògìnìrìzírì

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Future 1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

mì mù nà )à lè rì rò nà )à rè

)óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírì )óógínírìzí )óógínírìzí )óógínírìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

mí mú ná má má rí ró ná má má

)òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrìzí )òògìnìrìzí )òògìnìrìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

Optative mìí mùú nàá )àá lèé rìí ròó nàá )àá rèé

)òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrí )òògìnìrìzí )òògìnìrìzí )òògìnìrìzí

)ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà )ígà

1SG 2SG 1&2SG 3SG 3SG.LOG 1PL 2PL 1&2PL 3PL 3PL.LOG

486

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Curriculum vitae

Erik John Anonby was born on 14 January 1975 in Winnipeg, Canada. He studied at Rossyln Academy in Nairobi, Kenya and in 1993 graduated from Brookswood Secondary School in Langley, Canada. From 1993 to 1997, he studied linguistics and art at Trinity Western University, where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and received the Governor-General’s Award for academic excellence. From 1997 to 1999, he pursued further studies at Université du Québec à Chicoutimi and Trinity Western University, graduating with a Master’s degree in Linguistics and Exegesis. Following a year of sociolinguistic research on several languages in Chad and two years of linguistic research on the Luri language continuum in Iran, he began doctoral research on Mambay in 2003. An associate of Leiden University Centre for Linguistics, he is presently carrying out a research project on Kumzari, a language in northern Oman.

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Samenvatting

Het Mambay behoort tot de Adamawa-taalgroep binnen de Niger-Congo taalfamilie. Het wordt door 15.000 mensen in Tsjaad en Kameroen gesproken. Deze studie begint met een overzicht van de historische en taalkundige achtergrond. Er volgt een presentatie van de klanken en een studie van hun distributiepatronen. Tot de bijzonderheden behoren de duidelijk gefonologiseerde labiale flap en een rijk klinkersysteem met contrastieve klinkerlengte, nasalisatie, glottalisatie en faryngalisatie. Bijzondere aandacht wordt er besteed aan nasaliteit en aan het toonsysteem met twee onderliggende niveaus en daarbij downstep, maar eveneens met pragmatisch gestuurde wisseling tussen intonatieregisters. Bij de beschrijving van de morfologie worden eerst de naamwoorden behandeld, met aandacht voor het verschil tussen vrije en gebonden naamwoordelijke vormen en de aanwezigheid van een serie naamwoordelijke voorvoegsels die niet verwant zijn aan die van de algemeen in het Niger-Congo voorkomende naamwoordklassen. Een rijk systeem van TAM (tempus/aspect/modus) inflectie wordt zowel op het werkwoord als op de voornaamwoorden gemarkeerd. Bijwoorden, bijvoeglijke naamwoorden en ideofonen worden gezamenlijk behandeld, evenals de resterende woordsoorten telwoorden, aanwijzende voornaamwoorden en voorzetsels. Het laatste hoofdstuk van dit proefschrift behandelt eenvoudige en samengestelde zinnen en plaatst de woordsoorten in het verband van zinsbouw en teksteenheid. Er volgt een aantal teksten met interlineaire vertaling, gekozen uit de genres lied, legende, fabel en spreekwoord. Twee appendices bevatten de paradigmata van de onvervreemdbare vormen van het naamwoord en de vervoegingen van het werkwoord.

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