Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas: Exploring Early Buddhist Sects of Andhra [1st ed.] 9789811556852, 9789811556869

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SPRINGER BRIEFS IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES

Balaganapathi Devarakonda

Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas Exploring Early Buddhist Sects of Andhra

SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies

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Balaganapathi Devarakonda

Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas Exploring Early Buddhist Sects of Andhra

123

Balaganapathi Devarakonda Department of Philosophy University of Delhi New Delhi, Delhi, India

ISSN 2510-5035 ISSN 2510-5043 (electronic) SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies ISBN 978-981-15-5685-2 ISBN 978-981-15-5686-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9 © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

…to the fond memory of my father Late Shri Devarakonda Subrahmanya Sastry garu…

Preface

The present work is an attempt to articulate the relationship between Buddhism and Andhra through the study of an early Buddhist text of Theravāda tradition ‘Kathāvatthu’ of Moggali Putta Tissa. Philosophical perspectives of Andhakas, a group of early Buddhist sects mentioned as a pūrvapaksha in the Kathāvatthu, are brought out in this work in a coherent way. This study based itself on the Pāli original of Kathāvatthu that was published by Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda and the English translation rendered by Mrs. Rhys Davids and S. Zan Aung under the title Points of Controversy (1915). I tried to bring together various philosophical doctrines of the Andhakas presented in a scattered form in the text Kathāvatthu. In the process of the presentation, one of the major issues of concern is the translation. I adopted the translation provided by Mrs. Rhys Davids and Zan Aung as far as possible. However, in order to bridge the gap between the Pāli text and the English translation and also to minimize the distortion of meaning, I had provided Pāli words, phrases and sentences as far as possible in the discussion so that the reader, while comprehending the present work, will be able to interpret the content without limiting him/herself to English translation (as it is the case with Mrs. Rhys Davids and Zan Aung’s work) and at the same time feels close to the original Pāli text. Earlier version of this work was an outcome of the major research project that was completed with the generous support of the University Grants Commission, New Delhi, during 2015–17. I record my gratitude to UGC for supporting me in this academic endeavour. Sudeep Raj Kumar’s support in finalizing the chapters is immense. To arrive at the present version, we both had many long discussions on the text Kathāvatthu and its argument. I thank Sudeep Raj Kumar along with Nivedita Chaturvedi for their help in finalizing the chapters. Yashika Sethi’s support in fixing the diacritical marks of Pali and Sanskrit words and in preparing the index deserves appreciation. I am grateful to Mrs. Anuradha Kotikalapudi for her constant encouragement in the course of completion of this work. I am immensely benefitted by the interactions with my teacher Prof. A. Raghuramaraju. I thank him for his constant encouragement in all my academic endeavours. I am supported, during the course of the vii

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project, by Ms. Jayshree Jha, Research Associate of the project, in several ways because of which I could complete it without much hassle. I thank her for the support. I am thankful to Satvinder Kaur, Sushmitha Shanmuga Sundaram and other editors and reviewers of the work at Springer Nature for their support. Satvinder’s constant support at various levels during the time of finalizing the manuscript deserves special appreciation. I acknowledge the support of Dr. Mahalakshmi Bhamidipati, my wife, who has a significant share in all my academic endeavours. Saathvik and Laasya, my kids, along with Lakshmi, provide a space of comfort that lets me work without any stress. New Delhi, India

Balaganapathi Devarakonda

Introduction

The relationship between space and thought provides a fertile ground for philosophical discussions with metaphysical, epistemological and empirical perspectives. The discussions, in general, are centred around the aspects such as whether space exercises any influence on the origin of thought and/or whether thought can be considered to be a unique contribution of a specific space. The present work while going beyond these general concerns on the relationship between space and thought attempts to address the issues of the contributions of a space to the thought that originated elsewhere but brought in, adapted and adopted by it. A particular thought once originated may not stay limited to the space in which it takes its form. Thoughts travel across the regions with people. What would be the position of a thought which was carried to a different space from that of its place of origin? Does the thought disintegrate? Or does it enrich the new space? What kind of relationship may exist between the thought and the new space?—are some of the questions which are of the present concern. Buddhism (thought) that was introduced to the region of Andhra (space) is specifically the concern of the present study. Buddhism that originated elsewhere1 was brought into Andhra2 by its dissidents who were welcomed, neither blindly nor wholesomely, by the people of Andhra. They welcomed and accepted it with due modifications to suit their heretical tones and belief patterns. Every space will nurture its unique life and thought which are rooted in the belief systems, geographical conditions and linguistic frameworks. Buddhism, which was received by the Andhras, was modified and proliferated as per the uniqueness of the groups of people living and gave rise to a new group of Buddhist sects called Andhakas. While proliferating Buddhism (thought), the Andhra (space) developed resilience— a characteristic that has developed through the interaction between the two. The proliferation did not result in the disintegration of Buddhism, rather by using the 1

Siddhartha Gautama, as per Buddhist tradition, was born in Kapilavastu, which is presently called Rummindei in the Terai region of Southern Nepal. 2 Here in the context of the present work, the term ‘Andhra’ corresponds to the present political units of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana—the Telugu linguistic states of modern India.

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resources of resilience, it resulted in the consolidation into a unique form of Buddhism which is different from its earlier form that was later developed as Mahāyāna with cosmopolitan characteristics—a unique outcome of the relationship between Andhra and Buddhism. Mahāyāna is the most widely accepted and practiced Buddhist school in the world (compared to Theravāda and Vajrayāna) because of its cosmopolitan characters such as resilience and accommodative nature. And this characteristic is the contribution of Andhra to Buddhism. It will not be out of place to mention that some scholars such as Sarao (2012) viewed this resilience or adaptive attitude of Buddhism to be a reason for its disintegration.3 However, a careful look at the early Buddhist history of Andhra takes us to a unique group of Buddhist sects called Andhakas which gave way for the consolidation of Buddhism as an alternative to Theravadin’s understanding with cosmopolitan characteristics. The place of the Andhakas in the early Buddhist history is the best historical example against the contention that the adaptive attitude is regressive or degenerative. The broader objective of the study, following the above discussion, is to locate the seeds of characteristics of resilience, adaptability and consolidation—because of which Buddhism could travel across continents—as the contribution of early Andhra to Buddhism. Specifically, the work attempts to explicate the doctrines of a group of early Buddhist sects of Andhra called the Andhakas—study of which will have larger implications on the development of Mahāyāna and resilient character of cosmopolitanism of Buddhism. Let me briefly elucidate cosmopolitanism in the context of the present work. Cosmopolitanism, in general, is understood to be a world view which views whole humanity as one community, not by erasing the multiplicities, but by establishing the interconnectedness. By viewing every human being to be a ‘citizen of the world’ (as articulated by Diogenes, ancient Greek philosopher) and arguing for ‘humanity to be one community’, cosmopolitanism not only erases social, political, national and communitarian barriers, but also places the individual human being to be the ultimate unit of moral and theoretical concern. Historically, this concern for human connectedness is articulated in different traditions in various forms.4 Buddhism, in the recent past, is explored through the lens of cosmopolitanism owing to its concern for human suffering (Dukha) and solidarity (karuna) by various scholars from different dimensions (Ward 2013; Jones 2003; Garfield 2015; Smith and Munt et al. 2016; Thompson 2020). As observed by Dharwadker (2001, 7), the present-day ‘… cosmopolitan argument of an inclusive idea of humanity and ‘As a result of the adaptational attitude’, writes K. T. S. Sarao, ‘Buddhism almost completely surrendered precisely to those beliefs and practices whose rejection the Buddha had himself preached in his original message’ (2012, 150). 4 In addition to Ancient Greek conception of Diogenes (as pointed above), we come across Ancient Indian conception of ‘whole earth as one family’ (Vasudhaiva kutumbakam), Ubuntu of African tradition, as presented by Desmond Tutu ‘my humanity is caught up and inextricably bound up in yours’; Classical Confucian conception of tianxia—all under heaven and unity of heaven and man (Young and Sang 2014). These conceptions represent cosmopolitan conceptualization of humanity. 3

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our interconnectedness’ was thought about by the Buddha long ago’. Ellís Ward viewed cosmopolitan thought of Buddhism in terms of ‘… an acceptance that suffering is universal and ubiquitous and, … social collectivities that emphasize deep bonds of responsibility and mutuality at all levels of the human—and nonhuman—world’ (2013, 137). He further contends, the radical account of Buddhist self, that refuses the view that the world is comprised of autonomous moral agents, makes Buddhist social thought distinct and has something to offer to current discourses on cosmopolitan ethics. In this way, it is assumed, ‘Buddhist thought offers a way of conceiving a cosmopolitan self in which all inscriptions of culture, ethnic, national and other forms of identity, on the body and the mind, are empty, impermanent, to begin with’ (2013, 149). Following Dharwadker and Ellís Ward, one can gather that Buddhist thought through its emphasis on human suffering and interconnectedness of humanity endowed with cosmopolitan thought. However, cosmopolitanism aspires to enhance human interconnectedness without assimilation of individualities. The fact that Buddhist thought reached and connected various places of the world without either assimilating or getting assimilated by the host cultures exhibits its true cosmopolitan attitude. Evan Thompson informs us of the tension that cosmopolitanism exhibits between concern for humanity as one community and concern for special responsibilities to those near and dear. The view that a special devotion to people near and dear is legitimate because this is the best way for us to do good, endorsed by Martha Nussbaum, is named ‘extreme’ cosmopolitanism by Scheffler (1999, 255–276). As against this extreme form, Scheffler advocates ‘moderate cosmopolitanism’ where one ‘… should affirm a moral relationship to all of humanity while also affirming devotion to particular individuals and groups of people, without those special relationships needing to be justified by reference to the interests of humanity as a whole’ (Thompson 2020, 297). Reconciling and harmonizing these two forms, Anthony Appiah advocates ‘partial cosmopolitanism’ which intertwines our obligations to all human beings and to particular human lives. Evan Thompson argues that it is this ‘partial cosmopolitanism’ that Buddhism represents. The Buddhism, specifically the Mahāyāna Buddhism, reconciles the demands of a universal as well as the particular aspects of human life, by bringing the thought close to practicalities of life. This work argues that two features that are discussed above, interconnectivity without assimilating individualities and reconciling the universal aspirations without neglecting the importance of particularities of human life, are at the core of the Mahāyāna Buddhism. These features are reconciled and nurtured during the early development of Buddhist sects in Andhra which later paved way for the growth of the Mahāyāna. It is this cosmopolitan attitude that facilitated the expansion of Buddhism in various parts of the world.

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I Though Magadha in the northeastern India (Modern Bihar) is popularly perceived to be the centre of Buddhism during its early development, a strong case for the ‘Buddhism of the Krishna River Valley in southeastern India (modern Andhra Pradesh)’ was made by Padma and Barber (2008). They argued that Krishna River Valley ‘played a pivotal role in the rise and development of the religion, and profoundly impacted subsequent Buddhist traditions, not only in India and the Indian subcontinent but throughout Southeast and East Asia as well’ (2008, 1). While underlining the significance of the contribution of the region, it is further argued that ‘…the Buddhism that developed in Andhra’s Krishna River Valley played a catalytic role for the history of Buddhist tradition in other cultural milieus; its creativity in art, philosophy, praxis and political theory became at times paradigmatic for, or at least a factor of significant influence on communities in other regions of the world that embraced Buddhism in its various forms’ (Sree Padma and Barber 2008, 3). The contribution of Andhra to Buddhism thus cannot be set aside as it hinders our comprehensive understanding of the percolation of Buddhism into various cultures and nations. The History of Buddhism in Andhra can be categorized into three phases; first one from third century BC to seventh century AD during the period in which Buddhism entered Andhra and had a glorious time; second one from seventh century AD to eighteenth century AD during which it struggled for survival and went into obscurity, and the third one from the latter half of the nineteeth century AD to the present times which can be characterized as the revival of Buddhism. The first period can be called as the period of glory, the second as period of hard-times and the third as period of revival. The period of glory as motioned above begins from its entry into Andhra and is characterized by schisms in Andhra which resulted in the origin of Buddhism as a universal religion in the name of Mahāyāna. Renowned scholars of Buddhism such as Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva, Buddhapālita and Buddhaghoṣa, Bhāvavivéka, Dignāga and Dharmakīrti are claimed to have either originated in Andhra or migrated to Andhra during their life time belong to this period of glory. Well-known Buddhist centres of Andhra such as Amarāvatī, Bhattiprolu, Nāgārjunikoṇḍawhich are said to have contained actual relics of Lord Buddha5 flourished during this period along with many other places of significance.

5

Manjusri Mūlakalpa mentions the stupa at Amarāvatī that contained the relics of Buddha. One of the Ayaka pillars of Mahāstūpa at Nāgārjunikoṇḍa recorded in its Brahmi inscription (dated third century AD) states Samma Sambudhasa Dhātu Vara Parigahitasa, which means the stupa incorporates the sacred relics of Buddha. Similarly, the inscription discovered in the stupa at Battiprolu states ‘Buddha Sarirāni Nikshiptam’ which means the corporeal relics of Buddha were deposited. Scholars remark that the paleography of the inscription of Battiprolu might be earlier than or contemporary to the Asokan Brahmi. The stupa was erected by a local king named ‘Kubhiraka’.

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The period of hard-times is occasioned by the revival of Brahmanism and Bhakti cult fostered by Saivism and Vaishnavism. During this period, Buddhism struggled for its existence and finally went into obscurity or lost its characteristic significance by being usurped by Brahmanism in its fold. The period of revival is characterized by contributions of scholarship, practice and creative literature. The background for the revival is prepared by the periods of glory and hard-times. Bringing out the continuities or/and discontinuities of the previous periods has become one of the concerns of the research scholarship of the period of revival. Following this concern, it focused on unearthing historical, archaeological, literary and epigraphical sources of the period of glory and attempted to bring out the reasons for the decline during the period of hard-times. Thus, the material and content of the revival studies is provided by periods of glory and hard-times but the approach and methodology are solely modern. Revivalism in this context has to be an attempt to bring out every aspect of Buddhist Andhra and Andhra Buddhism into light and construct a coherent history. It should not be limited to only a few specific areas such as history, archaeology, literature. All possible aspects such as religious, social and philosophical should be unearthed and brought to light for a comprehensive understanding of Andhra Buddhism. The present work is a contribution to the revival of Buddhism. By pointing out the lacuna in the revival studies, i.e. lack of an exclusive and comprehensive study of early Buddhist sects of Andhra, the work attempts to fill the gap. It proposes to study the doctrines of early Buddhist sects of Andhra that flourished between third century BC and first century BC. It intends to provide a comprehensive view of each of the sects and attempts to bring out a coherent exposition of the philosophy of early Buddhist Andhra—who were mentioned as the Andhakas in Kathāvatthu, early abhidhammā text of Buddhism.

II According to K. S. Murty (2004: 28), one of the significant philosophers of modern Andhra, ‘Buddhism was introduced into Andhra in the time of the Buddha himself’. The story of Pingiya, a disciple of Bāvari, found in Suttanipāta, which is one of the earliest available work in Buddhist literature, substantiates the argument of K. S. Murty. Buddhism did not remain static after reaching Andhra. Rather, it became dynamic by proliferating into many sects. As rightly observed by Hanumanta Rao (1997: 142) though orthodoxy disapproves of dissidence, sectarianism is a natural development in any living religion, as human thought is never static. The old ideas and practices naturally yield place to the new. The same happened with Buddhism, which after the Mahāparinirvāna of Buddha branched off into several sects and sub-sects. After the Mahāparinirvāna of the Buddha, there were attempts to consolidate the Saṅghā by compiling the teachings of Buddha by bringing the followers from various parts of the country. These congregations, which are called Buddhist

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Councils, have helped in both consolidating views and diversifying the Saṅghā. After the second Buddhist council, Buddhism was divided into two schools, Theravādins and Mahāsāńghikas.6 Mahāsāńghikas, under the leadership of Mahadeva II, moved to Andhra and constituted in course of time different schools with minor differences in practice and doctrine. Buddhism proliferated into various sects in Andhra from the time of its entry into Andhra up to the development of the Mahāyāna. K. S. Murty refers to the Kathāvatthu of Moggaliputta Tissa (who is said to have lived during third century BC)7 which informs us of 41 views of the Andhakas and 33 special doctrines of the Purvaśailas.8 This explicates the rich diversity of Andhra Buddhism during the early days of its history. Though there is no definite agreement among the scholars regarding the number of schools, sects and sub-sects of Buddhism, Kathāvatthu-Atthakatha of Buddhaghoṣa mentions ten Sthavira schools and eight Mahāsāńghika schools. The list of Mahāsāńghika schools includes Rājagirika, Siddhatthikas, Purvaséliyas and Aparaséliyas as the Andhakas sects. The word Andhakas was generally used to refer to Buddhist monks of Andhra. Buddhaghoṣa places the rise of the saila sects to two hundred years after the Mahāparinirvāna which implies that it could be around 285 century BC. Basing on Katthāvatthu, Vasumitra’s Samavadhoparacha Chakra, Bhavya’s Kayabhetro Vibhanga and Vinitadeva’s Samayabhedoparachana Chakra, we can enlist the following as Buddhist sects of Andhra. 1. Andhakas a. b. c. d. e.

Pubbaséliyās—Dhānyakataka—branch at Allur Aparaséliyas—Sriparvata—Nāgārjunakoṇḍa—branch at Ghantasāla and Vengi Uttaraseliyas—Velagiri/Jaggayyapeta—no epigraphical evidence Rājagirika Siddhatthikas

2. Bahuśrutīyas 3. Caityakas There is a need to bring out the doctrines of these sects, which may clarify the doctrinal differences among them. Though attempts have been made by various 6

Mahāsāńghikas who were centred in Vaisali and Pataliputra were relatively liberal, democratic and progressive and Sthāviravādins who were centred in Kausambi, Mathura and Avanti were conservative, more disciplined and orthodox. 7 Moggaliputta Tissa is associated with the third Buddhist council that was commissioned by Emperor Ashoka. David Kalupahana, a renowned Srilankan Buddhist scholar considers Tissa to be a predecessor of Nagarjuna and a champion of the Middle path. As he was a defender of true and pure teaching of Buddha, he is considered to be the promoter of the original philosophical ideals of the Buddha. 8 K. S. Murty while informing us that the work Kathāvatthu, which is claimed to be compiled by Moggaliputta Tissa, must have developed over a large period of time, states that some of the material in it goes back to Tissa’s time. The work informs us regarding forty-one views of the Andhaka, and thirty-three special doctrines of the Purvasailas (2004: 31).

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scholars to highlight different sects of Indian Buddhism, they have given limited attention to the sects of Andhra keeping their wider scope in the focus. There were attempts also by a few Telugu scholars who have written exclusive works on Andhra Buddhism. Even these works devoted less space for explication of early sects of Andhra. Consequently, there is no work exclusively devoted to the sects of Andhra Buddhism. The present work is an attempt in the direction of filling this lacuna. The work limits itself to the Andhakas comprising of the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the Rājagirikas and the Siddhatthikas as mentioned in the Kathāvatthu and to the Bahuśrutīyas and the Caityakas (who were not discussed in Kathāvatthu but form an integral part of Andhra Buddhism).

III After St. Julien (1959)9 made the earliest effort to study the Buddhist sects, there were many attempts by scholars like Vasilev (1859)10 Kern (1882)11 in depicting the controversies related to Buddhist sects. There were also translations of the Buddhist texts, which have discussed the schisms in Buddhism that enriched the discussions on Buddhist sects. Tāranātha’s History of Buddhism and the works of Vasumitra, Bhavya and Vinitadeva were translated into various languages along with English by scholars like Vasilev, S. Beal, Oldenberg, Rhys Davids and Rockhill.12 Bareau’s work (Les sectes Boundhiques du Pitit vehicule) is regarded to be the most authoritative work on Buddhist sects. In India, Dutt’s (1925) work Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and Buddhist Schools was a general study on the Buddhist sects in which the historical background, chronological problems, epigraphical and literary evidences, origin and home of the sects and the history of a few important sects and kindred subjects form the content. Followed by this, there were works by Warder (1970) and others which are the significant contributions to the discussion on Buddhist sects. Bibhuti Baruah’s Buddhist Sects and Sectarianism (2000), which is a more recent work devoted solely to schisms, concentrates only on history of succession of schools, and the growth and ramification of sects. In Andhra, though appreciable work has been done by K. R. Subramanian (1930), B. S. L. Hanumanta Rao (1973, 1997), Krishna Rao (1958), Murty (1980) and Venkateswara Reddy (2004) to sort out the Buddhist sects of Andhra, there is no substantial work which probed into the division of these sects to provide the Julien 1859. ‘Listes diverse des noms des dix-huit sects due Bouddhisme’. Journal Asiatique. Buddhism: Its Dogmas, History and Literature deals with different Buddhist schools mainly banking upon the Tibetan and Chinese sources. 11 His Dutch work titled Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme in India and a smaller English work titled A Manual of Indian Buddhism (1884) are significant in this regard. 12 Translations such as that of Vasumitra’s Samavadhoparacha Chakra (Trs. Wassilief), Bhavya’s Kayabhetro Vibhanga (Rockhill) Vinitadeva’s Samayabhedoparachana Chakra (Bareau), Moggaliputta Tissa’s Kathāvatthu (Rhys Davids and S. Zan Aung). 9

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philosophical doctrines of the Andhakas in a coherent way.13 The background for this schism, whether it is caused by historical, social, political, institutional or doctrinal differences, has to be brought into the light. Such endeavor has to be based on the original texts of Buddhism. The present work takes up this task and attempts to study the early Buddhist sects of Andhra to provide the philosophical doctrines of the Andhakas in a comprehensive way from Moggaliputta Tissa’s the Kathāvatthu and Buddhaghoṣa’s the Kathāvatthu-Attakatha. After a careful analysis of the text Kathāvatthu, the present study attempts to explicate the philosophical doctrines of Buddhist sects of Andhra. It also undertakes the task of establishing the point that the cosmopolitan form of inclusive institutionalization of Buddhism was initiated in the Andhra by introducing certain concepts and practices such as symbols and forms of worship. These practices, though are deviations from the original teachings, transformed Buddhism into a cosmopolitan religion and a people’s religion. In the course of the study, the work would analyse how Buddhism influenced, molded and contributed richly to the character of Andhra and vice versa.

IV The present study of the Early Buddhist sects of Andhra locates itself in the broader framework of Buddhist revival in Andhra. The later half of the nineteenth century occasioned the revival of Buddhism both within and outside India, Andhra being no exception. The revival took place in different forms encompassing all the sections of the people into its fold. There were serious research activities and creative writings on Buddhist themes and organizational activities promoting Buddhist practices and teachings. A number of scholars attempted to contribute to this revival. A detailed discussion on the works of these scholars forms the content of Chap. 1. It is often affirmed that the beginnings of the development of culture of Andhra are coeval with the introduction of Buddhism in the region. Researchers have developed arguments in favour of this affirmation on the basis of the historical, sociological, archaeological and literary evidences that are available. Chapter 1 explores the ties between Buddhism and Andhra. It, further, addresses the revival of Buddhism in the modern period in the form of academic research by discussing the contributions of K. R. Subrahmaniam, P. Lakshmi Narasu, Katragadda Balakrishna, B. S. L. Hanumanta Rao (BSL hereafter), G. V. Krishna Rao, Annapureddy Venkateswara Reddy and Kotta Satchidananda Murty. The aim of this chapter is to highlight the enduring relationship between Buddhism and Andhra and map the scholarship of the Buddhist revival studies in Andhra along with showing the A great scholar in Pāli and Sanskrit, Tirumala Ramachandra has written an article titled ‘Telugu Desamlo Bauddha sākhalu’ which means Buddhist sects of Andhra. However, this work deals only with popular sects and does not devote any space for early sects of Andhra. 13

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primary focus of the work, i.e. philosophy of the Andhakas which was to be a neglected aspect of the revival studies. Chapter 2 aims to provide a comprehensive account of the background, history and variations in the representation of schism in the early Buddhism. Since Buddhism has developed as a counter-tradition to the then existent Vedic tradition and since Vedic tradition itself was a combination of various divergent perspectives, it is natural that there were dissenting voices within Buddhism even during the time of Buddha. While providing an account of these dissenting voices on the basis of textual evidences, the chapter provides a background to the possibility of dissent. The chapter further proceeds to discuss the history of schism which began with the second Buddhist council held at Vaisali on the basis of the Pali, the Simhalese, the Tibetan and the Chinese traditions along with their sources. The variations with regard to even number of schools in Buddhism in general and the Andhakas in particular were examined to open the discussion for the subsequent chapter. Given that Buddhism in Andhra has proliferated into various sects during the early period of history and given that these sects have their own distinct character with which they enriched Buddhism in its practical as well as doctrinal aspects—it would be necessary to delve into the philosophical doctrines of these sects in order to have a comprehensive understanding of the philosophy of early Andhradesa. The arrival of Buddhism consolidated the culture, religion and philosophy of the early Andhra. In turn Andhra has contributed to the variedness and diversity of Buddhism. Chapter 3, which is the primary concern of the work, presents a consolidated system of philosophical doctrines of the Andhakas on the basis of a careful study of the Kathāvatthu. It discusses the doctrines of the Andhakas comprising of the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the Uttarasailas, the Rājagirikas and the Siddhatthikas along with the Bahuśrutīyas and the Caityakas. The Kathāvatthu-attakatha identifies the Andhakas to be one of the opponents of the Theravādins. The Kathāvatthu being a Theravāda text rejects the views that were proposed by the Andhakas in the argument. The present work partially limits itself to the text Kathāvatthu, the earliest text on Buddhism with a moderate exposition, attempts to bring out a consolidated perspective of various doctrines of the Andhakas that were presented by their opponents, the Theravādins. Consequently, views of the Andhakas presented here are limited by the biased representation of their adversaries. Though the work could have been presented in the form of a debate between the Andhakas and the Theravādins or their other opponents, considering the limitation of space, the work refrains from using such a form and opts for the consolidated exposition of various doctrines of the Andhakas. Beginning with a discussion on the doctrines of the Andhakas in general (which includes the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the Rājagirikas and the Siddhatthikas), the chapter proceeds to explicate the views of the Andhakas held in common with the Sammitīyas, the Mahīsāsaka, the Uttarāpathakas, the Vetulyakas, the Sabbathivadins and the Bhadrayanikas. It further discusses the doctrines of Pubbaséliyās held independently and also in common with the Sammitīyas, the Mahīsāsaka and the Aparaséliyas. The discussion continues to elucidate the doctrines of the Rājagirika independently and along with the Siddhatthikas and the

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Sammitīyas on the basis of the Kathāvatthu. Further, the chapter also discusses the doctrines of the Bahuśrutīya and the Caityakas who are also very significant in terms of their presence in the region and their contribution to the doctrinal variations of Buddhism. Chapter 4 explicates the contributions of Buddhism and Andhra for the development of each other by pointing out how Buddhism engendered a spirit of cosmopolitanism among the people of Andhra. It points out that the impact of the interaction between the two is not limited to religion or philosophy alone, but is visible overwhelmingly on art and sculpture, education, literature, etc. The chapter, further, maintains that the reason for the widespread acceptance of Mahāyāna school of Buddhism is its cosmopolitan character that is nurtured during its interaction with Andhra. The conclusion sums up the arguments of all the chapters with reference to the unique relationship between Andhra and Buddhism and the doctrinal differences of Early Buddhist sects of Andhra.

References Anthos, J. M. 1989 (1925). The origin and the glorious Past of the Andhras: A historical Sketch. Madras Asian Educational Services. Appiah, K. A. (2006) Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a world of strangers. New York: W. W. Norton. Excerpt From: Thompson, Evan. “Why I Am Not a Buddhist.” Apple Books. Bareau. A. (1955). Les Sectes Bouddhiques De Petit Vehicule. Saigon. Baruah, B. (2000). Buddhist sects and sectarianism. New Delhi: Sarup and Sons. Davids, R. T. W. 1896. (1998). Buddhism: Its history and literature. New Delhi: Orient Publications. Dutt, N. (1925). Early history of the spread of buddhism and the buddhist schools. London. Dutt, N. (1970). Buddhist sects in India. New Delhi. Dutt, N. (1941–1945). Early monastic buddhism (Vol. 2). Calcutta. Dutt, N. (1945). The buddhist sects: A survey. In B. C. Law (Vol. Part I). Calcutta. Dutt, N. The Mahasanghika school of Buddhism. Journal of the Department of Letters VIII. Calcutta. Garfield, J. (2015). Engaging buddhism: Why it matters to philosophy. Oxford University Press. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1973). Religion in Andhra, Guntur (2nd ed.). Hyderabad (1993). Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1995). Bauddhamu—andhramu. Hyderabad: Telugu University. (in Telugu). Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1995). Socio-cultural history of ancient and medieval Andhra. Hyderabad: Telugu University. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1997). Buddhism and Jainism in Andhra Desa. Hyderabad: Potti Sreeramulu Telugu University. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1998). Andhra Desamlo Jaina Bauddha mataalu. Hyderabad: Telugu Academy. (in Telugu). Julien. (1859). Listes diverse des noms des dix-huit sects due Bouddhisme. Journal Asiatique. Kinnard, J. N. (2008). Amarāvatī As Lens: Envisioning Buddhism in the Ruins of the Great Stūpa. In S. Padma & A. W. Barber (Eds.), Buddhism: in the Krishna River Valley of Andhra. Albany: State University of New York Press.

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Krishna, K. B. (1999). Political and social thought of the buddhist writers. Guntur: Milinda Publications. Krishnamurthy, K. (1977). Nagarjunakonda: A cultural study. Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Krishnamurty, S. (1994). A history of telugu literature. Madras: Institute of Asian Studies. Krishna Rao, G. V. Arya Nagarjununi Vigrahavyavartini. Ed. By A Venkateswara Reddy. G. V. Krishna Rao Rachanalu Vol. 7. Tenali Prabhasa Publications. Minayeff, J. P. (Ed.) (1889). Kathavatthuppakarana—Atthakatha of Buddhaghoṣa. Journal of Pali Text society. London. Murty, K. S. (1980). Andhra contribution to buddhist thought. Dr S Radhakrishanan Memorial Lecture. Hyderabad. National Telugu Institute. Narasu, P. L. What is buddhism? Narasu, P. L. (1999). The essence of buddhism. Taipai: The Buddha Educational Foundation. Narasu, P. L. (2002). Religion of the modern buddhist. Delhi: World Smiths. Rama Rao, M. (1915). Andhra through Kathavasthu of Mogaliputra Tissa. translated from Mrs Rhys Davids and S Zan Aung under the title Points of Controversy (London: Oxford University Press. 1915). Rockhill, W. W. (1992). The life of Buddha and the early history of his order. Derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-Hgyur and Bstan-Hgyur, followed by notices on the early history of Tibet and Khoten. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. Sarao, K. T. S. (2012). The decline of Buddhism: A fresh perspective. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Sarkar, H. (1987). Emergence of urban centres in early historical Andhradesa. In H. Sarkar & B. M. Pande (Eds.), Archaeology and history (p. 631241). Delhi: Agam Kala. Scheffler, S. (1999). Conceptions of cosmopolitanism. Utilitas, 11, 255–276. Excerpt From: Thompson, Evan. “Why I Am Not a Buddhist.” Apple Books. Smith, E. S., Munt, S. R., & Andhrew, K.-T. (2016). Cosmopolitan dharma: Race, secuality, and gender in British Buddhism. Numen book series, Boston, MA, Brill. Subramaniam, K. R. (1989). Buddhist remains in Andhra and the history of Andhra between 225 BC & 610 AD. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. (1st ed. Andhra University, Waltair 1930). Tāranātha. (1990). History of Buddhism in India. Translated from Tibetan by Lama chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya. Edited by D. P. Chattopadhyaya, K. P. Bagchi & company. New Delhi. Motilal Banarasidas Publishers. Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung-Yun: Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and 518 A. D.), trans. S. Beal, London: K. Paul, Trench and Trñbner (1869). Vasumitra, Samayabhedoparacanacakra, (1954). translated by A. Bareau, “Trois traités sur les sectes bouddhiques attribués à Vasumitra, Bhavya et Vinītadeva”; Journal Asiatique, 242, 229–266 (tr. of Vasumitra Samayabhedoparacanacakra); JA 244, 1956, 167–200 (tr of Bhavya’s Nikayabhedavibhangavyakhyānā and Vinītadeva’s Samayabhedoparacana- cakre nikāyabhedopadarśanasamgraha). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (1998). Manaviya Buddha. Vijayawada: Pallavi Publications. Venkateswara Reddy, A. (1999). Buddha Darsanamu. Hyderabad: Ananda Buddha Vihara Trust. (in Telugu). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (2003). (tr) Buddhuni Dirgha Sambhashanalu (translation of Pali text Digha Nikaya). Hyderabad: Misimi. (in Telugu). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (2004). The Revival of Buddhism in Deccan. In Aloka Parasar (Ed.), Kevala—Boddhi: Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan (Vol. 1). Delhi: Bharatiya Kalaprakasan. Ward, E. (2013). Human suffering and the quest for cosmopolitan solidarity. Journal of International Political Theory, 9(2), 136–154. Ward, C. H. S. (1952). Buddhism (Vol. 2). Mahāyāna London: The EP Worth Press.

Contents

1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival . Who Are Andhakas? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Periods of Glory and Decline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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2 Schism of Buddhism: History and Variations in Representations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Schism in Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Variations in Different Traditions in Presenting the Schools and Sects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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1 4 5 8 17

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19 27

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28 33

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3 The Philosophy of the Andhakas: Buddhist Sects and Their Doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doctrines of the Andhakas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Towards a Wholesome Conception of Action . . . . . . . . . . . . On the Nature of Matter (Rūpa) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . On the Nature of Consciousness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Doctrines of the Pubbaseliyas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Doctrines of the Bahuśrutīya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Doctrines of the Caityakas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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35 36 37 39 40 54 59 61 63

4 Mutual Contributions of Buddhism and Andhra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cosmopolitanism and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

65 68 70

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

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xxi

About the Author

Balaganapathi Devarakonda is Professor & Head in the Department of Philosophy at University of Delhi, Delhi. He belongs to the alumni of Hyderabad Central University. His research interests include historiography of Indian philosophy, philosophical practice and early Buddhism. He has authored two books and published more than 40 articles in peer-reviewed journals. He was the Editor of International Journal of Applied Ethics and was a member of editorial board of Journal of Indian council of Philosophical Research.

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Chapter 1

Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

Abstract This chapter explores the ties between Buddhism and Andhra in terms of its beginnings, extension, patronage, critical times and resurgence. It addresses the revival of Buddhism in the modern period in the form of academic research by discussing the contributions of K. R. Subramanian, P. Lakshmi Narasu, Katragadda Balakrishna, B. S. L. Hanumanta Rao (B. S. L. here after), G. V. Krishna Rao, Annapureddy Venkateswara Reddy and Kotta Satchidananda Murty. The aim of this chapter is to highlight the enduring relationship between Buddhism and Andhra and map the scholarship of the Buddhist revival studies in Andhra along with showing the primary focus of the work, i.e. philosophy of the Andhakas to be a neglected aspect of the revival studies.

Continuing the discussion on space and thought that was deliberated in the introduction, it must be noted that space does not remain to be so if we take the discussion further to its relationship with thought. While delving into the relation between space and thought in fact what we would be referring to is the relation between one thought and another. For space gets converted into thought. The question is, how does this happen? When we refer to space, as it is the case with the discussion on Buddhism and Andhra, we do not refer to space as an empty space, instead to one that is comprised of thinking beings who have contributed their thought to further the other thought that was initially received. That is to say, Buddhist thought that was brought to the space of Andhra interacted with the thought of the people of this space and got diversified and enriched, thus positively contributing to the augmentation of self of Andhra. What follows, in this chapter, is the development of the relationship between thought (Buddhism) and space (Andhra) in various disjunctures such as glory, decline and revival. It is often affirmed that the beginnings of the culture of Andhra are coeval with the introduction of Buddhism in the region.1 This chapter explores the ties between Buddhism and Andhra in terms of its beginnings, extension, patronage, critical 1 Researchers

have developed arguments in favour of this affirmation on the basis of the historical, sociological, archaeological, literary evidences that are available.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9_1

1

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1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

times and resurgence. It addresses the revival of Buddhism in the modern period in the form of academic research by discussing the contributions of K. R. Subramanian, P. Lakshmi Narasu, Katragadda Balakrishna, B. S. L. Hanumanta Rao (B. S. L. here after), G. V. Krishna Rao, Annapureddy Venkateswara Reddy and Kotta Satchidananda Murty. The aim of this chapter is to highlight the enduring relationship between Buddhism and Andhra and map the scholarship of the Buddhist revival studies in Andhra along with elucidating the primary focus of the work, i.e. philosophy of the Andhakas has been a neglected aspect of the revival studies. Before exploring the relation between Buddhism and Andhra, it is necessary to delve into the use of the very term ‘Andhra’. The question arises, was it in use during the time we claim the relationship? If so, was it used to denote a place (dé´sav¯acaka) or a linguistic group (bh¯asha v¯acaka)? It is clearly evident from the Aitareya Br¯ahman.a ´ of Rgveda, which refers to Andhras along with Sabar¯as, Pundr¯as, Pulind¯as and Mutibas of Deccan, that the term Andhra initially was used in the sense of group of people.2 This textual evidence suggests to us to cognize the existence of Andhras even during the Vedic period. Andhras as a tribe living in the South of a¯ ryavarta find mention in both the great Indian epics R¯am¯ayana and Mah¯abh¯arata.3 Megasthenese (B.C. 322–297), a Greek historian, who recorded the history of early India, mentions in his records that the Andhra dé´sa has thirty fortified towns and an army of one lakh infantry along with two thousand cavalry and one thousand elephants, which evinces the stronghold of the people. Pliny mentions that Andhra possessed numerous villages; thirty cities defended by walls and towers and supported its king with a good number of infantries, cavalry and elephants. There were evidences in support of the view that Buddhism was spread around Dh¯anyakataka during fourth century BC. The Nagas at Dh¯anyakataka and probably the Yakshas at Bhattiprolu accepted the Buddhism as per the account of B. S. L. ( 1995; 99). It is argued that there is evidence that forty people represented first Buddhist council held at R¯ajagiri from Andhra. Mahadeva Bhikshu, whose famous five points brought about the schism at the second ´ Sang¯ıti (Buddhist Council), was considered to be the resident of Caitya Saila which is identified with Dh¯anyakataka (B. S. L. 1973; 77–79). Further, the XIII rock edict of Asoka mentions ‘Bhòja pitinike´su a¯ ndhra p¯alitesu sarvatra dev¯an¯ampriya dhamm¯a manus¯asti’ which supports the impression given by the Kath¯avatthu that the Deccan became stronghold of Buddhism. The above discussion helps us infer that the ‘¯andhra’ was a referent to both people and land in the early historical evidences. Buddhism in Andhra, during the time of its glory, spread over a vast area extending from Saripalle in the north to Nandal¯ur in the south-west, Ghantas¯ala and Kanuparthy on the east to Kotiling¯ala and Kond¯apur on the north-west. Innumerable Buddhist settlements ranging from pre-Asokan times (fourth–third century BC) to the Vishnukundins (fifth–sixth century BC) were discovered. These settlements are 2 étê

a¯ ndhr¯ah pundr¯ah pulind¯ah s´abar¯ah muliba ityudanta bahavo bhavanti (Aitareya Brahmana VII.318) These people were mentioned as descendants of sage Visw¯amitra. 3 Sugriva, in R¯ am¯ayana, during his description of kingdoms of South mentions Andhra along with dandak¯aranya. Aranya parva of Mah¯abh¯arata mentions that the a¯ ndhra, s´aka, Pulinda, yavana, k¯ambhoja and bahlika kings as non-followers of sacred a¯ rya dharma.

1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

3

located more in the coastal Andhra and Telangana regions. It appears from the evidences that some of the Buddhist sites in Andhra such as M¯aj¯eru, Dh¯anyakataka, Dantapuram, G¯opalapatnam, Bhattiprolu, K¯otiling¯ala, Dh¯ulikatta, etc. flourished as prosperous Buddhist centres, equipped with monastic and non-monastic dwellings and enjoyed trade contacts with other Janapadas of Northern India, during the preChristian times. The Buddhist literature contains references to Assaka and M¯ulaka as Janapadas in Andhraratta and to Andhranagari on the river Telih¯ah¯a. The river Telih¯ah¯a is identified with river Krishna as it flows black (looking like taila-oil, v¯ah¯a-carrier) and Andhranagari therefore may be identified with Dh¯anyakataka on the banks of Krishna, according to B. S. L. (1993, 55). It is found that the Therav¯ada Buddhism was prevalent more in north-coastal Andhra and the Mah¯ayana was predominant in mid-coastal Andhra, especially in the doab of Godavari and Krishna. The above discussion evidences that a major portion of present Andhra was under the influence of Buddhism during the times of its glory. It is in general observed that it is through the untiring efforts of Ashoka, the great Mauryan Emperor, that Buddhism entered Andhra region and grew into a state religion. However, there are evidences for asserting that Buddhism is known to the people of the region even during the lifetime of Buddha. The well-known episode of B¯avari of Kosala who lived at a place located on the banks of the river God¯avari, near Assaka region in Dakshin¯apatha had sent his pupils to R¯ajagriha to meet Buddha and learn from his teachings (Dutt 1960; 120). Similarly, Vim¯anavatthu informs that Mah¯ak¯aty¯ayana, one of the chief disciples of the Buddha, has preached Buddha Dharma to the king of Assaka.4 Further, recent archaeological discoveries from various parts of Andhra have thrown fresh light on the patronage of Buddhism by the local kings and chieftain even before the propagation of Buddhism by Ashoka. The fertile doad betwixt G¯od¯avari and M¯an¯eru was ruled by pre-S¯atav¯ahana kings such as R¯año Gobhada, R¯año N¯arana and R¯año Samag¯opa. A Buddhist monastic complex found near Pashigaon, outside the fortified city of K¯otiling¯ala, contained an apsidal chaitya-grih¯a and st¯upas, belonging to the Th¯erav¯ada sect of Buddhism of third century BC. Almost similar monastic and non-monastic structures within a fortified city have been brought to light at Dh¯ulikatta, datable to third century BC. The another notable local king is R¯aja Kub¯eraka, who ruled over the tract along the south-east coast of Andhra, with Bhattiprolu as its capital city. He, according to the relic casket inscription, was responsible for constructing the Mah¯achaitya, enshrining in it the corporeal relics of Buddha. The inscriptions engraved on the relic caskets are of special significance and of fundamental value, for, they indicate the vernacular notation of Br¯ahm¯ı script in Andhradesa, which were, on the basis of paleography, dated to pre-Ashokan times. Other local kings that we find are, S¯omaka mentioned in an inscription at Vaddam¯anu near Amar¯avat¯ı and R¯aja Kumariyya Sammaliya from Amar¯avat¯ı, where vestiges of an ancient Buddhist settlement, along with a number

4 This

was referred by T. Ramachandra and B. Venkataramanayya in their work Lalita Vistaram (Telugu translation) 1969; 9.

4

1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

of punch-marked coins, were brought to light.5 Along with the above, there is a justification from the perspective of philosophical teachings of Buddha as well that supports the view that Buddhism in Andhra is pre-Asokan. As it is often noted, and pointed out by Thapar (2002; 201–202), the principles of Buddha Dhamm¯a of Asoka were secularized to such an extent that they are acceptable to people belonging to any religious sect. Consequently, Buddha Dhamm¯a that was popularized by Asoka had no mention to the strong philosophical teaching of Buddhism that contested the Vedic-Br¯ahmanism, such as the four noble truths, the eightfold path, the doctrine of dependent origination, concept of nibb¯ana. Had it been the case that it is Asoka who brought in Buddhism to Andhra, their acquaintance with the philosophical teaching of Buddha would be difficult to explain. Accordingly, on the basis of the evidences that people of Andhra were acquainted with Buddhist philosophy even before the times of Asoka, one can justifiable sum up the discussion that Buddhism of Andhra is pre-Asokan. Having understood the antiquity of ‘Andhra’, vast extent of the spread of Buddhism in Andhra and pre-Asokan prevalence of teachings of Buddha in Andhra, which substantiate the early relation between both, let us now understand to what the term ‘Andhakas’ refers to.

Who Are Andhakas? Here some questions arise as to, what does this term Andhakas refers to? Is it mentioned with reference to the people who lived in a space called Andhra or with reference to the people who practiced the religion Buddhism? What is the relation that the Andhaka has with the Andhra? We find varied representations of the term Andhaka in both Hindu and Buddhist narratives of the Indian tradition. As a proper name, it was referred to a demon king in Matsya Pur¯ana (179.2) and to a king whose help was sought by p¯an.davas (Udyog parva, Chapter 4 verse 12) in the Mah¯abh¯arata. It also denotes a sacred pool in the Mah¯abh¯arata (Anu´sa¯ sana parva Chapter 25, verses 32–33).6 This evidences the term Andhaka as a proper name was in common use during the Pur¯anic and epic times. The term Andhra, as discussed earlier, was used as a referent of both people and land in Hindu tradition. However, in the Buddhist tradition, we come across the term referring to the people who lived on the banks of the river Godavari. We find it is reference in abhidhamma-pitaka (ii, 359) motioning them among a list of tribes that came to pay homage to Jatukannika Thera and in Suttanip¯ata commentary while

5 Buddhist

inscriptions of Andhrades¯a 1998; 4. ( ) is a name mentioned in the Mah¯abh¯arata (cf. I.221, II. 48.42, III. 48.18, VI. 20.14, V. 7.1, V. 19.17, VI. 20.14) and represents one of the many proper names used for people and places.

6 Andhaka

Who Are Andhakas?

5

narrating the story of Bavari who has sent his disciples to see the Buddha.7 However, it is in the Kath¯avatthu-Attakatha of Buddhaghos.a that we find a clear mention of it as a group of Buddhist sects. Whether Buddhaghos.a invented the term Andhakas or identified certain early Buddhist sects mentioned in the Kath¯avatthu under this umbrella term is an interesting issue to ponder over, especially since Moggaliputta Tissa himself did not mention Andhakas in the work. It is often stated that it is Buddhaghos.a who applied the name ‘Andhaka’ to four schools of Buddhism called the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas (McDermott 2003, 86). However, while taking the prevalence of the terms Andhra and Andhaka during the Vedic, Epic and Pur¯anic times of ancient India, and understanding that the term even in Buddhist early P¯ali literature is being referred to the people of same space (Krishna–God¯avari doab region) the present work assumes that Buddhaghos.a did not invent the term, rather he only used the term as it was handed down to him to refer to the people of a place. However, one has to credit Buddhaghos.a for grouping the sects under the name Andhakas. Thus, Andhkas for the present work refers to a set of sects that Buddhaghos.a has grouped in his Kath¯avatthu-attakatha. Let us now examine the times of glory and decline before proceeding to the revival of Buddhism in Andhra in order to understand the intricacies of the relationship between the both.

Periods of Glory and Decline Buddhism, according to B. S. L., had fulfilled its historical mission of pulling down the petty tribal barriers and helped the s´a¯ tav¯ahanas to unify Deccan into an empire under their rule. During s´a¯ tav¯ahana period, the Buddhist settlements at Amar¯avat¯ı, Jaggayyapet¯a, Salihund¯am, Guntupalli, Ghantas¯ala, B¯avikonda, Thotlakond¯a, etc. became renowned pilgrim centres and some of these sites continued to flourish up to the mediaeval times. After the s´a¯ tav¯ahanas, Buddhism continued to receive patronage by their successors, namely Ikshv¯aku, s¯alank¯ayana, Vishnukundin and other minor dynasties, who were staunch adherents of Brahmanical religion. For instance, though the kings of Iks.vakus dynasty were Brahmanical Hindus, their women folk—queens, princesses and others—patronized Buddhism and donated liberally for its development. During the post-Iks.vakus times, with the revival of Brahmanical faith, the patronage of Buddhism declined to a low ebb. However, its survival as a religion, in some parts of the Andhrades¯a, continued even up to mediaeval times. The s´a¯ lank¯ayans of Vengi, who ruled during 300–400 A D, were said to be mainly responsible for the spread of Buddhism to Kanchipuram and also to the south-east Asian countries as far as Burma. Excavations at Vengipura brought to

7 For

more details on this, please refer Vincent Smith (Andhra History and coinage, ZDMG, 1902– 4), James Burgess (Archaeological Reports of Western India, ii, 132 and iii.54; Buddhist St¯upas of Amar¯avati and Jaggayyapeta 1887) and Cunningham (The St¯upa of Bh¯arhut, 1962, 603–7).

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1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

light remains of vih¯aras, st¯upas, and stone pillared mandapas built by the Aparasélliyas and the Aparamaha Vinayaséliyas.8 Copper plate grants from Kondav¯ıdu by Prithvi Sri M¯ular¯aja (fifth–sixth century AD) a Vishnukundin king reveals the existence of various sects of Buddhist Sa˙nghas, like Sakya Bhikshu Sa˙ngha and Arya Bhikshu Sa˙ngha flourishing in Andhra at the time. On the basis of the careful study of Amar¯avat¯ı inscriptions, and all the other archaeological and epigraphical evidences, B. S. L. infers that ‘Buddhism has paved the way for the extension of North Indian Systems and Brahmanical culture in the Deccan’ (1995; 100) during the early times. After the Vishnukundins, Buddhism lost its ground, mainly due to the absence of royal support, and hence, many settlements were deserted. This fact is also confirmed by the accounts of foreign traveller Xuanzang who visited the Andhrades¯a during sixth–seventh centuries AD and mentions that though Dh¯anyakataka was found to be full of Buddhist monasteries, about only twenty fit for living and were occupied by nearly one thousand monks, belonging to the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika school (Beal, 1884). According to him, there were one hundred déva temples, worshipped by various sects. It is opined that out of the total 18 sects of Buddhism, at least nine sects had their base in Andhrades¯a. They are the Mah¯asangh¯ıyas or the Aryasanghiya (N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a), the P¯urvaséliyas (Amar¯avat¯ı & Alluru), the Aparaséliya (N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a, Véngi and Ghantas¯ala), the R¯ajagirika (Amar¯avat¯ı), the Caityaka (Amar¯avat¯ı), the Bahusrutiya (N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a), the Mah¯ıs¯asaka (N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a), the Uttaraséliyas (Jaggayyapet or North coastal Andhra), the Siddhatthikas and also other minor sects like Arya Bhikshu Sa˙ngha and Sakya Bhikhsu Sa˙ngha. The Kath¯avatthu states that the Raj¯agirika, the Siddhatthikas, the Pubbaséliy¯a and the Aparaséliya belonged to Andhak¯a sects. It is interesting to note that during fifth–sixth centuries AD., all the 18 sects flourished in Andhrades¯a as can be seen from the grants issued by Prithvi Sri Mula Maharaja. The third grant of the king issued from Kondavidu specifically mentions that the 18-fold Bhik¯shu Sa˙ngha resided in the universally famous Mah¯avih¯ara ‘Sri Lokavikhyata Mahavih¯ara nivasinan’ at Gunap¯asapura (Krishna ¯ Sastry 1992, 21). Great teachers such as Acharya N¯ag¯arjuna, Aryadéva, Dign¯aga, Bh¯avavivéka, Buddhaghos.a, etc. were responsible for the growth of Buddhism in Andhrades¯a. Various reasons lead to the decline of Buddhism in the subsequent period. Lack of royal patronage, revival of Vedic Br¯ahmanism, the confinement of the teachings of Dharma to the monasteries, shift of trade centres away from monastic complexes and similarity in religious practices between Vedic Br¯ahmanism and Vajray¯ana Buddhism are some of the factors that lead to the gradual decline of Buddhism in Andhrades¯a. Mitra (1954), one of the earliest modern thinkers to deliberate on the decline of Buddhism in India, points out that the reasons for the failure of survival are internal to Buddhism. He states that the very character of Buddhism itself was the underlying reason for its failure to survive. Buddhist characteristics of pessimism, atheism and generally rarified character are unsatisfying to the Indian genius, according to Mitra. In contrast to the view of Mitra, external factors are pointed out by

8 E.I.

XXX, p. 201, p. 11.

Periods of Glory and Decline

7

K. T. S. Sarao as reasons for the decline. K. T. S. Sarao,9 while evaluating the reasons of the decline in Deccan, argues that it is the waning of urban centres and ascendance of agrarian class, and its lack of support to Buddhism have contributed majorly to the decline. He argues that ‘… in reality the ascendance of the agrarian class and its alliance with Br¯ahmanical-br¯ahmanas during the heydays of the Bhakti movement, the former supporting the s´aiva and Vaishnavite faiths and the ruling authorities switching patronage from the Buddha to Br¯ahmanical-Hindu deities, may have tilted the scales against Buddhism which was supported mainly by the mercan´ tile community. Besides, Buddhism has become ‘interlarded with Saiva ideas, and with practices of Hathayoga in the South and was thus in a state of imperceptible dissolution amidst forms of Trantric Hinduism” (2012, 65–66). Buddhism in Andhrades¯a remained static up to the tenth century AD. Thereafter, it was caught in the whirlwind of the Brahmanical revivalist movement whose followers converted the Buddhist temples into Brahmanical ones and went so far as to turn Buddha of Amar¯avat¯ı into an incarnation of Vishnu. During the visit of Xuanzang Hiuen Tsang (when Indravarman of the Vishnukundin were ruling), Buddhism as an individual religion was reduced to pitiable condition and on the verge of losing its separate identity. It is apparent that it could not recover the lost ground. But traces of Buddhism shorn of its pristine purity can be traced here from the ninth to thirteenth century AD. Though there was a substantial decline of Buddhism in terms of its practice and places of worship, it did not disappear completely from the Andhrades¯a. It was present but in a dormant way contributing to the requirements of the time awaiting its revival. It was possibly under the impact of the revivalist and new philosophical idea of the South that Buddhism tried to adjust itself to new forces and ultimately became an admixture of various religious systems.

9 K.

T. S. Sarao’s work The Decline of Buddhism in India: A Fresh Perspective (2012) is a recent work which tried to provide a comprehensive perspective on the theme by evaluating various reasons that were previously presented such as; moral and ethical degeneracy in the samgha, animosity of Br¯ahmanas, withdrawal of royal patronage, development of sectarianism, attacks of Arabs and Turks, revival of Br¯ahmanical-Hinduism and rise of Bhakti movement and gap in samgha–laity relationship and evolving material milieu. After a detailed evaluation of the above available reasons, Sarao comes out with his own model of decline which is a combination of urban character, lack of mass-base and anti-Buddhist Br¯ahmana-peasant alliance, inalienable affiliation with and dependence up on mercantile communities for material support, intellectual snobbery, social aloofness and lack of interest in cultivating loyal supporters. Death-wish mentality and the overwhelming presence of Br¯ahmanical elements in the sa´ngha and the unwittingly is playing second fiddle to Br¯ahmanicalHinduism. All these factors together caused its decline according to Sarao. After a detailed study, he observes that the decline is not simultaneous and not out of the same cause in all parts of India. This is what necessitated a model rather than merely pointing out a cause and attempting to generalize it to all parts of India and all forms of Buddhism.

8

1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra Though past is the foundation of the present, the present is valued most, since it is the one which we immediately experience. This immediacy of the present, eternality of change and constant movement of time sometimes hide the glory, significance and the contribution of past to the present and wrongly assume the autonomy of the present. But, time and again, the necessity of going back to the past to rediscover the jewels that are hidden and revive the glory has been felt by mankind. History, archaeology and epigraphy along with literature devote much of their study to this task of discovery and revival. Culture also at times joins hands with them to bring out the core and substantial part of the historical self. Later half of the nineteenth century initiated the revival of Buddhism in Andhra, in India as well as in the West. This either may be a mere coincidence or a proof for understanding that intellectual stimulus of human mind is not limited to geographical boundaries. The possibility of the latter can give us intellectual insight on the discourse of the relation between space and time dealt with earlier. The revival of Buddhism in the West, the revival is occasioned by translations of the primary texts of Buddhism. While in India, specifically Andhra the revival took the form of rediscovery of the self, accompanied by historical and archaeological discoveries. Col. Olcott and Madam Blavatsky and Angarak¯a Dhammap¯ala, though not Indian in origin, were at the forefront of the revival of Buddhism in India. However it is through the efforts of Mahavira Swamy, Dharmananda Kosambi, Rahul Sankrtyayan, Kausalyayan, Jagadish Kasyap, B. R. Ambedkar and Gandhi that the revival gathered momentum in rediscovering the significant aspects of the Indian Self. These efforts, though at times were in difference with each other, highlighted the contribution of Buddhism to the Indian Self. Here, it would not be wrong to conclusively assert that the present-day Indian Self is not a mere Hindu Self (probably it was never a sole Hindu Self), rather its constitution seems to be varied, owing to a paraphernalia of socio-cultural, religious movements, that have elapsed in the history of time. However, the process of construction was not a monotonous one, but rather one that was accompanied by vigorous activity, of critiquing, moulding, assimilating, in the history of time. It can here be said that the revival of Buddhism in India is the rediscovering the self. The beginnings of culture of Andhra, as noted earlier, were discovered by Subramanian (1989: 3) to be coeval with the beginnings of Buddhism, in the land. On the basis of the available evidences, he went up to say, ‘warp and woof of Andhra culture were largely Buddhist’ (1989: 28). These research findings prove the contribution of Buddhism to the ‘Self of Andhra’. The Self of Andhra in its early development was nourished by Buddhism, and hence, the revival of Buddhism in Andhra amounts to rediscovery of Andhra Self. Coming back to the discussion of revival of Buddhism around the world, Venkateswara Reddy (2004: 214) points out three ways in which the revival shaped up.

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra

9

1. Scholarship—this includes academic study, research, discovering of the canonical Buddhist literature buried under the debris of time, comparing of texts made available from various sources and countries, publication of texts after comparing and analyzing them and making exegeses. 2. Experience of Buddhism and participation, which means translating Buddhism into practice. It includes establishing of Buddhist vih¯aras, starting of centres and associations of Buddhism, organizing movements for propagation and preaching of Buddhism, thus awakening the public to Buddhist ethics and philosophy and conversion of others to the Buddhist fold, and 3. Making popular literature and creating fiction on the basis of Buddhist themes, stories, characters and legends. Research and translations fuelled the interests of the academia; practice powered the interest of the people in Buddhist meditation and way of life; the creative literature contributed to popularizing of Buddhist themes among the non-academic and non-practicing individuals. It would not be an exaggeration to say, there is nobody untouched by either of the three ways of Buddhist revival, in contemporary Andhra. Along with these, mention may be made of the contribution of archaeological and epigraphical discoveries to the revival. In the context of Andhra, research, practice and creative writing were inspired by the historical, archaeological, epigraphical discoveries which have unearthed Buddhist contributions to various dimensions of the Self of Andhra. Our present endeavour in this section is to study the revival of Buddhist scholarship in Andhra. The jewels and glory of Andhra in terms of Buddhism were discovered and presented by many eminent contemporary scholars of Andhra.10 Let us discuss the contributions of K. R. Subramanian, P. Lakshmi Narasu, Katragadda Balakrishna, B. S. L. Hanumanta Rao, G. V. Krishna Rao and Annapureddy Venkateswara Reddy who have richly contributed to the revival. A special mention should be made of Kotta Satchidananda Murty for his work on Andhra Contribution to Buddhist Thought. The discourse that commence discusses unique contributions of these scholars. Subramanian (1930) was one of the foremost of Telugu scholars who prepared a comprehensive work on Buddhist studies in Andhra. As a Fellow of Guntur District Board during the year 1928–9, Subramanian worked extensively on Buddhism in Andhra which resulted in the book entitled Buddhist Remains in Andhra and the History of Andhra between 225 and 610 AD. With the available archaeological, numismatic and epigraphical sources, he tried to establish his theses that: (1) The bulk of Andhrades¯a or Telugu-speaking country of today existed as a separate linguistic belt, from very early times, (2) Andhrades¯a was saturated with Buddhism till long after the last S¯atav¯ahana (225AD), (3) the beginnings of Andhra culture are coeval with the beginnings of Buddhism in the land, and (4) that Andhra Buddhism was 10 A plenty of literature was developed during the period of revival of Buddhism. A few prominent scholars who worked on Buddhism are Prasad Bhupala, Duggirala Balarama Krishnaiah, Swamy Sivashankara Sastry, Tirumala Ramachandra, Bulusu Venkata Ramanaiah, Ratnakara Balaraju, Divakarla Venkatavadhani, G. V. Krishna Rao, Pingal, Chilukuri Narayana Rao, Mallampalli Somasekhara Sharma, Sri Korada Mahadeva Sastry.

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1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

pre-Asokan (1989: 3). He, further, argued that ‘...the sway of Buddhism over the Andhras between about 300 BC and 300 AD and its continued influence for another four hundred years meant that the warp and woof of Andhra culture was largely Buddhist’ (1989: 28). He established that the beginnings of all literature, knowledge and art of Andhra were Buddhist. According to him, Andhra architecture, sculpture, painting writing, literature, education (every monastery was a school) and learning began and developed under Buddhist auspices. The earliest to mould the language into proper form was the Buddhist Pali language. The Buddhist assemblies (Sa˙nghas) were regulated by discipline and decorum. He said, Their [Buddhist] notions of equality, racial, social and sexual, their stern morals, their intellectual pursuits, their clean, simple and communal life, and, above all, their spirit of missionary enterprise which made them enter into the hearts of the people and cultivate the popular tongue and which led them on as preachers of the gospel far beyond the seas transcending all racial and geographical boundaries – these form the very bone and marrow of Andhra civilization (1989: 29).

Reflecting the mark of a true scholar, Subramanian proved his worth not only by constructing his arguments on scanty historical evidences but also in cognizing the limitations of the historical data. This understanding made him state that, ‘… a thorough first-hand study of the existent sources, aided by a sound historic imagination would have its own value, although facts hidden in the womb of time may, when discovered, upset some of my conclusions’ (1989: xiv). However, a careful review of the research reveals that the conclusions made by Subramanian are proved strong. Subramanian has done a pioneering work on the studies of Buddhist Andhra by discovering various aspects of it that were previously unknown. He provides an overview of the influence of Buddhism on social, cultural and religious aspects of life of the people of Andhra. As the scope of his work extends to the period 225–610 AD, the work provides an insight of the times of early centuries of Andhra. Consequent to these pioneering efforts of Subramanian, the contributions of Katragadda Balakrishna (KBK) (1906–1948) and P Lakshmi Narasu (1860–1934)—two Telugu scholars who have made significant contributions to Buddhism living away from Andhra require our attention for their unique set of perspectives towards Andhra Buddhism. Let us discuss their contributions to the revival one after the other. Among the other works of KBK, Political and Social Thought of the Buddhist Writers (1960 I edn; 1999 II edn.) is of concern to us. This work was submitted to the prominent sociologist PA Sorokin as a thesis in 1933 under the title Political and Social Thought in Early Christian Era. It aimed at studying the movements of protest against caste from second century AD to fifth century AD. While analyzing the issue whether society and politics were differentiated in this period, KBK argued that Buddhist Sa˙ngha is the best example of the combination of the political as well as the social. He attempted to outline the history essentially on the parameters of ideas and institutions. Wherever it was not possible to obtain ideas, institutions were examined with a view to elicit on what ideas they were based upon. His unique contribution is his attempt to survey political and social ideas of Buddhist writers of the early Christian era in South India (1999: 21). While critiquing the prevalent view that South India had failed to make any original contribution to the stock of

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra

11

political ideas, KBK elucidated the argument of the SK Iyengar that the supreme contribution to the field of political science by Dravidians has been in the realm of local self-government (1999: 19). While surveying the two Buddhist works of the period Silapp¯adhikaram and Man.im¯ekalai, he brought out the social and political ideals of South Indian Buddhist Scholars, such as Buddhist conception of ideal mind and ideal state, justice, charity as the social obligation of kings, the relative freedom enjoyed by women and repudiation of caste. KBK points out that the shift from divine origin theory of king to a human oriented and humanitarian ideal-based monarchy was the contribution of Buddhism to early Andhra. He presents his findings by stating that ‘Buddhism has trimmed and tempered the conception of monarchy with its humanitarian ideals. It has purged it of divinity. It set aside the baneful influence of priests. It sought the origin of authority in people. It made kingship an office. It has relegated sacrifices to the background … it exalted the conception of equality, and on that ground attacked caste … it emphasized the rational aspect and the law of causation. What the Samkhya philosophers sowed through the labours of Carvaka and Lok¯ayats, Buddhism reaped and Hinduism inherited’ (1999: 67). Indeed, KBK’s work seems to have opened the doors for further research on the social and political ideals of Buddhism. Like Subramanian, KBK also devoted his work to the early centuries of Christian era. Let us now discuss the contributions made by P. Lakshmi Narasu. Pokala Lakshmi Narasu (1860–1934) contributed to the revival of Buddhism both as a scholar and an activist. Being a Professor of Physics and Chemistry at Madras Christian Collage, he has written scholarly works such as What is Buddhism? (Coauthored with M Singavelu), and The Essence of Buddhism and Religion of the Modern Buddhist. Being an ardent follower of Buddhism, he opened a branch of Maha Boddhi Society in 1900 in Madras. Initially B. R. Ambedker and in the recent times T. Ravichand have been instrumental in acknowledging the works of Lakshmi Narasu. The Essence of Buddhism is the most popular work of Lakshmi Narasu which was first published in 1907 with the introduction of Anagarika Dhammapala. Later in 1948, it was republished with B. R. Ambedkar’s introduction.11 What is Buddhism? is an introductory work written in English on Buddhism by Lakshmi Narasu which has attracted the attention of great people like Jean Masaryk, the first president of Czechoslovakia, who translated it into Czech. Later the work was also translated into German. It was translated into Telugu by Etukuri Balarama Murty and it was published by T. Ravichand under Milinda publication with the introduction of N Sanjivadev. Another significant work of Lakshmi Narasu which came into print nearly 68 years after his death was Religion of the Modern Buddhist (Delhi: World Smiths. 2002). This work was edited by Aloysius. It aims to prove that Buddhist teachings are in consonance with the modern scientific outlook. It argues that among the five living

11 It

was reprinted for free distribution by the Corporate Body of The Buddha Educational Foundation, Taipai, Taiwan in 1999 (printed 37,000 copies).

12

1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

religions of the world—Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, Islam and Buddhism— it is only Buddhism which can stand the test of scientific understanding. Since Buddha does not accept verbal testimony to be a valid means of acquiring knowledge, Lakshmi Narasu believes that there is nothing in Buddhism which negates human experience and reason. Basing himself upon this epistemological background, Lakshmi Narasu states, Buddhism is in consonance with scientific understanding and desires the welfare and happiness of the society. Sequence of these three writings show the maturity of understanding that Lakshmi Narasu has gained over a period of time. His work What is Buddhism? tries to provide a preliminary understanding of Buddhism; The Essence of Buddhism provides in depth analysis of the essential features of Buddhism and The Religion of the Modern Buddhist stresses the need to understand Buddhism in the context of modern scientific developments. All these three works exhibit the scholarly approach and creative analysis of the author. This makes the place of Lakshmi Narasu formidable among the scholars of Andhra who have contributed to the revival of Buddhism. Another distinguished academician along with Lakshmi Narasu, who has contributed to the revival from a historical perspective, is B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao. Let us discuss his unique set of contributions for the revival. B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao (1924–1993) a historian, a critic and a radical humanist who in his personal and professional life grew from being a school teacher to a university professor, has made significant contribution to the discourse of Buddhism in Andhra. His interest in Buddhism was instigated by the writings of M. N. Roy and the work of K. B. Krishna. His Doctoral thesis, which was published with the name Religion in Andhra (1973), is one of the classics of historical research on Andhra Pradesh. It attracted the critical acclaim of both Indian and Western Buddhist researchers alike. In this work, he discusses in detail the arrival of Buddhism, its extension in Andhra, the different Buddhist sects of Andhra, the origin of the Mah¯ay¯ana and decline of Buddhism in Andhra accompanied by proper historical evidences. Socio-Cultural History of Ancient and Mediaeval Andhra (Hyderabad, Telugu University, 1995) Jaina and Buddha Religions in Andhrades¯a (Hyderabad, Telugu Academy, 1998) and Buddhism—Andhra (Hyderabad, Telugu University, 1995) are his other significant works related to Buddhism along with innumerable articles that he published in various journals and books. In the earlier book, while pointing out that Buddhism was not patronized by the royal families, B. S. L. argued that ‘In fact Buddhism has spread in Andhra as a popular movement supported by the gahapatis, Kamaras and V¯anijas and their women folk who formed the bulk of the people. The magnificent Buddhist monuments of Andhra were the result of their cooperative effort’ (1995: 36). This proves the attraction of masses towards Buddhism. With regard to learning and education, only Buddhists have established Viswavidyalayas at ´ Dh¯aranikota and Sriparvata and showed interest in secular subjects like Astronomy, Logic and Grammar (1995: 37). B. S. L. pointed out that Buddhism had fulfilled its historical mission of pulling down the petty tribal barriers and unifying Deccan into an empire under S¯atav¯ahana rule. This implicitly acknowledges the fact that Andhra, which is a part of Deccan, and was under the rule of S¯atav¯ahana, unified its tribal groups into one empire by the influence of Buddhism. The Development of

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra

13

Neo-Br¯ahmanism that was born to combat with Buddhism and the Buddhist attempt to resurrect its dhamm¯a on the foundation of the Mah¯ay¯ana these dynamics are elucidated by B. S. L. in a scientific way. The work, Buddhism and Jainism in Andhrades¯a (1998), discusses not only the historical perspective of the introduction, extension and decline of Buddhism but also the development of different sects and conditions that necessitated their beginnings along with famous Buddhist sites of historical importance. B. S. L. constructed the socio-economic and cultural conditions of ancient Andhra (around 4 BC) which were conducive to the expansion of Buddhism with historical evidences. He explained different sects of Buddhism of Andhra. He not only discussed the Buddhist sites of Andhra individually but also brought out the life in the Buddhist vih¯aras. This monograph is indeed valuable in the history of Andhra Buddhism and will be useful as a reference book for the researchers who are interested to work in this area. The first part of Buddhism-Andhra (1995) is devoted to Andhra Buddhism and gives a lucid explication of the significant aspects of Andhra Buddhism. Contribution of Buddhist sramanakas to the growth of the culture of Andhra was brought out with clarity. Buddhist sramanakas never lived away from the people in hillocks and forests. They worked for the social morality, individual development and spiritual enhancement and strengthened the foundations of their religion. The intellect of the Andhra Sramanakas contributed richly to Buddhist sutra literature (1995: 10). B. S. L. has brought out the sculptural marvels of the Andhra Buddhists into light, through this work. B. S. L. has worked extensively and brought out early history of Andhra in relation to Buddhism in a comprehensive way. His extensive research which left no aspect of historical importance of Buddhism and Andhra untouched stands tall providing guidance to the future researchers. Complimenting the efforts of B. S. L. in bringing out the archaeological and historical aspects of Buddhist Andhra is G. V. Krishna Rao yet another versatile scholar, well-versed in many languages, who has contributed to the revival through his translations. In what follows, we will discuss his contributions in a succinct form. G. V. Krishna Rao (1914–1979), a scholar well-versed in Sanskrit, English and Telugu, has contributed to the revival of Buddhism by way of translations. He was attracted to Madhyamika Dar´sana of N¯ag¯arjuna after reading Stcherbatsky’s The Conception of Buddhist Nirv¯ana. He was influenced by Marxism, Radical Humanism and Madhyamika of N¯ag¯arjuna. Krishna Rao believed that N¯ag¯arjuna belongs to Andhra and by propounding a philosophy which rejects the differences of birth and caste he contributed to the establishment of secular socialism. In his opinion, the philosophy of Madhyamika is complete in all aspects and more useful ´ for the social development than Advaita of Sankara. He translated the writings of N¯ag¯arjuna such as Madhyamika K¯arik¯as, Ratn¯avali and Vigr¯aha Vyavartini into Telugu. Among these, only Vigr¯aha Vyavartini is published (1958) and the remaining

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1 Buddhism and Andhra: Glory, Decline and Revival

stand lost.12 In his introduction to Vigr¯aha Vyavartini, Krishna Rao compares the ´ philosophical thoughts of N¯ag¯arjuna with Sankara and attempts to prove that the ´ criticism that Sankara levied on N¯ag¯arjuna was unjustifiable. Significant aspect of Krishna Rao’s contribution to the revival of Buddhism in Andhra is his exposition of N¯ag¯arjuna as an Andhra.13 While eliciting the significant contribution of N¯ag¯arjuna, Krishna Rao points out that the first argument against capital punishment of killing on to death was advocated by N¯ag¯arjuna. This showed the concern of the mind of the Andhras towards the crimes and criminals. Deterrent theory of punishment which was commonly supported by the aristocracy was questioned by N¯ag¯arjuna, which seems iconoclastic indeed. His definition of N¯astica is another significant aspect that throws light on the understanding of Andhras on Vedic culture. N¯ag¯arjuna shifted the focus in the a¯ stica-n¯astica distinction from Vedic authority to the theory of kamma. He defined a¯ stika to be one who believes in law of karma and n¯astica is the one who does not believe in law of karma. Through his translations and scholarship, in this way, Krishna Rao has made a significant contribution to the revival of Buddhism in Andhra. Along with Krishna Rao, someone who made noteworthy contributions to the revival in terms of translations is Venkarateswara Reddy. His contributions were not limited to translations alone, but enriched the revival in terms of creative writings and philosophical expositions. Let us discuss his contributions in order to understand his place in the scholarship of contemporary Andhra Buddhism. The contribution of Annapareddy Venkateswara Reddy (1933-) is significant to the revival of Buddhism in Andhra in more than one way. He has contributed to both translations and creative literature of Buddhism. His Marxist-oriented perspective highlights the unique contribution of Buddhism, to the world. He has done translations of the important Buddhist works into Telugu and conducted an extensive survey of Buddhist literature produced in Telugu and written brilliant creative works stressing the uniqueness of Buddhism. His translations include, Buddha Dar´sanam (1999) which is a translation of N¯aradathera’s Buddha and His Teachings, Buddhuni D¯ırgha Sambh¯ashanalu which is a translation of Pali text D¯ıgha Nik¯aya and P¯ar¯ayanavarga (2005) which is the last varga of Pali text Suttanip¯ata. The complete translation of Suttanip¯ata titled Buddhuni Sutra Samuccay¯amu (2003) is published by the Corporate Body of the Buddha Educational Foundation, Taiwan. ‘The Revival of Buddhism in Deccan’ (2004) and Telugulo Bauddham (2005) provide an exhaustive survey of the Buddhist revivalism in Deccan and Buddhist literature in Telugu. His creative writing piece M¯anaviya Buddha exhibits the Marxist perspective of Buddhist philosophy. Venkateswara Reddy’s translation of P¯ar¯ayanavarga and his essay on revival of Buddhism in Deccan together with Buddhism in Telugu exhibit his commitment 12 In the preface written to the first edition of Vigr¯ aha Vy¯avartini, Krishna Rao himself wrote that he translated M¯ulam¯adhyamika K¯arik¯as, Prat¯ıtya Samutp¯ada Hrudayam, Ratn¯avali, Vigraha Vy¯avartini. He laments for the loss of all except Vigraha Vy¯avartini and M¯adhyamika Vimsati. 13 Though this has been in discussion for several years and though some of the scholars discussed above and others also have mentioned their opinions, it is Krishna Rao who has established strongly with available evidences to establish N¯ag¯arjuna’s nativity of Andhra.

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra

15

towards contributing to the revival. He endorses the view that Buddhism was introduced into Andhra during the time of Buddha himself. B¯avari, a Brahmin who lived in the Assaka kingdom on the banks of Godavari sent his sixteen disciples to Buddha to learn his teachings. Each of them asked Buddha only one question. The dialogue between the disciples of B¯avari and Buddha forms the content of P¯ar¯ayanavarga. ‘The Revival of Buddhism in Deccan’ briefly surveys the rediscovery of Buddhism in the West and in India and somewhat extensively in the Deccan. This article provides the way for his later work Buddhism in Telugu, which is an extensive exposition of religion and philosophy of Buddhism in Andhra. Buddhism in Telugu provides a descriptive account of 154 works that were published in Telugu since the year 1902 in the form of independent philosophical works, translations, creative liter´ ature, plays, novels, Burra-kathas, Satakas and poems. This work provides a fine ground for future researchers in the subject in identifying the aspects of Buddhism that Telugu literature still needs to be researched enough. M¯anaviya Buddha is an excellent research exposition of the Marxist perspective of Buddhism. While taking Buddha to be a person who is a humanist, rationalist and an existentialist, the book analyzes the issue of uniqueness in Buddhism. It provides a distinctive perspective of N¯agasena’s theory of non-Self, theory of personality, ethics, theory of karma and contribution of Buddhism to Christianity. Because of the reasons mentioned above, this work, undoubtedly, is a significant contribution to the revival of Buddhism in Andhra. By way of translations, creative writing and his own research findings, Annapureddy has contributed and is still contributing to the revivalism in the recent times. Notable contributions in terms of philosophical perspectives of Andhra Buddhism were brought out in a succinct way by K. S. Murty, who is discussed below. K. Satchidananda Murty’s (1924–2011) work on ‘Andhra contribution to Buddhist Thought’ (2004), while bringing forth ‘the tremendous contributions which the Telugu-speaking people have made to Buddhist thought down centuries’ (2004; 17), makes a curious observation that after Buddhism lost its significance in Andhra, ‘philosophical and religious creativity of that quality and magnitude has not been evident among these people [Andhras]’. He further asserts that they ‘have never so far made equally significant and revolutionary contributions to Hindu thought’ (2004, 17). This observation makes a strong statement about the kind of intellectual and cultural stimulation that Andhra has derived from the Buddhist Thought which Murty presents in a succinct manner in his work. While echoing the observation of historians and archaeologists discussed above, Murty proclaims that ‘The rock of which Andhra culture was hewn, the pit out of which Andhra culture was dug was Buddhist’ (2004, 28). He argued, on the basis of suttanip¯ata, that it is Pingiya, one of the sixteen disciples of B¯avari who went to have Dharma pariyaya (Dharma discourse) from the banks of Godavari in Asmaka that Buddhist thought was introduced to Andhra. Buddhists of Andhra mainly those centred in Dh¯anyakataka´ ıparvata (N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a) and Vengi have contributed to the attriAmar¯avati, Sr¯ bution of divinity Buddha with all adoration and worship. Buddha’s superhuman powers, omniscience, his heavenly abode and his concern for the welfare of the

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world are some of the significant contributions, states Murty, which have devel´ oped by Caityak¯as and Sailas of Andhra region. He identifies the Puravaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the Hemavatik¯a, the Raj¯agirika and the Siddhatthikas, the Vetulayaka, the Hetuv¯adins to be the Andhaka sects and infers that the Andhakas and the Ciatyakas must be identical. While pointing out that there are forty-one views of the Andhakas and thirty-three special doctrines of the Purvaséliyas presented in the Kath¯avatthu, Murty succinctly discusses a few doctrines in his work. He identifies two Therav¯ada sects—the Mah¯ıs¯asaka and the Bahusrutiya who have their origins in Andhra. One of the major arguments in this work is that ‘in the beginning the Purvaséliyas and the Aparaséliyas had Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a in Prakrit which was later trans-created in Sanskrit’ which was ‘produced by a Prakrit-speaking people known as the Nagas of Dakshinapatha’ (2004, 33). After presenting a case for the existence of Paramitas even before the development of the Mah¯ay¯ana, Murty on the basis of the similarities between philosophical thoughts of the Mah¯ay¯ana and Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a, argued that ‘…there can be no doubt that Mah¯ay¯ana arose among the Andhakas (the Purvaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas and the Vetulyak¯as) in the Dhanyakataka— Amar¯avat¯ı—N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a region’ (2004, 34). He further argued that the beginnings of Tantra cannot be separated from the Mah¯ay¯ana and the birthplace of both may be probably the same. He stated, ‘Mah¯ay¯ana, arose not later than first century BC, in Dhanyakataka-Sri Parvata area, inspired by the same forces which gave rise to Mah¯ay¯ana’ (2004, 16) Beginning with the story of introduction of Buddhism in Andhra found in Suttanip¯ata, Murty discusses the rise of Andhra Buddhist Schools, some of the doctrines of Andhra Buddhism followed by M¯adhyamikas of Andhra, Buddhist critical philosophers of Andhra and Buddhist Tantra in Andhra. In all probability, this seems to be the only work written by a philosopher from modern Andhra on the contribution of Andhra to Buddhist thought from philosophical perspective. Consequent to the interaction between the two, Murty brings to light, Buddhism not only enriched itself but also enriched the thought of Andhra and in the same way, Andhras not only enriched their own thinking but also contributed richly to Buddhist thought. Stress was laid, in this work, on the philosophical doctrines of the various sects and schools of Buddhism in Andhra. However, since it is a work intended to provide an account of Andhra to Buddhist thought, it devoted less space for the early schools of Andhra Buddhism. It only discussed the contributions of the early sects to Madhyamika school of Buddhism, but not into the doctrines individually. Notwithstanding the rich contributions made by the scholars mentioned above and others, there is a need to look at the contributions from a holistic point of view, to locate the lacunas in the research on Buddhism in Andhra. However, such a holistic recapitulation of the previous research on Andhra Buddhism is not the concern of the present work. My present concern is to gratify one of such lacunas, i.e. bring out the philosophical doctrines of the early Buddhist sects of Andhra. Among the scholars discussed above K. R. Subramaniam, K. B. K., B. S. L. and Annapureddy to some extent have concentrated on the early history of Andhra and provided us with sufficient data regarding the period of confluence of Buddhism with Andhra. Especially B. S. L. while collecting data from the archaeological and

Revival of Buddhist Self of the Andhra

17

epigraphical discoveries brings out the life of Buddhist Andhra during the period that ´ lies around the early centuries. His discussions on the Saila sects of Andhra (Chapter 8 in Buddhism and Jainism in Andhrades¯a, 1997: 38–51) brings out many unnoticed ´ and rarely discussed aspects related to the ‘Saila and the Caitya’ sects. Such historical data, supported by epigraphical and archaeological sources if developed with the philosophical and doctrinal expositions, would make a significant contribution to the revival of Andhra Buddhism. My work is precisely an attempt to explicate the doctrinal aspects of early sects of the Andhra called Andhakas. To sum up, beginnings, spread, proliferation, rise, decline and revival of Buddhism in Andhra as explicated in the chapter, provide a comprehensive understanding of the relationship of the people of Andhra with Buddhism. Concern here was more towards the early periods of history where Buddhism reached its culmination, traces of which are available only in archaeological and epigraphical remains. Having discussed the resilient relation between Andhra and Buddhism, let me now take the discussion forward by looking at the history of schism in Buddhism and its variations on the basis of the available early literary evidences.

References Ahir, D. C. (1992). Buddhism in South India. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications. Ambedker, B. R. (1998). Professor P. Lakshmi Narasu trans. B. Etukuri Balarama Murty in T. Ravi chand (Ed.) Guntur: Milinda Publishers. Andersen, D. & Smith, H. (Eds.). (1913). The Suttanip¯ata. London: Pali Text Society; (K. R. Norman Trans) The Group of Discourses (Suttanip¯ata), vol. II, revised translation with Introduction and Notes, Oxford: Pali Text Society (1992). Beal, S. (1884. 1983). Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist Records of the Western World. Translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang A D 629. New Delhi: Orient Reprint. Burgess, J. (1887). The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravathi and Jaggayyapeta, London. Dutt, S. (1960). Early Buddhist monachism. Bombay: Asia Publishing House (Distributors Munshiram Manoharlal: Delhi). Dutt, S. (1962). Buddhist monks and monasteries of India: Their history and their contribution to Indian culture. London: George Allen and Unwin, repr., Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1973). Religion in Andhra. 2nd ed. Guntur: Hyderabad (1993). Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1995). Socio-cultural history of ancient and mediaeval Andhra. Hyderabad: Telugu University. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1997). Buddhism and Jainism in Andhra Desa. Hyderabad: Potti Sreeramulu Telugu University. Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1998). Andhra Desamlo Jaina Bauddha mataalu. Telugu Academy: Hyderabad. (in Telugu). Kathavatthuppakarana—Atthakatha of Buddhaghos.a. (1889). In J. P. Minayeff (Ed.) London: Journal of Pali Text society. Krishna, K. B. (1999). Political and Social thought of the Buddhist Writers. Guntur: Milinda Publications. Krishna Sastry, V. V., et al. (1992). Thotlakonda (A Buddhist site in AndhraPradesh), Hyderabad, pp. 21. Krishnamurty, Salva. (1994). A history of Telugu literature. Madras: Institute of Asian Studies.

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Krishna Rao, G. V. (1999). Vigrahavyavartini. (earlier print 1958) Venkateswara Reddy, A.(ed) G. V. Krishna Rao Rachanalu, (Vol. 7). Tenali: Prabhasa Publications. Lakshmi Narasu, P. What is Buddhism? Lakshmi Narasu, P. (1999). The essence of Buddhism. Taipai: The Buddha Educational Foundation. Lakshmi Narasu, P. (2002). Religion of the modern buddhist. Delhi: World Smiths. Sarao, K. T. S. (2012). The decline of Buddhism: A fresh perspective. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal publishers pvt Ltd. Rhys Davids, T. W., & Carpenter, J. E. (Eds.). The D¯ıgha Nik¯aya. 3 vols., London: Pali Text Society, 189021911 (T. W. Rhys Davids, & C. A. F. Rhys Davids, Trans. The Dialogues of the Buddha, 3 vols. Trans.) London: Pali Text Society, 189921921. Satchidananda Murty, K. (1980). Andhra contribution to buddhist thought. National Telugu Institute: Dr S Radhakrishanan Memorial Lecture. Hyderabad. Subramaniam, K. R. (1989). Buddhist remains in Andhra and the history of Andhra between 225 BC & 610 AD. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. (First edn Andhra University, Waltair 1930). Thaper, R. (2002). Early India from the origins to AD 1300. London: Penguin. Venkateswara Reddy, A. (1998). Manaviya Buddha. Vijayawada: Pallavi publications. Venkateswara Reddy, A. (1999). Buddha Darsanamu. Hyderabad: Ananda Buddha Vihara Trust. (in Telugu). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (2003). (tr) Buddhuni Dirgha Sambhashanalu (translation of Pali text Digha Nikaya). Hyderabad. Misimi. (in Telugu). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (2004). The revival of Buddhism in Deccan. In A. Parasar (Ed.), Kevala— Boddhi: Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan (Vol. 1). Bharatiya Kalaprakasan: Delhi. Venkateswara Reddy, A. (2005a). Telugulo Bauddhamu. Hyderabad. Telugu Academy. (in Telugu). Venkateswara Reddy, A. (Tr) (2005b). Parayana varga (the last chapter of Suttanipata) Tenali. Mahabodhi publications (in Telugu).

Chapter 2

Schism of Buddhism: History and Variations in Representations

Abstract This chapter provides a historical overview of the schism in Buddhism while presenting variations in the representation of number of schools. While presenting various dissenting voices that were present in Buddhism even during the life time of Buddha, the chapter argues that the schism is a natural outcome of a counter-tradition that developed with a heterogeneity of the followers. It provides differences of the Pali, the Simhalese, the Tibetan and the Chinese traditions in presenting accounts of various sects and schools. The chapter provides a comprehensive background to the schism which is required for further discussion on the doctrines of the Andhakas.

Before discussing the doctrines of the early sects of Andhra Buddhism, it is necessary to look at the history of schism in Buddhism to understand the background of the origin of different schools. Let us briefly discuss the history of schism and then the variations among different traditions in listing the schools and sects followed by controversies regarding the number of schools and reasons for schism. Buddhism is a socio-religious movement that came as a reaction to the existent socio-religious practices of the Vedic tradition of the early historical times of India. Gauthama, dissatisfied with the sufferings of the life as such, went in search of the truth and got enlightenment through meditation, teaching of which lead to the establishment of a counter-tradition. Though working towards enlightenment was prompted by his personal dissatisfaction with the existence of worldly suffering, Buddha’s mission of propagating his ideals and findings through Sa˙ngha initiated a counter-tradition to the existent Vedic one. A comprehensive understanding of the nature of religion depends on factoring of its two significant aspects; radical and ritual. While explaining the distinction between the two, Raghuramaraju (2014, 65) points out, the radical aspect, which consists of ‘elements that differ, disagree, dissent, oppose, or even exclude, the then existing religion, or religions’ in terms of ideas as well as practice, forms the foundation of religion. The ritual or regulative aspect, he indicates, concerns itself with ‘formulating, systematizing, building, laying the rules, maintaining, emulating, and

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9_2

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eventually consolidating new ideas’ to build the religion on the foundation. Raghuramaraju advocates chronological precedence of the difference over the novelty and argues for the need to factor the radical and difference along ritual and novelty to arrive at a comprehensive idea of religion. The above discussion of Raghuramaraju helps in underlining the place of radical and differing aspect of religion in understanding the beginnings of Buddhism. However, something that needs to be added is, along with difference and novelty, it is the alternatives proposed that requires to be factored to have a comprehensive understanding of the nature of a religion. Alternatives that the new religion proposes strengthen the difference and the novelty. This is explained further in the following. Any counter-tradition in order to establish its own existence has to first differ, criticize and reject the undesirable aspects of the existent tradition and build its existence by proposing alternatives of its kind. To be a strong counter-tradition, it is not enough to have strong logical reasoning in differing, censuring and denying the existent tradition, but there need to be some ideal, sympathetic and existential alternatives which would attract masses along with the intellectuals equally. The alternatives should be ideal in allowing every individual to aspire for them, sympathetic to the problems of all sections of people and more importantly should address the real, immediate and existential problems of the people. Only a counter-tradition with such strong alternatives can attract, impress and exert influence on people of all sections. Buddha has proposed such alternatives and succeeded in winning the hearts of the people. The ideals such as ahims¯a, karun¯a and the ethical code prescribed by Buddha exposed the problems of the Vedic culture and its ritualistic order. Buddhism was sympathetic towards the problems of all sections of people by not maintaining the social distinctions in the Sa˙ngha. By discussing the problems of suffering, Buddhism brought the real existential issues into the light. Buddhism has gone to the heights of universality by recognizing suffering to be the problem of mankind—irrespective of social, cultural and linguistic distinctions. Buddhism is one such counter-tradition in the history of the world which has exerted maximum influence on the people across various castes, cultures and countries. Even during the time of Buddha, India is not one country but a combination of various independent states, not one culture but a combination of various cultures; and a motherland of various groups and speakers of various languages. Unlike the existent Vedic tradition which has adopted Sanskrit to be its official language, Buddhism adopted the local languages of various tribes and cultural groups for propagating its teachings, which has helped it to grow as a stronger counter-tradition than other alternative traditions that came up before Buddha. When a counter-tradition is started by an enlightened seer, he has to attract his followers from the existent tradition by convincing them of the merits of his teachings. There can be at least three kinds of followers to a tradition. (1) Staunch believers who go by their blind faith, not bothering about the rational basis, (2) Those who believe, think and live in the tradition. These followers build their faith on a rational basis and identify themselves with the tradition and (3) The third group of casual followers will have neither faith nor rational basis, but just follow the tradition because they do not have an alternative or they are born into it.

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This categorization, I must admit, is neither exhaustive nor exclusive. There may be a greater number of distinctions that can be drawn among the followers of a particular tradition. In the same way, these categories are not watertight compartments, rather they are fluid. The same follower may belong to either of these categories at different parts of his life. In other words, the same follower may blindly follow the tradition at a particular part of his life and completely engross himself into it by constructing the rational basis at a later part of his life. Alternately, the same follower may become a sceptic or a casual follower of the tradition at a different part of his life. Consequently, every tradition will have these various kinds of followers at any particular given point of time, may be with a difference in number. This implies that at any particular point of time of a given tradition there will be followers who are not very committed and sceptic of the customs and beliefs. This sceptic attitude keeps them open to the changes and alternatives of the customs of the tradition. The group with the sceptic attitude is beyond stratification. Staunch believers or the first group of followers belong to the core group of a religion who relentlessly strive to preserve the identity, order, discipline, purity of the religion. In their strife, they strongly resist change. Rational followers, the second group, form the middle strata of which staunch believers are at the core and casual followers are at the periphery. Rational believers argue on rational basis of their religion. Though these are also equally strong in their belief system, a defeat in a rational argument may make them change or adopt the other order. Reason, for this group, is both a strength and weakness. The casual followers, the third group, are at the periphery of the belief system. This group, in general, comprises of a greater number of people among the followers of the religion. As their affiliation to the tradition is based neither on faith nor on reason, they keep themselves open to change; change of the belief systems to which they presently belong or change to the new order of belief. Love for freedom is another significant aspect that contributes to the discontent among the followers of a tradition. Love for freedom is a universal aspiration of all beings of the world to which humans are no exception. This is more so with regard to the followers of a tradition which is a conglomeration of many cultural groups. The aspiration for freedom would agitate the followers if the tradition imposes a certain kind of customs and practices which hinder their freedom. A tradition which has included several cultural groups in its fold would naturally evolve certain customs and practices which some of the aspirants of freedom may feel as a hindrance.1 Scepticism towards the existent tradition and love for freedom, among other things, may have caused the attraction towards Buddhism among the followers of Vedic tradition. But after Buddhism started codifying its rules, the attraction of the followers got faded. It is natural that a tradition would codify its canon to consolidate its position among the people. In the same way, it is natural that some of the 1 Vedic tradition evolved out of the interaction between the native tribal groups and the foreign Aryan invaders. India was a land of innumerable tribal fraternities during the time of Aryan invasion. These tribal fraternities have their own set of cultures endowed with specific customs and practices. These fraternities were brought together and conglomeration of these with the invading Aryans formed the basis of Hinduism.

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followers would prefer to be free from the stratification still as it does not allow them to be what they are. This natural conflict creates ambivalence in the minds of the people. Mostly, it is the first two categories of people mentioned above that try to codify the canon. It is the third set of people that try to resist the codification. If the followers who desire codification are many then the tradition continues to exert its hold and if the followers who resist codification are more, then it may lead either to the disintegration or proliferation in the form of schism. The possibility of the schism in the case of a counter-tradition is more, since it draws followers from the second and third category of followers of the existent tradition. However, casual followers are the people who are non-committal and inclined to freedom. Sceptic attitude and the desire for freedom prompt this category of people to disown their own tradition and embrace the other. After they embrace the countertradition, they may become staunch believers or rational thinkers or remain as the third group without any commitment and still desiring freedom. This third group generally promotes liberalism in the tradition as against the conservatism of the first and the second. As stated earlier, rational believers, though equally staunch in their belief system as that of the first category of followers, once they are rationally defeated they can be convincingly changed to the opposite order. Buddha is democratic in attitude and liberal in nature with regard to the organization of the Sa˙ngha. This kind of attitude and nature is necessitated by the kind of varied attitudes and natures of the people who are converted into his order of faith. Though Buddha seems to have showed a deep sense of compassion in understanding the nature of the human beings in developing his Sa˙ngha both doctrinally and numerically, there are certain limitations that he might have faced which need to be understood by us. They are: 1. Siddhartha Gautama was not allowed to freely acquaint himself with the people before he left home in search of the truth. During the childhood and the formative period of his personality, he was not exposed to the diversity of human nature. His own dissatisfaction with the world of suffering which is empirical led him to attain liberation which is metaphysical. Since he believed that his liberation should not be limited to himself, but to be shared with the people, he preached the truth that he realized. Thus, even after obtaining liberation, establishing an order to guide the people in the right path has become a necessity for him. 2. Establishing an order has at least two components; one convincing and conversion of the people, two, to expound doctrines for the continuity of the Sa˙ngha. a. Since, there were already some existent traditions, during the time of Buddha, people from those traditions have to be converted to his order, which means people have to be taught, familiarized and convinced of the merits of the teachings, doctrines and the practices of the new order. As mentioned above among the followers of a religion, conversion of the rational and causal followers only is possible. Among these two groups, rational followers since they get convinced of the merits of the new order rationally, after conversion they

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more or less become staunch believers. But the casual followers keep themselves open to the change or re-conversion. For a newly established order of faith, the number of the casual followers would be more. This could be another limitation to the order of Buddha. b. The new belief systems or religious orders proposed by individuals, such as Buddhism, will have the problem of framing the rules of the order. The do’s and don’ts of the order should both be conservative and liberal at the same time; conservative enough in not losing the identity and liberal enough in preserving the identity. In other words, conservatism should tighten its fold to preserve its identity, but should not tighten too much to breed contempt. In the same way, liberalism should give scope for freedom, but the freedom should not lead to the loss of identity. The rules of the order should be framed to satisfy all the categories of followers; staunch, rational and casual. More care has to be taken with regard to the followers with blind faith and the causal followers as there is always a chance of rupture between these two. All this needs a proper understanding of the human nature to which Buddha himself was a stranger. He is a stranger as he was not exposed to the diverse human natures during his younger days of life and after the enlightenment he was a Buddha—for whom the distinctions and diversities of human nature are immaterial. Notwithstanding these limitations, the Buddha while advocating the universal virtues of ahims¯a and karun¯a tried to establish strong foundations for his order. His philosophical doctrines (Dhamm¯a) and the rules/ code of the monastic order (Vinaya) are the two basic parts of his foundation. Keeping in view their sustenance and transmission to the next generation without distortion, the Buddha made divisions among the monks and nuns, each devoted to one of the basic foundations of the order. Thus, we have Dharmadharas and Vinayadharas in the Buddhist order. The above discussed limitations did not stop the Buddha from envisaging the relation between disciples and the Sa˙ngha to be a harmonious one that can sustain dissidence. He advocated asht¯adbhuta-dharm¯as by comparing Sa˙ngha to an ocean through eight analogies. Akira (1990, 61) presented these eight analogies that explained the duties and responsibilities of the followers of the Sa˙ngha. (1) The depth of the ocean is compared to that of the depth of the study in the Sa˙ngha. The followers would realize the depth of the Sa˙ngha in a gradual progressive way. (2) The limits of the teachings of the Buddha are compared to the limits of the ocean. As the waters of ocean do not go beyond its shores, the disciples of Buddha do not go beyond the precepts of the Buddha. (3) The dissidents who violate the precepts of the Buddha would be expelled from the Sa˙ngha, as the ocean expels a carcass or corpse to the shore. (4) Followers lose their identities upon getting initiated into the Sa˙ngha, just as rivers lose their identities after flowing into the ocean. (5) The taste of salvation is diffused throughout the order, as the taste of salt is pervaded in every drop of ocean. (6) Sa˙ngha will not increase or decrease on the basis of how many attain nirvana, just as ocean does not increase or decrease no matter how many rivers flow into it. (7) Sa˙ngha includes invaluable profound teachings, similar to the

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hidden treasures of the ocean. In this way with the help of oceanic analogy, the depth, limits, punishments, equality, innate unity of goal, stability, grand treasures in terms of precepts and disciples of Buddhist Sa˙ngha are explained in an erudite manner. Though the Buddha has taken many precautions to avoid any ambiguity regarding his teachings and the prescribed practices to the monks and nuns, it is natural that, as per the human nature, there were dissenting voices and people who supported alternative practices that resulted in schism. Even during the lifetime of the Buddha where Sa˙ngha is initially developed with followers belonging to staunch, rational and casual, there were some who would not accept his authority. His cousin Devadatta had tried to create divisions among the Buddhist monks and nuns by arguing for more austere discipline. Devadatta advocated that the group of monks and the nuns should live throughout the year under trees in forests, should forgo meat and fish, should live only on food collected from door to door and should dress themselves in rags picked up from the dust-heaps. Similarly, there are instances of dissidence among the followers of Sa˙ngha by Upanand¯a, Channa, Mettiyabhummajak¯a, and Sadvargiya who were ready to take a chance of transgressing the rules of Sa˙ngha. They can be categorized to be causal followers who prefer to live a life of freedom and comfort without any restrictions. It is also a common tendency among a few to oppose a rules, just because it is laid down. Buddhist Sa˙ngha being heterogenous community included all such sorts of followers. Consequently, it would not be a surprise to find Subhadra, who after coming to know about the death of Buddha, reacted with a sigh of relief that he need not have to be confined to any instructions. It must be noted that, the heterogeneous community of Sa˙ngha comprised of all the three categories of followers contributed to the vibrant discourse of the community. At the same time, it also contributed to the dialogue and debate that yet times lead to differences of opinions, dissents and divergences within Sa˙ngha. Common interests arising as well as honest differences of opinion contributed to the strength of differences that resulted in the schism in Buddhism. The Buddha’s sayings and their commentaries were handed down orally from teachers to disciples. Unlike the Vedic texts, however, taking enough care for the preservation of the actual words of the teacher and their interpretations was realized sluggishly. In the Mah¯aparinibb¯an.a Sutta, the Buddha apprehended that his sayings might suffer distortion and he cautioned his disciples about the three ways in which his instructions were to be verified. They are ñatti (submitting a proposal), kammavaca (discussion) and salaka (voting). The democratic mechanism was prescribed primarily to facilitate all kinds of followers—staunch, rational and casual—to engage in a discussion which may result in transforming the casual followers into other categories. A century is a long time, and about a hundred years after his passing, differences arose among the monks about the actual words of the teacher and their interpretations. Once the followers took the liberty of bringing dissensions to the Sa˙ngha by consolidating their differences regarding interpreting Dhamm¯a and Vinaya, they went on multiplying till the number of sects reached the figure of eighteen in the second and the third centuries after the Buddha’s death.

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There are recorded evidence of the dissenting voices—both individual and group—in the Buddhist literature knowing which would help us in understanding the diversity and percolation of dissent in the Sa˙ngha along with the heterogeneity of its composition. 1. In Majjhima Nik¯aya, Buddha asks Anuruddha as to whether or not the monks are living on friendly terms and as harmoniously as milk and water blend with each other. Though it may appear to be a normal enquiry into the state of affairs, it may also be possible that Buddha has suspected some problems with harmony among monks. 2. D¯ıgha Nik¯aya (III. p. 4–5) informs us of Sunakkhatta who approached Buddha and informed him that he is leaving the order. After personally trying to persuade him to change his mind, ultimately Buddha allowed Sunakkhatta to leave the order. Sunakkhatta is said to have openly criticized Buddha after leaving the order. However, Buddha took this criticism as praise. 3. Samyukta Nik¯aya (II. p. 128ff) informs us of thirty young disciples of Ananda leaving the order and turning to low things. The above instances of Anuruddha, Sunakkhatta and Ananda might have made Buddha consider the relationship between teacher and the follower at a deeper level. This led him to articulate what can be considered to be as hostility to a teacher by a follower. He observed that turning hostile to the teacher consisted in not listening to him, not lending a ready ear to what he says, not preparing the mind for profound knowledge, but moving away from the teacher’s instruction (Majjhima Nik¯aya III p. 181–2). He placed moving away from the instructions of the teacher as a serious issue than even not listening to him or preparing oneself to for knowledge. Considering deviations from his own instructions, the plight of the future teachers in consolidating the Dhamm¯a might have had deep concern for him in stating the above. Along with the above, we also come across occasions where some monks held pernicious views on the Buddhist texts. 4. Aritta, it is reported to have said, ‘so far as I understand the Dhamm¯a, taught by Lord, it is that following the stumbling-blocks (where) there is no stumbling block at all’ (Majjhima Nik¯aya I. p. 174). 5. Sati is another monk who held the view that, consciousness means that which speaks and feels everywhere, the fruition of deeds that are lovely and that are depraved (morally wrong). 6. Cullavagga (300–2) informs us of Devadatta who opposed to the lenient rules in the Buddhist order and pleaded strongly for a more stringent life for the monks and also nuns.2 The Buddha refused to accept the suggestions of Devadatta. There upon Devadatta is said to have left for Gay¯as¯ısa, perhaps, with a good following. 2 Devadatta

advocated five rules for the monks/nuns: (a) Monks/nuns should live in the forest; (b) They should subsist solely on doles collected from door to door; (c) Dress themselves in rags picked up from the dust-heaps; (d) Dwell always under tree and never under a roof; (e) Never eat fish or flesh.

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´ariputta and Mogallana It is added, however, that at the instance of Buddha, S¯ subsequently won the other monks order to the Buddha’s side. Dutt (1945, 6) has observed that ‘the episode of Devadatta is almost a Sa˙nghabheda though it is not recognized as such in the Vinaya’. 7. Mah¯avagga and Majjima Nik¯aya inform us of the dissension at Kau´sa¯ mb¯ı. There were teachers of two groups in Kau´sa¯ mb¯ı by name Dhamm¯adh¯ara and Vinay¯adh¯ara, experts in the fields of Dhamm¯a and Vinaya respectively. Dhamm¯adh¯ara once inadvertently committed a minor offense for which he expressed regret. This however was talked about much by Vinay¯adh¯ara and his followers, which offended the Dhamm¯adh¯aras. As a result of this, there developed a great drift not only between the two groups of monks but also between the lay devotees of the two teachers. The Buddha, who was informed about it, tried to resolve the controversy but could not succeed. It was only when the Buddha retired to the forest, saying that he would better like to be served by elephants than by those quarrelling monks and lay devotees that the two warring groups realized their mistake and resolved the controversy. 8. In Mah¯aparinibb¯an.a Suttanta (76–77) Buddha told his disciples that as long as the monks/nuns adhere to the practices mentioned below, the Sa˙ngha would thrive and not decline. They are: a. b. c. d.

Avoid fruitless talks. Hold assemblies as frequently as possible. Perform all ecclesiastical acts in concord (s¯amagga). Listen and be respectful to the senior monks, particularly to the head of the Sa˙ngha.

From the above discussion, it is evident that there is dissent in the Sa˙ngha even during the life of the Buddha, which he tried his best to resolve. The four instructions of Mah¯aparinibb¯an.a sutta imply the anxiety of Buddha about the unity and sustenance of Sa˙ngha. It also brings forth the democratic framework of Sa˙ngha that Buddha prescribes as a mechanism for the sustenance of Sa˙ngha. He prescribed these practices that would help Sa˙ngha in thriving without losing its hold over its followers—staunch, rational and casual. One can also observe that in some instances he failed to convince the dissenters from leaving the Sa˙ngha, though Sa˙nghabheda was condemned as one of the five extreme offenses like patricide, matricide and so forth.3 These dissents at a later stage lead to schism in the Sa˙ngha. Not every difference of opinion or disagreement was considered to be Sa˙nghabheda; it is only when the proposed doctrine was wrong and has disastrous consequences to the Dhamm¯a. However, whether something is a false doctrine or injurious to the teaching of Dhamm¯a is always open for discussion from the perspective of both dissenters and non-dissenters. In order to avoid the difficulties, a distinction between Sa˙nghar¯aji and Sa˙nghabheda was brought in. Essential factors in Sa˙nghabheda, as pointed out 3 In Buddhist texts, theP¯ ar¯ajika, Sa´ngh¯adi´sesha, naihsargika-pr¯aya´scittika, P¯atayantika, dushkruta are sometimes collectively called the five classes of offenses (Hirakawa Akira 1990: 66).

2 Schism of Buddhism: History and Variations in Representations

27

by Nalinaksha Dutt (1998; 38) are ‘(1) belief in a dissentient religious view regarding either one or more points of faith or discipline; (2) acceptance of the dissenting view by eight or more fully ordained monks; (3) the division taken among the aforesaid eight or more monks must show a majority on the side of the dissenters. When the disunion is confined to eight monks/nuns, it is called Sa˙nghar¯aji. If one more monk is drawn into this, it would result in Sa˙nghabheda’. As prerequisites of both Sa˙nghar¯aji and Sa˙nghabheda bonafide belief and the presence of regular monks/nuns is essential. In addition to the discussion on various instances of dissenting voices mentioned above, it is required to explicate the history of schism as available in Buddhist texts to understand the points of difference and the strength of the dissent. Let us discuss the history of schism in the following section.

History of Schism in Buddhism Having discussed various stray incidents and individual dissidence within Buddhism, let us now discuss a broader and larger groups division that occurred in Buddhist Sa˙ngha. The platform for such a division was provided by the second Buddhist council (sang¯ıti) held at Vaisali a century after the mah¯aparinirv¯ana of the Buddha. There are different versions available of the dissidence that occurred at Vaisali. The Ceylonese chronicles and Cullavagga inform us that the council was held to discuss the breach of the ten rules of discipline (dasavatthuni) by the Ujjian monks.4 Whereas Chinese and Tibetan translations of Vasumitra state five dogmas propounded by Mahadeva to be the reason for this convention. The five dogmas are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

It is possible that by an unconscious temptation an Arhant may commit a sin. An Arhant may not know that he has attained that state. It is possible for an Arhant to have doubts on doctrinal matters. A teacher is required to attain Arhantship. The noble ways may begin with an exclamation of astonishment while in meditation.

The above five issues of concern seem to be a matter more to the groups of rational and causal followers. Unconscious temptations, doubting the doctrines, not knowing one’s status of arhathood, attainment of path of perfection through exclamation of astonishment are more issues at the practical level than the enlightenment. However, as the Sa˙ngha expands further, laymen ordained into the Buddhist faith may have

4 Dasavatthuni

are Singilona kappa (carrying salt in a horn), Devangula kappa (practice of taking meal when the shadow is two fingers broad), Gamantara kappa (practice of going to another village ¯ asakappa (the observance of the upasatha and taking a second meal there on the same day), Av¯ ceremonies in various places in the same parish) Anumati kappa (obtaining sanction of a deed after ¯ . n.akappa (using customary practices as precedents), Amathita kappa (drinking of it is done), Acin buttermilk after meals), Jologimpatum (drinking of toddy), Adasakamnisidanam (using a rug which has not fringe) and Jaturuparajatam (the acceptance of gold and silver).

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such temptations and doubts which are to be addressed at a proper platform. Second Buddhist council provided such a platform. Though there are differences with regard to the reasons for conducting the second Buddhist council, all the traditions—Ceylonese, Chinese and Tibetan— are unanimous in the resultant schism that divided the Sa˙ngha into orthodox followers (Therav¯adin) and dissenters who argued for the relaxation of stringent rules (Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas). Viewed in this way, it was rather a division between the conservatives and the liberals that further lead to the evolution of schism. The council favoured orthodox monks and expelled the dissidents from the Sa˙ngha. The dissenters convened another council that was attended by ten thousand monks because of which it was called as ‘great congregation’ (Mah¯asa˙ng¯ıt¯ı) for which they were called the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika, as distinguished from the orthodox monks, the Therav¯adin. While referring to Mah¯asa˙ng¯ıt¯ı, S. Beal (1869) writes, ‘… because in the assembly both common folk and holy personages were mixed together, it was called the assembly of the great congregation’. Both the groups asserted their conformity with the teachings of Buddha and each claimed itself to be orthodox than the other. In the course of time, this division widened and contributed to the growth of several sects in each of these schools. It was recorded that within three or four hundred years after Buddha’s death, Therav¯adin were divided into eleven sects whereas Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas got divided into seven sects. It is interesting to note that orthodoxy of Therav¯ada was divided into more sub-sects than the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. This can be understood on the basis of diversity of the followers through which the tradition expands along with the stringent practices of orthodoxy and the liberal attitude of heterodoxy. What is noteworthy here is that the divisions within the liberals are less than the divisions with the orthodoxy.

Variations in Different Traditions in Presenting the Schools and Sects There are many variations of the accounts of the distinction of Buddhist schools in the history of Buddhist iterature.5 The variations are based on both the language and the tradition of Buddhist schools. Variations based on the traditions of language are P¯ali, Sinhalese, Tibetan and Chinese. The following are the texts belonging to various traditions which recorded the stories of schism. P¯ali

Cullavagga, Mah¯avamsa IV, D¯ıpavamsa IV-V, Samanta P¯as¯adik¯a, Mah¯aboddhivamsa, S¯asanaVamsa. Simhalese Nik¯aya Sa´ngraha

5 Thomas

(1997) mentions of at least six accounts of the origin of the schools. They are Dipavamsa V, Mahavamsa V, Vasumitra’s Origin and doctrine of the early Indian Buddhist Schools (tr. Masuda), Vasiliev’s Buddhismus (p. 244). Bhavya’s—Life of the Buddha (tr. Rockhill, p. 181) and Taranatha’sHistory of Buddhism in India. While noting that ‘number of schools is 18’ is traditional, Edward puts forth his observation that ‘in fact more than this number is recorded’.

Variations in Different Traditions in Presenting the Schools and Sects

Tibetan

Chinese

29

Dul-va XI 323–330, M¯ulasarv¯astiv¯ada Vinaya translated by W. W. Rockhill; Bu-Ston’s History of Buddhism translated by E. Obermiller; and T¯aran¯atha’s History of Buddhism. Mah¯as¯an´ ghika Vinaya (Buddhadatta and Fa-hien) M¯ulasarv¯astiv¯ada Vinaya/KshudrakaVasthu (I-tsing) Vinaya’s of Dharmaguptakas (Buddhaya´sas and Tchou-fu-nien) Mah¯ıs¯asaka (Buddhajiva) Sarvastiv¯adin (Punyatr¯ata, Kum¯arajiva, Vimal¯aksha) Haimavatas (Vinaya-m¯atruk¯a-s¯utra) Treatises of Vasumitra, Bhavya and Vin¯ıtadeva.

These variations are basically taken on the basis of the availability of translations of the original texts. Some of the texts, though originally written in one language, are available to us in another language. Taking the availability of such translations, the variations of the language tradition are noted. Variations in the accounts of different schools, based on the tradition of Buddhist schools, are rooted on the works of those schools which have depicted, modified and criticized the concepts of the other schools and sects. For instance, works of the schools of Therav¯ada tradition give a particular description of the variations among the sects of Buddhism, which is different from the other depictions. They are: • Kath¯avatthu of MogaliputtaTissa and its Sinhalese version by Buddhaghos.a alongwith Kath¯avatthu At..takatha are available now. • Sariputrapariprccha sutra of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika is not available, but its Chinese translation made between 327–420 AD is available to us. • Samaya Bhedoparachana of Vasumitra of the Sarv¯astiv¯ada school has one Tibetan translation and three Chinese translations which were made around 400 AD. • Manjusri Paripraccha sutra is available only in Chinese translation made in 518 AD by Sa˙nghapala. Rockhill (1992) in his work on the life of Buddha and the early history of his order derived from Tibetan works on the Bkah-Hgyur and Bstan-Hgyur talks about the 90th volume of the sutra of the Bstan-Hgyur which contains three works that gives description of the schism of Buddhist Schools. They are Samavadhoparaca Chakra of Vasumitra, Kayabhetro Vibhanga of Bhavya (also known as Bh¯aviveka) and Vin¯ıtadeva’s Samayabhedoparachana Chakra. Along with these Rockhill also mentions of a curious little work called Bhikshuvarshagrapritcha, the author of which is unknown. Put together we come across Samavadhoparaca Chakra of Vasumitra, Kayabhetro Vibhanga of Bhavya, Vin¯ıtadeva’s Samayabhedoparachana Chakra, anonymous work Bhikshuvarshaprapraccha along with T¯aran¯atha’s History of Buddhism in India which provide various accounts of divisions of sects. As noted above, there are different versions of the division of sects in the Buddhist tradition. There were attempts in the modern period by Buddhist scholars to consolidate these versions and place them in a systematic way. Among them along with the above referred Rockhill, we come across Bareau (1955) who divides the thought concerning the origin of sects chronologically into three epochs. The first epoch

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includes Sinhalese tradition, the second includes Sam . mit¯ıya tradition of Bhavya and the third epoch includes Kashmirian tradition. Dipavamsa (fourth century AD) and Buddhaghos.a’s commentary on Kath¯avatthu belong to the first epoch, whereas the work of Bhavya titled ‘Nik¯ayabheda vibhanga vyakhyana’ belongs to the second epoch and sariputta paripraccha sutra of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika and Samaya bhedoparacana of Sa˙nghapala belong to the third epoch. The R¯ajagiriya, the Siddhatthikas, the Pubbaséliya, the Aparaséliya as they were mentioned under the Andhakas by Buddhaghos.a in his commentary on Kath¯avatthu belong to the first epoch and to the Sinhalese tradition. The second epoch follows the Sinhalese tradition without any deviation. But the Kashmiri tradition of the third epoch enlarged the subdivisions of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika by adding the Lokottarav¯ada, the Aparaséliyas, the Purvaséliyas and the Uttaraséliya. Vin¯ıtadeva’s work Samaya Bhedoparacana Cakra and the anonymous work titled Bhikshuvars.aprapraccha divide the 18 sects into five groups, in the following way. I-II Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas comprising the purva´sailas, the Aparaséliyas, the Haimvata, the Lokottaravada and the Prajnaptivada. III. Sarv¯astiv¯adins comprising the M¯ulasarv¯astiv¯ada, the K¯as´yap¯ıya, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, the Dharma gupta, the Bahu´srut¯ıya, the Tamrasatiya and a section of the vibhajyavada. IV. Sam . mit¯ıya comprising Kaurukullaka, Avantaka and Vats¯ıputr¯ıya. V. Sthaviras comprising Jetavaniya, Abhaygirivasin and Mahaviharavasin. T¯aran¯atha provides us with the identification of different names of schools appearing in the earlier lists. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

K¯as´yap¯ıya—Suvarsaka. Samkrantivadin—Uttariya—Tamrasatiya. Caityaka—Purvaséliyas—schools of Mahadeva. Lokottarav¯ada—Kukkutika. Ekavyavaharika is the general name of the Mahâsanghika. Kaurukullaka, Vats¯ıputr¯ıya, Dharmottar¯ıya, Bhadray¯an¯ıya and Channaganika held almost similar views.

The Attakatha (commentary) of the Kath¯avatthu by Buddhaghos.a informs us of the Raj¯agirika, the Siddhatthikas, the Pubbaséliyas, and the Aparaséliyas as the Andhakas. The text also mentions the Vajiriya, the Uttar¯apathakas, the Vetulyaka and the Hetuv¯adins to be various other sects in addition to the Andhakas. There is no information available with regard to the Vajiriyas. The Uttar¯apathakas who lived in the North and North-Western parts of India advocated the doctrine of Tath¯agata and went on to the extent of maintaining that even the excreta of Buddhas is endowed with fragrance. According to them, unlike the orthodox schools of Buddhism, there is only one but not four paths to liberation and even the lay followers can become Arhants. The Vetulyakas are of the view that Buddha and the Sa˙ngha have no real existence but are only abstract ideas. The Hetuv¯adins viewed that happiness can be transmitted from one person to the other.

Variations in Different Traditions in Presenting the Schools and Sects

31

Various inscriptions of that belong to second and third centuries AD mention the presence of the Sarv¯astiv¯adins, the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas, the Caityakas, the Sam . mit¯ıyas, the Dharmottariyas, the Bhadray¯an¯ıya, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, the Purvaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the Bahu´srut¯ıya, and the K¯as´yap¯ıya. The seventh century travel accounts of Yuan Chwang and I-tsing provide us with an informative account of monasteries and followers of different Buddhist schools that existed during that time. The above discussion shows the variedness of presentation of different sects and schools as per diverse traditions that were existent. Largely, we have P¯ali, Sinhalase, Tibetan and Chinese versions among which P¯ali tradition is the earliest one. For the present purpose, the work limits itself to P¯ali tradition and its Sinhalase and Chinese versions in explicating doctrines of early Buddhist sects of Andhrades¯a. Though both the Therav¯adins and the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas have their existence in Andhra, early Andhra seems to be dominated by the latter school of Buddhism. To have a better understanding of the sects of Andhra Buddhism, let us have a brief discussion on literature and branches of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika. The second Buddhist council, as noted earlier in this chapter which was called for the relaxation of the stringent rules observed by the orthodox monks and the nuns, resulted in Sa˙nghabheda that caused division of Buddhist order into the Therav¯ada and the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. The Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas got their name either from their being the majority at the council of P¯at.aliputra, or perhaps more probably, as those who represented the view point of the laymen against the monkish party. Though the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas extended their activities both towards North and the South, they gained more influence in the South particularly in Guntur and Krishna districts of present-day Andhra. The general doctrines of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika with all their branches are contained in the Katth¯avatthu, the Mah¯avattua nd the works of Vasumitra, Bhavya and Vin¯ıtadeva as noted earlier. The Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas with their liberal leanings towards the rules of the Vinaya became popular among the followers of the Sa˙ngha. By accepting some of the existing rules, interpreting some in a liberal way and adding a few new, they revolutionized the Sa˙ngha that contributed to their growth of popularity and power. They rejected a few parts of the P¯ali canon that was adopted by the first Buddhist council such as the Pariv¯ara, the Abhidhamma, the Patisambhid¯a, the Niddesa and parts of the J¯ataka as the teachings of the Buddha. A fresh compilation of Dhamm¯a and Vinaya was made by including some of those that were rejected by the first council. This was recorded in the travelogues and compilations of Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang. Fa-hien recorded complete works of Vinaya of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas and translated them into Chinese. As per the records of Yuan Chwang, the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas had a complete canon of their own by the time of his visit comprising of the Sutra, the Vinaya, the

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Abhidhamma, the Dharanis and Miscellaneous.6 Bhiksu-Vinaya and the BhiksuniVinaya—two important works of Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas which are extant only in Chinese translations—are recorded in Nanjio’s catalogue.7 Mah¯avastu, compiled between second century BC and fourth century AD, is the only text that is available in its original form, and is a part of the canon of the Lokottarav¯adins of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. The conception of Buddha as lokottara (super-mundane) which contributed to the growth of Mah¯ay¯ana has its traces in this text. It provided a biographical account of Buddha’s life along with the history of origin and development of Sa˙ngha.8 In addition to the evidences available in the form of travel accounts and textual sources, inscriptions also provided substantial evidence of the extant of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. The inscriptions at Amar¯avat¯ı and N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a mention, Nalinaksha Dutt points out (1998, 68) the Hamghi (Ayira-hagh¯ana) the Caityika (Cetiavada), the Mah¯avanaseliy¯ana (Apara-mah¯avanaseliya), the Puvasele, the R¯ajagiriniv¯asika (R¯aja´saila), and the Sidhathik¯a as branches of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika. It is evidenced that Amar¯avat¯ı was probably built between second century BC and second century AD. Similarly, the monuments of N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a were developed around third century AD during the reign of Iks.vakus. Evidences from Amar¯avat¯ı and N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a prove that Caityavadas, Purvaséliyas and Aparaséliyas were branched off from the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. On the basis of the evidences, BSL opines, ´ the Caityavada appears to be the oldest and the Sailas schools were only its local variants. This is supported by Vasumitra’s work Samayabhedoparacana Cakra.9 The ´ Caityakas were so-called because of their cult of the caityas (shrines). The Sailas derived their name from the hills located round the principal centers of their activity. The basis of these divisions among the sects was probed by scholars such as Rhys Davids and Sa˙ngharakshita. Sometimes the basis of the unique nomenclature of the some of the sects is the name of the teacher of the followers, where as yet times it is the name of the place where they lived. However, one would also find certain doctrinal as well as practice-oriented differences as well among these sects. Considering all these facts Rhys Davids (1896) comments various schools were named, for the most part, after the names of some great teacher, or after the locality in which they took their rise, only a few of the names refer to matter of doctrines. However, considering lack 6 Watters,

on the travels of Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 160; Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 4.

7 Nanjio, Bunyiu, 1883: A catalogue of the Chinese translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka: The sacred

canon of the Buddhists in China and Japan. Oxford Clarendon Press. to Vin¯ıtadeva (eighth century AD), the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas employed Prakrit for their literary medium. Bu-ston (Vol. II. p. 100) also informs us that the canon of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas was written in Prakrit. CsomaKoros (J. A. S. B. 1838, p. 134), however, states that the ‘Sutra on Emancipation’ of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas was written in a corrupt dialect. Wassiljew (Der Buddhismus, pp. 294–295) holds that the literature of this school was in Prakrit. The Mah¯avastu, as already observed, is in mixed Sanskrit, by which is meant a variety of Prakrit. There is, therefore, no room for doubt that the literature of this school was in Prakrit. 9 Translated into English from available Chinese translation with the title A Treastise on the 18 schools, the work mentions, quotes BSL (1973; 78) that ‘…the heretical followers of Mahadeva taking themselves the vows of religious ascetics, fixed their abode in Mount Caitya. Again, from ´ the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas arose three other schools, viz., Cetika, Huh-pi-lo (Apara) and Uttara Sailas’. 8 According

Variations in Different Traditions in Presenting the Schools and Sects

33

of proper evidences and literature one must accept that there is no absolute clarity regarding the reasons for the divergence among the early Buddhist sects of Andhra. While highlighting this fact Sa˙ngharakshita states, ‘The origins of the early Buddhist schools are with a few exceptions involved in baffling obscurity, while the nature of the views held, and the relative order of their appearance, more often than not afford material for speculation rather than ground for certainty’ (1957: 190). Thus, baffling obscurity and lack of certainty leave us with no option than speculation. To sum up, it is quite natural that counter-traditions do attract dissent as it has happened in the case of Buddhism even during the life time of Buddha. However, the teachings of Buddha have showed ample openness and cosmopolitanism that people belonging to various sub-cultures and regions in India have accepted, owned and enriched Buddhism with their own interpretations and divisions. The heterogeneity among the followers—in terms of staunch, rational and causal—also contributed to the variedness of divisions. In addition, when Buddhism moved from one region to another in India, people who are of distinct culture and traditions have enriched it with their own worldviews to modify and develop their own unique brand of Buddhism. The above explicated background helps us to safely resolve that the schims in early Buddhism has strong historical, social, political and institutional reasons for its origin and development. Having discussed various instances of dissenting voices even during the life time of Buddha along with the history of schism and the divisions among the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas, let us now proceed to discuss the doctrines of early Buddhist schools of Andhrades¯a.

References Akira, H. (1990). A History of Indian Buddhism: From Sakyamuni to Early Mah¯ay¯ana (P. Groner (Ed.), Trans.). University of Hawai Press. Beal, S. (1869). Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung-Yun: Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and 518 A.D). (S. Beal, Trans.) London: K. Paul, Trench and Trñbner. Bareau, A. (1955). Les Sectes Bouddhiques De Petit Vehicule. Saigon Davids, R. T. W. (1896). (1998). Buddhism: Its history and literature. Delhi: Orient publications. Dutt, N. (1925). Early history of the spread of Buddhism and the buddhist schools. London. Dutt, N. (1945). The buddhist sects: A survey. In B.C. Law (Ed.), Volume Part I. Calcutta. Dutt, N. (1998). Buddhist sects in India. Delhi: Motilal Banarasi Das. Dutt, N. (1941–5). Early monastic buddhism. Vol. 2. Calcutta. Geiger, W. (1908). The Mah¯avamsa. London: Pali Text Society. (W. Geiger & M. H. Bode Trans.) The Mah¯avamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon. London: Pali Text Society (1912). Kathavatthuppakarana—Atthakatha of Buddhaghos.a. (1889). In J. P. Minayeff (Ed.). London: Journal of Pali Text society. Longhurst, A. H. (1938). Buddhist Antiquities in Nagarjunakonda. Delhi. Masuda, J. (1925). Origins and doctrines of early Indian buddhist schools. In Asia Major II. pp. 1–75. Nanjio, B. (1883). A catalogue of the Chinese translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka: The sacred canon of the Buddhists in China and Japan. Oxford Clarendon Press. Raghuramaraju, A. (2014). Buddhism in Indian philosophy. India Interantional Centre Quarterly, 40, 65–85.

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Rockhill, W. W. (1992). The life of Buddha and the early history of his order. Derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-Hgyur and Bstan-Hgyur, followed by notices on the early history of Tibet and Khoten. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. Sangharakshita, B. (1957). A Survey of Buddhism. The Indian Institute of World culture: Bangalore. Sarkar, H. (1987). Emergence of urban centres in early historical Andhradesa. In H. Sarkar & B. M. Pande (Eds.), Archaeology and history (p. 631241). Delhi: Agam Kala. T¯aran¯atha. (1990). History of Buddhism in India. (L. Chimpa & A. Chattopadhyaya,Trans.) In D. P. Chattopadhyaya, K. P. Bagchi & company (Eds.), New Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas Publishers. The Mahavagga (Ed.) (1996) (1885). Sacred Books of the East. Vol XX. Part III. Delhi. Low price publications. Thomas, E. J. (1997). The history of Buddhist thought. Munshiram Manoharlal: New Delhi. Vasumitra, Samayabhedoparacanacakra. (1954). translated by A. Bareau, “Trois traités sur les sects bouddhiques attribués à Vasumitra, Bhavya et Vin¯ıtadeva”, Journal Asiatique, 242, 229–266 (tr. of Vasumitra’s Samayabhedoparacanacakra); JA 244, 1956, 167–200 (tr of Bhavya’s Nikayabhedavibha˙ngavyakhy¯an¯a and Vin¯ıtadeva’s Samayabhedoparacana- cakre nik¯ayabhedopadar´sanasam . graha).

Chapter 3

The Philosophy of the Andhakas: Buddhist Sects and Their Doctrines

Abstract Beginning with a discussion on the doctrines of the Andhakas in general, (which includes the Pubbaséliy¯as, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas), the chapter proceeds to explicate the views that the Andhakas held in common with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asakas, the Uttar¯apathakas, the Vetulyakas, the Sabbathiv¯adins and the Bhadrayanikas. It further discusses the doctrines of the Pubbaseliy¯as—those held independently, as well as those they held in common with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka and the Aparaséliyas. The discussion then goes on to elucidate the doctrines of the R¯ajagirikas independently, along with the Siddhatthikas and the Sammit¯ıyas on the basis of the Kath¯avatthu. Finally, the chapter also discusses the doctrines of the Bahu´srut¯ıyas and the Caityakas, who had a very significant presence in the region and contributed to the doctrinal variations of Buddhism.

Given that Buddhism in Andhra had proliferated into various sects during the early period of history and given that these sects had their own distinct character with which they enriched Buddhism in its practical as well as doctrinal aspects, it is necessary to delve into the philosophical doctrines of these sects in order to have a comprehensive understanding of the philosophy of early Andhradesa. As noted earlier, the arrival of Buddhism consolidated the culture, religion and philosophy of early Andhra, and in turn, Andhra contributed to the diversity of the Buddhism. This chapter presents the doctrines of early Buddhist sects of Andhra as available in the Abhidhamm¯a text the Kath¯avatthu. Since the text is the work of Theravadins, Andhakas here were presented as one of the opponents (p¯urva paksha). Present attempt is to bring out philosophical doctrines of Andhakas from the text of their opponents. This sometimes necessitates the articulation the views in a dialectic mode. In this context, one must note that though there are differences and deviations among various sects, almost all the sects and schools are largely in agreement regarding the cardinal doctrines of Buddhism. The cardinal doctrines are: ¯ (i) the four noble truths (Aryasatya) (ii) the eightfold path (as.tangam¯arga) © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9_3

35

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(iii) (iv) (v) (vi)

3 The Philosophy of the Andhakas: Buddhist Sects …

the non-existence of the soul (an¯atma) the theory of kamma, the theory of prat¯ıtyasamutp¯ada and the gradual stages of spiritual advancement.

It must also be noted that there is substantial divergence among the various sects in their interpretation of these cardinal doctrines of the Buddha. For instance, the life of the Buddha itself has become a focus of debate among the various sects and schools. The chapter begins with a discussion on the doctrines of the Andhakas in general (which includes the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas). It then proceeds to explicate the views that the Andhakas held with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, the Uttar¯apathakas, the Vetulyakas, the Sabbathiv¯adins and the Bhadrayanikas. Next, the doctrines of the Pubbaseliy¯as are discussed independently and also with respect to their commonality with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka and the Aparaséliyas. The discussion continues by elucidating the doctrines of the Rajagirikas, both independently and along with those of the Siddhatthikas and the Sammit¯ıyas on the basis of the Kath¯avatthu. Finally, the chapter also discusses the doctrines of the Bahu´srut¯ıyas and the Caityakas, who were also very significant in terms of their presence in the region and their contribution to the doctrinal variations of Buddhism.

Doctrines of the Andhakas ¯ The Kath¯avatthu, from the Abhidhamm¯ a Pitaka, is the most important work of Buddhist literature that vividly describes the part played by the Andhakas in the Third Buddhist Council. In his commentary on the Kath¯avatthu, Buddhaghos.a attaches more importance to the Andhakas than to all other schools put together. The Kath¯avatthu gives us an idea of the innovations introduced by the Andhakas in their doctrine and in the discipline of Buddhism itself at such an early date. Let us now discuss the philosophical doctrines of the Andhakas, which include the Pubbaséliy¯as, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas. According to the Andhakas, there are Anusayas, seeds of passion dormant in the mind, which are activated only when they are excited by the appropriate impulses. The world arises out of kammas accumulated on account of Anusayas. If there were no Anusayas, kamma could not produce rebirth. So, the root of rebirth (bhava) is kamma, which is due to Anusayas. Anusayas are neither the mind (citt¯a), nor mental (cetasik¯a); nor are they objects of thought or associated with the mind. When they are activated, they become paryavasth¯anas (pervading passions). Only then do they become mental functions (cetasik¯as) and become impurities and block spiritual progress. The distinction between Anusayas and paryavasth¯anas and the theory, that the former is not associated with the mind while the latter are, is the contribution of the Andhakas according to K. S. Murty (1980).

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Towards a Wholesome Conception of Action Actions (kamma) have a central role in the philosophy of the Andhakas and also in the enterprise of reconstructing their philosophy. In Buddhism, “the law of kamma is seen as a natural law inherent in the nature of things, like a law of physics” (Harvey 2000: 16). In Buddhist philosophy, the nature of kamma (wholesome (kusal¯a) or unwholesome (akusala) or neutral) moulds the form and content of consciousness with which one engages with the world. Kamma, Harvey observes, is the overall psychological impulse behind an action, that which sets into motion a chain of causes culminating in a karmic fruit (kammavip¯aka) (2000: 17). It seems that the endeavour of the Andhakas was to construct a philosophy where ‘actions’ are ascribed a central role wherein they construct and affect all aspects of our experiential life. The Andhakas were of the opinion that consciousness (citta) and its mental factors (cetasik¯as) are the result (vip¯aka) of kamma. The point of difference is that the Andhakas maintained that not just the nature of consciousness, but consciousness (citta) itself is the result (vip¯aka) of actions. The Andhakas also posit a similar position with respect to matter.1 For the Andhakas, matter (r¯upa) and material qualities are the resultant (vip¯aka) of actions. Because actions are performed in the immaterial realms (ar¯upa-bhumi) too, they hold that a refined form of materiality exists in them as well. The Andhakas hold that the processes of ‘old age and death’ (jar¯amaran.a) are the result of kamma too (VII 8, 207), since acts are conducive of deterioration (McDermott 1969, 87). They do make a distinction here between actions that are morally good and bad. It seems that a morally bad action (akusala-kamma) has an acute effect on material decay which results in old age and death (jar¯amaran.a). The point of objection of the Therav¯adins is that all states, whether mental or physical, arising out of kusal¯a or akusala kamma, are subject to decay. Besides, old age and death are partly due to physical order.2 The Andhakas also hold that land (pat.hav¯ı) is the result of actions. The argument shows that (1) land has nothing in common with the sentient results which are caused by kamma, and (2) that such results are a matter of individual subjective experience, not shared by others—myriads of whom do not even live upon the earth (VII-7; 205– 6.). “As the Kath¯avatthu describes the Andhaka argument,” observes McDermott, “their position was that human action is frequently directed towards the acquisition of land and towards obtaining sovereignty over it. Thus, the possession of land must be considered the result of such action (kamma)” (1969, 88). The Therav¯adins ask the Andhakas to compare earth (pat.hav¯ı) with something mental, for example, contact (phassa). As per the Therav¯adins, it can be said of contact that “it is both (i.) a result of action and also that it (ii.) belongs to feeling” (VII 7; 206) but both cannot be said of earth (pat.hav¯ı). As per the Therav¯adins, who contend the perspective of Andhakas, the results of kamma have a subjective character 1 Matter (r¯ upa) is one of the conditioned ‘reals’ accepted in the Abhidhamm¯a tradition, the other being consciousness and mental factors. 2 This point is discussed in Kvu-a, VII 8, 125.

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and this is not true of earth (pat.hav¯ı).3 The commentary by Buddhaghos.a clarifies this point, noting that kamma exists as a causal relation (paccaya) between bad (akusala) action and physical decay, but that the term ‘vip¯aka’ refers only to mental results (Kvu-a VII 8; McDermott 1969, 87). For whatever reason, it would seem that the Andhakas were unwilling to put the physical and subjective effects of kamma into separate categories (McDermott 1969, 87). Moreover, the ‘result’, they thought, itself is a state entailing resultant states (vip¯akadhammadhamma). Since one result of kamma stands in relation to another result by way of reciprocity (aññamaññapaccaya), etc., the Andhakas held that the result (vip¯aka) is itself necessarily the cause (paccaya) of other results (VII-10; 209–10). Further, the relationship between kamma and its accumulation is also a point of controversy between the Andhakas and the Therav¯adins (XV 11, 300). The Andhakas maintain that “...kamma is one thing, its accumulation is another, and the accumulating of kamma is undetermined, and not a mental object” (Kvu-a; 192). The commentary informs that they hold this view as they judge that “the accumulating of kamma goes on automatically, independently of moral action, of mental action” (XV 11, 300). The Therav¯adins object and say that if this is the case, then mental contact (phassa), etc., must also be different from its accumulation; the Andhakas do not assent to this. To continue the discussion on the nature of actions, there is a certain controversy which encompasses the nature of subject, object and actions. The Andhakas hold that all (sabbe) mental states or things (dhamm¯a) are applications in mindfulness (satipat..th¯ana). The objects of mindfulness, namely the body and the rest, were themselves [the conscious subject] mindfulness. They believe that all cognizable things constitute applications in mindfulness. They derive this view from the passage in the ‘Satipat..th¯ana Samyutta’, ‘I will show you, bhikkhus, the induction and the cessation of applications in mindfulness’.4 Andre Bareau (2013) interprets the view of the Andhakas’ in the following way: Since mindfulness (sati) is established (santit..thati) concerning (¯arabbha) all things (sabbe dhamma), all things can be applications of mindfulness. Further, it was taught by the Buddha: ‘O monks, I am going to teach (desiss¯ami) you the origin (samutth¯ana) and the disappearance 3 Kamma-vip¯ aka, or result of actions was, in its ultimate terms, conceived as feeling experienced by

the agent in this life, or by the resultant of him in another life (VII 7, 205, n. 3.). note that (Samyutta-Nik¯aya v. 184) ‘the controversy turns upon the double sense, subjective and objective, of the term Sati-patthaan¯a, or mindfulness-applications. The opponent confuses the objects of this important fourfold religious exercise with the mental exercise itself, thus merging in subject, ‘subject’ in Buddhism being ‘consciousness of object’. We have much the same ambiguity observed in the popular use of object and subject of thought. Etymologically ob- and sub- scarcely support the distinction prescribed by philosophy. A ‘subject of medication’ is an object of thought’. A hypnotic subject’ is for the hypnotizer an object”. Further, he says, “the Sutta on which the opinion is based is ambiguously worded in the context that follows. This gives not the induction and cessation of the meditating ‘mindfulness’, but the cause or genesis (samudayo can mean these or induction) of the four prescribed objects of the meditation— the body, feelings, consciousness, and cognizable objects—the causes being nourishment, contact, mind-and-body, attention, respectively. Hence for the immature thought of the sectarian mind, there is thus much of justification”.

4 Michael M. Olds states in the foot

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(attha˙ngama) of the four applications of mindfulness: as it was said (vuttanayena), the body, etc., (kayadaya) are attached (samyutta) to the applications of mindfulness and are objects (arammana dhamm¯a) of mindfulness’ (104–105).

Thus, it can be argued that the Andhakas reconstruct the conception of action in such a manner that the experiential world (sams¯ara and its constituents) is itself a result of actions (kamma). While doing so, they tend to conflate the nature of subject, object and actions, as evident in their interpretation of the Satipat..th¯ana Sutta.

On the Nature of Matter (Rupa) ¯ The Andhakas hold that the ultimate datum or element of r¯upa is material (VIII-5; 217). The commentator Buddhaghos.a informs us that the Therav¯adins criticize this view on the grounds that the “‘r¯upa-element’ includes all the spheres of life known as r¯upa-bhava and is therefore more extensive than just material qualities of things” (ibid). Further, the Andhakas believed that there is matter (r¯upa) even in the immaterial (ar¯upa). On the basis of a saying of Buddha—‘Because of consciousness there comes mind and body’5 —the Andhakas believed that, even in the ar¯upa-sphere of existence, there was a subtle, refined matter (sukhumar¯upa) segregated from grosser matter (ol¯arikar¯upa) (VIII-8; 220). Consequently, they hold that the matter (r¯upa) belongs to both the material and immaterial heavens. In response, the Therav¯adins ask, “Is then ‘matter’ (r¯upa) a sphere of life, a destiny, a realm of things, renewed life, a matrix, an acquiring of individuality?” (VIII-8; 220). The Andhakas deny this but claim that all this can be predicated to be of the ar¯upa sphere. Therefore, according to the Therav¯adins, the Andhakas cannot maintain their proposition that there is matter (r¯upa) among the immaterials (ar¯upa). However, the Andhakas do hold that the ultimate datum or element of ar¯upa is immaterial (VIII-6; 220). The controversy over the issue of the existence of matter (r¯upa) in the material as well as immaterial heavens touches the role of action too. The Andhakas held that material qualities (r¯upa) arise as results of kamma (XVI 8; 309). The commentary clarifies that some like the Andhakas believe that, “...just as consciousness and its concomitant attributes arise because of an action that has been wrought, so also do material [i.e., corporeal] qualities arise as results [of kamma]” (Kvu-a; 199). Since matter, which is the product of actions done in either of the worlds (of sense-desire or heavens) and belongs to that world, so is the product of actions done in the material or immaterial heavens. In other words, they maintain a distinction between matter of both the worlds and both the heavens (XVI-9; 309–10).

5 Dialogues,

ii. 52 f.; Sanyutta-Nik., ii. 1, passim; Compendium, p. 188; Buddhism (Mrs. Rhys Davids), p. 91.

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On the Nature of Consciousness The Andhakas argued that insight (ñ¯an´ a) into the thought process (cetopariyaya) of another has no object (na aññ¯aramman.a) beyond the bare consciousness of the other as such. They derived this view from the (technical) expression: ‘insight into a limited portion of the consciousness of another’ (V-7; 180–1). Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan Aung have made some pertinent observations in this context. They state that: ‘Of another’ is filled in, the supernormal power in question being one of the six so-called abnormal knowledges, chalabhiñña, attainable by gifted disciples. The Buddha is frequently shown, in the Suttas, exercising it…The psychological point can only be followed if the Buddhist distinction between (a) a bare continuum of conscious moments, (b) various concomitants or coefficients of that bare consciousness be kept in mind…Thus the dispute is really on the meaning or context of the term citta: bare fact of consciousness, or the concrete, complex psychic unit as understood in European psychology. The discussion is therefore of more than antiquarian interest (V 7; 180–1; n. 2).

The Therav¯adins object that “one discerns a ‘lust-ridden consciousness,’ and so on, has lust, etc., as his object” (Kvu-a; 105). Therefore, for the Therav¯adins, to say that insight into the thoughts of another has only bare consciousness as its object is not proved. A point of controversy which is tangentially related to the above issue is on the duration of consciousness (citta). The Andhakas hold that a duration of consciousness (citta) lasts (tit..thati) for a day. They hold this belief due to “the apparent continuity both of overt consciousness in Jh¯ana and of sub-consciousness” (Kvu-a; 69). Having noted that thought as attainment (sam¯apatti) of the life continuum (bhava˙nga) exists (pavattam¯ana) without interruption (anuppabandhen¯a), it can be deduced that a single thought lasts for a long time (ciram . ) (Bareau 2013, 105). However, the Therav¯adins object to this based on the Buddha’s teaching that: ‘all conditioned things are impermanent (sabbe dhamm¯aanicc¯a) and subject to origin (upp¯ada) and decay (bhanga)’. The Therav¯adins ask that if it is accepted that a citta lasts for a day, it would imply that one-half of the day belongs to the moment of arising (upp¯ada) and the other half to the moment of cessation (bhanga). Interestingly, the commentary notes that the Andhakas maintain their thesis of the nature of duration of consciousness (Kvu-a; 70). The Andhakas do ask of the Therav¯adins: ‘Does then the mind of the devas who have reached the ar¯upa plane arise and cease moment by moment?’ (ibid; 69). The Andhakas understood consciousness to be neither lust, nor hate, nor dullness or corruptions. It is in fact understood to be the counterfeit of each one of these. For instance, the counterfeits of lust are taken to be amity, pity and approbation. Similarly, the counterfeits of hate are envy, selfishness and worry and that of dullness is the sense of the ludicrous. Likewise, counterfeits of corruptions are taken to be suppression of discontentment, helping bhikkhus, blaming the bad and praising the good (XXIII-4; 367–8). The Therav¯adins ask them to consider if their argument can be applied to ‘contact’ (phassa). Can it be said of contact (phassa), that in case of that which

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resembles contact (phassa), there is not that which is contact (phassa)? (Kvu-a; 245) The Andhakas reject this as not possible. The Andhakas believed that there is consciousness among the denizens of the sphere called unconscious. This belief of the Andhakas is derived partly from these words of Buddha: ‘mind [at rebirth] is conditioned by previous actions’,6 so that in their view, there is no living rebirth without mind. It is also partly from these other words of Buddha: ‘There are devas, bhikkhus called the unconscious being; now those devas, then consciousness does arise, decease from that group’.7 They concede consciousness to those devas of the unconscious sphere at the moment of rebirth and then they decease. The Andhakas are of the view that unconscious devas are conscious only sometimes. They are conscious at their demise and at rebirth, but not during life (III 11; 153–6). The Andhakas held the view that, it is not right to say that in that realm of life there is consciousness. This view was based on the following words of the Buddha: ‘the sphere of neither consciousness nor unconsciousness (nevasaññ¯an¯asaññ¯ayatare)’ (III-12; 155–6). The Andhakas are particularly concerned with the seven latent biases8 (Anusayas) a person harbours, which can affect the nature of actions, which in turn produces consciousness (citta) and matter (R¯upa). According to the Andhakas, the individual on the path of Buddha is liable to involuntary outbursts of corruption as much as an average worldly person (putthujjana). It is argued that these outbursts of corruption or latent biases (Anusayas), which are manifested in seven vices such as lust, etc., take place unconsciously. It is stated that an average worldly person (putthujjana), while his thoughts are ethically good or neutral, may be said to have latent bias for the seven vices which may not be openly manifested (pariyut..thita) (XIV-5; 287–8). The Therav¯adins ask that if this is the case, can Andhakas equally maintain that the lusts of sense are different in kind from the lusts of sense openly manifested (pariyut..thita)? (ibid; 287). The Andhakas do not assent to this proposition. The Andhakas also hold that outbursts of corruption take place unconsciously (XIV 6; 288). They ‘hold that lust and other wrong states may arise even in one who is attending to Impermanence, etc.,’ (ibid). It has been said: “Sometimes, Master Bharadv¯aja, when he is thinking: ‘I will attend to the unbeautiful,’ he attends to it as beautiful”.9 Latent bias towards ‘beautiful’ may continue unconsciously in Master Bharadv¯aja, even if he is thinking that he will attend to the ‘unbeautiful’, which may result in seven vices. Thus, it is asserted that even the people on the path of Buddha are liable to the involuntary outbursts of corruption. 6 Quoted

by Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan from Vibhanga, 135 f.; Sanyutta-Nik., ii.2 passim. by Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan from The D¯ıgha Nik¯aya., iii.33. ‘Mind’ (vign¯ana) and consciousness (sanjna) are here used in a synonymous and very general sense. 8 The seven vices are lust (k¯ amar¯aga), enmity (patigha), conceit (m¯ana), erroneous opinion (Diññhi), doubt (vicikicch¯a), lust of life (bhava-raga) and ignorance (Avijjà). 9 Samyutta-Nik., iv. 111. The PTS text of Samyutta reads, for s u b h a t o manasikarotit i, subhatoagacchati. The speaker is King Udena conversing with Pindola-Bharadvaja. Cf. Vin. Texts, i. 302 f.; iii. 79 f.; 382 f. 7 Quoted

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The Therav¯adins then take the Andhakas position to imply that such outbursts come under the non-mental categories—matter, Nibb¯ana, organ or object of sense. Are they not rather to be classed as lust-ridden, hate-ridden, dullness-ridden mind, as immoral, corrupted consciousness, the existence of which the Andhakas admit? (ibid). The Question of Causation and Determination: The relationship between causation and determination, in the realm of the physical as well as the mental, is a long-standing problem in metaphysics. Committing to the basic teaching of prat¯ıtyasamutp¯ada of Buddha, the Andhakas hold that the cause (paccaya) of things (dhamm¯a) is predetermined (parinipphanna). This view is drawn from the words of Buddha: “There is a cause, and that is elemental”.10 It says that each term in the chain of causal origination is, as a cause (paccaya), elemental and is therefore predetermined (parinipphanna) (XI-7; 261–2). The Therav¯adin shows that, if it were predetermined by another cause, this cause would in turn be predetermined by yet another, and so on ad infinitum (ibid). They urge the Andhakas to consider, “if ignorance and the like were predetermined by another cause, this cause would also in turn be predetermined by yet another, and so on” (Kvu-a; 164). The Andhakas deny this initially, but on being asked again to reconsider, they argue that ‘the correlation may hold by way of contiguity and reciprocity’ (ibid). Consequently, impermanence (aniccata) is also predetermined (parinipphanna). For them, impermanence (aniccata) itself is no less predetermined than impermanent things, like the body, etc. By this, they are involved either in a plural order of impermanence, or in an interminable series of temporal features, each predetermined in its own way, with no prospect of coming to the end of predetermination11 (XI-8; 262–3). In fact, for the Andhakas, all (sabbe) things (dhamm¯a) are fixed (niyata) (XXI 7). Just as form (r¯upa), etc., is fixed to the own-nature of form, etc., (r¯upa-disabh¯ava) and does not give up (vijahati) that own-nature, so all things are fixed to their own-nature (Bareau 2013, 116–117). Also, for the Andhakas, all actions are fixed (niyata) (XXI 8). The fruition of actions is fixed, that is, determined by the latter, just as the latter are determined by the circumstances of their accomplishment (dit..thadhammavedaniya), their own-nature thus being fixed (Bareau 2013, 117). On Time and Space: A reconstruction of the nature of time according to the Andhakas requires a brief discussion on the conception of momentariness (khan.a) and the tri-temporal 10 Samyutta-Nik., ii.25; Anguttara-Nik., i.286. In these passages, it is stated that, whether Tathagatas

arise to point it out or not, always the natural order holds good that (1) causation in the physical and psychical world goes on; (2) all things are impermanent, pregnant with ill, soulless (Aung and Davids 2016, 261n7). 11 Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan inform us that the idea is that things possess impermanence as a characteristic feature. If this characteristic were predetermined, it should possess another feature of impermanence equally predetermined (Aung and Davids 2016 , 262n3).

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nature of dharmas in Buddhist philosophy. It can be argued that the theory of momentariness (khan.a) is a logical derivation from the fact of conditioned nature (sabbe dhamm¯asa˙nkh¯ara) and impermanence of all phenomenon, (sabbe dhamm¯aaniccata) as explained by the Buddha. The notion of momentariness atomizes dhammas/dharmas, wherein mental and physical phenomenon are explained as momentary in nature, arising and ceasing in rapid succession. A unitary citta, according to the Therav¯ada, is the designation of the structure of a single moment of consciousness. Cetasik¯as, which arise and cease together with cittas, provide emotive and affective content to it. Interestingly, the Andhakas neither unconditionally subscribe to the momentary nature of cittas (II.7), nor do they12 accept the existence of cetasik¯as13 (VII. 3). The Andhakas argue that a single unit of consciousness lasts (tit..thati) for a day (divasa) (II.7). They hold this view by judging the apparent continuity of both overt consciousness in Jh¯ana and of sub-consciousness (bhava˙ngacitta) and conclude that a single state of consciousness lasted for a length of time (Kvu-a; 69). The Therav¯adins objection is based on Buddha’s teaching that ‘all conditioned things are impermanent (anicca) and subject to origin (upp¯ada) and decay (bhanga)’. If a single unit lasts for one day, does one-half of the day belong to the moment of origin and the one-half belong to the moment of decay? The Andhakas reject this point, but according to the Therav¯adins, it is implied in their position. For reasons still to be explored, the Andhakas seem to maintain a durational nature of consciousness as opposed to the rather extreme position of momentary nature as accepted by the Therav¯adins and also Sarv¯astiv¯adins. The debate has bearing on the significant discussion in Kath¯avatthu as to the tritemporal nature of dharmas/dhammas. The Therav¯adins recognize the ontological status of present (paccupanna) dharmas only and do not ontologically commit to the reality of past (at¯ıta) and future (an¯agata) dharmas. Past (at¯ıta) and future (an¯agata) are real, but ‘it is purely in a psychological sense that they are real’ (Karunadasa 2010, 28). The Sarv¯astiv¯adins, on the other end of the spectrum, recognize the ontological status of past (an¯agata), present (paccupanna) and future (an¯agata) dhamm¯as. Karunadasa (2010, 28) observes that the ‘theory is based on a distinction made between the actual being of the dharmas as phenomenon and their ideal being as noumena. It assumes that the substance of dharmas persist in all the three divisions of time’. Karunadasa places the theory of the Andhakas somewhere between the Therav¯adins and the Sarv¯astiv¯adins. ‘In their view the dhamm¯as belonging to the three divisions of time (atitadibhedadhamma) exist by way of material and other aggregates as past, present or future. However, each temporal division does not represent the other two potentially or actually’ (2010, 29). The Andhakas argue that things exist as they are and not otherwise. The past (at¯ıta), future (an¯agata), present (paccupanna), form (r¯upa) and the other aggregates 12 The

present thesis is held only by the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas among the four schools. hold that we can no more get ‘mentals’ (cetasik¯as) from mind (citta), than we can get ‘contactals’ from contact, so that there is no such thing as a property or concomitant, of mind.

13 They

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(khandha)—all things truly (heva) exist (atthi) and truly do not exist (natthi) (Bareau 2013, 105). They further add that all things exist in time, by way of material and other qualities, as past, present or future. ‘Hence, the past exists as past, but does not exist as future or present; form exists as form, but does not exist as feeling, perception, etc’. (ibid) and therefore all that exists is only as ‘this’, and not as ‘that’. In other words, the past exists only as the past; it does not exist as the future, it does not exist as the present. After establishing the independence of the three categorizations of time as past, present and future, the Andhakas delve into a very intriguing aspect of the knowledge (ñ¯an´ a) of these categories. It is possible to have the knowledge of the past, which has happened and is concretized. However, the possibility of knowing the present and future, both of which are endowed with multiple probable ways of happening, is something that requires special consideration. The Andhakas argue for the possibility of knowing the entire present without any distinction. However, they caution that since all things are seen as impermanent, knowledge also is impermanent (V-9; 183). They also believed that there is knowledge of the future that is possible of an enlightened self. In general, the future includes both what will happen proximately and what is not just proximate. There is absolutely no knowledge possible of both, any more than there is of what is included in a single track or moment of cognition. But the Andhakas are inclined to a belief that knowledge (ñ¯an´ a) concerning any part of the future (an¯agata) is possible (V-8; 182). They also advocate that space (¯ak¯asa) is visible (sanidassana). Since we have cognition of enclosed space such as a keyhole (t¯a.lacchidda), etc., they argued, that all void space is visible. Space, thus for them, is r¯upa, that is, material visible object (VI-7; 193). There is a similar debate regarding the nature of past or future experiences. The Andhakas hold that a past or future experience is actually possessed (samann¯agata) (IX 12; 242). They speak of past and future Jh¯anas as something actually and presently possessed (samann¯agata). The commentary argues that a distinction has to be made between actual and potential possession or the notion of being in possession of (samann¯agata) and that of having acquired (patil¯abha). The actual possession is of the present moment. But for a man who has acquired the Eight Attainments in Jh¯ana, the possession of them is potentially persistent, though not of all at once. But the Andhakas do not discern this distinction. Their argument is that as there are some ‘who, meditating on the either stages of emancipation, can induce the four Jh¯anas at their pleasure and can acquire the four serial grades’14 (ibid). Thus for them, it is right to say that one can have actual present possession of past and future things. Rebirth Through Operative Aggregates: The Andhakas have rationally articulated process of rebirth through prat¯ıtyasamutp¯ada. They argued that before the five aggregates (khandhas) pursuing rebirth have ceased, five operative aggregates arise to facilitate the rebirth. They explain that before a unit of sub-consciousness lapses another unit of consciousness with its [operative] fourfold aggregate and the material aggregate 14 Anguttara-Nik., iv.410,448. Buddhist Suttas (SBE XI.), 212, 9,10; Pss. Of the Brethren, Ver. 916,917,1172. Referred by Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan Aung.

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sprung from it. Unless the operative aggregates arise, the living continuum will be cut off (X-1; 243–4). On Knowledge and Liberation: The Andhakas advocate that for a person who is on a Buddhist path (ariyamagga), all ‘knowledge’(ñ¯an´ a) whatsoever is supramundane or transcendental (lokuttara) and hence it is analytic (pat.isambhid¯a). However, they maintain that the popular and conventional knowledge is not analytical (V-5; 179). The Andhakas are of the opinion that the knowledge of emancipation itself has the quality of emancipation. There are four sorts of knowledge15 (ñ¯ana) that are grouped under knowledge of emancipation in general within Buddhist tradition. They are—insight or intuition (vipasann¯a), path-knowledge (maggañ¯ana), fruitknowledge (phalañ¯ana) and reflective-knowledge (paccavekkhanañ¯ana). In other words, emancipation is considered as (1) freedom from perceiving things as permanent, or freedom through perceiving the opposite of permanence; (2) the detachment effected by the paths; (3) the peace of fruition; (4) contemplation of emancipation as such. The Andhakas, against the Therav¯adin, view all four to be qualifying emancipation16 (V-1; 173). Further, the act of ‘becoming emancipated’, the Andhakas opine, implies that the heart is indulged in vices such as lust from which the emancipation is attempted. Similar to the way a soiled garment (m¯al¯ına vattha) is freed from stains after being washed (dhovi yam¯ana), the heart is released from inundated lust in emancipation17 (III-3; 144). Emancipation is not a sudden happening, rather a gradual process of becoming free. It is supposed that the mind, partially freed by the exercise of Jh¯ana, completes its liberation by the gradual process18 (III-4; 145–6). The fetters (saññojana) of life are put off, according to the Andhakas, only by the discernment of Nibb¯ana as a blessing, but not by recognizing the world as full of peril. This view is based on the words of Buddha: ‘Take, bhikkhus, the case of a bhikkhu who lives contemplating the happiness (sukhánupassì) in Nibb¯ana, perceiving (sukhasanni) and feeling that happiness continually, constantly, and undiluted, convinced of it in his mind and permeated with it by insight’. As against this view Therav¯adin believed that the constraints are put off when it is realized 15 Four

sorts of knowledge are, analytical knowledge of Body and Mind (n¯ama-r¯upa-paricchedañ¯an´ a), Knowledge by Discerning Conditionality (paccaya-pariggaha-ñ¯an´ a), Knowledge by Comprehension (sammasana- ñ¯an´ a), Knowledge of Arising and Passing Away (udayabbaya- ñ¯an´ a). 16 In contrast to this view of the Andhakas, Theravadins maintain, only peace of fruition to be abstract and unqualified emancipation. 17 According to Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan (2016), in other words, the climax and crown of Pathgraduation is degraded to denote progress in the early stages. Emancipation is technically applied to release from rebirth, through release from the conditions thereof. Nibbaana is extinction of lust, hate and nescience and delusion. Emancipation is the state of purity after the purging was done. ¯ The opponent holds the serious errors that the Arahant still has lust, etc., to get rid of, and that a preceding unit of consciousness is essentially identical with the succeeding unit. Cf. Sanyutta-Nik., iv-251; ii.171. 18 This view is arrived by the Andhakas by following the words of the Buddha that ‘For him who thus knows thus sees, the heart is set free from the intoxicants of sense-desires, of becoming, and of ignorance’. Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan from Points of Controversy III-4; 2016, 146.

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that the world is full of peril and Nibb¯ana is a blessing (IX-1; 230). While referring to A˙nguttara Nik¯aya (IV.14), Rhys Davids and Shwe Zen inform us of the Kath¯avatthu commentary which concludes that the work of insight into the actual perilous present occupies the beginner of the Buddhist way and the fetters (saññojana) get removed during his progress as he discerns the blessings of Nibb¯ana. The sense seems to require abbocchinnan, ‘without a break’, or ‘uninterrupted’, for abbokin.n.an, ‘undiluted’ and cetas¯a adhimuccam¯ano ‘of his own freewill’. The Andhakas did not maintain any distinction between popular (sammati sacca) and philosophical truth (paramattha sacca)19 . For them, like philosophical knowledge, popular knowledge has only truth as its object (sacc¯aramman.aññeva) and nothing else (naaññaramman.a), and therefore, no distinction can be drawn between popular and philosophical truth (V-6; 180). The Andhakas held that a disciple can have knowledge concerning liberation of others. They assumed this view since it was said that both the Buddha and his disciples teach the doctrine of the attainment of emancipation to ordinary people, and also can identify those who have moved ahead in the Buddhist path. It follows from the above assumption that a disciple shares with the Buddha the knowledge of being able to identify the status of a seeker on the Buddhist path (V-10; 184). On Arahanthood: The Andhakas understood Arahantship to be the simultaneous unlimited casting off (pah¯an.a) of all the fetters (saññojana). These fetters, they held, which are vicious states or qualities, are to be put away gradually by progress in the four paths20 (IV10; 172). In order to realize Arahantship, a follower must possess preceding three fruitions (the fruits corresponding to the three paths of stream-enterer (sot¯apanna), once returner (sakad¯ag¯amin), Non-returner (an¯ag¯am¯ı)) as assiduous definite endowment. They believe that such a person holds the three fruitions as an acquired quality (patta-dhamm¯a-vasena) (IV-9; 170–1). The Andhakas considered the nibb¯anadhatu to be good. Nibb¯anadhatu is understood to be element of Nibb¯ana at some places, and it is also considered to be Nibb¯ana considered in itself independently which is ultimate and irreducible. The ‘good’ in good mental states is qualified on two accounts: one, being faultless they can ensure a desirable result and two, as faultless they are free from corruptions. The idea of faultlessness applies only to moral states. The ‘good’ in the triad—good, bad and indifferent—applies to the moral cause producing such a result. Apparently, the Andhakas do not maintain such difference and view Nibb¯ana to be good as they endorse that it is a faultless state (XIX-6; 339). With respect to the accumulation of merit (puññupacaya) by the Arahant, the Andhakas opine positively. There is an accumulation of merit in the case of an ¯ Arahant, for them. This view is formed considering the possibility of an Arahant distributing gifts to the Order, offering worship at the shrines , and so on, by which

19 On 20 See

this ancient Buddhist distinction, see Ledi Sadaw’s exposition, JPTS 1914, 129f. Compendium, 172 f.; Bud. Psy. Eth., pp. 297–303.

Doctrines of the Andhakas

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¯ he may accumulate merit (XVII-1; 312). Even at the time of his death, the Arahant is ethically conscious, according to the Andhakas (XXII-2; 358–9). Buddha and his Powers: With regard to the differences of Buddhahood and powers of the Buddhahood, the Andhakas believe in qualitative difference and qualitative unity, respectively. Though Buddhas differ mutually in certain general qualities, they share all powers in common. Buddhas, they opined, differ mutually at any given time, not only with regard to body (sar¯ıra), age (¯ayu) and radiance (pabh¯a) but also with respect to the qualities in general as well (XXI-5; 354). The future Buddha or Bodhisatva has to follow the natural course of action, such as—going to an evil doom, entering (okkamati) a womb (gabbhaseyy¯a), performing hard tasks and doing penance under alien teachers on his own concurrence. The Bodhisatva, along with the above actions, is free to be reborn as an animal or in purgatory (XXIII-3; 366–7). Since the qualitative difference in Buddhahood is advocated, accepting that the Bodhisatva is free to be born in any form and to go through the process of doing penance under teachers from other faith is agreeable to the Andhakas. The Andhakas, however, believed that the powers of the Buddha are commonly shared with disciples. This belief is derived from the reading of Anurudha Sanyutta, (Samyutta-Nik¯aya, v. 304 f.; Suttas 15–24) which states ‘I, brethren, from practice and development of the Four Applications of Mindfulness, understand even as it really is the causal occasion as such, and what is not the causal occasion’. As per the above, by practicing gradually the four applications of mindfulness, the disciples can know both causal occasions and non-causal occasions. The Therav¯adins, as against the view of the Andhakas, interpret the above statement to be that only some of the powers are commonly shared by the disciples with the Tath¯agata. Of the ten powers of the Tath¯agata, the Therav¯adins explain that Tath¯agata holds some of the powers ‘...wholly in common with his disciples, some not, and some are partly common to both’ (III.I, 139). Insight (ñ¯an´ a) into the extinction of intoxicants (¯asav¯a) is shared commonly by all; however, the degrees of development in the controlling powers (indriy¯ani) is discerned only by the Tath¯agata. There are a few other powers that the Tath¯agata shares with his disciples but in a limited way. The causal occasion of everything, as well as seven other matters, the Tath¯agata knows without a limit, but the disciple knows them in a limited way. The disciple can only state them, whereas the Tath¯agata can explain them. Thus, a distinction between ‘stating’ and ‘being able to explain’ is maintained between them. In this way, for the Therav¯adins, some powers are shared completely with disciples, some are shared in a limited way and yet others are exclusively possessed by the Tath¯agata. The Andhakas, while rejecting the above explanation of Therav¯adins, argue that the Tath¯agata holds all his powers in common with his disciples. If it is agreed that a disciple along with the Tath¯agata can distinguish a causal occasion from an occasion that is not causal, then it is as good as agreeing to that both the Tath¯agata and the disciple share the powers equally. This is rightly so because all phenomenon is known through the distinction between causally occasioned and non-causally occasioned.

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3 The Philosophy of the Andhakas: Buddhist Sects …

In other words, since every phenomenon is causally determined and knowing the difference between causally determined and the non-causally determined is the right knowledge to be attained—it necessarily follows that, according to the Andhakas, all powers are shared by both equally. The Andhakas contest by stating that the Therav¯adins agree that a disciple can also distinguish a causal occasion from an occasion that is not causal, and that they also admit that the disciple knows the causal occasion and its conditions, the result of actions undertaken in the past, future and present—if this is the case then they cannot deny that a disciple shares equal powers with the Tath¯agata as these are the basic premises of genuine knowledge in the Buddhist path as per prat¯ıtyasamutp¯ada. In this way, while contending the view of the Therav¯adins, the Andhakas implicate the following powers to be common to both the Tath¯agata and the disciple: the power of knowing the propensity of any course of action; the power of knowing the manifold things beings have done by choice; the power of knowing the attainments in Jh¯ana or concentration21 —their impurities, their purity, and emergence from them; the power of knowing how to remember former lives; the power of knowing when beings decease and where they are reborn. Along with the power of extinction of intoxicants (¯asav¯a), all the above powers are also common to both the Tath¯agata and the disciple according to the Andhakas (III-2; 142–3). An extension of the aspect of sharing of powers is to understand whether a Buddha or his disciples have the power of supranormally performing what they intend. This supranormal potency is called iddhi. The Andhakas hold that iddhi is always wrought by will, by both a Buddha and his disciples. Against this position of the Andhakas, the Therav¯adins maintain that iddhi cannot contravene with laws such as that of impermanence, no-soul (XXI-4; 353–4). Samyutta-Nik¯aya (v.202) mentions eight stages towards enlightenment. These eight stages are divided on the basis of the fruit and the seeker of the fruit of enlightenment. Four fruits that are mentioned in general are: Sot¯apanna (stream winner), Sakad¯ag¯ami (once returner), An¯ag¯am¯ı (never returner) and Arahant. Along with these, there are four seekers of these fruits such as seeker of Sot¯apanna, seeker of Sakad¯ag¯ami, seeker of An¯ag¯am¯ı and the seeker of Arahant. Together they form eight stages towards enlightenment. The Andhakas opined that the five controlling powers22 of faith, energy, mindfulness, concentration and understanding are absent ¯ in an Arahant at the moment of entering the path, as he is in the process of acquiring,

21

Buddhaghos.a (on Anguttara-Nik., iii.417) enumerates these as ‘the four Jh¯anas, the eight deliverances (Dialogues, ii, 119) and the three sam¯adhis (The D¯ıgha Nik¯aya, iii, 219) also the nine grades in elimination (ibid, 265). 22 The five spiritual (or moral) sense-faculties are faith (saddh¯ a), energy (viriy¯a), mindfulness (sati), concentration (sam¯adhi), reason or understanding (panna). We cannot point to any passage where they are, as a pentad., connected with the five ‘external’ senses. But they were considered, no less than the latter five, as capable of being raised to powers controlling the reciprocal interaction of the human being and his environment.

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and has not yet attained those powers23 (III-6; 148–149). The fruits of religious life such as those of Sot¯apanna (stream winner), Sakad¯ag¯ami (once returner), An¯ag¯am¯ı (never returner) and Arahant, Andhakas maintain, are not proper states of mind. By religious life, they mean the career of recluse, or progress in paths. This view is maintained on the basis of the statement of Buddha that: ‘I will show you the religious life and the fruits thereof ’,24 the former being the Fourfold path,25 and the ‘fruits thereof ’ are those of Sot¯apanna (stream winner), Sakad¯ag¯ami (once returner), An¯ag¯am¯ı (never returner) and Arahant’ (VII-9; 208–9). According to the Andhakas, assurance of salvation (niyama) and attainment of cessation (nirodhasam¯apatti) are unconditioned (asa˙nkhata). They view the Aryan path (ariyamagga) as being capable of entering into assurance of salvation which is the culmination in things that are good.26 They believe that a person would not forfeit liberation even if that path which had arisen for him were to expire. The Andhakas, following the above belief, opine that this assurance (niyama) is unconditioned (asa˙nkhata) in the sense of being eternal (VI-1; 185). Similarly, the Andhakas view the attainment of cessation (nirodhasam¯apatti) also to be unconditioned (asa˙nkhata). The suspension of conscious procedure in Jh¯ana is understood to be the attainment of cessation by them. Cessation is a state of completeness, about which one cannot speak of as conditioned or unconditioned. But, the Andhakas argue that since the attainment of cessation is not conditioned, it is therefore unconditioned (VI-5; 190–1). The Andhakas believed that even the ordinary speech (voharo) of Buddha regarding worldly matters is supramundane, l¯okuttara. Shwe Zan Aung and Rhys Davids point out that though the word voharo refers to all worldly common matters, its reference here is confined to only speech. L¯okuttara, they indicate, is a wider term that refers to all the above-worldly thoughts, ideals and supernormal powers of the mind (2016: 134 fn3 &4). As one can point out with one golden wand both ‘a heap of paddy’ as well as ‘a heap of gold’, similarly Buddha with his supramundane speech habitually spoke about both mundane and supramundane doctrines (II-10; 134–6). It is wrong to say that Buddha used two kinds of speech, one for the mundane matters and the other for the supramundane ones. The Andhakas believe that he used the same speech which is supramundane while referring to both mundane and supramundane affairs. Along with the above doctrines that the Andhakas exclusively subscribe to, there are certain other views that they hold with a few other sects of Buddhism. Knowing these views would help us to understand how sects, which at some points look antagonistic, may go along on certain other doctrines. This illuminates the dynamic landscape of the early Buddhist sects which is open both for the agreement and disagreement notwithstanding the unique status that each one of the sects maintain. Let us 23 Sanyutta Nik¯ ¯ aya v.202. mentions eight stages towards attaining Arhantship. They are: (1) Arahant,

(2) fruit of Arhantship, (3) never returner, (4) fruit of never returner, (5) once returner, (6) fruit of once returning, (7) stream-winner and 8. fruit of stream winning. 24 Samyukta Nik¯ aya. v.25. 25 Each stage of the Path has the eight factors (Eightfold Path) in different degrees. 26 Anguttara-Nik., i.122. Cf. Samyutta-Nik., iii.225.

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now discuss the doctrines that the Andhakas held in common with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, the Uttar¯apathakas and the Vetulakas along with the views that were jointly held with the Sabbatthiv¯adins, the Sammit¯ıyas and the Bhadrayanikas. A. The Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas The Andhakas along with the Sammit¯ıyas upheld the significance of empirical body to attain the super-mundane and celestial vision. They held that the fleshly eye (mam . sacakkhu), when it is the medium of an idea, becomes the celestial eye (dibbacakkhu). Therav¯adins, against the above view, argue that the same eye cannot be the medium of sensuous idea as well as the spiritual idea, and thus maintain a distinction between both. However, the Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas, while contending the view of the Therav¯adins, assert that the same human fleshly eye (mam . sacakkhu) becomes the medium of both kinds of ideas, and only when it becomes the medium of knowing supramundane aspects it becomes the celestial eye (dibbacakkhu) (III-7 & 8; 149–151). The Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas view that for the person in the Eighth stage (atthama-ko) of enlightenment, that is for Sot¯apanna (Stream-winner), two corruptions such as outbursts of wrong views (dit..thipariyut..th¯anu) and outbursts of doubt (vicikicch¯apariyut..th¯ana) do not exist. They state that at the moment of entering on the path, after qualification and adoption, the above two corruptions no longer break out in the Sot¯apanna (III-5; 146–7). They jointly hold that every individual of the r¯upa-sphere has all the six senses such as sight, hearing, etc.27 The r¯upa-sphere consists of sixteen grades of devas of which Brahma group is the lowest. Irrespective of the grades of devas, all individuals of r¯upa-sphere had sensations of smell, taste and touch commonly (VIII-7; 218–9). Further, they together claim that desire is inherent both in the worldly things and the heavenly things, whether they are of r¯upa- or ar¯upa-worlds. In other words, sensuous lusts are intrinsic to the world of sense experience. Similarly, they reasoned, the lust for life is inherent in the r¯upa heavens and the ar¯upa heavens (XIV-7; 289). Actions (kamma) and its accumulating result (vip¯aka) are different things according to both the Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas. They judge that the accumulation or conservation (Upacaya) of kamma goes on automatically, and this is independent of moral and mental actions (XV-11; 300–2). The Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas state that matter (r¯upa) is a result (vip¯aka) of the action, kamma; in other words, and all the material qualities are the result of kamma. They say, similar to the way consciousness and its associated attributes appear because of kamma, material qualities also arise as results of kamma (XVI-8; 309). With reference to the jh¯ana and its intervals, some Andhakas and the Sammit¯ıyas maintained that, there is an intermediate stage between the first and second stages

27 Dialogues, i. 47. In the R¯ upa heavens, where ‘a subtle residuum of matter is still met with’ (Compendium, p. 12), only sight, hearing, and intellectual co-ordination of these survives (Rhys Davids and Aung 2016: 218).

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(vitakka and vic¯ara).28 They hold the view that, in the Fivefold Jh¯ana series29 (the series includes vitakka (initial application of the mind), vic¯ara (sustained application of the mind), p¯ıti (zest), sukha (bliss or happiness) and upekkh¯a (tranquility)), the Buddha did not intend to classify, but only to indicate, three forms30 of concentration (XVIII-7; 329–30). To sum up, the Andhakas and the Summit¯ıyas maintained certain views which are in consonance with the broader perspectives advocated by the Andhakas with regard to Buddhist path, the distinction between r¯upa and ar¯upa spheres and concept of Kamma. A person who is on the Buddhist path will be beyond the corruptions such as expression of wrong views or that of a doubt regarding the teachings of the Buddha. Further, they held, six senses are common to all the individuals of 16 grades of r¯upasphere. Desire and lust are found in both r¯upa and ar¯upa spheres for them, that led them to identify the distinction that lust in r¯upa sphere is sensuous whereas in the ar¯upa-sphere lust is for life. They upheld a distinction between action and the conservation of its result and viewed that matter and material qualities are the result of actions. The significance of human empirical eye is stressed to reach celestial ideas. Having noted the views of the Andhakas which were held in common with Summit¯ıyas, let us now discuss the insights that they maintained with Mah¯ıs¯asakas.31 B. The Andhakas and Mah¯ıs¯asakas The Andhakas along with the Mah¯ıs¯asakas contended that there are two cessations of sorrow. The third noble truth (i.e., dukkha nir¯odha) which refers to the cessation of sorrow, according to them, indicates two kinds of cessations; sorrow that ceases through reasoned reflection and the one that ceases through unreasoned reflection about things (KV II-11; 136–8). They both further hold that the progress (sa˙nkamati) from one Jh¯ana-stage to the succeeding one is immediate without (vina) any accessory procedure (upac¯arappavatti). It follows form the above that one does pass over immediately from the preceding Jh¯ana to the succeeding Jh¯ana (KV XVIII-6; 327–9). It is significant to note that though the Andhakas and the Mah¯ıs¯asaka belong to the rival schools of Buddhism, they hold certain views regarding understanding one of the four noble truths and movement from one state of jhana to the other in common. The convergence of certain views between them evidences the heterogenous unity

28 Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan Aung (2016) inform us that the words ‘First’, etc., to ‘Fourth’, in this

discourse must be understood solely with reference to the fourfold classification. Davids and Shwe Zan Aung (2016) inform us that the Four Nik¯ayas recognize only four stages. The First Jh¯ana is divided into two, according as it is accompanied or unaccompanied by initial application of thought. 30 Rhys Davids and Shwe Zan Aung (2016) inform us that the first and second divide first Jh¯ ana into two aspects, the third refers to the other three Jh¯anas. 31 Mah¯ıs¯ asaka was a prominent Buddhist sect of Southern part of India which is historically and doctrinally tied to Therav¯ada school of Buddhism. The literal meaning of the term Mah¯ıs¯asaka is someone who is governing or instructing the earth. 29 Rhys

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that was existent during the early periods of Buddhism which has contributed to the development of its cosmopolitan perspective. C. The Andhakas with the Uttar¯apathakas The Uttar¯apathakas, like the Andhakas, appear only in the Kath¯avatthu-at..thakath¯a. No other preceding text mentions about them. Nalinaksha Dutt informs that ‘From the several doctrines attributed by Buddhaghos.a to the Uttar¯apathakas, it appears that it was an eclectic school having doctrines taken from both the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika and Therav¯ada groups and occupying an intermediate stage between H¯ınay¯ana and Mah¯ay¯ana’ (1998, 179). Let us proceed to discuss the views of the Andhakas that were held in common with this eclectic group. Buddhism in general believes in various spheres of destiny (gati) for the beings. The Therav¯adins believed that there are only five spheres of destinies (gati) available: purgatory (niraya), the animal kingdom (tiracch¯anayoni), the peta-realm (pittivisay¯a), mankind (manuss¯a) and the devas. Contending this view, the Andhakas along with the Uttar¯apathakas opined that there are six spheres of destiny and that the Asuras form the sixth plane of rebirth (KV VIII-1; 211). Error is unmoral for both the Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas. The term Avy¯akata, which literally means ‘undeclared’ or ‘unrevealed’, is applied to the four categories such as result-in-consciousness (vip¯aka), inoperative consciousness (kriy¯a), matter (r¯upa) and Nibb¯ana. Since the moral result-in-consciousness is absent (avipakatta) in an erroneous action, it cannot be declared to be either moral or immoral. The Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas thus contend that the erroneous views are unmoral in their result (KV XIV-8; 290). They maintain that everything has a basic fundamental nature which is immutable. By this view, they do not mean that no change is possible or nothing changes. Rather they reason this view on the basis of the fact that however it may change, a particular thing will not give up its fundamental nature. For example, matter, being fixed as matter, cannot give up its fundamental nature (KV XXI-7; 355–6). They jointly hold further that all kammas are intransigent.32 They base this view on the fact that kammas and their effects are fixed with respect to one another. These results of kammas will be affected either in this life or in the future lives (KV XXI-8; 356–7). In the opinion of the Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas stream-winner ¯ (sot¯apanna), cnce returner (sakad¯ag¯ami), never returner (an¯ag¯am¯ı) and Arahant are not four different paths, rather they are four fruits of one single Aryan path (KV XVIII-5; 326–7). Out of an uncritical regard for the Buddha, the Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas hold that even the excreta of the Buddha excelled all other odorous things (KV XVIII-4; 326). The Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas argued that the Buddhas can predict, by virtue of their insight, a future Buddha. It is pointed out, by referring to the Ghat.¯ık¯ara Sutta of Jotip¯ala, that the Bodhisatva has entered the ariyan path inconsequence to the 32 There are two uniformities in Nature, by one of which the worst offenders are assured of immediate retribution after death, and by the other of which the path-winner is assured of final salvation. And there is a third alternative group which is neither (Rhys Davids and Shew Zan Aung, 2016, 356n2).

Doctrines of the Andhakas

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prediction of Kass¯apa Buddha.33 Thus, it is argued that the Buddhas can prophesy: ‘he will become a Buddha’, simply by the might of their insight (KV IV-8; 167–8) According to the Andhakas and the Uttar¯apathakas, a person who is practicing the path of Arahantship would possess and hold the preceding three fruitions as a persistent distinct benefaction; as an acquired quality (patta-dhamma-vasena). It is to be understood as life that is on ‘the four fruits’ (KV IV-9; 170–2). They both argued that the seven latent immoral biases (Anusayas) are without associated mental objects. These biases are understood to be distinct from mind, unconditioned and intermediate (KV IX-4; 234–5). Having discussed certain distinct views held by the Andhakas with the Uttar¯apathakas with respect to gatis or spheres of destiny, Anusayas, competence of predicting a future Buddha by the present one, immutable nature of things, inflexibility of kammas, etc., let us proceed to explicate the common insights of the Andhakas and the Vetulyakas. D. The Andhakas and the Vetulyakas The Vetulyaka literally means ‘the doctrine of the magicians’. The name Vetulyaka along with the other one Maha-Sunnatavadins is probably attributed name by their opponents with a view to defame them. The doctrines that they upheld such as transcendental nature of the three bodies theory of Buddha and the doctrine of illusion were censured to be the doctrines of magicians. Even the name Maha-Sunnata is deemed as doctrine of wrong emptiness. In spite of this disparage by the opponents Vetulyakas held a significant place in the early Buddhist history with certain unique doctrinal perspectives. One such unique perspective that they held in common with the Andhakas is with regard to the sexual relations of the individuals. Both the Andhakas and the Vetulyakas hold that sexual relations may be entered upon with a joint resolve (ek¯adhip¯ayo) by a human pair. What is important in such cases is the united resolve; a united resolve in aspiring to be united throughout their future lives because of mutual sympathy or compassion (k¯aruñña) but not just out of passion. However, this is not allowed for the recluse or a member of the Buddhist order (KV XXIII-1; 365). E. The Andhakas, Bhadray¯anikas

the

Sabbatthiv¯adins,

the

Sammit¯ıyas

and

the

The Andhakas, the Sabbatthiv¯adins, the Sammit¯ıyas and the Bhadray¯anikas together opine that, in realizing the four paths (sot¯apanna, sakad¯agami, an¯ag¯am¯ı and Arahant), the corruptions are put away in a definite graduation. In other words, the penetration into each of the four paths in realizing the four noble truths is gradual and acquired in a segmented order. For instance, a person working on the path of sot¯apanna will win the insight into the first noble truth (there is suffering) by gradually giving up the theory of permanent soul, the ritual and one-fourth part in the 33 Rhys

Davids and Shwe Zan Aung inform us of an account in Majjhima-Nik¯aya (ii.p. 46f) where Jotipala, a Brahmin youth was brought by Ghat.¯ık¯ara, the potter, to hear Kassapa Buddha and became a bhikku. Gotama Buddha affirmed that Jotip¯ala was a former impersonation of himself (2016; 167–8).

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corruptions that are bound up with them. Gradually while realizing the insights into the other three noble truths (cause of suffering, cessation of the cause of the suffering and the way to cessation of suffering), the practitioner will give up respectively: (1) The bulk of sense-desires, intense ill-will and one quarter of the corruptions bound up with them; (2) The residuum of sense-desires and of ill-will and one quarter of the corruptions bound up with them; and (3) Lusting after life in any of the higher heavens, conceit, distraction, ignorance and one quarter of the corruptions bound up with them. This is the definitive gradation that the path guarantees according to the Andhakas, the Sabbatthiv¯adins, the Sammit¯ıyas and the Bhadray¯anikas (KV II-9; 130–1). Having discussed the doctrines advocated by the Andhakas independently, as well as with the other sects such as the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, the Uttar¯apathakas and the Vetulyakas, etc., let us now discuss the doctrines of some of the major sects of the Andhakas independently. Let us discuss, in the following section, the views held by the Pubbaseliy¯as independently as well as those held in common with the Sammit¯ıyas, the Mah¯ıs¯asaka and the Aparaséliyas.

The Doctrines of the Pubbaseliyas Among the Andhakas mentioned in Kath¯avatthu, the Pubbaseliy¯as are a major sect with convincing views of their philosophical base. Let us discuss their views in a coherent way to develop their unique perspective of Buddhism. The Pubbaseliy¯as viewed vocal sounds to be purely psychic waves and maintained that they can occur even when the sense organs are not at work. They hold that sound is nothing more than a diffusion of initial and sustained mental application. In other words, sounds are psychical ‘thrillings’ (vipph¯ara, or reverberations or vibrations). Based on the words of the Buddha: ‘Applied and discursive thinking is productive of speech’, they maintain that sounds may occur even when cognition proceeds without the working of sense, because they consist merely in ‘thrillings’ of initial and sustained application of mind (KV IX-9; 239–40). This led them to opine that one who is in the first Jh¯ana (that there is dukkha) can hear sounds which may work as a thorn for his meditation (KV XVIII-8; 331–2). They further view that neither speech nor action absolutely confirms to thought. As it is possible for a person to resolve to think about something and talk about another, one cannot assume any absolute conformity or harmony between thought and speech. There can be speech without its succession from thought (KV IX-10; 240–1). Similarly, even action does not proceed in accordance with thought. As it is possible to propose to go in one direction and actually go elsewhere—there is no absolute conformity or accord between action and thought that can be posited (KV IX-11; 241). There is articulate utterance, according to the Pubbaseliyas, on the part of one who has entered the path of Jh¯ana. It was held, for instance, that one who attains the

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first Jh¯ana (that there is dukkha), at the moment of attaining the Sot¯apanna (StreamWinner’s path), can utter the truth: ‘Sorrow!’ In other words, it is possible for the disciple to articulate the truth after attaining it (KV II-5; 120–3). This articulation and the insight of the truth dukkha is a factor as well as part of the path of salvation. This is true, according to them, for only those who are qualified to win insight (vipassaka) (KV II-6; 124). With respect to the natural desire for the objects of the mind, the Pubbaseliy¯as hold that to crave for objects of the mind, which is a sort of sixth sense, is unmoral. Along with the five objects of sense experience, such as sight, sound and so on, Buddhists conceive ‘the co-ordination of different successive sensations as a concrete single percept’ to be a sort of sixth sense. The Pubbaseliy¯as assert that though the desire for the objects of five senses can be either moral or immoral, this sixth sense that comes after any of the five forms of sensations is neither moral nor immoral (KV XIII-9; 279–80). In addition, they also maintain that the natural desire for objects of the mind is not the cause of dukkha (KV XIII-10; 281). The Arahant, according to the Pubbaseliyas, may lack knowledge and is liable to be ignorant to get baffled about the facts of everyday life. He can be surpassed in such insight (ñ¯an´ a) and is prone to doubt (KV II-2; 114–5). They maintain a distinction between insight (ñ¯an´ a) and ordinary consciousness and argue that both ¯ are not always conjoined in an Arahant. An Arahant may experience sense cognitions which are dependent on ordinary consciousness even after having attained the ñ¯an´ a, but both need not be necessarily conjoined under all experiences (KV XI-3; 256–7). Further, it is maintained that the erroneous opinions may enter into the apariy¯apanna, the un-included, a man of the world who is in the path of Jh¯ana. Such a person may not have passions towards sense objects, but still may not be free from erroneous opinions (KV XIV-9; 291–2). Similarly, it is maintained that such a person may yet deliberately commit murder, as he has not entirely put away enmity (KV XII-7; 269–70). Someone who attained Arahanthood may get affected by Kamma, as per ¯ the Pubbaseliyas. Kamma can make an Arahant fall away from Arahantship (KV VIII-11; 228–9). They held this view along with the Sammit¯ıyas. The Pubbaseliy¯as hold that the fruit of recluse-ship as well as its attainment (patti) and the four noble truths are unconditioned. For them, the fruits of life in religion is just the putting away of corruptions and the success therein (KV XIX3&4; 336–8). They view the four noble truths also as unconditioned. They derive this view from the Samyuttara Nik¯aya (v. 480) “These four things, bhikkhus, are stable, constant, immutable. Which are the four? ‘This is Ill!’ this, bhikkus, is stable constant, immutable. ‘This is the cause of Ill… the Cessation of Ill … the course leading to the Cessation of Ill!’—this, bhikkus, is stable, constant, immutable. There are the four”. They draw a distinction between a ‘fact’ (vatthusacca) and a ‘truth’ (lakkhanasacca) and maintain that the former is conditioned whereas the latter is unconditioned. Among the four noble truths, they point out that the third truth, i.e. cessation of suffering, is without any corresponding fact (KV VI-3; 188). The Pubbaseliy¯as believed in the twelve constituent parts of the four noble truths, where each noble truth has three parts. They are: (1,i) here is Dukkha; (ii) Dukkha must be comprehended; (iii) That it was comprehended; (2,i) There is a cause of Dukkha;

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(ii) The cause of Dukkha is to be put away; (iii) That it was put away; (3,i) There is cessation of Dukkha; (ii) The cessation was to be realized; (iii) That it had been realized; (4,i) There is a path leading to the cessation of Dukkha; (ii) That path was to be developed; (iii) That it had been developed. Thus, each of the four noble truths have three constituents which together form the 12-fold base. The Pubbaseliy¯as opined that insight into this 12-fold base is spiritual (Lokuttara) (KV XX-6; 349). The Pubbaseliy¯as view that the objective five fields of sense constitute k¯amas, but not the subjective sense-desires. They base their view on the words of the Buddha: “Bhikkhus, there are these fivefold K¯ama pleasures—which are they? Objects desirable, sweet, agreeable, dear, connected with ‘k¯ama’, and seductive, are cognizable by sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch—these are the five kinds of K¯ama pleasures?” (KV VIII-4; 215–6) The K¯ama sphere, according to them, means only these fivefold pleasures of sense. They do not maintain any difference in meaning between K¯amadh¯atu (element or datum of desire) and K¯amagun¯a (pleasurable sensations) (KV VIII-3; 214–5). Along with these views that the Pubbaseliy¯as exclusively maintain, there are certain insights that they hold along with the Sammit¯ıyas and the Mah¯ıs¯asaka which are not a part of the Andhaka sects. The Pubbaseliyas, for instance, along with the Sammit¯ıyas hold that there is no such thing as a material vital power. Because, they say, vital power is an immaterial fact different from consciousness, therefore, there is nothing material in it (KV VIII-10; 226–8). Based on the words of the Buddha: ‘Whether Tath¯agatas arise or do not arise, this elemental datum which remains fixed’, the Pubbaseliyas, along with the Mah¯ıs¯asaka, maintain that the causal elements in the law of causal genesis are unconditioned (KV VI-2; 186–8). In addition, the Pubbaseliy¯as hold certain philosophical perspectives along with the Aparaséliyas (another sect of the Andhakas) which helps us in inferring their development in much closer proximity. Let us explore these aspects to understand the internal diversity of the Buddhist sects of Andhra. A. The Doctrines of the Pubbaseliy¯as and the Aparaséliyas The Pubbaseliy¯as along with the Apparaseliyas hold that all (sabbe) things (dhamm¯a) are momentary conscious units (ekacittakkhan.ika). Since all conditioned things (sa˙nkhata dhamm¯a) are impermanent (anicca), they sustain only for one conscious moment, according to them. In other words, given the universal impermanence (khan.avada), they explain, anything that comes into existence ceases quickly (KV XXII-8; 363–4). The sense-mechanism, to them, starts all at once with life in the womb. They believe that the sixfold sense-organism takes birth at the moment of conception, by taking effect of only one kamma. This is similar to the fact that a complete tree was already potentially contained in the seed (KV XIV-2; 283–4). This view is against the view of the Therav¯adins, that at the moment of conception of a human embryo, it is only the coordinating organ (man¯ayatana) and the organ of touch that are congenial. The other four sense organs take seventy-seven days to come to birth. A distinction between reproductive kamma (janaka-kamma) and maintaining

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kamma (upatthambaka-kamma) is provided by the Therav¯adins to argue for a distinction between conception and development of human embryo. This was rejected by the Pubbaseliy¯as and the Aparaséliyas through questioning whether upatthambakakamma is understood to be done in the womb of the mother. There cannot be two kammas working one after the other to produce different sets of sense organs in the process of human reproduction, according to them. They hold that an individual can attend to everything simultaneously in the process of generalization. Against this view, the Therav¯adins argue that attention has two aspects—one depending on the method and the other depending on the object of attention. To infer from the observed transience of one or more phenomena that ‘all things are impermanent’ is attention as method which is inductive in nature. Our ability to attend to a particular thing only through one of the time relations is the attention by way of object of consciousness. While disagreeing with this dual distinction advocated by Therav¯adins and while basing on the words of Buddha: ‘All things are impermanent’, the Pubbaseliy¯as and the Aparaséliyas jointly believed that in generalizing we can attend to all things at once (sabbe sankh¯are ekato manasikaroti) (KV XVI-4; 305–6). ¯ The Arahant is believed to be beyond any lust, sensuous desires or any hindrance of sensuality. An ordinary person may have desires as well as the physical result. ¯ Whether the Arahant is also prone to such states is debated among the various ¯ Buddhist sects. The Pubbaseliy¯as and the Aparaséliyas regarded that an Arahant may have impure discharge and the conveyance of this is attributed to the devas of ¯ M¯ara group. Therav¯adins contend that an Arahant who has put away all passions and cultivated all factors of enlightenment cannot be said to have such seminal discharge. Responding to this contestation, the Pubbaseliy¯as and the Aparaséliyas ¯ make a distinction between an Arahant who is ‘freed by reason’ (paññ¯avimutto) and one who is freed by the ‘eight attainments’ or who is ‘freed both ways.’ They argue that the former is prone to such discharge and are defiled by m¯ara devas (devils) (KV II-3; 111–4). They argue that one who is morally certain of salvation has entered the path of assurance. A Bodhisatva whose future Bodhi state was prophesied by the Bhuddha is an assured one (Niyata). The Pubbaseliy¯as along with the Apparaseliyas assumed that a Bodhisatva can work to qualify to realize the truths in his previous birth, so that he can be assured of Bodhi state in the subsequent life (KV XIII-4; 275–6). Having discussed the views exclusively held by the Pubbaseliy¯as along with the ones they maintained with the Aparaséliyas, let us now discuss the views of the Rajagirikas. 2. The Doctrines of the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas Along with the Pubbaseliyas, another important sect of the Andhakas that was discussed independently in the Kath¯avatthu is the Rajagirikas. The doctrines held by the R¯ajagirikas in common with the Siddhatthikas forms the discussion of this section. Regarding the classification of things (sangaha), the R¯ajagirikas along with the Siddhattikas maintained that things cannot be grouped together by means of abstract

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ideas. They viewed that the orthodox classification of particular material qualities under one generic concept of ‘matter’ is empty, since things cannot be grouped by means of ideas. What this view implies is the distinction that is being maintained in two sorts of groupings—that of physical objects and that of abstract mental ideas (KV VII-1; 195–6). On the view that whether mental states are mutually connected, they both opined that mental states are not connected with each other. The orthodox phrase ‘associated with knowledge’ (e.g. Dhamm¯a-sangani) is meaningless, for them, because feeling or other mental states do not pervade each other (anupavit..th¯a) as oil pervades sesamum seeds (VII-2; 196). They both further hold that mental properties (cetasik¯as) do not exist. As we cannot assume ‘contactals’ from contact, similarly we cannot get ‘mentals’ (cetasik¯a) from mind (citta). This signifies that there is no such thing as a property or concomitant of mind for them (KV VII-3; 197–8). D¯ana literally means giving, gift and liberality. The Rajagirikas, along with the Siddhattikas and against the Therav¯adins, opined that D¯ana is not the gift but is a mental state. D¯ana, in general, is of three kinds in Buddhism—the will to surrender something, the abstinence and the gift which are in line with faith, modesty and meritorious giving. When there is an opportunity of d¯ana, one should have the will to surrender something that he possesses, abstain from any attachment to the object and should give away the best of the possessions. D¯ana also implies that an offering is given. This triple distinction is in reality reduced to two—mental and material. But the R¯ajagirikas and the Sammit¯ıyas recognize d¯ana to be mental alone (KV VIII-4; 198–200). These two sects hold that merit increases with use of the object of d¯ana. They base this on the Sutta: ‘merit day and night is always growing’, and ‘the robe, bhikkhus, which a bhikkhu enjoying the use of …’ and argue that merit is achieved by utility. This is explained by stating that when a bhikku enjoys the use of robes or of alms-food or of shelter or of medical requirements that are given to him, and dwells in infinite concentration of mind, the donor of these would also accrue merit (KV VII-5; 200–3). With regard to the effect of the d¯ana given in this life, the R¯ajagiriyas and the Siddhatthikas hold that what is given here sustains elsewhere. They base their view on the words of Buddha: “By what is given here below, They share who, dead, ‘mong Petas go”. This has reference to the d¯ana offered in the name of fore-fathers. It is believed that the d¯ana given in the name of ancestors contributed to their merit (KV VII-6; 203–4). ¯ The R¯ajagirikas along with the Siddhatthikas argue that an Arahant cannot have an untimely death. They base their argument on the words of the Buddha: ‘I declare, bhikkhus, that there cannot be destruction [of karmic energy] ere the outcome of deeds that have been deliberately wrought and conserved has been experienced, whether that destruction be under present conditions, or in the next or in a subsequent ¯ series of conditions’. Following this, they hold that since an Arahant has to exhaust the results of all his Kamma, he cannot have a premature death (KV XVII-2; 313). However, the R¯ajagirikas are of the view that a person, not an arahant, may die while in a state of trance in Jh¯ana. Considering the uncertainty of life, they hold, even

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one who has attained trance in Jh¯ana, like any other person, may die (KV XV-9; 299–300). The R¯ajagirikas along with the Siddhatthikas hold that everything happens through kamma. This view is based on the words of the Buddha (Suttanip¯ata, 1992 verse 654): ‘Tis kamma makes the world go round, Kamma rolls on the lives of men. All beings are to kamma bound, As linch-pin is to chariot-wheel’. Based on this Sutta, they hold that the cycle of kamma, corruptions and its results are from kamma (KV XVII-3; 314–5). A person who disrupts the harmony of the Buddhist order is said to be condemned for an age-long retribution. The R¯ajagirikas held that a person doomed for such a retribution must endure it for a whole kappa (kalpa in Sanskrit) (KV XIII-1; 272–3). The above discussion explicated the doctrines that the Andhakas held together as well as the philosophical views that were held independently by some sects such as the Pubbaseliy¯as and the R¯ajagirikas as they are available in the Kath¯avatthu. Let us now discuss the doctrines of other sects of Andhra that are not engaged with in the Kath¯avatthu, such as the Bahu´srut¯ıya and the Caityakas, who have a significant place, and exercised substantial influence in the history of early Buddhist Andhra.

The Doctrines of the Bahu´srut¯ıya The Bahu´srut¯ıya are said to be a branch of the Kukkulikas (also called Gokulas) who were divided from the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas. Though it is not established whether the name of the sect refers to its main teacher or to its literal meaning ‘learned one’, it was evidently influenced by s´aila schools and closely allied to the Sarv¯astiv¯adins. Though not much primary literature is available, sources of their existence and doctrines can be found in the writings of Vasumitr¯a, Param¯artha and Harivarman and from the inscriptions of Nagarjunakonda. Since it is a later branch of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas, it did not find mention in the Kath¯avatthu. Hanumantha Rao (1993, 88) while tracing the inscriptional evidences points out that ‘The Bahu´srut¯ıyas appear to have been limited to the N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a valley and its neighbourhood’. He further states that they had monasteries at Sriparvata and Kesanapalli.34 Vasumitra informs us of the distinctions that the Bahu´srut¯ıyas maintained between transcendental and mundane teachings of the Buddha.35 The Bahu´srut¯ıyas place transcendental teachings such as dukkha (suffering), anityata (transitoriness), s¯unya (the absence of all attributes), an¯atma (the non-existence of the soul) and nirvana (the final bliss) at a higher pedestal, above the ordinary teachings of the Buddha. Something that requires special attention is their perspective that the 34 For details see, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX, p. 62. Detached Pillar Inscription No. G2, which reads:

‘Vih¯aro achariy¯anam Bahusutiy¯ana paitthapito Ra´n0 v¯asithiputtasa Ikkh¯ak¯unam’. This Vih¯ara is erected for the benefit of teachers of the Bahu´srut¯ıyas by Mah¯adevi, the daughter-in-law of V¯asishtiputra Siri-Ch¯antam¯ula of the Iks.vakus dynasty. For details on Kesanapalli see, Md Abdul Waheed Khan’s An early Buddhist St¯upa at Kesanapalli. 35 Masuda, pp. 35–6.

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sangha is not governed by worldly laws or ordinary teachings, rather, it is governed by the transcendental teachings of the Buddha. The five propositions that Mah¯adeva advocated in the second Buddhist Council were agreeable to them. According to Warder (2004, 267), the Bahu´srut¯ıya sect was founded by Y¯agnavalkya. He refers to Param¯artha who pointed out that Y¯agnavalkya was a close disciple of the Buddha who was well acquainted with his master’s teachings. Y¯agnavalkya is said to have been in meditation for two hundred years, the period during which the Mah¯aparinirv¯ana of the Buddha took place. Getting up from meditation, Y¯agnavalkya found the presentation of the teachings of the Buddha by the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas to be superficial and expounded the original rendering of them which resulted in the origin of the Bahu´srut¯ıya. Following the Gokulikas, Warder informs us that according to the Bahu´srut¯ıya ‘…all experiences are really unhappiness, and all principles have the principle of falsity, only extinction is non-false, and ultimately real’ (2004, 267). As per the account of Param¯artha, the Bahu´srut¯ıya have put a great effort in reconciling the teachings of the Therav¯ada and the Mah¯as¯an´ ghika by combining the teachings of both. Harivarman, a Buddhist monk of fourth century BC, is considered to be associated with the Bahu´srut¯ıya. His work Tattvasiddhi-´sa¯ stra also known as Satyasiddhis´a¯ stra attempts at this synthesis as observed by Walser (2005, 52) and Harris (1991, 99). Harivarman maintains two kinds of primary distinctions which are fundamental to the teachings of the Bahu´srut¯ıyas. The first one is the distinction between two kinds of meanings—n¯ıtartha (direct) and ney¯artha (indirect) of the teachings of the Buddha.36 Similarly, they maintain a second distinction between two kinds of truth—conventional (samvrti) and absolute (param¯artha). While believing in the plurality of the universe which contained eighty-four elements, he maintains that it is true only from the point of view of conventional truth. Whereas, from the point of view of absolute truth all that exists is total void (sarva s´u¯ nya). The Bahu´srut¯ıyas believe in the distinction between Budhak¯aya and Dharmak¯aya. They explain Dharmak¯aya to be consisting of s´ila (good conduct), sam¯adhi (concentration), prajna (insight) vimukti (release) and vimukti-jñ¯an´ a-darsana (knowledge of release). Harivarman believed in atma-nair¯atmya (the absence of soul in individuals) and in dharma-nair¯atmya (the soullessness of all things). They do not subscribe to the view that the Buddha is a transcendental being. However, they believe that he has certain special powers such as the ten powers (da´sabalas),37 and the four kinds of

36 Cf.

Samadhirajasutra. p. 78. n¯ıtarthasutraantaviseshajaanatiyathopadishtasugatasugatenasunyat¯a! yasminpunahpudgalasatvapurushoneyaarthatojaanatisarvadharman!! 37 As per Mah¯ avattu, Kath¯avatthu and Majjhima-Nik, the ten balas are: (1) Th¯an¯ath¯anamj¯an¯ati; (2) Sabbatthag¯aminipatipadamj¯an¯ati; (3) Anekadh¯atumn¯an¯adh¯atumlokamj¯an¯ati; (4) Sutt¯anam n¯an¯adhi mutti katakam j¯an¯ati; (5) Parasatt¯anamparapuggal¯anamindriyaparopariyattam yath¯abh¯utam paj¯an¯ati; (6) At¯ıt¯an¯agatapaccuppann¯anamhetusovik¯akamj¯an¯ati; (7) Jh¯anavimokkhasam¯adhi sam¯apattinam sa´nklesamvod¯anamvotth¯anamyath¯abh¯utamj¯an¯ati; (8)

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confidence (vaisaradyas) which differentiate and elevate his existence from other human beings. ´ To sum up, the Bahu´srut¯ıya have a great deal in common with the Saila sects. The details of the doctrines of the sect are available in the works of Harivarman, Vasumitr¯a and Param¯artha. The Bahu´srut¯ıya maintain distinctions between lokuttara (transcendental) and laukika (mundane) teachings of the Buddha, while attributing the n¯ıtartha (direct) and neyartha (indirect) kinds of meanings to them. They believed in both the absence of soul in individuals and soullessness of all things, thereby establishing a distinction between conventional (samvritti) and absolute (param¯artha) truth.

The Doctrines of the Caityakas On the basis of inscriptional evidences at Amar¯avat¯ı, B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao infers that ‘the Caityakas were a popular sect of Buddhism all over Dekkan’ (1993, 78). The fact that this name is mentioned in the Amar¯avat¯ı and N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a a inscriptions proves the ancientry of the sect. Mahadeva, who advocated five points at the Second Buddhist Council that led to schism in the San˙gha, is considered to be the founder of this sect. After a detailed discussion on the various claims about the origin of the Caityakas, B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao concludes that ‘…the Yaks.as and their associates the N¯agas, living in the Kr.s.n.a valley, were responsible for the origin and development of the Caityavada at Amar¯avati’ (1993, 79). ´ The relation between the Cityakas and the Saila sects with the Andhakas is a well debated issue of concern among the scholars. It may be noted here that the ´ Caityavada was considered by some to be the source of the Saila sects. According to K. S. Murty, since the P¯ali tradition, specifically the Kath¯avatthu, mentions the ´ Saila schools as the branch of the Andhakas at one place and as the branch of the Caityakas at another place, the Andhakas and the Caityakas must be identical (1980; ´ 31). Given the facts that later inscriptions of Amar¯avati mention only the Saila sects and the N¯ag¯arjunakon.d.a inscriptions do not mention the Caityakas, we can infer that the Caityakas, who were strongly visible initially, had given up in their preference to ´ the Saila sects. Similarly, the very fact that neither Buddhaghos.a nor Yuan Chwang refer to the Caityakas and the former refers to the Andhakas whereas the latter to the ´ Saila sects led B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao to infer that the Caityakas were identified with the Andhakas and that the Caityakas had their origin in Andhra. He further pointed out that the term “Caityaka” has a doctrinal significance, whereas the term ‘Andhakas” had a geographical one (1993, 83). However, since we find the mention ´ of the Caityakas, the Saila sects and the Andhakas separately in the inscriptions and the Buddhist canon, for the sake of the present purpose, it would be beneficial to

Anekavihitam pubbeniv¯asa manussarati; (9) Dibbenackkhun¯asatte passata cavam¯ane upapa¯ anamkhay¯an a¯ savamcetovimuttimpaññ¯a vimuttim ditthevadhammesayam jjam¯ane; (10) Asav¯ abhiññ¯asacchikatv¯a upasampajja viharati.

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discuss the doctrinal differences of the Caityakas independently, as we discussed the ´ Andhakas and the Saila sects individually as well. Consequently, taking the Caityakas to be a part of the Andhakas, let us discuss their unique perspectives. The Caityakas, in general, shared the fundamental doctrines of the original Andhakas but differed from them in minor details. The Caityakas had a unique perspective with regard to acquiring religious merit, difference between the Buddhas and the Arahants, and the status of nirvana. The Caityakas opined that what accrues religious merit is the contributions and offerings that are made to the Caityas. They believed that not only the erection, decoration and worship, but even a circumambulation of Caityas engenders merit. According to them, offerings in the form of flowers, garlands, etc., along with various other kinds of gifts accrues merit. They went a step ahead of other sects in arguing that the merit so accumulated can be transferred to others, such as friends and relatives, for their happiness. These conceptions made them popular among the common people. The Caityakas maintained a distinction between the Buddhas and the Arahants. The Buddhas, they believed, are free from attachment, ill-will and delusion (jita-r¯aga-dves.a-m¯oha). They are superior to the Arahants as they possess finer elements (dh¯atuvara-parigahita) and da´sabalas. Understanding the limitations of the followers who are still on the path, the Caityakas held that, a person with samyak dris.ti may not be free from hatred (dves.a) and the danger of committing a sin of murder. Further, they conceived nirvana to be a positive and faultless state called amata-dh¯atu. Thus, the Caityakas induced worship of idols and the place of idols as well as the places where they lived, which was very much native and unique to the Southern part of India during that time. They also made a distinction between a Buddha and an Arahant, as the former is superior to the later in possessing Da´sabalas. The above exposition of various doctrines of the different sects of early Andhra Buddhism helps in understanding the unique characteristics which not only extended the philosophical thought of the Buddhism of their time, but also enriched it with their own contributions. Early Andhra Buddhists extended Buddhist doctrines both vertically and horizontally. Vertically, they sufficiently initiated the extension of the thought of the Buddha which had largely limited itself to the issues of empirical life, to metaphysical aspects such as the distinction between the metaphysical Buddha ´ unya, etc. They also extended it in the and the historical Buddha, the concept of S¯ form of inducing the very mundane and common aspects of ordinary human life such as the worshipping of idols and the places of living, the conduct of sexual relations among the followers, etc. Horizontally, early the Buddhist sects contributed to the spatial proliferation of the doctrines on the basis of the differences among the people of regions and teachers. Thus, Buddhism, in the hands of people of Andhra, was stretched from various directions which extended its domain to metaphysical as well as to concrete and mundane aspects. This stretching and extension contributed to the resilient and adaptable character of early Buddhism. Unlike the other contemporary Buddhists, such as the Therav¯adins, the early Buddhists of Andhra accepted authority and reason

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(especially a priori reasoning), both separately and together, as required for knowledge. All knowledge, for them, is super-mundane or transcendental, and hence, it is analytic. They did not maintain any distinction between popular truth and philosophical truth. For them, both philosophical knowledge and popular knowledge have the same truth as their object. The distinction between Anusayas (seeds of passion) and paryavasth¯anas (pervading passions) on the basis of their association with the mind is one of the unique contributions of the sects of Andhra according to Murty (1980). They argued that only paryavsasthanas are associated with mind where as Anusayas are not. The doctrine of transference of merit of one’s actions to another is first conceived by these philosophers. It is thus apparent that the doctrines of the sects of the early Andhra contain seeds from which the later Mah¯ay¯ana doctrine evolved. They were the first to deify the Buddha and worship the Buddha and the Caitya, which ultimately led to the complete deification of the Buddha and the Bodhisatva in Mah¯ayana, and to the consequent popularity of the religion among the masses. Their conception of Sambhogak¯aya led to the Trikaya theory which is one of the prominent features of Mah¯ay¯ana. The worship of Caityas and providing donations to Caityas advocated by the branches of the Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas was to a large extent responsible for the evolution of the popular form of Buddhism. The early sects of Andhra can, therefore, be said to be the precursors of the Mah¯ay¯ana movement, through which Buddhism came to attract more people than it would otherwise have done. Thus, the above discussion ascertains the diversity of the doctrinal perspectives of Andhakas among themselves and with their opponents. This assertion is supported by the discussion of the earlier chapter that the historical, social, political and institutional causes contributed to the variations in the heterogeneous thought of Andhakas.

References Andersen, D., & Smith, H. (1992). The Sutta-nip¯ata. London: Pali Text Society, 1913 (K. R. Norman, Trans.). The Group of Discourses (Sutta-nip¯ata), vol. II, revised translation with Introduction and Notes, Oxford: Pali Text Society (1992). Bareau, A. (1955). Les Sectes Bouddhiques De Petit Vehicule. Saigon. Bareau, A. (2013). The buddhist schools of the small vehicle. In A. Skilton (Ed.), Translated by S. Boin-webb. University of Hawai’i Press. Davids, R., & Aung, S. Z. (2016 1st Indian Edn). Points of controversy or subjects of discourse: A translation of the Kath¯avatthu from the Abhidhamma-Pitaka. Delhi: Motilal Banarasi Das. (first published in 1915, Wiltshire, UK). Hanumantha Rao, B. S. L. (1993). Religion in Andhra. Guntur. (1st ed., Hyderabad, 1973) Harris, I. C. (1991). The Continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism. New York: Brill. Harvey, P. (2000). An introduction to buddhist ethics: Foundations, values and issues. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Karunadasa, Y. (2010). The Theravada Abhidhamma: Its Inquiry into the nature of conditioned reality. Hong Kong: Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of Hong Kong.

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McDermott, A. C. S. (Ed.). An Eleventh-Century Buddhist Logic of ‘Exists’. Ratnakirti’s Ksanabhangasiddhih Vyatirekatmika, Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands: Imprint: Springer, (1969) Murty, K. S. (1980). Andhra contribution to buddhist thought. National Telugu Institute: Dr S Radhakrishanan Memorial Lecture. Hyderabad. Rhys Davids, T. W., Carpenter J. E. (Eds.) The D¯ıgha Nik¯aya, vol. 3, London: Pali Text Society, 189021911. (T. W. Rhys Davids & C. A. F. Rhys Davids Trans.). The Dialogues of the Buddha, 3 vols., London: Pali Text Society, 189921921. Sadaw, L. (1914). Some points in buddhist doctrine. Journal of Pali Text Society. London: Oxford University Press. Walser, J. (2005). Nagarjuna in context: Mahayana Buddhism and early indian culture. New York: Columbia University Press. Warder, A. K. (2004). Indian buddhism. Delhi: Motilal Banarasi Das.

Chapter 4

Mutual Contributions of Buddhism and Andhra

Abstract The present chapter explicates the contributions of Buddhism and Andhra for the development of each other by pointing out how Buddhism engendered a spirit of cosmopolitanism among the people of Andhra. It argues that the impact of the interaction between the two is not only limited to religion or philosophy alone but also is visible overwhelmingly in art, sculpture, education, literature, etc. Further, the chapter argues that the widespread acceptance of Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhism owes itself to the cosmopolitan character of early Buddhism, something that was nurtured during its interaction with Andhra.

The discussion in the previous chapters elucidates that freewheeling interactions between thought and space possess the capacity to give birth to surprising transformations in both. These changes may ultimately assimilate into one distinctive form of thought, nurtured by the space of that time. Interaction between Buddhism and Andhra resulted in such an interesting amalgamation—‘the doctrines of Andhakas’. Andhra has contributed to the diversity and proliferation of the Buddhist sects, thus enriching its practices and doctrines. While contributing to the enrichment of Buddhism, Andhra has consolidated its own culture, ethics and broadened its philosophical outlook. The kind of deviations and developments of philosophical doctrines that were thought and proposed exhibits not only the resilience of the people of Andhra but also their philosophical acumen in not accepting things in their given form, rather modifying the given to suit their understanding and needs. Let us have a look at the contributions of Buddhism and Andhra made to each other, before discussing the cosmopolitan character of Mah¯ayana, as nurtured in its early thought (the Andhakas) by Andhra, which would help us in understanding the intricate relationship between both. Though there existed a vibrant relation between Andhra and Buddhism, as observed by Padma and Barber (2008), the contributions of the region to Buddhism were ‘largely neglected within the scholarship to date’. While delving into the factors that have contributed to the ‘relative neglect of Andhra’s significance in buddhological circles, both in India and abroad’, Sree Padma and Warder point out that though the contemporary Buddhist global scholarship is aware that important © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9_4

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¯ Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhist thinkers such as N¯ag¯arjuna, Digñaga, Candrak¯ırti, Aryadeva, and Bh¯avavivéka, among many others, have formulated their theories while living in Buddhist communities in Andhra, but ‘…the historicity of Buddhism, in both its material and social expression, has not been emphasized to any great degree’ (2008, 2). A study of the contributions of the material and the social to the expression of thought would have helped in recognizing the significance of the space in the development of thought in an appropriate way, which was largely ignored. An extended aspect of the above concern is, though ‘…we have been aware of some of the significant contributions Buddhist communities of this region made to world Buddhist praxis, but we still know very little about these communities per se’ (2008, 2). As our understanding of the communities of that time is very less, its contributions to the Buddhism were less explored. These facts should not make us believe that there was absolutely no attention to this region’s contributions by the scholars from any discipline. Accepting that there is a fair amount of attention that was paid to Buddhist art and other material cultures excavated in the region of Andhra, Sree Padma and Warder point out that, ‘…these studies tend not to go beyond the identification of technical and stylistic details characteristic of this art’ (2008, 2) which show the limitations of the secluded attempts. In this way, though art and architecture were explored by the Buddhist academia well, early communities of Andhra and the contribution of material and social to the development of the expression of thought were the factors that lead to the relative neglect of the region’s contribution to Buddhism. The impact of the interaction between Andhra and Buddhism is not just limited to either religion or philosophy; rather it moved beyond these paradigms, in influencing every aspect of the lived experiences and expressions of the people. Art, economy, education and literature were equally affected by this interaction. The classical accounts testify that the Andhakas possessed thirty fortified towns and a mighty army. Even then, the Vedic tradition seems to have castigated the Andhras as Mlechchas. On the basis of the above facts, we find a narrative that these descriptions should have hurt the economically prosperous and politically conscious Andhras and helped them to turn towards Buddhism. At the time of the advent of Buddhism, as was informed by BSL, the Andhras were animists, worshipping the Megalithic tombs, raised over the mortal remains of their ancestors. The people of early Andhra have built intricate monuments to venerate their ancestors which can be understood as ‘proto-stupas’. As is pointed out by Sree Padma ‘…some of the megalithic structures in Andhra have served as precursors to Buddhist st¯upas not only in their shape, plan, and constructional methods, but also in the manner in which we can see a deliberate selection of given natural spaces for their constructions. Buddhist literature itself refers to a long-standing tradition of enshrining the relics that predates the religion’ (2008, 19). This creativity, as it was expressed in art, architecture, and religious ideas functioned as a kind of fulcrum that eventually proved attractive to Buddhist communities beyond Andhra (Padma 2008, 11–40). These religious beliefs and practices expressed in art and architecture received new meaning and dimension because of the contact between Andhra and Buddhism.

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Buddhism engendered a spirit of cosmopolitanism among Andhras. We find a deep concern for the good and happiness of all sentient beings among the people of early history of Andhra because of the influence of Buddhist philosophy. Cosmopolitan humanism and the concern for internal beauty in Buddhism stimulated creative school of art and sculpture. This resulted in the most exquisite of Buddhist contributions to Andhrades¯a, in the domain of sculpture and architecture, something that Hindus and Jainas later adopted, with requisite innovation. The Buddhist contribution was seen in the way of construction of cave temples. Image worship was probably introduced into India by the Buddhists and the contribution of Andhras to this is significant. We can easily conjecture that the earliest statues of the Buddha were set up as purely commemorative, but they soon came to be worshipped as representations of the Godhead. Houses were built to shelter these sacred images and thus stupa and temple culture originated. Contribution of Andhras to this is visible from the times of the construction of Amar¯avat¯ı stupa. As Kinnard (2008, 81–104) argued ‘the art at Amar¯avat¯ı represents not just an Amar¯avat¯ı school of art, but a whole set of rituals in which various objects were venerated that later inspired the practice of Buddhism in other parts of India, Sri Lanka, and south-east Asia’. Another significant outcome of the confluence of Buddhism and Andhra is that, Buddhism united Andhras by unshackling the tribal barriers (andhrasca bahavah), while raising them to imperial dignity. Buddhism helped Andhrades¯a in prospering it economically. This economic prosperity which the Andhras had achieved during the Buddhist times would dispel the misconception that Buddhism tended to cause sloth in people. The interaction has its substantial consequences on education and literature as well. It must be noted that in contrast to Brahmanical gurukulas, the Buddhists built up viswavidyalayas and catered to the intellectual needs of the people in a more systematic institutional way. Unlike gurukulas, viswavidyalayas provided platform for various teachers with different disciplinary background to come together in providing education to the needy. Similarly, continuous intellectual efforts of the ´ Sailiyas in going deeper into the esoteric teachings of Buddha resulted in the growth of the sutra literature—Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a and Vaipulya—which formed the basis for the development of Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhism. Vernacular literatures were immensely supported by Buddhism during its early development. Consequently, the religion built up a vast and varied literature corpus in the lingua franca of the commons. It can well be claimed that the Andhras contributed to literary and geographical expansion of Buddhist philosophy. Buddha Dharma’s literary expansion into P¯ali, Sanskrit and other vernacular languages and geographical expansion into Ceylon, Burma, Malaya, China and Indonesia were sustained by the impact of Andhra. It may be noted, since their early days, the Andhras were known for the bold attitude of non-conformism. In context of radical changes taking place in the religious life of the land, the Andhra Buddhists attempted to free themselves from the grip of orthodoxy. As a result, there was great intellectual activity in the vih¯aras around the mouths of the Krishna which lead to the development of schism in the Sa˙ngha. As a result, they challenged not just Vedic orthodoxy, but even the Buddhist orthodoxy.

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Andhra, due to the interaction with Buddhism, was benefited with a popular religion without any complicated and unintelligible rituals. It purposefully aimed to appeal to the masses and succeeded in winning their hearts with its simplicity, emotional element, use of the vernacular language, easy ethical code, popular method of teaching by means of parables and worship in congregation. By introducing a personal element into religion, it challenged the orthodox conceptions of abstract deities and impersonal forces of both Vedic as well as Buddhist traditions. Another innovation of Buddhism that impacted Andhra was institutionalized monastic system. While the Vedic tradition had solitary recluses retiring to forests (v¯anaprastha a¯ s.rama) as a part of their a¯ s.rama dharma for contemplation, the Buddhists introduced a bonding of togetherness among contemplative individuals by forming a fraternity of monks, ruled by a common code of discipline. Particu´ larly, the Caityaka and Saila sects of Andhra Buddhism contributed to this innovation in a substantial manner. These are only a few ways in which Buddhism contributed to Andhrades¯a while getting enriched in the form of development of varied practices and doctrines. Let me recall our discussion earlier (Chap. 1 p. 15) with regard to the contribution of Buddhism to the self of Andhra. It would suffice to say that Buddhism was and is an inseparable constitutive self of Andhrades¯a. Both, Buddhism and Andhrades¯a, enriched each other during their long historical journey. A significant outcome of this historical jounrey is the cosmopolitan character of Buddhism. Andhakas who predate Mah¯ayana Buddhism developed a unique set of characteristics that contributed to its cosmopolitan perspective. A discussion on cosmopolitan character of Mah¯ayana Buddhism is presented in the following section.

Cosmopolitanism and Buddhism Cosmopolitanism, in general, while attempting to go beyond limitations of time and space in its conceptualization of human life and its predicaments, tries to accommodate different cultural propensities within its fold, while promoting cultural exchange to enrich one’s own culture. Though it is common to refer to cosmopolitanism as an attitude of people, its extended connotation can refer to a space (such as city or a region etc.) and to a thought, as they can also exhibit cosmopolitan attitude, exhibiting trespassing of singularities of individuals. A thought received by a space with a cosmopolitan character would enrich the space and, in the process, transforms itself into a more meaningful and practicable one. Similar would be the case of space that received a cosmopolitan thought. Such an enrichment of interaction of thought, i.e. Buddhism and space, i.e. Andhra, has resulted in an interesting amalgamation of diverse unity called Andhakas that contributed to the cosmopolitan character of Mah¯ay¯ana Buddhism. Among the three major branches of contemporary Buddhism, Mah¯ay¯ana is one of the widely accepted and practiced in several countries (compared to the other

Cosmopolitanism and Buddhism

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two, i.e. Therav¯ada and Vajray¯ana).1 The widespread and prevalence of Mah¯ay¯ana is because of its cosmopolitan character. This nature is introduced and nurtured during its early stages of the development by Andhakas. The Buddha through his concern towards human suffering (Dukkha) and preaching the way of overcoming it, exhibited cosmopolitan character in his teachings. Human predicament and the way out that was conceptualized and dealt with by the Buddha are not limited to any particular region or religion; rather they are applicable to whole humanity. It is not enough if the thought itself was conceptualized as a universal one. This metaphysical conceptualization of universal thought should not constrain itself at the individual level. Mah¯ay¯ana furthered the metaphysical cosmopolitan conceptualization of the thought of the Buddha by making it accessible to every individual human being. By transforming metaphysical cosmopolitanism, Mah¯ay¯ana advocated, as its very name indicates, a ‘great vehicle’ that includes every individual into its fold, ‘liberation/freedom of all from all suffering’. This is the characteristic which contributed to its widespread acceptance across the world. This cosmopolitan characteristic is nurtured during the early days of its development, in the hands of Andhakas. When dissident Buddhists reached Andhra with the thought on the one hand and discontent with orthodoxy on the other, they were welcomed with ‘universal hospitality’ considering their ‘right to resort’ (to present themselves), two fundamental binding conditions of cosmopolitanism that Immanuel Kant2 adocated, by the people of Andhra. We can see Kantian conception of cosmopolitanism being practiced by these early natives of Andhra. Similarly, the Boddhisatva ideal of Mah¯ay¯ana forecasts the Levinasian conception of ‘Being for the other’ with the sense of responsibility in terms of goodness, mercy and charity. Boddhisatva ideal, while stressing the importance of maitri (metta in P¯ali, friendliness), karun¯a (benevolence), mudith¯a (rejoicing in the wellbeing of the other) and upeksh¯a (upekkha in P¯ali, equanimity) as the highest universal values of immeasurable worth, presents the novel outlook that liberation or moksha is not an individual value, but a universal value. Unless ‘the other’ is free from suffering, one cannot be free. The other, here, is an inclusive entity, namely, the whole humanity. Freedom of one does not have any meaning, unless everyone’s freedom is assured. The Andhakas by conceptualizing the thought of Buddha differently from that of Ther¯avadins contributed to a fresh and variant understandings of Buddhism. They prepared the base for consolidation of the Mah¯ay¯ana thought and writings of N¯ag¯arjuna and others. In this sense, it can well be said that the background for the origin of Mah¯ay¯ana was prepared by the Andhakas. It may be noted, the preliminary requirements for such a cosmopolitan character are found in the conceptualization of Buddha and his teachings as transcendental, 1 Global

Religious Landscape (2012) in its demographic study informs us that among the 488 million Buddhists worldwide those who are affiliated to Mah¯ay¯ana are the largest, because of their ‘prevalence in several countries with large Buddhist populations, particularly in China, Japan, South Korea and Vietnam’. Therav¯ada Buddhists, the study informs, ‘the second largest branch is concentrated in such countries as Thailand, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Loas, Combodia. Vajrayana Buddhism, the smallest of the three major branches is concentrated in Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Mongolia’.https://www.pewforum.org/2012/12/18/global-religious-landscape-buddhist/. 2 Immanuel Kant presents this in his Perpetual Peace (1795).

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in order to make them accessible to individuals beyond the limitations of space and time. Similarly, the way to Buddhahood was analytically explored and a meticulous step-by-step forward movement was articulated so that any individual could understand the possibility of moving on the Buddhist path. Unlike instant intuitive attainment, this step-by-step analysis is required for the ordinary individual to find him capable of moving ahead in the path. The wholesome conception of action that the Andhakas advocated in terms of considering matter, consciousness, space (land) to be its results enunciates the importance of action in human life that any individual can relate himself to. Similarly, their conception that experiential world itself is a result of actions (kamma) which conflates the nature of subject, object and actions, brings Buddhist thought closer to the individual life in realizing the responsibility of one’s actions which is enunciated by the contemporary theorists of cosmopolitanism. Similarly, the views of Andhakas on knowledge (jh¯ana), nature of consciousness, interpretation of causation, rebirth, understanding of space, time and liberation (nibb¯ana) that got consolidated into the philosophical perspective of Mah¯ay¯ana have their cosmopolitan inclinations. There is a kind of resilience and accommodative nature that the Andhakas have enriched early Buddhism with, which subsequently consolidated the cosmopolitan characteristic of Mah¯ay¯ana.

References Kinnard, J. N. (2008). Amar¯avat¯ı As Lens: Envisioning Buddhism in the Ruins of the Great St¯upa. In S. Padma & A. W. Barber (Eds.), Buddhism: In the Krishna River Valley of Andhra. Albany: State University of New York Press. Padma, S. (2008). Material culture and the emergence of Urban Buddhism in Andhra. In S. Padma & A. W. Barber (Eds.), Buddhism: In the Krishna River Valley of Andhra. Albany: State University of New York Press. Padma, S., & Barber, A. W. (Eds.). (2008). Buddhism: In the Krishna River Valley of Andhra. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Conclusion

The present work is an exposition of the doctrines of the early Buddhist sects of Andhra, which includes the Andhakas of early Buddhist literature (the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas) along with the Bahu´srut¯ıya and the Caityakas. The work explicates the doctrines of the Andhakas, as available in the Kath¯avatthu, while also independently elucidating the doctrines of the Pubbaseliyas, the Rajagirikas, the Bahu´srut¯ıya and the Caityakas so as to highlight the immanent differences and agreements among themselves and also those with the other sects extant at the time. The exposition evidences that the differences among the early sects of Andhra Buddhism are not just namesake, but rather a matter of serious doctrinal divergence among Buddhist sects of Andhra. The present work brings to light a finding: though Buddha initiated the institutionalization of Buddhism, it was the proliferation of Buddhist sects in Andhra that necessitated a proper consolidated effort to institutionalize the religion. The contribution of Andhra to Buddhism is in terms of development of resilience and at the same time consolidation; resilience helped it in becoming adaptable to the requirements of the people and consolidation contributed to the institutionalization of the religion without succumbing to parochialism. Several centuries have witnessed a continuous reciprocation between Buddhism and Andhra, in a way which has replenished both. This fact is avouched for by the remark of K. R. Subramanian (1989:28) ‘the warp and woof of Andhra culture were largely Buddhist’. Hence, it would be appropriate to claim that Buddhism has been and is an inseparable constituent of the Self of Andhra. Unlike other contemporary Buddhists, such as the Therav¯adin, the early Buddhists of Andhra accepted the authority and reason (especially aprioiri reasoning) both independently and jointly as required for knowledge. All knowledge, for them, is super-mundane or transcendental, and hence, it is analytic. They did not maintain any distinction between popular truth and philosophical truth. Both philosophical knowledge and popular knowledge have only same truth for them. The distinction between anusayas (seeds of passion) and paryavasthanas (pervading passions) on the basis of their association with the mind is one of the unique contributions of the sects

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9

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Conclusion

of Andhra. They argued that only paryavsasthanas are associated with mind where as anusayas are not. The doctrine of transference of merit of individual’s actions was first envisaged by these philosophers. The exposition made in this work, namely of different doctrines of early Andhra Buddhist sects, facilitates one in comprehending the unique characteristics of the philosophical thought of Buddhism, that stretched beyond their time and enriched with unique contributions. The early Andhra Buddhists extended Buddhist doctrines both vertically and horizontally. Vertically, they sufficiently initiated the extension of the thought of Buddha which has largely limited itself to the issues of empirical life, to metaphysical aspects such as the distinction between metaphysical Buddha and historical Buddha, concept of Nirvana, etc. They also extended it in the form of inducing the very mundane and common aspects of ordinary human life such as worshiping the idols and the places of living, the conduct of sexual relations among the followers, etc. Horizontally, the early Buddhist sects contributed to the spatial proliferation of the doctrines on the basis of the region and teachers. Thus, Buddhism in the hands of Andhra sects expanded in various directions: in metaphysical, as well as concrete mundane aspects. It is points out, through a detailed discussion, the contribution of historical, social and institutional causes that proliferated the early Buddhism in Andhra which have further contributed to the heterogeneity of doctrinal perspectives. The methodology that is employed in the present work is analytical and descriptive method, with a view to the explicate the doctrines and prepare a historical-cumconceptual background of the subject matter at hand. Chapter I elucidated the intimate relationship between Buddhism and Andhra, while pointing out that the people of Andhra were aware of Buddhism even during the lifetime of Buddha. While highlighting the rise, fall and revival of Buddhism in Andhra, the work pointed out the lack of proper study of early Buddhist doctrines of Andhra to be one of the lacunae in the revival studies of Buddhism. Chapter II explores the problem of schism while arguing that schism is a natural outcome of any counter tradition. It discusses the history of dissent and subsequent schism in Buddhism along with variations among the traditions in listing the sects and schools, and the controversies regarding number of schools. Chapter III brings out the doctrines of various Buddhist sects of Andhra such as the Andhakas of early Buddhist literature (the Pubbaséliyas, the Aparaséliyas, the R¯ajagirikas and the Siddhatthikas) along with the Bahu´srut¯ıyas and the Caityakas. Though sometimes the differences among the sects are with reference to the name of the teacher or place, one cannot ignore their unique doctrinal differences. It pointed out that the characteristics of resilience and consolidation, which helped Buddhism spread across the globe, were actually the contributions made by Andhra. While, Chapter IV elucidates the mutual exchange between Buddhism and Andhra that has led to the subsequent enrichment of both. The present work comments up on the way Buddhism proliferated and percolated both in the early period of history and in the contemporary times. Whether the proliferation of Buddhism into various sects and its percolation into various countries in the early history of India as well as in the contemporary times in various continents—have any similarities will have larger implications on the character of the migration of the religion across continents.

Conclusion

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The doctrinal differences among the sects of Andhra and their similarities with other sects of Buddhism reflect the cosmopolitan character of the Andhra Buddhism. It is assumed that resilience and consolidation of the religion lend to Buddhism it is cosmopolitan character, which was quintessentially an Andhra contribution. It is worthy to note a unique character of propagation of Buddhism, namely through the ages, it has been widely adopted across the globe without the use of coercive power. Though, in the past, Buddhism has enjoyed state patronage in few lands, notably none of the patronizing kings ever used their position for its mass adoption. Just as the teachings of Buddha extol the importance of ahimsa, violence was never a means for dissemination of the religion. Thus, the acceptance of Buddhism, marking its uniqueness, is devoid of the threat of power and violence. This nature has implication on the cosmopolitan character of Buddhism. It is the resilient character of the religion that has helped it to spread free as it has been of the contrived measures of power and savagery.

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Index

A Abbokin.n.an, 46 Abhidhamm¯a, xiii, 4, 35, 37 ¯ . n.akappa, 27 Acin Adasakamnisidanam, 27 Ad infinitum, 42 Advaita, 13 Akusala, 37, 38 Amar¯avat¯ı, xii, 3, 5–7, 16, 32, 61, 67 Amar¯avat¯ıstupa, 67 Amata dh¯atu, 62 Amathita kappa, 27 An¯ag¯am¯ı, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53 An¯agata, 43, 44 An¯atma, 36 Andhakas, vii, ix, x, xiii, xiv–xvii, 1, 2, 4, 5, 16, 17, 19, 30, 35–54, 56, 57, 59, 61–63, 65, 66, 68–72 Andhra, vii, 1, 8, 65 Andhradesa, xvii, 3–7, 9, 12, 13, 17, 31, 33, 35, 67, 68 Andhranagari, 3 Andhraratta, 3 Andhras, ix, 2, 10, 14–16, 66, 67 A˙nguttara Nik¯aya, 46 Aniccata, 42 Anupavit..th¯a, 58 Anuppabandhen¯a, 40 Anusayas, 36, 41, 53, 63, 71, 72 Aparamaha Vinayaséliyas, 6 Aparaseliy¯as, xiv, xv, xvii, 5, 16, 30–32, 35, 36, 54, 56, 57, 71, 72 Aritta, 25 Ariyamagga, 45, 49 Ar¯upa, 39, 40, 50, 51 ¯ Aryadeva, xii, 66

Aryasanghiya, 6 ¯ Aryasatya, 35 ¯ Aryavarta, 2 Asa˙nkhata, 49 Asmaka, 15 Assaka, 3, 15 As.tangam¯arga, 35 Astica nastica, 14 At¯ıta, 43 Atitadibheda dhamm¯a, 43 Attha˙ngama, 39 Avipakatta, 52

B Bahu´srut¯ıya, xiv, xv, xvii, xviii, 6, 16, 30, 31, 35, 36, 59–61, 71, 72 B¯avari, xiii, 3, 5, 15 B¯avikonda, 5 Bhadrayanikas, xviii, 35, 36, 50, 53, 54 Bhadray¯an¯ıya, xvii, 30, 31 Bhanga, 40, 43 Bharadv¯aja, 41 Bhattiprolu, xii, 2, 3 Bhava, 36, 39, 41 Bhava˙nga, 40 Bhava˙ngacitta, 43 Bh¯avavivéka, xii, 6, 66 Bhavya, xiv, xv, 28–31 Bhikkhus, 38, 40, 41, 45, 55, 56, 58 Bhòja, 2 Bkah-Hgyur, 29 Br¯ahmanism, 4, 6, 13 Bstan-Hgyur, 29 Buddhaghos.a, xiv, xvi, 5, 6, 29, 30, 36, 48, 52, 61

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 B. Devarakonda, Philosophical Doctrines of the Andhakas, SpringerBriefs in Religious Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5686-9

79

80

Index

Buddhap¯alita, xii Buddhism, ix, xii Burra-kathas, 15

Dukha, x Dukkhanir¯odha, 51 Dushkruta, 26

C Caitya, 2, 17, 32, 62, 63 Caityakas, xiv, xv, xvii, xviii, 16, 31, 32, 35, 36, 59, 61, 62, 71, 72 Candrak¯ırti, 66 Carvaka, 11 Cessation, 38, 40, 49, 51, 54–56 Cetasik¯as, 36, 37, 43 Cetopariyaya, 40 Chalabhiñña, 40 Channa, 24 Citta, 36, 37, 40, 41, 43, 58 Conception of Action, 37, 39 Corporeal, xii, 3, 39 Cosmopolitanism, x, xi, xviii, 33, 65, 67–70 Cullavagga, 25, 27, 28

E Ekacittakkhan.ika, 56 Ek¯adhip¯ayo, 53 Epistemological, ix

D Dakshin¯apatha, 3 Dantapuram, 3 Dar´sanam, 14 Da´sabalas, 60, 62 Dasavatthuni, 27 Degenerative, x Dé´sa, 2 Desiss¯ami, 38 Dé´sav¯acaka, 2 Dev¯an¯ampriya, 2 Devangula kappa, 27 Dhamm¯a, 4, 23–26, 31 Dhamm¯adh¯ara, 26 Dhammap¯ala, 8 Dh¯anyakataka, xiv, 2, 3, 6, 15, 16 Dh¯aranikota, 12 Dharmadharas, 23, 26 Dharmak¯ırti, xii Dharmottariyas, 31 Dhovi yam¯ana, 45 Dh¯ulikatta, 3 Dibbacakkhu, 50 D¯ıgha Nik¯aya, 25 Dign¯aga, xii, 6 Diogenes, x D¯ıpavamsa, 28, 30 Disabh¯ava, 42 Disintegrate, ix Dit..thipariyut..th¯anu, 50 Doab, 3, 5

F Fa-hien, 29, 31 First Council, 31 G Gabbhaseyy¯a, 47 Gahapatis, 12 Gamantara kappa, 27 Gay¯as¯ısa, 25 Ghantas¯ala, xiv, 2, 5, 6 God¯avari, 3 G¯opalapatnam, 3 Guntupalli, 5 H Hemavatik¯a, 16 Heterogeneity, 19, 25, 33 Hetuv¯adins, 16, 30 Heva, 44 Hinduism, 7, 11, 12, 21 Humanity, x, xi, 69 I Iddhi, 48 Iks.vakus, 5, 32, 59 Indriy¯ani, 47 I-tsing, 29, 31 J Jaggayyapeta, xiv, 5 Jainism, 13, 17 Janapadas, 3 Jar¯amaran.a, 37 J¯ataka, 31 Jaturuparajatam, 27 Jh¯ana, 40, 43–45, 48–51, 54, 55, 58, 59, 70 K K¯amadh¯atu, 56

Index K¯amagun¯a, 56 Kamaras, 12 Kamma, 14 Kammavaca, 24 Kammavip¯aka, 37 Kanuparthy, 2 Kapilavastu, ix Karma, 14 Karuna, x, 20, 23 Kass¯apa, 53 K¯as´yap¯ıya, 30, 31 Kath¯avatthu, vii, xiii–xviii, 2, 5, 6, 16, 29, 30, 35–37, 43, 46, 52, 54, 57, 59–61, 71 Kaurukullaka, 30 Kau´sa¯ mb¯ı, 26 Kayabhetro Vibhanga, xiv, xv Kayadaya, 39 Khan.a, 42, 43 Khandhas, 44 Kond¯apur, 2 Kondavidu, 6 K¯otiling¯ala, 3 Kusal¯a, 37 L Lakkhanasacca, 55 Lok¯ayats, 11 Lokottarav¯ada, 30 Lokottarav¯adins, 32 Lokuttara, 45, 49 M M¯adhyamikas, 13, 16 Magadha, xii Maggañ¯ana, 45 Mah¯abh¯arata, 2, 4 Mah¯achaitya, 3 Mahadeva, xiv, 2, 9, 27, 30, 32, 61 Mah¯ak¯aty¯ayana, 3 Mah¯aparinibb¯an.a Sutta, 24, 26 Mah¯as¯an´ ghikas, xiv, xvii, 28, 30–33, 52, 59, 60, 63 Mah¯asangh¯ıyas, 6 Mahasa˙ng¯ıt¯ı, 28 Mah¯ast¯upa, xii Mahasunyatavadins Mah¯avagga, 26 Mah¯avamsa, 28 Mah¯avastu, 32 Mah¯ay¯ana, x–xii, xiv, xviii, 12, 13, 16, 32, 52, 65–70

81 Mah¯ıs¯asaka, xvii, 6, 16, 29–31, 35, 36, 50, 51, 54, 56 M¯aj¯eru, 3 Majjhima Nik¯aya, 25 M¯al¯ına, 45 Mam . sacakkhu, 50 Man¯ayatana, 56 Mandapas, 6 Man.im¯ekalai, 11 Manjusri M¯ulakalpa, xii Manjusri Paripraccha Sutra, 29 Marxism, 13 Metaphysical, ix Mettiyabhummajak¯a, 24 Mlechchas, 66 Mogallana, 26 Moggaliputta Tissa, xiv–xvi, 5 Monasteries, 6, 31 Mudith¯a, 69 M¯ulaka, 3 M¯ulasarv¯astiv¯ada, 29, 30 Mutibas, 2

N N¯ag¯arjuna, xii, 6, 13, 14, 66 N¯ag¯arjunikon.d.a, xii Nagas, 2, 16 N¯agasena, 15 Naihsargika pr¯aya´scittika, 26 N¯ana, 40, 44, 45, 47, 55 Nandal¯ur, 2 N¯aññaramman.a, 46 N¯astica, 14 Natti, 24 Ney¯artha, 60 Nibb¯ana, 4, 45, 46, 70 Niddesa, 31 Nirodhasam¯apatti, 49 Nirv¯ana, 13 N¯ıtartha, 60, 61 Niyama, 49 Niyata, 42

O Okkamati, 47 Ol¯arikar¯upa, 39

P Paccavekkhana-ñ¯an´ a, 45 Paccaya, 38, 42, 45 Paccupanna, 43

82 Pah¯an.a, 46 P¯ali, vii, 5, 69 P¯alitesu, 2 P¯an.davas, 4 Paññ¯avimutto, 57 Paradigmatic, xii P¯ar¯ajika, 26 Param¯artha, 59–61 Paramatthasacca, 46 P¯aramitas, 16 P¯ar¯ayanavarga, 14, 15 Parinipphanna, 42 Parinirv¯ana, xiii, xiv Pariv¯ara, 31 Pariyaya, 15 Pariyut..thita, 41 Paryavasth¯anas, 36, 63, 71 Pashigaon, 3 P¯a.taliputra, 31 P¯atayantika, 26 Pat.hav¯ı, 37, 38 Patil¯abha, 44 Patisambhid¯a, 31, 45 Phalañ¯ana, 45 Phassa, 37, 38, 40, 41 Pingiya, 15 P¯ıti, 51 Pitinike´su, 2 Prajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a, 16, 67 Prat¯ıtyasamutp¯ada, 42, 44, 48 Proliferated, ix Pubbaseliy¯as, xiv, xv, xvii, 5, 54, 56 Pulind¯as, 2 Pundr¯as, 2 Pur¯ana, 4 Pur¯anic, 4, 5 Purva´sailas, xiv, 30 Putthujjana, 41 Puvasele, 32

R R¯ajagiri, 2 R¯ajagirikas, xv, xvii, 5, 35, 36, 43, 57–59, 71, 72 R¯ajagiriya, 30 R¯ajagr.iha, 3 R¯am¯ayana, 2 Ratn¯avali, 13, 14 Regressive, x ´ Rigveda, 2 R¯upa, 37, 39, 41–44, 50–52

Index S Sabar¯as, 2 Sabbathivadins, xvii Sabbe, 38, 40, 42, 43, 56, 57 Sacc¯aramman.aññeva, 46 Sadvargiya, 24 ´ Saila, 2, 17, 68 Saivism, xiii Sakad¯ag¯ami, 46, 48, 49, 52 Salaka, 24 S¯alank¯ayana, 5 Salihund¯am, 5 S¯amagga, 26 Samann¯agata, 44 Sam¯apatti, 40 Samavadhoparacha, xiv, xv Samayabhedoparachana Chakra, xiv, xv, 29 Sambh¯ashanalu, 14 Sambhogak¯aya, 63 Samkhya, 11 Samkrantivadin, 30 Sammaliya, 3 Sammit¯ıyas, 35, 36, 50, 53–56, 58 Samuccay¯amu, 14 Samudayo, 38 Samutth¯ana, 38 Samvrti, 60 Samyutta, 39 Sa˙ngha, 6, 10, 19, 20, 22–28, 30–32 Sa˙nghabheda, 26, 27, 31 Sa˙nghapala, 29, 30 Sa˙nghar¯aji, 26, 27 Sa˙ngharakshita, 32, 33 Sa˙ng¯ıt¯ı, 27 Sanidassana, 44 Sa˙nkamati, 51 Sankara, 13, 14 Sa˙nkhatadhamm¯a, 56 Saññojana, 45, 46 Santit..thati, 38 Saripalle, 2 Sariputrapariprccha, 29 S¯ariputta, 30 Sar¯ıra, 47 Sarv¯astiv¯ada, 29 ´ Satakas, 15 S¯atav¯ahana, 3, 9, 12 Satipat..th¯ana, 38, 39 Satyasiddhi-s¯astra, 60 Seeds of passion, 63, 71 Siddh¯arthikas, xiv, xv, xvii, 6, 16, 30, 35, 36, 43, 57–59, 71, 72 Silapp¯adhikaram, 11

Index Sinhalase, 31 Sot¯apanna, 46, 48–50, 52, 53, 55 Sramanakas, 13 Sriparvata, xiv, 59 Sthavira, xiv St¯upas, 3, 5, 6, 66 Sukhánupassì, 45 Sukhasanni, 45 Sukhumar¯upa, 39 Sunakkhatta, 25 Suttanip¯ata, xiii, 4, 14–16, 59

T Taila, 3 T¯a.lacchidda, 44 Tamrasatiya, 30 T¯aran¯atha, xv, 29, 30 Tath¯agata, 47, 48 Telih¯ah¯a, 3 Therav¯ada, vii, x, xvii, 3, 16, 28, 69 Therav¯adin, x, xiv, 28, 42, 71 Thotlakond¯a, 5 Tit..thati, 40, 43 Transcendental, 45, 53, 59–61, 63, 69, 71 Tripit.aka, 32

U Upac¯arappavatti, 51 Upanand¯a, 24 Upasatha, 27 Upp¯ada, 40, 43 Uttar¯apathakas, xvii, 30, 35, 36, 50, 52–54 Uttara´saila, xvii Uttaraseliyas, 6, xiv

83 V Vaddam¯anu, 3 V¯ah¯a, 3 Vaipulya, 67 Vaishnavite, 7 V¯ajiriya, 30 Vajray¯ana, x, 6, 69 V¯anijas, 12 Varga, 14 Vasudhaiva kutumbakam, x Vasumitra, 27, 29, 31, 32 Vats¯ıputr¯ıya, 30 Vattha, 45 Vatthusacca, 55 Vedic, 2, 4–6, 14, 19–21, 24, 66–68 Velagiri, xiv Vengi, xiv, 5, 15 Vengipura, 5 Vetulyakas, xvii, 16, 30, 35, 36, 53, 54 Vibhajyavada, 30 Vic¯ara, 51 Vicikicch¯apariyut..th¯ana, 50 Vih¯aras, 9, 13 Vijahati, 42 Vimukti-jñ¯an´ a-darsana, 60 Vinaya, 23, 24, 26, 29, 31, 32 Vinay¯adhara, 23, 26 Vip¯aka, 37, 38, 50, 52 Vipassaka, 55 Vishnukundin, 5–7 Viswavidyalayas, 12 Vuttanayena, 39 Vyavartini, 13, 14

Y Yakshas, 2 Yuan Chwang, 31, 61