Patterns in the Production of Apulian Red-Figure Pottery [1 ed.] 9781527517967, 9781527513754

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Patterns in the Production of Apulian Red-Figure Pottery

Patterns in the Production of Apulian Red-Figure Pottery By

Edward Herring

Patterns in the Production of Apulian Red-Figure Pottery By Edward Herring This book first published 2018 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2018 by Edward Herring All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-1375-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-1375-4

“Nul ne t’a saisi par les épaules quand il était temps encore. Maintenant, la glaise don’t tu es formé a séché. Et s’est durcie, et nul en toi ne saurait désormais réveiller le musicien endormi ou le poete, ou l’astronome qui peut-être t’habitait d’abord.” “Nobody grasped you by the shoulder while there was still time. Now the clay of which you were shaped has dried and hardened, and naught in you will ever awaken the sleeping musician, the poet, the astronomer that possibly inhabited you in the beginning.” Antoine de Saint Exupéry, Terre des Hommes [Wind, Sand and Stars], Ch. 1: La ligne (1939).

To my mother, Vera Herring, for grasping my shoulder before it was too late

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ................................................................................... viii List of Tables ............................................................................................... x Preface and Acknowledgements ................................................................. xi List of Abbreviations ................................................................................. xv Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Background to the Study Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 17 Patterns of Production Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 45 Patterns in Iconography: The Generic Scenes Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 77 Patterns in Iconography: Drama, Myth, and the Gods Chapter Five ............................................................................................ 127 Patterns in Iconography: Celebrating Indigenous Life and Commemorating the Dead Chapter Six .............................................................................................. 157 Conclusions Notes........................................................................................................ 169 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 174 Index ........................................................................................................ 181

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Cover art: Kantharos (BM 1772.0320.99), attributed to the Stoke-on-Trent Painter (RVAp II 27/416), showing a female head. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Fig. 1. Map of South-East Italy showing the principal sites mentioned in the text. Fig. 2. The principal vessel forms of Apulian red-figure pottery (not to scale). Fig. 3. Obverse of a column-krater (BM F174), attributed to the Sisyphus Painter (RVAp I 1/55), showing a libation being poured from a nestoris into a dish. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Fig. 4. Reverse of a column-krater (New York, 1974.23), attributed to the Rueff Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a typical scene of draped youths. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Fig. 5. Round pyxis (New York, 68.11.42a, b), attributed to the Kantharos Group (RVAp II 29/645), showing female heads on the lid. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Fig. 6. Obverse of a bell-krater (Malibu, 96.AE.113; formerly on the Lugano market), attributed to the Cotugno Painter (RVAp Suppl. 2 10/46a), showing a phlyax scene. Photograph courtesy of the J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu. Fig. 7. Obverse of a volute-krater (New York, 69.11.7), attributed to the Baltimore Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a scene of the Judgement of Paris. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Fig. 8. The interior of a patera (New York, 96.18.55), attributed to the Menzies Group (RVAp II 26/456), showing a seated Eros with a mirror. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Fig. 9. Obverse of a column-krater (New York, 1974.23), attributed to the Rueff Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a scene of indigenous life involving the honouring of a seated youth. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Fig. 10. Obverse of a loutrophoros (New York, 1995.45.2; formerly in an American private collection), attributed to the Metope Group (RVAp Suppl. 1 18/16d), showing a woman and her maid in a naiskos, flanked by groups of mourners. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

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Fig. 11. Reverse of a volute-krater (BM F284), attributed to the Baltimore Painter (RVAp II 27/1), showing mourners grouped around a stele. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Total number and percentage of Apulian red-figure vessels in the database by chronological phase. Table 2. The relative popularity of scenes of draped youths compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 3. The relative popularity of all scenes of head portraits compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 4. The relative popularity of scenes of head portraits as principal decorative elements compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 5. The relative popularity of phlyax scenes compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 6. The relative popularity of mythological scenes compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 7. The relative popularity of images of the gods compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 8. The relative popularity of scenes of indigenous life compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. Table 9. The relative popularity of naiskos scenes compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase.

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Even by academic standards, this book has had a long gestation. My first direct encounter with Apulian red-figure pottery came in 1983 when, as an undergraduate, I worked on an excavation at Botromagno, Gravina-inPuglia: a life-changing experience given to me by my mentor and, later, great friend, Dr John B. Wilkins. In truth, Apulian red-figure made little impression on me, for my attention had already been taken by the highly distinctive Matt-Painted pottery produced by the indigenous population of South-East Italy, which became the topic of my doctoral research. I first began to engage with South Italian red-figure pottery in the early 1990s, when I edited the manuscript of Gisela Schneider-Herrmann’s last publication, The Samnites of the Fourth Century BC as depicted on Campanian Vases and in other sources (London, 1996). This task came my way as a result of the kind intervention of the late Professor John Barron, the Director of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London, who recognised that the Institute did not have the resources available to devote to the editing of the work and so passed the opportunity on to the Accordia Research Institute. The support available to fund the work, provided by the generosity of the family of Mrs SchneiderHerrmann, kept me in the academic world at a precarious time in my career. During the editing work, I was incredibly lucky to enjoy the advice and support of Professor A.D. Trendall by means of the magic that was the FAX machine. His generous praise of my work as editor encouraged me to believe that I might one day, in my own right, produce some original academic work on South Italian red-figure. That idea lay dormant for several years, while I completed other projects. It was not until 2001 that I began to put together a database on Apulian redfigure, based upon the catalogue in RVAp and its Supplements. My established research interests led me initially to make a study of the vessels that depict indigenous men, which, I believed, had further information to yield on the non-Greek population of South-East Italy. Progress on the database has been delayed many times in the intervening years, first, by my relocation to Ireland in 2002. Although it was a great upheaval in my life, I have found in Galway, a beautiful place to build a home and family, and in the University, NUI Galway, a supportive environment in which my career has flourished. Other delays have been enforced by various management responsibilities that I have undertaken, as

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Head of the Department of Classics (between January 2004 and May 2007), Head of the School of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures (between July 2007 and May 2009), and Dean of the College of Arts, Social Sciences, and Celtic Studies (between June 2009 and October 2016). Although work on the database never ceased entirely, it has only been since I commenced a period of Sabbatical Leave in November 2016 that I have been in a position to write-up the product of years of research. I am very appreciative of the opportunity to take Sabbatical Leave and also to the James Hardiman Library’s Special Collections Fund for the purchase of certain essential bibliographic items that have been vital to the research. I am very grateful to the production team at Cambridge Scholars Publishing for their diligent and expeditious production of this volume and also the Editorial Board for Classics for their faith in the project. When I first began to study Apulian red-figure pottery in detail, I was not immediately enamoured of it. Like most scholars with a background in Classics, I recognised that some of the subject matter of Apulian red-figure was unique and, therefore, worthy of interest, but my real respect was reserved for the shinier blacks and the more intense reds of Athenian pottery. I am not sure when the character of my interest changed but, no doubt, studying vases in museums around the world, in Ireland, the UK, Italy, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Russia, and the USA, was crucial to my epiphany. They say that “familiarity breeds contempt”, and one might think that the repetitive nature of many of the generic scenes that adorn Apulian vases should only reinforce that tendency but, for me, the opposite seems to be true. The more I study Apulian red-figure vases, the more I love to gaze upon them. The completion of any large academic work usually involves the support of many individuals and organisations, and this book is no exception. In addition to my own University, I wish to acknowledge the support of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London, where I had the singular honour to hold the A.D. Trendall Fellowship in 2011. It is my pleasure to thank the then Director of the Institute, Professor Mike Edwards, for his hospitality and support. I am also grateful to the libraries of the Institute of Classical Studies and the British School at Rome for giving me access to material that is hard to obtain in Ireland. Both offer wonderful environments in which scholarship is nurtured. I should also like to acknowledge the Accordia Research Institute, an organisation that I helped to found and with which I was deeply involved for many years. Accordia was born out of the short-lived and ill-fated Department of Mediterranean Studies at Queen Mary. Over the years, it has built an impressive international reputation through its Lecture Series

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and events, its Library, and its publication arm. I am immensely proud to have contributed to some of these achievements and to have helped turn John Wilkins’ intellectual vision into a lasting contribution to the study of early Italy. I have given papers on Apulian red-figure in Berlin, Edinburgh, London, Rome, Dublin, Limerick, Maynooth, and, of course, Galway. Every audience has helped me to refine my thinking and I am grateful to all those scholars who invited me to speak. I wish to thank the many museums, in which I have viewed Apulian vases, for preserving their status as temples of culture in the fast moving, and sometimes philistine, modern world. So many individuals have contributed to my formation and ongoing development as a scholar that I cannot possibly name them all. I can only hope that my peers, with whom I have discussed so many aspects of the history and archaeology of early Italy over more than thirty years, realise quite how valuable their time and knowledge has been. I shall single out a few individuals and groups to mention, however. First of all, those who taught me at Queen Mary College back in the 1980s. Two members of the Department, Malcolm Thompson and John Wilkins, died in 2017, during the period in which I was completing the research for this book. Their encouragement of me, and my fellow students, was exemplary. The extent to which John influenced me is such that I cannot imagine what my life would have been like had I never met him. Professor Ruth Whitehouse was my doctoral supervisor and later my colleague at Queen Mary College and at Accordia. She is a true and wise friend and a constant source of sound advice and strong encouragement to my career. Mike Edwards taught me as an undergraduate and has remained a loyal friend and ally. I should like to thank all my colleagues at the various institutions at which I have worked, the Department of Mediterranean Studies at Queen Mary, the Accordia Research Institute, the Department of Classics at Royal Holloway, and the Department of Classics at NUI Galway. When I first came to Galway, I knew nobody in the West of Ireland. My departmental colleagues, Professor Andrew Erskine, Professor Brian Arkins, and Professor John Madden, welcomed me and made the transition to my new life much smoother than it might have been. I am happy to say that the same spirit of supportive collegiality still exists among the current staff of Classics in Galway. Academics also learn from their students, especially those whom they support at postgraduate level, and I am happy to acknowledge the role that my students have played in refining my scholarship. In this context, I should like to single out Dr Eóin O’Donoghue, whom I taught at every

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level from First Year undergraduate to supervision of his PhD. Over the years, our relationship has changed, so that now he is a colleague, we are currently collaborating on the publication of the papers of the Seventh Conference of Italian Archaeology (held in Galway in 2016), and a friend. It is with the greatest pride that I watch his career blossom. For all the wonderful support of colleagues and friends, it is in family that I have been luckiest. I grew up in Stepney with my parents and siblings, surrounded by a large extended family consisting of my paternal grandmother and an array of aunts, uncles, and cousins on both my mother’s and father’s sides. Life was loud, full of music and fun. Most of my aunts and all of my uncles, together with my Nan, are gone now but they are ever vivid in my memory. My sister, Angela, and my brother, Kevin have been constant in their support of me. As older siblings, they shaped me and helped me navigate a confusing world. From childhood, they have filled my days with laughter. It was been wonderful to see their families grow. Their children, my nieces and nephew, Catherine, Charlotte, Phoebe, and Kieran, have brought enormous joy to me and the rest of the family. And so it goes on to the next generation, with the arrival, in recent years, of Kevin’s grandchildren, Casper and Alina. These words are just a small token of my appreciation of what they all mean to me. Since moving to Ireland, I have acquired my own family, just one of the many ways in which the land of my ancestors has blessed me. I cannot thank my wife, Yvonne, enough for her ardent love and support, and for always being willing to cast a critical eye over my work. I find it hard to put into words how much she means to me. Our daughter, Shauna, brightens every day simply by her presence. I should also like to thank her for helping with some of the database entries necessary for this book. My father died while I was working on my PhD, almost thirty years ago. Yet not a day goes by when I do not think of him. I often recall his quiet but unwavering belief in me. My mother’s faith in and support of me is every bit as strong and has always been, and still is, more vocal. My debt to her, for all she has done for me, can never be repaid. I dedicated my first book, which derived from my doctoral research, to my father. Sadly, he died before it was completed. I am long overdue in acknowledging the incredible support that my mother has given me throughout my life. I am delighted to dedicate this book to her and am doubly pleased that she is here to see it. Galway June 2018

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

The abbreviations for the names and works of ancient authors follow the conventions used in the third edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary. CVA LCS RFVSIS RVAp I

RVAp II

RVAp Indexes RVAp Suppl. 1

RVAp Suppl. 2

RVP

Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Trendall, A.D. 1967. The Red-Figured Vases of Lucania, Campania, and Sicily. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Trendall, A.D. 1989. The Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily: a handbook. Thames and Hudson, London. Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1978. The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. Volume I: Early and Middle Apulian. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1982. The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. Volume II: Late Apulian. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1982. The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. Indexes. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1983. First Supplement to The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. BICS Supplement 42. Institute of Classical Studies, London. Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1992. Second Supplement to The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. BICS Supplement 60. Institute of Classical Studies, London. Trendall, A.D. 1987. The Red-Figured Vases of Paestum. British School at Rome, London.

CHAPTER ONE BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

“To understand is to perceive patterns.” Isaiah Berlin, Historical Inevitability, 1955

Historical introduction By the middle of the Fifth Century BC, when red-figured pottery first began to be made in South Italy, Greeks (who came to be known as Italiotes) had already been living in the region for more than two and a half centuries. The traditional foundation date for Tarentum (modern Taranto), the major Greek settlement in ancient Apulia (roughly equivalent to modern Puglia), is given as 708 BC by Hieronymus (Chron. ad Ol. 18) and this is broadly consistent with the archaeological record. Moreover, there is some evidence to suggest that there was an earlier Greek presence at the site of Torre Saturo (Leporano), which is located less than 15km southeast of Tarentum (Lo Porto 1964; Herring 2008). The site is equated with ancient Satyrion, which was mentioned by Strabo (6.3.2), citing Antiochus as his source, in his account of the Tarentine foundation story. Diodorus Siculus (8.21) gives a fuller version of the same story. However, both Strabo and Diodorus were writing long after the events that they describe. The foundation date of Metapontum, slightly further west in modern Basilicata, is not as well established in the historical record but most scholars ascribe it to the mid-Seventh Century. As with the case of Tarentum, there seems to have been an earlier Greek presence in the area. It appears that the first Greek settlers in the Metapontum area resided among the indigenous population at Incoronata Indigena (Carter 2006; Herring 2008: 117-119). Indeed, the evidence for there having been an earlier Greek community, living in the area that was to become part of the chora of the later polis, is stronger in the case of Incoronata and Metapontum than it is for Torre Saturo and Tarentum. Other Greek settlements, such as Siris and Sybaris, further round the Gulf of Taranto to the west, were founded in the same time period, as were

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those in Southern Calabria, Eastern Sicily, and Campania on Italy’s west coast. A full discussion of the Greek settlement of Italy lies beyond the scope of this book. Suffice it to say, the phenomenon, routinely described as Greek colonisation, has been extensively problematised over the past thirty years in an attempt to explain the so-called pre-colonial Greek presence in the area, such as those mentioned above, and the motivations for and mixed nature of many early settlements. This research has helped provide a more nuanced picture of the relations between Greek and indigenous populations (v. Whitehouse & Wilkins 1985; 1989; Herring 1991; 2007; Osborne 1998; a succinct account of the traditional position on Greek colonisation, together with a selection of important sources, may be found in Crawford & Whitehead 1983: 52-65). Generally, the Italiote communities retained strong ties to their mothercities, metropoleis, in the Aegean. These relationships, which were predicated on the notion of kinship, benefited trade and cemented important political alliances. For the Italiotes, the relationships were crucial for establishing their credentials as Greeks: kinship diplomacy being a vital component of international relations in the wider Hellenic world. However, relations between mother-cities and their offspring could become strained, as happened with Sparta and Tarentum at the end of the Fourth Century, when Tarentum broke with Cleonymus of Sparta, whom it had originally invited to South Italy to help in a war with the Lucanians of South-West Italy (Diod. Sic. 20.104-105). The Greek settlements founded in South-East Italy were independent, economically self-sufficient communities. They were not part of an imperial project. The Greeks took control of the amount of land required to support the population. Air photography and field survey have shown that the chora of Metapontum extended roughly 15km from the main settlement (Whitehouse & Wilkins 1989: 107-108). While this is a significant amount of land, its comparatively limited extent also shows that the Greeks were not interested in any wider conquest of the region. That notwithstanding, they did acquire some prime locations. Tarentum occupies one of the best natural harbours in the Mediterranean and is still a major commercial and military port. Metapontum commands a fertile plain, which ensured the prosperity of the ancient polis. The city’s emblem, as depicted on its coins, was an ear of barley, testifying to the importance of agriculture in the local economy. The common feature of the Greek settlements in South Italy is that they occupy coastal locations. The interior was left in the hands of the indigenous population. Indeed, the indigenous population generally seemed to prefer inland locations for their settlement, perhaps avoiding the coast because of the threat of piracy

Background to the Study

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during the Early Iron Age (Yntema 2013). The fact that the coastal areas were only sparsely populated may have helped the Greeks both in the choice of locations for their settlements and also in ensuring their security during the early years of their existence, when their communities were probably quite small and vulnerable. Inland Puglia is geographically diverse (Fig. 1). In the North there are two zones: the Gargano, a limestone promontory jutting into the Adriatic, and the Tavoliere, a large, low-lying plain. Central Puglia also has two main landforms: the Murge, a range of limestone hills covering most of the interior, and the coastal hinterland of Bari. Southern Puglia, also known as the Salento peninsula, has the Brindisino, a limestone plateau, and the Leccese, a series of fertile valleys and upland ridges. Each of the three main sub-regions was, according to the ancient Greeks, home to a different indigenous tribe. Northern Puglia was home to the Daunians. The Peucetians occupied Central Puglia while the Messapians were to be found in the South. A fourth group associated with the region, the Iapygians, sometimes appears as a stand-alone tribe (e.g. Paus. 10.13.10) but elsewhere is treated as a higher-level group of which the Messapians were a subset (e.g. Polyb. 3.88). Using these names is highly problematic, not least because there is no evidence that any group ever called itself by one of these names. Thus, they represent a Greek view of South-East Italian cultural geography and, therefore, from an indigenous perspective, are an externally ascribed identity. Nevertheless, traditionally the names have been applied to the sites and material culture of each sub-region, especially the local Matt-Painted pottery (for a theoretical examination of problems of using tribal names, v. Whitehouse and Wilkins 1985; also Herring 2007). Aside from the elision of archaeological cultures with the ethnopolitical groupings mentioned by ancient Greek authors, there are other issues with applying the names to the local material culture.1 One group of leading scholars of Matt-Painted pottery would, taking their lead from Mayer (1914), recognise a single style in Southern Puglia but two in both Central and Northern Puglia (e.g. Small 1971; Yntema 1985; Herring 1998). This would make the correlation between the tribal names and material culture patterning quite weak for Central and Northern Puglia. Other scholars, notably De Juliis (1977; 1995; De Juliis, Galeandro & Palmentola 2006), would disagree, identifying a closer correlation with only one ceramic style in each sub-region. Due to the difficulties associated with the use of the tribal names, some scholars, myself included, avoid them, except when specifically referring to what is said by the ancient authors, preferring instead more generic terms, such as “indigenous”, “native” or the Italian term “Indigeni”. None of these terms

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is ideal, as they all carry with them certain assumptions that are not necessarily justified, but they have the virtue of not privileging an externally ascribed view of South Italian ethno-political geography.

Fig. 1. Map of South-East Italy showing the principal sites mentioned in the text.

Over time the Greek communities flourished, growing in size and political complexity and perhaps acquiring a more exclusively Greek identity along the way (Herring 2011). Metapontum preserves evidence for a re-organisation of the chora early in the Sixth Century BC, which may have resulted in the destruction of the indigenous settlement at Cozzo Presepe (Macnamara 1977: 242; Herring 2008: 121). Although they do not figure extensively in ancient historical sources, the Italiote poleis were important in the wider Greek world. The wealth of Sybaris remains legendary and, in Greek literature, the city’s fate became a topos, warning against the risks of decadence (cf. e.g., Hdt. 5.44.2; Athen. 520 c-d). Some glimpse of the wealth of the Italiote Greeks can be gained from the surviving temples at Paestum, a Sybarite foundation, on Italy’s west coast.

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Similarly, in the interior, the indigenous communities also flourished (for a recent account of the development of indigenous culture during the First Millennium BC, v. Yntema 2013). The success of both Greek and indigenous communities is not coincidental. From the earliest contact through to the Roman conquest, the two populations engaged with each other and benefited economically and culturally from the encounter. The strongest evidence of trade is to be found in the tombs of the indigenous population, which, from the later Sixth Century BC onwards, contain numerous examples of artefacts, especially pottery (and, presumably, the products, e.g. wine, oils, and perfumes, associated with such ceramics), imported from the Italiote cities and the wider Greek world. Indeed, the survival of so many examples of Apulian red-figure pottery is down to the indigenous practice of placing large numbers of vases in tombs. Exactly what the Greeks received in return for these goods is less tangible in the archaeological record and, consequently, more debated but likely suggestions include wool and textiles, wood, access to land and trade routes into the interior, and perhaps also metals and amber acquired via the Adriatic. The indigenous population may also have been a source of slaves and marriage partners. The latter may have been especially relevant in the early years of the Greek communities, if the first settlers were mostly men. Relations between the Greek and indigenous populations were complex, sustained and mutually beneficial though not always friendly. When Puglia is discussed in ancient historical sources, it is mostly in the context of conflict. This may involve warfare between different Greek cities or between Greek cities and their indigenous neighbours. The lines of conflict were, by no means, always drawn on an ethnic basis, so that we see Greek and indigenous communities allied against other Greeks and/or indigenous tribes. What mattered was the specific local situation at the time. During the Fifth Century, Herodotus (7.170) records that the Messapians massacred a force of Tarentines and Rhegines in 473 BC (cf. also Arist. Pol. 1303a3; Diod. Sic. 11.52). Also in the 470s, the Tarentines sacked Carbina, a Messapian town. Athenaeus, citing Book Four of Clearchus’ Lives (ap. Athen. 12.522d), tells us that the Tarentines gathered the women and children of the town inside their temples, stripped them and raped them. Just as the Tarentine behaviour would be regarded as a war crime in the modern world, so it would have been regarded as deeply sacrilegious by any right-thinking Greek. Clearly, enmity between Tarentum and its neighbours to the South was very strong at the time. This could be used by other Greek powers to their own advantage. So we see that during the Peloponnesian War, the Messapians and their leader Artas,

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gave military support to the Athenians, the alliance between Athens and the Messapians being described as “ancient” (Thuc. 7.33). Conflict continued throughout the Fourth Century and into the early Third, when Rome became a significant player in the region.2 Lomas (1993) has persuasively argued for a “balkanised” model of political relations in the period leading up to the Roman conquest, as Tarentum came to rely on a series of foreign champions and mercenaries to bolster its military power.3 The ongoing conflict and unstable nature of political relations can be seen in the ancient sources. For instance, Strabo (6.3.4) tells us that when Tarentum was in conflict with the Messapians over the control of Herakleia,4 the Tarentines enjoyed the “co-operation of the king of the Daunians and the king of the Peucetians”. By contrast, Pausanias (10.12.10) records a Tarentine dedication at Delphi, which commemorated success against the Peucetians and their ally, Opis, the king of the Iapygians. The level of political instability and disunity in the region may have been a factor in Rome’s ultimate defeat of Tarentum and its takeover of the region (Herring 2015). Despite conflict dominating the historical accounts of the Fifth to early Third centuries BC, both Greek and indigenous communities continued to prosper throughout the period. Many of the indigenous settlements had grown in size and some authorities consider them to be cities (Lomas 1994: Herring 2007: 281-290). In Northern Puglia, there were some spectacularly large sites; Arpi, the largest of all, occupies roughly 1000 hectares. The pattern of large settlements dates back to the Sixth Century, if not earlier. While these sites do not look like Greek or Roman cities, they were clearly places of great importance. Strabo (6.3.9) describes Arpi and Canosa as once having been the two largest poleis in Italy. The local élites seem to have been extremely powerful. Their tombs reveal access to luxury imported goods and a sophisticated knowledge of Greek culture, attested by the iconography on some of the Apulian red-figure vessels found in their graves, as well as the continuation of traditional indigenous funerary practices. Some of these sites began minting coins in the late Fourth Century, revealing the names of local leaders, whose families appear to have stayed in positions of prominence in Puglia, long after the Roman conquest (Herring 2014a: 28-29, note 18). The pattern in Central and Southern Puglia is somewhat different with the shift from small- and medium-sized sites to large sites occurring in the Fifth and Fourth centuries BC. In these sub-regions, the large sites mostly range between 40-50 hectares but a few reach up to 100 hectares. They look more like Greek cities and were clearly inspired by them, often having city-walls around them (Herring 2007: 282). It seems reasonable to think of South

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Italy in the Fourth Century as a world of state-level societies, with both Greek and indigenous sites acting essentially as city-states. The Italiote poleis were not only politically and economically important, they were also cultural centres. Pythagoras lived in Kroton in his later life, before moving to Metapontum where he died. His philosophy thrived across South Italy long after his death. Orphism, too, was popular in Magna Graecia (AA.VV. 1975). Elea, in modern Campania, was home to another important philosophical school. Athenian tragedy seems to have been very popular in South Italy in the Fourth Century BC. Many Apulian vases appear to show mythological scenes, either derived from or influenced by dramatic performances (Webster & Trendall 1971). There was also a local form of comic performance, the phlyax play, of which only a few fragments survive. Some vases may depict scenes from phlyax plays (Trendall 1967), although Taplin (1993) has argued that these vases show scenes from Old Comedy. Either way, they testify to the popularity of comic performance in South Italy. Thus, the Italiote cities were no provincial backwater. They were large, economically, politically and culturally significant centres, whose influence and connectedness extended well beyond South Italy and the wider Hellenic world to the Mediterranean as a whole. It was in this context that red-figure pottery first came to be made in South Italy, around, or shortly after, the middle of the Fifth Century BC. That said, Apulian red-figure, and, indeed, the production of all the South Italian redfigure fabrics, was a decidedly local affair, seldom being exported beyond its region of production.

The introduction of red-figure pottery It is unclear why potters began producing red-figured pottery in South Italy. There had been an established market for Athenian figured wares in the region since the Sixth Century BC. Certain local preferences were already apparent by the later Sixth Century, such as the popularity of the column-krater, a shape otherwise uncommon in other contexts; the taste for the column-krater made its way into Apulian red-figure, particularly for vessels aimed at the indigenous community. Traditionally, it was suggested that the Peloponnesian War disrupted supplies of Athenian redfigure pottery to the predominantly Dorian Greek cities of South Italy. However, it has become increasingly clear that the chronology does not work. Red-figure pottery was being made in South Italy by 440 BC, if not earlier, almost a decade before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. It might be better not to seek an explanation in the geopolitics of the mid-

8

Chapter One

Fifth Century and to look, instead, at more personal motivations. It may be as simple as potters and painters recognising that an opportunity existed in Southern Italy that some chose to exploit. It is almost certain that the South Italian industry began with some manufacturers moving to the region from Athens. There are two compelling reasons for believing this to be the case. First is the technical complexity involved in making red-figured pottery (Noble 1988). The selection of clays with the right properties and the control required over the various phases of the firing process argue against independent discovery of the technique, even by skilled potters attempting to imitate Athenian products. The second reason is that almost all of the shapes and most of the iconographic repertoire of South Italian red-figure are derivative of the Athenian industry. When different shapes and subject matter occur, they are derived from South Italian ceramic traditions and local life. The earliest South Italian red-figure vases were produced in the area that was to become home to the Lucanian production, probably at Metapontum. Soon production had spread to Puglia. The connections between the early Lucanian and Apulian industries are very close and untangling the relationship between the two fabrics is a rich vein of inquiry for contemporary researchers (e.g. Robinson 2014a; 2014b; Silvestrelli 2014). It seems likely that the establishment of the Apulian industry involved the migration of potters from Metapontum to Tarentum, as some individuals seemed to have worked in both fabrics, which can lead to difficulties of attribution for some of the earliest vases. Trendall and Cambitoglou argued that Tarentum was probably the principal production centre of Early and Middle Apulian (RVAp I: xlvii). They also considered the city to have been home to one of the major workshops of Late Apulian (RVAp II: 450). However, Tarentum’s importance within the industry, while likely, remains unproven (Carpenter 2003: 5-6). The other major workshop of Late Apulian was argued to have been located in Northern Puglia, deep in indigenous territory, probably at or near Canosa (RVAp II: 450). That Canosa was a major producer also seems highly probable. It is likely, however, that there were productions in other parts of Puglia. For example, it has been argued that the Apulian vessels depicting indigenous people were produced predominantly, if not exclusively, for use in Central Puglia (Carpenter 2003; Herring 2014b). It is, therefore, likely that they were produced in the same sub-region. Once established, the Apulian industry soon became prolific in its output (v. Chapter Two). Trendall and Cambitoglou catalogued more than 13,500 vases in the seminal The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia (RVAp) and

Background to the Study

9

its Supplements. Since the publication of the Second Supplement (RVAp Suppl. 2) in 1992, many more vases have come to light, mostly as a result of illegal excavations. Robinson (2014b: 219, fn 1) estimates that there could be a similar number of unattributed vases to those catalogued in RVAp and its Supplements. If he is correct, we could estimate that something in excess of 25,000 Apulian vases have survived into the modern era. Given that the surviving vases come overwhelmingly from tombs, we may assume that there would have been huge numbers of Apulian vessels that were used and ultimately discarded in domestic contexts. Such vessels have either not survived or have only been preserved in fragments. Such fragments crop up commonly on excavations from the region but the extent of excavation of domestic sites is generally quite restricted. Additionally, there must still be many tombs in the region that contain Apulian red-figure pots that remain undisturbed. Moreover, many tombs in Southern Italy were robbed in antiquity, either by accident, in the course of later building projects, or by design. This was another context in which red-figure pots could be destroyed. The output of the Apulian industry was not evenly spread throughout the years of production, as is discussed in detail in Chapter Two. There was a very significant increase in production during the final phase of the industry. Trendall and Cambitoglou divided the production of Apulian red-figure into three phases (RVAp: xlvi-liv). Early Apulian is dated by them to between c.430 and c.370 BC, Middle Apulian between c.370 and c.340 BC, and Late Apulian between c.340 and c.300 BC. More recent discoveries have tended to push the start date back a little earlier, perhaps into the 440s (Robinson 2014b), and the end date a little later. Excavations at Tarentum have suggested that production of Late Apulian may have endured into the early part of the Third Century BC (cf. Tomb 38*: Hempel & Mattioli 1994), suggesting that production may have ceased only shortly before the Roman conquest of Tarentum in 272 BC. However, the generic and repetitive nature of much of the latest productions makes them very difficult to date (Lippolis 1994: 244). The chronology established in RVAp is based largely upon stylistic comparisons, as attribution studies lay at the heart of Trendall’s life-long study of the five fabrics of South Italian red-figure. Trendall and Cambitoglou’s core methodology in RVAp and its Supplements was to establish stylistic groupings of artists and workshops and to map perceived connections between them. Ultimately, this produced an elaborate scheme of interconnections that could be used, together with the rare well-dated archaeological context, to establish a relative chronology. These are

10

Chapter One

represented diagrammatically in tables of “Stylistic and Chronological Relations” produced in RVAp I and the Indexes. Various scholars have questioned the attribution of individual vases and groups of vases, which inevitably undermines some of the connections within the Trendall and Cambitoglou schema with a concomitant impact upon the chronology. Furthermore, other discrepancies between archaeological and stylistic dating have appeared in the years since RVAp and its Supplements were published. However, as yet there is no single unified framework to replace the Trendall and Cambitoglou chronology (v., e.g., Denoyelle & Iozzo 2009: Tables on pp. 237-238). As this book is concerned with large-scale patterns in the production of Apulian redfigure, the traditional tripartite chrono-stylistic divisions can be used as a broad-brush tool, because minor adjustments to dating of individual vases or groups of vases should not affect the validity of the major patterns identified. It may well prove impossible to resolve fully all of the chronological issues with the production of Apulian red-figure. This is partly because it is unlikely that any one scholar in the future will be either in a position or be inclined to devote a life-time’s study to the material in the way that Trendall did for more than sixty years in the Twentieth Century. The bigger issue, however, is with the lack of full information on archaeological context for the vast majority of surviving vases. This is because most of the surviving vases were either collected as a result of antiquarianism in the days before proper scientific archaeology had developed as a discipline or were excavated illegally, a practice that continues up to the present day, to fuel the modern market demand for antiquities. It is estimated that up to 95 per cent of surviving vases have no archaeological provenance associated with them (Elia 2001). Although we can safely assume that virtually all of the intact, near intact, or restorable vases came from tombs or associated offering trenches, that is usually all that can be said. Even information on the site from which the vases were recovered is lacking in most cases. The modern scholar trying to reconstruct geographical information about the use of the vases is further hampered by the fact that Trendall and Cambitoglou did not always record information of find-spots in RVAp and its Supplements, even when such information was available (Giannotta 2014: 186).5 This oversight reflects how their interest in the vessels was stylistic and art-historical rather than archaeological. The lack of archaeological context hinders all manner of scholarly inquiry about Apulian red-figure and its production and usage in the past. This book is an attempt to circumvent some of the difficulties that

Background to the Study

11

have been created by generations of looting of the archaeological heritage of ancient Puglia.

The history of the scholarship South Italian red-figure, including Apulian, has been the subject of academic enquiry since the Seventeenth Century, when antiquarians began to collect ancient figured pottery in significant quantities and to publish their collections. Indeed, the early scholarship on South Italian figured pottery consisted of the study and publication of major private collections. As Higginson (2011: 1) has effectively demonstrated, “the very study of Greek vases began with those first found in Southern Italy and Etruria”, as there were no finds from Greece published before the 1820s. Of course, the tombs of South Italy and especially Etruria produced numerous examples of Athenian vase-painting as well as local products. However, the distinction between the different classes was not recognised immediately; indeed, for many years, figured wares were referred to as Etruscan vases. These early discoveries and publications were highly influential, inspiring a taste for antiquities among Europe’s intellectual élites and copies of ancient pottery by contemporary craftsmen. Josiah Wedgwood studied and copied South Italian vases from Hamilton’s first collection held in the British Museum and called his factory “Etruria”. As tastes changed, with Winckelmann championing Greek art over Roman, so the tide turned against South Italian productions. Higginson (2011), who has written the only full treatment of the history of scholarship on South Italian figured productions, identifies the publication of Sir William Hamilton’s second vase collection in the 1790s as a key turning-point in relegating South Italian productions to the background in favour of Athenian pottery; Hamilton’s second collection contained a much higher proportion of Athenian vases than his first. The excavations at Vulci, which commenced in the 1820s, brought to light very significant numbers of Athenian figured wares. The superiority of the Attic clays, which made the black gloss far more lustrous and the contrast with the red more spectacular than is found on South Italian pottery, further served to enhance the perceived superiority of the Greek “original” over its “colonial” counterpart. The reputation of South Italian red-figured pottery has never fully recovered. This can be seen not only in the displays of figured pottery in major museums, where Athenian vessels continue to dominate but also in the prices paid for South Italian vessels at auction. Sadly, the lower prices that South Italian vases command have not served to diminish the trade in

12

Chapter One

illegally excavated antiquities, because Athenian vessels are sometimes to be found in South Italian tombs and also large, well-preserved South Italian vases with “interesting scenes” (e.g. those of myth or drama) still sell for very large sums. Although South Italian red-figure has been something of a “poor relation” since the second half of the Eighteenth Century, it has, nevertheless, been the subject of extensive study. As a region, Southern Italy was increasingly opened up to visitors from the later Eighteenth Century and serious archaeological excavations began in the second half of the Nineteenth Century. Important strides forward were made in these centuries, both in terms of distinguishing Athenian from South Italian productions and in the first recognition of the different South Italian fabrics. The first attempts to identify the birthplace of South Italian redfigure were also undertaken. Some workshop groups and individual artists began to be recognised by the key scholars of the Nineteenth Century (Higginson 2011: Ch.s III and IV give short accounts of the major contributions of each of the leading figures of this period). At the same time, collecting continued apace with some, usually local, antiquarians focusing on South Italian material, e.g. the Jatta family from Ruvo, who amassed an impressive collection of mostly Apulian material over a period of c.130 years between the early 1800s and the 1930s. The Twentieth Century was the heyday of attribution studies – the allocation of vases to individual painters and workshops on the basis of stylistic criteria and the extrapolation of relationships between the different putative workshops on the basis of these attributions. For Athenian pottery, Sir John Beazley dominated this kind of scholarship; he also made some important contributions to the study of South Italian pottery, although he considered it a distinctly inferior product (Higginson 2011: 81). In the case of South Italian, Dale Trendall occupies a similar preeminence (Higginson 2011: 86-94). Over a lifetime of study, extending from his first monograph, Paestan Pottery, published in 1936 to RVAp Suppl. 2, published in 1992, Trendall (together with his collaborator on Apulian red-figure, Alexander Cambitoglou) catalogued and attributed more than 20,000 South Italian vases. When he began, even the different fabrics of South Italian red-figure had not been definitively established. By the time of his death, in 1995, he left behind a body of scholarship that will form the bedrock of all future studies in the field. As already noted, it is almost inconceivable that any modern scholar will be willing or able to devote as much attention to South Italian red-figure or that any will have such a profound influence on the subject as Trendall. It is noteworthy that since his death, no one has attempted to pick up the baton of cataloguing

Background to the Study

13

and attributing the very large numbers of South Italian vases that have appeared on the market. The task may simply be too Herculean for any one scholar to contemplate undertaking alone. Although other Twentieth Century scholars made important contributions to our knowledge, which are well highlighted in Higginson 2011: Ch. V, it would be fair to say that Trendall established South Italian red-figure as a mainstream topic for academic research in Classical Archaeology. Since Beazley’s death, in 1970, both his work and his methods have attracted hostile scrutiny. The very validity of attribution studies has been called into question. The core methodology derives from art history and Beazley’s approach was very much indebted to Giovanni Morelli. Although Trendall’s approach was somewhat different, he openly acknowledged his debt to Beazley and his intended purpose was to do for South Italian red-figure what Beazley had done in respect of Athenian figured pottery. One major aspect of the criticism of attribution studies is concerned with the fact that the vast majority of the artists identified are anonymous figures whose very existence is extrapolated from the grouping together of pots considered by the attributor to be decorated in a similar style. This is significantly different from Morelli’s work in art history, where additional works were attributed to the hands of known historical artists on the basis of comparison with paintings that were unequivocally by them. Beazley’s approach has had its defenders too, not least because the basic methodology, which involves comparing small details, where artists tend to be at their most mechanical and least consciously creative, has a validity that is hard to dismiss entirely and which remains a mainstay of art history as a discipline.6 Strangely, Trendall’s work has not been subject to the same intensity of criticism that Beazley’s has attracted, although it follows the same fundamental approach. Nevertheless, it is true that the artists and workshops identified, and, therefore, the relations between them, are an artificial construct created by modern scholars to make sense of the vast numbers of surviving vases. It is equally true that during the bulk of the Twentieth Century, attribution studies overshadowed virtually all other approaches to the study of figured pottery. Moreover, as an approach it compounded the already established tendency to view ancient vases as objets d’art, divorced from the context of their creation and use. It is somewhat paradoxical that the approaches of Beazley and Trendall focused on the entirety of the output of the various red-figure industries, where prior studies had mostly focused on the highest quality vases, and

14

Chapter One

yet they retained the art-historical lens of the connoisseur and concerned themselves little with the function of the vases within society. The tendency to study figured pottery purely in terms of its iconography has its origins in the fact that the earliest studies of the material were studies of collections. These focused on individual vases or groups of vases and that focus has never really been shifted. Thus, there are far more iconographic and stylistic studies than those addressing issues such as production, context, and usage. Consequently, we have reference works, such as the CVA and Trendall’s various South Italian catalogues (LCS and its Supplements, RVAp and its Supplements, and RVP), that document large numbers of vases, and detailed studies of specific forms, individual vases, groups attributed to the same workshop, and vessels showing particular types of scene. This focus on the object as a work of art rather than as a contextualised archaeological artefact is compounded by the absence of provenance for the vast majority of surviving vases. Much has been learned about the past from the study of ancient figured pottery but much more information has been irretrievably lost as a result of the looting of ancient cemeteries. Nevertheless, there is still much that can be gleaned from asking fresh questions of the surviving vase corpora. The present volume aims to make just such a contribution.

The aims and approach of this study It is the intention of this volume to try to examine certain issues around the production, design, and use of Apulian red-figure across its entire history. For most archaeological artefacts, the obvious starting point for undertaking such a study would be to consider the context of discovery of the objects in question, the other objects with which they are associated, the circumstances of their deposition (i.e. the funerary rituals as these vessels were almost entirely derived from tombs), vel sim.. To put it simply, the natural place to begin would be archaeological context. However, as has already been pointed out, full contextual information is lost for the overwhelming majority of the surviving corpus of vases; it is rare enough that information is preserved about the site at which a vessel was recovered (v. Note 5). This could be deemed an insurmountable obstacle and, for many years, as an archaeologist, I eschewed the study of such de-contextualised material. However, the sheer numbers of vessels that survive offer a way forward for the study of the production as a whole. If, instead of focusing on individual vases and groups of vases, the entire output, or at least a large representative sample of it, was studied, it would be possible to

Background to the Study

15

identify (and attempt to explain) production trends in terms of the popularity of particular vases or types of scenes depicted, which, in turn, might cast light on the attitudes of the peoples of ancient Puglia, particularly with respect to how they memorialised their dead. I have used this methodology before in my papers on the vases depicting indigenous men (Herring 2014b) and the nestoris (Herring 2018). In this volume, I extend the approach to the industry as a whole. This approach is only made possible by the emphasis that Trendall and Cambitoglou placed on cataloguing and attributing as many Apulian vases as they possibly could, although it should be noted that they never set out to publish a complete corpus (RVAp I: xlvi). Had they focused merely on those vessels deemed the most interesting, in terms of the iconographical content, or the most aesthetically pleasing, any patterns that might be identified would be irredeemably compromised. Even as it stands, Trendall and Cambitoglou acknowledged that they did not always catalogue and attempt to attribute some of the most generic of the small, and usually late, vases, which means that such vessels are under-represented in the statistics presented in this volume (e.g. RVAp II: 1,007, referring to pyxis bowls decorated with wave of laurel patterns).7 Conversely, the highly repetitive nature of some of the output, e.g. that of the Kantharos Group, left Trendall and Cambitoglou unsure as to whether some of the vases that they catalogued were actually duplicate entries (RVAp Suppl. 2: 376). This would mean that the numerical importance of such vessels would be somewhat overstated. However, the sheer numbers of vessels described in RVAp and its Supplements should mean that the broad trends presented here have a good degree of validity. To undertake this study, I began by constructing a database, using FileMaker Pro, of all of the vases catalogued in RVAp and its Supplements, which are given a detailed description and attribution; there are some vases listed in Appendix 2 of Part III of RVAp Suppl. 2, for which there was insufficient detail recorded to include them in the database. In total, 13,589 vases were included in the database. The decision was taken to exclude all of the material that has come to light since Trendall and Cambitoglou finished work on RVAp Suppl. 2. Partly, this was simply a matter of practicality – it would have been close to impossible to trawl through all of the publications and sale catalogues to include this material – but also it was to ensure a consistency of approach. All of the material included in this study was classified and attributed by Trendall and Cambitoglou. The sample perhaps represents only about 50 per cent of the surviving Apulian material (Robinson 2014b: 219, fn 1) but it is sufficiently large that the patterns identified in the data should be valid. It is, of course, essential to

16

Chapter One

remember that what survives is almost entirely made up of material that either accompanied the dead in their tombs or was used to commemorate the dead.8 Although much of this material would have been used in other contexts prior to its deposition in tombs, nevertheless, there was a process of selection involved in deciding which material should be consigned with the dead. If we had a corresponding data-set made up of Apulian redfigure from domestic contexts, it might change some of patterns identified in this volume. Although RVAp and its Supplements are very well organised and indexed, it is not possible to search through them rapidly to identify patterns consisting of multiple characteristics. So, for instance, it is possible to find all of the hydriai by consulting the indexes of each volume and then from there, manually to identify those that depict the god Eros but this is quite an involved, multi-stage process. However, this is exactly the kind of search that is possible with modern databases. The answers can be produced within seconds. Of course, accurate data entry is required to build the database and that is no small matter when there are more than 13,500 detailed entries to be created. Thus, through a combination of the painstaking, traditional vasepainting scholarship of Trendall and Cambitoglou and the application of computer technology, it has been feasible to create a sample that enables us to gain a viable conspectus of the output of the Apulian industry as a whole and to identify meaningful patterns in production. In the next chapter, the first set of patterns to be examined concern the relative popularity of the different vessel shapes in Apulian red-figure.

CHAPTER TWO PATTERNS OF PRODUCTION

Introduction The intention of this chapter is to outline production trends in the Apulian red-figure industry. Specifically, it will review the output of the industry over time and identify fluctuations in the popularity of different vessel forms across the three main phases of production. The latter data will cast light on changing trends within funerary practices, as certain forms become more or less frequently selected for deposition with or in honour of the dead. It should be said, at the outset, that simply counting the frequency of different vessel shapes is something of a crude tool for examining production trends. While we might observe, for example, that smaller forms came to account for a higher proportion of all vases in the Late Apulian phase, this does not necessarily mean that less time was devoted to the production of larger vessels. The simple count does not take into consideration the fact that to make and decorate a large vessel takes more time (and more resources for firing) than to produce smaller forms. Indeed, not all potters would have been capable of producing some of the largest and most elaborate Apulian vases, which are true masterpieces of the potter’s art. Moreover, an increased output of smaller forms may not necessarily reflect potters changing their activities but may rather indicate that there were more people working in the industry and that there were more workshops producing Apulian red-figure. It may also indicate that there was a change in funerary practices with it becoming more common to accompany the dead with an array of smaller vessels in the case of more elaborate tombs and also more common for one or two Apulian vases to be found in more modest graves. Finally, it should always be kept in mind that the sample consists of material derived from, or associated with, burials. Therefore, changing patterns may be a closer reflection of changes in funerary practices than of those of the ceramic industry as a whole. We simply do not know if the trends observable in the funerary material were mirrored in the domestic

Chapter Two

18

sphere. With these provisos in mind, we shall proceed to looking at the output of the industry over time.

Production over time – a story of acceleration It has long been recognised that there are far more surviving Late Apulian vases than there are examples from the Early and Middle Apulian phases (RVAp II: 446). This can be crudely quantified by the fact that RVAp I covering the Early and Middle Apulian phases runs to 442 pages, while RVAp II, covering Late Apulian, runs to 632. To this we may add a level of statistical precision. There are in the sample of 13,589 vases: 1,599 vases belonging to the Early Apulian phase; 2,625 to Middle Apulian; and 9,365 to Late Apulian. To express this in terms of percentages, Early Apulian accounts for 11.77 per cent of all surviving vases, Middle Apulian 19.32 per cent, and Late Apulian 68.92 (Table 1). Total number of vases per phase 1,599

Percentage of all vases in the sample 11.77

Middle Apulian

2,625

19.32

Late Apulian

9,365

68.92

13,589

100.00

Early Apulian

All phases

Table 1. Total number and percentage of Apulian red-figure vessels in the database by chronological phase. The acceleration of production, especially in the Late Apulian phase, appears quite spectacular but we should remember that the phases are not of equal length, which somewhat distorts the picture. We may correct this distortion by calculating the number of vases that survive for each year of production in each phase. If we take the traditional chronology, as outlined in RVAp, the Early Apulian phase lasted for some 60 years between c.430 and c.370 BC; Middle Apulian for 30 years between c.370 and c.340 BC; and Late Apulian for 40 years between c.340 and c.300 BC. Thus, an average of 26.65 vessels per annum survive from the Early Apulian phase; an average of 87.50 vessels per annum survive from the Middle Apulian; and 234.15 vessels per annum survive from the Late Apulian. This indicates a more

Patterns of Production

19

than three-fold (c.3.28 times as many vases survive per annum) increase in production from the Early to the Middle phase and a further increase of c.2.8 times to the Late phase. Thus, there were more than c.8.75 times as many vases surviving for each year of the Late Apulian phase compared with the Early Apulian period. More recent discoveries suggest that the chronology of Apulian redfigure should be stretched over a somewhat longer period. This makes the increases somewhat less spectacular but still dramatic enough. Under the revised scheme, Early Apulian is considered to have lasted for 75 years between c.445 and c.370 BC; Middle Apulian remains the same, lasting for 30 years between c.370 and c.340 BC; while Late Apulian is thought to have lasted for perhaps 60 years between c.340 and c.280 BC. Under this chronological framework, an average of 21.32 vessels per annum survive from the Early Apulian phase; the situation is unchanged for the Middle Apulian phase with an average of 87.50 vessels per annum surviving; and a more modest 156.08 vessels per annum survive from the Late Apulian. This produces a more impressive four-fold (c.4.1) increase from Early Apulian to Middle Apulian. The growth from Middle to Late Apulian is rather lower, about one and three-quarter times (c.1.78) as many vases survive from the Late Apulian. The overall growth from Early Apulian to Late Apulian stands at more than 7.3. Whichever chronological scheme is followed, the growth in output over time is astonishing. There could be a number of factors that skew the figures somewhat. The fact that we are only dealing with funerary material could explain a lot of the apparent growth. Some of the late Fourth Century chamber tombs, especially from Northern Puglia, were extremely well endowed with Apulian red-figure pottery. This might exaggerate the level of growth. Secondly, smaller vessels seem to have been more popular in the Late Apulian phase, often occurring in multiples in the richer graves. This might reflect a change in production, or rather that the producers responded to customer demand, or what we might term “market forces”, but it could also reflect changing funerary practices. Traditionally, the presence of multiple examples of the same vase type in a tomb was simply interpreted as an index of wealth. Multiple depositions represented the ostentatious display of the wealth of the burying community, in that only the rich could afford the kind of conspicuous consumption that disposing of large numbers of red-figure vessels involved. An alternative way of looking at the occurrence of multiple examples of certain forms, e.g. cups and plates, in graves would be to see them as relating to participants at the funerary banquet, with each vessel or set representing an individual attendee at the funeral. Thus, the vessels are more an analogue

20

Chapter Two

of social capital than a simple expression of material wealth. This may well be correct but, of course, social capital is a form of wealth, especially in societies that are either pre-commercial or only at a rudimentary level of commercial development. Thus, changing funerary customs might tend to exaggerate the apparent level of growth in output of the industry. However, we should not overlook the fact that Trendall and Cambitoglou did not always catalogue every example of the most generic and repetitious productions of the Late Apulian phase (RVAp I: xlvi). This would suggest, if anything, that the level of growth, at least in the funerary sphere, should be somewhat greater than the figures suggest. All in all, it seems likely that the industry did expand its output significantly during the middle and, especially, the later Fourth Century BC. In particular, there appears to be a notable increase in the production of smaller vessels, often painted with repetitive and generic scenes, during the Late Apulian phase; the full details of this growth will be outlined below. This may be attributed partly to a growing tendency to put multiple copies of vessels in the most generously endowed tombs and partly due to the spread of the funerary use of red-figure vessels to a wider cross-section of the population (Yntema 2018: 355-356). This latter phenomenon can be explained in terms of emulative behaviour by what we might, in today’s language, call an “aspiring middle class”. In other words, thanks to increasing wealth and perhaps the decreasing cost of smaller, generic vases, the use of Apulian red-figure in tombs spread among other social strata who sought to emulate the behaviours of the élite. In turn, this would have fueled production, especially of the more “affordable” products of the Apulian industry. Ironically, it may also have begun to sow the seeds of the demise of the industry as the social élites began to look for new ways to express their status, wealth, and connectedness in the tombs of their deceased relatives and to restore the symbolic distance between themselves and those who sought to emulate them (Peruzzi 2014). An important factor in explaining the increasing numbers of vessels that survive from the later Fourth Century is the overall number of indigenous burials, which is undoubtedly higher than it had been in earlier periods. This may be best explained by a combination of an increase in the number of people given formal burial, with associated offerings, and an overall growth in the population, i.e. that there were more people to bury (Yntema 2018: 355).

Patterns of Production

21

The frequency of occurrence of different vase forms There are 13,589 individual vessels and fragments in the sample discussed in this book. In most cases, even where a vessel is in a very fragmentary state, the vessel form can be indentified (Fig. 2). Only 0.67 per cent of the total (or 91 fragments) is not assigned to any vase form.

Fig. 2. The principal vessel forms of Apulian red-figure pottery (not to scale).

22

Chapter Two

The output of the industry is marked by a great diversity of production in terms of vessel forms. Few shapes exceed five per cent of the total output and less than a handful exceed ten per cent. We shall begin with the most common vase form. The single most common form of all is the oenochoe, a wine-pouring vessel. There are 1,917 vessels described as oenochoai in the sample; the term includes various sub-types, shape 1, shape 3, shape 9, etc. Some related forms, including the chous, the olpe, and the mug, are sometimes but not consistently listed separately in RVAp and its Supplements. If these are added to the oenochoai, the total rises to 1,993 vessels. Some oenochoai had lids, which are occasionally preserved when the associated vessel is not; more often the lid is lost but the jug survives. Equally, it is possible that on occasion the two elements became separated from each other and, while both may be preserved, the connection between them is lost. This might result in an overstatement of importance of the oenochoe and the related forms. Nonetheless, the importance of wine-pouring vessels in the funerary sphere seems well established. Oenochoai, then, account for 14.11 per cent of all the surviving vases (1,917 of 13,589 vessels) and, if the related forms are added in, this rises to 14.67 per cent (1,993 of 13,589). Individually the other forms are not terribly significant and, often examples of these forms were listed in with the oenochoai, while others were listed under the individual form names. For the record, there are seven vessels (0.05 per cent of the total) listed as choes, 57 (0.42 per cent) listed as mugs, and 12 (0.09 per cent) as olpai. Another related form is the epichysis, which has an elongated neck and spout and a body shaped like a cotton reel. There are 123 epichysides in the sample, accounting for 0.91 per cent of the total (of 13,589 vessels). If this form is added to the oenochoai and other related shapes, we would have 2,116 examples of wine-pouring vessels, making up 15.57 per cent of all the vases in the sample. The nestoris is one of only two forms, the other being the patera, which is considered to be uniquely South Italian. It has its origins in indigenous ceramic traditions, being related to an olletta form introduced into MattPainted pottery from the Salento area in the Eighth Century BC (Yntema 1985). Colivicchi (2014: fig. 10.1) has skillfully mapped the relationships between the Apulian and Lucanian nestorides and other kantharoid forms to show the impressive range of connected shapes that occur in a range of different ceramic types across Southern Italy. It would appear from depictions of the form on other Apulian vases that nestorides were used in indigenous rituals for the pouring of liquid offerings (Fig. 3). Most likely, such offerings would have been of wine (Herring 2018: 63). We might,

Patterns of Production

23

therefore, add the nestorides to the wine-pouring vessels. There are only 37 nestorides in the sample. Although the shape is highly distinctive and has attracted significant scholarly interest in the past (e.g. SchneiderHerrmann 1980), it was never an important part of the output of the industry in numerical terms, accounting for just 0.27 per cent of the sample. Added to the other wine-pouring vessels, the total rises to 15.84 per cent of the sample (2,153 of 13,589 vases).

Fig. 3. Obverse of a column-krater (BM F174), attributed to the Sisyphus Painter (RVAp I 1/55), showing a libation being poured from a nestoris into a dish. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

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The second most common form in Apulian red-figure is the bell-krater, of which 1,865 examples survive in the database. The bell-krater is by far the most common of the wine-mixing vessels with well over twice the number of examples surviving compared with the next most common krater type, the volute-krater. Bell-kraters account for 13.72 per cent of the total of all surviving vessels (13,589). No other vessel type exceeds ten per cent of the total. There were a number of other wine-mixing vessels that were produced in Apulian red-figure. Calyx-kraters were not particularly popular in Apulian red-figure. Only 167 survive, accounting for 1.23 per cent of the total sample (13,589). Their decoration is noteworthy for the prominence of mythological scenes (for details v. Chapter Four). The column-krater was a comparatively uncommon form in Athenian pottery generally, although it enjoyed a degree of popularity in South Italy (e.g. Burn 2000). This popularity was carried over into Apulian red-figure. Some 604 examples are listed in the database, accounting for 4.44 per cent of the total of 13,589 vases. The shape is notable for being the preferred vehicle for the depiction of indigenous people in Apulian red-figure. It is likely that these vessels were produced exclusively for use in the tombs of the indigenous population of Central Puglia (Carpenter 2003; Herring 2014b; and here Chapter Five). Trendall described the volute-krater as “the most characteristic of all Apulian shapes” (RFVSIS: 9). Certainly, the largest surviving volutekraters are tours-de-force of the ceramic craft and this was recognised from the very beginnings of the serious study of ancient vases; Apulian volute-kraters were among the vases that Wedgwood studied at the British Museum during the Eighteenth Century boom in interest in Greek figured wares. However, they were, by no means, the most significant vessel form in the Apulian repertoire; they were not even the most important krater type. That said, some 785 volute-kraters survive, accounting for 5.78 per cent of the total vessels (13,589) in the sample. There are also 35 krater fragments (0.26 per cent of the total of 13,589 vases) in the sample that could not be assigned to a specific type. Five miniature kraters, or krateriskoi, (0.04 per cent of the total) also survive. Although these would not have been suitable for the actual mixing of wine, they were, in some way, signifiers of the practice. In addition to these, there is the dinos, which was also a wine-mixing vessel. The form was rare in Apulian red-figure, with only 27 examples in the database, accounting for 0.2 per cent of the sample (of 13,589 vases). If we take all of the wine-mixing shapes together, there are 3,488 vases and fragments in the database. This represents 25.67 per cent of the total

Patterns of Production

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sample (13,589). Thus, more than a quarter of all surviving Apulian redfigure vessels were designed for wine-mixing. This highlights the importance of wine consumption in South-East Italy. Given that the material under consideration was derived from funerary contexts, it seems self-evident that wine consumption played a prominent part in the funerary ritual, probably both in terms of the funerary banquet and offerings to the dead. Taken together wine-mixing (kraters and dinoi) and wine-pouring vessels (the various oenochoai forms and the epichysides and the nestorides) account for more than forty (41.51) per cent (5,641 vessels and fragments) of the total number (13,589) of vessels that survive. This may reflect the extent to which the surviving material derived from indigenous tombs. There had been a long tradition in the indigenous community to accompany the dead with a large vessel as a container of liquid (presumably wine) and a smaller vessel for its distribution. This was a fairly standard funerary set (Small 1992: 7; Herring 2014b). Already by the Fifth Century BC, the large vessel had begun to be sometimes substituted by a Greek vessel, such as a krater. By the Fourth Century such a replacement was commonplace.9 It is likely that most of the kraters in the database served this function. The same may also be true for the oenochoai, in that they may have replaced the smaller vessel that had traditionally accompanied the large vessel in indigenous tombs. The third most common vase form, after the oenochoe and the bellkrater, is the pelike. A total of 1,326 examples are represented in the database, making up 9.76 per cent of all surviving vases (13,589). The pelike appears to be similar to a small amphora. A vessel for holding liquids but not one ideally suited for the mixing, pouring or consumption of them. Amphorae were used for both oil and wine storage. Perhaps the same is true for pelikai. In RVAp and its Supplements, the terms amphora and panathenaic amphora are used almost interchangeably.10 There are 760 vessels and fragments given one or other of these designations. This amounts to 5.59 per cent of the total sample (13,589 vessels). In addition, there are six neck-amphorae (0.04 per cent of the total), 31 barrel-amphorae (0.23 per cent of the total) and 119 loutrophoroi (0.88 per cent of the total). The loutrophoros and the barrel-amphora are related forms, the latter simply being a handle-less version of the former. Taking all of the forms related to the amphora together, they account for 6.74 per cent of the total (916 of 13,589 vessels). If we were also to regard pelikai as a kind of amphora, then the total rises to 2,242 vessels and fragments, which account for 16.5 per cent of the sample. The fact that at least some of these vessels would

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have held wine further reinforces the central position of wine in SouthEast Italian funerary rituals. It should be noted, however, that loutrophoroi are usually associated with ritual washing, such as that undertaken by women in the context of marriage; barrel-amphorae may have performed the same role. Therefore, the association of these forms with wine is tenuous. Vessels are not only required for the storage, mixing and pouring of wine, they are also needed for its consumption. As is the case with Athenian figured pottery, there are numerous drinking vessel forms in Apulian. None is particularly dominant, while some are decidedly rare. The most common drinking forms are kantharoi and skyphoi. Kantharoi slightly outnumber the skyphoi. There are 652 examples of the former. Together they account for 4.80 per cent of the sample of 13,589 vessels. While the Apulian red-figure kantharos shape derives directly from Athenian pottery, its popularity may be, in part, attributable to the tastes of the indigenous population. Closed forms with high handles had been part of the repertoire of South Italian Matt-Painted pottery since the Eighth Century BC. Having been introduced into the Salento area via the influence of Albanian ceramics, they rapidly spread across South Italy and quickly became popular and enduring forms (Yntema 1985). This may explain why the kantharos came to be the most favoured shape for Apulian red-figure drinking vessels. The skyphos occurs in a range of sizes. The small ones can be very dainty. The largest seem implausible as a drinking vessel for a single person. The outsize examples were perhaps intended for sharing. Alternatively, they may have signified the special status of the owner: perhaps the deceased was seen in heroic terms and was considered able to drink much more wine than was possible for a normal person. A total of 570 skyphoi survive, making up 4.19 per cent of the sample (13,589). To this we may add, a further 45 kantharoid skyphoi (0.33 per cent of the sample). Together (615 examples) the skyphoi and the kantharoid skyphoi account for 4.56 per cent of the total. There are a number of open cup shapes, namely the cup, the cup skyphos and the stemless cup, though none is especially popular. There are only 30 cups in the database, making up 0.22 per cent of the total (13,589 vessels). Cup skyphoi are only slightly more common with 54 surviving examples listed; this equates to 0.4 per cent of the total. Stemless cups are the most common of the open cup forms, although even these could not be described as popular. There are 105 examples in the database, accounting for 0.77 per cent of the total. Overall, when taken together, there are 189

Patterns of Production

27

open cup forms, which make up only 1.39 per cent of the vessels in the database. What might superficially appear to be more specialist or even novelty drinking-vessels are, in fact, more common than the open cup forms. There are 237 rhyta in the sample, making up 1.74 per cent of the total (13,589). To these may be added five drinking horns (a mere 0.04 per cent of the overall total). Taken together, there are a total of 1,698 drinking vessels of various sorts in the sample, which amounts to 12.5 per cent of the total number (13,589) of vases. It is notable that there are more vessels that survive for the storage, mixing and serving of wine than for the drinking of it. One might expect the opposite to be true, in that the wine from one krater could serve many banqueters/mourners and a single oenochoe could fill several cups. Of course, not every mourner, who participated in the funerary banquet, needed to drink out of a red-figured vessel. It seems likely that not all of the drinking vessels used at a funeral were routinely placed in the tomb with the deceased, whereas the storage, mixing and serving vessels increasingly were so. Those involved in the organisation of the funeral presumably had control over the distribution of wine at the banquet. The vessels associated with the control of wine (e.g. the amphorae, the kraters, and the serving vessels) may normally have been placed in the grave by those leading the rites. The drinking vessels may have belonged to the attendees on many occasions and, therefore, were not deposited with the deceased. Perhaps at some very elaborate funerals, the drinking vessels were also supplied and were later deposited. This practice may have become more common over time, just as the practice of depositing kraters even in the more modest graves became increasingly widespread. Alternatively, it may have been the norm to inter some drinking-vessels with the deceased as signifiers of the participants at the funeral. Either way, the lower number of drinking vessels preserved suggests that we cannot simply take the number of such vases in a tomb as a precise analogue for the number of mourners present or, therefore, of the social capital of the deceased. By the later Fourth Century, the deposition of a number of drinking vessels may have been a signifier that many people attended the funeral, in the case of the more richly endowed graves, just as the deposition of a krater and perhaps one or two other Apulian vases became a signifier that a proper funerary banquet had taken place in the case of the more modest graves. Neither practice was necessarily an accurate record of what took occurred at the time of the funeral; the presence of the vases merely signified that the proper rites had been performed and the dead had been appropriately honoured.

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If we take the various vessel shapes that are particularly associated with storage, preparation, serving and consumption of wine together, they account for more than 70 (70.51) per cent of all surviving vessels: 9,581 vessels out of a total sample of 13,589. As previously mentioned, apart from the nestoris, the only other Apulian form that has no antecedents in Athenian figured pottery is the dish or patera. Like the nestoris, the form has attracted considerable scholarly interest (Schneider-Herrmann 1977). Various types of dish are shown in use on a number of other Apulian vases (Fig. 3). They appear to have been used for the receiving of libations. It is likely that the liquid used for the libations would have been wine. When the libations were offered at a funeral, it is questionable whether the wine was drunk by one of the participants or whether it was offered to the dead or to a chthonic deity. Libations would have played a prominent part in various kinds of ritual, not only funerals (and we see different kinds of rituals depicted on Apulian vases). Moreover, we also see libations being poured into different types of vessel, so we can read little into the surviving number of dishes. To put it simply, it would appear that they were not an essential part of the funerary equipment. Dishes could be used for liquids other than wine and their wide, open shape would have made them suitable for food, too. For this reason, their numbers have not been added to those associated with wine at the funeral. There are 433 dishes in the sample, amounting to 3.19 per cent of the total (13,589). In addition, there are two similar vessels described as phialai (0.01 per cent of the total). Plates are another reasonably common form. Generally, they are small and are decorated with highly generic and repetitive subject matter. Presumably they would have been part of the equipment for the funerary banquet, perhaps being used for foodstuffs. The sample contains 608 plates, which account for 4.47 per cent of the total of 13,589 vessels (for fish-plates, v. Note 7). The most popular of the forms that has no direct connection to wine is the hydria, a vessel associated with the collection, storage and pouring of water. However, it should be noted that as wine was mixed with water in antiquity, hydriai may have been present in tombs because of the role of water in making wine acceptable for consumption and, presumably, use in ritual. There are 756 hydriai in the database, accounting for 5.56 per cent of all surviving (13,589) vessels. Hydriai are generally associated in the literature with women, as the collection of water from fountain-houses was seen as a female task in the Greek world; a task occasionally depicted on figured pottery (cf. the Athenian black-figure hydria (Boston 61.195), attributed to the Priam Painter, now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts).

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The same gendered associations appear to have been applied to hydriai in South-East Italy (v. Chapter Five). Another vessel form associated with the holding of liquids was the situla. They are depicted on vases in various ritual scenes, sometimes being held by the participants in Dionysiac processions. However, it is unclear whether they were meant to contain wine or the water with which it was mixed. Situlae are not common and only 82 examples survive, making up 0.6 per cent of the sample (13,589). Significantly more common was the lekanis. As with any lidded form, the survival of lids without the associated bowl and vice versa, may result in an over-statement of the importance of the form, especially when both parts survive but have become disassociated from each other. Nevertheless, it would appear that the lekanis was a reasonably significant part of the output of the Apulian industry. A total of 887 vessels are designated as lekanides or lekanis lids in RVAp and its Supplements; 249 of these are specifically identified as lids. There is also a single example of a lepaste, a related form, which is simply a lekanis in which the bowl is divided into separate compartments. The total of 888 vessels, which includes the lepaste, accounts for 6.53 per cent of the total sample (13,589 vessels). Like hydriai, lekanides are particularly associated with women and this may be seen to be reflected in the typical iconography that adorns them (v. Chapters Three and Four). They were used as containers for cosmetics and/or jewellery. Their popularity is a good indicator of the attention devoted to female graves in South Italy. It would appear that women enjoyed a more prominent position in society than is often assumed for Classical Greece, where the evidence may be skewed by the rather extreme views that prevailed, at least as a social ideal, at Athens (for South Italy, v. Markantonatos 1998; Saltini Semerari 2009; Herring forthcoming; for Greece generally, and Athens in particular, v. Blundell 1999). Like the lekanis, the pyxis is another form associated with women. It too is a lidded form and, therefore, may be somewhat over-represented in the sample. There are 270 pyxides in the database, making up 1.99 per cent of the total (13,589). Thus, forms associated with female adornment (lekanides and pyxides) account for more than eight (8.52) per cent of the total number of surviving vessels: 1,158 out of 13,589 vases. Perfumed oils played a significant part in both male and female beautification and hygiene. They were also essential in the preparation of a body for burial, which would have been especially important when deaths occurred in the hot South Italian summers. There are a number of different vessel forms that were used for holding perfumes. The most popular was

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the squat lekythos. A total of 347 examples are represented in the database, accounting for 2.55 per cent of the total of 13,589 vessels. Other varieties of lekythos are less common with only 20 examples surviving, which equates to just 0.15 per cent of the total. Alabastra were rare enough, too. There are only 46 examples in the database, making up 0.34 per cent of the total. In addition, there are 45 bottles, amounting to 0.33 of the total, that survive in the database. They probably served a similar purpose as the lekythoi. Despite the importance of perfumed oil, both in everyday life and in the preparation of a corpse for burial, the associated vessels are not well represented in Apulian red-figure. Together, all the various perfume-holding forms make up only a little over three (3.37) per cent of the total sample (458 of 13,589 vessels). Vessels for the careful pouring of precious liquids, like perfumed oils, are also rare enough. There are 124 askoi in the sample, making up 0.91 per of the total (13,589). The number of surviving gutti is miniscule, there being only 14 in the sample: 0.1 per cent of the total. Askoi and other spouted vessels enjoyed a certain degree of popularity in indigenous MattPainted pottery, especially in Northern Puglia (notably Yntema’s Form 9, which occurs in both the Ofanto and Tavoliere styles; Yntema 1985). However, this does not seem to have had a significant impact on Apulian red-figure. The female sphere was also represented by the production of lebetes gamikoi. Such vessels were used in the rituals associated with weddings and their iconography tends to reflect female interests and themes of love (v. Chapter Four). In the grave, they either indicated that a woman was married or may have served as an indicator of a destiny unfulfilled in the graves of younger, unmarried women. There are 184 lebetes gamikoi in the sample, accounting for 1.35 per cent of the total of 13,589 vessels. Clearly not all female graves were endowed with such a vase. There are a small number of stamnoi and stamnoid vessels. These are suitable for holding liquid but their precise purpose is difficult to ascertain. For this reason, they have not been included among the statistics for vessels related to the preparation, storage, and consumption of wine. The stamnos form is related to that of the krater and they may have been used for the same purpose. However, their small size might suggest that they were used more for short-term storage. There are 41 examples (17 listed as stamnoi and 24 listed as stamnoid vessels) in the sample. They account for 0.3 per cent of the total output (13,589 vessels). The remaining forms are all very rare. For example, there are 13 plastic vases, which may have been a short-lived production demonstrating the skill of the potter’s craft. There are 32 stands and 11 so-called thymiateria.

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It is difficult to comment on the stands as they are disassociated from whatever it was that they were meant to support. The thymiateria may not have actually been incense-burners but they probably were designed for use in religious ceremonies, some possibly serving as perirrhanteria. Three kernoi are included in the database. They too would likely have been ritual vessels. In addition, there are three lids, which are not assigned to a specific vase shape. The examination of the frequency of occurrence of the different vase forms reveals the extent to which the preparation, storage, serving and consumption of wine dominates the output of the Apulian industry. This must reflect the centrality of the banquet in the funerary rites. More than 70 per cent of the vessels placed in the tomb had a role in the banquet. Other vessels were also associated with the proper conduct of the ritual through libations, purification, and the proper preparation of the corpse. Some vessels, such as the lebetes gamikoi and the nestorides, conveyed signals about the social identity of the deceased. However, the role of figured vessels in funerary ritual was not only restricted to their form and function. The iconography that they displayed could also be significant in terms of conveying messages to the burying community about the identity, status, religious beliefs, and connectedness of the deceased, and, by extension, their family. The same could also be true of the products with which the vases were associated. High quality wines, oils and perfumes not only spoke of the prestige of the deceased but also of their access to trade networks both within South Italy and across the wider Mediterranean.

Trends in the production of individual vase forms The growth in the production of Apulian red-figure vase over time has been comprehensively documented above. However, by examining the production of individual vase forms over time, we may gain insights into changing trends in output and, by extension, in funerary practices. If tastes remained constant throughout the history of production, we would expect the patterns for individual vase forms to match those of the industry as a whole, namely that roughly 12 (11.77) per cent would belong to the Early Apulian phase, 19 (19.32) per cent would belong to Middle Apulian and 69 (68.92) per cent to Late Apulian. Some vase forms come close enough to mimicking the wider pattern, suggesting that there were no particular peaks and troughs in their production. In other cases, clear chronological patterns may be discerned. In order to try to focus only on significant patterns of change, particular

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attention will be drawn to those vase forms where there is a ten per cent difference between the average percentage for all Apulian vases in that phase and the percentage for the particular form. Thus, forms that have less than two per cent or more than 22 per cent of their output in the Early Apulian phase would attract attention. Similarly, forms that have less than nine per cent or more than 29 per cent of examples belonging to the Middle Apulian phase would deserve comment, as would those with less than 59 per cent or more than 79 per cent of examples from the Late Apulian phase. A further point to note concerns the number of examples of each form. The patterns will be most robust for those vessels that survive in large numbers. For instance, if 200 vases of a particular shape survive, it would take an additional 20 vases to be discovered to move the percentage for Early Apulian output from a standard 12 per cent to a noteworthy 22 per cent. However, if only 20 vases survive, only two new finds could create an equivalent change. Thus, when fewer than 50 vases survive in total, only a handful of new discoveries or changed attributions could significantly alter the pattern. With this in mind, the main attention will be devoted to those forms where more than 100 examples survive. Other forms will be mentioned but the data must be regarded with a much higher degree of caution. The most popular vase form, the oenochoe, does not conform to the average pattern. Rather it shows a very marked increase in output in the Late Apulian phase. A total of 6.89 per cent of oenochoai were produced during the Early Apulian phase (132 out of 1,917 vessels) and 12.1 per cent (232 vessels) during the Middle Apulian. In the Late Apulian phase, 81.01 per cent of oenochoai (1,553 vessels) were produced. If we look at oenochoai as a percentage of the overall production, 8.26 of all Early Apulian vases (1,599) were oenochoai and the proportion stayed steady in the Middle Apulian phase, when 8.84 per cent of all vases (2,625) were oenochoai. By the Late Apulian phase, however, oenochoai were making up 16.58 per cent of all the vases (9,365 vessels) being placed in tombs. The total numbers of the related forms, viz. the chous, the mug, and the olpe, are all too small to throw up meaningful patterns. If their numbers are included with the oenochoai, they make only a fractional difference to the pattern. For Early Apulian, the total falls to 6.67 (133 vases out of 1,993). There is a minor rise in the Middle Apulian phase, up to 13.45 per cent (268 out of 1,993). This results in a small fall in the Late Apulian phase to just below 80 (79.88) per cent (1,592 out of 1,993). As a proportion of the overall production in each phase, the oenochoai and related forms account for 8.32 per cent of all Early Apulian vases (133 out

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of 1,599 vases), 10.32 per cent of all Middle Apulian vases (268 out of 2,625), and 17.00 per cent of all Late Apulian examples (1,592 out of 9,365). All in all, this demonstrates a considerable rise in the popularity of oenochoai in the Late Apulian phase. By contrast, the mug, which is not documented in the Early Apulian phase enjoys a greater relative popularity in the Middle Apulian phase: 25 vases (43.86 per cent of all mugs) are Middle Apulian compared with 32 (56.14 per cent) for Late Apulian. The total number of vessels listed as mugs is quite small (57) and, therefore, this pattern may not be meaningful. Although only 123 epichysides survive, their pattern of production is quite distinctive. It is comparable to that of the oenochoai but even more pronounced. None are dated to the Early Apulian phase. Only 12, or 9.76 per cent of all epichysides, belong to Middle Apulian. The remaining 111, over 90 per cent (90.24) of the total, are dated to the Late Apulian phase. By contrast, the pattern of production for nestorides almost precisely mirrors that of the total output. However, as only 37 examples of the form survive, it would not take many new discoveries to alter the pattern profoundly. Of the surviving nestorides, 10.81 per cent (four vases) belong to the Early Apulian phase, 21.62 per cent (eight vases) belong to Middle Apulian, and 67.57 per cent (25 vases) to Late Apulian. If we take all the wine-pouring vases together, we may identify a pattern that is meaningful in terms of the choices made by the burying community when selecting vessels to accompany the dead. Of all winepouring vessels, only 6.26 per cent (137 of 2,153 vessels) are dated to the Early Apulian phase, 13.38 per cent (288 of 2,153 vessels) to Middle Apulian, and 80.26 (1,728 of 2,153 vessels) to Late Apulian. This suggests that, from c.340 BC onwards, wine-pouring vessels were considerably more likely to be made of Apulian red-figure than had been the case earlier in the Fourth Century. The story with regard to the various wine-mixing forms is quite different, though just as interesting. The bell-krater is one of the most common forms but its trajectory of production over time is downward. There are 706 bell-kraters assigned to the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 37.86 per cent of all the examples (1,865) that survive. There is a small decline in the Middle Apulian phase, with 643 surviving vessels, making up 34.48 per cent of the total. For the Late Apulian phase, there are only 516 surviving vessels, making up 27.67 per cent of the total. When we look at bell-kraters as a percentage of the total output of each phase, the tale of declining prominence becomes all the more pronounced. In the Early Apulian phase, bell-kraters make up 44.15 per cent of the total output (706 of 1,599 vessels). By the Middle Apulian phase, this had

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declined to 24.50 per cent (643 of 2,625 vessels). In the Late Apulian phase, bell-kraters only account for 5.51 per cent of the surviving output (516 of 9,365 vessels). This reflects both a decline in the production of bell-kraters and a massive increase in the production of other forms. This also tells us something about funerary practices. In the Early Apulian phase, wine-mixing vessels, especially bell-kraters, were very often one of the few Apulian red-figure vessels represented in tombs. By the Late Apulian phase, there was a greater range of forms deposited in graves and also a greater number of red-figure vessels, especially examples of the smaller shapes, in individual tombs. Calyx-kraters display a remarkable consistency of production across the three phases. There are 57 vases from the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 34.13 per cent of the total (167 vessels), 54 from the Middle Apulian phase, accounting for 32.34 per cent of total, and 56 from the Late Apulian, accounting for the remaining 33.53 per cent. As the different phases are not of equal length, the pattern is not quite as even as it superficially appears. The pattern with column-kraters is different again, although, as with the bell-krater, it is ultimately a trajectory of decline when compared with the industry as a whole. There are 90 Early Apulian column-kraters, which account for 14.90 per cent of the total (604 vessels) within the sample. There is a rise in production in the Middle Apulian phase, that far exceeds the general pattern of increase. 258 column-kraters survive from this phase, accounting for 42.72 per cent of the total. An almost identical number of examples (256) survive from the Late Apulian phase. They account for 42.38 per cent of the total that survive. However, set against the backdrop of the general increase in production in this phase, columnkraters represent only a modest fraction of the overall output of the industry. Generally, it would seem that wine-mixing vessels were being produced in smaller numbers and were becoming a less significant part of the overall output, as far as we can tell from a sample that is derived from funerary contexts. However, the production of the volute-krater rather bucks the trend. Pouzadoux and Corrente (2014) have already noted how the volute-krater stands out as atypical in the tombs of Northern Puglia, where their exceptionality stands in marked contrast to the repetitive standardisation of most of the ceramics deposited in funerary assemblages. Volute-kraters are quite rare in the Early Apulian phase. Only 23 survive, making up 2.93 per cent of the total of all volute-kraters (785 examples). By the Middle Apulian phase, the popularity of the form had grown with 73 surviving examples, accounting for 9.30 per cent of the total.

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Nevertheless, the form was still comparatively rare, given that 19.32 per cent of all vases in the sample belong to the Middle Apulian phase. The heyday of the volute-krater was clearly in the Late Apulian phase. 689 examples survive from that phase, which amount to 87.77 per cent of the total. By this stage, the volute-krater was the most important wine-mixing vessel. Only 27 dinoi in total survive, which means that drawing patterns in the production is fraught with risk. However, based upon such evidence as we have, this form also bucks the trend for decline. There are no dinoi ascribed to the Early Apulian phase. Six examples (22.22 per cent of the total) are dated to the Middle Apulian phase, while the remaining 21 (77.78 per cent of the total) belong to the Late Apulian. If we take all the wine-mixing vessels together, including the fragments and krateriskoi, as well as the forms discussed above, the following patterns emerge: there are 902 vases and fragments assigned to the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 25.86 per cent of the total of such vessels (3,488 vases and fragments); Middle Apulian has 1,036 examples in the database, making up 29.70 per cent of the total; 1,550 examples are dated to the Late Apulian, which equates to 44.44 per cent of the total. Even despite the counterwise trend of volute-kraters and dinoi, it is clear that the growth in the output of the industry as a whole massively outstrips that of the wine-mixing forms. This can be illustrated further by considering the production of wine-mixing vessels as a proportion of all vases surviving from each phase. The 902 Early Apulian examples account for 56.41 per cent of the total output (1,599 examples). Thus, in this phase more than half of all the vessels that survive were designed for winemixing. This suggests that often the wine-mixing vessel would have been either the only or one of very few Apulian red-figure vessels found in the tomb. This further suggests that one of the first ceramic forms in indigenous graves to be substituted with a red-figured vessel was the single large vessel, which was the most important part of the ceramic assemblage. The 1,036 Middle Apulian examples account for 39.47 per cent of the total surviving output of the phase (2,625 examples). By this stage other forms had begun to grow in prominence but still almost four out of every ten surviving vessels were for wine-mixing. The situation changes dramatically in the Late Apulian phase, the 1,550 examples of wine-mixing forms account for only 16.55 per cent of the total (9,365 examples). The most likely explanation for the change is that more tombs contained a greater number of red-figured vessels than had previously been typical. If we accept, based upon the figures quoted in the previous section, that vessels that were used in the funerary banquet dominated the

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ceramic assemblage, then we may assume that wine-mixing remained a central part of the ceremony. It would seem, therefore, that generally it was only necessary to have a single wine-mixing vessel in a tomb, whereas the fashion developed for including a greater number of other redfigured vessels associated with the banquet in the grave. This is consistent with the evidence for wine-serving vessels discussed above. The pelikai seem to tell a similar story to that of the wine-mixing vessels. The growth in the numbers of the form over time is significantly outstripped by the general increase in production as a whole. A total of 224 pelikai belong to the Early Apulian phase, which accounts for 16.89 per cent of all surviving pelikai (1,326). For the Middle Apulian phase, there are 407 examples, accounting for 30.69 per cent of the total. Although 695 Late Apulian pelikai survive, they account for only 52.41 per cent of the total. As a percentage of the total production in each phase, pelike goes from 14.01 per cent of Early Apulian (224 of 1,599 vessels), to 15.50 per cent of Middle Apulian (407 of 2,625 vessels), to just 7.42 per cent of Late Apulian (695 of 9,365 vessels). Judging from these figures, it would seem quite likely that in many graves from the Early Apulian phase, the red-figure assemblage would have consisted of a wine-mixing vessel and a pelike. Amphorae tell a story of growth that only slightly exceeds that of production as a whole. There are 33 amphorae, counting together those designated just as amphorae and those described as panathenaic amphorae, belonging to the Early Apulian phase. They account for 4.34 per cent of all surviving amphorae in the sample (760 vessels). For the Middle Apulian phase, there are 166 examples, equating to 21.84 per cent of the total, and just a shade higher than the general pattern of growth for this phase. Similarly, for Late Apulian, there are 561 examples, accounting for 73.82 per cent of the total. If we include the related forms, the neck-amphora, the barrel-amphora and the loutrophoros, the picture does not seriously change. The 34 Early Apulian examples, amount to 3.71 per cent of the total (916 vessels). There are 177 Middle Apulian examples, accounting for 19.32 per cent of the total, exactly mirroring the overall growth in this phase. The 705 Late Apulian examples, add up to 76.97 per cent of the total, showing a level of growth that is slightly stronger than that of the amphorae alone. To a very large extent, this can be explained by the trajectory of the loutrophoros and the related barrel-amphora. There are no loutrophoroi dated to the Early Apulian phase. A mere six are assigned to the Middle Apulian phase; these account for 5.04 per cent of all loutrophoroi (119). The overwhelming majority of the surviving examples (113 vases out of a total of 119) belong to the Late Apulian phase: 94.96

Patterns of Production

37

per cent of the total belong to this phase. Only 31 barrel-amphorae survive. All are dated to the Late Apulian phase. It is fair to say that the loutrophoros and the barrel-amphora are both Late Apulian forms. The rise of the loutrophoros and the barrel-amphora may be related to the increasing feminisation of Apulian red-figure in the later Fourth Century BC, v. Chapter Five. There are only six neck-amphorae: one from the Early Apulian phase and the other five from the Middle Apulian. The numbers are too small to draw any conclusions as to whether this apparent pattern, which runs counter to the overall picture of significant growth in the Late Apulian phase, has any validity at all. Turning to drinking vessels, skyphoi seem to show a pattern of growth that is broadly in line with general trends. There are 56 Early Apulian skyphoi, making up 9.82 per cent of the total of all skyphoi (570). This increases in the Middle Apulian phase to 26.49 per cent, with 151 individual examples. The 363 Late Apulian skyphoi account for 63.68 per cent of the total. Thus, skyphoi can be seen to have been a consistently popular drinking form. The kantharoid skyphos is a rare form with only 45 surviving examples but its trajectory is quite different. There are no Early Apulian examples and only one from the Middle Apulian phase, accounting for 2.22 per cent of the total. The 44 Late Apulian examples account for 97.78 per cent of the total. This shape can also be designated as a Late Apulian form. The kantharos is quite a popular form overall, with 652 surviving examples in the database. Its pattern of production over time is comparable with that of the kantharoid skyphos. The form is not attested during the Early Apulian phase and there are but four examples from the Middle Apulian. These amount to just 0.61 per cent of all kantharoi. The remaining 99.39 per cent are dated to the Late Apulian phase, a total of 648 examples. While in the case of rare forms, such as the kantharoid skyphos, it would take comparatively few examples from earlier phases to change the pattern, we may be fully confident that the emergence of the kantharos as a significant part of the output of the Apulian industry is a phenomenon of the Late Apulian phase. It also reflects changes in the funerary rituals where a red-figure version of the form became a popular choice for the consumption of wine; Late Apulian kantharoi account for 6.92 per cent of all vases (648 of 9,365 vessels) produced in that prolific era. None of the various cup forms were particularly popular. Both the cup and the stemless cup show patterns that are similar to that of the kantharos, whereas the cup skyphos is closer to that of skyphoi in general. For cup

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skyphoi, there are three Early Apulian examples, making up 5.56 per cent of all examples (54) of the form. There are 16 Middle Apulian examples, accounting for 29.63 per cent of the total. The remaining 35 examples date to the Late Apulian phase, and account for 64.81 per cent of the total. There are only 30 cups in the database. None date to the Early Apulian phase and only two to the Middle Apulian. They represent 6.67 per cent of all cups in the sample. The Late Apulian examples number 28 and account for 93.33 per cent of the total. The situation with regard to stemless cups is even more marked. A total of 105 examples survive. Again there are no examples from the Early Apulian phase. Only four, making up 3.81 per cent of the total, date to the Middle Apulian phase. 96.19 per cent of all surviving examples in the database (101 vessels) belong to the Late Apulian. Thus, cups and stemless cups are Late Apulian forms. The number of surviving drinking horns is so small, just five, that to discuss their production in terms of a pattern over time is meaningless. For the record, there are no Early Apulian examples, three belong to the Middle Apulian phase and the other two to the Late Apulian. The chronological pattern of production can be discussed in the case of the rhyton, as 237 examples exist in the database. Only two belong to the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 0.84 per cent of the surviving examples. There is a little growth in the Middle Apulian phase with just 15 examples, equating to 6.33 per cent of the total, being recorded in the sample. The remaining 220 vessels, amounting to 92.83 of the total, belong to the Late Apulian phase. Thus, the rhyton is another drinkingform that is essentially a product of the Late Apulian period. In terms of what this might mean for funerary behaviour, it is evident that placing drinking vessels in the tomb becomes much more important in the later Fourth Century BC. Taking all the various drinking vessels together, there are 1,698 vessels in the database. Of these, 61 belong to the Early Apulian phase, making up 3.59 per cent of the total, and well below the proportion of all vases belonging to that phase. For the Middle Apulian period, there are 196 drinking vessels in the database. These account for 11.54 per cent of the total. Again, the percentage is significantly below that for all vases from the period. The Late Apulian phase is represented by 1,441 vessels, which account for 84.86 per cent of all drinking-vessels. These data clearly indicate that red-figure drinking vessels had become a more popular choice for use at funerals during the later Fourth Century BC. However, It is probably safe to assume that this fact should not be explained in terms of wine-drinking as a practice becoming more important at funerals. It is unlikely that the basic funerary practice had changed, although the type of pottery used may have. Moreover, the

Patterns of Production

39

deposition of the drinking vessel in the grave after the funerary banquet had perhaps become a more prevalent custom. This can be amplified by looking at drinking vessels as a percentage of the output in each phase. The 61 Early Apulian examples account for 3.81 per cent of vases (1,599) produced in that era; in the Middle Apulian phase, the 196 wine-drinking vases account for 7.47 per cent of all (2,625) vessels; by the Late Apulian phase, the importance of wine-drinking vessels had risen to 15.39 per cent of the total (1,441 of 9,365 vessels). Turning to the forms designed for receiving libations, there are 433 paterae in the sample. Of these, a mere seven, or 1.62 per cent of all the examples in the database, belong to the Early Apulian phase. 67 are dated to the Middle Apulian phase, accounting for 15.47 per cent of the total. Once again, the bulk of the production belongs to the Late Apulian period, with 359 examples accounting for 82.91 per cent of the total. The story would not be seriously altered by the inclusion of the two phialai, both of which date to the Early Apulian phase. Again, we can see that it became more common for vessels for the receiving of libations to be of red-figure and to be placed in tombs during the later part of the Fourth Century BC. The plate is another form that belongs almost exclusively to the Late Apulian period. The database contains a total of 608 plates, however, only nine of these date to before the Late Apulian. Two are ascribed to the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 0.33 per cent of all plates in the sample, and seven to the Middle Apulian, accounting for a further 1.15 per cent of plates. The remaining 599 plates make up 98.52 per cent of the total. Once again, we may conclude that changing funerary trends led to large numbers of red-figure plates making their way into tombs after c.340 BC. Presumably, in earlier times, vessels that served the same purpose, perhaps holding foodstuffs at the funerary banquet, were either not made in red-figure or were not, normally, deposited with the dead. By contrast, the pattern with respect to hydriai essentially conforms to that of the industry as a whole. Of the 756 hydriai in the sample, 116 belong to the Early Apulian phase. They account for 15.34 per cent of the total of all hydriai. This is somewhat higher than the average for all Early Apulian vessels. For Middle Apulian, there are 161 vessels, accounting for 21.30 per cent of the total, which is only slightly higher than the average for this phase. The form was still reasonably popular in the Late Apulian phase, with 479 examples accounting for 63.36 per cent of the total. Thus, the hydria was a consistently popular form in terms of both production and deposition in the grave. The situla was not an especially common form, with a total of 82 examples in the database. Of these, four, or 4.88 per cent of the total,

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belong to the Early Apulian phase. This is noticeably lower than the average. Conversely, the 29 Middle Apulian examples account for 35.37 of the total, which is very significantly higher than the average. There are 49 Late Apulian examples, which amount to 58.76 per cent of the total, which is quite significantly below average. This trajectory of production, with a noticeable bulge in the Middle Apulian phase, is quite unlike the others that have been outlined so far. It is possible, given the relatively small number of examples, that it is not a true pattern and may just be a function of archaeological record (e.g. that discoveries from a slightly greater number of Middle Apulian graves than usual are skewing the evidence). Alternatively, it could be that this comparatively rare form was always something of a niche production and in the Middle Apulian period there was a slightly greater demand for the form than was the case, at least in terms of its popularity in relation to other shapes, either before or after. The lekanis was considerably more popular although, as noted earlier, the fact that it was a lidded form may somewhat overstate its importance. A total 888 examples exist in the database, if we include those listed as lekanides, lekanis lids and lepaste. Of these, only two, or a mere 0.23 per cent of the total, belong to the Early Apulian phase. The growth to the Middle Apulian phase is not especially impressive. There are 35 examples from that phase, accounting for 3.94 per cent of the total. The remaining 851 vessels from the Late Apulian phase, make up 95.81 per cent of the total. This is another form that acquired a huge popularity in the graves of the Late Apulian period. As already discussed, the form is especially associated with women, however, it would be wrong to look to the issue of gender as an explanation for the growth in the popularity of the form. Other forms closely associated with women, such as the hydria, show quite different trajectories of production. There is clearly an increase in the popularity of smaller forms in the later Fourth Century. Whether this reflects the placing of more vessels in the tombs of the élite or the “democratisation” of Apulian red-figure, as a larger cross-section of the population came to place some, albeit often smaller, red-figured vessels in the graves of their relatives, remains open to debate. As previously noted, it is also the case that there were simply more burials overall in the later Fourth Century than there had been in earlier times. It is, of course, possible that all three phenomena were in play in the same period. The pyxis is another lidded form associated with women. Its pattern of production is quite similar to that of the lekanis. Of the 270 examples in the database, only one (0.37 per cent of the total) is dated to the Early Apulian phase. The form is scarcely better represented in the Middle Apulian phase with only two examples, accounting for 0.74 per cent of the

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41

total. Just shy of 99 (98.89) per cent (267 vessels) of all of the surviving examples belong to the Late Apulian. Thus, the pyxis is yet another example of a small form that only achieves significance in Late Apulian graves. The various lekythos forms tell a different story of development. There are 367 lekythoi in the sample, 43 of which belong to the Early Apulian phase, equating to 11.72 per cent of all lekythoi. This is very close to the average of all Early Apulian vessels. The Middle Apulian phase is represented by 124 examples, accounting for 33.79 per cent of the total, which is very much higher than the average. The 188 Late Apulian examples make up the remaining 54.18 per cent of the total, well below the average for this phase. The pattern of development is close to that of the situla with the bulge happening in the Middle Apulian phase, at least when compared to the average pattern. That said, lekythoi remained popular throughout the history of Apulian red-figure. The alabastron served a similar purpose to the lekythos, although it is a rarer form with only 46 examples in the sample. Its pattern of production is quite different, however. There are no Early Apulian alabastra and only two (4.35 per cent of the total) Middle Apulian examples. The remaining 44 examples, belonging to the Late Apulian phase, account for 95.65 per cent of the total. Given their similar function and their quite divergent patterns of production, perhaps we should look at lekythoi and alabastra together. Together there are 401 lekythoi and alabstra in the sample. The 43 Early Apulian examples, all lekythoi, account for 10.72 per cent of the total, still broadly in line with the average of the industry. The 126 Middle Apulian examples are predominantly lekythoi and account for 31.42 per cent of the total, still significantly above the average. The 232 Late Apulian vessels are more of a mixture of lekythoi and alabastra. Together, they account for 57.86 per cent of the total, still well below the industry. Nevertheless, perhaps the comparative decline in the popularity of the lekythos, compared with the industry as a whole, may be partly explained by the emergence of the alabastron, which performed essentially the same task. Askoi and gutti were both designed for the pouring of valuable liquids. The askos survives in reasonable numbers with 124 examples in the sample. Of these, two (1.61 per cent of the total) belong to the Early Apulian phase. A further seven (5.65 per cent of the total) are Middle Apulian. The remaining 115 examples are Late Apulian and account for 92.74 per cent of the total. This is a familiar pattern, most of the surviving examples of this small form date to the Late Apulian phase. With only 14 examples surviving in the database, it is difficult to discuss the production

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of the guttus meaningfully. All 14 examples date to the Late Apulian phase. Together these data strongly suggest that the placing of red-figure vessels for the pouring of expensive liquids in tombs was largely a feature of the Late Apulian period. Lebetes gamikoi figure reasonably regularly across all periods. Of the 184 examples in the sample, 17 belong to the Early Apulian phase. At 9.24 per cent of the total, the Early Apulian examples are only slightly below the average for the phase. The 53 Middle Apulian examples account for 28.80 per cent of the total, somewhat higher than the average output of the period. The remaining 114 examples, belonging to the Late Apulian phase, make up 61.96 per cent of the total, somewhat lower than average. Overall, the lebes gamikos seems to enjoy a fairly consistent level of popularity across the entire production, with a slight bulge relative to the average output in the Middle Apulian period. This is similar to the pattern observed for the lekythos and the situla. There are 41 examples of stamnoid shapes in the sample. There is a single Early Apulian example and only five Middle Apulian specimens; all six of these vases are described as stamnoi. The latter account for 12.20 per cent of all examples of such shapes; the single Early Apulian example accounts for 2.44 per cent of the total. The remaining 35 examples, which include all those described as stamnoid vessels, all belong to the Late Apulian phase. These account for 85.37 per cent of the total. Although the numbers are small, the pattern suggests that stamnoid shapes mostly belong to the Late Apulian. Perhaps, they filled some of the gap created by the relative decline in popularity of most of the wine-mixing shapes, with the exception of the dinos and the volute-krater. There are a few rare forms left to discuss. It would be unwise to draw too much significance in any patterns outlined for such rare productions. All of the plastic vases date to the Late Apulian period but there are only 13 of them. Similarly, all 11 of the so-called thymiateria also date to the Late Apulian phase. There is scarcely any greater variety when it comes to the 32 stands. Of these, all but one (96.88 per cent of the total) belong to the Late Apulian, with the single exception being of Middle Apulian date. The three kernoi are also all assigned to the Late Apulian. One of the unassigned lids belongs to the Middle Apulian with the other two belonging to the Late Apulian.

Summary conclusions To take the production of individual shapes as a whole, certain key trends emerge. In the Early and Middle Apulian phases, production (or at least

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that part of it which routinely ended up in tombs) was dominated by a small number of relatively large forms. Most notable of all was the bellkrater, but calyx- and column-kraters were also reasonably prominent. The pelike enjoyed a greater popularity in relative terms in the earlier phases compared with the Late Apulian, although examples of the form continued to be placed in graves in significant numbers. The rare nestoris mirrors the average output of the industry remarkably closely, although the small number of examples that survive may mean that this similarity is illusory. Of the drinking-vessels, the various skyphos forms dominate the earlier phases and they remained popular throughout the entire production history. Similarly, hydriai were important throughout the production as was the lebes gamikos. This is also true of the most common amphora shapes. Oenochoai are common enough during the entire production history although there is an above average increase in frequency in the Late Apulian phase. Of the smaller shapes, only the lekythos was a regular feature of the earlier phases. Another notable feature of the analysis of production trends over time is the number of forms whose production, or possibly their deposition in tombs, is largely a Late Apulian phenomenon. These include the loutrophoros and the related barrel-amphora, which show a different pattern from the other amphora shapes. While oenochoai in general show a markedly increased output in the Late Apulian, the case of the related epichysis is even more striking. All of the drinking vessels, except for the skyphoi, are also essentially Late Apulian types. The case of the kantharos is particularly noteworthy, as the form survives in quite large numbers (652 examples), however, more than 99 per cent of them date to the Late Apulian period. A similar story is told by the production of plates. Large numbers survive (608 examples in the database), and more than 98 per cent are Late Apulian. The picture is almost as strong with regard to lekanides. There are very large numbers (888) in the sample, of which almost 96 per cent are Late Apulian. The pyxis shows a similar pattern, although somewhat smaller numbers survive, with over 98 per cent of the (270) examples belonging to the Late Apulian phase. A number of shapes associated with perfumed oils, including the alabastron, the askos, and the guttus, show similar patterns, although fewer examples survive. The same appears to be true of some of the rarest shapes, although these patterns may not be valid, as the numbers of vessels involved are too small to inspire confidence. Perhaps the most striking production trend is that of the volute-krater. Good numbers survive (785) and close to 88 per cent of them date to the Late Apulian period. There are plenty of other shapes that show a similar .

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or even more pronounced Late Apulian bias but the volute-krater stands out because it is a very large and elaborate shape and its decoration is usually highly complex. Most of the other Late Apulian shapes are small enough and are dominated by generic decoration, e.g. female heads, single figures of women or Eros, vel sim.. The volute-krater bucks the trend shown by the other krater forms, all of which had their heydays in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. Clearly, the volute-krater to some extent supplanted the other krater forms during the Late Apulian phase. Given their size and elaboration, perhaps the volute-krater became the preferred wine-mixing form for the graves of the élite during the Late Apulian phase, a time when Apulian red-figure was becoming more widely available for placing in tombs. By examining such a large sample of vases, it is now possible to quantify trends that had been long apparent to scholars of Apulian redfigure, such as the significant increase in the Late Apulian phase. This increase was, no doubt, driven and, in turn fuelled, by an increasing demand for depositing red-figured vases with the dead. Moreover, by studying the trends in production of individual vase forms, it becomes possible to see the extent to which the selection of vessels to be deposited in graves was linked to specific funerary rites, notably the banquet. For the first time, the explosion in popularity of a wide range of smaller forms during the Late Apulian period can be accurately measured. In the following chapters, the large sample size will be used to explore some of the choices made by painters in deciding upon the iconography that they applied to their products, which were, at least, on some occasions influenced by the tastes of their customers.



CHAPTER THREE PATTERNS IN ICONOGRAPHY: THE GENERIC SCENES

Introduction The vast majority of the scholarship on Apulian red-figure pottery has concerned itself with the figurative scenes that are painted on the surfaces of the vessels. Even the attribution studies that are the raison d’être for Trendall and Cambitoglou’s fundamental corpora rely on the study of painting. Although notionally more concerned with the details of a painter’s style than with the content of the scenes per se, nevertheless, more space is devoted in RVAp and its Supplements to the vases with the most elaborate and interesting scenes (e.g. of episodes from Greek mythology). Conversely, at times, Trendall and Cambitoglou eschew the listing of vases with the most generic and repetitive decoration (e.g. RVAp II: 1,007); of course, such material is perhaps the most difficult to attribute reliably. Although there have been studies of individual vase shapes (e.g. Schneider-Herrmann 1977; 1980) or the material from particular sites (e.g. Canosa, v. Cassano 1992), most works have focused on the iconography of the vessels. Typically, most scholarly works on Apulian red-figure are concerned with types of scenes (e.g. those of myth, drama, or indigenous people), the decoration of individual vases or groups of vases, famous collections, and even individual objects depicted on vases (e.g. the socalled “xylophone”).11 Yet despite the general focus on iconography, certain types of scene have received comparatively little attention. These would be the most generic types of scene. They are frequently repetitive, for example, the numerous vases, often of the same form, that were decorated with heads, which were usually female. For those interested in the scenes as works of art, there is perhaps little to say. Some of the heads may be slightly more carefully painted than others. There may be minor differences in the details but, overall, such scenes seem to be the most mechanical output of the industry, with only minimal thought having been devoted to the



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content and construction of the scene. Nevertheless, such scenes form a significant part of the decorative output. They may not be artistically exciting but, frequently, they are the only figurative decoration on a vase. For that reason alone, they warrant consideration. By taking an approach based upon an extensive production sample, it is possible to make statements about this type of material, specifically on the ways in which generic scenes were used and the kinds of vessels on which they most commonly appear. In this Chapter, the focus will be on two groups of highly generic types of decoration. The first group consists of scenes of draped youths and the second of vases decorated with depictions of human heads.

Draped youths Compared with vases decorated simply with heads, those showing draped youths have a certain diversity that might excite the viewer. They are, nevertheless, quite repetitive. Although Trendall expressed a certain degree of affection for such scenes (Williams 1996: 16), few have shared his enthusiasm. Michael Turner (2005), for instance, has stated that “much of the imagery of this pottery [Apulian red-figure] was repetitive in the extreme, at times mind-numbingly so.”12 The scenes of draped youths occur on the reverses of larger vessels (Fig. 4). It would appear that, while considerable attention was given to the decoration of the obverses of the larger forms, often a fairly generic scene was painted on the reverse. Presumably, even when enlivened with a little variety in terms of the objects that the youths hold or are associated with, such scenes could be produced at considerable speed and with comparatively little thought by an experienced painter. Let us begin with the total number of scenes of this type. There are a total of 2,754 scenes that feature only draped youths. Thus, 20.27 per cent of all (13,589) vases have a scene of draped youths on the reverse. Given that there are a number of forms that are not decorated on the reverse, including hydriai, lekythoi, plates, and most oenochoai, this reveals a striking popularity for such scenes. The scenes depict between one and four draped youths, with two being by far the most common total. There are only 11 examples showing a single draped youth, which accounts for 0.40 per cent of scenes of draped youths. By contrast, there are 2,223 vessels with two draped youths on the reverse. These make up 80.72 per cent of the total. Scenes featuring three draped youths are the second most popular, with 484 examples in the database, accounting for 17.57 per cent of the total. Scenes with four



The Generic Scenes

47

draped youths are rare. There are only 36 examples, amounting to 1.31 per cent of the total.

Fig. 4. Reverse of a column-krater (New York, 1974.23), attributed to the Rueff Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a typical scene of draped youths. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.



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There are a number of variants of these scenes in which draped youths are accompanied by other figures. Draped youths are depicted with a nude youth on 12 vases, and with another clothed male on a further eight. On six of the latter vases, the other man is an older, bearded man, while, on the remaining two, the other male is a half-draped youth. Draped youths are also sometimes depicted with a woman, on a total of seven vases, and, on one occasion, they are depicted with another clothed man and a woman. If we add these variants on the theme to the total, we have a total of 2,782 vases or 20.47 per cent of all (13,589) vases. Of the scenes showing draped youths with a naked youth, one shows a single draped youth with the nude youth, making up a two-figure scene, and the remaining 11 are three-figure scenes that show two draped youths with the nude youth. Of the eight vessels, showing draped youths with another male figure, three are two-figure scenes (i.e. a single draped youth with the man) and five are three-figure scenes (i.e. two draped youths and the man). In the case of the scenes showing the draped youth(s) with a woman, two are two-figure scenes and five are three-figure scenes, featuring one woman with two draped youths. The single example showing a draped youth with a man and a woman is a three-figure scene. Including the variants in the total number of figures in the scene, the following data emerge: there are 11 single-figure scenes (0.40 per cent of the total of 2,782 vases); 2,229 two-figure scenes (80.12 per cent); 506 three-figure scenes (18.19 per cent); and 36 four-figure scenes (1.29 per cent). The scenes are often enlivened by the depiction of an altar, a column, a pillar or a stele. These features add a ritual dimension to the character of the scenes. 39 of the scenes, including the variants, show draped youths at an altar, accounting for 1.40 per cent of all (2,782) scenes showing draped youths. Columns are less common, with only 20 examples, making up 0.72 per cent of the total. There are scarcely any more scenes with pillars, just 24 examples making up 0.86 per cent of the total. The most common additional ritual feature is a stele. 132 scenes show draped youths at a stele, accounting for 4.74 per cent of the total. The presence of a stele suggests that the draped youths are showing their respect to the dead. Given the use to which these vases were ultimately put, this gives the scenes a relevance that elevates them from the utterly generic. The honouring of the dead was a prominent feature of Apulian red-figure iconography and these scenes are a small and generic part of that tradition, v. Chapter Five. Although scenes with an explicit ritual character only account for 7.73 per cent of all scenes showing draped youths (215 of 2,782 vessels), it is



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possible that all of them were intended to convey a similar message of ritual activity but, in most cases, this is not evident to the modern eye. If they were meant to represent scenes of ritual, they represent an abbreviated version, in which the object of religious attention is omitted but would have been understand by the ancient viewer. Where other features are present, such as plants, they indicate that the action takes place out of doors. However, this is not significant, as virtually all of the scenes depicted on Apulian red-figure vases, which show any indication of location, appear to take place outside.

The frequency of scenes of draped youths by vessel form Scenes depicting draped youths only occur on a limited number of forms, dominant among which are wine-mixing vessels and especially bell- and column-kraters. A total of 1,424 bell-kraters have draped youths on their reverses. This number rises to 1,440 when the variants, showing draped youths with other figures, are added to the total. This means that 77.21 per cent of bell-kraters depict draped youths on their reverse (1,440 of 1,865 examples). Five (0.35 per cent of all the scenes of draped youths on bellkraters) are single-figure scenes. There are 1,188 two-figure scenes, accounting for 82.5 per cent of the total. Three-figure scenes number 242 or 16.81 per cent of the total. Four-figure scenes are rare on bell-kraters with only five examples, 0.35 per cent of the total. The pattern for column-kraters is almost as striking. There are 429 scenes with draped youths on this form, none of which are examples of the variant scenes. Thus, 71.03 per cent of all (604) column-kraters are decorated with draped youths on the reverse. There are no single-figure scenes on column-kraters. Two-figure scenes are the most common, with 206 examples representing 50.37 per cent of those column-kraters depicting draped youths. Three-figure scenes are almost as popular, with 194 examples, accounting for 45.22 per cent of the total. The 29 fourfigure scenes account for 6.76 per cent of the total. It is notable that column-kraters dominate when it comes to four-figure scenes, with 29 of the 36 examples (80.56 per cent) occurring on that form. Draped youths are far less common on the other krater forms, which perhaps reflects the fact that both calyx- and volute-kraters are characterised by more elaborate and distinctive iconography. There is also a chronological dimension to this pattern, as it would appear that the popularity of scenes of draped youths declined over time. There are 42 calyx-kraters that show draped youths, including three examples of the variant forms. This indicates that 25.15 per cent of calyx-



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kraters have their reverses decorated in this fashion (42 of 167 vessels). There are no calyx-kraters with a single-figure scene of a draped youth. Two-figure scenes dominate, with 30 examples, equating to 71.43 per cent of the calyx-kraters depicting draped youths. There are 12 three-figure scenes, which make up the remaining 28.57 per cent of the total. Draped youths are not very prominent on volute-kraters at all. There are only 31 examples, all of the standard type and all showing two figures. Just 3.95 per cent of all (785) volute-kraters have a scene of draped youths on their reverse. In addition to the above totals, there are two fragments of an unspecified krater type that show scenes of draped youths. One shows a single draped youth and the other two draped youths. However, we cannot be certain that the scenes are complete and that no other figures were originally present. The extent to which wine-mixing vessels were the preferred vehicle for scenes of draped youths can be seen in the following figures. Out of a total of 2,782 scenes depicting draped youths, 1,944 occur on kraters of one form or another. Thus, 69.88 per cent of all scenes of draped youths are painted on the reverses of kraters. Of all the surviving krater forms, excluding the krateriskoi but including the fragments of unspecified krater forms, 56.25 per cent are decorated with draped youths: 1,994 examples out of a total of 3,456 specimens. Although scenes of draped youths are especially prominent on kraters, they are also well represented on a number of other shapes. The pelike is a popular shape with a total of 1,326 examples in the database. Of these, 514 have draped youths depicted on their reverses; this includes three of the variant types of scene. Thus, 38.76 per cent of all pelikai are adorned with draped youths. There are only two examples of single-figure scenes on pelikai, making up just 0.39 per cent of all of the pelikai decorated with draped youths. Two-figure scenes are by far the most common on pelikai. 94.94 per cent of all such scenes on pelikai are in this category: 488 examples out of a total of 514. There are 23 three-figure scenes, accounting for 4.47 per cent of the total. There is a single four-figure scene, representing just 0.19 per cent of the total. The dominance of twofigure scenes is not surprising. Notwithstanding the general predominance of this configuration on all vessel forms, the size of most pelikai, and, therefore, the available field of decoration on the reverse, would lend itself to the depiction of a smaller number of figures. Draped youths also figure prominently on amphorae, including both those listed simply as amphorae and those described as panathenaic amphorae. Taking the two together, there are 760 examples in the



The Generic Scenes

51

database. Of these, 296 feature draped youths, four of which are examples of the variant scenes. Thus, 38.94 per cent of amphorae feature draped youths on the reverse. Only two of the 296 examples, or 0.68 per cent, are single-figure scenes. Once again, two-figure scenes are the most common. There are 260 of these, accounting for 87.84 per cent of the total. Threefigure scenes number 33 and represent 11.15 per cent of the total. There is a single example of a four-figure scene, accounting for the remaining 0.34 per cent. 22 amphorae show draped youths at a stele, some 7.43 per cent of the total. This significantly exceeds the average number of scenes of this type, as noted earlier, 4.74 per cent of all scenes of draped youths show them at a stele. This reflects the wider iconography of the form in which funerary scenes are prominent, v. Chapter Five.13 The only other form on which draped youths appear commonly is the nestoris. There are only 37 nestorides in the sample but, of these, 24, or 64.86 per cent, show draped youths on the reverse; none belong to the variant types of scene. Given the size of a nestoris, it is unsurprising that the vast majority, 23 of 24 examples (95.83 per cent), are two-figure scenes. The other vessel has a three-figure scene, representing 4.17 per cent of the total. Although the overall number of nestorides is small, the pattern, suggesting a strong preference for decorating the reverses with draped youths, seems robust enough. Draped youths occur in tiny numbers on three other forms, two of which, the barrel-amphora and the loutrophoros, are related. There is a single example on barrel-amphora, this means that 3.23 per cent of all barrel-amphorae (one out of 31 examples in total) were decorated in this manner. The scene is of the standard type and shows two draped youths. There are two scenes of draped youths to be found on loutrophoroi, accounting for 1.68 per cent of all such vases (two out of a total of 119 vessels). Both are standard two-figure scenes. Perhaps the two forms should be taken together because of their close relationship. In which case, the three scenes of draped youths would occur on 2.0 per cent of such vases. Generally, these forms have quite elaborate iconography, so perhaps they were normally considered to be ill-suited to such generic decoration. There is a single scene of a draped youth that occurs on a situla. This single-figure scene accounts for 1.22 per cent of all such vessels. Again, it seems that this type of decoration was not generally considered appropriate for this form, even though, at times, it may have been used for wine-mixing. Having pointed out the extent to which scenes of draped youths are largely restricted to a small number of large forms, it is worth drawing attention to some of the forms on which such scenes never occur. Leaving



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aside the forms that are normally only decorated on one side, such as hydriai, draped youths are not found on dinoi, dishes, lebetes gamikoi, all of the drinking vessels, lekanides, and pyxides, or on any of the oenochoai that have decoration on both sides. While most of these forms are relatively small, the field of decoration would have been large enough for single-figure scenes and, in many cases, for two-figure scenes, which were the most popular configuration on the vessels on which draped youths were painted. By considering the popularity of scenes of draped youths over time, we may cast further light on changing tastes in decorative choice (Table 2). A total of 874 scenes of draped youths occur in the Early Apulian phase; these include all but two of the variant versions of the scenes. This means that 31.42 per cent of all scenes of draped youths occur in the Early Apulian phase, 874 scenes out of an overall total of 2,782, despite the fact that only 11.77 per cent of all vases date to that period (1,599 out of 13,589 vessels). Moreover, if we consider the output of the phase as a whole, 54.66 per cent of all Early Apulian vessels were decorated with scenes of draped youths: 874 examples out of 1,599 vessels and fragments in the sample. While the popularity of scenes of draped youths in the Early Apulian phase is noteworthy, the diversity of such scenes also stands out. Virtually all of the variants date to this period (26 of 28 examples or 92.86 per cent).

Early Apulian Middle Apulian Late Apulian All phases

Total number of vases with draped youths per phase

Percentage of vases with draped youths per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

874

31.42

1,599

11.77

1,162

41.77

2,625

19.32

746 2,782

26.82 100.00

9,365 13,589

68.92 100.00

Table 2. The relative popularity of scenes of draped youths compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase.



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53

In the Middle Apulian phase, there are 1,162 scenes of draped youths, which include two variant examples. This means that 41.77 per cent of all scenes of draped youths occur in this phase (1,162 out of 2,782 examples in total). Again, this outstrips the overall proportion of vases from the period, which stands at 19.32 per cent (2,625 of 13,589 vessels). Given that the Middle Apulian phase is the shortest of the three, the number of scenes of draped youths from the period is impressive. Nevertheless, as a proportion of all Middle Apulian vessels, those with draped youths make up 44.27 per cent of the total (of 2,625 vessels). Thus, we can see that while the number of scenes of draped youths was rising, it was not keeping pace with the overall increase in the production of the industry. The overall number of scenes depicting draped youths actually declines during the Late Apulian period, a time when production overall was booming. Indeed, there are fewer scenes of draped youths in the Late Apulian phase than in the Early Apulian phase, even though almost six times as many vases survive from the former phase than the latter. There are 746 Late Apulian scenes of draped youths, making up 26.82 per cent of the total (2,782). The shift is quite dramatic as Late Apulian vessels make up 68.92 per cent of the total sample (9,365 of 13,589 vessels). Draped youths figure on just 7.97 per cent of all Late Apulian vases, 746 out of a total of 9,365 vases and fragments. While the surge in the production of smaller forms explains part of this pattern, it must also be said that scenes of draped youths experienced a significant decline in popularity. This was not a shift away from generic decoration, however, as much of the output of the Late Apulian industry was decorated with very repetitive scenes. It may, however, have more to do with the decline of the bell-krater, on which such scenes had been particularly popular, in favour of the volutekrater. The popularity of scenes of draped youths in each period is underscored when we look at the pattern of production by form. For bellkraters, there are 589 Early Apulian examples, which equates to 40.92 per cent of all of the bell-kraters showing draped youths (1,440 vessels). For Middle Apulian, there are 573 such scenes, making up 39.79 per cent of all the examples on bell-kraters. Although this bucks the overall trend for scenes of draped youths, it should be remembered that fewer bell-kraters survive for the Middle Apulian period than for the Early Apulian. In fact, 83.43 per cent of all Early Apulian bell-kraters have draped youths on the reverse (589 of 706 vessels), whereas 89.11 per cent of all Middle Apulian bell-kraters (573 of 643 examples) are decorated in the same fashion. For the Late Apulian phase, there are 278 scenes featuring draped youths, accounting for 19.31 per cent of all such scenes on bell-kraters. By the



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Late Apulian period, only 53.86 per cent of bell-kraters were decorated with draped youths (278 of 516 vessels). This illustrates the overall decline in the popularity of such scenes very effectively. Even on the vase form that was most likely to be decorated in this fashion, the popularity of such scenes had experienced a serious decline. Turning to the column-krater, 79 examples of scenes of draped youths date to the Early Apulian phase, accounting for 18.37 per cent of all scenes of this type on this form (79 out of a total of 430 such scenes). In the Middle Apulian period, the number of column-kraters increased, as did the number featuring draped youths. There are 231 examples from this phase, making up 53.72 per cent of the total. In the Late Apulian phase, the 119 scenes of this type account for 27.67 per cent of the total. In terms of the overall production of the form, 87.78 per cent of Early Apulian columnkraters were decorated with draped youths (79 of 90 vessels); 89.53 per cent of Middle Apulian column-kraters were decorated in this fashion (231 of 258 vessels); but only 46.48 per cent of Late Apulian column-kraters were decorated in this way (119 of 256 examples). The pattern of decline is similar to that of the bell-krater, although even more dramatic. Thus, the two most popular forms for draped youths saw a marked fall-off in the popularity of such scenes in the Late Apulian period. Scenes of draped youths were never especially common on calyxkraters. There are 26 Early Apulian examples, accounting for 61.9 per cent of all such scenes on this form (42 examples). There are only 14 Middle Apulian examples, which amount to 33.33 per cent of the total, and just two Late Apulian scenes, making up 4.76 per cent of the total. In terms of the overall production, scenes with draped youths occur on 45.61 per cent of all Early Apulian calyx-kraters (26 of 57 vessels); in the Middle Apulian phase, 25.93 per cent of calyx-kraters featured such scenes on their reverses (14 of 54 examples); while in Late Apulian phase only 3.57 per cent of calyx-kraters were decorated in this way (two of 56 vessels). Although the pattern is somewhat different from that of the bell- and column-kraters, as the decline had already set in by the Middle Apulian phase, the story of downward trajectory of popularity over time is also demonstrated for this form. The story with the volute-krater is quite different, as all 31 examples decorated with draped youths belong to the Late Apulian phase. Of course, the form itself only really achieves popularity in that phase. If we consider scenes of draped youths within the context of the wider production of the form, only 4.5 per cent of Late Apulian volute-kraters were decorated in this way (31 out of 689 vessels).



The Generic Scenes

55

In terms of the two unspecified krater fragments showing draped youths, one is Early Apulian and the other is Middle Apulian. Although the numbers are too small to be conclusive, it may be telling that there are no Late Apulian examples. That said, there are only 35 unspecified krater fragments in the entire database, of which 26 are Early Apulian, two Middle Apulian and seven Late Apulian. Draped youths are a popular choice for the reverses of pelikai. Of the 514 pelikai decorated in this fashion, 152 (including two variant versions of the scene), or 29.57 per cent, date to the Early Apulian phase. The number of examples increases to 221 (including one variant) in the Middle Apulian period, accounting for 43 per cent of the total. There are 145 Late Apulian examples, equating to 28.21 per cent of the total, repeating the pattern of decline seen in this phase for other forms. To put this in the wider context of the production of pelikai, 67.86 per cent of all Early Apulian pelikai were decorated with draped youths (152 vessels out of a total of 224); by the Middle Apulian phase, the percentage had declined to 54.3 (212 examples out of 407); with a further decline in the Late Apulian phase to 20.86 per cent (145 examples out of 695). The pattern is one of accelerating decline across t three phases. The story with regard to amphorae shows another variant on the theme of decline in the Late Apulian phase. There are 24 examples (including three variant scenes) of amphorae and panathenaic amphorae decorated with draped youths in the Early Apulian phase. This accounts for only 8.11 per cent of all amphorae decorated in this way, from a total of 296 examples. Draped youths become more popular in the Middle Apulian phase, where the 120 examples account for 40.54 per cent of all such scenes on amphorae. In a pattern that appears quite contrarian, the largest number of examples date to the Late Apulian phase. The 152 examples from this phase account for 51.35 per cent of the total. Looking to the wider context of the production of amphorae, however, the pattern becomes more conventional. There are only 33 Early Apulian amphorae. Therefore, scenes of draped youths occur on 72.73 per cent of all amphorae at this point. The proportion stays remarkably steady in the Middle Apulian period with draped youths occurring on 72.29 per cent of amphorae (120 out of 166 vessels). By the Late Apulian period, the frequency of occurrence of draped youths again shows a marked decline. Only 27.09 per cent of Late Apulian amphorae are decorated in this fashion (152 vessels out of a total of 561). Rather like the situation with the bell- and column-kraters, the overall proportion of amphorae decorated with draped youths is fairly stable in the Early and Middle Apulian phases but shows a marked decline in Late Apulian.



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Not many nestorides survive, only 37 in the database, but draped youths appear to have been a popular decorative choice. Four scenes of draped youths occur on Early Apulian nestorides, accounting for 16.67 per cent of all such scenes (a total of 24) on the form. There are but two Middle Apulian examples, which amount to 8.33 per cent of the total. The 18 Late Apulian examples account for the remaining 75 per cent of such scenes. In the context of the production of nestorides as a whole, all four Early Apulian examples of the form are decorated with draped youths. The two Middle Apulian nestorides with draped youths account for 25 per cent of all such vessels (eight in total) produced in that era. There are 25 Late Apulian nestorides, of which 72 per cent (18 vessels) are decorated with draped youths. The small numbers of surviving nestorides may make the figures unreliable. However, it would appear that for this form at least, there was no appreciable decline in the popularity of scenes of draped youths. The number of examples of draped youths on the remaining forms, which bear such scenes, is tiny. There is only one barrel-amphora decorated in this fashion. It dates to the Late Apulian phase, as do all barrel-amphorae, and accounts for 3.23 per cent of such vessels (31 in total). Only two loutrophoroi are decorated in a like manner. One is on a Middle Apulian vessel, meaning that 16.67 per cent of all Middle Apulian loutrophoroi, of which there are only six, were decorated in this fashion. The single Late Apulian example ensures that 0.88 per cent of all loutrophoroi belonging to this phase (113 in total) were decorated with draped youths. The numbers of vessels involved are too small to discern any pattern other than the fact that draped youths were never a common decorative choice for these predominantly Late Apulian forms. The single situla decorated with draped youths belongs to the Late Apulian period. This means that 2.04 per cent of all situlae from the Late Apulian phase (49 vessels in total) were decorated in this fashion. Again, it is clear that draped youths were not popular on situlae. To conclude, draped youths were a preferred type of scene for the reverses of certain large forms in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. This is especially true of bell-kraters, column-kraters, amphorae, and, to a lesser degree, pelikai. Such scenes saw a marked decline in popularity during the Late Apulian phase, pretty much across the board, with the possible exception of the nestoris. What is remarkable, however, is that this decline does not coincide with a general decline in the use of highly generic scenes, as will be demonstrated in the next section.



The Generic Scenes

57

Generic portraits of heads While scenes of draped youths are confined to the reverses of vases, scenes depicting male or female heads may be found on the obverses and reverses of vases and also on secondary locations on vessels that have less generic material in the main fields of decoration (i.e. heads are depicted quite regularly on the necks or shoulders of large vessels, such as amphorae and volute-kraters). By comparison to the vases decorated with heads, scenes of draped youths seem positively lively and varied. The extent to which depictions of heads seem mechanical and repetitive can be demonstrated by simply looking through some of the pages of plates in RVAp and its Supplements (e.g. RVAp II: plates 388-390). This kind of material has neither inspired deep scholarly interest nor the enthusiasm of collectors.14 Generally, even in museums that display a reasonable number of Apulian vessels, vases decorated with heads will be under-represented in the material selected for exhibition. Similarly, such vases are seldom used to adorn the covers or to illustrate the interiors of books on classical antiquity. Yet this kind of material was remarkably popular in the past (Fig. 5). No doubt, producers of red-figured pottery found it very easy to produce such scenes rapidly. Such material could be left in the hands of less-skilled artists, who would be freed from the worrying about the compositional challenges posed by painting scenes with multiple figures. Nor did the depiction of heads require any detailed knowledge of Greek mythology or indigenous customs, as many other vases did. All that was needed was the basic ability to draw a head and to decorate it with an appropriate hairstyle, head-dress, and jewellery. This simplicity sometimes meant that the quality of painting could be quite low. So much so, that Trendall and Cambitogolou felt, in case of some late vases, that “it is difficult to think of such vases as the products of Greek artists” (RVAp II: 1,016), which would seem to imply that the Greeks had an innate capacity for high quality draughtsmanship.15 By no means all of the vases depicting heads are poorly painted, however. Indeed, such vases can often be aesthetically pleasing on an individual basis. It is only when looking at large numbers of vases with the same kind of iconography that a certain ennui can set in. Presumably, this was not a concern for the ancient producers and consumers of figured vases. We shall begin with a simple demonstration of how common such scenes were. There were 4,540 vases that have a scene of a head on the obverse; this includes vessels where the head scene occurs in a secondary location. Thus, 33.41 per cent of all vessels in the sample (13,589) had a head scene somewhere on the obverse. If we wish to confine consideration



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only to those vases that had heads as the main decorative scene on the obverse, then the total reduces to 3,587 examples or 26.40 per cent of the total.

Fig. 5. Round pyxis (New York, 68.11.42a, b), attributed to the Kantharos Group (RVAp II 29/645), showing female heads on the lid. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

The situation with regard to the reverses is similarly revealing, bearing in mind that many forms, including hydriai, lekythoi, many oenochoai, and



The Generic Scenes

59

plates, had only one decorative field. Despite this, there are 2,766 vessels with head scenes on the reverse, which equates to 20.35 per cent of all vessels. In the cases of the reverses, heads are the main decorative element on 2,567 vases or 18.89 per cent of all vessels. A total of 2,172 vases have heads on both sides, including examples where the heads occur in secondary locations, amounting to 15.98 per cent of all (13,589) vessels in the sample. 1,903 of these vases, or 14 per cent of all vases, have a head as the main decorative element on both sides. Taking all these data together, a total of 5,134 individual vessels, or 37.78 per cent of all vessels, have a head as part of their decoration. A total of 4,251 individual vessels have heads as a main decorative scene. Therefore, 31.28 per cent of all vases have at least one major scene that was dominated by the portrait of a head. Total number of vases with head portraits in any location per phase

Percentage of vases with head portraits in any location per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

Early Apulian

33

0.64

1,599

11.77

Middle Apulian

75

1.46

2,625

19.32

5,026

97.90

9,365

68.92

5,134

100.00

13,589

100.00

Late Apulian All phases

Table 3. The relative popularity of all scenes of head portraits compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. To interrogate the popularity of such scenes further, we may look at their frequency over time (Tables 3 and 4).16 Beginning with the obverses, of the 4,540 examples showing a head scene in any location, just 33, or 0.73 per cent of the total, belong to the Early Apulian phase. The 69 Middle Apulian examples account for 1.52 per cent of the total. The remaining 4,438 examples are Late Apulian and take care of the remaining 97.75 per cent of the total. In terms of the production as a whole, we can



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see that the popularity of such scenes was low and consistent in the Early and Middle Apulian phases before booming in the Late Apulian. The data are these: 2.06 per cent of all Early Apulian vases were decorated with a head scene on the obverse (33 of 1,599 vases); 2.63 per cent of all Middle Apulian vases were decorated in this fashion (69 of 2,625); 47.39 per of all Late Apulian vases were decorated in this way (4,438 of 9,365). If we narrow the focus only to the vessels on which the head scene was the main decorative element, 30 vases, or 0.84 of the total of 3,587 vessels, belong to the Early Apulian phase. The 20 Middle Apulian examples amount to only 0.56 per cent of the total, whereas the 3,537 Late Apulian examples account for 98.61 per cent of all vases with heads as the main decorative scene on the obverse. In terms of production as a whole: 1.88 per cent of all Early Apulian vases had a head scene as the main decorative element (30 of 1,599 vases); 0.76 per cent of all Middle Apulian vases were decorated in this fashion (20 of 2,625); and 37.77 per of all Late Apulian vases were decorated in this way (3,537 of 9,365). Total number of vases with head portraits as a principal decorative element per phase

Percentage of vases with head portraits as a principal decorative element per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

Early Apulian

30

0.71

1,599

11.77

Middle Apulian

23

0.54

2,625

19.32

4,198

98.75

9,365

68.92

4,251

100.00

13,589

100.00

Late Apulian All phases

Table 4. The relative popularity of scenes of head portraits as principal decorative elements compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase.



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The situation in respect of the reverses is as follows: of the 2,766 examples showing a head scene in any location, only nine, 0.32 per cent of the total, belong to the Early Apulian phase. There are 20 Middle Apulian examples, accounting for 0.73 per cent of the total. The 2,737 Late Apulian examples account for an overwhelming 98.95 per cent of the total. In terms of the production as a whole, the trend is as follows, 0.56 per cent of all Early Apulian vases were decorated with a head scene on the reverse (nine of 1,599 vases); 0.76 per cent of Middle Apulian vases were decorated in this fashion (20 of 2,625); 29.23 per of Late Apulian vases were decorated in this way (2,737 of 9,365). Limiting the consideration to the 2,567 vessels on which the head scene was the main decorative element on the reverse, eight vases, or 0.31 of the total are Early Apulian. There are only six Middle Apulian examples, amounting to 0.23 per cent of the total. The 2,553 Late Apulian examples account for 99.45 per cent of the total. In terms of production as a whole, 0.50 per cent of all Early Apulian vases had a head scene as the main decorative element on the reverse (eight of 1,599 vases); 0.23 per cent of all Middle Apulian vases were decorated in this fashion (six of 2,625); 27.26 per cent of all Late Apulian vases had a head scene dominating the reverse (2,553 of 9,365). Taking the vases that have heads on both sides in any location, nine, 0.41 per cent of the total (2,172 vases) are Early Apulian; 14 are Middle Apulian, 0.64 per cent of the total; and the remaining 2,149, or 98.94 per cent of the total, are Late Apulian. Focusing on the vessels on which the head scene is the main decorative element on both sides (a total of 1,903 vessels), eight are Early Apulian, 0.42 per cent of the total; just three are Middle Apulian, 0.16 per cent of the total; and 1,892 are Late Apulian, 99.42 per cent of the total. Thus, 0.5 per cent of all Early Apulian vessels (eight of 1,599 examples), 0.11 per cent of all Middle Apulian vessels (three of 2,625), and 20.20 per cent of all Late Apulian vases (1,892 of 9,365) had a head scene as the main decorative element on both sides of the vessel. Therefore, 33 individual Early Apulian vessels, or 2.06 per cent of all (1,599) vessels from that period, have a head portrait as part of their decoration. Of these, 30, 1.88 per cent of the total, have a head as a main decorative element. In the Middle Apulian phase, 75 vessels, 2.86 per cent of the total (2,625 vessels), are decorated with a head scene. Only 23 of these, 0.88 per cent of the total, have a head scene as a main decorative element. 5,026 Late Apulian vases, 53.67 per cent of the total (9,365 vessels), have a head scene in either main or secondary locations. On 4,198 of these, 44.83 per cent of the total, a head scene is a main decorative element.



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From these data, it is evident that head scenes were overwhelmingly a feature of the Late Apulian phase, roughly 98 per cent of all such scenes date from this period. Indeed, one could suggest that decline in the popularity of draped youths as a generic decoration on the reverse of vessels can be, at least in part, explained by the emergence of the head as the principal generic decorative element of the Late Apulian period.

The frequency of head scenes by vessel form Head scenes occur across a wide range of forms but their frequency of occurrence varies widely between forms. We shall begin with the oenochoe as the most common vase form of all. In doing so, the related forms, such as the chous, the mug, and the olpe, will be factored in. A total of 748 oenochoai and related forms have heads in any location on the obverse, which equates to 37.53 per cent of all oenochoai (1,993 vessels). Head portraits are the main scene on 652 of these, 32.71 per cent of the total. 41 have heads in any location on the reverse (2.06 per cent of the total), of which, 20 have the head as the main decorative scene (1.0 per cent of the total). 26 oenochoai and related forms (1.30 per cent of the total) have heads on both sides, of which three (0.15 per cent) have the heads as the main decoration. In considering these figures, it should be borne in mind that most oenochoai and similar forms are decorated only on the obverse. Given the overwhelming trend for head scenes to occur on Late Apulian vases, it only seems necessary to show the frequency of head scenes as main decorative elements on all Late Apulian vases of the type. This approach will be taken with each vase form. A total of 651 Late Apulian oenochoai and the related forms, have a head scene as the main decoration, accounting for 40.89 per cent of all such vases (1,592 vessels) in that phase. The epichysis is a related wine-pouring form that is predominantly a feature of the Late Apulian phase. Only four epichysides are decorated with heads, which amount to just 3.25 per cent of all such vessels. Of these, three (or 2.44 per cent of the total) have the head as the main decorative element. The same three vessels are all Late Apulian. Heads, therefore, are the main decoration on 2.7 per cent of all the epichysides (111) from this phase. This demonstrates that, despite the prevalence of head scenes in the Late Apulian period, there is no automatic association of such scenes with the vessel forms that also only achieve popularity in that phase. Heads occur only occasionally on nestorides. There are three vessels bearing such scenes. All occur on the reverses of Late Apulian vessels and



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all are the main feature on the side that they adorn. In terms of percentages, heads occur on 8.11 per cent of all nestorides (37 vessels) and 12.0 per cent of Late Apulian examples (25 vessels). Bell-kraters are among the most common vessel types and, as the previous section showed, they were often decorated with generic scenes on the reverse. Some 43 bell-kraters have heads in any location on the obverse, 2.31 per cent of all such vessels (1,865 examples). They are the main scene on 42 of these, 2.25 per cent of the total. 179 examples have heads on the reverse, all are the main decorative scene (9.6 per cent of the total). 37, 1.98 per cent of the total, have heads on both sides, all of which have the heads as the main decoration. The association of head scenes with the Late Apulian phase is well maintained with only one example, that which is not the main decorative element on the obverse, dated to an earlier period, namely the Middle Apulian phase. There are 184 Late Apulian bell-kraters decorated with heads as the main decorative element. These account for 35.66 per cent of all Late Apulian bell-kraters. It is worth giving particular consideration to the decoration of the reverses in this phase. The 179 examples account for 34.69 per cent of all such vessels. It was noted that only 53.86 per cent of Late Apulian bell-kraters (278 of 516 vessels) were decorated with draped youths compared with more than 80 per cent of such vases in earlier phases.17 It was suggested above that head scenes, to some extent, supplanted the popularity of draped youths as an even simpler kind of generic decoration in the Late Apulian phase. If we add the 179 scenes with heads on the reverses to the 278 scenes with draped youths, this reveals that 88.57 per cent of all Late Apulian bell-kraters had some type of generic decoration on the reverse. This shows a very consistent trend for generic decoration on the reverses of bell-kraters over time. What was new, in the Late Apulian phase, was the tendency for the obverses also to be decorated in such a generic fashion; 8.14 per cent (42 vessels out of a total of 516) of all Late Apulian bell-kraters had a head as the main scene on the obverse. The extent to which head scenes are a feature of the Late Apulian phase is perfectly demonstrated by the column-krater. A total of 126 column-kraters are decorated with heads in any location; all occur on Late Apulian vessels. This equates to 20.86 per cent of all column-kraters (126 of 604 vessels). 94 head scenes occur on the obverse, making up 15.56 per cent of the total, the overwhelming majority (92 examples; 15.23 per cent of all column-kraters) of which have the head as the main decorative element. There are 123 head scenes on the reverses of column-kraters, all of which are the main decoration. Thus, the reverses of 20.36 per cent of all column-kraters are decorated in this manner. 91 vessels (15.07 per cent)



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have heads on both sides, 90 of which (14.90 per cent of the total) have the head as the main decoration. To look at the output of the Late Apulian phase, 125 individual vases are decorated with heads as the main scene. This amounts to 48.83 per cent of all Late Apulian column-kraters. Column-kraters showed a very similar pattern with regard to the generic decoration of the reverses with draped youths to that of the bell-kraters. In the Early and Middle Apulian phases, 87.78 per cent and 89.53 per cent respectively of all column-kraters were decorated with draped youths. However, by the Late Apulian phase only 46.48 per cent were decorated in this way (119 of 256 vases). If we add together the scenes with draped youths and those with heads on the reverses (123 vases), we can see that 242 out of a total of 256 Late Apulian column-kraters, or 94.53 per cent, were decorated with generic scenes. Thus, the tendency was towards a greater use of generic decoration on the reverses of column-kraters over time. A total of 11 calyx-kraters, one of which is of Middle Apulian date, are decorated with heads. On every example the head is the main decorative scene. Thus, 6.57 per cent of all calyx-kraters (167 examples) were decorated in this way. Four occur on the obverse, 2.40 per cent of the total. Seven are to be found on the reverse, 4.19 per cent of the total. There are three vases that have heads on both sides, 1.80 per cent of the total. In terms of Late Apulian, the ten vases with heads as the main decorative element account for 17.86 per cent of all (56) calyx-kraters from this phase. Although generic decoration was never especially common on calyx-kraters, a similar trend for the partial replacement of draped youths on the reverses by head portraits can also be seen for this form. The volute-krater is, in many ways, a trend-bucking form in that, unlike other kraters, it becomes more popular in the Late Apulian phase and is generally characterised by highly elaborate decoration, at a time when more generic decoration was becoming the norm. Nevertheless, some 580 individual volute-kraters bear head scenes. This amounts to 73.89 per cent of all such vessels (785 examples) and reveals that generic decoration was actually quite common on them. However, head scenes were mostly confined to secondary areas of decoration, such as the neck and, more rarely, the foot. Only 121 examples, all of which are Late Apulian, show heads as a main decorative element. This amounts to a more modest 15.41 per cent of all such vases. Just 21, 2.68 per cent of the total, have the head as a main scene on the obverse. 118, or 15.03 per cent of the total, have the head as the main scene on the reverse and 18 vases, 2.29 per cent, have heads as the principal decoration on both sides. In terms of Late Apulian, the 121 vases, with heads as a main decorative



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element, account for 17.56 per cent of all volute-kraters (689) from the period. The pelike was a popular form with 1,326 examples in the database. Of these, 306 individual vases are decorated with heads, 23.08 per cent of the total. All but one of these has the head as the main scene, 23.0 per cent of the total. On 202 vessels, 15.23 per cent of the total, the head was the main decoration on the obverse. There were 282 vases, 21.27 per cent, with the head as the main feature on the reverse. 179 vases had heads as the principal element on both sides. These account for 13.50 per cent of the total. As usual, most of the head scenes occur on Late Apulian vases, although eight occur on Early Apulian and four on Middle Apulian vases. In terms of Late Apulian, heads occur as a main decorative element on 294 vessels or 42.30 per cent of all pelikai (695 vessels) from that phase. Amphorae and panathenaic amphorae will be considered together, as previously noted. A total of 356 vases bear head scenes, some 46.82 per cent of all amphorae (760 vessels). Among these are eight vessels of Middle Apulian date, all of which have the heads in secondary locations. The remaining vases are all Late Apulian. Some 215 vessels have heads as the main decorative element, 28.29 per cent of the total. There are 109 head scenes on the obverse of the vessel, 14.34 per cent of the total. 214 amphorae, 28.16 per cent of the total, have heads as the main decorative element on the reverse. Heads occur as the main element on both sides of 108 vessels, 14.21 per cent of the total. The 215 Late Apulian amphorae, with heads as the main scene, account for 38.32 per cent of all (561) such vessels from that time. The barrel-amphora is a Late Apulian form, with all 31 examples in the database belonging to that phase. 26 examples, 83.87 per cent of the total, have head scenes. However, most are in secondary locations. In only four cases, 12.90 per cent of the total, is the head the main scene. Of these, three, 9.68 per cent of the total, have the scene on the obverse and one, 3.23 per cent, on the reverse. Although six barrel-amphorae have heads on both the obverse and reverse, none has heads as the main decoration on both sides. The loutrophoros is a related form and tells a similar story. A total of 93 vessels are decorated with heads. This amounts to 78.15 per cent of all loutrophoroi (119 vessels). Once again, the vast majority of such scenes are in secondary locations. Only eight, 6.72 per cent, have the head as a main scene. On four vases, 3.36 per cent of the total, the head is the main decoration on the obverse. A further six vessels, 5.04 per cent of the total, have a head as the main feature of the reverse. Two vessels, 1.68 per cent, have heads on both sides as the main decoration. Most of the scenes occur on Late Apulian vessels, although five Middle Apulian



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loutrophoroi have heads as a decorative element in secondary locations. The eight vessels with heads as a major element of their decoration account for 7.08 per cent of all (113) Late Apulian loutrophoroi. Turning to drinking vessels, we shall begin with the skyphos. There are 214 skyphoi decorated with heads. In every case, the head scene is the principal decorative element, which is to be expected, given the shape and size of the vessel form. Thus, 37.54 per cent of all skyphoi (615 vessels in total) are decorated with heads. A head occurs on the obverse on 171 skyphoi, 30 per cent of the total. Heads are even more common on the reverse, occurring on 204 vases or 35.79 per cent of the total. 161 skyphoi, 28.25 per cent of the total, have heads on both sides. All of the head scenes, with the exception of one Early Apulian example, occur on Late Apulian skyphoi. Thus, heads are major decorative elements on 58.68 per cent of all Late Apulian skyphoi (213 out of 363 examples). The kantharoid skyphos is essentially a Late Apulian form; there is only one example that is earlier, dating to the Middle Apulian. All of the scenes with heads on this form date to Late Apulian phase. A total of 24 vessels, 53.33 per cent of the total (45 vases), have head scenes. 21, 46.67 per cent of the total, occur on the obverse and 25, 55.56 per cent, on the reverse. Some 22 of these vessels, 48.89 per cent of the total, have heads on both sides. Overall, 54.55 per cent of Late Apulian kantharoid skyphoi are decorated with heads (24 out of 44 vessels). Similarly, the kantharos is also a Late Apulian form, although it occurs in much greater numbers. A total of 420 kantharoi have head scenes. All are the principal decorative element and all occur on Late Apulian vessels. Thus, 64.42 per cent of all kantharoi (652 vessels) are decorated with heads. In 369 cases, 56.60 per cent of the total, heads occur on the obverse. Heads occur on the reverse on 396 vases, or 60.74 per cent of all kantharoi. Most kantharoi decorated in this fashion have heads on both sides, 345 vessels or 52.91 per cent of all examples. For the sake of completeness, 64.81 per cent of all Late Apulian kantharoi are decorated with heads (420 out of a total of 648 vessels). There are three main cup forms: the cup, the cup skyphos, and the stemless cup. The basic cup is a comparatively rare and predominantly Late Apulian form with only 30 examples recorded in the database. Of these, 12, or 40 per cent of the total, are decorated with heads on the obverse. All have heads as the main decorative scene. Of the twelve, seven are also decorated with heads on the reverse, accounting for 23.33 per cent of the total. All of the cups decorated in this way are Late Apulian, making up 42.86 per cent of cups from this phase (28 vessels in total).



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The cup skyphos is a slightly more common form, with 54 examples surviving. Of these, 33 vessels (61.11 per cent of the total) are decorated with heads. In every case, the head is the main decorative element. Almost all are Late Apulian, except for two Early Apulian examples, which have heads on both sides of the vessel, and a Middle Apulian example with a head on the reverse. 30 vases, 55.56 per cent of the total, have heads on the obverse, and 31, 57.41 per cent of the total, have them on the reverse. A total of 28 (51.85 per cent) have heads on both sides. Some 85.71 per cent of all Late Apulian cup skyphoi are decorated with heads (30 examples out of a total of 35). The stemless cup is the most common cup form with 105 examples in the database, most of which are Late Apulian in date. 77 stemless cups, 73.33 per cent of the total, are decorated with heads; in all cases, the head is the main element of decoration. In all, 67 examples, 63.81 per cent of total, have heads on the obverse. 74, 70.48 per cent of the total, have heads on the reverse. Some 64 are decorated with heads on both sides, accounting for 60.95 per cent of the total. All of the head scenes occur on Late Apulian vases. Thus, 76.24 per cent of Late Apulian stemless cups are decorated in this fashion, 77 out of 101 vases. Clearly, this is an example where there is a strong correlation between a Late Apulian form and highly generic decoration. Head scenes are not to be found on drinking horns but they do occur on Late Apulian rhyta. In total, 51 rhyta are decorated in this way, some 21.52 per cent of all (237) such vessels. All of these vessels have a head as a main decorative element on the obverse. Only one example has a head on both sides, this is the only example with a head on the reverse. This accounts for just 0.42 per cent of all rhyta. Generally, the rhyton is a Late Apulian form and 23.18 per cent of all rhyta in this phase are decorated with heads (51 of 220 vessels). The dish (patera) is a shape of local origin that survives in reasonable numbers (433 examples in total). Heads adorn 147 examples, 33.95 per cent of such vessels. The head is a main decorative element on 122 dishes, 28.18 per cent of the total. The head is to be found in the interior on 102 of these, 23.56 per cent of the total and on the obverse of the exterior in 22 cases, 5.08 per cent of the total, with two, 0.46 per cent, having a head as a main element on both the interior and the obverse. 26 paterae, 6.0 per cent of the total, have heads as a main element on the reverse. All of these also have a head either on the interior or on the obverse. Eight of the vessels with heads as a main decorative element, and nine of the overall total, date to the Middle Apulian phase. The rest are Late Apulian. Thus, 31.75 per



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cent of all Late Apulian paterae have a head as a major decorative element, 114 examples out of 359 dishes from that phase. The plate is another essentially Late Apulian form that is well represented in the database with 608 examples in all. Some 493 plates are decorated with heads as the principal decorative element. Thus, 81.09 per cent of all plates are decorated in this fashion. All of the plates decorated with heads are Late Apulian in date, meaning that 82.3 per cent of Late Apulian plates bore a head as the main decoration, 493 vessels out of a total of 599. The plate is another example of a Late Apulian form that was dominated by generic decoration. Unlike the plate, the hydria was a consistently popular form throughout the history of Apulian red-figure, though it was somewhat more popular in the Early and Middle Apulian phases, relative to the total surviving output, than it was during the Late Apulian period. Some 86 hydriai, 11.38 per cent of the total (756 vases), have a head portrait as a part of the decoration. Generally, hydriai have only one field of decoration on the obverse, although some have secondary areas of decoration on the shoulder. 16 hydriai have heads in secondary areas of decoration. The 16 include the only two examples that are not Late Apulian in date, both of which are Middle Apulian, and the one example that has heads on both sides of the vase. Thus, all 70 of the vases, on which heads are the main decorative element, are Late Apulian in date. They account for 9.26 per cent of hydriai from any period and 14.61 per cent of all Late Apulian hydriai (479 examples). Some 17.54 per cent of Late Apulian hydriai have a head in any location (84 of 479 examples). While heads were not particularly common on hydriai, the association of this kind of generic decoration with the Late Apulian phase is maintained for this vase form. The situla was a comparatively rare form, with only 82 examples in the database. A total of 16 individual vases are decorated with heads, 19.51 per cent of the total. Despite the fact that the situla was a form that enjoyed the zenith of its popularity in the Middle Apulian phase, in all but one case, the sole example where the head is in a secondary position, the vases decorated with heads are Late Apulian in date, the exception is Middle Apulian. Nine vases, 11.96 per cent of the total, have a head as the main decorative element on the obverse. Some 14, 17.07 per cent of the total, have a head as the main decorative element on the reverse. A total of eight vases, included in the previous counts, have heads on both sides. Thus, 9.76 of all situlae have heads on both sides. There are, therefore, 15 individual vases with heads as a main decorative element. All are Late Apulian. Thus, 30.61 per cent of all Late Apulian situlae (49 examples) are decorated in this fashion.



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Taking all the vessels listed as lekanides, lekanis lids and lepaste together, there is a total of 888 examples in the database. Once again, the form is only really popular in the Late Apulian phase. 630 individual vessels are adorned with heads, some 70.95 per cent of the total. In all cases, the head is a major decorative element but only eight examples date to before the Late Apulian phase. All eight are Middle Apulian. Of these eight, six have the head on the obverse and two on the reverse; none of the Middle Apulian examples has a head on both sides. 606 vessels, including the six Middle Apulian examples, have a head on the obverse. These account for 68.24 per cent of the total. 614 vessels, including the two Middle Apulian examples, have a head on the reverse: 69.14 per cent of the total. Amongst these are 589 Late Apulian examples with heads on both sides. These make up 66.33 per cent of the total. All in all, there are 622 individual Late Apulian lekanides decorated with heads. They make up 73.09 per cent of all lekanides from that phase (851 examples). Here again, we see a strong correlation between a predominantly Late Apulian vase form and generic decoration with portraits of heads. Even more than the lekanis, the pyxis is a Late Apulian form. Of the 270 examples in the database, all but three are Late Apulian. 227 individual pyxides, or 84.07 per cent of the total, are decorated with heads. The head is the main decoration in all but two of these vessels. As one would expect, virtually all of the examples decorated with heads are Late Apulian. There is a single Middle Apulian example that has heads on both sides. 223 examples have a head as the main decoration on the obverse, 82.59 per cent of the total. 154 have a head as the main decoration on the reverse, 57.04 per cent of the total. Within these totals, there are 152 vessels with heads on both sides, 56.3 per cent of the total. The 224 pyxides of Late Apulian date, that are adorned with heads as a main decorative element, account for 83.9 per cent of all such vessels (267 examples) surviving from that phase. This is another instance of a small Late Apulian form whose decoration is dominated by heads. The various lekythos forms occur throughout the history of Apulian red-figure but peak, in terms of relative popularity, in the Middle Apulian phase. There are 367 examples in the database. Of these, 62, 16.89 per cent of the total, are decorated with a head. On three examples, the head occurs in a secondary location. In the case of the 59 vessels that have the head as a main decorative element, all are on the obverse, which is to be expected given the vase form. Four of the vessels are earlier than the Late Apulian phase, three are Early Apulian and one Middle Apulian. The 55 Late Apulian examples, with heads as the main decorative element, account for 29.26 per cent of all Late Apulian lekythoi (188 vessels).



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The alabastron is a Late Apulian form with 46 examples represented in the database. There are ten alabastra decorated with heads, making up 21.74 per cent of the total. In all cases, the vase is Late Apulian in date and the head is a major decorative element. In eight cases, 17.39 per cent of the total, the head is on the obverse and in two, 4.35 per cent of the total, there is a head on the reverse. In all, 22.73 per cent of all Late Apulian alabastra are decorated with heads (ten out of 44 examples). In this case, the correlation between a Late Apulian vase form and portraits of heads is not especially strong. Indeed, the frequency of head decoration in the Late Apulian phase is lower than that of the long established lekythos form, which performed a similar function. Another Late Apulian form is the askos. There are 124 examples in the database. 60 of these, or 48.39 per cent of the total, are decorated with heads. Of these, only three have heads in a secondary location. 57 vessels, 43.97 per cent of the total, have a head as the main decorative element on the obverse. Only three, 2.42 per cent of the total, have a head as the main decorative element on the reverse. The same three vessels also have a head on the obverse, being the only vessels decorated in this fashion on both sides. All the vessels decorated with heads belong to the Late Apulian phase. Thus, 49.57 per cent of Late Apulian askoi have heads as the major decorative element, 57 out of 115 vessels. For the sake of completeness, it may be noted that there are no gutti decorated with heads but, then, there are only 14 examples in the database. The lebes gamikos enjoyed a similar trajectory of production to the lekythos, being reasonably common throughout the history of Apulian redfigure but with a spike in relative popularity in the Middle Apulian phase. A total of 33 individual vessels, 17.93 per cent of the total (184 vessels), have heads in some location. There are two Early Apulian and seven Middle Apulian examples, all of which have the heads in a secondary location. On 20 vessels, the head is a main element of the decoration. These account for only 11.87 per cent of all lebetes gamikoi. On 13 vessels, 7.07 per cent of the total, there is a head as the principal decoration on the obverse. These same 13 vessels also have heads on the reverse. There are 20 vessels with a head on the reverse, including the 13 that have heads on both sides. 17.54 per cent of Late Apulian lebetes gamikoi (20 out of 114 vessels) have a head as a main decorative element. This shows that the generic portrayal of heads was never an especially popular choice for the decoration of lebetes gamikoi, even in the Late Apulian phase.18 By contrast, stamnoid vessels were quite commonly adorned with heads. In all, 24 individual stamnoid vessels are decorated with heads,



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accounting for 58.54 per cent of the total (41 vessels). All have the heads as the main decorative feature. In 20 cases, 48.78 per cent of the total, the obverse is decorated with a head. 23 stamnoids, 56.1 per cent of the total, have a head as the main decoration on the reverse. In total, 19 of these vessels, 46.31 per cent of the total, have a head on both sides. Most stamnoid vessels are Late Apulian and all of those decorated with heads belong to this phase. In all, 66.67 per cent of all Late Apulian stamnoids are decorated with heads: 24 vessels out of a total of 36. This is another instance of a largely Late Apulian form that painters frequently chose to decorate in this most generic of fashions. All of the remaining forms are rare. There are only 13 plastic vases in the database. All are Late Apulian but only one, 7.69 per cent of the total, is decorated with a head. Moreover, on this single example the head is on the reverse and in a secondary location. There are 43 vessels described as stands or thymiateria. All but one is Late Apulian. Heads feature prominently on these vessels. 35 individual vessels are decorated with a head and in all cases the head is a primary element of decoration. Thus, 81.40 per cent of all such vessels are adorned with heads. The head is on the obverse in 34 cases, 79.07 per cent of the total. On 17 vessels, 39.53 per cent of the total, the reverse bears a head. Of these, 16 examples, 37.21 per cent, have heads on both sides. Thus, the head was an extremely common decorative choice for these Late Apulian forms. All three kernoi in the database are Late Apulian and all three have heads as the primary decoration. The association between head scenes and the Late Apulian phase has been overwhelming demonstrated above. However, the correlation between such scenes and Late Apulian forms is far from consistent. For some forms that only came to prominence in the Late Apulian phase, it was extremely common for them to be decorated with heads. In the case of the cup skyphos, the kantharos, the lekanis, the plate, the pyxis, and the stemless cup, more than sixty per cent of all Late Apulian examples were primarily decorated with portraits of heads. By contrast, for other forms, including the epichysis, the loutrophoros, the rhyton, and the volute-krater, heads are the main decoration in less than 30 per cent of Late Apulian examples. Similarly, some shapes that were well established throughout the history of Apulian red-figure, such as the calyx-krater, the hydria and the lekythos, were only infrequently painted in this fashion: heads, as the primary decorative element, never occur on more than 30 per cent of Late Apulian examples of these forms. For others, e.g. the amphora, the bellkrater, the column-krater, the oenochoe, the pelike, and the skyphos, heads



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became a reasonably popular decorative choice, ranging between 30 and 60 per cent of all Late Apulian examples, although the heads never dominated these well-established forms in the way that they do for some of the morphological novelties. Generally, if an established vase form had a history of generic decoration, such as the reverses of bell-kraters, it was more likely to be painted with heads in the Late Apulian than if generic decoration had never been especially common for the shape.

Gender preferences in head scenes There is one final issue to discuss in respect of head scenes and that is the painters’ overwhelming preference with regard to the gender of the heads depicted. The vast majority of the heads that adorn Apulian red-figure vases are female, a point already alluded to by Trendall and Cambitoglou (RVAp I: lii). Within this category would be female heads that appear to show mortal women. This is by far the most common type. The second most common depict Nike or perhaps some other winged deity. Many of these depictions of heads have one or more wings flanking them. They are included in the figures for Nike. There are also examples interpreted as Aphrodite, as they are flanked by small Erotes. Other goddesses or female mythological figures are rare but not unknown. When they occur, they are identified by their standard attributes, e.g. the head of Athena on the interior of the dish attributed to the Ascoli Satriano Painter, once on the London market (RVAp Suppl. 2, 29/893a). Examples exist of Amazons and Medusa, as well as the divinities previously named. Male heads include what appear to be mortal men, usually unbearded youths but occasionally more mature bearded men. Members of Dionysos’ entourage, e.g. satyrs and silens, also occur and may be identified by the zoomorphic elements of their features. When the head is that of a divine or mythological being, it gives the iconography a somewhat different character. A vase with an image of Aphrodite evokes associations with love and sex. Nike is associated with victors, in love as well as athletics and combat. Satyrs and silens evoke the world of Dionysos, the drinking of wine, and perhaps also associations with rebirth, especially when the vessels were used in funerary contexts. It would be unwise to focus too much on the heads with associations with the gods, as the vast majority of heads would appear to be of mortal women and men. If we take the 6,037 scenes depicting female heads as a main element of decoration, 5,780, or 95.74 per cent of the total, appear to show mortal women, i.e. there is no indication that the head is supposed to be that of a goddess or mythological character. Nike occurs on 223 scenes,



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or 3.69 per cent of the total. Aphrodite occurs 21 times, accounting for 0.35 per cent of such scenes. There are eight heads, 0.13 per cent of the total, identified as Amazons. There is a single example of the head of Athena and one female mask that appears in lieu of an actual head. The story with male heads shows a greater balance between the heads of mortals and those of divine figures. Of the 117 scenes that have a male head as the main decorative element, 56 are the heads of youths. These account for 47.86 per cent of the total. There are 48 heads of satyrs, making up 41.03 per cent of the total. 11 scenes, 9.40 per cent of the total, show the heads of mature men while there are two examples of the heads of silens, accounting for 1.71 per cent of the total. In all, 56.26 per cent of vessels (67 vases), showing a male head as a main decorative element, depict the head of a mortal, while the remaining 42.74 per cent (50 vases) show the head of a member of the entourage of Dionysos. Thus, when male heads were depicted, there was often a desire to evoke associations with the divine. The same cannot be said for depictions of female heads. Leaving this issue aside, in terms of the basic gender divide, the raw counts are revealing. If we begin with all scenes depicting heads, regardless of whether they are in a primary or secondary location or whether they occur on the obverse or reverse of the vase, there are 7,307 scenes of one or more heads. Of these, 7,131 are female and 176 are male. Thus, 97.59 per cent of all the heads depicted in such scenes are female. If we focus only on heads when they occur as the primary decorative element, the picture is no less striking. There are 6,154 such scenes. Of these, 6,037, 98.11 per cent, are female, the remaining 117, 1.90 per cent, are male. There is no significant difference in the ratio of female to male heads regardless of whether the scene occurs on obverse or the reverse. Although the numbers involved are small, there appears to be some difference between the Early Apulian phase and the Middle and Late Apulian phases. To begin with Early Apulian, there are 42 head scenes in all locations. Of these, 25 (59.52 per cent) show female heads and 17 (40.48 per cent) male. Where heads are the primary decoration, there are 38 examples: 21 (55.26 per cent) are female and 17 (44.74 per cent) are male. In the Middle Apulian phase, there are 89 head scenes in all locations. Of these, 79 (88.76 per cent) show female heads and ten (11.24 per cent) male. Where heads are the primary decoration, there are 26 examples, of which 24 (92.31 per cent) are female and two (7.69 per cent) are male. For Late Apulian, there are 7,176 head scenes in all locations. Of these, 7,027 (97.92 per cent) show female heads and 149 (2.08 per cent) male. Where heads are the primary decorative element, there are 6,090 examples, of which 5,993 (98.41 per cent) are female and 97 (1.59 per



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cent) are male. It would seem that in the Early Apulian phase, when the depiction of heads was quite rare, it was almost as likely that the head being depicted would be male as opposed to female. By the Middle Apulian phase, tastes had turned decisively to the depiction of female heads, a trend which only intensified in the Late Apulian phase, when head scenes became truly commonplace. At the heart of generic decoration is, presumably, a desire to produce attractive scenes that are appealing to potential consumers quickly and perhaps to utilise the time of less-skilled artists productively. However, these concerns cannot explain the overwhelming preference for female over male heads. It is not easier to paint a female head nor can it have been less time-consuming. Indeed, if anything, it may have taken very slightly longer to paint a female head, due to the amount of added white that was used to highlight details, such as earrings and necklaces. The explanation for the dominance of the female portrait does not appear to lie in the intended function of the vessels that the heads adorn. Heads occur with varying degrees of frequency on virtually all vase shapes in the Late Apulian phase and female heads are always dominant. Moreover, female heads are most common on cup skyphoi, kantharoi, lekanides, plates, pyxides, and stemless cups. While lekanides and pyxides can be interpreted as “female” forms, heads are far less common on other forms closely associated with women, such as the lebes gamikos and the lekythos. Cup skyphoi, kantharoi and stemless cups are all drinking forms, while the plates were perhaps used for food or food offerings. It is difficult to see these forms as being gendered, especially as depictions on redfigure vases show drinking vessels, such as kantharoi, being held by both sexes, although, if anything, it is more common for male figures to be shown with them than female. The argument that multiple vessels in tombs may stand as signifiers for the mourners is similarly unpersuasive. Although it is very likely that women played prominent roles in South Italian funerals, it is difficult to imagine that over 95 per cent of the attendees would have been female, so the iconography on the vases cannot be seen as a proxy for those who used them. Again, the evidence from Apulian red-figure iconography, showing both men and women at funerary monuments honouring the dead, argues against such an interpretation, v. Chapter Five. Roth (2004) has argued that the female heads on Etruscan red-figure vases may act as a short-hand for identifying women with Aphrodite. The same may have been true for ancient Puglia, at least with respect to those heads that seem to depict mortal women. However, given the overwhelming preference for female heads, it is difficult to understand why it might have been so important to identify



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women with Aphrodite when, by comparison, it seems to have been not nearly as important to associate men with any particular divinity.19 Perhaps the simplest explanation is best. It may have been that female heads were considered to be particularly pleasing aesthetically and were, therefore, a popular choice for painters producing generic scenes that would appeal to their consumers. Adornment seems to have been a significant aspect of female identity in ancient South Italy. This can be attested from the quantity of jewellery that accompanied dead women in wealthier tombs from the area. Even the graves of young girls could be endowed with extensive jewellery (e.g. Tomb 102 from Braida di Vaglio in Basilicata (Setari in Pugliese Carratelli (ed.) 1996: 642-643)). It is not too much of a stretch of the imagination to suggest that women were adorned because they were admired and valued for their physical beauty, just as men were valued for their youthful vigour, physical strength, and martial capacity. This is not to say that women were valued solely for their appearance, there is ample evidence that they played many important roles in South Italian society but that female beauty was admired by the community. While this may reflect a “male gaze”, women too may have ascribed to the same value system and may have admired and aspired to the image of the adorned woman, especially as the Late Apulian phase, when the depiction of female heads was at its peak, was a period that sees the “democratisation” of red-figure pottery.

Summary conclusions Generic decoration is an aspect of Apulian, and indeed, other red-figure productions, that attracts far less attention than the scenes of drama, myth, ritual practices, and the indigenous population that are considered to be most characteristic of the industry. Yet, as the figures detailed above demonstrate, generic decoration is by far the most common type of scene, especially in the Late Apulian period when the output of the industry was at its greatest. Even in the earlier phases, and on examples of the largest vessel forms, which carry some of the most “interesting” iconography on their obverses, the reverses are dominated by generic scenes of draped youths. Although confined to only a limited range of vase forms, more than 20 per cent of all vessels are decorated with draped youths on their reverses, a fact made all the more remarkable given the decline in the popularity of such scenes in the Late Apulian phase. Although highly repetitive, the scenes of draped youths allow for some variety in terms of their composition, through the numbers of youths



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depicted, the objects they hold, their association with altars, stelai and the like, and the vegetal and other ornamentation in the background. The same cannot be said for the head scenes, which are repetitious in the extreme. Nevertheless, there is much of interest that can be gleaned from the study of these most standardised of decorations. It would be neglectful to ignore such scenes when they occur as a major element of decoration on more than 30 per cent of all the vases in the database. The extent to which the head scenes truly come to prominence in the Late Apulian phase is evident from the data presented above. Although this popularity coincides with the massive rise in the production of certain forms, the correlation between head scenes and the new forms is actually quite uneven. Head scenes also become prominent on many long established vase forms, sometimes displacing other generic decoration and, thereby, explaining, at least in part, the decline in the popularity of draped youths. Heads even occur on the obverses of large vessel forms, e.g. on Brindisi 699, a bell-krater connected to the Chevron Group (RVAp II, 22/45); in all, there are 34 bell-kraters in the database that have a female head as the main decoration on the obverse. Although much maligned for their monotony, head scenes can be quite attractive when considered individually. It is perhaps when looked at in this fashion, that the modern viewer can glimpse something of what the original consumers may have seen in such images. The overwhelming choice to depict female rather than male heads is quite startling and must say something about the communities that used the vessels adorned with them. There can be little doubt that the adorned female head was considered an aesthetically attractive image. Of course, there may well have been other associations and meanings that such images conveyed to those who used the vases in antiquity, which would have given the head portraits greater symbolic potency than is evident today. In the next and subsequent chapters, our attention will move beyond the generic images to define some of the patterns that emerge in the iconography that has attracted greater attention from scholars and connoisseurs in the past, beginning with scenes of drama, myth and the gods.



CHAPTER FOUR PATTERNS IN ICONOGRAPHY: DRAMA, MYTH, AND THE GODS

Introduction In terms of scholarship, the likelihood of being displayed in a museum, and the highest prices achieved at auction, the Apulian red-figure pots that have received the greatest attention have been those with the most elaborate iconography, and especially those displaying scenes from Greek mythology. Such scenes commonly occur on the largest vessel forms, where the size of the field of decoration allows for the depiction of numerous figures and complex story lines. Apulian red-figure has been particularly valued for its depiction of obscure myths and, it has been argued, scenes from the theatre. There was, in the Hellenistic period, a great interest in obscure mythological stories, with knowledge of such stories being seen as an indicator of learning and erudition. This is evident in the works of poets, such as Callimachus and Theocritus, and writers, like Apollodorus, who gathered together compendia of mythological stories. Clearly, this trend was already emerging in the Classical period, as authors looked to explore and develop fresh material for their works. Euripides would be a good example of an author who worked with less well-known mythological stories and, indeed, contributed to the creation of variant versions of established tales. Apulian red-figure pottery provides a visual expression of the same kind of interest in obscure myths, and the interplay between myth and drama has been the subject of much of the scholarship on Apulian red-figure. For many years, the relationship between the images painted on Apulian vases and the Greek stage was viewed unproblematically. When new vases were discovered bearing obscure scenes of myth, scholars sought to identify the events of the scene and the characters involved, and frequently linked them to a known play, albeit often a fragmentary or lost play, whose name only survives through references in other ancient sources. This unproblematic relationship can be seen in the title of

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Trendall and Webster’s 1971 collaboration, Illustrations of Greek Drama. However, in more recent times, the nature of the relationship, especially for what have been seen as scenes from Greek tragedy, has been called into question. The problem is knowing whether a scene was intended to be a depiction of a dramatisation of a myth, i.e. a scene from a play, or a depiction of a myth that may have been influenced by a theatrical production, e.g. in the depiction of a particular moment in a story or in having certain characters present at that moment. The issue is not just one of whether the painter believed that s/he was depicting a scene from a play or a story from myth but also what the consumer saw when using the vase. In other words, did a person placing a vessel in the tomb of a loved one believe that they were depositing a scene showing an episode from the theatre, involving actors pretending to be heroes and/or gods, or one from a story involving heroes, gods, and the vagaries of fate? Furthermore, we may ask, was this a distinction that even mattered or occurred to the people of ancient South Italy. On some vases, there are hints that the painter may have been referring to a dramatic performance. For example, on a volute-krater (in the John Orr collection, Toledo; RVAp Suppl. 2, 27/23h, pl. LXXII, 1) attributed to the Baltimore Painter, the death of Hippolytos is depicted. According to Trendall and Cambitoglou, “the presence of a tripod on top of an Ionic column suggests a connection with a successful dramatic performance” (RVAp Suppl. 2: 272). However, in most cases, we simply have a scene from mythology. There are no indications of theatrical staging. The characters do not wear masks or actors’ costumes. Neither is there a chorus nor an indication of musicians to provide the music to support the choral odes. In the absence of clear signs of a theatrical setting, it may be preferable to err on the side of caution and to see these images as depictions of myth, which were influenced, both in terms of specific content and the basic scene selection, by dramatic performances. Indeed, it is likely that vase-painters and their clients had their imagination of the world of the heroes shaped by dramatic performances in much the same way that modern people visualise the American West in terms of images from classic Western films of the mid-Twentieth Century, many of which were filmed in Monument Valley on the Arizona-Utah border and not in the states where the action was said to have taken place. Thus, when vasepainters produced a scene, they reproduced a version similar to that which they had seen in, or heard about from, a play, although it was possible to depict in vase-painting events that could only be described, in messenger scenes, on stage (e.g. the presence of a Fury and the bull in the death of Hippolytos scene mentioned above). Moreover, their customers would

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have expected such material to look like the scenes from a play. The popularity of particular plays may well have influenced their depiction on vase-painting. Thus, there is a relationship between the depiction of mythological scenes on Apulian vases and the performance of Greek tragedies but it is perhaps not as direct as has been commonly imagined. Nevertheless, the fact that obscure myths were depicted on vases provides strong evidence for the enduring popularity of tragedy in South Italy during the Fourth Century BC. In this chapter, the vessels that have been described as showing scenes from tragedy will be discussed in the section on mythological depictions. For even when there is some suggestion of a link to theatrical performance, it is never unequivocal. For example, on the vase discussed above showing the death of Hippolytos, the characters do not wear tragic costumes or masks, there is no stage, and what is depicted could not have been portrayed on the ancient stage. It is, therefore, safer to say that the vase shows a mythological scene that was influenced by, and may even explicitly reference, a theatrical performance. The situation with regard to comic performances is different, although problematic for other reasons. Scenes of comic performances are far easier to recognise as typically the figures are depicted with masks and theatrical costumes. In some instances, the stage is also depicted (e.g. the bell-krater attributed to The Reckoning Painter (Ruvo 901; RVAp I, 4/46, pl. 24, 34)). Trendall considered such scenes to depict performances of phlyax plays, a form of burlesque comedy that developed in South Italy in the Fourth Century BC, and referred to the vessels with such scenes as Phlyax Vases (1967; also 1991), following the tradition established by Heydemann (1886). However, in the past thirty years, the association with phlyax plays has been questioned, most notably by Oliver Taplin (1993), who argued that the scenes, in fact, depict images from Old Comedy. Whichever view is correct, there can be no doubt that these vessels depict theatrical performances of a comic nature. For the purposes of this study, we shall stick with the traditional naming of such scenes simply as a matter of convenience and it is with these vessels that we shall begin.

Phlyax scenes Considering that whole monographs have been devoted to the so-called Phlyax vases, the number of surviving examples is quite small across all the South Italian fabrics; Trendall (1967) listed 185 examples, 120 of which were designated as Apulian (1967: 10). However, in RVAp and its Supplements, only 65 vessels and fragments are listed as showing phlyax

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scenes (Fig. 6). For the sake of consistency, this section deals only with the material listed in RVAp and its Supplements. Many of the vessels listed as Apulian in Phlyax Vases simply do not appear in RVAp or its Supplements.

Fig. 6. Obverse of a bell-krater (Malibu, 96.AE.113; formerly on the Lugano market), attributed to the Cotugno Painter (RVAp Suppl. 2 10/46a), showing a phlyax scene. Photograph courtesy of the J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu.

Thus, the 65 examples account for only 0.48 per cent of all Apulian vessels (13589 examples) in the sample; even if all the examples listed in Phlyax Vases were to be included in the count, they would account for less than 0.9 per cent of all vases. Thus, scenes of comic performances were never a significant part of the Apulian output in purely numerical terms (Table 5).

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Total number of vases with phlyax imagery per phase

Percentage of vases with phlyax imagery per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

Early Apulian

37

56.92

1,599

11.77

Middle Apulian

22

33.87

2,625

19.32

Late Apulian

6

9.23

9,365

68.92

65

100.00

13,589

100.00

All phases

Table 5. The relative popularity of phlyax scenes compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. The majority of the phlyax vases date to the Early Apulian phase. 37 examples, or 56.92 per cent of the total, belong to this era. In total, 2.31 per cent of all early Apulian vases (1,599 examples) have a phlyax scene. Thus, even at their zenith, phlyax scenes were only ever a minor feature of the Apulian repertoire. There are 22 individual vases with phlyax imagery from the Middle Apulian phase. These account for 33.85 per cent of all vases in the sample decorated in this way. In terms of the total output of the Middle Apulian phase, phlyax vases make up 0.84 per cent of it (22 vases out of a total of 2,625). Phlyax imagery declines significantly in the Late Apulian phase with only six examples, or 9.23 per cent of all such vessels, belonging to this phase. These six vessels account for less than one hundredth of one per cent of all Late Apulian vases (9,365 in total). Although phlyax images were never a significant part of the Apulian output, the decline over time is quite marked. Moreover, it is compounded by changes in the details of the iconography. Of the 37 Early Apulian examples, 36 show an actual scene of phlyakes and one is simply a portrait of the head of a phlyax. 21 of the Middle Apulian examples also show phlyakes in action. The one remaining scene shows Dionysos holding a phlyax mask, there is no actual phlyax present. By contrast, all six of the Late Apulian examples show phlyax masks and not actual comedic

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performances. Thus, while occasional reference to comedic performance still occurred on the iconography of Late Apulian red-figure, there no longer seemed to be any interest in depicting actual performances. We do not know the precise history of comic theatre in ancient South Italy but Rhinthon, the most famous author associated with phlyax plays, is believed to have lived between c.320 and c.285 BC, whereas all of the Apulian vases showing actual comic performances date to before c.340 BC. Trendall (1967: 9) alludes to this issue. Whether this strengthens the argument that the vases should be scene as illustrations of Old Comedy is debatable. What may be depicted could be earlier incarnations of South Italian comic performances that predate the high-watermark of the genre that Rhinthon typifies. Most phlyax images occur on the obverse of the vases that they adorn. All 37 of the Early Apulian examples adorn the obverse of the vase. Of the 22 Middle Apulian examples, 20 have phlyakes on the obverse only, one has a phlyax scene on both sides, and a further one only has a phlyax scene on the reverse. In the case of the Late Apulian examples, four occur on the obverse and two on the reverse. Thus, out of 66 scenes in total (allowing for the vase decorated on both sides in this fashion) only six, 9.09 per cent of the total, occur on the reverse of the vase. This suggests that on the rare occasions that such scenes were depicted, they were normally considered a very important part of the iconography. Perhaps unsurprisingly, given their relatively small number, phlyax scenes occur on only a limited range of vase forms.

The frequency of phlyax scenes by vessel form Of the 65 vessels with phlyax scenes, 34 are bell-kraters, making up 52.31 per cent of the total. 14, 21.54 per cent of the total, are on oenochoai. Eight, 12.31 per cent of the total, occur on calyx-kraters. Two occur on askoi and two on dinoi, each vase form accounting for 3.08 per cent of the total. There is a single phlyax scene to be found on a pelike, a skyphos, and a volute-krater. Each accounts for 1.54 per cent of the total. The remaining two examples are to be found on unassigned fragments.20 Looking at the choice of vase-form over time, the 37 Early Apulian examples occur on 24 bell-kraters (64.86 per cent of the phlyax vases from this period), eight oenochoai (21.62 per cent of the total), two calyxkraters (5.41 per cent), one askos (2.71 per cent), and two fragments (making up the remaining 5.41 per cent). The 22 Middle Apulian examples are to be found on nine bell-kraters (40.91 per cent of the phlyax vases from this period), six oenochoai (27.27 per cent), four calyx-kraters

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(18.18 per cent), one askos (making up 4.55 per cent of the total and also being the only vase with a phlyax scene on both sides), one pelike (4.55 per cent), and one skyphos (4.55 per cent). The six Late Apulian examples occur on one bell-krater (16.67 per cent of the phlyax vases from this period), two calyx-kraters (33.33 per cent), two dinoi (33.33 per cent), and one volute-krater (16.67 per cent). The dominance of wine-mixing vessels is noteworthy. Almost 70 (69.23) per cent of phlyax scenes occur on such vessels. If we focus simply on vessels associated with wine, the percentage rises to more than 90 (92.31) per cent, made up of the bell-kraters (34), the calyx-kraters (eight), the volute-krater (one), the dinoi (two), the oenochoai (14) and the skyphos (one). The association of comic performances with wine makes sense as Dionysos was both a god of wine and of the theatre. Moreover, the comic antics of the phlyakes are complementary to the revelry associated with Dionysos. Indeed, phlyakes are explicitly associated with the world of Dionysos on five vessels, two Early Apulian, one Middle Apulian, and two Late Apulian. The only other mythological figure with whom they are almost as closely aligned is Herakles, who features on four such vases: three Early Apulian and one Middle Apulian. Herakles’ adventures were often presented in a light-hearted manner in Greek literature and his taste for revelry lent itself to comic representation. The association between phlyakes and wine is completed by two Late Apulian vessels, which show symposium scenes with phlyax masks forming part of the backdrop. To conclude, scenes of phlyakes are rare but they occur most frequently in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. They have a strong connection with vessels associated with wine consumption and, especially, wine-mixing. Such vessels are generally large and often attract some of the most interesting iconography. So, although phlyax scenes are few in number, they occur in prominent locations on large vessels. Such vessels often have standardised reverses, but the obverses, where the phlyax scenes routinely occur, are anything but generic. It is notable that phlyax scenes decline significantly in the Late Apulian phase, an era dominated by smaller vase forms and with an even greater tendency towards generic decoration. Of course, the downturn in the number of phlyax scenes runs alongside the decline in the production of the bell-krater, the form with which they are most closely associated. Moreover, both are concurrent with a relative dwindling of interest in the world of Dionysos (v. infra, the section on depictions of the gods).

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Fig. 7. Obverse of a volute-krater (New York, 69.11.7), attributed to the Baltimore Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a scene of the Judgement of Paris. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

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Scenes of myth Scenes from mythology are perhaps the most striking iconography to appear on Apulian red-figure vases (Fig. 7). The content of such scenes inspires the attention of collectors, scholars, including museum curators, and the general public in a way that other aspects of the Apulian repertoire do not. Of course, this is not unique to Apulian red-figure, the same points apply to every production of figured pottery. The rich corpus of Greek mythology holds an enduring fascination for Western civilisation and the visual images of myths, painted and used by members of the culture that created and constantly reinvented them, are naturally seen as compelling. As already outlined above, the vases discussed in this section include those that have often been interpreted as showing scenes from Greek tragedy. While the stage may have inspired many of these scenes, not all have a connection with the theatre, as other genres of Greek literature also dealt with mythological material and the stories formed part of the general cultural knowledge of all Greeks. In the case of South Italy, from the evidence of red-figure vase-painting, it seems likely that there was a good knowledge of stories from Greek myth among the indigenous population too. Indeed, among the élites of that population, the knowledge would appear to have been deep and highly sophisticated. Moreover, some of indigenous élites may well have claimed descent from Greek heroes, just as aristocratic families did in the Greek world. For example, the Greeks identified Diomedes as the founder of Arpi, the largest settlement in Northern Puglia (Herring 2009a). It is easy to believe that the local leadership may have found it useful, at least when dealing with Greeks, to appropriate this version of their community’s ancestry. The material discussed in this section includes every scene within the sample where a recognised scene from mythology can be identified. It also includes scenes with complex iconography, which would appear to derive from a mythological narrative, even though the specific content cannot be identified at present. This material is referred to as displaying unclassified mythological scenes. Vases showing mythological scenes are much more likely to be permanently displayed in museums, or to be used to illustrate books about the Classical world, than those bearing more generic decoration. Vases with mythological scenes also fetch higher prices at auction. Despite the popularity of mythological scenes in the modern world, they are, by no means, the most common iconography on Apulian vases. In total, there are 679 vases showing mythological scenes in the database. This amounts to just five per cent of all Apulian (13,589) vases.

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Once again, there is some significant chronological variation in the pattern, although mythological scenes were never dominant in any period (Table 6). In the Early Apulian phase, there are 167 scenes of myth, accounting for 10.44 per cent of all (1,599) vessels produced in that era, a total that is very close to the overall percentage of Apulian vessels produced in that phase. A decline in the relative popularity of such subject matter had already set in by the Middle Apulian phase. The 149 Middle Apulian mythological subjects account for 5.68 per cent of all (2,625) vases from that phase. The Late Apulian phase saw a surge in the production of smaller vase forms, whose restricted decorative fields did not lend themselves to the portrayal of complex narrative scenes, and a rise in the most generic types of iconography. Only 363 mythological scenes are attributed to the Late Apulian phase, decorating 3.88 per cent of all (9,365) vases from that time. It can, therefore, be seen that, while mythology was a constant source of decorative inspiration for vasepainters, it was never the most important subject matter available to them.

Total number of vases with mythological scenes per phase

Percentage of vases with mythological scenes per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

Early Apulian

167

24.59

1,599

11.77

Middle Apulian

149

21.94

2,625

19.32

Late Apulian

363

53.46

9,365

68.92

All phases

679

100.00

13,589

100.00

Table 6. The relative popularity of mythological scenes compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase. When mythological scenes were depicted, they mostly adorn the obverses of the vases on which they were painted. This, perhaps, suggests that myth was considered an important subject matter. The complexity of many of the scenes, together with the number of figures depicted and the

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need to give time and thought to the composition, at least when compared with more generic scenes, may suggest that the vases with such scenes took longer to produce and may have been left in the hands of the more skilled and experienced painters. Presumably, the time and skill required to produce such vessels would have been reflected, at least to some extent, in the way that these vessels were viewed and valued in antiquity. Of the 679 examples in the database, 616, or 90.72 per cent of the total, have mythological scenes on the obverse only. Only seven vessels, 1.03 per cent of the total, have mythological scenes on the reverse only. 56, or 8.25 per cent of the total, have mythological scenes on both the obverse and the reverse. Thus, 98.97 per cent of all the examples have such a mythological scene on the obverse (i.e. 672 vessels made up of the 616 with the scene on the obverse only and the 56 with myth on both sides). When artists chose to depict a mythological scene, it was normally given the greatest prominence. Of the seven vases with mythological scenes on the reverse only, two belong to the Early Apulian phase, making up 1.20 per cent of (167) vases decorated in this fashion from the period, one is Middle Apulian, accounting for 0.67 per cent of the (149) vases with mythological scenes from the era, and four are Late Apulian, 1.10 per cent of the (363) total. The 56 vessels with mythological scenes on both sides are distributed through time as follows: 15 are Early Apulian, making up 8.98 per cent of Early Apulian vases decorated with myth (167 in total); 19 are Middle Apulian, accounting for 12.75 per cent of the Middle Apulian total (of 149 vases); and 22 are Late Apulian, or 6.06 per cent of the total (363 examples) from that phase.

The frequency of mythological scenes by vessel form Mythological scenes are depicted on a wide range of different forms but the distribution is not even. Some shapes were preferred for the depiction of mythological scenes while others were never decorated in such fashion. Moreover, the distinction is not simply that large vessels, with sufficiently extensive decorative fields suitable for complex, multi-figure scenes, were favoured. There are clear differences between large vessel forms, such as the various types of krater, when comparing the frequency with which they were decorated with scenes of myth. We shall begin with the oenochoe and its related forms. 7.66 per cent of all mythological scenes (52 of 679 examples) occur on these forms. A total of 52 vessels show scenes of myth, just 2.61 per cent of all such vessels (1993 examples); all but one, a Middle Apulian chous, are listed as

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oenochoai in RVAp and its Supplements. As would be expected, all 52 scenes occur on the obverse. Eight, or 6.02 per cent of the oenochoai and related vessels from that era (133), are Early Apulian. 4.10 per cent of Middle Apulian oenochoai and related forms, or 11 vases out of a total of 268, are decorated with scenes of myth. These forms became much more popular in the Late Apulian phase but scenes of myth did not increase to the same degree. Only 33 examples are dated to the Late Apulian phase. They account for 2.07 per cent of all the oenochoai and related forms from the period. Oenochoai were generally comparatively small vessels, with a single, relatively restricted field of decoration on the obverse. As such, they were not best suited to the depiction of complex myths and this is reflected in the data. That these forms achieve their greatest popularity in the Late Apulian phase, where generic decoration was at its peak, only compounds this fact. In many ways, the epichysis is a similar form to the oenochoe in terms of its function and scope for decoration. It is, however, decidedly a feature of the Late Apulian phase. Only two epichysides, 1.63 per cent of such vessels (123 in total), show scenes of myth. One is Middle Apulian, and accounts for 8.33 per cent of the epichysides from that phase (12 vessels). The other accounts for 0.90 per cent of such vessels (111) from the Late Apulian phase. Only 0.29 per cent of all mythological scenes occur on epichysides (two of 679 examples). The nestoris is a rare and distinctive form but it was not regularly chosen as a vehicle for the depiction of myth. Only one nestoris carries such a scene. Thus, only 2.70 per cent of nestorides in the sample (37 in total) are decorated with scenes of myth. The one example has the scene on the obverse and is Late Apulian in date; four per cent of Late Apulian nestorides are decorated in this fashion (one example out of 25 vessels). Nestorides account for 0.15 per cent of all mythological scenes (one of 679 examples). None of the forms discussed thus far were popular choices for depicting myth. The situation with regard to the wine-mixing forms is quite different as these include the shapes most likely to be decorated in this way. Some 65 bell-kraters show scenes of myth. This equates to 3.49 per cent of all bell-kraters in the sample (1,865 vessels). The vast majority of the vases in question have a mythological scene on the obverse only. Two examples have mythological scenes on both sides, one of which is Early Apulian and the other Middle Apulian. One Early Apulian example only has a mythological scene on the reverse; the obverse of the vessel, attributed to the Choregos Painter, carries a phlyax scene (Museo Civico, Milan; RVAp Suppl. 2, 1/123). Of the 65 vessels under discussion, 51,

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78.46 per cent of all bell-kraters decorated with mythological scenes, are Early Apulian. Thus, 7.22 per cent of all Early Apulian bell-kraters were adorned with scenes of myth (51 out of 706 vessels). There are 11 Middle Apulian examples, accounting for 16.92 per cent of all bell-kraters decorated with mythological scenes. The likelihood that a bell-krater would be decorated with a mythological scene declined significantly in the Middle Apulian phase with only 1.71 per cent of bell-kraters being decorated in this way (11 out of 643 vessels). The decline continued in the Late Apulian phase. Only three Late Apulian bell-kraters are painted with mythological scenes, just 4.62 per cent of all bell-kraters are decorated in this fashion. Only 0.58 per cent of Late Apulian bell-kraters have mythological scenes (three out of 516 vases). Despite this decline, 9.57 per cent of all mythological scenes occur on bell-kraters (65 out of 679 examples). Almost as many mythological scenes occur on calyx-kraters as on bellkraters, despite the fact that the former shape is far less common than the latter. There are 63 calyx-kraters decorated with scenes of myth, meaning that 37.72 per cent of all calyx-kraters (167 vessels) have a mythological scene. Three of these vessels, two Early Apulian, one Middle Apulian, have mythological scenes on both sides; all the rest have the mythological scene on the obverse. In terms of the breakdown by time, 22 examples are Early Apulian, accounting for 34.92 per cent of all calyx-kraters decorated with myth. 38.60 per cent of all Early Apulian calyx-kraters have a mythological scene (22 out of a total of 57 vessels). There are 15 Middle Apulian examples, making up 23.81 per cent of all calyx-kraters decorated with myth. 27.78 per cent of all Middle Apulian calyx-kraters have a mythological scene (15 out of a total of 54 vessels). Unlike the other forms discussed until now, there is no decline in the popularity of mythological scenes on calyx-kraters in the Late Apulian phase, if anything the opposite is true. There are 26 examples in the database, adding up to 41.27 per cent of all calyx-kraters decorated with myth (26 of 63). 46.43 per cent of all Late Apulian calyx-kraters have a mythological scene (26 out of a total of 56 vessels). The production of calyx-kraters stayed very steady over time and in every phase they were very likely to be decorated with a mythological scene. Indeed, 9.28 per cent of all such scenes occur on calyx-kraters (63 out of a total of 679), which is an impressive total given the comparative rarity of the form.21 Column-kraters are more numerous than calyx-kraters but they were not favoured as a vehicle for mythological scenes. Only 13 column-kraters have mythological scenes, meaning that just 2.15 per cent of all such vessels (604 examples) have such decoration. All of the scenes occur on

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the obverse sides of the vessels in question. Mythological scenes were most popular on column-kraters in the Early Apulian period. Eight of the examples come from that period, accounting for 61.54 per cent of all column-kraters decorated in this way. 8.89 per cent of all Early Apulian column-kraters have a mythological scene (eight out of a total of 90 vessels). The popularity of mythological scenes on column-kraters begins to decline in the Middle Apulian phase. There are four Middle Apulian column-kraters decorated with myth, making up 30.77 per cent of all such vessels decorated with myth. Only 1.55 per cent of all Middle Apulian column-kraters have a mythological scene (four out of a total of 258 vessels). The decline in popularity continues in the Late Apulian phase. There is only a single example from that period, equating to 7.60 per cent of all column-kraters decorated with myth (one of 13). Only 0.39 per cent of all Late Apulian column-kraters have a mythological scene (one out of a total of 256 vessels). In all, just 1.91 per cent of mythological scenes occur on column-kraters (13 out of a total of 679). Given the general popularity of mythological scenes on wine-mixing vessels, the column-krater stands out as an anomaly. Perhaps an explanation lies in the probable market for column-kraters. Both Carpenter (2003) and I (Herring 2014) have argued that the column-kraters showing indigenous men were made for use in the tombs of Central Puglia. The column-krater was the preferred vehicle for the depiction of the indigenous community and acted as a substitute for the large vessel that had previously been found in all tombs in the area. It is probable that column-kraters were mostly produced for (and perhaps in) Central Puglia. Of 21 column-kraters with a find-spot noted in RVAp and its Supplements, only three, one from Arpi, one from Ruvo, and one from Camarina in Sicily, are outside Central Puglia and neighbouring parts of Basilicata. Carpenter (2018: 69) has recently gone further and stressed the Apulian column-krater’s links to local ceramic traditions. It could be argued that when column-kraters were given complex decoration, they tended to show scenes of the indigenous community. The Central Apulian consumers may have preferred such scenes over those of myth, at least on column-kraters in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. However, this does not mean that they had a less developed knowledge of Greek mythology when compared to other indigenous people in South-East Italy.22 The form that has the greatest number of mythological scenes is the volute-krater with 176 in total. Thus, 22.42 per cent of all volute kraters (786 examples) have mythological decoration. 25 examples, 14.20 per cent of the volute-kraters decorated with myth, ten Early Apulian, nine Middle Apulian, six Late Apulian, have such scenes on both sides. A single Early

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Apulian example, 0.57 per cent of the total (one of 176), has the mythological scene on the reverse. Overall, 19 examples are Early Apulian, accounting for 10.80 per cent of all volute-kraters decorated with myth. A remarkable 82.61 per cent of all Early Apulian volute-kraters have a mythological scene (19 out of a total of 23 vessels). There are 42 Middle Apulian examples, making up 23.86 per cent of all volute-kraters decorated with myth. Although still popular, mythological scenes did not dominate the decoration of Middle Apulian volute-kraters to the extent that they had in the Early Apulian phase. Nevertheless, 57.53 per cent of all Middle Apulian volute-kraters had a mythological scene (42 out of a total of 73 vessels). There are 115 Late Apulian examples in the database, adding up to 65.34 per cent of all volute-kraters decorated with myth (26 of 63). The production of volute-kraters increased significantly in the Late Apulian phase, however, only 16.69 per cent of all Late Apulian volutekraters have a mythological scene (115 out of a total of 689 vessels). The pattern observable here shows that as the popularity of the vase form increased, so the likelihood of such vessels being decorated with mythological scenes declined. Still, more than a quarter (25.92 per cent) of all mythological scenes occur on volute-kraters (176 out of a total of 679). The dinos is a relatively rare and mostly Late Apulian wine-mixing form. Four are decorated with mythological scenes that run all the way around the vase. All four are Late Apulian in date. Thus, 14.81 per cent of all dinoi (four of 27 examples) are decorated with myth and 19.05 per cent of Late Apulian dinoi (four of 21 vessels) bear such scenes. In total, 0.59 per cent of mythological scenes occur on dinoi (four of 679 examples). 12 non-specific krater fragments bear mythological scenes, meaning that 34.29 per cent of such fragments (out of a total of 35) have mythological scenes on them. Eight are Early Apulian (30.77 per cent of the total, 26, from that phase) and four Late Apulian (57.14 per cent of the total, seven fragments). The importance of mythological scenes on krater fragments may be overstated as the very nature of the scene may have been the reason why the fragment has received sufficient attention to make its way into the collection listed in RVAp and its Supplements. 1.77 per cent of all mythological scenes occur on non-specific krater fragments. The importance of mythological decoration on wine-mixing vessels can be demonstrated if we take all of the forms together. Almost half (49.04 per cent) of all mythological scenes occur on wine-mixing vessels (333 examples out of a total of 679). While the size and importance of such vessels at the funeral helps explain the popularity of mythological scenes, it does not tell the whole story. As we have seen, there is considerable variation between the different wine-mixing forms, with

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mythological scenes being especially common on calyx-kraters and comparatively rare on column-kraters. The pelike was a common vase form, with 1,326 examples in the database, but only rarely were examples of the form adorned with mythological scenes. A total of 27 pelikai, 2.04 per cent of all such vases, were decorated with scenes of myth. Nine Early Apulian pelikai are decorated in this way, accounting for 4.02 per cent of all the pelikai (224 examples) from that phase. All of the Early Apulian examples have the mythological scene on the obverse. There are ten Middle Apulian pelikai with scenes of myth, some 2.46 per cent of such vases (407 in total) from the period. Of these, six have mythological subject matter on the obverse only, one has it only on the reverse, and the remaining three have mythological scenes on both sides of the vase. In the Late Apulian period, eight pelikai bear mythological scenes, seven on the obverse and one on the reverse. Thus, just 1.15 per cent of Late Apulian pelikai are decorated in this fashion (eight of 695 vessels), reflecting the general decline in the relative popularity of this subject matter over time. Overall, although pelikai account for 9.76 per cent of all vases in the database, they account for just 3.98 per cent of all vases decorated with mythological scenes (27 of 679 vessels). There are 760 amphorae, designated variously as amphorae and panathenaic amphorae, in the database. 62 of these, 8.16 per cent, are decorated with mythological subjects. Only four examples date to the Early Apulian period but these account for 12.12 per cent of all the amphorae (33 vessels) from that time. Three of the four vessels in question have the mythological scene on the obverse only, the fourth has mythological subject matter on both sides. In the Middle Apulian phase, nine amphorae, 5.42 per cent of such vases (166) from the period, have mythological subjects. Seven of the nine amphorae have a mythological scene on the obverse only, the other two are decorated in this way on both sides. 49 Late Apulian amphorae are decorated with myth, making up 8.74 per cent of the amphorae (561) from this phase. Of these, 42 have the mythological scene on the obverse only and the remaining seven have scenes of myth on both sides of the vessel. It is clear, therefore, that amphorae were considered suitable for the depiction of myth, because of their size and perhaps also their prominence during the funerary rituals, and that the mythological scenes were seen as significant in that they never occur on the reverse alone. Overall, amphorae account for 9.13 per cent of all the vessels decorated with scenes of mythology (62 of 679 examples), putting amphorae on a par with some of the wine-mixing forms in terms of the popularity of such subject matter.

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There are only 31 barrel-amphorae in the sample and all are Late Apulian. Of these, two, 6.45 per cent of the total, have mythological scenes on the obverse. The loutrophoros is a related, and somewhat more common form, with 119 examples in the database. Of these, 35, 29.41 per cent of the total, are decorated with scenes of myth. Three examples belong to the Middle Apulian phase. Thus, half of all Middle Apulian loutrophoroi are decorated in this way. Of these, one has the mythological scene on the obverse and the other two have such decoration on both sides of the vase. 27.57 per cent of Late Apulian loutrophoroi (32 out of 116 vessels) have mythological decoration. 27 have the scene on the obverse only and the remaining five depict myths on both sides. Clearly, mythology was a popular subject matter for the decoration of loutrophoroi, which is notable as the form was essentially a feature of the Late Apulian period. Some 5.15 per cent of all mythological scenes occur on loutrophoroi (35 out of 679 examples). These data would seem to indicate that mythological subjects were considered appropriate for vessels aimed predominantly at women. None of the surviving neck-amphorae are decorated in this fashion. Mythological scenes are generally rare on drinking forms, perhaps because of the comparatively restricted size of their main decorative fields. Of the 570 skyphoi in the sample, only eight, or 1.40 per cent, are decorated with mythological scenes. All eight scenes occur on the obverse of the skyphoi in question and their chronological spread is quite interesting. Seven, or 87.5 per cent, of the examples decorated with myth belong to the Early Apulian phase. Therefore, 12.5 per cent of Early Apulian skyphoi bear scenes of myth. There are no Middle Apulian examples with mythological subject matter, although 151 skyphoi date to that period. There is but one from the Late Apulian phase. Just 0.28 per cent of all Late Apulian skyphoi are decorated in this fashion (one of 363 examples).23 There are no kantharoid skyphoi with mythological subject matter. Mythological decoration is similarly rare on the kantharos, a predominantly Late Apulian drinking form. There are only ten kantharoi with mythological decoration out of a total of 652 examples. Thus, only 1.53 per cent of all kantharoi carry scenes of myth. The scenes on the ten examples all occur on the obverse of the vessels in question. All are Late Apulian in date but this is in no way remarkable as all but four of the 652 surviving kantharoi belong to that phase. 1.54 per cent of Late Apulian kantharoi are decorated with scenes of myth. Among the various cup forms (cup, cup skyphos, and stemless cup), there is a single example, on the obverse of a Late Apulian stemless cup,

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with mythological decoration. Overall, 0.95 per cent of all stemless cups (105 vessels) and 0.99 per cent of Late Apulian stemless cups (101 vessels) are decorated in this manner. The lack of interest in mythological decoration extends to the more unusual drinking-forms, as there are no examples of either drinking-horns or rhyta with this type of decoration. As noted in the previous chapter, drinking-forms were commonly decorated with heads, which perhaps suited the small decorative fields available on their surfaces. This, together with the fact that a number of these forms are predominantly a feature of the Late Apulian phase, may explain the lack of popularity of mythological scenes. These shapes may have been routinely placed in the hands of painters, who lacked the compositional skills, and perhaps the specialist knowledge, to construct effective images of myth. The patera could achieve quite large dimensions and, in the interior, there was a large decorative field that was potentially suitable for the portrayal of complex scenes. Despite this, scenes of myth are only slightly more common on examples of the form than the average for all Apulian vessels. There are 26 examples in total, which account for 6.0 per cent of all paterae (433 vessels). Almost all the examples occur in the interior, although there is one example with mythological scenes on both the front and the back of the vessel and another with a mythological scene on the reverse. There is a single Early Apulian example, accounting for 3.85 per cent of such scenes on this form. As there are only seven Early Apulian paterae, this single example makes up 14.29 per cent of the total of paterae from that phase. There are ten Middle Apulian examples, accounting for 38.46 per cent of the mythological scenes on paterae, including the one with scenes of myth on both sides. These account for 14.93 per cent of Middle Apulian paterae (67 examples in total). The popularity of mythological decoration declines steeply in the Late Apulian phase. The 15 examples, which include that with a mythological scene on the reverse, account for 57.69 per cent of all the paterae decorated in this way. However, only 4.18 per cent of Late Apulian paterae (359 vessels) have mythological decoration. Although the patera was well suited to this type of decoration, the decline in relative popularity of mythological decoration in the Late Apulian phase must reflect a growing tendency towards simpler and more generic decoration. Plates have a decorative field that is of the same shape as that on the interior of paterae. However, plates are usually much smaller in size, which perhaps explains the rarity of mythological scenes on the form. Only six plates carry mythological subject matter on them. These account

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for less than one (0.99) per cent of the examples of the form, of which there are 608 in total. Half of the examples are Middle Apulian in date. Plates were rare in this phase, with only seven examples in the database. Thus, 42.86 per cent of Middle Apulian plates are decorated with myth. The other three examples are Late Apulian, as are the vast majority of plates. Only 0.5 per cent of Late Apulian plates (599 in total) were decorated with mythological subject matter. Of course, as has already been observed in the previous chapter, the decoration of plates is dominated by generic depictions of heads. Hydriai were produced in reasonable numbers, the database contains 756 examples, throughout the history of the industry. Although hydriai normally only had a single field of decoration, it is usually quite large due to the general size of the form. Despite these facts, mythological scenes are only averagely popular on hydriai. 40 hydriai have mythological scenes, some 5.29 per cent of all such vases. Ten belong to the Early Apulian phase and account for 8.62 per cent of the hydriai (116 examples) produced in that period. The same number (ten) of Middle Apulian examples have mythological subject matter, but these account for 6.21 of hydriai from this phase (161 vessels). There are 20 Late Apulian examples, making up 4.18 per cent of all Late Apulian hydriai (479 vessels). Again, the pattern shows a falling off in the relative popularity of mythological scenes in the Late Apulian phase. The situla was a comparatively rare form with an unusual pattern of production through time, enjoying its peak in the Middle Apulian phase. However, it was a form that was quite often decorated with scenes from myth. 15 of the 82 situlae in the database, or 18.29 per cent, were decorated in this manner. All but two have the mythological scene on the obverse. There are only four Early Apulian situlae and half of these are decorated with mythological subjects. Eight examples with mythological decoration belong to the Middle Apulian phase; they account for 27.59 per cent of all the situlae (29 examples) from that period. The five Late Apulian examples include the two with the mythological scene on the reverse. 10.2 per cent of Late Apulian situlae (49 vessels in total) have mythological decoration. While the pattern shows the regularly observed fall-off in the relative popularity of scenes of myth, this type of decoration was clearly favoured for this form. The shape of the situla with its large decorative fields was well suited to mythological subjects. Its function, for holding liquids and the possible association with wine, as suggested by the depictions of situlae being held by participants in Dionysian processions, may also have influenced the choice of subject matter. As we have already seen, mythological scenes were popular on certain types of wine-mixing

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vessels as well as on amphorae, all forms associated with holding significant quantities of wine. The lekanis was an important part of the output of the industry during the Late Apulian phase, though the fact that it was a lidded form may mean that its importance is overstated. There are 888 lekanides in the database. The total includes lekanis lids that have become separated from the bowl and the single lepaste. A sole example, an Early Apulian lekanis lid, has a mythological scene, although it is perhaps noteworthy that there are only two Early Apulian lekanides in total. Only 0.11 per cent of all the lekanides in the database was decorated in this fashion. Another lidded, and predominantly Late Apulian, form was the pyxis. Most pyxides are small and not well suited to mythological scenes. It is not surprising, therefore, that only two pyxides, or 0.74 per cent, out of a total of 270 in the database carry scenes of myth. Both are of Late Apulian date, as are the overwhelming majority (267) of examples of the form. Overall, 0.75 per cent of Late Apulian pyxides have mythological decoration. The lekythos, in its various forms, is reasonably well represented in the database with 367 examples. Mostly, lekythoi are small and only have a single field of decoration. It is no great surprise that they seldom feature mythological scenes. In all, eight lekythoi, 2.18 per cent of the total, have mythological scenes. Two examples occur during the Middle Apulian phase, the heyday of the lekythos, accounting for 1.61 per cent of all the lekythoi (124 examples) from that period. The remaining six examples with mythological scenes are all Late Apulian in date. This means that, contrary to the usual trend, mythological scenes became more popular on lekythoi in the Late Apulian phase. 3.19 per cent of Late Apulian lekythoi (six out of a total of 188 vessels) have mythological decoration. The alabastron was a mostly Late Apulian form for perfumed oils. Again, its shape was not well suited to the depiction of scenes of myth. There is only one example of an alabastron decorated in this fashion, accounting for 2.17 per cent of all such vases (46) in the database. This single example is Middle Apulian in date and is one of only two alabastra assigned to that period. For the record, none of the askoi and gutti in the database is decorated with scenes of myth. The lebes gamikos enjoyed a modest level of popularity throughout the history of the industry, there being 184 examples of the form in the database. Although often of modest size, the shape of the body is such that it has decorative fields that would be suitable for the depiction of simple mythological scenes. Given these facts, and the existence of myths related

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to the topic of marriage, which would fit with the function of lebes gamikos, it is perhaps surprising that mythological subject matter was not particularly popular on this form. Only two lebes gamikoi have mythological subjects, just 1.09 per cent of all such vases. Both occur on the obverse of the vessel and both are Middle Apulian in date. Thus, 3.77 per cent of all Middle Apulian lebetes gamikoi are decorated with scenes of myth. The relative lack of interest in mythological scenes on lebetes gamikoi is noteworthy and fits with the pattern seen on other vessel forms particularly associated with women, i.e. the hydria, the lekanis and the pyxis. While the two latter forms are small and not well suited to the depiction of myth, the fields of decoration on hydriai and lebetes gamikoi would have been suitable for such scenes. The frequency of mythological scenes on hydriai is scarcely above average, while on lebetes gamikoi it is decidedly below average. Women figure as prominent, and often noble, figures in many myths, so it is not a matter of myth being only concerned with the heroic deeds of men. It is perhaps more the case that other subjects were considered more appropriate for those vessels most closely associated with female identity. It should be remembered that female graves did not only contain hydriai, lebetes gamikoi, lekanides and pyxides. Not all of the vessels placed in tombs were necessarily concerned with the commemoration of gender identity. Of the 41 stamnoi/stamnoid vessels in the database, two have mythological scenes, accounting for 4.88 per cent of the total. One is Early Apulian and has mythological subjects on both sides. This is the only Early Apulian stamnos. The other is Middle Apulian and has the mythological scene on the obverse. 20 per cent of Middle Apulian stamnoi (five vessels in total) have mythological decoration. Generally, stamnoids belong to the Late Apulian phase, which may explain why mythological subject matter is not more common on a form whose shape and function might otherwise have lent itself to such scenes. Instead, generic decoration was much more favoured for stamnoid vessels. Plastic vases are rare and are exclusively a phenomenon of the Late Apulian phase. Only one is adorned with a mythological scene. There are just 13 plastic vases in the database. Therefore, 7.69 per cent of plastic vases are decorated with a mythological scene. None of the remaining vase forms have mythological decoration. All of the remaining mythological scenes, some 42 in total, 6.19 per cent of all such scenes, occur on fragments of vessels of undetermined shape. There are 91 fragments in the database meaning that 46.15 per cent of fragments are decorated with scenes of myth. This is undoubtedly a skewed picture, as the overall percentage is significantly higher than that

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of any individual vase form. For example, only 37.72 per cent of calyxkraters are decorated in this way, despite the fact that, in relative terms, they were the most popular vehicle for this type of subject matter. There can be little doubt that the interest generated by the mythological iconography is the reason why these fragments were recorded in RVAp and its Supplements. As the pattern is not meaningful, the chronological spread will not be discussed in detail. For the record, 16 of the fragments are Early Apulian, six are Middle Apulian, and 20 Late Apulian. All in all, it can be seen that mythological scenes were only a minor element of the decoration of Apulian vases in overall terms, with only five per cent of all vessels being decorated with scenes of myth. However, for some larger vessel forms, notably calyx-kraters, loutrophoroi, situlae, and volute-kraters, mythological scenes were important. In the case of each of these forms, more than 15 per cent of all surviving examples were decorated with mythological subject matter. For many of the smaller forms, myth was hardly ever drawn upon as subject for illustration. No doubt, this was partly driven by practicality, the fields of decoration being too restricted for the depiction of complex, multi-figure scenes, and perhaps partly by an industry practice of leaving the decoration of smaller forms in the hands of artists whose skills (and possibly experience) were best suited to producing repetitive generic scenes. The relative importance of mythological scenes declines over time with the increased output of the industry and its growing reliance on generic decoration, even on larger vase forms.

The popularity of particular myths over time We shall turn now to the content of the scenes and the patterns that emerge in terms of popularity of particular subjects through time. Given the huge range of mythological subjects that are depicted on vases, individual myths have been grouped into broader categories in order to facilitate a manageable discussion. So, for instance, the popularity of the myths of Herakles will be discussed collectively as opposed to that of the stories of individual labours. This approach should allow the broad trends to emerge, albeit at the expense of fine granular detail. In the Early Apulian phase, there are 192 scenes of myth included in the count. The number is greater than that of the individual vases (167) from the period showing scenes of myth for two reasons. The first is that some vessels have more than one myth depicted upon them. The second is that some scenes appear in two of the general categories. For example, an

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Amazonomachy featuring Herakles will appear in the figures for both Amazonomachy scenes and the myths of Herakles. Of the 192 scenes, eight, 4.17 per cent, were unclassified, i.e. the scene appears to be of a mythological nature but the actual story could not be identified. A further 26, 13.54 per cent, were depicted only once and, therefore, could not be grouped into any of the broader categories. Each individually accounts for 0.52 per cent of the total. Amazonomachy scenes are the most common mythological subject on Early Apulian vases. There are 25 examples, accounting for 13.02 per cent of all mythological subjects from the period. They are closely followed by Trojan War myths, which is a category that includes not just scenes of war from the Iliad but also related stories, such as the Judgement of Paris and depictions of Helen and Paris. There are 23 Trojan War scenes and these account for 11.98 per cent of the total. The myths of Herakles are almost as popular with 21 occurrences, accounting for 10.94 per cent of the total. The only individual story depicted more than once is the battle with the Nemean Lion, which occurs twice. Orestes’ adventures are just as commonly portrayed but here the 21 occurrences show a far narrower range of scenes. Most are connected with his visit to Delphi, which is shown seven times, with the actual purification shown a further five times. He is also shown, with his sister, Electra, at Agamemnon’s grave on five occasions. There is then quite a gap to the next most popular hero, Perseus. His adventures are depicted 11 times, which make up 5.73 per cent of the total. Mostly he is shown with the Gorgon’s head but occasionally he is with Andromeda or Danae. Bellerophon is shown seven times, across a range of episodes, accounting for 3.65 per cent of the total. On six occasions, 3.13 per cent of the total, a Centauromachy is shown. Equally popular are the myths of Theseus, which is perhaps a little surprising given that he is so closely associated with Athens, when the Greek cities in or close to Puglia, namely Tarentum and Metapontum, were both Dorian communities and the former was a colony of Sparta. Orpheus and Jason both occur five times, each representing 2.6 per cent of the total. Given that so many Apulian vessels were connected with wine-drinking and that some of his myths are connected with death and rebirth, it is perhaps surprising that myths concerned with Dionysos only occur four times on Early Apulian vessels, although the god and his entourage are well represented in more generic depictions of the gods, as will be shown in the next section, v. infra, All depictions of the gods. This is the same number as scenes of Apollo and Marsyas, and scenes from the adventures of Odysseus. Each accounts for 2.08 per cent of all Early Apulian scenes of myth. The somewhat obscure myth of Callisto and Arcas is depicted three times as is

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the better-known story of Pentheus. The latter is, of course, directly connected with Dionysos, although the three scenes of Pentheus and Agave are not included in the figures for the god as he is not shown on the vases in question. Three scenes account for 1.56 per cent of the total of mythological scenes from the period. The following mythological figures/stories occur twice: Actaeon, Ixion, Pelops, Poseidon and Amymone, and the Seven against Thebes. Each represents 1.04 per cent of Early Apulian mythological scenes. Turning to the Middle Apulian period, there are 178 scenes of myth. Of these, nine scenes, 5.06 per cent of the total, were unidentified but almost certainly mythological stories. A further 25, making up 14.04 per cent of the total, are one-off depictions; each accounts for 0.56 per cent of the total of Middle Apulian mythological scenes. In this period, the myths of the Trojan War are overwhelmingly the most popular mythological subject. There are 39 separate occurrences and they account for 21.91 per cent of the total. The next most popular myth, the Amazonomachy, lags a long way behind, with only a third of the number of examples compared with Trojan War scenes. The 13 examples represent 7.30 of mythological scenes from the period. As was the case in the Early Apulian phase, Herakles and Orestes were equally popular in the Middle Apulian phase. Both are depicted ten times, each making up 5.06 per cent of the total. Next in line is Perseus though he is now joined by Pentheus on eight representations. Both account for 4.49 per cent of the total. There are five occurrences of the myths of Orpheus, Pelops, and the story of Poseidon and Amymone. The battle between Arimasps and Griffins, which was not depicted in the Early Apulian phase, is also documented five times. Each of these myths, of which there are five examples, accounts for 2.81 per cent of the total. The myth of Europa and the Bull and that of Ganymede, neither of which had been depicted in the Early Apulian phase, occur four times each. Individually they account for 2.25 per cent of Middle Apulian mythological scenes. The story of Apollo and Marsyas is equally popular, with four occurrences, 2.25 per cent of the total. The myths of Actaeon, Iphigenia in Tauris, the madness of Lycurgus, Niobe, Theseus, and the departure of Triptolemos are all depicted three times, each accounting for 1.69 per cent of the total. The stories of Iphigenia in Tauris, the madness of Lycurgus, Niobe, and the departure of Triptolemos had not been depicted in Apulian red-figure prior to this phase. The following myths/myth cycles are all shown on two occasions and each respesents 1.12 per cent of the total: Bellerophon; Boreas and Oreithyia; Dionysos; Gigantomachy; and Hades and Persephone. Of these, only the story of Boreas and Oreithyia is new.

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The extent to which the Trojan War cycle dominates the depiction of myth in the Middle Apulian phase is striking, as is the emergence of a number of myths connected to love and sexual desire. These include Europa and the Bull, the abduction of Ganymede, and Boreas and Oreithyia. These can be added to the story of Poseidon and Amymone and that of Hades and Persephone, which had been attested in the Early Apulian phase, to show an increasing interest in stories associated with love. There are also a number of scenes that occur only once that share this theme, such as Eros and Psyche, the Rape of the Leucippidae, and Peleus and Thetis. These stories attest to the growing concern with the power of love, which can be either destructive or transformative, including, in some instances, to the extent that the power of love bestows immortality on the object of a god’s desire. Such myths may have been seen as highly appropriate for depiction on vases that would eventually be placed in a tomb. In the Late Apulian phase, there are 438 mythological scenes. 19 of these, 4.34 per cent of the total, are not attributable to a specific story. There are 24 myths that are depicted only once. Each accounts for 0.23 per cent of the total and collectively 5.48 per cent. In this period, the Amazonomachy is again the most popular mythological subject, although many depictions occur on secondary locations, such as the necks of volutekraters. In all, 17.35 per cent of all Late Apulian mythological scenes show an Amazonomachy. The next most popular topic is the Trojan War with 59 occurrences, accounting for 13.47 per cent of the total. The myths of Herakles are depicted on 36 occasions, making up 8.22 per cent of the total. A new topic, an Assembly of the Gods, is depicted 23 times and makes up 5.25 per cent of the total. Almost all examples, 22 of the 23, occur on the upper register of the main scene of volute-kraters, where the gods oversee and, presumably, sanction the events that unfold below, which typically show another mythological scene. There are 20 depictions of events in the life of Pelops, some 4.57 per cent of the total, most of which are connected to the chariot-race and his attempt to win the hand of Hippodamia and are, therefore, concerned with love and marriage. The same themes are involved in the depictions of Hades and Persephone. There 15 of these, making up 3.42 per cent of the total. The myths of Perseus, which are also connected with love, are shown 14 times, 3.20 per cent of the total. Bellerophon continues to be a relatively commonly depicted hero, being shown 12 times. Just as popular in the Late Apulian phase was Amphiaraos. The myths of Bellerophon and of Amphiaraos each account for 2.74 per cent of the total. By far the most common myth concerning the latter hero was his depiction in the Underworld. This

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reflects a growing interest in imagery concerned with death and the afterlife that can be seen on Late Apulian vases, which will be discussed in more detail in Chapter Five. The Gigantomachy, which had only occasionally been depicted in earlier times, is shown ten times on Late Apulian vases, making up 2.28 per cent of the total. The myths of Dionysos and that of Europa and the Bull each occur nine times, 2.05 per cent of the total. The culture hero, Orpheus, who is also shown regularly in the Underworld, is depicted eight times, which amounts to 1.83 per cent of all Late Apulian mythological scenes. The myth of Niobe, a story of loss and grief that is highly appropriate for funerary material, is shown seven times, making up 1.60 per cent of the total. Actaeon, the Danaids, Jason, and non-specific Underworld scenes all have six instances, each worth 1.37 per cent of the total. The story of the Danaids is another myth connected with the theme of marriage, while the non-specific Underworld scenes reflect the growing interest in commemorating the dead. The rather obscure myths of Eos, and her various lovers, are depicted five times as is the story of Phrixos and the Ram. Each accounts for 1.14 per cent of the total. The Calydonian boarhunt, Hippolytos and Phaedra, the myths of Orestes, and the stories of Theseus all occur on four occasions, each making up 0.91 per cent of the total. The story of Hippolytos and Phaedra is another tale of the tragic consequences of misplaced desire. There are three occurrences, 0.68 per cent of the total, of each of the following: Arimasps and Griffins; Centauromachy; the abduction of Ganymede; the myths of Oedipus; Peleus and Thetis; and Pentheus. The abduction of Ganymede and the story of Peleus and Thetis are both connected to the theme of love, while the most famous Centauromachy took place at the Wedding of Perithous. Poseidon is twice depicted with each of his lovers, Amymone and Amphitrite. Each of these topics is worth 0.46 per cent of the total. These are again stories connected with love and marriage. In addition, there are two occurrences of Amazons fighting Griffins; the Punishment of Dirce; Iphigenia in Tauris; Kreousa; the Madness of Lycurgus; and the Seven against Thebes. The influence of tragedy can be seen in the depictions of Iphigenia, Kreousa, a major character in Euripides’ Ion, and perhaps the Seven against Thebes, as well as in some of the more popular myths, such as the stories of the Danaids, Hippolytos, Jason, Niobe, Oedipus, Orestes, Pentheus, and some of the tales from the Trojan War. Taking an overview of the depiction of scenes from mythology over time, what is striking is the diversity of different subjects portrayed. There are a few dominant topics. The Trojan War accounts for 14.98 per cent of all mythological scenes (121 of 808 scenes). Amazonomachy scenes

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account for 14.11 per cent of the total (114 of 808), and the myths of Herakles, 8.29 per cent (67 of 808). Aside from these, no other subject exceeds five per cent of the total. The Orestes myth accounts for 4.32 per cent of all mythological scenes (35 of 808), mainly due to its popularity in the Early Apulian phase. Depictions of Perseus make up 4.08 per cent of the total (33 of 808). The myths of Pelops only really come to prominence in the Late Apulian phase but this is sufficient for them to account for 3.34 per cent of the total (27 of 808). Another Late Apulian theme, the Assembly of the Gods, takes care of a further 2.85 per cent of the total (23 of 808). This type of scene is really a compositional trend rather than the depiction of specific myth, as the gods are shown above other mythological stories. Bellerophon enjoyed some consistency of popularity over time, accounting for 2.60 per cent of the total (21 of 808). The same is true of Orpheus, whose depictions make up 2.23 per cent of all mythological scenes (18 of 808). Equally popular, with 18 examples and 2.23 per cent of the total, are scenes of Hades and Persephone, however, this myth is much more common on Late Apulian vases. No other myth exceeds two per cent of the total. The following myths each account for more than one per cent of the total: Dionysos (1.86 per cent: 15 examples); Pentheus (1.73 per cent: 14 examples); Europa and the Bull (1.61 per cent: 13 examples); Gigantomachy (1.61 per cent; 13 examples); Theseus (1.61 per cent; 13 examples); Amphiaraos (1.49 per cent; 12 examples); Jason (1.49 per cent; 12 examples); Actaeon (1.36 per cent; 11 examples); Centauromachy (1.24 per cent; ten examples); Niobe (1.24 per cent; ten examples); Apollo and Marsyas (1.11 per cent; nine examples); and Poseidon and Amymone (1.11 per cent; nine examples). All other myths account for less than one per cent of the total. This demonstrates how different the depiction of myth was when compared with much of the decoration of Apulian red-figure. There is little that is formulaic in the depiction of myth. Even the most popular cycles, such as the Trojan War and the myths of Herakles contain a great diversity of subject matter so that there are only a few depictions of any one incident. Perhaps the Amazonomachy scenes are the closest it gets to a generic portrayal of myth and, it should be remembered, that often such scenes are relegated to secondary fields of decoration. Another feature that is noteworthy is the depiction of relatively obscure myths; examples would include but are not limited to: Boreas and Oreithyia; Callisto and Arcas; Eos and her lovers, Kephalos and Tithonos; and Tereus. While it is true that in the Hellenistic period there was a taste for obscure myths, this demonstrates quite a sophisticated knowledge of myth among vase-painters and their clients. This may well have been

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fuelled by dramatic performances but it is worth noting that many of those placing elaborately decorated vases with scenes of rare myths in the graves of their loved ones would have been members of the indigenous community.24 As myths occur on many of the largest vessels, and often involve the depiction of a multitude of characters, it is hard to believe that those who owned and used these vases did not understand the iconography depicted upon them. One can only conclude that the highest echelons of the indigenous communities had a deep knowledge of and interest in Greek mythology. Of course, some of the indigenous communities were ascribed heroic founders by Greek authors. If members of the indigenous élites internalised these externally-derived foundation stories, they may have regarded some of the scenes depicted on the vases as stories of their ancestors. For example, a Late Apulian volute-krater (Berlin 1984.39) attributed to the Darius Painter shows, on its obverse, Diomedes about to slay Rhesos while Odysseus steals his horses (RVAp Suppl. 2, 18/17a, pl. XXXV, 1). According to Trendall and Cambitoglou (RVAp Suppl. 2: 146) the scene is possibly to be linked to the surviving Rhesos tragedy. Diomedes had links with ancient Puglia and was said to have founded Arpi, the largest indigenous site in the North of the region (Herring 2009a). Thus, for the leaders of Arpi, the myths of Diomedes may have been seen as family history. Even if this was not the case, the knowledge of Greek myth among vase-painters and their clientele is hard to deny. No doubt, the universality of myth enabled its transmission across cultural and ethnic borders.

All depictions of the gods Mythological scenes were not the only occasions on which the gods were depicted. They also occur in more generic depictions either by themselves or interacting with ordinary mortals (Fig. 8). This section deals with the frequency of depictions of the gods in both mythological and nonmythological scenes. The term gods here is used not only for the Olympians and other recognised deities but also for all figures from the divine realm, including, for example, giants, nymphs, and satyrs. We shall begin with the overall frequency of the depiction of the gods over time. In total, there are 5,149 vases that depict the gods. Thus, 37.89 per cent of all (13,589) Apulian vases depict one or more gods. The popularity of the gods is surprisingly constant through time (Table 7). 667 Early Apulian vases show images of the gods. This amounts to 41.71 per cent of all (1,599) vases from the period. In the Middle Apulian period, 40.57 per cent of vases have the gods upon them, 1,065 out of 2,625 vases.

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One might expect that in the Late Apulian period, with its tendency towards generic decoration, the popularity of depicting gods might decline significantly. However, the decline is only slight. 3,417 Late Apulian vases depict the gods, some 36.49 per cent of all vases (9,365 vessels) from the period.

Fig. 8. The interior of a patera (New York, 96.18.55), attributed to the Menzies Group (RVAp II 26/456), showing a seated Eros with a mirror. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

Notwithstanding the fact that some vase forms only have one field of decoration, it can still be said that the majority of images of the gods occur on the obverse of vases. 76.21 per cent of vessels with images of the gods have them on the obverse only, 3,924 vessels out of the total of 5,149. Only 12.92 per cent, 665 vessels, have the gods on the reverse only. 10.88 per cent of vases have the gods on both sides, 560 vessels out of the total of 5,149. There is some chronological variance within these figures. In the

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Early Apulian phase, 91.15 per cent of vessels decorated with gods have the scene on the obverse only (608 of 667 vessels), 4.65 per cent have the gods on the reverse only (31 vessels), and 4.20 per cent have the gods on both side (28 vessels). The figures for the Middle Apulian phase are as follows: 77.28 per cent have gods on the obverse only (823 of 1,065 vessels), 12.77 per cent on the reverse only (136 vessels), and 9.95 per cent on both sides (106 vessels). For the Late Apulian phase: 72.95 per cent have gods on the obverse only (2,493 of 3,417 vessels), 14.57 per cent on the reverse only (498 vessels), and 12.47 per cent on both sides (426 vessels). Total number of vases with images of the gods per phase

Percentage of vases with images of the gods per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

Early Apulian

667

12.95

1,599

11.77

Middle Apulian

1,065

20.68

2,625

19.32

Late Apulian

3,417

66.36

9,365

68.92

All phases

5,149

100.00

13,589

100.00

Table 7. The relative popularity of images of the gods compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase.

The frequency of depictions of the gods by vessel form Within the overall figures for depictions of divine beings, there is considerable variety in terms of the popularity of such images on different vase forms. Beginning with the oenochoe and its related forms, in the Early Apulian phase, 39 oenochoai have gods depicted upon them out of a total of 133 vases. Thus, 29.32 per cent of Early Apulian oenochoai, well below the average for the period, depict gods. In the Middle Apulian period, 98 oenochoai and related forms bear images of the gods. They account for 36.57 per cent of all such vases (268) from the period. The relative popularity of the gods actually increases in the Late Apulian

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period with 41.27 per cent of oenochoai and related forms carrying such imagery (657 out of a total of 1,592 vessels). All in all, 39.94 per cent of all oenochoai and related forms (794 of 1,993 vessels) had depictions of gods, a pattern very close to the average for all Apulian vessels. The epichysis is not known in the Early Apulian phase and is rare, with only 12 examples, in the Middle Apulian. Nevertheless, eight of those 12, 66.67 per cent, carry images of the gods. The form is only really common in the Late Apulian phase when 54.95 per cent of all epichysides (61 out of a total of 111 vases) had gods upon them. Clearly, it was considered very appropriate to depict the gods on epichysides, as the figures are significantly above average. 56.10 per cent of all epichysides are decorated in this fashion (69 of 123 vessels). The relative popularity of the nestoris over time closely matches the output of the industry as a whole. One of the four, 25 per cent, Early Apulian nestorides has an image of the gods. Half of the Middle Apulian nestorides (four of eight vessels) are decorated in this fashion as are 36 per cent of Late Apulian nestorides (nine of 25 vases). Once again, the nestoris seems to mirror the production of the industry as a whole as 37.84 per cent of all nestorides (14 of 37 examples) show images of the gods. Mythological scenes were popular on some of the wine-mixing forms, so one might expect depictions of the gods in general to be well represented on such vessels. This is borne out by the data for bell-kraters. The gods occur on 58.07 per cent of Early Apulian bell-kraters (410 out of 706 vases), 58.63 per cent of Middle Apulian examples (377 of 643 vases), and 50.39 per cent of Late Apulian examples (260 of 516 vessels). Although there is a noticeable fall-off in the relative popularity of images of the gods in the Late Apulian period, they were still depicted on bellkraters more frequently than the average for all vases from that phase. Overall, the gods appear on 56.14 per cent of all bell-kraters (1,047 of 1,865 vases). Calyx-kraters were notable for the depiction of mythological subjects and the same is true of all depictions of the gods. 54.39 per cent of Early Apulian calyx-kraters carried such images (31 of 57 vases). The popularity of images of the gods rises significantly to 74.07 per cent in the Middle Apulian phase (40 of 54 vases). It remains high in the Late Apulian phase, bucking the general trend, with 76.79 per cent of calyx-kraters (43 of 56 vessels) being decorated in this way. In total, 68.26 per cent of calyxkraters (114 out of a total of 167 vases) were adorned with images of the gods. Column-kraters were far less frequently adorned with mythological scenes or with images of the gods, in general. Only ten Early Apulian

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column-kraters, 11.11 per cent of the total (90 vases), have images of the gods. The situation changes in the Middle Apulian phase, although depictions of the gods are still less common on column-kraters than they are for the industry as a whole. 88 Middle Apulian column-kraters, 34.11 per cent of the total, are decorated in this fashion out of a total of 258 vessels. The popularity of such scenes increases in the Late Apulian phase, with the result that, for the first time, the popularity of the gods on column-kraters exceeds the average. 39.06 per of Late Apulian columnkraters, 100 out of a total of 256 vases, have images of the gods. The pattern is unusual. It would appear that as scenes of indigenous life fell out of fashion in the Middle and, especially, the Late Apulian phase, v. Chapter Five, they were replaced by images that included the gods. The gods seldom appear in the same scenes as indigenous people. To take column-kraters as a whole, 32.78 per cent of them carried scenes of the gods, 198 examples out of a total of 604. Volute-kraters, by contrast, were very frequently adorned with images of the gods. Such vessels were not common in the Early Apulian period with only 23 examples in the database. Of these, 16, or 69.57 per cent, had images of the gods. The production of volute-kraters increased in the Middle Apulian phase and images of the gods still occurred on the majority of such vessels. 48 of 73 Middle Apulian examples, or 65.75 per cent, were decorated with gods. The bulk of volute-kraters date to the Late Apulian phase. The frequency of images of the gods declines notably in this phase, although 41.80 per cent of volute-kraters, 288 of 689 vessels, were still decorated in this way. In all, 44.84 per cent of volute-kraters, 352 vessels out of a total of 786, carried images of the gods. The gods are relatively well represented on krater fragments that cannot be ascribed to a specific type. 38.46 per cent of Early Apulian krater fragments (ten of 26) have images of the gods. None of the documented Middle Apulian krater fragments show images of the gods but five of the seven, 71.43 per cent, Late Apulian krater fragments do. The pattern for fragments cannot be deemed to be reliable, as fragments may have been selected for attention because they had interesting iconography, such as scenes from myth. Alternatively, a fragment may come from a vessel that showed a god but the section of the vase depicting the divinity may be lost. For what it is worth, 44.12 per cent of krater fragments (15 of 34 examples) have images of gods. The dinos is a comparatively rare wine-mixing form. The vast majority of surviving examples carry images of the gods. There are no Early Apulian dinoi but four of the six (66.67 per cent) of Middle Apulian examples have the gods upon them. 85.71 per cent of Late Apulian dinoi

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(18 of 21 vessels) are decorated in this way. Although few examples survive, it is clear that when decorating dinoi, painters looked to the divine realm. In total, 81.48 per cent of all dinoi (22 of 27 vessels) show images of the gods. By contrast, the gods were not an especially favoured theme for the decoration of pelikai. Only 24.11 of Early Apulian pelikai (54 vessels out of a total of 224) carried this type of decoration. The gods became a little more popular, in relative terms, on pelikai from the Middle Apulian phase, although they were still below the average for such images on all forms. 22.17 per cent, 135 of 407 vases, of Middle Apulian pelikai have images of gods. By the Late Apulian phase, the relative popularity of images of the gods actually exceeded the average, albeit only slightly. 39.42 per cent of Late Apulian pelikai, 274 of 695 vessels, show the gods. The pelike was a very common vase form throughout the history of the industry, although its relative popularity in terms of the total output decreased over time. As the form became less popular, at least in relative terms, so more of them were decorated with gods. In total, 34.92 per cent of all pelikai (463 of 1,326 vessels) had images of the gods. The amphora (the term here includes those designated as amphorae and panathenaic amphorae in RVAp and its Supplements) is a large and popular vessel form. Depictions of the gods, however, were not common on amphorae. There are 33 Early Apulian amphorae, but only two, 6.06 per cent, have images of the gods. The gods are no more popular in the Middle Apulian phase, just 5.42 per cent of amphorae (nine of 166 vases) are decorated with the gods. Images of gods are rather more common on Late Apulian amphorae. There are 561 amphorae in the database from this phase. Of these, 24.42 per cent (137 vessels) carry images of gods. In all, just 19.47 per cent of amphorae (148 out of a total of 760 vessels) were decorated with gods. There is no reason that is inherent to the shape of the amphora forms that makes them less suited to showing the gods. One can only conclude that conceptually the form was linked more with the human world than that of the divine or, indeed, with the interaction between humans and the gods. For the record, there are six neck-amphorae, one of which, a Middle Apulian example, carries an image of the gods. Thus, 16.67 per cent of all neck-amphorae and 20 per cent (one of five examples) of Middle Apulian neck-amphorae show the gods. The story with regard to barrel-amphorae and loutrophoroi is quite different. The 31 barrel-amphorae in the database are all Late Apulian in date. 14 of these, 43.16 per cent, had images of the gods upon them. There are 119 loutrophoroi in the sample but none are Early Apulian in date.

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Half of all Middle Apulian loutrophoroi (three of six vases) carried images of the gods. 57.52 per cent of Late Apulian examples (65 of 113 vessels) were decorated in this way, significantly more than was the average at this time. Of all loutrophoroi, 57.14 per cent (68 of 119 vessels) had images of gods. It would appear that loutrophoroi and, to a lesser extent, barrelamphorae were considered much more suitable for scenes showing the gods than the more common amphora form. The smaller decorative fields on wine-drinking forms largely precluded the depiction of complex mythological scenes. However, they would not prevent generic portrayals of individual deities. To begin with the skyphos, 21.43 per cent of Early Apulian skyphoi (12 of 56 vases) are decorated with gods. The popularity of such scenes increased in the Middle Apulian phase to 29.80 per cent (45 out of 151 skyphoi). It continued to grow in the Late Apulian period, reaching 32.78 per cent of the total (119 out of 363 examples). Although the pattern with skyphoi goes against the prevailing trend by increasing in the Late Apulian period, nevertheless, the frequency of depiction of gods is always lower than the average for all Apulian vases. A total of 30.88 per cent of all skyphoi (176 out of 570 vessels) are decorated with gods. Out of the 45 kantharoid skyphoi in the sample, all but one is Late Apulian. Nine examples, all Late Apulian, have gods on them. Thus, 20 per cent of all kantharoid skyphoi, and 20.45 per cent of Late Apulian examples (nine of 44 vases), have gods depicted upon them. The kantharos becomes a popular wine-drinking form in the Late Apulian phase. There are no Early Apulian examples and only four from the Middle Apulian period, one of which, 25 per cent of the total, is decorated with gods. Of the 648 Late Apulian kantharoi, 35.65 per cent (231 vessels) have gods on them. In all, 35.58 per cent of kantharoi (232 of 652 vessels) were decorated in this fashion. This is only a little below the average. Although kantharoi are most often decorated with head scenes, v. Chapter Three, generic images of divinities were also reasonably frequent. The gods are more common on the various cup forms. There are 30 examples described as cups in RVAp and its Supplements; two are Middle Apulian and the rest Late Apulian. One of the two Middle Apulian cups is decorated with the gods, as are 67.86 per cent of Late Apulian examples (19 of 28 vessels). Thus, two-thirds, 66.67 per cent (20 out of 30 vessels), of all cups were decorated in this fashion. The cup skyphos shows an overall pattern closer to that of the skyphos in general, although there is considerable fluctuation over time, which may be exacerbated by the small number of vessels involved. One of the three

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Early Apulian cup skyphoi is decorated with gods, as are 11 out of 16 Middle Apulian cup skyphoi, 68.75 per cent of the total of such vessels from this phase. In the Late Apulian phase, only five out of 35 examples, 14.29 per cent, have the gods upon them. In all, 31.48 per cent of cup skyphoi are decorated with gods, 17 out of a total of 54 vessels. The stemless cup is the most common of the cup forms with 105 examples in the database. There are no Early Apulian examples. Of the four Middle Apulian examples, one is adorned with gods. 48 Late Apulian examples have gods on them, making up 47.52 per cent of all the stemless cups from this period (101 vases). 46.67 per cent of stemless cups (49 out 105 vessels) are decorated with gods. If we take the three cup forms together, a total of 86 vessels out of a total of 189 have images of gods on them, giving a percentage of 45.50, significantly above the average for all Apulian vessels. Drinking-horns are extremely rare. All five of the surviving examples are decorated with gods but the numbers are too small to regard the pattern as meaningful. There are many more rhyta. One of the two Early Apulian rhyta is decorated with gods, as are four of the 15, 26.67 per cent, Middle Apulian, examples of the form. 49.09 per cent of Late Apulian rhyta (108 out of 220 examples) have gods on them. Clearly, the gods were a popular subject on specialist drinking-forms, as 47.68 per cent of all rhyta (113 out of 237 vessels) had divine beings upon them. The gods were to become very popular on paterae. Initially, however, this was not the case. Gods appear on two, 28.57 per cent, of the seven Early Apulian paterae. By the Middle Apulian phase, 71.64 per cent of paterae (48 of 67 examples) bore images of gods. The relative popularity of depictions of gods on paterae declined somewhat in the Late Apulian phase, although it still remained well above the average. 206 out of a total of 356 Late Apulian paterae, or 57.38 per cent, carry such images. 59.12 per cent of all paterae (256 of 433 vessels) were decorated with gods. Although plates were generally smaller, their field of decoration was similar to that on the interior of paterae. However, the gods enjoyed far less popularity on plates. None of the Early Apulian plates in the database, of which there are two, carries an image of the gods. Only one of the seven Middle Apulian examples, 14.29 per cent, is decorated in this way. Plates only become common in the Late Apulian phase. Of the 599 examples, in the database, dating to this phase, 58, or 9.68 per cent, are decorated with gods. The overall figures for the depiction of gods on plates are very similar, 59 of 608 examples or 9.70 per cent. Generally, plates were decorated with generic portraits of female heads, v. Chapter Three.

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In the previous section, it was noted that mythological scenes were not particularly common on hydriai. This is also true of images of the gods. 19.83 per cent of Early Apulian hydriai, 23 out of 116 vessels in the sample, have images of the gods upon them. The percentage drops to 8.70 in the Middle Apulian period, when 14 of 161 hydriai were decorated with scenes featuring the gods. There is a modest increase in the subsequent phase. 54 out of 479 Late Apulian hydriai, or 11.27 per cent, show images of the gods. Taking all hydriai into consideration, only 12.04 per cent have gods upon them (91 out 756 vessels). Hydriai usually only have one field of decoration and this may be a factor in the relatively low frequency of scenes of the gods, however, it cannot be the whole explanation. After all, oenochoai also typically have a single decorative field but close to forty per cent of those have scenes of the gods. Perhaps hydriai, with their connection to water and to what was defined as women’s work, were seen as more connected to the human world, whereas vessels associated with wine were seen as being more connected to the divine. The situla was commonly a vehicle for mythological scenes and depictions of the gods were extremely popular on the form. All four Early Apulian situlae in the database carry images of the gods. 27 of the 29 Middle Apulian situlae, or 93.10 per cent, are adorned in this fashion. The popularity of scenes of the gods declines a little in the Late Apulian phase but they still occur on 77.55 per cent of situlae (38 of 49 examples). In all, 84.15 per cent of situlae (69 out of a total of 82 examples) are decorated with images of the gods. Clearly, scenes of the gods were the preferred subject matter for this form. The lekanis was a popular vase form, although it was essentially a phenomenon of the Late Apulian period, with 888 examples in the database, which includes those vessels described as lekanides, lekanis lids, and the single lepaste. Of the two Early Apulian lekanides, one has an image of the gods upon it. 18 of 35, Middle Apulian lekanides, 51.43 per cent of the total, carry images of the gods. Only 20.92 per cent of Late Apulian lekanides, 178 examples out of a total of 851, are decorated in this way. In total, 197 lekanides showed images of the gods, equating to 22.18 per cent of all such vases (888), well below the average for the depiction of gods on Apulian vessels as a whole. The gods were somewhat more popular on pyxides, despite the form’s often diminutive size. There is but one Early Apulian pyxis. Nonetheless, it shows the gods. One of the two Middle Apulian examples does likewise. 77 of the 267 Late Apulian pyxides, or 28.84 per cent of the total, depict the gods. Thus, 29.26 per cent (79 of 270 vessels) of all pyxides show the gods. The lower than the average frequency of depictions of the gods on

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lekanides and pyxides cannot be explained simply by the fact that both are largely Late Apulian forms, as the percentages are well below the average for that period. Their size may be a factor as it may have encouraged the use of generic decoration, v. Chapter Three. Whether their association with women was also a factor is moot. The figures for the hydria might support such a view but those of the lebes gamikos certainly do not. Lekythoi were another form that usually had only one field of decoration but this does not seem to affect the popularity of depictions of the gods. 15 Early Apulian lekythoi show the gods, some 34.88 per cent of all such vessels (43) from the period. 30 of the 124 Middle Apulian lekythoi, or 24.19 per cent of the total, are adorned with images of the gods. Almost half, 48.94 per cent, of Late Apulian lekythoi, 92 out of 188 examples, were decorated in this fashion, well above the average for the period. Out of a total of 367 lekythoi, 137, or 37.33 per cent, depict the gods. The alabastron is predominantly Late Apulian form for holding perfumed oils. There are no Early Apulian examples of the form and of the two Middle Apulian alabastra, one carries an image of the gods. The majority, 56.82 per cent, of Late Apulian examples of the form, 25 out of a total of 44 specimens, show the gods. Thus, 56.52 per cent of all alabastra (26 of 46 vessels) are decorated with images of the gods. The evidence from the lekythos and the alabastron show that the gods were considered a very suitable subject matter for perfumed oil containers. This was especially true in the Late Apulian phase. As sweet smelling oils would have been connected with sexual allure, an association with the gods of love and desire might have been deemed appropriate.25 The association of the gods with valuable oils extends to the askos and especially to the much rarer guttus. There are two Early Apulian askoi, one of which shows the gods. Two, 28.57 per cent, of the seven Middle Apulian examples also feature the gods. Of the 115 Late Apulian examples, 47, or 40.87 per cent, are decorated in this fashion. In all, 40.32 per cent of askoi, 50 out of a total of 124 examples, bear images of the gods. There are only 14 gutti in the database. All are Late Apulian in date and ten of them, 71.43 per cent, show the gods. The lebes gamikos was a form associated with marriage and women. Depictions of gods, almost always Eros, were considered particularly appropriate for this form. 15 of the 17 Early Apulian lebetes gamikoi, 88.24 per cent, showed the gods. The dominance of images of the gods eased in the Middle Apulian period when 31 of 53 examples, 58.49 per cent, were decorated in this fashion. However, the frequency of divine representations rose again in the Late Apulian period. 78.07 per cent of

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Late Apulian lebetes gamikoi, 89 out of a total of 114 vessels, show the gods. Viewed across the history of production, 77.37 per cent of all lebetes gamikoi (135 out of a total 184 vessels), were adorned with images of gods. Clearly, associating marriage, and that part of female identity connected to marriage, with the god of desire was of paramount concern. Perhaps the iconography was viewed as symbolising the divine sanction upon a marriage and an assurance that the marriage would be blessed with sexual desire, ensuring its success and perhaps also the generation of children. Stamnoids were rare with only 41 examples in the sample. There is a single Early Apulian example, which is decorated with images of the gods. Three of the five Middle Apulian examples also carry images of divinities. Seven of the 35 Late Apulian examples, 20 per cent of the total, are decorated in this fashion. In all, 11 stamnoids out of a total of 41, 26.83 per cent, had gods painted upon them. Five of the 13 plastic vases in the sample are adorned with images of the gods. This equates to 38.46 per cent of the total, which is close to the average for the Late Apulian period. All of the plastic vases in the database date to that phase. Of the 43 vessels deemed to be thymiateria or stands, 18 show images of the gods. All belong to the Late Apulian phase, as do all but one of the vases. 41.86 per cent of all thymiateria/stands show images of the gods. The remaining examples of scenes of the gods occur on fragments that cannot be assigned to specific vase forms. 36 unassigned fragments in the database show images of the gods out of a total of 91, producing a percentage (39.56 per cent) that is quite close to the overall average for all Apulian vessels. The figures given above show that images of the gods were not evenly distributed across the output of Apulian red-figure. While such scenes are uncommon on some of the forms that were particularly associated with generic decoration, they are equally rare on some large forms, notably amphorae and especially hydriai. Conversely, the representation of the gods was especially important on some forms, notably calyx-kraters, dinoi, lebetes gamikoi, and situlae. Evidently, the gods were conceptually associated with the mixing of wine and, to a lesser extent, with its serving but not as clearly with wine-drinking. The link between Eros and the approval of marriage was very powerful indeed.

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The frequency of depictions of individual gods We shall now move on to consider the frequency of the depiction of individual gods. In terms of the statistics presented here, every discrete god depicted in a scene is counted as a separate entry. So a scene of Hermes and the infant Dionysos, for example, is counted as one occurrence of Hermes and one of Dionysos. However, when multiple instances of the same god occur in a single scene, such as when several Erotes are depicted, they are treated as a single entry for the god in question. There are profound differences between individual gods in terms of their frequency of depiction on Apulian vases. According to the method of counting outlined in the previous paragraph, there are 7,634 gods featured on Apulian vases. Most gods, including the majority of the Olympian deities, account for less than one per cent of this total. Only those who exceed more than one per cent of the total will be discussed. By far the most commonly depicted god is Eros. He is depicted on a staggering 3,713 occasions. The dominance of Eros is made all the more remarkable by the fact that multiple depictions of the god in the same scene are counted only once and Eros is the god most frequently depicted in multiple incarnations in the same scene. Thus, Eros accounts for nearly half of all the images of the gods on Apulian red-figure, a total of 48.64 per cent. His popularity grows over time. He accounts for 17.04 per cent of Early Apulian depictions (167 of 980 images) and 33.16 per cent of Middle Apulian gods (524 of 1,580 images). It is really in the Late Apulian period that he comes to dominate, where he makes up 59.02 per cent of all depictions of gods (3,022 out of a total of 5,074). Although, to some extent, this may be explained by the move to more generic decoration that accompanies the massive growth in the overall output of the industry in the Late Apulian phase, this can only be part of the answer. The main explanation may lie in the variety of ways in which Eros can be depicted. He appears in mythological scenes, especially those connected with love. He is shown along with his mother, Aphrodite, when she is depicted in generic scenes, i.e. those where there is no specific story being shown. He occurs frequently in his own right and he can be associated with men and, especially, women, presumably to emphasise their desirability. There can be no doubt that love and desire were important themes, especially for Late Apulian painters and their clients. Aphrodite herself makes up 2.57 per cent of all divine images (196 out of 7,634 images). Her popularity increases over time, too. She accounts for 1.43 per cent of Early Apulian images (14 of 980 images) and 2.09 per

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cent of Middle Apulian examples (33 of 1,580 images). By the Late Apulian phase, Aphrodite accounts for 2.94 per cent of images of the gods (149 of 5,074 images). This attests to the growing interest in love. Given that so many Apulian vases are connected with the preparation, serving, and consumption of wine, it is not surprising that the entourage of Dionysos features prominently in the iconography. It is not the god himself, however, who is the second most common divine being to appear on Apulian vases, rather it is the satyr, who also appears in juvenile form, referred to as a “satyr-boy” in RVAP and its Supplements. Satyrs occur in scenes with Dionysos but also frequently on their own or interacting with maenads, who are not included in this count as they are considered to be among Dionysos’ human followers. Satyrs also interact with humans, sometimes in scenes of Dionysiac processions, and they can appear in simple portraits in generic head scenes. Satyrs account for 13.60 per cent of all divine images (1,038 out of 7,634 images). Unlike the divinities discussed thus far, the popularity of satyrs initially increases and then declines over time. They account for 24.69 per cent of Early Apulian images (242 of 980 images) and 28.86 per cent of Middle Apulian examples (456 of 1,580 images). In the Late Apulian phase, their popularity had declined to the extent that they account for only 6.70 per cent of images of the gods (340 of 5,074 images). There are other members of Dionysos’ entourage, whose role in the scenes in which they appear seems to be more or less the same as that of the satyrs, who are depicted reasonably frequently on Apulian vases, namely silens and Pan figures. Silens, which include figures named by Trendall and Cambitoglou as silens, papposilens, and the individual silens, Maron and Silenos himself, account for 2.84 per cent of divine images (217 out of 7,634 images). The pattern over time is as follows: silens account for 13.16 per cent of Early Apulian divine images (129 of 980 images), 2.80 per cent of Middle Apulian examples (60 of 1,580 images), and 0.53 per cent of Late Apulian images of the gods (27 of 5,074 images). Images of Pan, which include Pan himself, the diminutive Paniskos, Pan-satyrs and Aegipans, account for two per cent of all divine images (153 out of a total of 7,634). Broken down by time, Pan accounts for 0.92 per cent of Early Apulian images (nine of 980 images), 2.22 per cent of Middle Apulian examples (35 of 1,580 images), and 2.15 per cent of Late Apulian examples (109 of 5,074 images). Dionysos himself is the fourth most commonly portrayed divinity, appearing in 8.32 per cent of all divine scenes (635 out of 7,634 images). Like his entourage, his popularity declines over time. 21.22 per cent of Early Apulian divine images feature Dionysos (208 of 980 images). 17.03

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per cent of Middle Apulian examples do likewise (269 of 1,580 images). By the Late Apulian phase, Dionysos only accounts for 3.11 per cent of divine images (158 of 5,074 images). It is worth taking all the figures associated with Dionysos together to get an overall picture of the popularity of portrayals of divine beings associated with wine. The following figures also include the rare portrayals of Ariadne, who is almost always associated with her divine consort. There is one instance of her being deserted by Theseus but, as this is the prelude to her being discovered by Dionysos, it is included in the count. Thus, Dionysos and his entourage account for 27.12 per cent of all images of the gods (2,070 out of 7,634 images). The pattern through time is as follows, Dionysos and/or his entourage feature in: 60.61 per cent of Early Apulian examples (594 of 980 images); 52.09 per cent of Middle Apulian (823 of 1,580 images); but only 12.83 per cent of Late Apulian images of the gods (651 of 5,074 images). The overall importance of Dionysian imagery cannot be denied, as it accounts for more than a quarter of all divine scenes, but the fall-off over time is striking. Topics connected with wine, the worship of the god, his mythology, and perhaps his associations with death and rebirth, dominate the divine iconography of the Early and Middle Apulian phases. The decline in the Late Apulian phase is spectacular. Clearly, by this stage, love and desire had superseded wine and revelry, as preferred divine topics on Apulian vase-painting. The third most popular individual divinity is Nike, another deity who commonly appears in multiple iterations in a single scene. In many ways, she is similar to Eros in that she occurs in mythological scenes, on her own in generic portrayals, and in association with humans, male and female. Moreover, some of the generic head scenes discussed in Chapter Three depict Nike. In all, Nike accounts for 8.62 per cent of all images of the gods (658 of 7,634 images). Like Eros, her popularity increases over time. She accounts for 4.90 per cent of all Early Apulian divine images (48 out of a total of 980). Her popularity wanes a little in the Middle Apulian phase, in which she accounts for only 2.34 per cent of divine representations (37 of 1,580 images). In the Late Apulian phase, 11.29 per cent of images of the gods (573 out of 5,074) are of Nike. As a goddess of victory, Nike is associated with prowess in sport and warfare, but she is also used to indicate success in romantic conquests. Thus, her growing popularity fits the pattern seen in the case of Eros and Aphrodite. There are only three other gods, who account for more than one per cent of all divine images and none accounts for more than two per cent of the total. All three are Olympians. Hermes is the most popular of the three. He is depicted in 1.82 per cent of all scenes of the gods (138 of 7,634

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images). Despite minor fluctuations, his popularity is reasonably constant over time. In the Early Apulian phase, Hermes accounts for 2.65 per cent of divine scenes (26 out of a total of 980). His popularity declines in the Middle Apulian phase, to only 1.08 per cent of the total for that period (17 of 1,580 images), but picks up again in the Late Apulian phase, when Hermes accounts for 1.87 per cent of images of the gods (95 out of 5,074). Hermes mostly occurs either in mythological scenes, where his role as a traveller and guide is emphasised. He also appears in a more general role, simply as one of the Olympians, in scenes showing an assembly of gods. The next most popular god is Athena. She too is mostly depicted in mythological scenes as the helper of heroes. Occasionally, she is depicted on her own in more generic portrayals. In total, she accounts for 1.68 per cent of all divine portrayals (128 out of a total of 7,634 images). She is at her most popular in the Early Apulian period, when 3.27 per cent of divine images feature her (32 out of a total of 980). By the Middle Apulian phase, she accounts for only 1.14 per cent of divine representations (18 of 1,580 images). In the Late Apulian phase, Athena appears in 1.54 per cent of scenes of the gods (78 out of 5,074). A similar pattern of decline can be seen in the case of Apollo, the only other god to occur in more than one per cent of divine images. He accounts for 1.39 per cent of all images of the gods (106 of 7,634 images). In the Early Apulian period, Apollo is responsible for 2.04 per cent of images of the gods (20 out of a total of 980). His popularity begins to decline in the Middle Apulian phase, during which he accounts for 1.71 per cent of divine representations (27 of 1,580 images). The decline continues in the Late Apulian phase, when Apollo appears in only 1.16 per cent of divine scenes (59 out of 5,074). For the sake of completeness, we might note that, while depictions of Artemis, including images of Artemis Bendis, only account for 0.96 per cent of all scenes of the gods (73 out of 7,634 images), they did exceed one per cent of such scenes in the Early Apulian period. In that phase, Artemis appeared in 1.43 per cent of images of the gods (14 out of a total of 980 scenes). No other god exceeds one per cent of the total of images of the gods in any particular period. The general trend is for a reduction in the relative popularity of depictions of the gods over time. This can be explained, to a considerable extent, by the growth in generic decoration, especially of head portraits, v. Chapter Three. Within the scenes of the gods, the general trend for decline is only significantly countered by images of Eros and Nike, gods of love and success. Both lend themselves to generic images, whereas other gods were more suited to being depicted in scenes of complex mythology. The

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themes of love and success clearly had a wide resonance that suited the needs of a burying community when choosing vessels for the grave. The comparative decline in images of Dionysos and/or his entourage clearly reflect changing attitudes over time.

The popularity of individual gods by vessel form There is one final topic to discuss in relation to images of the gods and that is the frequency of occurrences of the most popular gods on specific vase forms. Eros occurs depicted on every major vase form. On some forms, he dominates divine depictions. He accounts for more than 60 per cent of all divine images in each of the following forms: alabastra (92.86 per cent; 26 of 28 images); askoi (66.04 per cent; 35 of 53); bottles (92.86 per cent; 26 of 28); cups (92.31 per cent; 24 of 26), cup skyphoi (66.67 per cent; 12 of 18); epichysides (85.14 per cent; 63 of 74); gutti (90.91 per cent; ten of 11); kantharoi (79.45 per cent; 259 of 326); kantharoid skyphoi (80.88 per cent; eight of nine); lebetes gamikoi (96.49 per cent; 165 of 171); lekanides (92.56 per cent; 199 of 215); lekythoi (78.86 per cent; 138 of 175); nestorides (70.0 per cent; 14 of 20); paterae (72.57 per cent; 299 of 412); pelikai (80.69 per cent; 514 of 637); plastic vases (60.0 per cent; three of five); plates (67.14 per cent; 47 of 70); rhyta (83.76 per cent; 98 of 117); skyphoi (76.70 per cent; 158 of 206); and stemless cups (91.38 per cent; 53 of 58). While some of these forms do not commonly show the gods, the frequency of occurrences of Eros on certain shapes is noteworthy, including the alabastron, the epichysis, the various cup forms, and the patera. All have a god depicted on them quite regularly but that god is usually Eros. Of all the forms, the lebes gamikos stands out above all others. The function of the vase and the choice of iconography are very closely complementary. The data presented above do not constitute a simple list of predominantly Late Apulian forms, the period in which Eros was at his most prominent, as some shapes, like the pelike, are well represented throughout the history of the industry. Eros is moderately common on the following forms: amphorae (37.08 per cent; 122 of 329 images); column-kraters (36.76 per cent; 100 of 272); drinking-horns (33.33 per cent; two of six); hydriai (48.59 per cent; 69 of 142); loutrophoroi (48.18 per cent; 66 of 137); oenochoai (57.42; 530 of 923); phialai (50 per cent; one of two); pyxides (41.03 per cent; 48 of 117); situlae (30.94 per cent; 56 of 206); and stamnoi (38.10 per cent; eight of 21). Given the overwhelming popularity of Eros, it is worth noting those forms where he accounts for less than 30 per cent of the divine images.

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These are: barrel-amphorae (19.05 per cent; four of 21); bell-kraters (21.19 per cent; 292 of 1,378); calyx-kraters (15.36 per cent; 45 of 293); dinoi (23.64 per cent; 13 of 55); stands (27.27 per cent; six of 21); and volutekraters (19.38 per cent; 194 of 1,001). It is notable that this list contains many of the forms most known for the depiction of complex mythological scenes. Eros occurs most commonly either by himself or in association with the human world. These are not the favoured themes for the winemixing forms. Aphrodite only occurs on a limited number of forms. She is not recorded on alabastra, askoi, barrel-amphorae, column-kraters, cup skyphoi, dinoi, drinking-horns, epichysides, gutti, kantharoid skyphoi, lekanides, phialai, plastic vases, rhyta, stamnoi, stands, and stemless cups. She only accounts for more than one per cent of images of gods on the following forms: amphorae (2.74 per cent; nine of 329 images); bottles (3.57 per cent; one of 28); calyx-kraters (5.12 per cent; 15 of 293); cups (3.85 per cent; one of 26); hydriai (5.63 per cent; eight of 142); kantharoi (4.91 per cent; 16 of 326); lebetes gamikoi (1.17 per cent; two of 171); lekythoi (6.86 per cent; 12 of 175); loutrophoroi (4.38 per cent; six of 137); nestorides (5.0 per cent; one of 20); paterae (1.70 per cent; seven of 412); pelikai (4.40 per cent; 28 of 637); plates (2.86 per cent; two of 70); situlae (3.31 per cent; six of 181); and volute-kraters (6.49 per cent; 65 of 1,001). Aphrodite occurs only very rarely on: bell-kraters (0.44 per cent; six of 1,378); oenochoai (0.76 per cent; seven of 923); pyxides (0.85 per cent; one of 117); and skyphoi (0.49 per cent; one of 206). It is not surprising, given that her iconography does not lend itself to generic portrayals, that Aphrodite is at her most common on vessels that are known for complex mythological scenes, such as calyx-kraters, situlae, and volute-kraters, and those associated with women, such as hydriai, lebetes gamikoi, and lekythoi. The popularity of themes of love on the nestoris, where 75 per cent of all mythological scenes show Eros or Aphrodite, adds support to the argument that the form is to be associated with women (Herring 2018: 62-64). One might tentatively suggest, on the basis of the data presented here, that the same may well apply to kantharoi, pelikai and plates. Nike is a very popular divinity on Apulian vase-painting, second only to Eros. Unlike Eros, however, Nike is unknown on some shapes, viz. cup, cup skyphos, drinking-horn, guttus, hydria, kantharoid skyphos, phiale, nestoris, and skyphos. She only dominates divine scenes on the stand (72.73 per cent; 16 of 22 images), the barrel-amphora (52.38 per cent; 11 of 21) and the pyxis (52.14 per cent; 61 of 117). She is moderately common on: amphorae (16.41 per cent; 54 of 329); askoi (24.53 per cent;

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13 of 53); loutrophoroi (10.22 per cent; 14 of 137); oenochoai (16.25 per cent; 150 of 923); plastic vases (20.0 per cent; one of five); plates (10.0 per cent; seven of 70); and volute-kraters (19.38 per cent; 128 of 1,001). On all other forms, she has a relatively minor presence: alabastra (3.57 per cent; one of 28); bell-kraters (3.34 per cent; six of 1,378); bottles (3.57 per cent; one of 28); calyx-kraters (1.37 per cent; four of 293); column-kraters (1.47 per cent; four of 272); dinoi (3.64 per cent; two of 55); epichysides (5.41 per cent; four of 74); hydriai (4.23 per cent; six of 142); kantharoi (9.51 per cent; 31 of 326); lebetes gamikoi (1.75 per cent; three of 171); lekanides (1.40 per cent; three of 215); lekythoi (1.71 per cent; three of 175); paterae (7.28 per cent; 30 of 412); pelikai (1.57 per cent; ten of 637); rhyta (5.98 per cent; seven of 117); situlae (3.87 per cent; seven of 181); stamnoi (4.76 per cent; one of 21); and stemless cups (3.45 per cent; two of 58). Like Eros, Nike is not especially common on the forms that frequently portray scenes of myth. However, she is also not well represented on some of the smaller, and often Late Apulian forms, on which Eros is dominant. Dionysos is only to be found on: amphorae (6.99 per cent; 23 of 329 images); bell-kraters (21.70 per cent; 299 of 1,378); calyx-kraters (22.18 per cent; 65 of 293); column-kraters (22.43 per cent; 61 of 272); dinoi (16.36 per cent; nine of 55); drinking-horns (16.67 per cent; one of six); gutti (9.09 per cent; one of 11); hydriai (1.41 per cent; two of 142); kantharoi (0.61 per cent; two of 259); lekanides (0.93 per cent; two of 215); loutrophoroi (3.65 per cent; five of 137); oenochoai (3.03 per cent; 28 of 923); paterae (3.16 per cent; 13 of 412); pelikai (1.26 per cent; eight of 637); rhyta (0.85 per cent; one of 117); situlae (18.23 per cent; 33 of 181); skyphoi (1.94 per cent; four of 206); stamnoi (19.05 per cent; four of 21); and volute-kraters (6.69 per cent; 67 of 1,001). It is no surprise that Dionysos is most common on large wine-mixing vessels, and especially those forms that were prominent in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. It is perhaps more noteworthy that he is not especially common on wineserving and wine-drinking vessels. Satyrs are depicted on a greater range of forms but are still not to be found on alabastra, bottles, gutti, lebetes gamikoi, phialai, and stands. They are especially popular on the following forms: bell-kraters (36.57 per cent; 504 of 1,378 images); calyx-kraters (19.80 per cent; 58 of 293); column-kraters (28.31 per cent; 77 of 272); cup skyphoi (33.33 per cent; six of 18); dinoi (23.64 per cent; 13 of 55); drinking-horns (33.33 per cent; two of six); kantharoid skyphoi (11.11 per cent; one of nine); nestorides (10.0 per cent; two of 20); oenochoai (11.27 per cent; 104 of 923); plastic vases (20.0 per cent; one of five); situlae (19.89 per cent; 36 of 181);

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skyphoi (15.05 per cent; 31 of 206); and stamnoi (23.81 per cent; five of 21). They also occur, albeit less commonly, on: amphorae (9.12 per cent; 30 of 329); askoi (5.66 per cent; three of 53); barrel-amphorae (4.76 per cent; one of 21); cups (3.85 per cent; one of 36); epichysides (4.05 per cent; three of 74); hydriai (2.11 per cent; three of 142); kantharoi (2.45 per cent; eight of 326); lekanides (0.93 per cent; eight of 215); lekythoi (1.71 per cent; three of 175); loutrophoroi (5.11 per cent; seven of 137); paterae (5.34 per cent; 22 of 412); pelikai (3.77 per cent; 24 of 637); plates (8.57 per cent; six of 70); pyxides (1.71 per cent; two of 117); rhyta (5.13 per cent; six of 117); stemless cups (1.72 per cent; one of 58); and volutekraters (6.79 per cent; 68 of 1,001). Satyrs, therefore, are popular on some wine-drinking and wine-pouring vessels. Like Dionysos, they are especially well represented on the large wine-mixing forms that were prominent in the Early and Middle Apulian phases. It is worth considering Dionysos and his entire entourage together, i.e. Dionysos, Ariadne, and all the related figures, such as Pan, satyrs, silens, etc.. They dominate the divine imagery on the following forms: bellkraters (68.07 per cent; 938 of 1,378 images); calyx-kraters (54.27 per cent; 159 of 293); column-kraters (57.35 per cent; 156 of 272); dinoi (58.18 per cent; 32 of 55); drinking-horns (66.67 per cent; four of six); phialai (50.0 per cent; one of two); situlae (50.28 per cent; 91 of 181); and stamnoi (52.38 per cent; 11 of 21). They feature regularly on: amphorae (20.67 per cent; 68 of 329); cup skyphoi (33.33 per cent; six of 18); kantharoid skyphos (11.11 per cent; one of nine); loutrophoroi (10.22 per cent; 14 of 137); nestorides (20.0 per cent; four of 20); oenochoai (19.93 per cent; 184 of 923); paterae (10.68 per cent; 44 of 412); plastic vases (20.0 per cent; one of five); skyphoi (19.90 per cent; 41 of 206); and volute-kraters (19.28 per cent; 193 of 1,001). They appear comparatively rarely upon: alabastra (3.57 per cent; one of 28); askoi (7.55 per cent; four of 53); barrel-amphorae (4.76 per cent; one of 21); cups (3.85 per cent; one of 26); epichysides (5.41 per cent; four of 74); gutti (9.09 per cent; one of 11); hydriai (5.63 per cent; eight of 142); kantharoi (4.91 per cent; 16 of 326); lekanides (5.58 per cent; 12 of 215); lekythoi (2.29 per cent; four of 175); pelikai (6.44 per cent; 41 of 637); plates (8.57 per cent; six of 70); pyxides (1.71 per cent; two of 117); rhyta (8.55 per cent; ten of 117); and stemless cups (1.72 per cent; one of 58). Dionysos and his entourage do not occur on bottles, lebetes gamikoi, or stands. The pattern shows that Dionysian imagery dominates the divine scenes on all of the large winemixing vessels, except the volute-krater, where it is still quite prominent, and some rare specialist drinking forms. Such imagery is important on other, more common drinking-forms and wine-serving vessels. It is far less

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popular on vessels associated with women, notably the lebes gamikos. This is also true of certain Late Apulian forms, including some winedrinking and wine-serving vessels, e.g. the epichysis, the kantharos, and the rhyton. This shows the decline in interest in Dionysian imagery, as such scenes would have been well suited to the function of the vase forms in question. All of the other gods, who enjoyed any level of popularity in terms of their appearance on Apulian vases, only occur on a limited number of forms and almost always in mythological rather than generic scenes. Hermes was the most popular of these gods. He occurs on the following forms: amphorae (2.74 per cent; 11 of 329 images); barrel-amphorae (9.52; two of 21); bell-kraters (1.31 per cent; 18 of 1,378); calyx-kraters (4.44 per cent; 13 of 293); column-kraters (0.74 per cent; two of 272); hydriai (2.82 per cent; four of 142); kantharoi (0.31 per cent; one of 326); lekanides (0.47 per cent; one of 215); lekythoi (1.14 per cent; two of 175); loutrophoroi (2.92 per cent; four of 137); oenochoai (1.08 per cent; ten of 923); paterae (0.49 per cent; two of 412); pelikai (0.78 per cent; five of 637); situlae (2.21 per cent; four of 181); skyphoi (0.49 per cent; one of 206); stemless cups (1.72 per cent; one of 58); and volute-kraters (5.39 per cent; 54 of 1,001). Athena appears on a smaller number of forms: amphorae (3.04 per cent; ten of 329 images); bell-kraters (1.74 per cent; 24 of 1,378); calyxkraters (3.41 per cent; ten of 293); column-kraters (1.47 per cent; four of 272); hydriai (2.82 per cent; four of 142); kantharoi (0.31 per cent; one of 326); lekythoi (1.14 per cent; two of 175); loutrophoros (0.73 per cent; one of 137); oenochoai (0.87 per cent; eight of 923); paterae (0.97 per cent; four of 412); pelikai (0.47 per cent; three of 637); plates (4.29 per cent; three of 70); situlae (2.21 per cent; four of 181); and volute-kraters (4.60 per cent; 46 of 1,001). The pattern of occurrence of images of Apollo is similar to that of Athena and Hermes. He is to be found on: amphorae (0.61 per cent; two of 329 images); bell-kraters (1.23 per cent; 17 of 1,378); calyx-kraters (4.78 per cent; 14 of 293); column-kraters (0.37 per cent; one of 272); dinoi (5.45 per cent; three of 55); hydriai (5.63 per cent; eight of 142); lebetes gamikoi (0.58 per cent; one of 171); lekythoi (1.14 per cent; two of 175); loutrophoroi (2.19 per cent; three of 137); oenochoai (0.54 per cent; five of 923); paterae (0.24 per cent; one of 412); pelikai (1.26 per cent; eight of 637); rhyta (0.85 per cent; one of 117); situlae (2.21 per cent; four of 181); skyphoi (0.49 per cent; one of 206); and volute-kraters (3.40 per cent; 34 of 1,001).

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With regard to the depiction of the gods as a whole, it can be said that most divinities were usually only depicted on mythological scenes. As such scenes were fairly rare and the content of them very diverse, few deities were regularly depicted. The main exceptions to this were Eros and, to a certain extent, Aphrodite, Nike, and Dionysos and his entourage. Eros was depicted in mythological scenes, interacting with, or, at least, bestowing his favour upon mortals, and in generic depictions of the god on his own. Nike, too, could be depicted in scenes of myth, with humans, and in generic scenes, including simple head portraits. Likewise, Dionysos and his entourage could be depicted on mythological scenes and interacting with the human world. Some of the members of his entourage, most notably satyrs, were also portrayed in quite generic portrayals. The other most notable trend is the move from a dominance of Dionysian imagery in the Early and Middle Apulian phases to that of the gods connected with love, desire, and success in the Late Apulian phase. While the fashion for more generic imagery may offer a partial explanation of this trend, it must also reflect changing tastes among the customers for Apulian red-figure vases and the themes that they wished to emphasise in the funerals of their loved ones.

Summary conclusions This chapter has dealt with some of the most distinctive iconography to be found on Apulian vases, namely scenes from the stage and mythological subjects. These scenes have attracted strong interest from scholars and collectors in the past. However, in terms of the overall popularity of iconographic images, neither topic was especially significant, at least in numerical terms. Even taken together, less than six per cent of all Apulian vases were decorated with such themes. However, such theatrical and mythological scenes were most prominent on larger vessels. Moreover, in terms of composition, such scenes were among the most complex, and least repetitive, of all those depicted on Apulian vases; they frequently involved the painting and arrangement of a large number of figures. From a production point-of-view, they must have taken longer to paint. Furthermore, larger vessels present their own challenges in terms of successful firing. Thus, there was more at stake when it came to producing large vessels with highly complex iconography. In a fully commercial economy, one would expect the time and effort devoted to the making of these vessels to be reflected in their price. Unfortunately, we do not know what values attached to pottery in South-East Italy, though the values may well have been inextricably linked to that of the products with which they

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were associated, as has been argued by Vickers and Gill (1994) for the Greek world.26 We can say that wine-mixing vessels, which were the preferred vehicles for scenes of myth and the stage, were large and associated with wine, which was a valued and symbolically important product. It is likely that such vessels played a central role in the rituals, especially the banquets, associated with funerals. When placed in tombs, kraters held a prominent place among the ceramic assemblage. In the case of indigenous burials, they act as the replacement for the large vessel that had traditionally accompanied the dead. It is, therefore, likely that the vessels attracted significant attention at the funeral and that the iconography would have, at least some of the time, seemed meaningful in terms of affirming community values and the identity of the deceased. The fact that so many of the mythological scenes show rare myths, probably influenced by theatrical performances, only confirms the sophisticated knowledge of Greek myth and drama that was spread across South-East Italy, certainly among the élites, if not more widely. General depictions of the gods were far more common, with almost 38 per cent of all Apulian vases carrying an image of one or more gods. They occur on a far wider range of vase forms and, in numerical terms at least, they were far more important. For the bulk of the vessels showing more generic images of the gods, the messages conveyed were probably simpler. There was far less required of the viewer, and, indeed, the painter, in terms of background knowledge. However, this does not mean that the messages were less potent or relevant to the burying community and to those who had owned and used the vases before they were placed in tombs. In the Early and Middle Apulian phases, the importance of wine is stressed through Dionysian iconography. This fits with the function of the vessels, as most were used for the preparation, serving, and drinking of wine. This does not preclude the possibility that Dionysos’ association with death and rebirth was considered important when the vases were used in funerary contexts, although such themes were not especially stressed in the iconography itself. In the Late Apulian phase, Dionysian themes were superseded by those connected with love, desire, and victory, as Eros and Nike came to the fore. The function of the vessels was still relevant, in that wine was no doubt recognised as a stimulant of sexual desire and victory was to be celebrated through libations. In terms of the messages conveyed in the context of funerals, perhaps the iconography retrospectively celebrated the life of the deceased as one who loved and was loved and who was deemed a victor, whether in war, sport, love, or life, in general. They may also

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have looked forward to a positive afterlife, where love and desire endured and where an individual could still be, and could be celebrated as, a success. The next chapter continues with the theme of celebrating success, as it looks at the depictions of indigenous people and the iconography of honouring the dead.

CHAPTER FIVE PATTERNS IN ICONOGRAPHY: CELEBRATING INDIGENOUS LIFE AND COMMEMORATING THE DEAD

Introduction Two remaining features of the iconography of Apulian vases, which have yet to be discussed, are the depictions of the life of the indigenous population and the scenes that show the dead being honoured at funerary monuments, usually referred to as naiskoi. Both types of scene, which also occur on other South Italian fabrics, especially Campanian red-figure, have attracted the interest of previous scholarship.27 They are considered together in this Chapter as both types of scene can be seen as representing, albeit in an idealised fashion, activities from the actual lives of the ancient populations of Puglia. In this respect, they are different from the material discussed in the previous chapters.

Scenes from indigenous life Scenes depicting indigenous life are not unique to Apulian red-figure as they feature in other South Italian fabrics, and especially in Campanian vase-painting. However, the character of the Campanian scenes is somewhat different from their Apulian equivalent, as, in the former, the men wear a full panoply of armour, including, on many occasions, the triple-disc cuirass considered to be typical of the Samnites, and the women are more clearly identified as being of indigenous origin by their distinctive costume (Schneider-Herrmann 1996). Although the indigenous men on Apulian vases commonly carry two spears and sometimes also a shield, they are seldom depicted in full armour. The women, who accompany the indigenous men in Apulian vase-painting, normally wear Greek dress, although their origin is sometimes hinted at either by the addition of a broad belt, presumably of bronze, or by the suspension of

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pendant ornaments from the waist (on the comparative invisibility of Apulian women, v. Herring 2009b).

Fig. 9. Obverse of a column-krater (New York, 1974.23), attributed to the Rueff Painter (RVAp I 9/245), showing a scene of indigenous life involving the honouring of a seated youth. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

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For this reason, this section will discuss scenes featuring indigenous men, who are instantly recognisable by of their costume, which typically consists of a patterned tunic, a broad belt, usually depicted in added white and presumably meant to represent one made of bronze, a conical, pilostype helmet, and boots (Fig. 9; also Fig. 3). It is probably safe to assume that most, if not all, of the women depicted with the men, wearing such costumes, were intended to represent indigenous women but this cannot be proved definitively. The material presented here covers some of the same ground as my 2014 paper (Herring 2014b). It is included here for the sake of completeness. There are some minor differences between the statistics presented in 2014 and those offered here. This is the result of a data cleanup undertaken since the publication of the earlier article. In total, 259 vases in the sample depict indigenous men. These scenes account for just 1.91 per cent of all Apulian vases (13,589). As we have seen before, a type of scene, that was only a minor part of iconographic repertoire of Apulian red-figure, has attracted very significant scholarly interest. Of course, this interest can be justified as the vessels provide an insight into the lives of the indigenous population. Moreover, the vessels decorated in this fashion cast light upon the relationship between producers and their clients.

Early Apulian Middle Apulian Late Apulian All phases

Total number of vases with images of indigenous men per phase

Percentage of vases with images of indigenous men per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

60

23.17

1,599

11.77

121

46.72

2,625

19.32

78 259

30.12 100.00

9,365 13,589

68.92 100.00

Table 8. The relative popularity of scenes of indigenous life compared with the total output of the industry, by chronological phase.

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As we have seen with other kinds of specialist decoration, e.g. mythological scenes, the relative importance of scenes of indigenous life declines over time (Table 8). There are 60 Early Apulian vessels that show such scenes, making up 3.75 per cent of all vessels (1,599) from that era. Interest in indigenous topics peaks in the Middle Apulian phase, with the 121 specimens accounting for 4.61 per cent of all vases (2,625) from that period. The level of importance of such subject matter declines in both absolute and relative terms in the Late Apulian period. Only 78 vessels from this period show indigenous men. Such scenes account for just 0.83 per cent of all Late Apulian vessels (9,365). Therefore, 23.17 per cent of scenes of indigenous men date to the Early Apulian period, 46.72 per cent to the Middle Apulian, and 30.12 per cent to the Late Apulian.

The frequency of scenes of indigenous men by vessel form Indigenous men are depicted on a very restricted range of forms and are only truly common on column-kraters. 84.56 per cent of all scenes showing indigenous men (219 out of a total 259) occur on column-kraters. Of Early Apulian examples, column-kraters make up 95.0 per cent of the total (57 of 60 scenes). 96.69 per cent of Middle Apulian examples occur on column-kraters (117 of 219). The stranglehold that column-kraters held over this subject matter weakens somewhat in the Late Apulian phase, with only 45 out of 78 scenes being on column-kraters. This still equates to 57.69 per cent of all scenes of indigenous men from the period, however. The extent to which scenes of indigenous life dominate the decoration of column-kraters is revealed by these data: 36.26 per cent of all columnkraters feature indigenous men (219 out of a total of 604 vases). 63.33 per cent of Early Apulian column-kraters are decorated in this way (57 out of a total of 90), as are 45.70 per cent of Middle Apulian column-kraters (117 of 256), and 17.44 per cent of Late Apulian examples (45 of 258). Column-kraters were large wine-mixing vessels, which would have been prominent both while in use during the funerary banquet and when being deposited with the other offerings in the grave. As has already been noted, column-kraters appear to act as a replacement of the large vessel that accompanied all adult graves among the indigenous communities. Where they are preserved, the find-spots of the vessels in question strongly suggest that they were made for use in Central Puglia (Carpenter 2003; Herring 2104b).28 They may well have been made specifically for use in the tomb. Indeed, Carpenter (2018: 69) has argued that we should regard

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the Apulian column-krater as essentially related to indigenous ceramic traditions, despite its Athenian prototypes. The choice of vase form, its dominance in displaying this type of decoration, its distribution, and its pattern of usage in indigenous graves, strongly suggest that the producers had a good understanding of their clients’ needs. Moreover, the iconography itself suggests that they also had a good knowledge of, at least, some aspects of indigenous life, including the costumes worn by men and some of the vessels which they used, e.g. nestorides, which were regularly depicted on vases with indigenous scenes (Herring 2018: 62-63, Appendix 2). The next form to depict indigenous men most frequently was the nestoris. Although the form itself was quite rare, with only 37 examples in the database, eight of them, 21.62 per cent, show indigenous life. Given the origins of the form, the fact that a reasonable number of them show indigenous life, and the regularity with which they are depicted on column-kraters in scenes featuring indigenous men, I have argued that the form should be connected with indigenous identity, and, particularly, that of indigenous women (Herring 2018: 62-64). No Early Apulian nestorides carry scenes of indigenous life. Two of the eight, 25.0 per cent, Middle Apulian nestorides feature indigenous men as do six of the 25, 24.0 per cent, Late Apulian examples. Despite the relative frequency with which scenes of indigenous life appear on this vase form, it only accounts for 3.09 per cent of all such scenes (eight of 219). There are six scenes of indigenous life to be found on kantharoid skyphoi, another comparatively rare form. There are only 45 examples in the database, of which all but one are Late Apulian in date. Six kantharoid skyphoi show indigenous men. This equates to 13.33 per cent of all such vessels (six of 45) and 13.64 per cent of Late Apulian examples (six of 44). In all, 2.32 per cent of indigenous scenes occur on kantharoid skyphoi. There are four indigenous scenes to be found on bell-kraters and also on volute-kraters. Each form accounts for 1.54 per cent of all such scenes (four of 259). There is a single example of an Early Apulian bell-krater decorated in this way. It accounts for 0.14 per cent of all Early Apulian bell-kraters (one of 706 vessels). There is also a single Middle Apulian example, accounting for 0.16 per cent of all bell-kraters from that phase (one of 643 vessels). The two Late Apulian examples make up 0.39 per cent of all bell-kraters from the period (two of 516). Just 0.21 per cent of all Apulian bell-kraters show indigenous scenes (four of 1,865 vessels). There is also a single Early Apulian volute-krater showing indigenous men. It accounts for 4.35 per cent of all Early Apulian volute-kraters (one

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of 23 vessels). The single Middle Apulian example constitutes 1.37 per cent of Middle Apulian volute-kraters (one of 73). Only 0.29 per cent of Late Apulian volute-kraters (two of 689 vessels) are decorated in this way. Overall, 0.51 per cent of all volute-kraters (four of 785 vessels) have indigenous men painted on them. Three indigenous scenes are to be found on stamnoi. As the form is, itself, rare, with only 41 examples in the database, including those listed as stamnoid vessels as well as those simply described as stamnoi, the three with indigenous scenes account for 7.32 per cent of all such vessels. The three examples are all Late Apulian in date, as are the majority of stamnoi. 8.57 per cent of Late Apulian stamnoi (three of 35 vessels) are decorated in this fashion. 1.16 per cent of indigenous scenes occur on stamnoi (three of 259). The same number of indigenous scenes is to be found on amphorae. As the form is far more common than the stamnos, the examples with indigenous scenes only account for 0.39 per cent of all amphorae (three of 766 vessels). Again, all three examples are Late Apulian in date. They make up 0.53 per cent of amphorae from that phase (three of 561 vessels). Two indigenous scenes are to be found on each of the following forms: the cup, the patera, and the stemless cup. Each form accounts for 0.77 per cent of all indigenous scenes. The cup is a comparatively rare, and mostly Late Apulian, form. The two examples with indigenous men on them are both Late Apulian in date. They account for 7.14 per cent of Late Apulian cups (two of 28) and 6.67 per cent of all cups (two of 30). Stemless cups are rather more common with 105 examples in the database, although the form is also largely a feature of the Late Apulian phase. The two with indigenous scenes upon them account for 1.98 per cent of Late Apulian stemless cups (two of 101) and 1.90 per cent of all of the examples of the form (two of 105). The patera is a much more common form. There are 433 examples in the database. The two specimens showing indigenous life are both Late Apulian in date. Thus, 0.56 per cent of Late Apulian paterae (two of 359 vessels) carry images of indigenous men. In all, 0.46 per cent of all paterae (two of 433 vessels) are decorated in this fashion. There is only one example of an indigenous scene to be found on each of the remaining forms, namely, the dinos, the guttus, the hydria, the loutrophoros, the oenochoe, and the pyxis. Each accounts for 0.50 per cent of all vases showing members of the indigenous population. To take each form in turn, there are only 27 dinoi in the database, most of which (21) are Late Apulian. The single dinos with an indigenous scene is Late Apulian and constitutes 4.76 per cent of Late Apulian dinoi and 3.70 per

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cent of all dinoi. The 14 gutti in the database are all Late Apulian in date. The single example with an indigenous scene accounts for 7.14 per cent of all gutti. By way of contrast, hydriai are well represented in the database by 756 examples and they occur with reasonable frequency throughout the history of the industry. The hydria with the indigenous scene is Late Apulian in date. It constitutes 0.21 per cent of Late Apulian hydriai (479 examples) and 0.13 per cent of all hydriai. The loutrophoros is a moderately common, but mostly Late Apulian, form. The one example showing indigenous men is Late Apulian and makes up 0.88 per cent of loutrophoroi from that period (113 examples). It also accounts for 0.84 per cent of all (119) loutrophoroi. The oenochoe is the most commonly represented vase form in the database, with 1,993 examples, if the various related forms, e.g. the chous and the mug, are included. The one oenochoe with an indigenous scene is Early Apulian in date and accounts for 0.75 per cent of Early Apulian oenochoai (133) and just 0.05 per cent of all such vessels (1,993). The pyxis is another mostly Late Apulian form; 267 out of 270 examples date to that period. The pyxis with the indigenous scene is Late Apulian in date and accounts for 0.37 per cent of Late Apulian pyxides and the same percentage, 0.37 per cent, of all pxyides. Although indigenous scenes occur on 16 different vessel shapes, on only three of those forms does the number of examples of such scenes exceed five, viz. the column-krater the nestoris, and the kantharoid skyphos. The only form, which has more than ten examples decorated in this fashion, is the column-krater. The dominance of the column-krater for the depiction of scenes of indigenous life is abundantly clear. However, it is worth illustrating the importance of wine-mixing vessels for such scenes. If all of the winemixing vessels are taken together, i.e. the bell-krater, column-krater, volute-krater, dinos, and stamnos, there are 231 indigenous scenes or 89.19 per cent of the total (259). Most of the other forms that carry such scenes are also connected to wine serving or wine drinking, viz. the amphora, cup, kantharoid skyphos, loutrophoros, nestoris, oenochoe, and stemless cup. These account for 8.88 per cent of indigenous scenes (23 of 259). Thus, 98.07 per cent of indigenous scenes occur on vessels connected to wine. This may be compared with the percentage of the entire sample that is made up of vessels connected with wine. As reported in Chapter Two, this stands at 70.51 per cent (9,581 out of a total of 13,589). This level of difference cannot be accidental. The importance of forms whose origins lie within South Italy is worth noting. Both the nestoris and the patera have examples of indigenous scenes. This reflects the fact that these scenes were made for the

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indigenous population and probably played a role in affirming their identity. If Carpenter’s contention, that the Apulian column-krater is related to indigenous vase forms, is accepted, then this argument becomes much more powerful (Carpenter 2018: 69). The fact that indigenous people were generally portrayed in a positive light strongly supports the hypothesis that the vessels in question were made for that population. Finally, it is notable that some of the vase forms, which bear indigenous scenes, were associated with women, e.g. the hydria, the nestoris, and the pyxis. Women figure prominently in the scenes themselves, although often they are shown honouring men, e.g. by offering them libations.29 These vessels suggest that commemorating indigenous identity was not only a matter of concern at the funerals of prominent men from Central Puglia, indigenous women also needed to have their ethnicity acknowledged, celebrated, and memorialised.

Commemorating the dead Given that virtually all of the vessels in the database can be assumed to have derived from tombs, it could be reasonably suggested that they are all connected with honouring the dead. However, it is probably safe to assume that many vessels were used in everyday life before they were consigned to the grave. While it was probably known that many vases would have ended up in tombs, this was not their sole, or even their primary, function. Other vessels, however, would have been made for the grave and some of these show scenes of honouring the dead. This latter group is the subject of this section. The vases under discussion are those that show architectural structures, which are assumed to be representations of elaborate, grave monuments, known as naiskoi (Fig. 10). There are fragments of stonework that are considered to be the remnants of such monuments (Carter 1975). An actual naiskos, belonging to a man named Aristonautes, is preserved in the National Museum of Athens (inv. 738); it dates to the second half of the Fourth Century BC. Funerary relief sculptures in the shape of naiskoi also exist (e.g. the stele belonging to a woman named Sime, now in the Getty Museum, inv. 77.AA.89). Although real naiskoi existed and appear to have been attested in South-East Italy, they may have been rather more common on vases and in other artforms than they actually were in reality. In other words, the vases may show the ideal grave monument, which only comparatively few individuals received. The naiskos scenes on vases typically show the deceased, normally accompanied by some possessions

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and, occasionally, by other figures, e.g. servants, inside the naiskos, which is flanked by people honouring the deceased.

Fig. 10. Obverse of a loutrophoros (New York, 1995.45.2; formerly in an American private collection), attributed to the Metope Group (RVAp Suppl. 1 18/16d), showing a woman and her maid in a naiskos, flanked by groups of mourners. Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

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The depictions of naiskoi were probably not the only scenes concerned with honouring the dead, as there are other vases that show people visiting or making offerings at stelai, altars, columns, etc. However, not all of the latter scenes are necessarily concerned with honouring the dead. Some of them may simply show religious observance. Naiskos scenes are far more numerous than the other types. The focus here is on the naiskos scenes because they may be definitively associated with the dead, as most show the deceased inside the monument. There are 1,235 vases that depict naiskoi in the database (Table 9). Naiskos scenes occur on 9.09 per cent of all vases (1,235 out of 13,589 vases). Although they occur on a limited range of forms, which are discussed in detail below, naiskos scenes are a fairly significant and highly distinctive part of the Apulian decorative repertoire. However, such scenes are hardly known in the Early Apulian phase, with only one example dating to that phase. Thus, just 0.06 per cent of Early Apulian vessels have a naiskos scene (one of 1,599 vessels).

Early Apulian Middle Apulian Late Apulian All phases

Total number of vases with naiskos scenes per phase

Percentage of vases with naiskos scenes men per phase

Total number of vases per phase

Percentage of all vases in the sample

1