Patricia Knobloch: Wari Ritual Power at Conchopata: An Interpretation of Anadenanthera Colubrina Iconography.

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WARIRITUALPOWERAT CONCHOPATA: AN INlliKPRETATION OFANADENANTHERA COLUBRINA ICONOGRAPHY PatriciaJ. Knobloch

Iconographic studies often provide evidence to interpret ritual activities of archaeologically known cultures. Recent excavations at the site of ConchopatanearAyacucho,Peru, led to a re-analysisof the ritual behaviorof MiddleHorizon(A.D. 750-1000) Warisociety. The identification of a hallucinogenic plant design, Anadenantheracolubrina, depicted on Conchopata offering pottery contributesa crucial understandingof a previously unknownartistic icon. This icon was discerned as depicted in various abstract renditionson Middle Horizon textiles, snuffparaphernalia, ceramics, and stone sculpture, including the Gate of the Sun at Tiwanaku,Bolivia. Based on historic and ethnographicevidence, the plant's prehistoric use as a hallucinogen is discussed with regardto suggested chicha drinkingceremonies, and the transitional role of Warileadersfrom shamans to priests. Los estudios iconogra'ficosproporcionana menudoevidencias que permiten interpretaractividades rituales de culturasconocidas desde el punto de vista arqueologico.Las excavaciones recientesen el sitio de Conchopata,cerca de Ayacucho,Peru, condujeron a un nuevo analisis del comportamientoritual de la sociedad Waridurante el Horizonte Medio (750-1000 D. C.). La identificacionde undiseno de la planta alucinogenaAnadenantheracolubrina,representadaen una ofrendaceratmicaConchopata contribuyeal conocimientocrucial para interpretara un icono artistico anteriormentedesconocido. Este icono fue reconocido en diversas versiones abstractassobre textiles,parafernaliapa ra rape, ceramica y esculturas liticas pertenecientesal Horizonte Medio incluyendoa la Puerta del Sol en Tiwanaku,Bolivia. Basado en evidencias historicasy etnograficas,se discute el uso prehistorico de esta planta alucinogeno en relaciona al consumode chicha en ceremoniasrituales y se discute el papel transicional de los lideres Waride curanderosa sacerdotes.

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studyof iconographycan be very importantfor interpretingprehistoricbehaviorand social activities. Icons are artistic symbols thatarerepresentativeof, or interpretedas, sources of authoritativeknowledge,usuallypoliticalor religious. By analyzing the patterns of their use on politico-religiousartifacts,we may be able to discern the activities of prehistoricleaders, such as shamansand priests, in controllingand managing theirsociety.Suchanalysismayhelpto explainsocial processes such as the developmentof a complex society.Sincethe 1940s,Andeanarchaeologistshave investigatedand analyzed the prehistoricremains thatdefinetheWaricultureof MiddleHorizon(A.D. 750-lOOO)Andeanprehistory(Bennett1953;Isbell and McEwan 1991; Lumbreras1960; Tello 1942). From an architecturallyimpressive, 250-hectare urbancenter10 km northof Ayacucho,theWaricol-

onizedseveraldiversepopulationsof theAndes.The evidence of colonizationis imposed, standardized architectural buildingsthatsuggesta complexsocial system and political control by the Wari as they expanded(Anders1991;Isbellet al. 1991;McEwan 1991; Schreiber1992;Topicl991). WithinWariart is an elaboratereligious iconographythat incorporatedcoastalNascaandhighlandPukaraartfromthe Early Intermediate Period (A.D. 0-750). This iconographypertainsto the Conchopatastyle from the site of the samename,locatedin the easternsuburbsof Ayacucho,andto theRoblesMoqostylefrom the Pacheco site on the south coast (Menzel 1964) (Figure1). In 1997, Jose Ochatoma,professorat the Universidad Nacional de San Cristobal de Huamanga, conductedexcavationsat Conchopata.He recovered more pottery in this ceremonial style, includinga stylizedplantimage.In thispaper,I sug-

Patricia J. Knobloch * ResearchAssociate, Instituteof Andean Studies, Berkeley,9229 Dillon Drive, La Mesa, CA 91941 LatinAmericanAntiquity,11(4), 2000, pp. 387-402 CopyrightC)2000 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology 387

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Figure 1. Areas of Peru, Boliviaand Chile with archaeologicalsites of the Wariand Tiwanakucultures.

gest this plant image is the first identificationof a Wari-style icon of a well-known hallucinogenic plant,Anadenantheracolubrina.I will describethe Warireligiousiconography,the methodof identifying thisplantas anicon,thepreviouslyunknownrenditions on other artifacts, and the plant's hallucinogenicproperties.ThenI will discussits use in chicha drinkingceremonies,and how it may be an importantritualicon indicatingthe social developmentof an ancientpriesthood. Withinthe Wariiconography,the principalicons aretypicallyimagesof deitiesandsubordinateattendants.The principaldeity icon is usually depicted standingin a frontalpose, graspinga staff in each handby its sides. The attendanticons are drawnin profile.They are depictedin eithera standingpose orpositionedhorizontallyas thoughflying. If standing, thenthey appearto be genuflectingon one bent knee. One handgraspsa staffin frontof them;if the otherhandis depicted,then it is sometimesholding a trophyhead or club. The attendanticons are also referredto as "angels"or"wingedspiritmen"(Menzel 1977:61) that combine animal and humanfeatureswith a dorsal-wingmotif.Whencombinedthe attendanticons occuron eitherside of the deity icon facing the deity icon.

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In previousstudiesof Wariart,the iconography has been interpretedas representinga religiouscult "aroundwhichthepoliticalsystemwas built"(Menzel 1968:93),religioussymbolsof "controlanda pretext for conquest" documenting a "proselytizing ecumenical religion" (Lumbreras1974:163, 177), or an evolving ideology of a developinghierarchy establishedby naturalattributes "withsubordination of authorityandpower"(Isbell andCook 1987:32). Thus,the iconographyis bothpoliticalandreligious with little, if any,researchsuggestingthatWarireligion andpoliticswereseparatesocialprocesses.One patternof iconographicuse is that numerousWari tapestrytunics display the iconographyof the subordinateattendanticonsin whichdozensarearranged in columns of verticalpanels. I suggest that Wari leadersmight have worn these tunics to symbolize themselvesas deity-likeby being the focus of these subordinateattendanticons that are purposefully arrangedto face towardthe tunic's verticalcentral line or the wearer.InWarisociety,the wearerwould appearempoweredby these religious symbols and elevatedto a higher social status(Knobloch 1986, 1988). Thus,as sourcesof powersuchpolitico-religious iconographymaydocumentsome of the activitiesby leadersin controllingandmanaginga society, especially in the case of Warias its society is presumed to have expandedinto a complex conquest stateor empire. Anotheractivitythatfocuses on thisWariiconographywas a curioustraditionof buryinglarge,colorfully decorated ceramic vessels, usually urns (Anders 1990; Cook 1979; Menzel 1964, 1968; RavinesSanchez1968).SinceJulioTello's 1942discovery of a possible burialof ceramicsor ceramic offeringof such urns at Conchopata,the iconography of the decorationhas been identifiedas similar to the iconographydisplayedon the Gateof the Sun at Tiwanaku,Bolivia and suggests that these two ancientpopulationsfromhighlandPeruandBolivia possibly sharedcommon religious activities (Bennett 1953:99;Menzel 1964:19-23; Spielvogel 1955; Tello 1942:11>111). The Gateof the Sunmay date to Tiwanaku IV (A.D. 450-750), previously describedas an example of the TiwanakuClassic Phase stone sculpture(Bennett 1934:474). The potteryburialsareeven morecuriousin that theWarismashedthesebeautifulvessels priorto burial. Perhaps,the smashingwas symbolic of sacrificial deathor, once the contentwas gone, the vessels

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Figure2; Ceramicsfrom Ochatoma1997excavationat Conchopata,Peru:imagesof the A. colubrina

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plant

icon,

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were too sacredto be ever used again.Along with destroying sacred icons, the extensive amount of labor involved in productionand decorationcould haveenhancedthe valueof the sacrifice.To support this theoryof sacrificetherewas one excavationin whichhumansappearto havebeen sacrificedin this ritual (Isbell and Cook 1987). Another possible ceramicofferingof largeurnswas discoveredat the Pachecosite on thePeruviansouthcoast. Some urns display variantsof deity icons and others display stylized images of plants, such as potato, olluco, mashua and oca. The plantimages were identified byYacovleffandHerrera( 1934:Figure28). Though stylizedtheplantidentificationwaspossiblebecause the Wariartistsdistinguishedprimaryattributesof the plants, such as the flowers, leaves, branches, fruit, or vegetable.Waridepictions of plants were highly simplistic as two-dimensional,flat shapes symmetricallypositionedratherthannaturallyrenderedlike a photograph.Recentlyat the site of Conchopata, salvage excavations by Jose Ochatoma unearthedfragmentsof a largejarthatalso displayed stylized plant images (Figure2). The artistictradition or rule of symmetricalsimplicity is also evident in the plantimage on this Conchopatavessel. Following artisticrules of symmetricalsimplicity, the Wariartistdrew this plant image with only two flowers at the top of a centralbranch,with two leaves below the flowers, one on either side, and with two seedpodshangingdown below the leaves, one on eitherside. The image appearsso unnatural thatno initialidentificationwas possible. By taking into accountthatthe image was stylized according to Wariartisticconventionin which only primary attributesarerendered,I was ableto matchtheimage with a naturalplant based on those stylized attributes ratherthanexpectinga naturalappearance.The matchwasfacilitatedby theprior,extensiveresearch of YacovleffandHerrera(1935:4243). Theirnatuplantdisplayed ralisticdrawingof anAnadenanthera all the primaryattributesof the plantimage. Specifis a mimosatreewithhangically,theAnadenanthera ing bean-likepods andbelongs to the Leguminosae family, thus the plant image displays oblong lobes with black dots. The tree grows to 20 m in height with a dark,spikytrunkwhose diameterreaches60 cm, and multi-paired,bipinnate leaves, thus the leaves aredrawnas ovate shapesandalmostfeather like.Theflowersclusterintowhite,hairysphereslike theflowersof a dandeliongoneto seed.Whenviewed

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Figure 3. Natural drawing of A. colubrznaindicating spherical flowers, bipinnate leaves and leguminous seedpod (after Yacovleff and Herrera 1935:Figure 51).

in photographsthe centers appear dark with the lighterwhite aroundthe center,thus the black centraldot and lightercolored circle of the circled dot design elementsthatrepresentthe flowers. One speciesof Anadenanthera,A.peregrina,has a thickcorkybarkwithacacia-likefoliage andgrows in the llanos regionof the Orinocobasin of Columbia and Venezuela,as well as savannahsand light 1972:27-28; forestsofnorthernAmazonia(Schultes SchultesandHofmann1979:119,1980: 145). Three otherspeciesreferencedin theliteratureasA. macrocarpa,A. excelsa, andA. colubrinamayhavegrown in northernArgentina,southernPeru, and Bolivia (Stafford1992:316).A. colubrinagrew in the valleys of tropicalclimates, andA. macrocarpain the highlandsof Peru and Bolivia (Yacovleffand Herrera 1935:4243) (Figure 3). At the time of their researchYacovleff and Herreralabeled the genus Piptadenia,which has since been recognizedas the genus Anadenanthera,founded in 1923 (Schultes and Hofmann 1980:140-141). Moreover, the A. macrocarpaspecies is now referredto as A. colubrina and as such is "morphologicallyvery closely relatedto A. peregrina"(Schultes 1972:29).A very detailedbotanicaldescriptionof Anadenantheracan be found in Schultesand Hofmann(1980:149-152) who addthatA.colubrina"occursin easternBrazil. . . Argentina,Bolivia,Paraguay,Peruandseverallocal-

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ities in southeasternBrazil."Since the A. colubrina depiction on the Conchopatasherds illustratesthe plant'sprimaryattributes,as an icon its variousrenditions can be identifiedon other Middle Horizon artifacts.Forpurposesof futureidentification,theprimarydesign attributesof the plant icon are: 1) circled dots, usually two, at the top of the icon representingthe sphericalflowers;2) two, symmetrically positionedovate or rectangularshapes with interiorlines representingthe leaves, usually positionedbelow the circleddots;and,3) oblong or rectangularshape with interiordots representingthe seedpods.Also potentiallyuseful aretwo secondary designattributesthatareaddedto thislist fromother renditionsdescribedbelow. The wavy band representing the plant's trunkis appendedto a curved band of a simple interlockingfret design (see Figure 2). Such bands of interlockingfret designs are commoninWariartto outlinestylizedhumanheads. Thus, the entireimage was possibly of a plantthat appearedto have grown from an anthropomorphic head. This associationis found on otherrenditions of this planticon in which the icon is appendedto a design band outlining a head motif or just a head motif (see Figures4, 5a, 5b, 5c, 6b, 6d, 7, 8a, and 8b).Anotherattributethatoccurson renditionsof this planticon is a smalltriangleor rectangledesign element locatedbetween the leaf-designattribute(see Figures5a, 5c, 6d, 7, 8a, 8b, 9b, and9c). In analyzingWariandTiwanakuiconography,I observedthese primaryand secondaryattributeson possible examples or renditionsof the planticon and often found that the renditionscombined only two attributes. Whenonly one attributeoccurred,I qualifythe renditionas very speculativerequinngfurtheranalysis. I arguethatthe recentConchopatarenditionis so precise that there is little, if any, doubt about the botanicalidentification.Thus, the identificationof this planticon providesthe firstexampleof a Middle HorizonWariartisticrepresentationof a wellknown,hallucinogenicplant.Withthisdiscoverythe followingresearchfurthersourunderstanding of the Wariceramicofferingritualat Conchopata. Iconographic Examples of Anadenanthera Colubrina A ratheruniqueimage of a Wari-attendanticon on a tapestry tunic with unknown provenience has provencrucial in the identificationof other examples (Lavalle 1984:76-77) (Figure 4). This textile

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Figure 4. Lavalle textile with unknown provenience: A.

colubrinaplant icon appended to staff, arm, legs, headdress, and beak design elements and winged-eye motif (after Lavalle 1984:7S77).

displays attendanticons with bird-like attributes including one clawed hand holding a staff. At the bottom of each staff is depicted a stylized head motif. At the top is the plant icon. The plant icon has two circled dots for the flowers and two, symmetricallypositioned half ovate shapes with lines that look like combs for the leaves. The seedpods aredrawnindependentlyof the otherprimaryattributes. Therearetwo seedpodsthathangdown to one side of the staff, at the top and at the bottom and a thirdseedpodhangs down fromthe beak.Thereare narrowbandsrunningcentrallywithinthe attendant icon's armsand legs thatalso end in the planticon. The planticon is also depictedin the headdressand appendedto the eye motif. The eye motif includes a wing design element and will be referredto as a winged-eye motif. This textile example is crucial in identifyingotherexamplesbecause it depicts all threeprimaryattributes,flowers, leaves, and seedpods. With these attributesthis textile renditionis the closest exampleto the Conchopataversionthat links to the identityof the plant,therebyproviding a transitionalversion to examples with fewer plant icon attributes.

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the bottom of the staff is appendeda stylized head motif. This deity icon's staff shares the structural layoutwiffiffieplanticon of theattendanticon's staff depictedon the Lavalletextile. A snuff tablet from Tiwanakudepicts a row of fourstylizedrenditions(Torres1995:Figure6); only one is shownhere(FigureSb).The planticon is representedby a circleddotfortheflower,andtwo, symmetricallypositionedsets of simple diagonallines for the leaves. Two planticons are appendedto the top of a headmotif.On anothersnufftablettheplant icon is stylized and simplified (Lavalle 1984:184, left) (Figure5c) to only two planticon attributes.In this renditionthe flowers are depictedby the two, circleddots.Theleavesarerepresentedby two, symmetricallypositionedbandsof diagonallyintersected lines knownas chevrondesigns. Textiles

Figure 5. Images on snuff tablets; a: San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: A. colubrinaplant icon located at top of staff (after Torres 1995:Figure 11); b: Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrina plant icon located atop stylized head motif (after Torres 1995:Figure 6); c: unknown provenience: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to fret band (after Lavalle 1984:184, left).

SnuffTablets On a snufftabletfrom San Pedrode Atacama(Torres l995:Figure 11) (Figure Sa), the entire image consistsof a deity icon holdingtwo staffs.The plant icon is appendedto the top of the staff in the deity icon's left hand.This renditiondepicts two circled dots for the flowers, and two, symmetically positionedrectangleswithtwo curvedlinesfortheleaves. A triangledesign elementis between the leaves.At

I suggestthe following exampleis a very simplified renditionwith only one plant icon attributeof the leaves as two, symmetricallypositioned, vertical bands of chevrons atop a staff (Lavalle 1984:87) (Figure6a). These chevronsmightrepresentraptor feathers. However, the chevrons point upward.If theyrepresentedraptorfeathers,thenthesechevrons shouldpointdownwardto representthefeatherbarbs alongthe shaftas thefeather'spithwouldbe attached to the staff. This example is more speculativethan others,but I suggest warrantsa possibility. One textile, from Pachacamac,is a very fragmented tapestrydepictingrows of attendanticons graspingstaffs(EislebandStrelow1980:Figure328) (Figure6b). The plant icon is very stylized, combining its primaryattributeson the chest of each attendanticon.Thefloweris a singlebandwith a circled dot hangingfromthe design bandthatoutlines the attendant'shead. The leaves were depictedby two, symmetrically positioned rows of diagonal lines. The seedpodis below as a rectanglewith two dots. Anotherrenditionof the plant icon is associatedwith two "uniqueprofilefigures(human?)"on atunicwithno provenience(Berghl999:Figure95). These two standinghumanfigureshave theirfaces andfeet in profileyet theirtwo handshold staffson eitherside of a body facing to the front(Figure6c). Theplanticon is appendedto thetopof the staffheld by one humanfigure and hangingfrom the belt of the other.The staff versionhas two circleddots for the flowersandtwo, symmetricallypositionedshort

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a

e

c

Figure6. Imageson textiles;a: Nasca,Peru:A. colubrinaplant icon may be representedby two sets of chevronsatop a staff held by an attendanticon (afterLavalle1984:87);b: Pachacamac,Peru:A. colubrinaplant icon is represented by clusterof designelementshangingfrom neckbanddesign (after Eisleb and Strelow1980:Figure328); c: unknown provenience:A. colubrinaplanticon appendedto staff and belt (afterBergh1999:Figure95); d: Pisagua,Chile:A. colubrinaplant icon appendedto headdress(after Conklin1983:Figure24); e: unknownprovenience:A. colubrinaplant icon is appendedto winged-eyemotif (afterLaFarge1981:94).

chevronbands for the leaves. The two plant icons hangingfromthe belthaveonly one circleddot each fora flowerwithtwo, symmetricallypositionedshort chevronbandsfor the leaves.Withthese images,the only otherplanticon attributeis thatone staff with each figureis atop a stylizedhead motif. From a Pisagua grave lot in Chile, a Tiwanaku

headbanddisplaysa row of "mythicalfigures,"possibly pumas(Conklin1983:Figure23, 24). Conklin dates this textile to the middle of his Tiwanaku sequence, contemporarywith the Gate of the Sun (Conklin 1983:Table1, l991:Figure 7). Appended to the headdressand front claw or foot are short bandsending in the planticon. Only the headdress

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Figure 7. Textile with unknown provenience: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress of a deity icon (The Textile Museum, Washington, D.C., no. 1972.27.1).

exampleis presentedhere(Figure6d). In thisrendition, the planticon retainsthe leaves as two, symmetricallypositionedsetsof diagonallines,a triangle design element between the leaves, but the circled dots are replacedby threesquareddesign elements on bandsto representthe flowerattributes.Conklin refers to these latteras "tail feathers"because he suggestedthe motifrepresentedheadlessbirds.This renditiondoes appearbird-likebutI argueit follows the conventionsof the planticon's attributecombinationsmorelogically.Also, otherTiwanakucarved stone examples discussed below indicatea preference for the flowerandseedpodattributesto be representedby threedesign elementsratherthantwo. Thus, this rendition may be a stylization with a Tiwanakudesign rubric. Anothertapestrytunicwith no proveniencedisplays several attendanticons with bird-likeattributes (LaFarge 1981:94) (Figure 6e). Only the winged-eye motif has the planticon appendedin a similar manneras the Lavalle textile. This rendition depictsthe planticon with two circleddots for the flowers appendedto two, symmetricallypositioned sets of diagonallines for the leaves.Another partial textile tapestry displays a very complex scene of a deity icon flankedon eitherside by two small human figures, attendanticons, and small, mythical creature icons (Conklin 1971; Rowe 1974:Plate50). The planticon occurs appendedto the headdressof the deity icon, one on either side just below the top corners (Figure 7). This rendition has two circled dots for the flowers and two, symmetricallypositionedsets of diagonallines for the leaves. A triangle design element occurs between the leaves.

Ceramics

In additionto the Conchopataexample, described above, a second example from this site occurs on large urns from Tello's 1942 excavation photographed by Anita Cook (Isbell and Cook 1987:3(}31). On these large urns, a deity icon is flanked by two attendanticon variants.The plant icon is appendedto the top of the headdresson one of the attendanticons (Figure8a). In this rendition, only two planticon attributesarepresent.On either side of a triangledesignelementtherearetwo, symmetricallypositionedhalf ovate shapes with three curvedlines to representthe leaves. Withall renditions takeninto account,the absenceof the flower attributeis veIy rare.A thirdexamplecomes from the 1999 excavations at Conchopatadirected by Anita Cook andWilliamIsbell. The sherdis badly damagedin variousareasas indicatedby dottedlines in the illustration(Figure 8b). The plant icon is appendedto the headdressof an attendanticon. The flowers are representedby two promlnentcircled dots.As with theTelloexample,therearetwo, symmetricallypositionedhalf-ovateshapes with three curvedlines to representthe leaves.The designelement between the leaves appearsto be a rectangle rather than a triangle. From the Cuzco area of Pomacachi, anotherstylized renditionwas found depictedon a Wari-styletall cup (San RomanLuna 1983) (Figure8c). Therearetwo circleddotsfor the flowers and two, symmetricallypositioned short chevronbandson eitherside for the leaves.Without theknownplanticonattributes thisPomacachiexample could be mistakenfor an insect,perhapsbutterfly, image.Becausethistallcuphas straight,slightly

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b

\

Figure 8. Images on ceramic artifacts; a: Tello's 1942 excavation at Conchopata, Peru: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress of an attendant icon (after Isbell and Cook 1987:31, upper left) b: Isbell and Cook 1999 excavation at Conchopata, Peru: A. colubrgna plant icon appended to headdress of an attendant icon; c: Cuzco area, Peru: A. colubrgnaplant icon repeated around top of Epoch 2 style cup (after San Roman Luna 1983:73, bottom).

flaring sides and flat bottom, it is more similarto Epoch2-shapevessels, and,perhaps,thispiece may be used as a temporalmarkerfor futurestylisticseriation. Stone Sculpture lwhemost interestingexampleof the planticon thus far discoveredis displayedon the famous Gate of the Sun at Tiwanaku,Bolivia. For generations,the iconographyof this stone doorwayhas been interpreted as religious symbolism or as a calendrical device(Posnansky1945, 1957).Everyminutedesign elementhas been labeledbasedeitheron logic (e.g., eyes, wings,steps,staffs,humans)orconjecture(e.g., sun, birds,gods, angels). Few if any of the stylized designelementsormotifson thisfamousstonesculpture are known beyond reasonabledoubt to represent anythingreal and natural.I^hus,the planticon identificationmay be a significantbreakthroughin decipheringthe meaningsof the sculptediconography. The planticon is appendedto the winged-eye motif of the attendanticon with bird-likeattributes (Figure9a). Thisrenditionhasthree,ratherthantwo, circles for the flowers and, like the Conchopata ceramic examples, has two, symmetrically positioned half ovate shapes with three curvedlines to representthe leaves. I^hisrenditionis mirroredby theLavalletextile(see Figure4); bothof thewingedeye motifs have a shortcurvedbandin frontof the eye, smallrectangulardesignelementsatopthe eye, and two filler dots below the eye. This renditionis also similarto the LaFargetextileexample(see Figure6e). The planticon is also carvedinto a grinding stonefromTiwanaku(PonceSangines1964:Figures

23, Plate 11;Rowe 1974:Figure403). This cylindrical stone is about 15 cm thick and47 cm in diameter with a shallow circulardepressionon top. I^he stonewas carvedall aroundtheupperhalfof its outer surfaceand arounda wide borderon the top. I^he outersurfaceis coveredwith an interlockingpattern of deity icons, althoughthe tops of their stylized heads are worn off. Aroundthe top bordera scroll designof interlockingheadmotifsdisplaystheplant icon appendedto theheaddresses(Figure9b). There are threecircleddots for the flowers and two, symmetricallypositionedrectangleswith two lines for the leaves. Between the leaves is a small rectangle design element.Anotherstonebowl was locatedon theLakeTiticacaislandof Taquiri(Ryden1947:Figure 147). Unfortunately,photographsare not published for this "cube shaped" object, but only drawingsof threesides of the cube thatmay notrepresentthe correctdetailsof the planticon. This rendition depicts the planticon in the shoulderstraps, and hangingfrom the belt and neck of a deity icon (Figure9c). These design elements appearlike the headlessbirdsof Conklin'sPisaguatextile description in thatthe flowersarerepresentedby threerectangulardesign elements ratherthan circled dots. Two,symmetricallypositionedrectangleswiththree lines representthe leaves. Between the leaves is a triangledesign element. I^hedeity also graspstwo staffs atop head motifs. Another stone sculpture carvedin greatdetailand datingto TiwanakuIV or the Classic Phasemay also have a representationof the planticon. Knownas the BennettMonolith,this free-standingstatuerepresentsa mythicalbeingcovered with symbols and icons (Bennett 1934:Figure

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a

b

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Figure 9. Images on stone sculpture; a: Gate of the Sun at Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to winged-eye motif of an attendant icon (after Posnansky 1945:Plate XXV, top); b: grinding stone from Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to headdress (after Ponce 1964:Figure 15); c: cubical stone bowl from Taquiri, Lake Titicaca: A. colubrinaplant icon appended to neckband, shoulder straps and belt of deity icon (after Ryden 1947:Figure 147); d: Bennett Monolith from Tiwanaku, Bolivia: A. colubrinaplant icon located on chest area of statue (after Posnansky 1945:Insert).

23; Posnansky 1945:Insert).This mythical being appearsto be wearingpantsratherthanthe typical highlandtunic.Thus the figurefollows the stylized depictionsof the attendanticons with discernable armsand legs exposed ratherthanof the deity icon whose body is coveredby clothing,such as a tunic. Two arms are depictedbent at the elbows and held againstthe chest. One handholds a keroor cup, and the other possible snuff paraphernalia(Berenguer 1987) (Figure9d). Thoughstructurallyunlikeother renditions,theplanticon stillretainsone primaryand one secondaryattribute:1) hanging seedpods with theTiwanakupreferencefor threecirclesratherthan two, and 2) a staff atop a stylized humanhead. To

summarize,the Tiwanakustone sculptureand Pisagua textile renditionsare most similarin thatthey displaythreedesign elementsto representthe flowers. Thus these artifactsmay be temporallyassociated or signify a cultural distinction from Wari renditions.Mostof theassociatedattendanticonsdisplay bird-like design elements. The plant icon is often appendedto a staff with a head motif on the bottom.The leaves are always representedby two symmetricallypositioneddesign elements that are eitherdiagonallines, curvedlines, or chevrons.The frequentlackof theseedpodattributeis curioussince thehallucinogenicpropertiesof theplantcome from the seeds. Perhapsthe icon was simplifiedto mask

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suchinformationfromcommonview and,therefore, presentanjaspes de bello aspecto"(Yacovleff and such icons could have been understoodonly by a Herrera1935:42-43). Currentlythewood of thistree knowledgeableelite. is commerciallyharvestedand exportedbecause it is very durableand extremely rot resistant (EcoThe HallucinogexiicProperties of Timber20C)0).Severalexamplesshowtheplanticon AnadenantheraColubrina positionedatop a staff held by Wariand Tiwanaku Thehallucinogenicpropertiesof A. colubrinaaredue anthropomorphic icons (see Figures4, 5a, 6a, and to the production of tryptaminealkaloids in the 6c). Depictionsof mythicalicons holding staffs are plant's seeds. ConstantinoManuel Torres (1995, ubiquitous throughoutthe Andes since the Early 1996; Torresand Repke 1996) has writtenexten- Horizon (800-100 B.C.) with the north highland sively on the use of A. colubrinain SouthAmerica. Chavinculture.IndividualsmayhaveusedsuchsymRecent analysisindicatesthata specific tryptamine bols of authorityto validatethemselvesas leadersin known as bufotenine (5-hydroxy-N, N-dimethyl- the minds of the Andean populationsthey tried to tryptamine)"is solely responsiblefor the observed control. With a staff made from the A. colubrina centralactivityof these preparations" by the Wichi wood, a leader might be more closely associated shamans of northwesternArgentina (Torres and with the plant's ritual power and icon references Repke 1996:53-54). To activatethis tryptamineand therebyenhancingan authoritativesocial position. acquirethe hallucinogenicexperience,the seeds are No Waristaffshave yet been found. ground and ingested as snuff, enema, or smoke. Ingestionof the seeds by eatingor drinkingis not as ConchopataVessels effectivebecausethe stomachproducesmonoamine The Conchopataceramicofferingsmay representa oxidase (MAO), an enzyme that deactivatessome ritualactivitythatendedwith the smashingandburtryptamines. Theplant'sgeneticcousin,A.peregrina, ial of ceremonialvessels. I suggestthatthe presence is also well known in northernSouthAmericaand of the A. colubrinaplanticon may help to describe used as snuff, called yopo (Schultes and Hofmann the ceremonialactivitiesprecedingthe burial. 1979:11S119). WithintheWariandTiwanakusociThe currentliteraturecompiled by Torresindieties, the ceremonialactivitiesare often limited to cates that snuffingparaphernaliaare the best indidescriptionsof ceramic offerings, burials, trophy catorsfor the use of the plant since "psychoactive heads,andtemples.The social behaviorby the par- plants are rarely represented in Andean Preticipantsis poorlyunderstood.Withthe evidenceof Columbian artifacts"(Torres 1995:295). Indeed, theA. colubrinaicon,I suggestthatceremonial activ- analysis of snuff powder (Torreset al. 1991) indiities can be enrichedby referencesto chicha drink- cates thatthe plantwas known in the San Pedrode ing ritualsand shamanor priestbehaviordue to the AtacamaareaassociatedwithTiwanakuoccupation manyethnohistoricandethnographic examplesof the and numerousexamplesof snuffingimplements. use of this hallucinogen. Snuffingimplementshave not been foundin the Wariarea,perhapsdueto poorpreservationof wood. Discussion However,the ethnohistoricliteratureoffers another Along with its well-documented hallucinogenic possibleexplanationof theplant'suse.Yacovleffand properties,the presenceof theA. colubrinaicon on Herrera(1935:43) providedan importantreference WariandTiwanakuartifactsbringsto the discussion to Polo de Ondegardo'ssixteenth-centurydescripof politico-religious phenomena several new and tionof thisplant,referredto by theInkaas vilca. The interesting areas of further research into under- vilca was made into a juice and addedto the quinstandingiconographyandassociatedritualactivities. tessentialAndeanbeer,chicha.As a drink,theeffects of A. colubrina'stryptaminemight not be as effecStaffsof Authority tive due to the stomach's deactivating enzyme, The wood of the A. colubrinatree is ethnohistori- monoamine oxide. However, a similar situation cally documentedto have been made into beautiful occurs with an Amazonian drink known as staffs that are highly polished: "Su maderaduray ayahuasca.Ayahuascaconsistsof severalplantsthat pesadase empleade preferenciaparala fabricacion provide the tryptamine alkaloids (Ratsch 1992: de bastonesde lujo, los que despues de barnizados 49-51). To allow the tryptamines to take effect

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anotherplant, often Banisteriopsiscaapi, is added thatcontainsanalkaloidknownas harmine.Harmine will inhibitthe stomach'sMAOsandallow the activation of the tryptamine.Thus, the combinationof A. colubrina with another plant having harmine would allow activationof the tryptamine.I can only assume that the Warimay have discoveredthe use of a harmineadditiveto improvethe potencyof the vilca. Or the vilca was simply potent enough for someof thetryptamineto be activated.Therearealso ethnographicaccountsof drinkingvilca in the communities of Chuschi (Isbell 1978:151-158) and ChoqueHuarcaya(Quispe 1969:35-38) where it is consumedin an alcoholic drinkor trago duringthe herranzaor cattle-brandingrituals.Thus A. colubrina could be used in a drinkratherthan a snuff to attainthedesiredhallucinogeniccondition.As a possible drinkadditive,I suggest thatthe planticon on Conchopatapotterysupportsa similaruse with the mostlikely candidatefor drinkingbeingchicha.The numerouslargeurnsandjarsfoundat the site would have been suitable for holding great quantitiesof chicha,especiallyin a ceremonialcontextthatmight entertaina largeaudience.Wari-styleladlesandcups couldhavebeenusedto dipintoandservethechicha. Thus, large ceremonial pottery vessels might be anotherindicatorof the use of this hallucinogen.If A. colubrinaor vilca was used in chichaat the Conchopatasite, thentherearefurtherquestionsof why it mayhavebeenpreferredoversnuffandwho might have controlledits use. Chichaand Snugff As the referencesto vilca suggest a social behavior of drinkingan A. colubrinaconcoctionin the Wari sugarea,so do thereferencesto snuffparaphernalia gest a social behaviorof snuffingA. colubrinain the SanPedrodeAtacamaareas.Thesebehavioralactivities may indicate distinct cultural differences between the two highlandpopulationseven though they shareda similarreligious iconography.I will referto these distinctsocial patternsas the "drinking complex"and the ''snuffingcomplex,"respectively.Inthe"drinkingcomplex,"chichais important in ceremonial activities with ethnohistoricdocumentationas a "drinkof thedead"as well as anoffering to deitiesand"huacas"(Bastien1978:178-1 81). As the herranzaandConchopataceramicofferings may indicate,chichacould also be emptiedinto the groundas an offering.In a ''snuffingcomplex"the

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use of A. colubrinadoes not lend itself well as an offering,but may providea morepersonalrelationship to the supernaturalworld. Hundredsof snuffing implements have been found with individual mummies.Based on analysisof such artifactsfrom the San Pedro de Atacamacemeteries,Torresand Repkeestimatedthatthe "sizeandchronologyof the sample indicatesthat approximately20 to 22% of the adult male populationwas using psychoactive snuffsc. 200 900A.D."(TorresandRepke1996:43). The ''snuffingcomplex"could allow for largenumbers of individualsto participate,but they could do so independently to the extent that each person ownedtheirown snuffingimplements.In contrast,I wouldarguethatthe numerouslargevessels at Conchopatarepresenteda "drinkingcomplex"thatsupporteda large participationat one event. Thus, the Wari "drinkingcomplex" may have allowed for group participationthat involved the elite, comin Andeanritualactivmoners,andthe supernatural ities with numerous large vessels to embrace an enlargingcitizenry.I suggestthatthe Bennettstatue fromTiwanakumay documenta synthesisof these two complexesduringTiwanakuIV.Below theplant icon, the statuedepicts a deity holdinga cup in one hand and snuff paraphernaliain the other(see Figure 9d).

WhoUsedAnadenantheracolubrina? The A. colubrinaplant icon occurs on ritually smashed ceramic vessels that also depict finely dressedWarielites who may have been shamansor priests.Todeterminewhich,I referto GeraldWeiss's ( 1973)descriptionof anAmazonianculture,Campa, in which the use of a hallucinogencan change the anthropological reference of shaman into priest dependingon how thisindividualis perceivedby his participatingclientele. He provides the following useful details to distinguish shamans and priests accordingto ethnographicresearch: We think of a shaman as obtaining his powers primarily from direct contact with spirits, of a priest as one who earns his credentialsprimarily through special training (Lowie 1954:179). We think of a shamanas an independentpractitioner operating on a part-timebasis, of a priest as a member of an organization consisting of fulltime specialists (Beals and Hoijer 1965: 585-586; Hoebel 1966:482; Jacobs 1964:281). We see a shamanas one who focuses his professional skills on individuals,particularlyfor pur-

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b

a

Figure10. Waripriestsdepictedon Conchopataceramicurns; a: priest is positionedbetweenan attendanticon and a deity icon (after Isbell and Cook 1987:31).Note: roundmirroris depictedin priest'sright hand;b: Note: the beak of anotherbird is depictedto the right of the face image. poses of curing, a priest as one who leads group activities of a ceremonial nature (Beals and Hoijer 1965:586;Norbeck 1961:103). We see the activity of a shamanas characterizedby possession, trance, and frenzy, while we see a priest conductingroutinepropitiatoryacts of adoration, prayer,and offerings (Casanowicz 1925: Lowie 1940:3 10-3 11; Norbeck 196 1:103-105; Shirokogoroff 1923; Wissler 1938:201-206) [Weiss 1973:4041].

For example, the Nino Korinor Callawayaare known as shamansratherthanpriestsbecause they travelgreatdistancesin theAndesas curersor"medicasters"forindividuals(Posnansky1945:109;Isbell 1983:199-202). Duringthecuringritualthe shaman uses hallucinogensin orderto attaina stateof communicationwith his sourcesof supernatural power. The ''snuff1ngcomplex" would include such individualisticbehavior.Weissarguesthatthe transition from shamanto priestoccursto the spectatorsduring such a shamanisticperformanceor seance.This point of transitionoccurs between the spectators' perception that one who communicates spiritual adviceis a shamanandthe spectators'perceptionthat one who guides the worshipof the spiritsis a priest. In the "drinkingcomplex"the bringingtogetherof a largegroupof spectatorswould be advantageous to a priestin orderto commandtheir attentionand participationin a religious ceremonywith a hallucinogenic drink aimed at reinforcing the priest's

authorityover supernaturalpower. Thus, the distinctionbetween the two complexes may represent a culturaldistinctionbetweensocietieswithshamans, such as San Pedrode Atacamaand Callawayaand societies with priests,perhaps,WariandTiwanaku. On the Conchopataurnsfrom the Tello excavation associatedwith the plant icon (see Figure 8a) thereis an image of a persondepictedwith a vertical bandof x's on his cheek (Figure 10a), and was positionednext to the image of a deity, not shown here. I suggest that the person was depicted performinga priestlyrole in a ritualinvolvingthe spirit world.Thispersonworea four-cornered hatthatrepresents Wari elite (Menzel 1977:31). He is also depictedholding a round,white disk in the palm of his handthatI interpretas representinga mirror(see Lavalle 1984:171, 185). Such a device implies the abilityto controltheraysof sunlight,therebyadding a powerful symbolic action to the ritual being depicted and possibly observedby numerousparticipants.On anotherConchopataum, thispersonis depictedwith stylized images of raptorspositioned in flight above his shoulders(Figures 10b and 11). Such raptors are assumed to represent symbolic power.Theseraptorsweredepictedwithlarge,robust bodies, stout legs with large talons, heavy beaks, beadyeyes, distinctiveyellow ceres,andfeathercolorations(Figure11). JamesClements,ornithologist and Presidentof the Board of Trusteesat the San

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used A. colubrinain the chichato enhancethe participants'religiousexperienceswhile guidingthem into the spiritworld.Finally,groupparticipationin a chichadrinkingceremonyandassociationof supernaturalsymbolswith an individualsuggeststhatthe Wari developed the role of priest to manage the increasingsocialcomplexityof theirexpandingpolitical system.

n -

-

j

Figure 11. Crested Eagle (Morphnus guianensis) depicted at right shoulder of Wari priest. Note: this figure continues to the left of the image in Figure 10b.

Diego NaturalHistoryMuseum,was able to identify theseimagesas CrestedEagles(Morphnusguianensis). He also commentedthat the crest was not drawnas in illustratedhandbooks(De La Pena and Rumboll1998:Plate24) due to the normalbehavior of these eagles. The crest only appearswhen the eagle is startled(JamesClements,personalcommunication1999). I suggestthattheWariartistpainted an unalarmedpose of CrestedEaglesdue to taming. Inotherwords,theywerecontrollable.Withthisperson's imagepositionednextto a deity,his elite dress, the cleveruse of a mirrorfor ritualeffect, the possible controlof powerfulraptors,and the association with the hallucinogenicplanticon on chichaurns,I arguethatthis personwas a Waripriest. In conclusion, iconographicstudy is useful for interpreting archaeologicallyknownsocieties.Inthis paper,the identificationof a hallucinogenicplant icon within the context of a religious iconography was interpretedto representthe communalbehavior of drinkingchichaandtheritualbehaviorof shamans andpriests.Thenumerousrenditionsof theplanticon on other Middle Horizon artifactssuggest a panAndeancultor religion.Whenappliedto the artifact evidencefromtheWarisiteof Conchopata,theanalysis of theplanticon suggestedthattheceramicoffering ritual was the culmination of a ceremony involvingchicha drinkingby a large groupof participantsand controlledby an authoritativeperson. The person's authoritymight have been demonstratedby controllingthebirdsof theskyandtherays of thesun a probabledeity.Thispersonmighthave

Acknowledgments. ResearchatMuseumfurVolkerkunde,Berlin in 1985 was supportedby NEH travelgrant,RY-21015-85.Personalresearchwascarriedoutat:PhoebeHearstMuseum,Berkeley; Museum of NaturalHistory at Balboa Park, San Diego; Laboratorio de Arqueologia, Universidad Nacional de San Cristobalde Huamanga,Ayacucho.I wish to thankDieterEisleb, LawrenceDawson,JamesClements,and MargaretDykens and MarthaCabreraRomerofromtheseinstitutions,respectively,for supportingmy research.I especially acknowledgethe years of trainingI receivedfrom LarryDawson at Berkeleywhose best advicewas,"drawit."I wishto thankAnneWeigantandAnnRowe andacknowledgetheTextileMuseumfor supplyingthe photoof textile(TM 1972.27.1).I am gratefulto the followingcolleagues andfriendswho haveencouragedandsupportedmy workin this paper:Susan Berghand MaryGlowackifor providingand recommendingimages of the plant icon, William Conklin, ConstantinoManuelTorres,PatriciaJ. Lyon, KatharinaSchreiber, AnitaCook, and BruceHarley.I am also in awe of thejournal's reviewerswith whose expertisethis paperis hopefully a comprehensiblearticle.Withadmiration,I thankJose OchatomaParavicino;withouthis fight to preserveConchopatathis research wouldneverhavehappened.And I am indebtedto WilliamIsbell forhis constantencouragementandinvitationto participatein the currentand importantresearchworkat Conchopata. References Cited Anders,M. B. 1990 Maymi:modelo de interacci6nSerrano-Costena en los Andes centralesduranteel HorizonteMedio (notapreliminar).BoletEnde Lima71 :29-31. 1991 StructureandFunctionat the PlannedSite of Azangaro: CautionaryNotes for the Model of Huarias a Centralized SecularState.In Buari PoliticalOrganization:Prehistoric MonumentalArchitectureand State Covernment,May 1719, 1985 edited by W. H. Isbell and G. F. McEwan,pp. 165-197. DumbartonOaks,Washington,DC. Bastien,J. W. 1978 Mountainof the Condor:Metaphorand Ritual in an AndeanAyllu.AmericanEthnologicalSociety,64.WestPublishing, St. Paul. Beals, R. L., and H. Hoijer 1965 An Introductionto Anthropology.3rd ed. Macmillan, New York. Bennett,W. C. 1934 Excavationsat 7iahuanaco.AnthropologicalPapersof the AmericanMuseum of NaturalHistoryVol. 34, Pt. 3. AmericanMuseumof NaturalHistory,New York. 1953 Excavationsat Wari,Ayacucho,Peru.Yale University Publicationsin Anthropology,Number49. New Haven. Bergh,S. E. 1999 PatternandParadigmin MiddleHorizontapestrylinics.

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Received May 1, 2000; accepted July 24, 2000; revised September5, 2000.

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