Wari Women from Huarmey: Bioarchaeological Interpretation of Human Remains from the Wari Elite Mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey, Peru 9781789691849, 9781789691856

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Archaeopress Pre-Columbian Archaeology 11

Wari Women from Huarmey Bioarchaeological Interpretation of Human Remains from the Wari Elite Mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey, Peru

Wiesław Więckowski

Wari Women from Huarmey Bioarchaeological Interpretation of Human Remains from the Wari Elite Mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey, Peru

Wiesław Więckowski

Archaeopress Pre-Columbian Archaeology 11

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG

www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-78969-184-9 ISBN 978-1-78969-185-6 (e-Pdf) © Wiesław Więckowski and Archaeopress 2019 Cover image: fragment of the Middle Horizon pottery with a depiction of human skull found at Castillo de Huarmey (photo by R. Pimentel).

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. Printed in England by Oxuniprint, Oxford This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents List of Figures����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii Acknowledgements����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������v The Site and the Excavations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1

The site������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������3 The excavations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 History�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 PIACH investigations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������6

A Brief Introduction to Wari������������������������������������������������������������������������������������10

Chronology of the Andes����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������10 Wari – introduction ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������11 Origins of the Wari culture ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������13 Wari expansion ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������14 Wari funerary rites and the ways they buried their dead ��������������������������������������������������������������18 Ancestor veneration among the Wari – was there any or not?������������������������������������������������������20

Archaeological Context��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������22

Funerary architecture at Castillo de Huarmey���������������������������������������������������������������������������������22 The burial contexts with human remains�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������26 Location of the mausoleum within the landscape���������������������������������������������������������������������������31

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues��������������������������������������������������������33

Biostratinomy and diagenesis of the burial context������������������������������������������������������������������������33 Climate and ecological conditions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������34 Burial chamber characteristics������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������36 Articulations and their interpretation�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������39 Articulations found in the burial chamber����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������41 Preservation of human remains outside the main chamber����������������������������������������������������������53

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation����������������������������55

Demographic analyses��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������55 Health indicators and dental and skeletal markers of stress����������������������������������������������������������69 Ante mortem injuries and trauma������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������81 Ante mortem surgical interventions��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������86 Physical activity�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������90 Biogeochemical analyses����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������93 Reconstructing the diet �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������94 Reconstructing the origin��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������98 Additional analyses – preliminary aDNA results����������������������������������������������������������������������������102

Funerary Rite Reconstruction Based on Bioarchaeological Research ����������������� 103

Time constrains �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������105 Preparation of the corpses and their deposition����������������������������������������������������������������������������109 Internal organisation of the deceased within the mausoleum����������������������������������������������������113 Summary: reconstruction of funeral events ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������124 i

Who Were the Women of Castillo?�������������������������������������������������������������������� 127

What do we know so far?��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������127 Who were the people buried along with the women of Huarmey?���������������������������������������128 Where were the women of Huarmey from?������������������������������������������������������������������������������129 Who were they actually?��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������130

Epilogue������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 134 Credits��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 Bibliography����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 137

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Location of Huarmey.�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Figure 2. Area of PIACH investigations, showing immediate archaeological surroundings of the Castillo.�����4 Figure 3. Location of excavation areas – units.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 8 Figure 4. Chronology of the Andes.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Figure 6. An example of Wari style pottery – pilgrim flask from Castillo de Huarmey�������������������������������� 15 Figure 7. Extent of the Wari Empire.��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Figure 8. Location of the main mausoleums and burial contexts at Castillo de Huarmey �������������������������� 24 Figure 9. Plan of the main mausoleum of Castillo de Huarmey, with its immediate surroundings.���������� 27 Figure 10. Remains of two ‘guardians’ in situ.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 29 Figure 11. Reliquaries during the process of excavations.�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Figure 12. Immediate surroundings of Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum at present.����������������������������������� 31 Figure 13. Valley of Huarmey – Middle Horizon sites identified in the area.������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 14. Riverbed of Huarmey River during the last phases of the wet season.����������������������������������������� 35 Figure 15. Uneven floor of the main chamber .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Figure 16. Main burial chamber after exploration – note basin-like feature.������������������������������������������������ 38 Figure 17. Main burial chamber at the time of excavations������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 39 Figure 18. Ind. C – the position of skeleton as found and the reconstruction of body position.���������������� 41 Figure 19. Plan of the main burial chamber with the location and individual numbers of the skeletons43 Figure 20. Thick layer of gravel visible in the sections and the fill in the middle of the chamber������������ 45 Figure 21. Examples of the body positions found within the burial context ������������������������������������������������ 46 Figure 22. Example of the skeleton deposited in a seated position originally����������������������������������������������� 47 Figure 23. Ind.46 - example of an individual placed in a seated position.������������������������������������������������������ 49 Figure 24. NW corner of the main chamber at the time of excavations �������������������������������������������������������� 50 Figure 25. State of preservation – example of hair preservation – Ind.46.����������������������������������������������������� 51 Figure 26. Remains of the textiles from fardo wrapping.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 27. Minimal Number of Individuals (MNI) within the mausoleum burial contexts.������������������������ 57 Figure 28. Age-at-death structure of the individuals buried within the main mausoleum.������������������������ 61 Figure 29. Basic information on the individuals found.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 65 Figure 30. Demographic profile of the sample from the main mausoleum ��������������������������������������������������� 67 Figure 31. Female stature estimates from Peruvian archaeological sites ������������������������������������������������������ 71 Figure 32. Examples of dentition - Ind. XX (A) and Ind.12 (B).������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Figure 33. Frequency of enamel hypoplasia within the sample.���������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Figure 34. Frequency of caries (N=64).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 74 Figure 35. Frequencies of teeth showing different levels of wear ������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Figure 36. Individuals included in the microware analysis.������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 77 Figure 37A-D. Examples of trauma observable on Ind. 44.�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 Figure 38. Traumas observable on the skull of Ind. XY.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 39. Amputations observable on Ind. XX and Ind. XY.���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 40. RTG of Ind. XX and Ind. XY tibiae showing thinning of cortical bone.����������������������������������������� 88 Figure 41. Examples of spinning utensils (spindles and spindle-whorls) in situ.������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 42. Results of biogeochemical analyses (after Knudson et al. 2017)����������������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 43. Range of local samples and results of their analyses (after Knudson et al. 2017).��������������������� 101 Figure 44. Ind. A and Ind.B at the time of excavations.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 45. Puparia flies found within the braincase of Ind.7.������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 46. Traces of red pigment on the face of Ind. A.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Figure 47. Remains of textiles associated with Ind. 60.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 111 Figure 48. Location of the three burial contexts within the mausoleum).��������������������������������������������������� 114 Figure 49. Main chamber below the central room of the mausoleum ���������������������������������������������������������� 115 Figure 50. Ear ornaments (orejeras) in their correct position around the skull of Ind.D.��������������������������� 118

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Figure 51. Plan of the primary depositions within the mausoleum ������������������������������������������������������������� 120 Figure 52. Orientation of the individuals in the main chamber .������������������������������������������������������������������� 121 Figure 53. Distribution of individuals according to the age-at-death ���������������������������������������������������������� 122 Figure 54. The main chamber during the excavation – example of abundant grave goods in situ. ��������� 125 Figure 55. One of several sets of ear ornaments (orejeras) found within the context.�������������������������������� 133 Figure 56. Reconstruction of the face of Ind.C – ‘the queen’.������������������������������������������������������������������������� 135

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Acknowledgements When I was invited to join the Castillo de Huarmey Archaeological Project (Proyecto de la Investigación Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey) in 2010, I was certain that an incredible adventure lied ahead. It was not my first encounter with Peru and its archaeology however. Back in 1996 and 1997, as a student of archaeology at the University of Warsaw, Poland, I participated in archaeological investigations at the famous site of Cahuachi in the Nazca desert, directed by Dr Giuseppe Oreficci from Italy, as well as in the excavations at Churajón, in the southern Andes, directed by Prof. Józef Szykulski on behalf of Freiestadt Universität Bonn, Germany. Later, one of life’s twists catapulted me to work in Israel, where I spent more than ten years, and I never expected to return to Peru, and even less to keep working there for years. My work at Castillo de Huarmey was possible thanks to the invitation from Miłosz Giersz, and the financial support provided for the research in Peru by many institutions. These include the following: NCN (Polish National Centre for Science) – grants 2970/B/H03/2009/37, 2011/03/D/HS3/01609 and 2014/14/M/HS3/00865; MNiSW (Ministry of Science and Higher Education) – grant 579/N-PERU/2009/0; National Geographic Society – grants EC0637-13, GEFNE85-13, GEFNE116-14 and W33514. Compaña Minera Antamina also provided financial support, allowing security in planning the excavation seasons. Laboratory analyses forming the base of the research presented in this book were possible thanks to the grant ‘Andean Women and Their Role in Pre-Columbian and Early Colonial Peru: Castillo de Huarmey Imperial Tomb Case Study’ funded by the Polish National Science Center (NCN) No. 2015/18/E/ HS3/00106 and directed by Dr Patrycja Przadka-Giersz from Faculty of ‘Artes Liberales’ of the University of Warsaw. The work would not be possible without great help from many people. First of all, I am grateful to Miłosz Giersz and Patrycja Prządka-Giersz for their invitation to join the team in Peru, for their ongoing support and friendship, as well as to Lidia Giersz for her ability to relieve any tense situation, and accepting me as her ‘uncle with a beard’ (as she described me in her kindergarten). The great atmosphere in the field and in the laboratory, during long stays in Huarmey, was provided by the inestimable companionship of Roberto Pimentel Nita, as well as Krzysztof Makowski and Julia Chyla. Many thanks must also go to Marta Bura, Bartosz Ćmielewski, Janusz Janowski, Jakub Kaniszewski, Jacek Kościuk, Anna Kubicka, Waldemar Kubisz, Gonzalo Presbitero Rodriguez, Milagros Servat, and Jeff Splitsoser – marvelous specialists, and to very talented and fun to work with students – Anna Bucholc, Angel de la Flor Fernandez, Claudia Garcia Meza, Marta Grabiec, Emilia Jastrzębska, Karolina Juszczyk, Bartosz Kujda, Aleksandra Laszczka, Aleksandra Lisek, Agata Michalewicz, Fernardo Padilla Deza, Katarzyna Pilaszek, Patricia Quiñonez Cuzcano, David Rodriguez, Paweł v

Rongies, Magdalena Rzążewska, Dagmara Socha, Monika Solka, Magdalena Styk, Weronika Tomczyk and Maciej Żmuda – many of whom have already earned their degrees and become professionals. Many thanks also to many people of Huarmey – those who worked with me, and those who made my stay there a lot easier. The publication of this book would not be possible without the help and professional support provided by many people. First, the analyses performed by Kelly Knudson, and her team from the Arizona State University, and Lars Fehren-Schmitz, also with his team, from the University of California, Santa Cruz, were crucial for my interpretations. They did not hesitate when some strange Pole asked them out-of-theblue, and via e-mail, for help. They reached out, showed me the way, and answered all of my questions, which sometimes were not very precise, about the possible outcome of the analysis. I had a great time travelling through California and Arizona with a Tupperware container filled with human teeth and bone fragments from Peru, to get them to the laboratories. The results they were able to provide proved to be invaluable for the interpretations presented in this book (and elsewhere as well). Lars presented the results of my research on Castillo de Huarmey at the 9th World Congress on Mummy Studies in Lima, when I was not able to get there on time. Kelly made the process of publication of our research easy and simple. Thank you both! Staying in the US was always possible thanks to Susan Cohen from Montana State University, who hosted me in Bozeman, and helped with turning my English texts into texts written in actual English. Also, many thanks must go to Jill Baker from Miami Beach, who facilitated my trips to and from Peru many times. Jean-Bernard Huchet from the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris and Université de Bordeaux answered my desperate search for someone who was familiar with remains of insects found in the context, and Salvador Bailon from the Institut écologie et environnement of CNRS gave answers about the remains of snakes. Elżbieta Jaskulska and Rafał Fetner never said no to discussion on many aspects of my work, providing valuable comments and helping to fix errors. Anna Gręzak was responsible for ‘turning’ the remains of what had been documented as guinea pig bones into the remains of an ara (macaw) from Amazonia, a claim supported by Teresa Tomek from Instytut Systematyki i Ewolucji Zwierząt in Kraków. Thanks to them there was no mistake in our isotope analyses. Oscar Nilsson created the facial reconstruction of Ind.C. Thanks to his skills we were able to see ‘the Queen’ face to face. Up to now, I have never ever participated in a similar project. So, everything, starting from the scan and printing (thank you Marta and Janusz), through buying natural, original native hair in a peluquería close to the Peruvian Parliament, and watching the work in progress, was indeed an amazing adventure. And seeing the face of ‘the Queen’ for the first time – unforgettable!

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Many thanks to Barbara Majchrzak for her patience and meticulous work on my texts, which I have tried, and sometimes succeeded I hope, to write in English. I also feel I should express my gratitude to all my family and friends for ongoing support in all my endeavors. Thank you!

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The Site and the Excavations In 2010 a small Polish-Peruvian team of archaeologists, headed by Miłosz Giersz of the University of Warsaw, Poland, started archaeological research of a site located ca. 1 km east from the main town square of Huarmey, known as Castillo de Huarmey. The presence of Polish archaeologists in the area was not a matter of chance, however. Two neighbouring river valleys – Valle de Culebras and Valle de Huarmey had been the main focus of their research for almost ten years before they started the actual dig at Huarmey (Giersz and Prządka-Giersz 2018). To begin with, the extensive surveys and excavations in the small Valley of Culebras, located just north of the Huarmey Valley, were conducted. They contributed a lot of important information on the southern Moche border and on local development of archaeological knowledge. Over one hundred and fifty new archaeological sites were discovered and documented, reflecting a complex settlement pattern in the valley. The settlements were mainly remains of Moche (200 – 700 CE), the Wari culture (700 – 900 CE), Chimu (900 – 1470 CE) or Inka (1470 – 1532 CE). The southern Moche boundary, thought to be almost 100 km farther to the north, was ‘pushed’ southwards by the results of excavations at the site of Quillapampa in 2004. There, the remains of the Moche elite residence and of elite tombs were found (Giersz 2011). Excavations at the site of Ten Ten revealed that the presence of Chimu in this region was not as strong as previously thought. The presence of an independent political entity ruling the valley was proposed on the basis of architecture and material culture characteristics. This entity resisted the expansion of Chimu and only surrendered later to the Inka Empire, and during its development became one of the most important administrative and mercantile centres in the coast (Prządka-Giersz 2011). The first Polish archaeological surveys in the Huarmey Valley took place in 2010. A series of non-destructive documenting techniques were exploited, among them kite aerial photogrammetry and geophysical survey, resulting in preparation of detailed maps and identification of future excavation areas (Bogacki et al. 2011). Thanks to the funding provided by a grant from the National Science Centre of Poland, a new multidisciplinary project was launched in 2010 – Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey (hereafter referred to as PIACH), and full-time archaeological excavations as well as laboratory work started. The main focus of the research, and the main base for the project, was excavation and interpretation of the most prominent complex among the archaeological sites in the lower valley of the Huarmey river clustered around the Castillo – a huge adobe architectural complex, thought to be the most important pre-Hispanic site of the region. The excavations started simultaneously in several parts of the site, revealing Middle Horizon architecture and a funerary complex, as well as other remains dating both to the earlier and later periods. The culminating discovery, on which this work is based, took place in October 2012. The first known up-to-date untouched funerary context related to elites of the 1

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 1. Location of Huarmey (map: J. Chyla).

Wari culture of the Middle Horizon was unearthed, bringing to light a plethora of unique artefacts and information. Soon after the disclosure of the discovery to the world (June 2013), it was also presented to the public at an exhibition at the Museo de Arte, Lima (MALI) and the preliminary results were published in the accompanying catalogue (Giersz and Pardo 2014). 2

The Site and the Excavations

The site The site of Castillo de Huarmey consists of a complex of several pre-Hispanic sites clustered around the main, most prominent, platform-like area formed with monumental adobe architecture placed on the rocky spur entering the valley from the north. The area of interest to PIACH covers the surface of ca. 45 hectares in total and comprises at least 17 hectares where remains of architecture and looted cemeteries are clearly distinguishable (Figure 2). In the areas where the remains cannot be seen on the surface, their existence below the ground was proved by means of non-invasive methods. The whole complex, albeit most probably multi-chronological, was also multifunctional, and included areas for public, domestic and ritual activities. It should be assumed that different parts functioned at different moments, but their general functions persisted over time (Giersz 2014). The whole area is located about one kilometre east from the main square of the modern town of Huarmey, and about four kilometres inland from the Pacific Ocean shore. The town of Huarmey is the capital of the province bearing the same name and covering territorially two neighbouring valleys (Huarmey and Culebras) as well as the desert area to the south (stretching to the outskirts of Paramonga), all forming the coastal part of the Ancash region. The town can be reached by the Panamericana Norte, and the distance between the capital city of Peru – Lima and Huarmey is ca. 300 kilometres. The main part of the site is located less than 300 metres north from the local highway connecting Huarmey with the town of Aija, situated on the west slopes of the Cordillera Negra. Due to agricultural development, lower portions of the site are covered with farming fields, and only low raised platforms with remains of mudbrick architecture are clearly visible. The main part of the complex is named castillo (a castle) for its impressive size and appearance. It has a form of a tall platform and towers over the surrounding agricultural land. It is bounded by desert mountains to the north and east, and farming fields to the south, and to the west there is a relatively deep and almost 500-metre wide ravine going north, which separates the Castillo area from the large archaeological complex of Pedregal, tentatively dated to the Early Horizon (Bonavia 1982; Więckowski et al., in press). The ravine was probably dry in the past, but nowadays it has been converted into agricultural lands. The river flows ca. 800 metres south from the centre of the Castillo; although it must be noted that the term ‘flows’ is quite loosely adopted here, since the river is of a rather periodical nature. Nevertheless, in the times of El Niño phenomenon it may bring enough water and alluvial material to destroy vast areas – as proved in 2017, when most of the modern town of Huarmey was flooded overnight. The location of the main funerary complex is not accidental. Any building rising alone on the top of the rock would be visible from the distance, naturally becoming a focus for the people approaching through the valley, either from the east or from the west. The building would also be visible for the people arriving from the north – both 3

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 2. Area of PIACH investigations, showing immediate archaeological surroundings of the Castillo site. The mausoleum is located in area C2 (map: M. Giersz, J. Chyla)

4

The Site and the Excavations

through the dry ravines or along the hill ridges. This suggests a carefully premeditated and thoughtful selection of the place, chosen most probably to legitimise a newly established power in the region (Giersz 2017). The excavations History The site of Castillo de Huarmey had, until 2010, never been a subject of complex, planned and long-term archaeological research. However, specialists knew quite a lot about the site, mainly because a large part of the pre-Hispanic artefact collections appearing in the second half of the twentieth century at Lima antiquity markets came from the area. The father of Peruvian archaeology – Julio C. Tello – visited the area in the late second decade of the twentieth century. His interest, soon followed by the actual journey and visit, was triggered by the peculiar artefacts that he had seen in Lima, and the information that they came from the area of the City of Huarmey. Due to many circumstances, instead of digging in the area of Castillo, Tello was forced to travel further east and started excavations at Chavin de Huantar, which eventually resulted in his interpretation of the Chavin culture and its significance for the cultural development of the Andean Area. A decade later another researcher, Egenio Yacovleff, inspired by Tello, visited the area and purchased a famous leather drum (now on display at the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú in Lima). After that initial interest, the area became rather forgotten for decades, and was known and visited apparently only by the local tomb-raiders (Giersz 2016). In the late 1950s the interest rose slightly. Two other famous archaeologists – Ernesto Tabío and Duccio Bonavía – visited the area while performing a wider scale survey of the valley. In the 1960s a German archaeologist, Heinrich Ubbelholde-Doering, went to Huarmey, encouraged by Yoshitaro Amano (the founder and owner of the museum of his name in Lima), in order to obtain more artefacts for collections and exhibitions. The collection he gathered forms a large part of the South American collection of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Munich, although it has never been properly inventoried or published (Giersz 2016). In the 1970s the natural forces triggered a new, albeit not initially professional, interest in the archaeological complex. On May 31st, 1970, a very strong earthquake struck the area, destroying the town of Huarmey (its former beauty and colonial architecture has survived only in photographs) and also the ancient complex of the Castillo. Apparently, this catastrophe revealed untouched pre-Colombian tombs, allowing tomb-raiders easy access to the artefacts. It seems that starting on that date, the Castillo became a Mecca for clandestine diggers – huaqueros (Giersz 2018). 5

Wari Women from Huarmey

Later, in 1979 a Peruvian archaeologist – Frédéric André Engel – visited the site; he made sketches and took photos showing the site of the Castillo heavily transformed by the illegal excavations. As a result, his companion – Alberto Bueno Mendoza – published an article about the problem of huaquería. In the same year an American archeologist – William Conklin – published results of his analysis of the textiles from Museo Amano and, on the basis of the study of the techniques and iconography, interpreted the Castillo as a Middle Horizon site under a strong influence of the Moche culture (after Giersz 2016). A decade and a half later, a German archaeologist, Heiko Prümers, attempted to launch excavations of the main part of the site. Due to some problems, he was able only to clear a few looted tombs, recovering fragments and remains of the original grave goods, and to analyse textile fragments. The results formed the core of his PhD thesis defended in 1989 and provided material for a few later works (Prümers 2001). He coined the term Wari-Moche to describe the style of the iconography present on the textiles found at Huarmey. This view was later challenged and discussed by researchers associated with the newly established Polish-Peruvian project – PIACH. PIACH investigations Proyecto de la Investigación Arqueólogica Castillo de Huarmey (PIACH), formed by a group of scientists from the University of Warsaw, Poland (UW) and the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru from Lima (PUCP), cooperating with scientists from the USA and Europe, and supported by several international institutions (among others Compañía Minera Antamina, National Geographic Society), started a long-term research project in 2010. The project from the beginning was led by Miłosz Giersz (UW) and Roberto Pimentel Nita (PUCP, UW), with Krzysztof Makowski (PUCP) as a scientific assessor. First, in 2010, an archaeological survey of the site was performed. It included a variety of non-destructive methods of surveying – Global Positioning System (GPS) Real Time Kinetic (RTK) mapping to create a detailed and accurate map of the site and its vicinity, supported with the aerial kite photogrammetry. After that, large portions of the site were surveyed with caesium magnetometry to identify potential subterranean structures. The final stage was a complex spatial analysis of the distribution of artefacts and other remains within the area. All of the data obtained with these methods and approaches were combined using the Geographical Information Systems (GIS) database. As a result, a complex, multi-data set was compiled, recording not only geographical information, but also artefact distribution and other information necessary to prepare detailed and accurate 2-D and 3-D visualisations of the site, to aid in subsequent analysis and planning of future excavations (Bogacki et al. 2010). The non-destructive surveys were immediately followed with excavations just northeast from the top of the main structure – the Castillo – uncovering an almost completely looted mausoleum (only one subfloor burial was preserved intact), and an undisturbed burial of two young persons in a niche of the looted and partially damaged tomb on 6

The Site and the Excavations

the eastern slope of the platform. A wide and long trench uncovering the main façade and neighbouring palatial complex was also excavated in order to understand the relation between the elevated necropolis and the representative, palatial structure at the foot of the hill. These results proved that despite heavy looting the site preserved some intact contexts available for scientific research. In 2012 the first large scale excavations took place, uncovering archaeological remains in three different areas of the site – a small platform within the cultivated fields, a portion of the vast necropolis in a ravine situated to the north from the main part of the site, and atop the Castillo itself (Giersz 2017). The excavations on the platform, located northwest from the main monumental part of the Castillo, unearthed an Early Horizon cemetery. It was covered with later natural and anthropogenic layers, and finally by the platform itself which was bordered with mudbrick walls; currently considered to be dated back to the Middle Horizon. The excavated portion of the cemetery consisted of nineteen intact burial contexts, among them one of sub-recent origin and one secondary, but most probably recently disturbed, bone deposition (Figure 3, units 7 and 10). 18 Early Horizon burials held 21 individuals (secondary burial included) deposited mostly as single interments. One grave, however, housed remains of four individuals – one infant and three adults – along with material culture artefacts – a well-preserved Early Horizon style stirrup spout bottle, a stone mortar and a shell container filled with a red pigment (hematite or cinnabar). Four burials differed considerably from an otherwise clear and defined burial pattern, which was in most cases consistent with other similarly dated burial sites known from the north and south of the Andes. The deviant nature of these four burials was derived from their occupants’ individual life stories that lay at the foundation of the different post-mortem body treatment and funerary rites employed (Więckowski et al., in press). The excavations in the middle of the vast necropolis uncovered a fragment of a residential compound with relics of mud-covered reed walls and an animal enclosure dated to later periods. No new burial contexts were detected. The third area of excavations, unit 8, was located in the highest portion of the sector with monumental mudbrick architecture (Figure 3). The initial plan of work involved cleaning the visible remains of mudbrick architecture from the destruction debris and was aimed especially towards the identification of the layout and function of the building with walls covered with red-painted mud plaster. Removal of the debris and modern trash soon revealed an orthogonal plan of the monumental building. Its outer walls were mud-plastered and painted red. The plan showed an almost symmetrical set of small chambers clustered around a large room, where the longer walls had two deep niches each. In the middle of the floor there was a bench-like structure. The floor was preserved in a large part; only a few shallow pits dug by looters showed a layer of stone and thick gravel beneath (Giersz 2014). The removal of the gravel unveiled 7

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 3. Location of excavation areas – units. The burial context – main elite mausoleum — is located within the borders of Unid 8, and surroundings (map: M. Giersz, J. Chyla).

8

The Site and the Excavations

a well-preserved multiple burial from the Middle Horizon. There were 64 skeletons discovered (Więckowski 2014) most associated with rich grave goods (Prządka-Giersz 2014). The subsequent excavations performed in 2013 within the perimeter of the mausoleum revealed further intact burial contexts. There were two individuals buried to the east of the main burial chamber, under the floor of what originally served as an antechamber, later remodelled and divided into a series of small rooms. To the west a series of four enwalled depressions were found under the floor, holding secondary burials of at least five different individuals (Giersz 2014, Więckowski 2014). The presentation of the discovery to the public also took place in 2013. The main event took place on June 23rd at the site, and with accompanying publicity from many world media agencies. The opening of the exhibition at the Museo de Arte de Lima (MALI), where it remained on display from March 26th until September 7th, 2014, followed this event. The seasons of 2014 and 2015 were dedicated to a comprehensive examination of the area around the main mausoleum compound and to the archaeological, chronological and stratigraphic analyses of the central part of the site, accompanied with architectural survey and a lot of conservatory work, including the 3D scanning of the site for further research. Later, in 2016-18 the main focus of the research moved to the north and south from the central part with the mausoleum. In the north, the excavations concentrated in the area of the border of the mudbrick and stone architecture in order to understand the sequence of architectural phases, as well as to verify if the site was occupied more recently. In the south, the research and excavation at the palatial complex were pursued. A large portion of the northern wall and northwestern part of the patio was unearthed, followed by digging a test-pit in the place of the modern damage of the floor structure. All of the excavation and conservation work of PIACH is continuously accompanied by intensive laboratory work. That includes all forms of the post-excavation processing of the material and storage. The textiles and pottery have been cleaned and the process of their analyses has begun and is ongoing to this day. The ceramics have been washed and various specialists in technology, techniques and iconography still perform their analyses. Both animal and human bones were analysed macroscopically, and multiple samples were collected for further, more sophisticated, bio-geo-archaeological analyses in various laboratories. In December 2017, an exhibition on the discovery of the Wari imperial mausoleum presented in the wider archaeological context of the Andes opened to the public at the State Ethnographical Museum (Państwowe Muzeum Etnograficzne) in Warsaw, Poland. A very successful presentation of the work of Polish and Peruvian archaeologists was followed in May 2018 by the publication of a very extensive catalogue (Giersz and Prządka-Giersz 2018). 9

A Brief Introduction to Wari

To set the scene for the site’s most important discovery (so far), it is necessary to present the cultural landscape and chronology of the region. Although the site is located on the coast – the shores of Pacific are visible from its summits – and seems to be quite isolated by the deserts and arid wasteland of the northern coast of Peru, its history was strongly tied with the history of the whole Andean region. Always located on the border between northern civilisations and those of the central coast, in the Middle Horizon it became the focus of the expanding Wari polity, apparently seeking ways of gaining influence over the coast (Giersz 2017). Chronology of the Andes The problem of chronology of the whole Andean region resembles that of other regions of the world in many aspects. Groups of specialists discuss different aspects of cultural evolution, arguing about individual sequences and the time of their emergence or decline. The result is also quite similar – a number of chronological charts that agree in a grand scheme of evolutionary development, but differ drastically in details, such as the appearance of some specific aspects of culture, continuity and persistence of some artefacts or their forms, iconography, etc.; further, these charts may vary from one archaeological site to another. In addition, many of the cultural phenomena tend to be evanescent chronologically, a fact that does not help with the reconstruction of the past. The chronologies constructed in the Old World, however, have something that those of the New World don’t – written sources anchoring certain important (or not) events in the calendar and therefore providing a basis for compilation of relative and absolute chronologies. In the case of Peru, the first calendar date which is known for sure is the beginning of the Spanish conquest. Before that the entire chronological debate relies exclusively on archaeological finds and those, as each and every archaeologist knows, or should be aware of, are at least the subject of interpretation, and hold only a small piece of information regarding mainly, if not exclusively, the material culture. With the development of absolute dating the chronology gradually becomes better defined and more precise. However, the division of cultural evolution into horizons and periods has proven to be very useful. Since this is not the right place for discussing this subject in detail, for more information on the chronological issues and debates one should refer to one of many publications on the topic (e.g., Silverman and Isbell 2008).

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A Brief Introduction to Wari

The chronological frame used throughout this book is based on the schema provided by Rowe and Menzel (1967), by Lanning (1967) for cultural development, and adopted after Tung (2012): time period

dominant polities

Late Horizon

Inka

Late Intermediate Period

regional polities

Middle Horizon

Wari and Tiwanaku

Early Intermediate Period

regional polities

Early Horizon

Chavín

dates (approx.) 1450 – 1532 CE 1000/1100 – 1450(1476) CE 550/600 – 1000/1100 CE 1 CE /200 BCE – 550/600 CE 800 BCE –1 CE /200 BCE

Initial Period

1800 BCE – 900/800 BCE

Preceramic Period

– 1800 BCE Figure 4. Chronology of the Andes.

Wari – introduction It is generally agreed that the term wari/huari means ‘honoured ancestor’ (Schreiber 2001). Quechua and Aymara dictionaries translate this term as – vicuña, wild, indomitable or also ancient man, stating it is a synonym to other words – machu or mallqui –often used for old or ancient man, ancestor. This term was also used to describe ancient dwellers of ruins, and those whose remains were found in ancient graves. They were viewed as those who had invented (or brought) agriculture and who were created by sun. The term huari was also equivalent to another word – llacta, and was used for description of builders of ruins, their dwellings, and referred to their ethnos or class (according to Duviols 1973, cited by Sendón 2010). The culture, and the state was named Wari by modern researchers simply because the main site, considered to be the centre of the state organisation, the capital city, was named Huari. The actual name has not survived to the present. Even the name Wari/Huari does not have very ancient roots. The first archaeologist who had realised the importance of the ruins, the father of Peruvian archaeology, Julio C. Tello, did not use that name; instead another famous archaeologist, Rafael Larco Hoyle, introduced it to archaeology (Larco Hoyle 1948). The first known name of the remains of what is now Huari, was Viñaque, as noted by one of the Spanish chroniclers – Cieza de León (1984 [1553]) and even then, the city was already in ruins and its original inhabitants gone. The name itself more probably referred to the name of the river flowing nearby than to the area of the ruins. As the chronicler noted, the local people were aware that the buildings he had seen were constructed before the Incas, by some another society, and they pointed out main differences between the way Incas and those other people planned and built their dwellings (Kauffman Doig 2011). Following the suggestion of Isbell (2008) the name 11

Wari Women from Huarmey

Wari is used throughout this book for the culture and its manifestations, state, empire and people, while Huari refers exclusively to the main city and the capital. From the beginning of the twentieth century archaeologists working in Peru noted the widely distributed motifs in the iconography appearing at a certain point throughout the Andean region. The most recognizable motif, present on various media, was the Staff-God, often accompanied by Profile-Attendants (see Figure 5). Originally thought to be a Tiahuanaco deity, coming from the southern sphere of influence – Tiwanaku, the motif spread rapidly and became present on all possible media – stone, ceramics and textiles. The first iconographic presentation of that deity, however, can be dated back even to the Preceramic Period. The first known, althought disputed, depiction of a deity in Americas represents the Staff-God. Found in the Pativilca River Valley, in the North Chico region, it was a pyrographic design on a gourd found in a funerary context and depicted frontally a figure of the deity with fanged teeth, holding a snake and a staff in each hand, standing on splayed feet. The context was dated with radiocarbon

Figure 5. The Staff-God representation on the ceremonial urn from Pacheco, south coast of Peru (photo: M. Giersz, courtesy National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and History of Peru, Lima).

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A Brief Introduction to Wari

to 2500 BCE (Hoag 2003). After that the motif was known as a representation of the principal deity of the Chavín culture, later to reemerge again in the Middle Horizon iconography of Tiwanaku and Wari (Hass et al. 2003; see also Figure 5). Along with the iconography, other manifestations of changes in culture could be observed – among them a new type of architecture, new ceramic styles, indications of a long-distance trade possibly associated with a road network leading to the Wari sites, as well as a possible shift in the settlement network (Schreiber 1987). The Middle Horizon starts around 600 CE. This is marked not only by a change in the iconography resulting from a religious and/or ideological shift, but also by the emergence or decline of several state-oriented political entities developing independently in different parts of the Andes. These were mostly centralised locales; some in decline were located in the Moche valley on the North Coast; another one – the Nasca – was situated on the South Coast around the most prominent site of Cahuachi; yet possibly a third was in the area of Callejón de Huaylas (Silverman and Isbell 2008). The Middle Horizon was also the initial period of the rapidly growing importance and influence of two new political entities – Tiwanaku in the southern part of the Andes, around the Titicaca region, and Wari, more to the north, in the area now known as the Ayacucho Basin. These two entities then shaped the Andean region for almost the next five hundred years. Origins of the Wari culture The Wari political entity started in the Ayacucho Basin, in the region concentrated around the site of Huari. It was probably the place where during the previous chronological period – the final phases of the Early Intermediate Period – the local Huarpa culture began to experience the transition into what later became the Wari culture. What triggered that change and the actual nature of that process has been disputed for the last few decades. It is agreed that at some point the local Huarpa villages and hamlets, dispersed in the valley and on the flattened slopes half way up the valley edges, grew and eventually merged into one large city that probably covered slightly more than three by five kilometres, up to sixteen square kilometres, with its core consisting of monumental architecture and densely built-up areas of surface close to 300ha at an altitude of 2600-3000 metres a.s.l. (Isbell et al. 1991, Schreiber 2001). It might be called the biggest ‘secular’ city in the Andes, since other known cities are mainly ‘sacred’ grounds – complexes of ceremonial and religious structures. Unlike the other city-like centres throughout the Andes, Huari was not planned from the beginning, and the process of urbanisation of the area might be regarded as quite impulsive. The different parts of the city are concentrated around the buildings of a more ceremonial and/or religious character, especially around D-shaped structures, which form relatively independent compounds. At the same time, there is no clear network of streets or passageways; therefore, the internal communication system 13

Wari Women from Huarmey

remains unknown (Isbell and Vranich 2004). These regional changes in the Ayacucho Basin eventually led to the creation of a state-like entity. There remains considerable debate regarding whether Wari reached the level of complexity necessary to be called a state, or when this transition could actually have happened; regardless, many studies adhere to this point of view, citing the gradual occurrence of administrative centres also outside the core territory of the Wari culture. The detailed work of Isbell and Schreiber (1978), although based on the data available to them at the time, particularly convincingly shows that the Wari culture was indeed capable of organizing and administration of vast territories in a state-like manner. Wari expansion The beginnings of the Wari expansion were relatively humble. After the rapid growth of the city, quickly turning Huari into one of the biggest cities of prehistoric America (around the beginning of the 8th century it might have had close to 70,000 inhabitants; Isbell 2001), new settlements were located, or old ones adopted, in the area around the core territory. The valleys around were transformed in order to sustain a large number of people living in the city. Terraces increasing the area of cultivated lands were constructed; canals and water storage systems were built to provide support for the farming grounds. This intensification of agriculture and architecture construction is visible not only in the Ayacucho area, but also in Sondondo and Chicha-Soras valleys among others, providing evidence for subsequent economic growth during the Middle Horizon (Schreiber 1992). Soon, large, possibly colonial outpost or settlements were also constructed in the south. These may be interpreted as regional administrative centres, a result of expansion, that imposed Wari control over large areas of the Andes. Among them the most important ones were Pikilliacta in the Lucre Basin and Huaro near Cusco, and Cerro Baúl in the far south coast of Peru, in the upper Moquegua Valley (associated with two more hilltop settlements – Cerro Mejía and Cerro Petroglifo). There is also a settlement in the coastal Nasca region associated with Wari – Pacheco, where large pits containing intentionally smashed pottery – a result of ritual and ceremonial practices – were found (Menzel 1964). This site seems to have been abandoned after a relatively short occupation, before the beginning of the late Middle Horizon, and only small settlements higher in the valley survived (see for example Jennings 2010). Later, during the Middle Horizon, local Wari-style centres appeared, and some settlements grew and displayed typical orthogonal Wari architecture. Among those Jargampata, Azángaro and Jincamocco should be mentioned first, as an indication of increasing Wari control over large portions of the central Andes (Isbell 1977, Schreiber 2001). A series of sites in the northern Andes also appear at this time, like Viracochapampa, Honcopampa or, further north, in the region of Cajamarca, El Palacio, Yamobamba and Ichabamba; these all possess remains of typical Wari style of architectural planning, and some, although a surprisingly small amount, of Wari style pottery. If the presence of the regional Wari administration centres, recognised especially for their characteristic architectural plan, especially the construction of 14

A Brief Introduction to Wari

Figure 6. An example of Wari style pottery – pilgrim flask from Castillo de Huarmey (photo: M. Giersz, courtesy National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and History of Peru, Lima).

orthogonal patio groups and D-shaped structures, is taken as the marker of the extent of the territory controlled by Wari, their empire, as Schriber (2012) states, would cover around 320000 square kilometres (Figure 7). The northernmost fringes would be located in the region of Cajamarca, around 800 km from Huari; the southern ones in the region of Arequipa (where the possible border and signs of peaceful coexistence with 15

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 7. Extent of the Wari Empire.

16

A Brief Introduction to Wari

Tiwanaku were recognised for example at Cerro Baúl), over 500 km from Huari; the eastern ones would reach the eastern slopes of the Andes in the area of Cusco, nearly 300 km from the capital. As for the presence of the Wari in the coast – it is clear in the southern coast, while the northern one mostly shows indirect influence of the Wari on local cultures and polities, most probably resulting from trade, exchange or other type of relations, including political interactions, with the highlands (Schreiber 2012: 39). Perhaps the sites with obvious Wari architecture and material culture represent direct control over the neighbouring territories, while the areas in between, lacking typical Wari styles, were controlled in a different, less direct, but still efficient manner. The direct control would perhaps be associated with the physical presence of imperial representatives, while less direct – with the acceptance and submission of local elites to imperial authority. Available data suggest that the expansion, and hence also the establishment of the empire, was a relatively rapid process, after which politically unified, but still multi-ethnic territories formed the empire for several dozen years (cf. Schreiber 1992). One significant unresolved research question is what caused the expansion of Wari over vast area of the Andes? There is no simple answer. The most likely explanation is that a certain leader decided to subjugate his neighbours to himself and started the conquest. But evidence to support this likely will elude archaeology forever, since it would not leave any recognizable material remnants. It also is possible that the expansion started due to climatological, ecological or demographic factors, either singly or combined which would have forced the inhabitants of the area of Huari to move and conquer (either by military force or by other means) larger areas. The pace of the expansion, its sequence, direction and manner also remain unknown. Many indicators seem to support a relatively fast progress, especially after the Wari culture was born and established in the core territory (Schreiber 1992), while the manner of the conquest seemed to include several different approaches – religion, trade, exploitation of different ecological zones, and military campaigns – depending on the circumstances (Tung 2012). It has to be mentioned here, however, that not all researchers agree that the Middle Horizon should be characterised by the existence of the Wari Empire in the vast areas of what is now Peru. There is a plethora of opinions and discussions whether Wari should be treated as a unified state-like entity that could be called an empire, or whether it rather was a federation of different political entities sharing similar material culture and even religion. Other interpretations suggest that this instead was a result of intensification of trade and exchange of goods that left archaeological traces that might be mistaken for the existence of a complex unified society (cf. Jennings 2006, 2012, discussion in Tung 2012: 30-34, Castillo et al. 2012 – to cite just a few).

17

Wari Women from Huarmey

Wari funerary rites and the ways they buried their dead The reconstruction of Wari funerary behaviour is possible thanks to multiple excavations performed in the imperial heartland, especially at Conchopata (Isbell 2004). Information also comes from different parts of the Empire, especially the sites from its southern boundary - Majes Valley (Tung 2012, 2012a), and from other regions: North Coast (Giersz 2016), the north Andes (for example Tschauner 2003) or the eastern slopes of the Andes (Fonseca 2011). Most of the research, however, concentrates on the architectural analysis of tombs, although most of them did not survive intact until modern times, having been looted either in antiquity or later. And thus, the actual funerary behaviour, rituals, treatment of the body of deceased, remain almost unknown and have become a subject of considerable speculation. According to Isbell (2004), Wari mortuary remains – grave structures – can be divided into eight general groups. The simplest one is Burial Type 1 – an individual interment in a pit dug into the soil, and consequently filled up with the same soil and sometimes capped with stones. The deceased would be seated, and placed on the back or side, often wrapped in textiles and tied with a rope. Very few grave goods would be found in association with them. Burial Type 3 was similar – only that the pit/cist was lined up with stones, and often included more grave goods. Burial Type 2 was different from Burial Type 1 only because it was a multiple interment. If any of these types of graves were covered with stone, it would often have an opening in it (ttoco, according to Isbell 2004). Wari Burial Type 4 was a multiple interment in the tomb, excavated, or partially hewn, into the bedrock, and overbuilt with architecture. It is possible they were marked with the presence of raised bench-like structures, often with the opening, ttoco, in them. They seem to have more grave goods associated with the bodies, often of high quality, including not only pottery but also other offerings (metal tupus among them). Burial Type 5 is a mortuary room interment, which means that the tomb, or several tombs, would be directly associated with a roofed stone building with one or several rooms inside. The tombs would be located inside the rooms. Type 5a consisted of several cist tombs (often with a certain hierarchy between them – central cist, and then several ones around) – while Type 5b was a tomb with an opening to enter the mortuary space, and multiple bodies buried within this space. Ttoco would be present in both types. The buildings constructed over the burials often had a form of an altar inside, where the mortuary rituals and offerings would take place. Additional Burial Type 5c could be added – if the whole structure had a megalithic character. Burial Type 6 can be called a wall interment, since the chamber holding the body or bodies would form a part of a wall. The penultimate type of grave listed by Isbell is Burial Type 7 – a communal or sacrificial group burial. It is a mass grave of sacrificial character (proved additionally by the association with ritually smashed pottery). The final type – Burial Type 8 – was proposed by Isbell (2004) for the assumed royal interments, especially of the Monjachayoq area of Huari, built of fine masonry, and with several subterranean levels connected by shafts and corridors. There is almost no need to mention that this 18

A Brief Introduction to Wari

impressive complex was found completely looted long before its discovery. However, remains of human bones and material culture found in the secondary fills support the hypothesis of its mortuary nature. In 2015 Isbell and Korpisaari proposed a slightly simplified approach and divided Wari burials into four sets: simple, intermediate, elaborate and monumental, assigning previously recognised types into the newly defined groups. The Simple Wari Burial included therefore earlier Wari Burial Type 1 and Burial Type 2, Intermediate Wari Burial – Burial Type 3 and Burial Type 6, Elaborate Wari Burial consisted of Burial Types 4, 5a and 5b, and finally Monumental Wari Burial encompassed Burial Type 8 and Burial Type 5c. Burial Type 7 was left out because of its specific and unparalleled character (Isbell and Korpisaari 2015: 140). The aforementioned types of burials can be found not only in the Wari heartland (the whole typology was based almost exclusively on Conchopata findings), but also in other locations around the core territories (see Isbell 2004, Isbell and Korpisaari 2012 for details). Some variations had to appear locally, especially in the regions far from the centre. The example of such modifications could be seen in burial contexts from the south boundary between Wari and Tiwanaku. The tombs found there tend to be simpler in structure than those from the heartland. Tung (2012) distinguishes five types – from the large stone-lined circular tombs holding multiple burials (type I), through small circular or semicircular pit tombs with a varying number of stone lining layers (or walls) or topping (types II through IV), to simple pits with stones inside, placed around the skull of the deceased (type V). The excavations from La Real brought to light other types of funerary structures, most probably built for higher status individuals – the so-called cueva mortuatoria (Tung 2012a) and subterranean rectangular construction, with remains of banquets on top (Yépez Álvarez and Jennings 2012). It seems, however, that even the local centres that are considered to be also local Wari Empire administrative centres, included the typical, if not to say – imperial, way of constructing funerary architecture. Those resemble megalithic buildings from Huari and Conchopata, and display forms of huge, multi-storied and multi-roomed stone mausoleums (or temples). They are known from the region of Callejón de Huaylas; especially the impressive complexes from Wilkawain (Bennet 1944) or from Honco Pampa (Isbell 1991). Wari, or Wari-influenced burials are also known from other regions, for example from the coast – Huaca Pucllana, Ancón, San José de Moro (Flores Espinoza and Chuchón Ayala 2013; Fernandini Parodi 2006; Castillo 2000). However, since their direct affiliation with the Wari Empire is often questioned (many are considered to reflect Wari influence over the local cultures, and not an actual dependence on the Wari administration), they are not included into this research (see for example Castillo 2000).

19

Wari Women from Huarmey

As stated above, the main research problem with virtually all Wari and Wari-related funerary sites is that almost all of them have not survived intact until modern times. Some of them were destroyed or looted in antiquity, such as the burial contexts from La Real for example, thought to be disturbed not long after they were actually created (Yépez Álvarez et al. 2012), and some of them between the time of their creation and the present. Quite a few simpler burials were found intact during excavations performed in the Wari heartland (see Tung 2012), but none belonging to the higher elites of the empire (Isbell 2004). The only elite burial found intact, besides the Castillo de Huarmey, is the tomb of ‘El Señor de Vilcabamba’ excavated in 2011 in the area of Espiritu Pampa, on the eastern, tropical slopes of the Andes, east from Ayacucho, in the Cusco Region (Fonseca 2011, Isbell 2016, Knobloch 2016). According to Isbell (2016), the structure of the tomb resembles that of Conchopata, especially of Burial Type 5a. The architecture associated with the mortuary complex also relates to that known from the Wari heartland. It was a subterranean tomb, vaulted with a false arch, and with a perforation on the top (interpreted as ttoco). The tomb was constructed within the confines of a rectangular room built of stone and was associated with other, similar but looted tombs. This form of construction, as well as the grave goods found within (especially metal artefacts), suggest that the person buried in this context belonged to the local Wari elites. Until the discovery of the Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum in 2012/13, this tomb was the only one interpreted as such, and found intact. Other intact tombs of Wari, discovered for example at Conchopata, were of people of a much lower social and political status (Tung and Cook 2006). Ancestor veneration among the Wari – was there any or not? Ancestor worship is well attested in the ethnohistory of the Andes and is based on two major sources. The first one is accounts from Spanish chroniclers, as well as later native sources (cf. for example Arriaga 1968 [1621]; Cobo 1990 [1653]; or Beatanzos 1996 [1551] and Guaman Poma 1993 [1615]). The second is ethnographic observations of the native population cultures and their relation to death and the dead (Allen 1982; Salomon 1995, or Dulanto 2002, among many others). Based on the premises that the Inka beliefs had their source in the pre-Contact periods, archaeologists try to find material evidence for ancestor veneration prior to the arrival of the Spanish conquerors. This attempt can be seen in almost every work written on the funerary customs and burials. There were also at least two summaries combining ethno-historical and archaeological approaches to the subject – Kaulicke (1995) and Dillehay (1995). A very good summary was also delivered by Isbell (1997), researching the antiquity of the ayllu social structure centreed around veneration of visible and accessible mummified ancestors, and confronting it with archaeological and ethnohistorical sources. The assumption that the Wari culture indeed performed ancestor worship or cult is also based on similar premises. If Wari was ancestral to Inka, and Inka material culture 20

A Brief Introduction to Wari

seems to be derived (being a broadly used term here) from the Wari one, therefore also religious aspects of the Wari culture should bear resemblance to the later, better known Inka culture. However, Isbell and Cook’s (2002) study of Wari burials from Conchopata showed indeed the possibility of existence of ancestor worship, and it also stressed that the worship was distinct from the one practiced by the Inka. For example, in the Inka time the accessibility of mummified ancestors stored in the open sepulcher in form of chullpa was apparently one of the central points of their mortuary behaviour, and is well attested both ethno-historically and archaeologically (Isbell 1997). In the case of the Wari culture, there is no such ‘open-access’ funerary architecture, especially in the earliest phases of its development, and it appears only later in the Middle Horizon, associated with social structure changes. In the core territory of the Wari, at the mortuary sites (such as Conchopata), bodies were accommodated in subterranean chambers with a rather limited access to them. Isbell (1997) proposed that the earliest Wari people experimented with several forms of open sepulchers, while maintaining the underground burial as the main one. The aboveground structures are a later innovation, first appearing further north, in Callejón de Huaylas (cf. Paredes et al. 2002). It is also possible that Inka-like ancestor worship concentrated around mummified remains, especially of the emperors, was simply not possible in the highland Wari culture due to the very poor preservation. If the mummies were indeed prepared, the places they would be stored in (underground burial chambers or cists) would preclude their preservation, and thus any practical manifestation of such ancestor veneration. It seems therefore that the contact between the living and the dead (as well as between the ancestor and the descendants) was maintained not visually, by curation of the ancestor’s mummified remains, but in a very different way. Perhaps the existence of the opening in the burial chamber roofs, in form of ttoco, was to allow such communication, or to transfer liquid offerings for the dead. Apart from that, there is a lot of evidence of mortuary practices such as reopening of the tombs to add offerings and/or bodies to multiple burials, and/or to extract body parts or bones from them for further curation elsewhere, showing the possibility of existence of ancestor veneration among the Wari people (cf. Isbell and Korpisaari 2015).

21

Archaeological Context Funerary architecture at Castillo de Huarmey The Castillo de Huarmey mortuary complex comprises several buildings (and other structures) of various sizes, which represent funerary behaviour most probably related to different social strata. Most of the tombs unearthed so far are in form of chullpa – funerary tower, constructed of adobe and stone, on an orthogonal or rectangular plan, atop platforms which cover the uppermost part of the rocky spur protruding from the rocky hills of the edge of the valley. But this is not the only form of tomb at the site. At least one more type was discovered – funerary chambers built into the walls or construction of the platforms raised to hold the towers on top. Additionally, different burial contexts were identified within the funerary tower type – burial chambers, subterranean burial chambers, tombs of guardians and ‘reliquaries’ holding secondary depositions of bones. According to Giersz (2016), at least three different types of funerary contexts related to architecture have been identified at Castillo de Huarmey so far. They are as follows: –– primary range mausoleums – built in the form of a funerary tower atop a raised platform, orthogonal, with several levels and the interior divided into smaller rooms for different purposes (funerary, storage, ritual performance, etc.), with subterranean chambers (also with subdivisions inside) directly hewn into and built over the bedrock, as well as guardian tombs and additional funerary contexts (example: Figure 9, shaded building); –– secondary range mausoleums – built in the form of a funerary tower on a squarelike plan, with a single room but most probably with several levels (example: Figure 9, buildings around the shaded one); –– funerary chambers - built into the wall or platform, or into the structure supporting the platform (similar to the agricultural terrace in construction). Most of the contexts were heavily looted, with the constructions partially damaged due to either natural circumstances (such as earthquakes and erosion) or by humans (in the course of the looting of the graves, or in order to obtain building material for modern constructions). The main mausoleum was a monumental building constructed on the highest portion of the rocky spur coming into the valley. The first stage of construction of this architectural complex was apparently leveling the top, hewing the subterranean chamber and building a platform around it. The access from the valley floor to the platform top was through the monumental stairway located on the east slope. The platform was later enlarged, as new funerary structures were built around the main 22

Archaeological Context

compound. The design of the platform is very interesting and unique for the coast of Peru. Both stone and mudbrick were used for its construction. The thick walls (with stone in the lower, and mudbrick in the upper part) were bonded together with claybased mortar and an additional construction with long wooden beams holding the whole edifice together, and strengthening the outer facades, linking them with the material used to fill empty spaces between the wall and the rock. As the demand for additional space on the top grew, additional facades were added, enlarging the overall platform compound. As a result, the whole rocky base was eventually covered with adobe constructions, giving the whole compound a look similar to the huacas known from the coast – an architectural complex approximately 200 m long, 65 m wide and nearly 20 m high (Giersz 2016). There are two mausoleums excavated by PIACH that should be regarded as primary range mausoleums; the first one in 2010, and the other in 2012/13 (Figure 8, blue outline). The former, located in the northern sector of the platform, was built on a rectangular plan, and measured around 10 x 10 m. Its outer walls were constructed with stone and mudbrick, and the divisions inside only with adobe. It had seven rooms on one level, some connected with passages. The central room had remains of painted plaster on the walls, and partially preserved niches. There were also remains of a banquette. Below the central part there was a subterranean chamber, where fragments of one burial were found by the western wall. There was also one burial found intact under the floor. The material culture found in association with both of them, as well as in the fills of the destruction debris, included a silver bowl, gourd with pyro engraved decoration and incrustations, fragments of wooden kero cups with Wari style decorations, fragments of textiles, leather and pottery, all bearing classical Wari style decorations (Giersz 2016). The remains of the other mausoleum were visible on the surface, in the southern, highest sector of the platform (Figure 8, in red). It was clearly the biggest building in this sector, built on an orthogonal plan, with a thick perimeter wall covered with red painted plaster on the outside. Its dimensions were 13.5 x 11.5 m (Figure 9; shaded walls). The inside was divided into 21 rectangular rooms, distributed almost symmetrically around the central chamber. Some of the rooms around the main one, were interconnected with corridors and doorways, and some remained inaccessible from the main level. The central room was apparently constructed first. Its inner space was about 4.35 m long and 3.40 m wide. The only access was through the doorway built in its eastern wall, right above the entrance to the chamber located below. Its walls had remains of four niches in the longer ones, two in the northern and two in the southern one. The niches were not all of the same size, but clearly their builders did everything in their power to make them appear similar. Their average size was a bit over 0.5 m in depth, and around 0.6 m in width, while the thickness of the wall was about 1.0 m. The height was not preserved. Inside the room, closer to the western wall, a large – 2.2 by 2.2 m banquette was constructed. The inner surface of the walls and the banquette 23

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 8. Location of the main mausoleums and burial contexts at Castillo de Huarmey (red: main mausoleum, blue: mausoleum dug in 2010) (photo: M. Giersz)

24

Archaeological Context

were carefully covered with plaster. Below the floor, built with rare, if not unique, large trapezoidal adobe bricks, and under the northern wall, a subterranean chamber was located. This chamber was apparently accessible only during its construction and the whole funerary process. Later it was sealed, covered with thick layers of gravel, and overbuilt with the mausoleum. The architectural research from 2014 proved that the platform on which the mausoleum was constructed, as well as the mausoleum itself, were probably the first buildings on the top of the rock (Giersz 2016). The mausoleums described as secondary range mausoleums have a completely different architectural plan. They are simple, rectangular buildings, similar to funerary towers – chullpas, with a single space inside (Figure 9; around the shaded building). They often have more than one level. They have different dimensions, from relatively large (close to 4 x 4 m), to smaller ones – for example, the best preserved one, located close to the north-west corner of the main mausoleum, measured approximately 3 x 3 m. This tower was quite well preserved, which makes it possible to see it had at least three levels. The lowest one, accessible only from above, had a small banquette in the middle, while the middle one had four well-preserved niches with wooden lintels forming their upper edges. The whole building was covered with fine plaster, and its outer wall surfaces were painted red. Other secondary range mausoleums were heavily damaged, but their plan could still be recognised. Some of them had thick walls with three deep niches in three of them, others had only two niches in opposite walls, or just simple walls, covered only with plaster. They surrounded the main mausoleum, and most probably their construction took place after the construction of the main one, being one of the reasons for enlargement of the original platform. All of the secondary range mausoleums had been completely looted, and only commingled and disturbed secondary remains were retrieved from them. Material culture remains were consistent in style and chronology with the Middle Horizon, and with Wari presence at the site (Giersz 2016). The last type of funerary constructions at the site identified so far is funerary chamber built into the walls and fills which form structural parts of the main platform covering the rocky spur. The ones excavated by PIACH proved that they were not intrusive burials (built after the construction of the platform), but rather constructed intentionally while building the platform and supporting structures, very similar to stepped terraces and facades, intentionally built at the time of the enlargement of the platform. It is may be worth mentioning that there were apparently several ‘enlargement events’ during the time the Castillo was in use in the Middle Horizon. One very good example of such type of funerary context was excavated in 2010 on the eastern slope of the site. The chamber was constructed between the last and the penultimate façade, so right before the Castillo obtained its final appearance. The chamber was small and shaped like the Andean cross, with the main space approximately 1 x 1.7 m, with three 25

Wari Women from Huarmey

niches on its sides. The main space had large wooden tables on the floor, underneath of which four worked Spondylus shells were laid in each corner as an offering. Below the eastern niche a small subterranean chamber was found, with an intact burial of two individuals associated with a set of grave goods, again bearing typical Wari style iconography (Giersz 2016; 2017). The burial contexts with human remains As has already been mentioned, the entire sample which forms the base for this analysis comes from one mortuary complex – the various levels of the mausoleum from Castillo de Huarmey. There are at least four different contexts and layers that can be distinguished; three well defined, preserved intact since the time of their establishment, and one disturbed: –– main burial chamber – where 64 individuals were deposited (as primary depositions) –– antechamber – where 2 individuals were deposited (as primary depositions) –– ‘reliquaries’ – a series of four adobe lined rectangular pits – where at least 5 individuals were deposited (as a secondary and fragmentary deposition) –– destruction layers / upper levels of mausoleum – where a collection of human remains from disturbed contexts was retrieved. The first three contexts were sealed, and therefore, consisted of the human remains associated with the whole funerary attire and grave goods, deposited at respective locales at the time soon after the construction of the architecture of the burial contexts, and before the full completion of the mausoleum. Then, after their deposition, and after the completion of the architectural complex, these were left untouched for several hundred years, until the excavations. The fourth source for the skeletal remains was the area within the outer walls of the mausoleum building. Here the archaeological and osteological materials come mainly from disturbed contexts, from the layers created by natural and anthropogenic factors like earthquakes and continuous looting (huaqueria). Due to that, the research value of the remains retrieved from the disturbed layers is limited, since there is no possibility to assign them to the mausoleum context with certainty. However, they were included in the analysis, because of the specific demographic profile of the remains from the untouched contexts. Main Burial Chamber (after Giersz 2016) The main burial chamber was constructed as an almost rectangular room 4.65/3.90 by 3.60/3.35 m in size. The bottom and lower part of the walls were partially hewn in the bedrock. The process of hewing was apparently only a partial success, since the floor of the chamber was flattened just in its western part, while almost 2/3 of the eastern one was left very uneven, with abrupt changes in levels and steep borders 26

Archaeological Context

Figure 9. Plan of the main mausoleum of Castillo de Huarmey, with its immediate surroundings (plan: J. Kościuk, M. Giersz and J. Chyla).

between them. The walls were finished with adobe up to five courses high (the average distance between the bottom of the chamber and the upper edge of the adobe walling was ca. 1 m). Only in the eastern part a stepped entrance was left to provide access to the chamber. Another access possibly existed at the western end, but even if so, it was sealed quickly, and only traces of seams in the pattern of the adobe wall were left visible. The hewn bedrock formed a step into the chamber from the east, where the antechamber was built at a certain point. The whole structure of the chamber was finished along with the platform, covering and thus remodelling a large portion of the top of the rocky spur going deep into the valley. It could be assumed that this stage of construction was extended in time, and the chamber was left accessible, only temporarily roofed with a perishable structure. Remains of the reeds found in the southeastern corner of the construction were possibly all that survived from this superstructure. The hewn and enwalled space was at some point divided with additional, low mudbrick divisions. Three separate sub-chambers were thus created. It is possible 27

Wari Women from Huarmey

that the constructors planned one more division - a roughly rectangular depression right in the centre of the chamber. It was closed from two sides with hewn bedrock and from one with the low wall of the subdivision which formed the wall of the three aforementioned sub-chambers. This space was additionally closed with a single mudbrick from the east. The separated spaces were called subchamber A (easternmost one; ca. 1.0 by 1.0 m), subchamber B (middle one; ca. 0.7 by 0.75 m) and subchamber C (westernmost; ca. 0.6 by 0.7 m). All of them were constructed in the northeast corner, along the north wall of the chamber. All three sub-chambers were underneath the northern wall of the rectangular room with niched walls forming the centre of the mausoleum plan. This whole construction, after it had begun to serve its purpose – holding the funerary bundles – and after the only open access had been plugged with a few mudbricks, was covered with two distinctive layers. The lowest one, a loose brownish soil mixed with adobe chunks and stones, was deposited directly on the human remains and the grave goods associated with them. The other layer, a thick coat of gravel (ca. 1.2 m deep), served as a leveling fill for later construction activity – the mausoleum. The estimated weight of this sealing and leveling (or protective) layer was over 30 metric tons. On the top of this layer yet another seal was laid in the form of an adobe floor, using trapezoid bricks – a very uncommon shape for mudbricks in the area (Giersz 2017). Antechamber At the time of the establishment of the main burial chamber, the area of the antechamber-to-be, the area east from the entrance to the main burial chamber, was also prepared for its role in the ritual. It is not clear what this area exactly looked like at the time of the construction of the platform. The architecture shows, however, that it must have been built roughly at the same time, since the floor sealing the chamber seals the antechamber area as well. It seems that the first two shallow depressions in the bedrock were hewn to hold guardians’ bundles. Then, while the floor of the antechamber was constructed, a series of small rectangular recesses were created aligned across the whole area, along the eastern edge of the chamber. Inside each of the recesses some offerings were deposited - in the case of seven of them still preserved in situ - either one or two ceramic containers originally holding chicha (Giersz 2014). Probably during the same ritual event the bundles containing the bodies of the guardians were deposited (Figure 10), and the whole area was eventually sealed with the layer of adobe flooring. This flooring, although most probably contemporaneous with the trapezoidal flooring of the main chamber seal, was constructed with regular rectangular mudbricks. Later the area was divided into four different rooms serving as a passageway into the room with the niched walls and a banquette, and as an access to the small rooms along the northern mausoleum wall (Giersz 2016). 28

Archaeological Context

Figure 10. Remains of two ‘guardians’ in situ (photo: M. Giersz).

‘Reliquaries’ The construction of the whole burial context also included construction and ritual activity west from the main burial chamber. There were four rectangular recesses, almost square in shape, around 0.6 by 0.6 m and ca. 0.5 m deep, constructed along the western adobe wall, built over the partially hewn bedrock. Their walls were built with large rectangular mudbricks, and their bottom floors plastered with clay, sometimes preserving impressions of textiles. The material deposited inside was clearly of secondary nature, but the stratigraphy showed it had been deposited this way originally, and not disturbed by the grave robbers (Figure 11). After the completion of these recesses, and after the deposition of the material culture remains and human bones, the whole area was leveled, the walls built, and a thick layer of clay was deposited on the floor, creating one of the rooms around the main chamber with niches and banquette. Destruction layers The layers covering the entire area of the mausoleum, and also the whole area of the site may be called the destruction layers, since the matrix they consist of mainly comes from the destruction of the architecture elements once constructed atop the 29

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 11. Reliquaries during the process of excavations (photo: M. Giersz).

rocky spur. This destruction debris – mudbricks, stone, material culture remains – is additionally mixed with with the loose soil from the mudbrick detritus on one hand, and from the aeolic activity in the area on the other, not to mention garbage of modern (or sub-modern) origin. Human remains, both skeletal and mummified, form an important component among these layers. They are silent testimonies not only of the former function and glory, but also of the long-term looting of the site. Although from the archaeological point of view these layers have a limited value in retrieving stratigraphic information, at the same time they deliver an immense amount of data not only on the material culture, but also on the character of the site. The material left behind by the looters, albeit often fragmented (therefore lacking material ‘market’ value), may be an invaluable source of information on the history of the site, giving a glimpse of the past societies involved in the site creation and use. The human remains are quite abundant in these layers since usually they are of no value for the robbers. The main problem with this source of the osteological material is the lack of certainty about its original provenience. The whole area of the site was intensely excavated by the looters, especially right after the massive earthquake of 1970 that ruined the nearby town of Huarmey, as well as the Castillo itself. Some of the contexts had additionally been disturbed (and robbed) earlier, and some possibly even in antiquity. Some remains left behind by the looters, especially fragments of journals, can help to recreate the process of grave robbing and date that practice with accuracy up to 30

Archaeological Context

the year and month. It was assumed that at least some of the bones found within the mausoleum perimeter come from this area. To support this assumption, the collection from the layers forming the fills of the robbery trenches within the mausoleum was the first to be analysed, together with the material from the layers directly over the floors, below the level of surviving walls of the building. The bones from the upper levels as well as from the area around the mausoleum perimeter wall were analysed as the last. The results of the latter analysis are not included here in detail, but only to the extent that helps to understand if the upper levels of the mausoleum served for funerary purposes or other uses. Location of the mausoleum within the landscape The localisation for the funerary activities depends on various factors and reasons. Among them, religion- and ritual-related ones seem to be most important, although, especially in case of the Andes, they cannot be separated from the reasons derived from the legitimisation of the power. The ancestor cult, often recognised in the case of the Andean cultures, seems to be well developed as it was an important part of the legitimisation of power of the ruler, elites (on various levels) and/or religious leaders. One of the functions of such understanding is the implementation of funerary behaviour not only into the culture, but also into the cultural landscape. In short– without getting into discussion about the nature of an ayllu – the land where the ancestors are buried and overlook it belongs to their descendants (Isbell 1997).

Figure 12. Immediate surroundings of Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum at present (photo: W. Więckowski).

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Wari Women from Huarmey

In the case of Castillo de Huarmey the locality for the main mausoleum, and of the most important burials was clearly carefully chosen. The rocky spur coming into the valley from the north is clearly separated from the surrounding desert hills, and at the same time towers over the valley floor. Additionally, any construction on top of that spur would be visible from a distance, both for those approaching from the upper part and from the higher areas of the valley, and for those residing in or coming from its lower parts, where the fertile land strip available for cultivation is much larger (Figure 12). It was especially conspicuous because the building was erected in the form of a tower, with the walls painted bright ochre red colour. It is not difficult to imagine that it would not be only visible but would also function as a clear religious and political statement (cf. Giersz 2017). This visibility was verified several times by surveys performed in the lower part of the Huarmey valley. These surveys additionally proved the existence of other archaeological sites located within the visibility range of the mausoleum and yielding Middle Horizon pottery (Figure 13; Chyla – personal communication).

Figure 13. Valley of Huarmey – Middle Horizon sites identified in the area (after Bonavia 1982; map: J. Chyla).

32

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues Almost the entire sample that forms the basis for the research presented in this work derives from undisturbed contexts. Only a minor part of the material, originating from disturbed layers covering the area of the mausoleum, is of a different nature. This implies a relatively good state of preservation, articulated skeletons and well preserved grave goods associated with the deceased, all deposited during the funerary event, and then left untouched until the excavations some ten centuries later. This does not happen in the Andes very often. There are a lot of sites that underwent heavy looting, both in the distant past and in more modern times, preserving for archaeologists only a faint glimpse of what they could actually look like in the past. This provides a unique possibility to observe, understand and interpret a plethora of funeral-related behaviour and actions. Biostratinomy and diagenesis of the burial context Biostratinomy is usually understood as the study of all the processes that take place between the organism’s individual death and final burial of its remains, while diagenesis defines everything that happens between the time of burial and its discovery and excavations (Lymann 1994). Many factors influence all the processes of biostratinomy and subsequent diagenesis. They can be related to the actual organism, to the body of the person to be placed in the burial, such as that person’s overall health, body constitution and, ultimately, the cause of death, on one hand, and to the cultural background defining funerary behaviour, body treatment and type of burial, on the other (cf. Fernández-López and Fernández-Jalvo 2002, Sołtysiak 2016). The time and place of death, as well as what happens around the time of death may greatly influence what happens next. For example, if the death is a result of war-related violence, and the individual dies in the battle, the body sometimes awaits burial for several days. That often speeds up decomposition processes, and thus, the remains may be disarticulated in the final burial place because of broken anatomical connections between the bones, not because they were placed there as if in a secondary burial (cf. Więckowski 2016). After the death of an individual, a series of biostratinomic factors need to be taken into consideration, among them the rate of decomposition, physical damage caused by flora and fauna, and by transportation of remains, such as relocation of corpses or their remains by humans, by scavengers or by natural forces. All of them also depend on the climate and the length of exposure of the remains prior to the final burial (if the burial is understood as a deposition within a protected and confined space separating the body from the elements, which is not always the case if the Andes are concerned). The changes induced to corpses by these processes are deleterious, and therefore it is safe to assume, that, generally speaking, the length of time between the death and the 33

Wari Women from Huarmey

burial affects the preservation of the remains. When the final burial event happens, for natural or culturally induced reasons, the diagenesis processes start. Their type depends on the burial environment, which is understood as the environmental conditions of the sediment surrounding the remains. In the case of human remains, apart from the temperature and actual geological sediment characteristics such as the type of soil, permeating water, pH or floral and faunal activities, there is also a need to consider clothing and the protection of the buried body, in the form of a coffin for instance, or, in the Andes, several additional layers of textiles. The form of body preparation prior to burial, especially desiccation in the mummification process, is of great importance as well, as it slows down decomposition and disintegration of flesh and bones (Ellis 2000). The biostratinomic history of the context will also be discussed in chapter six, where an attempt to reconstruct funerary rites will be presented. It is important to comprehend that in many instances, especially in the Andes, there might be many difficulties in distinguishing the two sets of processes – biostratinomic and diagenetic. This difficulty arises not only from the different definitions applied by different researchers (for a good summary on that topic, see Fernández-López and Fernández-Jalvo 2002), but also because of the ambiguity of the final burial event. A lot of burials known from Andean cultures are prolonged in time, with several events that should be called interim burials, before the final one – the context found by archaeologists. The bodies placed within funerary contexts are often moved, put back and re-located from time to time during events directly related to a specific Andean version of the ancestor cult or veneration (see: Dillehay 1995 for example). Because of that, some processes, more often associated with diagenesis, may be found appearing during the biostratinomic history of the remains. Climate and ecological conditions The Peruvian coast is quite famous for its environment, which results in very good preservation of archaeological material. It is observed especially in the case of organic material – textiles, fibers, plant remains, bird feathers – often preserved in its entirety including typically not only their form, but also colour, allowing researchers to fully understand material culture of past societies. This is something that does not often happen in other parts of the world. This is due to a combination of different natural phenomena. First, the cold Humboldt Current flows alongside most of the Peruvian coast and influences the temperature of the seawater and air. The water temperature is usually as low as 16 degrees Celsius (while typically for an equatorial region it should be around 25). This has a cooling influence on the overall climate, preventing, among other phenomena, precipitation (but it does not prevent formation of clouds and fogs), and thus is conducive to the emergence of arid deserts along the coastline. Second, the Andes rise high very close to the coastline, and create yet another barrier for initiation of precipitation through the so-called ‘shade effect’ as well as preventing cumulus and cumulonimbus clouds from building up. Both phenomena result in 34

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Figure 14. Riverbed of Huarmey River during the last phases of the wet season (photo: W. Więckowski).

extremely low rainfall. The only sources of water in those areas are mostly seasonal rivers, usually flowing during the rainy season typical for high altitudes of the Andes, between December and March (Figure 14). Therefore, the only fertile lands available for cultivation, and thus also for subsistence of human populations, are river valleys. 35

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As expected, most of the remains of past civilisations concentrate in close proximity to the water sources and cultivable areas, when areas more distant from water, and at the same time more desertous, were less frequently, or less intensively occupied. In the case of Castillo de Huarmey, the same climatic observation applies. The site, with its monumental nucleus, vast cemeteries and potentially habitable areas occupy the very edge of the Huarmey River valley. Now located either below or surrounded by cultivable fields, around one thousand years ago, this area was just above the lower portion of the river bed and potential floodplains. It is quite clear that the area available for agricultural activities in the past, even with extensive irrigation, was much smaller than in the present, and that all parts of the Castillo archaeological complex were located right outside that cultivable areas. Burial chamber characteristics The mortuary complex was constructed on the top of a rocky protrusion surrounded by the valley floor covered with alluvial sediments (see chapter 3). Chapter 3 (above) detailed basic information about the chamber; here, mention will be made of the most important and relevant features of the complex relevant to taphonomy. The burial chamber was partially hewn in the bedrock. The bedrock itself, forming the rocky spur, is very hard and difficult to break, and therefore it seems the hewing process was only a moderate success. The floor of the chamber was formed as a shallow depression in the bedrock, with a very uneven surface. The best job was done in the western part – the floor there is flat, and appears to have been smoothed. There is only one deep crack in the surface starting around 1.7m south from the north-western corner, running north-east, and later north. On both sides of this crack, the surfaces are well smoothed, and the southern part has an additional shelf-like portion, right in the south-western corner area. Then, around 1.25m to the east from the western wall, the constructors apparently tried to make a square depression, almost right in the centre of the chamber, again with only partial success. The square shape was never achieved, but the depression was connected to the lowest part of the chamber floor surface, along the northern wall, where the three sub-chambers were eventually built. This relatively flat surface was located around 30cm lower than the surface in the western part and covered a large portion of the eastern part of the chamber, along the northern wall and a large portion of the eastern one (more than 6 square metres, slightly less than 40% of the whole space). The remaining part of the chamber floor is raised and very uneven, with steep edges and sharp ridges (Figure 15). The shallow depression cut into the bedrock was later enclosed with adobe walls, forming a relatively deep basin, with the stepped entrance from the east. The walls enclosing the chamber were a part of the mudbrick platform built atop the bedrock, as the first visible stage of the architectural activities in this place. In the western corner 36

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Figure 15. Uneven floor of the main chamber (model 3D: M. Giersz).

the walls were up to five courses high, while in the south only up to three (the floor was higher here, and there was a stone shelf running along from the south-eastern corner westwards). Due to that, any liquid trapped inside would not be drained out, but rather kept within the structure. However, rainfall would not have been an issue for the builders because of the particular climate of the north coast of Peru. The fact that the chamber resembled an enclosed basin, with relatively liquid-proof walls and bottom, resulted in an unexpected (at least presumably unexpected by the builders and performers of the mortuary ritual) issue – the body decomposition fluids and the water filtrating occasionally through the layers covering the chamber after its closure were trapped inside and influenced the pace and the nature of taphonomic processes (Figure 16). All individuals and their grave goods were eventually buried, and the whole area was leveled in order to allow architectural activities to be performed on top. After the final stages of the funerary ritual the chamber was partially filled with soil and dirt, mixed with stones and mudbrick fragments. This first layer most probably was supposed 37

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 16. Main burial chamber after exploration – note basin-like feature (photo: M. Giersz).

to serve as a kind of protection for the buried ones. All individuals and all associated material were covered with this layer, so at a certain point it resembled a type of surface - dirt floor. This layer was probably quite loose in structure at the beginning. It also has to be taken into consideration that some of the silt-like material could have been accumulated naturally – water filterting through the upper layers would carry particles down (especially during the ENSO1 episodes). On top of this floor-like layer another one ENSO – El Niño – Southern Oscillation – periodical variations in the wind circulation and sea water temperatures resulting in dramatic climate changes on the Peruvian coast. During the ENSO episodes there are rains in the areas where normally there are none. 1

38

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was eventually deposited. This second layer consisted of sharp-edged gravel, possibly the spoil from hewing the same chamber, and/or brought from the quarries located around the site. This layer was completely sterile, with no traces of any archaeological material. The gravel layer served most probably not only as a fill for the subterranean burial chamber, but also as leveling for the building planned to be erected atop. The weight of this layer is estimated to be around 30 metric tons (Giersz 2016). These ca. 30 metric tons of gravel strongly influenced the state of preservation of the bones and archaeological artefacts. The bodies became compressed and the volume of the whole burial context was severely limited (Figure 17). At the same time the gravel left enough room between its particles for water to filter, and possibly for some insects to get hold of a possible food source (see the discussion in chapter six). It also served as a protection for the deceased - grave robbers looking for the tomb around this area dug some test pits, and gave up after finding nothing but sharp-edged gravel with no artefacts whatsoever. Articulations and their interpretation Anatomical articulations – the preservation of anatomical relations between neighbouring bones in the human skeleton found in archaeological contexts – may

Figure 17. Main burial chamber at the time of excavations – an example of the preservation of the osteological remains (photo: M. Giersz).

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Wari Women from Huarmey

depend on many factors. Their observation may lead to different interpretations regarding the whole burial and taphonomic processes affecting human remains (Roksandic 2002). Among the factors influencing the preservation of anatomical articulations, the most important are: –– time elapsed between the death and the burial, as well as biostratinomic history of remains (progress in body decomposition at the time of burial) –– burial customs (types of body treatment, time of burial, possibility of postponed burial, intentional – or not – post-depositional interference) –– grave structure (protection of the body) –– geological, flora/fauna induced and climate-related influences (soil movement due to the physical processes in micro- and macro- scale, activity of burrowing animals, penetration by roots) –– other human activity (usually related to destruction, in the case of the Peruvian north coast these are often grave robberies). In the case of Castillo de Huarmey all the above factors have to be taken into consideration. Almost all remains found within the three main undisturbed burial contexts of the mausoleum were very well preserved, coming from undisturbed contexts, but at the same time the major part of the whole context – the mausoleum – was completely robbed and disturbed in the process of robbery. Therefore, in different contexts the importance of the factors will also certainly vary. The fact that the site underwent several episodes of grave robbing clearly influenced the preservation of the skeletons. This is best visible in the case of the assemblage recovered from the layers above the mausoleum floors. All the bones retrieved from them are clearly from burial contexts, but the ‘other human activity’ caused their re-location, commingling, and, in many cases, fragmentation. The articulations were preserved only in the skeletons in which mummification occurred, and the bones were held together with remains of dried soft tissue. Bones retrieved from the ‘reliquaries’, although clearly found in situ, were placed there as secondary burials. However, the human activity influencing their preservation can be described as a part of ‘burial customs’ rather than ‘other human activity’. Since they were found in the sealed contexts, it is clear that they were collected from a different burial context, or other burial contexts, and intentionally brought and placed in the spaces designed for that (hence the name ‘reliquary’). Leaving aside the reason for such behaviour, it is important to mention that some of the bones found in ‘reliquaries’ preserved their articulations, although no soft tissue was preserved. This, and the fact that there were found small bones, such as phalanges, as well as tarsals and metatarsals (often preserving their articulations) along with bigger ones, suggest that at the time they were transported from their original context to the ‘reliquary’ they were possibly parts of mummified individuals.

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Articulations found in the burial chamber Preservation of human remains in the sub-chambers Individuals whose skeletons were found in the three sub-chambers along the northern wall were clearly separated from the others, and with considerable effort invested in their deposition. These individuals were placed in a strongly contracted sitting position, with their legs bent so the knees were close to their faces, and the arms bent in at the elbows, placed between the legs and the trunk, with the hands towards and touching the face. This position and the remains of the carbonised, decomposed textiles strongly suggest that originally the whole body of each of these individuals was wrapped in them. After the soft tissue decomposed, articulations between the bones loosened, and, with the pressure of the layers above, the skeletons were compressed and eventually collapsed (Figure 18). The way it happened supports the hypothesis on the textile wrapping. For example, in the case of Ind. C (placed in subchamber B), the cranium, and the upper body collapsed directly down, the spine broke and slightly divided. The leg bones moved outwards, as far as the room preserved between the textiles (and the grave goods) allowed. The arm bones moved forward and down into the space created by the shift of the leg bones. The whole skeleton, however, preserved major articulations, with only some commingling forced by the

Figure 18. Ind. C – the position of skeleton as found and the reconstruction of body position at burial (model: J. Kaniszewski, P. Prządka-Giersz and W. Więckowski).

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Wari Women from Huarmey

displacement of anatomical regions (Figure 23). This suggests that the connections between the bones, enforced with the presence of the soft tissue, especially ligaments, were preserved for some time after the burial. It is certainly difficult to state whether this happened because the individual was buried shortly after death, before the decomposition occurred, or because the body was first mummified and then buried. However, the directions of the bone collapse and displacement seem consistent with the decomposition of soft tissue happening in the confined space, limited by the textile wrapping and the walls (cf. Duday 2009). The excavation process showed that the body was not only wrapped in textiles, but also probably protected with some soil deposited around it, and around the grave goods. Similar scenarios of post-depositional history can be reconstructed for Ind. A, B and D, all placed in the remaining sub-chambers (Ind. A and B in sub-chamber A, and Ind. D in sub-chamber C). The skeletal remains of these three individuals were found in slightly different positions from Ind. C, but the room available around the corpses can easily explain the differences. In the case of sub-chamber A, which held remains of two individuals, their bodies had to be positioned with their heads against the walls, and slightly tilted. Because of that their crania rolled a little, and were found lying on their sides. Apart from that, there was apparently more room for the collapse, and therefore Ind. A’s arms spread around the upper part of the body and cranium (Figure 44). Remains of Ind. B were found in a more contracted position, but also clearly collapsed sideways, on the right side. More room in the sub-chamber A had, however, fatal consequences for both skeletons. They were strongly compressed against the floor, and their bones fragmented, although preserved with articulations. Ind. D had less room than Ind. A, B and C, so the skeleton collapsed in a similar manner as Ind. C, but clearly suffered from overburden, since the bones were quite fragmented and the upper body partially commingled. This individual was also placed in a slightly different way, with the textile layers apparently not covering the whole body, since one of the arms was found around one of the ceramic vessels, which would not be possible if the body was completely wrapped. At the same time, the textile layers around the whole lower part of the body were clearly distinguishable in the matrix. This shows that the deposition process was as follows – the ceramic vessels and other artefacts found on the floor close to the walls were placed first, followed by the body partially wrapped in textiles which was lowered down held by the arms; at the end other artefacts were placed around it. Preservation of human remains in the main chamber The skeletons recovered from the main burial chamber were found in differing states of preservation, clearly depending on their position within the confined space. The bestpreserved skeletons, with only crania (but not in all cases), a few long bones and ribs fragmented, were found in the areas of the chamber where the floor was flat and even. In these areas, especially along the walls, the skeletons were well preserved, with almost 42

Figure 19. Plan of the main burial chamber with the location and individual numbers of the skeletons (Ind.27/34 shown as #27; Ind.39/40 shown as #39). (plan: J. Chyla, W. Więckowski).

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

43

Wari Women from Huarmey

all of the articulations intact. Additionally, the layer of the soil, which was used at some point of the burial process to either partially fill, or secure the bodies in their positions, helped to preserve the skeletons. There was obviously some commingling present, but this was related to the decomposition process and collapse of the bodies under the weight of the upper layers. The area where the floor was left uneven, with relatively large height differences, sharp edges and sloping surfaces, influenced the preservation of the skeletons more heavily. Most of the skeletons found along the edge running from the centre of the chamber to the east were found commingled, with some parts moved from their original position, and fragmented. Apart from that, the highest portions of the floor, especially in the centre of the chamber and towards the southern wall, even if it was relatively flat, did not enhance preservation. There, the pressure created by the heavy layers covering the whole context simply crushed the bones against the bedrock floor (see Figure 20). The way the bodies were deposited also influenced the preservation of articulations. Different scenarios must be established for those placed seated, those in a contracted position but laid on their side, and those in an extended position. Out of 64 individuals, only six were buried in a more or less extended position (Figure 19). Their exact body positions, however, were not consistent. One was found lying in a prone position, with the upper limbs along the body, and the lower ones straightened. Others were found in almost prone or almost supine positions, with their limbs pointing in different directions, often over or against the walls of the side chambers, or against the wall of the main chamber. In the case of these six individuals the articulations were preserved to a much lesser degree than on the rest of the group. The preservation of their bones was also generally worse. They were very fragmented, some of the bones were missing, due to a complete decomposition and disintegration. It is clear that they suffered most from the direct contact with the layer of gravel. There was no layer of soil covering them, but they were rather ‘embedded’ in it – having clearly been thrown atop of other individuals. The limbs found over the walls of side chambers became separated from the bodies by the weight of the overburden. Individuals that can be included in this group are: 8 and 9 in the north-eastern part of the main chamber (Figure 21), Ind. 27/34, 28, and 59, found close to the wall of the sub-chambers B and C, and Ind. 50 in the western part of the main chamber (see Figure 19). Possibly Ind. 30 should also be included in this group, however, this individual’s position was different, and the skeleton was badly preserved (especially the upper part of the body). Similar taphonomic processes associated with the soft tissue decomposition influenced preservation of the remains from the central, highest part of the chamber, especially individuals 2, 4, 5 and most probably Ind. 62 (not shown in any drawing documentation – see the information below). Their remains were preserved only partially, and only observation at the time of excavations made it possible to reconstruct their original burial position and to draw some conclusions about their sex and age-at-death. Ind. 62 was identified only during the meticulous laboratory analysis of the remains collected from the area. The 44

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Figure 20. Thick layer of gravel visible in the sections (original weight over 30 ton), and the fill in the middle of the chamber greatly influenced the preservation of human remains (photo: M. Giersz).

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Figure 21. Examples of the body positions found within the burial context (Ind. 8 and Ind.9 semi-extended body position, on the side – considered to be sacrificed) (plan: J. Chyla, W. Więckowski).

remains were very fragmented as well as commingled with other skeletons, hence they were virtually impossible to distinguish from the bones of other individuals at the time of excavations and were collected with remains of several other burials. The body was placed on the edge of the floor height change, right between the highest and the lowest portion, in the area shared with Ind. 4, Ind. 5, and at the same time, close to Ind. 21. The latter one, Ind. 21, was placed on the slope and fell backwards, along the edge between the higher and lower portion of the chamber floor. Apart from that, the remains of individuals placed in the most uneven portions of the chamber floor, Ind. 6 and 7, from the southeastern part of the chamber, were found in a worse state of preservation, however, during the excavation process their positions and articulations between their bones were clearly visible. The remaining individuals were found in a better state of preservation. The preservation was certainly not ideal, and varied greatly between individuals, as well as between anatomical regions of the same individuals, but the bones were generally almost intact, or possible to reconstruct. Some commingling was noticed in the remains of individuals found along the edge dividing the upper and lower portions of the chamber. Especially the remains of Ind. 12 were found partially disarticulated. 46

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Commingling also appeared across the other parts of the chamber, since the bodies were relatively densely packed – there were 58 individuals in different positions placed over an area of 11 square metres, therefore leaving only 0.2 square metre for one corpse. Since the bodies were placed in different positions, they occupied different spaces, but in the course of decomposition and with the influence of the upper layers, some commingling was inevitable. In most cases, however, the anatomical articulations were preserved to a degree sufficient to distinguish between skeletons. This semi-anatomical articulation of most of the skeletons strongly suggests that the bodies were protected at the time of the actual deposition, most probably with textiles, forming funerary bundles – fardos. The commingling was only partial, because it happened only after the decomposition of the bodies, and the decomposition of protective textile layers. As it has already been stated above, out of 64 individuals, six were found in an extended position. The varied location of their limbs shows that they were not wrapped in any textiles, but rather thrown down on top of already deposited individuals. As for the remaining 58 individuals – eight were found lying in a flexed position, and the rest showed an arrangement of the body suggesting that they originally were in a

Figure 22. Example of the skeleton deposited in a seated position originally (from the left, with the back against the wall – Ind.43, Ind.46 and Ind.38; central Ind. 42 – in a semiextended position – originally seated with almost straight legs) (plan: J. Chyla, W. Więckowski).

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sitting position (see Figure 22). The flexed position means that the body was placed on its side (or originally with the upper part of the body upright, but with legs placed differently from a seated position). There is some diversity within this group as well. Some were found lying on the left (six individuals), and some on the right side (two individuals). Sometimes the flexed position can be explained by the collapse of the originally seated body at the time the chamber was filled. It seems, however, that these eight individuals, if wrapped in textiles to hold the body together at the time of the funeral, were wrapped differently. The textile might have been put around the extended body, and then the body placed seated with the legs contracted (slightly resembling a seated Egyptian mummy). The seated position was assumed for the majority of individuals buried in the chamber. Their bones, articulated in the joints, show almost the same pattern – pelvic area against the floor, feet close to the pelvis, sometimes removed from their original position, but strongly bent at the knees (Figure 22, 23). The upper body shows more diversity in this case – its position and the position of the upper limbs and cranium depends on the direction it collapsed, both during the filling of the chamber, and due to the taphonomic processes later. Sometimes, if the whole body fell sideways when wrapped in textiles, this position resembles a strongly flexed one. This burial position can be observed best in the case of individuals found in the side chambers, and, in some cases, among the individuals placed originally with their backs against the walls of the burial chamber. It seems to be consistent with the burial position known from all around the Andes, especially from the Middle Horizon (from sites like Ancón, Huaca Pucllana, Conchopata etc.), as well as from later periods, especially from Inca times (Chachapoya mummies are a classic example). The textile wrapping did not survive in the case of Castillo de Huarmey funerary context. Only two individuals found in the middle of the western part of the chamber, right over the crack in the bedrock ending in the hewn, almost square depression, had the wrapping layers partially preserved. The textiles preserved there show clearly the way the bodies were bundled together, wrapped with large pieces of cloth, and additionally secured with a string net-like layer on the outside. It was still possible to distinguish even the colours of the cloth. In the case of the individuals from the side-chambers, the cloth was preserved only enough to be noticed at the time of the excavations. In other cases, especially in the lowest parts of the chamber, the textiles were highly carbonised, but still possible to see at the time of discovery. Overburden influence The major factor influencing the overall preservation of the skeletons in the context was, without any doubt, the thick and heavy layer of crushed rock gravel covering and sealing the whole area of the burial chamber, along with the mudbrick construction of the mausoleum laid above (see Figure 20). The total overall weight is estimated to be ca. 30 metric tons. It exerted constant pressure on all the features deposited 48

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Figure 23. Ind.46 - example of an individual placed in a seated position (photo: M. Giersz).

below, causing their relocation and crushing, eventually leading to destruction of some elements, such as bones of the individuals placed on top of the context, or parts of individuals placed against the uneven surface of the chamber floor (Figure 24). During the deposition of this layer, the bodies and the grave goods were also exposed to the danger of damage or destruction. The fact that most of the skeletons indeed preserved most of their articulations, with some commingling and relocation of skeletal elements, seems to support the hypothesis of wrapping bodies in textile, protecting the integrity of remains. At the time they were covered with the fill (soil and gravel), they had to be in form of fardos (Figure 26). The weight of the fill, however, eventually led to their compaction into a relatively thin layer, which could not destabilise structure built above. Paradoxically, the same heavy overburden layer that played a major role in the partial destruction of the burial context, has also performed the most important and direct role in its preservation. First, everything that was covered with layers of dirt and gravel, and survived this operation, was more likely to be preserved intact until the discovery. Second, the layer was virtually sterile: no piece of material culture was found among the crushed rock fragments, which imitated natural layers well enough, 49

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 24. NW corner of the main chamber at the time of excavations – note bones crushed by the heavy overburden (photo: M. Giersz).

and thus misled clandestine diggers. Tomb raiders did try to penetrate the layers below the mausoleum floor, but after a few dozen centimetres gave up, thinking the layer was just a natural deposition of crushed rock. Why there were no textiles preserved It is clear from the information presented above that semi-anatomical, or even anatomical bone articulations preservation suggest another important observation – the fact that individuals were buried as bodies (or mummies) with soft tissue still present. Therefore, it is clear that some time passed between the death and the burial of the individual. This time could vary, however. The mummification process, intentionally induced or not, requires more time than a simple wrapping in textiles and deposition in the tomb. Whether that was an intentional act, or a result of favorable climate conditions, we will probably never know, but, in any case, to mummify the body, or for the body to become mummified, there is some time necessary for desiccation of soft tissues. Mummification can also imply a complete set of additional cultural phenomena, such as displaying the bodies, their transportation and relocation, as well as the 50

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existence of a type of dead or ancestor veneration. There are no direct indications that intentional mummification was indeed practiced within the Wari society, nor are there any indications observable within the mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey for such behaviour. There are, however, mummified remains found in the disturbed layers covering the mausoleum, as well as in other parts of the necropolis, clearly showing that this type of body treatment, or body preservation, whether intentional or not, indeed existed. Therefore, it should be assumed that the individuals buried within the confines of the burial chamber below the mausoleum building were not treated differently (Figure 25). As it was established, most of the individuals, if not all of them (perhaps except the sacrificed ones), were wrapped in textiles before the deposition. The character of the wrapping was directly associated with the position of the body in which each individual was placed in the grave. A lot of textiles, and other organic material along with them, such as wool and cotton thread skeins, were observed at the time of excavation (Figure 26). Unfortunately, the state of their preservation was such that when exposed to the

Figure 25. State of preservation – example of hair preservation – Ind.46 (photo: W. Więckowski).

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Figure 26. Remains of the textiles from fardo wrapping (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

elements they quickly disintegrated, and it was impossible to collect them for further research. At the same time, other organic materials, like wood, cactus spines, reed box fragments, as well as bone artefacts were quite well preserved, and could be excavated. The factors responsible for such preservation are related to the specific conditions induced by the construction of the chamber itself, creating a unique microenvironment. The burial chamber without an outlet, with its bottom and lower parts of the sides carved in the bedrock, additionally enclosed with thick mudbrick walls created a basin-like structure. The entire context was also filled with a permeable layer of crushed rock, which made water infiltration possible. At the time of construction and subsequent use of the structure, everything was additionally protected by the mudbrick floors and by the very construction that roofed the mausoleum. After the whole complex went out of use, and suffered damage, the possibility of water infiltration, even if only during short rains or ENSO episodes, became much higher. Infiltrating water, even if small quantities, would be trapped in the chamber basin-like structure, where, along with the remains of bodies, it would create a microenvironment unsuitable for most perishable organic materials. Additionally, even if some of the bodies were deposited soon after their deaths, as relatively fresh corpses, and some as mummified, dried up remains, the decomposition fluids produced by the fresh ones, along with water would damage dried soft tissues of the mummified ones, as well as, again, any perishable organic material. 52

State of Preservation and Taphonomic Issues

Some evidence, discussed also later in chapter six, points directly to the possible presence of fresh, or relatively fresh, human cadavers within the confines of the burial chamber. Especially the presence of large quantities of remains of several species of flies seem to be quite suggestive in this context. Fly larvae (maggots) feast on the flesh of the recently dead body. This also means that at least some of the individuals were indeed placed in the chamber not long after their deaths, and that the layers of textiles did not serve as an efficient protection. Decomposing bodies also produced decomposition fluids which, just like water later, had no outlet and accumulated in the lower portions of the rocky floor. Over time, water mixing with the remains of the body fluids, as well as with the products of decomposition of dried up corpses, would eventually result in the environment where the organic materials, especially plant- and animal-derived fibers would decay eventually (Janaway 2008). Consequently, almost all remains of the body soft tissue of all buried individuals also decomposed, leaving only, in a few cases, well preserved hair, nails, and sometimes small fragments of dried up skin and muscles preserved on the surface of some bones. This leads to the conclusion that the microenvironment within the chamber, which did not favor mummification, must have affected the whole context over an extended period. At the same time, wooden and reed artefacts survived, in most cases affected, nevertheless, also intact in many cases. Preservation of human remains outside the main chamber Ante-chamber Two skeletons found in the area designated as the ante-chamber were assumed to be remains of guardians watching over the entrance to the main chamber (see discussion in chapters 5 and 6; Figure 10). After their remains were placed in their final location, they underwent a set of mostly diagenetic processes similar to ones which affected the remains of individuals from the main chamber. Since each of them was placed in clearly demarcated and separated areas, there was little disarticulation observed. It also seems to suggest there was little or no exposure to the elements after death. The position of their remains while unearthed, however, clearly pointed to the fact that their bodies were most probably wrapped in textiles (preserved to a very low degree, most probably as it was the case in the main chamber context, due to prolonged decomposition of soft tissues) and placed originally in a seated position, each in a shallow depression in bedrock floor (possibly even cut into the rock). Once buried, they were not disturbed in any way. Reliquaries The remains found in four reliquaries west from the main chamber had gone through a completely different post-depositional series of events prior to their discovery during the excavations. Their secondary nature suggests that the individuals from which they originated were buried elsewhere (Figure 11). At some point certain parts were separated from the rest and transferred to the new funerary context, 53

Wari Women from Huarmey

within the walls of the Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum. As stated above, some of the remains preserved some of the articulations, and their anatomical provenance suggests that at the time of the transfer they might have been mummified parts of the body. Therefore, their biostratinomic history includes an interim burial, allowing people to manipulate and to move the remains, either all or just certain sections. The diagenetic changes started when they were finally placed in the reliquaries. From this point of view, it is interesting that they were not preserved as mummified pieces of body, but as relatively clean bones, just as most of the remains from the chamber and ante-chamber. This may imply that the ultimate factor resulting in a complete (or almost complete) decomposition of the soft tissues (and organic material) had indeed appeared sometime after the final burial, and constituted part of diagenetic history of the context. Destruction layers The osteological material from the destruction layers, from mixed anthropogenic and natural deposits covering large parts of the mausoleum, underwent yet another series of events. The original, initial event of burial was followed by most probably several episodes of exhumations and re-burials associated with grave robbery and other processes taking place over time. This is the only portion of the analysed material that shows a very high level of variation in the state of preservation, from well preserved, mummified elements of corpses, through various stages of skeletonised fragments, to fragmented and well weathered remains showing long-term exposure to elements.

54

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation Discovery of an intact, undisturbed tomb that has remained sealed for a millennium, always brings a unique opportunity to peek into the past and see things almost as they were originally. From the archaeological point of view, it allows the researcher to see artefacts in their actual context, to observe relations between them and their potential owners (or at least those who were given them for their journey to the afterlife). From the bioarchaeological point of view, finding undisturbed skeletons, along with all of the grave goods deposited around them, provides an opportunity to reconstruct not only the basic information on the deceased individuals, members of a past society from long time ago and creators of archaeological culture, but also to reconstruct much of their lives, often individual histories, identities, etc. This is especially important in the Andean region, where the abundance of artefacts is already exceptional, but where, at the same time, many (if not majority) lack the provenance; as such, many studies have to be based purely on artefacts without the knowledge of where and how they were actually found. Castillo de Huarmey stands out as an excellent example of this uniqueness. Not only a part of the high elite Wari mausoleum survived episodes of heavy tomb raiding at the site for the last few decades (which intensified in the 1970s following an earthquake), but it was discovered by archaeological excavation and was properly documented using the latest, state-of-the-art technologies. Demographic analyses Number of individuals buried within the mausoleum walls One of the most important questions arising when a mortuary site is excavated is the number of individuals buried. The most popular method is to estimate the minimum number of individuals (MNI) in the sample. In the case of well-preserved burials, primary ones, often with articulated skeletons, reconstructing the number is very easy, since remains of each and every individual are easy to separate. In the case of commingled remains, as for example in the disturbed layers left by grave robbers, the answer is less simple. In order to reconstruct the MNI in such a case, specific segments of an element of any chosen bone have to be counted. Every fragment must share a unique set of features assuring that two fragments of the same individual are not counted as two separate individuals. All of the fragments sharing the unique characteristic (for example the proximal end of left humerus) are counted. Simply put, and without getting into statisctics, the highest number obtained for a specific fragment is considered to reflect the MNI (Adams and Konigsberg 2004). There is some 55

Wari Women from Huarmey

debate regarding the precision of such an approximation in getting closer to the real number, and other methods have also been proposed to make the number higher (some of them include, for example, paired bone fragments). One such method is, for example, the most likely number of individuals (MLNI), which considers not only a simple counting of the bone fragments, but also accounts for taphonomic biases typical of archaeological sites where commingled remains are often found (Adams and Konigsberg 2004, 2008). In the case of the Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum two methods of approximation of the number of individuals were employed. First, since part of the context was intact and not disturbed, a simple count of the actual number of individuals was possible. The result was as follows (Figure 27): –– in the main burial chamber, where all the skeletons were found mostly articulated, although in different positions caused partially by the funerary behaviour and partially by the taphonomic processes after the burial, and in a varied state of preservation, the actual number of individuals was 64 –– in the eastern part of the mausoleum, in undisturbed layers, the number of individuals was 2 –– in the western part of the mausoleum, undisturbed layers, in four walled depressions (adobe lined rectangular pits) remains of at least five (5) different individuals were identified, placed as secondary, and partially commingled, bone deposits. The other part of the mausoleum sample includes all of the remains found in the disturbed layers above, in all of twenty-one rooms. They were indeed not only commingled, but additionally disturbed and moved around several times during their post-burial taphonomic history. As stated above, only the sample deriving from the layers right above the floors of the mausoleum is included here on the assumption that this part of the destruction debris (and also bones within) most likely come from this area. It must be stated here firmly that there is no direct proof of that fact, only the assumption that while robbing and moving the dirt and debris around, it is more likely that the bones found deeper remained closer to their original context than those from the layers closer to the surface. This assumption does not have to be true however. In any case, there were less than 350 bones (two partially preserved skulls were counted as single units) collected from the lower layers, below the tops of the preserved walls. It is indeed not a great number, even in a simple comparison to the surrounding areas, located outside the perimeter wall. It can be easily explained by the process of plunder again – most of the material could have ended up right outside the dug place, possibly outside the wall of the building. However, since it is not possible to associate that material directly with the mausoleum itself, nor with other funerary constructions outside the perimeter wall, it was not included into this analysis, and will be a subject of a separate one in the future. The MNI obtained from 56

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

the disturbed layers can also be estimated in two ways at least. If each and every room space is treated differently, as a separate unit, the MNI would reach 26. If the fill from all of the mausoleum area, within the perimeter walls and below the height of their preservation, was treated as a single layer, then MNI would drop drastically down to 8. Therefore, the total minimum number of individuals forming the base for further interpretations is 71 plus 26 or 8 from disturbed layers. context

number of individuals type of deposition

main chamber 64 primary reliquaries 5 secondary ante-chamber 2 primary disturbed layers 8 (26)* commingled * depending if treated as one assemblage or if separated between rooms of the mausoleum Figure 27. Minimal Number of Individuals (MNI) within the mausoleum burial contexts.

Analysis of the frequency of the bones from the disturbed layers points also towards a very interesting assumption. In comparison to other areas of the site, the number of the human remains from the layers excavated within the walls of the mausoleum was significantly lower. Additionally, the biggest number of single bones came from the rooms in the east, especially from the room right above the ‘reliquaries’ – over one third of the total number (and the MNI from this single unit was 4). The layers right around the outer walls, covering also other architectural structures of funerary character, contained much higher numbers of human remains, including also fragments of mummified bodies. This information can be interpreted in two different ways. First – the mausoleum building served as a resting place for very few individuals, and functioned instead more as a possible medium of contact between the dead and the living (assuming the possibility of the existence of the ancestor veneration and/or cult). Therefore, the rooms within its walls served more as a storage for funerary goods or offering galleries accompanying the elite deceased than as chambers holding multiple burials. The ‘the high status deceased body/bodies’ could have been placed in the central and biggest room with four niches and a raised platform in the form of a throne (Giersz 2016). This room, unfortunately, was found virtually empty. Only 5 single bones were retrieved from the layers covering the floor and trenches dug by grave robbers. The subterranean burial chamber, holding remains of 64 individuals with the grave goods associated with most of them, along with two single primary burials to the east and four ‘reliquaries’ to the west (all under the floors of the final construction of the mausoleum), was without any access from outside when the mausoleum building was constructed to serve its purpose. As such, the three intact burial contexts are part of the first stage of the mortuary activities on the spot, but clearly remained in direct connection to all that happened there later. The other possible interpretation is as follows – the disturbed layers excavated within the 57

Wari Women from Huarmey

mausoleum perimeter are the result of such heavy looting that most of the bones were simply relocated (as if thrown overhead) and ended up in the surrounding area. Then, the mausoleum would have possibly served as a funerary structure, originally holding multiple burials – just like chullpas in later periods. However, a large collection of animal bones, mainly remains of camelids, but also of more exotic character, such as remains of condor (Vultus gryphus) or remains of marine fauna and avifauna, along with remains of Canidae, Cervidae and more, most possibly of sacrificial character, supports the hypothesis about the ritual- related use and/or storage character of most of the mausoleum’s rooms. The number of camelids alone is estimated as high as over 95% of the whole assemblage (Tomczyk et al. 2017). This evidence supports the first interpretation, especially since remains of the material culture retrieved from the same layers –textile remains, fragments of pottery and particularly very rare Middle Horizon khipu fragments – clearly point towards a special and unique character of the mausoleum (Giersz and Prado 2014, Giersz 2016). Age-at-death assessment Age-at-death is one of the fundamental biological parameters assessed in all bioarchaeological research. Its importance cannot be overestimated, since it is directly associated with a huge number of further interpretations, both archaeological and anthropological, and reconstructions. For example, cultural difference in the treatment of children versus adult, or male versus female members of almost any given society proves the need for this kind of studies. Since the age-at-death assessment also directly influences the possibility of sex assessment, it will be discussed first. The methods developed and employed in bioarchaeology to assess the age-at-death can be described as a set of observations that evaluate physiological changes of certain parts of the skeleton and attempt to define the chronological order of their appearance (Ubelaker 1989). It is necessary to remember, however, that many variables must be considered. The process of growing up can occur at different rates in different populations, and the pace of the appearance of the changes can differ between individuals. Additionally, variables such as environmental influence, nutrition, or genetic factors have to be taken into consideration. The precise age-at-death of an individual is virtually impossible to tell. Without the clear information on the dates of the individual’s birth and death, the age-at-death may only be estimated based on the biological (developmental) changes of the organism. In the case of archaeological remains all there is left from the human body is usually bones and teeth, sometimes some soft tissue. Thus, the age can be estimated from the stage at which the individual’s skeleton is found, and, in the case of fully developed adult individuals, the fact that once fully grown and ossified, the skeleton undergoes

58

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

changes with time leaving degenerative changes. The intra-human variability in this regard is substantial. Therefore, instead of reconstructing the precise number of years an individual lived, bioarchaeologists tend to use ‘age categories’ in their research. To interpret the social status of an individual, however, his/her age is essential information. The process of ageing, although thought to be virtually unaffected by culture (with the exclusion of the so-called activity marks), has a tremendous impact on how a human of a certain age is perceived within a particular society (see Martin et al. 2014, for example). There are at least three different ways to understand the age (age-at-death) and its implications for interpretation thereafter: –– chronological (i.e., how long an individual lived – counted in years for example) –– biological/physiological (i.e., the stage of development followed by degenerative changes of an individual’s organism, in archaeology this is usually skeletal remains –– social (i.e., the position within the age-related social hierarchy which a given individual fitted the best). The most important distinction associated with age, or the most fundamental age categories recognised universally in all human societies, are subadult and adult. A subadult (infant, child or juvenile) is an individual in the process of becoming adult. Adult means generally that the individual has reached his/her ‘final form;’ he/she does not change drastically anymore (the size of the body is established and changes slowly) and can ‘produce offspring’. This recognition is often followed by a less marked, but almost as important, distinction between an adult and ‘advanced adult’ and/or senile. The bioarchaeological subadult age category starts with the intrauterine stage of life followed by the birth, and is limited by becoming adult at some point. This time span can be divided into four sub-categories: –– fetal age (fetus) – the intrauterine stage of life limited by birth (may vary in length, but generally lasts several months); –– infancy (infans I) – starts with birth and lasts until the moment of the eruption of the first permanent tooth – more or less until the seventh year of life; –– childhood (infans II) – covers the whole process of permanent teeth eruption (excluding third molars) –finishes between the twelfth – fourteenth year of life; –– juvenility (iuvenis) – the body develops and changes to reach the ‘final form’ – the ossification process is finalised in the long bones, generally it finishes around the 20th-21st year of life. After that, the individual is considered to be ‘fully’ adult, and the sub-categories within this stage of life have more blurred borders, which reflect the possibility of bioarchaeological recognition of age. Those are as follows: 59

Wari Women from Huarmey

–– adult (adultus) – starting when the juvenile skeleton becomes almost completely ossified, until the 30– 35th year of life –– mature (matures) – until the 50-55th year of life –– senile (senilis) – over the 50-55th year of life. The ‘adult categories’ are often fused together, and the actual analysis and presentation of the osteological material results are usually more detailed in regard to sub-adult categories, while the adult one remains established as ‘adult’, sometimes with refining adjectives as ‘younger’, ‘older’, or ‘advanced’. In this analysis the sub-adult age categories are recognised mainly on the basis of tooth formation and eruption, together with the growth and eventual fusion of skeletal elements (Ubelaker 1989; Scheuer and Black 2000). The age estimation delivered by one of these methods is sometimes also called the ‘skeletal age’ or ‘dental age’, since, although the variation in either skeletal or dental development is considered to be rather minimal, it still exists (in other words two children of the chronological age of five years may show different patterns and stages of skeletal and dental development reflected for example in their body size or number of the teeth present). In the case of most osteological material however, belonging to the adult category, the age-at-death assessment was made on the basis of several methods widely accepted for this type of estimation. Most of the methods implemented in this study were morphological ones, that is based on the observation of morphological changes of several anatomical regions of the human skeleton appearing with time, during the lifespan of any individual. Among them was observation of changes in the morphology of pubic symphysis (Todd 1921; Brooks and Suchey 1990) and auricular surface (Lovejoy et al. 1985, revised by Buckberry and Chamberlain 2002). Additionally, two methods based on observations of certain skull features were applied, namely cranial suture obliteration and dental wear. The first method is based on the assumption that cranial sutures generally close (fuse, obliterate) with increasing age (Todd and Lyon 1924 and their later works; Meindl and Lovejoy 1985), but with the acceptance of considerable variability in closure rates that may reduce the value of that method for age estimation (see: Masset 1989 and Hershkovitz et al. 1997). The other method – observation of dental wear – is often considered most appropriate for the age-at-death assessment (Lovejoy et al. 1985; Mays 2002), but the type of diet (especially the presence of hard particles in it) should be taken into consideration (Smith 1984). The ante mortem tooth loss was also taken into consideration in the age-at-death assessment (cf. Mays 2002), as well as the overall condition of the skeleton. The results were then assigned to the following categories (following revised proposition in Tung 2012: 61): SET SLT YA

subadult/early teenager (up to 15 years old) subadult/late teenager (up to 19-20 years old) young adult (up to 30-35 years old) 60

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

MA OA A

middle adult (up to 45-50 years old) older adults (more than 50 years old) adult (more than 20 years old – if another approximation was not possible)

It is easy to notice that these biological, and, after all, artificially created age categories may correspond to the social perception of an individual. The youngest children are treated differently from the older ones, and the latter ones in a different way from ‘teenagers’ or ‘almost adults’. Thus, it is clear that the biological age determines the social age, and influences purely social phenomena, such as status and hierarchy. Small children, although they may enjoy great attention from their own family, have a relatively low status – they have limited means of communication and must be taken care of. When they grow a little, they can actively participate in social activities – communicate, take care of themselves and of younger siblings for instance – their status drastically changes. The child starts to perform a certain role within society, becomes gradually a member of the ‘adult’ group. The transition between childhood and adulthood is often marked with a special event – the rite of passage (for example, bar mitzwah marks the moment when a child becomes responsible for his/her actions in the eyes of God). Bearing that in mind, we can expect and assume that the stages of biological development, influencing the social age perception, will somehow be also reflected in archaeological material – especially in regard to the funerary behaviour. An individual’s burial is not only an effect of the religious background, but reflects the position of the deceased within the society, in the perception of its hierarchy. Therefore, knowing that children generally had a different status from adults, we should expect some variability between how they were treated after death. This variability should shed some light on the status of children of different ages within the society they came from. The analysed sample proved to be very interesting in this regard. A detailed age-atdeath structure is presented in Figure 28. main burial chamber SET subadult/early teenager SLT subadult/late teenager YA young adult MA middle adult OA older adults A adult

11 2 33 12 2 4

total number =

64

outside main chamber reliquaries 1 1 1 2 5

ante-chamber 1 1 2

Figure 28. Age-at-death structure of the individuals buried within the main mausoleum.

61

total 11 3 35 14 2 6 71

Wari Women from Huarmey

The estimations used above show clearly that the majority of the sample consisted of adult individuals (over 80% of the sample), mainly young adults. This age-at-death distribution does not reflect a typical population. There were no children under the age of about 10 years present in the sample. All eleven individuals included into the category SET (subadult/early teenager) were older, and could have been included in the teenager group. However, the distinction was made to divide the subadult group into those whose teeth were still in process of eruption, and those with the process completed. The second group was called SLT (subadult/late teenager). The most critical differences in regard to age-at-death (concerning also possible social differences discussed before), from the main chamber sample (N=64), which is of most interest, are shown below using percent values: –– 3 % - individuals around 10 years old –– 17 % - individuals aged between 10 and 18 –– 80 % - adult individuals (of which: 45 % young adults – 30 years old or less, and a slightly less than 10% of older adults – aged 50 or more. The commingled material from disturbed layers is not of use in this case. The problem with the age-at-death assessment is a direct result of commingling – single bones are not really useful in this kind of analysis. At present it should be enough to state that the sample retrieved from above the floor of the mausoleum consisted of mainly adult individuals (bones showing finalised growth process), but among them there were also single bones of children. The material not included in the main analysis here showed the presence of all age categories, but was found mainly outside the mausoleum. Sex assessment Sex estimation from skeletal remains is one of the most important analyses performed by the bioarchaeologist in reconstruction of the past societies. It is one of the most important and most profound distinctions existing within virtually all known species reproducing sexually. Since in the case of the human species, unlike many other vertebrate species, there is no single bone that would be present in one sex and not in another, only morphological differences can be assessed for sexual distinction. The female body, besides the obvious morphological differences from the male one, is designed to bear children (Mays and Cox 2000). Therefore, morphology of the pelvis is considered the most reliable indicator used in bioarchaeological analysis, giving an approximately 96% accuracy rate (Meindl et al. 1985). The major morphological differences appear in the pubic bone region (ventral arc, subpubic concavity, the form and length of the inferior pubic ramus, subpubic angle), and morphology related to expanding the pelvic brim and the internal part of the lesser pelvis cavity (especially a greater sciatic notch and obturator foramen form reflecting that expansion). The presence of the preauricular sulcus may also be taken into consideration. The methods to quantify this anatomical region were proposed by Phenice (1969), Buikstra and 62

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

Mielke (1985), and are well summarised in Bass (2005), Ubelaker (1989) or White and Folkens (1991) to name a few. If the pelvis is not available, the shape of the proximal end of femur to some extent reflects its morphology (Albanese et al. 2008). The other region frequently considered in sex assessment is the cranium. Observations show that, on average, female skulls are smaller and less robustly built than those of males. This is well correlated with the development of muscle attachments (not only on the skull, but in general) due to a longer period of growth in puberty and differences in activity (cf. Mays and Cox 2000). In this analysis the features taken into consideration were the general size and architecture of the skull, morphology of the glabella region, supraorbital ridge size, sharpness of the supraorbital margin, the prominence of the mastoid process and region, morphology of the mandible (especially mental protuberance form and gonial morphology angle) as well as nuchal crest and morphology of the posterior end of zygomatic processes (cf. Acsadi and Nemeskeri 1970; Williams and Rogers 2006; summarised in Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). In the case of the human osteological material retrieved from the disturbed layers, where the articulation of bones was rarely preserved (preservation occurred only in the case of partially mummified remains, where the remains of soft tissue held a number of bones still together), other methods had to be applied in order to obtain approximation of the male : female ratio. If the pelvic and/or cranial bones were found, the above-mentioned methods could have been applied, but in other cases the morphology of several other bones was taken into consideration, as well as some selected measurements. Here especially the long bones were analysed. Femur morphology tends to reflect pelvis area morphology to some extent, particularly in the proximal area (Wheatley 2005, Elbuken et al. 2012). Dimensions of the body, directly related to the dimensions of the bones and their anatomical regions, are often taken into consideration (see İşcan 2005 for further reading). In the case of the juvenile (sub-adult) individuals, the problem with assessing the sex of an individual is related to the fact that most of the methods mentioned above are based on and possible to apply only to adult individuals, namely those with the ossification process finalised (see the discussion below). Nevertheless, there were many attempts and many papers published on the possibility of sex determination in individuals who died before reaching adulthood. In the case of older children and juveniles, the ‘adult’ methods are often applied with the restriction that their results may have been biased (Schutkowski 1993 or Wilson et al. 2008). Some studies point out the possibility of using some dental measurements or traits (Molleson 1992, Molleson et al. 1998 or Acharaya and Mainali 2008). However, most of them agree that there is no single widely accepted method to determine sex in juvenile individuals (Mays and Cox 2000). In the case of this research, all sub-adult individuals were designated as ‘unidentified sex’, to avoid a firm statement, although in some cases the expression of certain morphological features provided a hint to determine the sex of the individual. 63

Wari Women from Huarmey

In the case of the sample from Castillo de Huarmey, the sex assessment was performed using eight pelvic features, mainly features of the pubic symphyseal region, along with the shape of greater sciatic notch and the presence of preauricular sulcus, and seven cranial features: glabella region, supraorbital ridges and margin, mental protuberance, nuchal crest (with the occurrence of occipital protuberance), mastoid process and the posterior end of zygomatic process. All of the features, if present, were scored F (female), F? (possible female), I (intermediate), M? (possible male), M (male), and the overall estimation was established on the prevalence of the score. As the core sample consisted of almost entirely preserved skeletons, in virtually all cases it was possible to obtain scores of all the features. Only in the case of poor preservation of examined anatomical regions or relatively young age-at-death of the individual, the exact estimation of sex was not feasible. To avoid possible confusion, the results of this analysis will be presented separately for the two main samples; one from undisturbed contexts and one from disturbed contexts. #individual A B C D 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

sex F F? F F F ? F? F F F? ? ? F? F? F F F ? F F ? F F F F? F F F

age-at-death 66 50-70 13-15 62 55-70 35-40 45 30-60 13-15 25 20-35 40 35-50 35 30-40 20 16-25 13 12-15 9-10 35 30-50 25 20-30 45 35-55 50 45-55 35 30-40 9-10 25 20-30 30 25-35 13 12-15 30 25-35 30 25-40 35 30-40 adult 30? 35 30-40 40 35-45 25 20-40

64

body position seated seated seated seated seated flexed seated flexed seated flexed flexed extended extended seated seated seated seated flexed seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated

face pigment yes yes yes

yes

yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation #individual 25 26 27/34 28 29 30 31 32 33 35 36 37 38 39/40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 XX XY

sex F F? F ? F F F F? F F? F? F F F? F F? F? F F F F ? F ? ? F ? F F? F ? F ? F F F? F M

age-at-death 25 20-30 adult 25 20-30 16-18 16-20 35-45 30-60 25 20-30 30 25-35 25 20-30 45 40-50 25 20-30 adult 45 40-50 45 40-50 20 17-25 25 20-30 25 20-30 25 20-30 35 30-50 30 25-35 35 30-50 40 35-45 14 12 do 15 30 25-35 13-14 13-14 25 20-30 12-15 40 35-50 25 20-35 50 29-80 12-13 50 45-60 15 14-20 35 25-40 25 20-35 adult

body position flexed seated extended extended seated flexed seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated flexed seated seated seated seated seated seated seated extended seated seated seated seated seated seated seated seated flexed seated seated ? seated seated

face pigment yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes

yes yes yes yes yes

yes

yes

Figure 29. Basic information on the individuals found in undisturbed burial contexts of the mausoleum.

Undisturbed burial contexts Out of 71 individuals (66 almost complete articulated skeletons in different states of preservation and five incomplete skeletons, from secondary but intact burials), 55 were identified as female (F) or probably female (F?), 2 were established to be male 65

Wari Women from Huarmey

(M) and 14 remained unidentified either because of the young age-at-death or due to the bad state of preservation (where the features employed for the analysis were not observable). The need to use the term ‘probably female’ was enforced not only due to the difficulties in observation of diagnostic features (in the majority of the cases), but also to the specific morphology present from time to time in some individuals. Some of them presented certain discrepancies between the prominence of the sexrelated features of the pelvis and cranium. Some, especially older individuals, had more masculine or indeterminate stage of the cranial features expression resulting in the word ‘probable’ in the overall estimation. This could have been an effect of the so-called ‘masculinisation of female skulls’ described for example by Weiss (1972) or Walker (1995) on the one hand, or the overall higher degree of robustness of some Andean populations (Piasecki 1999, 1999a). Nevertheless, in all those cases, pelvic features uniformly suggested female sex of individual (Figure 29). Further, considering the clear divisions of the funerary contexts (Figure 27) – the main burial chamber (with its subdivisions), the antechamber and the ‘reliquaries’ – the results are even more interesting. All individuals buried within the confined space of the main burial chamber for whom it was possible to diagnose sex were female (or probable female). Of the 64 individuals, 52 were women (or probably women), and 12 were young individuals whose sex could not be ascertained, or the number of the features possible to diagnose was too low to make the estimation possible. The antechamber held remains of two individuals – one male and one female. The four ‘reliquaries’ held remains of at least five individuals, among them one male, and two of unascertained sex (see Figure 30). It is rather obvious this sex structure does not reflect any normal population. The 55:2 F:M (N=57, fifteen individuals were left out due to the lack of sex diagnosis) ratio is almost as far from normal as it is possible to be. This clearly implies a premeditated selection of the people buried in the main burial chamber during the first stage of the construction of the mausoleum. Moreover, the only two male individuals were buried outside the main chamber – one in the east platform as a guardian, and one in chamber B of the west platform, within reliquaries, so it is clear their importance, and thus their social status, differed from that of the individuals from the main chamber. Disturbed contexts Determining sex structure from the commingled human remains retrieved from the disturbed fills above the floors is rather difficult to interpret. As stated previously, the majority of that material consisted of single bones or bone fragments, without any articulation (except skull fragments and a partially mummified hand), and most of them lacked features that could form the basis for sex determination. Therefore, the results of the analysis of this particular sample should be treated with caution. In the final interpretations, they are to be used as an attempt to understand Wari funerary 66

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

customs at the site more than anything else. At this moment, it is enough to say that among the identified remains there were women (single bones such as pelvis, cranial fragments with sex-related features) as well as men. Should we talk about the demographic profile then? One of the most important results of the analyses showing the age-at-death and sex profiles, as well as analysis of the distribution in the skeletal population from an archaeological site, is the possibility to obtain a solid base for further anthropological studies, on the assumption that the mortuary sample represents a once-living population. In the case of the sample from Castillo de Huarmey however, this part of the analysis is not that simple. Taking into account the results of the sex and age-at-death estimations, we can state that this sample, although well preserved and excavated from an undisturbed mortuary context, does not represent any kind of a normal living population. Just to the contrary, the obtained results clearly point toward an abnormal situation, and hence towards a careful and premeditated selection of the individuals chosen from the population inhabiting the area of the site. The demographic profile of the sample derived from undisturbed contexts is presented in Figure 30.

SET – subadult/early teenager SLT – subadult/late teenager YA – young adult MA – middle adult OA – older adults A – adult total number =

females (F, and F?) 33 13 2 4 54

males (M, and M?) 1 1 2

unidentified 11 2 2 15

total number 11 3 34 13 2 6 71

Figure 30. Demographic profile of the sample from the main mausoleum (age-at-death – mean result obtained, range of variation not taken into consideration).

All individuals with the age-at-death estimated to be lower than 15, are grouped in the category ‘subadult’. That certainly does not necessarily reflect the social perception of that age. Individuals around 10 years old could have still be considered children (or children ‘in transition’ to become young adults), older than ten could have been considered young adults. All of them, if considered female, could have been already perceived as women, especially if were after the menarche. The age at menarche in modern Peruvian populations is around 13.1 (+/- 1.4), and changes in relation to the altitude, but can occur earlier (Gonzales and Ortiz 1994). Considering the same sample, but excluding the individuals considered to be sacrifices – who therefore most probably come originally either from a different social layer or 67

Wari Women from Huarmey

even from an ethnically different population – the age distribution is very similar. From the six sacrificed individuals three were less than 16 years old, and three were young adults, most probably females (the skeletons of all the sacrifices were in a rather poor state of preservation). Taking all the evidence into consideration, it seems safe to assume that all the individuals buried within the main burial chamber were female. This seems to be supported by the fact that the only two individuals diagnosed to be clearly male were buried outside this confined context, but still in direct association with it. There are only two adult individuals whose sex could not be ascertained. Both were in secondary deposits in the west ‘reliquaries’. Reasons for the unnatural demographic profile In light of the evidence presented above, the logical question, therefore, is to ask for the cause of such a skewed demographic profile, as well as for the reasons behind the premeditation choice of the individuals to be buried in this particular funerary context. One very typical reason for death of young women in the past would be death in puerperium, due to the many complications that can occur. But it is difficult to assume that all the young adults and adults buried in the mausoleum died for this reason. This would mean that close to 50 women would die, possibly in a relatively short period of time (see discussion on the time constrains in chapter six), and were buried in a company of a few youngsters and old women, but with no newborn children nor fetuses. This would be not only highly coincidental, but also simply unlikely, especially that there were also individuals who died at an age far too advanced for childbirth, or at an age too young to actually bear children. Another common reason for a skewed demographic profile is a disease causing rapid mortality within a population, usually a disease of epidemic character. This interpretation, however, would fail to explain why only women were affected, or, for that matter, why only women of a particular age. Further, usually a plague causing mass death within a population leaves the survivors with little time to bury their dead, and the graves resulting from such hurried burials tend to include all age categories and both sexes. The last possible explanation is connected with the assumed premeditated character of the sample – if the sample consists of women of a certain age, they could have been grouped together in one burial context for two reasons. First, they died in the population due to different causes, and the tomb was used only for a gender and age specific group, or second, they were collected together and sacrificed to fulfill a certain kind of ritual, which required only women in the role of sacrifice. These explanations, however, imply two completely different chronological scenarios. In the former, the tomb would need to be open for a long time, serving as the burial place for the gender and age specific part of the population long enough to be filled with 68

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

bodies. In the latter, the tomb would have to be open for a very short period of time, serving its ritualistic purpose even for one sacrificial event. This issue, however, will be addressed in more detail in chapter six and seven. Health indicators and dental and skeletal markers of stress The best way to reconstruct a past society’s quality of life is to observe and measure indicators of any disturbance influencing an organism’s homeostasis (cf. Goodman and Armegalos 1988). These disturbances in some instances leave observable traces on the skeletal remains. Among these disturbances we can specify diseases (influencing eventually bone and teeth), undernutrition (nutritional stress), deficiencies of some important elements or vitamins leading to various manifestations in the skeletal system (for instance vitamin D, vitamin C or B12) and any kind of physically induced damage to the bones and/or teeth (injures, trauma, etc.) (cf. Larsen 1997; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994 for observation strategies and scoring). Among the features observed in this research sample, and used later for the reconstruction of life of the people from Castillo de Huarmey, there were: –– body height reconstruction of the individuals recovered from the contexts of the Castillo –– observations of dentition, including observation of the presence (and loss) of teeth, the presence of enamel hypoplasia, caries (and its localisation), the presence of dental calculus, the stage of dental wear as well as the presence of abscess and other dental pathologies and characteristics –– observations of the presence and severity of cranial porosities, especially of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis –– identification of traces of injuries in the form of trauma with their possible origin, and traces of antemortem surgical interventions –– observation of some physical activity markers. Last, but not least, results of biogeochemical analyses are presented. Body height estimations Stature is an indicator of childhood health and nutrition and may be used to reconstruct individual longevity (Gunnell et al. 2001). Additionally, although body height is strongly influenced by environmental conditions, it helps to support interpretations in regard to the nutritional and health status, since factors such as access to different types of food, and subsistence patterns have an impact on the size of skeletal elements, reflecting the quality of an individual’s diet (cf. Martin et al. 2014). Individual differences in stature are determined genetically, but on a population level, as average stature, they reflect predominately environmental conditions, as well as nutrition during the growth and development of the skeleton in childhood 69

Wari Women from Huarmey

and juvenile stages as the most critical period of development (Steckel 2012). Slower growth and lower stature can be attributed therefore not only to deficiency of a certain essential nutrient, but also, on a larger scale, to periods of political unrest and social instability that usually result in difficulties accessing quality food. On the other hand, improvement of the living conditions, and stable and peaceful political and economic situations provide conditions for rapid increases in average stature (Steckel and Rose 2002). Stature may also be viewed as a sensitive measure of social status. Being a member of elites is often associated with easier access to high quality foods and results in increased stature, while members of the lower class performing demanding physical labor leads to constrained growth and decrease in body stature (Steckel 2012). For stature reconstruction, an equation using the length of lower limb bones (femur and/or tibia) proposed by Genoves (1967) was applied, followed by the application of one of the sample-specific Andean female stature estimation equation using the maximum femur and maximum tibia lengths as proposed by Pomeroy and Stock (2012) Other methods of stature estimation used by researchers working in the Andes include those proposed by Trotter (1970) and Fully (1956). They were not used for this analysis because of their limited application to pre-Columbian South American populations, and due to the state of preservation of the material. Apart from that, the method proposed by Genoves (1967) was designed for Mesoamerica, but since it was widely used before the creation of the Andean-specific method, it was applied here as well, also to make a comparison with other results feasible. Castillo de Huarmey sample stature estimation based on Genoves (1967) method delivered the following results: –– based on femur maximum length average stature was 151.3 cm (N=32, 144.0156.2) –– based on tibia maximum length average stature was 151.7 cm (N=28, 145.0156.8). When the Andean-specific method was applied (Pomeroy and Stock 2012), the result was slightly different, with the average stature estimated at 148.2 cm (N=18, 143.2-152.8). Comparison of these results with those published from chronologically and geographically different sites of Peru is difficult due to the different methods used (Figure 31). For example, the results published for Lambayeque sites of pre- and postcontact origin (Jakubowska 2006) stand out substantially and they were estimated based on the Fully method (considered often to be the most precise one). Interestingly enough, although it has lower estimates, the sample from Castillo de Huarmey resembles the Wari related population from the South Central Andes site of 70

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation site or region

time

method used

source

Paloma

PCP

Trotter 1970

Pechenkina et al. 2007

Cardal

IP/EH

Trotter 1970

Pechenkina et al. 2007

Asia Beach Villa Salvador

Tablada de Lurin Huaca Gallinazo Pacatnamu El Brujo Sipan

Chincha

Atacama

San Jose de Moro Huaca Pucllana

Huaca Huallamarca Atacama

Pikillacta Huari

Lambayeque sites Atacama

PCP EIP EIP EIP EIP EIP EIP EIP EIP EIP

Pechenkina et al. 2007

Trotter 1970

Pechenkina et al. 2007

Trotter 1970

Pechenkina et al. 2007

Angel and Cisneros 2004 Dillon 2015 Genoves 1967

Verano 1997a

Genoves 1967

Verano 1997b

Genoves 1967

Verano 1997a

Genoves 1967

Drusini 2016

Genoves 1967

Alves and Costa 1997

Angel and Cisneros 2004 Dillon 2015

EIP/MH Trotter 1970

Pechenkina et al. 2007

EIP/MH Trotter 1970 MH

Genoves 1967

MH

Genoves 1967

MH

Pechenkina et al. 2007 Alves and Costa 1997

Genoves 1967

McEwan 2006 Drusini 2016

MH/LIP Fully 1956

Jakubowska 2006

MH/LIP Genoves 1967

Huarmey

MH

Mórrope

PCon

Huarmey

Trotter 1970

MH

Alves and Costa 1997

mean stature 155,2 153,7 142,7 152,7 153,7 149,6 143,5 144,1 154,1 146,7 154,0 149,7 148,5 152,8 155,3 153,0 145,4 132,0 154,1

Pomeroy and Stock 2012 this work Genoves 1967

this work

148,2

Fully 1956

Jakubowska 2006

134,9

151,7

Figure 31. Female stature estimates from Peruvian archaeological sites (PCP – Pre-ceramic Period; IP – Initial Period, EH – Early Horizon, EIP – Early Intermediate Period, MH – Middle Horizon, LIP – Late Intermediate Period, PCon – post-contact period). Shaded – estimations obtained using the same method.

Pikillacta (although the sample there was very small), as well as EIP and MH samples from the Atacama desert. It also bears some resemblance to the EIP and EIP/MH samples from the northern coast – San Jose de Moro and Sipan. It seems, therefore, that the sample fits into the variability of the body height of the Middle Horizon, displaying some relations with the highlander and elite populations.

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Dental traits Ante-mortem tooth loss and periodontal disease Tooth loss over the lifetime may be caused by many different factors, including trauma and health issues (Waldron 2009). It may also be treated as indirect information on social status, as oral health often is associated with access to food, including access to sugars in the food, as well as the level of overall oral hygiene. The main reason for the tooth loss seems to be, however, periodontal disease (Schammari et al. 2005). In the analysed sample, only six individuals showed clear ante-mortem tooth loss (9%; N=66). Clear in this case means that the sockets in alveolar process showed remodelling and obliteration, or that the alveolar process was completely obliterated. Periodontal changes were also observed. Fifteen individuals, most of them very young, showed no trace of such changes. The remaining individuals showed recession of the alveolar margins and some bone remodelling, most of them on a minor or medium level (no more than 3 mm exposure of the tooth root). Twelve individuals showed a severe condition, where more than 3 mm of the root was exposed, and the alveolar process margin recessed. One individual (Ind. XX) showed a severe condition, where the alveolar process was almost completely resorbed, and the teeth preserved, kept in place, when the individual was still alive, only by the gums and thin bone preserved on the lingual surface of both the maxilla and the mandible (Figure 32). Enamel hypoplasia Disturbances in the formation of enamel are common and can be identified by defects visible on the tooth crown. They may appear as pits, furrows (linear depressions) or large areas of missing enamel. These disturbances can be caused by various factors. Birth trauma, nutritional stress, infections, systemic illness, genetic predisposition

Figure 32. Examples of dentition - Ind. XX (A) and Ind.12 (B) (photo: W. Więckowski).

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have been reported by various authors as potential sources of these defects (see Waldron 2009 for bibliography). Once formed, enamel does not remodel, hence it provides a permanent record of developmental disruption that occurred in early childhood. That record can be quantified regarding its frequency, age of occurrence and duration, providing an opportunity to reconstruct early stages of an individual’s development, and especially to trace systemic stress episodes (King et al. 2005). In the case of the sample from Castillo de Huarmey, the frequency of enamel hypoplasia was highest in the canine tooth. The frequency is listed in Figure 33. tooth location central incisor medial incisor canine first pre-molar second pre-molar first molar second molar

% frequency 34.3% 37.3% 80.6% 41.8% 19.4% 3% 1.5%

Figure 33. Frequency of enamel hypoplasia within the sample - the percentages refer to the frequency among 66 individuals (100%) and to teeth groups, even if the feature was observable on only one tooth from the group in the individual.

It should be noted, however, that in most of the cases only single features, like shallow lines or grooves, and/or pits were present. Only in the case of four individuals were the features scored as severe. In those four cases the most affected teeth were the canine and first pre-molar. The positioning of the features suggests that the stress episode (or prolonged time of stress) occurred between the third and fifth year of life, when the enamel of the canine and first pre-molar tooth formation is still in progress (cf. Ash and Nelson 2009). Caries and dental calculus The dental cavities or caries, and other dental features like the presence of dental calculus and the wear of the occlusal surface of teeth, or even an abscess developing as a result of excessive caries or attrition, are generally linked to the diet of a given human being, and as such their presence may be treated as an indicator of the quality of food, its type and method of processing. Caries is identified by the presence of demineralisation or destruction of the enamel, dentine and ultimately – cementum, caused by the acids produced by bacteria in the dental plaque (Hillson 1996). A diet rich in sugars and carbohydrates is considered to lead to such changes (Lukacs 1989, Hillson 1996). The presence of caries and abscesses may also be linked to processing of consumed food. Maize-derived foods, for example, often adhere to the enamel surface and may lead to the establishment of bacteria-friendly environment resulting in predisposition for developing cavities (Cucina et al. 2011). Dental calculus, on the other hand, is basically calcified plaque, a mineralised biofilm created by a wide range of microscopic organisms, mainly bacteria. These organisms adhere to the 73

Wari Women from Huarmey

tooth surface and produce microbial-derived polymers and extracellular DNA. The mineral content ultimately derives from the calcium phosphate in saliva. The latter explains why calculus develops usually on the surface of the teeth closest to salivary glands (usually lingual surface on the lower incisors and canines, and buccal on the upper molars (Hillson 1996, 2005). Developing calculus entraps and preserves organic content not only from bacteria, but also from dietary and inhaled microdebris, mostly proteins and lipids, but also particles of pollen for example, and may provide insight into an individual’s diet and health (Mackie et al., 2017). The sample from Castillo the Huarmey, including all the individuals with dentition preserved, shows the presence of caries in over 45% individuals (N=64). Observed caries was mostly located on occlusal surfaces of molar teeth, or on their edges (see Figure 32 and Figure 34). Caries located either on buccal or lingual side was much less frequent (7 in total observable on maxillary teeth, and 9 on mandibular ones).

I1 I2 C P1 P2 M1 M2 M3

maxilla L R 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 4 2 9 6 6 8 9 7

mandible L R 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 1 10 11 9 13 9 5

Figure 34. Frequency of caries (N=64).

None of the individuals showed caries in front teeth (incisors and canines). As expected, mandible teeth showed slightly more pathological changes. Severe caries may result in development of periapical abscesses and bone resorption, as well as ante-mortem tooth loss and obliteration of alveolar process (cf. Hillson 2001). Nine individuals showed well developed abscesses. In most instances, it was observable as a perforation in the bone substance close to the apex of a tooth, either of the maxilla or mandible. In two cases the abscess, most probably in combination with periodontal disease, caused substantial bone loss, as a result of which teeth were preserved but without their sockets. Dental calculus was found in 26 individuals. The level of its development varied, but was mostly minor and moderate accumulation (according to a four-level scale based on Buikstra and Ubelaker 1997, where 0 = no calculus observable, and 3 = severe form of calculus accumulation). The calculus deposition was scored as severe only in the case of two individuals, (Ind. 29 – on lower incisors, and Ind. C – on the upper first molar). In these two cases, the accumulation was localised typically, close to sublingual and parotid glands outlets, and the accumulation was subgingival, around the necks of teeth, and was clearly associated with periodontitis. 74

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

Minor and moderate accumulation of dental calculus gives indirect information about the diet of the deceased. It contained a lot of starchy food, facilitating dental plaque formation and calcification. Low levels of accumulation, especially in older individuals, may reflect better oral hygiene. Dental wear Dental wear, or dental attrition – the cumulative loss of enamel and dentine visible as reduction of occlusal dental surfaces – can also be related to diet; coarser foods, or food containing or mixed with hard particles, whether intentionally or not (for example from the use of stone grinders) cause more substantial wear (Forshaw 2014). Only preliminary observations were performed in the sample. The level of wear was scored according to a modified scale published by (simplified Brothwell 1981), where 1 = slightly worn cusps, 2 = cusps worn, 3 = crown worn with dentine exposure. The results are presented below in histograms (Figure 35). The histograms present only frequencies of each level of wear on every tooth (from the left and right side) in the whole sample (including young individuals), without the frequency of teeth without visible wear. The total number of individuals taken into consideration was N=62 (Ind. 5 and Ind. 62 were not taken into consideration, since no teeth, nor maxilla or mandible alveolar processes associated with them were identified). Even such a preliminary analysis indicated a few interesting directions for further study. The tooth wear pattern in the sample generally follows the regular one, where the most worn teeth are those erupting first (and thus being in ‘use’ for the longest period of time), and those used for grinding food – mainly molar teeth (M1 – first permanent tooth in the set, and M2, less frequently M3 – erupting last) and, to some extent, premolar ones. An interesting deviation from this pattern has been observed: it seems the upper teeth in the sample are slightly more worn than the lower ones (but this may be the result of comparison between frequencies only), and in a few cases upper medial incisors (I1) are much more worn than among other individuals. The age-at-death cannot explain this situation. One of these individuals was identified as a sacrifice (Ind. 9), and in this particular case the higher level of wear might be explained by differences in the diet in general, especially that the higher level of wear also applies to other teeth, both maxillary and mandibular. The remaining individuals, however, were identified as members of the higher elite. Thus, the difference in tooth wear levels in their cases would either reflect dietary differences, or possibly might occur due to other activities involving the use of the front teeth. Their use in the textile production process (either spinning or weaving) may be a potential factor. In the case of the rest of the sample, tooth wear seems to be consistent with the age-atdeath and with the presumed access to good quality and well-prepared food. More research is necessary, however, to address the actual significance of the tooth wear levels.

75

Wari Women from Huarmey

Figure 35. Frequencies of teeth showing different levels of wear (1, 2, 3 – stages of tooth wear; in parenthesis – number of individuals with given teeth observed).

76

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

Dental microwear analysis The wear of dental enamel may also be analysed on a microscopic level to infer diets of ancient societies. This analysis was successfully applied to the reconstruction of the diet of primates and early hominids (Grine et al. 2012; King et al. 1999), recent humans (Organ et al. 2005; Danielson and Reinhard 1998) from different regions of the world such as South Africa (Scott et al. 2005; Puech 1984), Near East (Mahoney 2006, 2007; Sołtysiak 2011), South Europe (King et al. 1999; Puech 1981) and North America (Schmidt 2001; Ungar and Spencer 1999). Dental microwear analysis examines microscopic linear and non-linear features present on the surface of tooth enamel, created by hard abrasive particles from food, and by the tooth-on-tooth contact during mastication. When particles are pressed against or driven into the enamel surface, dental pits develop, whereas during chewing the particles are spread and dragged between two teeth surfaces forming linear features in form of scratches. The variation in their size, morphology, orientation and frequency is directly derived from the type location

individual

context

M2 side

sex

type of deposition

Unit 8

XX XY B 11 15 17 20 21 22 33 39/40 42 43 46 49 51 55 57 58 28 50 ENT. 5 CF2 CF3/I-1 CF3/I-2

ante-chamber

L R R R L L L L L L L L L L L L L R L L L n.i. R R L

F M F? F F ? F F? F F F? F? F? F F ? F? ? F ? ? M M? M F

primary, tomb guard

Unit 10 Unit 2 Unit 6

main chamber

EH cemetery another elite mausoleum chamber on slope

primary, high elite primary, middle elite (?)

primary, sacrificed individual primary, single grave primary, under floor primary, middle elite

Figure 36. Individuals included in the microware analysis (after Juszczyk 2017).

77

Wari Women from Huarmey

of food and its processing (Mahoney 2005). In the populations where maize is the basis for the diet, the wear levels tend to be higher due to its processing – the use of stone tools to grind, smash and crush the grain before preparing it for food (Teaford and Lytle 1996). The most damaging particles in human food (besides abrasive particles from stone tools or environmentally induced ones) are phytolits in cereals, such as opal phytolits, along with calcium-oxalate phytolits, stored usually by plants in their leaves, stem and blossoms (Mahoney 2007; Gügel et al. 2001). At Castillo de Huarmey, the analysis was performed by Juszczyk (2017) as her MA thesis project. There were 25 individuals sampled for this analysis, consisting of 24 individuals dated to the Middle Horizon and one to the Early Horizon (Figure 36). The Middle Horizon sub-sample consisted of 21 teeth extracted from individuals found in the main mausoleum and its antechamber, representing elite members, presumed human sacrifices and tomb guardians (excavation unit 8), one from the mausoleum dug in 2010 (unit 2), and two from another undisturbed context – the burial chamber from the slope of the Castillo (unit 6). The latter two contexts were associated with high social status individuals, yet clearly lower than those from the main mausoleum. The main research question was whether there was any difference in the microwear patterns observed in different chronological, cultural, and social status related subsamples which could have translated into the difference in the quality of food and/or the way of its processing. The second mandibular tooth was chosen from each one, and the main criterion was the preservation of untouched protoconid cusp’s facet x (following Krueger et al. 2008), and good visibility of the microwear features under SEM (scanning electron microscope). The features taken into consideration included pits, punctures, striae and scratches. Each tooth was reproduced in form of a silicone negative and resin positive cast in order to be processed in Poland at the Electronic and Confocal Microscopy Laboratory of the Faculty of Biology at the University of Warsaw. All the analyses were performed by Karolina Juszczyk, with the help of Julita Nowakowska and Rafał Fetner. The whole process and methodology are described by Juszczyk (2017) in her unpublished MA thesis, and the results were quite intriguing. Namely, the main, rather unexpected, result was that individuals with different social status or individuals from different chronological periods exhibit similar, if not the same, dental microwear pattern. Hence, they had possibly comparable access to similar food resources and similar food preparation techniques (at least a few days prior to their deaths). This means that the basic diet, type of food and the manner of its processing were indistinguishable between different social groups (as well as between genders and ages). One of the individuals found outside the main burial chamber of the mausoleum, a male guardian (Ind. XY), had a higher frequency of striae features, which may indicate the lack of coarse grained phytoliths in the diet prior to his death. This may suggest that the diet of the lower social class still had to differ from that of elites in 78

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

certain ways. The small and rather homogenous sample precluded delivery of more precise and detailed results. Since there is no literature on microwear analysis results from South America (the work of Juszczyk was pioneering in this kind of approach to dietary reconstructions), the lack of comparative material makes it impossible to draw additional conclusions. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis Porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia are among the most frequently reported pathological conditions observed and identified in archaeological collections of human skeletal remains. Their observation and identification are relatively easy since both leave traces in the form of pitting and porosity, being remains of usually healed lesions on the external surface of the cranial vault in the case of porotic hyperostosis, or on the surface of the orbital roofs in the case of cribra orbitalia. These lesions are the result of the expansion of diploe of the skull responding to marrow hypertrophy caused by pathological processes of different etiologies (Ortner 2003, Walker et al. 2009 –more detailed literature therein). Among the causes of both conditions the iron-deficiency anemia is the most popular one cited in literature, although other explanations have also been proposed (Waldron 2009). More recent research points generally towards other explanations – hemolytic anemia and megaloblastic anemia. An especially appealing explanation for the common occurrence of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia in many archaeological populations of the New World is their etiology as a nutritional megaloblastic anemia resulting in marrow hypertrophy caused by vitamin B12 and B9 deficiency. The primary source of cobalamin (vit. B12) is meat, while o folic acid (vit. B9) derives from green leafy vegetables, fruits (and juices), nuts, poultry and meat, as well as seafood and some beers. While the sources for B9 would be plentiful in an agriculture-based plant-growing society, the B12 source – access to meat – could have been limited. Additionally, deficiency of B12 coexists with deficiencies of iron and other nutrients being obtained from animal-derived foods (Stabler and Allen 2004). Gastrointestinal parasite infections also cause a decrease in B12 levels in the organism. Malabsorption and chronic diarrhea, often associated with unsanitary living conditions, times of war, famine, combined with low B12 intake lead to severe megaloblastic anemia (Walker et al. 2009). Cribra orbitalia was often considered as differently localised phenomena of the same etiology as porotic hyperostosis since they have similar appearance and often occur simultaneously in the same individual. It was also thought to be a result of marrow hypertrophy (Walker et al. 2009). Nevertheless, clinical evidence, well based in bioarchaeological literature, seems to rule out this hypothesis (Hershkovitz et al. 1997). Histological studies, however, show that cribra orbitalia lesions can be induced not only by marrow hypertrophy, but also by subperiosteal inflammation and pathological processes associated with scurvy (deficiency of vit. C), rickets, hemangiomas and traumatic injuries. Additionally, clinical research proved that orbital roof hematomas 79

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are more frequent in childhood, explaining prevalence of cribra orbitalia, especially in an ‘active’ appearance, in children’s skulls (Walker et al. 2009). In the Castillo de Huarmey sample, both pathological conditions were observed and scored. In the case of the cranial vault single features, traces of lesions, in form of pits, were present in 27 out of 56 individuals available for observation (close to 48%), while in the case of orbital roof they were present in 17 out of 46 (36%). The number of features identified as well healed lesions left by porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia was lower. Five individuals (almost 9%) showed traces of porotic hyperostosis, mainly on parietal and occipital bones, close to the sutures and lambda. Eight individuals (17%) showed lesions associated with cribra orbitalia. Generally, the percentage of both conditions falls within the range published by Tung (2012) for the southern part of the Wari and Tiwanaku area. However, most, if not all, of the observed lesions were single, well healed, visible in pitting. As far as the age-at-death of the individuals is considered, the presence of cribra orbitalia was prevalent in young individuals: SET subadult/early teenager (observable N=6, present in 3 – 50%, but also well healed lesions) SLT subadult/later teenager (observable N=2, present in 1 – 50%, well healed lesions) YA young adults (observable N=25, present in 9 – 36%, well healed lesions). In older individuals, some remains of well healed lesions on the orbital roof were present only in very few cases. Only one adult individual had visible groups of healed lesions in both orbit roofs. In the case of porotic hyperostosis, the lesions were observable mainly in young and middle adults (YA=2, N=28 and MA=3, N=11). They were well healed as well, and present in the form of small groups of pits. If the assumed sacrificed individuals are considered separately, the occurrence of cribra orbitalia was higher. Out of five individuals with preserved orbital roofs, three showed moderate, healed lesions (60%). The porotic hyperostosis was not observable in these individuals, only single pits were present. In the case of guardians, only one individual, an adult woman, showed signs of porotic hyperostosis (but see the discussion later). Taking into consideration the possible factors causing cranial porosities, such as megaloblastic anemia acquired by decreased levels of B12, unsanitary living conditions, nutritional losses from gastrointestinal parasital infections for porotic hyperostosis, subperiosteal inflammation of different origin or vitamin C deficiency for cribra orbitalia, it appears that the women of Castillo de Huarmey were apparently born 80

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and raised in relatively good conditions and received sufficient nutrition containing accurate levels of vitamins and other nutrients. The relatively low occurrence levels of both pathological conditions, the fact that the observed lesions were well healed and not very pronounced, indicate that they had access to high-quality food resources, both vegetal and animal, and had passed their childhood without prolonged periods of limited food access or starvation. Their living conditions were also relatively good in comparison to others. Although the sample is too small to see the actual difference, it also seems that the individuals chosen to be sacrificed in the funerary event were indeed of a different social class since the frequency of cribra orbitalia is higher than among the main group. However, that observation may be biased by the young age of all sacrificed individuals. Ante mortem injuries and trauma Observation and analyses of traces left on bones by injuries and traumas, either induced intentionally because of violence of different origin, or unintentionally because of an accident or pathological process, accumulated by a person over their lifespan (showing the healing process), gives bioarchaeology direct insight into an individual’s personal history. On the population level, the frequency of trauma, its position and severity, can bear information on lifestyles, harshness of existence, interpersonal relations (household violence versus warfare). Sometimes an injury or trauma could have been the cause of an individual’s death. Then its location, as Tung (2012) successfully showed, can help to distinguish between the victim and the assailant. On a larger scale, this can also be interpreted in a sociological or cultural way; high rates of trauma associated with conflict, either in a subordinated group or/and one inducing the subordination, may be used to understand the expanse of power of one human group over others. For example, Tung (2012) used frequency and location of injuries from Middle Horizon populations inhabiting the central and southern Andes to show convincingly the extent and the way of imperial expansion of the Wari state. The sample from the burial chamber of the Imperial Mausoleum is very interesting from the point of view of presence and frequency of ante mortem trauma, especially considering the results obtained for the South Andes by Tung (2012). There were only three individuals with well-healed bone trauma observable, forming only 4.7% of the total, N=64. Additional traumas, but also well-healed, were observable in the remains of one of the guardians, the male one (if he is included, there were four individuals showing trauma – 6%, N=66). The location of the injuries often resulting in bone fractures was also quite interesting:

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–– Ind. C – a well healed fracture on the distal portion of the shaft of the left ulna, compression fracture of the L5 body; –– Ind. 37 – a well healed fracture located laterally from the tubercule of the left seventh rib shaft; –– Ind. 44 – severe, but healed trauma of the right lower extremity joints (especially hip joint and ankle), lumbar vertebrae compression, along with healed fractures on the sternum and traces of changes on cervical and thoracic vertebrae. In addition, the male guardian (Ind. XY): –– Ind. XY – a well-healed wound on the frontal bone, fractures on the pubic bone. Almost all the above traumas, except for that from the male individual, could be interpreted as results of some accidents rather than violence, especially violence from warfare. The healed wound on the distal portion of the left ulna could be a result of a parry fracture, often related to a defensive position, protecting the head while being attacked (Ortner and Putschar 1981). It can also be a result of a fall, when ulna receives all the impact (Lovell 1997). Considering there was no other visible trauma on the skeleton, it is difficult to judge what the actual cause of the injury was. The same ambiguity can be applied to the rib fracture – the injury is visible on only one, on the back of the trunk. It could have been either a result of a blow, a hit, or even a fall related impact. Ind. 44 skeleton preserved a series of healed injuries (Figure 37): –– fracture in the manubriosternal joint, with a compression of the articulation surface –– fractures on the vertebral bodies of several thoracic and lumbar vertebrae –– extensive fractures of the area of acetabulum of the right pelvic bone, with dislocation and extensive remodelling –– extensive fractures of the proximal end of the right femur, area of the neck and especially damage, followed by the process of healing, and remodelling of the femoral head –– a compression fracture of the right calcaneus –– a compression fracture of the right talus. All the traumas mentioned above were associated with other changes of a pathological nature, such as an increased level of arthritis in the joints of the right side of the body, chipped enamel on two molar teeth, and a change of symmetry of the pelvis due to the extensive remodelling of the right side. The location of the injuries, severity of the damage to the right hip joint, and fractures in the ankle resulting, after healing, in dislocation of the whole foot, suggest that this injury was caused by a fall, or a jump from heights. Ind. 44, while walking on some 82

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Figure 37A-D. Examples of trauma observable on Ind. 44 (photo: W. Więckowski).

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heights (around Castillo there are many hills with abrupt edges and relatively high declines), lost balance and started to fall. She had enough time to jump, but while landing, all the weight of the body, as well as the impact force, was received by the right leg, damaging the ankle and hip joint, and leaving traces of the impact force on other regions of the skeleton. After the injury, this woman was taken care of, and eventually underwent a full healing process, retaining the ability to walk, however, most probably with a lot of associated pain. Another possible trauma within the sample was observed on Ind. 48. Since its etiology is ambiguous, this example was not included in the statistics regarding bone injuries. Ind. 48’s left femur shaft structure was expanded medially in the proximal half of the bone. The expansion begins below the trochanters, and disappears around the mid-length of the bone. On the top of this ‘swelling’, almost posteriorly on the bone, is some vascularisation was present, as well as a single opening resembling a cloaca. Around the thickest portion of the swelling an edge with impressions of blood vessels is visible. The ‘swelling’ – new bone formation – could have been a result of osteomyelitis, but the presence of the edge may also suggest the presence of a healed greenstick fracture, which might be the cause for bone remodelling and marrow inflammation. The location of the greenstick fracture can be explained either by an accidental fall, with the lateral side of the upper leg receiving the impact and causing the fracture, or as a result of a side blow. The male guardian, Ind. XY, had a well-healed injury on the left side of the frontal bone, close to the coronal suture. The frontal lobe, and the parts of both parietals show some bone remodelling, associated most probably with post-injury inflammation and/or subsequent porotic hyperostosis (Figure 38). Another, also very well-healed trauma, were fractures of the left pubic bone superior ramus right in front of the acetabulum, and one on the inferior ramus, right in the region of connection with ischium ramus. These two traumas could eventually have happened at the time of a violent event this male went through earlier in life. The head wounds, especially on the frontal bone, are often associated with violence, or war-related events, and rather rarely with accidents. They are usually an effect of interpersonal, direct violent act, where the attacker hits the attacked. Such acts can be interpreted as a part of interpersonal violence within the family, but much often are associated with violence in warfare (Walker 2001, Tung 2012). The injury visible on the forehead of Ind. XY is located on the left side, implicating that the blow was from the left as well. Usually, the majority of the population is righthanded, so the blow would be delivered from the left to the attacked head, but there is a possibility it was applied in another way. The injury was not very deep, and eventually healed, leaving the edge of the bone fracture visible only in a small portion. There was apparently a problem with this healing process however; some inflammation caused porotic hyperostosis reaction and eventually remodelling of a large part of the frontal lobe and anterior parts of both parietals, close to bregma. The hyperostosis lesions healed as well, leaving the uneven surface of remodelled bone. 84

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Figure 38. Traumas observable on the skull of Ind. XY (photo: W. Więckowski).

The reason for the second injury visible on Ind. XY’s skeleton is not easy to deduce. It is a healed fracture of both rami of the left pubic bone. Both fractures were not obvious, since the healing left almost no traces but the change of geometry and ossified ligaments. The cause of such fractures on the pubic bone is not clear. It might have been caused by an accident, such as a fall, but a more likely reason of its appearance would be the same event as the blow to the head described above. The stage of the healing of both might suggest they happened on the same occasion. Apart from that, if we assume that the blow was inflicted during an interpersonal act of violence, we can also go further in the interpretation, that the assailant kicked the victim (Ind. XY) in the groin, causing the fracture of the left pubic bone. This type of injury can be painful and dangerous. The injury was severe enough to leave marks on the structure of the pelvis. There were some changes in its geometry visible, since the left side was partially damaged. Eventually, during the healing process, the public bone rami fused. More stability to the whole structure of os coxae was provided by ossification of the pubic ligament, forming enthesophyte in the region of the pubic symphysis, causing its partial fusion in response to the changed geometry. For at least some time Ind. XY had a limp in the left leg.

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Ante mortem surgical interventions Evidence of surgical interventions leaving marks on bones is quite abundant in archaeological material all over the world and is present also in the Andes. That body of evidence includes certain types of treatment that are relatively easy to identify and interpret as medical in nature (i.e. aimed to heal) thanks to many examples of healed bone structure that indicate, without any doubt, that the ‘patient’ survived the ‘operation’. Among such evidence there are: trephination of the skull (Jørgensen, 1988; Verano, 1997; Gross, 1999, Marino and Gonzales-Portillo, 2000; Andrushko and Verano, 2008; Kurin, 2013), and all possible interventions (some related to surgery) leading to the healing of a broken bone (Dobanovački et al., 2012, Tung, 2007, 2012). More ambiguous evidence of surgical intervention, quite frequently reported in bioarchaeological reports, is the evidence for amputation (Friedmann, 1972; Kirkup, 2007). Ambiguity does not concern the existence of the intervention itself, as it is surgical by its nature, but rather the fact it may be mistaken for non-union fractures (especially in commingled material). Yet another problem is the interpretation – was the amputation a result of medical treatment or war/violence-related activity? Was it a result of culturally motivated removal of a part of an individual’s body as a punishment for socially unacceptable behaviour or perhaps a result of a particular ritual? From the point of view of the evidence provided by skeletal remains, the effect is the same. There were two examples of ante mortem surgical interventions in the sample from the Castillo. Both were designated as guardians because of their location under the floor of the antechamber, and in the vicinity of pottery vessel offerings (Figure 10; Figure 50). The remains of both were in a very good state of preservation with almost all bones found intact, and in both skeletons, the foot bones of the left leg were absent (Figure 39). In the case of Ind. XY the distal end of tibia and fibula were damaged at the time of excavation due to the fragility of the bone and exposure to elements, and no traces of foot bones were ever identified. The breakage revealed clear asymmetry in weight, robustness and cortex thickness between left and right lower leg bones. The left tibia and, as proved by the radiograph, the fibula as well, had thinned cortical bone, indicating clearly the difference in weight bearing between the two legs. Regarding the other individual, Ind. XX, the distal ends of both tibia and fibula were very well preserved, showing a non-functional joint surface filled with irregular growths of the dense bone. The articular surface of the tibio-talar joint area showed proliferative bony reaction, well-organised and remodelled, with sclerotic reaction and signs of higher vascularisation. There were no traces of cortex perforation, therefore there were no signa of active osteomyelitis. The articular surface on the distal inferior end of the fibula also showed remodelling. The radiograph showed the thinning of the cortical bone of the left leg bones, leading to the same interpretation as in the case of Ind. XY (Figure 40). 86

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Figure 39. Amputations observable on Ind. XX and Ind. XY (photo: M. Giersz).

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Figure 40. RTG of Ind. XX and Ind. XY tibiae showing thinning of cortical bone (photo: M. Bogacki).

In both Ind. XY and Ind. XX, the knee and hip joints appear normal, with a slight asymmetry in robustness and development of muscle attachments. Both individuals also display incipient degenerative changes, with some marginal lipping on articular surfaces of the upper limb bones, especially around the elbows and wrists. The asymmetry in robustness of the lower leg bones and the lack of clear indicators of inflammation or infection on the metaphysis and diaphysis lead to interesting observations concerning the loss of the foot. Congenital absence is possible, though unlikely. The thinning of the cortical bone (Figure 40) indicates clearly that the leg lost most of its functional supportive and weight-bearing function a long time prior to each individual’s death. However, some weight had to be transferred over that time through the leg with the amputated foot, since both malleoli preserved on the distal end of Ind. XX’s leg are visibly turned inwards. Another possibility, which seems much more likely, is an intentional removal – amputation of the foot through disarticulation of the ankle joint. The remodelled surface of the ankle joint is a consequence of healing, clearly indicating that the individual not only survived the surgical intervention, but also lived a long time after it. There is almost no skeletal evidence for foot amputation from Andean cultures. The only analogies to the finds from Castillo de Huarmey, in terms of both geographical and 88

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chronological distance, come from the world of the Moche. Reports on amputations known from the north coast of Peru were published at the beginning of the twentieth century (Velez-Lopez, 1914), and were the subject of research more recently as well (Verano et al., 2000). There are a number of similarities between the instances known from the Moche and those from Castillo de Huarmey, but there are also certain major differences. In both cases, amputations were performed by disarticulation of the ankle joint, with a similar bone reaction, and considerably preceded the time of death of the individuals. However, Verano states that, for example, in both skeletons known from El Brujo, the cortical layer of the lower leg bones was preserved at an almost normal rate, without a visible asymmetry between the right and left limb, as opposed to both cases from Castillo de Huarmey described here. He explains this phenomenon by the possibility of the use of prostheses and therefore continuation in the supportive and weightbearing functions of the leg after the amputation. Foot amputation and the use of prostheses are quite well attested in Moche iconography. Moreover, representations of footless individuals often have such details as a groove or depression across the stump left after the foot removal, indicating possibly both malleoli preserved in the original position, hence strengthening the hypothesis that ankle disarticulation was the main type of foot amputation (Verano et al., 2000). The prostheses are depicted in the iconography in the form of cup-like objects placed over the end of the stump. There are many representations of such objects in both ceramic figurative vessels and painted decorations, although there are only two actual archaeological proofs of their existence. One was described by Velez-Lopez in 1914. The other is quite recent and comes from the burial excavated at Uhle’s Platform in the Moche valley (Chauchat et al., 2009). Analysis of Moche art also brings some support for the hypothesis on the punitive nature of amputations. Many of the representations of the individuals with a missing foot also show mutilation of other parts of the body, although the possibility that those individuals suffered from some disease causing the amputation cannot be completely overruled (Verano et al., 2000). There is no such iconography known from the Wari world, no mutilated bodies (except cabezas trofeo) or any evidence for the use of prosthesis or crutches. As it was already stated, both individuals survived the surgery and lived for years after it. The reason for the surgery remains mysterious, and the explanations may involve the appearance of three completely different scenarios: –– both individuals at some point suffered from some kind of damage to the left foot, resulting in infection and inflammation. The cause for the foot damage could be any – a result of a fight, violence, or accident, not to mention a disease like leishmaniosis. That damage could lead to the amputation to help to save the life at the expense of the limb; 89

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–– amputation could have been used as a form of punishment for culturally and socially unaccepted behaviour (Friedmann, 1972; Mavroforou et al., 2014). Lastres (1943) describes different types of mutilations possible to identify on ancient Peruvian pottery (mainly of Moche origin) and suggests that amputations of lips, noses or legs were clearly results of punishment. He also states that because many iconographic representations repeat the same theme, they must transfer the same meaning - many representations depict individuals with the lower third of the left leg amputated, which he considers to be clearly a punitive mutilation; –– the reason for mutilation or amputation of the left foot could be of a more ritually-related. It was reported, for example, that the remains of individuals interpreted as ‘guardians’ excavated within the context of the Lord of Sipán were found with their left foot bones absent, possibly amputated (Verano, 1997a). Physical activity Physical activity, as understood in bioarchaeology, is the culturally-based (or culturally-derived) movement of the human body, which has a potential effect on the musculoskeletal system, and therefore also a potential to leave recognizable traces on the hard tissue (e.g., change in geometry, more developed muscle attachments, additional joint surfaces, etc.). It must be remembered, however, that not every activity affects the musculoskeletal system or is related to work, or occupation. The term also encompasses activities which may nowadays be called leisure-time exercises (for example sports), or the activity that does not require any kind of movement, such as body-positioning (especially during other long lasting activities), since this may influence bone shape, and even bone formation (see for instance Gates et al. 2017, Jurmain et al. 2012, Larson 2002). In the case of archaeological remains one must remember that the bone responds to any movement, or lack of movement, in a predictable way. The movement must be repetitive, strenuous and last enough time to produce reaction, hence long-lasting activity like producing certain goods, which implies long hours of repetitive movements, leaves a potentially more specific set of features; such movements engage the same parts of the musculoskeletal system over and over, leading eventually to their remodelling. If the bone reaction is the only source for the interpretation of the activity, one must remember that it does not necessarily reflect the actual profession or occupation, but rather is a result of a variety of practices performed during the life span of an individual (Pearson and Liberman 2004). To strengthen the reconstruction of activity the analysis of material culture remains also must be taken into consideration. In the case of Castillo de Huarmey, the actual daily activities of the women buried under the floors of the mausoleum may be deduced on the basis of the character of abundant grave goods. Over 350 spindle whorls (piruros), hundreds of spindles (husos) 90

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Figure 41. Examples of spinning utensils (spindles and spindle-whorls) in situ (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

and needles, dozens of loom elements and associated implements such as spades or shed sticks, as well as remains of balls and skeins of wool and cotton yarn leave little doubt on that matter. Some of the tools were made of rare materials, metals – including gold and silver, all displayed a very high quality finish (Figure 41). Thus, it may be firmly stated that the majority of the women, if not all, were skilled spinners, producing threads and yarn, and weavers, producing textiles. If the women of Huarmey were engaged in the textile production, spinning and weaving alike, as suggested by the archaeological data, they would have to show traces of intensive use of their upper limbs, since that part, along with the upper body, is the most active during both processes. Spinning predominately engages the arms, especially the lower arm, wrist and fingers of the dominating limb, usually the right one. Weaving cloth, however, usually involves both arms, since the use of the loom requires bilateral actions. The backstrap loom, frequently used in the Andes, also engages the torso of the weaver, since it acts as a counterweight to the textile and the loom attached on the other end to a stable support. Taking that into account, and not forgetting about many other activities those women could, and surely did, perform during their lives, one could expect certain features – activity marks observable in the upper arm bones and torso. Bearing in mind the high social status of the deceased women from the Castillo, however, most of the domestic, hard-work related activities, 91

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such as grinding, would probably not influence their skeletons, since it would be performed by the members of other, lower social groups. Particular actions performed in the course of textile production would therefore leave the most pronounced marks on the bones. These would be stronger muscle attachments observable on the arm and hand bones, and possibly an increased level of osteoarthritic changes in the joints of the upper limb. As these activities, especially weaving, may enforce a seated or squatting position in order to balance the textile on the loom (in the case of the backstrap one) or a squatting position (when a horizontal fixed loom is in use), also traces of specific leg and foot positioning, namely a squatting facet on the distal end of tibia, would be expected (see Molleson 1994 for an interesting approach and interpretation). The musculoskeletal stress markers analysis examines the response of bones to usually tensile pull of muscles and tendons, especially in the areas of their attachments, and the structure of the bone itself. Bone reaction is usually hypertrophic (development of muscle/tendon attachments) or, just the reverse, osteolytic nature (a result of stress lesions), depending on the causative action (see Hawkey 1998, or Toyne 2002). Preliminary observations of muscle attachments and osteoarthritic changes suggest that whatever activity the women were engaged in during their life spans, it did affect mostly the upper part of their bodies – arms and the axial skeleton. In most instances the attachments of muscles on humeri and forearm bones were relatively pronounced, although enthesophytes were observable very rarely. Most of the noted osteoarthritic changes were not very prominent, and were restricted mostly to the major arm joints (elbow and wrist) and the vertebral ones, especially in the lumbar and thoracic portions of the spine. One of the anatomical features often associated with physical activity is septal aperture – a perforation in the bony lamina that normally separates the olecranon from coronoid fossae of the distal part of humerus. A great deal of research suggests that this perforation appears as a result of impingement on the humeral septum by olecranon and coronoid processes of ulna during physical activity, when a wider range of extension and flexion of the elbow joint or the joint hypermobility is necessary (Mays 2008). However, there are also studies questioning the connection between the activity and the presence of the aperture, showing that in some populations a stronger build of arm bones seems to prevent the aperture from forming, and that the connection between other changes observed in the skeletons, like osteoarthritis (also often assumed to reflect physical activity to some extent) is far from clear (Myszka 2014; Myszka and Trzciński 2015). Among the women of Castillo, 56 individuals had the distal ends of both humeri, and additional two, one right and one left, preserved. The septal aperture was observed in 24 individuals, constituting over 41% of the sample. In the case of 12 individuals the subtrochlear foramen was present bilaterally, in eight cases it was present only in the 92

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right humerus, and in two cases only in the left one. In two individuals only one distal area of humerus was available for observation, and in one case it was the left humerus, in the other the right one, both with the aperture present. These simple statistics may imply that among the activities performed by the women from the imperial mausoleum was one engaging the elbow joint in a rather strenuous action, in which intensive bending and flexing movements, especially extensions, could have played an important role. Such movements may easily be associated with weaving, especially when the weft is propelled across the loom and warp threads by hand. Another activity mark which is easy to observe is associated with body positioning while performing the action of weaving. Spinning does not require any special body position, since it can be done while standing, sitting or even walking. Weaving, however, is a more ‘sedentary’ action, where the body is positioned in a specific manner, determined partially by the type of the loom used, and by the habit of the weaver. In the case of the backstrap loom, the squatting positioning of legs usually seems convenient, since it allows a nice balance against the loom, potentially creating and leaving additional small joint area on the anterior edge of the distal end of tibia – the squatting facet (Hackner 2017). Forty-nine individuals had distal parts of the tibia preserved in a good state, sufficient for observation of the squatting facet. Six of them, however, had only a tibia from one side of the skeleton preserved well enough – four left and two right. The squatting facet was present in 15 individuals, thus in over 30% of the sample. In seven cases the facet was present bilaterally, in one only on the left tibia, and another only on the right bone. In the case of the six individuals with only one side preserved, there were facets observable on four left and two right tibias. Thus, it seems that for some of the women, the squatting body position was preferable for daily activities, among them possibly also weaving. The squatting surface may be a result of many different activities, but engagement in textile production may be one of them, since it does indeed require long hours spent in one position. More research on musculoskeletal stress markers and other forms of traces left by physical activity on the bones is needed (and is planned for the future). The Castillo de Huarmey sample may prove to be an excellent example of the interpretation of activity marks, since archaeological data strongly suggest the kind of activity in which most of the women could have been engaged for most of their lives. Biogeochemical analyses Thirty-four paired samples, each consisting of a tooth (preferably the first molar) and a fragment of a rib, were collected for stable isotope analyses, and another 34 paired samples, consisting of one tooth and one metatarsal or metacarpal bone, were 93

Wari Women from Huarmey

collected for aDNA study. The first set was delivered to Dr. Kelly J. Knudson of the Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory of the School of Human Evolution and Social Change at the Arizona State University in Tempe, AZ, USA, and the second to Dr. Lars Fehren-Schmitz of the Human Paleogenomics Lab at the University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA. Up to date only remains from the main burial chamber of the mausoleum have been included in the analyses. Out of 34 individuals, four represent individuals considered to be of the highest status – Ind. A, Ind. B, Ind. C and Ind. D, who were placed in three separate rectangular sub-chambers. Another four samples included remains of individuals who had likely been sacrificed (out of 6 sacrifices in total). The remaining twenty-six individuals included in this study were buried in the main part of the burial chamber. This sampling strategy was utilised to elucidate paleomobility and paleodiet in the three different types of individuals buried in the tomb, which accommodates the higher elite, elite and victims of sacrifice. Further research will also include samples from other undisturbed contexts, such as the burials of guardians, reliquaries and individuals found undisturbed in the 2010 campaign. Reconstructing the diet To reconstruct the diet of past societies a great number of methods can be implemented, their choice depending on the availability of material. The most traditional, and still very useful and important, method is the analysis of remains of what constituted food sources for a given population – plant and animal bone post-consumption remains (Lasota-Moskalewska 1997). An archaeozoological analysis, as well as other studies on the animal and plant exploitation for food at the site are the subject of different studies, and have been published elsewhere (cf. Tomczyk et al. 2017; Tomczyk and Giersz 2017). Another set of methods is based on the clues left by the consumed food on the teeth of an individual. Food consistency influences dental wear, and its composition, especially the presence of carbohydrates, influences dental health (Tribbett and Tung 2010; Larsen 1997). The type of food consumed by an individual in a relatively short time before death can also be estimated from the microware observed on the surface of the teeth (cf. Juszczyk 2017). There is, however, another method of research resulting in diet reconstruction, the basis of which is biogeochemical analysis of certain stable isotopes present in human remains. Basically, isotopic composition of animal tissues (thus also bones and teeth) reflects that of the diet they consume (Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991). Such analyses utilise a variation of stable isotopes, with carbon and nitrogen remaining the most frequently used, because of their relative contribution of different resources to animal diet (DeNiro and Epstein 1978, 1981). The idea that studying isotopes could provide dietary information on past societies was developed in the second half of the twentieth century, and was first applied to the reconstruction of animal, and then human, diets, and later also to the reconstruction of trophic levels and the origin of food sources (cf. Tykot 2006). 94

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

The variation in the ratios of stable carbon isotopes in terrestrial food webs stems directly from differences in the photosynthetic pathways of plants. Plants can be divided into three groups – those utilizing C3, C4 and CAM type of photosynthesis. The C3 plants form the overwhelming majority and their average carbon isotope ratios (δ13C) reach a value of 26.5‰; however, most domesticated plants, including maize and millet, reach δ13C values averaging 12.5‰. The remaining group of plants, mostly cacti and succulents, utilise the third photosynthetic pathway, Crassulacean acid metabolism, with the δ13C values ranging from 27‰ to 12‰ (van der Merve and Tshauner 1999). C3 flora dominates in the Andean region (cf. Finucane et al. 2006). Analysis of stable nitrogen (N) isotopes helps distinguish the general source of food, since it represents the differences between terrestrial and marine foodways, varying according to the trophic level (DeNiro and Epstein 1981). Marine resources exhibit higher δ15N values than the terrestrial ones; the decrease of values between terrestrial and marine resources may reach 4‰ (Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984). There are also other factors that should be taken into consideration while applying this type of analysis. Some plants, especially from high-altitudes, may exhibit very high δ15N values; the use of fertilisers like dung or guano in agriculture may result in a change of δ15N values; or different environments may exhibit different δ15N signatures (arid terrestrial versus wet terrestrial for instance) (Turner 2018; Szpak et al. 2012, 2014; Ambrose 1991). Certain elemental concentrations can also be used in reconstructing the diet, especially in estimation of the proportion of consumed food of marine and terrestrial origin. In particular, Ba and Sr values, specifically log (Ba/Sr), has proven to be useful, indicating a predominately marine or terrestrial dietary source (Burton and Price 1990). There is an array of publications presenting results of paleodietary studies from the Andean region as well as reconstructing human economy, agriculture and use of animals (Kellner and Schoeninger 2008; Knudson et al. 2015; Santana-Sagredo et al. 2015, Szpak et al. 2012; Tomczak 2003; Turner and Armelagos 2012; Tykot et al. 2009; Webb et al. 2013a; Webb et al. 2013b; Webb et al. 2015; Williams and Murphy 2013 – to mention just a few). Several analyses were performed on the Castillo de Huarmey samples. Since the context is of a funerary character, the remains of animals and plants were considered to be offerings rather than to reflect the actual dietary preferences. Nevertheless, the results of archaeozoological analyses are of high importance, as they indirectly reflect certain food source preferences, pointing clearly at camelids as the main source of meat. However, animal remains present at the site, especially in the upper, disturbed layers of the mausoleum complex, represent a much wider variety: birds (including Vultur gryphus), felines, dogs and Andean deer, or some marine mammals (Tomczyk et al., 2017). The only animal remains identified within the main burial chamber below the mausoleum include one camelid patella and the poorly preserved bones of a parrot, identified later as possibly Amazona aestiva (Tomek – unsourced information). Some of

95

Wari Women from Huarmey

the remains can indeed be interpreted as coming from the animals as potential food sources, but for example the remains of condor seem to have a more ritual meaning. Detailed information on the methods employed and results of biogeochemical analyses have been published elsewhere (Knudson et al. 2017); only the final results and their interpretation will be presented in this work (Figure 42). Carbon isotope values from archaeological bone carbonate range from δ13Ccarbonate(VPDB)= -8.8‰ to δ13Ccarbonate(VPDB)= -2.7‰, with a mean of δ13Ccarbonate(VPDB)=-5.8±1.2 ‰ (2σ, N=68). These values were converted from δ13Ccarbonate(VPDB) to δ13Cdiet(VPDB) using the following conversion equation: δ13Cdiet(VPDB) = 1.04 * 13Ccarbonate(VPDB) – 9.2 (Ambrose and Norr, 1993). This conversion helps to better understand likely dietary sources of carbon in the diet. After the conversion, dietary carbon isotope values from archaeological bone carbonate range from δ13Cdiet(VPDB)= -18.3‰ to δ13Cdiet(VPDB)= -12.0‰, with a mean of δ13Cdiet(VPDB)= -15.2±1.2‰ (2σ, n=68). The highest carbon isotope values exhibit δ13Cdiet(VPDB) values which are consistent with consumption of predominately C4 plants and/or animals that consume C4 plants and/or marine resources. In contrast, low δ13Cdiet(VPDB) values likely represent the diet consisting of a mix of C3 and C4 plants and/or animals that consumed them. Only three samples exhibited enough collagen preservation to perform further analyses. Obtained δ13Cdiet(VPDB) results fell in the range from δ13Cdiet(VPDB)=-15.5‰ to δ13Cdiet(VPDB)=-14.4‰ (after subtracting 5‰ from the measured δ13Ccollagen(VPDB) to infer dietary carbon sources in human bone). Both sources of collagen carbon isotope data are consistent with consumption of predominately C4 carbon sources, either as C4 plants and/or animals that consume C4 plants. Compared with isotopic foodweb data from the Peruvian and Chilean coast, δd13Cdiet(VPDB) in these three individuals are consistent with consumption of maize (Zea mays) (details in Knudson et al. 2017). Nitrogen isotope values obtained from the same three bone samples that yielded enough collagen are more heterogeneous than the carbon isotope values, and range from δ15Ncollagen(AIR)=10.6‰ to δ15Ncollagen(AIR)=15.4‰. Assuming an approximate 3‰ offset between dietary nitrogen sources and nitrogen isotope values in bone collagen, the range of nitrogen isotope values in the diet ranged from δ15Ndiet(AIR)=7.6‰ to δ15Ndiet(AIR)=12.4‰. The δ15Ndiet(AIR) values in these bone samples are consistent with the consumption of nitrogen from terrestrial herbivores such as llamas (Lama glama) and some marine resources (details in Knudson et al. 2017). A subset of samples exhibited the mean log (Ba/Sr)= -1.78±0.32 (1σ, n=28) (Figure 41). While the mean log (Ba/Sr) value for this subset of samples is consistent with a largely terrestrial diet, there are some individuals with a much lower log (Ba/Sr) values that are consistent with a predominantly marine diet (Burton and Price, 1990).

96

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation Ind. No.

Laboratory Number

3 4 7 9 10 15 18 19 20 27/34 28 29 31 33 41 42 44 46 47 49

Specimen Sample Number Type

Ca/P

U/Ca

Log (Ba/Sr)

ACL-4901

CDH-0061

rib

2.04

1.54E-07

-1.99

0.70719

ACL-4899

CDH-0057

rib

2.06

5.80E-07

-

0.70687

ACL-4902 ACL-4900 ACL-4933 ACL-4934 ACL-4925 ACL-4926 ACL-4929 ACL-4930 ACL-4935 ACL-4936 ACL-4921 ACL-4922 ACL-4919 ACL-4920 ACL-4909 ACL-4910 ACL-4893 ACL-4894 ACL-4891 ACL-4892 ACL-4931 ACL-4932 ACL-4913 ACL-4914 ACL-4927 ACL-4928 ACL-4917 ACL-4918 ACL-4907 ACL-4908 ACL-4911 ACL-4912 ACL-4873 ACL-4874 ACL-4937 ACL-4938 ACL-4915

CDH-0063

URM2

CDH-0058

ULM1

CDH-0128

rib

CDH-0127

URC

CDH-0109

LRM1

CDH-0117

LRM1

CDH-0130

ULM2

CDH-0112 CDH-0118 CDH-0131 CDH-0101 CDH-0103

rib rib rib rib

LRM1

CDH-0097

ULM1

CDH-0077

ULM1

CDH-0045

URM1

CDH-0041

rib

CDH-0099 CDH-0079 CDH-0047 CDH-0042 CDH-0121 CDH-0123 CDH-0085 CDH-0087

rib rib rib

LRM1

URM3 rib rib

LLM1

CDH-0113

URM1

CDH-0093

rib

CDH-0115

rib

CDH-0094

LLM1

CDH-0075

rib

CDH-0073 CDH-0081 CDH-0084 CDH-0006

LLM1 LLM1 rib rib

CDH-0008

LLC

CDH-0135

LRM1

CDH-0133 CDH-0089

rib

LRM1

2.05 2.09 2.04 2.03 1.99 1.99 2.06 1.99 2.04 2.07 1.95 1.93 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.04 2.08 2.03 2.07 2.01 2.01 1.96 2.04 2.02 2.00 1.98 2.03 1.97 2.09 2.03 2.00 2.05 2.00 2.03 2.00 2.08 2.07

1.62E-07 4.15E-07 3.36E-07 9.55E-07 2.02E-07 1.09E-06 2.45E-07 9.42E-07 2.34E-07 2.50E-07

-2.08 -

7.47E-07

-1.86

2.01E-07

-

1.01E-06 9.46E-07 2.72E-07

-1.39 -

1.56E-07

-2.14

5.66E-07

-1.12

6.30E-07

-2.01

4.85E-07 7.45E-07 2.59E-07 1.10E-06

-

-1.94 -

1.80E-07

-1.84

2.47E-07

-

1.38E-07 1.10E-06

-2.06 -

6.33E-07

-1.30

4.89E-07

-

8.48E-07

-1.61

2.05E-07

-1.83

2.11E-07

-

2.07E-07

-

7.55E-07

-2.14

7.01E-07

-

4.92E-07 2.97E-07 5.13E-07

97

-2.13 -

87

Sr/86Sr

0.70752 0.70690 0.70774 0.70721 0.70803 0.70757 0.70743 0.70712 0.70773 0.70724 0.70725 0.70781 0.70732 0.70802 0.70706 0.70766 0.70744 0.70697 0.70740 0.70715 0.70799 0.70705 0.70806 0.70751 0.70777 0.70737 0.70701 0.70734 0.70725 0.70730 0.70778 0.70736 0.70746 0.70708 0.70720 0.70779 0.70788

δ13C δ18O carbonate carbonate (VPDB) (VPDB) -6.5

-10.3

-6.6

-10.0

-8.8 -8.3 -5.8

-7.9 -8.1 -7.0

-6.3

-10.1

-6.7

-11.0

-7.3

-11.2

-8.0

-11.3

-4.7

-6.8

-4.3 -7.7 -7.8 -7.1 -3.6

-9.0 -7.9 -7.6

-10.7 -7.4

-6.2

-10.5

-6.3

-10.2

-5.7

-10.0

-6.7

-8.3

-5.6 -3.6 -6.2 -6.9

-7.7 -4.8

-10.5 -9.9

-5.4

-10.4

-5.7

-9.0

-6.4 -3.9

-11.0 -8.2

-6.3

-10.6

-4.9

-9.7

-5.3 -5.0 -5.3 -5.0 -5.5 -6.7 -6.1

-9.8 -7.6 -9.1 -5.9

-10.2 -10.1 -8.2

-5.7

-10.2

-8.5

-9.1

-4.0

-6.6

Wari Women from Huarmey Ind. No. 50 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 A B C D

Laboratory Number

Specimen Sample Number Type

Ca/P

U/Ca

Log (Ba/Sr)

ACL-4916

CDH-0091

rib

2.04

9.44E-07

-

0.70687

ACL-4924

CDH-0107

rib

2.00

6.05E-07

-1.93

0.70754

1.43E-07

-1.32

2.89E-07

-1.23

4.10E-07

-

ACL-4923 ACL-4905 ACL-4906 ACL-4903 ACL-4904 ACL-4889 ACL-4890 ACL-4871 ACL-4872 ACL-4875 ACL-4876 ACL-4877 ACL-4878 ACL-4879 ACL-4880 ACL-4881 ACL-4882 ACL-4883 ACL-4884 ACL-4895 ACL-4896 ACL-4897 ACL-4898 ACL-4887 ACL-4888 ACL-4885 ACL-4886

CDH-0105

LLM1

CDH-0069

URM1

CDH-0065

LRM1

CDH-0037

ULM1

CDH-0003

ULM3

CDH-0010

ULM3

CDH-0013

LLM1

CDH-0017

URM1

CDH-0021

LRM1

CDH-0025

ULM1

CDH-0049

LLM1

CDH-0053

URM1

CDH-0033

rib

CDH-0072 CDH-0068 CDH-0039 CDH-0004 CDH-0012 CDH-0015 CDH-0019 CDH-0023 CDH-0028 CDH-0051 CDH-0055 CDH-0034 CDH-0029 CDH-0031

rib rib rib rib rib rib rib rib rib rib rib

LLC

URM1 rib

2.06 2.08 2.01 2.08 2.03 2.08 2.05 2.08 2.02 2.07 1.99 2.00 2.00 1.97 2.00 1.95 1.98 2.06 2.03 2.06 2.02 2.15 2.12 2.00 2.00 1.99 2.01

3.24E-07 8.92E-07 3.91E-07 8.11E-07 2.97E-07 8.05E-08 1.62E-07

-

5.26E-07

-1.66

3.03E-07

-1.93

4.72E-07

-1.80

5.54E-07

-1.88

6.33E-07

-1.96

6.58E-07

-1.72

5.42E-07

-1.31

6.25E-07

-2.08

9.55E-08 9.58E-08 8.03E-08 8.03E-08 3.93E-07 5.48E-07 5.89E-07 9.66E-08 1.64E-07

-

-1.41 -

87

Sr/86Sr

0.70741 0.70755 0.70714 0.70712 0.70723 0.70750 0.70709 0.70745 0.70704 0.70722 0.70734 0.70771 0.70730 0.70718 0.70715 0.70714 0.70721 0.70728 0.70727 0.70759 0.70766 0.70692 0.70715 0.70747 0.70746 0.70769 0.70723

δ13C δ18O carbonate carbonate (VPDB) (VPDB) -5.5

-10.1

-6.1

-11.5

-5.5

-10.0

-5.9

-9.8

-5.1 -4.2 -5.4 -4.3 -6.2 -3.7 -5.1 -6.0 -6.6 -4.2 -5.8 -5.3 -5.5 -6.3

-7.6 -7.3 -7.5 -8.3 -9.9 -7.9 -9.6 -9.1 -9.9 -7.2 -9.5 -8.2 -9.7 -8.5

-5.8

-10.4

-5.6

-6.4

-6.1 -4.6 -5.0 -6.5 -5.4 -5.7 -5.5 -2.7 -5.0

-7.7 -8.6 -9.7 -6.8 -9.3 -9.0 -7.6 -7.1 -9.9

Figure 42. Results of biogeochemical analyses (after Knudson et al. 2017)

Reconstructing the origin The origin of an individual whose remains were found at an archaeological site may be determined in several different ways. First, cultural affinity, often tied to ethnic origin, may be sometimes deduced by examining the artefacts associated with the burial. This method may be entirely deceptive, especially when dealing with prewriting societies, without the possibility of any comparison with different sources, and without the knowledge of actual ethnic situation in the past. 98

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation

Introducing biogeochemistry into archaeology has opened a new chapter in research on origin and mobility of ancient societies, providing tools for reconstruction of individual life stories of buried people and addressing such questions as whether they were local to the land where their remains were found, or whether they instead moved from place to place, and finally, where they could have been born. These questions provided the impetus for biogeochemical studies, as answering them could answer many, questions about past societies, such as questions regarding sedentarisation versus mobility, and the origin of particular individuals and/or societies (e.g., archaeological cultures). Widely used in research on paleomobility, radiogenic strontium isotopes 87Sr and 86Sr are bioavailable and incorporated into human tissues during enamel and bone formation. Additionally, strontium isotope data (ratio 87Sr/86Sr) varies geologically. Therefore, if ‘local’ strontium is consumed with food or water, the 87Sr/86Sr values in enamel or bone will reflect the geologic region or regions in which an individual lived during their enamel and bone formation (Bentley 2006). Knowing the 87Sr/86Sr values of the region, and determining if these values are reflected in discovered human remains, will allow archaeologists to know if a particular individual was born in the area, or if he/she arrived later, after reaching a certain age (after enamel formation), and was a new, first generation, migrant to the area. The environmental factors that can influence the research vary. For example, coastal areas formed by the alluvial and riverine soils, can exhibit 87Sr/86Sr values that derive originally from adjacent highlands. The presence of the ocean can also influence the values, bringing marinederived strontium into coastal areas (Bellido et al. 1956, Whipkey et al. 2000). Stable oxygen isotope analysis utilises the variability of oxygen isotopes caused by environmental differences, and is often used to supplement paleomobility studies using radiogenic strontium isotope analysis. The method is based on the observation that water molecules that contain the heavier isotope of oxygen, 18O, evaporate less readily, and more slowly than water molecules that contain 16O. Therefore, oxygen isotope values in the water from precipitation (δ18Ometeoric water) increase with increasing temperature, decreasing altitude, decreasing distance from the coast, and decreasing latitude (see Bowen and Wilkinson 2002, Fry 2007 for more details). Again, the ratio of both oxygen isotopes in human teeth composition (hydroxyapatite and phosphate) will reflect their ratio from the area where this human lived while the teeth were in process of formation, especially the ratio present in the available sources of drinking and irrigation water. There are, however, many environmental factors that can complicate the interpretation of oxygen isotope values in archaeological human remains. Among them are climate changes, movement of surface water, as well as variable effects of brewing and boiling liquids and of the consumption of breast milk before and during the weaning process (see Knudson 2009 for bibliography on the subject).

99

Wari Women from Huarmey

In the Andes both abovementioned methods of reconstructing origins and paleomobility are used quite often. The bedrock of the mountains themselves is dominated by late Cenozoic volcanic rocks, while in contrast, the coastal areas are dominated by Quaternary sedimentary geologic formations (Bellido et al. 1956). This geological variation, as well as the specific geographical setup of the Andean region (desert coast changing rapidly into high mountains with much higher precipitation) creates an opportunity for particularly successful implementation of the radiogenic strontium isotope method. The oxygen isotope method is still being tested, but is widely used as complementary to the other one. There are a number of studies on paleomobility in the Andes, especially in the South-Central Andes, using stable isotopes. This method has been applied to research ancient mobility patterns and migrations (Andrushko et al. 2009; Kundson and Tung 2011), to establish the origin of human remains (Andrushko et al. 2011; Knudson et al. 2005) and of cultural behaviour (Knudson et al. 2009), to reconstruct cultural heterogeneity and affiliation (Knudson and Prize 2007; Knudson and Torres-Rouff 2009). There was also an attempt to reconstruct individual life stories in relation to mobility and diet (Knudson et al. 2012). Apart from that, the method was successfully applied to animal remains found at archaeological sites, for the reconstruction of their geographic origins and the economy of provisioning Inka feasts (Knudson et al. 2012). Again, a detailed description of the methods used, and results have already been published (Knudson et al. 2017), so this work only presents the final results and their interpretation. For all the 34 paired samples analysed from the context, the mean Ca/P=2.03±0.04 (1σ, N=68) and mean 87Sr/86Sr=0.70738±0.00030 (2σ, N=68) were obtained. Light stable isotope analyses of archaeological bone and enamel yielded the mean δ18O carbonate(VPDB) =-8.9±1.5 (2σ, N=68). In addition to that, samples for the environmental background modern faunal samples were analysed (from two modern guinea pigs Cavia porcellus, born and raised in the closest vicinity to the site), soil from the site itself, and two exposed bedrock outcrops visible at the site. Faunal, soil and bedrock samples, collected to reconstruct the environmental background for the interpretation of the results from human bone, ranged from 87Sr/86Sr=0.70528 to 87Sr/86Sr=0.70792. Finally, three water samples, collected from the nearest vicinity of the site and therefore most likely reflecting the original water source for the people living close to the site, exhibit δ18O VSMOW =-10.9 ±0.7 (2σ, N=3) (details in Knudson et al. 2017). Taking into consideration the results of modern faunal samples, the local range, understood as the mean of baseline samples plus and minus two standard deviations (following Price et al. 2002), is 87Sr/86Sr=0.70629-0.70631, while using the geological, soil and bedrock samples it is 87Sr/86Sr=0.7051-0.7083 (Figure 42). The difference between these two means may reflect the situation in which the wider geological range 100

Results of Bioarchaeological Analyses and their Interpretation Specimen Number

Sample Type

87

Sr/86Sr

CDH-OA1

Amazona aestiva (archaeological)

0.70723

CDH-002C

Cavia porcellus (modern)

0.70630

CDH-001C CDH-0020 CDH-A CDH-B

CDH-RP1 CDH-RP4

Cavia porcellus (modern)

0.70631

soil soil

0.70792 0.70595

soil

0.70672

andesite

0.70541 0.70528

andesite

Figure 43. Range of local samples and results of their analyses (after Knudson et al. 2017).

indicates that soil and rock samples are better indicators of bioavailable strontium sources near Castillo de Huarmey during the Middle Horizon (Knudson et al. 2017). The archaeological human enamel samples yielded the mean 87Sr/86Sr=0.70746±0.00030 (2σ, N=34), while all archaeological human bone samples delivered the mean 87Sr/86Sr=0.70729±0.00027 (2σ, N=34). Results for archaeological human sample 87Sr/86Sr are relatively homogenous. Additionally, radiogenic strontium isotope values seen in both the archaeological human enamel and the bone samples from Castillo de Huarmey are consistent with the archaeological faunal and soil samples from the site. When focusing on the third and fourth decimal place of the result, these values are also quite common in the region, especially given the geological similarities in coastal valleys in northern and central Peru. They were also observed in the coastal valleys of southern Peru, such as Chincha and others (Knudson 2014). The 87Sr/86Sr values from the Wari heartland, from the site of Conchopata, from archaeological human bone samples and assumed to be local, are lower, and oscillate around 87Sr/86Sr=0.706 (Knudson and Tung 2011; Tung and Knudson 2006; 2008; 2010 and 2011). Unfortunately, there is no data available from the northern part of the Andes, closer to the site. Light stable isotope analyses of archaeological bone and enamel yielded the mean δ18Ocarbonate(VPDB)= -8.9±1.5‰ (2σ, N=68), with the range from δ18Ocarbonate(VPDB) =-11.5‰ to δ18Ocarbonate(VPDB)= -4.8‰. The results for bone samples alone yielded the mean δ18O carbonate(VPDB)= -10.1±0.9‰ (2σ, N=34) and for all enamel samples the mean was δ18Ocarbonate(VPDB)= -7.8±1.0‰ (2σ, N=34). The mean δ18Ocarbonate(VPDB)= -7.7±1.0‰ (2σ, N=31) was obtained for all enamel samples excluding third molars, which would have formed after the weaning process, in order to exclude variability that may be caused by breastfeeding (Roberts et al. 1988). Three water samples exhibited δ18O VSMOW =-10.9 ±0.7 (2σ, N=3). Comparing the oxygen isotope data from Castillo de Huarmey to the values from other Andean archaeological populations indicated that these values are consistent with drinking water data from other coastal regions in northern and southern Peru (Knudson 2009; 101

Wari Women from Huarmey

Toyne et al. 2014a; Turner et al. 2013), although they are generally higher than values observed in the highlands of Peru and Chile (Knudson 2009; Knudson et al. 2015b; Kurin 2016). The results of both analyses - 87Sr/86Sr and oxygen – seem to suggest strongly that the population from Castillo de Huarmey was local, or rather showed no clear cases of first-generation migrants, nor any clear cases of migration from the highlands (based on oxygen isotope values). The radiogenic strontium data seem to rule out migration from some parts of the Andes, but cannot distinguish between other Andean regions with similar values (Knudson et al. 2017). Additional analyses – preliminary aDNA results There was an attempt to perform aDNA analyses of samples from Castillo de Huarmey, conducted at the Human Paleogenomics Lab at the University of California Santa Cruz, CA, USA by Dr. Lars Fehren-Schmitz. Further research is planned; however, initial tests revealed a very high degree of fragmentation for most of the samples, meaning that while it was not possible to amplify the ~150bp HVR fragments for most of them, it was still possible to determine mitochondrial haplogroups using the 26 SNP assay, targeting much smaller DNA fragments. All the 15 successfully tested samples could be assigned to one of the Native American founding haplogroups. Haplogroup frequencies are distributed as follows: A (27%), B (20%), C (40%), D (13%). Based on these haplogroup frequencies, the buried population resembles neither the coastal Peruvian populations from the Early Intermediate Period, nor the Middle Horizon Wari populations from the highlands analysed in previous studies (Fehren-Schmitz 2009; Fehren-Schmitz et al. 2010, 2015; Shinoda et al. 2006; Kemp et al. 2009). It shows affinity to the Middle Horizon population from the site of Huaca Pucllana in Lima, Peru (Valverde et al. 2016). Any further interpretation at this stage of research should be proposed with caution as this specific burial might not reflect a natural population, and thus such comparisons are most likely biased.

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Funerary Rite Reconstruction Based on Bioarchaeological Research The obvious reason for the construction of any funerary context is the death of a member of a society. The living members of the society construct the funerary context and perform death rituals. Slightly less obvious, but also an important reason, is the ideology associated with the given society, culture, and individual. The members of any society outliving the dead are responsible for the establishment of the burial, and it is these people who give meaning to the whole process, following ideological and/or religious guidance. Therefore, as a result, the identity of the deceased may be viewed from many different perspectives. Careful analysis of the context of the burial, its location, architecture, grave goods, accessibility, and of course the body itself with its positioning within the whole structure, allow the archaeologist to reconstruct and understand the identity of the buried person, the possible social and political role that person could have performed while alive, as well as the ideology shared by the society ‘organizing’ the burial. Thus the social identity presented by the mortuary context of the deceased may be seen as a direct reflection of the individual’s life (Binford 1971, Saxe 1970), or as a component of a greater matter of religious or political character, where the deceased and the whole funerary context play an important role in shaping the society – depending on the social roles performed in the lifetime, with regard to different groups, ranging from the closest relatives of the deceased to the whole society (Parker Pearson 1999). It is not known whose death initiated the transformation of the top of the rocky spur coming into the valley of Huarmey into a funerary architectural complex, and the causes could have been many. For example, the idea of construction of the burial chamber could have been born in the minds of the population inhabiting the Huarmey valley only when one of the most important individuals among them was dying or had already been dead. The necessity of having a prominent place to place the body (or bodies) of that individual (or individuals) in a relatively short period of time could have enforced construction activities (and explain the ‘unfinished’ character of the bedrock floor in the main burial chamber). Another possibility is that the chamber was created well ahead of time as a part of planned architectural activity. The place was chosen carefully, as a part of an ideological and political statement, and every detail of the architectural design was implemented to achieve that goal. Without precise dating of the sequence and the duration of events associated with grave construction and the burial itself it is not possible to clarify this further.

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There is little doubt that the chamber was constructed as a part of a larger architectural plan, and probably eventually functioned as a statement of political or/and religious nature. It was founded as an integral, subterranean part of the monumental mudbrick mausoleum. This fact leads to the interpretation that whoever was buried in the upper stories obviously had a direct connection with those buried beneath. The connection might have been of familial, political or religious nature, but it clearly existed, and both the builders and the society they represented knew of this relationship, and were aware of its importance. Within the chamber itself, Ind. C deposited in sub-chamber B seems to be the most important one. Ind. C was a woman who died in her sixties. Her body was prepared for the final deposition – she was placed in a seated position, with her arms between the torso and legs, bent very close to her trunk, with hands and knees turned towards the face, and her whole body was wrapped in several textiles. She had her face painted with a red pigment (most probably ochre or vermillion) and had a textile band head adornment. A number of rich grave goods were allocated around her contracted body, among them high quality pottery vessels, a stone carved cup, silver bowl and reed boxes containing her private jewellery and textile production utensils (see Prządka-Giersz 2018). Her immediate neighbours, deposited in sub-chamber A and sub-chamber C, Ind. A and Ind. D respectively, were deposited facing her, and

Figure 44. Ind. A and Ind.B at the time of excavations (photo: M. Giersz).

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with less, although also high quality, grave goods. The remaining individuals were placed in the main chamber, excluding only young Ind. B, who shared the space of sub-chamber A with Ind. A (Figure 44). However, it is not clear if the whole context was created and organised because of the passing of Ind. C. The available data seem to support that point of view, although more research is needed to elucidate the matter. It is possible that the original idea of transforming the top of the rocky spur into the funerary complex emerged because of the death of Ind. C, but later it was built over and developed into the large above ground mausoleum for another important person from the same society. If the creation of the burial environment in the form of the chamber associated with the platform, and later transformed into the funerary architectural complex was so important, how long could it have taken to build? How much time could the deposition of all of the bodies taken? Were all of them deposited in the same manner? Were the corpses prepared somehow for the burial? How long was the funeral process and ceremony? What were the stages of the whole process? Time constrains One of the most important questions to be asked about the funeral context from Castillo de Huarmey is how long it took to create it, considering the number of individuals buried, their assumed roles within the society they came from, and the architectural design of the whole area, especially the chamber and – related to the chamber and its contents – the main mausoleum. Some insights into the timeline of the creation of the funerary context may be obtained by analyzing remains of insects and other animals that by their nature might be associated with the burial, but were not introduced there intentionally. For example, remains of insects, and especially remains of one of their life cycle forms – puparia, may help to reconstruct the length of period between the death and final burial of human remains - a phenomenon often used in forensic studies to reconstruct ‘postmortem interval’ (see a comprehensive study and examples in Byrd and Castner 2001). The application of this type of approach in archaeological research may lead to very interesting conclusions and interpretations. For instance, identification of insect remains allowed archaeologists to estimate the time of exposure of the corpse to the elements prior to burial at Huaca de la Luna close to the sacrificial compound (Huchet and Greenberg 2010). In the case of the Castillo de Huarmey tomb, samples of insect puparia were collected during the excavations. The first puparia were observed within the otherwise sterile – from the archaeological point of view – layer of gravel. They were present in the southeastern corner of the chamber, and they were the first hint of the existence of the funerary context below (Giersz 2017). Then, after the removal of the gravel layer, the puparia were found in large quantities in the eastern part of the chamber, especially around Ind. 7, but also in the context of many other 105

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Figure 45. Puparia flies found within the braincase of Ind.7 (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

individuals from that area (Figure 45). There were almost none found in the western part of the whole chamber. The preliminary identification of the puparia, based on a small sample of actual specimens and photos, was performed by Jean Bernard Huchet in 2014. The remains of necrophagous flies were identified, the most frequent were those from the order Diptera, more specifically the Calliphoridae family, most probably the species Cochliomyia macellaria. They can locate and colonise a cadaver soon, even within a few minutes after death, and are already known for their presence in preColumbian mummies and other funerary contexts. Other puparia may be identified as belonging to another Diptera family – Muscidae. The connection of the life cycle of those flies with a human cadaver starts immediately, or relatively soon after the death. The eggs are laid, usually around natural body orifices, and soon, after few days, larvae feeding on the decomposing flesh appear. By the end of the cycle, the larvae undergo the pupal stage, and finally, after the total metamorphosis, an adult form emerges. The presence of empty puparia in archaeological record testifies that the whole cycle has indeed occurred. The cycle lasts, depending on fly species and weather conditions, at least three to four weeks (cf. Huchet and Greenberg 2010 and the bibliography therein). The presence of clothing and/or textile wrapping may prolong this time (Voss et al. 2011). This provides us with 106

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the information that at least some of the individuals, especially those in the eastern part of the main chamber, must have been buried immediately after death, or within a relatively short period – up to a few days – afterwards. Additional information may be derived from the presence of remains of the insects ‘interested’ in cadavers after almost all the soft tissue is gone due to the activity of larvae or disintegration – beetles. If the corpses were exposed to the elements long enough for the tissue decomposition and metamorphosis of puparia into fly imagoes, remains of beetles would be expected. The only remains of these, however, were identified as belonging to various species from the Tenebrionidae family. This beetle family is mostly detritophagous, and rather relatively common in desertic environments, in places with some moisture and organic detritus to feed on. Unfortunately, this beetle family is also a burrowing one, meaning that they could have invaded the context any time after its closure, as long as the human remains were already decomposed and desiccated. Because of that, their usefulness in such an analysis is of limited value. Not all the individuals found within the contexts were associated with fly puparia. This means that the time of placing the bodies in the chamber had to be prolonged and that not all individuals died at the same time; or, even if they did, they were surely not buried within the confines of the chamber at the same time. Similar information may be derived from the fact that the lowest portions of the rocky floor of the chamber contained a thick layer of greasy black soil, emitting a very strong and specific smell. This layer was unmistakenly created because of the presence of two factors: first – the floor of the chamber resembled a basin without an outlet; second – the presence of decomposing bodies, oozing bodily fluids. These two agents together, and the possibility of infiltration by water through the layers covering the burial, most probably impeded preservation of textiles and tissues (except for hair and nails) in the context (for details see chapter four). This hypothesis seems to be supported by the fact that the only place the textiles survived almost intact was the surface right above the crack in the bedrock, in the middle of the chamber, and where Ind. 60 and Ind. 61 were discovered. Both had quite a substantial part of their funerary bundles preserved. The crack in the bedrock acted as drainage, removing fluids produced by decomposition to the lower part of the chamber. Interestingly enough, the higher portion of the chamber, the western part, did not show any trace of a layer containing remains of decomposing bodies. To the contrary, the remains were well dried up, and the presence of fly puparia scarce. Nevertheless, the textiles were almost completely disintegrated, found as bits and pieces stuck to bone surfaces. At the same time, according to the results of taphonomic analyses, all individuals discovered in the chamber were deposited within its confines as primary depositions. The presence of all bones, their preserved articulations, and their position, although slightly shifted due to the manner of deposition (seated, flexed and contracted), suggest that the bodies were intact when they were brought to their resting place. 107

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However, if they were mummified and/or bundled in textiles, they would also preserve most of the tissue connections between bones. In the latter case they might have been brought from another location and deposited in the chamber in the second episode of their burial. From that point of view, the deposition, although bearing all the characteristics of a primary deposition, technically would not necessarily be one. The funerary bundles could have awaited their final destination elsewhere and brought only when the chamber was to be filled and the funeral ceremony finished. From the archaeological point of view, both scenarios – a primary burial or the relocation of funerary bundles (so technically a secondary burial by definition) –would have resulted in precisely the same outcome. There are other hints pointing towards the prolonged exposure of the context, or at least of part of it, to the elements. Of these, the presence of snake remains in the bottles found in the context is worth mentioning here. The remains of three specimens (from the infraorder Scolecophidia, possibly of the family Leptotyphlopidae, genus Epictia1) and four eggs were found inside a ceramic vessel associated with a burial in a separate sub-chamber B. The lack of signs of mutilation to their bodies and the presence of eggs may suggest their ‘natural introduction’ into the context. If that was the case, the chamber had to remain semi-open for some time. This ‘openness’, however, could not have been complete, that is, there had to be a kind of protection (from scavengers such as vultures), even if made of perishable materials and of temporary character (Giersz 2017: 169-170). Nevertheless, snakes were also found in Moche tombs, inside ceramic vessels as well, for example at the Uhle Platform in Moche, and it was suggested they should be as sacrifices, especially in the light of ‘two-headed snakes’ representations known form earlier iconography (Goepfert 2012). Because of this, the interpretation of their presence in the tomb at the Castillo as sacrifices cannot be completely ruled out. The abovementioned information delivers sufficient arguments to propose at least two different scenarios regarding the period of exposure of the bodies to the elements. The first one assumes that, according to forensic hints, the exposure was relatively short, perhaps a few weeks. The other one assumes that some of the corpses were brought to be buried in the chamber from other location already as partially mummified or skeletonised remains, but kept together by textile bundling, while some were deposited there immediately or almost immediately after their death. The latter scenario allows for a much longer time of exposure than the former one. Both scenarios are possible, although the distribution of the puparia remains and a different state of preservation of the individuals from the western part of the chamber in comparison to those from the eastern part seem to provide greater support to the second. Additionally, in the first scenario the group of at least 58 persons would have to die in a relatively short period of time (which is, of course, possible but unlikely), 1

The remains of the snakes were analysed in 2015 by Salvador Bailon.

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and their deaths would be the reason that triggered the construction of the platform, chamber, and ultimately mausoleum. In the second scenario, the deaths could happen over a much longer time, and the idea of architectural changes to the top of the rocky spur would have much more time to crystalise in the minds of their constructors. The already deceased individuals would have to be stored in the interim locations, awaiting their final resting place for some time. The death of an important figure associated with the highest Wari elites would trigger the start of construction of the mausoleum. That could have been the death of the most important individual buried within the confines of the burial chamber, or of the hypothetical person, whose body would be deposited in the aboveground part of the mausoleum. Unfortunately, none of the available data seem to support one or the other of the scenarios strongly enough to make an unequivocal determination. Preparation of the corpses and their deposition Whichever scenario discussed above took place, there is no doubt that the bodies of the deceased women had to be ‘prepared’ for the burial. The analysis of articulations and the state of preservation discussed in chapter four clearly show that at least 50 individuals were deposited seated, some in a very contracted position, with bent legs and arms, knees brought towards the head, with their arms either between the thighs and the trunk, or along the bent legs, with the hands turned towards or around the lower portion of the face. This ‘forming’ of the body surely did not take place inside the chamber, but most probably elsewhere, and likely was associated with a ceremony of an unknown character. To be able to bend the knees and arms to achieve such contracted position of the body, the process must take place either before the rigor mortis starts, or after the muscles are released from it. Thus, depending on weather conditions, it should happen either right after the death of an individual, or after at least two to three days, when the decomposition process starts (cf. Clark et al. 1997). The bodies, before being arranged, were probably dressed in mortuary clothing, and at some point, their faces were painted red. Remains of the textiles adhering to bone surfaces were found in almost all cases. Remains of a red pigment located on the facial bones, usually on zygomatic bones, were identified in 30 cases (Figure 29; Figure 46). After the corpses achieved the correct position, they were most probably wrapped in textiles in order to keep the form of the body seated in a contracted position, even after decomposition started (Figure 46). However, in the case of the relatively dry environment of a costal desert, the body could become mummified if stored in a dry place, without an access for animals and insects interested in feeding on the corpse. It cannot be ascertained there were fresh cadavers or mummified bodies placed in the chamber (but see the discussion earlier and below in this chapter, as well as in chapter four). The state of preservation of textiles in the tomb was exceptionally poor. Most of them were visible, often with colours and designs, only for a short time during the 109

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Figure 46. Traces of red pigment on the face of Ind. A (photo: M. Giersz).

excavations, as they disintegrated rapidly and completely due to exposure to the elements – fresh air and sun. This lack of textiles in the inventory might be quite problematic in regard to reconstructing funeral rites. Were the corpses of the dead indeed prepared for their final rest by forming the funeral bundle (fardo)? A positive answer can be based on two different sets of evidence. First, as already mentioned, during the process of excavations, there were two individuals discovered with partially preserved textiles which survived contact with and exposure to the elements (Figure 26). Some of them were the remains of a garment, a dress, most probably of a tunic type, but some, especially the outer layers, were clearly textiles used to form the funerary bundle. The covering one was a simply woven textile, with the design of alternating white and green bands (Figure 47). Additionally, the whole fardo was wrapped with a net knotted of a simple string (Giersz 2014). The other basis for interpretation is less direct. As mentioned above, close to 50 individuals were found in a seated position (see Figure 29). This means, of course, that 110

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Figure 47. Remains of textiles associated with Ind. 60 (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

after the tissue and textiles decomposed, and the skeletons collapsed preserving most of the articulations, it was still possible to reconstruct their original position from the time when they were placed in the chamber. Sometimes, probably depending on the original position of the limbs in relation to the trunk and to each other (especially the relation of the upper limbs to the lower ones), as well as to the neighbouring area (if there were other individuals or the wall), some of the bones were relocated. The upper limb bones in particular tended to fall in different directions, sometimes giving an impression they were not wrapped too firmly in the textile (similar to that described in the experimental work by Mickleburgh and Wescott 2018). The overall position of the skeletal elements, however, was consistent with the decomposition and post-depositional processes active in the context, particularly after being covered with a thick layer of heavy gravel fill (cf. Duday 2009). It is important to remember that at least eight individuals were found in positions that cannot be explained by the collapse of their skeletons from the seated position. They must have been arranged in a semi-flexed position, on one side, with bent knees and elbows. The position of their bodies, and especially of the upper limbs, still suggests that originally, they were not laid down on the side, but rather seated, however, seated differently than the rest. Their limbs were not strongly contracted, the legs were only slightly bent at the knees and pelvic area; the arms bent at the elbows, but were 111

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much more extended than in other cases, almost as if they had been brought to their final resting place in a shroud, and then deposited in a partially seated, partially laid down position (see Figure 22, Ind. 42). This may reflect a different approach to these individuals, resulting possibly from their different origin (for example ethnic, statusrelated) or the fact that their bodies had already gone into the rigor mortis phase and it was difficult to put them in a more contracted position. There might also have been a completely different, unknown reason for the different positioning as well. The skeletons of the remaining six individuals were found placed in a completely different manner. Their remains were very fragmented, albeit almost complete, and suffered the most from the gravel layer overburden covering the whole context. It is clear that these six were ‘added’ to the context after all the individuals had been deposited on the bedrock floor in their fardos, or wrapped in textile in a different manner. One of them, Ind. 50, a young individual, 12-14 years old at the time of death, had a Spondylus shell across the chest, and traces of a red paint on one of the zygomatic bones. This individual’s body was found in a very extended prone position. The remains of the other five individuals suggest their bodies were thrown down carelessly. Their limbs were pointing in different directions; their legs were found lying over the wall separating the three sub-chambers from the rest of the chamber, or on the step at the entrance. Their bodies were clearly the last ones left to be buried in the tomb. They were also prepared to serve their part in the whole ceremony. They were young individuals, most probably teenage girls. The lack of any grave goods associated directly with their bodies, and especially their position, tell us about the role they were chosen to play. Most probably they were sacrificed at the end of the funeral ceremony. The lack of fly puparia in close relation to their bones also seem to hint towards the fact that they were the last bodies deposited in the chamber, and covered before the invasion of flies could even start. There were two additional individuals buried in the antechamber, just in front of the eastern entrance to the main burial chamber. As mentioned in chapter four and in chapter five, they were surely chosen to be buried there for a very specific feature they shared – the absence of the left foot. Due to that fact, and because of their location within the whole funerary complex, it was concluded they acted as guardians for those buried in the main chamber. There is no direct evidence as to when they were deposited in their final resting places, but it can safely be assumed it must have happened after the main chamber was finally closed and started to be prepared for further architectural activities (Figure 10; Figure 51). The area of the antechamber was built of completely different mudbricks from those which formed the final ‘seal’ over the chamber, and the chamber walls themselves, as well as the walls of the mausoleum. Additionally, it seems that the entrance to the chamber had been blocked before the guardians were deposited. The character of the deposition of both individuals leads to yet another conclusion – they had to be 112

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killed to become guardians. It is difficult to assume two individuals with their left feet amputated a long time before their deaths conveniently died at the right time to be placed in the antechamber. Although there was no indication of how they were killed, they still should be considered as human sacrifices. In addition, there were no insect remains associated with them, suggesting they must have been buried soon after their deaths. It is a more difficult task to reconstruct when another group of human remains depositions found undisturbed in the area of the mausoleum – the reliquaries – were established. They were secondary depositions in nature, therefore they surely were created to hold relocated remains (see Figure 11). The question therefore is from where could they have been relocated? Considering their apparent importance to the creators of the architectural plan of the whole funerary complex, there are two scenarios possible. Either they are remains collected during the construction of the chamber and/or mausoleum from earlier phases of occupation of the site, or they are fragments of the bodies of the deceased that were important for the creation of the context, possibly ancestors of the people buried in the chamber or in the upper parts of the mausoleum. Small bones present in the collection, such as hand and foot bones, suggest that at the time of their relocation they were still attached one to another, possibly with mummified soft tissue. The way the deposits were built, and their location, do not help to pinpoint the time of their creation in relation to other parts of the context, except that it must have occurred after the western wall of the burial chamber had been built, and before the creation of the upper stories of the mausoleum building. It would make sense if they were constructed along with the chamber. If they were remains from the previous phases of the occupation of the site, and if they were indeed ancestors (or at least forefathers or an earlier generation), in both cases it seems logical that they would be deposited roughly at the same time as the remaining individuals, or slightly before them. Their presence would be associated with the respect for the earlier generations, and possibly with the cult of ancestors. Internal organisation of the deceased within the mausoleum The internal organisation of the funerary contexts within the mausoleum can be analysed on two levels at least – one which includes the whole space of the mausoleum, and the other that considers only the main funerary chamber, especially the alignment of the remains of individuals buried within its confines. At first level, the organisation of the funerary contexts seems to be obvious and reflects not only the planning of the structure, but also the role and the status of buried individuals, or, more precisely, their social and/or ritual hierarchy (Figure 48). The two individual burials located in front of the entrance to the main chamber, near 113

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Figure 48. Location of the three burial contexts within the mausoleum (central chamber with outlines of skeletons in the centre; left – outlines of reliquaries; right – guardians and offerings) (plan: J. Kościuk, M. Giersz, J. Chyla and W. Więckowski).

the antechamber, clearly, as stated before, served as a kind of guardian figures. Their bodies were wrapped in textiles and placed in shallow depressions of the bedrock, before the construction of the floor of the antechamber (or, at the latest, during the same building phase). Their role within the funerary context was additionally emphasised by the fact that both were probably prepared to fulfill their destiny long before their actual death. Their left feet were amputated, a treatment known from other Andean contexts and associated with tomb guardians (Verano 1997b). Four rectangular pits to the west of the main chamber lined with sun-dried clay bricks represent yet another type of burial. They are a type of reliquary, holding remains of individuals of a different status from those buried in the main chamber and in antechamber. Their actual social status is unclear; it can be assumed that they were important for the creators of the context, since their remains were brought from another place and deposited within the confines of the mausoleum. As had already been mentioned, they might represent a form of ancestor veneration, or ancestral protection of the later burial. The main burial chamber represents the central and focal point of the entire burial context. It was the construction of the main chamber that caused the creation of 114

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the antechamber and reliquary burials. As it holds remains of sixty-four individuals along with their equipment, its internal organisation must be analysed separately, and this is the second level of internal organisation analysis. It is important to mention the possibility that the most important burial could have been deposited in the central room of the mausoleum, the one with the banquette in the middle and four symmetrically located niches in the longer walls. Unfortunately, this space was completely looted, and there was no clear indication to determine this (see: Giersz 2014: 95). Divisions within the burial chamber As the burial chamber was partially hewn in bedrock, and partially built with adobes, there are two main factors organizing the space inside – the form of the preserved bedrock and the architectural divisions created by mudbrick walls (Figure 49). The bedrock, although clearly ‘worked’, was not prepared well enough to provide a flat surface for the placement of bodies. It was either intentionally left uneven, or there was no time for levelling due to the pending burial. In any case, the surface determined the way the bodies could have been placed, and consequently, how they

Figure 49. Main chamber below the central room of the mausoleum – note bedrock floor surface, and the divisions of the main burial chamber (plan: J. Kościuk, M. Giersz).

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were preserved at the time of discovery. A flat bedrock would have made it possible to place each body directly on the surface, and to align it to face a chosen direction. The uneven surface made this harder. Some bodies had to be placed on the upper part, and some on the lower portion of the bedrock floor. Some bodies were placed above another, and some were placed on a side and not in a seated position. The taphonomic processes progressing later would greatly influence not only their state of preservation (articulation of the skeletons), but also obscure their original setup. The architecture introduces more precise divisions inside the chamber. The mudbrick wall demarcates the space of the chamber, as it separates the actual burial space from its surroundings. Most probably this perimetric wall was built when the platform for the subsequent mausoleum was constructed. The bedrock was also used as a part of the wall, however, the process of hewing did not create enough depth to deposit funerary bundles, hence the need for the brick superstructure. It is visible at different heights (or rather depths) in different parts of the chamber, and it forms a substantial part of the eastern, northern, and southern walls. The space created by the perimetric wall was additionally divided with low mudbrick walls, constructed of smaller bricks. These walls form three small sub-chambers along two-thirds of the northern wall – one in the northeastern corner, and two adjacent – along the northern wall towards the west. This division clearly points to the need of separating a space for the chosen individuals. Two of these sub-chambers are too small to hold more than one individual, while one, in the northeastern corner, is slightly bigger (Figure 20). This complex was designed and located so that eventually it would be covered not only with the levelling layers, but also by the construction of the northern wall of the central room of the mausoleum. It is also worth mentioning that the location of the subterranean, and later completely inaccessible chamber, was not only known to the constructors of the later mausoleum building, but additionally was demarcated by the use of trapezoidal mudbricks to construct the floor over it, laying the foundations for the central room, where the bench/throne structure was located, and the two longer walls with four niches. An additional attempt to divide the remaining space of the chamber can be seen almost in the middle, slightly to the southeast from the westernmost sub-chamber. This is also the lowest portion of the whole enwalled room. It was clearly levelled by cutting the bedrock, and eventually enclosed with a single, one mudbrick high wall from the east, abutting the sub-chambers wall to the north, and vertical portion of the bedrock to the south. The vertical part cut in bedrock, with an opening located in the southwestern corner, created the rest of the boundaries. It is possible that this space was originally supposed to be a slightly larger. It is clear, therefore, that the building works resulting in divisions of the internal space of the chamber were designed to separate, or to distinguish, some individuals from 116

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the others. The reason for such divisions seems to be quite straightforward. The three sub-chambers were to hold burials of some chosen individuals, whose status had to be clearly marked. What is less obvious is the reason for the central space, only partially separated from the rest of the chamber. Nevertheless, the individual buried within its confines was clearly placed there for a reason. It is also possible that the difference in the bedrock floor levels was created intentionally to stress certain differences between the deceased buried higher, and those placed in the lower portion of the chamber. Organisation of the individuals within the chamber The architecture and the design visible in the plan of the burial chamber provide a basis for understanding the first level of the location of the buried individuals. It is clear that the subdivisions were created to distinguish some individuals from others, most probably because of the differences in hierarchy or status. The reason could have been different, but the artefacts found together with the individuals buried in the sub-chambers point toward this interpretation as well. It is therefore rather safe to assume that four individuals, whose remains were found buried in the three subchambers constructed along the eastern part of the northern wall held a different social status from those buried in the remaining part of the chamber. Among them, the central one, an older woman placed in the central sub-chamber clearly held a higher status in the hierarchy. Her assemblage consisted of the highest number of artefacts of the outstanding quality, including a collection of orejeras (ear ornaments, traditionally associated with high elite males in later periods; Figure 50 and Figure 55) and tupu (a metal pin, known to be worn by high nobility women). Additionally, she had a unique kero (ritual cup), made of stone, and the pottery associated with her was decorated with typical Wari Imperial style iconography (Giersz and Prado 2014). Her face was painted red, and the remains of textiles clearly showed they were made of the finest textiles (Prządka-Giersz 2014). Apart from that, the fact that the three individuals from the remaining two sub-chambers had fewer items, of a more local (coastal) nature, of less variable materials, and their assemblages seem to be less valuable is quite important in the reconstruction of their social status and position within the hierarchy. The remaining sixty individuals, buried within the open space of the chamber, were apparently of a lower status (not to mention that at least six of them were most probably sacrificed). Some were buried with quite valuable objects, while others had almost no grave goods. There is an obvious distinction between the two groups, but the nature of this distinction is not clear at present. Moreover, the arrangement of 54 individuals in the limited space was possibly influenced by the status or position of each individual within this particular social group. Several factors must be considered in an attempt to understand the arrangement of the bodies in the chamber. Since this information cannot be derived from other 117

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Figure 50. Ear ornaments (orejeras) in their correct position around the skull of Ind.D (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

sources, this relies on the observation of their body position and orientation towards the cardinal points and/or local points of interest (inside and outside the chamber), the location of the bodies within the space available, the grave goods associated with them, as well as bioarchaeological information available for each and every individual. Location of the individuals in terms of their body position The position of the body in the grave is one of the features that are often related to differences between two individuals. If one individual is buried in an extended position, with straight limbs, on the back, and another in a flexed position, on the side, with limbs bent at the joints, one can assume that there was a particular reason for doing so. It could be related to the ritual or ethnicity (members of different religious groups or from different ethnic background could be buried in a different way), to the social perception of sex (different way of burying male and female members of one group), to the age-at-death (children are often treated differently from adults), or to the circumstances of death (specific circumstances resulting in a specific funerary treatment). In the case of the sample from Castillo de Huarmey, the variation of the body positions observed in the main burial chamber is not great. Most individuals were originally 118

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placed in a seated position, with bent legs and arms, resulting from wrapping the bodies in textiles, forming fardos. All individuals buried in the sub-chambers were buried in this position. In the case of the remaining space of the chamber, six individuals (considered sacrifices) were arranged in extended positions of different characteristics, and eight were found in a flexed position. This position resembles the position of a ‘loosely’ seated body that fell on its side. However, the limbs, especially the upper ones, were often found at some distance from the trunk, so it is impossible that originally, they had been placed closely along the chest. The best examples of such a position are Ind. 4 and Ind. 42. The arrangement of their bodies suggests that they were originally deposited in a semi-seated position, but with extended legs, and thus not in a fardo. The position of the remaining six individuals could be explained with a very loose wrapping that did not survive the process of populating the chamber, and of the subsequent taphonomic processes, which changed the location of particular anatomical regions. For example, the position of the poorly preserved Ind. 2 shows strongly bent legs, almost in the lotus-like position, whereas the trunk was almost perpendicular to the legs, lying on the left side; this could be a result of the upper body falling to the back, when legs would stay in their original place. It seems, therefore, that the body position, apart from the supposedly sacrificed individuals, did not distinguish the individuals buried in the main chamber. Most of the ‘non-standard’ positions were apparently the result of taphonomic processes influenced by the uneven surface of the bedrock floor, and the weight of the overburden layers. The two individuals who could not have originally been placed in a seated position are in two different parts of the chamber. Only six individuals who are interpreted as sacrifices were concentrated along the walls of the three sub-chambers, suggesting their relationship with the individuals buried within these structures. Most probably they were sacrificed and thrown down from the side where the sub-chambers were found as the final act of the funerary event, right before filling the context with gravel (Figure 51). Location of the individuals in terms of their body orientation Some hints about the original placement and orientation of the bodies can be found by analyzing the articulations of their skeletal remains. Most of the individuals were seated, therefore the location of their pelvises could barely have been changed by the activity of post-burial taphonomic processes. While some changes in the position could have happened, they were minor in comparison to the dislocation of the upper body skeleton, and leg bones. In some cases, especially when the bodies were placed on the uneven surface and/or on the edges of the depressions in the bedrock, the pelvis could have become dislocated from its original anatomical position. Therefore, by analyzing the position of the pelvises it is possible to reconstruct the original position of the body, and the direction the deceased faced. This statement does not apply to 119

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Figure 51. Plan of the primary depositions within the mausoleum – sixty-four individuals in the main chamber and two guardians (plan: M. Giersz, R. Pimentel, J. Chyla and W. Więckowski).

the individuals found in more extended positions, especially those interpreted as sacrifices. Most of the bodies were placed within the chamber space with their backs against the walls, either the perimetric one or the internal division walls. Those placed in the central part showed more variation. Some of them faced the sub-chambers, and some just the opposite direction (Figure 52). This creates impression that the majority of the individuals were located so as to look towards one point. That point would be the individual deposited in the central sub-chamber. This impression is additionally strengthened by the fact that the individuals from other sub-chambers seem to have followed, at last to some extent, the pattern, and faced the central one. The individuals placed originally with their backs against the subdivision (sub-chamber wall) faced the inside of the chamber. Other individuals, placed facing the opposite direction, seem to have been seated frontally to some groups of other individuals, as if forming sub-groups. If this observation is correct, at least four different subgroups can be identified. It is difficult to state whether such an arrangement was planned. It is also possible that these subdivisions were caused by different factors, not necessarily intentional. Certainly, when the funeral event was taking place, there was an idea 120

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Figure 52. Orientation of the individuals in the main chamber – direction (facing towards) shown as the dotted line (Ind. 50 – without the orientation; sacrificed individuals not shown) (plan: J. Chyla, W. Więckowski).

how the deceased women should be placed, especially if the whole funeral process was extended in time, and some of the bodies ended up in the chamber earlier than others. Further analysis of the grave goods associated with the individuals may reveal answers to these questions. Location of the individuals in terms of the demographic profile All the individuals bearing features diagnostic for their sex were identified as women (out of 64 individuals found in the main chamber, 52 were identified as female and 12 were left without the diagnosis – either due to the state of preservation of their remains, or due to their young age-at-death). Therefore, it is clear that the sex was not a factor organizing the arrangement of the bodies within the burial, but rather was a conditio sine qua non of being deposited in the tomb. The age-at-death, however, could possibly have been an organizing factor, since it was more variable. To reiterate the results of the analysis – 3% of individuals died at an aged around 10, 17% at aged under 20 and the rest died in their adulthood (less than 10% of the latter in advanced age of 50+). If the age-at-death was a factor in organizing the positioning of the deceased, a pattern in their location, placement and/or orientation should be visible. 121

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Figure 53. Distribution of individuals according to the age-at-death (red – above 50, green – older adults, black – young and middle-aged adults, yellow – the youngest) (plan: J. Chyla, W. Więckowski).

The oldest individuals, whose age-at-death was determined to be close to or above 50, were buried in very distinct places. Ind. A and Ind. C were found within the subchambers (sub-chamber A and sub-chamber B respectively), while Ind. 56 and Ind. 58 were located in the main chamber. Ind. 58 was placed in the semi-enwalled space right in front, south from sub-chamber C, and had very rich grave goods associated with her (a quartz-crystal necklace, among others) and was found in a very strange body position; her bent legs were partially outside the small enclosure, and the head faced the opposite direction. Ind. 56 was found almost in the middle of the main chamber, in a very poor state of preservation, but with traces of a red pigment on the face, and with grave goods around, but not directly associated with the body (Figure 53). As far as the slightly younger individuals are considered, the picture does not become any clearer. The biggest cluster of women of that age is present in the northwestern corner, where five of them are located (Ind. 23, Ind. 29, Ind. 33, Ind. 47 and Ind. 54), along with four younger adult women (Ind. 22, Ind. 24, Ind. 25 and Ind. 26). Almost all of them had traces of the red pigment on their faces. Remaining older adults were spaced quite randomly – three of them close to the middle of the southern wall (Ind. 1, Ind. 37 and Ind. 38), and an additional two in the eastern part of the main chamber 122

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(Ind. 4 and Ind. 11). One of them was buried in the separated space of sub-chamber C (Ind. D). The location of the youngest individuals is also apparently random. One, Ind. B, was buried together with Ind. A (one of the oldest individuals discovered) in sub-chamber A. The bodies of the remaining ones were dispersed in the main chamber – three close to the central portion of the western wall (Ind. 48, Ind. 51 and Ind. 53), and five in the eastern half of the main chamber (Ind. 2, Ind. 6, Ind. 7, Ind. 14 and Ind. 17). Four individuals considered to be sacrificed at the end of the funeral ritual were also young, and were generally located close to the southern dividing wall (of the sub-chambers), from where they were most probably thrown down. To summarise, it seems that the age-at-death was not the most important factor in the organisation of internal space of the chamber, although it could have played a certain role in the process. Individuals grouped in different age categories were dispersed randomly within the chamber. Some seem to form small clusters, but without any obvious pattern (Figure 53). However, the fact that three of the four individuals buried in the sub-chambers belonged to the older adult group seems to suggest that the ageat-death indeed played a role in achieving a higher status in this particular group. It should be pointed out that Ind. 58, buried in the partially separated area in the middle of the chamber, also belonged to the older adult group. What could have been the main factor for internal organisation of the burial context? All the above analyses seem to point towards one direction – none of the obvious bioarchaeological characteristics observed and analysed so far provided enough strength to be considered the main factor in the organisation of the placement of the individuals buried in the chamber. The only clearly recognizable organizing factor identified so far is the structure, in both the burial chamber, and the whole mausoleum, which distinguishes some of the individuals, probably indicating their higher social, political or religious status. It is also possible that the main factor is associated with more discrete features, difficult to observe, such as the family background and/or ties between the deceased, or their descent. It is still possible that results of of DNA analyses provide enough insight into the actual biological relations between the individuals, or that the detailed (ongoing) analysis of the grave goods associated with every individual sheds some light on this issue. This study is in progress, and soon might reveal the rationale behind the internal organisation of the burial context (Prządka-Giersz, personal communication).

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Summary: reconstruction of funeral events Reconstruction of the funeral, with all its stages and ceremonies accompanying the whole process extended in time, is not possible in detail. However, general stages of the whole, most probably rather prolonged funeral rite can be deduced, and the sequence may be reconstructed based on the stratigraphy and taphonomy. There is no doubt that the whole process started with the idea of transforming the rocky spur into the burial ground. Two reasons for that must be considered here, and both are of same importance, although both are probably inseparably interconnected. To begin with, the area could have been used for funerary purposes well ahead of the construction of the mausoleum and subsequent Wari-related funerary structures. The Wari, looking for means to impose their domination over the valley, as well as over the whole region, surely saw the possibility of using the existing burial place, associated most probably with ancestor worship, to introduce their own ancestors, and to dominate the past with their own presence. The Inka did that successfully during their reign, then why not the Wari? The second reason would be the death of the ruler, or another important person, who was to be buried in the new place associated with new ancestorial power. The construction of the tomb began with the construction of the chamber for the burial of the women of the court, or female elite members. The premeditated character of the sample suggests that they were recruited form either the close female circle of an individual (or individuals) who could be called a ‘queen’ (or queens), or from another form of social organisation, known from the later Inka period – acllaqunas (discussed in chapter 7). The plural for ‘queen’ is used here, because there are at least three individuals treated differently within the context, buried in separate sub-chambers, with a lot of valuable grave goods, clearly belonging to them. They differ in age and in the type of grave goods, but Ind. C, as mentioned above, seems to be of the highest rank. It seems that the chamber was prepared as the final resting place for the women well ahead of the death of the ‘queen’, or of the ‘main individual’ who could have been buried in the upper stores of the mausoleum. This is suggested by taphonomic indications, hinting towards a prolonged deposition of the bodies in the tomb. Each body was prepared for burial prior to the final deposition. Most probably each was clothed in fine garments, and their faces were painted red. Each was arranged into a special body position, usually a seated one, with the arms and legs strongly contracted and pulled towards the trunk (there were some exceptions described in chapter 4), wrapped in a layer of textile, forming a fardo. Some grave goods were located close to the body, within the textiles, and some were apparently placed between different fardos. In the case of the individuals regarded as ‘queens’, all the grave goods were 124

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located within the confines of their respective sub-chambers, possibly deposited in several acts of offerings (Figure 54). At a certain moment, along the western edge of the chamber, four walled depressions in the floor were constructed to hold the remains of at least five individuals, who were brought to be deposited there from elsewhere. These deposits, interpreted as ‘reliquaries’, hold either remains of ancestors, possibly brought from the native land of the Wari (or another important place), or were simply remains of the previous owners of the valley, whose remains were collected while building the chamber, and ‘used’ to connect the past with the new, emerging present. When the main individual (Ind. C?) finally died, the funeral process reached its climax. A few last individuals are deposited by the eastern entrance, most probably a few weeks prior to the deposition of the last ‘queen’ (as suggested by the presence of enormous numbers of fly puparia – these were deposited ‘fresh’). Then, after the deposition of the last individual, six more are thrown atop of those already seated on the bedrock floor of the chamber. No clear cut marks, or other hints of their violent death have ever been found, but the placement of their bodies clearly suggests they were thrown down lifeless. Most probably they were human sacrifices killed in the climax of the ceremony.

Figure 54. The main chamber during the excavation – example of abundant grave goods in situ (photo: P. Prządka-Giersz).

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After that, the chamber is gradually filled up with soil and with sharp-edged gravel, to prepare the area for the subsequent construction of the mausoleum walls. Sometime along that stage, or perhaps right before it, the eastern, stepped entrance to the chamber is blocked with adobe, and two additional human beings are buried in the area of the ante-chamber. An adult male and female, lacking their left feet, are most probably placed there also as sacrifices, to hold the position of the guardians. Slightly later the floor of the ante-chamber is constructed of mudbrick, with the series of small rectangular pits to hold ceramic containers filled with chicha (Figure 51). Later on, the whole area witnesses a lot of construction activities – the area over the filled chamber is covered with the floor built with trapezoidal mudbricks, atop of which the central room with four niches and a centrally located bench is built. Later additions include the remaining rooms of the mausoleum, with subdivisions, and finally the whole structure of the mausoleum is constructed, and its outer walls plastered and painted red. It is very likely, however, that the funerary activities did not cease with the burial of the women. The room (or rooms) within the tower-like structure of the mausoleum building surely also was used as a burial place. Such buildings, similar in the architectural plan and design, are known from the highlands, but were always built of stone. In the Castillo, however, the builders decided to use mudbrick – easier to produce, and present in many constructions in the coast for a long time. This type of construction, known later as chullpas, was always of funerary character. The fact that the remains of human bodies found in the upper levels of the mausoleum are scarce suggests that most of the rooms of the mausoleum were used for storage and ceremonial use rather than an exclusively funerary venue. Considering the location, character and plan of the building, it is possible that it was constructed for an individual of a very high status, performing the role of an ancestor after his or her death. The body, or rather the funerary bundle – fardo – containing the body, could have been displayed on the bench in the central room. However, the state of preservation of the whole context precludes any firm statement on that matter. Only minor hints from the fragments of high quality artefacts, and the design of the architecture point to that possibility.

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Who Were the Women of Castillo? What do we know so far? The bioarchaeological analyses performed so far provide insight into the lives of the women buried in the high elite mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey. There is a lot of information about their cultural affinities derived from archaeological and architectonic sources, which clearly associated them with the Middle Horizon in terms of chronology, and with the Wari culture (cf. Giersz 2017, 2018). There is also a lot of information about their individual life stories, information about and derived from their earthly remains, which helps to hypothesise who they were and why they were buried in such an extraordinary location. First, a very specific location of the tomb within the landscape as well as the architectural design of the mausoleum and its surroundings show clearly the importance of the place. Unquestionably, it had played a significant role not only as a huaca, burial or ancestor worship grounds, but also in the politics of the local Wari elites. The main mausoleum building, towering over the lower grounds of the valley, visible from the distance because of its height and red painted walls, influenced the thinking and perception by the local populations, leaving no doubt who was in charge around there at some point (cf. Giersz 2017). Therefore, it may be safely assumed that the people buried within the confines of the sacred funerary building, both below its floors and above them, must have played notable roles in the new immigrant population bringing the Wari culture to this part of the northern Peruvian coastline. Knowing almost nothing about the people whose remains were placed in the aboveground spaces of the mausoleum, we may assume the importance of the position of the people buried below the floors of its central part. If there was any doubt left about the elite descent of the deceased, the rich grave goods associated with most of the individuals point towards their high status within Wari society. Additionally, some of the grave goods, especially the ear ornaments (orejeras), traditionally associated with the high-status Inka elite, elevate the importance of the people buried with them. A lot of artefacts found along with the deceased also validate the suggestion of their daily activities – spindles and spindle-whorls made of a variety of materials, including gold and silver, elements of weaving equipment, remains of wool and cotton skeins – all of them obviously point towards spinning and weaving as daily activities of the deceased (cf. Prządka-Giersz 2018). Apart from that, the presence of human sacrifices and designated tomb guardians is not without relevance. As paleodemographic analyses revealed, the tomb was a final resting place for women exclusively. Further, it was apparently only for women of a certain age and 127

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qualifications. Most of the buried women died as relatively young adults, only some passed their maturity, and very few were subadult. No children less than ten years old were found within the sample. This clearly points towards the premeditated character of the whole burial context. The individuals to be buried within the walls of the underground burial chamber below the floors of the mausoleum had to fulfill certain conditions – they had to be the right gender, the right age, and the correct occupation. Moreover, they had to come from the elites, or rather – they formed the elites of the local population. The presumed elite status of the deceased also finds support in the results of other bioarchaeological analyses. Most of the dental traits suggest relatively good conditions of life. Low levels of dental calculus accumulation, along with low frequency of antemortem loss of teeth suggest a fairly good quality diet and care for mouth hygiene. Apart from that, minor to moderate dental wear observable on the teeth of majority of the women points towards a good quality of well processed food in their diet. The access to food rich in sugars and carbohydrates is proved by relatively high frequency of caries, but without a severe level of them, and only a small number of individuals were found with a developed abscess. Additionally, the traits usually considered to be reflective of stress, such as enamel hypoplasia, cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis of the cranial vault, were observed at relatively low frequencies. The results of the analysis suggest that the stress period (or periods) must have appeared in childhood and did not last long enough to leave more observable changes in the skeleton. The body height, stature, often considered a feature reflecting the living conditions, shows affinity with elite samples from close chronological periods. A final, important, observation refers to the frequency of trauma in the skeleton. It was very low and clearly even this low frequency was concentrated mostly in the series of features observable on the skeleton of one individual – Ind. 44. Who were the people buried along with the women of Huarmey? There were other people buried along with the women originating from elites of the Wari culture: two guardians (Ind. XX and Ind. XY), the remains of at least five more deposited in the reliquaries, and possibly six individuals considered to be human sacrifices (Ind. 8, Ind. 9, Ind. 27/34, Ind. 28, Ind. 50 and Ind. 59), whose remains were found in the main burial chamber, along with the remains of the women (Figure 50). The only basis for the assumption they were of a different social status or different origin is the context of their remains. The guardians, well characterised by the location of their remains in the antechamber and the lack of their left feet, seem to be of a lower status, inferior to most of the women buried in the main chamber (Figure 10). We will never know who they were, but their post-mortem role seems to be obvious. Their function both when they were alive, and after their death, was most probably to serve the elite women. There 128

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would be various social roles they could perform at the court – from guardians of the chosen women to the ‘stewards’ (as suggested in Arsenault 1993). Surely, the fact that the left foot apparently played an important role in the iconography of the Wari and also Tiwanaku cultures (Więckowski 2016a) adds to the importance of the people in the whole context. The individuals whose remains were deposited in the reliquaries, as already stated, could have originated either from the local elites, buried at the site prior to the Wari presence, or from the Wari world. In the first case, their remains would be collected while the chamber was constructed, and may show the need for some specific continuation of the funerary activities at the site, and/or reverence for the earlier, and foreign ancestors. Alternatively, the remains could be fragments of bodies of Wari ancestors, brought to the place to legitimise acquisition of the area for the newly established cult of ancestors, and forming the new source of power. It is necessary to perform additional analyses to attempt to establish which hypothesis could prevail (for example, strontium isotope analysis could confirm if they were local or foreign origin). The assumed human sacrifices of young individuals, most likely female, were killed in the last stage of the ritual, finalizing the deposition of the elite women in the burial chamber (Figures 20 and 21). Right after their deaths, the chamber was filled with several layers of fill, among which the gravel layer, weighing over 30 metric tons, was the most substantial, and instrumental in preservation of the whole context. The isotope analysis performed on two individuals considered to be sacrifices did not show any difference in geographic origin between them and the high elite women (cf. Knudson et al. 2017). Therefore, they could have been recruited from the local population, and destined to accompany the elite women, not as retainers, but as sacrifices. The lack of grave goods associated with them makes determination on their social status impossible. It was certanly inferior to the status of the elite buried within the chamber, but whether they were commoners or originated from local, albeit subordinated elites, we will never know. Where were the women of Huarmey from? Based on the results of biogeochemical analyses it can be concluded that the palaeomobility data from Castillo de Huarmey is homogenous (Figure 41). All results of 87Sr/86Sr individual values fit into the local environmental range obtained from local soil, rock and modern faunal samples. It seems to indicate that all the individuals tested were born in the area, or came from other areas of the Andes, most probably coastal, showing similar results of 87Sr/86Sr and oxygen isotope values. All results of oxygen isotope analysis are consistent with the coastal area of Peru and are aligned with the results from the local water sources more than with the highlands. Yet the architectural structure and associated material culture were clearly new and foreign to that known from the area (cf. Giersz 2018, Prządka-Giersz 2018). 129

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It seems, therefore, that while indeed there were no clear cases of first-generation migrants from other, highland areas, such as known in Wari heartland for example, it is still possible that the females buried within the burial chamber of the mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey could have been the second- or third-generation migrants from the aforementioned areas, or they may have been the first-generation migrants from other parts of the Andes that exhibit values of 87Sr/86Sr=0.707. This suggestion stems from the results of the palaeodiet data, which is more heterogeneous than the palaeomobility data. More specifically, only some individuals represent log (Ba/ Sr) values which are consistent with a predominately marine diet, while others, a substantial majority, largely consumed foods of terrestrial origin. The fact that they all lived near the coast, with an easy physical access to the sea-derived food sources, cannot explain this variability. Rather, a very mixed diet would be expected from such a local population. Although the collagen dataset is much smaller, there is also variability in 15Ncollagen(AIR) values from Castillo de Huarmey. All these data may reflect dietary variability in the second- or third-generation migrants who were born locally and retained distinct dietary practices of their fathers, not getting totally accustomed to the diet based on marine foods. The palaeogenetic data seem to point towards the south as the possible geographic origin of the buried, rather then directly to the highlands. It may therefore be possible that most, if not all, of the Huarmey women originated from this population, or came from the territory closer to the imperial core, but reached the location where they were eventually buried as ‘not-the-first’ generation of migrants, after passing through, and staying for more than one generation in the central coast area. This hypothesis would also be consistent with the results of the geochemical analyses and available archaeological data. Who were they actually? The fact that there were only women buried within the walls of the main underground burial chamber of the mausoleum at Castillo de Huarmey may provide a hint on their social identity and status, as well as on the role they played within their society. All the information obtained from both bioarchaeological and archaeological research performed so far portrays a group of women, mostly young adult or adult of age, living in good conditions, with access to good quality food, living quite comfortable lives (lack of trauma-causing events related to physical activity or inter/intrapersonal violence), occupied daily with textile and possibly chicha production. The archaeological context and rich grave goods undoubtedly place them in the highest strata of the society. When buried, they were accompanied by human sacrifices, guarded by grave guards (also most probably sacrificed), and there was a lot of effort put into the securing their final resting place, so that it would not be disturbed easily.

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The search for analogical archaeological contexts in the Andean world poses many difficulties. Middle Horizon tombs from the heartland of the Wari Empire are virtually empty, having been emptied either in the past (possibly even by the Wari people themselves), or looted in more recent times. Those preserved intact belonged to representatives of much lower social strata, and are not comparable to the Castillo de Huarmey context (see Tung and Cook 2006). Later periods provide several contexts, bearing some similarities to that from Huarmey. It must be stressed here, however, that the similarities are more bioarchaeological than any other; – while they brought to light burials of high numbers of women who were associated with rich and textile production-related grave goods, their spatial and architectural contexts were very different from that of the Castillo. The first one is the so-called ‘cemetery of sacrificed women’ from Pachacamac, and another is a multiple burial from the Stone Temple of Huaca Larga from Túcume (see Toyne 2002). Both contexts are associated with the Inka Empire in the area in the Late Horizon (1450-1532 CE). Another context of female burials is the burial found in the funerary platform from Chan Chan, Huaca de las Avispas (1100-1470 CE). The discovery, however, originally thought to be the burial of close to 300 young women in forty different cells constructed within the platform, was revealed, after bioarchaeological research implementing modern techniques, to be a burial ground for 93 individuals, among them a few males (Bentley and Klaus 2016). They are thought to be burials of sacrificed retainers, accompanying the main individual (male), for whom the whole funerary platform was constructed and dedicated. One also has to bear in mind a number of burial contexts known from the slightly earlier, and partially overlapping, chronological horizon on the north coast of Peru, generally associated with the Moche, and subsequent Lambayeque cultures. The two most recent decades brought to light several graves of high elite women, apparently Moche priestesses or governors. They include the discoveries from Huaca Cao Viejo, from Chotuna-Chornancap or from San Jose de Moro (Mujica Barreda 2007; Wester La Torre 2016; Castillo 2006). However, all these contexts are burials of single female individuals, often accompanied by retainers, with rich grave goods and in very specific locations associated with religion. Their existence and character may be used in the discussion on the status of women in the Middle Horizon, although from the bioarchaeological point of view, the value for comparisons with the context from Castillo de Huarmey is limited. The first two contexts also differ substantially from that of Castillo de Huarmey. The ‘cemetery of sacrificed women’ was investigated at the beginning of the twentieth century by Max Uhle. More than 40 individuals assumed to be adult females based on associated garments and grave goods, were unearthed in the course of his excavations of the southeast corner of the lower platform of the Temple of the Sun. The state of preservation allowed Uhle not only to identify the remains as female, but also to determine that they were strangled, and thus sacrificed (Verano 2001). In the case of 131

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Huaca Larga at Túcume, excavations within the Stone Temple revealed the existence of several burials below the floors of its rooms – five below the room named Recinto 1 and nineteen below Recinto 3. The second group was identified as remains of females, deposited in five different pits (Toyne 2002). The archaeological context of both finds led the researcher to interpret the remains of the buried individuals as human sacrifice. In the case of Pachacamac, the bodies were buried in individual pits around the platform, while in the case of Túcume, they were deposited in several pits, holding between two and six individuals each, below the floors of the temple building. What connects both contexts is the interpretation of the identity of the women – both were proposed to be graves holding remains of aqllacunas – chosen women (Eeckhout and Owens 2008; Narváez 1995). According to many early chroniclers’ accounts (among the principal sources, the works of Cieza de León [1550], Polo de Ondegardo [ca. 1560], Cristobal de Molina [1575], Juan Betanzos [1576], Murrúa [1590], Guaman Poma de Ayala [1613] or Bernabe Cobo [1653] are most often mentioned by researchers – Guengerich 2009; Toyne 2002; Gose 2000; Costin 1998 or Silverblatt 1978) aqllacunas (chosen ones) were females selected from the general population subjected to Inka government, and recruited into the state service, to provide several key services to the Empire. They could have become potential human sacrifices to be murdered on special state occasions or killed as retainers to be placed in high elite members’ graves. They could have been placed in the special facilities called aqllawasi (house of the aqlla) where they became eventually women specially trained to produce highly valuable goods such as the beverages used during the state and religious festivals, especially corn beer – chicha, and in textile production (spinning and weaving). Sometimes they could have also be ‘distributed’ by the Inka as rewards to some men, to become their wives or concubines. This way the Inka would gratify men for their outstanding service to the Empire as part of military forces or bureaucratic system. The recruitment of aqllacunas was apparently based on female physical beauty and perfection, as well as skills obtained prior to being called to state service. The local governors performed the recruitment on behalf of the Inka among young girls between 8 and 10 years old, in every region of the Empire. It seems that the girls were of every possible social status, and gained a semi-divine status as aqllas, becoming metaphorical wives, sisters and daughters of the Sun, and its earthly incarnation – the emperor. As such, they not only enjoyed a very high status within the imperial social stratification, but also incarnated the very idea of the Empire. They served not only the state, by being sacrifices, producers of valuable goods or rewards for high status males, but also the gods, performing the roles of priestesses. The aqllawasi – houses of the chosen – functioned in all regions of the Empire, with the most important one in Cusco, where possibly an actual sister of the emperor was in charge. This ‘institution’ formed a very important part of the royal court. The most notable houses also gathered women of royal or high elite origin, as well as the most

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skilled ones, able to produce the finest textiles and clothes for the imperial court, and for the Inka himself. Certainly, the differences between the contexts believed to hold remains of aqllacunas and that from Castillo de Huarmey are quite obvious and substantial, starting with the chronological difference and finishing with the contextual one. However, since there is some agreement that the Figure 55. One of several sets of ear ornaments Inkas based their empire and ideology (orejeras) found within the context on the achievements of their ancestors, (photo: M. Giersz). probably on those created by the Wari Empire (among them the road system, cultivation terraces, etc.), it is possible there are similarities between them, that were rooted deep in time and inherited through time and generations. The time difference between the decline of Wari and emergence of Inka empires is around 300 years. It is likely that the material culture related to the Wari state, as well as the Wari people persisted long after the collapse of their empire. Since the settlement of the first Inkas in the valley around Cusco is dated to ca. 1200 AD, the actual time difference between the last Wari and the first Inka may be much shorter. It is possible that the existence of similar social structures, among them courts of highly skilled women, could have originated already in the Middle Horizon. Taking into account the uniqueness of Castillo de Huarmey, the very rich grave goods, its specific geographic location, and the premeditated character of the sample, it might be assumed that if the women buried under the floors of the mausoleum originated from the group of the chosen ones, they should be associated with the highest elites, possibly of an imperial level. Therefore, they could have been the closest to the queen, and it is possible one (or a few) of them was the queen herself. It is also quite intriguing that the ear ornaments – orejeras – usually associated with high elite men, were present in the context from the Castillo (Figures 50 and 55), as well as in those from the Moche world, and from Túcume, from the Inka time (Wester La Torre 2016; Toyne 2002). Although this hypothesis, in this particular case based only on bioarchaeological data (sex and reconstructed social status), would indeed be very attractive, it should be remembered that there are no archaeological contexts from the Middle Horizon so far, which would be comparable with the find from Castillo de Huarmey, either to support or to contradict it. Whoever they were, the discovery of their mortal remains, silent witnesses of their glorious past, provides us with a unique opportunity to peek into the long passed and almost forgotten times. And to bring their history to life…

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Epilogue Almost six years have passed since the day the first signs, in the form of empty puparia fly appeared in an otherwise sterile layer of crushed stone, once covering the burial chamber hidden from the sight of the world for over one thousand years. These were six years filled with work, discussions and satisfaction. Six years that have, in my opinion, passed way too fast. From the time of the discovery, that had to be kept secret from the very first day, until the day all of the valuable artefacts were placed in safety, the interest of the whole world started in June 2013. Journalists from all over the globe, searching for the information on the unique, preserved, and rich archaeological contexts, wanted interviews. The information was broadcasted worldwide; it was also published in a great number of newspapers and journals, in many languages, in addition to many internet portals and websites. Then National Geographic became interested, and a story, in many editions a leading one, with a cover picture, was published in 2014. All this happened very quickly, almost at the same time as all of the analyses on the remains were to be performed. I have spent countless hours at the laboratory located in a storage area, in a rented house in Huarmey. Without help from all the team members, this time would be remembered as much less enjoyable, even difficult. The team helped with the inventory, cleaning, analyses and provided friendship and company. A lot of analyses are still in process. Answers provided by the ones already finished create a series of completely new questions to be answered. Therefore, there is plenty of work still to be performed. The first, preliminary publication, was to accompany the exhibition at the Museum of Arts in Lima (MALI – Museo de Arte, Lima) in 2014. The artefacts displayed there have drawn attention of thousands of people. In late 2017, after months of preparations, negotiations and travels, a sample of the artefacts from the imperial mausoleum arrived in Poland. It was indeed an unprecedented event. The artefacts from Castillo the Huarmey, accompanied by several unique archaeological pieces borrowed from the National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and History of Peru (Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú), have travelled thousands of kilometres, from Lima to Warsaw, to be exhibited at the National Museum of Ethnography (Państwowe Muzeum Etnograficzne). This exhibition was the first in Poland to show actual, real artefacts from Peru, but also the first chance for the public to see ‘the Queen’ face to face. The skull of Ind. C was carefully scanned and later printed at the University of Warsaw, and finally sent to Oscar Nilsson in Stockholm, Sweden. After over two hundred hours of work, reconstruction of layers of facial and head muscles, it was possible to see how ‘the Queen’ actually looked (Figure 56) and to look in the eye of the long-gone queen of Wari. 134

Epilogue

Figure 56. Reconstruction of the face of Ind.C – ‘the queen’ (reconstruction and photo: O. Nilsson).

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Credits This publication presents the results of analysis of the human remains excavated at the site of Castillo de Huarmey, on the north coast of Peru. The excavations are directed by Dr Miłosz Giersz and Lic. Roberto Pimentel Nita of the Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. While authored by different people, all plans, photos, tables, text are copyrighted to authors and to ©PIACH (Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey). Most of the plans and drawings were prepared by Julia Chyla, under the supervision of Miłosz Giersz, Jacek Kościuk, Roberto Pimentel Nita and the author. Photos were taken by Miłosz Giersz, and Patrycja Prządka-Giersz as well as M. Bogacki and the author. Figures 5 and 6 show artefacts that formed a part of the exhibition in Warsaw, Poland, courtesy of the National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and History of Peru, Lima, Peru. Figure 18 was prepared by Jakub Kaniszewski. Figure 56 shows the reconstruction created by Oscar Nilsson. Numbering systems are identical with those used during the excavation process. Excavated areas are numbered as units according to the reports submitted after each and every season to the Ministry of Culture of Peru. Individuals excavated within the mausoleum were numbered in the process of excavations, and their numbers identify the order in which they were excavated. Individuals in the separated sub-chambers were identified by capital letters (A through D), individuals in the main chamber with Arabic numbers (1 through 62), numbers Ind. 27/34 and 39/40 reflect the situation that originally, they were identified as separate items, and during the excavations were identified as single individuals. Individuals under the antechamber floor were identified according to their sex – Ind.XX and Ind.XY. Biogeochemical analyses were performed on the samples obtained from the human remains, handled and transferred to laboratories in USA (Arizona State University, School of Human Evolution and Social Change and University of California, Santa Cruz Human Paleogenomic Lab) in accordance with all the rules and with necessary permissions granted by the Ministry of Culture of Peru.

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