Papers in Italian Archaeology IV: The Cambridge Conference. Part iv: Classical and Medieval Archaeology 9780860543152, 9781407340517

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Papers in Italian Archaeology IV The Cambridge Conference

Part iv

Classical and Medieval Archaeology edited by

Caroline Malone and Simon Stoddart

BAR International Series 246

1985

B.A.R.

5, Centremead, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 OES, England.

GENERAL EDITORS A.R Hands, B.Sc., M.A., D.Phil. D.R Walker, M.A.

B.A.R.-S246, 1985: 'Papers in Italian Archaeology IY. Part iv: Cla8sical and Medieval Archaeology'.

©

The Individual Authors, 1985.

The authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9780860543152 paperback ISBN 9781407340517 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860543152 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

to

D edicated t he memory o f

M .

A ylwin

Cotton

C ONTENTS

P age L ist o f

i llustrations

A ddresses P reface 1 .

o f

C ontributors

a nd A cknowledgements

C aroline M alone

a nd

S imon

2 . R ebecca M iller Ammerman: votive t erracottas.

S toddart:

I ntroduction.

1

M edma a nd t he exchange o f 5

3 . I ngrid E dlund: Man, n ature, a nd t he G ods: a s tudy o f r ural s anctuaries i n E truria a nd M agna G raecia f rom t he s eventh t o t he f ourth c entury B .C.

2 1

4 . T om B lagg: C ult practice a nd i ts s ocial c ontext i n t he r eligious s anctuaries o f L atium a nd s outhern E truria.

3 3

5 . A nna C andeloro: I i p roblema d el n ei monumenti f unerari d 'Abruzzo

5 1

f regio d orico

6 . S tephen Dyson: T he v illa o f B uccino a nd t he c onsumer model o f R oman r ural d evelopment.

6 7

7 . R ichard R eece: R ome the e vidence o f c oins.

8 5

8 .

Robert R owland:

i n t he M editerranean world:

T he R oman

I nvasion o f

S ardinia.

9 . M addalena A romatorio, N atalina C iacio, L uisella D ella Valle, Emanuella F abbricotti, V alentina T ritapepe: I uvanum: s cavi e r icerche 1 980-83. 1 0.

A lastair

S mall:

T he e arly v illa a t

S an G iovanni.

9 9

1 19 1 65

1 1. Joann F reed: S an G iovanni d i R uoti: c ultural d iscontinuity b etween t he e arly a nd l ate R oman E mpire i n s outhern I taly.

1 79

1 2. Janet D eLaine: building t echniques:

1 95

A n e ngineering a pproach t o R oman t he b aths o f C aracalla i n R ome.

1 3. David W hitehouse: R aiders a nd I nvaders: R oman C ampagna i n t he f irst m illennium A .D. 1 4. Jeremy J ohns: T he M onreale s urvey: i nvaders i n M edieval w est S icily.

t he

i ndigenes

2 07 a nd

1 5. P eter H udson a nd M . C ristina L a R occa H udson: L ombard i mmigration a nd i ts e ffects o n n orth I talian rural a nd u rban s ettlement.

2 15

2 25

1 6. P aul A rthur: Dark A ge c ity.

Naples:

n otes

on

t he e conomy of

a 2 47

1 7. R ichard H odges, J ohn Moreland a nd H elen P atterson: S an V incenzo a l Volturno, t he K ingdom o f B enevento, a nd t he C arolingians.

2 61

1 8. David Abulafia: T he P isan Medieval Mediterranean e conomy: point.

2 87

1 9. E ster S coditti: Medieval masonry.

C ori:

b acini a nd t he a h istorian's v iew-

a nalysis

a nd d ating of 3 03

L IST OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

F igures P age R .

T .

M iller Ammerman F ig. 2 .1. D istribution map o f s ites i n s outhern I taly where Medmaean t erracottas have b een r eported B lagg F ig. 4 .1. F ig.

A .

S .

R .

Candeloro F ig. 5 .1.

Dyson F ig. 6 .1. F ig. 6 .2. F ig. 6 .3. F ig. 6 .4. F ig. 6 .5. F ig. 6 .6. R owland F ig. 8 .1. F ig. F ig.

M .

A .

J .

4 .2.

8 .2. 8 .3.

A romatorio F ig. 9 .1. F ig. 9 .2. F ig. 9 .3. F ig. 9 .4. F ig. 9 .5. F ig. 9 .6. S mall F ig. 1 0.1. F ig.

1 0.2.

F ig.

1 0.3.

F reed F ig. 1 1.1. F ig. 1 1.2. F ig. 1 1.3. F ig. 1 1.4. F ig. 1 1.5.

Nemi, p lan o f t he s anctuary i n i ts t hird phase T erracotta r evetment plaques, f rom N emi

Area d i d iffusione del i n Abruzzo

3 6 4 2

f regio dorico 5 2

T he l ocation of Buccino i n I taly T he p lan o f t he V ittimose v illa P lan o f t he Vagni v illa P lan of t he San N icola v illa P lan o f t he P areti v illa V illa d istributions i n t he Buccino

area

D irection o f R oman p enetration i n western S ardinia S ites i n t he S erramana area L ocations mentioned i n t he t ext e t a l. P ianta d i I uvanum I l S antuario Oppida n el t erritorio d i I t ratturi i n Abruzzo L e v ie r omane Ambiente F con f ornace

L ocation map S an G iovanni: excavated S an G iovanni:

6

I uvanum

6 8 7 0 7 3 7 5 7 8 8 0

1 03 1 07 1 11

1 21 1 24 1 28 1 39 1 54 1 57

1 66 p lan

of

t he

s tructures

p lan

of

t he

s tructures

1 69

excavated

1 70

S an G iovanni: p lan of P eriod I S an G iovanni: p lan of Period I I S an G iovanni: p lan o f P eriod I lia S an G iovanni: p lan of P eriod I IIb P eriod n ib f inewares a nd l ate R oman painted c ommon ware ( 4-10)

1 80 1 83 1 86 1 89 1 91

J .

D elaine F ig. 1 2.1. F ig. 1 2.2. F ig.

J .

1 2.3.

J ohns F ig. 1 4.1.

P .

P .

A rthur F ig. 1 6.1. 1 6.2.

H odges et a l. F ig. 1 7.1.

F ig.

E .

2 01 2 03

Map o f

2 16

t he a rea o f

t he M onreale

s urvey

H udson a nd M .C. L a R occa H udson F ig. 1 5.1 T urin p rovince: medieval t erritory o f t he c omuni o f C hieri a nd M oncalieri. D istribution o f R oman a nd G ermanic p lace-names a nd L ombard p eriod burial s ites F ig. 1 5.2. T urin p rovince: medieval t erritory o f t he c omuni o f C hieri a nd M oncalieri. D istribution o f L ombard p eriod burial s ites F ig. 1 5.3. B rescia province: p lace-names a nd b urial s ites F ig. 1 5.4. B rescia p rovince: d istribution o f L ombard p eriod b urial s ites F ig. 1 5.5. V erona p rovince: p lace-names a nd burial s ites F ig. 1 5.6. V erona province: d istribution o f L ombard p eriod b urial s ites F ig. 1 5.7. R econstruction o f t he R oman s treet p lan o f V erona F ig. 1 5.8. V erona, V ia D ante: l ate R oman a nd e arly M edieval s treet f rontage F ig. 1 5.9. L ombard p eriod p ottery f rom t he C ortile d i T ribunale, V erona

F ig.

R .

B aths o f C aracalla, P lan R econstruction o f t he p ortico o f t he P alaestra R oom 2 0 west, w est a pse, m etal b ar

1 7.2.

S coditti F ig. 1 9.1.

N aples a nd t he n eighbouring B yzantine f ortified s ites o f t he 7 th c entury A .D. B yzantine p ottery o f t he 6 th a nd 7 th c enturies A .D. f rom r ecent excavations i n N aples

T he t erra o f t he 9 th c entury monastery a nd k nown s ettlements i n t he r egion T he main e xcavated a rea s howing t he c rypt c hurch, t he a ula ( the ' south c hurch') w ith t he c orridor r unning t hrough i t t o t he r efectory a rea

T ypes o f masonry

1 97

2 27

2 28 2 30 2 31 2 33 2 34 2 36 2 38 2 39

2 49

2 54

2 62

2 65

3 04

Plates P age R .

M iller P late

T .

A .

S .

M .

Ammerman

2 .1.

B lagg P late 4 .1. P late

4 .2.

P late

4 .3.

P late P late

4 .4. 4 .5.

P late

4 .6.

P late

4 .7.

C andeloro P late 5 .1a. P late 5 .1b/1. P late 5 .1b/2. P late 5 .2. P late 5 .3. P late 5 .4. P late 5 .5. P late

5 .6.

P late

5 .7a

P late

5 .7b/1

P late

5 .7h/2

P late P late P late

5 .8. 5 .9. 5 .10.

D yson P late 6 .1. P late 6 .2. A romatorio et P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late

9 .1. 9 .2. 9 .3. 9 .4. 9 .5. 9 .6. 9 .7. 9 .8. 9 .9.

Votive t erracotta deposit at Medma

f rom

t he

C alderazzo 9

N emi, t he s ite o f t he s anctuary o f D iana, f rom t he north west N emi, t he s outh-east wall of t he precinct G roup o f t erracotta p edimental s culpture f rom N emi H err n o f F undilia f rom N emi T erracotta s tatuettes of women, f rom N emi S tatuettes of draped male a nd s eated pairs, f rom N emi Votive t erracotta h eads, f rom Nemi

C orfinio, c asa Margiotta C orfinio, Museo C ivico C orfinio, Museo C ivico C ivita d i O ricola, c asale M iole C ivitatomassa, c hiesa parrocchiale C ivitatomassa, chiesa parrocchiale C avallari, c hiesa dei S anti P roto e G iacito Guardia Vomano, chiesa d i S an C lemente a l Vomano A ntrosano, s pigolo destro della c hiesa d i S anta C roce A ntrosano, s pigolo s inistro d ella c hiesa d i S anta C roce A ntrosano, l ato s inistro della c hiesa d i C roce C arsoli, v ia R oma n . 5 3 Museo dell' Aquila Museo d ell'Aquila ( da P returo)

V ittimose - D olium j ar w ith V iew of t he S an Marco v illa

notations

a l. Veduta d i I uvanum I i S antuario T emenos: l ato nord T empio A T empio B F r. d i cornice a g ala r ovescia T eatro T eatro a . Mti. P izzi, b . L iscia P alazzo, c .

Massiccio

d ella

M aiella

3 4 3 8 4 0 4 3 4 5 4 5 4 7

5 3 5 3 5 3 5 4 5 4 5 4 5 7 5 7 5 8 5 8 5 8 6 0 6 0 6 0

7 1 71

1 20 1 23 1 23 1 23 1 23 1 26 1 26 1 26 1 26

P late

9 .10.

P late P late

9 .11. 9 .12.

P late

9 .13.

P late

9 .14.

P late

9 .15.

P late

9 .16.

P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late P late

9 .17. 9 .18. 9 .19. 9 .20. 9 .21. 9 .22. 9 .23. 9 .24. 9 .25. 9 .26. 9 .27. 9 .28.

P late 9 .29. P late 9 .30. P late 9 .31.

A .

J .

P .

S mall P late 1 0.1. P late

1 0.2.

P late

1 0.3.

P late

1 0.4.

D elaine P late 1 2.1. P late 1 2.2. P late 1 2.3.

A rthur P late 1 6.1.

L J scia p assaggio t ra due p areti d i r occia M ontenercdomo M ontenerodomo: r esti d ella c inta muraria occidentale M ontenerodomo: r esti d ella c inta muraria o rientale M ontenerodomo: f ortificazioni d el v ersante o rientale a S anta M aria del P alazzo M onte d i M aio: c inta e sterna, v ersante o rientale M onte d i M aio: c inta i nterna, p ietraia d i r iempimento E pigrafe d i C ornelia S alonina E pigrafe d i F abio Massimo S ala a bsidata a n ord d ella b asilica S arcofago B asilica F ontana p ubblica E pigrafe d edicatoria d ei s eviri E pigrafe d edicatoria d ei s eviri V ia O rientale P articolare d ella v ia O rientale F ornace P articolare d el p refurnio c on l a p iccola o lpe O lpe a l c entro d ella f ornace F rammento d i ' Samaria t ipo 2 6' O lpe a l c entro d ella f ornace d opo i l r estauro

E arlier walls e xcavated b elow t he 5 th c entury f loor l evel i n r oom 3 T he w atercourse o f t he 1 st c entury A .D. i n a rea 7 3 t o t he n orth o f the c ourtyard T he t ank o f t he 4 th c entury A .D. i n t he c entre o f t he c ourtyard T he 4 th c entury b ath s uite, r ooms 2 0 a nd 2 1

P alaestra 1 2 west R oom 2 0 w est, w est a pse R oom 5 , west, d etail o f w indow

1 31 1 31 1 31 1 31

1 35 1 35 1 35 1 35 1 44 1 44 1 44 1 47 1 47 1 47 1 47 1 50 1 50 1 50 1 56 1 56 1 56 1 56

1 68

1 72 1 73 1 74

1 99 1 99 v ault a bove

L ate s ixth o r s eventh c entury amphora o f p ossible A egean o rigin, f ound r eu sed f or a n i nfant b urial during excavations a t S . M aria L a N ova, N aples

1 99

2 53

R .

H odges et al. P late 1 7.1. P late

P late E .

1 7.2.

T he excavations at t he end o f t he 1 983 s eason A prophet painted i n a north I talian

1 7.3.

s tyle, probably b y a north I talian p ainter, which once adorned t he west wall of t he l ong t horoughfare M edieval pottery f rom S an V incenzo

S coditti P late 1 9.1. P late 1 9.2. P late 1 9.3. P late 1 9.4.

P late

1 9.5.

P late

1 9.6.

P late

1 9.7.

P late

1 9.8.

P late

1 9.9.

P late

1 9.10.

V ia delle R imesse - masonry o f T ype I T ype I I masonry T ype I I masonry M asonry o f type I II, built onto t he p olygonal walls b y t he convent of S . O livia V ia R icchi - T ower w ith masonry of t ype I V V ia delle C olonne - house w ith masonry o f t ype V V ia S avonarola - T ower w ith masonry o f t ype V a P iazza N infius - T ower w ith masonry o f t ype V I M asonry o f t ype VIa i n r eligious c ontext M asonry o f t ype VIa i n s ecular context

2 67

2 70 2 72

3 06 3 07 3 09

3 10 3 11 3 13 3 14 3 15 3 16 3 17

L IST OF TABLES P age J .

D .

F reed T able 1 1.1. Table 1 1.2. T able 1 1.3. Table 11.4.

P .

f or P eriod f or P eriod f or P eriod f or P eriod

I I I I IIa I IIb

1 81 1 84 1 87 1 90

Whitehouse T able

J .

S herd counts S herd counts S herd counts S herd counts

1 3.1.

Johns T able 1 4.1.

Arthur T able 1 6.1.

Table

1 6.2.

T able

1 6.3.

S ites w ith

A frican

S ite components o f h istorical periods s urvey

r ed

s lip ware

2 09

t he d ifferent l ocated i n the

Comparison of near-contemporary archaeological deposits f rom Naples a nd Rome, dated c . A .D. 4 40+10 Comparison of near-contemporary archaeol ogical deposits f rom C arminiello a i Mannesi, Naples, dates c . A .D. 5 00± 1 0 Amphorae f rom a l ate 6 th/early 7 th c entury A .D. deposit

2 16

2 50

2 52 2 55

A DDRESSES David Abulafia, Gonville and Cambridge, CB2 1 TA.

C aius

C ollege,

Maddalena A romatorio, Via M ilite I gnoto, 7 2, Pescara 6 5100, Italy. Paul A rthur, Piazza R iario 80139 Napoli, Italy.

S forza,

1 59,

Tom B lagg, Rutherford C ollege, The U niversity, Canterbury, Kent, CT2 7 NX, England. Anna

C andeloro,

Via A rapietra, 65100 Pescara, Italy.

5 8,

Natalina C iacio, Via T evere, 6 , Montesilvano, 65100 Pescara, Italy. Janet Delaine, Department of C lassics, University o f A delaide, G .P.O. Box 4 98, 5 001 A delaide, South Australia, Australia. Luisella D ella Valle, Via R avizza, 5 0, 66100 Chieti, Italy. Stephen Dyson, Department of C lassics, Wesleyan U niversity, Middletown, Conn. 06457, United S tates of A merica.

OF CONTRIBUTORS

I ngrid E dlund, Department o f C lassics, T he U niversity o f T exas at Austin, TX 7 8712, U nited S tates of America.

Austin,

Emanuella F abbricotti, I stituto d i A rcheologia e S toria Facoltä d i L ettere e F ilosofia, Universitä degli S tudi, Chieti, I taly.

A ntica,

Joann F reed, Department o f C lassics, T he U niversity of A lberta, Edmonton, T 6G 2 E5, Canada. R ichard H odges, Department o f P rehistory a nd U niversity of S heffield, S heffield S 10 2 TN, E ngland. P eter Hudson, V ia D e Gasperi, 3 7022 Fumane, Verona, I taly. Jeremy Johns, Department o f A rchaeology, U niversity of Newcastle, Newcastle, E ngland. M . Cristina L a Rocca V ia D e Gasperi, 3 7022 Fumane, Verona, I taly.

Hudson,

Caroline Malone D epartment of A rchaeology, Downing S treet, Cambridge, E ngland. Rebecca M iller Ammerman, Department of C lassics, Colgate U niversity, H amilton, N ew Y ork 1 3346, U nited S tates of America.

A rchaeology,

John Moreland, Department o f P rehistory University of S heffield, S heffield S 10 2 TN, England. H elen Patterson, Department of P rehistory University of S heffield, Sheffield S 10 2 TN, E ngland.

a nd

A rchaeology

a nd

A rchaeology

R ichard R eece, I nstitute of Archaeology, 3 1-34, Gordon S quare, London, WC1H OPY, E ngland. Robert

Rowland,

Department of C lassics, D ivision o f A rts a nd t he H umanities, University of M aryland, College P ark, Maryland 2 0742, United S tates o f A merica. E ster Scoditti, V ia V ittorio B achelet, 0 0169 Roma, I taly.

5 9,

Alistair S mall, Department of C lassics, The U niversity o f A lberta, Edmonton, T6G 2E5, Canada. S imon S toddart, Department of A rchaeology, Downing S treet, Cambridge, England. Valentina T ritapepe, V ia G iovanni Verga, 1 , 6 0100 Ancona, I taly. David Whitehouse, T he Corning Museum o f Corning G lass C enter, Corning, N .Y. 1 4830, United S tates

o f

G lass,

America.

P reface

a nd A cknowledgements

T his i s t he f ourth o f f our v olumes b ased o n t he papers p resented a t t he T hird C onference o f I talian A rchaeology t hat t ook p lace i n S t. J ohn's C ollege a nd C hrist's C ollege, C ambridge i n J anuary, 1 984. T he c onference w as h eld a lmost e xactly f our y ears a fter t he s econd c onference i n t he D epartment o f C lassics a nd A rchaeology at S heffield U niversity which w as a lso published b y B ritish A rchaeological R eports ( Barker a nd H odges 1 981) a nd s even y ears a fter t he f irst at L ancaster ( Blake e t a l. 1 978). T he o rganisers o f t he C ambridge c onference i nvited s peakers t o p resent e ither l onger t hematic p apers, o r period r eports o r v isual d isplays o n c urrent r esearch. A bout o ne h undred p eople r esponded t o t he call f or p apers; a pproximately two f ifths o f t hese w ere f rom I taly ( of w hom a bout o ne t hird were b ased i n L azio); a bout one t hird w ere B ritish; a f urther o ne f ifth w ere f rom N orth America; a nd a l esser n umber w ere f rom t he N etherlands, S weden a nd A ustralia. T he g eographical coverage o f t he papers w as fairly e ven; o ne t hird o f t he papers c overed t he S outh a nd t he I slands; a f urther t hird c overed C entral I taly ( although a f ull t hird o f t hese c oncentrated o n L azio); o ne f ifth covered t he N orth o f I taly; t he r emaining f ifth t ackled t hemes t hat e ncompassed more t han o ne o f t hese a reas. I t was t he s pontaneous a nd v aried r esponse o f a ll t he c onference p articipants t hat c ontributed s o much t o t he s timulating c onference t hat r esulted. T he published p apers h ave b een d istributed a mong f our v olumes. T he f irst v olume r etains a n important t heme o f t he c onference: t he H uman L andscape. T he t hree o ther v olumes a re d ivided a long b roadly c hronological l ines: P rehistory, P rotohistory a nd C lassical/Historical p eriods. I n t he s poken conference, t he t hematic s essions b rought s pecialists o f d ifferent p eriods t ogether. H owever, i t was f elt t hat i n p ublication a ccess t o s pecialist i nterests would b e f acilitated i f t he v olumes w ere d ivided c hronologically. A cknowledgements T he s uccess o f t he c onference r elied o n t he e fforts o f many people. T he o rganisers would l ike t o t hank D r. D . W hitehouse f or t he i nitial s uggestion o f h olding t he T hird C onference of I talian A rchaeology a t C ambridge a nd f or h is c ontinuing a dvice. T he o rganisers a re v ery g rateful t o a ll w ho c oordinated t he c onference d ebates: P rof. A .C. R enfrew ( President), D r. G . B arker, M r. M . C rawford, D r. H . H urst, D r. T . P otter, P rof. P . W ells, P rof. J . W ilks, D r. D . W hitehouse a nd D r. R . W hitehouse ( Session C hairmen), P rof.ssa A .M. B ietti S estieri, P rof. S . T ine, P rof. M . T orelli, D ott. S . T usa a nd D r. D . W hitehouse ( Discussants). A n umber o f b odies made g enerous c ontributions t owards t he f inance o f t he c onference: B ritish A cademy, B ritish S chool a t R ome ( loan), A lwyn Cotton F oundation, S t. J ohn's C ollege. W e would l ike t o t hank t he M aster, F ellows, B ursar, J unior B ursar a nd s taff o f C hrist's C ollege a nd S t. J ohn's C ollege w ho p . :ovided f ood, a ccommodation ( St. J ohn's C ollege) a nd c onference f acilities. M any others p rovided a dvice a nd w e would e specially l ike t o

t hank D r. J . A lexander, Dr. J . C herry, Mr. M . Crawford and Dr. H . Hurst i n t his r espect. L astly, we would l ike t o express our gratitude t o t he many w ho h elped i n the preparation a nd r unning of t he c onference: E lizabeth B annan, Kate B oyle, S am E vans, Judith G römberg, N icholas James, S imon Kaner, James McVicar, Mark P earce, G ilbert P witi, A ndrew S argent, Janet S mith a nd James Whitley. P ublication

Acknowledgements

I n t he f irst p lace t he editors would l ike t o t hank A ntonia Lovelace who patiently u ndertook t he massive t ask of t ransferring a 1 000 pages o f t ext onto t he micro-computer. This work continued even when t he editors were away i n I taly. We would l ike t o t hank t he D epartment o f A rchaeology f or the u se o f t heir micro-computer facilities a nd i n particular Dr. C . S hell f or h is a dvice. T he C ambridge U niversity C omputing S ervice generously a llowed u s t o u se i ts K DEM text r eading s ystem which considerably s peeded u p t he t ransfer of t exts t o t he c omputer memory. I n a ddition, w e would l ike t o t hank Debbie C annon, Margerite Jones a nd T im Malim who r e-modelled s ome o f t he drawings f or publication. L astly we would l ike to t hank K ate C lark a nd R owland R eeve who gave v aluable assistance i n t he l ast moments o f preparation o f the t ext for publication.

B ibliography Barker,

G . a nd H odges, R . ( eds.) 1 981. A rchaeology and I talian S ociety. P rehistoric, R oman a nd M edieval s tudies ( Papers i n I talian A rchaeology I I). ( B.A. R. I nternational S eries 1 02). Oxford, B ritish Archaeological R eports.

B lake,

H . McK., P otter, T . W. a nd W hitehouse, D .B. ( eds.) 1 978. Papers i n I talian A rchaeology I . ( B.A. R. S upplementary S eries 4 1). Oxford, B ritish Archaeolog Hal R eports.

1 .

I NTRODUCTION

C aroline Malone

a nd

S imon

S toddart

I n t his t he l ast v olume o f p apers p resented a t t he T hird C onference o f I talian A rchaeology, t he ' historical' p eriod i s c overed: i e. h istory w ithout a ny modifying p refix o f pre-, proto- or e nvironmental. A f undamental c haracteristic o f many o f t he p apers i s t hat t hey q uestion t he v alidity o f a purely documentary a pproach t o h istory a nd a re o ften v ery conscious o f t he m ethodological c hanges t hat t he d ocumentary d imension e ntails. T he papers w ithin t his h istorical t erm o f r eference h ave b een g rouped t ogether f lexibly i n t hree major s ections a nd s everal s ub-themes. T he v olume o pens w ith t hree i nvestigations o f r itual practice i n P rotohistoric a nd C lassical I taly. T he s ucceeding C lassical s ection b egins w ith f our papers g iving a r egional i nterpretation o f archaeological a nd h istorical evidence; t his i s c ompleted w ith t hree p apers s etting t he e xcavation o f t wo s ites i n a w ider c ontext a nd f ollowed b y a t echnical r eport. T he f inal Medieval s ection b egins w ith t hree p apers t hat d iscuss t he r elationship b etween i ndigenous a nd i ntrusive g roups, i s continued b y t hree papers o n r egional i nteraction a nd i s c ompleted b y a t echnical r eport. T he papers i n t his v olume c an b e s et i n t he c ontext o f r ecent r eviews o f r esearch i n C lassical a nd h istorical archaeology, f ocusing o n t he M editerranean ( e.g. R enfrew 1 980 H odges 1 983; S nodgrass 1 983). E ven t hough t he f ollowing papers a re a s mall s ample o f t he work u nderway i n I taly, i t i s e ncouraging t o n ote evidence o f t he p ositive c hanges predicted a nd/or s uggested b y t hese r eviews. T he d ivisions b etween ' Classical' a nd p rehistoric t raditions o f archaeology a re g radually b ecoming l ess r igid. A rchaeologists a nd h istorians h ave n ot o nly passed t he s tage o f a utonomous r esearch, b ut a lso a re l ess e ngaged i n t he g ame o f verification a nd f alsification o f t heir o ften c omplementary s ets o f d ata. T he p resent t rend i s t hat t he a pproaches o ffered b y t hese ' separate' d isciplines a re u sed i n u nison. I n t he f ollowing p apers, t here i s b oth t he i nvestigation of l ong e stablished a reas o f i nterest s uch a s a rt a nd r itual, a nd t he presentation o f t he d eveloping f ields s uch a s numismatics a nd t he a rchaeological i nvestigation o f w ritten s ources, a t n ew l evels o f precision. A n umber o f f ields t raditionally c overed b y t he a ncient a nd M edieval h istorian a re n ow a ided b y a rchaeological evidence. I n t he s tudy o f politics a nd i nstitutions, C arter ( volume o ne) i s b uilding o n t he w ork o f A damesteanu i n t he s tudy o f t he p attern o f l and h olding around M etapontum, H olloway ( volume t hree) i s s tudying t he p rocess o f s ynoicism, B lagg ( this v olume) t he s ocial context o f c ult practice. M ilitary h istory i s a ssisted b y w ork s uch a s t hat b y R owlands o n R oman S ardinia, a nd f or t he l ater periods b y W hitehouse a nd J ohns. E conomic c hange i s

1

t ackled b y many a uthors, i ncluding a n economic employing t he e vidence o f material c ulture.

h istorian

F urthermore t he w ork a t S an V incenzo i s n ot a lone i n r esponding t o H odges' ( 1982) c all f or a m ore r egional a pproach a nd u nderstanding o f t he w orkings o f e xchange p rocesses a t a c ross-cultural l evel. T he i nterest i n a r egional a pproach i s s upportd b y a g rowing number o f f ield s urveys c entred o n t he s tudy o f t he C lassical/Historical past a nd w hich a re p ublished i n t his o r t he o ther c onference v olumes ( cf. W ilson v olume o ne; C arter v olume one) o r w ere p resented a t t he c onference i tself ( discussion b y B arker v olume o ne). F or i nstance D yson ( this v olume) explores t he r egional s ignificance o f t he many s urveys o f t he C lassical r ural l andscape f or a n u nderstanding o f t he R oman e conomy; h is e mphasis o n ' consumerism' i s, i n h is own w ords, s omewhat more ' bourgeois' t han a n umber o f o ther s tudies of I talian s ettlement a nd e conomy. T he s ense o f c ommon p urpose f ound b y a rchaeologists a nd h istorians i n t he f ield s urvey i s n ow extended i nto o ther i mportant a reas s uch a s t he s tudy o f t he e conomy ( e.g. G arnsey e t a l. 1 983) T he t hree papers o n r itual practice d emonstrate t he v aried d imensions i n t his f ield o f C lassical archaeology. M iller r econstructs t he e xchange o f v otive t erracottas o n t he b asis o f f abric a nd mould s eries. A d istinction i s made b etween n on-local f abrics a nd l ocal f abrics of r elated moulds. I n t his w ay t he l inks o f t he material a nd t he i deological a re s ubtly e mphasised. E dlund makes t he d istinction b etween c ittä a nd c ampagna ( cf. C ristofani 1 976) i n a r itual c ontext. T his i s i n part e nabled b y t he i ncrease i n s ettlement s urvey i n b oth t he s tudy a reas o f n orth E truria a nd M etapontum ( Carter v olume o ne), a lthough r itual s ites a re f requently t o b e f ound i n l ocations l ess a ccessible t o f ield s urvey ( at l east i n n orth E truria/Umbria). E dlund's k nowledge o f b oth Murlo ( north E truria) a nd M etapontum ( Magna G recia) f orms t he b asis f or h er w ide-ranging c ross-cultural c omparision. B lagg makes a d etailed e xamination o f t he e volution o f a p rominent s anctuary. I deological c hange i s g iven i ts s ocial s etting. A t t he c onference, T orelli also p resented a p aper t hat g ave a s ocial i nterpretation o f a r itual c ontext; h e d efined t he evidence f or r ite d e p assage i n e arly C lassical I taly o n t he b asis o f t he L avinium t erracottas. C andelaro ( this v olume) i ntroduces t he s ocial d imension o f a n a rtistically d efined c lass o f o bjects: t he D oric f riezes. F ive papers h ave a more t echnical c haracter. F abricotti a nd h er t eam f rom C hieti U niversity r eport o n e xcavation work s ince 1 980 a t t he u pland c ity o f I uvanum. S uccessive p arts o f t he p aper d escribe t he d efenses, r oad n etworks, i nternal s tructures a nd i ndustry o f t he c ity a nd t erritory. S mall a nd F ried a nalyse t he s uccessive p hases o f t he v illa o f S . G iovanni d i R uoti. W ork s uch a s t hat b y S mall a nd D yson i s c ontributing t o t he g rowing k nowledge o f C lassical r ural s ettlement. I n t he c ase o f S . G iovanni d i R uoti, t here i s a s triking c hange b etween b etween t he m odest e arly v illa a nd

2

t he e xtensive l ater v illa t hat i n F reed's words i s ' a microcosm o f s outh I talian c ulture i n t he l ate R oman a nd Gothic e ras'. D elaine a nd S coditti present s tudies o f t he s tructural c omponents o f s tanding b uildings f rom t he R oman a nd M edieval p eriod r espectively. D elaine e mploys a n engineering a pproach t o p iece t ogether c onstruction s cheduling o f t he b aths o f C aracalla i n R ome. S coditti h as studied t he masonry o f C ori t o s et u p a c hronological f ramework o f M edieval b uilding s tyles. B oth t hese s tudies a re necessarily i nter-disciplinary i n s cope. M any o f t he p apers c oncentrate e xplicitly o n t he problems encountered i n c ombining h istorical a nd a rchaeological evidence. A bulafia b rings material c ulture t o b ear o n economic h istory. T his i ncorporation o f a rtefacts a llows a n understanding o f t he t ransfer o f t he b acini ( glazed c eramics) i nto t he P isan o rbit, b oth a t t he l evel o f p roduction a nd c ommerce, a nd a t a n i deological l evel. T he papers o n m ilitary s ubjects, e ncounter t he c ontrasting evidence f or e vent a nd process. W hitehouse f inds l ittle material t race o f i nvasion e ither at a p rocessual l evel i n i ts impact o n s ettlement organisation o r i n t erms more d irectly l inked, a nd e xpected h istorically, s uch a s m ilitary works, war d amage a nd defenses. I n c ontrast t o s outh E truria, J ohns f inds t hat i n S icily t here i s m aterial evidence f or t he e ffect o f m ilitary i ntervention, g iven t hat t here w as a more profound m ilitary impact on s ocial p rocess. J ohns h as c hosen a s tudy a rea, t he upper B elice, w here r egional a rchaeological a nd d ocumentary s tudy happily c oincide; excellent a rchival s ources a re a vailable f or a well d efined g eophysical u nit. I n t his context, J ohns i s a ble t o c oncentrate o n t he positive r esults o f i ntegrating d ocumentary a nd material evidence. U nfortunately, n ot a ll r eligious orders p roducing r ich archival a ccounts o f l and h olding h ave o ccupied materially, a nd t herefore a rchaeologically r ich a reas ( Stoddart 1 981). Documentary c overage i s n ot equally d istributed. R owlands f inds t hat prehistory i n S ardinia extends methodologically well i nto t he p eriod o f R oman o ccupation. H e s tresses t hat, i n c ommon w ith s tudies o f o ther R oman p rovinces, t he r elative l ack o f i mportance g iven b y d ocuments must b e a ssessed b y archaeological m eans. H e explores t his i n t he a rchaeological evidence f or t he R oman i nvasion o f S ardinia. A n important f ocus o f p resent r esearch i s o n t he n ature o f t he ' decline' o f t he C lassical world i n t he M editerranean; t his can o nly b e e ffectively extended b y a n i ntegrated s tudy o f a rchaeological a nd h istorical e vidence ( Hodges a nd W hitehouse 1 983). F or t he c ase o f t he L ombards ( Hudson a nd L a R occa Hudson t his v olume), r ecent a rchaeological evidence i s b rought t o b ear o n a much d ebated a rchaeological i ssue: t he L ombard i mpact o n t he p receding R oman s ettlement s ystem. F rom t he p resent evidence, t he L ombard r esponse s eems t o have b een f lexible. T he f ull r ange o f v ariability w ill d epend o n a dvances a nd i ntensification o f u rban a nd r ural a rchaeology a s s uggested e lsewhere ( Barker a nd H odges 1 981). A rthur d emonstrates t he t ransition i n N aples, f rom a R oman t o B yzant ine c ity a nd t hen i ndependent d uchy during t he l ate A ntique

3

period. Arthur notes the shifts in regional interaction ( measured i n particular, by amphorae) until such a ctivity s eemingly declined i n t he 7 th c entury A .D. R eece also covers the early Late A ntique at the end of h is revie w o f coin distribution i n the Mediterranean world. Whitehouse, a s mentioned above, has b rought t ogether t he military e vidence. Hodges et al., working from S an Vincenzo, have defined t he n ature of t his t ransition at b oth a n i deological and material level. Amongst historians the ideological impact of Charlemagne has tended to s et out of f ocus the p rofound material changes v isible t hrough archaeological f ield s urvey ( nucleation), excavation and studies of production and d istribution. I n t his v olume, f ield archaeologists s how t hat t hey are not s i mply ' non combattant workers —. who continually mine for ancient artefacts and so provide t he standing a rmies of s cholars with t heir only n ew weapons.' ( Garnsey et a l. 1 983, ix) but the mselves participants i n t he a nalysis 7 7 wider h istorical issues. It i s the working of archaeologists and h istorians on s imilar problems a nd entering i nto debate that has s o much potential.

B ibliography Barker,

G . and H odges, R . 1 981. I ntroduction. I n B arker, G . a nd H odges, R . ( eds.) 1 981. A rchaeology and I talian Society. Papers in I talian Archaeology I I. ( B.A.R . In ternati onal seri es 10 2) Oxfor d, Bri tish Archaeological R eports, 1 -16.

Cristofani,

M .

1976.

s ettentrionale.

Cittä A rezzo,

e

Campagna

Banca

P opulare

nell'Etruria d ell'Etruria.

Garnsey, P ., Hopkins, K . and Whittaker, C .R. 1981. ( eds.) Trade i n the A ncient Economy. L ondon, Chatto and W indus. Hodges,

R . 1982. Method and t heory i n A rcheologia Medievale 9 , 7 -37.

H odges,

R . and Whitehouse, a nd t he origins of

medieval

archaeology.

D . 1 983. Mohammed a nd C harlemaane E urope. L ondon, Duckworth.

Renfrew, A .C. 1 980. T he Great Tradition v ersus the Great D ivide: Archaeology as A nthropology ? American Journal of A nthropology 8 4(3), 2 87-298. Snodgrass, A . 1 983. Archaeology. I n C rawford, M . ( ed.) The S ources of H istory: S tudies i n t he u se of h istorical evidence. C ambridge, C ambridge U niversity P ress, 1 371 84. S toddart, S . 1 981. A n A rchaeological s urvey A rcheologia M edievale 8 , 5 03-26.

4

i n

t he

C asentino.

2 .

MFDMA

AND THF

F XCHANGF

R ebecca

M iller

OF VOTIVF TERRACOTTAS Ammerman

T he l arge numbers o f t erracottas ( Plate 2 .1) found at M edma, a G reek colony i n s outhern I taly, comprise o ne of the r ichest assemblages o f f ictile v otives f rom M agna G raecia. S ince the moment of t heir d iscovery i n t he early y ears o f t his century, t hey h ave b een recognized as v aluable documents f or t he a rt a nd r eligion o f t he G reeks i n the West. I n particular, Medmaean coroplasts during t he f irst h alf o f the f ifth c entury B .C. a chieved a n extremely h igh l evel of c raftsmanship i n t heir p roduction o f l arge moulded f igurines which were commonly u sed a s votive dedications at l ocal sanctuaries. F or those i nterested i n t he s tudy of cult a nd r itual p ractice, s uch v otive t erracottas p rovide a major source o f archaeological evidence f or religious i deology. While t he terracottas f rom M edma h ave b een t he subject several i conographic s tudies, not much a ttention has b een paid to t he question of t heir exchange ( Fig. 2 .1). Obviously, i f such e xchange c an b e documented, i t has w ide implications f or communication a nd i nteraction i n t he G reek world. The a im o f this p aper i s not s o much t o d evelop a specific thesis about t he n ature o f i nteraction, but r ather to d iscuss t he ways i n which exchange can b e recognized. I n t he c ase of mould made t erracottas, there a re, i n f act, two forms t hat e xchange may t ake. T he f irst o f these i s the exchange o f the terracotta i tself. The i nference t hat a t erracotta h as b een exchanged would b e made on t he b asis of t he analysis o f i ts c lay fabric, which would b e done along much t he s ame l ines as i n s tudies of pottery ( Peacock 1 977). The s econd i nvolves t he t ransmission of t he t echnology u sed i n making t he t erracottas. A t erracotta t hat i s made f rom a mould b elongs to a f amily of r elated casts a nd moulds, which i s commonly c alled a mould s eries ( Nicholls 1 952). A s we shall s ee b elow, a mould s eries c an b e extensive a nd t he s teps i nvolved i n working out i ts o rigin a re o ften rather complex. I f o ne i s able to s how t hat a terracotta ( 1) was made a t the s ite w here i t was f ound b ut ( 2) d erives f rom a mould s eries t hat o riginated a t another s ite, then t he i nference c an b e made t hat the t echnology of t he mould s eries was, i n e ffect, t ransferred b etween s ites. I n s tudying t he s et o f t erracottas f ound at a g iven s ite, i t may b e possible to r ecognize b oth t erracottas made o f non-local f abrics a nd t hose i n l ocal f abrics which a re mechanically related t hrough their mould s eries t o a nother s ite. Thus, mouldmade t erracottas o ffer a twofold way o f l ooking a t exchange. But b efore turning to t he a rchaeological evidence f or exchange i tself, more n eeds to b e s aid about t he s ite o f Medma a nd i ts t erracottas. M edma,

a

G reek

c ity-state

5

on

the

western

coast

o f

F ig. 2 .1. D istribution of s ites i n s outhern I taly where Medmaean t erracottas h ave b een r eported.

6

C alabria, i s p erhaps b est k nown f or i ts d istinctive t erracotta f igurines. U ndoubtedly, t he r ichest g roup comes f rom t he l arge v otive d eposit at C alderazzo where O rsi ( 1913) u nearthed more t han o ne t housand f igurines. T he f igurines, which o ften measure some f orty centimetres i n h eight a nd d ate f or t he most part to t he f irst h alf of the f ifth century B .C. were f ound a long w ith i ron swords, f ragments o f j ewelry, t hymateria, pottery containing the burnt r emains o f a nimals, and s o f orth, all i n a s pecially contructed fossa o r p it, T he contents of the fossa were i nterpreted by O rsi a s v otive o fferings and other cultic materials which h ad b een r itually b uried during periodic h ousekeeping activities a t a nearby s anctuary. M edma was f ounded i n conjunction w ith H ipponion b y L ocri E pizephyrii, possibly as e arly a s t he l ast quarter o f t he s eventh century B .C. A lthough s everal l iterary sources ( Thucydides 5 , 5 , 3 ; S trabo 6 , 1 5; P seudo-Scymnus 3 08) mention L ocri a s t he mother-city o f M edma a nd H ipponion, the b est evidence f or t he continuation o f f amilial b onds b etween t he three c ity-states i n C alabria comes f rom a n i nscribed s hield d edicated a t O lympia ( Guarducci 1 967, 3 05). The i nscription r ecords t he v ictory o f L ocri a nd h er a llies Medma a nd H ipponion over C roton. The i nscription i tself has b een d ated to t he l ast h alf o f t he s ixth century B .C., t empting s cholars to connect t he s hield's dedication w ith L ocri's v ictory o ver C roton i n t he b attle fought at the S agra R iver. T he n ews o f t he v ictory, we a re told b y b oth S trabo ( 6, 1 , 1B) a nd C icero ( Nat.D. 2 , 2 , 6 ), t ravelled to O lympia i n a s ingle d ay. The next source of i nformation for t he r elationship b etween t he t hree colonies i s Thucydides ( 5, 5 , 3 ), who b riefly r ecords t hat i n 4 24 B .C. L ocri was a t w ar w ith h er d aughter-colonies. U nfortunately, t he t extual r ecord p rovides u s w ith l ittle f urther i nformation on the r elationships b etween t he t hree colonies during t he s ixth and f ifth c enturies B .C. The a rchaeological r ecord may h elp i n f illing t his gap. I f o ne considers t he most commonly dedicated f igurine at M edma, i t i s f ound to b e a n enthroned goddess who u sually h olds a p hiale o r dove. T he i conographic a nd s tylistic s imilarities b etween t hese f igurines and the goddess portrayed on t he w ell-known t erracotta p laques, called p inakes, f rom L ocri Epizephyrii h ave b een duly noted i n t he l iterature ( Orsi 1 913; Poulsen 1 937, 9 2; A rias 1 976, 4 954 97). Hundreds o f these p inakes were f ound i n a l arge d eposit o f v arious cult objects at a s anctuary on t he M annella h ill a t L ocri ( Orsi 1 909). T he h ighly animated, n arrative s cenes d epicted i n r elief o n t he p laques have l ed t o a n i nterpretation o f t he s anctuary a t Mannella a s t hat o f P ersephone, which D iodorus S iculus ( 27, 4 , 1 ) t ells u s was 6 1MLWaVg0-10 . 1 7CV Ta 5V x arC t . -C 1 )V " ITa Vay t A L4 3 6 : 1v A lthough o ther d ivinities ( Dionysos, H ermes, a nd A phrodite) a re portrayed i n t he r eliefs, t he most f requently d epicted s cene i s t he r ape o f K ore b y H ades. A s a r esult of t his encounter, K ore b ecame P ersephone, t he wife o f H ades a nd t he Queen o f the U nderworld. S tudies o f t he i conography o f t he t he s cenes

7

portrayed on the p inakes not o nly h ave l ed t o the i dentification of t he patron goddess o f t he M annella s anctuary but h ave a lso r evealed t he r ole t hat t he cult played i n L ocrian s ociety. I t s eems t hat P ersephone's s anctuary at L ocri h ad a central p lace i n l ocal marriage customs ( Torelli 1 976). O n t he b asis o f s tyle a nd i conography, the t erracotta f igurines f rom t he C alderazzo deposit at Medma h ave b een l inked to t he p inakes f rom Mannella: the i mplication h ere b eing t hat t he r eknowned cult of t he mother-city was a lso w ell e stablished a t t he d aughter-colony. More

d irect

a rchaeological

evidence

f or

l inks

b etween

t he two s ites i s obtained when we examine t he c lay f abrics o f t he t erracotta v otives. A g rowing number o f a nalytical t echniques a re available f or t he characterisation o f c lay f abrics ( Peacock 1 977; H arbottle 1 982). S uch f abric s tudies make i t possible to t race c eramic a rtefacts, i ncluding t erracottas, to their sources o f p roduction. Among t he t erracottas f rom t he C alderazzo d eposit a t M edma, s everal d ifferent f abrics h ave b een d istinguished on the b asis o f preliminary m ineralogical s tudies ( Miller 1 983). Each o f t hese f abrics c an b e a ssociated w ith one o f t hree s ites: M edma, L ocri, a nd H ipponion. O f t he f abrics, those p roduced a t M edma i tself a re p erhaps t he most d istinctive. O ne o f t he more notable characteristics of M edmaean f abric i s i ts u nusually d ark, b rick-red colour which e xtends f rom t he core to t he s urface o f a well-fired t erracotta. A nother d istinctive p roperty i s an abundance of l arge-grained i nclusions of quartz, f eldspar, a nd m ica. T he f lakes o f t his l ast mineral a re particularly n oticable due t o their l arge s ize ( 2-5 mm.). L ocrian f abrics o n t he o ther h and t end t o b e i vory, pale y ellow, o r r osey b rown i n colour with well-sorted m ineral i nclusions o f w hich t he f inely g rained f lakes o f mica a re most apparent. A d istinctive L ocrian p roperty i s an abundance of f oraminifera. A nd f inally H ipponiate f abrics a re characterized b y a mottling o f colours which may r ange f rom c ream to peach w ithin a s ingle p iece, t he presence of l arge ( up to 8 mm. i n l ength) angular g ranules of quartz a nd f eldspar, a nd t he o ccasional occurence o f l imestone r eactions r ings. Many

o f

t he

d istinctive

characteristics

o f

t hese

f abrics can b e observed b y t he u naided eye. T hus i t i s possible on t he b asis o f m ineralogical s tudies a nd c areful v isual examination to d ivide t he t erracottas f rom t he Calderazzo d eposit i nto f abric g roups, e ach o f w hich i s associated w ith o ne o f t he t hree colonies. T he majority ( 69%) of t he t errracottas f rom t he d eposit appear t o have b een made o f Medmaean c lays, while o ne-quarter ( 26%) appear to b e made o f L ocrian c lays, a nd a s maller p roportion ( 5%) o f H ipponiate c lays. I t would s eem t herefore t hat a lmost o ne-third of t he v otive t errracottas r ecovered f rom t he C alderazzo d eposit were imported to M edma f rom e ither h er mother-city o r s ister-colony. When

we

l ook

a t

the

t erracottas

8

f ound

i n

v otive

P late.

2 .1.

V otive t erracotta f rom t he C alderazzo d eposit a t M edma.

9

deposits a t t he o ther s ites, we s ee a s imilar s ituation. A t H ipponion, excavations conducted i n t he 1 970s at t he C ofino s anctuary uncovered a number of terracottas of M edmaean fabric and several pAnakes of L ocrian f abric ( Schinko 1 973) i n addition to a group o f l ocally made f igurines. Among t he t erracottas found at t he Mannella s anctuary a t L ocri, t here i s a well-known f ictile a ltar which portrays two k orai s tanding b etween u nusual I onic-style c olumns. D e F ranciscis ( 1958), i n h is publication o f t he p iece, notes t hat t he altar i s made of Medmaean c lay a nd also mentions the presence at t he Mannella s anctuary o f o ther t erracottas o f Medmaean f abrics. Thus i t appears t hat votive terracottas were exported f rom Medma b ack to h er mother-city. T he a ltar i s important not o nly b ecause i t i s made o f Medmaean f abric but a lso b ecause t he k orai represent one o f t he most popular mould s eries u sed a t Medma. The s econd l ine o f evidence which c an b e u sed t o t race t he source of a mould-made t erracotta i s i ts mould s eries. Every t erracotta f igurine cast f rom a mould h olds a specific p lace within a f amily o f mechanically r elated moulds and casts whose a ncestry c an b e t raced b ack ( at l east theoretically) to a common source or model. A lthough i t may b e s omewhat elementary, i t i s probably worth r eviewing here t he principles and terminology u sed i n d escribing a mould s eries. T he members o f a mould s eries t hat h ave s urvived i n t he a rchaeological r ecord p robably comprise o nly a f raction o f t he casts and moulds t hat were produced i n a ntiquity. T hus many of our notions about t he o rigins a nd development o f a mould s eries a re reconstructions b ased upon the i nterpretations of a partial r ecord. O ne such notion concerns t he c reation o f a mould s eries: a craftsman or coroplast would f irst f ashion a model f rom c lay, s tone, or possibly some o ther material. A term commonly u sed i n terracotta s tudies to r efer to t his o riginal model i s PROTOTYPE. I t s hould b e noted that, a s f ar a s I am aware, no actual prototype f or a mould s eries h as ever b een s ecurely i dentified. T he next s tep i n t he evolution o f a mould series i s to t ake o ne o r more n egative i mpressions o r MOULDS f rom t he p rototype. The moulds a re made by w rapping c lay a round t he prototype a nd, once t he c lay was d ry, cutting i t away i n two o r more parts. T hese parts would t hen have b een f ired i n o rder t o p roduce moulds; a nd i t i s f rom s uch moulds t hat TERRACOTTAS were c ast. A mould t aken f rom a prototype would b e c alled a F IRST GENERATION MOULD a nd a cast t hen t aken f rom i t, a F IRST GENERATION TERRACOTTA. A f irst generation t erracotta may b e u sed i n turn a s a model to f ashion n ew moulds. A mould t aken f rom a f irst generation t erracotta would b e c alled a S ECOND GENERATION MOULD a nd a t erracotta now t aken f rom such a mould would b e called called a S ECOND G ENERATION TERRACOTTA. T his d erivative process may continue for s everal d rying

generations. a nd f iring i n

I t i s t he s hrinkage o f c lay during t he p roduction o f n ew moulds and

1 0

terracottas t hat l eads to measurable d ifferences i n t he s izes of t he members o f d ifferent generations. B y m easuring such s ize d ifferences, i t i s possible to work out the sequence of generations among mechanically r elated terracottas. S light changes may b e i ntroduced a t a ny point i n the sequence b y r etouching moulds o r t erracottas. F or example, a c oroplast might cut v ariations i nto a mould taken f rom either a prototype or a s ubsequent generation t erracotta ( used as a model). Such a mould would produce t erracottas which vary somewhat f rom t hose o f p receding generations. Variation may a lso a rise i n a mould s eries when a t erracotta cast i s modified. A mould taken f rom s uch a t erracotta would i n turn p roduce t erracottas which d iffer f rom t hose o f earlier generations. Moulds which v ary due to r etouching are called PARALLEL MOULDS. The t erracottas made f rom such moulds are called VARIANTS. F rom t his d iscussion i t s hould b e apparent t hat t he concept of t he mould s eries a s a f amily of m echanically r elated members can b e quite complex, w ith a s ingle mould s eries spanning s everal generations and possibly i ncluding many parallel moulds a nd v ariants. For t he s tudy of exchange, t he mould s eries i s o f particular importance when two casts o f a s ingle s eries a re made of d ifferent f abrics which a re a ssociated with d ifferent s ites. A mould s eries o f an e nthroned goddess, for e xample, may h ave some c asts made o f Medmaean f abric a nd others of Locrian fabric. T he i nference t o b e made here i s that t he t echnology f or making t he c lay f igurines was s hared b etween t he workshops a t t he two s ites. T his could b e due either to t he e xchange o f t he moulds t hemselves o r to t he exchange of t he c asts f rom which moulds were s ubsequently taken at the s econd s ite, although t he l atter i s p robably the more l ikely. T here s eems to b e no conclusive evidence for t he exchange of moulds b etween s ites ( Di V ita 1 954; H iggins 1 954, 9 ). T his i s p erhaps u nderstandable s ince to the coroplast a n i ndividual cast would h ave b een l ess valuable t han a mould f rom which a l arge number o f c asts could b e produced. I dentifying t he source of a mould s eries which h as members made o f c lay f abrics l inked w ith o ne or more s ites presents certain c hallenges. I t i s worth ou '- l ining h ere t he overall s trategy u sed i n ' sourcing' s uch a mould s eries a s well as some aspects o f i ts actual p ractice. A t l east i n theory, t he source o f a g iven mould s eries i s t he s ame a s that of i ts p rototype a nd s o could easily b e determined b y studying i ts p rototype; t he l ocation where t he p rototype was f ound ( as well as t he source of i ts material, e specially i f made of clay) would point to i ts p lace of o rigin. T he problem here, as mentioned e arlier, i s t hat t here i s l ittle chance that a p rototype f or a g iven mould s eries w ill b e found archaeologically. T he n ext l ogical p lace to t urn i n the absence of a p rototype would b e f irst g eneration moulds and c asts. I t c an b e a rgued t hat t he f irst generation members of a s eries a re most l ikely to b e p roduced at t he

1 1

s ite where t he p rototype was f ashioned; their f abrics would consequently point to t he p lace o f o rigin o f the s eries i tself. S ince many casts could b e t aken f rom a s ingle mould, there i s a much g reater possibility of f inding f irst generation casts t han moulds. What t his means i n actual p ractice i s t hat t he l argest surviving c asts o f a s eries a re i dentified b y the a rchaeologist a s t he f irst generation terracottas, t he n ext l argest as t he s econd generation t erracottas, and s o f orth. The c lay f abric o f the l argest surviving t erracottas o f a g iven s eries i s thus seen a s the b est evidence f or d etermining t he source o f t he mould s eries i tself. B ut t hings a re not s o s imple. T he c lassification o f t he v arious members of a mould s eries a ccording to generation i s a more open-ended u ndertaking. A lthough i t i s possible to i dentify t he l argest surviving r epresentatives of a mould s eries, t here i s no a ssurance, i n t he absence o f t he p rototype i tself, t hat t hey a re i ndeed members o f the f irst generation. T he d iscovery o f a s ingle terracotta which i s l arger t han t he l argest terracottas k nown up t o t hat t ime would r esult i n a r evision i n the numbering o f generations. T he p roblem i s that while o ne can work out o n t he b asis o f s ize t he r elative positions o f casts i n terms o f generations, some question u sually r emains about the absolute positions t hat t he l argest s urviving cast holds w ithin a g iven mould s eries. T here i s some uncertainty about t he point that h as b een r eached i n t he regress b ack t o the f irst generation. I n practice, i t i s possible to f ind a mould s eries o f f igurines whose l argest cast o r p resumed ' first generation' c ast i s made o f Medmaean f abric, but whose second a nd third generation casts a re made o f b oth M edmaean and L ocrian f abrics. T he i nference to b e made i n s uch cases i s t hat the t echnical k nowledge of t he mould s eries was t ransferred f rom Medma to L ocri. T he s tudy o f t he mould s eries represented at M edma h as also s hown t hat t he t echnical k nowledge o f s everal series passed i n t he opposite d irection as w ell that i s, f rom L ocri t o Medma. My s tudy of t he more extensive series among the Medmaean t erracottas suggests that when a s eries was u sed over a l ong p eriod o f t ime ( and a t o ther s ites), v ariations -- t echnical, s tylistic, a nd i conographic - were often i ntroduced a t d ifferent g enerations i n t he ' family t ree' of t he s eries. A s an i llustration o f t he i ntricate n etwork o f r elationships t hat may obtain w ithin a mould s eries, i t i s o f i nterest to consider a mould s eries u sed to make t he h eads of v otive f igurines. T he s eries which i n my c lassification i s designated AA. 3 4 ( Miller 1 983) h ad a s many a s s even v ariants a nd spanned u p to f ive generations. T he l argest members o f t he mould s eries a re made of L ocrian f abric s uggesting t hat the s eries was c reated i n a L ocrian workshop. T he earliest t erracottas o f t he s eries w hich a re made o f M edmaean f abric occur i n t he t hird generation. T he i nference to b e made here, o f course, i s t hat possibly a

1 2

s econd g eneration t erracotta ( or a lternatively a mould) was b rought f rom L ocri t o Medma a nd t hat t hird g eneration moulds were t hen made f rom t his t erracotta. At Medma t he local coroplasts demonstrated t heir i nventiveness b y producing a number of variants within t he t hird generation of t he series. T he craftsmen at Medma were apparently c oncerned with g iving a new l ook t o t he f ace a nd hairstyle of t he f igurine. I n t he n ew v ariants, t he a rchaic s nailshell-curl coiffures have been replaced by s i mpler, more severe arrangments. T he s trong a rchaic v isage h as b een s oftened i n i ts s tructure b ut e xaggerated i n i ts d etail. T he s uccess o f these variants i s s hown not only b y t heir l ongevity ( one continued to b e made i nto t he f ifth generation) but a lso b y the f act t hat f or at l east one v ariant t here i s a f ifth generation cast made of Locrian fabric. No earlier generation c asts o f t his v ariant a re a ttested a t L ocri. T he implication would b e t hat t he t echnology for making these ' Medmaean' variants was t ransmitted b ack to L ocri, having t hus g one f ull c ircle . That there was an active exchange of terracottas between Medma and her mother and s isters colonies is documented b y s tudying b oth f abrics a nd mould s eries. A s we have seen, the most d irect evidence for exchange is f urnished b y t he f abrics o f t he t erracottas t hemselves. F air numbers of t erracottas moved b etween t he t hree r elated s ites i n C alabria: a lmost o ne-third o f t he v otive t erracottas a t Calderazzo were imported f rom L ocri or H ipponion. At t he same t i me, t he mould s eries may provide complementary evidence f or exchange o f t erracottas b etween s ites e ven i n t he c ase where l ocal f abrics a re i nvolved . T he p roduction o f t erracottas f rom t he s ame mould s eries a t more t han o ne s ite implies t he mechanical t ransfer o f t hat s eries f rom o ne s ite to a nother, probably i n t he form o f a n exchanged f igurine. What one i s actually l ikely to s ee i n t he archaeological r ecord i s n ot t he e xchanged f igurine i tself, but r ather t he multiplication o f p ieces o btained f rom moulds t aken f rom t he f igurine o nce i t h ad b een exchanged . W hetherthe e xchange o f a t erracotta i s s ignalled b y i ts fabric or b y i ts mould s eries, i n b oth cases t he g eneration of t he t erracotta p rovides e vidence o n t he t emporal c ontext of i ts exchange. T he g eneration of a n imported t erracotta gives some i dea o f when i n t erms o f t he l ife h istory of a mould s eries exchange occurred. I n t he case o f a t erracotta made o f l ocal f abric f rom a mould s eries which d erives f rom another s ite, one can obtain f rom i ts generation s imilar temporal i nformation with r egard t o t he t ransfer of t he mould series. Of perhaps greater i nterest here is t he possibility to t race b y means of t he r econstruction of i ts successive g enerations t he l ife h istory of a mould s eries: that i s, s ubsequent s tylistic a nd i conographic modifications, once i ts p roduction h as b een t aken u p a t a n ew s ite . O n a s omewhat more i nterpretative n ote, o ne m ight a rgue that f or votive t erracottas t he adoption o f a mould s eries

1 3

b y t he coroplasts at a n ew s ite i mplies t hat their imagery was considered to b e appropriate a t some l evel for t he cult a t t he s econd s ite. B y s tudying i n t he c ase o f a s ite such as M edma t he s elective adoption o f v otive t erracottas a nd their r espective i conographies and a lso a ny s ubsequent modifications o f the t erracottas a s r eflected i n their mould s eries, i t s hould b e possible to g ain a b etter understanding of t he t ransfer and maintenance o f cult b etween motherc ities a nd d aughter-colonies. S o f ar we h ave explored questions o f t he exchange o f v otive terracottas b etween M edma, L ocri, a nd H ipponion. T here i s evidence t hat M edmaean t erracottas were also exchanged i n a much w ider sphere, r eaching p laces a s f ar away a s t he i sland o f Motya a t t he western e nd o f S icily. I n order to u nderstand exchange systems, i t i s essential t o develop a comprehensive k nowledge of t he d istribution i n geographic t erms o f exchanged objects. I n t he space available h ere, i t w ill only b e possible t o i dentify s ome o f t he s ites where there appears to b e evidence f or the exchange of t erracottas f rom Medma. M y own f amiliarity with s ome o f t he s ites a nd t heir material i s more l imited t han i n t he c ase o f t he t hree r elated colonies i n C alabria. I n turning to t his w ider s phere o f exchange, i t i s o f particular i nterest to note t he r ange o f contexts i n which t he t erracottas occur. F ive main contexts a re d istinguished i n t he l ist o f s ites w ith t erracottas t hat follows: 1 ) sanctuaries at G reek s ites, 2 ) t he t ophet at Motya, 3 ) g raves a t G reek s ites, 4 ) sporadic f inds a t i ndigenous s ites, a nd 5 ) museum p ieces w ithout s ecure provenience. T here a re two G reek s ites i n S icily where M edmaean t erracottas h ave b een r ecovered f rom s anctuaries. A l arge number o f t erracottas of Medmaean f abric were r ecently found at F rancavilla on t he northern s lope of Mount E tna. T erracottas of L ocrian f abrics are a lso well r epresented a t t he s ite. ( A r eport o f t he f inds was p resented by U mberto S pigo, the e xcavator o f t he s ite, a t P alermo i n 1 980). The s econd s ite i s S elinus where many t erracottas h ave been r ecovered a t the s anctuary o f D emeter M alophoros. While t erracottas of Medmaean mould s eries h ave b een r eported ( Gäbrici 1 920, 8 0; 1 927, 2 81-302), n one of those w hich I have h ad t he chance to examine a ctually s eem to b e o f Medmaean f abric. O f particular i nterest a t t he M alophoros s anctuary i s a mould ( in p resumably a l ocal f abric) of a s tanding f emale f igurine wearing a p leated chiton and epiblema, which b elongs to a mould s eries common at M edma. A f ascinating g roup o f t erracottas a re t hose f ound i n a dump a ssociated w ith t he tophet a t P unic Motya ( Guzzo Amadasi 1 969, 6 1-75). M any o f t he t erracottas a re c learly rlated to 1 979, 2 41)

a re only

M edmaean mould s eries. r efers to t hem as b eing

M oscati i mported

( 1972, 3 41-343; f rom Medma.

Among t he t erracottas found i n G reek f unerary c ontexts t hose f rom s everal tombs a t S overeto, an area l ocated s ome 5 k m. north o f M edma ( Cygielman 1 981, 1 27-133). The

1 4

pieces, as one m ight e xpect, a re of Medmaean f abric. P erhaps of g reater i nterest f or questions of exchange a re two f igurines f ound i n graves a t C amarina, a G reek s ite i n S icily ( Orsi 1 904, 8 68-873). A lthough t hese t erracottas a re not made o f M edmaean f abric, t hey b elong to M edmaean mould series. A f igurine o f a n enthroned f emale holding a n E ros f igure, a k ibotos, a nd a phiale was r ecovered f rom a burial which has b een d ated to t he e nd o f t he f ifth c entury B .C. A seated female h olding a s mall f igure i n h er l ap which comes from another g rave a t C amarina i s a lso d erived f rom a s eries commonly r epresented a t M edma. The f ourth context consists of those t erracottas o f Medmaean f abric w hich a re b elieved t o come f rom i ndigenous s ites i n C alabria. U nfortunately, the f inds a re f ew i n number and do not come f rom excavations. I n a f ield n ear the v illage o f L imbadi ( located some 8 km. north o f M edma), the head of a f emale f igurine which i s r eported to b e o f Medmaean f abric was f ound ( De F ranciscis 1 958, 4 2; Z anottiB ianco 1 958). F urther t o t he north i n t he v icinity o f Montalto U ffügo n ear t he C ratis R iver, a h ead o f a f emale f igurine which i s s aid t o b e o f M edmaean f abric was also r ecovered ( Nardi 1 965-1966, 1 79-181). F inally, t here a re t hose t erracottas i n museum collections whose p rovenances a re l ess s ecure. None come f rom a n excavated context a nd a t l east two were purchased f rom a ntiquities d ealers. A ccording to Quarles v an U fford ( 1941, 90) two p _ ij iakes i n t he museum a t P alermo w ere found a t the Punic s ite o f S oluntum. The p inakes are o f M edmaean fabric and b elong to mould s eries which a re common among t he pinakes found a t L ocri ( Prückner 1 968, 1 12). I n t he c ase of a t erracotta f igurine g iven to t he B ritish Museum b y E . T . Sanders, b oth i ts f abric a nd mould s eries a re p robably Medmaean. A grigentum i s c ited a s t he p rovenance o f t he p iece by H iggins ( 1959, 3 27). A nother e xample i s a t erracotta o f a r eclining male f igure n ow i n Munich which was purchased a t P alermo f rom a d ealer who g ave N axos as i ts p rovenance. T he mould series i s M edmaean a nd t he description o f i ts fabric by L ullies ( 1954, 2 82) would s eem to b e consistent w ith a Medmaean fabric. T he l ist g iven i n t his b rief d iscussion o f t he w ider s phere of exchange i s b y no means completr. M ore t errac ottas which d erive f rom Medma b ut which h ave y et to b e r ecognized a s s uch a re l ikely to b e housed i n t he collectio ls of the many museums i n southern I taly. Moreover, t he t erracottas which h ave b een r ecovered t o d ate r epresent r robably only a f raction o f t he material t hat i s s till b uried i n t he g round i n M agna G raecia. Nevertheless, the e xamples c ited h ere g ive some i dea o f t he v aried r ange o f contexts a s well as t he geographic extent o f t he exchange of M edmaean t erracottas. The a im o f t his p aper h as b een t o e xamine t he ways i n which the exchange o f v otive t erracottas c an b e r ecognized. O ne o f the advantages t hat t erracottas offer f or s uch s tudies

1 5

i s t he f act t hat exchange c an b e r ecognized not o nly i n t erms o f t heir f abrics b ut a lso i n t erms o f their mould s eries. I n t he c ase o f Medma, we a re i n t he f ortunate position o f d ealing w ith a h ighly d istinctive fabric when e xamined b oth m ineralogically a nd b y the u naided eye. E ssential to t he r ecognition o f exchange, e specially w hen one i s d ealing w ith f abrics f rom other s ites ( where the s ituation may b e a l ess f avourable o ne than a t M edma), i s t he u se o f modern methods for t he characterisation of c lay f abrics. Over t he l ong t erm, t he s tudy o f t he exchange of v otive t erracottas i n a b road s ense - t hat i s, not j ust focusing on a s ingle s ite a s done h ere but o n t he n etworks of exchange r elationships b etween many d ifferent s ites i n s outhern I taly - w ill d epend i n l arge measure o n t he d evelopment o f such f abric s tudies. O f not l ess importance i s the s tudy o f mould s eries t hrough which t he l ife h istories o f t he p roduction o f t erracottas c an b e r econstructed. l t i s t he c ross-cutting o f f abrics a nd mould s eries a nd t he opportunities for e stablishing d ense n etworks of r elationships b etween s ites i n terms o f t heir exchanged t erracottas t hat makes the patient s tudy o f these two l ines o f evidence worthwhile.

A cknowledgements I would l ike to t hank D r. N in S colari of t he University o f P adua a nd Ms. E .K. P ieksma o f t he U niversity of S nuthampton f or t heir contributions o f t ime, effort, and expertise i n conducting mineralogical s tudies of clay sources a nd t erracotta f abrics f rom M edma, L ocri Epizephyrii, a nd H ipponion.

B ibliography A rias,

P .E. 1 976. L 'arte l ocrese n elle s ue principali manifestazioni a rtigianali. T errecotte, b ronzi, v asi, a rti m inori. I n L ocri E pizefirii. A tti del s ediciesimo. Convegno d i s tudi s ulla M agna G recia , T aranto. Naples, A rte T ipografica. 4 79-579.

Cygielman, M . 1 981, Carta a rcheologica d el t erritorio a nord d el f iume d e M esima. I n P aoletti, M . a nd S ettis, S . ( eds.). M edma e i i suo territorio. M ateriali p er u na c arta a rcheologica. B ari, D e D onato, 1 21-144. D e

F ranciscis, A . 1 958. U n f rammento d i A tti e M emorie d ella S ocietä M agna

D i

V ita,

a rula G recia

d a 2 ,

L ocri. 3 7-49.

A . 1 954. Due matrici d ella s tessa s erie d a S cornavacche e d a S elinunte. A rchivio storico per l a S icilia o rientale 5 0, 7 9-88,

1 6

Gäbrici,

E . 1 920. Selinunte - T emenos d i D emeter Malophoros a lla G äggera. R elazione p reliminare d egli s cavi eseguiti n el 1 915. N otizie d egli S cavi 1 920, 6 7-91.

Gäbrici,

F . 1 927. I l s antuario della Malophoros Monumenti A ntichi L incei. 3 2.

Guarducci, M . 1 967. poligrafico Guzzo

E pigraphia G reca d ello S tato .

I .

a S elinunte.

R ome,

I stituto

Amadasi, M .G. 1 969. I l catalogo delle terrecotte. I n C iasca, A . e t a l. Mozia - V . R apporto preliminare d ella missione congiunta con l a S oprintendenza a lle A ntichitä d ella S iciliaOccidentale.Rome. Consiglio N azionale d elle R icerche. 5 3-104.

H arbottle, G . 1 982 . C hemical characterization i n a rchaeology. I n E ricson, J .E. and Earle, T .K. ( eds.) Contexts for P rehistoric E xchange. N ew Y ork, A cademic P ress, 1 35 1. H iggins,

LA . 1 954. C atalogue o f t he T erracottas Departmentof Greek and RomanAntiquities. B ritish Museum.

Lullies,

Q . 1 954. München.

Miller,

i n t he London,

Neuenwerbungen der Antikensammlungen A rchäologischer A nzeiger 6 9, 2 60-288.

R . 1 983. T he T erracotta Coroplastic Craft i n

i n

V otives f rom Medma: Cult a nd Magna G raecia. U npublished

P h.D . d issertation. D epartment o f C lassical A rt A rchaeology, A nn A rbor, U niversity of M ichigan. T orino,

a nd

U nione

Moscati,

S . 1 972 . I f enici e C artagine. t ipografico-editrice t orinese.

Moscati,

S .

Nardi,

1 965-1966. Postille alla s toria d i Montalto. A rchivio s torico per l a C alabria e l a L ucania 3 4, 1 75-217.

C .

1 979.

I l

mondo

d ei

f enici.

M ilan,

A .

Mondadori.

Nichol ls, R . V. 1952. Type, group, an d seri es; a r econsideration o f s ome coroplastic f undamentals. A nnual o f B ritish S chool a t A thens 4 7, 2 17-226. Orsi,

Orsi,

P .

1 904. 1 903.

P .

P .

e

1 909. L ocri Fpizefirii: resoconto sulla t erza c ampagna d i s cavi l ocresi. Bollettino d 'Arte 3 , 4 064 28;

Orsi,

Camarina: campagne archeologiche del 1 899 M onumenti A ntichi L incei 1 4, 7 57-952.

4 63-482.

1 913. Rosarno ( Medma): esplorazione d i un grande d eposito d i t errecotte i eratiche. N otizie d egli S cavi 1 913 ( Supplemento), 5 5-144.

1 7

P aoletti, M . and S ettis, S . ( eds.) 1 981. Medma e f l suo territorio. Material i per una carta archeoloqi ca. B ari, D e D onato. P eacock,

D .P.S. 1 977 . P ottery A cademic P ress.

Poulsen,

V .H. 1 937. 1 -148.

P rückner,

H . 1 968. P hilipp v on

Quarles

a nd

E arly

C ommerce.

L ondon,

D er strenge S til. Acta A rchaeoloqica 8 ,

D ie Z abern.

l okrischen

van U fford, L . 1 941. A ssen, V an Gorcum.

L es

T onreliefs.

terres-cuites

Mainz,

s icilienes.

Schinko,

M . 1973. Pinakes A rcheologico d i V ibo 9 0.

T orelli,

M . 1 976. I culti d i L ocri. I n L ocri E pizefirii. A tti d el sedicesi mo convegno d i studi sulla Magna Grecia, T aranto. N aples, A rte T ipografica. 1 47-184.

Zanotti -Bianco, U . L imbadi. A tti

di tipo locrese nel Museo Valentia. K learchos 15, 5 9-

1958. Antefissa da S ocietä Magna G recia

San N ic ola 2 , 2 7-29.

d i

Summary One aspect of the terracotta f igurines from t he Greek colony o f Medma which h as r eceived l ittle a ttention i s their wide d istribution among s ites i n southern I taly a nd S icily during the 6 th and 5 th centuries B .C. I n order to study their exchange, it is useful to look at two l ines of evidence: fabric and mould series. I t i s Medma's highly d istinctive fabric which makes i t possible to r ecognize terracottas of Medmaean production at other s ites. T he majority o f t he Medmaean t erracottas a re made f rom moulds . B y t racing t he n etwork o f r elated casts a nd moulds which derive f rom a prototype, i t i s possible to reconstruct a mould series. Thus, a given terracotta can often r i e placed in i ts r espective generation o r mechanical p osition within a mould series. I t i s also of some i nterest t hat terracottas which derive f rom a Medmaean series are sometimes made in nonMedmaean fabrics. The i nference to be made here is t hat Medmaean t echnology was u sed i n t he p roduction of t erracottas at workshops outside Medma. S ince t he t erracottas were pri marily u sed as cult dedications, the exchange of t he votives as well as the selective adoption of the t echnology u sed to produce them has i nteresting implications for t he h istory of G reek cults i n Magna G raecia.

1 8

R iassunto t i n a spetto d elle f igurine d i t erracotta d alla colonia g reca d i M edma c ha h a r icevuto poca a ttenzione ä l a l oro d iffusa d istribuzione f ra i s iti d ell'Italia meridionale e d ella S iciia n el V I e V s ec. a .C. P er s tudiare i i l oro modello d i s cambio ä u tile e saminare due l inea d i evidenza: l 'argilla e l e s erie d elle matrici. E ' l 'argilla molto c aratteristica d i M edma c he r ende p ossibile r iconoscere l e t erracotte p rodotte a M edma i n a ltri s iti. L a maggioranza d elle t erracotte M edmee s ono r icavate d a matrice. T racciando l a r ete d egli s tampi e d elle matrici connesse c he d erivanno d a u n p rototipo ä p ossibile r icostruire u na s erie d i matrici. E d ä a nche d i qualche i nteresse l a c ircostanza c he t erracotte c he d erivanno d a u na s erie d i m atrici M edmee s iano qualche v olta f atte d i a rgilla n on-Medmea. L 'inferenza c he n e d eriva ä c he l a t ecnologia M edmea e ra t alvolta u sata n ella p roduzione d i t erracotte i n b otteghe f uori M edma. D ato c he l e t 9rracotte e rano u sate p rincipalmente come o fferte culturali, l o s cambio d i t erracotte v otive e d a nche l 'adozione s elettiva d ella t echnologia u sata p er p rodurle h a i mplicazioni i nteressanti p er l a s toria d ei c ulti g reci i n M agna G recia.

1 9

3 .

MAN, I N

NATURE,

A ND THE GODS:

OF

ETRURIA A ND MAGNA GRAFCIA F ROM THE

FOURTH CENTURY

I ngrid

mark down

A STUDY

E .M.

R URAL SANCTUARIES THE

S EVENTH TO

B .C.

Fdlund

' Temples, S ire, a re t he soul o f t he countryside: they the b eginning o f i ts s ettlement, a nd h ave b een passed t hrough many g enerations to t he men o f today'.

T his quote comes f rom L ibanius' speech D e templis ( 30, 9 ) i n which he makes a passionate p lea to t he emperor T heodosius for the preservation o f pagan p laces o f worship, and i t documents t he v ery e nd of rural sanctuaries i n t he l ate 4 th c entury A .D. A f ew y ears l ater, i n A .D. 3 99, t he f inal l aw was passed b y A rcadius, which s tated t hat t emples a nd a ltars were to b e destroyed as r epresenting the pagan t raditions ( Codex Theodosianus 1 6, 1 0, 1 6). T he end o f rural worship c an thus b e d ocumented h istorically, a t l east i n t erms of t he o fficial pagan r eligion. T hat t he b eliefs a nd r eligious p ractices t hat had b een developed over t he centuries could not b e w iped out s imply by an imperial decree, but were to continue i n their n ew C hristian f orm i s not a topic to b e pursued h ere. I nstead, we a re c oncerned with t he question o f b eginnings and development of t he d ifferent f orms o f worship t hat can b e d ocumented f rom t he countryside o f a ncient I taly. A lthough, i n t he passage quoted, L ibanius r efers to ' temples', worship o f t he a ncient gods i n t he countryside was r arely manifested , i n monumental architectural f orm. I nstead, i t i s a wide v ariety o f a rchaeological r emains, supplemented b y h istorical a nd l iterary r eferences t o t he t ies b etween man, nature a nd t he d ivine t hat p rovide t he main evidence for rural worship f rom e arliest t imes. T hat t he presence o f t he d ivine ( numen) was considered to b e connected w ith specific p laces i n n ature s uch a s mountains, caves, groves, and springs i s manifested throughout t he I talian peninsula. T he d ocumentation o f what p laces were considered ' holy' a nd which t herefore could not b e t respassed comes f rom t exts o f l aws which s pecify the i nviolability o f e specially t rees a nd g roves s uch a s i n the s tern wording of a l aw f rom S poleto: h once loucom n eq2s v iolatod ( ' Let n o o ne d amage t his g rove' C IL X I.476 = 1 2- 3 66). A ny agf f iage done, o r even contemplated, had to b e expiated through t he sacrifice of animals ( e.g. C ato D e agricultura 1 39: t ibi i us est porco p iaculo f acere i lliusce s acri coercendi ergo. ' As i t i s t hy r ight to r eceive a s acrifice a pig f or t he t hinning o f t his s acred g rove') and the

a r

2 1

g rove was also a p lace where a capital o ffence was r ectified, whether or n ot i t was connected w ith the lucus i tself ( Festus, P aul. 5 7L: capitalis l ucus, ubi, s i quid v iolatum est, caput v iolatoris expiatur. ' A " capital" g rove, where i f s ome h arm h as b een done, t he h ead o f t he t ransgressor b e expiated'). A lthough such texts i llustrate t he l egalistic a spect of r eligio, t he t rue contract b etween t he gods a nd m an, the poets a re t he o nes who d escribe t he g reat s ense of awe that pervaded man b y k nowing, a nd above a ll, f eeling, t hat the d ivine i s everywhere. While t he gods a t t imes might send s igns t hrough thunder or t he f light of b irds, man i s constantly aware o f t he h oliness o f n ature, localized to places s uch a s g roves, caves, or r ivers, a s expresed i n a l etter b y S eneca ( Epistulae 4 1, 3 ): ' If ever you have come upon a g rove t hat i s f ull o f ancient t rees which h ave g rown to an u nusual height, s hutting out a v iew o f t he sky b y a v eil o f p leached a nd i ntertwining b ranches, t hen t he l oftiness o f t he f orest, t he seclusion o f t he s pot, a nd your marvel a t t he t hick u nbroken shade i n the midst o f t he open spaces, will prove to you t he presence of deity. O r i f a c ave, made b y t he d eep c rumbling of t he r ocks, h olds u p a mountain o n i ts a rch, a p lace not b uilt w ith hands but hollowed out i nto s uch spaciousness b y n atural c auses, your s oul will b e d eeply moved b y a certain i ntimation o f the existence o f God. We worship t he sources o f m ighty r ivers; we erect altars a t p laces where great s treams burst s uddenly f rom h idden sources; we adore s prings o f h ot water a s d ivine, and consecrate certain pools b ecause o f t heir d ark w aters o r their i mmeasurable d epth' ( transl. R .M. Gummere, E pistulae Morales, L oeb C lassical L ibrary, vol.1)< A s c an b e expected, t he ' sanctity' o f a p lace i n n ature does not n ecessarily n eed to b e expressed i n concrete v isual f orm t hrough buildings o r o ther monuments. A ll the s ame, a s we e xamine t he a rchaeological evidence o f worship i n the countryside, we f ind that i t i s t he constant i nteraction b etween man a nd n ature t hat h as provided t he d evelopment o f patterns of h oly p laces, i dentifiable t hrough t heir geographical s etting a s well as through t he s tructures and objects d edicated to t he gods.

t ied

T he t o

B ecause weapons

v ery b eginning of worship o f t he gods i s t he earliest evidence o f human s ettlements o f t he f ragmentary a nd pottery, i t

r emains o f d wellings i s o ften d ifficult

n aturally i n I taly.

and b urials, to e stablish

c riteria f or t he f eatures t hat d istinguish a p lace o r a group o f material as ' sacred'. W ithin t he context o f the S tone o r B ronze A ge we have t o r esort to i dentifying elements as pertaining to t he s phere o f r eligion b ecause t hey s eem ' unusual' within t heir own s etting, such a s a ' larger' hut o r cave, deposits o f ' more d ecorated' pottery, o r the p resence o f s mall f igurines o f c lay o r b ronze ( Aebischer 1 932; P eroni 1 971, 1 27-128; Tusa 1 980).

2 2

O ur purpose h ere i s i nstead t o examine t he a rchaeological evidence o f rural worship i n two a reas of a ncient I taly, E truria and Magna G raecia, w ithin t he p eriod f rom t he 7 th to the 4 th century B .C. T here a re s everal r easons why t hese two areas are of importance f or our u nderstanding o f the development and continuity o f r eligious practices i n a ncient I taly - even b eyond t he ' official' e nd o f pagan worship i n the 4 th century A .D. I n b oth c ases w e have a r easonably good h istorical documentation o f h ow t he u rban s ettlements were formed, and how t he d istinction b etween c ity a nd countryside affected t he political a nd s ocial d evelopment. A lso, t he presence o f a u nifying l anguage, a nd t hereby a pattern o f cultural and h istorical t raditions, t ended t o s et E truria a nd Magna G raecia apart f rom t he r est o f I taly. But, a s we s hall see i n t he f ollowing, t here a re a t t he s ame t ime v ery d istinct d ifferences i n t he w ay i n w hich ' holy p laces' and s anctuaries were made part o f the G reek a nd E truscan countryside i n contrast to t he u rban p attern of t he corresponding c ities. W ithin t he a rea of t he G reek colonies i n s outhern I taly we c an f ollow t he development o f t he t rading posts a nd the colonies proper ( Guzzo 1 982, 4 1-107). B ut, i n conjunction with t he u rban c entres t hat developed i n t he 7 th a nd 6 th centuries B .C., we a lso f ind e xtra-mural monumental t emples, located at s ome d istance away f rom t he c ity. T hese t emples, as s een a t Metaponto, C rotone, F oce d el S ele n ear P aestum, and o ther s ites, were modeled o n u rban t emples i n t erms o f the a rchitecture a nd a rchitectural decoration, a nd questions arise as to why t hey were built, b y whom, a nd why a certain l ocation was chosen ( Hermann 1 965; V allet 1 968). I t has b een s uggested b y P ugliese C arratelli ( 1962) t hat the s ites chosen f or t hese t emples s how continuity f rom p reh istoric, t hat i s B ronze A ge, t imes, o r b y o thers t hat t he temples s erved p rimaril y a s l andmarks f or s ailors a long t he coast ( Guzzo 1 982, 4 7; S emple 1 927). B ecause o f t he d istinct ' Greek-ness' o f t he a rchitecture, i t i s also possible, according to V allet ( 1968), t hat t he temples s erved as a political ' manifesto', d irected a t t he i ndigenous i nhabitants for whom t he G reeks may h ave s eemed l ike a ggressive i ntruders. A s for t he question o f who was r esponsible f or t he planning a nd construction o f t he t emples a nd surrounding temenos, i t would s eem t hat L he a rchitects o f t he c ity transferred t heir concepts o f a rchitectural f orm t o t he extra-mural s etting. A lthough l ocated o utside t he u rban confines o f t he c olony, t he t emples must h ave b een e rected and p aid f or t hrough t he d ecision o f t he c itizen b ody o f t he c ity. B ut, i t s hould a lso b e noted t hat t hese t emples i n t heir setting i n n ature b elong to a c ategory o f ' holy p laces' which i ncluded g athering p laces w here i nhabitants and t ravelers would meet and p erform s acrifices f or t heir own w elfare o r for t hat o f c rops a nd a nimals ( Heurgon 1 972, 5 5-75; P fiffig 1 975, 2 2; V allet 1 968). Most of t hese types of s anctuaries

2 3

were modest i n f orm, a nd r arely contained a b uilding. More commonly we f ind v otive d eposits o f p ottery a nd t erracotta f igurines, a n i nscribed s tele, a nd a p recinct l ocated at a s pring, o ften connected w ith a road ( Dilthey 1 980; L owe 1 978; O lbrich 1 979, 1 41-152). E xamples o f s uch s anctuaries come f rom many areas w ithin t he rural territories of M agna G raecia, but t hose e xplored most s ystematically s o f ar f all w ithin t he chora or t erritory o f M etaponto i n B asilicata. T he spring s anctuary c losest to t he c ity of Metaponto i s t he o ne k nown as P izzica, excavated s ince 1 974 by J oseph C . Carter ( 1980; 1 983). T he s ite i s l ocated n ear t he main h ighway, t he I onica, a f ew k ilometers w est of t he c ity. T he s anctuary i s c entred a round a spring a t t he s lope a nd lower part of a s lightly raised plateau. T here a re N eolithic r emains on t he u pper part o f the p lateau, but t he s ite i tself was developed only i n the l ate 7 th and e arly 6 th c enturies B .C. ( Carter 1 983). A pebble pavement was constructed around t he spring, a nd a number o f votive v ases a nd terracottas f ound h ere s uggest t hat worshippers came to b enefit f rom t he good water a s well a s to s acrifice to t he gods to ensure abundant c rops. T he earliest f igurines are all f emale, whereas t he l ater o nes, d ating f rom t he 4 th century B .C., s how b oth f emale f igures a nd s atyrs and y ouths ( Carter 1981; 1 983). B ecause

o f

t he

s pring a t

P izzica,

i t

i s

e asy

to s ee

why

t his spot would have b een chosen b y t he n earby i nhabitants. Water was a n ecessity t hen a s now i n t his a rea, a nd t he quality o f t he c rops a nd t he s ize o f t he h erds were totally dependent on t he availability of good s pring water. S ince t he earliest r emains f rom the s pring s anctuary d ate from a t ime w hen t he G reeks h ad b ecome permanently s ettled i n this area, i t would s eem t hat t he p lanning o f t he s pring s anctuary must b e a ttributed to t he G reek f armers, who p erhaps made u se o f an i ndigenous t radition o f a water cult h ere, n ot y et documented a rchaeologically. I f

t hen

P izzica

r epresents

a f airly modest

s ite

i n

i ts

A rchaic phase w ith a p rimary appeal to t he neighbouring f armers, a nother s pring s anctuary i n t he a rea h as more s pectacular r emains which i ndicate t he monumental c haracter o f t he s ite. T his i s t he a rea k nown as S . B iagio, now marked b y a small d eserted chapel on t op o f a r olling h ill ( Adamesteanu 1 974, 5 5-65; D ilthey 1 980; G uzzo 1 982, 3 49-350). T his s ite, too, i s l ocated a long a major r oad, t he B asentana, which f ollows t he l ine o f t he B asento r iver, the western b oundary of t he t erritory o f M etaponto. T he f ocal p oint here i s a spring which was monumentalized through a l ine o f s tones a s p art o f a n enclosure, but t he s ite a lso contains s ome very spectacular a rchitectural r evetments a nd v otive offerings i n t he f orm o f v ases a nd f igurines. A n i nscription t o Z eus A glaios r efers t o o ne o f t he d ivinities worshipped h ere, b ut the i ndication o f t he votive f igurines i s t hat an i mportant element o f t he cult consisted o f a f emale d eity with a nimals

2 4

( Olbrich 1 979), a n A rtemis a s potnia t heron, perhaps to b e i dentified w ith t he o ne r eferred to b y B acchylides a s worshipped i n a g rove a t Metaponto ( Epinikoi 1 1, 1 15-119 ed. S nell). Unlike P izzica, t he main period of t his s anctuary f alls as early a s t he 7 th-6th c enturies B .C, a nd i t was probably f ounded b y t he earliest s ettlers at M etaponto, o r even b y a g roup o f i ndependent G reeks. F urther a long t he B asentana, s ome 2 km. t o t he w est, t he s ite o f S . A ngelo Vecchio h as p roduced evidence o f a s mall cult a rea which was c losely connected w ith n earby f arms a s well a s with t he r oads ( Edlund 1 979; i n p ress a ; 1 982). O n the s lope o f a h ill which i s bounded to t he east b y a modern road, several u nderground springs e xist, which today a re channeled i nto b asins f or i rrigation. T he earliest r emains a t the s ite consist o f a s mall h ouse o n top o f the h ill, probably u sed a s a dwelling, which d ates f rom t he middle o f the 6 th century B .C. S ince t he g round s lopes quite s teeply towards t he east, i t i s n ot s urprising to f ind t hat a w ide r etaining wall r an i n a north-south d irection a t t he l evel of the modern road. I mmediately i nside, t hat i s to t he west of t he wall, a deposit o f b lack-glaze pottery consisting o f cups and s kyphoi as w ell a s b anded ware s uggests t hat t ravellers and l ocal i nhabitants a like c ame h ere to b enefit f rom the good d rinking water o f t he s pring o n t heir w ay to t he f arms further up the h ills, o r t ravelling a long t he coast towards S iris/Heraclea. T he i dentification o f t he cult t hat e xisted h ere i n connection w ith t he s pring may b e g ained f rom a f ragmentary i nscription preserved o n a l arge r ock t hat f orms part o f the r etaining wall. A lthough t he t op o f t he s tone h as been d amaged i n modern t imes, t he p reserved l etters have b een tentatively i nterpreted b y L . Moretti a s a marker to a d ivinity ( Edlund 1 982). T he pottery i n t he d eposit b elongs to t he l ate 6 th o r early 5 th c entury B .C., a nd i f i ndeed t he i nscribed s tone o riginally b elonged to t he s ame context ( rather t han b eing reused f rom a nother l ocation), we h ave h ere t he r emains o f a small s anctuary marked o nly b y t he availability o f water, the pottery deposit, a nd t he i nscription. S cattered r emains o f another s anctuary f urther west a t S . A ngelo G rieco s uggest a more e laborate s tructure, o n t he b asis o f a D oric c apital a nd a f ragmentary i nscription o n white marble, -both d ated t o t he 5 th c entury B .C. ( Carter 1 983). W hat t hese s anctuaries f rom t he t erritory o f M etaponto have i n common w ith examples f rom o ther a reas i n M agna Graecia i s t he l ocation, at v arying d istances f rom t he c ity proper, and t he connection w ith a road, o ften w ith a ccess t o water through a s pring o r a r iver. A t l east s ome o f t hese holy p laces h ave t ies w ith s ettlements o r s igns o f human activity t hat p recede t he f oundation o f e ither t he colony i tself or a n earlier t rading post o r i nitial s ettlement. A s

t he

colonies

p roper were

f ounded,

a nd t emples

erected within t he confines o f t he u rban s ettlement, s anctuaries developed s imultaneously o nly i n a more

2 5

were rural modest

form, w ith t he e xception o f t he monumental extra-mural t emples. T he d ivinities worshipped w ere i n s ome c ases t he O lympian gods s uch a s Z eus a nd H era, b ut also more specifically t he p rotectors o f t he c rops a nd b easts, i n addition to D emeter, t he s pirits o f n ature r epresented ( primarily i n t he 4 th c entury B .C. a nd l ater) b y P an f igures o r maenads. S ince i n many c ases t he v otive g ifts ( terracotta f igurines o r v ases) u sed i n t he countryside a nd i n t he c ity s how t he s ame motifs, o ne would a ssume t hat t he c ity dwellers, t oo, r ecognised t he importance o f t he agricultural p roduction f or t he welfare o f c ity and country a like ( Edlund i n p ress b ). Most o f t he s anctuaries f ounded i n t he 6 th century B .C. continued t heir existence i nto t he 5 th a nd 4 th c enturies B .C., a lthough t he 5 th c entury B .C. s eems t o have b een a period o f political a nd cultural u nrest i n many p arts o f M agna G raecia b ecause o f i nternal s trife a nd conflicts w ith t he i ndigenous population. T he overall p icture, however, f rom t he t ime o f c . 7 00 B .C. to c . 4 00 B .C., i s o ne of a continuous pattern o f rural s anctuaries t hat coincided with t hat o f t he r ural s ettlements. T hs gods r eceived their appropriate worship a nd o fferings, a nd could i n r eturn b e expected t o p rovide t he f armers w ith abundant c rops a nd herds. Nature i n t he f orm o f good s pring water j oined forces w ith man t o t ake good c are o f t he l and a nd i ts s ettlers. A s can b e expected, i n E truria, t oo, we f ind t hat the l ocation o f h oly p laces i s d etermined b y t he presence o f water o r e lse b y a s uggestive s etting i n n ature such as o n mountain tops o r i n c aves. B ut, b ecause o f the s trong continuity o f t he h abitation patterns f ormed already i n p rehistoric t imes ( Cristofani 1 978, 9 -26; T orelli 1 981, 1 051 37), we note t hat a reas s et a side a s h oly were much more c losely connected w ith t he u rban s ettlements h ere than i n t he G reek colonies o f M agna G raecia. P rehistoric ' sanctuaries' appear w ithin t he communities ( Olinder a nd P ohl 1 981, 8 0-84), a nd b y t he t ime worship c ame to b e expressed i n a rchitectural f orm t hrough t emples a nd a ltars, o r w as d ocumented through votive d eposits of b ronze f igurines o f gods, humans, o r a nimals, we f ind t hat t he p laces o f w orship a re l ocated i n t he i mmediate v icinity o f t he c ity p roper, a s seen i n t he l ocation o f t he t emples a t, f or e xample, V eii ( Boitani et a l. 1 975, 2 27; S teingräber 1 981, 4 80-489) a nd C ivitä C astellana ( Boitani e t a l. 1 975, 2 82; S teingräber 1 981, 5 01-508), o r o f v otive d eposits s uch a s t he o ne a t F onte V eneziana i n t he outskirts o f A rezzo ( Bocci P acini l 980; S teingräber 1 981, 6 46 5). I n t he countryside p roper, s everal types of s anctuaries may b e i dentified, i ncluding d eposits o f b ronze s tatuettes f ound o n mountains s uch a s t he s pectacular d iscovery made a t Monte F alterona ( Steingräber 1 981, 6 9-71) o r n ear t he s hores o f L ago T rasimeno ( Banti 1 936, 1 00 no.14; C olonna 1 976-77); O thers were p rimarily l inked w ith r oads s uch a s the deposit found a t B rolio ( Romualdi 1 981, XXIII) a nd t he a ltar a nd t emple a t P ieve S ocana ( Boitani e t a l. 1 975, 4 8; S teingräber

2 6

1 981, 7 0). T he p roximity to a r oad s ometimes a lso s uggests a f unerary context b ecause of n earby tombs s uch a s at G rotta Porcina near B lera ( Colonna 1 965; S teingräber 1 982) a nd t he monumental s tructure a t M ontetosto b etween Pyrgi a nd C aere which has b een connected w ith t he s anctuary f ounded f or t he f uneral games h eld i n expiation o f t he P hocaeans k illed a fter the b attle o f A lalia ( Colonna 1 963; S teingräber 1 981, 4 62). O f special i nterest a re t he p recincts o r buildings t hat served as g athering p laces f or r eligious a nd political purposes ( Edlund i n p ress a ). T he most f amous o f a ll s ucn ' confederate' s anctuaries i s, o f course, t he f anum V otumnae, which i n a ll l ikelihood was l ocated s omewhere n ear B olsena o r Orvieto ( Steingräber 1 981, 2 73; S try 3m i n press). A nother example i s t he l ucus F eroniae, f or which t he d ocumentation i n the h istorical t exts p redate t hat o f t he a rchaeological r emains ( Steingräber 1 981, 5 32). T he t rue f unction of t he building complex a t P oggio C ivitate ( Murlo) h as b een much debated ( Cristofani 1 978, 3 0-31; P hillips 1 980; R ystedt i n press; Torelli 1 981, 8 2-87), but i t s eems t o me t hat t he monumental f orm o f t he O rientalizing a s well a s t he A rchaic s tructures, t he elaborate a rchitectural d ecoration, t he presence of luxury objects a s well o f t he i mported a nd l ocal pottery s uggest t he j oint e fforts o f s everal communities for the u se as a political c entre, p erhaps i n combination w ith a residence. T he r emains o f a l arge s tructure a t C astelnuovo B erardenga may h ave s erved a s imilar purpose ( Steingräber 1 981, 5 2-54; T alocchini 1 980). I n addition t o t he types o f s anctuaries mentioned, we must r emember t he great quantity o f material which a t t his point cannot b e t ied t o a specific l ocation - I am h ere thinking of t he l arge number o f b ronze s tatuettes and hoards of v otive pottery, which were u nearthed w ithout precise i ndications a s to t heir f ind context o r l ocation. Another f actor i s, o r course, t hat u ntil r ecently, more emphasis h as b een p laced o n t he c emeteries o f E truscan settlements t han o n t he s acred o r s ecular a ctivities i n the countryside. B ut, while a llowing f or t he many u ncertain f actors o f t he Etruscan countryside, t he p attern t hat a ppears a t t his point for t he archaeological d ocumentation o f ' holy p laces' i s t hat the s anctuaries w ere d irectly connected w ith a nd controlled by t he u rban c entres. T emples i n p articular were l ocated immediately outside t he nucleus o f a t own, a nd t he g athering places r eferred t o a s ' confederate s anctuaries' s erved t he u se o f many communities i n d ifferent parts o f E truria. T he

main

contrast,

t hen,

t hat

appears

b etween

t he

r ural

sanctuaries i n E truria a nd i n M agna G raecia concerns t heir location, form, a nd f unction w ithin t he overall h abitation pattern. T he G reek p laces o f worship w ere d irectly t ied t o t he c ountryside, f or t he u se o f f armers. T he l ocation o f temples a nd p recincts was connected w ith t he p rovisions of nature ( good water a nd a ccessibility), and i n t erms o f t he monumental extra-mural t emples, t he constant n eed o f s ecuring

2 7

the G reek h egemony i n o therwise non-Greek s urroundings. I n P truria, o n t he o ther h and, t he t emples a nd p recincts were c losely l inked w ith t he c ity proper and i ts s phere o f i nfluence, w ith t he exception o f t he p laces where ' nature' h erself p rovided t he s etting s uch a s i n t he mountains. T he r easons f or such a v ariety o f l ocations o f rural s anctuaries a re many, i ncluding t he d ifferences i n l andscape, t he h istory o f t he s ettlements, t he d istribution of t he population, t he political a nd s ocial o rganization, and t he r eligious concepts expressed i n cults a nd worship. W hat i s o f s pecial i nterest h ere i s t hat our u nderstanding of t he r ole of t he E truscan a nd G reek t raditions w ithin t he h istory o f ancient I taly i s d irectly r elated t o two major i ssues: a ) t he political a nd s ocial r elations b etween c ity a nd countryside, a nd b ) the d rastic changes t hat o ccurred i n the f orm a nd d istribution o f rural sanctuaries b eginning i n the e arly 4 th c entury B .C. T his i s not t he p lace to a nalyse i n d etail t hese v ery complex p roblems. A s I s ee i t, t he d istribution a nd use o f extra-mural s anctuaries i n M agna G raecia b efore 4 00 B .C. suggest a political b alance b etween c ity a nd countryside where e ach component a cted w ith a g reat d eal o f i ndependence, but w ith a common i mmediate goal - t he material w elfare o f e ach colony a nd i ts t erritory. I n E truria, on the o ther hand, t he c ity p roper s erved a s t he p rimary administrative u nit which controlled t he a ctivities o f the countryside i n a more o r l ess o ne-way system. A fter 4 00 B .C., we w itness a s udden development o f h ealing s anctuaries i n E truria a nd central I taly, a gradual f ormation o f ' confederate s anctuaries' among t he n on-Greeks i n c entral a nd s outhern I taly, a nd a r e-structuring of many o f t he r ural s anctuaries i n M agna G raecia. A ll these e lements, i n conjunction w ith t he expansion of t he Romans, g radually c aused t he R omanisation o f I taly, and the o ld t raditions o f h oly p laces i n n ature a nd t he p resence of rural s anctuaries s erved to c reate continuity w ithin t he R oman s tate r eligion a nd, of course, eventually w ithin t he development o f C hristian p laces o f worship, i n s ome ways s erving a s a t estimony t o t he f act t hat a h oly place cannot b e e radicated, not even b y a n i mperial d ecree!

A cknowledgements T he material p resented i n t his b rief paper forms part o f a r esearch p roject b egun i n 1 981. I am grateful for t he support g ranted b y t he U niversity R esearch I nstitute at t he U niversity o f T exas a t A ustin, t he P ondazione Rausing of t he Swedish I nstitute i n R ome, a nd, during t he academic y ear 1 983-1984, t he A ndrew W . M ellon F oundation a t t he American A cademy i n R ome. T he t ext was completed M arch 1 , 1 984. T he b ackground f or t his s tudy comes f rom my e xcavation experience a t t he E truscan s ite o f P oggio C ivitate ( Murlo)

2 8

and a t G reek r ural s ites i n t he t erritory o f M etaponto i n Basilicata. I am i ndebted to K yle M . P hillips, J r. a nd Joseph C . C arter f or t heir advice a nd e ncouragement. I am g rateful to M ichele R . S alzman f or d rawing a ttention to t he speech b y L ibanius. P reliminary v ersions o f t he d ifferent a spects o f rural worship and s anctuaries h ave b een p resented a s public lectures. T he t heme o f r ural s anctuaries a nd t heir r ole within the s etting o f rural a ctivity was f irst p resented a t the I nternational Conference o n A dvances i n the A rchaeology of E arly I taly, h eld a t B rown U niversity a nd t he H affenreffer Museum of A nthropology, May 8 -10, 1 981, published i n t he Proceedings o f t he conference ( Edlund i n p ress b ).

B iblioqrap t ly Adamesteanu, D . 1 974. D i Mauro.

L a

B asilicata

antica.

Cava

d ei

T irreni.

Aebischer, P . 1 932. Notes e t s uggestions concernant du culte d es eaux e n E trurie. S tudi E truschi 1 44.

1 1& tude 6 , 1 23-

B anti,

L . 1 936. Contributo a lla s toria ed a lla topografia territorio perugino. S tudi E truschi 1 0, 9 7-127.

Bocci

P acini, A rezzo.

P . 1 980. L a s tipe d ella S tudi E truschi 4 8, 7 3-91.

f onte

P asquinucci, M . Putnam's S ons.

V eneziana

ad

Boitani,

F ., C ataldi, M . a nd C ities. N ew Y ork, G .P.

Carter,

J .C. 1 980. A C lassical L andscape: Rural a t M etaponto. A rchaeology 3 3, 2 3-32.

Carter,

J .C. 1 981. Rural S ettlement a t Metaponto. I n G . a nd H odges, R . ( eds.) A rchaeology a nd Society. P apers i n I talian A rchaeology I I. I nternational s eries 1 02) O xford, A rchaeological R eports, 1 67-178.

Carter,

J .C. 1 983. T he T erritory_of M etaponto 1 981-1982. I nstitute o f C lassical A rchaeology, T he U niversity of T exas a t A ustin.

Colonna,

G . S tudi

Colonna,

G . 1 965. Monumenti r upestri e t empietto G rotta P orcina. B ollettino d 'arte 5 0, 1 30.

1 963. U n nuovo s antuario F truschi 3 1, 1 35-147.

2 9

1 975.

d el

E truscan

A rchaeology

d ell'agro

B arker, I talian ( B.A. R. B ritish

c eretano.

i n

l oc.

Colonna,

G . 1 976-77. L a T rasimeno. R ivista 4 5-62.

C ristofani, M . I stituto

dea E trusca ( FL e i s antuari d el S torica dell' Antichitä 6 -7,

1 978. E truschi. Cultura G eografico d e A gostini.

e S ocietä.

N ovara,

D ilthey,

H . 1 980. S orgenti a cque l uoghi s acri i n I n A ttivitä a rcheologica i n B asilicata S critti i n o nore d i D inu Adamesteanu. Edizioni META, 5 39-556.

Edlund,

I .E.M. 1 979. T he U niversity_of T exas E xcavations Metap2nto 1 979. A ustin, T he U niversity of T exas.

Edlund,

I .E.M. 1 982. The U niversity o f T exas E xcavations a t Metaponto: S . A ng _tlo V ecchio, 1 979-1981. M anuscript completed D ecember 1 982.

Edlund,

I .E.M. i n press a . S acred and S ecular: Evidence o f Rural S hrines and I ndustry among Greeks a nd E truscans. I n I nternational Conference on A dvances o f E arly I taly_ h eld at B rown U niversity a nd the H affenreffer Museum of A nthropology, M ay 8-10, 1 981, P roceedings.

Edlund,

I .E. M. i n p ress b . C lassical T hemes i n S outh I talian Votive T erracottas o f t he F ifth a nd Fourth C enturies B .C.: Continuity and D evelopment i n C ults a nd I conography. I n X IIth I nternational Congress o f C lassical A rchaeology, A thens, G reece, S eptember 4 -10, 1 983, A cta.

Guzzo,

P .G. Roma,

H ermann,

W . 1 965. S antuari d i M agna G recia e della madre patria. I n S antuari d i M agga G recia. A tti d el quarto conveggo d i s tudi sulla M agna G recia. T aranto-Reggio C alabria, 1 1-16 o ttobre 1 964. N apoli, L 'arte t ipografica, 4 7-57.

H eurgon,

J .

1 982. Newton

1 972.

L e c ittä Compton.

I culti

non

s comparse

G reci

d ella

della

B asilicata. 1 964-1977. M atera,

M agna

M agna

a t

G recia.

G recia.

I n

L e

c l enti non g reche d ella M agga G recia. A tti d ell'undicesimo convegno d i s tudi sulla Magna G recia. T aranto, 1 0-15 o ttobre 1 971. N apoli, L 'arte t ipog rafica, 5 5-75. L owe,

C . 1 978. T he H istorical S ignificance o f E arly L atin V otive D eposits. I n B lake, H . M ck., P otter, T . W. a nd Whitehouse, D .B. ( eds.) P apers i n I talian A rchaeology I . ( B.A.R. I nternational s eries 4 1, v ol I ) O xford, B ritish A rchaeological R eports, 1 41-152.

O lbrich,

G .

1 979.

A rchaische

3 0

S tatuetten

e ines

Metapontiner

H eiligtums.

R oma,

L 'Erma

d i

B retschneider.

Olinder,

B . a nd P ohl, I . 1 981. S an G iovenale, v ol. I I, f asc. 4 . T he S emi-subterranean B uilding i n A rea B . Svenska I nstitutet i Rom, S krifter, 40 , XXVI:II:4, S tockholm.

P eroni,

R . 1 971. L 'etä F irenze, O lschki.

P fiffig,

A .J. 1 975. R eligi2 u nd V erlagsanstalt.

d el

P hillips, K .M, J r. 1 980. T he f rom Poggio C ivitate. Pugliese

b ronzo

n ella penisola

etrusca.

G raz,

i taliana.

Akadamie

D ruck

D ate o f t he A rchaic T erracottas P arola d el P assato 3 5, 2 02-206.

C arratelli, G . 1 962. S antuari extramurani G recia. P arola del P assato 8 5, 2 41-246.

i n

Magna

Romualdi, A . 1 981. Museo A rcheologico N azionale d i F irenze. C atalog° d el deposito d i B rolio i n v al d i C hiana. Roma, I stituto Poligrafico e Z ecca d ello S tato. S emple,

E . 1 927. T he t empled p romontories o f t he a ncient M editerranean. The G eographical R eview 1 7, 3 57-386.

Rystedt,

E .

i n

press.

A rchitectural

T erracotta

as

A ristocratic D isplay - T he C ase of S eventh-century P oggio C ivitate ( Murlo) ( Tavola rotonda h eld a t the D anish I nstitute i n R ome, F ebruary 8 , 1 984) Opus S teingräber, S . N ekropolen.

1 981. E trurien. München, H irmer.

S teingräber, S . 1 982. Überlegungen I n M iscellanea A rchaeologica R oma, G iorgio B retschneider, S tr e n,

I .

i n

p ress.

P roblemi

S tädte,

H eiligtümer,

z u e truskishcen A ltären. Tobias D ohrn dedicata. 1 03-116.

r iguardante

l 'influsso d ei

paesi

mediterranei sulla f ormazione delle c ittä e trusche e i i r uolo d elle aristocrazie. ( Tavola r otonda h eld at t he D anish I nstitute i n R ome, F ebruary 8 , 1 984. Opus. Talocchini, A . E truschi Torelli, Tusa,

S .

Vallet,

M .

1 981.

1 980. C astelnuovo 4 8, 5 50-554. S toria

d egli

B erardengu

E truschi.

B ari,

( Siena).

S tudi

L aterza.

1 980. P roblematica s ui l uoghi d i culto n el L azio d al n eolitico a ll'etä d el b ronzo. I n A rcheologia l aziale I II. Consiglio N azionale d elle R icerche. R oma, Quaderni del C entro d i S tudio per l 'archeologia e trusco-italica 4 , 1 43-147. G . 1 968. L a c ite e t son t erritoire d ans l es colonies g recques d 'occident. I n A tti d el s ettimo convegno d i s tudi s ulla M agna G recia. T aranto, 8 -12 o ttobre 1 967. L a C ittä e i l suo t erritorio. N apoli, L 'arte

3 1

t ipografica,

6 7-142.

Summary T hanks

to

r ecent

s urveys

and e xcavations

i t

i s

now

possible to b egin to a nalyse t he f orm a nd d evelopment o f rural s anctuaries i n a ncient I taly. B y d efining ' rural' i n the v ery general s ense of ' non-urban', t he f ollowing types may b e i dentified f or t he a reas of E truria a nd M agna G raecia i n t he period c . 7 00 - 4 00 B .C.: 1 ) s anctuaries connected w ith n ature, l ocated, f or example, on a ) h illtops and b ) near water; 2 ) roadside s anctuaries connected w ith r ites o f passage ( travel, funerary cults); 3 ) monumental e xtra-mural temples s erving to p rotect t he t erritorial boundaries, and 4 ) political ' confederate' s anctuaries. B ecause of t he d ifferent h istorical a nd social development o f E truria and M agna G raecia, t he E truscan sanctuaries, e specially those of types 2 ) a nd 4 ), were d irectly connected w ith t he administration o f t he u rban centres, while those i n M agna G raecia were part o f the i ndependent political a nd religious l ife of t he t erritory o f each G reek colony, s erving t he u se o f t he f armers ( type lb) a nd a s evidence o f G reek h egemony ( type 3 ). A fter c . 4 00 B .C., t he d istribution a nd f unction o f r ural s anctuaries were to change d rastically, partly as a r esult o f t he changing political a nd social conditions due t o t he b eginning o f the Romanization o f I taly.

R iassunto G razie a r ecenti ' surveys' e s cavi, possiamo a questo punto cominciare ad a nalizzare i t ipi e l o sviluppo dei s antuari rurali n ell'Italia a ntica. C on i l t ermine ' rurale' i nteso n el s ignificato molto generico d i ' non-urbano', possiamo i dentificare i t ipi s eguenti n ell'Etruria e n ella Magna G recia t ra i i s ettimo e i l quarto s ecolo a .C.: 1 ) santuari connessi a lla n ature, collocati, per e sempio, a ) sui monti e b ) v icino a ll'acqua; 2 ) santuari l ungo l e s trade, connessi con i r iti d i passaggio ( viaggi, culti f unerari); 3 ) templi monumentali extra-murani con l a f unzione d i p roteggere i confini t erritoriali, e 4 ) s antuari ' politics'. A causa d el d ifferente sviluppo s torico e s ociale presente nell'Etruria e nella M agna G recia, i s antuari etruschi, s pecialmente quelli d el t ipo 2 ) e 4 ), e rano d irettamente connessi all'amministrazione politica religiose d ei c entri u rbani. I s antuari n ella M agna G recia, i nvece, conducevano u na v ita i ndipendente n el t erritorio d i ogni colonia g reca, per l 'uso d ei contadini ( tipo l b) e per l 'evidenza d ell'egemonia g reca ( tipo 3 ). D opo i l 4 00 a .C. c irca, l a d istribuzione e l a f unzione dei s antuari e rano destinate a c ambiare drasticamente, i n parte a c ausa d elle mutate condizioni p olitiche e sociali dovute a ll'inizio d ella romanizzazione d ell'Italia.

3 2

4 .

C ULT

PRACTICE A ND

I TS

SANCTUARIES OF THE

SOCIAL CONTEXT

I N THE RELIGIOUS

LATIUM AND SOUTHERN

ETRURIA:

S ANCTUARY OF D IANA AT NEMI

T om.

F.

C .

B lagg

T he s tarting p oint f or t his p aper i s one s anctuary i n particular: t hat o f t he goddess D iana a t N emi. T his i s mainly b ecause the general questions which I w ish to d iscuss here have a risen f rom my r ecent work on t he a rchaeological material f rom t hat s ite. T he

Nemus,

t he wood

s acred

t o

D iana,

covered t he

north-

east s ide o f t he v olcanic c rater o f t he L ago d i N emi, to which i t gave i ts n ame. I t l ay i n t he t erritory o f t he L atin town o f A ricia, 2 6 km. s outh-east of R ome. L ittle o f the s anctuary i s v isible now, s ave f or t he t erraced p latform which was l aid out i n t he t ime o f t he l ate R epublic, now largely covered b y m arket g ardens ( Plate 4 .1). T his a rea was f irst correctly i dentified a s t he s ite o f D iana's t emple i n 1 637, as t he r esult o f e xcavations carried out b y the Marchesi F rangipani, t he t hen l ords of N emi. T hese p roduced votive terracotta h eads, anatomical parts and f igurines, and several i nscriptions of imperial d ate ( Graevius 1 699). T hese d iscoveries, however, r emained l argely u nknown, a nd a lthough sporadic f inds continued to b e made o n t he s ite, a ntiquarian speculation about t he s anctuary's l ocation, u sually conducted at a well-insulated d istance f rom t he actual t opography, continued u ntil P ietro Rosa f inally s ettled t he matter i n 1 856. L ittle was k nown about t he n ature o f t he a rchitecture of t he s anctuary u ntil t he e xcavations u ndertaken i n 1 885 b y the t hen B ritish Ambassador i n R ome, S ir J ohn S avile Lumley, whose express purpose was to f ind t he t emple o f D iana, the A rtemision mentioned b y S trabo ( Savile Lumley 1 885-6; W allis 1 891; Morpurgo 1 903; M acCormick e t a l. 1 983). T he r ecord a nd original publication o f t his e xcavation have many deficiences but i t i s now p ossible t o work out t he b road s tages i n the sanctuary's evolution, i n t he l ight o f r ecent s tudy o f the f inds. T he material w hich w as f ound i n 1 885 was d ivided b etween Savile and t he l andowner, P rince F ilippo O rsini. S avile's share i s now t he m ain collection; h e p resented i t to the Castle Museum, N ottingham, i n t he y ear f ollowing the excavations, a nd i t h as s ince r emained l argely u nknown, particularly i n I taly; a n ew s elect c atalogue h as r ecently b een p ublished ( MacCormick e t a l. 1 983). O f the r est, some o f Orsini's s hare i s i n t he Ny C arlsberg G lyptothek, C openhagen, and t he V illa G iulia, but much h as d isappeared w ithout record. O rsini h ad f urther excavations done b etween 1 886 a nd 1 895 ( summarised i n Not. S cay.), but t he f inds were a lready

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untraceable i n 1 903; photographs o f a few b ronze s tatuettes were p ublished, t hat i s a ll ( Morpurgo 1 903). T he r esults o f S avile's excavation t herefore provide our main k nowledge of the s anctuary i tself, t hough b etween 1 924 and 1 928 t he adjoining

t heatre w as

a lso excavated

b y

Morpurgo

( 1931).

T he origins o f t he cult o f D iana go well b eyond t he sure reach of t he existing a rchaeological evidence. I s hall not d iscuss i n a ny d etail h ere t he l iterary evidence, which i s well e nough k nown ( Gordon 1 934; P airault 1 969). I n v iew of an earlier and d istinguished a ssociation of Nemi w ith C ambridge scholarship, however, one s uch s ource may b e mentioned. Strabo ( Geog. 5 , 3 , 1 2) d escribed h ow ' the people s et up a s priest merely a r unaway s lave who h as s lain with h is own hand the man previously consecrated to t hat office'. I t was t his peculiar minor p riesthood at N emi which provided the i nspiration a nd s tarting point f or t hat g reat work o f selective ethnography, S ir J ames F razer's T he Golden B ough ( 1890), i n which, i ndeed, F razer c ited S avile's r ecent excavations i n a f ootnote. T he earliest s tage i n t he s anctuary's evolution was t he S acred Wood. T his was a s ite of r eligious importance to the c ities of t he L atin L eague i n t he period prior to i ts defeat by R ome i n 3 38 B .C. ( cf. C ato O rigines 2 ). A lföldi ( 1960) has identified a representation o f a l ate f ifth-century t riple cult image o f D iana Nemorensis s tanding against a b ackground of cypress t rees, on t he reverse of denarii of P . Accoleius, a member of a l ocal A rician f amily who was monetalis i n 4 3 B .C. T here a re a f ew b ronzes d atable the 8 th and 6 th c enturies B .C. which may b e v otive, evidence f or any c ontemporary buildings. T he

second phase

o f

the

s ite's

h istory

b egins

i n

t resvir b etween but no

the

l ate

4 th o r early 3 rd c entury. T here i s evidence f or a t l east two buildings, presumably t emples, f rom t erracotta a ntefixes and revetments, some p erhaps a s early a s t he 4 th but most of t he 3 rd o r early 2 nd c enturies, and f rom pedimental sculpture ( Plate 4 .3). I t i s also t o t his phase that t he dedication o f votive terracottas b elongs: f igurines o f deities, men and women, seated couples w ith i nfants, and animals; models o f anatomical parts: head, eyes, f eet, hands and u teri; and model temples of E trusco-Italic type. I n i ts t hird p hase, l ate i n t he 2 nd o r e arly i n t he 1 st century, t he s anctuary was r edesigned on a v ast s cale, w ith a terraced p recinct 4 4,000 m2 i n a rea, surrounded b y arcaded revetment walls f aced w ith p seudo-reticulate masonry ( Fig. 4 .1). A new t emple was b uilt w ith a podium a nd s tuccoed D oric columns of peperino tufa. S avile considered t his t o b e t he A rtemision which h e h ad i ntended to f ind, but i ts p lan d oes not appear to conform w ith t he T emple of D iana d escribed b y Vitruvius ( 4, 8 , 4 ), which may h ave s tood elsewhere i n t he sanctuary. P arts o f t he p recinct wall s till s tand, a nd h ave r ecently b een r estored b y t he S oprintendenza a lle A ntichitä ( Plate 4 .2). There i s a number o f a rchitectural t erracottas of t his d ate, b ut t he v otive terracottas c ease a t about t he

3 5

1

5

F ig. 4 .1. N emi, p lan o f t he s anctuary i n i ts t hird p hase ( K i s t he t emple foundation). T he o riginal 1 885 p lan l acked a s cale, b ut i t i s s tated t hat t he f ront t errace wall w as 7 21 f eet ( 220 m ) i n l ength ( Wallis 1 891, 6 ).

3 6

same

t ime

a s

t he

r econstruction.

T he f inal p hase, f rom t he l ate i st century B .C. t hrough until t he 2 nd c entury A .D., s aw s everal small-scale a dditions to t he s anctuary b uildings, notably the i nsertion o f a number of r ooms i n f ront o f t he n orth-east p recinct wall. I n o ne o f these ( Fig. 4 .1. A , A ) s everal marble portrait s tatues and herms were found. T he most important i ndividual was c learly a d istinctive-looking l ady n amed P undilia, o f whom t here was both a full-length s tatue and a h erm ( Plate 4 .4). T hese were erected by h er c lient, the l ibertus and a ctor F undilius. There were portraits o f two o ther a ctors, a nd there i s an obvious connection w ith the adjoining t heatre which b elongs to t his phase. T here i s a lso s ome imperial s tatuary, i ncluding a b ust o f Julius Caesar and a s tatue o f T iberius. A spirally f luted marble column b ears part o f a n i nscription recording t he d onation o f t he l ead p ipes f or a water supply to t he warehouses o f S empronius a nd t he old b aths. A rchitectural t erracottas i nclude r evetment p laques f eaturing a w inged f emale f igure, f or which a l ate 1 st century B .C. date s eems p robable ( Fig. 4 .2), and t here a re a ntefixes o f the i st century A .D. a nd p ieces o f d ecorative marble v eneer datable to t he 1 st and 2 nd c enturies A .D.The l atest d atable finds a re o f a couple of A ntonine b rick-stamps. I t i s i n i ts s econd phase, b eginning i n t he l ate 4 th or early 3 rd c entury B .C., t hat we s ee a t Nemi a phenomenon which, as C omella ( 1981, 7 71-5) h as s hown, i s common to religious s anctuaries t hroughout southern E truria, L atium and northern C ampania; t he b eginning of t he practice o f o ffering anatomical ex-votos o f t erracotta. O fferings of t erracotta f igurines, r epresenting b oth t he deities a nd the donors, also became much more f requent. T hese ex-votos a re g reater i n number as well a s b eing l argely d ifferent i n character f rom earlier etrusco-italic o fferings, which were p redominantly o f bronze. G reek precedents f or a natomical v otives ( Fenelli 1 975, 2 07-9, n .7) a nd 5 th c entury votive h eads f rom s ome s ites ( namely V eii, F alerii a nd, i n C ampania, C apua and Teano: Comella 1 981, 7 73-4) provide p recedents, but no more than a point o f d eparture i n a ttempting to i dentify the reasons for t he c hange. T he

f irst

f actor

i s

political.

T he

d efeat

of

t he

L atin

towns, i ncluding A ricia, b y R ome a nd i ts a l]ies i n 3 38 B .C. was f ollowed b y t he e xtension o f R oman c itizenship to them. Latin colonies were e stablished, e .g. a t F regellae i n 3 28, Lucera i n 3 14, A lba Pucens i n 3 03 a nd C arsoli i n 2 91. T his extension of R oman i nstitutions a nd i nfluence was a ccompanied by t he opening u p o f t he t erritory b y t he construction o f such roads a s t he V ia A ppia i n 3 12. T hese developments provided a means f or t he s pread o f n ew i deas and practices, in R ome as well a s i n t he a rea o f i ts i nfluence. I t was t hen, for e xample, t hat t he R omans s tarted u sing coinage. F ield there were occupation.

surveys

a re

b eginning

to

accompanying changes i n T hat i s i mportant: f or

3 7

s how t he extent t he c haracter i t i s evident

to

which

o f rural t hat, f or

P late

4 .2.

N emi,

t he s outh-east w all o f ( Photo b y t he a uthor)

t he p recinct.

.

3 8

the most part, t hese v otive o fferings a re t hose of the rural peasantry. Even w ithin t he c ity o f R ome, a s P ensabene h as argued ( 1979, 2 21) i n r elation to the t erracottas f rom t he T iber, ' non puo e scludersi c he parte d ei doni v otivi f ossero portati da offerenti provenienti d alle z one rurali s ia presso l a c ittä s ia a nche l ontano quando a ffluivano a R oma i n occasione delle v an e assemblee politiche i n cui era r ichiesta l a l oro p resenza'. W hat we s eem t o have i s the adaptation of certain H ellenistic i deas, mediated t hrough Rome a t a t ime o f i ntensified R oman i nfluence i n W estern central I taly. C ertain economic and technical f actors a ssisted t his p rocess. I n relation t o s uch a population o f potential donors, there i s t he s imple e conomic f actor, t hat t erracotta i s cheaper than b ronze, b oth a s a material a nd b ecause o f l argescale production f rom moulds. T he t echnique had l ong b een employed i n t he a rchitectural decoration of t emples; i t now came to b e applied more widely, f or ex-votos, a nd t his greatly extended t he opportunities f or l eaving a permanent but i nexpensive r ecord o f votive i ntentions: i t i s possible, of c ourse, t hat t hese i ntentions may already have b een practised, but i n a f orm l ess v isible i n t he a rchaeological record. T here i s a f urther a nd more complicated economic a nd technological f actor, t o do w ith t he l ocation o f production and t he extent o f t rade. V ery l ittle i s k nown about t he mechanism f or t he i ntroduction i nto t he a rea of t he f iner quality f igurines i n t he s tyle o f those made i n B oeotia and A ttica. When, a s a t N emi, o ne f inds examples which appear t o come f rom t he s ame mould s eries a s others f rom S egni, Rome, Lavinium a nd A rdea, t his s eems to point to a d istribution outwards f rom Rome ( MacCormick et al. 1 983, 4 8 ( N62), 5 0 ( N3, N26, N27), 5 2 ( N46)) ( Plate 4 .5). I n t he c ase o f t he votive male and f emale h eads, where s imilar i dentiKit matches are commonplace ( e.g. M acCormick e t al. 1 983, 5 3 ( N367 a nd N 388)) ( Plate 4 .7), but w hich were p roduced w ithin W estern central I taly, one must consider t he possibility t hat e ither the prototype, o r a number o f moulds made f rom t he p rototype, might have b een t ransported f rom t he p lace of o rigin to d ifferent p roduction c entres. L ocalised production, s erving a s ingle s anctuary, s hould n ot b e a ssumed i n every c ase. I t may be i nferred, where f orms a nd f abrics a re d istinctive to -- a particular s anctuary, e .g. t he d raped male f igures f rom N emi, ( Plate 4 .6), made i n a coarse r eddish-brown c lay also u sed for o ther v otive a nd a rchitectural t erracottas f ound there. Nevertheless, t here i s l ittle a ctual evidence f or s uch l ocal production, i n t he f orm o f k ilns o r wasters. I f progress i s to b e made i n u ntangling t he complexity of manufacture a nd d istribution, i t i s e ssential to e stablish a programme o f systematic analysis o f t he petrology o f t he t erracottas a nd the s ources o f t he c lays f rom which they were made. T he economic

d iffusion of a rtistic r epresentations, a nd the s tructure u nderlying i t, i s complicated enough,

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t hough t here a re p ractical ways i n which p rogress c an b e made i n u nderstanding i t. I t i s more d ifficult to a nalyse t he s ocial a nd i deological n ature o f t he c hange. T he v eiling o f t he votive h eads a nd o f t he h eads o f s tatues r eflects t he p ietas o f t he R oman a nd E truscan r eligious r ite. P ensabene h as gone f uther, a nd l inked t he r epresentations o f w orshippers, a n I talian r ather t han a G reek p ractice a t t his t ime, w ith t he d eveloping s elf-consciousness o f t he n ew R oman p lebeian-patrician n obility w hich i t was b eginning t o e xpress t hrough t he s culptural r epresentation o f i ndividuals ( Pensabene 1 979, 2 18). I t may b e t hat s uch i deas w ere s ignificant f or t he n ature o f R oman i nfluence o n s urrounding t erritory. S o, t oo, b ut i n a d ifferent way was t he i ntroduction to R ome o f t he c ult o f A sklepios i n 2 92 ( see f urther b elow). T hese f iner e lements were, o ne s uspects, s omewhat r emote f rom t he d aily l ife o f t he p easant f amily; b ut t hey g ave o pportunity f or t he t angible e xpression o f t he a nxieties o f i ts p ractical l ife: p rocreation, c hildbirth, i njured f eet, eye t rouble, h eadaches a nd s ick cows. T he type-range o f o fferings a t a p articular s anctuary h as o nly a s mall c orrespondence w ith t he d eity worshipped t here. A t N emi, f or e xample, w hile r epresentations o f D iana p redominate, t hose o f M inerva, A pollo a nd D ionysus a lso o ccur. N or, i n t he r ecorded evidence, d o v otives w hich m ight r elate to D iana a s p rotectress o f p rocreation a nd c hildbirth o ccur a s f requently a s m ight h ave b een expected. T here a re a f ew s eated p airs w ith c hildren, a f ew u teri, but more h eads, f eet and h ands a nd v astly more s tatuettes. S ome s anctuaries, h owever, d o s eem t o h ave s pecialised i n p articular types o f c ure, i ndependently o f t he d eity p redomiantly worshipped. I a m g rateful t o T im P otter f or i nformation a bout t he h ealing s anctuary o f P onte d i N ona o n t he V ia P renestina. T here, t he g reatest p roportion o f t he a natomical r epresentations n early 4 0 % - w ere f eet. A part f rom t he l imbs a nd t he h ead, t here was a lso a h igher p roportion o f eyes t han i s f ound a t o ther s ites ( Potter f orthcoming). P otter points out a c ontrast w ith t he e x-votos f rom t he C ampetti s anctuary a t V eii ( Torelli a nd P ohl 1 973, 2 40-247), w here e x-votos r epresenting male a nd f emale g enital o rgans f orm a h igh p roportion o f t he t otal. A lthough t here a re f ew s ites w here t his s ort o f i nformation c an b e quantified s ignificantly, c learly t here w ere t hose which s pecialised i n t he cure o f particular d isorders. I s ay ' cure' a dvisedly, f or i t would s eem a c lear i nference f rom t he s elective d istribution o f e x-votos t hat i t w as n ot n ecessarily a matter o f t here b eing, f or e xample, a l ot of s ore f eet o n t he V ia P renestina a nd r ampant s exual p romiscuity i n V eii, b ut r ather t hat s ome p laces w ere c onsidered particularly e fficacious i n t he cure o f c ertain b odily a ilments, a nd f or t hat t o b e s o, s ome e lement o f t reatment i s l ikely t o h ave b een a vailable t here. I t i s h ere t hat t he i ntroduction t o R ome o f t he cult o f A sclepius h as, a s i ts c ounterpart, a n i ncreasing f amiliariy w ih G reek m edical k nowledge. T his i s t o e nlarge u pon C omella's d istinction b etween s ites c oncerned w ith s anatio, g eneral

4 1

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c t z . . _e

,

-

N ' ar ( /

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b

' F ig 4 .2. 4 60-470

Terracotta r evetment p lagues, mm. Nottingham i nv. N 741. ( Drawn

4 2

f rom N emi. H eights b y A .G. MacCormick).

P late

4 .4.

H er r n o f

Pundilia

( height

( Photo Nottingham Castle

4 3

1 .555 m .)

Museum).

f rom Nemi.

h ealth, a nd t hose c oncerned with f ertility a nd r eproduction . J ean T urfa d iscussed t his i n more d etail i n a paper g iven t o t he British Museum colloquium i n D ecember 1 982. T here s he c alled a ttention t o what a ppeared t o b e s pecific p athological conditions represented i n models of the uterus, a nd s imilarly, t he painful c ondition o f p himosis has b een n oted o n r epresentations o f t he p enis ( Fenelli 1 975, 2 17). Whether t hese observed c onditions i nfluenced t he a ctual s election o f a particular ex-voto by a particular worshipper i s another matter. T hey are, however, a g eneral s ign o f the i ncreasing k nowledge of medicine a nd a vailability of medical skills which must i n part explain t he eventual r emoval of s uch a ilments f rom the s cope o f d ivine i ntervention, a t any r ate a s i t was expressed i n t he a rchaeological r ecord . F or, b y t he e arly f irst c entury, t he p ractice o f making v otive o fferings i n t erracotta c omes t o a n e nd . T he r eason f or t his c annot merely b e e xplained i n medical t erms; o ne s uspects t hat t here would a lways b e many who would f ind i t c heaper t o pay t he gods with a t erracotta t han to p ay a doctor with money or even i n k ind. T he change c oincides w ith a w ider t ransformation o f a s ignificant number o f t hese sanctuaries, t he l arge-scale redevelopment which I have described as Nemi's phase 3 . T his t ransformation may b e e xplained, n ot j ust a s a n extrusion o f p easant medicine, b ut a s a n extrusion of t he peasants t hemselves, f rom t heir s anctuaries a nd f rom t heir l and . A t P raeneste, Gabii, T ivoli, T erracina, L anuvium, a s a t N emi, s anctuaries were r emodelled, t he l andscape t erraced, a nd l arge r ichly d ecorated b uldings were erected, i ncorporating h ighly imaginative H ellenistic concepts of design, a nd a s ophisticated u se o f concrete c onstruction. S uch p rojects d emanded c onsiderable r esources: R oman conquests i n Greece a nd A sia Minor during the 2 nd century provided t he architectural i deas, a nd t he s poils o f war and t he profits o f t rade with which t o f inance t heir t ransplantation t o I taly . This d id not happen s i multaneously at all t hose s ites. T he sanctuary of A sclepius at F regellae appears t o be t he f irst: apparently i n t he s econd quarter of the 2 nd century B .C., a nd certainly b efore F regellae's destruction i n 1 25 ( Coarelli 1 983, 1 93). At Praeneste, t he Avilii a nd Etrilii were among t he a ncient l ocal f amilies concerned with t he b uilding o f t he u pper s anctuary i n t he s econd half o f t he 2 nd c entury B .C. ( Gullini 1 973, 7 63; Gullini 1 983). C oarelli h as r ecently argued ( 1983, 1 95) t hat t he s anctuary o f H ercules V ictor a t T ivoli b elonged t o t he 8 0s - a fter t he S ocial W ar, b ut b efore t he S ullan proscriptions. Again, magistrates o f l ocal f amilies were r esponsible. H e s ees t he rebuilding o f t hese t emples as ' a s ort of s elf-affirmation by t he Italian r uling c lasses, who r evalued t heir r eligious and municipal t raditions as part o f t heir developing confrontation with R ome'. I n s o doing, t hey were emulating t he munificence o f t he l ate R epublican nobles o f Rome i tself, for e xample Q . C aecilius Metellus, t he c onqueror o f Macedon, who i n 1 46 B .C . built t he f irst marble temple i n t he c ity, t hat o f Jupiter S tator. T his s elf-advertisement of l ocal dynasts through

4 4

P late

4 .5.

T erracotta ( Photo

P late

4 .6. f rom

s tatuettes

Nottingham C astle

of

women,

f rom Nemi.

Museum).

S tatuettes o f d raped male a nd s eated pairs, N emi. ( Photo Nottingham Castle Museum).

4 5

grandiose building projects has, as i ts f inal example, t he rebuilding of Lanuvium, which has b een a ssociated with L . L icinius Murena, t he f irst c itizen o f t hat t own t o a ttain t he c onsulship, which h e d id i n 6 2 B .C . ( Coarelli 1 983, 1 98). T he a ggrandisement o f t he s anctuaries r eflects t he r ise o f l eading l ocal f amilies t o p ositions o f importance outside their own communities. While most o f t he I talian t raders recorded i n Greece a nd A sia i n the l ater s econd century B .C . c ame f rom s outhern I taly, i t i s s ignificant t hat t hose f rom c entral I taly c ame mainly f rom T ivoli, l ike t he Munatii a nd t he C osinii ( Bodei G iglioni 1 977, 7 3) a nd f rom P raeneste, l ike t he Magulnii a nd t he S aufeii ( Harvey 1 975, 4 5). I t i s possible that the resources i n wealth of their home sanctuaries were t he b asis f or the t rade b y which these f amilies made t heir f ortunes ( Bodei G iglioni 1 977, 7 2 ). T hese f ortunes, h owever t hey were made, e nriched t he sanctuaries i n t heir t urn, as well as providing t he f oundation f or their owners' social and political advancement a fter t he S ocial W ar. A t t he s ame t ime, t he R oman a ristocracy was e stablishing itself around t he L atin t owns. R ich R oman senators a nd equestrians b egan t o build l uxury v illas at T ivoli a nd Praeneste f rom t he mid-second century B .C. ( cf. C icero, d e Orat. 2 , 2 24, 2 63). D . Junius B rutus ( flor. c . 1 54 B .C.) h ad a v illa at T ivoli, a nd was followed b y a g alaxy o f names which i ncluded Metellus Numidicus, t he C ornelii S cipiones, A ntonius a nd Maecenas . T he a rea b etween t hese t owns a nd R ome b ecame ' talmente punteggiata d i v ille d a a pparire q uasi c ome un s uburbio d i Roma', a nd t hese R omans also t ook a n active r ole i n t he s anctuaries, with s enators a nd k nights b ecoming S alian p riests a nd c urators o f t he T emple o f H ercules V ictor at T ivoli ( Bodei G iglioni 1 977, 6 3). E ach v illa constructed must have meant t he r emoval of s everal peasant f amilies, whether owners or t enants, f rom t he l and which t hey h ad c ultivated . E ven a t P raeneste, where S ulla 's confiscations a nd r edistribution of l and to h is colonists might h ave been expected to r everse t his t rend, b y 6 4 B .C. t he land was once a gain i n t he p ossession o f a f ew l andowners ( Cicero, de a gr . 2 .78), s ome of them at l east b eing old P raenestine f amilies ( Harvey 1 975). A s a ristocratic l anded e states a nd r esidences i ncreased, t he p easants migrated t o R ome f or t he b read dole, occasional employment, a nd eventually, c ircuses, l eaving t heir a ncestral t emples d erelict o f v otive o fferings . Rural shrines d isappeared too, as l ocal r eligious practices were r ealigned ' in a new f ramework, t hat o f urban, Roman I taly' ( Crawford 1 981, 1 60; E dlund t his v olume). I n t he a ftermath o f t hese y ears o f s ocial t ransformation i n t he l ate R epublic, t he s urvival o f p articular s anctuaries d epended much more o n l ocal c ircumstances . N emi was f avoured with a delightful s cenery a nd s ummer p leasance a nd, as a t T ivoli a nd P raeneste, s uch l ate R epublican nobles a s C aesar 's f ather h ad a lready b egun t o b uild t heir v illas i n t he N emus . Emperors a nd t heir f ollowers continued t o do so: w itness C aligula's s umptuous f loating p alace, t he L ake N emi s hip . T he

4 6

P late

4 .7. Votive t erracotta h eads, f rom Nemi. ( Photo Nottingham Castle Museum).

4 7

cult survived, but the worshippers were d ifferent. I n t he early principate, l adies s till carried l ights to the g rove o f the goddess T rivia, according to P ropertius ( 2, 3 2, 1 0) and Ovid ( Fasti 3 , 2 60-276). S tatius ( Silvae 2 , 1 , 55-60) described h ow l ights twinkled on t he l ake on 1 3th A ugust, D iana's festival. A grand s enatorial l ady, V olusia, h ad t he theatre rebuilt i n t he early f irst c entury A .D., a nd evidently had a v illa nearby ( Morpurgo 1 931, 2 48ff.; C oarelli 1 982, 4 0-41). L ess eminent patrons, l ike F undilia, b rought their artistic c lientele to the s anctuary. Fundilius has counterpart parasiti A pollinis at T ivoli, P raeneste a nd L anuvium ( Bodei G iglioni 1 977, 6 4). C aligula s aw to i t that a t radition was maintained, o r revived, w hen he had t he s lave p riest of Nemi k illed ( Suetonius, C aius C aligula 3 5). I t i s more characteristic of events, however, that the f reedman actor Fundilius b ecame immortalised i n marble, w hen the S acred Wood was t ransformed i nto a p lace for elegant v illeqiatura.

B ibliogEaphy A lföldi,

B od21

A . 1 960. D iana N emorensis. A rchaeology 6 4, 1 37-144.

American

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G iglioni, G . 1 977. P ecunia f anatica: l 'incidenza economica d ei t empli l aziali. R ivista S torica I taliana 8 9, 3 3-76.

Coarelli,

F .

1 982.

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dei V olusii problemi 6 ( I

Volusiana e l 'albero

S aturnini. A rcheologia: Volusii S aturnini), 3 7-43.

Coarelli, F . 1 983. A rchitettura nella tarda r epubblica.

e

s acra e a rchitettura privata A rchitecture et S oci;t6 d e

l 'archaisme grec ä l a f in de l a ( collection de l 'Ecole F rançaise 2 17. Comella,

genealogico materiali

r eublique r omaine. de R ome 6 6), 1 91-

A . M., 1 981. T ipologia e d iffusione dei c omplessi votivi i n I talia i n epoca medio- e t ardor epubblicana. Mélanges de l 'Ecole F rangaise d e Rome 9 3, 7 17-803

C rawford, M .H. 1 981. 7 1, 1 53-160.

I taly and

Rome.

Roman

S tudies

F enelli,

M . 1 975. contributo per l o s tudio del anatomico. A rcheologia C lassica 2 7, 2 06-252.

votivo

F razer,

J .G. 1 890. T he r eligion. L ondon.

Gordon,

A .E. T he C lassical

Golden

Journal

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a s tudy

Cults o f A ricia. C alifornia A rchaeology 2 ( 1), 1 -20.

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o f

i n m agic

P ublications

and

i n

Graevius, J .G. L eyden.

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Romanarum.

Gullini, G . 1973. La datazione e l 'inquadramento stilistico del santuario della F ortuna P rimigenia a P alestrina. Aufstieg u nd N iedergang der Römischen Welt I . 4 , 7 467 99. Gullini, G . 1 983. Terazza, edificio, uso dello spazio. Architecture et S ocidtd de l 'archaisme grec ä la f in de la r dpublique romaine ( Collections de liEcole Frangaise de Rome 6 6), 1 19-189. Harvey,

P . at

1 975. C icero l eg. aqr. 2 .78 and the Sullan Praeneste. A thenaeum n .s. 5 3, 3 3-56.

Colony

MacCormick, A .G . and Blagg, T .F.C. et al. 1 983. Mysteries of D iana. T he antiquities from Nemi i n Nottingham Museums. Nottingham. Morpurgo, L . 3 68.

1 903.

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Monumenti

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Morpurgo, L . 1 931. N emi - T eatro e altri e difici ' La Valle'. N otizie degli S cavi ( ser.VI)

i n 7 ,

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contrada 2 37-309.

Pairault, F . 1 969. D iana Nemorensis: Ddesse Latine, Ddesse Hellenisde. Mélanges d 'Archdologie et d 'Histoire 8 1, 4 25-471. P ensabene, P . 1 979. Doni votivi f ittile d i Roma: contributo per un i nquadramento s torico. A rcheologia L aziale 2 , 2 17-222. Potter, T . W. forthcoming. A Republican Healing-Sanctuary at Ponte d i Nona near Rome and the Classical Tradition of Votive Medicine. S avile-Lumley, J . 1 885-6. Journal o f t he B ritish a nd Archaeological S ociety of Rome 1 ( 2), 6 0-74.

American

T orelli, M . and Pohl, I . 1 973. Veio - scoperta d i un piccolo santuario etrusco i n L ocalitä C ampetti. N otizie degli S cavi 1 973, 4 0-258. Wallis,

G .H. 1 891. Catalogue of C lassical A ntiquities from the S ite of the Temple of Diana, Ne mi, Italy. Nottingham.

S UMMARY Recent research on material f rom t he s antuary o f D iana at N emi i ndicates f our s tages i n i ts development: 1 ) t he s acred wood, with a l ate 5 th c entury B .C . t riple cult image; 2 ) l ate 4 th/ early 3 rd c entury, t he f irst evidence of buildings, a nd n umerous votive t erracottas; 3 ) l ate 2 nd/early 1 st c entury,

4 9

l arge s cale r ebuilding o f t he s anctuary, w ith a rcaded t errace a nd n ew t emple; 4 ) early i mperial, s mall modifications, t heat re b uilt, marble s tatues e rected. S tages 2 a nd 3 a re common to o ther s anctuaries i n L atium a nd s outhern E truria. R oman colonies a nd r oads e stablished a fter R ome's d efeat o f t he L atins i n 3 38 B .C. h elped t o s pread n ew i deas a nd p ractices. T he t echnology o f r elatively c heap m anufacture o f t erracottas f rom moulds meant t hat more a nd poorer people could e xpress t heir concerns about h ealth a nd f ertility b y making votive o fferings. S ome s ites s pecialised i n i n certain cures o r p etitions, b ut t here i s l ittle correlation b etween t he e xv otos a nd t he particular d eity o f a s anctuary. T he o rganisa tion o f m anufacture a nd d istribution o f t erracottas w as complex. L arge-scale r ebuilding o f s anctuaries i n t he H elleni stic manner r eflects t he p rofits o f R oman conquest a nd t rade i n t he e ast M editerranean, a nd t he s elf-advertisement o f l ocal d ynasts. R oman a ristocrats b uilt l uxury v illas i n t he a rea, t he p easants w ere excluded f rom t heir l and, a nd t heir v otive o fferings c eased. R IASSUNTO D alla r icerca e seguita i n questi u ltimi a nni sugli avanzi p rovenienti d al s antuario d i D iana a N emi, S i v iene a r iconos cere quattro p eriodi d i sviluppo: 1 ) i i s acro b osco con l 'effigie t riplice d i D iana, d alla f ine V s ecolo a .C.; 2 ) f ine I V/ p rima I II s ecolo a .C. l e p rime t racce d i e difici, e o fferte v otive i n t erracotta; 3 ) f ine I I/ p rima I s ecolo a .C. l a r icostruzione i ntera d el s antuario, u n t empio c ircondato d a u na t errazza c on portico; 4 ) i l p rimo i mperio r omano, d elle modifiche d i poco n ota, l a c ostruzione d i u n t eatro, i l c ollocamento d i qualche s tatua i n marmo. G li s tadi 2 ) e 3 ) s eguono i s oliti s viluppi d i tutti i s antuari d ella L azio c he cadde i n mano a ll'esercito r omano ( 338 a .C.) s i costruziono l e s trade e s i s tabilirono l e colonie c he contriburrono alla d iffusione d i nuove i dee e d i nuove p ratiche. L a s coperta d ella t ecnica d i f ar l e f orme p er l e v otive i n t erracotta, l e quail c ostavano p oco, p ermettevano a nche a lla gente p lu p overa d i d ar s fugo a lle p remesse p er l a s alute e p er l a f ertilitä p er mezzo d ell'oblazione d elle v otive. S iti s i s pecializzavano n eu e cure oppure nelle s uppliche ma n on s i i dentificavano d i t utto l e c aratteristiche d elle v otive con f igura i ndividuale d egli d ei d el s antuario. I i commercio, l a manufattura l a d istribuzione d elle v otive i n t erracotta s i svolgeva i n u n modo complicato. L a g rande r icostruzione d i s antuari i n modo e llenistico r ivela i p rofitti guadagnati d alla c onquesta e d al c ommercio n el M editerraneo o rientale e l 'ostentazione d i d inastie p roviciali. L 'aristocratzia r omana costrui l e v ille s ontuose n ella z ona, i i contadino s fugge d al t erreno e n on c i erano p iü l e v otive.

5 0

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E ' mia i ntenzione d are l a s intesi d i u n piü ampio l avoro che s to per consegnare a lla s tampa, affrontando qui a l inee generali quello c he ä i i p roblema i nerente a ll'area d i d iffusione e a l t ipo d i f ruitore d i t ale s chema d ecorativo applicato a i monumenti f unerari d ' Abruzzo. L 'odierno Abruzzo ä s ituato n ell'Italia C entrale e comprende l a metä s ettentrionale d el S annio, i i l embo s ettentrionale d el L azio, l a z ona sud-orientale d ella S abina e l a fascia meridionale d el P iceno; ad E st ä b agnato d al mare Adriatico. Non tutti i f regi dorici i nseriti n ella p ianta ( Fig. 5 .1) hanno una d estinazione f uneraria; ho perä considerato p iü d a v icino solo quelli che, con u n certo margine d i s icurezza, s embrano averla, r iservandomi i n futuro l a possibilitä d i qualche v ariazione, essendo l 'argomento per l a p rima volta o ggetto d i u na r icerca s istematica - tuttora i n a tto - sul t erritorio abruzzese. L 'attribuzione funeraria ä quasi s empre d ifficoltosa mancando, t ranne ran i c asi, d egli e lementi s icuri. I nfatti, eccetto i i f regio d i C orfinio, ( Plate 5 .1a), - venuto f uori da un r ecentissimo s cavo d i emergenza condotto d al D ott. A ngeletti della S oprintendenza A rcheologica d ell'Abruzzo p rovengono tutti o d a v ecchi s cavi d i cui f urono r egistrati i d ati con s carsa a ttendibilitä s cientifica, o d a r invenimenti f ortuiti per mano d i p rivati c he poi l asciarono i r eperti nelle v icinanze d el l uogo d i r itrovamento - com'ä forse i i caso d el f regio d i C ivita d i O ricola, ( Plate 5 .2), a ccatastato i n u n camp i nsieme ad a ltri pezzi a rchitettonici c redo d ello s tesso monumento - , oppure i i i nserirono i n costruzioni private, quindi s oggette, n el corso d el t empo, a mutamenti e d emolizioni - v edi, t ra i t anti, u n f rammento d i M assa d ' Alba ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 011; B uonocore 1 982), uno d i V enere d el M arsi ( Letta e D ' Amato 1 975, 1 33-134; Buonocore 1 982), e u no d i M orge ( Mommsen 1 883, 5 137) - ; o , ancora, v ennero i nglobati nella muratura i nterna o e sterna d i c hiese - come i due f rammenti d i C ivitatomassa ( Plates 5 .3, 5 .4) ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 396), quelli d i Cavallari ( Plate 5 .5) ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 503; T orelli 1 968), d i Guardia V omano ( Plate 5 .6) ( Cerulli I relli 1 971), e d i A ntrosano, ( Plates 5 .7a, 5 .7b/1, 5 .7b/2) - r itenuti p rovenienti d a A lba Fucens ( Buonocore 1 982) - , o s istemati a l'aperto l ungo l e s triae come i l pezzo d i Carsoli ( Plate 5 .8). A lcuni f regi sono r isultati s comparsi: u no d i C astelvecchio S ubequo, due d i A lfedena ( Mommsen 1 883, 2 799; Mariani 1 901).

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E ' i nsomma p iü r aro t rovarli n ei musei. Questa ä comunque la s istemazione d i u n f regio i scritto p roveniente d a A lba Fucens e conservato n el Museo d i A vezzano ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 016) i nsieme a d a ltri a nepigrafi; d el f rammento d i C orfinio ( Plates 5 .1b/l, 5 .1b/2) ( Fiorelli 1 888) f issato s ulla p arete e sterna d el l ocale Museo C ivico; d ei due d el M useo N azionale dell'Aquila, u no d i p rovenienza i gnota - n .inv. 6 0- ( Plate 5 .9) ( Moretti 1 968, 2 69), e l 'altro d a P returo - n .inv. 7 8( Plate 5 .10) ( Persichetti 1 912; M oretti 1 968, 2 71). N e consegue c he 1 1 p iü d elle v olte l 'analisi t ecnica d el pezzo non v iene e seguita p oichä r isulta i mpossibile o sservare d a v icino, m isurare, n onchä f otografare i n modo l eggibile f regi dorici s ituati i n c ima a c ampanili, s u pareti ad altezze v ertiginose, o i n c ase p rivate i naccessibili. S i d eve i noltre t enere p resente c he, g razie a lle l oro ' comode' d imensioni, molti f regi f urono r iutilizzati g iä i n a ntico, dopo essere s tati t agliati ed a dattati a lle p iü d iverse funzioni: s intomatico ä l 'esempio d ei due f rammenti d i Corfinio c he v ennero r iusati c ome coperture d i t ombe t arde. E tutto c iö n on f acilita c erto i i l avoro d i r icostruzione d el monumento f unerario n ella s ua completezza. T ralasciando d i a ffrontare i n questa s ede i l d iscorso sull'origine e l e c ause c he h anno d eterminato l a n ascita d el t ipo d i edificio f unerario c on d ecorazione a f regio d orico, b isogna p erö d ire che ä c erta l a s ua a ppartenenza a quella c lasse d i monumenti a d ado c he i l T orelli, n el s uo fondamentale a rticolo, s uddivideva i n ' due g ruppi d iversi p er o rigine e p er f orma a rchitettonica' ( Torelli 1 968). I i p rimo gruppo ä quello d ei monumenti a d a ltare, c aratterizzati d a d imensioni r idotte e d a u na c oppia d i pulvini s ul d ado; i i s econdo ä quello d ei monumenti d etti a n aiskos, p er l a s truttura a n äos sovrastante i l d ado, e d i p roporzioni a volte notevoli. B asandomi, quindi, e ssenzialmente s ulle d imensioni d i alcuni d ei f regi d orici d 'Abruzzo - purtruppo t utti f rammentari-, n e ho t entato u na d oppia c lassificazione, d istinguendoli a s econda c he f acessero p arte d ell'uno o dell'altro g ruppo.

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2 ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 )

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funerari

5 .5 5 .7a 5 .7b/1, 5 .10.

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5 .7b/2

O sservando i luoghi d i provenienza e considerando che quelli d i cui S i conosce s olo l 'ubicazione attuale non s aranno s tati s postati d i molto d al l oro s ito o riginario, S i nota c he l a d iffusione d i questi f regi s egue l a d irezione d i s trade importanti e t rafficate, come l a v ia Valeria che i nteressa C ivita d i O ricola, Carsoli - C arsioli-, A ntrosano e Corfinio ( Corfinium); l a S alaria che i nteressa P returo; e i i punto d i confluenza d i questa con l a C laudia Nova aperta nel 4 8 d .C. su u na s trada preesistente c he r iguarda i nvece C ivitatomassa ( Foruli), C avallari, e l a z ona d ell' Ag r Amiterninus d a dove p roverrä a nche i i f regio n .7. C irca i l f rammento oggi ubicato a Guardia V omano - come anche altri d el T eramano d i i dentificazione f uneraria i nsicura - s i puö pensare che f acesse parte d i u n s epolcro s ituato su u na delle v ie s econdarie c he collegavano T eramo - I nteramnia P raetuttia - norum - con Amiternum, H adria e Castrum Novum. Questi s epolcri, generalmente s istemati sulla neu e immediate v icinanze- i n modo d a mostrare i i a chi passasse, dovevano avere dunque l a sommitä ornata d alla t rabeazione dorica, ed u na i scrizione p iano l iscio sottostante i i f regio.

s trada - o l ato lungo d el dado i ncisa sul

I soggetti che d ecorano i campi metopali s ono: v egetali, o a lludenti a i r iti s acrificali, oppure alla personalitä del d efunto ( Felletti M aj 1 977, 2 02). l consueto r epertorio d i o rigine I primi constituiscono i a margherita a petali l anceolati d el fregi e llenistica, come l 5 .6) e n .8 ( Plate 5 .5); l a r osetta a quattro n .5 ( Plate n . 9 a, F ig. 7 a; i l g rande f iore dai petali petali d el con u n enorme p istillo centrale a scaglie d i appuntiti e orma a goccia del n . 7 ( Plate 5 .9). p igna e d alla f I motivi i nerenti a i r iti s acrificali sono molto r icorrenti e compaiono s olitamente i n formule f isse: f requenti sono i l b ucranio e l a t esta d i bue, entrambi o rnati d a v ittae - n .1 ( Plates 5 .1a, 5 .1b/l, 5 .1b/2), n . 2 ( Plate 5 .2), n .5 ( Plate 5 .6), n . 6 ( Plate 5 .8), n . 8 ( Plate 5 .5) e l e p _ terae u mbilicatae con b accellature i nterne - n . 1 ( Plates 5 .1b/1), n . 5 ( Plate 5 .6) oppure con quattro elementi a goccia posti a c roce con l e punte convergenti a l centro - n . 2 ( Plate 5 .2). N ell'ambito d i questi e lementi non caratterizzanti cornucopie c he ( Plate

i i defunto sono d a i nserire due a ppaiono n el n . 6 ( Plate 5 .8) e

esempi nel n .

d i 9 a

- p er

p iü

5 .7a).

I soggetti,

i nvece,

che

a lludono

5 6

a l

d efunto

lo

P late

5 .5.

C avallari, c hiesa d el S anti P roto m etope: cm. non c ilevabili.

P late

5 .6.

Guardia V omano, c hiesa d i S an C lemente a l V omano; m etope: cm. 2 0.5 x 1 8.

5 7

e

G iacito;

P late

5 .7a.

A ntrosano, s pigolo destro d ella C roce; metope: cm. 1 7 x 2 0.

chiesa

d i

S anta

P late

5 .7b/1.

A ntrosano, s pigolo s inistro d ella chiesa C roce; m etope: cm. 1 7 x 2 2.

d i

S anta

P late

5 .7b/2

A ntrosano, l ato s inistro d ella chiesa d i C roce; metope cm. 1 7 x 2 2.

S anto

5 8

a rmi ( Felletti M aj 1 977, 2 20-221) - s i d imostrano d i notevole importanza per l e notizie che possono t rasmettere sulla sua personalitä e s pesso constituiscono l 'unico e lemento u tile per l 'identificazione - anche s e parziale - d el personaggio, dal momento che n on s empre S i conserva l 'epigrafe. Questo tipo d i decorazione svolge dunque l a f unzione d i s toricizzare la p ersonalitä d el defunto e d i r enderne t anto v iva l a memoria a i posten id a f ar s l c he a v olte fosse i l p roprietario stesso del s epolcro a commissionarne l 'esecuzione. E 'comunque f acile t rovare i nsieme, n ello s tesso f regio, soggetti appartenenti a t ipi d iversi. E ', p er esempio, i l caso del n .1 ( Plates 5 .1a, 5 .1b/l) d i C orfinio - e ntrambi pertinenti alb os tesso monumento f unerario a nche s e oggi ubicati i n posti d iversi - e p robabilmente d a r iunire f acendo combaciare l a metopa ' angolare' mutila, ( Plate 5 .1b/2), con la m etä d ella p rima a d estra d ell'altro f rammento ( Plate 5 .1a) dove l a s uccessione b ucranio-patera v iene i nterrotta da u n solo e lemento caratterizzante: l 'elmo, a nche s e c iö non esclude che i n o rigine questi elementi d ovessero e ssere piü d 'uno. I l t ipo d i e lmo, a c alotta emisferica, con t esa abbastanza l arga, paragnatidi quasi t riangolari, n astro svolazzante sul d ietro, r ichiama a ll'ambiente d ei g ladiatori ( Faccenna 1 959; D iebner 1 979, 1 18-119; T af. 1 1, A bb. 1 3) al quale doveva e ssere l egato i l p roprietario d el s epolcro, o perchä gladiatore egli s tesso, o i n r icordo d i qualche munus offerto alla ' cittadinanza. C erto ä c he doveva godere d i u na Juona posizione e conomica e s ociale n ell'ambito d ella sua comunitä dove a nche avrä forse r icoperto u na c arica importante. I i l uogo d i r itrovamento ä quello d ella l ocalitä ' Impianata' d i C orfinio, ove s orgeva u na n ecropoli d elimitata dalla s trada che p ortava a P ratola P eligna, p robabilmente d a identificarsi c on l a cosiddetta V ia M inucia ( Gasparinetti 1 964-1966). N el f regio n . 6 ( Plate 5 .8) d i C arsoli, s i r iscontra u n aumento d i f igurazioni c aratterizzanti; o ltre a lla cornucopia con g rappoli d 'uva e u ccellino che n e b ecca u n a cino, e alla consueta t esta d i bue con v ittae, compaiono, d a s inistra: parte d i u n t rofeo con corazza e sostegno ( Diebner 1 979, T af. 1 9, Abb. 2 7b-c), e , s ovrapposta a due l ance i ncrociate, una p rma con l i mbo c entrale. Questa ä i l p iccolo s cudo r otondo delle truppe l eggere e i n particolare d ella cavalleria, che compare f requentemente i n r affigurazioni f unerarie d i f ine Repubblica e i nizio I mpero, e con o gni p robabilitä, s u monumenti d i questo genere è i l d istintivo d el d efunto come cavaliere ( Coarelli 1 967). S i pub pensare, i noltre, pur non esistendo i d ati del r itrovamento, che i i monumento f osse s ituato sulla v ia V aleria, i ntorno a l s ito d i C arsioli - c he sorgeva a t re c hilometri d all'attuale C arsoli ( Cederna 1 951) . L a p _ a _rma ä a nche p resente n ella metopa f rammentaria del n . 7 ( Plate 5 .9) conservato n el Museo d ell'Aquila e s icuramente proveniente d alla z ona, c he mostra l 'interessante p articolaritä d el r itratto d el d efunto - v edi u na m etopa con r itratto murata s ulla parete e sterna d el D uomo d i T eramo T nfatti, delle t re metope r imaste, l a s econda ä i nteramente occupata d a u n b usto maschile v isto d i p rospetto, con i l

5 9

P late 5 .8.

P late

C arsoli,

v ia R oma n .

P late

5 .9.

5 .10.

Museo d ell'Aquila ( da 1 1.9.

5 3;

M useo d ell'Aquila;

6 0

m etope:

m etope:

P returo);

cm.

c m.

3 6.5 x 2 9.

2 9.8 x 3 2.1.

m etope:

c m.

1 4.8 x

b raccio s inistro d isteso l ungo i i f ianco e i i d estro p iegato a p oggiare s ul p etto. I l t orace l iscio e s quadrato, s enza alcuna notazione a natomica, i nduce a r itenere c he l a f igura i ndossi u na c orazza r igida c ompletata d alla c lamide c he s cende sulle s palle e v a a d a nnodarsi s ul d avanti. I i c attivo s tato d i conservazione d el v olto n on p ermette d i d istinguere con c hiarezza i t ratti s omatici d el p ersonaggio c he, n el complesso, a ppare costruito d isarmonicamente e c on u na r esa t ipicamente ' plebea'. D el f regio n . 3 ( Plate 5 .3) murato nella torre c ampanaria d ella c hiesa d i C ivitatomassa, s i s ono conservate d ue s ole m etope: u na c on l a p rma ed u na c on u n elmo a c alotta a lta, c on p aragnatidi molto sviluppate e decorato d a u na v oluta a t orciglione ( Russo 1 981) e d a u n pennacchio. P robabilmente ä p ertinente a d u n u fficiale d i cavalleria. D i u n a ltro f regio - n . 4 ( Plate 5 .4) - d a C ivitatomassa, murato n ella s tessa t orre n el l ato contiguo a quello d el f rammento s opra d escritto, r estano pure d ue metope: u na con aquila l egionaria a d a h is piegate e c apo r ivolto a d estra, e l 'altra con u na g rande c orona d i r ami e f oglie d i quercia. A d accrescerne l 'interesse ä l 'epigrafe, mutila, i ncisa a l d i sotto d el f regio, e a cui, i n t empi r ecenti, ä s tata coperta la s econda r iga quasi t otalmente d a u no s trato d i c alce. O ggi quindi s i l egge: C . A ufid[i]enus[---]/ V [---]tr.[---]; ma i l Mommsen, che l 'ha t rascritta evidentemente p rima d el ' restauro', d ä u na l ettura p iü c ompleta: C . A ufidienus. C . f . /Villus. t r. m il. ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 396). I i n omen Aufidienus, a d ifferenza d el cognomen V illus, ä a ttestato i n z ona ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 242), - a d I nteramnia compare u n C . A ufidenus ( Mommsen 1 883, 5 092) e d alla s tessa C ivitatomassa p rovengono u na A ufidia ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 406) e u n A ufidi[---] ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 405), mentre a P returo, p er e sempio, ä conservata l 'iscrizione d i u n t ale P . Aufidius ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 469). I n o gni c aso l 'Aufidienus i n questione d oveva e ssere s tato u n p ersonaggio importante n ella s ua c omunitä, l 'antica F oruli, t ribunus militum p robabilmente n ell'ambito d ella l egione, come s tarebbe a d imostrare l 'aquila ( Coarelli 1 967; D iebner 1 979, Taf. 2 6, Abb. 3 8), e u na v olta t om ato i n p atria s i s arä certamente d ato a lla c arriera p olitica, d i cui p erö nell'epigrafe non r esta m enzione. D a n otare l a p resenza d ella corona c ivica s olitamente o fferta c ome r icompensa i n b attaglia a chi a vesse s alvato l a v ita d i u n c ittadino romano, e c he a ppare n ei r ovesci monetali d i A ugusto c on l a l egenda: ob c ives s ervatos. I mportante ä a nche l 'epigrafe f rammentaria d el f regio n . 8 ( Plate 5 .5) d i C avallari ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 503; T orelli 1 968), l a c ui l ettura e satta ä : [ ---]f . c abino . p raef(ecto) / [---au]xsiliariei H ispan[ei---], d a d ove sr d educe c he — ii monument° d ovesse a ppartenere ad u n v eterano i nvestito d ella carica d i p refetto a c omando d i t ruppe a usiliarie i n S pagna, forse a l t empo d ella guerra c ivile t ra C esare e P ompeo, o n el 4 9 a .C. o n el 4 5 a .C. I i cognomen S abinus ä f requentemente attestato ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 202, 4 270, 4 322, 4 357, 4 510, e cc.).

6 1

A l d i sotto del f regio n . 5 ( Plate 5 .6) d i Guardia V oma no, corre parte d i u n'iscrizione con u n nomen i ncompleto: [ ---]etillius . C . f .; credo che s i potrebbe trattare d i P etillius, nomen abbastanza r icorrente n ei t erritori l imitrofi ( Mommsen 1 883, 5 614). I nfondata r isulta [ —]et i llius e i ( Cerulli

4 829, 5 032, 5 580, 5 583, l a l ettura d ella C erulli I relli 1 971).

5 584,

R esta, i nfine, d a commentare l 'ultimo d ei f regi dorici s celti per i ntrodurre questo p roblema i n t erritorio abruzzese, c ioä quello p roveniente d a P returo - n . 1 0 ( Plate 5 .10) - ed o ra a l Museo d ell' Aquila, c he costituisce u n e sempio a s ä. C onservato quasi i ntegralmente i nsieme a l monumento funerario e a ll'iscrizione, ä d edicato alla memoria d i u na l iberta, t ale H erennia: H erenniae / P . 1 . D otini, e presenta nelle metope u n r epertorio d i soggetti d el mundus muliebris, come u na b orsetta r otonda a ppesa ad un c hiodo, u n k alathos, p ieno d i f rutta, u na c apsa rettangolare per i cosmetici, u no specchio, ecc. I i nomen H erennia ä b en conosciuto - i n un'iscrizione, sempre d a P returo, ä menzionato un H erennius ( Mommsen 1 883, 4 473) , ed appare i n v an e epigrafi ( Mommsen 1 883, 3 032, 3 323, 3 729, 3 994, 4 056, e cc.); i l c ognomen Doris ä noto attraverso t re i scrizioni d ella R egio quinta ( Mommsen 1 883, 5 049, 5 349, 5 411) e d i cui, particolarmente i nteressante per l e a ffinitä con l a nostra, ä d a mettere i n r ilievo l a n . 5 049 p roveniente d alla z ona compresa t ra P enne e T eramo. I n conclusione, i i t ipo d i committente d i monumenti f unerari con d ecorazione a f regio dorico ( Torelli 1 968; Russo 1 981) che s i delinea d all'esame d egli esemplari qui considerati appartiene, nella maggior parte d ei casi, alla v asta c ategoria d ei m ilitari e d ei v eterani che, al r itorno n ei luoghi d i o rigine dopo a nni d i s ervizio nell'esercito, p retesero e r icevettero come r icompensa terre e premi. C on S illa, i nfatti, furono confiscati i t erreni d i molte cittä i taliche, comprese quelle del S annio ( Gabba 1 973, 1 18-119), per d ividerli t ra i soldati; con A ugusto, poi, c he dovette f ar f ronte ad u na s ituazione r esa pericolosa d alle continue e v iolente p ressioni, s i ebbe - d opo l a b attaglia d i A zio - u na d istribuzione massiccia d i t erre, soprattutto s econdo i i c riterio delle a ssegnazioni, ed i nfine la costituzione d i u n'apposita cassa per pagare l e t ruppe a l moment( ) d el congedo. B isogna i noltre a ggiungere c he l e deduzioni d i colonie militari ( Appiano 4 , 1 , 3 ; P ais 1 925) p otevano avvenire i n t erritori amministrativamente g iä autonomi, come s i v erificö ad I nteramnia P raetuttianorum dove coesistettero i i v ecchio municipium e l a 1 25-126). I i

f enomeno che

nuova

colonia

geograficamente

s i

s illana

r iscontra

( Gabba

1 973,

p roprio

i n

quelle z one i nteressate s ia a lla colonizzazione c he alle a ssegnazioni v iritarie, come - t ra l e altre - i i P icenum, l ' Ager Amiterninus, l ' Ager C orfinius, S uper.aequum, l 'Ager d i S ulmo, Aufidena ( Pais 1 925), d al punto d i v ista s ociale acquista una notevole importanza: s i costituisce,

6 2

sostituendosi o a ffiancandosi a quella preesistente, una nuova classe d i c ittadini proprietari, e x p roletari, poi arricchiti ed i nfine a nche d etentori d i u n potere politico nella comunitä c he i i r ispetta e i i onora. Ed a nche quando non s i h anno elementi per poter a ffermare l a o rigine militare d i a lcuni personaggi, non c i s i d iscosta mai molto d alla mentalitä t ipica d i questa c ategoria sociale: s i t ratta quasi sempre, i nfatti, d i h omines n ovi e parvi ( Gabba 1 973, 2 76) che f ormano, t ra l a metä d el I s ec. a .C. e l 'inizio dell'Impero, l a f ascia ' piccolo-borghese' - s e cosi s i pub d ire- d ella societä i talica, quella p roduttiva, a rrivista, dal p assato a volte oscuro, e s empre d esiderosa d i a ffermare i i p restigio raggiunto.

B ibliograf j a Appiano,

B ellorum C ivilium

Buonocore, ad de

l ibri.

M . 1 982. Monumenti f unerari romani con d ecorazione A lba Fucens. Mélanges d ' Archdologie e t d ' Histoire l 'Ecole f rangaise de R ome 9 4, 7 15-741.

Cederna,

A . 1 951. S coperta d i un d eposito v otivo d el I II s ec. a .C. ( Prima c ampagna d i s cavo). N otizie d egli s cavi d i A ntichitä 1 951, 1 70-224.

Cerulli

I relli, G . 1 971. f oglio 1 40 ( Teramo). archeologica d ella c arta d 'Italia. I stituto, G eografico M ilitare.

Coarelli,

F .

1 967.

S u

un

monumento

nell'abbazia d i S an Guglielmo a l A rcheologia 1 ( 1), 4 6-71. D iebner,

f unerario

G oleto.

romano

D ialoghi

d i

S . 1 979. A esernia-Venafrum. U ntersuchungen z u den römischen S teindenkmälern zweier L andstädte M ittelitaliens. R oma, G iorgio B retschneider.

Faccenna, D . 1 959. R ilievi g ladiatorii. commissione a rcheologica comunale d i

B ullettino d ella R oma 7 6, 3 7-75.

Felletti, M aj B .M. 1 977. L a t radizione i talica romana. R oma, G iorgio B retschneider. F iorelli, d i Gabba,

Edizione F irenze,

E .

G . 1 888. A ntichitä 1 973. romana.

P entima ( Corfinium). 1 888, 1 98-199.

Notizie

E sercito e s ocietä n ella F irenze, L a Nuova I talia.

tarda

nell'arte

d egli

s cavi

repubblica

Gasparinetti, P . 1 964-1966. L a ' via d egli A bruzzi' e l 'attivitä commerciale d i A quila e S ulmona n ei s ecoli XIII-XV. B ullettino della D eputazione Abruzzese d i S toria P atria 5 4-56, 5 -24.

6 3

L etta,

C . e Marsi.

Mariani,

L . 1 901. Aufidena. R icerche a rcheologiche e s toriche n el S annio s ettentrionale. Monumenti a ntichi della R eale A ccademia N azionale d ei L incei 1 0, 2 25-638.

Mommsen, Moretti,

P ais,

T .

D ' Amato S . 1 975. E piarafia della M ilano, C isalpino-Goliardica.

1 883.

Corpus

I nscriptionum

M . 1 968. Museo N azionale c inquecentesco d ell'Aquila. J apedre.

r egione

L atinarum.

vol.

d ei

9 .

d ' Abruzzo nel c astello L 'Aquila, L eandro U go

E . 1 925. S erie c ronologica d elle colonie r omane e l atine. P arte s econda. D alla eta d ei G racchi a quella d i Augusto. M emorie d ell'Accademia N azionale dei L incei 6 ( 1), 3 45-412.

P ersichetti, N . 1 912. I scrizioni e r ilievi d el Museo C ivico A quilano. M itteilungen des D eutschen A rchäologischen I nstituts, Römische Abteilung 2 7, 2 98-312. Russo,

S . 1 981. F regi d 'armi i n monumenti d ell' Abruzzo. R ivista d i A rcheologia

f unerari 5 , 3 0-43.

Torelli,

M . 1 968. Monumenti f unerari romani con dorico. D ialoghi d i A rcheologia 2 ( 1), 3 3-54.

romani

f regio

S umma ry The

p roblem concerning

t he

d iffusion

o f

t he

doric

f rieze

i n t he f unerary monuments of Abruzzo i s r elated to the o rderers. O n t he map I h ave s hown a ll t he specimens I know, but I have d iscussed i n d etail only t hose whose f unerary d estination s eems to b e s ure. S uch f riezes were employed o n ' dado' monuments a n aiskos o r ad a ltare; a nd t he evolution of t he f riezes f ollows t he a rchitectural c lassification o f the monuments. T hey h ave b een f ound a long s uch important r oads a s the V aleria, t he S alaria and t he confluence o f the S alaria w ith t he C laudia N ova. The p eople who chose s uch monuments were c ives r omani o f a l ower-middle c lass, who b ecame s uddenly r ich, a nd who wanted t o b e r emembered also f or t heir f ortunes, and e specially v eterans, who went b ack h ome o r s ettled i n the m ilitary colonies, and o ften b ecame politicians or i mportant members o f t heir t own administration. T heir t ombs a re decorated w ith f riezes which show i n the metopes t he a rms o r t he symbols o f t heir g lorious m ilitary campaigns f ought f or t he c ause o f Rome. T he social phenomenon which i nvolves t hese h omines novi must b e chronologically p laced b etween t he t he e arly I mperial

f irst A ge.

h alf

of

6 4

t he

f irst

c entury

B .C.

and

R iassunto T i problema i nerente a lla d iffusione d el f regio d orico nei m onumenti f unerari d 'Abruzzo ä p osto i n r elazione c on l a committenza. N ella p ianta s ono i ndicati t utti g li e semplari a m e n oti, ma v engono c onsiderati p articolarmente quelli l a cui destinazione f uneraria p are s icura. Questi d ecoravano u n t ipo d i m onumento a d ado c he poteva e ssere: a n aiskos o a d a ltare; i l d iscorso ä a rticolato p artendo d a u na s celta d i a lcuni f regi c lassificati i n b ase a i t ipi a rchitettonici cui appartengono. I l uoghi d i p rovenienza s ono s ituati s u s trade importanti c ome l a V aleria, l a S alaria, e i l punto d i confluenza d i questa c on l a C laudia N ova. I l t ipo d i c ommittente appartiene a quella c lasse d i cittadini r omani composta d alla ' piccola b orghesia' municipale, a rricchita e d esiderosa d i p erpetuare i l r icordo delle sue f ortune, e s oprattutto d a v eterani c he, t ornati i n patria o s istemati n eu e c olonie m ilitari e s pesso d ivenuti uomini politici, o rdinano - o qualche f amiliare l o f a per l oro- f regi p er i l s epolcro c he r appresentino l e a rmi e i s imboli d i u n p assato d i g loriose c ampagne m ilitari a l servizio d i R oma. I l f enomeno s ociale c he coinvolge questi che per l o p iü s ono h omines n ovi v a collocato cronologicamente t ra l a metä d el I s ec.a.C. e l 'inizio dell'Impero.

6 5

6 .

THE

V ILLAS

OF BUCCINO A ND THE

OF ROMAN

CONSUMER MODEL

RURAL DEVELOPMENT

S tephen

L .

D yson

T his paper h as two objectives. T he f irst i s to d escribe b riefly t he major conclusions d erived f rom the Wesleyan excavations a t B uccino ( Salerno) during t he y ears 1 969-1972. These excavations c entred o n a group of R oman v illas a nd attempted b oth t he reconstruction o f t heir occupation h istory and t he r elation o f that collective i nformation to the development of R oman society i n t he B uccino a rea ( Dyson 1 983). I also w ish i n t his paper to r eflect o n the n eed f or better models of R oman rural development b ased on t he growing body of a rchaeological evidence. T he l ast two decades h ave seen the p roliferation o f a rchaeological p rojects c entring on R oman r ural l ife and i nvolving e ither s urvey o r e xcavation or c ombinations o f the two approaches ( Dyson 1 982). H owever, l ess t hought h as g one i nto t he c reation o f g eneral p rocessual models b ased o n t he g rowing a rchaeological evidence r ather than the p resumed course o f h istory as r econstructed f rom l iterary t exts a nd modern i deological i nterpretation of R oman h istory. I n some ways, i t would b e a u seful exercise to separate our a rchaeological evidence concerning I taly i n t he period f rom t he 3 rd c entury B .C. t o t he 5 th c entury A .D. f rom the h istorical e ntity k nown a s R ome a nd t reat i t i n t he s ame abstract t erms a s one would t he a rchaeology of t he V alley o f Mexico or t he American Southwest. We n eed an A nalytical A rchaeology of t he Roman countryside somewhat s eparated f rom the l iterary r econstruction o f t he s ociety. I b elieve t hat t he t ime will s oon b e r ipe f or t hat. T he f irst round o f p rojects h as added markedly to our s tore o f i nformation, and forced some questioning of previous a ssumptions. H owever, we s hould u ndertake a t heoretical debate o f g reater s cope a nd s ophistication b efore t oo many new projects s tart. O therwise we w ill s ee proliferation of r esearch w ithout sophisticated d esign. I n the concluding s ections o f t his paper I w ill put f orth s ome possible i nterpretive models and s uggestions for r esearch d irection which will, I hope, s timulate t his debate. H owever, f irst I want to d iscuss t he B uccino e xcavations. B uccino i s t he s ite o f t he R oman and p re-Roman town o f Volcei. I t i s l ocated a t t he h ead o f t he V alle d i D iano s ome 5 0 km. southeast o f S alerno o n t he main communication route l eading f rom C ampania a nd S alerno to Cosenza, t he toe o f I taly and S icily ( Fig. 6 .1). T he r esearch o f t he B rown U niversity t eam under P rofessor R . R oss H olloway h as d emonstrated t he importance o f t his a rea during t he N eolithic a nd the B ronze A ge ( Holloway 1 973; H olloway and Colleagues

6 7

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1 973). I ts continued i mportance i s s hown b y t he r ich I ron A ge n ecropolis a t S ala Consolina ( Killian 1 964). D uring t he R oman p eriod, t he V ia P opilia p assed t hrough t he t erritory o f V olcei j ust b elow t he t own. T he a rea h as s ome o f t he b etter a gricultural l and i n t his generally poor, mountainous z one. B oth a rchaeology a nd epigraphy s uggest a modest l evel o f p rosperity d uring t he R oman epoch. T his combination o f s emi-isolation, a ccess t o major communication r outes, a nd moderate r esource l evels makes t he B uccino a rea a n i nteresting p lace t o s tudy R oman rural development. D uring t he p eriod 1 969-1972, f irst u nder t he a uspices o f B rown U niversity a nd t hen u nder our own p ermit, W esleyan U niversity e xcavated a s eries o f R oman r ural e stablishments a round B uccino. E ach p roved t o b e s lightly d ifferent i n l ayout, s ize a nd quality o f p resevation a nd a rchaeological a ccessibility. E ach h ad a s lightly d ifferent o ccupation h istory. T his i ndividuality o f t he s ites i s i nstructive b oth f or a n u nderstanding o f t he d iversity o f r ural d evelopment i n t he a rea a nd i n s tressing t he n eed f or combining s urvey w ith multiple s ite e xcavation i n r ural a rchaeology. T he f irst s ite e xcavated was a t a p lace c alled V ittimose ( Dyson 1 983, 1 2-76). I t p roved t o b e a m edium s ized working f arm with a dwelling u nit c entered o n a n e legant l imestone a trium ( Fig. 6 .2). T he v illa h ad a s mall b ath u nit, s ome mosaic f loor a nd p ainted well d ecoration, b ut n othing t hat i ndicated extreme w ealth o r e legance. B uried d olia w ere f ound i n d ifferent p arts o f t he s ite. S everal o f t hese h ad complex notations i ncised o n t he s houlders w hich s uggested r ationalized a gricultural p roduction ( Plate 6 .1). T he quantity o f l oomweights d iscovered a t t he s ite s upports t he i dea of wool p rocessing. T he o ccupation h istory o f t he s ite w as complex. T he f irst phase a ppears t o h ave extended f rom t he l ate 3 rd c entury B .C. t o t he e arly 1 st c entury B .C. A t t his point t here s eems t o h ave b een a s light o ccupation h iatus w hich o ne i s t empted t o a ssociate w ith t he p assage o f S partacus t hrough t he a rea. O ccupation a pparently r esumed i n t he Augustan p eriod a nd a pparently c ontinued u ntil t he 4 th c entury A .D. Our s econd v illa e xcavation t ook p lace a t a s ite c alled V agni ( Dyson 1 983, 7 7-124). S urviving were t he r emains o f a p latform v illa s et a t t he b ase o f a h ill overlooking t he r oute of t he V ia P opilia ( Fig. 6 .3). E rosion a nd a gricultural a ctivity h ad d estroyed most o f t he s tructural r emains o f t he p latform. H owever, w ash f rom t he h ill a bove h ad p reserved s ections o f t he r ooms c losest t o t he h ill s lope. T hese i ncluded a b ath u nit o f considerable s ize a nd c omplexity w hich h ad mosaic a nd p ainted p laster d ecoration. T he r elatively a bundant a rtifacts s howed t hat V agni h ad b een o ccupied f rom t he 2 nd c entury B .C. t o a t l east t he 5 th c entury A .D. D uring t he l ast p hase, a s mall C hristian c ommunity w as a pparently l iving a t t he v illa. A l amp f ragm ent with C hristian i conography was f ound, a nd o n o ne c orner

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T he t hird major v illa i nvestigated w as a t S an N icola ( Dyson 1 983, 1 40-169). T his w as c learly t he l argest v illa s ite i n t he g roup we s tudied a nd must h ave b een o ne o f t he b iggest a nd r ichest i n t he a rea. T he quantity o f mosaic a nd painted p laster u nearthed a t S an N icola e qualled t hat f ound a t t he r est o f t he s ites combined. A c omplex o f modern f arm b uildings a nd a n o live g rove p revented a f ull i nvestigation o f t he S an N icola v illa. H owever, w e w ere able t o c lear a l arge apsed r oom w ith mosaic f loor a nd w alls w ith p ainted p laster, a t errace wall w ith extensive a reas o f p ainted p laster i ntact a nd a number o f o ther r ooms w ith v arying d egrees o f e legance ( Fig. 6 .4). T he v illa s eems t o h ave d eveloped l ater t han t he o ther v illas a t B uccino. W hile s cattered b lack g laze s herds w ere f ound, t he b ulk o f a rtifacts d ated t o t he p eriod o f t he E mpire a nd s howed h abitation continuing a t l east i nto t he 5 th c entury A .D. A n i nscription f ound n earby a nd a lmost c ertainly t o b e a ssociated w ith t he v illa n ames t he g enius o f t he F ullonianus f amily ( Bracco 1 974 n .49). S an N icola a lso b ecame a b urial s ite b ut t his t ook p lace a fter t he v illa w as abandoned a nd i n r uins. T hese b urials a re p ossibly to b e a ssociated w ith t he small s ettlement o f t he l ate 8 th c entury A .D. l ocated j ust b elow t he v illa s ite ( Dyson 1 983, 1 81-187). T wo o ther s maller f arm b uildings w ere excavated a round B uccino, t hat a t S an M auro b y B rown U niversity a nd t hat a t P areti b y B rown, Tufts a nd W esleyan U niversities ( Dyson 1 983, 1 25-139, 1 70-180). I n b oth i nstances p latforms w ith polygonal walls which s eem t o d ate b ack t o t he L ucanian I ron A ge were r eused f or modest f arm b uildings. T he R oman phase a t S an M auro b egan during t he l ate R epublic a nd c ontinued u ntil t he l ate E mpire. T he b uilding c onsisted o f a r ow o f r ooms concentrated a t t he r ear o f t he p latform ( Plate 6 .2). T he b uilding a t P areti w as p robably o f s imilar f orm, a lthough p reservation was poor ( Fig. 6 .5). A w ell p reserved o live p ressing complex complete w ith b rick f loored t orcularia a nd s torage t anks emphasized t he w orking f arm a spect o f P areti, a t l east i n i ts l ast p hase. H owever, s cattered f ragments o f painted p laster a nd quality a rchitectural members s uggest a n e arlier, more e legant s tructure o n t he s ite. C eramic a nd numismatic evidence s uggest o ccupation p eriods o f t he 3 rd-2nd c enturies B .C. a nd t he p eriod o f t he E mpire. T his g roup o f v illas i s o ne o f t he l argest e xcavated i n I taly. M oreover, t he evidence f rom t he s ites c an b e complemented b y o ther i nformation o n t he R oman rural s ettlement h istory o f B uccino. O ne o f t hese i s s urvey a rchaeology. U nfortunately, during t he p eriod o f t he W esleyan e xcavations, t he a rea a round B uccino d id n ot l end i tself t o i ntensive s urvey w ork. T he t errain, l and h oldings a nd r elative poverty a ll i nhibited t he i ntroduction o f m echanical a griculture which i s a n ecessary p recondition f or r eally e ffective s urvey work. H owever, b oth W esleyan a nd B rown

7 2

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U niversity g roups h ave u ndertaken l imited s urvey p roject: a t v arious t imes. I n a ddition, d istinguished l ocal h istorian a nd a rchaeologist P rofessore V ittorio B racco h as systematically c ollected i nformation o n t he i nscriptions o f t he a rea a nd o n t hese a rchaeological s ites t hat h ave l eft s ignificant s urface f eatures ( Bracco 1 974, 1 97a). T he evidence f rom t hese v arious p rojects c an b e c ombined a nd t he r econstruction o f s ettlement p attern u sed t o complement t hat f rom t he e xcavations a t t he v illas. E ven t his l imited i nvestigation s hows t hat t he B uccino a rea h ad a h igh r ural p opulation l evel during t he R oman p eriod w ith v irtually every s uitable e cological n iche h aving s ome t ype o f e stablishment ( Fig. 6 .6). T he s urvey evidence p arallels t hat o f t he excavations i n s uggesting c onsiderable s ettlement continuity. R epublican s ites a re t he m ost numerous, b ut t here was o nly a s light contraction i n t he e arly E mpire a nd a number o f s ites continued t o b e o ccupied i nto t he l ate Empire. T he s urveyed s ites s how a r ange o f s ize j ust a s d id t he e xcavated v illas. H ere i t s hould b e e mphasized a gain t hat t he l imitations o f t he s urvey t echniques p robably l ed t o a n u nderestimation o f t he s maller s ites. T his p icture o f a populous countryside w ith d iversity i n s ettlement type even u nder t he L ate E mpire i s c onfirmed b y t he t hird major p iece o f evidence t hat s urvives f rom B uccino. T hat i s t he l and r egister o f t he C onstantinian p eriod w hich i s n ow built i nto t he medieval c astle a t B uccino ( Bracco 1 974, n . 1 7). O riginally i t i ncluded a 2 omplete l ist o f t he p roperties i n t he V olcei a rea a rranged a ccording t o d istricts w ith e ach p roperty c lassified a ccording t o type, ( casa, fundus, e tc.), t raditional n ame a nd s ize. W hile a d etailed d iscussion o f t he r egister i s n ot i n o rder h ere, two p oints s hould b e made. T he f irst i s t hat i t i s d ifferent i n d ate a nd p robably i n purpose f rom t he o ther t wo r egisters t hat s urvive ( those o f V eleia a nd L igures B aebiani ( Duncan-Jones 1 976). O f special i nterest i s t he 4 th c entury A .D. d ate. I t p rovides a w indow i nto t he r ural I talian l andscape o f t he L ate R oman Empire. W hat i s s triking a re t he number a nd d iversity o f t he h oldings l isted. I f t hese w ere i ndeed f arms, a ctive a t t hat p eriod, t his evidence s hows t hat t he B uccino c ountryside w as s till quite t hickly p opulated during t he 4 th c entury. T he W esleyan B uccino r esearch n eeds n ow t o b e p laced i n a l arger context a nd u sed a s a s pringboard t o d iscuss s ome g eneral i ssues o f R oman r ural d evelopment. F irst o f a ll, t he B uccino r esults c an n ow b e a dded t o a g rowing b ody o f s urvey, e xcavation a nd e pigraphical evidence w hich a llows n ew r econs tructions o f t he s ettlement h istory o f R oman h istory ( Dyson 1 982; P otter 1 979 a nd r eferences c ited t here). M ost s triking f or m e i s t he c omplexity o f t he p icture t hat i s e merging a nd t he i ncreasingly c lear i ndication t hat p opulation l evels r emained quite h igh t hrough t he R epublic a nd w ell i nto t he Empire. B uccino w ith i ts c ombination o f H annibalic W ar combat, G racchan l and r eforms a nd d estruction b y t he b ands o f S partacus s hould h ave b een a n i deal c andidate f or r ural c risis. W hile s ome s ite abandonment m ay h ave t aken p lace i n

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t he wake o f S partacus, t he a rea appears to h ave r ecovered b y t he A ugustan p eriod a nd a p attern o f l and h oldings o f v aried s ize p ersists i nto t he 4 th c entury B .C. A s imilar p icture i s f ound e lsewhere. T he p icture o f rural d esertion, t he d ecline o f t he s mall-medium f armer a nd t he s pread o f t he b ig e states which was s tarted b y t he R oman a larmists a nd p ropagandists o f t he l ate R epublic a nd h as b een s ustained u p t o t he p resent b y t he M arxist t radition o f a ncient e conomic h istorical a nalysis d oes n ot s eem t o b e s upported b y t he a rchaeological a nd epigraphical evidence ( Dyson 1 982; P otter 1 979). T his p robably s hould n ot s urprise u s t hat much. I t i s t rue t hat R ome t ook h eavy c asualties among t he m ilitary population d uring t he H annibalic W ar ( Toynbee 1 965 v . 2 , 6 57 2). H owever, t hose b elow t he m ilitary a ge w ere n ot t otally e xterminated a nd t here i s every r eason to t hink t hat t he r ural p opulation b egan t o r ise a gain r elatively s hortly a fter t he w ar. C omparative s tudies i n a reas s uch a s c olonial N ew E ngland h ave s hown h ow quickly a p easant population w ithout e ffective b irth c ontrol a nd w ith t raditions o f p artible i nheritance c an f ill u p e ven a t hinly p opulated a rea ( Greven 1 970). T he s ocio-economic c hanges o f t he 2 nd c entury c ertainly d id p roduce c hanges i n l andholding, b ut t he o ften a larmist i mages o f t he a ncient politicians s hould b e u sed w ith c aution a nd s hould b e s et a gainst t he g rowing b ody o f a rchaeological evidence. V ariation i n t he h istory o f s ettlement w ill h ave e xisted i n d ifferent p arts o f I taly j ust a s i n a ny c omplex, e cologically d iverse l andscape. A rchaeologists i n t he y ear 4 ,000 s tudying t he e conomic h istory o f t he U nited S tates w ill r econstruct a v ery o dd p icture o f t he d evelopment o f A merican a griculture i f t hey were t o concentrate o nly o n 1 9th c entury r ural s ites i n N ew E ngland. H owever, I w ould c ontend t hat t he g rowing quantity o f a rchaeological evidence m ay h ave t o b e p referred t o t he a dmittedly h ighly polemical a ncient , w ritten s ources a nd t hat t his f ormer c ategory o f i nformation a long w ith t he i nscriptions s hows a l arge a nd d iverse r ural population i n I mperial I taly. A s a countryside i t worked. N ot o nly w as t he p opulation t here, b ut i t e njoyed r elative p rosperity a nd c onsiderable mobility. T his u pbeat model o f R oman r ural I taly e ncourages o ther d irections o f e nquiry. O ne s triking a spect o f t he B uccino v illas i s t he way t hey w ere i ntegrated i nto t he c omplex consumer s ociety o f R ome. T he c oncept o f t he ' consumer s ociety' h as b een applied v ery e ffectively b y social a nd e conomic h istorians t o a spects o f t he A nglo-American w orld o f t he 1 8th a nd 1 9th c enturies ( McKendrick e t a l. 1 982). I b elieve t hat i t a pplies e qually well t o R ome w hose e conomy p roduced more i tems d irected a t n on-elite members o f s ociety t han a ny s ystem b efore t he 1 8th c entury. A t B uccino, t hese c onsumer i tems r anged f rom w hat must h ave b een moderate t o l ow p riced mosaics a nd wall p aintings to a b ewildering v ariety o f c ommon p ots ( Dyson 1 983). T he l atter a re e specially i nteresting s ince t hey n ot o nly i ndicate c omplex s ystems o f c eramic p roduction a nd marketing i n t he r egion,

7 6

but a lso complex f ood p reparation and consumption within the i ndividual households. V ery s triking d ifferent r ange o f c eramic f orms f ound a t t he v illas early medieval s ite at Buccino ( Dyson 1 983, s ays much about t he r elative s ophistication

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T he B uccino material culture r aises more g eneral questions about t he p roduction o f goods a nd t he e conomic condition o f t he R oman populace. Much r ecent work h as b een done o n the p roduction and d istribution o f goods w ithin the Roman systems, b ut r elatively l ittle t hought h as b een g iven to c onsumption ( Peacock 1 982; P ucci 1 983; C arandini 1 983). Obviously i tems a re produced to b e s old a nd t he massive production a nd complex d istribution o f materials s uch a s pottery and g lass s uggest l arge markets e ncompassing much o f t he g eneral population. S uch a s ystem would b e impossible i f t he r ural peasants were ground i nto t he d irt a nd much of t he countryside was worked b y men i n c hains w ith l ittle h ope o f enjoying l ife i n t he present o r t he f uture ( Finley 1 983, 1 39). H owever, b oth t he epigraphy and t he a rchaeology s uggest t hat t his was not t he case. W hile rural i nscriptions a re l ess common than t hose i n t he major u rban c entres, they a re quite numerous a nd do s how some o f t he s ame mobility, e specially f rom s lave to f reedman, t hat a re f ound i n l arger communities. A rchaeology s hows that t he average f armer could a fford some of what we would call consumer goods. I t i s sometimes forgotten that most s ites r ecorded during survey operations would b e n either f ound nor d ated i f t he householder h ad not i nvested i n t he o ccasional v essel o f t erra s igillata o r A frican R ed s lip. T his b rings u s b ack to t he questions o f marketing. R ecent research o n t he e ighteenth c entury pottery entrepreneur Josiah Wedgewood h as emphasized h is s kill a s a c reator o f markets a s much a s a t echnical c eramic c raftsman or an organizer o f production s ystems ( McKendrick 1 960). C ertainly the most s triking parallel to t he s pread of c ream a nd pearlwares t hroughout t he B ritish colonial world and b eyond i n the e ighteenth a nd e arly n ineteenth c enturies i s t he s imilar spread of red g lazed types o f pottery t hroughout t he R oman Empire. Concentration o n t hose modern p roto-industrial s ystems w ill p robably p rovide more i nsight i nto t he Roman phenomenon than e thno-archaeological s tudies of more s imple ceramic systems. T he s ame n otions o f g reater p roduction a nd market sophistication h ave to b e a pplied to l ocal goods a nd s ervices. T he a ncients t alked much about e state p roduction and s elf sufficiency ( Duncan-Jones 1 982). C ertainly many goods were p roduced o n i ndividual f armsteads. H owever, the quality, quantity a nd s tandardization characteristic o f R oman goods f rom amphorae a nd u tilitarian pots to r oof t iles argue against t oo much autonomous p roduction. M oreover, only a l arge, self contained estate on t he A merican p lantation model could support a r ange o f skilled c raftsmen ( Mullin 1 972, 3 3 3; McColley 1 973, 7 -32). I f the r ural r eality during t he Roman Empire was a l arger population a nd t he dominance o f

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Z

7 8

middlesized f arms, a model which s tresses c raft i ndependence and c omplex exchange of goods and s ervices would s eem to b e more suitable. S maller r ural e nterprises meant l ess opportunity to sustain s elfcontained production f acilities. On the other hand, t he h igher r ural population i mplied more floors to b e l aid, walls to b e painted a nd s pecialized building tasks to b e c arried out. I t implied more k itchens requiring a g reater range o f f ood preparation v essels. I t meant not only c irculation o f goods, but also t he opportunities for modest p rofits such a s only a consumer orientated culture c an p roduce. A ll archaeologists s earch f or appropriate models i n i nterpreting their admittedly i ncomplete d ata. F or mine, I would l ike to t urn to the h istory o f t he American countryside. I mages b ased o n t he American South consciously or u nconsciously l ie b ehind many o f our r econstructions of Roman rural l ife d uring t he l ate R epublic a nd early Empire ( Finley 1 983; K onstan 1 975). P arallels a re s een b etween the great a ntebellum p lantations and t he Roman l atifundia. I would r ather s eek comparisons i n t he northeast o f the U nited S tates a nd e specially N ew E ngland. I ts complex geography, e cology, a nd i ts p re-nineteenth c entury s ettlement and s ocio-economic h istory provide c loser parallels to R oman I taly ( Dyson 1 979). I t was i n t he 1 8th a nd early 1 9th centuries b efore t he I ndustrial R evolution r eally took h old, a l and of peasants, p eddlers, s hop k eepers and merchants w ith an e conomy t ied i nto t he emerging world system, but at t he s ame t ime r egional a nd even l ocal i n many o f i ts qualities ( Olson 1 935; W eaver 1 957). I n this world, l and was exhausted, f arms f ailed and were abandoned a nd r eal rural poverty existed ( Robinson 1 976). However, t he a rea d id s upport a l arge rural m iddle c lass and a l imited number o f r eally r ich people. During t he 1 8th a nd early 1 9th c enturies t hese people i ncreasingly d irected t heir modest, specialized surpluses t oward external markets. T he profits f rom t hese s ales were u sed to a cquire t he p roducts of the B ritish consumer-industrial r evolution. I t i s s ometimes f orgotten t hat the B ritish i ndustrialists probably made more money selling t ea s ets to V ermont f armers t han c loth to natives i n F iji. The marked i ncrease i n material goods, especially c eramics, noted b y American h istorical archaeologists a t s ites during t he course o f t he 1 8th c entury provides a convincing parallel to what h appened i n R oman I taly during t he i st c entury B .C. and t he 1 st c entury A .D. ( Deetz 1 973). Obviously a R oman Currier a nd I ves c an b e a s much a parody a s a R oman U ncle T om's C abin. H owever, I would contend that the owner o f a S an N icola o r V ittimose v illa, r eclining i n h is p ainted t ablinum surrounded b y s ymbols of s lightly vulgar p rosperity prosperous New E ngland f armer than w ith a ny A labama p lanter. O bviously Roman rural

h as more parallels w ith a i n h is well f urnished parlour

t his r ather b ourgeois o rientated s ociety requires further t esting

7 9

v ision of a nd t his

V illa

d istribution

i n

the

B uccino area.

requires more s ophisticated a rchaeological i nvestigation. T he number of r ural s ites i n I taly where a full r ange o f material culture h as b een published r emains s mall, a lthough t his s ituation s eems t o b e improving ( Dobbins 1 983; C otton 1 979). L ittle work h as b een d one o n t he c irculation o f goods, especially t hose o f l ocal a nd r egional p roduction. S tudies i n Roman B ritain h ave s hown how complex these patterns may b e ( Hodder a nd O rton 1 976). T he small R oman t owns of I mperial I taly which were a major nodal point for r ural s ocial and economic l ife h ave r eceived l ittle a rchaeological a ttention and t hat work w hich h as b een d one h as concentrated o n public architecture. W e don't k now whether a deserted a nd d ecaying Cosa or a bustling i f t roubled P ompeii provides a b etter model for t he v ariety o f t own ( Brown 1 980; A ndreau 1 973). I f a v ision o f a n u nderpopulated, impoverished countryside dominated b y t he f ew i s r eplaced b y o ne w ith more p eople and more prosperity,the r ole o f those c entral p laces changes. Again, t he type o f a rchaeology applied i n p rovinces l ike B ritain to the s mall towns n eeds to b e applied t o t he towns of t he heartland o f I taly ( Wacher 1 975). I n a paper o f t his l ength many i ssues h ave b een r aised which require f uller d iscussion a nd documentation. H owever, Buccino does p rovide a d ecent f ocus for t hese more general points. I b elieve t hat w e a re a t t he point i n R oman rural archaeology a nd s ocio-economic h istory when not o nly b etter research i s needed, but possibly a major paradigm s hift i n terms of t he h istorian o f s cience, T homas Kuhn ( 1962). T his essay i s s een a s a contribution to t hat debate.

B ibliography

Andreau,

J . 1 973. H istoire d es sdismes et h istoire d conomique: l e t remblement de terre d e P ompei ( 62 ap. J . C .). A nnales E conomies, S ocidt6s, C ivilisations 2 8, 3 69-395.

B racco,

V . 1 974. I nscriptiones I taliae v . I II R egio I II. F asc 1 . C ivitates V allium S ilari et T anagri. R oma, I stituto P oligrafico d ello S tato.

B racco,

V . 1 978. O lschki.

B rown,

F . 1 980. C osa. T he M aking o f a Roman U niversity o f M ichigan P ress.

V olcei:

F orma

I taliae,

v ol.

T own.

2 .

F irenze,

A nn

A rbor,

Carandini, A . 1 983. P ottery a nd t he A frican E conomy. I n G arnsey, P ., H opkins K . a nd W hittaker, C . R . ( eds.) T rade i n t he A ncient E cono rly. B erkeley, U niversity o f C alifornia P ress, 1 45-162. Cotton,

M .

A .

1 979.

T he

L ate

8 1

R epublican

V illa

a t

P osto,

Francolise. London, The British School at Rome. Deetz, J. 1973. Ceramics from Plymouth, 1920-1835. In Quimby, I. (ed.) Ceramics in America. Charlottesville, The University of Virginia, 15-40. Dobbins,

J. J. 1983. The Excavation of the Roman Villa at La Befa, Italy. (B.A.R. International Series 162). Oxford, British Archaeological Reports.

D�ncan-Jones, R. P. 1976. Some Configurations of Landholding in the Roman Empire. In Pinley, M. I. (ed.) Stu dies in Roman Property. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 7-34. Duncan-Jones, R.P. 1982. Th�Econo!!!Y of the Roman Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Empire.

Dyson,

S. L. 1979. New Methods and Models in the Study of Roman Town-Country Systems. The Ancient World 2, 9195.

Dyson,

S.L. 1982. Archaeological Survey the in Mediterranean: A Survey of Recent Research. American Antiquity 47, 87-96.

Dyson,

S.L. 1983. The Roman Villas of Buccino. Oxford British Archaeological Reports International Series.

Finley,

M. I. 1983. Ancient Slavery and Modern Harmondsworth, Penguin.

Ideolpgy.

Greven, P. 1970. Four Generations. Ithaca, Cornell University Press. Hodder,

I. and Orton, C. 1976. Spatial Analysis in Archaeology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Holloway, R. R. 1973. Buccino, the Eneolithic Necroprolis of S. Antonio and Other Prehistoric Discoveries Made in 1968_and 1969 __ QY Brown University. Roma, De Luca Bditore. Holloway, R. R. and Colleagues, 1975. Buccino: The F.arly Bronze Age Village of Tufcriello. Journal of Field Archaeology 2, 11-81. Kilian,

Untersuchungen__zu __ Frilheisenzei!lichen K. 1964. Grabern aus dem Vallo di Diano. Heidelber, F. H. Kerle Verlag.

Konstan,

D. 1975. Marxism and Roman Slavery. Arethusa 8, 145 -169.

Kuhn,

T. 1962. The Structure of Scientific Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 82

Revolutions. --

McKendrick, N . 1 960. Josiah W edgewood: A n E ighteenth Entrepreneur i n S alesmanship a nd M arketing. H istory R eview 1 2, 4 08-433. McKendrick, N ., B rewer, J . of a C onsumer University P ress. Mullin,

and P lumb, J . H . 1 982. S ociety. B loomington,

G . W . 1 972. F light and R ebellion: i n E ighteenth C entury V irginia. U niversity P ress.

McColley, R . U rbana,

C entury E nglish

T he B irth I ndiana

S lave R esistance N ew Y ork, O xford

1 973. S lavery and J effersonian U niversity of I llinois P ress.

V irginia.

Olson,

A . 1 935. A gricultural E conomy a nd P opulation i n E ighteenth Century Connecticut. New H aven, Y ale U niversity P ress.

P eacock

D . P . S . L ongman.

Potter,

T . New

Pucci,

G . 1 983. P ottery a nd T rade i n t he R oman P eriod. I n G arnsey, P ., H opkins, K . and W hittaker, C . R . ( eds.) T rade i n t he A ncient E conomy. B erkeley, U niversity of C alifornia P ress, 1 05-107.

Robinson,

1 979. Y ork,

W .

F .

1 982.

P ottery

i n

the

R oman

The C hanging L andscape S t. M artin's P ress.

1 976.

o f

Abandoned N ew E ngland.

W orld.

L ondon,

S outh

E truria.

B oston,

Oxford

U niversity P ress. Toynbee,

A . J . 1 965. H annibal's U niversity P ress.

L egacy.

L ondon,

Wacher,

J . 1 975. The T owns o f Roman U niversity o f C alifornia P ress.

Weaver,

G . 1 957. S ome A spects o f E arly E ighteenth C entury Connecticut T rade. B ulletin o f t he Connecticut H istorical S ociety 2 2, 2 3-31.

B ritain.

O xford

B erkeley,

Summary D uring the period 1 969-1972, W esleyan U niversity excavated a g roup of R oman v illas a round B uccino i n t he province o f S alerno. E ach v illa p roved to b e s lightly d ifferent i n s ize a nd o ccupation h istory. H owever, most s howed long habitation s tretching f rom t he R epublic well i nto the Empire. I n s everal c ases o ccupation continued i nto t he I th and even t he 5 th c enturies A .D. T he v illas a lso y ielded a varied material culture a nd t he s igns o f p rosperity. T his picture o f sustained h igh population a round B uccino was reinforced b y t he r esults of a l imited survey a nd s tudy o f the 4 th c entury l and r egister f ound a t B uccino. T he B uccino

8 3

research c an b e related to t hat i n o ther p arts o f rural I taly. I t adds to a general p icture o f r elatively h igh population and complex s ettlement p attersn. The material prosperity a t B uccino s eems confirmed f rom o ther s ites. I t i s p roposed t hat R oman I taly o f t he E arly E mpire b e considered as a n early v ersion of a ' Consumer S ociety'. P arallels a nd i nsights c an e g ained b y comparison w ith t he A nglo-American socio-economic world o f t he 1 8th a nd e arly 1 9th centuries a nd especially w ith N ew E ngland. R iassunto Durante i i periodo 1 969-1972, W esleyan U niversity h a s cavato u n gruppo d i v ille romane n ella z ona d i buccino ( SA). g li s cavi h anno d imostrato qualche v arietä nella grandezza e s toria d 'occupazione d elle v ille. Tuttavia l a grande parte delle v ille aveva una continuitä d 'occupazione d all'etä r epubblicana a l b asso I mpero con abitazione a nche n ei quarto e quinto s ecoli. G li s cavi h anno p rodotti u na g rande quantitä d i a rtifatti c he i ndicavano u n a lto l ivello d i p rosperitä. O n i ndagine topografica l imitato e l a considerazione dell'iscrizione c atastale d el quarto s ecolo d .C. t rovata a B uccino confermano questa r icostruzione d i p rosperitä rurale a b uccino durante l 'epoca romana. L a r icerca a B uccino e l 'altre i ndagini d ello s tesso t ipo i n I talia p ermettono u na nuova r icostruzione del mondo r urale d 'Italia romana con u na populazione alta e u na s istema d i i nsediamento molto complicata. I l autore p ropone c he S i cosidera l 'Italia romana del alto I mpero come u n t ipo d i ' Consumer S ociety'. I l confronto p iu l ogico s crebbe con i l mondo a nglo-americano del S ettecento e primo O ttocento e s pecialmente con l a z ona norde st d egli S tati U nit!.

8 4

7 .

ROME

I N THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD: THE

EVIDENCE OF COINS

R ichard

R eece

T he r eactions b etween Rome a nd t he o ther powers and centres i n the M editerranean world can b e f ollowed f rom t he s ixth century B .C. to t he s ixth c entury A .D., a nd b eyond, t hrough t he evidence o f coin f inds a nd coin production. T he i nteractions b etween d ifferent e conomic u nits, even t heir existence a nd d efinition, depend v ery l argely on coin studies, a nd s ubjects s uch a s economic a nd political d ominance and d ependence a re o nly one s tep away f rom the i nterpretation o f coin d istributions. must make i t c lear t hat my i nterest i n coin d istribution s tops a t t he e stablishment of patterns: I am not i nterested i n t he i nterpretation o f t hese patterns i n any absolute s ense b ecause I h old i t a s a f irm a rticle of b elief that nothing c an b e e stablished f rom a rchaeo ngical, that i s, material evidence o ther t han t he d istribution of that material i n the modern world, and t he material s tudy o f t hose material objects. But, a s a n amusement a nd nothing more, I enjoy the efforts o f t hose who t ry to weave myths ( Reece f orthcoming a ) a round t he material f acts, a nd I am h appy to p rovide t hem w ith i deas a nd d ata; I w ill even j oin i n at t imes to s uggest f urther i nterpretations o r to t orpedo what I s ee as myths c ontradicted b y t he d ata. A ll this i s an i ntricate c rossword puzzle, j ust l ike t he so-called s tudy o f t he past f rom h istorical t exts, which i s i n f act no more t han t he arrangement a nd r e-arrangement of h istorical, t hat i s w ritten, sources, to f orm p leasing patterns. While the h istorian h as a s everely l imited r esource o f f inite numbers o f texts, the archaeologist has a l ess s trictly c ircumscribed b ody o f material o n which t o work. Judging b y t he relative appearance o f r eally n ew methodological i deas i n h istory a nd i n a rchaeology, t he person who d eals w ith t he material f inds i t much e asier to d ream u p new methods than t he person who d eals w ith w ritten sources. Work

o n

coins

i s

t herefore

t o me

r ather

s imilar

to

work

on obsidian except t hat i t i s much easier, f or my a rtifacts f orm a s uperbly dated a nd p rovenanced s eries whose very f inely j udged t emporal s equence or g eographical o rigin r equires o nly a s mall e ffort to s tudy. I n t he t houghts t hat f ollow I s hall t ry to s uggest ways i n which t he s tudy of coin f inds may f it i n w ith t he s tudy o f material i n a ny period to s how the a ctions a nd M editerranean.

i nteractions

o f

d ifferent

a reas

o f

t he

O ne f urther p oint o f i mportant method needs to b e made b efore quoting e xamples, a nd t his concerns t he context o f t he

8 5

coins which a re t o be s tudied . The coins available f or s tudy are mainly i n private collections o r museums: coins from private collections rarely have such s ecure provenances so that, o ne b y one, t he f act that t hey a re n ow i n a given place has v ery l ittle to s ay o n d ispositions i n the a ncient world. I f a large number of collections were to b e studied i n detail, and the collections of I taly, in general showed certain characteristics which the collections of S pain and Germany f ailed to s how, t hen t he most l ikely e xplanation, but not t he o nly o ne, i s t hat t he collections mirror the material available for acquisition locally, and thus, at one remove, do give i nfor mation on ancient d istributions. T his can obviously be checked by comparison o f the collections with s ite-finds o f k nown p rovenance. Museum

collections

a re

u sually more

s ecure

i n provenance,

but the exa mple of the Rome collection moved by Napoleon to Paris, where i t i s now i nextricably i ntegrated i nto the collections of t he B iblioth que N ationale, a nd the p arts o f the Pompei collection now i n Madrid must g ive substantial warnings. A series of l etters describing the activities of coin collection on a smaller scale have recently been published which s how t he extent o f coin movement f rom I taly i n the 1 750's and 1760's ( Hopper 1 982). Again, the v ital point i n a ny method i s a n empirical o ne: a ny c ollection must b e s tudied on i ts merits, compared with o ther collections i n the locality, and finally, tested against coins fro m impeccable a rchaeological contexts ( Reece 1 982a, 3 45). Where coins are k ept i n museums d evoted to particular s ites, a nd O stia a nd A quileia must f orm major e xamples here, then p rovenance i s a lmost s ecure - t he coins may b e s tudied as a sample from that s ite, as small numbers of i ntrusive specimens cannot, i n t he n ature o f numerical methods, have a great e ffect o n t he r esults. I n a t l east o ne B ritish e xample the museum collection, even with kno wn an d detected i ntruders, gave a b etter general picture of coin f inds from t he c ity t han d id t he f inds f rom i ndividual excavations ( Mann a nd R eece 1 983). B ut even a t t his point while t he p rovenance i s a lmost s ecure t he context may b e t otally u nknown a nd much more a ttention n eeds t o b e paid to t he or dump i n which the coin was found.

a ctual

l ayer,

o r

pit,

The r elationship b etween the coin and the deposit i n whichit i s found will b e a double process, for the coin may help to date the l ayer, or the l ayer may help to d ate the loss or deposition of the coin. The context of a coin find must therefore i nclude a knowledge of how that one context f its i n t o t he overall p hasing a nd s tratigraphy of t he s ite, a nd e specially t he r elationship o f t hat o ne context t o other ' dated' contexts, and also i nformation on the date of the other objects such as pottery i n that and other contexts. A Republican Roman denarius found i n a p it dug through the floor of an Augustan building was c learly deposited later than t he r eign o f A ugustus. I f t he p it a lso contained p ottery of the F lavian period then the coin was deposited i n the Plavian period at the earliest. Thus t he ' date' of t he coin

8 6

o f 1 96 B .C. h as n o b earing o n t he context i n w hich i t was found, f or t hat i s t he d ate a t w hich t he coin w as s truck, n ot when i t was l ost. I n a p erverse w ay t he d enarius was p robably a perfectly good F lavian d enarius, f or much R epublican s ilver continued i n c irculation u ntil t he r eign o f T rajan, a nd t hat coin w as certainly g ood l egal t ender i n t he y ears a round A .D. 8 0. T his m ay s eem t o a ny n on-Romanist a t rifling p oint o f h air-splitting c hronology, b ut i s i s more t han t hat, f or i t r aises t he w hole s et o f p roblems a ssociated w ith r esiduality - t he d eposition o f material w hose d ate o f p roduction i s k nown i n a context d etectably l ater t han t hat p roduction d ate. B ut the e xample o f t he d enarius b rings u p t he v ariable d efinitions o f r esiduality. I n o ne s ense t he d enarius w as r esidual, f or w hen i t was l ost i t w as a lready t wo h undred y ears o ld: a t t he v ery l east, t hat d enarius w as d eposited w ith p ottery made much l ater t han i ts own d ate o f s triking. Y et t he d enarius w as current c oin - a s c an b e s een f rom t he examination o f F lavian h oards - a nd c ould h ave b een u sed a s a normal denarius two d ays b efore i t was l ost a nd t he r ubbish p it w as f illed i n. T o i ts u ser t he word r esidual would h ave had n o meaning a t a ll, b ut h e m ight h ave r eferred t o i t a s ' old'. I f t he context o f t he coin i s w ell k nown, t he implications o f t he d iscovery o f t he coin a re b etter u nderstood. F or e xample t hat coin i n B ritain c ould l ead a n observer to t alk a bout t he c irculation o f R epublican c oins i n I ron A ge B ritain, b efore t he R oman conquest. I f t he c oin h ad b een f ound i n t he b ank o f a r ectangular t urf r ampart, normally c alled a f ort, t he a ssumption w ould b e t hat t he l oss of t he coin was a fter A .D. 4 3, a nd, f ound t ogether w ith F lavian pottery i n a p it i n a f ort i n S cotland, i t would b e concluded t hat t his w as a worn d enarius u sed to pay Agricola's t roops o n c ampaign. S o i t i s n ot e nough t o s ay t hat c ertain c oins w ere f ound a t c ertain s ites f or w e n eed t o k now, a s f ar a s we c an, i n what c ontext t hey w ere f ound. I t i s quite conceivable t hat i f t he l iving s ite a nd b urial s ite o f a t own w ere e xcavated d ifferent types o f c oins would b e l ost o r d eposited i n t he two d ifferent contexts. T hus c asual l osses would p robably b e o f l ow v alue current c oins, whereas t he c oins d eposited i n g raves might b e o f h igher v alue, o lder s triking, o r even d ifferent o rigin - coins p articularly a ssociated w ith t he r ite o f C haron's F ee. T his i s a n extreme c ase, b ut i t h as to b e a dmitted t hat a ny d istribution m ap p lotted w ithout r eference t o t he context o f t he f inds could s imply s how whether t he c oins c ame f rom h ouses o r c emeteries, a nd n othing more. A nd s imilar p rocesses o f r easoning m ight m ean t hat objects most c ommonly u sed o n c ertain s ites w ere n ever l ost t here, while l evelling l ayers o f earth b rought i n f rom a nother s ite could l eave a whole s eries o f f inds w hich h ad no c onnection w ith t he l ife o f t he f irst s ite a t a ll. T o some e xtent t he c ontext o f a coin f ind m ight h elp t o t ell u s w hether t he f ind i s a ccidental r ubbish, o r a n u nusually o ld object i n current u se - two p hrases w hich may

8 7

l egitimately b e u nderstood f rom t he s ingle word ' residual'. F irst i t i s worth noting t he c omposition o f t he o ther f inds i n t he d eposit. I f t he p ottery i s u niformly o f t he f ourth c entury A .D., a nd t here i s o nly o ne coin o f t he f irst c entury A .D. a nd s everal o f t he f ourth c entury i t would s eem p ossible t hat t he f irst c entury c oin w as s till i n u se a t t he t ime o f i ts d eposition. I f t he p ottery w as s pread e rratically f rom t he f irst t o t he f ourth c entury, a nd o ne f irst century c oin w as p resent t ogether w ith s everal f ourth c entury coins, t here i s a much g reater l ikelihood t hat w e a re d ealing w ith a ccidental r ubbish. I t n eeds t o b e noted h ere t hat n either a f ourth c entury g roup o f p ottery, n or a f ourth c entury g roup o f c oins w ill ever c onsist o f material a ll produced a t e xactly t he s ame d ate: every a ssemblage w ill h ave a r ange o f p roducts i n i t, a nd t he p ointer t o t he d ate i s not t he d ate o f a ny g iven object i n t he a ssemblage, n ot e ven t he d ate o f t he l atest o bject i n t he a ssemblage, b ut t he c omposition a nd r ange o f o bjects. A fter t he e nd o f c oin o r p ottery p roduction coins a nd p ottery m ay go o n i n u se, b ut t he c omposition o f t he c irculation p ool o f coins w ill g radually c hange, p erhaps a s l arger c oins a re e xtracted a nd u sed a s s crap m etal, o r whatever, a nd a s t he c omposition o f t he p ool c hanges s o t he composition o f t he l osses w ill c hange, but a ll w ithin t he s ame d ate r ange a nd s ame r ange o f types. T he d istinguishing f actor i n t hree a ssemblages w ill n ot b e t he d ate r ange o f t he coins, f or t hat w ill b e c ommon t o a ll, b ut t he d ifferent r epresentations o f d ifferent d iameters, o r metals, o r r everse types. S ometimes t he p hysical n ature o f t he d eposit w ill t ell t he e xcavator t hat h e i s i n a d isturbed l evel, a nd t his w ill a lert b oth h im a nd t he s tudent o f t he f inds, t o t he l ikelihood t hat o ld r ubbish i s b eing d ug u p a ccidentally a nd b eing r e-deposited w ithout a ny s uggestion o f r e-use o r even awareness. S uch f inds o f o ld r ubbish i n l ayers o f much l ater d ate a re p robably t he b est m eaning o f t he s ingle word ' residual'. O n o ne s ite i n B ritain ( Ware, i n H ertfordshire) i t h as b een p ossible t o put t hese i deas t o t he t est b y l ooking a t t he coins p resent i n a s eries o f s uccessive p hases o n t he s ite. D uring t he s econd, t hird a nd f ourth c enturies coin l oss a ppears t o h ave k ept r oughly i n l ine w ith coin s upply, f or t he average ( mean) d ate o f c oins i n e ach o f t he s ucceeding p hases r ises g radually a s t he s tratigraphy i s mounted f rom e arliest l evels t o l atest. O ne l evel was d escribed a s h eavily d isturbed b y b uilding operations a t t he e nd o f t he t hird c entury t hus b ringing much material f rom l ower l ayers i n t he d igging o f t renches a nd b uilding o f wall f oundations. H ere t he mean d ate o f t he c oins d ropped c ompared w ith t he l ayers b elow, a s c oins w hich h ad n ot occurred a s l osses i n t hree o r f our l evels s uddenly s eemed to r e-appear i n t he r ecord. I t may b e t hat, a rmed w ith t his example w e c ould n ow p ick o ut s uch d isturbed l ayers w hich b reak s mooth p rogressions o f d ate i dependently o f t he e xcavators. T he l ast t hree p hases a t W are a ll c ontained c oins o f t he s ame d ate, b ut t he f act t hat s ome l ayers l ay a bove o thers p roved t hat s uch l ayers w ere d eposited l ater i n t ime. A lthough t he absolute d ates o f t he p roduction o f t he c oins d id not c hange,

8 8

the proportion o f l ater coins to earlier coins the earlier coins succumbed to wear, u se a nd forthcoming b ).

d id c hange a s l oss ( Reece

A ll these points s hould b e kept i n m ind during a ny future work on coin f inds i n t he M editerranean a rea. T aken together they would paralyze a lmost a ny project, f or t hey r epresent counsels o f future perfection a nd d etail, when a ll t hat i s available a t p resent i s the dusty collections o f doubtful p rovenance i n t he l ocal museum. I t i s o ften d ifficult enough to obtain permission t o s ee even t hat; how much more t ime w ill be n eeded to coax out o f excavators t he d etails of the coins found a nd t he n ecessary i nformation o n contexts? A nd i n h ow many c ases w ill t he excavators b e r eluctant to g ive i nformation b ecause t hey t hemselves d id not r ecord i t? such things b elong to t he past.

s uch No,

W ith warnings a nd possibilities i n m ind we s hould r eturn t o t he p roblem o f a ction a nd i nteraction b etween

now R ome

and the M editerranean world. O ne f urther point o f c aution h ere concerns b oth t he d irection o f i nfluence a nd t he n eed to s ee what i s s tatic a nd what i s moving. T he subject o f R ome and h er i nteractions w ith t he M editerranean world s uggests that Rome i s a s table u nit which i nteracts w ith another s table u nit, t he world a round. Y et i t i s obvious that e ither, o r b oth, m ay b e i n a p rocess o f c hange. A nd movement of i deas o r material may b e not only to o r f rom R ome, at t he b ehest o f R ome, o r the immediate surroundings, but a movement f ar l ess well d efined, a nd not d etectably at the wish of any C ity o r b ody, but part o f a general process through t ime. T his i s d angerous ground, f or t here a re t hose who would s till maintain t hat events a nd c hanges a re matters of policies, r ight or w rong, s ensible or mistaken, encapsulated w ithin k nown t ime l imits a nd p olitical periods, whereas I am suggesting t hat even t he Roman Empire m ight b e a part of a more general process. T he Empire might well have moulded that process while b eing d irected b y t he p rocess, o r i t may h ave caused a n e xtremely i nteresting a nomaly i n the course o f that p rocess, but, none t he l ess, we must b e prepared for w idespread changes which h ave no d irect connection w ith a ny process o r policy r ecorded b y ancient authors, so that t he s urroundings w ith which R ome i nteracted over a m illennium were changing j ust a s s urely a s t he C ity herself. A nd t hose changes a re general processes a nd a re most unlikely to f it themselves n eatly i nto a ny t imescale o f periods b eloved o f t he A ncient o r M edieval h istorian. F or example: j udged on coins a lone there a re three phases of movement or d rift o f i deas i n t he M editerranean b etween 6 00 B . C. a nd A .D. 6 00. T here i s a w estward s pread o f coin-use and coin-production b etween about 6 00 B .C. a nd 3 00 B .C.; a Romanizing, westernizing t endency i n control c an b e s een spreading eastward b etween A .D. 2 00 a nd A .D. 3 50, a nd t he u se of small change, a s opposed to t he s triking o f bullion, can b e seen to r etract eastward b etween A .D. 3 50 a nd 5 00. T he efforts o f Justinian's r econquest i n the middle s ixth century only serve to d emonstrate, again t hrough coins a lone, how f ar

8 9

I taly h ad b ecome d ivorced f rom t he coin u sing A egean b etween A .D. 4 50 a nd 5 50. T hese a re l arge s cale movements o f h abits a nd i deas, s ome d irectly p romoted b y p olicies, against which a ny more d etailed i nteractions must b e s een. T he f irst d etectable i nteraction i s b etween t he n on-coinu sing C ity o f R ome a nd t he w estward s pread o f coins. T he d etailed s equence o f t he s pread o f coin i ssuing, which c an b e done f rom t he c oins i n t he g reat c ollections, a nd t he s pread o f coin u se, which c an o nly b e d one i n t he f ield f rom t he l isting o f c oin-finds, h as n ot b een w orked out. I n s keletal o utline t he p icture i s f airly c lear w ith a n o rigin i n A sia M inor a l ittle b efore 6 00 B .C., a s pread t o m ainland G reece b efore 5 50, t hence t o S icily, a nd t hen much more s lowly u p i nto t he m ainland o f I taly. W hatever t he d etailed sequence o f t he s pread t hrough I taly, a d ate o f a round 3 00 B .C. f or the f irst coinages a t R ome i s r emarkably l ate, a nd h as to b e d escribed a s a r esistance t o t he w hole i dea. A ndrew B urnett h as r ecently e xamined t his s ubject f ully, a nd i n detail, and s uggests t hat a fter a s trong i nitial r esistance to coinage R ome t akes b oth t o c oinage a nd G reekness s uddenly w ith a f ocus perhaps o n t he i deas a nd p erson o f A lexander t he G reat ( Burnett 1 982). A fter t his c hange o f o rientation t he coinage o f R ome b ecomes, to me, more I talic a nd l ess G reek, a d ifferent weight s ystem i s d eveloped a nd u sed, and a phase o f a cceptance o f f oreign a spects o f c oinage w as quickly f ollowed b y a s elf-contained p eriod o f h ome d evelopment. T hen t he t ide turned, a nd, t hrough t he work o f M ichael C rawford o n R oman R epublican C oin H oards ( 1969) we c an f ollow the spread outwards o f t he s pecifically R oman c oinage ( e.g. R eece 1 981). W hile C rawford h as l isted c oin h oards c ontaining R epublican coins, a nd G reek C oin H oards h ave b een w ell d ocumented ( Noe 1 937; T hompson e t a l. 1 973), we h ave n ot much d etail o n t he o ther c oinages o f t he M editerranean a rea a nd h ow they i nteracted. A n otable exception i s t he work o f M im ik o n Jugoslavia ( 1981) which a llows u s t o s ee t he c omposition of t he a ncient c oinage i n a n a rea n ear t o I taly, w hether G reek, R oman, C eltic o r v aried. B eyond t his p roblem l ies a nother, f or a ll workers would n ow a gree t hat c oin h oards a re a n e xtremely b iased c ategory o f material f or a t least two r easons. T he s ample o f c oin h oards a bout w hich we k now i s d etermined b y f ailure t o r ecover t he b uried o r h idden h oard. H ere we d o n ot even k now h ow s uch b ias m ight affect our s ample, a nd w hat t he o riginal s pan o f c oin h oards which were buried m ight b e. T he s econd b ias i s n ormally i n f avour o f v alue: put over-bluntly v aluable c oins were h oarded and worthless coins w ere t hrown away t o b ecome our modern a rchaeological s ite-finds. T he f irst b ias i s o ne t hat we c annot e ven evaluate, n ever m ind e stimate, but t he s econd i s r oughly k nown a nd c an b e p artly c orrected b y t aking s itef inds, w hich h ave a counter-bias i nto a ccount. T he p icture o f t he s pread o f R oman c oinage o ut f rom R ome, a nd t he s truggle b etween t he i mperializing currency a nd t he i ndigenous m ight l ook v ery d ifferent v iewed f rom l osses o n s ites a s c ompared w ith h ighly v alued ( and ? p olitically e xpedient ? ) hoards.

9 0

Rome i n t he M editerranean world i n the f irst two c enturies A .D. s hows a split personality which we a re v ery f ar f rom b eing able to document. T he problem i s an i nteresting o ne f or there i s a R oman policy a t work which, p aradoxically, i n s ucceeding, r everses i tself. A nd t his i s symptomatic o f the c hanges which a re t ransforming t he early Empire i nto t he L ater R oman Empire. I j udge, a s a lways i n t his paper, f rom t he coin evidence alone, but c annot h elp an i ntermixture of outside i mpressions. By t he t ime of C laudius, Rome had v irtually s ucceeded i n s urpressing t he c ity a nd o ther i ndependent coinages of the W est. T his was a s imple policy o f c entral supremacy. A b ranch of t he R ome mint worked f or a s hort t ime a t L yon i n G aul, but t his w as c learly a n imperial e nterprise u nder s tate d irection. T he W est f rom D omitian to S everus A lexander was f ed with coin f rom Rome, a nd t he Empire f rom t he D anube a nd T ripolitania westwards was one monolithic u nit. T he period f rom Severus A lexander t o D iocletian s aw a weakening o f t his c entral monopoly w ith n ew m ints e stablished to s trike a coo rdinated s eries o f Imperial coinage, f irst i n N orth I taly a nd then i n t he B alkans. W ith D iocletian the whole s ystem c hanged. I n t he E ast a lmost everything was d ifferent. Not o nly d id t he tradition o f f ree c ity coinages continue f rom t he H ellenistic world, but n ew m int c ities s tarted u p, a nd, i n t he E ast, c ities raised t o t he r ank of C olonia s tarted o ff a L atin coinage. C ities which had f ormerly i ssued G reek I mperials ( coins o n l ocal s tandards w ith l egends s till i n G reek) which b ecame C oloniae changed to L atin l egends t o mark t he fact ( Sear 1 982). T he p rovince o f E gypt continued a s a c losed unit i nto which c ame only gold coin, and f rom which e scaped v irtually nothing. T his may b e t he w rong emphasis, f or the E gyptian, a nd s everal o ther E astern, s tandards were notably l ow i n s ilver, a nd while there may h ave b een a general tendency for s uch coinage to spread i t may well h ave b een the r est of t he Empire which r efused to a ccept s uch token coinage. Even where t he s tandard i s e xcellent s uch a s the s ilver o f Cyrene ( Walker 1 977) o r the s estertii o f Cyprus under T rajan, t here s eems to b e l ittle e astward d rift of c oinage. D enominations, s izes, weights, s ilver contents and a lloys f or b ronze were a ll d ifferent a nd t he empire s eems to have b een d ivided i nto a western b lock a nd ' the r est'. While there i s n ow some s ite evidence o n t he western b lock, with I taly a s a c entral a nd f airly typical a nd u niform member, there i s so l ittle material k nown f rom t he G reek E ast that we cannot b egin to d escribe t he u se a nd c irculation o f coinage there. P reliminary work i n Cyprus s uggests t hat i t partakes o f b oth worlds while b eing geographically f irmly i n the E ast; i n N orth A frica modern L ibya s eems f rankly split along the L atin/Greek l ine w ith T ripolitania k eeping t o t he West and Cyrenaica i ssuing coins i n t he G reek way. B ulgaria, again on the l inguistic d ivide, h as a spects o f t he western basic i ssues together w ith prolific l ocal i ssues s uch a s those f rom V iminacium ( Cyprus: R eece u npublished; L ibya:

9 1

R eece

1 977a;

Bulgaria:

R eece

1 977b).

W estern coin-domination o f t he E ast was never s o remote a p roject a s a t t he b eginning o f t he t hird century w ith t he g reat f lowering o f G reek c ity m ints u nder S eptimius S everus a nd h is f amily. Y et b y 3 00, G reek i ssues a nd c ity m ints, w ere a t hing completely o f t he past: but s o, to b e f air, was t he i dea o f a s ingle c entre o f coin p roduction for t he whole Empire, and t he d omination by I taly a nd Rome of t he Mediterranean. Just a s n ew mints were s tarted up, rather a s b ranches o f T he R ome M int, i n North I taly a nd the B alkans, s o western s tyle mints b egan operation i n A sia M inor a nd Syria. A s t his h appened t he c ity coinages d iminished i n p roduction, but we k now nothing about r elative c irculation, s o that b y t he t ime o f t he great r eform o f D iocletian i n 2 94 o nly A lexandria s eems to have b een s triking i n G reek. T he Roman o r L atin b acklash to G reek colonization was perhaps h ere at i ts h eight. Y et i s i s T he W est which r e-organized t he East a nd t he emperor who f inished o ff G reek c oinage had v isited R ome perhaps t hree t imes i n a r eign o f over twenty years. T he i dea o f s ingle, L atin, supply had b een s upplanted b y t he i dea o f u niform supply p roduced a t well controlled points w ithin t he Empire. O pinions d iffer o n the r easons b ehind the p lacing o f mints i n t he fourth century ( Hendy 1 972a; 1 972b), but f or our purposes a ll that n eed b e noted i s t he f act that the two I talian mints survived, R ome a nd Aquileia, but t hat nothing d istinguished t hem, o r t heir chosen types, throughout t he f ourth century apart f rom t he o ccasional novelty. T his i s t he point a t which t he p lace o f R ome a nd I taly i n t he M editerranean a rea c an b e d issected out i n d etail, a nd monitored a t a lmost t hree y ear i ntervals throughout t he century, f or evey m int s tamped i ts p roduce w ith a n i ndividual mark so t hat s ite f inds a t R ome c an i nstantly b e split u p i nto those p roduced a t home a nd away, a nd coins minted a t Rome c an b e f ollowed, i n t heory, r ound t he Empire. G eorge D uncan ( thesis i n preparation) h as noted t he spread o f western coinage E ast during the campaigns o f Constantine, a nd i n p reliminary work a t b oth Cyprus a nd A lexandria I h ave noted a f lood o f C onstantinian i ssues m inted at R ome b etween about 3 10 a nd 3 20. T his burst of I talian i nfluence was s hort l ived f or t he e astern m ints soon c ontrolled t he supply to t hese a reas, a nd I talian p roducts t hen b ecame rare. T he d istribution o f m int p roducts t hrough t he f ourth c entury i s a point w ith which I h ave d ealt w ith b efore, with s ome mystification, and t here i s no point i n r epeating the, at p resent, woolly i deas here ( Reece 1 982b a nd refs.). T he

most

f ascinating period

b egins

a t

the

e nd

o f

the

f ourth c entury when, after a century o f v ery strong l inks the E ast a nd t he W est go s eparate ways. O n an obvious h istorical l evel t his could b e s aid to b e c aused b y a t hird, a s y et u nmentioned, current, f rom W est t o E ast, but s tarting t his t ime f urther N orth and W est i n t he G ermanic f ringes o f the empire. T hus over-simplification would suggest m assive Germanic i nvasions o f t he W est i n t he f ifth century a nd t he concurrent s hrinking o f coinage b ack i nto the s till ' Roman'

9 2

East - t hough t his l ast phrase s eems to hold r emarkable contradictions. T o explore t his i dea f urther would b e to s ee the n ew E ast-moving current a s o ne which envelopes I taly a nd Rome i n western E urope, d ivorces i t f rom t he G reek s peaking East, and continues t hrough to t he Normans a nd t he C rusades. F rom the very s crappy r ecord o f t he f ew s ites i n t he Mediterranean a rea which h ave published a ll t heir coins f rom all periods i n f ull, t his p icture, however i ngenuous, i s supported. A ccepting, f or t he moment, t he equation o f coinage produced a t Constantinople a nd d ependent a reas a s R oman coinage, there i s a g radual contraction b oth o f p roduction and c irculation during t he f ifth c entury. Thus t he typical b ronze coinage o f the f ifth c entury, the s mall coins w ith monograms o n t he reverse, were p roduced mainly i n r egular mints E ast o f modern G reece and c irculated i n a n a rea i n t he eastern M editerranean not r eaching t he A driatic, M alta o r modern L ibya. S ome e xamples d o move westwards a nd t hey a re k nown i n h oards f rom A lgeria, Tunisia, I taly a nd even F rance, but they a re e xtremely r are a s s ite-finds. T his means t hat I taly moves out o f t he L ate Roman coin u sing o rbit b etween about 4 10 a nd 4 50. W hen t he s tate control had edged to the E ast s maller u nits begin to p roduce coins i n t he W est s o t hat many o f t he k ingdoms i n s uccession to t he western Empire had a f lourishing p roduction of coin b y 5 00 ( Burnett 1 977). A model o f R oman coin u se d ying out i n t he e arly f ifth c entury to b e r eplaced b y a d ifferent type o f G ermanic coin u se l ater i n t he s ame c entury, which i s t he p icture i n F rance a nd B ritain would b e easy to u nderstand a nd would make b oth political and economic s ense. P olitical changes would b e assisted b y the d eath of t he old money, a nd t he v iolence o f t he c hanges would u nderstandably c ause a complete f racture i n t he supers tructure o f t rade which requires coinage t o f unction. A fter t he death o f o ne s ystem comes t he b irth o f a nother. B ut no h istorian would n ow accept s uch a b lack a nd white p icture, a nd t he i nformation f rom coin f inds makes i t quite c lear t hat a s imple model f or t he westward turn of I taly i s not a cceptable. T hree s ites a nd g roups o f coins, two f rom I taly a nd f rom Carthage, h ave p roduced quite n ew i nformation o n coinage o f t he f ifth c entury t hat was u nobtainable o nly y ears ago. T he p roblem concerns not t he coinage s truck i n

o ne t he t en t he

f ifth century b ut t he coinage u sed. A t p resent i n t he E ast we m ight assume t hat t he two a re d ifferent. T he important d eposits come f rom t he S chola P raeconum b eside t he P alatine H ill i n R ome ( Whitehouse e t al. 1 982), t he v illa o f S an G iovanni d i Ruoti i n C alabria ( Gualtieri e t al. 1 983), and t he B ritish excavations o n t he A venue B ourgiba i n C arthage ( Hurst forthcoming). While t he s ite o f S an G iovani i s not y et completed i n d etail, i ts coins s eem to f ollow t he d istribution s een to t he N orth a nd t he S outh. I n a ll c ases deposits, l ayers a nd f eatures have b een excavated w hich f rom t heir s tratigraphic position a nd t heir pottery b elong t o t he

9 3

f ifth c entury, y et t he g reat b ulk o f the coins, sometimes all of t hem, a re worn i ssues o f t he fourth c entury which have continued i n c irculation. T his f act can o nly b e established s tratigraphically b ecause i t i s t he c ase where t he l ayers d ate t he coin-use, not t he coin d ating the l ayers. Two important points emerge f rom t his. F irstly, t he cessation of l arge s cale i mperial m inting i n t he West, and t he f ailure of i ssues minted i n t he E ast to penetrate to I taly do n ot mean t he end o f coin u se; s econdly, while t here are f ifth century i ssues f rom t he m int o f R ome, and s ome rare l ate f ifth c entury i ssues f rom G ermanic k ingdoms t hese h ave a minimal e ffect o n t he general pattern o f coin l oss. T he o ne major exception concerns t he l ater b ronze V andal i ssues o f C arthage f rom about 4 90 to 5 30, f or t hese a re u sed prolifically, and l ost i n t he c ity, a nd s ome d o spread f urther a field. A t C arthage I t hink t hat coin u se c an b e demonstrated r ight t he way t hrough f rom t he end o f t he f ourth century to the middle o f t he s eventh. T he p icture i n I taly i s more p roblematical f or t here i s not a f lood o f early s ixth century Gothic coinage t o a ct a s a control i n d ate a nd t he coinage of t he B yzantine r econquest i s r arely encountered i n s ite-finds. S ome l ater B yzantine coins a re found i n t he South of I taly, at O tranto f or i nstance, ( Demetrios M ichaelides pers. comm.) a nd f rom a t l east o ne s ite n ear Naples ( Paul A rthur pers. comm.), b ut t here d oes not s eem to b e a ny possibility a t p resent of d emonstrating a continuity o f coin u se f rom the l ater f ourth c entury. T he d ivisions which emerge f rom a b rief v iew o f coinage i n t he f ifth to e ighth c enturies a re unlike t hose o f any e arlier period a nd c ease t o emphasize t he u nity of I taly. I t i s t he S outh which i s o nce again connected to the E ast a nd t here i s n o obvious l ink a t present for t he r est of t he P eninsula. W e have t herefore g ot to t he s tage where there i s no point i n t alking about I taly i n t he Mediterranean world, a nd t he relevance o f t he C ity o f R ome to s uch a d iscussion d ropped out r ather e arlier. T here r emains o nly a summary o f t he c hanges of t he f ifth a nd s ixth c enturies a nd a n a ttempt t o d escribe the process which i s h appening. T he l ast l arge s cale i ssues o f b ronze coin i n t he West were s truck round about t he y ear 4 00. F or t he C ity there w as a substantial i ssue ( Orbs R oma F elix) perhaps about 4 08, but t he i ssues l isted a fter that r arely f ind t heir way i nto a rchaeological deposits i n any numbers. C arthage, S outh I taly a nd t he r egion o f R ome continued to u se t he i ssues o f t he f ourth c entury f rom about 3 54 onwards, so t hat i n t his a rea t he coinage i n u se through t he f ifth c entury s eems to h ave consisted o f worn i ssues a t l east f ifty o r s ixty y ears old. T he E astern M editerranean a rea s eems to h ave no monetary e ffect on R ome, so f ar a s l ow v alue coinage i s concerned, a nd t he m ints of I taly contribute l ittle o r nothing to t he pool o f b ronze coinage i n t he E ast. O ccasional i ssues f rom R ome, o r s trays f rom t he E ast g ive this sequence a r easonable c hronology. F rom about 5 00 onwards t he u se o f small v alue b ronze coins s eems to d ie out n orthwards, surviving i n C arthage u ntil a t l east t he 6 50's, a t Rome perhaps t ill t he 5 50's, but not d emonstrable North of R ome

9 4

much a fter c . 5 00. T his p icture, i t must b e emphasized, i s constructed f rom f inds o f b ronze a nd c opper c oin. G old a nd s ilver coins were s truck, a nd p resumably t herefore were u sed, but t hey obey c ompletely d ifferent r ules w hich d epend o n t heir i ntrinsic v alue a nd t heir p olitical i mplications. T he p rocesses a t work i n t his p eriod a re i ntriguing, but a lmost i mpossible t o d issect o ut. T he o nly e xcuse f or v enturing i nto t he f ield i s t hat t he more c omments t hat a re made f rom c ompletely d ifferent a spects, t he b etter c hance o f sorting o ut t he l ikely f rom t he i mpossible i n e xplanations. O ne f urther point i s o bvious, b ut n eeds t o b e m ade, a nd t hat concerns t he non-alignment o f t he n umismatic a nd t he c eramic evidence. W hile f ew p eople would a ctually a ssume t hat a f ailure i n money s upply would n ecessarily e qual a f ailure i n exchange, t his c an a ctually b e s hown t o b e u nlikely b y comparing t he movement o f c oin w ith t he movement o f N orth A frican pottery, a nd A frican a nd e astern amphorae. T he s ystem o f m ints a nd money s upply e stablished u nder D iocletian c an p roperly b e s een a s t he e xercise o f I mperial authority. A system o f v ariety w as r eplaced b y a s tate system of u niformity. T he n ew s ystem f unctioned a ll over t he E mpire i n t he fourth c entury, t hough I s uspect t hat more d etailed knowledge, e specially o f c lose d ating, would s how some i nteresting g aps a nd d epressions i n d ifferent p arts o f t he Empire at d ifferent t imes. W hy, f or i nstance, d oes t he m int of A lexandria s trike o nly o ne o f t he r everses o f t he H ouse o f V alentinian ( 364-378, S ecuritas R eipublicae b ut n ot G loria Romanorum) and e ven t hose coins o f p oor a nd o ften s crappy quality? T his s ystem continued i n t he E ast b ut n ot i n t he West where t here i s authority f or i magining c ontinued coin u se w ithout n ew s upply o f coin. H ere t here i s t he u nusual question o f w hether t he u se o f s mall b ronze c oin, o f m inimal i ntrinsic v alue, i ndicates a market e conomy, a nd t he question has n ever b een s atisfactorily a nswered. S ince w e h ave evidence f or t he u se o f coin i n b oth E ast a nd W est, t he s implest s olution i s t o a ssume t hat t he s ame method o f exchange w ent o n f rom t he f ourth c entury i nto t he f ifth. W hat changed was t he u nit, o r a rea, o f m arketing. E astern coinage s tayed m ainly i n t he E ast; V andal c oinage i s a lways much m ore common i n a v ery r estricted a rea o f A frica than e lsewhere; O strogothic c oinage s eems t o s tay i n Rome a nd R avenna; a nd S pain, G aul a nd B ritain, g o o n t o a gold, s ilver o r e lectrum coinage. B ronze c oinages s eem t o s tay n ear t he point o f i ssue; p recious metal coinages s eem t o get l ost i n v ery s mall numbers i n t he a rea t o w hich t hey b elong. T he p icture o f h oarding i s more w idely s pread, but s till b asically i n a greement. C oinage h as c ontracted n ot t o the l imits o f d iffering political p owers, b ut t o a s mall a rea at t he seat o f e ach p ower. T he p eriod w hich n eeds i ntensive s tudy, and w hich c ontains much o f t he material n ecessary f or a s olution, i s t he l ater f ourth c entury, f or i t m ay b e t hat a r easonably smooth p rocess o f r egionalisation i s b eing f ractured a rtificially b y t he more o bvious, b ut d istracting political c hanges o f t he y ears a round 4 00. I h ave a lready

9 5

mentioned t he way i n which R oman and I talian domination o f the M editerranean money supply changed u nder D iocletian s o t hat, a t o nce, t he s upremacy o f I taly f ell, but power of t he s tate was s trengthened. T his s eems t o have h appened at t he expense o f potential r egionalisation, f or, t he moment t hat D iocletian e ither encouraged, o r b owed to, a regional system for producing a u niform I mperial currency - mainly i n t he b ase metals coinage - h e opened t he w ay to r egional e conomies o n the l ines o f t he o ld c losed province o f E gypt. A nd y et E gypt i s t he one a rea where there w as no g ap b etween t he G reek m inting o f A lexandria, and t he L atin m int. H ere i s a f ield o f s tudy which i s bound to p roduce immediate results, where t he material e xists w ithout doubt, and needs mainly t o b e collected a nd collated, ' To what extent d id the r eform o f n ocletian a lter t he r egional s upply a nd u se of coinage i n R oman E gypt?'. I r eturn i nevitably to my b asic p roblem of how regional t he d istribution o f coins was i n t he fourth century. T he coins e xist, they h ave b een found i n k nown p laces, and t hey a re s tamped w ith t heir point o f o rigin. H ow f ar d o t he m int products o f t he f ourth century spread out f rom e ach m int f orming a gently changing continuum s o t hat s ince every p lace h as a unique g eographical position i n r elation to t he mints f rom which i ts coins come, i t h as a u nique combination o f m int p roducts? The evidence f rom B ritain i s clear - there s eems to b e only o ne route of s upply to this i solated p rovince ( Reece 1 978); f or G aul the evidence has b een a ssembled but not y et completely w orked over i n this way ( Depeyrot 1 982); t he great G erman F undmunzen i s not y et complete, but holds a g reat mass o f m aterial to b e exploited. Further towards t he M editerranean material we may s ee, not a contiuum, but a s eries o f r egional g roupings, which may, o r may not, b e more e xclusive and well defined as t he fourth c entury p rogresses. T hey might c orrespond to t he l ater political d ivisions, i n which c ase they will form a f ascinating commentary o n t he p rimacy o f t rade over politics, o r t hey m ight f orm a c ompletely d ifferent pattern. We know a l ittle of R ome i n t he M editerranean w orld f rom t he evidence o f coinage, b ut I h ope I h ave s hown t hat t he subject i s o nly i n i ts i nfancy a nd i s c apable o f considerable development.

B ibliography B ruun,

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T he a t

q ummary R oman c oins f orm p art o f t he coinage a nd c urrency of t he M editerranean w orld f rom t he t hird c entury B .C. onwards. T he r elationship o f t he C ity t o t he n earby a reas o f I taly a nd t he f urther p rovinces c an b e e xamined b y c harting t he c oins i n u se, f irst G reek, t hen R epublican, t hen t hose o f t he Empire, a nd b y c onsidering t he s pread o f c oinage out f rom t he c entral m ints t o t he p laces o f u se a nd l oss. A p oint w hich i s emphasized i s t he context i n which a c oin i s f ound, e ither b y t he type o f d eposit s uch a s b urial, o r t he d ate o f c oin l oss, f or b oth h ave a n i mportant e ffect o n t he movement a nd d eposition o f c oins. F inally t he mechanism o f c oin s upply a nd c irculation i n t he l ate R oman Empire i s considered, a nd t he i mportance o f s uch s tudy f or t he g rowth a nd d ecline o f t he Empire i s u nderlined. R iassunto L e M onete R omane f anno p arte d el moneta d el mondo M editerraneo d al 30 s ecolo a .0 i n p oi. S i puo e saminare i l r aporto d ella c ittä c on l e v icine z one I taliane e con l e l ontane p rovincie s eguendo l 'entrata i n u so d i monete p rima G reche p oi r epubblicane i nfine quelle d ell'Impero e p rendendo i n e same l a d iffusione d elle monete d alle z ecche c entrali a i l uoghi d 'uso e d i s marrimento. U n punto d a s ottolineare e i i contesto i n c ui u na moneta e r invenuta s ia d al t ipo d i d eposito i n c ui s i t rova per e ssempio u h t umulo oppure d alla d ata d i s marrimento d ella moneta poiche e ntrambi i nfluiscono s ul movimento e s ulla d eposizione d elle monete. I nfine epreso i n e same i l m eccanismo d i r ifornimento e c ircolazione d elle monete d urante i i t ardo i mpero R omano e l 'importanza d i t ale s tudio p er l a c rescita ed i l d eclino d ell'Impero ä sotto l ineata.

9 8

8 .

T HE ROMAN

Robert

I NVASION OF

J .

R owland,

SARDINIA

J r.

I n a n essay e ntitled ' Aims i n P rehistoric A rchaeology' B ruce Trigger ( 1978) s everal t imes s peaks o f ' history proper', a phrase which on o ne occasion h e g losses as ' documentary h istory.' T hat i s, h istory proper i s b ased on written s ources. O n t he p resent occasion, one need not engage i n expansive a rgumentation to s uggest t hat there i s a vast d ifference b etween t he h istory p roper and t he proper h istory of a Roman province. T en y ears a go, G len B owersock ( 1974, 2 0) observed t hat ' the i nfusion o f archaeology i nto h istoriography' was ' possibly R ostovtzeff's most i nfluential contribution'; R ostovtzeff has not y et, alas, found a sufficiently numerous f ollowing, a nd t oo many o f those who have followed h im s eem content merely w ith t he u tilization of a rchaeology. H owever, t he u tilization of a rchaeological d ata, generally i n t he f orm of t he d escription o f s ites or artefacts, i s n ot nearly t he s ame thing a s the i ntegration of a rchaeology, b oth n ew a nd t raditional, with l iterary and epigraphical d ata; i ndeed, t he p roper h istory o f the R oman world requires t he r ealization that, for a ll practical purposes, R oman p rovincial h istory i s r eally a p rehistory, occasionally more or l ess i lluminated b y documents, not a ' real' h istory o ccasionally to b e i llustrated b y an archaeological d atum or s eries o f d ata. I n s hort, the i deal Roman historian s hould b e a s f amiliar w ith D avid C larke ( 1978; 1 979) as w ith T heodore Mommsen ( 1887). T he s ame observation can ( and s hould) b e applied to o ther a reas t han the p rovinces. F or example, T enny F rank's ( 1962) economic h istory was f ine i n i ts d ay, but where i s t he R oman economic h istory that even b egins to approach R ichard H odges' D ark A ge Economics ( 1982) i n sophisticated methodology? S ome o f t he essays i n G arnsey, H opkins and W hittaker ( 1983) a re o n the r ight track, a nd we m ight n ot b e overly optimistic i n b eginning to t hink t hat we might one d ay have a proper economic h istory o f t he c lassical world ( which s hould not b e i nterpreted as i n any way b eing a d enegration of the fundamental importance of F inley 1 973). B rent

S haw

( 1980)

h as

b rilliantly

demonstrated

t hat

generations of a rchaeological p roduction i n R oman N orth A frica h ave h ad v ery l ittle impact o n t he consumers o f t hat product, t he h istorians who have w ritten t he h istory p roper of R oman A frica i n almost total i nnocence of a rchaeological knowledge. H istorians have b enefitted f rom t he i nscriptions ( i.e., the documents) u nearthed b y a rchaeologists; b ut, other than t hat, they have l argely i gnored t he p roducts o f archaeological r esearch. Mutatis mutandis, S haw's observ-

9 9

ations

can

b e

applied to every part

of

t he

R oman,

i ndeed,

t he C lassical, world, o r even b eyond. I n what i s g enerally a splendid c hapter o f h is most r ecent b ook, E . A . T hompson ( 1982, 1 37) notes t hat ' if t here were no chronicle o f Pydatius t here would b e no h istory o f S pain i n t he f ifth century. Were i t not f or H ydatius we w ould k now o f a mere h alf-handful of d isconnected events which happened t here.' That i s, what we f ind i n a chronicler i s h istorical k nowledge p roper - a nd t he only h istorical k nowledge w e can h ave o f t hat t ime a nd p lace - an approach which must b e r ejected f or i ts n arrowness. G iovanni L illiu ( 1981, 1 82), s uggesting some a rchaeologically d erived modifications to t he conventional i nterpretation o f S ardinian M edieval h istory, c astigates ' la s toriografia corrente' which looks a t problems ' in modo u nidirezionale ed esclusivo, p rivil egiando l a s toria d elle f onti' ( cf. Maetzke 1 981). L illiu, o f course i s r ight; h owever, advances i n s cholarship will not b e a ttained i f h istorians a nd archaeolo gists s tand b arricaded i n s eparate c amps s neering a t o ne a nother. Two observations by S nodgrass ( 1983, 1 48, 1 69) are pertinent: ' It i s a r eal p leasure to b e able t o write.. . that the p rospects for f uture collaboration b etween a ncient h istorians a nd a rchaeologists a re b ecoming more f avourable every year and t hat t his i s already g iving new v itality to b oth d isciplines' and ' To s ome extent t his g ap i s b eing f illed b y t he i ncreasing f amiliarity w ith a rchaeological method on t he p art o f t he younger a ncient h istorians.' I t i s i n t his s pirit o f cooperation a nd mutual understanding that t he common a im o f a rchaeologists a nd h istorians - t he i nterpretation o f t he a ncient world - c an b e advanced. For R oman S ardinia, what e lse do we possess b ut the occasional b it a nd s nippet - i .e., ' a mere h alf-handful o f d isconnected events' - i n P olybius, L ivy, C icero, S trabo, T acitus, and o ther writers, a ll o f which, t aken together, may well b e l ess f or t he s even hundred y ears t hat S ardinia was Roman t han Hydatius p reserves f or a s ingle century; even i f we expand our d efinition o f source to i nclude i nscriptions, t here r emains v ery l ittle f or t he h istorian p roper t o work w ith. P iero M eloni's ( 1975) m issed opportunity w as h is f ailure to i ntegrate a rchaeological w ith textual d ata f ully to actualize t he potentiality i nherent i n t he totality o f t he available evidence. Colin W ells o n Augustan G ermany ( 1972), Edith M . W ightman o n Gaul ( e.g., 1 983), S tephen Dyson o n t he R epublican f rontier ( in p ress), to c ite only three examples, have s hown w hat r esults c an b e a ttained f rom a multidirectional methodology, one which b egins with a b road definition o f h istorical source. T he c ase o f t he S ardinian g rain t rade u nder t he E mpire provides a good e xample w herein a rchaeological k nowledge i s e ssential f or c omplete u nderstanding o f t he h istorical s ituation. G eoffrey R ickman ( 1980, 1 07) b elieves t hat S ardinian grain was n ot a s important i n t he e arly E mpire a s i t h ad b een a nd a s i t was again to b ecome - b ecause i t i s n ot a s p rominent i n O UT

1 00

( written) s ources a nd b ecause, h e a sserts, S ardinia n ever b ecame s o h eavily s tudded i n R oman s ettlements a s S icily. S imilarly, consider t he n arrow d efinition o f s ources i mplied b y t he f ollowing p assage f rom D e M artino ( 1979, 2 .448): ' La S ardegna ä s enza s toria s otto l 'impero. S alvo i mutamenti amministrativi e l e n otizie s ulle r elegazioni, b en p oco v i ä n eu e fonti [ 1] s ulle condizioni e conomico-sociali d ell' i sola, s egno evidente c he e ssa a veva s carsi r apporti con R oma. L o s tesso P linio n on h a molto s ulla S ardegna e quel c he r iporta ä p iü a t itolo d i c uriositä. I i f atto c he e gli parli anche d el f rumento s ardo a p roposito d el p eso, a ssieme a d a ltri g rani, l ascia s upporre c he continuasse l 'importazione d el c ereale n ell'etä imperiale.... T utto l ascia c redere c he l o s tato d ell'isola r imase c ome e ra n ell'etä r epubblicana.' F or D e M artino, P liny's l ack o f i nformation i s more t elling t han a re h undreds o f p ages o f excavation r eports a nd n otices, a nd h is m ention o f S ardinian g rain i s evidently a f ar more v aluable w itness t han a re t he mosaics i n t he P iazzale d elle C orporazioni a t O stia. O ne could, w ith s ome j ustice s peak o f S candinavia's ' scarsi r apporti con R oma' a nd to b elieve, o r e ven t o s uggest, t hat t he c ondition o f S ardinia i n t he i mperial period was t he s ame a s i t h ad b een i n t he R epublic i s a b etrayal o f i gnorance. I n f act, a s eries o f converging i nferences d emonstrates t hat S ardinia's g rain continued t o b e i mportant t hroughout t he h igh empire ( Rowland 1 983). A fter a ll, P ausanias ( 10, 1 7, 1 ), w riting i n t he s econd h alf o f t he s econd c entury A .D., s tates t hat ' in s ize a nd p rosperity S ardinia i s t he e qual o f t he most c elebrated i slands.' D yson's chapter o n t he e stablishment o f t he f rontier i n S ardinia i s t he b est a ccount o f t he R oman i nvasion o f t he i sland we h ave ( or, r ather, s oon w ill h ave), a nd t here i s n othing to b e g ained h ere b y r epeating o r s ummarizing h is a ccount, much l ess a dducing m inor v ariations i n e mphasis o r i nterpretation; r ather, i t w ill b e u seful t o p resent s ome p roblems t hat s till n eed t o b e a ddressed. F irst, we c annot d iscuss R ome's e arly p enetration i nto t he i sland w ith much p recision, f or t he n ature o f o ur w ritten s ources m akes a ny h istory p roper o f R ome's conquest, s eriously f lawed; a nd i t i s D yson's g reat m erit t o h ave i ntegrated a rchaeological w ith l iterary d ata. P olybius o bserves ( 1, 2 4, 6 ) t hat t he R omans, f rom t he moment t hey c oncerned t hemselves w ith t he s ea, b egan t o e ntertain d esigns o n S ardinia - t hat i s, p erhaps, i f T orelli ( 1981) i s r ight, a s e arly a s t he 3 80's B .C. E vents e arly i n t he f irst P unic w ar w ill h ave c onfirmed t he R omans' b elief that S ardinia was a d esirable, i ndeed, a n e ssential possession: Z onaras ( 8, 1 0) r ecords t hat i n t he w inter o f 2 63/2 B .C., t he C arthaginians c onveyed ' most' o f t heir a rmy to S ardinia w ith t he i ntention o f a ttacking t hence, a nd a c ouple o f y ears l ater L . S cipio ( cos. 2 59) i nvaded t he n ortheastern c orner o f t he i sland, a round O lbia, a nd t here i s a lso mention o f n aval b attles; O lbia i s o nly a b it more

1 01

than one h undred n autical miles f rom O stia ( Zonaras 8 , 1 1; F lorus 1 , 1 8, 1 5; V alerius M aximus 5 , 1 , 2 ; S ilius I talicus 6 , 6 71f.; L ivy, P eriocha 1 7; F asti T riumphales, sub a nnis 2 59, 2 58; O rosius 4 , 7 , 1 1; 8 , 4 ) Sulpicius ( in 2 58) was also active i n S ardinia, the s outhwestern part, and i s s aid to have ' overrun' t he country b efore b eing d efeated by H anno ( Zonaras 8 , 1 2), which s hould mean o nly t he coastal, P unic regions, Antioco. one o f

perhaps o nly b etween C agliari, N ora, a nd S . Our t radition u nanimously agrees t hat S ardinia was t he prizes demanded b y A tilius R egulus when he

thought ( wrongly) t hat h e was i n a position to d ictate t erms to t he C arthaginians ( Dio, f ragment 4 3, 2 2; O rosius 4 , 1 1, 1 2 ; d e V iris I llustribus 4 1, 2 ); but t he i sland d isappears f rom accounts f or t he r emainder o f t he war a nd was not i ncluded i n t he t ruce t erms o f 2 41 B .C. S urely, the R omans hadn't forgotten about e ither S ardinia's e xistence o r i ts s trategic a nd economic i mportance! Nor c an we seriously b elieve that anyone t hought t hat S ardinia was i n f act o ne of t he i slands b etween I taly a nd S icily ( Polybius 3 , 2 7), f or Appian speaks of ' Sicily a nd t he s mall n eighbouring i slands' ( Sicilian W ar 2 ), a nd S ardinia was t hought to b e l arger t han S icily. P resumably, t he R omans u nderstood t hat, should t hey persist i n d emanding S ardinia a s one o f the prizes of v ictory, t he C arthaginians were p repared to continue the war. I n any c ase, t he R omans were soon a ble to add S ardinia to t heir s till i ncipient empire, s eizing t he i sland w hile the a ttention of C arthage was d istracted b y the mercenary revolt, s imultaneously g reatly a ggrieving t he C arthaginians ( Polybius 3 , 9 ) a nd l aying t he f oundation f or the l ong protracted conquest o f t he entire i sland. We c an i mmediately s ee o ne p rincipal d ifference b etween the C arthaginian d omination a nd t he R oman conquest; f or the Carthaginians, a fter a n i nitial imperialistic push t o the i nterior a long s everal f ronts i n t he s ixth and f ifth centuries, were content i n t he s equel to establish a fortified l ine o f d efence, a s ort o f p roto-limes system, and to maintain a s table peace by means o f l argesse and t rade rather t han b y a n a ll-out war o f s ubjugation ( Rowland i n press a ). T he h istory o f R ome's conquest d emonstrates t hat t he C arthaginians i ndeed made an a ccurate a ssessment of t heir f orces a nd t heir i nability to conduct the massive wars of conquest which t he n ature o f t he t errain a nd the f ierce i ndependence o f t he n atives required, which means, i nter alia, that t he i ndigenous, nuragic culture survived well i nto t he t ime o f t he R omans a nd c annot b e a rbitrarily s aid to have b een concluded i n 2 38 B .C. ( cf. L illiu 1 982, 1 1). F or t he earliest phase o f t he conquest, t he o nly specifically u seful p iece o f documentation we p ossess i s t hat M . Pomponius ( cos. 2 31) was unable to f ind many o f the i nhabitants who, a s h e l earned, h ad s lipped i nto ' caves o f t he f orest, d ifficult to l ocate', so h e summoned ' keen s cented dogs f rom I taly, a nd w ith t heir a id d iscovered t he t rail o f b oth men a nd c attle a nd cut off m any s uch p arties'

1 02

B urgos

• • B osa

B olotana

• B orore

C ornus • P aulilatino

1 0 km .

F ig.

8 .1.

F ig.

1

D irection of R oman penetration i n w estern ( For l ocation s ee F ig. 8 .3.)

1 03

S ardinia.

( Zonaras 8 , 1 8). T his i s t he f irst i ndication w e h ave t hat t he w ars h ad b y n ow moved i nto t he m ountains, b ut w e c annot k now w hich o nes, n or c an w e b e c ertain t hat t he c aves a re a ctual c aves ( such a s M . T iscali-Dorgali) o r i f t hey a re nuraghi. S imilarly, i n t he n orth, C . P apirius d rove t he C orsi f rom t he p lains ( Zonaras 8 , 1 8) p erhaps a round T empio i f t hese r eally a re S ardinian, n ot C orsican, C orsi ( cf. D yson i n p ress). W e k now t hat t he r evolt o f H ampsicoras i n 2 15 f ocused a round C ornus o n t he c entral w est coast a nd t he C ampidano a nd i t i s c lear t hat t he n atives o f t he i nterior ( the S ardi p elliti: L ivy 2 3, 4 0, 3 ), w ith w hom t he C arthaginians h ad h ad a c enturies l ong s ymbiotic r elationship, j oined t he f ight a gainst t he i nvaders; t he a bility o f t he C arthaginians a nd P unico-Sards p eriodically t o s tir u p t he n atives against t he R omans b etween 2 38 a nd 2 15 e loquently t estifies t o t he m utuality o f a dvantage g enerated b y t he C arthaginians' f rontier s ystem. H owever, i n c ontrast ( for e xample) to t he Roman's c onquest o f B ritain, we h ave n o f ield c amps, forts o r o ther material evidence to a llow p recise i nterpretation o f t he e arliest p hases o f t he conquest. A r e-examination o f t he e arliest c oins w hose f indspots a re k nown m ight p rovide s ome i nsights i nto t hese o perations. F or t he s econd p hase, t he d iscovery o f a c oin, C rawford ( 1974) n r. 3 8 ( 217-215 BC) a t B olotana ( Rowland 1 981, 2 1) i n t he mountains northeast o f C ornus, a h oard o f d enarii c losing w ith n early m int condition coins o f 1 95 B C a t B urgos ( Rowland 1 981, 2 4), a f ew k m. f rom B olotana, a nd a n e xample o f C rawford n r. 1 33 ( 194-190 B C) a t P aulilatino ( Rowland 1 981, 9 9), a lmost d ue e ast o f C ornus ( Fig. 8 .1) a ll s uggest - a nd i t c an b e n o more t han a s uggestion - t hat t his r egion was o ne o f t he f oci o f R ome's p enetration i nto t he i nterior a fter t he r evolt o f H ampsicoras h ad b een quashed. J oseph M ichels' e xcavations o f two n uraghi a t B orore ( Fig. 8 .1) m ight p rovide s ome confirmation, f or b oth w ere u noccupied f rom t he e nd o f t he P unic p eriod t o a bout 8 0 B .C. ( pers. comm.). D uring t he wars o f t he s econd c entury, our l iterary s ources r eport r epeatedly t hat t he B alari a nd t he I lienses w ere t he c hief i nitiators o f S ardinian u nruliness. D iodorus ( 5, 1 5, 6 ) a nd L ivy ( 34, 1 2) a ffirm t hat t hey w ere s till u npacified i n t he l ater f irst c entury. W e have no r eal i nformation a bout t he l ocations o f t hese t ribes - i t i s n ot v ery h elpful t o b e t old t hat t hey l ived i n t he mountains a s P ausanias ( 10, 1 7, 9 ) a nd S trabo ( 5, 2 , 7 ) t ell u s - b ut a r ecently p ublished f ragmentary b oundary marker ( Meloni 1 971, 2 42) f rom t he t erritory o f B erchidda r ecords B alari s carcely a d ozen k m. f rom t he R oman f ort a t C astro-Oschiri. T he i nscription s imultaneously l ocates t he t ribe, s uggests a n a pproximate d ate f or t he e stablishment o f t he f ort ( or a p redecessor), a nd p rovides a r eason f or i ts l ocation, v iz., t he p rotection o f t he r oad t o O zieri, C hilivani, Mores, P loaghe a nd b eyond. A coin h oard p ublished b y T aramelli

1 04

( 1918), a lso f rom t he t erritory o f B erchidda, f rom t he r egion S a C ontrizzola, 2 k m, west o f t he modern v illage, when re-examined i n t he l ight o f C rawford's d ates f or t he d enarii, i s e xtremely i nformative: t he coins were f ound i n a nuragic p ot a nd c onsist o f a n a lmost u nbroken s eries o f d enarii t hrough t he s econd c entury, to 8 2 B .C. ( Rowland i n p ress b ). T he most e conomical hypothesis i s t hat t his z one was t he h ome o f t he B alari, r ather t han t hat i t was a r eservation i nto w hich t hey w ere h erded b y t he R omans. T he I lienses, p ossibly a c onglomerate n ame f or a confederation o f t ribes, a re t o b e l ocated s outh o f t his r egion a nd a re p erhaps t o b e i dentified w ith t he S ardi p elliti o f 2 15 B .C. B efore w e c an a rrive a t a more a ccurate a ssessment b oth o f t he conquest t hrough t he s econd c entury a nd o f t he p ostconquest control, w e s till r equire a considerable amount o f f ieldwork. M eloni ( 1975, 2 59) h ad a lready c alled f or a n excavation a t C astro, w hence b its a nd p ieces h ave b een emerging f or more t han a c entury ( Rowland 1 981, 3 6, 9 2-3). T he f ort a t S orrabile-Fonni w as e xcavated more t han a h undred y ears a go a nd t he r eport ( summarized i n R owland, 1 981, 4 5-6) i s a lmost u seless. O ther f orts a nd m ilitary s tations a re k nown f rom i nscriptions ( Rowland 1 978a, 1 667 1), while s till o thers p erhaps a re y et t o b e i dentified. F or e xample, T aramelli d escribed t he t erritory o f T onara a s b eing ' sparso d i a bitati r omani'; o ne o f t hose abitati h e c alled a ' villa d i qualche s ignore d i e ta r omana' ( Taramelli 1 911, 3 84-6). G iven t he n ature o f t he t errain a round T onara, which i s l ocated a t 9 35 m . above s ea l evel, a m ilitary s tation s eems more l ikely t han a ' villa d i qualche s ignore' - w hich i s not t o d ownplay t he e conomic p otential o f t he z one: i n 1 846 t he p opulation o f T onara w as 2 476 p ersons, i ncluding 5 45 p ersons o lder t han 6 0, 1 50 o f whom were more t han 8 0 y ears o ld; t here a re numerous s prings, a nd A ngius ( 1850, 9 97) c laimed t hat t he a verage c rop y ield i n h is d ay ( when a gricultural e quipment a nd t echniques were s till v irtually R oman) w as s even-fold; t here w ere a lso p erhaps more t han 2 00,000 f ruit t rees ( chestnut b eing t he most c ommon) p lus 1 4,000 s heep, 7 000 goats, 1 250 c ows, a nd 1 600 p igs. P lsewhere, t he construction o f a R oman b ath a t S . B asilio ( Rowland 1 981, 1 13) p erhaps s ignals t he p resence o f t roops there; i f s o, t his would b e p articularly i ntriguing, f or i t i s s ituated o n t he r everse s lope, a nd h ypotheses about c ontrol l ately d eveloped f or N orth A frica c an p erhaps b e a dapted t o S ardinia ( Whittaker 1 978; S haw 1 982). S urgical i mplements found a t O liena ( Rowland 1 981, 8 8) a nd L anusei ( Rowland 1 981, 5 7) a re p erhaps i ndicative o f t he p resence o f m ilitary u nits i n t hose l ocations. I t i s p leasant to r eport t hat o ne r esult o f t his c onference i s t hat P rof. D yson a nd I a re n ow p lanning a c o-operative v enture e xploring i n more d etail t he R oman m ilitary p resence i n S ardinia. A rguably

more

i mportant

t han

1 05

c onquest

a nd

control

a re

t heir e nduring r esults. A fter T i. S empronius G racchus f ought t he I lienses i n 1 77-6 a nd again i n 1 63-2 a s t he f irst consular commander s ince t he e arly d ays o f t he s econd P unic w ar, h e r eported t hat more t han 8 0,000 S ardinians h ad b een k illed o r c aptured ( Meloni 1 975, 7 3-4, 1 00-1), u ndoubtedly a n i nflated f igure. O ther v ictorious commanders, a lthough p erhaps l ess s pectacularly, w ill h ave a lso a cquired c aptives who w ere t ransformed i nto s laves. T hat i s, t he R oman v ictories b oth d epopulated t he m ountain f astnesses a nd p rovided t he workforce w hich r adically a ltered t he S ardinian l andscape, converting t he i sland i nto o ne o f t he s ubsidia f rumentaria o f t he R oman s tate. T he f igure r eported i s a stonishing, f or 8 0,000 i s a bout o ne-quarter o f t he 1 728 population o f t he e ntire i sland a nd a bout o ne-eighth o f t he 1 881 population ( cf. P ardi 1 925). O ne would a lmost t hink t hat C algacus ( Tacitus, A gricola 3 0, 6 ) h ad s ome a reas o f t he S ardinian B arbagia i n m ind when h e s aid o f t he R omans t hat t hey make a wasteland a nd c all i t p eace. A ll o f t he R oman r emains a round A ustis, f or e xample, a re i n the i mmediate p roximity o f t he modern v illage, a round a l arge s pring, e ven t hough t he e ntire r egion i s well w atered a nd s uited t o a griculture: a c entury a nd a h alf a go, i t p roduced g rain f ive-fold, b eans s even-fold, a nd b arley e ight-fold a s well a s a good amount o f h emp; t he r egion a lso p roduced a n ' excess' o f w ine ( Angius 1 833, 4 94-5, 4 98-9). T here i s a bsolutely nothing R oman r eported a s coming f rom t he a rea b etween A ustis a nd S orgono s ome f our k m. d istant; s imilarly, n ot even a s ingle R oman p otsherd h as b een r eported a s coming f rom t he t en k m. s pace b etween A ustis a nd O rtueri a nd t he t en km. b etween S orgono a nd O rtueri ( Rowland 1 981, 6 ). J ust a f ew k m. north o f t he m ilitary b ase a t A ustis was t he r emarkably r ich nuragic s acred p lace a t A bini-Teti ( Lilliu 1 982, 5 7): o ne would l ike t o k now more a bout t he r elationships b etween n uragic s acred p laces, R oman f orts, a nd i ndigenous t ribal c entres, a p roblem I e xpect t o a ddress i n t he n ear f uture. T hroughout t he B arbagia, not j ust s outh of T eti, t here a re extensive a reas o f emptiness, m uch o f i t due, n o doubt, t o a ctual l ack o f u tilization o r s ettlement i n t he R oman p eriod, s ome o f i t s urely t he r esult of i nadequate e xploration o r publication. A lthough many o f the i ndigenous p eople were k illed during t he l engthy wars o f conquest, a nd many o thers were r esettled i n t he l owlands, i t i s c lear e ven f rom t he skimpy material available t hat many i ndigenes r emained i n a t l east s ome p arts o f t he i nterior ( much o f w hich h ad a g reater a gricultural p otential than i s o ften r ealized, a p oint which c annot b e a rgued i n d etail h ere); i ndeed, even i n t he a bsence o f material r emains, o ne c ould d educe t he e xistence o f t hese i ndigenes f rom t he e xistence o f t he m ilitary s tations. I t a lso s eems quite l ikely t hat t here was much more i nteraction b etween R omans a nd n atives t han i s u sually p erceived. T he p revailing model f or t he ' Romanization' o f t he i nterior s eems t o b e t hat o f a

1 06

( A TOMBS

E lT ILES , B R ICKS E lT ILES ,B R ICKS , POTTERY • POTTERY • NURAG IC

F ig. ( For

8 .2. S ites i n t he l ocation s ee F ig.

S erramana 8 .3.)

1 07

area.

l inguist, S anna, w ho a sserted t hat t he n atives o f t he i nterior l earned L atin, h ence were ' romanized' only i n t he M iddle A ges a s a r esult o f C hristian m issionary a ctivity ( Sanna 1 957). A k ey p art o f S anna's e ssay i s t he l ack o f R oman materials i n t he z one, p articularly a round Nuoro. Apart f rom f ailing t o e xplain h ow medieval monks ( who, i n a ny c ase, would s eem t o h ave b een G reek u ntil t he e leventh c entury) would h ave t aught w hat a ppears t o b e C lassical, n ot to s ay R epublican L atin ( cf. P ittau 1 972), S anna w as evidently t otally u naware o f t he a rchaeological m aterial, s ome o f w hich was p ublished b y A ngius i n t he 1 840's a nd b y S pano i n t he 1 850's a nd 1 860's. S anna's f ollowers ( e.g., B oscolo 1 978, 4 3-8; B onello L ai 1 981) d ismiss t he m aterial r emains a s i nsignificant a lthough a p artial awareness o f t hem f orms t he f oundation o f P ittau's counter-argument ( Pittau 1 956, 1 1-21; 1 958, 7 2-90). I n f act, t he t erritory o f Nuoro h as y ielded a considerable amount o f a rchaeological material, much o f i t u nfortunately c hance f inds; c areful exploration would u ndoubtedly a dd much more ( Rowland 1 981, 7 4): R oman f oundations a nd coins h ave b een noted a t t hree d ifferent l ocations; S pano c laimed t hat R oman c oins a nd ' antiquities' o f every type were common i n t he t erritories o f Nuoro a nd B itti; a gold coin o f A rcadius was f ound i n o ne p lace ( on a mountain), a nd t here a re s poradic f inds o f f ibulae a nd o f v arious c oins o f t he h igh a nd l ate empires; s ome b its o f R oman o bjects were f ound i n a r e-used r ock c ut tomb ( domus d e j anas); a n amphora w as found i n a n u nspecified l ocale; t he v illage a round t he nuraqhe Noddule continued i n u se i nto t he R oman period; r emains o f a R oman r oad h ave b een i dentified a nd coins h ave b een found i n t wo d istricts; t he r egion P reda I scritta ( 'Inscribed S tone') s hould owe i ts n ame t o ( no l onger extant) i nscriptions; a nd R oman m illstones w ere f ound a t t he n uragic v illage o n M . Gurtei. Much work r emains to b e d one i n f inding, e xcavating, a nd p roperly r ecording a nd publishing s ites. I n t he t erritory o f O zieri, t here a re t hree s orts o f s ites, k nown a lmost e xclusively f rom s urface r emains d iligently r ecorded over many y ears b y a l ocal amateur, D on F rancesco A madu ( 1978): t here a re n uraghi with n o R oman materials, n uraghi w ith R oman r emains, a nd R oman s ites o n v irgin s oil. O n t he b asis o f t he evidence a s i t i s p resently k nown, a ll twenty-four nuraghi above 4 00 m . were u noccupied during t he R oman p eriod, a nd o nly e ight o f e ighteen b etween 3 00 a nd 4 00 m . w ere o ccupied; but f orty-three o f t he o ne h undred a nd e ight nuraghi b elow t hose a ltitudes ( i.e., b etween about 1 60 a nd 3 00 m .) continued i n u se o r w ere r eu tilized i n t he R oman e ra. I n t he t erritory a round S erramanna ( Fig. 8 . 2), a r egion o f s ome 1 20 km. 2 i ncluding t he t erritories o f V illasor a nd S amassi, most n uragic s ites s how s ettlement i n t he R oman p eriod a nd t here a re f orty-one n ew s ites ( or a t l east s ites w ithout n uraghi o r nuragic pottery). A ll o f t he g rain-rich a reas o f t he i sland, p articularly i n t he C ampidano, s how a p roliferation o f s ites

1 08

i n t he Roman period ( cf. R owland i n p ress c ; P uxeddu 1 975), mostly o n l and t hat would h ave b een m arginal b efore t he R oman period. U nquestionably, t he b ulk o f t he n ew f armers s ettled o n t hese n ewly d rained a nd c leared a reas were i ndigenous f olk, r elocated v oluntarily o r n ot, most o f t hem, b y t he i mperial a ge, d escendants o f t hose whom t he P ater G racchorum a nd o ther g enerals h ad s old i nto s lavery. F ree o r u nfree, t hey l ived m iserable, i mpoverished l ives ( for t he most p art) i n r ural h amlets, d ependent o n t he d escendants o f t he P unic, P unico-Sard, a nd i mmigrant notables o f t he c ities. A v ast a mount o f work r emains t o b e d one b efore w e c an f ully u nderstand t he c omplexities o f t he countryside a nd o f t he town-country r elationships a nd i nteractions. B lack-glazed w are i s f ound i n a ll r egions o f t he i sland s o t hat, a lthough t he s tate o f publication o f most o f i t d oes not a llow p recise d ating ( indeed, s ome o f i t may b e A ttic, j ust a s s ome o f t he s o-called A rretine o r l ocal i mitation A rretine f ound i n t he l iterature m ight w ell b e A RS ware), we c an c onclude t hat a ll s ectors ( though n ot, o f course, every v illage) o f t he i sland h ad a t l east a t rade r elationship w ith t he R oman world b y t he t ime o f t he l ate R epublic. V arro's k nowledge o f ' brigandage' i n S ardinia ( Res Rusticae 1 , 1 6, 2 ) may d erive f rom t he t ime o f P ompey's oversight o f t he g rain s upply i n t he 5 0's a nd d emonstrates t hat, i n s pite o f t he numerous conquests, t riumphs, a nd e nslavements o f c aptives, S ardinia's i nterior continued t o r equire pacification - o r, more p recisely p erhaps, t hat s ome o f t he arable r equired o ccasional p rotection, p erhaps f rom t ranshumant p astoralists r ather t han f rom u npacified o r u nconquered i ndigenes. A s imilar s ituation m ay h ave o btained i n A .D. 6 w hen t he i sland w as t ransferred f rom t he s enate's t o t he emperor's p ortion ( Dio. 5 5, 2 8, 1 ; c f. S trabo 5 , 2 , 7 ; M eloni 1 975, 1 30) - b ut note t hat i t h ad r emained f or s ome t hree d ecades among t he ' peaceful' s enatorial p rovinces. S imilarly, i n A .D. 1 9, 4 000 f reedmen who p rofessed J udaism ( Tacitus, A nnals 2 , 8 5, 5 ; c f. D io 5 7, 1 8, 5 a) a nd o ther ' superstitions' ( Josephus, A ntiquities 1 8, 6 5-84) were s ent t o p ut d own b rigandage ( latrocinia), possibly a lso i ncursions o f pastoralists a t i nopportune t imes: 4 000 r aw r ecruits, p ressed i nto i nvoluntary s ervice, s carcely s uggest m ajor o perations. F rom t his t ime o n, w e k now o f no o ther m ilitary a ctivity o r u nrest u ntil t he c ivil w ar o f 6 8-9; i t i s during t his p eriod t hat t he evolved i nterior l imes s ystem s eems most f ully to h ave b een o perational ( cf. R owland 1 978a). N ero, t herefore, s eems t o h ave made a n a ccurate a ssessment o f t he s ituation i n considering t he i sland p eaceful e nough t o b e r eturned t o t he s enate ( Meloni 1 975, 1 34), a nd t he f act t hat events a ppear t o h ave p roved h im p remature s hould n o more b e h eld t o h is d iscredit t han A ugustus' s imilar m iscalculation e arlier. Numismatic evidence c ombined w ith V espasian's r eclaiming S ardinia f or t he e mperor a llows u s t o h ypothesize a r ebellion s imilar to t he o ne i n B ritain w hich was put d own b y P etilius

1 09

C erialis

( Rowland

1 978b).

C onventional w isdom, h owever, p resents u s w ith a n a llegedly w ell-attested u prising during t he l ast y ears o f N ero's r eign, i .e., t he events r ecorded o n t he b ronze t ablet o f E sterzili ( CIL 1 0.7852 = I LS 5 947): a p eople c alled t he G allilenses, f requenter r etractantes n ec p arentes d ecreto a re warned ( not f or t he f irst t ime) t o b e quiet and t o l eave t he p raeda o f t he P atulcenses a nd t o h and over to t he l atter v acua _possessio; t hey a re f urther w arned n ot to p ersevere a ny l onger i n t heir c ontumacia l est t he a uctores s editionis b e d ealt w ith s everely. S ubsequently, t he G allilenses, s carcely a cting l ike t he c rude, s avage b arbarian l atrones portrayed i n modern d iscussion o f t he t ext, appealed t he government's o rder, s aying t hat t hey would d eliver a t abula ad e ar n r em p ertinens e x t abulario p rincipis ( cf. M illar 1 977, 2 63) a nd t hey l ater a sked f or f urther d elay o f t he e xecution o f t he o rder t o d epart, e xcusantibus quord n ondum f orma a llata e sset - i t would p erhaps n ot b e impertinent t o s uggest t hat, i n t he t urbulence o f N ero's l ast d ays, t he i mperial t abularium was malfunctioning even more t han u sual. No f urther d elays were g ranted. I f t hey h ad not d eparted b y a f ixed d ate f rom t he f ines o f t he P atulcenses ( now s tyled C ampani), quos p er v im o ccupaverant, t hey would p ay t he p enalty f or t heir l onqa contumacia. T hese e vents a re g enerally i nterpreted, w ith t he i nevitable m inor v ariations, a s a n i ncursion i nto t he a gricultural z one, p erhaps a round D olianova ( probably t he r egion r eferred t o b y V arro), s ettled b y C ampanian colonists, b y u nruly b arbaricini f rom G errei s lightly t o t he n ortheast. S uch i s t he g ist o f t he most r ecent a ccounts ( Meloni 1 975, 1 47-50; B onello L ai 1 981, u nnecessarily r ejecting t he r eported f ind s pot o f t he t ablet); a nd, i n a f orthcoming e ssay, A ttilio M astino ( 1984) s peaks o f t he G allilenses' a ttack. C learly, however, t hey a re s quatters, n ot i nvaders. T he a rea where t he i nscription w as f ound ( Spano 1 867) i s i n t he f ertile h igh p lain o f t he F lumendosa a nd was d iscovered b y a f armer w hile p loughing! E ven t hough we m ight not c onsider t he r egion b etween E sterzili, O rroli a nd E scalaplano a s p rime a gricultural l and, o ne c annot a rbitrarily d ecide t hat i t wasn't s uch i n t he R oman p eriod. C onflicts b etween s hepherds a nd f armers a re a dmittedly a well-attested r ecurring phenomenon i n S ardinian h istory, a nd may w ell a ccount f or much i f n ot a ll o f t he b rigandage we h ear a bout i n R oman a nd early m edieval t exts; b ut s uch t roublesome s hepherds p ass o n f airly quickly a nd d o not, l ike t he G allilenses, s ettle d own f or a l ong t ime i n s omeone's f ields ( and p resumably f arm t hem). A nd w hat s ort o f w andering b rigands c laim that t hey c an p roduce a d ocument f rom t he i mperial a rchives ( even i f, a pparently, t hey c annot i n the e nd f ollow t hrough)? C ertainly, t he G allilenses a re m ore t han crude ' acornb elching' mountainmen, a nd a p roper h istory o f t hese events must await a c areful e xploration a nd e xcavation o f t he z one. I ndeed, t o s um u p, a p roper h istory o f R oman S ardinia s till

1 10

Area

of Fia.2.

2 9 •

0

Fig.

8 .3.

L ocations

mentioned

1 11

i n

1 0

2 0

t he

3 0

4 0

text.

5 0 km.

K ey to 1 . 3 . 5 . 7 . 9 . 1 1. 1 3. 1 5. 1 7. 1 9. 2 1. 2 3. 2 5. 2 7. 2 9. 3 1. 3 3. 3 5.

F ig.

8 .3.

Austis. B itti. B orore. C agliari. C ornus. D orgali. E sterzili. L anusei. N ora. O lbia. O rroli. O schiri. P aulilatino. A nt i ocho. S amassi. S orgono. T eti. U ssassai.

2 . 4 . 6 . 8 . 1 0. 1 2. 1 4. 1 6. 1 8. 2 0. 2 2. 2 4. 2 6. 2 8. 3 0. 3 2. 3 4. 3 6.

B erchidda. B olotana. B urgos. C hilivani. D olianova. E scalaplano. F onni. Mores. Nuoro. O liena. O rtueri O zieri. P loaghe. B asilio. S erramanna. T empio. Tonara. V illasor.

r equires considerable e xcavation a nd f ieldwalking, complete and t imely publication, a n appreciation b y prehistorians t hat t he nuragic period continued well b eyond 2 38 B .C., a nd much c loser cooperation a nd mutual u nderstanding by a ll t hose who work on a ll phases o f premodern S ardinia.

Acknowledgments I am most g rateful to t he American C ouncil o f L earned S ocieties a nd to t he R esearch Council o f t he University o f M issouri f or p roviding t he f unds which made i t possible f or me t o a ttend t he T hird Conference of I talian A rchaeology. I am particularly grateful to E . v ersion o f t his paper, f or improvements.

B adian, who r ead a n earlier s ome h elpful s uggestions a nd

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Summary T he author d iscusses t he importance o f archaeological evidence f or t he student of t he p rovinces o f t he R oman empire a nd e xamines s ome problems a ssociated w ith t he R oman i nvasion o f S ardinia: t he earliest p hases of the i nvasion, t he a ftermath o f the r evolt o f H ampsicoras, and t he location of t he war against the B alari a nd t he I lienses. B efore a complete military h istory o f t he i sland c an b e written, more work must b e done i n i dentifying a nd excavating military b ases. The consequences of the w ars a re then r eviewed, particularly t he d epopulation of t he i nterior, t he problem o f t he R omanization o f the surviving i ndigenes, and t he e ffects on t he countryside of t he e nslavement of many t housands o f c aptives who were r elocated to the lowlands a nd converted i nto f armers. F inally, the author argues against t he t raditional i nterpretation o f the i nscription recorded o n t he b ronze t ablet o f E sterzili.

R iassunto L 'autore

d iscorre

l 'importanza

delle

documentazioni

a rchaeologiche per g li studiosi delle p rovincie dell' impero r omano e mette i n esame a lcuni problemi congiunti a ll'invasione romana d ella S ardegna: l e p rime f asi d ell' i nvasione, l e conseguenze d ella r ibellione d i H ampsicora, e l e ubicazioni d elle guerre contra i B alari e gli I lienses. P rima che u na s toria m ilitare p iü accurata d ell'isola S i p uö s crivere, molte d elle b asi m ilitari d evono i dentificarsi e molto r imane d a f arsi s cavando ed e saminando quelle b asi.

1 16

P oi, l 'autore m ette i n e same l e conseguenze d elle guerre, s opratutto l o s popolamento d ell'interno, i l p roblema d ella r omanizzione d egli i ndigeni s opravienti e g li e ffetti s ul t erreno d ella s chiavitü d i molte m ila d i p rigionieri c he furono t raslocati a lle p ianure e t rasformati i n contadini. F inalmente, l 'autore p resenta u n a rgomento contra l 'interpretazione t radizionale d ella i scrizione d ella t avola d i E sterzili.

1 17

9 .

Maddalena

I UVANUM:

S CAVI

E R ICERCHE 1 980-83

A romatario, N atalina C iacio, L uisella D ella E manuella F abbricotti, V alentina T ritapepe

V alle,

D al 1 980 l 'Istituto d i Archeologia dell'Universitä d i Chieti collabora con la S oprintendenza Archeologica de 11'Ab ru zzo per lo scavo di Iuvan um , i n co mun e di Montenerodomo . I i t oponimo d el l uogo ä a ccertato i n e ta romana, s ia i n u n'epigrafe del 3 52/7 d .C . ( CIL I X, 2 956), s ia i n b olli l aterizi. Ma c ome s i c hiamava i i c entro i talico s acrale d el quale r estano t racce s ulla p iccola a cropoli c he s ovrasta l a c ittä r omana? L o i gnoriamo e n on p ossiamo n eanche g iovarci delle f onti l etterarie, perche esse t acciono tragica mente s u questa l ocalitä, pur importante s ede d i un s antuario i n eta s annitica e d i una g rande c ittä i n e ta r omana ( Plate 9 .1; F ig. 9 .1). nostri scavi s i sono svolti i n due d irezioni: 1 ) g ettare u n p o 'di l uce s ul s antuario c he, verso i l 1 200, f u t otalmente r imaneggiato d alla c ostruzione d i u n p iccolo monastero c istercense, e nel 1 800 d a una casa c olonica e f orse d a u na s trada d i a ccesso . I i monastero h a u sato c ome materiale d a c ostruzione q uello d ei d ue t empli italici e dei monumenti pubblici e privati della c ittä r omana, l a c asa c olonica i l materiale d el monastero, f orse d istrutto d a u n t erremoto o ltre c he d all'abbandono; 2 ) t entare d i recuperare l e s tratigrafie perdute i n s cavi affrettati del dopoguerra, durante l o ' sterro' c he ha messo i n l uce l a p iazza d el F oro e g li e difici a nnessi. D al 1 983 poi c i s iamo a nche o ccupati d el t erritorio i uvanense, l e s ue vie d i collegamento, i suoi confini, i suoi s istemi difensivi. I primi r isultati e alcune i potesi i nterpretative sa ran no pre sen tati dalla s ignora Mad dale na Aromatario ( M.A .), e dalla dr.ssa Luisella D ella Valle mentre a lle d ottoresse V alentina T ritapepe ( V .T .) e Natalina C iacio ( N .C.) ä s tato a ffidato i i r esoconto del nostro scavo nella z ona oltre l 'angolo S-E del F oro e l 'illustrazione s torico-archeologica d el s ito r omano. I n z ona montagnosa i nterna, t ra il P arello, l a Maiella, l 'Aventino e i i S angro, s i estende i l t erritorio che i n a ntico, s e a ccettiamo l 'ipotesi d i A . L a R egina ( 1967, 8 9, 9 2 e 9 6) era abitato dai C arecini I nfernates. I nsieme a i Supernates, ai P entri, a i Caudini e a gli I rpini, essi formarono a lla f ine V-inizio I V s ec. a .C. l a L ega sannitica, r icordata d a L ivio ( 7, 1 0, 4 ),quando nel 3 54 a .C. f irmö i i t rattato c on R oma . D ei C arecini meridionali c onosciamo molto po co archeologicamente: alcuni r itrovamenti s poradici ( D 'Ercole i n c orso d i s ta inpa), l a t omba d i T orricella P eligna ( Cianfarani 1978, 360), la falera di C ivitaluparella

1 19

P late

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d i

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1 20

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9 .1.

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1 21

d i

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( Cianfarani 1 978, 3 59), t ombe v an e i n l ocalitä C ivitella M esser R aimondo e L ama d e'Peligni ( Notizie d egli S cavi 1 891, 2 96 e 3 23), b ronzetti d a G essopalena ( Raimondi 1 906, 1 50) e d a L ama d e'Peligni ( Cianfarani 1 978, 3 77) ed e lementi d i u na t omba s convolta d i I V s ec. a .C. a I uvanum, a ncora i nedita. V an e c inte f ortificate s ono p erö s ignificative: e sse s ono a guardia d i u n'importante a rteria d i c omunicazione ( via o t ratturo). D i queste, l 'unica c he a vrebbe p otuto contenere u n abitato, mai r invenuto, ä M ontenerodomo c he mette i n comunicazione a ncora o ggi i i p ianoro v icino a lla s orgente d i I uvanum, d etta d i S . M aria d el P alazzo, c on C ivitaluparella e poi con Q uadri e l a z ona i nterna d ei S anniti P entri. L a p resenza d ella s orgente ä s tata d eterminante p er l a s celta d el l uogo d i c ostruzione d i u n s antuario d a p arte d egli i talici; p resso d i e ssa c on t utta p robabilitä s ostavano l e g reggi durante l a t ransumanza. L a l ocalitä ä i mpervia e n on v i s ono a ltre g iustificazioni; i gnoriamo s e l 'acqua f osse s emplicemente a bbondante o s e a vesse v irtü t erapeutiche. Non s ono s tati t rovati e x-voto a natomici a t estimoniarlo, d 'altra p arte t utta l a z ona d el s antuario ä s tata s convolta non s olo d alla c ostruzione d el monastero e d ella p iü t arda c asa c olonica, ma d a u sanze monastiche, c ome quella d i s eppellire i d efunti n eu e v icinanze i mmediate d ella C hiesa ( Fig. 9 .2). P robabilmente l a parte s uperiore d ella c ollina f u t rasformata i n s antuario ( Plate 9 .2) n el c orso o v erso l a f ine d el I V s ec. a .C., p erchä e ssa f u c inta d i mura. I i t emenos, o ra n on p iü s eguibile i n o gni s ua p arte, e ra i n muro p oligonale, e stremamente r egolare e a g randi b locchi s ul l ato N ord ( Plate 9 .3), a b locchi d i d imensioni m inori e s istemati c on u na t ecnica meno a ccurata l ungo i t ratti v isibili o rientale e d o ccidentale. O vviamente S i ä t enuto c onto d el l ato maggiormente i n v ista, quello s ettentrionale, c he n on a veva p orte d i a ccesso p erchä l a muratura ä continua; quindi l 'entrata a lla z ona s acra s i t rovava a ltrove, f orse s ul l ato o rientale, doviä a ncora o ggi. P robabilmente a ll'inizio i i t emenos r acchiudeva u n'area s acra s enza t empli, s e l a s ua d atazione v a p osta n el c orso d el I V s ec. a .C. i n a nalogia a lle molte m ura i taliche d ella z ona, costruite c ioä quando l a c ivitas S amnitium ( Liv. 8 , 2 3, 6 ) s i e spande v erso l a C ampania, e i n p revisione d i g uerre ed i nvasioni, munisce l e s ue a lture d i f ortificazioni. A ll'interno e i n p osizione c entrale, v iene costruito u n t empio, d etto A ( Plate 9 .4), c he ä quello c he h a s ubito d anni i rreparabili d alla c ostruzione d el monastero d i S . M aria d el P alazzo; n on è s tato n eanche p ossibile r ilevarne l 'intera p ianta. L a C hiesa d el C onvento f u costruita s opra l a m etä s inistra d el t empio, i n u n momento i n cui e sso e ra d el t utto i nterrato; i nfatti i i l ivello d ella C hiesa ä d i o ltre m .1 p iü a lto d i quello d el t empio. D i questo r esta i i l ato s ettentrionale d el b asamento ( m. 1 4.60) e d ella c ella ( m. 1 0.40). P robabilmente i v an i f rammenti d i f usti d i c olomna d i d iam. cm.82, s parsi u n p o'dappertutto, a nche a i

1 22

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p iedi d ella c ollina verso l a s orgente, a ppartengono a questo e dificio, c he d oveva e ssere t etrastilo; non v i s ono t racce d i c apitelli. L a pietra d el t empio ä porosa e p resenta evidenti s egni d i i ncendio; l a d istruzione c on i ] f uoco avvenne f orse d urante i l passaggio d i A nnibale, c ome p er i l t empio d i A lfedena. A ll'inizio d el I I s ec. a .C. f u c ostruito u n s econdo t empio, a lla d istanza d i m .2.95 e p arallelo. M isura 6 2 X 3 0 p iedi o sco-sannitici d i cm. 2 7.5; a veva u na g radinata i ncassata ed u n a lzato molto s imile a quello d el t empio d i C ampochiaro ( 1982, 2 7) ( Plate 9 .5). S i conservano i muri p erimetrali d ella c ella e d el p ronao e l e a ssise d i f ondazione d el t empio c he s ono r inforzate s ul l ato N ord d ove i l p iano d ella c ollina g iä d eclinava, p er p areggiare l a quota c entrale. L a p ietra d i c ostruzione ä quella l ocale, s imile a quella u sata a nche n egli edifici d el s ottostante p ianoro. U n s aggio condotto n ell'estate 1 983 nel c orridoio t ra i d ue t empli, h a r estituito u no s traterello a rcheologico i ntonso s otto l 'angolo S -W con c eramica a v ernice n era, monete b ronzee r omane i n o ttime condizioni, quindi messe appositamente a c onsacrazione d el t empio u na l ucerna s imile a C ampochiaro n .45. I i t empio f u quindi c ostruito d opo i i p assaggio d i A nnibale, f orse i n s ostituzione d i quello i ncendiato e poi a bbandonato e , n el p eriodo d i m assima f ioritura d ell'architettura t emplare n el S annio d ei P entri, momenta c he ä g iä s tato m esso i n r apporto con l 'aiuto d ato d a R oma a i s anniti c he non s i a llearono c on A nnibale. L o s tesso t rattamento d i f avore ebbero f orse i C arecini. P urtroppo ambedue i t empli i uvanensi s ono conservati p er u n'altezza molto l imitata, cosi n on s iamo s icuri s e e ssi a vessero p odia o ppure n o. I l r itrovamento d i u n f rammento d i c ornice a gala r ovescia ( Plate 9 .6) c e l o f a s upporre a lmeno i n u n c aso. S i t ratta d el t ipo S chiavi t empio g rande, Quadri e P ietrabbondante t empio A . L ungo i l p endio r ivolto v erso l a s orgente, f u poi c ostruito u n t eatro ( Plate 9 .7-9.8), c on l a c avea t otalmente a ddossata a lla collina; e sso ä , n ella parce i nferiore d ella g radinata, a bbastanza b en conservato, ma l a s umma cavea ä d el t utto s comparsa p er l a costruzione d i u na s trada che c onduce a lla c asa c olonica o ppure a ddirittura p iü a ntica i n f unzione d el monastero. L 'area c ircostante i i t eatro ä s convolta e n on ä s tato p ossibile n ä r itrovare per o ra u na s tratigrafia i ntatta, n ä a lmeno s apere s e i l t eatro e ra i nglobato n el t emenos d el s antuario, ovviamente a llargato a ll'uopo o s e n e r imaneva f uori. 1 1 t eatro n on ä i n a sse con i l t empio B , c he d oveva e ssere l 'unico i n p iedi, a l momento d ella s ua costruzione; n on r ientra quindi i n quella ' moda' d egli i mpianti s cenografici t ardo-ellenistici ( Gabi, T ivoli, P alestrina) c he c ulminavano c on i l t empio. Q uindi a nche p er l a d atazione

1 25

P late 9 .6. F r. d i cornice g ala r ovescia.

P late. 9 .7. T eatro.

P late. 9 .8. T eatro.

P late. 9 .9. a . M ti. P izzi. b . L iscia P alazzo. c . M assiccio d ella M aiella.

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non s i possono c he avanzare i potesi: i l t eatro n on ä s tato c ostruito i n e ta r omana, m a f orse s olo r estaurato s pecie n ella f rons s cenae p er adattarlo a lle e sigenze d elle nuove rappresentazioni. I i g rande i mpianto d ella c ittä romana ä d ella p rima m etä d el I s ec.d.C. e c ertamente i i t eatro, t utto i n p ietra, s enza p articolari a ccorgimenti murari che t radiscono u na t ecnica r omana, ä v icino a l t eatro p iccolo d i P ompei a nche s e meno s ofisticato, p erchä p robabilmente p iü a ntico. U na s ua costruzione d opo l a guerra s ociale è i mpensabile e n on r imane c he r itenerlo p recedente ad e ssa, f orse poco p rima d ella costruzione d el t eatro-tempio d i P ietrabbondante. I n conclusione, s embra c he l a z ona c he f u p oi c hiamata I uvanum abbia avuto u n s antuario o rganizzato f in d alla f ine d el I II s ec. a .C., a guardia d ella r icca s orgente, d el t raffico ( bestiame e /o c ommercio) e a controllo d elle g reggi t ransumanti v erso i l S angro. P robabilmente i i s antuario ä n ato i n f unzione e p er l a p rotezione d ei p astori e d el gregge d a p arte d ei p redoni ( Zonaras 8 , 7 ) ed a poco a poco s i ä t rasformato, a rricchendosi, i n o rganismo p olitico d i c ontrollo e d i d ogana. L a c ostruzione d i u n s antuario c on t empli e t eatro n on ä c erto s tata f inanziata d alla popolazione c arecina, c he v iveva v icatim e i n p arte t ransumante, ma ä d ovuta a qualche f attore p er o ra s conosciuto c he h a f atto p rediligere l a s trada o i i t ratturo a ttraverso I uvanum ( e c on l a s trada u n f lusso d i v isitatori e d i r icchezza) p iuttosto c he a ltri, f orse p iü a gevoli. S e a d e s. l o s pirito i ndipendente d ei S anniti n on a vesse v oluto i ncontrare elementi r omani s ul s uo a bituale c ammino, p er s cendere d alla z ona d ei V estini, M arsi e P eligni a l F oggiano, n on c 'era c he d a evitare I sernia, c olonia romana g iä d al 2 63 a .C. e quindi ' girare a l l argo' d all'ultima parte d ella v ia c he s arä l a M inucia e d a quella della V al R oveto controllata a lle due e stremitä d alle c olonie r omane d el 3 03 a .C. ( Alba F ucens e S ora). L a f ondazione d i I sernia i n u n n odo s tradale s trategioo c ertamente d isturbava chi n on v oleva e ssere c ontrollato. P ochi s ono i t empli i talici d i I II s ec. a .C. c onosciuti ( Alfedena, P ietrabbondante, I uvanum, f orse C ampochiaro), molti sono quelli d i I I s ec. a .C. i ncrementati e r estaurati p rima d ella guerra s ociale, quando o ltre t utto s e ne c ostruiscono d i n uovi ( S. G iovanni i n G aldo, S chiavi t empio p iccolo, A tessa, P ietrabbondante t empio B ). N on s i t ratta quindi d i s entimento r eligioso, c he h a a vuto i mpulsi nuovi, ma d i o rganizzazione politico-economica. l 'intensificarsi d ei s antuari n el I I s ec.a. C . n asconde s otto motivi r eligiosi, l a possibilitä d i comunicazioni i ndisturbate p erchä l ontane d alle s trade c ontrollate d ai Romani, d i d iffusione d ella p ropaganda p olitica e i nfine della p reparazione a lla r ivolta contro R oma. L a i nfatti n on s opravvive a lla s confitta e i s antuari cadono i n abbandono e ccetto quelli c he s i a ppoggiano a n uovi nuclei u rbani ( è i i c aso d i I uvanum e d i S ulmona). L 'accentuarsi

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1 27

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I uvanum n el I I s ec. a .C. con l a costruzione d el t eatro s embra i ndicare u na s ede d i r iunioni, c erto n on u sata d ai s oli a bitanti d el t erritorio c arecino m eridionale, i n g ran parte p astori, ma p robabilmente p er a ssemblee d ecisionali n el p eriodo d i p reparazione a lla r ivolta. S i potrebbe a ddirittura s ospettare a I uvanum u n c entro pans annitico come quello c he s arä edificato a P ietrabbondante a ll'inizio d el I s ec. a .C. ( Iuvanum e P ietrabbondante s ono i due u nici s antuari c on t eatro), quando f orse l 'atteonzione e i p reparativi m ilitari s i concentrano n ella z ona pentra, mentre i P eligni s i a vvicinano a i V estini e a i M arsi. ( E.F.) I uvanum ed preliminare

i i t erritorio d ei C arecini s ulle s trutture d ifensive.

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S econdo u na n ota e d a ccreditata i potesi d i u n p asso p liniano ( N.H., 3 , 1 06) l a parte s ud o rientale d ell'Abruzzo moderno ( assegnato a lla r egio I V d alla d ivisione a ugustea) e ra o ccupata d al g ruppo e tnico s annitico d ei C arecini, d istinti i n S upernates e I nfernates ( La R egina 1 967) r ispettivamente c on i c entri d i C luviae e I uvanum, c entri questi c he r icevettero l a municipalitä e c he d ocumentano continuitä d i v ita a lmeno f ino a l I V s ec.d.C. L a s opravvivenza d el n ome d ella popolazione d ocumentata d a d ue t oponimi: F onte C arracina, n ei p ressi d i C luviae, e S erra C arracino, a n ord d el Guado d i C occia, n el t erritorio d ei C arecini I nfernates. D elimitare i l confine t erritoriale a ll'interno d i questo g ruppo e cosa a lquanto p roblematica a c ausa d el l 'assenza d i u na a deguata d ocumentazione a rcheologica e d ella mancanza d i u n p rogramma d i r icerche, c oncretizzatosi p eraltro s olo u ltimamente, i nteso a lla conoscenza d i questo t erritorio n ell'etä p recedente l a conquista r omana. Abbiamo comunque t entato, s ia pure c on molte p erplessitä ed i ncertezze ed a ccettando p arzialmente i potesi g iä p recedentemente f ormulate ( La R egina 1 967, 9 9), d i d elimitare l a z ona d 'influenza d ei C arecini I nfernates soprattutto i n b ase a d u na a ttenta a nalisi d el t erritorio ( Fig. 9 .3); i l r isultato p erö n on i ntende a ssumere v alore d efinitivo e v a considerato c ome u na i potesi d i l avoro d a v erificare i n f uture s ulla b ase, s i s pera, d i n uove a cquisizioni c he p otrebbero emergere d a contesti d i s cavo. I l confine c on i F rentani e ra d elimitato a d o riente d al m edio c orso d el S angro e , a n ord e st, d al p ercorso d ell'ultimo t ratto d ell'Aventino p rima d ella confluenza c on i i S angro; a n ord o vest i i t orrente V erde, a ffluente dell'Aventino, e l e p endici d el M onte A maro d ovevano d elimitare l a z ona d 'influenza t ra l e due c omunitä c arecine mentre i l M assiccio d ella M aiella, a d ovest, c ostituiva i i confine n aturale con i P eligni. D iversamente d ai confini moderni c he, i n p resenza d i c atene montuose c orrono s ullo s partiacque, i n a ntico e ssi d ovevano e ssere t racciati n eu e z one p edemontane e ssendo l a montagna s fruttata i n c omune, p er

1 29

i p ascoli e stivi, d alle d ue c omunitä confinanti ( Letta 1 972, 1 10). I l c onfine m eridionale, c he d ivideva l 'area c arecina d a quella p entra, d oveva e ssere t racciato l ungo u na l inea curva c he p artiva d alle f alde d el M onte S ecine e , s eguendo i i corso d el t orrente P arello, a rrivava f ino a l S angro. N on e e scluso p erö c he e sso s ia d a t racciare u n po'piü a s ud e c he d ebba i ncludere a nche i i t erritorio d ei c entri moderni d i G amberale, P izzoferrato e Quadri; quest'ultimo, cui s i ä a ttribuito n on c on c ertezza i i n ome d i T rebula ( La R egina 1 967, 9 2), p otrebbe b en a ver f atto p arte d el t erritorio d i I uvanum d al momenta c he n on s embra p resentare c aratteristiche t ali d a d oversi r iconoscere i n e sso qualcosa d i p iü d i u n modesto i nsediamento v icano. L a

c aratteristica f isica d ell'area d i c ompetenza d ei C arecini I nfernates ä p revalentemente montuosa, c arattere, questo, c he h a s enz'altro c ondizionato l e s celte e conomiche d el p aese ed i i t ipo d i i nsediamento. L a p resenza d i r ilievi c on buoni p ascoli e stivi d eve a ver d ato p articolare i mpulso a ll'industria a rmentizia ed a lle a ttivitä a d e ssa c omplementari, quali l 'agricoltura ed i l c ommercio, p raticate p iü a v alle. N el p eriodo p recedente l a c onquista r omana, i i t ipo d i i nsediamento qui d iffuso, c ome d el r esto s u tutta l a d orsale a ppenninica abruzzese e molisana, d oveva e ssere r appresentato d ai c entri f ortificati posti s u p osizioni e levate e s celti i n modo d a f avorire e fficienti c ontatti r eciproci; e ssi e rano i n s tretta r elazione c on g li a gglomerati d i t ipo v icano, s parsi n eu e v allate s ottostanti, c on i quali f ormavano u n s istema i ntegrato p er i l c ontrollo s ia d ei t racciati s tradali e d ei r elativi t raffici s ia d ei p ascoli e d ei t erreni c olt i vati. N on possiamo d ire p er o ra quale d ei c entri d a n oi i ndividuati corrisponda a d u no s tanziamento v icano; ä c erto c omunque c he, a nche quando s i s ia v erificata tale c orrispond enza t opografica, i l c entro f ortificato n on e m ai s tato d i c ompetenza d i u n s olo v icus, m a d eve a ver svolto l a s ua f unzione n on t anto s ingolarmente, m a c oordinato c on a ltri s parsi n ella z ona i n r apporto a d u na i ntera c omunitä l a quale, t ra l 'altro, n on s i i dentificava c on u n s olo c entro abitato, come n el c aso d elle c iviltä u rbanizzate, ma c on u n ambito t erritoriale a bbastanza v asto ( La R egina 1 980, 3 8). L a r icognizione s ul t erritorio, a ncora p arziale e d i ncompleta, c oadiuvata a nche d a u na p reliminare r icerca s u mappe, c arte t opografiche e t estimonianze d irette d ella g ente d el l uogo, c i h a p ermesso d i i dentificare u na s erie d i r ecinti f ortificati, i nterdipendenti e concatenati, g ravit anti i ntorno a l s ito d i I uvanum. 1 1 p rimo c entro f ortificato, partendo d a ovest e quindi d all'immediato confine c on i P eligni, e quello s ituato s ul M onte C ampanile ( m. 1 789), d ove i l D e N ino, a lla f ine d el s ecolo s corso, notava avanzi d i u na c inta poligonale ( De N ino 1 905, 2 2); i l monte ä munito d i d ifese n aturali, s oprattutto

1 30

P late. 9 .10. L iscia P alazzo: P assaggio t ra due p areti d i r occia.

P late. 9 .11. Montenerodomo. a-b. F ortificazioni d el v ersante o ccidentale. c . M onte P allano

P late. 9 .12. Montenerodomo: r esti d ella c inta muraria o ccidentale

P late. 9 .13. Montenerodomo: r esti d ella c inta muraria orientale.

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n el v ersante s ud o ccidentale, e d omina l 'intera c onca d i S ulmona e , s ull'opposto v ersante o rientale, l 'alta V alle d ell'Aventino, i l M onte S ecine e , p iü i n lontananza, i r ilievi d el S annio s ettentrionale. I i centro, posto n eu e i mmediate v icinanze d el Guado d i C occia ( m.1605) - p asso c he f ornisce u na r apida e a gevole v ia d i c omunicazione c on i l t erritorio p eligno - doveva e ssere posto a c ontrollo d i u n t racciato v iario che, p artendo d a S ulmona e a ttraversando i c entri d i C anzano e d i C ampo d i G iove, p assava p er i l G uado d i C occia e , i noltrandosi p er i l V allone d i C occi, r aggiungeva P alena p er poi d irigersi v erso I uvanum. N on m ancano, l ungo questo i tinerario, t estimonianze i ndicanti i nsediamenti a ntichi, t ombe ( sia a rcaiche c he d i epoca r omana) e t racce d i s trade s cavate, per alcuni t ratti, n ella r occia ( Notizie d egli S cavi 1 886, 4 30; 1 891, 2 95; 1 896, 2 38; 1 899, 4 99; 1 901, 4 07; 1 905, 2 2; 1 955, 8 4). D a n otare i noltre c he i i c entro d i S erra C ampanile S i t rova s ulla s tessa l inea d el c omplesso f ortificato d el C olle M itra-Pacile ( Mattiocco 1 981, F ig. 1 9), i n z ona p eligna, i i quale ä posto a c ontrollo d i u na i mportante a rteria a rmentizia ( l'attuale t ratturo C elano-Foggia) e d i t racciati s econdari c he d a e ssa r isalgono v erso C ansano, C ampo d i G iove ed i i Guado d i C occia ( Mattiocco 1 981, 5 1). N el territorio d i L ettopalena, s ul C olle C astellano, s i r ileva un altro c entro f ortificato ( posto p en ! ) p iü a n ord e st d i S erra C ampanile e a d u na quota p iü b assa) c he p resenta avanzi d i mura poligonali, a d oppio paramento e con p ietraia d i r iempimento, d isposte s ui l ati n ord e st, ovest e s ud e st d el colle. S upponiamo c he i i c entro n on a bbia a vuto l a s tessa i mportanza s trategica d i S erra C ampanile, ma d eve aver e sercitato f unzioni d i controllo l imitate a l p rimo t ratto d ell'Aventino e d ella v alle c ircostante e d i u n qualche percorso a rmentizio c he p ortava v erso i p ascoli d ella M aiella e d ei M onti P izzi. Non ä e scluso c he n ei p ressi d el r ecinto f ortificato v i s ia s tato u n a gglomerato d i t ipo v icano v ista l 'abbondanza d i f ramenti f ittili s parsi n ell'area c ircostante e l a p resenza d i s epolture r invenute n el l ato s ud d el colle ( Notizie d egli S cavi 1 901, 4 08). S ulla r iva s inistra d ell'Aventino, n el c omune d i L ama d ei P eligni, i l D e N ino n otava, i n c ontrada C asali S . S ilvestro, r esti d i u na c inta p oligonale d i p rima maniera i nseriti t ra r uderi m edieval!. A l momento i i s ito n on ä s tato a ncora i ndagato, m a l a p resenza d i u n i nsediamento f ortificato n on d esterebbe a lcuna m eraviglia, v isti i numerosi r invenimenti d i s epolture c on materiale i talico a ttestate n ella z ona; i l s ito, t ra l 'altro, documenta u na a ssidua f requentazione d all'epoca p reistorica s ino a ll'etä i mperiale ( Cianfarani 1 978, 3 67; N otizie d egli S cavi 1 891, 2 96; 1 896, 7 4; 1 899, 3 60). V erso i l c onfine m eridionale d el t erritorio, s ulla s erie d i a lture c he v anno s otto i l n ome complessivo d i M onti P izzi ( quota m assima m . 1 544), e sistono i ndizi d ella p resenza d i mura p oligonali s u u na d elle c ime; a ttualmente c i s iamo l imitati a ll'indagine d ella p rima c ima, i n d irezione nord, conosciuta s otto i l n ome d i L iscia P alazzo ( Plate 9 .9). L a

1 32

r icognizione s ul p osto h a p erö evidenziato s olo s carse o pere d i t errazzamento e cumuli d i p ietrame c ertamente n on i dentificabili c on mura d i t ipo p oligonale; a nche pochi f rammenti c eramici r invenuti, s enz'altro i ndice d i f requentazione a ntica, s ono s carsamente c aratterizzati e n on c i permettono d i operare a lcuna a ttribuzione c erta e d i s uggerire u na qualsiasi d atazione. I l p icco, c he s i a rticola i n v an i p ianori d i d imensioni v eramente modeste, ä c ircondato d a a lte pareti n aturali d i r occia e d e a ccessibile, n on p roprio agevolmente, d al l ato n ord ovest d ove, d opo u n'erta s alita, u n passaggio s cavato t ra d ue p areti d i r occia ( Plate 9 .10) d ä a ccess ( ) a l p ianoro p iü a lto. L a t opografia d el l uogo n on o ffre i ndizi sufficienti p er i potizzare u na f requentazione a ssidua; s i s arä t rattato p iuttosto d i u n avamposto d islocato l ungo u na d elle p rincipali v ie d i a ccesso a l c entro f ortificato c ollocato s u u na d elle a lture s uccessive a c ui p resumibilmente s pettava l 'immediato controllo d ei p ascoli d elle v allate s ottostanti, d el confine meridionale d el t erritorio e d el V alico d ella F orchetta, a ltro passo a bbastanza a gevole p er l e comunicazioni c on i l t erritorio p eligno. O ltre i M onti P izzi, p rocedendo v erso e st, ä s ituato i i c omplesso f ortificato f ormato d alle a lture d i M onte d i M aio, Monte C alvario e M onte P idocchio ( Cuomo 1 977, 8 6) d isposto, s econdo u n s istema t riangolare, n ell'area i mmediatamente c ircostante i i s ito d i I uvanum. L a s tretta v icinanza d ei t re c entri pone d ei p roblemi d i i nterpretazione che, a lb os tato a ttuale d elle n ostre c onoscenze, non s ono d i f acile s oluzione; n on s iamo c erti s e s i d ebbano considerare i c entri d i M onte d i M aio e d i M onte P idocchio c ome d ipendenti d al c entro maggiore d i M onte C alvario d ove, i n e poca p osteriore, s orse l 'abitato d i Montenerodomo, o s e o gnuno d i e ssi v ada considerato a s ä s tante e c on p roprie f unzioni s pecifiche. P er i l momento mancando d ati d i s cavo, n essuna r isposta ä possibile e c i l imitiamo s olo a s ottolineare l a s tretta d ipendenza topografica d ei t re c entri c he s aranno s tati i mmediatamente f unzionali a lle popolazioni s tanziate n elle v allate c ircostanti e , i n u n contesto d ifensivo p iü ampio, f unzionali a t utto i l t erritorio d ominato quasi i nteramente d a e ssi; v erso o riente, i noltre, s ono v isibili a nche l e f ortificazioni f rentane d i M onte P allano ( Plate 9 .11/c) attraverso l e quali e ra p ossibile i i c ontrollo d elle c oste adriatiche ( Colonna 1 955; C uomo P ellegrino 1 976). I i c entro f ortificato s u cui s i i mpianta l 'attuale abitato d i M ontenerodomo ( m. 1 200) e s ituato s ul M onte C alvario; 1 1 l uogo e p rovvisto, i n quasi t utto I l suo perimetro, d i d ifese n aturali a rticolate i n r ipidi pendii i ntervallati d a s trapiombi r occiosi; f u n ecessario r afforzare l e d ifese n aturali c on u na c inta muraria s olo n eu e quote p iü b asse ed i n p rossimitä d i p ianori c he avrebbero p otuto c ostituire u na v ia d i f acile a ccesso a l centro ( Plate 9 .12). D a u na p reliminare r icognizione s ul s ito S i e p otuto i ndividuare l 'andamento d elle mura che, partendo d al v ersante o ccidentale, p recisamente

1 33

d ietro l 'attuale c abina E nel, e i ntervallate d a pareti r occiose ( Plates 9 .11/a-b; 9 .12), c ircondano t utto i i v ersante o rientale ( Plates 9 .13, 9 .14) p er p oi i nterrnmp-r d i n p resenza d i s trapiombi n aturali. L a c inta s egue f edelmente i l p iano d el t erreno ed i b locchi, c ertamente l avorati i n l oco v ista l 'abbondanza d i b anchi rocciosi, s ono r udimentalmente s bozzati e p osti g li u ni s ugli a ltri c ercando d i f ar combaciare i i p iü possibile i l ati i rregolari d ei p oligoni; n egli s pazi d i r isulta s ono i nseriti cunei d i c alzatura. I b locchi d el p rimo f ilare s ono s tati i mpiantati i n u n a lloggiamento s cavato n el t erreno e sono d i d imensioni m inori r ispetto a quelli s ovrastanti; t ale a ccorgimento S i r ese n ecessario p er c onferire a lla muraglia u na maggiore s oliditä e r isolvere parzialmente i l problema d ella s carsa connessione d ovuta a l t aglio i rregolare. I l p aramento a nteriore ä l eggermente i nclinato v erso i l p endio d el monte, mentre n on s i ä potuto o sservare i l p aramento posteriore e l a p ietraia d i r iempimento t ra i d ue a c ausa d ell'interro d ella p arte superiore d el muro. L e mura d el s ettore o ccidentale s ono meglio c onservate r ispetto a quelle d el s ettore orientale d ove r imangono i b locchi d i b ase e , s olo i n alcuni punti, d ue f ile d i e ssi. D ate l e c aratteristiche s trutturali l a muraglia ä d a a ssegnare a lla p rima maniera costruttiva d el L ugli. E sito n egativo h a d ato l a r icerca d i eventuali porte, c ertamente d istrutte d allo sviluppo u rbanistico d el c entro moderno; s upponiamo c he, p er a nalogia c on a ltri r ecinti meglio conosciuti, e sse d ovevano e ssere p oste n ei punti meno e levati e d i p iü f acile a ccesso. U na d i e sse d oveva a prirsi s ul l ato s ettentrionale n el p unto, a ll'incirca, d ove l 'attuale s trada r otabile c he v iene d a I uvanum e ntra a M onte C alvario; i l avori p er l a c ostruzione d ella s trada p otrebbero averla d emolita. Non ä e scluso c he g li odierni s entieri c he d al v ersante o ccidentale portano v erso M onte d i M aio o l a c arrareccia c he d al l ato s ud s i d in ge v erso M onte P idocchio r icalchino percorsi a ntichi e , i punti d a cui s i d ipartono, i ndichino l 'ubicazione d elle a ltre p orte. A l momento n on s i ä c erti d ella f unzione e sercitata d a questo c entro e c ioä se f osse u tilizzato p er s copi p rettamente m ilitari e d ifensivi o s e, i n c onsiderazione d ella m aggiore e stensione r ispetto a gli a ltri due i mmediatamente v icini, p otesse a ccogliere u n i nsediamento s tabile s ui v an i p ianori l ungo i quali S i s noda l 'attuale abitato. L 'analisi d i s uperficie non h a r estituito, p er o ra, r eperti s ignificativi; confidiamo c he i n f uturo, d a eventuali c ontesti d i s cavo, p ossano v enire i n n ostro p ossesso maggiori e lementi c he c i permettano d i c hiarire l a d estinazione e l a durata d el s ito. A b reve d istanza d a M onte C alvario e a s ud o vest d i e sso s i e rge l 'altura d i M onte d i M aio ( m. 1 234) l a c ui s ommitä ä f ormata d a a lmeno t re p ianori abbastanza v asti c he a vrebbero potuto o spitare, i n c aso d i emergenze p articolari, a bitanti ed a rmenti s parsi n egli i nsediamenti a v alle. L e f ortificazioni qui r ilevate costituiscono u n s istema

1 34

P late. 9 .14. M ontenerodomo: f ortificazioni d el v ersante o rientale a S anta M aria d el P alazzo.

P late. 9 .15. Monte d i M aio: c inta e sterna, v ersante o rientale.

P late. 9 .16. Monte d i M aio: c inta i nterna, p ietraia d i r iempiemento.

P late. 9 .17. E pigrafie d i Cornelia S alonina.

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d ifensivo a rticolato c he s frutta i b anchi d i r occia a ffioranti n el v ersante n ord o rientale mentre, n el s ettore o ccidentale, a lte p areti r occiose p rovvedono i i r ecinto d i u na o ttima d ifesa n aturale; n on m ancano a nche i n questo s ettore i ndizi d i mura p redisposte a c hiudere i v archi l asciati a perti d alla n atura ma, l a f olta v egetaziune e sistente a l t empo d ella nostra r icognizione p reliminare, non n e h a p ermesso l 'accertamento come n on h a r eso p ossibile s eguire i nteramente i l p ercorso d elle mura. I i s ettore nord o rientale ä p rovvisto d i u na d oppia c inta muraria c ostruita c on l a s tessa t ecnica u sata p er l e mura d i M onte C alvario. I b locchi p resentano p erö u na a pparecchiatura m eno a ccurata t anto c he, i n a lcuni punti, e ssi non c ombaciano perf ettamente e c reano g rossi s pazi d i r isulta c he n on s empre s ono r iempiti d a z eppe d i c alzatura ( Plate 9 .15); i noltre, n ella p arte o rientale, l a muraglia p resenta m assi d i d imensioni p iuttosto r idotte i nseriti n ei f ilari s uperiori: p robabiliente c i s i t rova d i f ronte a ll'incontro d i maestranze d iverse o a d u na r icostruzione d i u n t ratto d elle mura. I i p aramento posteriore non ä b en v isibile a c ausa d el s uo p arziale i nterro mentre ä b en i n v ista l o s pazio i nterposto t ra i due p aramenti c he ä r iempito con p ietrame m inuto ( Plate 9 .16). L 'esame d i s uperficie n on h a r estituito m ateriali s ignificativi c he c i p ermettono d i p roporre u na qualsiasi d atazione, n ä l a t ecnica p iü rozza r ispetto a lle mura d i M onte C alvario d epone a f avore d i u na maggiore a ntichitä d i questo c entro r ispetto a ll'altro. M onte d i M aio d ovette avere c omunque u na i mportanza s trategica p iuttosto notevole i n quanto d a e sso ä p ossibile controllare t utto i l l imite o ccidentale d el t erritorio; ä d a n otare i noltre c he , insieme a l C olle d ella G uardia t oponimo p iuttosto s uggestivo e l uogo n on f acilmente a ccessibile - e M onte C alvario v iene a c reare u no sbarramento d i f orma s emi- c ircolare i ntorno a lle v allate s ottostanti i n u na d elle quali ä posto i l s ito d i I uvanum. L a p arte o rientale d el t erritorio c arecino r isulta a l momento m eno f ornita d i c entri f ortificati a nche s e n on mancano i ndizi d ella p resenza d i mura m egalitiche n ella z ona. A ll'inizio d i questo s ecolo i l D e N ino n otava n ell'area p ianeggiante d ella c ima d el M onte S .Giuliano, n el t erritorio d ell'attuale c omune d i G essopalena, l a p resenza d i g rossi b locchi p oligonali, r imossi a c ausa d i l avori a gricoli, c he potevano e ssere i ndice d i a vanzi d i mura m egalitiche ( Notizie d egli S cavi 1 901, 4 07). L a p resenza i n questo l uogo d i u na c inta f ortificata n on m eraviglierebbe i n quanto avrebbe p otuto costituire u n o ttimo p unto d i c ontrollo d el passaggio n aturale c he p arte d a M ontenerodomo e , a ttraverso T orricella P eligna e i l C olle d ello Z ingaro, p orta a lla media v al1ata d el S angro n ei p ressi d ell'attuale s tazione d i B omba. T ndizi s icuri d i c inta muraria, m a n on a ncora i ndagati p ersonalmente, e sistono s ul M onte V ecchio, i n c omune d i M ontelapiano, n ei cui p ressi ä d ocumentato a nche u n i nsediamento d i e poca r omana ( Cuomo 1 977, 8 7). S empre n el t erritorio d i questo c omune l uoghi i nteressanti s ia d al punto

1 36

d i v ista t oponomastico c he t opografico potrebbero e ssere l e a lture d el C olle C astiglione e d el C astellano ( I.G.M. 1 53 I .N.0.) l e quali, i nsieme a l M onte V ecchio, potrebbero aver c ostituito u no sbarramento d ifensivo n ell' e stremo l imite s ud o rientale d el t erritorio e a vere avuto f unzioni d i controllo d i u n t racciato v iario c he, p artendo d a I uvanum e a ttraversando i l S angro n ei p ressi d i V illa S . Maria, d oveva r iallacciarsi, v erso s ud, a lla moderna d irettrice d el t ratturo A teleta-Biferno . D esta qualche p erplessitä l 'assanza

d i

c entri

f ortificati

n el l imite s ud o ccidentale d el t erritorio e p recisamente n ei p ressi d el V alico d ella F orchetta, z ona p rovvista d i b uoni p ascoli e p ercorso a lternativo a quello d ella P iana d elle C inquemiglia n eu e c omunicazioni d ei P eligui c on i l s ud; l 'unico l uogo t opograficamente i nteressante p otrebbe e ssere i l C olle F auni, p osto i mmediatamente a s ud d el v alico ma, a l momento, m ancano d el t utto i ndizi d i f ortificazioni. L 'indagine p reliminare svolta s ugli i nsediamenti d i a ltura d el t erritorio d ei C arecini I nfernates e t rattata p rincipalmente s econdo u n'ottica t opografica, mancando d ati p rovenienti d a c ampagne d i s cavo, c i permette p er o ra s olo d elle o sservazioni d i c arattere g enerale. I c entri f ortificati s ono d islocati p rincipalmente l ungo u na f ascia mediana d el t erritorio a l c entro d ella quale s orge i l complesso monumentale r eligioso e c ivile d i I uvanum ( Fig. 9 .3). I l s ignificato d i questa concentrazione ä d a r icercare n ella n ecessitä d i e sercitare f unzioni d i controllo e f ornire u na a deguata p rotezione a t racciati v iari c he m ettevano i n comunicazione i t erritori peligni e f rentani a ttraverso i l t erritorio c arecino. I i t racciato c he a l momento ä m eglio d elineato e l ungo i l quale s i d ispongono, d a ambedue i l ati, l e f ortificazioni e quello c he, p artendo d ai c entri p eligni d i S ulmona, Cansano e C ampo d i G iove, r aggiunge i l Guado d i C occia e s cende v erso P alena d a d ove s i d in ge v erso I uvanum r icalcando, i n m assima p arte, i l p ercorso d ella s trada moderna; d a I uvanum, u n b raccio d oveva v olgere i n d irezione d i T orricella P eligna e s cendere v erso B omba p er r aggiungere l a c osta a driatica s eguendo l a v allata d el S angro e l 'altro doveva d irigersi v erso M ontelapiano e V illa S . M aria p er i nserirsi n ei p ercorsi c he p ortano v erso i l s ud. Fu in v irtü d i questo t racciato c he i l t erritorio d ei C arecini I nfernates ed i l s uo c entro p rincipale I uvanum posto a ll'incrocio d elle p rincipali d irettrici d i t ransito dovettero a ssumere p articolare i mportanza durante l a t erza guerra s annitica quando i l t eatro d elle o perazioni s i sposta n el S annio s ettentrionale e d iversi c entri, t ra cui l a v icina A lfedena, f urono c onquistati. P ensiamo c he p roprio i n questo momento e d a ncora i n s eguito, durante l a guerra con P irro e d opo l a f ondazione d ella colonia d i A esernia, l 'alternativa d ella v ia i nterna ' carecina' d ovette e ssere particolarmente s fruttata e p er i l t rasferimento s tagionale degli a rmenti v erso i l s ud e p er i r apporti c he, a qualsiasi t itolo, i ntercorrevano t ra P eligni, F rentani e C arecini.

1 37

G li s carsi d ati i n nostro possesso non c i permettono d i d efinire ne l 'epoca d ella prima o ccupazione ne l a durata d ella f requentazione d i questi s iti. A nalogamente ad altri c entri meglio conosciuti, e ssi dovettero s orgere n el corso del V I - IV s ec. a .C. e f orse p er e sigenze non esclusivamente d ifensive; f inirono per assolvere compiti p rettamente militari durante l e guerre s annitiche, l 'invasione annib alica e , per un'ultima v olta, nel corso della guerra sociale per p oi e ssere p rogressiveamente abbandonati s e non addiritt ura s mantellati durante i i I s ec. d .C. ( M. A.)

L e v ie i uvanense:

n aturali d i comunicazioni a lcune o sservazioni ( Fig. 9 .4)

e

i i

t erritorio

F ra i s istemi d i comunicazione non possono essere t rascurati i t ratturi, v ie n aturali per u na econonia d i t ipo pastorale, c on i l passaggio d elle g reggi d al monte a l p iano e v iceversa. T ale a ttivitä i nteressava, per quanto r iguarda i l t erritcrio d a noi considerato, l e z one montuose della S abina e dell'Abruzzo e l e p ianure del T avoliere pugliese. E ssa dovette e ssere p raticata d alle epoche p iü r emote; nel nostro t erritorio n e esistono t racce d all' Etä d el B ronzo: i n Molise s ono i n prossimitä d ei t ratturi P escasseroli-Candela n ecropoli, s antuari ( Sannio 1 980, 2 2) e f ortificazioni ( La R egina 1 975, 2 76). A nche i n Abruzzo t roviamo u n r apporto s tretto f ra t ratturo e t erritorio: nella z ona peligna, sono s tate r invenute v an e f ortificaz ioni i n prossimitä del t ratturo C elano-Foggia ( Mattiocco 1 981, passim). I n e ta romana t roviamo fonti l etterarie ed epigrafiche che d ocumentano u n'attivitä s tagionale p raticata su pascoli s tagionali: f orse i i documento p iü a ntico è u n'epigrafe d el I II s ec. a .C., i n cui è i ncisa u na 1 ex raria che r egolava l o s postamento d el b estiame l ungo calles e v iae publicae ( C.I.L. I , 5 85). Questa l ex, s ia pure con i p roblemi che comporta ( Pasquinucci 1 979, 1 03 nota 5 5), p rova c he g iä i n quell'epoca l 'attivitä t ransumante era abbastanza i ntensa d a r ichiedere u na r egolamentaz ione. I noltre t roviamo qui, p robabilmente per l a prima v olta, l a menzione d elle c alles, c ioä d elle v ie percorse d al b estiame t ransumante. F ra l e a ltre t estimonianze epigraf iche, possiamo r icordare i i r ilievo conservato nel museo d i g ulmona r affigurante d ei p astori con i l loro gregge ( Cianfarani 1 978, 5 07) e l 'epigrafe i ncisa s ulla ' Porta d i B oiano' a S epino, i n cui s i d iffida d al sottoporre a s oprusi i pastori che percorrevano i i tratturo passante p er l a c ittä ( C.I.L. I X, 2 438). P er quanto r iguarda l e f onti l etterarie, n el I I s ec. a .C. C atone, pur non parlando e splicitamente d i t ransumanza, f a r iferimento a i

t ipi

d elle

d iversi

g reggi

d i

( Cato,

pascolo n ecessari D e

a .c.

1 38

1 31);

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1 39

c liente implicato i n una l ite sorta f ra i suoi v ilici e d ei pastores, l ungo l e calles ( Cic., P ro C luent., passim), ma l o s crittore che per primo t ratta e splicitamente d ella t ransumanza ä V arrone. D alla s ua opera possiamo r icavare molte notizie sulla t ransumanza i n eta tardor epubblicana; s ono a ttestati f ra l 'altro g li s postamenti d elle greggi d al S annio i n Apulia ( Varro, I I). D a S uetonio, s appiamo che l e c alles, nella metä del I s ec. a .C. costituivano u na provincia, o fferta n el 6 0 a .C. a C esare e a B ibulo ( Suet., I ul., 1 9, 2 ). D a queste fonti, r icost ruiamo un' a ttivitä molteplice e i ntensa, c he comprendeva l 'allevamento d el b estiame, l a produzione d i l ana e l atticini, l o s cambio d ei p rodotti e g li s postamenti attraverso u na r ete t ratturale che aveva una f isionomia p recisa. B en p resto questi spostamenti f urono regolati d a v an e d isposizioni, non u ltima quella che contemplava i l pagamento d i u na t assa per l a s osta nell'ager publicus pascolativo, che v eniva p robabilmente v ersata i n punti d i passaggio obbligati. U na r egolamentazione f iscale e t erritoriale f u s tabilita nel 1 447 d al r e A lfonso I d i A ragona, con la D ohana menae pecudum Apuliae, i n cui, t ra l 'altro, s i f issavano i percorsi della t ransumanza, che non potevano subire v ariazioni ( Franciosa 1 951, 5 4) e S i a ffidava l a r iscossione d ella f ida ad u n doganiere ( Franciosa 1 951, 5 5). I l t ermine ' Dogana', s econdo alcuni, s arebbe d i origine s aracena e i ndicherebbe i l palazzo d ei S ultani; secondo a ltri, ' il nome f u d ato a tutti i luoghi n ei quali s i r iscuotevano d azi e r endite f iscali, o s i i mmettevano l e mercanzie sottoposte al pagamento d ei v ettigali' ( Franciosa 1 951, 5 5 nota 3 ). I tratturi p iü importanti r iconosciuti d alla d ogana e rano t re: i l p rimo partiva d all ' Aquila e toccava Alanno, M anoppello, B ucchianico, Montenero d i B isaccia, L arino, f ino a l r iposo del S accionei; i l s econdo partiva d a Celano e passava per R occa d i Mezzo, P opoli, Sulmona, P ettorano, P acentro, P alena, G ambatesa e C elenza f ino a L ucera; i l t erzo partiva d a P escasseroli e passava per A lfedena, Castel d i S angro, I sernia, C antalupo, S epino ed o ltre, f ino a d A scoli S atriano. Nuovamente abbiamo un'enumerazione dei tratturi n el D ecreto d el re F errante d i N apoli, d el 1 549 ( Manieni 1 934, 1 4): i percorsi sostanzialmente coincidono e o ltre ad e ssi s i r icordano alcuni b racci: t ra questi, a bbiamo i n p articolare l a menzione d i u n b raccio c he, partendo d a A lbe ( Massa d ' Albe), passava per C elano, C erchio, C ollarmele, Montagna d i C occia, P alena, C olledimacine, T orricella, P onte d i S . Antonio, B omba, R occascalegna, seguitando p er L entella. P assando a t empi p iü r ecenti, n el Commissariato per l a r eintegra d ei t ratturi, F oggia, pubblica u na ' Carta dei t ratturi, b racci

e r iposi',

i n

cui

sono

1 40

f issati

1 959, i l i stituito a t ratturelli,

i percorsi

noti

e d

attestati f ino a d a llora. T ali percorsi, i n parte r icalcano quelli menzionati nei t esti p iü a ntichi, i n p arte s eguono una d irezione d iversa ( ad e sempio, i i p rimo t ratturo alfonsino corrispondeva i n p arte a l t ratturo L 'Aquila-Foggia ed i n parte al C enturelle M ontesecco), ne s embra a ttestato i i b raccio passante per i l M onte d i Coccia e T orricella Peligna. L 'esistenza d el b raccio ä p eraltro s ostenuta a nche attualmente: s i conosce u na mulattiera n el comune d i Torricella P eligna che porta, a l t ratturo ' Contrada F rati' ed un'altra c he porta ad u na ' diramazione d el t ratturo' ( Cons. P rov. E c. s euze d ete 3 61). M a i l d ato p iü i nteressante ä costituito s enz'altro d ai r esti d i fortificazioni r invenute l ungo l a l inea d el b raccio, a testimoniare un'importanza del percorso maggiore d i quanto possa apparire i n u n p rimo momento. T ale v ia v iene i nfatti a costituire un "alternativa' a quella p iü l unga, ma probabilmente p iü comoda, che a ttraversava i l V alico delle C inquemiglia e s empre f requentata, s ia come t ratturo ( Celano-Foggia), s ia come v ia romana ( via Minucia?), ma comunque importantissima ' Via d egli A bruzzi' ( Sabatini 1 960, passim). L e r agioni d i questo percorso alternativo sono i ndubbiamente molteplici, e comunque l egate a f attori non s olo economici, ma anche politici, come ä s tato g iä a ccennato d alla p rof. F abbricotti e d alla dott. A romatario. I i b raccio s arebbe passato dunque per Torricella P eligna, v ale a d ire molto v icino a I uvanum c he S i s arebbe t rovato cosi f ra due t racciati: l 'uno, passante per B omba, d iretto v erso l a costa, p er r iallacciarsi con i l tratturo L 'Aquila-Foggia, l 'altro passante per Quadri e r ivolto v erso 1 ' interno. A nche l a t radizione o rale r icorda u n t ratturo passante per T orricella P eligna, Fallascoso e I uvanum. I nfine, c 'ä l a notizia d i u no studioso del ' 700, i l quale a fferma che ' a S anta M aria del P alazzo, t ra l 'aspro p aese d i Monte N igro d ' Omo e i l paesetto d i F allascoso, ä u n b ell'edifizio romano che pare essere s tato D ogana d ei V ettigali sulla pastorizia' ( C.I.L. I X, LXII). N on possiamo s apere quanta l a notizia s ia a ttendibile. Ammettendone l a f ondatezza, potremmo pensare c he questa Dogana r isalga ad u n'epoca r elativamente r ecente, d opo l e l eggi del re A lfonso d ' Aragona, ma potremmo addirittura pensare, d ata l 'allusione a ll'edificio romano ( la b asilica?), c he l o s tudioso s i r iferisse 3 d u n'epoca b en p iü antica. Comunque s ia, g li e lementi i n nostro possesso c i sembrano abbastanza s timoiti p er continuare l a r icerca i n questo ambito, a l f ine d i chiarire u n a spetto d ella f unzione d i I uvanum n el t erritorio. ( L.D.V.) I i

grande

s antuario

c arecino

s i

t rasforma

d opo

l a

p ax

augusta e s ubito s i c reano edifici sul p ianoro s ottostante, a servizio d el t erritorio o ltre c he d el s antudrio s tesso. I nfatti la z ona, c he e ra s tata a dibita a s epolcreto ( almeno ä stata trovata u na grande tomba s annitica d i I V s ec. a .C.) v iene sconvolta e s i costruiscono edifici u tilitaristici,

1 41

f orse per l a fabbricazione d i materiale d a costruzione o p er r iparo d el b estiame. A nzi sull'ampio spazio del pianoro s i o rganizzano p robabilmente mercati a g iorni f issi e S i costruiscono edifici pubblici a s ervizio, del territorio e d ella gente c he abitava i n i nsediamenti s parsi. D i queste s trutture d i e ta i ntermedia t ra l a f ine d ella guerra sociale e l a fondazione del municj .pium non r estano c he esili t racce, con a ndamento parallelo a lla l inea della collina, n ell'angolo S -E d ella p iana. A ltri ambienti, poi d istrutti a l momento d ella costruzione monumentale d ella c ittä, s tanno tornando a lla l uce, g razie a i nostri s cavi, s otto i l l ivello romano d ella p iazza; s i t ratta d i ambienti i ntonacati d a c ui v iene materiale d i I s ec. a .C. e sono a ncora i n c orso d i s tudio. ( E.F.) L a

c ittä

romana.

I uvanum s orge n ella l ocalitä, i n comune d i Montenerodomo, oggi conosciuta come S . Maria d i P alazzo d al nome d el convento c istercense costruito nel X II s ec. S ul p ianoro a nord d ell'acropoli f u costruito u n complesso monumentale d i e ta r omana. D i esso non c i n essuna fonte l etteraria ma s olo i resti a rcheologici.

grande parla

I uvanum f u u no d ei c entri maggiori d el t erritorio carecino; l 'altro ä C luviae r ecentemente i ndividuato i n P iano L aroma ( La R egina 1 967, 8 7). P ossiamo r icostruirne parte d ella s toria e d elle i stituzioni c ivili d alle numerose epigrafi a noi p ervenute. S appiamo cosi c he I uvanum e ra i scritta a lla t ribü A rnensis ( C.I.L. I X, 2 959) e c he fu municipium ( C.I. L. 1 X, 2 959), anche s e i gnoriamo per o ra l a d ata d ella s ua i stituzione. L e cariche pubbliche e rano quelle dei Quattuorviri i .d. c he ogni quinto a nno d i censimento prendevano i i n ome d i quinquennales, d ei due magistrati i n sottordine, o a ediles, e d ei quaestores ( Paci i n corso d i s tampa). N ulla

s appiamo

d i

g e _ntes

i uvanenses

entrate

n el

senato

romano con qualche p roprio esponente conosciamo i nvece i n omi d i a lcuni d ecurioni, cavalieri ( tra cui spicca i i nome d el procurator G aio E rennio C apitone) e d ei s eviri a ugustales ( C.I.L. I X, 2 965); i noltre sappiamo dell'esistenza d i u n collegium f abrum e d i un collegium H ercolaniorum ( C.I.L. I X, 2 964). Molto r icco ed a rticolato ä poi i l quadro che s i r icava d alla s toria f amiliare e d all'ascesa politica d elle due gentes degli A ufatii F irmi e d ei Novii P robi ( Paci i n corso d i s tampa) u niti a d u n c erto punto d a l egami matrimoniali e d elle a ltre gentes i uvanenses quali E loria, Mettia, O lidia,

P oppaedia,

R ellia,

T adia

1 42

e T itandia.

L a c ittä ebbe v ita a ttestata almeno f ino a lla f ine del I V s ec.d.C. con s tatue ed i scrizioni dedicate a l culto imperiale: a G ordiano ( C.I.L. 1 X, 2 951), a C ornelia S alonnia ( Martino 1 984), a V alente e V alentiniano ( C.I.L. I X, 5 974). P articolarmente i nteressante ä quella d i C ornelia S alonina ( Plate 9 .17) i nscritta s u u n g rosso c ippo d i calcare b ianco s ul cui p iano r estano g li i ncavi per l 'inserimento d i u na s tatua: CORNELIAF/SALONINAF/AVG MATRI/ AVGG NN/DD. L 'epigrafe i uvanense ä l 'unica i n cui C ornelia S alonina è p resentata come mater d ei due a ugusti V alerio j r. e S alonino e non c ome coniunx d i G allieno; i noltre ä l 'unica fonte i nsieme ad u n m iliario d ella P isidia i n cui V aleriano j r. e S alonino s ono menzionati come e ntrambi augusti mentre l ' Epitome de C aesaribus e tutte l e a ltre f onti negano che abbiano mai a ssunto contemporanemente t ale t itolo. S e a ccettiamo l 'ipotesi c he v i s ia s tato u n periodo d i s imultanea partecipazione, esso d eve aver avuto u na durata assai b reve n el 2 58 d .C. L 'altra i scrizione d i particolare i nteresse s torico ä l a dedica, su due c ippi, a F abio Massimo, rector provinciae S amni d al 3 52 a l 3 57 d .C. ( C.I. L. IX, 2 956, 2 957), durante l 'impero d i Costanzo I I ( Plate 9 .18). S i t ratta d i u n r ingraziamento pubblico d a parte dell'ordo i uvanensium per i l r estauro delle mura d ella c ittä e l a costruzione d el s ecretarium. S imili dediche sono ancora a S epino dove costruisce i l t ribunal, a I sernia dove r estaura l e mura, a V asto p er l a costruzione d el c apitolium. L a c ausa d i questi r estauri v a i ndividuata n el t erremoto d el 3 46 d .C. che f u evidentemente molto v iolent° e che d eve aver generato r ipercussioni a ssai p esanti sulla s ituazione e conomica dei vari municipi d el S annio. Questa epigrafe ä m aitre importante perchä ä u na d elle poche t estimonianze che abbiamo col nome d ella c itta ( ordo i uvanensium). I i Foro consiste i n 2 7.50 con a lcuni edifici

u na p iazza a nmessi.

r ettangolare

d i

m .

62

x

N on possediamo a lzati d egli edifici c ivili e delle tabernae, i n genere i muretti non superano i 6 0-70 cm. d i altezza e s ono i n o pus i ncertum r ealizzato i n c alcare l ocaLe. L a piazza h a u n a ndamento a llungato ed i l r apporto ä d i 2 :1, quindi n on s i s eguono l e norme d i V itruvio c he auspicava i l r apporto 3 :2 ( Vitruvio, V ). L e colonne s ui l ati corti dovevano e ssere 8 mentre sui l ati l unghi 1 8; i l problema d ella c orrezione ottica ä tenuto costantemente presente; i nfatti l o s pazio f ra I li i ntercolumni n ei portici v aria i n v icinanza d egli a ngoli e l e colonne a ngolari s ono ellittiche. I i F oro con i suoi edifici s i i mpianta d i getto, i n u na u nica s oluzione, f rutto d el d isegno d i u n grande architetto, e t ermina a nord con l a s ala absidata, c he p er l a sua p osizione privilegiata d oveva costituire u no d ei poli d i attrazione o ttica ( Plate 9 .19). L 'impianto

f orense

non

puö

1 , 13

e ssere

a ntecedente

a lla

metä

P late. 9 .18. E pigrafe d i F abio M assimo.

P late. 9 .19. S ala a bsidata a n ord d ella b asilica.

P late.

9 .20.

S arcofago. 1 44

d el I s ec.d.C., mentre a lcune i scrizioni ( per e sempio quelle d ei s eviri) e molto m ateriale c eramico c i t estimoniano u na v ita p ubblica e p rivata a ttiva f in d alla p rima eta a ugustea. A d e st, i l f oro ä quasi r asentato d all'arteria p rincipale d etta ' via o rientale'; ä p robabilmente i l c ardo m aximus c he quindi passa d i l ato a l f oro ( come a nche a V elleia) e n on come l a maggior p arte d ei c asi i n cui s i i ncrocia c ol d ecumanus a ll'interno d el f oro s tesso. L e t abernae d isposte l ungo i i l ato o ccidentale h anno t utte l a s tessa p rofonditä e i muri l aterali s ono g eneralmente i n comune c osicchd i i f oro s i p resenta c ome u n i solato perfettamente r ettangolare d a c ui s porge s olo l 'edificio s ettentrionale a bsidato d i cui n on c onosciamo con s icurezza l a f unzione, c ome i gnoriamo l a d estinazione d i molti a ltri ambienti d etti c omunemente t abernae, c he i n r ealtä p otrebbero e sser s tati a nche u ffici municipali. A d e sempio l 'ambiente, i n u n p rimo t empo a bsidato, s ul l ato o ccidentale, potrebbe e ssere s tato l a s ede d i u na d elle magistrature e collegia a ttestati d alle n umerosi e pigrafi r invenute. L 'area c entrale, l astricata c on b asoli

d i

ovvero l a p iazza, e ra c alcare r ettangolari.

c ompletamente

A l c entro d el f oro c orreva u n'epigrafe s u t re r ighe i n l ettere b ronzee ( piü g randi quelle d el I r igo), d i c ui s ono a ncora evidenti i f ori d elle g rappe c he l egavano l e l ettere alle p ietre. I i t esto c i d ocumenta c he u n'erede d i E rennio C apitone, H erennia P roiecta, f ece i ncidere l a i scrizione ' ex t estamento': ' Herennius C apito, d ella t ribü A rnensis, f lamen, ( forse) quaestor, t ribuno m ilitare p er quattro v olte, p refectus c ohortis, omnia... a i nchoavit' ( Iaculli i n c orso d i s tampa). I l p ersonaggio, c he f u p rocurator d i L ivia, T iberio e C aligola i n P alestina, c i ä g iä n oto d a u n'iscrizione s u u n d onario t eatino d el 4 1 d .C.. I gnoriamo l a d ata d i morte d i C . H erennius C apito, ma c ertamente dobbiamo a rrivare a lla s econda m etä d el I s ec.d.C., s e p rima d i morire, p ot6 a vere l a c arica d i p raefectus cohortis i stituita s otto i l r egno d i C laudio. E gli f u i l mecenate d ella c itta d i I uvanum, a l ui s i d eve l a pavimentazione d ella p iazza c he p otrebbe e ssere s tato l 'ultimo l avoro e seguito a l c entro d ella c ittä. Negli s cavi 1 980-1981-1983 ä s tata s aggiata l a z ona a S -E d ella p iazza e s ono s tate r invenute a ltre t abernae, alcune con l o s tesso a ndamento d el f oro, a ltre, -- p iü a ntiche, c he s eguono l 'andamento d ella collina. S i t ratta s enza a ltro d i s trutture u tilitaristiche t ra cui u n f orno e f orse u n'officina v etraria. T utta questa z ona f u d istrutta d a u n v iolento i ncendio l e cui t racce s ono evidenti ovunque s otto i l l ivello d i costruzione d elle t abernae d el f oro, c he, p robabilmente i n e ta t raianea, h anno subito d elle t rasformazioni c on c ostruzioni d i t ramezzi i nterni e r ifacimenti d i p avimenti. P roprio i l v ano d ell'atelier c eramico, u sato p oi s olo come ambiente d i passaggio, ä a ttraversato d allo s colo d ell'acqua p iovana

1 45

proveniente d alla p iazza d el F oro e i ncanalato s otto i i marciapiedi dell'angolo S -E d el portico. U n altro s colo d i acqua pulita avveniva i n u na c analetta costruita a continuazione del grande canale d i p ietra p arallelo al l ato s ud d el F oro. I due c anali convergono v erso e st e s i u nivano probabilmente ad u n collettore s ituato v erso l a s trada o rientale. U no s tesso s istema d i delle acque a ll'esterno ( Aurigemma 1 960, 1 2). O ltre

f ogne del

l 'edificio absidato,

che c onvogliano f oro e a nche

v erso nord,

l a

i i a

c ittä

deflusso V elleia

f iniva;

i n alcuni s aggi e ffettuati n el 1 980 ä s tata r invenuta u na z ona d i necropoli. S ono s tati r itrovati c ippi funerari sparsi qua e lä, f orse posti o riginariamente ai l ati della s trada antica che, d opo aver costeggiato i i Foro ad est, continuava i n d irezione N-W. L a c ertezza d ella z ona d i necropoli e d ata dalla presenza d i u n sarcofago i n p ietra l ocale d i m . 2 .25 x 0 .70 ( Plate 9 .20), con cuscino i nterno e d oppio s piovente, s ulla cui f accia principale e i scritta una e pigrafe i n nove r ighe composte i n d istici e legiaci e d edicata agli D ei M ani, c he contiene u n l amento f unebre d i M . T itatius Rufus e V erania S evera genitori d el d efunto, morto a 1 6 anni. L a dedica al ' filio p ientissimo' e l 'augurio ' sit t erra tibi levis' sono concetti f requenti i n i scrizioni f unerarie d i g iovani defunti s pecie n ella R egio I V come pure l a s tesura metrica non ä rara i n Abruzzo ( Fabbricotti i n corso d i stampa). D i l ocale, C hieti S evera. S ul

T itazio Rufo non conosciamo l a f amiglia, c he sembra mentre l a f amiglia d i V erania S evera ä nota anche a dove f u t rovato u n s arcofago con dedica a V ispania

l ato

s ettentrionale

d el

Foro ä s ituata

l a

basilica

( Plate 9 .21) c he s i p resenta come un v asto ambiente r ettangolare d i m . 3 6 x 1 0, d istinto d al portico nord mediante u na parete d ivisoria con 3 aperture. I l l ato s ettentrionale e c aratterizzato d a u na parete movimentata d a dodici s emicolonne a ddossate d i tufelli, s u b ase d i pietra, r icoperte d i s tucco r osso. S i a ccedeva a lla b asilica mediante a lcuni g radini: i nfatti i i pavimento e ra a u n l ivello s uperiore r ispetto a quello del portico; a ovest s i r iscontrano r esti d i u n podia. L a p resenza d i u na b asilica a I uvanum ä a ttestata da u na epigrafe mutila ( C.I.L. I X, 2 961). I n genere la b asiliea e pasta l ungo u no d el l ati maggiori della piazza; qui, i nvece, s i t rova sul l ato b reve a n ord come a nche a V elleia, Augusta B agennorum, T imgad, V enta S ilurum, Lutetia P arisiorum, Augusta R aurica e A lba Fucens. Questo t ipo d i collocazione della b asilica l o s i r itrova soprattutto i n c ittä a c lima f reddo: l 'esempio p iü v icino g eograficamente e A lba Fucens, quello p iü s imile t ipologicamente ä V elleia. I nfatti s ia l a b asilica d i I uvanum che quella d i V elleia

1 46

P late. 9 .21. B asilica.

P late. 9 .22. Fontana pubblica.

P late. 9 .23. E pigrafe d edicatoria d el s eviri.

P late. 9 .24. Epigrafe dedicatoria d ei

s eviri.

1 47

h anno a i l ati d ei p iccoli ambienti comunicanti con l 'edificio c entrale. A V elleia ( Boethius a nd W ard-Perkins 1 970, 3 06) sono u guali, della s tessa ampiezza d ella B asilica e d isposti nella s tessa d irezione N-S; per I uvanum i due ambienti sono posti ad ovest e d ad est, d ove ä u na fontana pubblica ( Plate 9 .22) avente l o s colo d ell'acqua s u condotti d i p iombo s otto i l lastricato d el f oro. I due p iccoli v ani a l l ato d ell'ambiente absidato potrebbero essere s tati u n C halcidicum come a Velleia ( Monaco 1 960, 1 7). U n i nteressante confronto puö e ssere i stituito anche con l a b asilica d i L ucus F eroniae ( Simoncini 1 962, 3 -4) a nch'essa posta s u u n l ato d i t estata ( e n on s ul l ato l ungo, d el foro) i n cui s i apre u n p ronao t erminante i n u n tribunal s emicircolare e due ambienti che l o f iancheggiano . A nche l a d escrizione d ella b asilica d i S aepinum d ata d alla G aggiotti ( Gaggiotti 1 978, 1 45) che i dentifica l 'aula a p ianta r ettangolare con abside s ul l ato d i fondo i n connessione con l 'edificio maggiore come u n t ribunal colomnatum-secretarium, puö essere v alido per I uvanum. B lank ( Blank 1 970, 3 35), b asandosi s u V itruvio ( De a rch., 5 , 4 ), i nterpreta l e p iccole s tanze a d e st ed ad ovest quale chalcidicum e 1 1 v ano posteriore con abside quale a edes Augusti: i nfine d efinisce l 'abside quale t ribunale. L 'interpretazione d ella s ala absidata quale aedes Augusti o s ede del culto imperiale degli Augustales ä p ropria a nche d i L ucus F eroniae ( Torelli 1 970, 4 42) . T ale t esi f orse poggia sulla s imilitudine con i l l arario d i Pompei e a ltro punto d 'appoggio ä l a presenza, accertata a I uvanum, grazie ad epigrafi r invenute, d el magistrati detti s eviri Augustales. I nfatti i s eviri sono documentati a I uvanum i n e ta augustea e g iulio-claudia d a due b asi d i s tatue a ncora g iacenti n el F oro i uvanense. S u u na ä i ncisa l 'iscrizione C . HOSTILIVS CNM/L. EROS/CONS1VS N L / PHILEROS/SEVIRI V ICTORIAM/ AUGVSTAM DD/P e molto importante s arebbe poter s upporre c he l a v ittoria s ia quella a ziaca d el 3 1 a .C. ( Plate 9 .23). N ella a ltra: ARRIVS PHILA/VALERIVS S ERVI/ NO SEVIRI/MINERVAM D S P/P; s i t ratta quindi d i u na b ase d i s tatua a M inerva ( Plate 9 .24). Nella p rima l 'aspetto paleografico e i l r icorrere d el prenome Numerios c aduto i n d isuso i n e ta i mperiale, i nducono ad u na d atazione alta d ella d edica, c he peraltro, con l 'epiteto d i A ugusta a ttribuito a lla d ivinitä, n on puö collocarsi che d opo i l 2 7 a .C.; la s econda non dovrebbe essere d istante d alla p rima ( Pad i i n corso d i s tampa). Questi magistrati sono collegati a l culto d i A ugusto e ad a ltri personaggi d ella c asa imperiale. P robabilmente s i d iede ad e ssi u na s ede s tabile, i n questo c aso s e l a t esi del B lank ' e g iusta, potremmo d atare g li edifici considerati a ll'inizio d el I s ec.d. C. i n quanto i s eviri augustales s i f ormarono come v eri e propri collegia n el I s ec.d.C. S ia l 'edificio absidato con l e camere l aterali, l 'ambiente a ntistante i nterpretato quale b asilica h anno s truttura c ementizia d ata d a b locchetti c alcarei con

1 48

s ia u na p oca

malta i ntermedia per cui t utto l 'impianto f orense ä s tato costruito i n u n periodo b reve e d a maestranze che h anno operato con l a s tessa t ecnica c ementizia. P orse i i p rogetto fu i deato i n u n momento d i g rande p rosperitä per i l s ito, quando s i decise d i a ggiungere a l luogo d i culto d i s pettacolo u na g rande c ittä con l uoghi d 'incontro e d i mercato, o ltre c he u ffici pubblici p er l a popolazione che v iveva i n f attorie sparse. ( V.T.) L a

r ete

v iaria:

considerazioni

e p roblemi.

L e u ltime c ampagne d i s cavo condotte n el s ito d i I uvanum hanno messo i n evidenza u na particolare r ete v iaria una. Sono b en evidenti due s trade, d ette convenzionalmente ' via del F oro' e ' via O rientale'. L a prima, l arga m . 3 .40 e lunga m . 3 6.60 ( per i l t ratto v isibile) ä b asolata, ma i n cattivo s tato d i c onservazione. S i i nerpica per i l pendio dell'acropoli e s embra collegare l a z ona t emplare con i i F oro, ma i n e ffetti, ad u na o sservazione p iü a ttenta, si c reano alcuni p roblemi: i nnanzitutto i i p rolungamento i deale della s trada porta contro i i muro del t emenos, i n questo t ratto a bbastanza conservato, s enza n essuna corrispondenza con u na eventuale apertura. E 'dunque d a escludere u na d irezione r ettilinea, ma p er o ra, i b revi sondaggi e ffettuati n ella z ona non h anno evidenziato alcun b asolo c he possa precisare questa d irezione. L a V ia O rientale, l arga i n media m . 3 e conservata per c irca m .90, ä affiancata a l F oro, con a ndamento NO-SE. S embra c he f osse i n luce almeno d al 1 800, s e l e notizie che abbiamo s i r iferiscono ad e ssa ( Madonna 1 897, 2 5; N otizie d egli S cavi 1 881, 1 42-43) ( Plates 9 .25-9.26). G li s cavi ed i sondaggi del 1 982 hanno evidenziato l e t racce d i u na terza v ia. Questa s embra avere u na d irezione p erpendicolare a lla V ia O rientale, con u n orientamento approssimativamente E-0. I n p rossimitä del F oro f orma u n t rivio con l a V ia O rientale. N el punto d 'incontro d elle s trade c 'ä u no s largo, d a cui parte a nche un t ratto b attuto c he i ntroduce n el F oro. P er quello che o ra ä s tato verificato, s ia l a V ia d el F oro, s ia l a ' terza v ia' s i f ermano p ropric a l l imitare d ella p iazza, s enza attraversarla: prova n e ä i l f atto c he p roprio i n corrispondenza del t rivio, sull'altro l ato d el F oro, u n c aggio d i s cavo del 1 981 h a messo i n l uce u n ambiente con r esti d i a ffreschi. Questa s ituazione genera u na s erie d i p roblemi. P er affrontarli s istematicamente, p enso c he l 'analisi d elle v ie vada a ffrontata p er f asi d iverse. L a p rima f ase ä quella i talica, i n cui, presumibilmente, i i s ito ä e ssenzialmente un l uogo d i culto, con i t empli che S i e rgono sull'acropoli. L 'orientamento d el s antuario f a s upporre una v ia d 'accesso d i cui, apparentemente, non r estano p iü tracce: f orse e ra s emplicemente b attuta. G iä d a a llora, comunque, doveva e sserci u n collegamento con l a s orgente, luogo d i r istoro, m a a nche c arico d i u na sua s acralitä. A ttualmente

c 'ä

u na

s tradina

1 49

b attuta

che porta

a i

r esti

P late 9 .25. V ia O rientale.

P late 9 .26. P articolare O rientale.

P late

9 .27.

d ella

V ia

Fornace.

1 50

d el s antuario, n on i n o ttimo s tato, m a a bbastanza a gevole d a permettere i l passaggio a nche c on u n'automobile. I n u n p rimo momento, a vevo p ensato c he p otesse r icalcare u na v ia p iü a ntica, ma due e lementi m i h anno convinto c he n on ä possibile: 1 ) L 'esistenza d i u n muro, posto l ungo l a s trada, i n c orrispondenza d el t eatro e p robabilmente pertinente a d e sso; 2 ) l a p resenza, s ulle c arte topografiche, d i u n edificio i ncerto, t agliato i n due d ella s trada attuale. O ggi ä p raticamente i nvisibile, ed ä d ifficile i ndividuare i n l oco l a s ua p osizione. Forse a questo p rimo momento a ddirittura ä d a r icondurre i l p rimo t ratto d ella V ia d el F oro, s e c i b asiamo s ull' o sservazione p reliminare compiuta d al g eologo d ott. A gostini, c he r ingrazio p er l a s ua a ttenzione, s econdo cui i i t ipo d i p ietra u sato p er i t empli ä l o s tesso u sato p er i primi b asoli, m entre n el s econdo t ratto l a p ietra ä d ello s tesso t ipo d i quella u sata p er i l F oro. A mmesso questo, S i dovrä r ilevare c he, evidentemente, f in d a a llora, i i p iano d ove o ra c 'ä i i F oro a veva u na s ua i mportanza, l egata probabilmente ad a ttivitä e conomiche .

H o g iä e sposto i p roblemi r elativi a ll'orientamento d ella V ia d el F oro; v orrei a ggiungere a questo p unto c he l 'ipotesi p iü l ogica ä c he l a s trada f osse u na s orta d i d iverticolo d ella v ia p rincipale d i a ccesso a l s antuario e , partendo d a e ssa, continuasse a ffiancando i i t emenos, e s cendendo p oi v erso i l p ianoro. L a s econda f ase ä quella c he v ede l a costruzione d el t eatro, quasi i n l inea c ol s antuario. D i nuovo S i p resenta i i p roblema della v ia: c e n 'era u na s ola, c he p ortava a l t eatro ed a i t empli, o c e n 'erano due? E d i noltre, l a p rimitiva s trada era r imasta i nalterata, o aveva d ovuto s ubire d elle modifiche i n r elazione c ol t eatro? S ono d omande a c ui p er o ra non p ossiamo d are u na r isposta. U na terza f ase s embra quella d egli edifici p osti s ul l ato S d el F oro, c he p resentano u n a llineamento d iverso, p iü v icino a ll'allineamento d ei t empli e a ll'andamento d ella collina. A questo p unto s ubentra i i p roblema d ella V ia O rientale. E ssa h a u n a ndamento, r ispetto a l F oro, molto i rregolare: l a s ua d istanza i nfatti, ä d i m . 1 5.30 c irca come m assima a S , ed ä p raticamente n ulla, a N . U n'altra particolaritä puö e sssre o sservata n ella f orma d ella b asilica: i l l ato E ä - S i p uö d ire - t angente a lla s trada, ed ä r idotto, r ispetto a l c orrispondente l ato 0 : s e a vesse avuto l a s tessa m isura, s arebbe ' entrato' i n p arte n ella s trada; non c 'ä motivo d i questa i rregolaritä, s e S i p one l a costruzione d ella b asilica ( e q uindi d el F oro) p rima d ella s trada, ma e ssa d iventa s piegabile s e S i considera i i c aso o pposto, c ioä l 'esistenza d ella s trada - o comunque d i u n t racciato non modificabile - p rima d el F oro. S e s i p arte d a q uesta i potesi, s i d elinea u na f isionomia d el l uogo, molto p articolare: a ncora p rima d el F oro, i i p ianoro avrebbe a vuto b en d ue v ie d 'accesso, l 'una d all'

1 51

acropoli, l 'altra c he l o a ttraversava, partendo f orse d alla d irezione d ella s orgente e p rosegueado v erso NO, c ioä n ei pressi d ell'attuale paese d i F allascoso. P er quanta r iguarda l a t erza v ia, che S i i ncrociava c on l a V ia O rientale, l a nostra conoscenza s u d i essa non c i permette n emmeno d i formulare d elle i potesi. I n u na f ase successiva v iene i nfine costruito i i F oro, a confermare l 'importanza d i z ona f requentata da s ecoli. A questo punto, l a v ia c he s cende d all'acropoli s arebbe s tata r accordata col F oro, mentre l a V ia O rientale acquista la s ua f isionomia definitiva. L a conferma d i queste s upposizioni v errä i n parte f ornita d al materiale d i una c analetta f ognaria r invenuta n el 1 982 sotto i l l ivello della s trada, purtroppo non molto r icca, perchä a dibita a lb os carico d i acqua pulita. Purtroppo g li e lementi i n nostro possesso n on c i consentono per o ra d i a rricchire i l d iscorso. Possiamo notare, come u ltima analisi, i i fatto che la V ia O rientale, i n special modo, acquisti un aspetto anomalo r ispetto al F oro c he, d i s olito sorge, neu e c ittä romane, i n corrispondenza dell' i ncrocio d egli a ssi s tradali principali, i i c ardo e i i decumano ( Carettoni 1 960, 7 23). I l nostro i nvece non ä a ttraversato d a alcuna s trada; un e sempio s imile è V elleia, i n c ui l 'ingresso a l F oro, solo per i p edoni, ä posto s u u na s trada che l o a ffianca ( Mansuelli 1 966, 1 116). L a

p resenza

d i

u na

' rete'

v iaria,

s ia pure

con

tutti

i

p roblemi c he l e sono collegati, r ichiama immediatamente all'analisi delle v ie d i comunicazione n el territorio, ma a nche i n quest'ambito i r isultati non sono p er o ra e saurienti. I i territorio abruzzese e ra a ttraversato, i n e ta romana, d a v an e s trade d i d iversa importanza: l 'antichissima v ia S alaria, che costeggiava a N l 'Abruzzo e poi continuava p er tutta l a costa, toccando C astrum Novum ( Giulianova), A ternum ( Pescara), O rtona, A nxanum ( Lanciano), H istonium ( Vasto) e L arinum ( Larino). C ollegata con R oma e ra anche la v ia V aleria, proseguimento d ella v ia T iburtina. A rrivava a Corfinium, toccando C arsoli e l 'attuale T agliacozzo. A ncne questa e ra abbastanza antica, costruita prima del I I s ec. a .C. ( Radke 1 981, 3 45-46). N el 47 d .C. l 'imperatore C laudio f ece costruire n el territorio d ei V estini u n cosiddetta v ia r accordo f ra l a S alaria e l a V aleria, l a C laudia Nova. Pochi a nni d opo f u c ostruita l a v ia C laudiaA terni. U n' V aleria, c he collegava C orfinium c on O stia altra v ia d i particolare importanza doveva essere quella C inquemiglia, c he a ttraversava i l P iano d elle d i cui abbiamo i dentificata per l o p iü con l a v ia M inucia, v an e n otizie, ma s ul cui percorso c i s ono alcune p erplessitä ( Ashby 1 916, 1 07). E 'menzionata i n v an i t esti a ntichi ( Strabo, V I, 2 82 s s; C ic. A tt. I X, 6 ,1; O r. F p. 1 ,18, 2 0) ed ä considerata u n'alternativa a lla v ia A ppia p er r aggiungere B rindisi. P robabilmente passava per Sulmona, A lfedena, ( Pasquinucci

I sernia, 1 979, 1 78).

B oviano,

1 52

S epno

e

B enevento

Tutte queste v ie, al meno i n parte, r icalcavano percorsi piü antichi, adottati anche p er l a t ransumanza ( Pasquin ucci 1979, 178 ss; Gardner 1913, passi m; Gasparinetti 1 964, 5 s s). L a nostra I uvanum doveva e ssere collegata con l e v ie p iü vicine, la Minucia e la Traiana. Ma di questi d iverticoli non a bbiamo t racce, ad eccezione d i un c ippo miliario r invenuto a Montenerodomo ( C.I.L. I , 5 974). I l c ippo r eca l a dedica agli imperatori V alentiniano e V alente, ed ä p erciö d atabile t ra i l 3 64 e i l 3 67 d .C" prima c he a i due s i aggiunga a nche Graziano. Non v i è l 'indicazione numerica della d istanza. I i c ippo ä certamente i n relazione col restauro d i una s trada. I miliari del IV sec. de di cati ai due imperatori, con o senza l 'aggiunta di Graziano, sono abbastanza numerosi nella Regio IV. Testimoniano u n'attivitä d i r estauro molto i ntensa, l egata forse a ragioni politiche ( Colonna 1959, 55 ss), ma certamente a calamitä naturali: i ntorno alla metä del IV sec. un v iolento t erremoto sconvolse i i territorio, provocando grosse d istruzioni: l e epigrafi c i parlanio delle van e attivitä d i restauro compiute d a Q . Fabio Massi mo, rector Provinciae S amnii, a I uvanum ( C.I.L. IX, 2 956), ad Aesernia ( C.I.L . I X, 2 639) e ad A llifae ( C.I.L. IX, 2338). Probabil mente anche i l restauro della strada faceva parte d i queste a ttivitä post-terremoto . Ma a quale s trada s i r iferisce i i miliario? N on ä possibile d irlo con certezza. I l Colonna lo attribuiva alla Iuvanum-Trebula ( Colonna 1 959, 5 6), ma successivamente la Donati lo c lassifica come ' isolato ' ( Donati 1 973, 2 03). N emmeno dagli I tinerari possiamo r icavare notizie piü approfondite. L e v ie d a essi i ndicate praticamente ricalcano le antiche v ie romane, s ia pure con v ani problemi peraltro a nalizzati d a molti s tudiosi ( Radke 1 981, 73-83). Nella Tabula Peutingeriana ( C.I.L. IX, 2 04; Miller 1962) ä r iportata l a strada che collega L arino con Ostia Aterni, passando per H istonium, P allanum, A nnum, Anxanum e O rtona. L a menzione d i P allanum aveva fatto i n un primo tempo r itenere che l a s trada passasse p er l a l ocalitä s ita i n Monte Pallano, abbastanza v icina a Iuvanum, ma i l calcolo delle distanze non corrisponde alla realtä, per cui oggi s i r iconosce l a mansio d i P allanum n ella l ocalitä d i P aglieta, piü v icina alla costa ( Colonna 1 955, 1 67-68). C ome u ltima considerazione, r ileviamo dunque l a n ecessitä d i e ffettuare u na r icerca sul t erritorio p iü approfondita e sistematica, nella speranza d i trovare dei dati archeologici che ci possano chiarire meglio questa s ituazione. ( L.D.V.)

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