On the Wings of Time: Rome, the Incas, Spain, and Peru 9781400832675

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ON THE WINGS OF TIME

ON THE WINGS OF TIME

R O M E , T H E I N C A S , S PA I N , A N D P E R U

Sabine MacCormack

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

PRINCETON AND OXFORD

Copyright © 2007 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW All Rights Reserved Second printing, and first paperback printing, 2009 Paperback ISBN: 978-0-691-14095-7 The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of this book as follows MacCormack, Sabine. On the wings of time : Rome, the Incas, Spain, and Peru / Sabine MacCormack. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-691-12674-6 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-691-12674-7 (alk. paper) 1. Incas—Historiography. 2. Incas—First contact with Europeans. 3. Incas in literature—History and criticism. 4. Indian literature—Andes Region—History and criticism. 5. Spanish literature—Andes Region—History and criticism. 6. Peru—History—Conquest, 1522–1548. I. Title. F3429.M164 2007 985’.010722—dc22 2005037893 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Palatino Printed on acid-free paper. ∞ press.princeton.edu Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

For Harriet Zuckerman to remember Arnaldo Momigliano and with gratitude to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

LARGIOR HIC CAMPOS AETHER ET LUMINE VESTIT P U R P U R E O , S O L E M Q U E S U U M , S U A S I D E R A N O R U N T.

—Vergil, Aeneid VI, 640–641

Contents

Gratiarum Actio

ix

Illustrations

xi

Preface

xv

1. Universals and Particulars: Themes and Persons

1

2. Writing and the Pursuit of Origins

29

3. Conquest, Civil War, and Political Life

66

4. The Emergence of Patria: Cities and the Law

101

5. Works of Nature and Works of Free Will

137

6. “The Discourse of My Life”: What Language Can Do

170

7. The Incas, Rome, and Peru

202

Epilogue Ancient Texts: Prophecies and Predictions, Causes and Judgments

245

Bibliography

275

Index

311

Gratiarum Actio THIS BOOK BEGAN as a set of lectures given at the Istituto di Studi Umanistici in Florence in 2003. I warmly thank Aldo Schiavone and Glen Bowersock for inviting me to give the lectures, which in this rewritten version have gained much from conversations with the Istituto’s students and faculty in so beautiful an environment. Evening hours spent with Paolo and Marisa Desideri on the terrace of their house in the country, looking over olive groves and out into the distance at the hills of Tuscany while talking of Rome and the Incas are a cherished memory. So are some beautiful days in Rome, where conversations with Andrea Giardina and his colleagues at La Sapienza added momentum to the possibility of writing this book. Clifford Ando was the rst to read the lectures and the several versions of chapters that followed. I could not have wished or hoped for a more searching and supportive critic or a kinder, more generous friend. As best I was able, I followed his advice, and I cannot separate it from the thought that caritate enim benevolentiaque sublata omnis est a vita sublata iucunditas. From Bruce Mannheim I learned many things not commonly found in books, and rarely so cogently expressed. His suggestions for changes and additions proved invaluable, and I cherish his friendship. Days spent with Gary Urton and Julia Meyerson— not to mention their writings—enhanced my understanding of life in the Andes, both past and present. Osvaldo Pardo’s erudition and sense of humor enlivened many a late hour and dispelled many a sad thought. Conversations with Christopher Barnes and his views on what I was writing have become inseparable in my mind from his version and vision of Rom und Romgedanke. Cornell Fleischer helped this book to come into existence by believing that it could be written long before I ever set pen to paper, and his friendship has accompanied its progress and much more. I think with gratitude of the archivists and librarians in Spain, Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and the United States who over the years have welcomed me in the collections under their care. Texts that I read and others that I reread while holding a Guggenheim Fellowship and while at the Erasmus Institute at the University of Notre Dame contributed to the scholarly infrastructure on which these chapters are built. And last, but far from least, the support of the Mellon Foundation has lent condence to my thoughts and smoothed my path in ways I could not possibly have hoped for.

Illustrations

1. Roman milestone from Co´rdoba naming the emperor Augustus. Photo by author. 7 2. Roman milestone from Co´rdoba naming the emperor Tiberius. Photo by author. 8 3. Hercules and Apollo. Fresco in the church of Carabuco, Bolivia. Photo by Teresa Gisbert. 10 4. Portal of the church of S. Juan. Juli, Peru. Photo by author. 11 5. Siren over the portal of Puno cathedral. Photo by author. 24 6. Puno Cathedral. Drawing by author. 27 7. Quipu. Berlin: Dahlem, Museum fu¨r Vo¨lkerkunde. Photo by author. 31 8. Florian Docampo, Los C¸inco libros primeros dela Cronica general de Espan˜a (Medina del Campo 1553), fol. vii. (n. 7). 33 9. The Huarochir´ text, fol. 73v. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 3169. 34 10. Inca chasqui carrying a quipu and a letter. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 202. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 44 11. Regidor (local ofcial) with quipu and book. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 800. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 45 12. Incas worshiping at their place of origin. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 264. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 51 13. Caesar attacking Pompey. Fresco in the vestibule of the house at 265, Calle Garcilaso, Cuzco. Photo by author. 74 14. Pompey attacking Caesar. Fresco in the vestibule of the house at 265, Calle Garcilaso, Cuzco. Photo by author. 74 15. The end of the war against Catiline, from Caii Crispi Sallustii Historiographi Opus (Venice 1521), fol. 43. 78 16. Frontispiece of Antonio de Herrera, Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra rme del Mar Oceano, Decada VIII (Madrid 1615). Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 88 17. Pilgrimage shrine of Nuestra Sen˜ora de Catechilla near Sucre. Photo by author. 94 18. The battleeld of Chupas. Watercolor by author. 99 19. Cathedral and Plaza de Armas of Ayacucho (Guamanga). Photo by author. 112

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20. The Plaza de Armas of Arequipa, from E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York, 1877), p. 223. 21. Plan of a resettlement village (reduccio´n). Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´, fol. 38r. New York Public Library MS. Rich 74. 22. View of Cuzco, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1051. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 23. Representation of Apulia in Notitia Dignitatum (Cologne 1623), p. 154. 24. View of Cajamarca, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1011. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 25. View of Riobamba, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 995. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 26. Washing soil to extract gold on the island of Espan˜ola. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book 6, ch. 8. Los Angeles, Huntington Library MS 177, vol. I, fol. 18v. 27. The maguey plant. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book 7, ch. 11. Los Angeles, Huntington Library MS 177, vol. 1, II, fol. 43v. 28. A hammock hung between palm trees. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Svmmario de la natvrale et general historia de l’Indie Occidentali (Venice 1534). Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 29. The valley of Cuzco. Watercolor by author. 30. Making re by rubbing together two pieces of wood. Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice 1565), fol. 102r. Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 31. Sailing a raft near Puerto Viejo. Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice 1565), fol. 163v. Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 32. Ploughing with a pair of oxen in the Yucay Valley. Photo by author. 33. The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s coat of arms. Frontispiece of his Comentarios Reales (Lisbon 1609). Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional. 34. Bernardo Aldrete, Varias Antiguedades de Espan˜a, Africa y otras Provincias (Anvers 1614), frontispiece.

118

120 124 131 132 134

140

146

147 151

156

158 168

173 191

I L L U S T R AT I O N S

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35–36. Funerary chapel of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in the Mezquita of Co´rdoba and altar in that chapel. Photos by author. 199 37–38. Epitaph of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in his funerary chapel in the Mezquita of Co´rdoba. Photos by author. 200 39. The Roman bridge across the River Guadalquivir at Co´rdoba. Photo by author. 210 40. Rope bridge over the River Pampas, from E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York 1877), p. 55. 211 41. Inca road near Raqchi in the Cuzco Valley. Photo by author. 212 42. The Plus Ultra of the Emperor Charles V. Frontispiece of Florian Docampo, Los C¸inco libros primeros dela Cronica general de Espan˜a (Medina del Campo 1553, (n.102). 229 43. The coat of arms of the city of Chuquisaca. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, unpaginated (following p. 1057). Copenhagen, Royal Library. 230 44. View of Potos´. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1057. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 232 45. View of Chuquisaca. Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin), fol.140v. (From the facsimile by Testimonio Compan˜´a Editorial, Madrid 2004.) 235 46. Potos´ and the Inca Emperor. Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin), fol. 141v. (From the facsimile by Testimonio Compan˜´a Editorial, Madrid 2004.) 239 47. The cloister of La Merced in Cuzco. Watercolor by author. 242 48. The location of Paradise. Antonio Leo´n Pinelo, El Paraiso en el Nuevo Mundo, fol. 126. Madrid, Biblioteca del Palacio Real. 265 49. Map of the Americas. Le relationi universali di Giovanni Botero Benese, divise in quattro parti. Venice, 1605. 266 50. Landscape near Chinchero, Peru. Watercolor by author. 273

Preface THE SUBJECT of this book is people who, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, wrote about the Andean region that became Peru. Most of them spent at least some part of their lives in the Andes. In their own experience or only in their writing, they stood face to face with upheaval and destruction that is hard to imagine, let alone describe; they also witnessed the genesis of renewed political life, of life in society. For, although the Spanish destruction of the Inca empire changed the Andes forever, neither the one political form that ended, nor the very different but equally imperial state that succeeded it, alone gave shape to civil society. It also was nurtured by acts of scholarship, by the intellectual endeavors that commenced almost with the invasion itself, as the invaders sought to understand an array of cultures they recognized to be not fundamentally different from their own, and Andeans recognized the Spanish to be human and mortal like themselves. It is my specic purpose to show how Roman and classical literature provided a framework not simply for the comprehension of empires, Inca and Spanish, in their mutual and contrapuntal resemblance to Rome, but for the construal of historical experience itself: whether of war or the founding of cities; of the coming to recognize the particularity of the Andean natural world or of Quechua as one in the family of human languages. In short, the emergence of the land of Peru, understood both geographically and conceptually, reveals the classical and Roman themes that pervade our texts to have been more than instruments of description and analysis. Rather, they also became constituents of collective consciousness and identity. Those who survived the Spanish invasion, as well as their children, along with the invaders and their children, not to mention the children of many mixed unions, brought into existence a society comprised of all of them. This process has been been captured in a brilliant book by Franklin Pease, titled Del Tawantinsuyu a la Historia del Peru´. Tahuantinsuyu, the “Fourfold Domain,” was the name by which the Incas referred to their empire: it was the land that became Peru. Before the rupture in Andean history that the Spanish brought about, Tahuantinsuyu and its people were known across the South American continent and as far as Mexico and possibly beyond. After that rupture, Peru, now incorporated into the Spanish empire, became known around the globe. Simultaneously, peoples of the Andes themselves not only acquired knowledge about the world and its diverse nations and histo-

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ries but also incorporated this knowledge into their daily lives, their story telling and writing. At issue was not simply supplemental information that could be added to a xed and stable corpus of earlier knowledge. Instead, earlier knowledge was itself changed by new circumstances. This is why it has been possible for Frank Salomon to nd important traces of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament embedded in a collection of myths and histories from Huarochir´ near Lima that many readers have wanted to view as quintessentially Andean and uncontaminated. Indeed, it has become clear that there is at present no such thing as an uncontaminated Andean text—not, at any rate, a text that we are able to read. The only precolonial documents in existence are the quipus, the knot records of the Incas and other Andean polities, which Gary Urton and others are currently engaged in a project to decipher. Spanish forms of knowledge and understanding also changed and mutated. When in 1533, the Spanish killed the Inca Atahuallpa, some of their number reported on the event as local or regional history, writing what they saw and what they and others did and said, using the literary conventions of an ofcial or semi-ofcial report, a relacio´n. Such a text was expected to concentrate on facts and leave interpretation to the reader. Before long, it became clear that this literary genre was utterly inadequate for the purpose of informing readers about events that were unprecedented and unheard of, events that had occurred in lands hitherto unknown. The dragnet of enquiry, thought, and narration had to be cast much farther aeld than the relacio´n allowed if a more adequate result was to be achieved. That was the task undertaken by historians: to tell what happened as completely and intelligibly as possible, and to tell it, as one historian wrote, “shorn of rhetoric and accompanied by truth.” In this book, I follow their footsteps. Sixty years ago, the Mexican historian Edmundo O’Gorman had this to say about conditions prevailing in the republic of letters during the early sixteenth century, during the formative years of several among the historians who wrote about Peru: “There is nothing as contagious as intellectual fashion, because nothing is as vulnerable as vanity.” The words are equally true when applied to the contemporary republic of letters. Leaving vanity to one side, reection about the Americas has been profoundly conditioned by fashion. This is not to say that the outcomes have all been negative. Frequently, however, they have been dened—sometimes more than is useful—by the parameters that are set by dominant intellectual trends, or be it fashions. From the very beginning, these fashions have followed certain patterns. Regarding Peru, during the nineteenth century, interest in and scholarly work about indigenous people was at best an appendix attached

P R E FA C E

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to other themes that concerned the Peruvian state and nation seen in primarily creole terms. Scholarly work and also the arts and literature—as for example Ricardo Palma’s Tradiciones Peruanas—reected political realities that have been captured by Cecilia Me´ndez in the telling phrase, “Incas yes, Indians no.” Similarly, Bruce Mannheim has written about Quechua, the language of the majority of Peru’s Andean people, as “an oppressed language.” Meanwhile, in the wake of political realities, fashions have changed. During the last half century or so, the languages and religions, the social and political life of Peru’s indigenous peoples have attracted the attention not just of scholars, but of artists, poets, novelists, and lmmakers. Besides, indigenous people themselves are making lms, composing and performing music and publishing books. Andean Studies has become a scholarly discipline with its different branches, including archaeology, history, linguistics, anthropology, and literature, and is represented on university campuses in Latin America, Japan, Australia, Europe, Canada, and the United States. In some elds, especially the literary ones, polemics has claimed a place alongside cognition, leading scholars to claim, as among others Tzvetan Todorov and Walter Mignolo have done, that Spanish and more generally European writers about the Americas have “silenced” indigenous voices. Polemics may be unavoidable, but lest this book also be categorized as an effort to impose silence on indigenous people, or to marginalize the Andean world, I would like to explain why this is not the case. It was fashionable among sixteenth-century historians to adduce Roman and generally classical antecedents to explain the subject matter at hand. But more was at stake than fancies of humanist fashion. As John Rowe, inspired by Arnaldo Momigliano, explained in 1965, the classical past as studied by humanists became the mirror that drew attention to the particularities and uniquenesses not just of European but in due course also of non-European societies. Contrasts, comparisons, and analogies between Incas and Romans and also between Romans and Spaniards helped to incorporate events in Tahuantinsuyu and Peru not merely into the history of the Spanish empire, but into the history of the world. For all that Peru was far distant from Europe, geographical distance did not amount to insignicance or irrelevance: this was what inter alia those historians wanted their readers to understand. To compare the Incas and the Romans, to explain events in Peru in light of Roman precedent, and to use the examples of Greek and Roman historiography in order to pinpoint the meaning of events was to incorporate Andean experience into human experience across space and time. Those who criticize these writings for imposing—as they perceive it—alien norms on Andean subject matter should consider the

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alternative: that the Andean world would remain forever separate and secluded from the rest of humanity. In any case, the criticism is contradicted by Andean writers themselves, for even as the history of the Incas and of Peru became part of world history in the sixteenth century, so the history of the Romans and their empire became part of the history of Peru and all its people. To claim that those who thought and wrote about such matters were silencing the indigenous people of Peru and of other Andean countries amounts to denying those people part of their own historical experience. The Inca empire did not long outlast the arrival of the Spanish in the Andes. But the memory of the Incas remained alive, and not only in the minds of those who had seen the Incas govern and in the minds of their descendants. The Spanish also looked back to an imperial past: this was the empire of the Romans who had united the diverse peoples of the Iberian peninsula by making Romans and Latin speakers of them. The example of Rome helped to make the Inca state recognizable as an imperial state while at the same time the Roman empire was perceived to be a model and precedent for the Spanish empire. Legislation was organized and codied on the basis of Roman antecedents, and peoples and territories were governed according to norms, many of which had Roman origins. In the Roman empire, and in Spain and Peru, the Catholic Church at its core was an urban organization: bishops resided in cities. Cuzco, the capital of the Incas and Peru’s very rst bishopric, was the Rome of its world. With all that, the Roman past was not identied as the cultural property of Spaniards, nor was the Inca past identied as the property of Andean people and Peruvians. Such appropriations—which in recent times have been the instruments of constructing exclusive ethnic and national identities—were not made until very much later. Instead, the two imperial tradition—the Inca and the Roman—in their different ways became the building blocks to construct Peru as a country. Its contours emerged long before independence - indeed, they go back at least as far as the sixteenth century. When Cuzco was hailed as the Rome of its world and Inca rulers were compared to Roman emperors, these were expansive not restrictive statements: they amplied the scope of reection because Rome itself was an object of study and debate, not merely a passive precedent brought forward out of a long distant past. Besides, the meaning of Rome and mediterranean antiquity in the Andes was not the same as in Europe because here as elsewhere meanings changed with place, time, and circumstance. At issue, therefore, is not a static classical legacy that was exported overseas, there to be imposed irrespective of context or relevance. Instead, time and again, Roman precepts and histories emerged as resilient, versatile, and useful means with which to think.

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Thanks to scholarly specialization and the ever-increasing size and complexity of research agendas—even those that have comparatively modest aims—it is becoming ever more difcult to encompass within one single framework enquiries that involve groups and individuals of both indigenous and Spanish or other immigrant ancestry. Also, the work of numerous scholars has shown that research focusing on either the Andean or the Spanish and creole end of things can produce magnicent results. But this does not mean that there are no valid questions to be asked that span the experience and thought world of Peru’s indigenous peoples and of their Spanish and creole contemporaries during the early modern period—or, indeed, during any other period. Teresa Gisbert’s pioneering books on art and architecture in the Andes are notable examples of this kind of enquiry. For it is the experiences that those who lived in Peru shared, whether conictually or consensually, in debate or agreement, that have made and make them into a nation. Historical consciousness changes over time. The Incas and Romans were more on the minds of people living in the Viceroyalty of Peru during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and even the eighteenth century than they are now. Effectively, the Romans have at present all but disappeared from consciousness in the republics—Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile—that emerged from the Viceroyalty, whereas what the Incas mean now differs greatly from what they meant then. In early modernity the example of the Incas in government and warfare was an ever-present commentary—sometimes negative, at other times positive—on government and warfare as conducted by their Spanish successors. Now, the Incas in Peru are a national icon that can at times, as Alberto Flores Galindo has shown, acquire utopian dimensions. How the Incas governed, by contrast, is a scholarly, no longer a practical concern. Whether the absence of the Romans as examples and interlocutors with the dead and the living in contemporary Peru is a loss or a gain or neither, let the reader judge.

ON THE WINGS OF TIME

One Universals and Particulars: Themes and Persons EMPIRES LIVE on in memory and history more than other states. The Inca empire that extended along the central Andes of South America has remained present not just to historians but to the people of Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and especially those of Peru for nearly half a millennium after its fall. Why and how the Incas fell prey to the Spanish, and what the consequences were, has been a subject of reection ever since it happened. In the early seventeenth century, an Andean lord wrote a historical meditation on this topic, short in length but weighty in content. At the center of this work lies the transformantion of Inca into Spanish Peru. The book begins with the earliest human beings in the Andes, goes on to the Inca empire, and continues to the coming of the Spanish in 1532 and the Christianization of the peoples over whom the Incas had ruled, down to the author’s own day. The author’s long name, consisting of Christian, Spanish, and Andean components, reects the book’s content. He was called Don Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua.1 Joan preceded by the title “don” indicating noble birth was his baptismal name, to which he added the Christian epithet “of the Holy Cross.” Yamqui was an Inca royal title, and Pachacuti, meaning “upheaval” or “end of the world,” was the name given to the ruler who had initiated Inca imperial expansion on a grand scale, over two centuries before Don Joan wrote his book.2 Finally, Salcamaygua is a “red ower of the highlands.”3 1

Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Relacio´n de antiguedades deste reyno del Piru´, eds. Pierre Duviols and Ce´sar Itier (Cuzco 1993). Franklin Pease G.Y., Las Cro´nicas y los Andes (Mexico City 1995) is a magisterial and indispensible guide to the historiographical sources bearing on viceregal Peru; on Pachacuti Yamqui, Garcilaso, and Guman Poma, see pp. 41, 44f., 94f. 2 Juan de Betanzos, Suma y naracio´n de los Incas, ed. Mar´a del Carmen Mart´n Rub´o (Madrid 1987), part I, chapters 14–16 describes Yamque Yupangue as a possible (and perhaps actual?) successor to Pachacuti Inca. On Pachacuti receiving this name from his father, see Betanzos Suma, part I, chapter 17, p. 83. He was to be Pachacuti Ynga Yupangue Capac e Indichuri que dice vuelta de tiempo Rey Yupangue hijo del sol. Yupangue es el Alcun˜a del linaje de do ellos son, porque ansi se llamaba Mango Capac que por sobrenombre ten´a Yupangue. 3 Diego Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua Qquichua o del Inca (Lima: Francisco del Canto 1608; Lima 1989), p. 323, Sallca. Sierra, o tierra de secano y de temporal donde llueve, o puna; p. 235, Mayhua. Una or encarnada.

2

CHAPTER ONE

Don Joan and his forebears came from Guaygua, a couple of days’ journey south of the old Inca capital of Cuzco, in the central highlands of the Andes—the region designated poetically by the “red ower.” Part of the history that Don Joan recorded in his book was about the incorporation of this region into the Inca empire in the time of the Inca Pachacuti.4 From childhood, Don Joan had heard about the “ancient records, histories, customs and legends” of his homeland, and when he had reached adulthood, people were still “constantly talking about them.”5 But just the memory on its own was not sufcient if the events, especially those of the years after the Spanish had come, could not also be explained. Given the cataclysmic nature of what had happened—a change not just of governance, but of language, culture, and religion, not to mention the deaths of countless people—much explanation was called for. Don Joan was proud to be a Christian, glad to live with the “holy benediction” of the church and “free of the servitude” of the ancient Andean deities. As he looked back over the history of the Incas, and to the times before the Incas, it seemed that traces and tokens of the true Christian religion had been present in the Andes for a very long time. Like several of his contemporaries, Don Joan thought that one of the apostles had reached the Andes and had made a beginning of teaching this true religion.6 So it was that the Incas themselves had worshipped the one and only god and battled against false gods, perceiving in the festivals that they celebrated for the Maker of the world an “image of the true festival” that was to come in eternity.7 And yet, 4 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 18r, the author’s ancestor Yamqui Pachacuti killed Inca Pachacuti’s brother and enemy Inca Urcon; fol. 19v–20r, Inca Pachacuti annexes Guayua during his campaign against the Collas, rewards Yamqui Pachacuti “capita´n de gran fama,” and adopts from this lord’s name his own title: “toma el nombre de Pachacuti an˜adiendo sobre su nombre hasta llamarse Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui.” This unusual explanation of the Inca’s royal name highlights the vital links between Inca rule and the power of regional lords. 5 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 3r, Digo que hemos oido siendo nin˜o noticias antiqu´simos y las ystorias, barbarismos y fa´bulas del tiempo de las gentilidades, que es como se sigue, que entre los naturales a las cosas de los tiempos passados siempre los suelen parlar. 6 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 3v–6. On the apostle in the Andes see, e.g., Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica y Buen Gobierno, eds. J. V. Murra, Rolena Adorno, and J. Urioste (Madrid 1987), pp. 92–4; Antonio de la Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada del orden de San Agust´n en el Peru´, ed. Ignacio Prado Pastor (Pedro Lacavalleria, Barcelona 1638; 6 vols., Lima 1974–1981), book 2, chapter 2. L.-A. Vigneras, “Saint Thomas, Apostle of America,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57 (1977): 82–90. 7 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 14, las estas tambie´n son ymagen del verdadero esta: “bienaventurados los criaturas rac¸ionales que en los tiempos futuros la esta eterna alcansaren.”

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so Don Joan believed, the Incas were also aware that something was as yet missing, without being able to comprehend exactly what it was. Take the Inca Pachacuti. In his old age, he heard that a ship had come to the Andes “from the other world” and a year later a young man appeared in the main square of Cuzco with a large book. But the Inca paid no attention to the boy and gave the book to an attendant. Whereupon the boy took the book away from the attendant, disappeared round a corner, and was gone. In vain did Pachacuti Inca order that the boy be looked for. No one ever learned who he was, and the aged Inca undertook a six-month fast “without knowing.”8 Some decades later another enigmatic event occurred. A messenger cloaked in black arrived before Pachacuti’s grandson, the Inca Guayna Capac, and gave him a locked box which—so the Maker of the world had instructed— only the Inca was to open. When Guayna Capac did open the box, something like butteries or little pieces of paper uttered out of it, scattered, and disappeared. This was the plague of measles that preceded the coming of the Spanish and that killed so many Andean people. Before long, the Inca himself died of it.9 Don Joan wrote in a mixture of Spanish and his native Quechua. His style and outlook reect that of missionary sermons and Christian teaching.10 Did he perhaps also know the story of the Sibyl and King Tarquin of Rome? The Sibyl had appeared before the king, offering for sale nine books containing the “destinies and remedies” of Rome for 300 gold coins. When the king refused to buy the books, the Sibyl burned three of them, still asking the same price, and when he refused again, she burned another three. Whereupon the king purchased the remainder for the price originally stipulated and the Sibyl disappeared.11 And did Don Joan know the Greek myth about Pandora’s box that was opened unknowingly and contained the ills that ever thereaf8

Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 23r–v. Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 36. For a parallel story, see Frank Salomon and George L. Urioste, eds., The Huarochir´ Manuscript. A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion (Austin 1991), chapter 14. Here, a tiny lady emerged from a small chest that Guayna Capac was to open and triggered ill-omened events that culminated with the arrival of the Spanish. The term used for the chest, “taquilla” (section 193), is a word borrowed from Spanish, indicating that the narrator perceived the object as foreign. Even in Spanish, “taquilla” was a rare and unusual word; see J. Corominas, Diccionario cr´tico etimolo´gico de la lengua Castellana (Madrid, n.d.), s.v. “taca.” See further below at note 13. 10 Ce´sar Itier, Las oraciones en quechua de la Relacio´n de Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Revista Andina 12 (Cuzco 1988): 555–80. 11 Among the authors mentioning the episode are: Servius, Ad Aen. 6,72, fata et remedia; Lactantius, Institutes 1,6,10ff. (from Varro); Isidore, Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX, 8,8,5. 9

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ter befell humankind?12 If he did, this myth would have conveyed an independent Andean meaning to him. For pputi, the Quechua term for box that Don Joan used, is semantically linked to a cluster of terms denoting sadness and afiction.13 At any rate, in both these pairs of stories the explanatory drifts of the Andean and the European versions are closely intertwined. A century after the arrival of the Spanish, Don Joan like other Andean nobles of his time portrayed his ancestors as having welcomed these newcomers, bearers as he described them of the Christian message. On their side, so Don Joan thought, Andean people were ready for the Gospel, willing and able to worship the true god and to pray to him in their own native Quechua.14 But the presence of the Spanish in the Andes brought with it a host of evil consequences that it was rarely possible to discuss other than indirectly and allusively. Rome’s King Tarquin was left with three of the Sibyl’s nine books, but Pachacuti Inca was left “not knowing.” Yet worse, the gift of the box to Inca Guayna Capac, in which somehow the Maker of all things was involved, turned out to be a purposefully murderous gift of which the Inca had been forewarned but that he could not avert. Before the box arrived, Guayna Capac saw a midnight vision: he felt himself to be surrounded by “millions and millions of people” who were “the souls of the living whom God was showing him, indicating that they all had to die in the pestilence.” These souls, so the Inca understood, “were coming against” him and “were his enemies.”15 Don Joan resorted to 12 The earliest version of this famous story is in Hesiod, Works and Days. Edited with Prolegomena and Commentary by M. L. West (Oxford 1978), lines 47–105. The container that is opened in Hesiod is a pithos, storage jar. On the origin of the box, see West’s comments on line 94. 13 Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru´ llamada lengua Qquichua o del Inca, p. 298. 14 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica y Buen Gobierno (pp. 375–6) claims that his ancestor greeted the Spanish at Tumbez on behalf of the Inca Guascar; Pachacuti Yamqui (fol. 1) claims that his ancestors came to Cajamarca to become Christians. See also Waldemar Espinoza Soriano, El Memorial de Charcas. Cro´nica ine´dita de 1582, Cantuta. Revista de la Universidad Nacional de Educacio´n (Chosica, Peru, 1969), sections 48–9, on help provided by the lords of Charcas during the Spanish conquest of Collasuyu. Similar claims were made by Don Juan Ayaviri Cuysara; see AGI Charcas 45, “Don Juo Ayaviri Cuysara, cacique principal del repartimiento de sacaca, y pueblo de sant Christoval de Panacache y su provincia, Alcalde mayor de los naturales de la provincia de los charcas y capitan de las tres naciones della,” dated Charcas, 18 February 1598, answers to questions 7–10. See T. Platt, in T. Bouysse Cassagne et al., Tres Reexiones sobre el pensamiento andino (La Paz 1987), pp. 103ff.; John Murra, “Litigation over the Rights of ‘Natural Lords’ in Early Colonial Courts in the Andes,” in E. Hill Boone and T. Cummins, eds., Native Traditions in the Postconquest World (Washington, D.C. 1998), pp. 55–62. 15 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 36, Se vido a media noche visiblemente c¸ercado de millo´n de millo´n de hombres, y no saben ni supieron quie´n fueron. A esto dizen que

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the stories about the book and the box of afictions, charged as they already were with ancient and multiple meanings, to express the fundamental contradiction that pervaded the lives of so many people: on the one hand, the undeniable evil of subjection to alien rulers, and on the other the—to him—equally undeniable good of being gathered into the community of “our holy faith.” In the process of being retold, these ancient stories acquired new dimensions, and they served as a communicative bridge of sorts between Andean people and Spanish newcomers, all of whom Don Joan addressed in his book of historical meditations.16 The Spanish, even those who read rarely or not at all, could be expected to understand such a communication because they were all steeped not just in Christianity but also in remnants of the Greek and especially the Roman past. Many would have heard the Sibyl chant her prophecies about the coming of Christ during the celebration of his Nativity according to the old pre–Tridentine Spanish liturgy.17 From late antiquity onward, through the long sequence of cultural and political upheavals that transformed Roman into early modern Spain, the Greek and Roman past lived on in the present by virtue of ordinary continuities of daily life. The layout of some cities, the design of private and public buildings, the shape and decoration of tools and utensils, the titles and functions of dignitaries, and the content of law all bore traces of Roman and post–Roman antiquity.18 Throughout the Iberian Peninsula, people were walking and riding along the old Roman roads, passing Roman ruins and whatever Roman monuments had withstood the ravages of time. Not infrequently, the traveler would pass a Roman distance marker, and some of these dated back to the time of Christ.19 dixo que eran almas de los bibos, que Dios abia mostrado, signicando que habian de morir en la pestilencia tantos. 16 On another aspect of Pachacuti Yamqui’s conations of Andean with Christian and ´ ngeles apo´crifos en la Ame´rica Virreinal European concepts, see Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla, A (Mexico City 1992), pp. 187–203, see in particular pp. 192–194. 17 Monserrat Figueras, La Capella Reial de Catalunya, Jordi Savall, El Canto de la Sibila II. Galicia, Castilla (Mu´sica Iberica, Auvidis Fontalis 1996). The vernacular version of the prophecies that is sung here is from the Cantoral de Cuenca at Silos. The text was derived from Christianized Sibylline prophecies; see Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 18, chapter 23; for the context, H.W. Parke, Sibyls and Sibylline Prophecy in Classical Antiquity, ed. B. C. McGing (London 1992), chapter 8; David Potter, Prophets and Emperors. Human and Divine Authority from Augustus to Theodosius (Cambridge, Mass. 1994), pp. 87–93. 18 See the collection of essays by Gisela Ripoll and Josep M. Gurt with Alexandra Chavarr´a eds., Sedes Regiae (ann. 400–800) (Barcelona 2000). 19 See Ambrosio Morales, Coro´nica general de Espan˜a que continuaba Ambrosio Morales Coronista del Rey Nuestro Sen˜or Don Felipe II (Madrid 1791), book 9, chapters 1, 5: Este mismo an˜o de la Natividad de nuestro Redentor se pusieron en Co´rdova dos marmoles de todo semejantes en la escritura, el uno esta´ dentro en la Iglesia Mayor . . . : IMP. CAESAR. DIVI. F. AUGUSTUS. COS. XIII. TRIB. POTEST. XXI. PONT. MAX. A. BAETE. ET IANO. AUGUST. AD OCCEANUM

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The gures of classical myth and history continued to occupy poets, storytellers, and artists to such an extent that many of them became familiar friends, speaking from the pages of books, looking out at from tapestries, paintings, and sculptures, and singing in songs both sacred and secular. Planets named after the ancient gods—Venus, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, and Saturn, along with Sun and Moon were imbued with a divine and personalized energy. They circled the sky and extended their inuence over humans and their environment.20 Finally, the political forms, monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, that had engaged the thoughts of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero lived on in the writings of jurists, in legal practice, and in the governance of cities and kingdoms.21 It was not long before this manifold legacy was felt in the Americas as well. Legal and administrative practices that were taken for granted in the Peninsula were imposed on indigenous peoples without further ado and soon became ubiquitous.22 In the Andes as elsewhere, the layLXIIII. Morales, Coro´nica Book 9, chapter 2,7, describes another milestone of the emperor Tiberius that he dates to the year A.D. 32, and that was subsequently thought to have been erected in the year of Christ’s crucixion. On the study of epigraphy by Morales and his contemporaries, see the splendid study by William Stenhouse, Reading Inscriptions and Writing Ancient History. Historical Scholarship in the Late Renaissance (London 2005). 20 See Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La tradicio´n cla´sica en Espan˜a (Barcelona 1975). Both content and format of this remarkable book usefully dispel the notion of one single classical tradition. Note in particular, at pp. 269–338, her review essay, “Perduracio´n de la literatura antigua en occidente,” of Ernst Robert Curtius, Europa¨ische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern 1948 and numerous subsequent printings). For classical themes in popular poetry in Spain, see ed. Paloma D´az-Mas, Romancero (Barcelona 1994), numbers 98–101. Note number 101, “Incendio de Roma” under Nero, lines 10–11, . . . la gente a penas cab´a / por el rico Coliseo gran nu´mero se sub´a. The Coloseum was not built until later, but Rome was unthinkable without it. Brian Dutton and Joaqu´n Gonza´lez Cuenca, eds., Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena (Madrid 1993), number 117 about the inuence of Fortuna and the planets. On the content of noblemen’s libraries, see the collection of essays, El Marque´s de Santillana 1398–1458. El Humanista. Los albores de la Espan˜a Moderna (Palacio Caja Cantabria 2001); Joaqu´n Yarza Luaces, La Nobleza ante el Rey. Los grandes linajes castillanos y el arte en el siglo XV (Madrid 2003), pp. 273–307. 21 Manlio Bellomo, The Common Legal Past of Europe 1000–1800 (Washington, D.C. 1995), pp. 97–101. On ius comune and Roman law in Peru, see Carlos Ramos Nu´n˜ez, “Consideracio´n de la costumbre en la doctrina jur´dica virreinal. De la valoracio´n cla´sica a su impugnacio´n moderna,” in Tedoro Hampe Mart´nez, ed., La tradicio´n cla´sica en el Peru´ virreinal (Lima 1999), pp. 285–308. On the study of law in its wider context, see Adeline Rucquoi, “Contribution des studia generalia a` la pense´e hispanique me´die´vale,“ in Jose´ Mar´a Soto Ra´banos, ed., Pensamiento Medieval Hispano. Homenaje a Horacio Santiago-Otero I (Madrid 1998), pp. 737–70; see also in this same volume, at pp. 785–800, Charles Faulhaber, ”Las biblitecas espan˜olas medievales,“ on classical texts in Spanish libraries. Note also the valuable and original study by Jaime Gonza´lez, La idea de Roma en la Historiograf´a Indiana (Madrid 1981). 22 On the dealings of don Cristo´bal Castillo, curaca of Cotahuasi with administration and the legal system, see Ce´sar Itier, “Lengua general y comunicacio´n escrita: Cinco cartas en quechua de Cotahuasi—1616,” Revista Andina 17 (Cuzco 1991): 65–107.

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1. In the lifetime of the historian Ambrosio Morales, this Roman milestone, measuring the distance from Co´rdoba to the ocean, was to be found next to the entrance of the Mezquita that had been converted into the Cathedral of Co´rdoba, where it still is. Morales thought that the date given on the milestone, that is, the thirteenth consulship of Augustus, and the twenty-rst year of his tenure of the tribunician power, corresponded to the year of Christ’s nativity. This information was accordingly added in Latin below the Roman inscription.

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2. This Roman milestone, which was also placed next to the entrance of the Cathedral of Co´rdoba, where Morales saw it, names the emperor Tiberius and likewise measures the distance from Co´rdoba to the ocean. According to the historian’s reckoning, its date was the year before the crucixion of Christ. Someone else, however, thought the date was the very year of the crucixion, and Latin words to that effect were carved below the Roman inscription.

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out of the cities the Spanish founded, the buildings that indigenous masons and artisans erected in them, the stories the Spanish told, and even the fabric of Christian teaching all bore a stamp of the Greek and most of all the Roman past.23 Representations of Roman deities decorated Andean churches, mythic and historical gures of the Greek and Roman past paraded through the streets during festivals, Latin and sometimes Greek were taught in universities. Public rituals, the arrivals and departures of viceroys and other dignitaries, the accession and funerary ceremonies of the kings of Spain as celebrated in Lima and other Peruvian cities were deeply imbued with Roman gestures and political concepts.24 In short, the classical past in the Andes was a dynamic and far from uniform force that changed over time, as it had done in Spain also. In one sense, throughout the Middle Ages, the gures of classical antiquity were simply absorbed into the fabric of the present. As a result, scholars and historians in fteenth-century Spain were able to think about knightly honor and military discipline, lived and practiced in their own day, as continuous with, and even as identical to, Roman precedent. Equally, Cicero’s precepts about political friendship as implemented in the late Roman republic were found to be directly relevant to the pursuit of friendship and inuence at the court of the Catholic Kings.25 But this was not the whole story. When, in the early fteenth century, Enrique de Villena produced a prose translation of Vergil’s Aeneid, he made a point of noting that his intention was to convey exactly what 23 Teresa Gisbert and Jose´ de Mesa, Arquitectura Andina (La Paz 1997); for Hercules and Apollo at Carabuco, pp. 54ff.; gs. 46–7. George Kubler and Martin Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal and their American Dominions 1500–1800 (Baltimore 1959) remains worth consulting. See further below, chapter 4 at notes 62ff. 24 See Valerie Fraser, The Architecture of Conquest. Building the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535– 1635 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1990); chapter 4 is an excellent account of architectural styes that were imported into the Andes and the modications they underwent. Francisco Stasny, “Temas cla´sicos en el arte colonial hispano americano,” in Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez, ed., La Tradicio´n cla´sica en el Peru´ virreinal (Lima 1999), pp. 223– 49. See Gisbert and de Mesa, Arquitectura Andina, pp. 51–9 on pagan deities in Andean churches. The arrival ceremonial of Viceroys was in part modeled on Roman adventus ceremonies; see, e.g., Diego Ferna´ndez el Palentino, Historia del Peru´, ed. Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vols. 164–65, 1963), Part I, book I, chapter 9, on the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela in Lima, with S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in late Antiquity (Berkeley 1981), part I. 25 For fteenth-century translations of Cicero, see Marcelino Mene´ndez Pelayo, Bibliograf´a Hispano-Latina Cla´sica (Santander 1950), vol. 2, pp. 307ff. See p. 325 for two different translations of De amicitia. De ofciis and De senectute were especially popular. Karl Alfred Blu¨her, Se´neca en Espan˜a. Investigaciones sobre la recepcio´n de Se´neca en Espan˜a desde el siglo XIII hasta el siglo XVII (Madrid 1983).

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3. Hercules and Apollo ank the motto “By labour and constancy” in the church of Carabuco on Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. The church was decorated in the eighteenth century with imagery depicting classical, Christian, and contemporary scenes. Photo by Teresa Gisbert.

Vergil had written, which was not the same thing as what the reader of the translated text might expect.26 There was something strange, something not immediately accessible about Vergil. Similarly, at the end of the fteenth century, the humanist Antonio Nebrija in the footsteps of Italian humanists wanted to return to the Latin of the ancients: their vocabulary, syntax, and style. This meant that the Latin that was the vernacular of schools and universities, the Latin of medieval theologians, jurists, historians, and poets had to be disowned.27 For what Nebrija, who viewed the Latin of the schools as an aberration, wanted 26 Enrique de Villena, Traduccio´n y glosas de la Eneida. Libro Primero ed. Pedro M. Ca´tedra (Salamanca 1989), pp. 31–2 (Villena’s prohemio). 27 Virginia Bonmart´ Sa´nchez, Sermo Latinus, sermo hispaniensis y sermo hispanus en la obra gramatical de Antonio de Nebrija, in R. Escavy, J. M. Hdez. Terre´s, and A. Rolda´n, eds., Actas del congreso internacional de historiograf´a lingu¨´stica. Nebrija V Centenario 1492–1992 vol. I (Murcia 1994), pp. 139–48; W. Keith Percival, “Nebrija and the medieval grammatical tradition,” in his Studies in Renaissance Grammar (Aldershot 2004), number XI.

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4. Portal of the church of S. Juan in Juli on Lake Titicaca, Peru. Here, as often elsewhere in churches of the Andean highlands, the components of Roman architecture—arches, and columns and pilasters with their bases and capitals— adapted to the style of the time, were decorated in accord with the inspiration of local artists. Juli was a missionary parish—doctrina—run by the Jesuits.

to bring back was the Latin of Cicero and Livy: the language of the Romans themselves. Here again, what the Romans stood for was strange and unfamiliar. It had to be learned with effort. The same was true for the Greeks, once universities in the Peninsula began teaching Greek and printing presses there published Greek texts.28 28

Jose´ Lo´pez Rueda, Helenistas espan˜oles del siglo XVI (Madrid 1973). See p. 152 with pp. 352–3 for what appears to be the rst secular Greek text published in Spain, a collec´ ngel Go´mez Moreno, “El tion of grammatical works for the use of students. See also A

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Altogether, humanistic learning added an entirely new dimension to the meaning of Greece and Rome. The cultivation of classical Latin as distinct from the Latin spoken in schools and universities, the addition of Greek to the repertoire of learned languages, the rediscovery of many Latin and Greek texts, and the scholarly study of ancient monuments and artifacts transformed the old established, easygoing familiarity and intimacy with the ancient world. A great deal now emerged about the Greeks and Romans that seemed strange and required explanation. Rituals and beliefs that had marked the stages of a Roman life from birth to death, the worship of and sacrice to the pagan gods emerged not just as alien, but as profoundly incompatible with Christian practice. Studied closely, the pagan Romans emerged as utter strangers in the Christian present, and as much more pagan than they had been perceived formerly.29 Similarly, the constitutional signicance and functioning of Roman voting assemblies and the nature of Roman military and civilian power emerged as research paths into unknown lands.30 But unlike earlier investigations of Roman law and politics, this new work was not necessarily directed toward practical applications, nor was it necessarily capable of such application. The workings of Roman law in Roman times therefore came to be understood as distinct from its workings within the Roman legal tradition that lived on in the secular and ecclesiastical law of the time.31 As a result, the classical past turned out to be innitely more distant and harder to understand than it had been previously.32 mito hele´nico y el estudio del Griego,” in his Espan˜a y la Italia de los Humanistas. Primeros Ecos (Madrid 1994), pp. 93–108. 29 This emerges inter alia from one of the earliest works of renaissance learning on ancient belief and cult; Lilius Gregorius Gyraldus, De deis gentium varia et multiplex historia (Basel 1560, and other editions). 30 M. H. Crawford ed., Antonio Agust´n between Renaissance and Counter Reform (London 1993); William McCuaig, Carlo Sigonio. The Changing World of the Late Renaissance (Princeton 1989), chapters 2 and 3. 31 Bellomo, The Common Legal Past of Europe 1000–1800; Peter Stein, Roman Law in European History (Cambridge 1999). 32 See John Howland Rowe, “The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology,” American Anthropologist 67 (1965); 1–20. Note pp. 14–15, “This paper is a by-product of research on the early history of anthropology. Its central idea is the result of thinking about the history of anthropology in the framework provided by Arnaldo Momigliano’s Sather Lectures of 1962, ‘The Classical foundations of modern historiography’ and Erwin Panofsky’s work on the signicance of the Renaissance . . . Momigliano’s Sather Lectures have not yet been published, but key portion of his argument are available in earlier articles.” The articles Rowe referred to are: Arnaldo Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” Contributo alla storia degli studi classici (Rome: Storia e Letteratura 47, 1955), pp. 67–106; and Momigliano, “The place of Herodotus in the History of Historiography,” Secondo contributo alla storia degli studi classici (Storia e Letteratura 77, Rome 1960), pp. 29–44. The Sather lectures were published posthumously, Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley 1990).

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Familiarity with this past was reestablished on new and different grounds. The attention that was lavished during the fteenth and subsequent centuries on editing, translating, explaining, and printing Greek and Roman poetry and philosophy, historical and biographical writings transformed historical personages who had lived in the imagination as exemplary gures for so many centuries into human beings who now became intimately knowable.33 The lives, decisions, and actions of Caesar and Pompey, Augustus and Constantine, of Cicero, Vergil, and Livy could be and were questioned, evaluated, and reected upon. As a result, their errors turned out to be as illuminating as their positive achievements.34 Other mythic and legendary personages appeared in emblem books and treatises of practical advice and also in civic and courtly spectacles.35 All these gures, whether mythic, 33 Note Petrarch’s letters to ancient authors, addressed to them as friends; see Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari. Edizione critica per cura di Vittorio Rossi. Volume quarto, per cura di Umberto Bosco: Libri XX–XXIV (Firenze 1942), book 24. Among those to whom he wrote are Cicero, Varro, Vergil, Livy, Seneca, and Quintilian. Note in particular 24,3 to Cicero, reproaching him for the discouragement and uncertainty he frequently expressed in his letters to Atticus, which Petrarch had recently discovered, and then seeking to reach a less critical approach in the next letter. 34 Niccolo` Machiavelli, letter to Francesco Vettori dated December 10, 1513 (in Peter Bondanella and Mark Musa, eds., The Portable Machiavelli (London 1979, pp. 66–71 at p. 69): “When evening comes, I return to my home, and I go into my study; and on the threshold, I take off my everyday clothes which are covered with mud and mire, and I put on regal and curial robes; and dressed in a more appropriate manner, I enter into the ancient courts of ancient men and am welcomed by them kindly, and there I taste the food that alone is mine, and for which I was born; and there I am not ashamed to speak to them, to ask them the reasons for their actions; and they in their humanity, answer me; and for four hours I feel no boredom, I dismiss every afiction, I no longer fear poverty nor do I tremble at the thought of death.” See also Francesco Petrarch [sic], Collatio inter Scipionem, Alexandrum, Annibalem et Pyrhum (Philadelphia 1974), a ctive conversation, exploring character and historical contingency, between these four military leaders as to who is the greatest. C. Joachim Classen, Cicerostudien in der Romania im 15. Und 16. Jahrhundert, in Gerhard Radke, ed., Cicero. Ein Mensch seiner Zeit (Berlin 1968), pp. 198– 245, compares the Renaissance reception of Cicero in Italy, Spain, and France, contrasting the practical, educational interests of Spaniards to the more theoretical and scholarly ones of Italians. The documentation provided in this essay remains most useful. 35 See Jean Jacquot, ed., Feˆtes et ce´re´monies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris 1960), a compilation of excellent essays. Note in particular C. A. Marsden, “Entre´es et feˆtes espagnoles au XVIe sie`cle,” pp. 389–411, pointing out that in Spain, unlike elsewhere, the design and management of festive entries was in the hands of the places being entered, not in the hands of the court. See also, on solemn and triumphal entries in Spain and elsewhere, Fernando Checa Cremades, Carlos V. La imagen del poder en el renacimiento (Madrid 1999), pp. 203–24. Florence Vuilleumier Laurens, La raison des gures symboliques a la renaissance et l’aˆge classique. E´tudes sur les fondements philosophiques, the´ologiques et rhe´toriques de l’image (Geneva 2000); Arthur Henkel and Albrecht Scho¨ne, eds., Emblemata. Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1996), see especially sections 6 and 7.

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legendary, or historical, were models and interlocutors regarding thoughts, words, and actions to be imitated and others to be eschewed. Such interlocutors played a role in shaping the narratives of several of the early historians of Spanish Peru, who confronted the forbidding task of describing the course of the invasion and conquest of the empire of the Incas. The inuence of classical traditions from the ancient Mediterranean on the Andes was enormous. More was at issue, however, than mere inuence. For just as Don Joan Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua resorted to strange stories involving an enigmatic book and an ill-fated box to explain what had changed in the Andes with the coming of the Spanish, so the Spanish themselves resorted to ancient historians, geographers, statesmen, and also to the otsam and jetsam of classical fragments of thought and information, to comprehend and explain the history and government of the Incas. To write, as happened often, that the Incas resembled the Romans in this or that particular did not mean that the Spanish were imposing their own European past on the Andean past and present. The Romans themselves were exceedingly strange and distant. Rather, such comparisons enshrined an effort of conceptualization and understanding. Roman antecedents provided a springboard of cognition into the hitherto unknown Andean past and present. These antecedents when applied in the Andes also enshrined cultural recognition, the perception of shared humanity and historicity. The Spanish were the masters and exponents of the dominant culture in Peru. Their language was the dominant language, and Quechua was an “oppressed language.”36 However inescapable this reality indeed was, Roman and mediterranean antiquity introduced a certain disruption and discontinuity into the mechanics of power. For this antiquity, while itself subject to ongoing reinterpretation, was perennially eluding the grasp of those who were seeking to lay hold of it. Besides, insofar as it provided models of conduct, it set before the eyes of the Spanish a mirror of their own failures and shortcomings. In 1532, Francisco Pizarro from Trujillo in Spain with his band of followers captured and imprisoned the Inca Atahuallpa, son of Guayna Capac and ruler of an empire that comprised contemporary Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and much of Chile. Some months later, having collected a huge ransom of gold and silver in exchange for a promise of freeing the Inca, the Spaniards executed him and began the conquest of his empire, assisted by some of his discontented subjects. Before long, fric36 Bruce Mannheim, “A nation surrounded,” in Elizabeth Boone and Tom Cummins, eds., Native Traditions in the Post Conquest World (Washington, D.C. 1998), pp. 381–418.

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tion arose among the conquerors. After years of devoted friendship during hard times and while preparing the invasion of the Inca empire, Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro became the bitterest of enemies over the division of treasures and of the gobernaciones, governmental districts of Peru that the Crown had assigned to each of them. In the resulting war that ended in 1538 with the battle of Las Salinas near Cuzco, Diego de Almagro lost his life and his followers lost their privileges. Informed of these upheavals, the emperor Charles V in Spain sent Cristo´bal Vaca de Castro to Peru with powers to assume its government, should this be necessary. By the time he arrived, in 1541, Almagro’s son, Diego de Almagro the Younger, and some followers had assassinated Francisco Pizarro, proclaiming him to have been a tyrant. Vaca de Castro, sympathizing with the brothers and adherents of Francisco Pizarro, organized a campaign against the younger Almagro. This led to the denitive destruction of the Almagrists. They were defeated in 1542 at the battle of Chupas, about two days’ journey from the Inca ceremonial center and provincial capital of Vilcas, and not far from the newly founded Spanish city of Guamanga. Meanwhile, others among the invaders were fanning out into Upper Peru, Chile, and the Amazon. Three historians who recorded these events—apparently independently of each other—turned to the Roman civil wars between Caesar and Pompey to make sense of what had happened. They were Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, who had himself taken part in the invasion and conquest of Tierra Firme, the mainland of central America; Agust´n de Za´rate, controller of the royal nances in Peru; and Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, who having watched the treasure of Atahuallpa arrive in Seville in 1534, set out for the Indies, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen.37 37 Cieza sees treasure of Atahualpa, Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Primera Parte, ed. Franklin Pease G.Y. (Lima 1986), chapter 94 fol. 120. Oviedo did not mention Cieza, but Cieza was familiar with one or more of the following publications by Oviedo: De la natural ystoria de las Indias (Toledo: Remo de Petras 1526); La Historia General de las Indias (Cromberger: Seville 1535); Coronica de las Indias. La hystoria general de las Indias agora nuevamente impressa, corregida y emendada (Salamanca: Juan de Junta 1547); this last volume contains the “Conquista del Peru´” by Pizarro-Xerez. See Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Tercera Parte, ed. Francesca Cantu` (Lima 1987), chapter 2, fol. 2; chapter 12, fol. 13. But none of these editions of Oviedo’s Historia contained the concluding part which comprised, in books 46– 9, Oviedo’s own account of the affairs of Peru. Simo´n Valca´rcel Mart´nez, Las Cro´nicas de Indias como expresio´n y conguracio´n de la mentalidad renacentista (Diputacio´n Provincial de Granada 1997) usefully surveys the cro´nicas for their classical dimenisons, although the book contains some notable misjudgments, e.g., on Cieza, p. 233, “Cieza no pose´a una cultura de persona letrada ni hab´a tenido ocasio´n de adquirirla.” Cieza appears indeed not to have enjoyed much formal education, but his reading in ancient sources and reection on them was extensive, as will be seen. See also David Lupher, Romans in a New World. Classical Models in Sixteenth Century Spanish America (Ann Arbor 2003); Pease, Las Cro´nicas y los Andes pp. 161–226. A helpful overview is given by Angel Delgado-Go´mez,

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In Spain, during this same period, the missionary and defender of Indian rights Bartolome´ de las Casas and the theologians and jurists of the University of Salamanca were pressing Charles V for legislation to protect the conquered populations of the Americas.38 Vasco Nu´n˜ez Vela, a man devoted heart and soul to the service of his sovereign, was appointed Viceroy of Peru with the charge of implementing these “New Laws.” The conquerors of Peru, correctly fearing that the laws would severely curtail their powers and incomes, rallied behind Francisco Pizarro’s brother Gonzalo, who made war on the Viceroy, killing him in 1546 in the battle of An˜aquito not far from the Inca and then Spanish city of Quito in contemporary Ecuador. More was now at issue than simply the New Laws, since Gonzalo Pizarro’s ultimate purpose had expanded to governing Peru as king in virtual independence from Spain.39 In pursuit of that goal he routed those of His Majesty’s supporters who had not gone into hiding at the battle of Guarina in Upper Peru, now Bolivia. Finally, the Crown’s emissary, Pedro de la Gasca, whose intelligence and political acumen were respected, admired, and sometimes dreaded by friend and foe alike, was able to bring the majority of the vezinos, householders of Peru, over to the Crown’s side. This led to the defeat and death of Gonzalo Pizarro in the battle of Xaquixaguna near Cuzco in 1548, and the gradual establishment of regular government in Peru. Cieza fought under the royal banner at Xaquixaguana, where, during the battle, some of his notebooks were stolen, “about which I was very sad.”40 He repeatedly adduced the governance of the Roman empire by way of contrasting the chaos that swept through Peru in the wake of the Spanish invasion against the more peaceful and prosperous times of the empire of the Incas, which he came to admire increasingly, the more he learned about it. Rome became not only the lter Spanish Historical Writing about the New World 1493–1500 (Providence 1992). On Za´rate, cf. below chapter 3, at notes 32–3. 38 Las Casas and Oviedo held opposing views on the Spanish conquest of the Americas; according to Go´mara, Las Casas was instrumental in preventing the publication of the completed version of Oviedo’s Historia General y Natural de las Indias. See Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Annals of the Emperor Charles V. Spanish Text and English Translation, ed. Roger Bigelow Merriman (Oxford 1912), year 1548, p. 258, Procura fray Bartolome de las Casas, obispo de Chiappa, estorvar la Historia General Y Natural de Indias, que Gonc¸alo Hernandes de Ouyedo cronista mostro´ al Consejo Real de Castilla para la imprimir. See also Pease, Las Cro´nicas y los Andes pp. 349–66. 39 Cf. Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Quito, ed. Laura Gutie´rrez Arbulu´ (Lima 1994) ch. 229, fol. 481r. 40 Cieza, Primera Parte chapter 5 fol. 18, de que me ha pesado mucho.

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that rendered the Inca achievement intelligible and credible, but also the yardstick whereby Cieza judged the deeds of his own countrymen. As for Agust´n de Za´rate, whom Cieza knew and disliked for his cowardice in failing to stand up against the demands of Gonzalo Pizarro, he likewise wrote about the Peruvian civil wars in light of Roman parallels.41 Some twenty years later, another royal ofcial who spent some time in Peru once more reected on classical antiquity to explain the recent past. This was the notary Diego Ferna´ndez from Palencia in Old Castile, hence known as El Palentino. Like Cieza, El Palentino placed his entire historiographical enterprise under the aegis of Roman and other ancient precedent. “The ancient Romans,” he wrote, were accustomed to erect and consecrate statues of metal and marble to men who had performed distinguished deeds in support of the common good, so as to incite the souls of those who were to come thereafter to great undertakings. And those famous pyramids of Egypt were raised to so great a height for no other reason. But because both statues and pyramids were subject to the sharp tooth of time which consumes and destroys everything, the writing of history was discovered to carry the name of mortals and their works across endless centuries, causing their memory to endure with eternal praise.42 41 Cieza, Quito ch. 74 fol. 100: This Agust´n de Za´rate is held to be wise and well read in Latin letters, which was a good reason for him to display a free spirit, and by his words to let the rebels know the error in which they were entangled. But he proved himself to be fainthearted, with fear and trembling lodged in his soul. (Este Agust´n de C ¸ a´rate es tenido por savio y le´do en las letras latinas, que era causa por donde e´l avia de mostrar a´nimo libre, e por sus palabras, pues era avisado, darles a entender el hierro en que andavan, se mostro´ pusila´nimo y el miedo e temor ten´a metido ya en lo ynterior de su animo . . . ) On Za´rate’s views of the Roman and Peruvian civil wars, see below, chapter 3 at n. 30. 42 Here and elsewhere, I translate freely so as to convey something of the literary and rhetorical quality of the original in English. For example, in the present passage, inter alia, I translate the paired synonyms (i.e., obras y cosas, ayuda y favor) that are characteristic of early modern historical prose in Spanish by a single concept, because I think this is more in accord with contemporary English style which favors brevity. To translate the paired concepts would yield a clumsy English phrase, and would thus betray the original. Diego Ferna´ndez, Historia del Peru´, ed. Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vols. 164–65, 1963), Prologue to the whole work: “Costumbre fue´ de los antiguos romanos, hacer y consagrar estatuas de metal y ma´rmol a los que hac´an obras y cosas sen˜aladas en ayuda y favor de la pu´blica utilidad, por incitar a grandes empresas los a´nimos de los que adelante sucediesen. Y no por otra cosa fueron tanto alzadas aqellas pira´mides de Egipto. Mas porque lo uno y lo otro era sujeto a la aguda lima del tiempo, que todo lo consume y acaba, fue´ hallada la historia, que lleva el nombre de los mortales y sus obras por innidad de siglos, eternizando su memoria con perpetua alabanza.”

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Some twenty years had passed since Cieza and Oviedo died. In their different ways, Cieza, Oviedo, and also Za´rate emulated and responded to ancient writers who evoked Roman greatness and exemplarity, among them Livy and the Greek Plutarch, whose biographies of Greek and Roman statesmen and generals were as pleasing to readers as they were instructive. Diego Ferna´ndez, followed in the next generation by the royal historian Antonio Herrera, by contrast derived his inspiration from the more somber Roman historian Tacitus, who wrote about the immediate successors of Augustus. In Peru and Spain also, these were more somber years: the age of expansion was over, and the primary task of government was to defend the lands that had been gained and to rule over their peoples with prudence and discretion. Herrera like others of his day described this new outlook as “reason of state.”43 The civil wars between the Spanish invaders of Peru cannot be understood without factoring in the role that Andean people played in them. Although the devastation that the Spanish caused was immense, the battles of conquest and the battles that they fought among each other never involved more than about one thousand of their number, and generally fewer44—but that is without counting the many hundreds and thousands of Andean people who carried baggage, supplied foodstuffs, made weaponry, and served in every conceivable other capacity, including as soldiers. Mortality from warfare and from European diseases was enormous.45 Insofar as normal life continued, it was thanks to those Andean people who survived, raised crops and herds of animals, built the cities that the Spanish founded, and made the tribute payments that the Spanish demanded. Also, although the Spanish took possession of the Inca capital of Cuzco, an Inca state in exile continued at Vilcabamba some 150 miles northwest of Cuzco. This state came to an end when in 1571, the Viceroy Toledo invaded Vilcabamba, and captured and executed its ruler, the Inca Tupa Amaru. Yet, even in the absence of the Incas, Andean administrative practices, methods of organizing labor 43 Cf. S. MacCormack, “Conversations across Space and Time: Classical Traditions in the Andes, in Joanne Pillsbury, ed., Historiographic Guide to Andean Sources (University of Oklahoma Press, in press), pp. 1–103 at pp. 16–19. 44 See for example, Cieza, Cronica del Peru´. Cuarta Parte. Vol. III Guerra de Quito (Lima 1994), chapter 180, fol. 325, at the battle of Quito, where Gonzalo Pizarro fought the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela, Pizarro’s side, with a signicant majority numbered ‘trezientos y treynta ynfantes, y c¸iento y treinta lanc¸as, y c¸iento y c¸inquenta arcabuzeros,’ a total of 610. 45 For an account of the contribution of the Huancas of Jauja to the wars, see Espinoza Soriano, “Los Huancas, aliados de la conquista,” pp. 1–407.

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and of getting jobs done persisted, however much these old established customs were modied by Spanish intervention, whether it was planned and deliberate or unplanned and unintended. Spanish inuence was strongest along the Pacic coast, where the ravages of war and disease had been most severe, whereas in the mountainous regions, Andean ways of living and thinking interfaced with Spanish ones. Here, indigenous languages, in particular Quechua and Aymara, continued to be spoken and indigenous concepts of justice and political order continued to apply, in many parts until now.46 In 1567, Juan de Matienzo, who served for eighteen years as a judge on the court of appeals that resided in Chuquisaca in the south of contemporary Bolivia, nished a treatise on how Peru should be governed. Four years later, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa completed his history of the Incas that was based on oral and documentary testimony supplied to him by the Inca nobles of Cuzco. Matienzo and Sarmiento both decried the Incas as tyrants and advocated the merits of Spanish governance in the Andes, but for different reasons. Sarmiento subscribed to the theory of the Spanish empire as the successor to the empire of Rome. This imperial lineage was, as he saw it, sufcient reason for the conquest of Peru. Matienzo, thinking in legal and administrative more than in historical terms, appealed to Aristotle as precedent for his recommendations about the governance of Peru. He believed that by inculcating among Andean people the interdependent merits of regular—meaning regimented—work and private property, the Viceroyalty could be turned into a ourishing and stable polity.47 In light of this perspective, good government was a government able to provide, or at least willing to aim for, stability and a certain degree of prosperity, regardless of just title. What made this enterprise feasible, at least on paper, was, inter alia, the passage of time: a new generation of Andean people was replacing those who had witnessed or partici46 On the wars of conquest, including that of Vilcabamba, see John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (London 1970); on indigenous unrest and rebellion in the eighteenth century, see Sinclair Thomson, We Alone Will Rule. Native Andean Politics in the Age of Insurgency (Madison 2002); Thomas A. Abercrombie, Pathways of Memory and Power. Ethnography and History Among an Andean People (Madison 1998). For the republican period, see Cecilia Me´ndez, The Plebeian Republic. The Huanta Rebellion and the Making of the Peruvian State, 1820–1850 (Durham 2005); Maria Elena Garcia, Making Indigenous Citizens. Identity, Development, and Multicultural Activism in Peru (Stanford 2005). 47 Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´ (1567), ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena (ParisLima 1967); Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles 135, Madrid 1965), dedication to Philip II on the lineage of empire from Augustus to the present; the dedication also contains a polemic against Las Casas and an invective against the terrible, envejecida y horrenda tiran´a de los ingas, tiranos que fueron en este reino del Peru´ (pp. 195, 197, 198).

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pated in “how the Incas governed.”48 If memory was a social and political force, so was forgetting. Among Sarmiento’s and Matienzo’s contemporaries was the Jesuit Jose´ de Acosta, who came to Peru in 1569 and played a crucial role in the establishment of the Jesuit college in Lima and of several other of his order’s houses. Acosta wrote a masterpiece of Jesuit lucidity: his Natural and Moral History of the Indies of 1590 was one of the most frequently reprinted and translated early modern works about the Americas. The title captures the book’s argument which was, in light of Aristotle, Pliny, Ptolemy, and other ancient writers, about nature and environment. The purpose was to describe Peru and Mexico, and then to show how human free will—this being the moral part of the history—had crafted this American nature and environment so as to forge distinct societies, languages, and cultures. The Natural and Moral History was consulted in Europe and the Americas throughout the seventeenth century and provided a model for the researches and writings of Jesuit historians of the Americas down to the Enlightenment. Ignazio Molina, who in the later eighteenth century wrote the “geographical, natural and civil history” of Chile, and his contemporary Juan de Velasco, who wrote an equivalent work about Quito, still followed Acosta’s scheme, even though their scientic orientation differed profoundly from his.49 48 A number of people who had still seen the Incas govern and witnessed the conquest were asked for their testimony in the later sixteenth century. See “Informacio´n hecha en el Cuzco por orden el Rey y encargo del Virrey Mart´n Enr´quez acerca de las costumbres que ten´an los Incas del Peru´ antes de la conquista espan˜ola,” in R. Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru´. Cartas y Papeles, vol. 9 (Madrid 1925), pp. 268–88; “Relacio´n ano´nima sobre el modo de gobernar de los Incas, 1583,” ibid., pp. 289–96. Note also the testimonies given in Cuzco on behalf of don Juan Melchor Carlos Inca in 1599, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MS 20193. 49 The importance of Acosta in integrating natural with human history appears to have been underestimated. Since the complete work of Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo did not come into print until the nineteenth century, Acosta’s Historia natural y moral was the rst one of its kind to be published in its entirity. See Jorge Can˜izarez-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World. Historiographies, Epistemologies, and Identities in the EighteenthCentury Atlantic World (Stanford 2001), chapter 4, and at pp. 251–2; D. A. Brading, The First America. The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots and the Liberal State 1492–1867 (Cambridge, U.K. 1991), chapter 20, primarily on Mexico and Francisco Javier Clavijero, with an important appreciation of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. On the love of patria that inspired the writings of Molina and his fellow Jesuits who were expelled from Chile, see Walter Hanisch, Itinerario y pensamiento de los Jesuitas expulsos de Chile (1767–1815) (Santiago de Chile 1972). Love of patria also moved Velasco, and in Peru, Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzma´n, on whom see the collection of essays published by the Congreso del Peru´, Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzma´n (1748–1798). El hombre y su tiempo. 3 vols. (Lima 1999).

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By the late sixteenth century, a Spanish ruling class had come into existence in the Andes. Although their power by far exceeded that of indigenous lords, curacas, the latter held their own until and a little beyond independence.50 As for the Incas, in what became Peru, no one whether of Andean, Spanish, or creole origin was able to forget them, and they are not forgotten now.51 The Incas had run an empire of many cultures and languages. The Spaniards added a further, albeit unprecedented dimension to this diversity, and Peru remains to this day a country of many cultures. The legacy of Greece and Rome was part and parcel of the cultural identity of the Spanish and creole elite. But that is far from being the whole story, because then as now no two readers derived the same understanding from the same text, and no two listeners to the same story come away with the same memory of it. Classical texts, images, myths, and histories reached Andean people for the most part indirectly, but whatever the precise link, Andean people did not interpret the content of these traditions as Spaniards would have done. Paradoxically, therefore, classical traditions and ideas arising from them at times became instruments of Andean autonomy. Take the Andean lord Guaman Poma de Ayala from Guamanga, an early contemporary of Don Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui, who wrote a history of the Incas and of Peru. Although Guaman Poma probably did not himself read a single Roman or Greek text, he nontheless formulated his views about the origins and development of society, about political legitimacy and the merits and demerits of the Spanish in light of concepts both Greco-Roman and Andean.52 The same is true of another Andean author of the early seventeenth century, who without giving his name recorded the myths and histories that were told by the people who inhabited a cluster of villages in Huarochir´ in the Andean foothills south of Lima. This author’s purpose was to emulate the Spanish by recording history in writing, thereby retaining access to the deeds and memories of his people’s forebears. The idea that writing was memory’s most powerful tool in turn had been reiterated and rened over 50 David T. Garrett, Shadows of Empire: The Indian Nobility of Cusco, 1750–1825 (New York 2005); Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy, Kurakas sin sucesiones. Del cacique al alcalde de indios. Peru y Bolivia 1750–1835 (Cuzco 1997). 51 Apart from two classic works—Alberto Flores-Galindo, Buscando un Inca. Identidad y utopia en los Andes (Lima 1988), and Manuel Burga, Nacimiento de una utop´a. Muerte y resureccio´n de los Incas (Lima 1988)—see now Jose´ Carlos Vilcapoma, El retorno de los Incas. De Manco Ca´pac a Pachacu´tec (Lima 2002). 52 On Guaman Poma, see Pease, Las Cro´nicas y los Andes pp. 261–310; cf. below, at notes 93ff.; chapter 6 at notes 105–6.

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centuries in medieval and early modern Spain, among its exponents being Pedro Cieza de Leo´n and El Palentino.53 Studying the impact of the heritage of Greece and Rome in the Andes in the way here outlined is a product of the state of contemporary thinking about the role of Europeans in the Americas. Historians writing in Spain and the Americas during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including indigenous historians, described the deeds of Corte´s, Pizarro, and their followers in heroic terms. Subsequent historians during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in particular the Scotsman William Robertson and the North American William Prescott, followed suit.54 In 1892, to mark the fourth centenary of the rst voyage of Christopher Columbus, the arrival of Europeans in the New World was celebrated as a unique and positive achievement.55 A century later, things looked rather different because the experience of indigenous peoples, examined in its own right and by those peoples themselves, casts a long shadow on whatever the European achievement might be thought to have been. Demographic research has made clear that warfare and European diseases wiped out entire populations and decimated others.56 Also, it is now evident that the transfer of European plants, animals, technologies, culture, religion, and politics to the Americas was not an unmixed blessing, if a blessing at all.57 In the memories of those indigenous people who survived the decades of invasion and conquest, and also of those who were born in more tranquil times in the later sixteenth century, when social and political order were reemerging, the advent of the Spanish had brought about the end of the world they knew and understood spontaneously, the world of their parents and ancestors. Increasing awareness of the destructive impact of the European presence in the Americas has led to a shift in perspective that has priori53

See below, chapter 2, at nn. 4ff. William Robertson, The History of America, in his Works vols. 6–8 (London 1827); William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (New York n.d.). Richard Kagan, “Prescott’s Paradigm: American Historical Scholarship and the Decline of Spain,” American Historical Review 101 (1996): 423–46 deals with Prescott’s writings about Spain. Kagan’s thesis would be modied but not overthrown if one were also to consider Prescott’s Conquest of Mexico and Conquest of Peru. 55 The Raccolta di Documenti e Studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto Centenario dalla Scoperta dell’America (Rome 1892) is an eloquent example of this hopeful and celebratory mood. 56 Noble David Cook, Born to Die. Disease and New World Conquest, 1492–1650 (Cambridge 1998). 57 Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism. Th Biological Expansion of Europe 900–1900 (Cambridge 1986). 54

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tized indigenous accounts of life before, during, and after the coming of the Spanish. To use Miguel Leo´n Portilla’s phrase, “the vision of the vanquished” now matters as much as that of the victors: indeed, for some historians it matters more.58 In 1970, John Hemming published a new history of the “conquest of the Incas” where the dominant vantage point is not that of the Spanish but that of the Incas and their Andean subjects. In this process of changing historiographical orientation, what was formerly described as the Spanish conquest of the Americas is now often termed the Spanish invasion. In the recent Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, the native peoples of South America are consistently described as “invaded societies.” For the Spanish also, the “discovery” of America brought about a caesura, an incision into their lives, since for better or worse, their land became the center of a world empire. The burden of taxation to defray the ever-increasing costs of imperial defense weighed heavily on Andean people, as it did on the people of Castile.59 Despite protestations to the contrary, we still tend to view these two developments, the American and the Spanish, as distinct and separate. Yet, economic, political, and cultural links between Spain and the American viceroyalties, repeated voyages across the Atlantic, and travel by land and sea up and down the Pacic coast of South America were a fact of daily life.60 Throughout the Andes, indigenous people, European and African newcomers, and creoles lived side by side and in relation to each other, often in close physical proximity, however much they were separated by race, culture, and language. In recent years, we have been encouraged to think of these American societies in terms of mestizaje, of a mingling of races, languages, art forms.61 But mestizaje does not account for everything. The reason is that different groups had and have their own ways of creating and interpreting meaning, ways that remain distinct. This applies also to how the heritage of Greece and Rome was understood 58 Miguel Leo´n Portilla, El reverso de la conquista. Relaciones aztecas, mayas, incas (Mexico 1990); this is an expanded version of his Visio´n de los vencidos of 1959. Nathan Wachtel, La vision des vaincus. Les indiens du Pe´rou devant la conqueˆte espagnole 1530–1570 (Paris 1971). See also the pioneering study by Louise Burkhart, The Slippery Earth. Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth Century Mexico (Tucson 1989). 59 S. MacCormack, “Conciencia y pra´ctica social: pobreza y vagrancia en Espan˜a y el temprano Peru´ colonial,“ Revista Andina 35 (Cuzco 2002): 69–99. 60 For an unusual and captivating view into Spain as linked with Peru, see Alexandra Parma Cook and Noble David Cook, Good Faith and Truthful Ignorance. A Case of Transatlantic Bigamy (Durham 1991). 61 Serge Gruzinski, The Mestizo Mind. The Intellectual Dynamics of Colonization and Globalization (New York 2002; French original 1999).

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5. Siren over the portal of Puno cathedral. In the Andean interplay of cultures, the somewhat sinister sirens of classical mythology, whose music called unsuspecting listeners to their death, have changed their nature. They have come to represent inspiration to musicians both sacred and secular, and images of them appear regularly in churches and elsewhere.

and interpreted. It meant different things to different people, and came to them in different forms. For example, everyone was affected by the legal system, derived from Roman law, that the Spanish brought to the New World. Both in Spain and the Americas, the law treated different groups differently: for instance, in the Andes, creoles had access to the professions, whereas indigenous people by and large did not. Also, the church viewed Spanish Christians differently from Andean ones, admitting the former but usually not the latter to the priesthood and to religious orders.62 62 Antonio Dougnac Rodr´guez, Manual de Historia del Derecho Indiano (Mexico 1994), chapter 9. But see also, on the internal contradictions of the viceregal “system,” J. M. Pe´rez-Prendes Mun˜oz-Arraco, “Pareceres (1956–1998),” Revista de Historia del Derecho, 7, 2 (Madrid 1999): 1185–1211. Amidst much disagreement, it was possible for mestizos to be appointed as priests in Andean parishes. See Sabine Hyland, “Illegititimacy and racial hierarchy in the Peruvian priesthood: a seventeenth century dispute,” Catholic Historical Review 84, 3 (1998): 431–54. To what extent, if at all, this applied to men both of whose parents were Andean is not clear; see for Mexico, Osvaldo F. Pardo, The Origins of Mexi-

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Spaniards and creoles who went to school and university studied classical texts, especially Latin ones in the original language.63 For some, albeit a minority, Latin remained the language of choice for learned discourse. Conceptions of earth, nature, and the cosmos were imbued with the ideas of Aristotle, Ptolemy, Pliny, and others, modied and changed though these had been by the emergence on European horizons of an entire new continent. The poetic imagination was deeply tinged in Greek and Roman mythology and imagery.64 Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Pliny along with the Roman architect Vitruvius and his Florentine disciple Leon Battista Alberti had a very practical impact on the Andean world, because they helped to shape precepts as to where and in what manner to found cities. Whether constructed in a new location, like Lima, or within the parameters of existing cities such as Cuzco and Quito, cities in the Viceroyalty enshrined concepts of urban order that were as Greco-Roman and Peninsular as they were Andean. Equally important, just as Rome and the many cities and towns of the Roman empire and of medieval and early modern Spain had been home, patria, to their inhabitants, so were these Peruvian cities. In this way, Cicero’s notion of a host of settlements, each constituting for its inhabitants a little patria, a patria chica in Spanish parlance, all of them together being contained within the great patria of Rome, found new life in Peru, the general homeland of people living in a multitude of villages, towns, and cities.65 Cicero’s idea could not have taken root in the Andes had it not been for a preexisting concept of Andean space. This space was the empire of the Incas, often described as Tahuantincan Catholicism. Nahua Rituals and Christian Sacraments in Sixteenth Century Mexico (Ann Arbor 2004), pp. 49–78. 63 Cf. Pedro Guibovich Pe´rez, “La educacio´n en el Peru´ colonial: fuentes e historiograf´a,” Histo´rica 17, 2 (Lima 1993): 271–96. A document of this kind of study is the Latin grammar by an anonymous Jesuit, Commentaria in tres grammaticae Libros Primam, et Secvndam classem, tum Discipulis, tum Magistro, comptectentes, Hispano Idiomate Cum appendicibus, et indice copioso illustrata Ad Beatvm Lvdovicvm Gonzaga, Cuzquensis gymnasyi Patronum, Cvzqui Anno MDC XXXX. III (MS, Biblioteca Nacional, Lima). 64 Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Amarilis Indiana. Identicacio´n y Semblanza (Lima 1993), identifying the author of the sixth letter in Lope de Vega’s La Filomena of 1621 with Don˜a Mar´a de Rojas y Garay from Huanuco. The entire letter is pervaded by classical images, but note in particular lines 145–80 about the author’s homeland; see also Raquel ChangRodr´guez, ed., Cancionero Peruano del siglo XVII (Ponticia Universidad Catholic del Peru´ Lima 1983), a collection of 21 poems dedicated to the jurist Juan de Solo´rzano Pereira. 65 Bernardo Aldrete, Del origen y principio de la lengua castellana o` romance que oi se usa en Espan˜a (Rome 1606, Madrid 1972), book I, chapter 6 (p. 39) quotes and comments on Cicero, De Legibus 2,2,5, ego omnibus municipibus duas esse censeo patrias unam naturae, alteram iuris; see Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkeley 2000), pp. 9–10; 60.

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suyu, the “Fourfold Domain,” comprising diverse language groups and ethnic polities both great and small, each of which was home for its people in Spanish times just as it had been in the “time of the Inca.” Yet not all Andean concepts were readily translatable into a Spanish approximation or equivalent. Spanish and creole conceptions of what it was to be human, the idea that each person is constituted of an immortal soul and a mortal body, were anchored in Greek and Roman philosophy, ltered as this conceptualization of human nature had been through centuries of Christian experience in Europe. Spaniards and creoles took such notions to be self-evidently true, whereas Andean people had quite different methods of accounting for the body and the life force in it. Among the rst to grasp this point were Pedro Cieza de Leo´n and the Dominican friar Domingo de Santo Toma´s, who provided Cieza with some of his information and published the rst grammar and dictionary of “the general language of the Indians of the Kingdom of Peru,” the language that soon came to be known as Quechua.66 As Fray Domingo had expected, Quechua became the language of evangelization. Among its advocates was Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, the contemporary of Guaman Poma, son of a conquistador and of an Inca royal lady who was a native of Cuzco. Like so many other denizens of societies on the imperial fringe, Garcilaso was drawn away from his patria by both necessity and aspiration, and lived out his adult years in Spain, initially in Montilla near Co´rdoba and then in Co´rdoba itself. Garcilaso addressed his Royal Commentaries of the Incas, a work replete with a plethora of classical allusions and citations, to the “Indians, mestizos and creoles of the kingdoms and provinces of the great and most abundant empire of Peru,” and he wrote it as an expression of love for his homeland and so as “to make our patria, people and nation known to the universe.”67 All this in turn conditioned what the past could mean to the present, and what one might understand the history of one’s patria to be: 66 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los Reynos del Peru (Valladolid 1560, Lima 1951) concludes this grammatical manual with a short model sermon about basic Christian concepts, formulated to be accessible in an Andean context. Throughout the Primera Parte, Cieza commented on the different burial practices of different regions as indicators of beliefs about body, soul and afterlife; cf. S. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes. Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton 1991), chapter 3, section 1. 67 Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Part II, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria, Madrid, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vols. 134–35, Atlas 1960), Prologue p. 11.

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6. Puno Cathedral. In accord with principles of urban planning derived from the Roman architect Vitruvius and his Renaissance followers, the building overlooks the town’s main square.

whether it was remembered, narrated in prose, recited in verse and song, or written down in books. For Spaniards in the Americas, none of this meant quite the same as it had done in the Peninsula and Europe. And for indigenous people, still different meanings emerged as they selected and rejected components from what was accessible to them of the unwieldy corpus of classical and Christian traditions that the Spanish in one way or another took for granted. The impact of Roman, and to some extent of Greek antiquity in the Andes may not be at the top of many people’s minds in contemporary Peru or in any of the other Andean republics. But, despite profound changes brought about rst by the Bourbon reforms of the eighteenth century and then by independence in the early ninteenth century, legal traditions and the shape and institutions of Latin American cities retain important Roman components.68 All this and the presence and role of the Catholic Church which itself is, in the last resort, a Roman insti68 Richard M. Morse, “Introduccio´n a la historia urbana de Hispanoame´rica,” Revista de Indias 32 (1972): 9–53; Angel Rama, The Lettered City (Durham 1996).

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tution conspire to make for classical traditions in the Andes that are very much alive.69 The pages that follow are about the role of these traditions during the foundational period when an Andean world that was both indigenous and Spanish came into existence, and about the intellectual values and cultural precepts that helped to transform the Inca empire into the country that became known as Peru.

69 See Bernardino Ram´rez Bautista, Moros y cristianos en Huamantanga—Canta (Lima 2000); the play that is regularly performed in Huamantanga, “Historia del Cerco de Roma,” encompasses themes from the story of Roland, the war between Charlemagne and the Lombards, and the conict between Moors and Christians, all with a chorus of pallas (Inca princesses, see pp. 167–71). Rome is the ancient imperial city fallen on hard times, see p. 96.

Two Writing and the Pursuit of Origins IN THE EARLY seventeenth century, an Andean author whose name we do not know recorded in writing the myths and histories that had shaped the lives, hopes, and beliefs of the peoples living in and around Huarochir´ in the foothills of the Andes near Lima. The recent history of the region had been tempestuous. During the terrible years of 1533 and 1534, when the Spanish were ghting the Incas and looting the land for its treasures, the people of Huarochir´ had watched the dismantling of the nearby sanctuary of the oracular deity Pachacamac, the Maker of the World. Some of them had been forced to help transport the sanctuary’s sacred vessels, golden doors, ceremonial rods, vestments, and other adornments north to Cajamarca to ransom the Inca Atahuallpa, whom the Spanish had captured, only to nd that once the treasure had been accumulated, neatly separated into objects of gold and others of silver, the Inca was executed nonetheless.1 Not long afterward, the Spanish arrived in Huarochir´ itself demanding the silver and clothing belonging to the regional deity, the glacier Pariacaca. But the deity’s priest Tamalliuya Casalliuya refused to surrender them, whereupon, writes our author, the Spanish became angry and ordering some straw piled up, they burned Casalliuya. When half the straw had burned, the wind began to blow it away. And so, although this man suffered horribly, he returned to live, but by that time the others had handed the clothing and the rest of the things over to the Spanish.2 1

Edmundo Guille´n, Versio´n Inca de la Conquista (Lima 1974), pp. 22–4; 32; 45–6; gold and silver separated, p. 80. 2 F. Salomon and J. Urioste, eds., The Huarochir´ Manuscript. A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion (Austin 1991), chapter 18, section 225; for “returned to live,” ibid., and Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru´ llamada lengua Qquichu o del Inca (Lima 1608, Lima 1989), p. 52 cauc¸arini, with p. 318 rini and derivatives. Frank Salomon, “The Half-Burned Priest: Andean Faith in the Making,” Latin American Indian Literatures Journal. A Review of American Indian Texts and Studies 14, 1 (1998): 1–25.

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Some years later, when missionaries had come to Huarochir´ and the cult of the Christian god was becoming mandatory, the Andean people, aficted by European epidemics that left entire regions depopulated, were experiencing these events as acts of vengeance by their old and familiar gods whom they had been forced to abandon in favor of the deity worshipped by the newcomers.3 Religious upheaval was just one aspect of a transformation that interfered with the fabric not just of action but also of thought and with the ways in which thought and action could be recorded and explained. The quipus, knot records used by the Incas to communicate and store administrative information and other data, some of which came to gure in colonial litigation and in Spanish historical narratives, were now competing with alphabetic writing. In addition, because Spanish notions of coherence and relevance were so different from Andean ones, Spaniards scrutinized quipus in light of methods of “reading” for which they were not originally intended. Quipu expertise therefore was and remained conned to Andean people, and no Spaniards are known to have mastered it.4 Quipus were used widely in Huarochir´, but whether or not they contributed to our author’s story, he did not mention them as a source.5 Instead, speculating that before the coming of the Spanish no certain knowledge or secure method of recording the past existed in the Andes, our author wrote this brief prologue: 3 On the Jesuit mission in Huarochir´, and the conversion of the curaca Don Sebastian, see Antonius de Engan˜a S.J., ed., Monumenta Peruana vol. I (Rome 1954), pp. 420–23. According to the letter here being written to Rome, the Jesuits were expecting the fear of hell and the hope for life eternal to convince their Andean charges. Things did not work out as hoped; Monumenta Peruana I, pp. 471, 500. See also, about these and subsequent years, Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapters 20–21. 4 When presented as evidence in court by Andean litigants, the content of quipus was viewed selectively in light of the questionnaires that lay at the root of fact nding in Castilian law; see Tristan Platt, “Without Deceit or Lies.” Variable chinu readings during a Sixteenth-Century Tribute—Restitution Trial, in Jeffrey Quiter and Gary Urton, eds., Narrative Threads. Accounting and Recounting in Andean Khipu (Austin 2002), pp. 225–65, at pp. 235–41; 257–58 with Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales de los Incas Part I, book 2, chapter 3, explaining that in Andean eyes, a story had to be told in its entirety if the truth were to be understood. Quipus were not involved in the episode Garcilaso recounted, but his evaluation of Spanish in comparison to Andean concepts of fact nding is relevant here. The Spanish regularly expressed interest in quipus; see Gary Urton, “An Overview of Spanish Colonial Commentary on Andean Knotted-Strong Records,” in Narrative Threads, pp. 3–25: but interest is not the same thing as expertise. 5 See Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 22, section 283; chapter 31, section 438. In both these passages, the only ones to mention quipus, they are used to make lists, one of offerings to huacas, and the other of those who were absent from among a deity’s worshippers; see further Frank Salomon, The Cord Keepers. Khipus and Cultural Life in a Peruvian Village (Durham 2004), p. 114, and on additional quipus from Huarochir´ used in “village accounting” at this time, pp. 117–20.

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7. Unlike so many other quipus, this complex knot record has cords suspended not from a single principal top cord but from a wooden board, allowing for an unusually large number of pendant cords. Berlin: Dahlem, Museum fu¨r Vo¨lkerkunde.

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If the ancestors of the people called Indians had known writing in earlier times, then the lives they lived would not be like something getting lost. As the mighty past of the Spanish Viracochas is visible until now, so, too, would theirs be. But since things are as they are, and since nothing has been written until now, I set forth here the lives of the ancestors of the Huaro Cheri people, who all descend from one forefather. What faith they might have held, how they live up until now, those things and more; village by village it will be written down: how they lived from their dawning age onward.6 Looking back to a prehispanic past, these words are nonetheless imbued with Spanish language and Christian religion. When writing about “the ancestors of the people called Indians,” Runa yndio n˜iscap Machoncuna, our author adopted a Spanish term, “Indians,” thus looking at himself and his people with the eyes of an outsider. For, normally, Andean people dened themselves not as Indians but as runa, “people,” or as members of ethnic polities or kingroups, ayllus. The words yma feenioccha carcan, “what faith they might have held,” contain another Spanish import, for the possessive Quechua sufx nioc and the dubitative sufx cha´ are added to the Spanish noun fee, “faith,” the point being that before Christianity came to the Andes, matters of faith were not among anyone’s concerns and required no distinct terminology. Hence, the writer incorporated the alien term fee into his sentence by adding the necessary Quechua sufxes. Finally, there was the matter of writing the history of the past into a book. The very format of the Huarochir´ text, with its preface written in larger letters than the body of the text, and its numbered chapters, each with its heading usually likewise in larger letters, reproduces European and ultimately classical models such as presented themselves to Andean readers in almost every manuscript or printed book they handled. The content of the preface, with its emphasis on writing as the crucial tool of transmitting knowledge, likewise points to Peninsular and classical antecedents. In short, the very act of recalling the Andean past entailed recourse to a means of expression that was foreign to that past. Castilians had arrived at their own distinct way of viewing the past by the later thirteenth century, when their king, Alfonso el Sabio, the Wise, brought together a team of scholars to compile a history of Spain, the Primera Cro´nica general de Espan˜a. In the prologue, the compilers, 6

Huarochir´ Manuscript, Preface 1–2, and see Salomon, Cord Keepers, pp. xv–xvi.

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8. Florian Docampo, Los C¸inco libros primeros dela Cronica general de Espan˜a (Medina del Campo 1553), fol. vii. 35–36. Size of typeface, spacing, and color orient the reader. The words “The rst book of the general chronicle of Spain” are printed in red, and so is the rst line of the heading of chapter 1. The heading summarizes the chapter’s content: “How after the general ood, in which all creatures perished, Tubal and his followers came to Spain to settle it, in accord with the command of the patriarch Noah.” Names of persons guring in the text are printed in the margin to focus the reader’s attention.

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9. Imitating printed books of his time, the writer of the Huarochir´ text guided the reader by segmenting his text into numbered chapters, highlighting the heading by distinct spacing and letter size. The heading of chapter 9 reads, “How Pariacaca, having accomplished all this, began to ordain his own cult.” The chapter’s opening sentence orients the reader within the sequence of the story by saying, “Now indeed we’ve nished telling all these victories of his.” Marginal notes add focus: “Pariacaca’s children,” and lower down, “Further on we shall set forth Pacha Chuyru’s victory,” he being one of Pariacaca’s children (tr. Salomon and Urioste). In the margin at the top, a Spanish-speaking reader wrote a question seeking further information. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional MS 3169.

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echoing the Roman architect Vitruvius in his treatise De Architectura,7 praised the human thirst for knowledge and the art of writing as practiced by wise men. Thanks to writing, knowledge would never be lost, and succeeding generations would learn about “the arts of the sciences and the other forms of knowledge that have been discovered for the use of human beings.”8 In the opinion of the Alfonsine scholars, this knowledge comprised geometry, the course of the stars and the planets, the nature of plants and stones, the legal traditions of different nations, and nally biblical and secular history, including “the noble battles of the Romans and of the many other remarkable nations who have lived in the world, which would all be forgotten if they had not been set down in writing, and also events in Spain.”9 This passage, along with other parts of the prologue, is part translation and part paraphrase of the Latin prologue to the history of Spain that the archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Xime´nez de Rada “el Toledano” had dedicated to Alfonso’s father Fernando III. Both these histories are compilations derived from the Bible and Roman, late antique, and medieval historical and other texts which had been produced, in Ximenez de Rada’s words, by delis antiquitas et antiqua delitas primevorum, the “times of old we look to and the trusty presence of our forebears.” The appeal of Alfonso’s Primera Cro´nica with its high esteem for the cultural 7 Vitruvius, On Architecture VII, Preface: 1. Maiores cum sapienter tum etiam utiliter instituerunt, per commentariorum relationes cogitata tradere posteris, ut ea non interirent, sed singulis aetatibus crescentia voluminibus edita gradatim pervenirent vetustatibus ad summam doctrinarum subtilitatem. Itaque non mediocres sed innitae sunt his agendae gratiae, quod non invidiose silentes praetermiserunt, sed omnium generum sensus conscriptionibus memoriae tradendos curaverunt. 2 Nam si non ita fecissent, non potuissemus scire, quae res in Troia fuissent gestae, seu Croesus, Alexander, Darius, ceterique reges quas res aut quibus rationibus gessissent, nec quid Thales, Democritus, Anaxagoras, Xenophanes reliquique physici sensissent de rerum natura, quasque Socrates, Platon, Aristoteles, Zenon, Epicurus aliique philosophi hominibus agendae vitae terminationes nissent, fuissent notae, nisi maiores praeceptorum conparationibus omnium memoriae ad posteritatem commentariis extulissent. 3. Itaque quemadmodum his gratiae sunt agendae, contra, qui eorum scripta furantes pro suis praedicant, sunt vituperandi, quique non propriis cogitationibus scriptorum nituntur, sed invidis moribus aliena violantes gloriantur, non modo sunt reprehendendi, sed etiam, quia impio more viserunt, poena condemnandi. An English translation with excellent commentary is provided in Ingrid Rowland and Thomas Noble Howe, Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture (Cambridge 1999). 8 Alfonso X, Primera Cro´nica general de Espan˜a ed. Ramo´n Mene´ndez Pidal (Madrid 1977), Prologo p. 3a las artes de las sciencias et los otros saberes que fueron fallados por pro de los omnes. 9 Alfonso X, Primera Cro´nica Prologo p.4a, escrivieron otrosi las nobles batallas de los romanos et de las otras yentes que acaescieron en el mundo muchas et maravillosas, que se olvidaran si en escripto no fuessen puestas; e otrossi el fecho dEspanna.

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importance of writing is born out by the many versions and adaptations in which it circulated.10 As for Alfonso’s prologue, along with that of Xime´nez de Rada, it was quoted and alluded to by historians throughout the peninsula.11 Indeed, it was not only historians who took the King’s words to heart, for in the early fteenth century, the poet and notary Juan Alfonso de Baena, compiler of a voluminous collection of poems in Castilian, adapted Alfonso’s prologue to introduce his own work,12 and once more highlighted the importance of writing as the crucial tool whereby the memories and poems of the past could be transmitted to the present and the future. In the age of printing, Alfonso’s Primera Cro´nica general reached a yet wider reading public when in 1541, Floria´n de Ocampo published a text of it which subsequently appeared in several further editions, and in 1541, the handsome volume of Xime´nez de Rada’s history of Spain was published in Granada. Writing saved from oblivion not just the origins and history of Spain itself, but of its cities, many of them claiming Roman origins. Not to mention numerous others, Seville was celebrated in the Cancionero compiled by Juan Alfonso de Baena and elsewhere as having been built by Hercules and colonized by Julius Caesar,13 Tarragona had been dignied by a visit from the emperor Augustus, and Cordoba was known as the home of “wise men”—a reference to the philosopher 10 Rodrigo Xime´nez de Rada, Historia de rebus Hispanie sive historia Gotica, ed. Juan Ferna´ndez Valverde (Turnholt 1987), p. 5. Translated literally, the words from the preface I quote in the text read: “the faithful antiquity and ancient faithfulness of our forebears.” Diego Catala´n Mz. Pidal, De Alfonso X al Conde de Barcelos. Cuatro Estudios sobre el nacimiento de la historigraf´a romance en Castilla y Portugal (Madrid 1962). 11 In Portugal, the historiographical work of Alfonso X was remembered, and his prologue quoted, in the prologue of the Cro´nica geral de Espanha de 1344, ed. Lu´s Filipe Lindley Cintra vol. II (Lisbon, Academia Portuguesa da Histo´ria, 1954), see pp. 3–7; in Navarra, Garc´a de Eugui, Cro´nica de Espayn˜a, ed. Aengus Ward (Pamplona 1999) mentions the sabios antigos that gure in Alfonso’s prologue; see fol. 1r. The Cro´nica del Moro Rasis versio´n del ajba¯r mulu ¯k al-andalus de ahmad ibn muhammad ibn mu ¯sa` al-ra¯z¯, 889–955; ro hacia 1300 por mahomad, alarife, y gil pe´rez, cle´rigo manzada para el rey don dion´s de portugal de don perianes porc¸el, ed. Diego Catala´n, Maria Soledad de Andre´s et al., Seminario Mene´ndez Pidal 1974 (Madrid 1975) refers not to Alfonso but to el Toledano; see p. 4: Aqui comienc¸a la coronica d’Espan˜a la qual hizo e hordeno el arc¸obispo don Rrodrigo en los tienpos que alcanc¸o a saber todas las cosas que son escriptas en esta coronica d’Espan˜a, asi por las escrituras que ovo como por otras que en este caso fablaron e como por otros coronistas e fazedores della que en aquellos tienpos fueron bibos. 12 Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, eds. Brian Dutton and Joaquin Gonza´lez Cuenca (Madrid 1993). Brian Dutton and Joaquin Gonzalez Cuenca (p. 3) think Baena had in mind the preface of the General Estoria. I think instead he quoted the Primera Cro´nica. But Juan Alfonso de Baena also added his own ideas to the prologue, by elaborating on Alfonso’s statement about the human desire to know and to know the past: but he attributes this statement to Aristotle. 13 ´ lvarez. Cancionero de Baena number 29, by Alfonso A

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Seneca and the poet Lucan, who were born there.14 Beyond taking cognizance of their Roman past, Spaniards looked for the origins of their nation in Holy Writ. Aware that the authors of the Bible and Roman historians had not written a history of Spain in its own right, they undertook to remedy this omission by excerpting whatever scattered particulars about their homeland had found their way into ancient texts, including those of Ptolemy, Dio, Pompeius Trogus, and Orosius, and also Cicero, Julius Caesar, and the poet Lucan.15 Yet, knowledge derived from these works, rmly xed in writing though it might have seemed to be in the minds of those who cherished it, was far from immutable. Instead, Alfonso’s team of scholars, like Spanish humanists of the fteenth century and their sixteenth-century successors, selected from and adapted the available sources in light of the circumstances of their time. Alfonso only ruled over part of the Peninsula, but by the early sixteenth century, the different Spanish kingdoms had been united and Spain was the center of a world empire.16 Historical perspectives changed accordingly. For Xime´nez de Rada, Alfonso’s team of scholars and their immediate successors, the Romans were part of Spain’s origins and early history, whereas later, Rome also became a precedent for and model of Spain’s empire in Europe and overseas. The nature of historical scholarship changed as well because renaissance learning brought to light new sources and developed new methods of interpretation. In the course of the sixteenth century, the historians Floria´n de Ocampo and Ambrosio Morales, the Aristotle scholar Juan Gine´s de Sepu´lveda and the jurist Antonio Agust´n, among others, added a quite new resource to the historian’s tool box: they copied and collected Spain’s Roman inscriptions that had survived in their hundreds and thousands. Funerary epitaphs, distance markers on Spain’s Roman roads, dedications of buildings, votive offerings to deities enhanced the venerable narratives that everyone had read with details both large and small about events and persons.17 Whether it was a Roman emperor or members of the imperial household, military commanders, and ofcials 14

Alfonso X, Primera Cro´nica, chapter 138, p. 105, Tarragona; chapter 173, p.124, Cordoba. The rst three are listed as sources in Primera Cro´nica, prologo p. 4a; they, along with Cicero, Caesar, Lucan, and Orosius, are also referred to in the text. 16 On perceptions of unity and diversity in Spain before the Catholic Kings, see J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, vol. I (Oxford 1976), chapter 1. About the transition from late medieval to centrally controlled early modern society, see Gretchen D. Starr-LeBeau, In the Shadow of the Virgin. Inquisitors, Friars and Conversos in Guadalupe, Spain (Princeton 2003). 17 Helena Gimeno Pascual, Historia de la investigacio´n epigra´ca en Espan˜a en los siglos XVI y XVII (Zaragoza 1997). 15

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who were mentioned in these inscriptions, or whether it was the ordinary folk whose lives had unfolded away from the limelight of history but who spoke in their epitaphs, however briey, about what they had been, known, and loved: inscriptions constituted a testimony without equal of the power of writing. In short, the history of Spain in Roman times emerged in vivacious detail from the efforts of the early modern historians who set themselves the task of writing about the past of their patria. Without them, this past would have remained hidden in works about the Roman republic and empire that had been composed by Romans who had no specic interest in Spain except as a Roman province.18 Echoes of these new endeavors and of Alfonso’s Cro´nica reached as far as Huarochir´, where our author believed that if the art of writing had been practiced in the Andes, then the lives of the ancestors “would not be like something getting lost.”19 It was a sentiment widely shared among Spaniards in Peru who interested themselves in the Andean past. Just as scholars in Spain had gathered diverse materials to compile a history of the land, so now in Peru. But here, it was not a voluminous textual and epigraphic tradition reaching back into Roman and indeed biblical antiquity that could be sifted and ordered for new purposes, but the oral traditions and quipu records that were known to members of different communities. Simultaneously, however, the author from Huarochir´, like Andean people at large, had to come to grips with Spanish cultural legacies, if Andean legacies were to make an impact on the new environment where writing was a tone giving means of communication. Hence, the criteria according to which the Huarochir´ author worked were in part derived, however indirectly, from the efforts of Peninsular historians who wrote the history of Roman and medieval Spain. Spanish power in the Andes made these criteria inescapable, if only because of the perennial complaint of Span18

Sabine MacCormack, “Visions of the Roman Past in Late Medieval and Early Modern Spain,” in Shaul Shaked, ed., Genesis and Regeneration. Essays on Conceptions of Origins (Jerusalem 2005), pp. 77–109. 19 Huarochir´ Manuscript, Preface. This is Salomon’s alternative translation for chincaycuc hinacho canman; he adds (n. 5) “that is, if Andean tradition partook more of literacy, colonial conditions would not have led to its recent erosion.” On the availability and circulation of books from Spain in Peru during the period here considered, see Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez, “El eco de los ingenios: literatura espan˜ola del Siglo de Oro en las bibiliotecas y librer´as del Peru´ Colonial,” Histo´rica 16, 2 (Lima 1992): 177–201; Pedro Guibovich Pe´rez, “Libros antiguos en la Universidad del Cuzco: la ‘Biblioteca de los Jesuitas’,” Histo´rica 24, 1 (Lima 2000): 171–81. See also Carlos Alberto Gonza´lez Sa´nchez, Los mundos del libro. Medios de difusio´n de la cultura occidental en las Indias de los siglos XVI y XVII (Sevilla 2001).

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iards who came to Peru and maintained that since the “Indians” lacked writing, they possessed no reliable memory of their past.20 Yet, there was more to the issue. True, when evaluating what they were able to understand from Andean informants in light of their own historical traditions, the Spanish found traditions of the Andes confusing and contradictory. Among those who expended much effort on understanding the Andean past was the soldier Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, one of Peru’s greatest historians, who spent the years 1547–50 in the former empire of the Incas. Believing writing to lie at the core of the historian’s craft, he quoted the prologue of the history that Diodorus Siculus had written about the Greco-Roman Mediterranean to this effect: “Unquestionably, human beings are deeply indebted to those who write, because it is thanks to their labours that the events that mark the passing ages are alive.”21 To Cieza, as to so many others, the perceived absence of writing in the Andes constituted a grave obstacle to historical understanding. But Cieza also recognized that, aside from the quipus, alphabetic writing was not the only script that could inform the historian. At the very time when the roads of Spain yielded information about the Roman past and Roman imperial power, the roads that the Incas 20 Agust´n de Za´rate, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista del Peru´, eds. Franklin Pease and Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez (Lima 1995), Book I, chapter 10, p. 50, “Como los indios no tenyan escriptura . . . no saben el origen de su creacio´n ni el n que vuo el mundo en el diluvio.” See also below, note 90. 21 Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Primera Parte, ed. Franklin Pease (Lima 1986), Dedication to Prince Philip, fol. 6v. El antiguo Diodoro S´culo en su prohemio dize que los hombres deven sin comparacio´n mucho a los escriptores: pues mediante su trabajo biven los acaecimintos, hechos por ellos grandes edades. Cieza had in mind Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, book 1, sections 1–2. Poggio Bracciolini’s Latin translation of Diodorus book I–V was rst published in 1472. This is a possible context to interpret Garcilaso de la Vega’s discussion of the strengths and limitations of quipus; Commentarios reales Part I, Book 6, chapter 9, p. 205a: “dec´an en los versos todo lo que no pod´an poner en los n˜udos . . . y de esta manera guardaban la memoria de sus historias. Empero, como la experiencia lo muestra, todos eran remedios perecederos, porque las letras son las que perpetu´an los hechos; mas como aquellos Incas no las alcanzaron, valie´ronse de lo que pudieron inventar, y como si los n˜udos fueran letras, eligieron historiadores y contadores, que llamaron quipucamayu, que es el que tiene cargo de los n˜udos.” Garcilaso would then be saying that quipus were no substitute for alphabetic writing. But Carlos Sempat Assadourian, “String Registries. Native Accounting and Memory According to the Colonial Sources,” in Jeffrey Quilter and Gary Urton, eds., Narrative Threads. Accounting and Recounting in Andean Khipu (Austin 2002), pp. 119–50 at p. 132 (cf. pp. 127–8), and Gary Urton, “Recording Signs in Narrative-Accounting Khipu,” ibid., pp. 171–96, at pp. 177ff., argue that Garcilaso is here thinking (primarily) about issues relating to what could be communicated on quipus, not in alphabetic writing. Garcilaso will have known most or all the texts here mentioned that refer to alphabetic writing. Whatever else we may conclude, these texts will have conditioned his thinking in the passage cited by Urton and Assadourian.

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had built rendered their achievements intelligible to European newcomers because the Incas seemed—in so many respects—to resemble the Romans. Roman antecedents helped Cieza and other Spanish historians of the Incas to formulate their inquiries; more important, awareness of Roman history opened the door to the recognition of the Inca state as an imperial state.22 Cieza repeatedly used Roman comparisons when describing the Inca empire, and most especially the Inca road system, as for example the Inca road from Cuzco to Quito: I believe that never since there has been memory of nations, have we read about so grand a road as this one was, which was built across deep valleys and towering peaks, across mountains of snow, torrents of water, through the living rock and alongside raging streams. In some parts it went even and paved, elsewhere carefully carved from the mountain side, cut from rocks, tunnelled through crags, skirting rivers, lined by walls crossing the snow, with stairs and resting places. What grandeur may we assign to Alexander or to any of the other mighty kings who have ruled the world, for they have not created such a road, nor have they devised a system of provisions such as supplied this Inca road. Even the paved road the Romans built that crosses Spain was as nothing in comparison, nor yet any other roads about which we read.23 Elswhere, Cieza wrote about the four roads which converged in the main square of Cuzco from the four parts of the Inca empire: Just as in Spain, the (Romans) divided the land into provinces, so these Indians, in order to survey the different provinces of so farung a land, did it by means of their roads.24 Those Spanish historians who were prepared to learn about the past by reading it out of the Andean landscape did not stop with Inca achievements rivaling those of Rome but proceeded also to investigate 22

Sabine MacCormack, “History and Law in Sixteenth Century Peru: The Impact of European Scholarly Traditions, in S. C. Humphreys, ed., Cultures of Scholarship (Ann Arbor 1997), pp. 277–310. 23 Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Segunda Parte, ed. Francesca Cantu` (Lima 1986), ch. 64, fol. 77; see also Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 40, fol. 59v, “In the time of the Incas there was a royal road wrought by the hands and the labour of men. The road began in this city of Quito and went as far as Cuzco, and from there another great road started that went as far as the province of Chile which is at a distance of over 1200 leagues from Quito. On those roads, every three or four leagues, were to be found lovely and elegant dwelling places, or palaces for the lords, very abundantly supplied. This road might be compared to the road built in Spain by the Romans that we call the ‘Silver Road.’ “ 24 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 92, fol. 118.

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Andean history in its own right, not merely as a foil to that of Europe. Where Europeans looked at history as a continuing sequence of events and personages receding century by century into bygone times back to the Creation, the Incas viewed the past more episodically, assigning to each Inca ruler an authentically new beginning.25 An Inca ruler inherited only his title but no property from his predecessor and to the extent possible did all things anew,26 for example building new roads even where a predecessor’s road already existed. So it was that near the ceremonial center of Vilcas, Cieza noticed “three or four roads” constructed by succeeding Inca rulers: and on one occasion I lost my way on one of them, thinking that I was walking on the one that is in use today. Of these roads, they call one the road of Inca Yupanqui, and the other that of Topa Inca, and the one that is in use now and will be in use for all time to come is the road that Guayna Capac ordered to be built, which in the North almost reached the River Angasmayo, and in the South it reached far beyond what we now call Chile.27 On roads such as these, the Inca encountered his subjects in a splendidly orchestrated political drama,28 the nature of which could to a cer25 The classic statement of this point of view is by the Quipucamayocs of Vaca de Castro; see Collapin˜a, Supno y otros Quipucamayos, Relacio´n de la descendencia, gobierno y conquista de los Incas, ed. Juan Jose´ Vega (Lima 1974), p. 20, captains of Atahuallpa announce that de nuevo hab´an de comenzar nuevo mundo de Ticcicapac Inga. 26 Catherine Julien, Reading Inca History (Iowa City 2000), chapter 4 argues for a genre of “life history” or biography as one branch of Inca historical traditions. Much evidence would seem to support this view, since all our early modern histories of the Incas are organized biographically. But so are the Roman, medieval, and renaissance texts with which the Spaniards who researched and wrote these Inca histories were familiar. It is very difcult to separate European antecedents from the histories of the Incas we have in any denitive way. The Huarochir´ text appears to preserve a distinctly non-European narrative form. It is of course not Inca. But this text does raise some doubts as to whether a genre of “life history” was really in existence among the Incas. This question of genre should be separated from the question about the factual content of the narratives in question. We must at least allow for the possibility that factual content was rearranged in accord with European, not Andean methodologies of composing “life histories.” Then it might be possible to understand better the Andean dimensions of new beginnings and duplicated roads. See further below, chapter 3, note 99. 27 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 15, fol. 20: yo e visto junto a Vilcas tres o quatro caminos; y aun una vez me perd´ por el uno creyendo que yva por el que agora se usa; y a estos llaman al uno camino de Ynga Yupangue y al otro Topa Ynga, y al que agora se usa y usara´ para sienpre es el que mando´ hazer Guaynacapa, que allego´ c¸erca del r´o de Angasmayo al Norte y al Sur mucho adelante de lo que agora llamamos Chile. Cf. John Hyslop, The Inka Road System (Orlando 1984), p. 260, g. 17,3 showing parallel roads, one replacing the other in Hua´nuco. 28 For informants about this aspect of Inca life, see Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 63, fol. 75v, a lo que arman los que llevaron al rey en sus honbros. See also, for the Inca’s

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tain extent be deciphered from the conguration of the roads themselves. For, as one historian observed, on important routes, there were, on the side of the royal road two other lateral roads which also were closed off by means of two quite wide and solid balustrades and when some Inca came by on these three roads, he went in the central one and those whose task it was to carry his litter followed behind . . . There also went in his company many noble Indians of his royal court . . . The remaining multitude of servants and porters walked on the other two lateral roads, for none of them walked in the road or causeway in the middle except when the Inca called on them.29 Spurred on by majestic material achievements such as the Inca road system, Cieza, like several other Spaniards, dedicated much effort to learning whatever he could from Inca and regional quipu experts, poets, and remembrancers, and created a vital part of the written record that in the estimation of Spaniards had been missing so far. The Huarochir´ author was engaged in an analogous endeavor—but from a local, not an imperial vantage point. Insofar as the Incas gured in his narrative, it was to show the limits, not the extent of their power.30 Also, his expertise differed from that of Spaniards and creoles, because he wrote about a world he knew and shared as a participant, and not as an external observer. Besides, for all that he was a Christian progress, Segunda Parte, ch. 15, fol. 20, . . . Y por tenerse en tanto los sen˜ores quando sal´an por estos caminos sus personas reales con la guarda convenible, yva por uno y por otro la dema´s jente. On Inca processions, see now, Susan Elizabeth Ramirez, To Feed and Be Fed. The Cosmological Bases of Authority and Identity in the Andes (Stanford 2005), pp. 169, 179ff. 29 Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru´, ed. Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid 1963, vol. 166) book 3, chapter 62, pp. 248b–9a, Estaban a los lados deste camino real otros dos caminos colaterales que tambie´n estaban cerrados con dos baluartes muy anchos y fuertes, y cuando algu´n Inga pasaba por estos tres caminos, e´l iba en medio dellos y le segu´an los que ten´an cargo de la litera en que iba, que eran ma´s de seiscientos indios que arremuda lo llevaban en hombros. Iban tambie´n acompan˜a´ndole muchos indios principales de su real corte, a los cuales llevaban en literas muchos indios en hombros porque eran grandes sen˜ores y curacas de diversos pueblos que ten´an licencia de andar en litera . . . la otra multitud de los indios de servicio y de carga iban por los otros dos caminos colaterales, que ninguno dellos pasaba al camino o calzada de enmedio sino era cuando el Inga los llamaba. For a discussion of the passage, see Hyslop, The Inka Road System, 261–2. 30 Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 19, 228–9. Maca Wisa, a son of Pariacaca, helps the Inca in war, and in return, the Inca augments his offerings to Pariacaca. Chapter 23, Maca Visa helps the Inca once more, in return for which the Inca becomes Maca Visa’s huacsa, dancing in his honor in Xauxa. For huacsa, cf. Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 9, passim.

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writing at the behest of a missionary priest,31 and had arrived at a certain critical distance from the old gods, the presence of these gods in the land remained palpable for him. Formerly, pilgrims had journeyed all the way to the heights of the glacier Pariacaca, dancing with their llamas and competing for the honor of arriving rst to visit their “father.”32 Meanwhile, Pariacaca had lost his treasure to the Spanish, and pilgrims visiting him every June no longer went as far as Pariacaca himself, but only as far as a nearby mountain, whence the snow of Pariacaca’s peak could be seen. They did undertake the journey, however, making the date of the ancient pilgrimage coincide with Corpus Christi and paying a bribe to the Christian priest resident among them so he would turn a blind eye.33 For all that he was a glacier whom his “children” now only viewed from afar, Pariacaca remained present in everyday life, as in Cupara village, where he had improved the water ow in an irrigation canal belonging, in the words of our author, to “Chuqui Suso, a really beautiful woman,” with whom he wanted to sleep. At Pariacaca’s behest, pumas, foxes, snakes, and birds competed in improving the watercourse, whereupon Chuqui Suso did agree to sleep with him and then turned into stone in her own canal, where her gure could still be seen.34 Such accounts of primordial events, while explaining the remote past, also propounded claims on land and water that were pursued during the writer’s own now Christian present.35 Such claims and the rationale that articulated them were—for the most part—a closed book for Spaniards, who gathered their information with difculty and then struggled to understand it.36 But writing down what they had learned came naturally. The Huarochir´ author by contrast obviously had no trouble in understanding his own cul31

See Frank Salomon in Huarochir´ Manuscript, pp. 24–32. A long sequence of steps ascended to the peak of Pariacaca. These steps were marked on a map made by Diego Da´vila Brizen˜o on the basis of information supplied by local people. For the map, dated 1586, see Religion in the Andes, g. 23; the accompanying text is RGI I, pp. 155–65. For Pariacaca referred to and addressed as father, see Huarochir´ Manuscript, e.g., chapter 17, section 217; chapter 18, sections 221–3. 33 Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 9, section 125. 34 Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 6, sections 82–90. 35 See Salomon in Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 6, section 86 with note 147; for these issues in the present, see Salomon, Cord Keepers. 36 The text written by the Huarochir´ author is annotated in the margin with questions and comments in another hand seeking clarication. See, e.g., chapter 1, section 7; chapter 3, section 31; chapter 5, section 70; chapter 8, sections 101, 105; chapter 9, sections 110, 118, etc. The writer probably was Francisco de Avila, on whom see Antonio Acosta, Estudio biogra´co sobre Francisco de Avila in Gerald Taylor, Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochir´ del siglo XVII (Lima 1987), pp. 551–616, pp. 596ff.; Salomon in Huarochir´ Manuscript, pp. 24–8. 32

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10. Guaman Poma reports that in the time of the Inca, young men aged between eighteen and twenty served as messengers. Anticipating the coexistence of quipus and alphabetic writing in Spanish Peru, he depicted this messenger of the time of the Inca carrying a quipu along with a document written on paper. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 202. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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11. In compliance with the mandate of Spanish authorities to keep records, this indigenous local ofcial of Spanish Peru displays both a quipu and a book, and also his rod of ofce. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 800. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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ture. But he was confronted with having to format the histories of the region into a shape germane to alphabetic writing without destroying their coherence and the interconnectedness between people, their land, their labor, and their gods that spoke in so many of these histories. In short, while for Spaniards, the difculty was collecting and understanding information, not writing it down, the effort that was required of an Andean author writing a book consisted primarily in shaping and sequencing the narrative, not in ascertaining its content. Besides, insofar as the narratives that the Huarochir´ author wrote down were passed on communally, they had been told and retold in light of audience participation, and not in the reied framework of printed books that could be consulted in multiple copies far from the context that gave rise to their existence. This is why our author kept drawing attention to the sequence of his account, explaining how different personages and events were linked, and alerting the reader to what had been said earlier, or would be said later. It is as though the author as writer were seeking to add to his writing what informal asides, gesture, tone of voice, and audience response would add to the narrative in an oral performance.37 Apart from inserting such pointers in the text, the author produced thirty-one carefully interconnected chapters, each with its own heading that explained how the chapters were interconnected. The model was Spanish codices and books,38 except that in these latter, the amount of care that our author lavished on sequence and coherence was unheard of. At the same time, there is a different way of understanding the author’s insistent concern to explain the coherences of his text. The connections that he highlighted in his remarks about what had already been said and what would be said at some subsequent point refer, for the most part, to the grand themes that pervade the text: the ancient 37

For example, Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 6, sections 89 and 90, pointing to what lies ahead; chapter 11, section 152, referring to chapter 9; chapter 12, section 166, referring to chapter 10; chapter 14, referring to chapter 1 and pointing to the narrative that follows here; chapter 15, section 200, pointing forward: caycunactaca quepampim rurason: this is chapter 31, 409 (as identied by Salomon). For audience participation in oral performance, see Bruce Mannheim with Krista E. Van Vleet, The Dialogics of Quechua Narrative, American Anthropologist 100, 2 (1998): 326–46; Bruce Mannheim, “Hacia una Mitograf´a Andina,” in Juan-Carlos Godenzzi, ed., Tradicio´n oral Andina y Amazo´nica. Me´todos de ana´lisis e interpretacio´n de textos (Cuzco 1999), pp. 57–96. 38 For example, in the conclusion of chapter 23 (section 301) about Maca Wisa and the Inca, the author wrote, caycunapta yachanchis, “these things we know,” or “these things we have learnt.” Then, in the heading of chapter 24, the author outlines the topic of the chapter, which is about the Checa people and their customs and origin. Finally, the rst sentence of the chapter, which is about the birth of Pariacaca’s children, also alerts the reader that this topic has been touched on earlier, e.g., in chapter 2.

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times, the origin and deeds of Pariacaca and his children, events relating to other deities, and the customs and activities of the Checa people.39 Like the Huarochir´ text, quipus were organized thematically. One might express this in terminology used in the seventeenth century and say that quipus described “laws, ordinances, rites and ceremonies . . . the histories of kings, or the oracles and sacrices of their idols.” The task of the quipucamayoc, the expert who made and interpreted the cords, was to connect the story, the theme, “to the knots which served as an index and point of departure for local memory.”40 In more contemporary terms, one might describe this “index” as interrelated plots in a larger story, or a conceptual diagram41 that was expressed on the quipu by the construction and color of its cords. Construction and color in turn gave rise to the rst step in the quipucamayoc’s “reading” of any given quipu, of recognizing its distinct parts that when written down in alphabetic script could become chapters, as they did in the Huarochir´ text.42 However we interpret the interrelations among and sequence of the chapters of this text, they tell a most un-European tale, to wit, how people lived in Huarochir´ “from their dawning age onward,” pacariscamanta.43 This “dawning age” was present in the here and now, as when the people claiming descent from the conquering deity Tutay Quiri commemorated their arrival in the newly conquered land with a “dance of origin,” pacarisca taqui, that they had brought from their previous home.44 Other groups, claiming to be rst inhabitants not 39 For example, Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 5,36 (cf. 37) pointing out that the story of the ancient times has been told in the four preceding chapters; chapter 6,74 mentioning Huallalu refers back to chapter 1. Chapter 1,6 forecasts events involving Pariacaca that are told in chapter 5 (compare the wording here to the heading of chapter 5); chapter 6,90 points forward to doings of Cuniraya, which are told in chapter 14. These written, verbal connections forward and backward into the account in its entirety would be implicit in the appearance, the construction, and color of the cords of a quipu of the kind described by Frank Salomon (see below, n. 42). 40 The quotes are from Antonio de la Calancha, Book I, chapter 14, p. 205; the second of these is cited by Carlos Sempat Assadourian, “String Registries,” p. 132, along with Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, Part I, 6, 9. 41 Platt, “Without Deceit or Lies,” p. 259. 42 Frank Salomon, Cord Keepers, pp. 157–61 and 216–18, with gure 46. Note p. 217: “Nery’s perception of the varicolored bands is that they refer to different subjects, with colors coded to subject. I asked him if one might compare them to chapters of a book with multiple subjects. He nodded vigorously.” 43 Salomon in Huarochir´ Manuscript, Introduction, section 2. 44 Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 24, section 319; see also Gerald Taylor, Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochir´ del siglo XVII, 2d rev. ed. (Lima, Instituto France´s de Estudios Andinos, 1999), chapter 24, section 58; see Taylor’s note ad loc. (Taylor’s and Salomon’s section numbers are not the same, hence Taylor 24,58 = Salomon 24,319).

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newcomers, expressed origin and personhood materially by reference to their pacarimusca or pacarina,45 “place of origin,” recounting how the Creator had called them to emerge from lakes, caves, springs, or mountains.46 These places of emergence were also the homes to which the dead would return.47 The missionary friar Domingo de Santo Tomas understood this way of thinking when in his Lexicon or Vocabulary of the General Language of Peru he recorded the Quechua term pacariscap villac, translating it as “chronicler.”48 Literally, the words say, “one who speaks about origin,” or “about places of origin.” In Christian times, such speech entailed a contradiction. Missionaries prohibited the cult of pacariscas, destroyed them and the mummied bodies of revered ancestors whenever possible, and encouraged their Andean charges to forget all about their gentile origins.49 Yet, knowledge of one’s origin was laudable. Origines and Antiquitates of diverse nations had been composed in Europe, beginning in Roman times with the Origines of the elder Cato and the Antiquitates of Varro. Origines and Antiquitates were also genres of historical writing much loved in the sixteenth century, hence the remarkable success of Annius of Viterbo’s forged writings about Etruscan, Roman, Egyptian, and Babylonian origins.50 Many scholars, including the acerbic Spanish humanist and grammarian Antonio Nebrija, throwing philological caution to the winds, were eager to accept Annius’s creations as genuine, and in Peru, they were appreciated as useful well into the seventeeth century.51 45 See Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 24, 305, caycunap pacarimuscansi maurura sutioc aya uiren˜icpi with Salomon’s note. See also Taylor, Ritos y tradiciones (1999), note on chapter 24, section 12. 46 Pacarisca cf. Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario, pp. 266–8, cf. 610 s.v. origen; Salomon, Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 5,36, note 86. 47 For the evidence of Cieza, see MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, pp. 95–97; also, Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 27, section 359, with Salomon’s note. 48 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Lexicon, p. 158, pacariscap villac, coronista. 49 See in Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo par instruccion de los Indios y de las demas personas que han de ser ensen˜adas en nuestra sancta Fe´ (Antonio Ricardo Lima 1584; Madrid 1985), the Confessionario on the second commandment (modern p. 210 of the facsimile), ˜ aupa pacha machucunap pacarispa cauc¸ayquestion 12, Huacacta muchachuc canqui? N ninta yuyachacchu canqui? Also, Juan Pe´rez Bocanegra, Ritual Formulario e institucio´n de curas para administrar a los naturales de este Reyno los santos Sacramentos . . . (Lima 1631), p. 154, question 80 for confession, asks of the penitent the name of his or her pacarisca, and whether it has been worshipped. 50 Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics. Creativity and Duplicity in Western Scholarship (Princeton 1990). 51 On Nebrija, see Robert B. Tate, Ensayos sobre la historigraf´a peninsular del siglo XV (Madrid 1970), pp. 25–228; 191; Antonio Fonta´n, “El humanismo espan˜ol de Antonio de Nebrija,” Homenaje a Pedro Sa´inz Rodr´guez II, Estudios de Lengua y Literatura (Madrid 1986), pp. 209–28 at pp. 213, 225. Among Peruvians who accepted Annio of Viterbo’s

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Andean pacariscas, however, were not books but places of living cult, and hence unacceptable in a now Christian society. But viewed historically, Andean origins, most of all the origin of the Incas, could not be discussed without pacariscas. As a result, the pacarisca of the Incas acquired a certain antiquarian respectability, even though it made for a poor t with Christian notions of the ultimate origin of all human beings and nations from the rst human couple, Adam and Eve, and their more immediate descent from Noah and his sons. For where, in the Andes, origin was explained by reference both to places and to descent and kingroup, in Christian Europe, where all humans were thought to have come from one single origin, what mattered was lineage pure and simple. This was why in his Primera Cro´nica, Alfonso el Sabio had traced Spanish origins and history in one seamless sequence from Noah’s grandson Tubal to Hercules, to the Carthaginians, to the Romans and on to his own time.52 The model, for all its many problems, still held appeal in the seventeeth century because, cloaking invasions, and religious, cultural, and political discontinuity and disruption, it presupposed and then explained Spanish identity in light of a continuous history of Spanish people living on the Peninsula from time immemorial.53 Similar historiographical enterprises—claiming Roman and even Trojan antecedents by way of incorporating the Roman past into different national histories—throve in England and France.54 Christian origins were woven into this same story, whether through gures like that of Joseph of Arimathea, who was known in England as an honorary Englishman, or the apostle James—Santiago— who played a similar role in Spain.55 creations as history was Antonio de la Calancha; see Coro´nica moralizada del orden de san Agust´n, book I, chapter 15, p. 215. 52 Alfonso X, Primera Chronica, chapter 3, p. 6 on Tubal. Elias Bickermann, “Origines gentium,” Classical Philology 47 (1952): 65–81 is fundamental; so is Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, Tu´bal, primer poblador de Espan˜a (Valencia, Tirada aparte de Abaco 3, 1970). See also the collection of essays in Ine´s Ferna´ndez-Ordo´n˜ez, ed., Alfonso X y las cro´nicas de Espan˜a (Valladolid 2000). 53 Juan de Mariana, Historia de Espan˜a (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vol. 30, Madrid 1950), begins with Tubal, see book I, chapter 7, Averiguada cosa y cierta es . . . que Tubal vino a´ Espan˜a—but the chapter is titled, De los reyes fabulosos de Espan˜a. Mariana continues with gures derived from Greek myth, in the manner customary since Xime´nez de Rada. 54 See, e.g., Gutierre D´ez de Games, El Victorial. Cro´nica de don Pero Nin˜o, ed. Jorge Sanz (Madrid 1989), chapter 58, about the migrations of Brutus from Troy: he ultimately ends up in England, this being material cited from the Historia Troiana and perhaps from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Histories of the Kings of Britain, tr. Sebastian Evans (London 1941). Book I describes the adventures and journey of Brutus from Troy to Albion (England). 55 See John Scott, ed., William of Malmesbury, The Early History of Glastonbury. An Edition, Translation and Study of William of Malmesbury’s De Antiquitate Glastonie Ecclesie (Woodbridge 1981). The belief that Joseph of Arimathaea reached England lives on

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In the Andes, European preoccupations with ancient lineages reaching into biblical and Greco-Roman antiquity conditioned the manner in which the invaders and their descendants interpreted Andean concepts of origin. Andean ood myths about destruction and survival were seen as erroneous recollections of the scriptural ood of Noah. Alternatively, the myths were incorporated into Christian chronology. The author from Huarochir´ followed this procedure when he explained a local ood myth as referring to Noah’s ood, and a myth about the death of the sun as referring to the darkness that fell on the world when Christ died.56 Cieza by contrast adopted the solution devised by the Christian chronographer Eusebius, who in his Chronicle reported that the ood of Deucalion in Thessaly, famous in Greek and Roman myth, had happened in the time of Moses, long after Noah’s ood.57 Without questioning the historicity of Andean ood stories, Cieza thus linked them to some “particular deluge . . . like the one in Thessaly,” about which perhaps he read in one of Spain’s most popular Roman texts, the Metamorphoses of Ovid.58 Speculations of this kind multiplied in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, resulting in ever more fanciful accounts of how the Indians had reached the Americas.59 In Peru, however, the more pressing question was the origin of the Incas, of the three brothers and three sisters who—so the Spanish learned from Andean informants—had emerged from a cave or tocto, “window,” in a rock in a village near Cuzco that was tellingly called Pacaritambo, “Inn of the Dawn.”60 From there, these original Incas journeyed toward the small and humble settlement of Cuzco, which was destined to become the today, see Ray Gibbs, The Legendary XII Hides of Glastonbury. Legends of Joseph of Arimathaea, his XII Hides, and King Arthur (Felinfach 1995); further, Stephan Albrecht, Die Inszenierung der Vergangenheit im Mittelalter. Die Klo¨ster von Glastonbury und Saint-Denis (Berlin 2003). 56 Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 3, section 34; chapter 4, section 35. 57 The Chronicle of Eusebius is available to us in the Latin translation by Jerome; see Rudolf Helm, ed., Die Chronik des Hieronymus (Eusebius, Werke Siebenter Band Berlin, 1956) p.42b; cf. the preface of Eusebius, p. 12. 58 Ovid, Metamorphoses I, 313ff.; Cieza, Segunda parte, chapter 3, fol. 2. 59 Gregorio Garc´a, Or´gen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo e Indias Occidentales (Valencia 1607; expanded version, Madrid 1729), ed. Franklin Pease (Mexico City 1981); Diego Andre´s Rocha, El origen de los indios ed. Jose´ Alcina Franch (Madrid 1988), with a good introduction by the editor. This work was published originally as Diego Andre´s Rocha, Tratado u´nico y singular del origen de los indios occidentales del Peru´, Me´xico, Santa Fe y Chile (Lima 1681). 60 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Arte fol. 57r, “el pueblo de Pacaritambo,” showing that in 1560, it was not a mythic but a real place; cf. Gary Urton, The History of a Myth. Pacariqutambo and the Origin of the Incas (Austin 1990).

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12. The Inca and his queen—coya—worship at the rock of Pacaritambo with the three “windows” from which the rst Incas emerged. Facing this holy place, the Inca, in accord with Christian custom when entering a church, has deposited his llautu on the ground and the coya has her head covered. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 264. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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center of empire. Two of the brothers did not reach this destination: one, a man of proud and overbearing character, was immured in the cave of Pacaritambo, and the other—according to a frequent typology of Andean myths—was transformed into stone and became the holy rock of Guanacauri. The remaining brother, Manco Capac, whose name Cieza translated as “King and powerful Lord,”61 became the rst Inca king, all further Incas down to Atahuallpa being his descendants. According to Cieza, this Manco Capac, the rst to claim the title “Son of the Sun,”62 settled “in a small stone house covered in thatch” in Cuzco exactly where later the temple of the Sun, the central sanctuary of the Inca empire, was erected.63 For all its strangeness, this story contained elements that Europeans could recognize, among them the symbolic importance of Manco Capac’s small thatched house. Just a few years before Cieza wrote, the scholar and antiquarian Pirro Ligorio discovered a similar structure in Rome, next to what he believed to have been the most ancient Forum Romanum: this was a building that he described as the “Palace of Romulus.”64 Whether in Rome or in Cuzco, the city’s future greatness could be discerned in its very beginnings.65 However problematic the several versions of the Inca foundation myth and of other such myths remained in the eyes of the Spanish historians who recorded them, the very fact that so many themes in these myths as we have them are reminiscent of themes in European biblical and classical accounts of origins—a feature that is not nearly as prominent in the stories from Huarochir´—serves to indicate just how extensively the Inca myths were clipped and streamlined before being written down.66 Indeed, in Spain, the immensely erudite Alfonso 61

Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 7, fol. 11, rey y sen˜or rico. Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 8, fol. 12. 63 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 8, fol. 11v. 64 Philip Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity. The Origins of Rome in Renaissance Thought (New York 1993), pp. 223–24. 65 Cf. S. MacCormack, “History, historical record and ceremonial action: Incas and Spaniards in Cuzco,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 43, 2 (2001): 329–63. Not all narratives of Inca origins that the Spanish collected offered ready comparisons to the Old World. See Za´rate, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista del Peru´, book I, chapter 13, about Inca origin from Titicaca, with Garcilaso’s alternative to the Pacaritambo story; Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part I, chapter 18, pp. 29–30. 66 Take the question of how exactly the Inca succession from Manco Capac to Atahuallpa functioned. This has been a matter of much scholarly discussion in recent decades, and few people, if anyone, would now be willing to defend the historicity of Manco Capac, or even of his earlier successors. Not so during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when Inca origin myths were interpreted in the context of Roman and patristic accounts of gods and founders; cf. T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic wars c. 1000–264 BC (London 1995), pp. 57–80; 119–50; 62

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de Madrigal, known as El Tostado, had addressed some of the very concerns that later surfaced in the Andes. El Tostado’s Diez Questiones about the identity of the gods of the gentiles—inspired by Giovanni Boccaccio’s Genealogiae—were most handsomely published in Salamanca in 1507, along with his Eusebio, which dealt with several related issues.67 In these works, El Tostado reviewed, among other texts, Cicero’s treatise On the Nature of the Gods, Lactantius’s Divine Institutes, Augustine’s City of God, Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Fasti, and the Chronicle of Eusebius in order to extract a historical substratum from Greek and Roman myths and legendary histories. One of El Tostado’s central arguments was that the ancient stories had to be interpreted in light of the culture of the time, as for example in the case of Cecrops of Athens who “was received as king for his excellent virtue and prowess in accord with the ferocity and wildness of the men of that age.”68 Similarly, Cieza thought that because the Incas had such high aspirations and performed great deeds, they wanted it to be thought that . . . they were sons of the Sun. Hence, later, when the Indians exalted the Incas with noble titles, they called on them as Ancha hatun apo yndechori, which is to say in our language: “Very great lord, son of the Sun!” What I myself think we should believe of these stories they have invented is that, just as in Hatuncolla Zapana set himself up, and other valiant captains did the same elsewhere, so these Incas who appeared will have been some three valAlexandre Grandazzi, The Foundation of Rome. Myth and History (Ithaca 1997). Romulus also is now no longer considered historical. 67 Genealogiae Ioannis Boccatii: cum demonstrationibus in formis arborum designatis. Eiusdem de montibus & sylivs. de fontibus: lacubus: & uminibus. Ac etiam de stagnis & paludibus: necnon & de maribus: seu diversis maris nominibus (Venice 1494; Garland NY 1976); Alfonso de Madrigal, Libro de las diez questiones vulgares. . . . Emprimido en la noble cibdad de Salamanca por Hans gysser de Silbenstat aleman & acabose a XXVI dias de Agosto del an˜o del salvador de mill & quinintos & siete an˜os. Later this was published with the four questions about the Virgin Mary as Libro intitulado las catorze questiones del Tostado a las quatro dellas que la principal es dela virgen nra sen˜ora por maravilloso estilo recopila la sagrada escriptura. Las otras diez questiones poeticas son acerca del linaje y sucession de los dioses de los gentiles a todo lo qual da sentencia y declaracion maravillosa y es letura admirable. Yntitulado al illustrissimo y muy Excellente sen˜or don Pero Fernandez de Velasco Condestable de Castilla Duque de Frias y conde de maro etc. En Burgos a veynte dia del mes de Agosto MDXL An˜os. 68 Alfonso de Madrigal, El Tostado, Sobre el Eusebio. Comienc¸a el Comento o exposicion de Eusebio delas Cronicas o tiempos interpretados en vulgar . . . Acabose la primera parte del Eusebio por mandado del reverendissimo sen˜or arc¸obispo de Toledo. Empressa enla noble cibdad de Salamanca por mi Hans Gysser de Silgenstat en el an˜o de mil quinientos & VI an˜os a xxviii del mes de septiembre . . . vol. I [Biblioteca Nacional Madrid R.11247] fol. LXIV v. Cecrope . . . fue rescibido por rey por la su excelente virtud & proezas segun la feridad & grosseria de los hombres de aquel siglo.

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iant and energetic brothers who contemplated great undertakings, who came from some village in these parts, or arrived from the other end of the Andean highland, and, nding the occasion right, they will have conquered and gained the dominions they possessed.69 A subtext pervades this and other sixteenth-century interpretations of Inca myths of origins. For if, as Cieza implied, the Incas had become powerful in much the same way as kings and dynasties did elsewhere, and if therefore, contrary to impressions given earlier in accounts by apologists of Francisco Pizarro and his men, they could not be labeled as mere caciques, regional chiefs, or tyrants,70 then what were the Spanish doing in Peru? Indeed, at the very time when in Mexico and some years later in Peru the destruction and chaos of invasion and conquest had run their course and the Spanish were endeavoring to bring into existence some form of orderly government, jurists and theologians at home in Spain were questioning the legitimacy of such efforts, not to mention the legitimacy of invasion and conquest. For had not the Incas, like the Aztecs and other lesser potentates, ruled over their subjects as rightful rulers, “natural lords”? The affairs of Peru kept the jurist and theologian Francisco de Vitoria awake at night, and Cieza thought that executing the Inca Atahuallpa had been the worst of crimes.71 At the same time, Cieza accepted the conquest of the Inca empire as a fait accompli. The ery defender of indigenous rights, Bartolome´ de las Casas, Dominican friar and bishop of Chiapas in Mexico, to whom Cieza bequeathed his unpublished manuscripts, took a very different, more action-oriented view.72 He 69 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 6, fol. 8. See Catherine Julien, Hatunqolla: A View of Inca Rule from the Lake Titicaca Region (Berkeley, vol. 15, 1983), chapter 2. 70 See, e.g., Pedro Sancho, An Account of the Conquest of Peru, tr. Philip Ainsworth Means (New York 1969), chapter 1, pp. 12, 13, “the cacique Atabalipa”; Alexander Pogo, ed., the Anonymous La Conquista del Peru´ (Seville, April 1534) and the Libro Ultimo del Sumario delle Indie Occidentali (Venice, October 1534) (Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 64, 8, July 1930): 238ff.: throughout, Atahuallpa is referred to as Atabalipa or “el cacique.” 71 Francisco de Vitoria, Relectio de Indis, eds. L. Peren˜a and J. M. Pe´rez Prendes (Madrid 1967), appendix 1, pp. 137–39, letter to Miguel de Arcos; see also Ulrich Horst, “Leben und Werke Francisco de Vitorias,” in Francisco de Vitoria, Vorlesungen I, Ulrich Horst, Heinz-Gerhard Justenhoven, Joachim Stu¨ben, eds. (Stuttgart 1995), pp. 13–99, at pp. 79f. The Relectio de Indis, Latin text with German translation and very good notes is in Vorlesungen II (Stuttgart 1997). Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Tercera Parte, ed. Francesca Cantu` (Lima 1987), ch. 54, fol. 67, la muerte de Atabalipa, que fue la ma´s mala hazan˜a que los espan˜oles an hecho en todo este ynperio de Yndias, y por tal es vituperada y tenido por gran pecado. 72 David Lupher, Romans in a New World. Classical Models in Sixteenth Century Spanish America (Ann Arbor 2003), chapters 3 and 4.

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thought that the Inca empire in its entirety should be restored to Titu Cusi Yupanqui, a grandson of Guayna Capac who was the last Inca to have governed before the Spanish came. Had Las Casas had his way, the Spanish would have restored everything they had taken from those they conquered, including sovereignty to the Incas.73 These divergent opinions rested on divergent theories about the origin and nature of society and political life. Cieza wrote as a historian and eye witness on the basis of evidence that he collected himself and in light of his reading of earlier, particularly Roman, historians.74 In Cieza’s eyes, events throughout history demonstrated that commonly, political power was the result of warfare, and was legitimated by use and lapse of time. Las Casas and other participants in the debate of the Indies, theologians, jurists, and political theorists thought in more abstract terms. They used historical evidence from the Americas that had been collected by others, among them Cieza, so as to shed light on the nature of Amerindian societies, on human society in general, and on Spanish claims to the Indies. History, as Aristotle observed in the Poetics, looks for particulars, while poetry looks for universals.75 Theology, law, and political theory, modes of inquiry that often depend and draw on history, nonetheless resemble poetry more closely insofar as they seek a general, even universal more than a particular truth. In pursuit of this poetic, universal truth, Las Casas adduced Greek and Roman, medieval and contemporary sources to prove that both before and after the advent of the Spanish, Amerindian lords were exercizing rightful dominion over their subjects and possessions. At the core of this argument stood Aristotle’s Politics, which Las Casas regarded as the denitive analysis of what political society was and should be. All Amerindian societies, ranging from the tiny decentralized polities of the Caribbean to the Aztec and Inca empires, had performed the functions that in his view Aristotle regarded as necessary for political life. Those holding power wielded it with the consent of their people, who in turn lived peaceable and useful lives engaged in their callings and in the diverse sacred and secular tasks that make for civilized collective 73

Bartolome´ de Las Casas, De Thesauris, ed. Angel Losada (Obras Completas 11,1, Madrid 1992); Las Casas, Doce Dudas, ed. J. B. Lassegue (Obras Completas 11,2, Madrid 1992); Gustavo Gutie´rrez, Las Casas. In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ (New York 1993). See also the statement made on his own behalf by Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Instruccio´n al licenciado don Lope Garc´a de Castro (1570), ed. Liliana Regalada de Hurtado (Lima 1992). 74 Cf. below, chapter 7 at notes 26–30. 75 Aristotle, Ars Poetica. Edicion trilingue, ed. Valent´n Garc´a Yebra (Madrid 1974), chapter 9, 1451a 7. The volume contains the Greek text with the Latin translation by Antonio Riccoboni, Venice 1584, and Yebra’s Spanish version.

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existence. Wars of conquest do not play a signicant role in Las Casas’ account of the shape of indigenous societies.76 While Aristotle provided Las Casas and others with an overall framework within which to think about Amerindian polities in general, Roman antecedents offered more specic interpretations applying to the two imperial cultures of America, the Aztecs and the Incas. Las Casas was too much an admirer of small polities, and also too severe a critic of Spanish imperialism, to share without reserve Cieza’s admiration for the Romans as a uniquely positive antecedent for Inca empire building and administration. Even so, the Romans had their uses, and Las Casas resorted to Roman comparisons to defend the Incas. The Pacaritambo story, he thought, was “a fable the Indians tell, part of which may be fable and the core may be history, for there was much of this mingling among the ancient nations.” Just as the Romans believed their founder Romulus to have disappeared into the sky, so the Incas believed that one of the original three brothers who emerged from Pacaritambo had turned into stone.77 Again, the Incas called themselves “sons of the Sun” in order to enhance their authority, and similarly, Numa, King of Rome, had claimed to have received his juridical and religious insights from his divine consort, the nymph Egeria.78 Finally, the moderation and discipline of Inca warfare which protected the lives and property of Andean people matched Roman military discipline,79 while Inca imperial ofcials, described by Las Casas as exemplary men of unimpeachable public conduct, resembled Roman legates and proconsuls.80 76 Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia Sumaria, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (Mexico City 1967), chapter 248, describes pre-Inca Peru, with its government of sen˜ores y reyes pequen˜os, que plugiera a Dios as´ fueran hoy los de todo el mundo (p. 563), each kingdom with its laws, rules of commercial exchanges, weights, measures and language, and ordered succession. War being inevitable after the Fall, Las Casas nonetheless did not perceive it as a formative force. Chapter 250, pp. 573–6 describes Inca expansion before Pachacuti as a peaceful process; pp. 576–8 describes Pachacuti’s defense of Cuzco against the Chancas as freeing Incas and others (p. 577, porque los hab´a libertado de la tiran´a . . . ), and Pachacuti himself as another Solomon (p. 578). Chapter 251, p. 579, . . . parece cua´nto ma´s justo y recto fue el imperio y reinado y dilatacio´n de la monarqu´a que tuvo este rey Pachacuti Ca´pac Inga Yupangi, al menos en todo su tiempo, que el de los romanos . . . 77 Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ch. 250, p. 573: parte puede contener de fa´bula y el fundamento pudo ser historia, como harto de esta mezcla hobo entre las gentes antiguas. 78 Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ch. 251, p. 581, citing Ovid, Metamorphoses 15, 479– 84; Ovid, Fasti 3, 151–4; 273–90. This famous story also appears in, among others, Livy, Ab urbe condita I,19,5; 20,3. See Molly Pasco-Pranger, “A Varronian vatic Numa? Ovid’s Fasti and Plutarch’s Life of Numa,” in D. S. Levene and D. P. Nelis, eds., Clio & the Poets. Augustan Poetry & the Traditions of Ancient Historiography (Leiden 2002), pp. 291–312. 79 Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ch. 256, p. 602. 80 Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ch. 252, p. 586.

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The Spanish by contrast had covered the peaceable lands of the Incas with war and destruction, this being a primary reason why Las Casas advocated restitution of sovereignty to the Inca Titu Cusi. Although the project of universal restitution, however ardently advocated, proved impracticable, the views of Las Casas generated heated dissent and fervent agreement for generations to come. Titu Cusi governed a remote enclave of land around Vilcabamba in the selva North of Cuzco. In 1571, the Viceroy Toledo organized an expedition which captured Titu Cusi’s brother Tupa Amaru, who was then ruling in Vilcabamba, and executed him in Cuzco’s main square. This military effort was accompanied by a historiographical one by the Viceroy’s supporter and follower, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who in 1571 nished a superbly researched history of the Incas, based throughout on indigenous testimony. In it, Sarmiento sought to prove that the Incas, so far from being “natural lords,” resembled the Carthaginians during their wars against Rome in being cruel “treaty breaking tyrants.”81 It all began with Inca origins. Sarmiento subscribed to the theory, by that time oft repeated, that America was the Atlantis of Plato’s Critias and Timaeus.82 But as he saw matters—such were the shortcomings of cultures without writing—this distant origin had been long forgotten by the time the Incas came to Cuzco, telling the Pacaritambo story. As Cieza and others had already noted, the Incas were newcomers in Cuzco and settled among the original inhabitants, gradually gaining supremacy. Analogous processes of migration, settlement, and integration had taken place elsewhere in the Andes, for example in Huarochir´, where the original Yunca inhabitants and the Yauyo newcomers gave quite different accounts of their origins. These accounts, however legendary, reected a historical process of migration and settlement, just as the myth of Inca origins did.83 Such recollections did not accord well with the ideas of apologists for Spain’s imperial claims like Sarmiento and the Viceroy Toledo, who liked to think of legitimate political authority in terms of uninterrupted 81

Cicero, De ofciis 1,38 about the Carthaginians as breakers of treaties, Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, with Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vol. 135, Madrid 1965), chapter 70, p. 274b, (the Incas) fueron pe´simos y pertinac´simos foed´fragos tiranos, con un ge´nero de inhumanidad inaudita. See further on Inca tyranny, Sarmiento’s dedication of his work to Philip II, p. 198b, with ibid., p. 197a, critique of Las Casas. Among others disagreeing with Las Casas was the jurist Juan de Solorzano y Pereira, Pol´tica Indiana, ed. Miguel Angel Ochoa Brun (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 252–6, Madrid 1972), book I, chapter 12, sections 9–43. 82 Sarmiento, Historia Indica, chapter 5. 83 See Frank Salomon, Huarochir´ Manuscript, pp. 6–9; cf. above at nn. 44–45.

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lines of succession extending to the dawn of history. In very different times, the compilers of Alfonso el Sabio had advocated such a view in the Primera Cro´nica. Applying a model of this kind to the Incas led to the conclusion that they had usurped power by force and were in no sense natural lords of Cuzco and its vicinity, let alone of the empire they had conquered. As for the Romans, Sarmiento admired them greatly— not, however, as the architects of the paradigmatic empire whereby to understand Amerindian empires, but as the precursors of the empire of Spain. The practical and partisan rationale for these opinions was the defense of Spain’s imperial mission, not only in Peru, but also in Europe. Sallust, thinking of Rome, had observed that the “greatest glory accompanies the greatest imperial power,” and Sarmiento, repeating these words, applied them to the glories of Spain in the age of Philip II.84 These juridical, political, and historical reections impelled events in Peru toward the nal destruction of Inca power in 1571 and conditioned not only European views of indigenous American peoples but also the self-perception of those peoples themselves.85 The major writings of Las Casas were not published until the nineteenth century, but the Apologe´tica Historia, where he argued for the parity of European and Amerindian societies, was liberally excerpted by the Augustinian friar Gero´nimo Roma´n in his Repu´blicas del mundo, published in 1575 and followed by a revised and expanded edition in 1595.86 Among Roma´n’s readers was the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, whose Royal Commentaries of the Incas became a lodestar of Andean and Peruvian self-perception until the wars of independence and beyond. Garcilaso also regarded Rome as Spain’s imperial precursor, but at the same time, in utter disagreement with Sarmiento and the viceroy Toledo’s anti-Inca project, he described the Inca capital of Cuzco as “an84

Sarmiento, Historia Indica, preface to Philip II, p.195b, en gran imperio es gran gloria, with Sallust, Catiline 2,2 maxumam gloriam in maxumo imperio putare . . . 85 Joanne Rappaport, The Politics of Memory. Native Historical Interpretation in the Colombian Andes (Durham 1998), chapter 5, on Manuel Quint´n Lame, whose Los Pensamientos del indio que se educo´ dentro de las selvas colombianas of 1971 reiterate (apparently by way of indirect rather than direct inuence) many of Las Casas’ themes. An English translation of Lame’s Los Pensamientos is included in Gonzalo Castillo-Ca´rdenas, Liberation Theology from Below. The Life and Thought of Manuel Quint´n Lame (New York 1987). 86 Gero´nimo Roma´n, Repu´bicas del mundo, divididas en XXVII libros (Francisco del Canto, Medina del Campo 1575); this rst edition was heavily censored by the Inquisition. While removing the offending passages, Roma´n reformulated several of them more discreetly without altogether removing their overall content, and published an expanded second edition (Salamanca 1595). The three books of the Repu´blicas de Indias were reprinted from the edition of 1575 as Gero´nimo Roma´n, Repu´bicas de Indias. Idolatr´as y gobierno en Me´xico y Peru´ antes de la conquista, 2 vols. (Madrid 1897).

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other Rome in that empire.”87 Inca royal titulature, administrative practice, land surveying, and education all resonated with those of imperial Rome, but above all, the Incas resembled the noblest and most laudable of ancient founders and legislators because civilized society in the Andes had come into existence thanks to them. During Garcilaso’s time of writing, his acquaintance the linguist Bernardo Aldrete, and before him the Cordoban historian Ambrosio Morales, whom Garcilaso knew, had formulated a similar argument about the impact of the Romans in Spain. In their different ways, both explained how the spread of the Latin language and the penetration of Roman customs, law, and government into every aspect of daily life brought with them the development of civilized political existence in the Iberian Peninsula.88 Analogous themes pervade the rst volume of Garcilaso’s Royal Commentaries of the Incas, which appeared in Lisbon in 1609.89 In actual fact, however, Andean reality differed considerably not only from Sarmiento’s rendering of it but also, for different reasons, from the picture that Garcilaso painted. For, contrary to Garcilaso’s story, several imperial cultures—Chav´n, Tiahuanco, Huari—preceded the Incas. Cieza had noticed buildings erected when these earlier cultures ourished and recognized that they differed in shape and workmanship from Inca ones.90 But it was part of the imperial claim of the Incas—a claim 87 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part I, Proemio al lector, “la ciudad del Cozco, que fue otra Roma en aquel imperio.” 88 Ambrosio Morales, Coro´nica General de Espan˜a que continuaba Ambrosio de Morales Tomo IV (Madrid 1791), book 8, chapter 52, section 12 on Romanization and the spread of Latin in Spain in the time of Julius Caesar; note, in the following sections, Morales’ comments on Spain’s Roman inscriptions; see also book 9, chapter 2, section 3, Romanization and Latin spread thanks to the presence of Roman soldiers in Spain; book 9, chapter 3, section 1, indigenous languages and Latin. Bernardo de Aldrete, Del origen y principio de la lengua castellana o´ romance que oi se usa en Espan˜a (Rome 1606, Hildesheim 1970), book I, chapter 9, p. 58 on the forcible imposition of Latin in Spain, but stressing, throughout the work, the impact and importance of Roman culture in Spain. Sabine MacCormack, “Visions of the Roman Past in Late Medieval and Early Modern Spain,” in Genesis and Regeneration (Jerusalem 2005), pp. 77–109. 89 Sabine MacCormack, “The Incas and Rome,” in Garcilaso Inca de la Vega. An American Humanist. A Tribute to Jose´ Durand, ed. Jose´ Anado´n ( Notre Dame 1998), pp. 8–31. 90 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 105, fol. 130, about Tiahunanaco: devio´ de aver alguna gente de entendimiento en estos reynos, venida por alguna parte que no se sabe, los quales har´an estas cosas, y siendo pocos y los naturales tantos, ser´an muertos en las guerras. Por estar estas cosas tan ciegas, podemos dezir, que bienaventurada la invencio´n de las letras, que con la virtud de su sonido dura la memoria muchos siglos: y hazen que buele la fama de las cosas que suceden por el universo: y no ignoramos lo que queremos, teniendo en las manos la letura. Charles Stanish, Ancient Titicaca. The Evolution of Complex Society in Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia (Berkeley 2003); John Wayne Janusek, Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes. Tiwanaku Cities through Time (New York 2004).

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that Cieza accepted—that they alone created the Andean cosmic and social order. Garcilaso followed suit and brought to bear not only his reading of Cieza, Aldrete, and Morales, but also of Cicero, so as to reformulate the imperial mission of the Incas in Roman terms. Speculating about the origins of political society, Cicero had imagined that the rst human beings lived in the wilds like animals and without leadership or order: they did nothing in accord with reason, but ran their affairs primarily by bodily strength. They did not follow the order of any religious observances or of human obligation; noone thought of legitimate marriage, or looked upon his children as his own, nor did anyone understand that law and equity are useful.91 This much had been said earlier by others. Where Cicero’s vision of the earliest history differed from similar speculations is that he brought this rst age to an end with the appearance of a “great and wise man” who by his eloquence gathered those scattered people and taught them the arts of civilization. In Garcilaso’s account of the Incas, the great and wise man was Manco Capac who, with his consort, founded Cuzco and persuaded the uncivilized dwellers on crags and mountainsides of the vicinity to settle in the new city, teaching them agriculture, weaving, architecture, and the other arts of civilization.92 A generation later, the Augustinian friar Antonio de la Calancha returned to the Incas in his Coro´nica moralizada, a history of the work of his order in Peru. Calancha, born of Spanish parents in Chuquisaca in upper Peru, was a creole patriot. In the Coro´nica, he outlined the history of the Incas, following the themes and arguments laid down by Garcilaso, and he also described the Vilcabamba campaign. Not long before this campaign was undertaken, an Augustinian missionary, Fray Diego Ortiz, had been martyred in Vilcabamba. This circumstance led Calancha to construct an elaborate comparison between the Spanish destruction of Vilcabamba and the Roman destruction of Jerusalem as described by Josephus in the Jewish War. The Jews of Jerusalem suffered for the death of Christ, and the Incas of Vilcabamba for that of Christ’s emissary, Diego Ortiz. Adjusting Josephus’s argument to his own apologetic purpose, Calancha argued that the Romans destroyed Jerusalem as agents of divine justice, and the Spanish destroyed Vilcabamba in that same capacity. The Spanish thus acted as the new Romans. In this sense, Calancha exploited Josephus to justify Spanish in91 92

Cicero, De inventione I,1,2. Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part I, book I, chapters 16–17.

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tervention in Vilcabamba.93 However, in the last resort, the Incas and Andean people at large, seeing that they were all—as Calancha viewed matters—in the process of entering the church or had done so already, were not like the Jews. As a result, making Romans out of the Spanish was not entirely complimentary to either.94 The times when Las Casas had roundly denounced the Spanish empire were past but not entirely forgotten, for Calancha, who had read at least a couple of the bishop’s shorter treatises,95 found much to criticize in the Spanish invasion, conquest, and governance of Peru.96 So did Calancha’s early contemporary, the Andean lord Guaman Poma de Ayala, but for him as for other Andean historians, an equally pressing task was to correlate, as the author from Huarochir´ had written, “the mighty past of the Spanish Viracochas”97 with the Andean and Inca past. This is what Guaman Poma undertook to do in the opening pages of his Nueva Cro´nica of 1615, endeavoring just as the Huarochir´ author had done a few years earlier to encompass the Andean past within the covers of a book. Although this work also was not printed until modern times, the Franciscan historian Buenaventura de Salinas y Cordova incorporated Guaman Poma’s Andean chronology and his conception of change and progress in the Andes into his published Memorial of 1630.98 Cieza, Garcilaso, and other historians had described certain parallels between Romans and Incas—in partic93 Antonio de la Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada del orden de San Agust´n en el Peru´ (Barcelona 1638, Lima 1974–1981), book 4, chapter 7, pp. 1873–76 with Josephus, Jewish War, book 2, chapter 15, section 277–chapter 16, section 344, and sections 402–404. 94 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada del orden de San Agust´n en el Peru´, book 4, chapter 8, pp. 1886–9, using the same narrative of Josephus, compares Vilcabamba and Jerusalem. The underlying account by Josephus (with the further passages here adduced, Josephus, Jewish War, book 2, chapter 18, sections 457–512; chapter 19, sections 513–55; book 6, chapter 4, section 220–chapter 9, section 434) yields a grim portrait of Roman provincial government in Judaea, and Roman warfare. 95 See Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, 1,12 p. 183; 1,17, p. 253, and 1,20 p. 297 for the notorious treatise that Las Casas published without license, the Brevissima relacio´n de la destruycio´n de las Indias (n.p. 1552); see the edition with introduction by Andre´ Saint-Lu (Madrid 1987); Calancha, Coronica moralizada 1,18 p. 270 for the New Laws; 2,7 p. 792 for informes of 1551, printed in 1552. 96 See Sabine MacCormack, “Antonio de la Calancha. Un Agustino del siglo XVII en el nuevo Mundo,” Bulletin Hispanique 84 (1982): 60–94. On Las Casas, see further, Calancha, Coro´nica, book 2, ch.7, p. 792; also book 1, chapter 12, p. 183; chapter 17, p. 253; chapter 20, p. 297. 97 Huarochir´ Manuscript, Preface. Viracocha was the name of a principal Inca deity; not long after the invasion, Andean people applied the name to the Spanish. Of the several explanations, see, e.g., Cieza, Segunda Parte, chapter 5, fol. 6–6v. 98 Buenaventura de Salinas y Co´rdova, Memorial de las historias del nuevo mundo Piru (Lima 1630; Lima 1957), pp. 14ff. Cf. below, chapter 7, at note 114.

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ular regarding imperial roads and administration, the wise mixture of force and conciliation in the pursuit of imperial expansion, and also in matters of religion. Guaman Poma, however, was primarily interested in chronology and accommodated the Andean material as best he could within the biblical and classical framework that Alfonso el Sabio and Cieza in their very different ways had taken for granted. In addition, inspired—however indirectly—by the division of world history into six ages that Augustine of Hippo employed in his City of God, Guaman Poma also divided history into six ages. However, where traditionally the sixth age opened with the Incarnation, Guaman Poma began it with the arrival of the Spanish in the Andes. Hence, the fth Andean age was that of the Incas, and it matches the fth European age which, according to Guaman Poma, began with Julius Caesar. He mentioned no dates, but meant the fth European and Andean ages to be contemporary with each other. Christ was born at the beginning of this fth age, in the time of the second Inca Sinchi Roca, whom Guaman Poma described as the contemporary of the second Roman emperor Augustus.99 The next event that Guaman Poma mentioned as occurring in Europe was the installation by Christ of Saint Peter as pope in Rome, and in the Andes it was the advent of the Apostle Bartholomew who left the Cross of Carabuco on Lake Titicaca for his converts. The Cross of Carabuco was a “relic” that emerged during a local conict in Carabuco in or around 1587. It was one of several such relics to surface in Peru during that period as testimony of the Christian maturity of Andean people. Concurrently, Guaman Poma’s chronological parallelism of Incas and Romans documents Andean political and cultural maturity.100 Guaman Poma’s rst four European ages are identical to those of standard Christian chronography. They run from the Creation to Noah’s ood, to Abraham, to David, to the Babylonian exile. The corresponding Andean ages are those of Vari Vira Cocha Runa who came from the Ark, clothed themselves in leaves, and adored God. Next came Vari Runa who wore animal skins, lived in small stone houses, tilled elds, built irrigation canals, and continued to adore God. Next, Purun Runa wove clothes, built larger houses with thatch roofs, chose kings and lords, “and began to live a political life, making themselves 99

Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica y buen gobierno, eds. J. V. Murra, Rolena Adorno, and J. Urioste (Madrid 1987), p. 30 and p. 89; with David Fleming, “Guaman Poma, Hieronymo de Chaves, and the Kings of Persia,” Latin American Indian Literatures Journal 10, 1 (1994): 46–60. 100 Cf. for this issue in Mexico, Osvaldo Pardo, The Origins of Mexican Catholicism. Nahva Rituals and Christian Sacraments in Sixteenth Century Mexico (Ann Arbor 2004), especially chapter 2.

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comfortable and building roads,” while still adoring God.101 In a curious and quite precise reminiscence of the process of civilization described in Plato’s Laws,102 “they began to settle on low lying ground with a good and warm climate. There they began to raise walls, and covered houses and enclosures and gathered into groups and had a main square.”103 In short, they lived in cities, just as civilized people had done in the ancient Mediterranean.104 Next came the age of the warlike Auca Runa, “Warrior Men,” who built hilltop fortresses with wells for times of siege. Guaman Poma’s own ancestors—so he claimed—were powerful lords during this age of heroes. At this time, “boys and children were instructed and taught with chastizement as Cato of Rome did, who provided good examples and taught his children, so they were well brought up.”105 Auca Runa practiced medicine, created a calendar, and could decipher the signs of good and evil times in the sky. Just as the learned men of Rome—Guaman Poma lists king Numa Pompilius, Julius Caesar, Josephus, and Cicero, with Aristotle thrown in for good measure—wrote down what they knew, so Andean people “knew it by quipus, strings and signs, the skill of Indians.”106 This age came to an end with the Incas, who introduced idolatry. Although Guaman Poma had access to Spanish libraries, he is most unlikely to have consulted any of the classical authors he mentions, except perhaps the Disticha Catonis by “Cato of Rome,” a much read, often printed didactic poem of the third century after Christ.107 Rather, 101 Purun Runa were not an invention of Guaman Poma, since they are also mentioned, albeit with somewhat different characteristics, in the Huarochir´ Manuscript, chapter 5, section 37. 102 Plato, Laws Book III, 677E–682D. 103 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 59. 104 But it is notable that Guaman Poma chose a plaza, rather than a building or group of buildings, to characterize what a city stands for. It is not inconceivable that he was thinking of a great Andean ceremonial enclosure such as the Kalasasaya at Tiahuanaco; see Alan L. Kolata, The Tiwanaku. Portrait of an Andean Civilization (Oxford 1993), pp. 143– 8 (cf. above n. 90). Matthew Restall, “The Renaissance World from the West,” in Guido Ruggiero, ed., A Companion to the Worlds of the Renaissance (Oxford 2002), pp. 70–87, at pp. 76–7 argues that in Mesoamerica, Amerindian and classicizing European ideas of city planning converged in the way here suggested for the Andes. 105 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 68. 106 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 72. The list is Ponpelio y Julio Zezar y Marcos Flavio y Glavio [whom I cannot identify] Aristotiles, Tulis, i.e., Numa Pompilius, Julius Caesar, Flavius Josephus, unidentied person, Aristotle, Marcus Tullius Cicero. According to Guaman Poma, political development in the Andes, once it reached the Incas, brought with it idolatrous religion, cf. below, Epilogue at note 90. 107 A large number of editions of the Disticha Catonis in both Latin and Spanish were in circulation; see Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispano-americano, ed. Julio Ollero (Madrid 1990), s.v. Caton. Some further editions not listed here are in F. J. Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal 1501–1520 (Cambridge 1978), see

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he will have learned about the classics from Spanish historical and devotional works and from chronological and historiographical manuals. But he understood Spanish ways of thinking sufciently to write about the Andean traditions with which he grew up in light of Spanish biblical and classical ones. His description of the rst four Andean ages thus carries reminiscences not just of Plato but of the Roman philosophical poet Lucretius, who also viewed the civilizing process, the development of material afuence and artisanal specialization as going hand in hand with that of violence and warfare.108 But other themes— in particular the importance attributed to weaving and irrigation agriculture—are quintessentially Andean. So are many of Guaman Poma’s historiographical preoccupations. He came from Guamanga, not from Cuzco, and did not agree that the Incas were the rst civilizing power in the Andes. For Auca Runa, who lived in an age prior to the Incas, at a time when his own ancestors had been great men, had already known the arts of settled life, built cities, had laws, and recorded their knowledge on quipus. In a similar vein, Guaman Poma’s contemporary, the author from Huarochir´, was eager to point out that for the people about whom he wrote, the Inca did not stand at the center of the universe. Coming from a provincial center, not the center of empire, this author looked at empire from the vantage point of the ruled, not the rulers. The author from Huarochir´, however, focused almost exclusively on local histories and traditions, whereas Guaman Poma addressed issues he knew to be of concern to Spaniards and creoles in terms he hoped they would understand. Perhaps, therefore, his criticism of the Incas as the rst Andean idolaters should be read as a reection of earlier Spanish critiques of Rome, for instance by Las Casas, and also as a reection of the notion that empire—including that of Spain—was not necessarily a laudable state of affairs.109 Outside the Andes, most of the historians of Peru who have occupied us were little known, or entirely unknown, and those whose writings remained unpublished were unknown even in the Andes. Garcinumbers 329, 386, 400, 409, 415, 429, 446, 530, 623 (all in Latin). The modern edition of this inuential text is Catonis Disticha. Recensuit et apparatu critico instruxit Marcus Boas; opus post Marci Boas mortem edendum curavit Henricus Johannes Botschuyver (Amsterdam 1952). 108 Lucretius, De rerum natura, book 5, 925–1193. 109 In his anti-imperial stance, Las Casas followed precedents set by Augustine in the City of God; see, e.g., City of God, Book 4,4, the comparison between Alexander the Great and the pirate, taken from Cicero’s treatise on the state. See Cicero, On the Commonwealth and On the Laws, ed. James E. G. Zetzel (Cambridge 1999), Commonwealth, Book III, section 24a.

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laso’s version of Inca and Andean history, by contrast, was translated into French and English, was often quoted, and remained tone giving for over three centuries. In the late seventeenth century, the abbe´ Fontenelle based his theory of the development of human society in part on Garcilaso, and in the early eighteenth century, the Jesuit Franc¸ois Latau quoted him constantly in his Customs of the American Indians.110 Reprinted in Madrid in 1723, the Royal Commentaries were an inspiration to Don Gabriel Condorcanqui Tupac Amaru, the leader of the indigenous uprising of 1780 that preceded the wars of independence. Although the Commentaries were banned after this movement failed, this did not mean that they lacked for readers.111 It was only once archaeologists began establishing chronologies of pre-Inca Andean cultures that the Royal Commentaries ceased being consulted as the canonical version of the Andean past. By that time, however, their historical inaccuracy was irrelevant, since Garcilaso’s Incas had come to exemplify a human and political identity that living Peruvians were interested in making their own.112

110 Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle, De l’origine des fables, in his Oevres Comple`tes vol. III (Paris 1989), pp. 187–202, at p. 197, referring to Garcilaso, CR Part I, 2, 27 p. 80 (the ˜ usta song); Joseph Franc¸ois Latau, Customs of the American Indians Compared Zumac N with the Customs of Primitive Times, William N. Fenton and Elizabeth L. Moore, eds. and trs., 2 vols. (Toronto 1974–77). Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “Limits of Understanding: Perceptions of Greco-Roman and Amerindian Paganism in Early Modern Europe,” in K. Kupperman, ed., America in European Consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995), pp. 79–129. 111 For Don Justo Apu Sahuaraura Inca, Recuerdos de la Monarqu´a Peruana, see below chapter 3, at note 115. See also, Alberto Flores Galindo, Bus Cando un Inca. Identidad y utopia en los Andes (Lima 1988), pp. 127ff.; David Cahill, “The Inca and Inca Symbolism in Popular Festive Culture: The Religious Processions of Seventeenth-Century Cuzco,” in Peter T. Bradley and David Cahill, Habsburg Peru. Images Imagination and Memory (Liverpool 2000), pp. 101f., 112f. 112 More recently, insofar as any one author can represent Peruvians, it is perhaps Guaman Poma more than Garcilaso who does this, because Garcilaso tends now to be viewed as more Spanish than Andean, but see Franklin Pease, “Garcilaso Andino,” Revista Histo´rica 34 (Lima 1983–4): 41–52. On the Incas as viewed in contemporary Peru, note Susy Sa´nchez, “Los usos del pasado en el presente: Representaciones del los Incas en los Billetes Peruanos. Siglos XIX y XX.” Lecture presented in The Andes: Then and Now. Kellogg Institute, University of Notre Dame, May 2005.

Three Conquest, Civil War, and Political Life

THE FIRST TRACES of the country of Peru as we know it became discernible between 1533, when Francisco Pizarro and his men killed the Inca Atahuallpa, and 1571, when the last Inca ruler Tupac Amaru was executed by the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo. The intervening years were taken up rst with the wars of conquest, then with civil wars among the Spanish invaders and more warfare between Spaniards and Incas, and nally also with the tasks of organizing a regular system of government. Inca government disintegrated quite quickly after 1533, but at a local level, Andean methods of doing things, of producing food, clothing, and other commodities, and of providing for administrative and societal order and continuity endured, in some respects until now. Simultaneously, however, a Spanish and creole superstructure emerged: municipal, scal, and religious authorities, law courts, hospitals, schools, universities. The creation of the Viceroyalty of Peru in 1544, which formally integrated the land of the Incas into the Spanish Monarchy, was a crucial step in this process. Tahuantinsuyu, the “Fourfold Domain,” became Spanish Peru. In one sense, it was a radical transformation. In another, it was the creation of a country, a homeland or patria, on the basis and as the aftermath of almost complete destruction. Above all, it was an astonishing process of political genesis.1 Memories and evocations of the ancient mediterranean world, especially of Rome, contributed to this genesis, and they also played a role in explaining it. In the early seventeenth century, the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega observed sadly that the Inca empire had been destroyed before it could 1

On the living presence of Andean institutions in contemporary Peru, see Frank Salomon, The Cord Keepers. Khipus and Cultural Life in a Peruvian Village (Durham 2004). The development of Spanish institutions: John Preston Moore, The Cabildo in Peru under the Habsburgs. A Study in the Origins and Powers of the Town Council in the Viceroyalty of Peru 1530–1700 (Durham 1954); Kathryn Burns, Colonial Habits. Convents and the Spiritual Economy of Cuzco, Peru (Durham 1999); Nancy E. Van Deusen, Between the Sacred and the Worldly. The Institutional and Cultural Practice of Recogimiento in Colonial Lima (Stanford 2001). On political genesis, see the now classic book by Franklin Pease, Del Tawantinsuyu a la Historia del Peru´ (Lima 1989).

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be known to Spaniards and Europeans.2 He was right. The speed and violence of the Spanish onslaught left little time for reection and observation, and when the opportunity for such reection arose, the Inca empire in its splendor had become a thing of the past. Several among Francisco Pizarro’s followers wrote accounts—relaciones—of the invasion in which they included some tantalizingly brief descriptions of Inca ways of living; of religious observances and administration; of roads, bridges, and way stations; but for the most part, the Spanish were interested in their own military success. What could be learned of “how the Incas governed” began to be recorded in some detail only toward the end of the civil wars. During the less tempestuous years that followed, when Spanish Peru was turning into a reality and one author writing about Inca history and governance followed upon another, the recorded memory of Inca Peru grew ever more concrete and detailed: all the more movingly so when the events being recalled were childhood memories, as they were in the case of Don Joan Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui: “When we were children we heard most ancient tidings and the histories, customs and stories of the gentile times,” he wrote at the outset of his history of the Incas.3 Remembering was not conned to the pages of historians, for ordinary people also found reason to turn their thoughts to the past.4 In the course of this process of recollection, the two realities that make up the identity of Peru as a country, the Inca and the Spanish, became so deeply inseparable from each other that since that time, the one has not been able to live without the other.5 The rst major historian to take note of events in Peru was Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, courtier, soldier, and merchant, who maintained 2 Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, Part I, book 1, ch. 19, p. 32b, esta repu´blica, antes destru´da que conocida. 3 Don Joan Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Relacio´n de antiguedades deste reyno del Piru´, fol. 3: Digo que emos oydo, siendo nin˜o, notic¸ias antiqu´simos y las historias, barbarismos y fa´bulas del tiempo de las gentilidades. In the absence of alternatives, Don Joan was using the language of evangelization, which made “barbarismos” out of what would ordinarily be “customs.” I have adjusted the translation accordingly; cf. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes. Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton 1991), pp. 406–7. Garcilaso de la Vega also wrote in light of childhood memories; see Max Herna´ndez, Memoria del bien perdido. Conicto, Identidad y nostalgia en el Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (Madrid 1991). 4 MS 20193, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, establishing the ancestry of Don Melchor Carlos Inca, contains a set of statements by Andean witnesses who remembered seeing as boys the marriage celebration in Cuzco between Inca Guayna Capac and Anaz Collque, the daughter of the lord of Huaylas. 5 Inseparability has not amounted to harmoniousness: see Cecilia Me´ndez, “Incas Si, Indios No: Notes on Peruvian Creole Nationalism and Its Contemporary Crisis,” Journal of Latin American Studies 28 (1996): 197–225.

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an extensive correspondence with a circle of humanist friends in Italy whom he had known in his youth while ghting the wars of Fernando the Catholic. In his later life, as alcaide, keeper of the fortress of Santo Domingo in the Caribbean, he became acquainted with many people who sailed between Spain and the Americas and heard their stories.6 He knew Francisco Pizarro from his earliest years in the New World, also knew Pizarro’s long-time companion in arms Diego de Almagro, as well as Pizarro’s brothers Gonzalo and Hernando. The latter addressed to the audiencia of Santo Domingo a detailed description of his expedition to loot the oracle of Pachacamac, which Oviedo included in his History. Other testimonies recounting the events of the wars between Pizarros and Almagros, the death of the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela in the battle of An˜aquito, and the ultimate defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro by Pedro de la Gasca also found their way into this voluminous work. Perusing these reports and interviewing their authors, Oviedo searched the Greek and Roman histories in his effort to make sense of his own time. The friendship of Pizarro and Almagro during their early years reminded him of the friendship of Damon and Pythias, whose willingness to die for each other, according to a well-known ancient story, had changed the purpose of the cruel tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse.7 As for the wealth that Pizarro and Almagro had accumulated in Peru, it deed all comparison,8 and yet, in Oviedo’s estimation, it was precisely this wealth that generated their ruin. For, as he had read in the Natural History of the Elder Pliny, a work that accompanied him throughout his long life, desire for wealth produced the most unaccountable actions: 6 For Oviedo and his Historia General y Natural, see Edmundo O’Gorman, Cuatro historiadores de Indias (Mexico City 1972), pp. 47–84, explaining how Oviedo, who was in his earlier years interested in stories of knightly romance, found his vocation as historian of the Americas. At p. 49, O’Gorman makes the statement quoted in the preface of this book: “puesto que nada hay tan contagioso como las modas intelectuales, porque nada ma´s vulnerable que la vanidad—poderoso motor de la cultura—Oviedo hizo lo u´nico que pod´a hacer,” i.e., he renounced his earlier devotion to “esos libros de Amad´s.” Jesu´s Carrillo, ed., Oviedo on Columbus. Repertorium Columbianum Volume IX (Turnhout 2000), pp. 9–35. 7 Valerius Maximus, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem, ed. John Briscoe (Stuttgart 1998), 4,7,7 with Oviedo, Historia, book 46, Proemio. Valerius Maximus was popular in Oviedo’s day, and several translations and editions circulated, including Valerio Maximo, De las hystorias romanas y carthaginenses . . . En romance (Seville 1514); see F. J. Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal 1501–1520 (Cambridge 1978), number 963; Valerius Maximus nuper editus. Index copiosissimus rerum omnium, & personarum, de quibus in his libris agitur, Venetiis in aedibus haeredum Aldi et Andreae soceri, 1534. 8 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, preface, p. 212b, referring to the story of Midas as told by Ovid, Metamorphoses, book 11, lines 90–193.

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Oh treasures of the Indies! I often recall what Pliny writes: We dig deep caves into the earth to nd gems and a few tiny stones, hollowing out earth’s bowels to bring them forth. And how many hands are hurt and injured so that a single nger may shine!9 In effect, there existed no more powerful agent than covetousness to destroy friendship: lions, as witness Pliny, were more sociable than wealthy humans.10 All of this was demonstrated in horrifying detail in the history of Peru: I am amazed and often debate within myself the cause of such bloody histories as are these present ones, and am astonished at the evil ends of most of these governors of the Indies whose sins and lack of understanding have brought them to such a pass. However, little by little reaching the conclusion of my debate, . . . I nd that their labours and punishments and their sad ends have their source and origin in their covetousness.11 Not that the Inca Atahuallpa was without blame. Pizarro and his followers launched their invasion of the Inca empire at just the point when Atahuallpa had defeated his brother and rival Guascar and was in no mind to take the small band of invaders seriously. Had he done so—this is the latent theme in much subsequent reection on these events—the history of Peru could have taken a less tempestuous and destructive course. Here, for a certainty, was a moral lesson. “In the luck and reality of military affairs,” Oviedo commented, it is one thing for men to think what their sense dictates, and another to perceive the outcome on which fortune settles. When Xerxes with his million soldiers . . . scorned the small numbers of his enemies and of Leonidas captain of the Spartans, this was not an act of prudence, because in the end, Xerxes was wounded and ed.12 9

Oviedo, Historia, book 47,5, p. 143a, citing Pliny II,158. The context is the hardships Almagro suffered in Chile. 10 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, preface. 11 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, prologue p. 211a–b: Estoy maravillado y conmigo solo muchas veces disputando la causa de tan sangrientas historias como son aque´stas, e no poco admirado de tan malos nes como han hecho la mayor parte de estos gobernadores de Indias, cuyos pecados e faltas de buen conoscimiento los constituyo´ en tales ocios; mas, poco a poco conclu´da mi disputacio´n (y no poco altercada), hallo que sus trabajos e castigos e tristes eventos han origen del cimiento de sus cobdicias. 12 Oviedo, Historia, book 46, ch. 4, p. 45a: en la ventura y efectos militares una cosa es pensar los hombres lo que su seso les dicta, e otra cosa es ver el cuento en que para la fortuna. Ni se cuenta a prudencia despreciar Jerjes con un millo´n de soldados . . . el poco nu´mero de sus enemigos y de Leo´nida, capita´n de los espartanos, pues al cabo huyo´ herido with Justin, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi, ed. O. Seel (Stuttgart 1985), II,11,19.

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Surrounded by his host of armed men, Atahallpa—like Xerxes—underestimated his enemy, was captured by the Spaniards, and gave orders that his imprisoned brother Guascar be killed, only to be himself killed by the Spaniards after having complied with their demand for a ransom consisting of a room lled with gold and silver.13 And yet, the Inca was a man of singular dignity whose “gravity and grandeur” were matched by the obedience and reverence with which his subjects approached him,14 and “he died with great spirit, without showing emotion.”15 In short, the longer Oviedo contemplated the course of events, and the more he was able to learn about the Incas and their empire, the less he was able to approve the conduct of his countrymen.16 Oviedo disliked the entire Pizarro clan. He had known Francisco Pizarro for many years, “but I never found him as suited to govern as to be governed.” He was “valiant in his person . . . but uncouth.”17 By contrast, “the governor don Diego de Almagro of worthy memory,”18 a man of exemplary generosity and openness of spirit,19 although outmaneuvered by the Pizarros, reminded Oviedo of the kings of early Rome who had come from humble origins, and also of the dictator Cincinnatus, who had saved his homeland while never reaching beyond the status of a simple farmer. Like them, Almagro was the “son of a peasant and grandson of other peasants . . . tillers of the land, men who live by 13 As a salve to the invaders’ conscience, formal burial followed: Oviedo, Historia, book 46, ch. 14 p. 83a, El gobernador con los espan˜oles e todos los religiosos lo llevaron a enterrar a la iglesia con mucha solempnidad, con toda la ma´s honra que se le pudo hacer como a tan grand sen˜or. “The governor Francisco Pizarro and the Spanish and all the men of religion took his body to be buried in the church amidst much solemnity with all the honours that could be paid to him as to so great a lord.” 14 Oviedo, Historia, book 46, ch. 10, p. 64b, su gravedad e grandeza deste pr´ncipe era muy grande, e la obidiencia de sus su´bditos conforme a ella. 15 Oviedo, Historia, book 46, ch. 15, p. 83a, murio´ con mucho a´nimo, sin mostrar sentimiento. 16 Oviedo, Historia, book 46, ch. 15 p. 84b; regarding the information Oviedo gradually accumulated about the Incas, see Historia, book 46, ch. 15–17. 17 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, ch. 2, valiente aunque crudo, p. 218a; Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia general de las Indias. Edicio´n facsimilar. (Lima 1993), agreed; see chapter 144: Pizarro: no sabia mandar fuera de la guerra, y en ella trataba bien los soldados. Fue grosero, robusto, animoso, valiente y honrado, mas negligente en su salud y vida. The Lima facsimile of Go´mara’s Historia General is of the copy, now owned by the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima, that belonged to the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, with his marginal notes. A modern edition is by Jorge Gurria Lacroix (Caracas 1979). 18 Oviedo, Historia, book 39, preface p. 337b, el adelantado don Diego de Almagro de buena memoria. 19 Oviedo, Historia, book 6, ch. 44, p. 204b, su liberalidad e franqueza fue´ tan grande, que jama´s consintio´ que se le pasase d´a sin hacer mercedes.

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their sweat and labour;”20 and like those Romans, he had placed his own advantage behind that of his followers and behind the interests of his society.21 Why then was it that the Pizarro faction prevailed over the Almagros, father and son? Fortune was changeable, Oviedo reected, having in his own lifetime witnessed the prosperity and fall of Federico king of Naples, the glory and betrayal of Ludovico Sforza of Milan, the exile of the king of Granada when Fernando and Isabel captured his kingdom, the victories and assassination of Cesare Borgia, and the sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V.22 Beyond all this, Oviedo recalled all the other “reversals of human affairs and revolutions of states”23 that had occurred in classical antiquity and had occupied the thoughts of medieval moralists and historians: “I am telling you friends, that the just judgement of God will give to each that which his works deserve.”24 Even so, Oviedo could not withhold his pity even from Francisco Pizarro, who, like Julius Caesar, might have avoided the assassins’ swords if only he had listened to the warnings of his friends.25 The struggle of the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela against Gonzalo Pizarro reminded Oviedo of the career and tragic end of the prudent and unimpeachably honorable Athenian general Phocion as described by Plutarch: since Phocion was the messenger of unwelcome but inescapable truths, the Athenians condemned him to death. What was memorable about those events of the distant past and their counterparts in Peru was “much bloodshed, uncertain hope and dubious victory.”26 20 Oviedo, Historia, book 47, p. 124b, preface, hijo de un labrador y nieto de otros . . . agr´colas e hombres que por sus sudores e trabajos viven. For the poverty of Cincinnatus, mentioned by Oviedo, see Valerius Maximus, Factorum et dictorum 4,4,7 under the heading De paupertate, and, for the passage from Augustine that Oviedo mentions, Augustine, City of God 5,18; The three Roman kings Oviedo mentions, Tullus Hostilius, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius Priscus, appear in Valerius Maximus as examples of “men of humble birth who became famous,” Factorum et dictorum 7,4,1–3. Cf. Livy, whom Oviedo had also read, Ab urbe condita I, 23–31, 35–48; III, 26,8. 21 Oviedo, Historia, book 47, ch. 1. 22 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, ch. 2, p. 220b. See further on this passage, Antonello Gerbi, Nature in the New World from Christopher Columbus to Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo (Pittsburg 1985), pp. 180–81. 23 A powerful phrase, Oviedo, Historia, book 48, chapter 2: las mudanzas de las potencias humanas y revoluciones de estados. 24 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, preface p. 212a. 25 Oviedo, Historia, book 48, ch. 2, pp. 221b–222a. 26 Oviedo, Historia, book 49, preface, p. 222b. Conict was renewed by Athens and Macedon con mucha sangre, con esperanza incierta e con victoria dubdosa. See Plutarch, Life of Phocion, 12–15 on Phocion’s successful campaigns; 24–38 on his death. Phocion endeavored—unsuccessfully—to maintain Athenian independence from Macedon in the time of Philip, Alexander the Great, and Alexander’s successors’, cf. Christian Habicht, Athens from Alexander to Antony (Cambridge, Mass. 1997).

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Oviedo did not live to describe in detail how Pedro de la Gasca, emissary of the emperor Charles V appointed to settle the affairs of Peru, defeated Gonzalo Pizarro, the “enemy of his homeland,” although he sensed that “this war, worse than civil war, and no less hellish,” was drawing to a close.27 The term “enemy of his homeland,” hostis patriae, recurs frequently in the political discourse of the later Roman republic, and the words “war, worse than civil war” recall the opening line of Lucan’s epic poem the Pharsalia, which describes the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, the two leading potentates of their day.28 The poem had long gured in Spanish historical awareness. Alfonso el Sabio, whose Primera Cro´nica Oviedo had read, looked to Lucan as a fellow Spaniard and cited him as one of his primary sources for the Roman civil wars, and Lucan gured once more in Spanish thinking during the conicts that divided the Peninsula during the fteenth century.29 Warfare between Caesar and Pompey was worse than civil war, Lucan was suggesting, because they were linked by ties of marriage, just as Pizarro and Almagro, as Oviedo had stressed, were linked by ties of friendship. The idea that the failure of this friendship amounted to civil war also engaged historians of the next generation, Agust´n de Za´rate, who came to Peru with the Viceroy Blasco Nun˜ez Vela as inspector of the royal nances, and the soldier Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, who spent the years between 1535 and 1550 in South America, and came to Peru in 1547 in the train of Pedro de la Gasca. In Za´rate’s eyes, the conict between Caesar and Pompey described the essence of the Peruvian civil wars. For in both instances, two great men, initially linked by 27 Oviedo, Historia, 49,15 p. 300a: esta guerra mas que civil e no menos infernal, quoting the opening line from Lucan, Pharsalia I,1. 28 Bartolome´ de Las Casas, as was his custom, subverted an existing discourse to make a point of his own: in Peru, the “public enemies” to beware of were Spaniards, see his Doce dudas (in Fray Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Obras Completas 11.2., ed. J. B. Lassegue O.P. with J. Denglos (Madrid 1992), chapter 30, p. 144, citing Digest (in Corpus iuris civilis vol. I, Institutiones. Digesta (eds. P. Krueger and T. Mommsen), 45, 15, 24. On “guerra mas que civil,” see also Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, who echoed the phrase in his Historia general de las Indias, chapter 142: con la vitoria y prendimiento de Almagro enriquecieron unos y empobrecieron otros, que usanc¸a es de guerra, y mas de la que llaman civil. The passage was cited by Garcilaso de la Vega, Historia general del Peru´, ed. Carmelo Sa´enz de Santa Mar´a (Madrid: Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 134–5, 1965), book 2, chapter 39, p. 162ab. 29 Alfonso el Sabio, Primera Cro´nica General de Espan˜a, chapters 78–104 passim, citing Lucan as a source for the wars between Caesar and Pompey. Note also chapter 173, p. 124b, the words Alfonso believed to have been Lucan’s epitaph: Cordoba me genuit, rapuit Nero, prelia dixi. For the civil conicts in the Peninsula during the reign of Juan II, see Angel Go´mez Moreno, “La Questio´n del Marque´s de Santillana a Don Alfonso de Cartagena,“ El Crotalo´n 2 (1985): 335–63, at pp. 349, 351.

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friendship and reciprocal advantage, had provoked a conict among their partisans that engulfed the entire society. Claiming to write only the sober truth at some risk to himself, Za´rate thought that very few people in Peru had not committed themselves to one or the other side—of Pizarro or Almagro—more deeply than had in Rome the partisans of Caesar and Pompey, or, a little earlier, those of Sulla and Marius. For among those who have lived in Peru, whether alive or dead, there is no one to be found who has not received good or bad turns from one or other of the two leaders or from those who depend on them.30 These themes also appear in the Cro´nica del Peru´ by Pedro Cieza de Leo´n—but Cieza was more courageous than Za´rate.31 Cieza had read at least one of the published versions of Oviedo’s History.32 However, having witnessed the Peruvian civil wars at close quarters, he identied deeply with the Incas and agonized over the suffering of the An30 Agust´n de Za´rate, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista del Peru´, eds. Franklin Pease and Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez (Lima 1995). Dedication to the future Philip II, p.18: Lo que toca a la verdad, que es donde consiste el a´nima de la historia, he procurado que no se pueda emendar, escriviendo las cosas naturales y acidentales que yo vi sin ninguna falta ni dissimulacio´n y tomando relacio´n de lo que passo´ en mi ausencia de personas dedignas y no apassionadas, lo qual se halla con gran dicultad en aquella provincia, donde ay pocos que no este´n ma´s acionados a una de las dos parcialidades—de Pic¸arro o Almagro—que en Roma estuvieron por Ce´sar o Pompeyo o, poco antes, por Syla o Mario. Pues entre los vivos o los muertos que en el Peru´ vivieron no se hallara´ quien no haya recibido buenas o malas obras de una de las dos cabec¸as o de los que dellas dependen. See also Za´rate, Historia 5,14, comparison of Gonzalo Pizarro and Francisco de Carvajal in the manner of Plutarch’s Parallel Lives. In the Dedication to Prince Philip, Za´rate goes on to claim that the passions that had been stirred up in Peru were so powerful that even after the main protagonists had died, the historian had to ready himself for a torrent of criticism from their descendants and partisans. 31 Za´rate, Dedication to Prince Philip, p. 17 No pude en el Peru´ escrevir ordenadamente esta relacio´n . . . porque so´lo averla alla´ comenc¸ado me vuiera de poner en peligro de la vida con vn maestre de campo de Gonc¸alo Pic¸arro (meaning Francisco de Carvajal) que amenazaua de matar a qualquiera que escriuiesse sus hechos. On Za´rate’s cowardice, see above, chapter 1, n. 41. Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, Cro´nica del Peru´. Primera parte, ed. Franklin Pease with M. Maticorena (Lima 1986), hereafter Primera Parte, prohemio, outlining the plan of his work, which was to go from the geographical description of Peru to the Incas, to the Spanish invasion and on to “mas profundas materias,” namely, the “guerras civiles.” On Cieza’s life and writings, see Luis Millones Figueroa, Pedro de Cieza de Leo´n y su Cro´nica de Indias. La Entrada de los Incas en la Historia Universal (Lima 2001). 32 Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Tercera Parte, ed. Francesca Cantu` (Lima 1987, hereafter Tercera Parte), ch. 2, fol. 2; ch. 12, fol. 13; when Cieza died, in 1555, three partial publications of Oviedo’s Historia were in circulation: De la natvral hystoria de las Indias (Toledo, Remo de Petras, 1526); La historia general de las Indias (Seville, Cromberger 1535); Coronica delas Indias: La hystoria general de las Indias agora nueuamente impresse, corregida y emendada. 1547. Y con la conquista del Peru (Salamanca Juan de Junta 1547).

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13–14. Caesar and Pompey in combat. These frescoes were painted in the vestibule of a house in the center of Cuzco (265, Calle Garcilaso) in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. The topic that so preoccupied historians of the Peruvian civil wars—that the conict between Pizarro and Almagro replicated that between Caesar and Pompey—greeted everyone who entered or left the house. The images reveal how deeply historical awareness formulated in classical terms was present not only in the lives of the lettered elite but in the lives of people at large.

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dean people. In his eyes, what above all needed explaining was moral agency and fault: rst, Atahuallpa’s fault for his cruel conduct toward Guascar, and his blind pride in underrating Spanish strength33—and yet, “he had the presence of a great ruler.”34 Second, the fault of the Spanish: to kill Atahuallpa was “the worst of all the deeds that the Spanish have done in all this empire of the Indies and as such it is abominated and held to be a great sin.”35 The key factor that had brought about the death of Atahuallpa was Spanish greed, and history books, both Roman and other, abounded in examples highlighting the disastrous outcomes of this passion. Livy’s dictum about the ancient Romans, “the less they possessed, the less avaricious they were,”36 was writ large in the history of Peru: Although so great a friendship had existed between Pizarro and Almagro, and brotherhood for many years, self interest parted them, greed blinded their understanding, and ambition to rule and divide conicted with what would have proved more enduring had they continued in poverty and need, without reaching as abundant a land as these two happened upon. Ignorant as they were, knowing not even the letters of the alphabet, there yet developed between them nothing but enviousness, wariness and other unrighteous dealings.37 In the next act of the moral drama of Peruvian history, Almagros and Pizarros were propelled not just to oppose and envy but to annihilate each other by the combined passions of greed and lust for domination,38 these being a central theme in the Roman historian Sallust’s 33

Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 45, fol. 53, le crec¸´a mas el orgullo. Cieza, Tercerea Parte, ch. 43, fol. 50v, Atavalipa ten´a presenc¸ia de gran pr´ncipe. 35 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 54, fol. 67. 36 Livy, Ab urbe condita (History of Rome), preface 11–12: Adeo quantum rerum minus, tanto minus cupiditatis erat; nuper divitiae avaritiam et abundantes voluptates desiderium per luxum atque libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere. I adduce this quotation myself, as matching Cieza’s opinions; Cieza did not quote this passage himself, although he did clearly read Livy with some care; cf. below chapter 7, at notes 12– 13 and at notes 26–29. 37 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 81, fol. 108v: aviendo como av´a entre el [i.e., Francisco Pizarro] y Almagro tanta amistad, hermandad de muchos an˜os, el ynterec¸e lo partio´, la cudic¸ia c¸ego´ sus entendimientos, la anbic¸io´n de mandar y repartir repun˜o´ contra lo que ma´s durara si anduvieran en pobrezas y con nec¸esidades sin aver dado en tan rica tierra como dieron ellos dos, sabiendo tan poco que no conoc¸´an las letras del abc ya de sy, mas no ovo sino enbidias, cautelas y otros modos ynjustos. 38 See, e.g., Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 81, fol. 108v about Francisco Pizarro: la cudic¸ia c¸ego´ sus entendimientos, la anbic¸io´n de mandar y repartir repun˜o´ contra lo que ma´s durara si anduvieran en pobrezas y con nec¸esidades. See also Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Las Salinas, ed. Pedro Guibovich Pe´rez (Lima 1994), hereafter Sali34

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biographical essay Catiline and in Augustine’s assessment of the ancient Romans in the City of God. Propensity to greed and the lust for power, so Cieza was convinced, was the outcome of deliberation and choice.39 No one was fated to be greedy or ambitious. Numerous Roman analogies helped Cieza to articulate these moral and political verities, for instance in a conversation he reported to have taken place between the Older Diego de Almagro and the lawyer Gaspar de Espinoza. Partisans of Pizarros and Almagros were treating each other with a cruelty that was “no less than if (the opponent) were the indel, or another nation,”40 which was why the aged lawyer pleaded for moderation: The wars that are most feared and that are fought with the greatest cruelty are civil wars. No enemy of Rome, not Hannibal, Pyrrhus, or any other nation, ever placed her in such straits as did her own citizens, and those enemies, in all the wars that were fought in the course of seven hundred years did less harm to Rome that did Sulla and Marius, and the great Pompey and Julius Caesar in the civil wars. . . . If thus now, having served His Majesty for so many years, you turn yourselves into authors of civil wars in your old age, what do you think you will gain from them, other than this, that once you are all dead, you will have become murderers of each other?41 “The defeated is conquered and the conqueror lost, and with that I depart,” Espinoza concluded. Earlier, he had endeavored to make clear nas, ch. 26, fol. 65. Y creed una cosa: que hera tanta la anbicio´n destos dos governadores de mandar, e con tanto ah´nco cada uno pretend´a el govierno del Cuzco. 39 Note Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 83, fol. 111, Pizarro and Almagro quedaron en lo pu´blico muy amigos y en lo secreto como Dios sabe: which implies that a choice was being made. On Sallust and Augustine, see MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry. Vergil in the Mind of Augustine (Berkeley 1998), pp. 194ff. 40 Cieza, Salinas, ch. 20, fol. 47, no se av´an menos con ellos que si fuesen yneles o de otra nac¸io´n. 41 Cieza, Salinas, ch. 20, fol. 49–49v, Las guerras que ma´s se temen e ma´s cruelmente se tratan son las c¸eviles, e a Roma nunca la pusieron en tanto estrecho sus enemigos An´bal ni Pirro ni otra nenguna nac¸io´n como sus mismos c¸iudadanos, ni en nengunas guerras que trataron en setec¸ientos an˜os pudieron ma´s dellos que en las guerras c¸eviles de Cilla e Mario, y del gran Ponpeyo e Julio Ce´sar; e sin hablar de cosas tan grandes, muchas c¸iudades de Espan˜a esta´n perdidas e casi despobladas por tener los vezinos dellas bandos unos con otoros. Pues sy agora, a cabo de aver tanto tienpo servido a Su Magestad, en vuestras senetudes os mostra´ys autores de guerras c¸ebiles, que´ es lo que pensa´ys sacar dellas, sino que despue´s de muertos los unos e los otros, ave´ys sydo omec¸idas de s´ propios, venga con mandado real un juez, de manera que perda´ys las governac¸iones, e aun sobre el caso las vidas? . . . Agora vien, sabe´ys que´ colijo deste negoc¸io? que el vencido vencido, y el benc¸edor, perdido; y con esto me voy.

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to Hernando Pizarro that there could be no real victors in civil wars, that ultimately His Majesty would send legal experts to sort out conicting claims, and that in the upshot all the warlike contenders would lose their mandate, but Espinoza’s efforts were in vain.42 For even Diego de Almagro, whom Cieza described as being inclined toward compromise and “the service of His Majesty,” was urged by his supporter Rodrigo Orgon˜ez to resolve the conict by force of arms. Almagro’s various attempts at appeasing the Pizarros, Orgon˜ez suggested, had not only failed but had worked to his detriment. All was not lost, however, provided only that Almagro could at last bring himself to act decisively, to prepare for war, and above all to “cut off the head” of his primary adversary, Hernando Pizarro.43 Let him consider Julius Caesar, Orgon˜ez urged. For when Caesar crossed the Rubicon with his army, thereby violating the laws of the Roman republic, he had acted in light of one of his favorite sayings, from Euripides, If justice must be set aside, then let it be for sovereignty. In this way, Caesar enhanced his dignity, gained supreme power, and went on to defeat Pompey.44 As Cieza expressed it in his own words, power “however small its scope, can never endure equality.”45 In Peru, there was room for either Pizarros or Almagros, but not for both. Diego de Almagro hesitated until it was too late, which was why, when the decisive battle of Las Salinas came, he was defeated and executed by Hernando Pizarro.46 42 Hernando Pizarro was at the time Almagro’s prisoner; see Cieza, Salinas, ch. 19, see fol. 46v, quedando Hernando Pic¸arro muy deseoso de que se conc¸ertasen con . . . don Diego de Almagro: but this was only to help gain his freedom. Once that was achieved, Hernando Pizarro acted on his implacable hatred of Almagro, and was instrumental in Almagro’s death. 43 Earlier, Almagro had repeatedly discounted Orgon˜ez’s advice to kill Hernando Pizarro; see Cieza, Salinas, ch. 18, fol. 44; ch. 19, fol. 46; ch. 20, fol. 49v; ch. 42, fol. 104v. 44 Cieza, Salinas, chapter 42, fol. 104v, with Cicero, De ofciis (On Duties) III, 82, and Suetonius, Divus Julius (The Deied Julius) 30,5, quoting Euripides, Phoenician Maidens 524–5. 45 Cieza, Salinas, chapter 18, fol. 44: E como el mandar e governar, aunque sea una muy corta provinc¸ia, nunca jama´s puede sufrir yguraldad ni buena compan˜´a, nacio´ la discordia e grandes devates que se recrec¸ieron entre los governadores Pic¸arro e Almagro, deseando cada uno governar aquel reyno. Cf. Salinas, ch. 58, fol. 136v: Hernando Pizarro declares, una sola autoridad av´a de aver. 46 See Cieza, Salinas, ch. 61, fol. 139v. f., where Hernando Pizarro’s followers consider delay to be in their interest. Chapter 62, fol. 141v, Almagro, even at the last minute, looks for a peaceful solution. In planning for the battle, and the battle itself, Orgon˜ez imposed his will on the rest, with disastrous results, chapter 63.

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15. The woodcut illustrates the conclusion of Sallust’s War against Catiline, describing the tragic outcome (Sallust’s text is printed below the image, with a commentary at top and left). Even the victors in the nal battle were overwhelmed with grief, or, in the words of the caption of the image: “the bloody end to factional conict.” Readers of Sallust who witnessed or described the Peruvian civil wars came to a similar conclusion. Caii Crispi Sallustii Historiographi Opus (Venice 1521), fol. XLIII.

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Even so, Cieza felt, the deaths of Almagros and Pizarros were cause for grief.47 The elder Almagro was a man of high spirit and generosity, a most loyal vassal of His Majesty the king.48 And Francisco Pizarro, trapped in a small room by his assassins, died an exemplary death: The aged governor in his bravery did not wish that the reputation which never dies should discover cause for diminishing the great worth with which his person was adorned. He showed himself to be of such spirit and of so valiant a heart that I believe that, had he had space to defend himself, he would have taken his own vengeance before dying at the hand of his enemies.49 When thus he fell, “the body of this noble captain, spread out on the ground, was yet adorned with such presence as betted so famous a Spaniard as he had been.”50 Here also, Cieza perceived Roman antecedents. Caesar was derided as a tyrant by his assassins,51 and so was Pizarro.52 Caesar’s death, so far from ending civil conict at Rome, broadened its scope, and the same happened in Peru, especially once Gonzalo Pizarro, aspiring to become king of Peru, made war on the viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela. “How powerful are wars,” Cieza reected, 47 Note Cieza, Salinas, ch. 64, fol. 146–146v: Mas para que´ quiero yo contar particularmente las crueldades de mi nac¸io´n? Huya, pues mi entendimiento desta parte de la vatalla e de´xela syn escrevir, puesta en tinieblas del olbido, porque nengunas gentes aprendan tan grandes males, ni sepan por m´ co´mo en las guerras c¸ibiles puede acaec¸er cosa como e´sta, e mejor fuera que se perdieran las la´grimas e sospiros que a este lugar se deven por las muertes que los crueles unos a otros se dieron; mas ya que yo quiera callar el ync¸endio desta vatalla, con que´ fundamento escrivire´ las demas, pues de aqu´ nac¸io´ la causa de aver tan grandes males en esta miserable tierra? E, aunque con pena, referire´ las cosas que pasaron. 48 Cieza, Salinas, ch. 70, fol. 158v. 49 Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru´. Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Chupas, ed. Gabriela Benavides de Rivero (Lima 1994), hereafter Chupas, ch. 31, fol. 47v–48. 50 Cieza, Chupas, ch. 31, fol. 48. 51 For Caesar’s death, see Suetonius, Divus Julius 81–82; also Plutarch, Caesar (in Plutarch’s Lives, ed. and tr. B. Perrin, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1986, vol. 7), 63–6; Agust´n de Za´rate read and imitated Plutarch; see Historia 4,9; 5,4. The passage was appreciated by Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales Part II, book 3,7 p. 183b: Augst´n de Zara´te como tan buen historiador, imitando al gran Plutarco, semeja estos dos famosos y desdichados espan˜oles mal pagados del mundo el uno al otro. 52 Za´rate, Historia 4,8, “Muera el tyrano . . . ”; Cieza, Chupas, ch. 31, on “death to the tyrant.” See also ch. 30, fol. 45, comparing the murder of Pizarro to that of Julius Caesar. With all that, the precedent of Julius Caesar described as tyrant by his assassins is likely to have been less important to those who killed Pizarro than the precedent of Castilian juridical thinking; see, on tyranny, Las Siete Partidas del sabio rey don Alonso el nono glosadas por el Licenciado Gregorio Lo´pez (Benito Cano, Madrid 1789), II,1,10, and note the commentary by Gregorio Lo´pez.

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since they draw in the wise, the humble and those who love peace, and the entire human race is constrained to do as wars command. When once the banners are unfurled and the drums sound, there is no force in the world that can prevent those who pursue war from following their course.53 Peru was only an outpost in the Spanish empire where the sun never set, but the resonances that Cieza, Za´rate, and Oviedo discovered between the history of Rome and that of Peru contributed toward endowing the history of Peru with grandeur and a certain exemplary quality. This was not only a matter of juxtaposing events and personages, but also, more importantly, a matter of comprehending something about the nature of human society and political events, and of the interaction between circumstance and character. The ascendancy of Gonzalo Pizarro resulted from the circumstance that the vecinos of Peru chose him to represent their interests. The vecinos, while wishing to continue serving His Majesty the King, but on their own terms, were hoping to avoid the losses they expected to incur if the Viceroy Blasco Nun˜ez Vela were to implement the New Laws. The problem was that the vecinos, refusing to see that Gonzalo Pizarro was intent on ruling Peru whether they agreed or not, allowed themselves to be deceived by his blandishments and their own sense of entitlement to enjoy their conquests free of interference from the crown.54 They could have known better, Cieza thought. Observing that in the past, tyrants like Gonzalo Pizarro were able to acquire an air of legitimacy “only because foolish polities trusted them,” he cited, from the Roman historical epitomator Justin, the example of the Gaditani, who invited the Carthaginians to help them against their neighbors. The 53 Cieza, Salinas, ch. 14, fol. 30v: qua´nto pueden las guerras, pues atraen a s´ a los savios, a los umildes, a los pac¸icos y todo linaje de gente ha de hazer lo que ellas mandan. Como una vez las vanderas se desplieguen e los atanbores suenen, no hay cosa en el mundo que estorbe que los que la tratan la dexen de seguir. See also Cieza, Cro´nica del Peru. Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Quito, ed. Laura Gutie´rrez Arbulu´ (Lima 1994), hereafter Quito, ch. 30, fol. 36v, on Gonzalo Pizarro preparing his war in Cuzco, Sal´an a la plaza las nefandas vanderas e las canpeavan los alfe´rez que quer´an seguir aquella tan malvada e atroc¸e guerra; y ans´ los atanbores echavan vando y los p´fanos publicavan la maldita guerra. 54 Regarding the mood of the vecinos, see Cieza, Quito, ch. 7, fol. 10. After the Viceroy was received in Trujillo, el factor Ylla´n Sua´rez de Caravajal y los otros cavalleros se volvieron a Los Reyes, y dizen que el Factor puso un mote en La Barranca que dez´a: “Cada uno mire lo que haze y no quite su azienda a otro, porque podr´a ser quedarse burlado y costarle la vida.” Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 133–5, Madrid 1960–1965), hereafter CR, Part II, book 4, ch. 4, p. 229a also knew the story, reporting the words as, “A quien vinere a echarme de mi casa y hacienda procurare´ yo echarle del mundo.”

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result: “Not only did their recklessness make them subjects of their false friends, but their entire commonwealth was destroyed.”55 The cities of Greece, in Cieza’s day subject to the Ottoman Turks, and also the cities of Sicily and Italy, subject to the Spanish and the French, would still be free, had they chosen wiser men to govern them. In antiquity, once more, Pompey pretended to ght for freedom. Caesar claimed the same, as did Octavian and Mark Antony. In this way, they became masters, and their supporters were either killed or subjugated. Had the people of Carthage not surrendered power and the governance of their city to Hasdrubal and his brother in law Hannibal, their affairs would still prosper.56 Historians who wrote about the Peruvian civil wars contrasted Mexico, where the New Laws, with some modications, were introduced gradually and peacably,57 with Peru, where Nun˜ez Vela’s lack of patience aroused opposition before he so much as set foot on Peruvian soil by shortsightedly insisting on immediate and complete implementation.58 The course of collision he chose led him straight to his death 55 Cieza, Quito, ch. 18, fol. 21, Los que de tiranos se an procurado hazer reyes a sido sino por repu´blicas nec¸ias arse dellos; los de la ysla de Calis, que con sus desafueros movieron guerra a los andaluzes turdetanos, y constren˜idos por nec¸esidad enviaron a Cartago por ayuda y les vino, no solamente quedaron despue´s por su loco juic¸io vasallos de sus nxidos amigos, mas toda su repu´blica perdida, with M. Iunianus Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi, ed. O. Seel (Stuttgart 1985), 44,5. 56 Cieza, Quito, ch. 18, fol. 21. En son de livertad peleava Ponpeyo; C ¸ e´sar dez´a lo mismo, y Otaviano y Marco Antonio. Y quedaron ellos sen˜ores, y quien les dio favor, los unos muertos y los otros vasallos. Si los de Cartago no dieran a Asdru´bal e a An´bal, su cun˜ado, mando y poder sobre su c¸ibdad, au´n sus cosas yban adelante. Cieza’s judgment, “los unos muertos y los otros vasallos,” is corroborated by Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford 1939). 57 Cieza, Salinas, ch. 19, mentioning Antonio de Mendoza; in greater detail, Diego Ferna´ndez, Primera y segunda parte de la historia del Peru´ (Seville 1571; ed. Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vols. 164–165, 1963), hereafter Historia, I, 1,2–5. 58 Oviedo, Historia, 49,7 p. 248a, thought that the viceroy, for all his stern devotion to the Crown, had been swept away by the pomp and circumstance of being received in Lima like “our lord the emperor . . . For they placed him under a baldachino of cloth of gold, aldermen and community leaders carried his rods of ofce, and while he rode on horseback, they walked on foot, . . . so that, apart from his ambition and desire to occupy a high estate, the celebration augmented in him the passion for power . . . instead of fostering the modesty with which prudent men temper their pleasures.” Cieza also reected on the passion for power, the impulse that Augustine in the City of God had decried as the besetting sin of the Romans; Augustine adopted the term passion, or lust for power, libido dominationis, from the Roman historian Sallust (whose work, like the City of God, was readily available when Cieza and other historians of Peru wrote); see MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry, pp. 194–5. Cieza described this passion as ynsac¸iable

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in the battle of An˜aquito, which provided yet another “testimony of the savagery with which civil wars are fought, and of the crime committed by those who chose to follow the cruel ensigns of Pizarro.”59 When Cieza asked himself why, in the last resort, “there has been so much uproar and dissension in this new empire of the Indies,” he offered this explanation: It is because His Majesty and those of his excellent Council have entrusted the government of the provinces to men without letters, many of whom have no integrity or stature to administer justice. Note that of old, the Romans who with their wisdom ruled the world, would not ever have entrusted any public ofce to a man who was not wise and educated in the law.60 By the time Cieza left Peru, however, the conquistadores, “men without letters,” who had been in control so far, were already being replaced by members of the new elite, men “educated in the law.” Pedro de la Gasca, who rallied the majority of Peru’s vecinos to the side of the Crown and defeated Gonzalo Pizarro in the battle of Xaquixaguana, was among the vanguard of these statesmen and administrators with highly trained minds.61 codic¸ia de mandar (see Cieza, Preface to Salinas) and thought it was at work in the Peruvian civil wars, but in a more general, nonspecic manner than did Oviedo. Given that the New Laws, if fully implemented, would have resulted in the abolition of encomienda, the conquistadors’ resistance is intelligible from a different, more materialistic vantage point. 59 Cieza, Quito, ch. 169, fol. 296v–297. 60 Cieza, Chupas, ch. 30, fol. 45. I translate the original freely: ha sido por proveer Su Magestad, e los de su alto Consejo, el govierno de las provinc¸ias a honbres syn letras, e a muchos que no tienen ser ni linaje de administrar justic¸ia; porque antiguamente los romanos, que mandaron con su saver el mundo, no dieran cargo de repu´blica a honbre que no fuera savio e jurisconsulto por nenguna cosa. Cieza goes on to observe that Francisco Pizarro was valiant but not wise, seeing that he could have understood the assassination of Philip II of Macedon as a warning about the dangers he was confronting himself: Cieza, Chupas, ch. 30, fol. 45, cites about the assassination of Philip Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 16,92–95 with Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings 1,8 ext. 9. Cieza then goes on to discuss the assassination of Julius Caesar. The Incas were wiser in their government than the Spanish; see Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 13, about the gran prudencia of Inca government by the ma´s savios, entendidos y esforc¸ados, men who were chosen to govern in their maturity, not during the years of irresponsible youth. Cf. on Cieza’s views about the Incas, below at notes 92–109. The growing role of men with university training in Peru was noticed by Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia general de las Indias, ch. 185, who observes about the battle of Xaquixaguana that no other battle had in it as many letrados as did this one. 61 Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez, “Don Pedro de la Gasca y la proyeccio´n del mundo universitario Salmantino en el siglo XVI,” Me´langes de la Casa Velazquez 22 (Madrid 1986): 171–95. On the structural issues underlying Spanish actions in the Americas, the essay by Richard M. Morse, “Claims of Political Tradition,” in his New World Soundings. Culture

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As Cieza understood, their day had come. Ten years earlier, the lawyer Gaspar de Espinoza’s urgent plea for moderation had been set aside both by Hernando Pizarro and by Diego de Almagro at the cost of bloodshed that brought no benet to anyone. But now, the proud, wealthy, and overly mighty conquerors of Peru were either dead or exhausted, and were ready to yield before Gasca’s prudent pressure. Their behavior, Cieza thought, could have been predicted by pondering an episode in Plutarch’s Life of the Roman general and statesman Lucullus. Lucullus had been able to establish order in the city of Cyrene because the citizens were exhausted by internal strife and willing to comply. But earlier, when in the days of their prosperity they had asked Plato to set their affairs to right, he refused because the Cyrenians were unwilling to conform to any rule of law. “The divine Plato,” wrote Cieza, responding to a certain question which the people of Cyrene addressed to him said that there is nothing more difcult than subjecting men who possess great wealth to xed laws, because they are as it were intoxicated, deprived of their natural senses and transported on the tide of prosperous fortune. However, as Plutarch says . . . there is nothing easier than taming the souls of such men when they are downcast and tormented by reverses of fortune . . . This is a notable insight, because when the unfortunate Viceroy entered Peru, he found men in their prosperity eager and ready to petition against the Laws, and moreover to oppose him, as they proceeded to do. Later, once the tyrant (Gonzalo Pizarro) had tormented and exhausted them, Gasca could command them to obey the laws, in addition to which further decrees were successfully imposed which they regarded as even more onerous.62 The political transformation that Cieza glimpsed had repercussions not only on the thoughts but also the careers of historians. When Agust´n de Za´rate weighed the risks of publishing his History so soon after the events he described, he wondered whether it might be wise to follow the advice of the poet Horace, in the Ars Poetica, to delay publication for nine years: but in effect, Za´rate thought, ninety years would be reand Ideology in the Americas (Baltimore 1989), pp. 95–130, merits careful attention, as does his El espejo de Pro´spero. Un estudio de la diale´ctica del nuevo mundo (Mexico City, Siglo veintiuno editores 1982). 62 Cieza, Quito, ch. 28, fol. 34v–35, with Plutarch, Life of Lucullus 2,3–4. In his survey of ancient lawgivers, Marsilio Ficino mentioned this episode; see Divini Platonis opera omnia, Marsilio Ficino interprete (Lugduni, apud Antonium Vincentium 1557) p. 34b. Possibly Cieza consulted an earlier edition of this translation, and thus like Ficino honored Plato with the title “divine.”

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quired before the descendants of Pizarros, Almagros, and their partisans forgot their passions.63 Cieza made arrangements in his will for delaying publication of his manuscripts. Another historian who anticipated that trouble might follow upon publication of his work was Diego Ferna´ndez,64 whose Historia del Peru´, printed in Seville in 1571, covered the years 1544–57.65 Ferna´ndez was in Peru from 1553 to 1561, rst as royal notary and then as ofcial historian to the Viceroy Andre´s Hurtado de Mendoza. He thus described the uprisings that followed La Gasca’s departure from Peru as an eyewitness, while for the civil wars proper he consulted participants and documents. In his case, objections came not from a conquistador, but from the lawyer Hernando de Santilla´n, one of the judges, oidores of the audiencia of Lima, whose actions Ferna´ndez had criticized, and who countered by compiling a list of sixty-eight objections bearing on the accuracy of the History. Although Ferna´ndez was able to rebut the attack, the Council of Castile nonetheless ordered that the book be withdrawn from circulation.66 But it circulated anyway: the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega owned a copy and quoted it often,67 and thirty years later, Antonio de la Calancha, the historian of the Augustinian Order in Peru, was among the Peruvian readers of Ferna´ndez. Oviedo, Cieza, and Za´rate formulated specic analogies between the history of antiquity, especially of Rome, and the history of Peru. These analogies were designed to help the reader understand and remember the sequence and nature of events: to grasp what happened, why it did, and why it mattered. Diego Ferna´ndez also included such analo63 Za´rate, Historia, preface to Prince Philip, pp. 18–19; Horace, Art of Poetry, lines 385– 90. On the enduring tensions prevailing in Peru, see Pedro Pizarro, Relacio´n del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Peru´, ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Lima 1978), ch. 38, fol. 165v: in concluding his account of the rebellion of Francisco Herna´ndez, he wrote in 1571, se entiende el gran mal que abr´a si c¸uc¸ediese algu´n alc¸amiento. 64 Known from his native city of Palencia as “El Palentino.” This is how Garcilaso referred to him. 65 The Historia of Diego Ferna´ndez is subdivided into two parts, each containing separate books with their chapters. The rst number in my citation refers to the parts, the second to the books, and the third to the chapters. Diego Ferna´ndez, Historia I,2,21, p. 128a: “aunque al licenciado Gasca dio´ pena esta nueva (of the death of Nun˜ez Vela) procuro´ disimularlo . . . ”; I,2,30, p. 149. La Gasca understood “lo que importaba el secreto.” 66 Santilla´n’s objections appear not to be extant, but Ferna´ndez’s responses are. They have been published as an appendix to his Historia in Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 165, pp. 91–115. 67 Jose´ Durand, “La biblioteca del Inca,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica II (Mexico City 1998): 239–64, inventory no. 99.

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gies in his History.68 Beyond that, however, he was the rst of the historians of Peru to write systematically in the light of learned considerations about the nature of political life in general. In part, this shift in direction was brought about by Ferna´ndez’s subject matter. The tragic events of the invasion and conquest of Peru and the cosmic struggle between Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro were being continued in the next generation, but among lesser men. There was no room when discussing those subsequent fomenters of discord, among them Sebastia´n de Castilla and Francisco Herna´ndez Giro´n, for the grand comparisons between the Peruvian and the Roman civil wars, or for juxtapositions of leaders of the recent past with Caesar and Pompey.69 In addition, the tasks of leadership changed at a time when conquest of new land gave way to the preservation of what had been gained, when war leaders were being replaced by ofcials and lawyers. This shift in the nature of events in Peru occurred when in Spain likewise, preserving the empire was perceived to matter much more than expansion. Hence, the historians of antiquity whom Oviedo, Cieza, and Za´rate regarded as exemplary—Sallust, Livy, Plutarch, and Diodorus, all of them exceptional tellers of stories—yielded primacy of place to Tacitus, who wrote about the rst century of Roman imperial rule. He described himself as the historian, not of memorable events or individuals, but of a period devoid of greatness that “abounded in disasters, was pitiless in battles, riven by discord, and cruel even in peace.”70 It was Tacitus’s capacity for dispassionate observation as, for example, about the pluses and minuses of dissimulation in public life, that appealed to Ferna´ndez. Dissimulation was a virtue, in the emperor Tiberius about whom Tacitus wrote, as much as in Pedro de la Gasca, who was one of the central gures in the narrative of Ferna´ndez. Indeed, it 68 For example, Ferna´ndez, Historia, Part 1, book 1, ch. 10: Nu´n˜ez Vela made himself, immediately upon arrival, as unpopular in Lima as Tarquin the Proud had been in Rome. The analogy is apt: Tarquin was driven from Rome, and Nu´n˜ez Vela in due course was constrained to leave Lima. See Livy, History of Rome I, 56,4–60,2; the story was often retold, for example by Eutropius, Breviarium (translated with an introduction and commentary by H.W. Bird, Liverpool 1993), I,8. In Historia 2,3,2 Ferna´ndez discusses the government of Chile, where Garc´a de Mendoza is encouraging Spaniards to take wives or bring their wives from Spain, by way of encouraging more peaceful ways of life. This lesson, Ferna´ndez points out (p. 73a), comes from the Romans cuando por leg´timas mujeres tomaron con robo y engan˜o las castas sabinas: que fueron causa para que el furor e ira de los m´seros padres y hermanos se mitigase. The ultimate source of this oft repeated story is Livy, Ab urbe condita I, 9–13. 69 About their complaints, cf. Ferna´ndez, Historia 2,2,24; 2,2,27. 70 Tacitus, Histories I,2 opus adgredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum.

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was indispensible: without it, La Gasca could never have brought peace to Peru.71 But dissimulation also was a vice, a form of hypocrisy and a means of deceiving others as much as oneself, as the emperor Tiberius did in many of his transactions with the Roman Senate, and as some Peruvian opponents of the New Laws did in their dealings with the Viceroy Blasco Nun˜ez Vela: “their spirits were poisoned . . . , but they concealed this passion with a crafty and false dissimulation.”72 Ferna´ndez stood at the very beginning of the Tacitist movement in Spain.73 By the time that, in the early seventeenth century, the royal historian Antonio de Herrera was writing his General History of the Indies, parts of which were translated into Latin, English, Dutch, and German, and several times reprinted, the inuence of Tacitus was ubiquitous. It is ubiquitous in Herrera. Effectively, he produced a double narrative: an account of events in the Americas arranged, in the manner of Tacitus, as annals, and a running commentary on this account consisting of quotations from the works of Tacitus and Tacitus’s Italian commentator, Annibale Scoto.74 Herrera derived much of his material from Cieza’s histories of the Peruvian civil wars, which were not published until the nineteenth century. But there is not a trace here of Caesar or Pompey, nor yet of Alexander the Great, nor of anyone else from 71 For La Gasca’s prudent dissimulation, see Ferna´ndez, Historia 1,2,21, p. 128a; on the related qualities of secrecy, 1,2,24, p. 132a; prudence, 1,2,25, p. 133b; concealment of feeling, 1,2,82, p. 219a. Also, 1,2,28, p. 140b, a transaction that is to remain concealed. Further examples: Ferna´ndez, Historia 1,2,40, pp.163b and 164a; 1,2,44, p. 170b. Note also, Pedro Herna´ndez Paniagua wisely misled Gonzalo Pizarro by saying what Gonzalo wanted to hear (i.e., Paniagua told atteries, lisonjas), thereby furthering the cause of the crown; Ferna´ndez, Historia 1,2,45. 72 Ferna´ndez, Historia 1,1,9 pp.15b–16a, ten´an los animos tan empozon˜ados como esta´ dicho, todav´a cubriendo esta pasio´n con una man˜osa y ngida simulacio´n. See Ronald Syme, Tacitus (Oxford 1958), pp. 423 and 429, for examples of negative and positive dissimulation, respectively, in Tacitus. Regarding the latter, Syme cites Tacitus, Annals 4,71,3, nullam aeque Tiberius, ut rebatur, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimilationem diligebat; eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret. “Tiberius valued none of his virtues, as he considered them, more highly than dissimulation; all the more vexed was he when something he had suppressed was revealed.” 73 The “Tacitism” of Ferna´ndez predates the onset of Tacitism in Spain as commonly described; see Jose´ Maravall, “La corriente doctrinal del Tacitismo pol´tico en Espan˜a,” in his Estudios de historia del pensamiento espan˜ol. Serie tercera. El siglo del barroco (Madrid 1984): 73–98; Francisco Sanmarti Boncampo, Tacito en Espan˜a (Barcelona 1951), is still of interest. Regarding the beginning of Tacitism in Spain, note Arnaldo Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley 1990), p. 124: “Machiavellian Italy led the Tacitist movement, and Spain, France, and Germany followed—I venture to believe—in this order.” 74 On Scoto, see Arnaldo Momigliano, The rst political commentary on Tacitus,“ in his Contributo alla Storia Degli Studi Classici (Rome 1979): 36–59.

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among Cieza’s cast of characters from the ancient world.75 For example, Herrera reproduced, from Cieza, the advice of Rodrigo Orgon˜ez to Almagro that If justice must be set aside, then let it be for sovereignty, but without a word about Julius Caesar, in whose biography by Suetonius this quotation from Euripides appears.76 Instead, we have, in the margin, some Tacitean wisdoms by Annibale Scoto: “discord is more bitter than anger, because it is conceived from deep hatred, and in the heart. Whoever suffers from this passion is of no use to his society.”77 Such comments made sense at a time when the passions of the Peruvian civil wars had been spent, when answers to the great unspoken question of the mid-sixteenth century, as to whether Peru would have been better off had Almagro prevailed over Pizarro, no longer mattered. For better or worse, the thing was done, and in the seventeenth century, the descendants of Hernando Pizarro living in Spain were free to glorify the names of their forebears at the expense of whatever merits might have been ascribed to Almagro.78 Culling material from the unpublished manuscripts of Cieza, Herrera criticized the intransigence of Blasco Nun˜ez Vela in implementing the New Laws: the Viceroy’s literal-minded devotion to his King’s every behest lacked political acumen. According to Cieza, his conduct resembled that of Alexander the Great’s general Polydamas as described by Quintus Curtius: Polydamas blindly carried out his king’s 75 Herrera observed that, since arbitration between Francisco Pizarro and the elder Almagro was unlikely to work, “war seemed safer to Almagro than a dubious and suspect peace,” while in the margin he printed the dictum from Tacitus, “In a suspect peace, war is safer”; see Antonio de Herrera, Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra rme del mar oceano (Madrid, 1601–1615, 4 vols.; the work is subdivided into decades, books, and chapters, and I cite accordingly; hereafter Historia general) 6,3,3: sobre todo, era cosa ma´s segura la guerra, que una paz dudosa y sospechosa, with et in pace suspecta, tutius bellum, Tacitus, Histories 4, 49, 1. Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia general, chapter 139, attributes to Pizarro exactly the opposite, saying, “era mejor mala concordia que prospera guerra.” The difference is an indicator of the extent of the Tacitist impact on Herrera, and also, perhaps, of historiographical partisanship not long after the civil wars ended. 76 Suetonius, The Deied Julios, 30,5. 77 Herrera, Historia general, 6,3,6: “si las leyes se avian de quebrantar, avia de ser por reynar,” with “discordia est ira acerbior, intimo odio et corde concepta: hac animi perturbatione quicumque laborat inutilis est reipublicae inutilis est regno. Sco. in Ra. 1009.” (I translate rather freely to highlight the sense in this context.) See above at n. 44. 78 On the Pizarro trilogy of Tirso de Molina, see Luis Va´zquez Ferna´ndez, Tirso y los Pizarro. Aspectos histo´rico-documentales (Trujillo 1993).

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16. The frontispiece of Antonio de Herrera’s eighth Decada depicts some of the principal actors and battles in the Peruvian civil wars. Note top left, Pedro de la Gasca. Center top, the battle of An˜aquito, where the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela lost his life, and center bottom, the battle of Xaquixaguna, where Gasca defeated Gonzalo Pizarro. Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra rme del Mar Oceano, Decada VIII (Madrid 1615), Ann Arbor, Clements Library.

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command to murder the aged general Parmenio when avoidance would have been wiser.79 Herrera omitted this episode and instead, quoting Tacitus, concluded: “Good reason of state requires that in obeying the prince, we do not endanger his kingdom.”80 Throughout Europe, reason of state was the order of the day during most of the seventeenth century. It meant, inter alia, that in the last resort, the end justied the means, and that the virtue of prudence, praised by philosophers from Aristotle onward, found one of its ner modes of expression in the art of dissimulation. Herrera put it in a nutshell: Dissimulation enshrines a certain evident virtue which participates to a degree in prudence, the queen of all the moral virtues; persons of wisdom and good sense, not the ignorant and vulgar, will know how to use it, for they comprehend times, opportunities and the nature of those with whom they interact.81 To historians in Peru, however, reason of state appeared to be a somewhat questionable method of conducting political affairs: “the pestilential reason of state that poisons kingdoms with the promise of a fraudulent convenience,” wrote the historian Antonio de la Calancha 79 Cieza, Quito, ch. 33, p. 92 with Quintus Curtius, History of Alexander 7,5; Cieza also mentions the shorter account of Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3,26. 80 Herrera, Historia general, 7,7,14, La buena razo´n de estado pide que por obedecer al principe no se le ponga su reyno en peligro. The quote from Tacitus (somewhat garbled in Herrera) is Annals 2,78: haud ignavo ad ministeria belli iuvene Pisone, quamquam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. “The young Piso took an active part in preparing for war, even though he disagreed with war being begun.” Another, more tightly woven link with Tacitus is Historia general 7,7,20: Gonzalo Pizarro, planning to oppose the Viceroy Nun˜ez Vela, was entrenched in Cuzco, a remote and afuent city that affords the budding rebel good protection. Herrera quotes Tacitus, Annals 3,43, Apud Aeduos maior moles exorta quanto civitas opulentior et comprimendi procul praesidium. “Among the Aedui trouble came in a more serious form, since the city was wealthier (than was the city of the Treveri), and military might to suppress (the revolt) was far away,” the context being that a revolt among the Treveri had just been suppressed by the Roman legions stationed nearby on the Rhine. So: Herrera envisioned the Peruvian coast and Lima as analogous to the Rhine with the Roman legions, and with nearby Trier (the city of the Treveri), while Cuzco was the equivalent of the rebellious city of the Aedui. 81 Herrera, Historia general, 7,6,3, La disimulacio´n contiene en si un no se´ de aparente virtud, que participa algo de la prudencia, Reyna de todas las virtudes morales, de la qual no saben aprovecharse los ignorantes y groseros sino los cuerdos y sagazes, que conocen los tiempos, las ocasiones, y la naturaleza de los hombres con quien tratan. Similarly in Historia general, 5,6,1. Another writer who drew attention to the virtues of dissimulation as exemplied in Tacitus was Benito Arias Montano, Aphorismos sacados de la historia de Publio Cornelio Tacito por D. Benedicto Arias Montano para la conservacio´n y aumento de las Monarchias . . . y las Centellas de varios Conceptos, con los avisos de Amigo de Don Joachin Setanti . . . (Barcelona 1614). See also Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, Aforismos al Tacito Espan˜ol, ed. J. A. Ferna´ndez de Santamar´a (Madrid 1987).

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when discussing the policies of the Viceroy Toledo.82 Calancha felt himself to be at home in Peru where he was born, and hence his ideas differed considerably from those of people living in Spain. First, whereas in Spain, those who were directing the affairs of the Spanish Monarchy struggled to maintain its position in the face of the growing power of France, England, and the Netherlands, in Peru these issues gured more indirectly in the guise of shipments of silver from Potos´ that helped to pay for the Monarchy’s defense. Peru also required defending, mainly from English pirates, but here, unlike in Spain, the raising of revenue triggered a perennial crisis of conscience concerning the burden that tribute payments and especially forced mita labor placed on Andean people. The topic pervades viceregal correspondence with the Crown and the Council of the Indies, and religious leaders, especially the Jesuits, wrote a multitude of pareceres, opinions on how to square the cost of defense with the conscience of the King, to wit, with his obligation before God of caring for all his subjects, including Andean people.83 For all that the problem seemed insoluble, it was continuously discussed. Second, the Inca past constituted the foundation of Peruvian identity, and the nature of the juncture or disjuncture between Spanish and creole present and Inca past continued to matter. Above all, it mattered whether or not the Incas had created a political society: if they had, the past could be more alive in the present than if they had not. First and foremost to think about these matters was Cieza, who set the agenda for the future. It was Cieza who rst established the dialogue between Inca and Spanish Peru, separated though the two were by much warfare and destruction, and this dialogue lies at the root of Peru as the homeland—patria—for its people during Spanish and subsequent times. The rst polities the Spanish saw in South America were behetr´as, chiefdoms, where as the Spanish perceived matters, and in Cieza’s words, there were “no lords who made themselves feared. The people are weak and lazy.”84 Cieza was not alone in not admiring such people: 82 Antonio de la Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada del Orden de San Agust´n en el Peru´ con sucesos ejemplares en esta monarquia, book III, ch. 33, p. 1586, la pestilencial razo´n de estado, veneno de las Monarqu´as, con engan˜os de comodidad. 83 Ruben Vargas Ugarte S.J., ed., Pareceres jur´dicos en asuntos de Indias (Lima 1951), a collection of 12 pareceres written beteen 1601 and 1718. See also Ignacio Gonza´lez Casanovas, Las dudas de la Corona. La Pol´tica de repartimientos para la miner´a de Potos´ (1680– 1732) (Madrid 2000). The prominence of issues resting on the King’s conscience in political life emerges clearly in a news sheet published in Lima recounting the last hours of Philip III; John Carter Brown Library, Nuevas de Castilla venidas este presente an˜o de 1621. Por el mes de Octubre (call number B621 N964d 1 Size). 84 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 13, fol. 25v–26. There follows Cieza’s famous analysis of why this mode of life was practicable. The climate allowed people to grow a crop within

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“They do not live a political life, and do not have much reason.”85 “They have little constancy. They have no shame at all, and do not know what virtue is.”86 Cannibalism was common. Even among the men who came with Francisco Pizarro, experience of the noncentralized societies of Panama, Popayan, and Venezuela led to a certain reluctant admiration of the Incas. As for Cieza, his admiration for them was boundless, and he wrote about them because these are all great matters worthy of being remembered, and republics87 that are governed by men with expertise in the law and related elds should take note and express their wonderment. For as they will see, and as we have learnt with certainty, there existed among barbarians, people who did not know writing, a regular form of government and agreed procedures for conquering lands and nations, so that, living under a monarchy, all would obey one lord who alone was sovereign and worthy of governing the empire that the Incas possessed.88 Cieza thought that in almost every respect, Inca governance was preferable to that of the Spanish. In Inca times, poverty was unknown, people multiplied, and everything needful for life was abundantly available, none of which was the case once the Spanish came. In addition, in Cieza’s eyes Spanish experience in Peru demonstrated that monarchy—government by the King of Spain—was preferable by far to the rule of the “tyrant” Gonzalo Pizarro. History, Cieza thought, conrmed this conclusion. Take Simon and John, despots of Jerusalem while the city was under siege by the Romans. On the basis of the account by Josephus in the Jewish War, Cieza asked: “What greater evil could the Romans bring upon the Jews that the Jews did not commit themselves, what harm that would in any sense equal what Simon and John had wrought?”89 The history of the Italian city republics led Cieza to this same conclusion and he wrote: There is no better form of freedom than when republics live under royal government. And if they do not nd it acceptable, let them ask four months, and then, if pressed by adversity, to move on and repeat the agricultural cycle, without ever becoming subject to outsiders; see ch. 5, at n. 53. 85 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 16, fol. 30, No tienen obra pol´tica ni mucha razo´n. 86 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 19, fol. 33v, En todas las cosas son de poca constancia. No tienen vergu¨enc¸a de nada, ni saben que cosa sea virtud. 87 Repu´blicas: here meaning “states.” 88 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 9, fol. 12. The syntax here is extremely convoluted and opaque, and I translate freely, trying to capture the sense more than the structure. 89 Cieza, Quito, ch. 39, fol. 46–46v with Josephus, Jewish War VII, 259–74.

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the city of Arequipa how it fared in the battle of Guarina90 and Quito how it fared in the battle of An˜aquito, and if it would not have been better for them not to know Gonzalo Pizarro and to have the King as their sovereign lord? And to have no truck with what sparkles on the outside and on the inside is lled with soot? And not to pit themselves against the king’s ministers and against those whom he sent as his delegates and representatives?91 The study of history and personal experience thus led Cieza to conclude that monarchy was the best form of government, which in turn contributed to his appreciation of the Incas. Regarding Spanish doings in Peru, the Roman civil wars underlined actions that would have been best omitted, whereas when Cieza thought about the Incas, his Roman parallels, highlighting Roman governmental successes—whether during the republic or during the imperial period—produced a less monotone, more favorable verdict. In his darker moments, writing about the Spanish civil wars, Cieza felt that warfare had long been the crucible in which the destinies of Peru were being formed. From the time of the Incas, war had emanated from Cuzco, and did so again when Cuzco was the headquarters of Gonzalo Pizarro. The city of Cuzco, Cieza thought, has never deserved to sustain itself peacefully for long, thanks to some clime or constellation under which it appears to have been founded. And I do not say this because of the wars and battles that the Spaniards have engaged in ever since they made themselves lords of this empire, for ever since the famous Manco Capac founded the city, banners and drums have never ceased to announce war, and great armies have sallied forth from here to conquer the provinces. And having prevailed, the Inca kings returned for their triumph to Cuzco, which was another Rome in their time. Later, brothers warred against brothers, because it does not seem to me that Cuzco wishes to sustain any people in peace.92 90 Where Francisco de Carvajal, Gonzalo Pizarro’s maese de campo, defeated Diego Centeno with much loss of life. 91 Cieza, Quito, 39, fol. 46v. 92 Cieza, Quito, ch. 178, fol. 318v., Cuzco que nunca meresc¸´o mucho tienpo sustentarse en paz por alguna clima o constelac¸´on debaxo de la qual deve de estar asentada: y no digo esto por los aparatos de guerra y batallas que los espan˜oles desde el tienpo que se hizieron sen˜ores de este inperio han tenido, porque desde que el famoso Mango Capa la fundo´, jama´s dexaron las vanderas y atanbores de demostrar la guerra, y salieron grandes exe´rc¸itos a conquistar todas las provinc¸ias despue´s de que las superavan los reyes Ingas, fol. 319 viniendo a triunphar a su Cuzco, que otra Roma fue en tienpo dellos; luego unos hermanos con otros contend´an en guerras, porque el Cuzco no me paresc¸e que quiere sustentar a ninguna gente en paz.

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Yet, warfare was not all bad, and in Cieza’s eyes, more often than not, the Incas had derived positive outcomes from their wars. Among those who had returned to Cuzco in triumph was the Inca Pachacuti, the architect of Inca governance as the Spanish found it, who epitomized the political virtues that Cieza admired most: valor and sober judgment, the ability to win wars and to govern different peoples.93 Pachacuti’s rst military exploit was his successful defense of Cuzco against an invasion by the neighboring Chanca polity. Even though the Chancas had come close to destroying Cuzco and annihilating the Incas, Pachacuti, according to Cieza, understood the arts of war and peace so well that he avoided perpetuating enmity needlessly and instead concentrated on constructing roads, on adorning Cuzco with memorable buildings, and on organizing the empire’s administration.94 “He was the one who opened the path for the excellent government of the Incas.”95 Cieza’s portrait of Pachacuti, who he thought would be remembered in Peru “while there remain native people living,”96 abounds in Andean particulars: but it is also a somewhat Roman portrait. With the Chanca assault on Cuzco impending, Pachacuti’s followers exhorted him to “take charge of the war, looking to the welfare of all,”97 salud de todos. Salus omnium was a much used precept and slogan in Roman political discourse that was revived in the sixteenth century and will not have escaped Cieza, being as careful a reader of Roman history as he was.98 In more general terms, the balance and tension between Pachacuti’s deeds of war and deeds of peace in Cieza’s 93 Cieza calls Inca Pachacuti by the name Inca Yupanqui. Note in this context, Oviedo, Historia 23, ch. 2 about Sebastian Cabot’s exploration of the Rio de la Plata: otra cosa es mandar y gobernar gente que apuntar un cuadrante o estrolabio; cf. 23,1 about Juan Diaz de Solis. Cieza, Segunda Parte, chs. 9, 31 about the living memory of recent rulers. 94 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 50, fol. 58v. 95 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 48, fol. 57. 96 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 48, fol. 56v, la qual memoria durara´ en el Peru´ mientras oviere honbres de los naturales. On the meaning of Inca Pachacuti’s name, cf. S. MacCormack, “Pachacuti. Miracles, Punishments and Last Judgement: Visionary Past and Prophetic Future in Early Colonial Peru,” American Historical Review 93, 4 (1988): 960–1006. 97 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 45, fol. 53v, que tome cargo de la guerra mirando por la salud de todos. 98 Cf. Cicero, Pro Marcello 22, addressing Julius Caesar: Quis est omnium tam ignarus rerum, tam rudis in re publica, tam nihil umquam nec de sua nec de communi salute cogitans qui non intellegat tua salute contineri suam et ex unius tua vita pendere omnium? For Leone Leoni’s medallion of 1546 for Charles V, see Fernando Checa Cremades, Carlos V. La imagen del poder en el renacimiento (Madrid 1999), p. 279. The obverse with the emperor’s bust reads, IMP. CAES. CAROLO. V. CHRIST. REIP. INSTAURAT. AUG. The reverse, with the personication of Salus (identied as such by the serpent of Aesculapius on an altar which is facing her), reads SALUS PUBLICA. These legends, while adjusted for Christian times, echo legends on Roman imperial coins.

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17. Pilgrimage shrine of Nuestra Sen˜ora de Catechilla near Sucre. No one ascending the steps can fail to notice the propaganda for the political party that like the Inca ruler describes itself as Pachacuti: the name adumbrates the beginning of a new age.

narrative are rooted in some of the organizing principles of Roman biography and panegyric99—a point which applies equally to his portraits of Pachacuti’s successors Tupa Yupanqui and Guayna Capac. Cieza admired the regularity and predictability—as he saw it—of Inca government, especially given the sheer size of the empire: “their 99

See the instructions for panegyrics by the rhetor Menander in Menander Rhetor. Edited with Translation and Commentary by D. A. Russell and N. G. Wilson (Oxford 1981). The instructions were followed widely; see C.E.V. Nixon and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors. The Panegyrici Latini (Berkeley 1994), pp. 10–14. The rst printed edition of the Panegyrici Latini was published in Italy in 1482. The inuence of this literature on conventions of composition in the Americas should not be overlooked. Cf. above, chapter 2, note 26.

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might was such that they conquered and ruled from Pasto to Chile . . . and they built great fortresses and strongholds, and in all the provinces they placed captains and governors.”100 Whenever possible, the Incas incorporated foreign polities into their empire by persuasion and used “great ingenuity to make friends of their enemies without warfare, but those who rebelled they punished with great severity and no small cruelty.”101 One might recall here Vergil’s famous lines about the Roman mission of “sparing the humble and making war on the proud.”102 The Inca roads facilitated communications, and the postal runners, chasquis, carried news as expeditiously as the runners of the Persian empire had done when Xerxes was defeated by the Greeks at the battle of Salamis.103 Inca justice was unimpeachable, and their religion resembled that of the ancient gentiles. In particular, the chosen women of the Inca Sun, Cieza thought, resembled the Roman Vestal Virgins, “and they observed almost the same statutes.”104 The Roman historian Sallust had contrasted the customs of the early Roman republic and those of his own time. Formerly, the Romans had dedicated their resources to erecting splendid temples and other public buildings while themselves living in great simplicity, but later this laudable pattern was reversed and all resources were devoted to private luxury. Cieza transposed this contrast to Peru, matching the Incas with the early republic and the Spanish with the later one. While in Cuzco in 1550, Cieza observed the Andean inhabitants come into the city to mark the end of the harvest, singing and carrying foot ploughs, maize, and potatoes, “and they were saying how splendidly they used to celebrate their harvests in bygone days.” “And let the reader believe,” Cieza explained, that we consider it quite certain that neither in Jerusalem, nor Rome nor Persia, nor yet in any other part of the world has any republic or its king brought together such wealth of gold, silver and precious 100

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 38, fol. 56v. Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 38, fol. 57. 102 Vergil, Aeneid VI, 853. Cieza seems to have read Vergil, and perhaps had in mind Vergil’s evocation of the Muses in Aeneid VII, 641 Pandite nunc Helicona, deae, cantusque movete, which precedes Vergil’s account of the war in Italy, when launching on his own narrative of (what he thought would be) the last and most important phase of the civil wars. See Cieza, Quito, ch. 222, fol. 451v, marking the transition of his narrative from the doings and death of Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela and the aftermath, to the entry of Pedro de la Gasca into the conict, which Cieza expected would be the nal part of his story (although he did not live to write it). 103 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 21, fol. 28 with Herodotus, Histories 8,98. 104 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 38, fol. 56v–57; the comparison was taken up from the Roman point of view by Iustus Lipsius, De Vesta et Vestalibus Syntagma (in his Opera Omnia postremum ab ipso aucta et recensita: nunc primum copioso rerum indice illustrata. Tomus Tertius, Vesalia, Andreas Hoogenhuysen 1675), chapter 11, citing Cieza dn Za´rate. 101

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stones as was to be seen in this main square of Cuzco when these festivals and other similar ones were being celebrated.105 The incomparable splendor of Inca Cuzco, of its temples, palaces, and dwellings that were set aside for the dead and and their attendants,106 put to shame the rapacity with which the Spanish looted these public resources for their private advantage, while at the same time the holy sacrament was kept and the gospel was preached in “houses of straw.”107 An important lesson could be derived from all this. It was that practicing a false religion—and everyone was agreed that the religion of the Incas was false and idolatrous—was perfectly compatible with running an admirable commonwealth and producing a noble culture. “The Greeks were excellent men,” wrote Cieza, among whom letters ourished for long ages, and persons of distinction lived among them. Their memory will live while writing endures, and yet they fell into this error of idolatry. Likewise the Egyptians, and also Bactrians and Babylonians. As for the Romans, according to weighty and learned scholars, they had various kinds of gods about whom one may smile. Although some of these nations bestowed adoration and divine worship on those from whom they had received some benet. Such were Saturn, Jupiter and others.108 Similarly, the Incas worshipped the Sun and Moon, and also rocks and trees, the earth and sea “and other things that their imaginations put before them.”109 The observation that false religion was entirely compatible with good statecraft became a commonplace among early modern historians of the Incas. The missionary friar Domingo de Santo Toma´s, whom Cieza knew and admired; Bartolome´ de las Casas; the lawyers Hernando de Santilla´n and Polo de Ondegardo all dwelled on it, and on the consequent usefulness of preserving Andean and Inca customs where they did not conict with Christianity.110 Later in the sixteenth 105

Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 30, fol. 39 and fol. 38v respectively. Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 14. 107 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 88, fol. 117. 108 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 50, fol. 73v. 109 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 50, fol. 73v. 110 Las Casas dedicated the entire Apologe´tica Historia (ed. Edmundo O’Gorman, Mexico City 1967) to proving this point; for the Andean region he used information supplied by Dominican missionaries there; see the summary of his argument about politics in chapter 262. See Hernando de Santilla´n, Relacio´n del origen, descendencia, pol´tica y gobierno de los Incas, in Cronicas peruanas de interes ind´gena, ed. E. Barba (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 209, Madrid, 1968); Polo de Ondegardo, “Notables dan˜os de no guardar a los Indios sus fueros,” in Laura Gonza´lez and Alicia Alonso, eds., El mundo de los incas (Madrid 1990). 106

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century, the Jesuit Jose´ de Acosta returned to the issue. Like Cieza and Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Acosta compared the religion of the Inca state to that of the ancient gentiles, while also claiming that it must yield to Christian revelation. What was new in Acosta’s portrayal of the Incas was his appreciation of the political and social force that could be generated from religious convictions, and hence the potentially vital bond between religion and the state. Take Pachacuti’s victory over the Chancas, about which the Spanish heard from numerous informants who all recounted that before the decisive battle, the Andean Creator or the Sun had appeared to Pachacuti in a vision or dream and had promised supernatural help. In the battle, the helpers appeared and were later metamorphosed into stone. Only Cieza, wishing to highlight the excellence of Inca statecraft in its own right, omitted these details. Acosta by contrast included them, not to detract from Pachacuti’s statecraft, but rather to portray him as a ruler of powerful speculative and imaginative insight, who turned Andean beliefs and superstitions to laudable political ends.111 Among the many readers of Acosta’s inuential small volume were Garcilaso de la Vega and Antonio de la Calancha, neither of whom perceived any incompatibility between the false religion of the Incas and their admirable statesmanly skills. But not everyone viewed the Incas in as favorable a light. Positive evaluations of Inca religion and statecraft and equally positive comparisons between Incas and Romans rested on a tacit denition of political society as comprising the exercise of legitimate sovereignty, the rule of law, and a certain degree of centralization resulting from the distribution of different tasks and skills among different sectors of the population. On this basis, Cieza, Garcilaso, and others dened the Inca empire as a political society, and denied the same quality to the behetr´as that were to be found elsewhere in South America. Among those who did not think that the Incas had been legitimate sovereigns was Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who wrote his Historia Indica for his patron the Viceroy Toledo, and the lawyer Juan de Matienzo, oidor of the audiencia of Charcas in Upper Peru. Both argued that the Incas had usurped the authority of Andean ethnic lords, who were the true sen˜ores naturales of Andean people. Matienzo had a further reason for not considering the Inca empire to have been a political society in the proper sense. Judging Andean people to be sadly decient in a sense of enterprise, to be given to idleness and unduly subservient to their lords, he cited as the primary reason for this state of affairs that, in the time of the Incas, private property had not existed in the Andes. Instead, elds 111

Jose´ de Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (Mexico City 1962), 6,21, p. 308, pudo esta imaginacio´n y ccio´n de aquel Inga tanto que con ella alcanzo´ victorias muy notables.

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had been redistributed periodically by the Inca, and people worked, for the most part, for the benet of the Inca and that of the ethnic lords, but not for themselves. Inca government thus contravened the observation of Aristotle in his Politics, that human beings are inclined to have an interest in living and to express love for two reasons. These are, owning private property, and becoming attached to it, because less attention is paid to what is owned in common than to what is privately owned.112 The perceived apathy of Andean people was thus the result of long habituation and the absence under the Incas of a system of rewards for their labor. Over time, the problem would be solved, Matienzo thought, by introducing wage labor, and also by restoring to Andean lords the sovereignty that the Incas had usurped. Policies resembling the ones recommended by Matienzo were implemented by the Viceroy Toledo, who agreed with his assessment of Inca governance. But this did not mean that the contrary views of Cieza, Las Casas, and Garcilaso did not also nd substantial echoes in legislation.113 Furthermore, seventeenth-century creoles and Andean people were united in their admiration of the Incas, and in celebrating them in art, literature, and public ritual, especially in Cuzco. The Spanish jurist Juan de Solorzano y Pereira, oidor of the audiencia of Lima from 1610 to 1626 and author of a monumental work on the laws and government of the Indies, took a more dispassionate view. In many respects, regarding roads and public works in general, and regarding the organization of local government and of labor, the Incas had set precedents that should be followed in the present, all the more so since the administration of the Inca was comparable to that of the Roman empire.114 The truly crucial issue, however, was that in Solorzano’s view the ultimate imperial claim, unimpeachable in every sense, was that of 112 Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´ (1567), ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Lima 1967), Part I, ch. 5, p. 19, conating Aristotle, Politics II,1,10 with II,2,6. 113 Recopilacio´n de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias (Madrid, Julian de Paredes, 1681, facsimile Mexico City 1987), see in particular Book VI, title 2 protecting Indian freedom. 114 Solorzano, Politica Indiana, 2,13,5, on tambos in Inca and Spanish times; 2,13,10 on the roads; see also 2,13,13 citing Las Siete Partidas del Sabio Rey don Alonso el Nono glosadas por el Licenciado Gregorio Lo´pez (Madrid, Benito Cano 1789) Partida 5,8,8 with gloss 1 (the rst edition of the Partidas with Lo´pez’s commentary was published in Salamanca in 1555); Solorzano, Pol´tica Indiana 2,24,28 on mitimaes and, 29 on migrant labor in Spanish times, appealing to Roman precedent; 2,27,2 on local government, comparing Inca tucuiricos to Roman quaestors. On the Spanish titles to rule the Indies see also Luciano Peren˜a, “Defensor ocial de la Corona,” in Juan de Solo´rzano Pereira, De Indiarum Iure (Liber III: De retentione Indiarum, ed. C. Baciero and others (Madrid 1994), pp. 19–61; Carlos Baciero, “Fundamentacio´n loso´ca de la defensa de la Corona,” ibid., pp. 63–109.

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18. The battleeld of Chupas where the younger Diego de Almagro was defeated with much loss of life.

Spain. Until the wars of independence, Peruvian patriots would not contradict this claim, but the Inca past remained a present reality for them in a way that it did not for Spaniards. Independence augmented this reality in an ideological if not so much in a practical sense. Memories of the Incas multiplied, among them a short history of the Inca empire written by Don Justo Apu Sahuaraura, who claimed descent from the Inca Pachacuti. In part a a summary of Garcilaso’s Royal Commentaries, the work bore the subtitle, Destruction of the Peruvian Empire by the Spanish. Civil and Political Government of the Inca.115 This subtitle in itself makes a signicant statement by ascribing to the Incas the same “civil and political government” that distinguished the nations of Europe.116 In the text, Don Justo described the rst Inca Manco Capac as the author of immutable laws about the “relief of need,” of agrarian 115

Don Justo Apu Sahuaraura, Recuerdos de la Monarqu´a Peruana o Bosquejo de la Historia de los Incas. Compendio Breve de las principales noticias del Ynca Garcilaso. Ruina del Ymperio Peruano por los Espan˜oles. Govierno Politico y civil del Ynca. . . . 1838, ed. Rafael Varo´n Gabai et al. (Lima 2001). Teresa Gisbert, Iconograf´a y mitos ind´genas en el arte, 2d. ed. (La Paz, Bolivia 1994), pp. 169–72. See further on Garcilaso’s contribution to and impact on historical thought in Peru, Christian Ferna´ndez, Inca Garcilaso: Imaginacio´n, memoria e identidad (Lima 2004), chapter 4. 116 J.G.A. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion. Volume Two. Narratives of Civil Government (Cambridge 1999), see especially pp. 300–318.

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and sumptuary laws, laws about caring for the sick, consoling the aficted, protecting the family, and preventing idleness—laws, in short, that established the civil and political government mentioned in the book’s subtitle. Don Justo thus claimed that political life and civil society had ourished in Peru long before and regardless of the arrival of the Spanish, and that at last it had been restored when in 1824, the Spanish were defeated at the battles of Jun´n and Ayacucho, and the descendants of the Incas reentered their “ancient possessions.”117 For all that the future that Don Justo Apu Sahuaraura was hoping for did not materialize, his vision of Inca civil and political government was anchored not only in the research of Cieza, Garcilaso, Calancha, and others, but also in the customs of local self-government and the lives and labor of the Andean people with whom he identied: in the fabric of Peruvian history.118

117 Justo Apu Sahuaraura Inca, Recuerdos de la Monarqu´a Peruana, fol. 44 on Manco Capac’s laws; fol. 14, imagining a vision in which Manco Capac appears, announcing after the battles of Jun´n and Ayacucho . . . ya´ sois libres, la tierra es vuestra, entrad en vuestras antiguas poseciones, ya podeis decir con noble orgullo, Neque alienam terram sumpsimus. 118 See Franklin Pease G.Y., Del Tawantinsuyu a la Historia del Peru´ (Lima 1989).

Four The Emergence of Patria: Cities and the Law DURING A WEEKEND in December 1548, the historian of the Indies Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo found himself in Seville, where he heard about the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro in Peru from Fernando Mex´a, who had been present in the battle of Xaquixaguana, ghting under La Gasca. Remembering that conversation, Oviedo was pleased to be able to report to the readers of his General History that the traitor and tyrant Gonzalo Pizarro had at last met the end he deserved for having violated the “natural obligation and loyalty that as a vassal he owed to his King and natural lord.” Formulating the issue in Roman terms, Oviedo wrote that at the end of the Peruvian civil wars, reminiscent as they were of the civil wars of Rome, Gonzalo Pizarro had been executed as “the enemy of his own patria.”1 Obviously, this is not how Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers had viewed these matters. In their eyes, they were acting “in conformity with justice and the laws” when defending the land they had conquered against the legislative inroads of the Crown and against the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela, and in using force of arms to achieve their purpose. The fact that, in the words of Jero´nimo de Loayza, bishop of Lima, “such laws were not being observed in Spain” made no difference, given the immense distance between Spain and Peru.2 This distance was not only geographical, but social 1 Oviedo, Historia, book 49, ch. 15, pp. 301b, 300a; cf. above chapter 3, at n. 27. Fernando Mex´a was the son of Oviedo’s friend Pedro Mex´a, whose Historia imperial y cesarea (Anvers 1578 and several other editions) Oviedo cited repeatedly. Fernando had been an adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, but changed sides in 1546; see Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Las ideas jur´dico—pol´ticas en la rebellio´n de Gonzalo Pizarro (Valladolid 1977), p. 59, n.78. 2 Cieza, Quito, ch. 55, fol. 69–69v. See also Cieza, Quito, ch. 65, fol. 86v, an exchange between the Viceroy and the lawyer Polo de Ondegardo: biendo el Visorrey al lic¸enc¸iado Polo le pregunto´ si avia visto ley que ablase sobre que el sacrista´n tuviese poder de prender al obispo. Polo le respondio´ que si e´l estuviera en Valladolid o en Madrid que se lo dixera, pero que all´ no sab´a nada de leyes. For a time, Polo was a supporter of Gonzalo Pizarro; see Laura Gonza´lez Pujana, Polo de Ondegardo: Un cronista vallisoletano en el Peru´ (Valladolid 1999), pp. 51–2, letter to Gonzalo Pizarro dated Cuzco, November 16, 1546, saying inter alia, Plega a Dios que todo se acerte como el estado de Vuestra Sen˜or´a se acreciente. On Polo de Ondegardo’s relations with Gonzalo Pizarro, see now, Guillermo Lohmann Villena in Relacio´n de las cosas acaecidas en las alteraciones del Peru´ despue´s que Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela entro´ en e´l. Edicio´n, notas y estudio cr´tico de Mercedes de las Casas Grieve. Introduccio´n de Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Lima 2003), pp. 115–42. Polo’s letter of November 16, 1546 and also one from the following year are found at pp. 157–60.

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and political. As Gonzalo Pizarro understood clearly, Peru was indeed not like Spain, and hence he expected that “all who lived in the Indies and regarded them as their patrias” would one day remember his enterprise as a “singular benet.”3 Gonzalo Pizarro was not altogether mistaken. For, some fty years later, when Garcilaso de la Vega was writing his Royal Commentaries as a homage to Peru and “to make our patria, people and nation known to the universe,”4 he portrayed Gonzalo Pizarro as a tragic gure, a man whom his countrymen should remember with some sadness but also with admiration.5 Altogether, when Garcilaso was writing, during the later years of the sixteenth and the early ones of the seventeenth century, the task confronting historians of Peru was changing. What now mattered about the end of the Inca empire and the death of Atahuallpa was not primarily the moral responsibility for the Inca’s death, and the tale of sheer destruction during the civil wars that had tormented earlier historians. Rather, since peace had nally come and Spanish Peru was a reality, in Garcilaso’s eyes the central issue in the encounter between Incas and Spaniards at Cajamarca—the issue that Peru’s Indian and Spanish peoples were wrestling with day by day— was the cost of linguistic and cultural miscommunication.6 What also mattered was the reputacio´n, the moral and ethical standing of the conquerors. Had all of them really met evil deaths, as every historian of the Indies who had so far written about the topic had asserted? Garcilaso thought that they had not. Certainly, the rift between Diego de Almagro and Francisco Pizarro had been a harbinger of much pain and loss, and both men were buried by the humblest of their servants, without the honors that were their due. But this was not the whole story. About Almagro’s death, Garcilaso wrote: In this way the great don Diego de Almagro met his end, about whom no memory remains beyond that of his deeds and the sorrow of his death. The manner of his end became a pattern and example of the very similar death that in vengeance befell the Marquess Don Francisco Pizarro. . . . Hence these two victors and governors of that great and most abundant empire of Peru became equals and companions in every respect.7 3

Cieza, Quito, ch. 56, fol. 70. Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part II, prologue, p.11a. 5 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales (hereafter CR), Part II, book 5, ch. 43; see also book 4, ch. 35 on Gonzalo Pizarro’s laws (!), and his popularity, book 4, ch. 41. 6 See below, chapter 6. 7 Garcilaso, CR, Part II,2,39 p. 164b, free translations: As´ acabo´ el gran don Diego de Almagro, de quien no ha quedado otra memoria que la de sus hazan˜as y la la´stima de su muerte, la cual parece que fue´ dechado y ejemplar de la que en venganza de e´sta dieron al marque´s don Francisco Pizarro, porque fue´ muy semejante a ella . . . para que 4

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When it came to recounting the subsequent death of Francisco Pizarro, Garcilaso completed his thought about this pair of former friends: The two deaths were very similar one to the other, so that in all the events of their lives and deaths the two should be companions, as they swore they would be when they made their agreement to conquer that empire.8 There were circumstances, Garcilaso thought, when even true things were best not said, most especially regarding los de la fama, men whose incomparable deeds removed them from among all other humans.9 Or perhaps the question was how it was said. By way of concluding the lives of Almagro and Pizarro with appropriate decorum, Garcilaso therefore quoted in full the dignied comparison between the two that had been written some fty years earlier by the historian Agust´n de Za´rate in the manner of Plutarch’s Parallel Lives of the exemplary Greeks and Romans.10 But Za´rate did not follow Plutarch in every respect, for where Plutarch specied in what sense one gure in the comparison ought to be preferred over the other, Za´rate placed Pizarro and Almagro on an equal footing. In addition, unlike Plutarch, Za´rate focused his comparisons on positive traits only, so that in quoting Za´rate’s words, Garcilaso could draw attention to such dimensions in the lives and deeds of Pizarro and Almagro as pointed to a more peaceful, constructive period of Peruvian history.11 In Garcilaso’s pages, the Incas, Pizarros, and Almagros were companions in death and also in glory,12 and the time had come to recall how they had shaped the Peruvian patria not just by warfare, but also by their more peacable deeds, which included the foundation of Peru’s Spanish cities,13 each of them a small repu´blica and patria in its own right. Cities reached far back into the Andean past, and the Spanish placed several of their own cities within or near preexisting urban settlements, while at the same time replicating—in Peru and throughout the Amerien todo fuesen iguales y compan˜eros estos dos ganadores y gobernadores de aquel grande y riqu´simo imperio del Peru´. 8 Garcilaso, CR, Part II,3,7, p.183a. 9 It is clear that Garcilaso does not use the phrase in its later sense, when it refers to the companions of Pizarro, and not to famous men in general. 10 Agust´n de Za´rate, Historia del descubriminto y conquista del Peru´, eds. Franklin Pease and Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez (Lima 1995), 4, 9; Gracilazo, CR, Part II,3,8. 11 Note the conclusion of Za´rate’s comparison, about Pizarro’s interest in agriculture and architecture, where no comparison to Almagro is made. In these elds, Za´rate seems to be implying, Pizarro outstripped Almagro. 12 Garcilaso, CR, Part II, book, 5 ch. 43, p. 401a, fueron igualados en todo por la fortuna. 13 Garcilaso, CR, Part II, book 2, ch. 17, Lima and Trujillo, named after Francisco Pizarro’s patria in Extremadrua, p. 109a; see also on foundation of La Paz, book 6, ch. 6, p. 19.

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cas—practices of autonomous urban government that had been developed in the Peninsula.14 Throughout the Andes, no matter how remote the site of a new city might be, the act of foundation the conquistadors followed was twofold: it comprised electing alcaldes y regidores, “town ofcials,” and appointing a public notary. He and his successors would forever after record and witness every public transaction. In addition, the act of foundation involved tracing on the land—or within the city that was being appropriated, in particular Cuzco—the projected urban contours, the central square, streets, church, public buildings, and private houses. In this way, a new and self-governing society was constituted in its own unique space. The Dominican friar Antonio de Remesal, who in the early seventeenth century wrote the history of Guatemala, thought that the act of foundation made the crucial difference between a random settlement as of soldiers housed in their “tents and pavilions,” and a place possessed of “political identity and the name of a republic.”15 Remesal was a learned man. Perhaps, in writing those words, he thought of a passage about the origin and development of Roman law and political identity in Justinian’s Digest. When the city of Rome was founded, according to the Digest, there existed no specic law or justice, and people “were governed by kings, by force,” until Romulus initiated the process of letting the people participate in their own government by distributing them into thirty divisions, curiae, for the care, cura, of the republic.16 In short, taking care of the republic re14 On the vigor of local traditions during the period here studied, see James Casey, “Patriotism in early modern Valencia,” in Richard Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, eds., Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World. Essays in Honour of John H. Elliott (Cambridge 1995), pp. 188–210. Helen Nader, Liberty in Absolutist Spain. The Habsburg Sale of Towns 1516– 1700 (Baltimore 1990). 15 Antonio de Remesal O.P., Historia general de las Indias occidentales y particular de la gobernacio´n de Chiapa y Guatemala, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria S.J., Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles 175 (Madrid 1964), book I, ch. 2, section 3, p. 82a, about the city of Santiago de los Caballeros: el capita´n Pedro de Alvarado y los suyos comenzaron a hacer casas, y por la abundancia de los materiales de aquel tiempo y no poco usados en e´ste, que son horcones para los postes, can˜a y lodo para las paredes y heno para los tejados, con ayuda de los indios mexicanos y naturales en breve tiempo ten´an todos casas en que morar; pero sin nombre de poblacio´n ni mas polic´a o forma de Repu´blica que un ejercito alojado por sus tiendas y pabellones. See for Remesal and this city, Richard L. Kagan with Fernando Mar´as, Urban Images of the Hispanic World 1493–1793 (New Haven 2000), ch. 2, at p. 30. 16 Justinian, Digest I,2,2,1 f. Pomponius libro singulari enchiridii, . . . initio civitatis nostrae populus sine lege certa, sine iure certo primum agere instituit omniaque manu a regibus gubernabantur. Postea aucta ad aliquem modum civitate ipsum Romulum traditur populum in triginta partes divisisse, quas partes curias appellavit propterea, quod tunc rei publicae curam per sententias partium earum expediebat.

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quired a formal inaugurating act, which in the case of Spanish cities in the Americas consisted of the act of foundation. Where, according to the Digest, the political life of Rome was initiated by Romulus, in Spanish America it was the founders of cities who performed this function under the ultimate authority of the Crown. Whether people or the king were the constitutive energy in the creation of political community, of what historians and jurists called repu´blica, was a topic of quiet but persistent tension in Spain and less quiet and equally persistent tension in the Americas. The depth of this tension is hinted at in a law about public notaries in the Siete Partidas, the law code promulgated in the thirteenth century by Alfonso X of Castile, when read together with the commentary of 1555 by the jurist and scholar Gregorio Lo´pez, who was also a member of the Council of the Indies. The law regulates fees payable for exemptions and privileges to be granted by the Crown to cities and municipalities already existing or to be newly founded. Lo´pez commented, citing the Digest: Note here that a royal privilege is required so that a new population may come into existence, and be gathered together. This seems to be contradicted by the law beginning with the words “by virtue of this law” in the title on Justice and Law, where it is said that cities can be built by virtue of the law of nations. Adding no further comment of his own, Lopez simply cited a string of commentators on the relevant passage in the Digest, which states that by virtue of this law of nations, wars and separate nations came into existence, kingdoms were founded, dominion was marked off, boundaries were placed on elds, buildings were raised, and commerce, purchases and sales, leases and tenancies and obligations were instituted, with the exception of those that were introduced by virtue of the civil law.17 Almost universally, the Peruvian conquistadores claimed the authority of the crown for their actions. But the alternative, that they acted by virtue of the law of nations and in their own right, was not far from 17

Alfonso El Sabio, Partida III, title 20, law 7. The passage was echoed by Alonso de Ercilla, La Araucana, eds., Marcos Mor´nigo and Isa´as Lerner (Madrid 1979), canto 37, stanza 3. Lo´pez comments, vide hic, necessarium esse Regis privilegium ut de novo aliquis populus at et congregetur. In contrarium videtur Lex hoc iure 5 ff. de iustitia et iure, ubi habetur quod de iure gentium licet civitates construere. The law he cites is Digest I,1,5, Hermogenianus libro primo iuris epitomarum. Ex hoc iure gentium introducta bella, discretae gentes, regna condita, dominia distincta, agris termini positi, aedicia collocata, commercium, emptiones venditiones, locationes conductiones, obligationes institutae: exceptis quibusdam quae iure civili introductae sunt.

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the surface when Gonzalo Pizarro took up arms against the viceroy Nu´n˜ez Vela.18 Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, here as so often ahead of his time, understood that the decisions of alcaldes and city councils had a decisive impact on the course of the Peruvian civil wars, as when the city of Chuquisaca decided to “raise the banner of His Majesty” against Gonzalo Pizarro.19 Equally imporant were those people who, “in the voice of their repu´blica,” that is, of their city, appealed against royal legislation that was felt to be detrimental to the well-being of Spaniards living in Peru.20 Even at this early stage, when the cities that the Spanish had founded or refounded were only a few years old, those representing these repu´blicas acted autonomously, and with unhesitating condence in their right to do so. However much, therefore, the conquest of Peru was a tale of warfare, destruction, and loss of life, the foundation of cities and the vicissitudes of their early history told the opposite story, which was about genesis and regeneration: the genesis in the Andes of urban forms and institutions that in Spain reached back to Roman times, and the regeneration within that framework of Andean urban spaces and concepts of human coexistence.21 With passage of time, it was the towns and cities of Peru, as much as or even more than Peru itself, that became the foci of patriotism and a sense of belonging. In the seventeenth century, when a person spoke of patria, it was most likely a city that was being thought of.22 Customs and ways of thinking obtaining in Spain set the tone. As Las Casas wrote, weighing the obligations a person owed to city and kingdom, the primary debt was to the city because the city, the place of a person’s birth, was a self-sufcient multitude of people “living politically” and as a “republic,” and was therefore the locus of patria in a much more intimate concrete sense than the kingdom could ever be. Here also, the Digest, along with the Code of Justinian, provided precedent and authority.23 18

For a quite different approach to the issue, see Lohmann Villena, Las ideas jur´dicopol´ticas en la rebellio´n de Gonzalo Pizarro. See also above, chapter 3, n. 54. 19 Cieza, Quito, ch. 72, fol. 97v, alc¸avan la bandera que all´ tenian en su real nonbre e que nunca se juntar´an con Pic¸arro. 20 Cieza, Quito, ch. 13, fol. 16, que en voz de su repu´blica suplicasen. 21 I take the phrase “genesis and regeneration” from Shaul Shaked, ed., Genesis and Regeneration. Essays on Conceptions of Origins (Jerusalem 2005); see in particular, in this volume, Guy Stroumsa, In Illo Loco: Paradise Lost in Early Christian Mythology, pp. 110–26. 22 For Rome, see Franziska Glasser, Germana Patria. Die Geburtsheimat in den Werken ro¨mischer Autoren der spa¨ten Republik und der fru¨hen Kaiserzeit (Stuttgart 1999). 23 Bartolome´ de las Casas, De regia potestate, ed. Jaime Gonza´lez Rodr´guez, in Fray Bartolome´ de las Casas, Obras Completas, vol. 12 (Madrid 1990), notabile IV, section 6,4. A somewhat different case was argued by Cicero in De legibus II, 3–5, when he weighed his debt to Arpinum, the place of his birth, and to Rome (cf. Glasser pp. 9ff.). Las Casas appears not to have known this work. Cf. below, n. 95.

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A city’s birth and origin was marked by its foundation,24 and Cieza, aware of what those coming after him would want to know,25 meticulously attributed each foundation to the commander under whom it was accomplished, and in this way linked city foundations in the Andes to those in the ancient Mediterranean. “In ancient times,” he wrote, Elisa Dido founded Carthage and gave it a name and the status of a republic, Romulus founded Rome, and Alexander founded Alexandria; in recompense for these foundations, they all gained perpetual remembrance and renown. Hence, I believe that in ages to come, the renown and glory of His Majesty will spread with all the more reason because cities in such great number and of such prosperity were founded in his name in this great kingdom of Peru, and His Majesty has given laws to these republics under which they live quietly and peacefully.26 With each city foundation, another segment of Peru slipped into the hands of the Spanish, adding renown to the name of Charles V and to that of the actual founder acting as the Emperor’s representative: San Miguel, Trujillo,27 and Lima,28 all founded by Francisco Pizarro, along with Guamanga, Cuzco, and Arequipa.29 Other cities were founded in the Emperor’s name by Pizarro’s delegates, among them Quito, founded by Sebastia´n de Belalca´zar; San Juan de la Frontera, founded by Alonso de Alvarado; Leo´n de Hua´nuco, founded by Go´mez de Alvarado; and La Paz, founded by Alonso de Mendoza.30 Founding a city in sixteenth-century Peru amounted to exporting to the Andes an an24 As is noted also by Leon Battista Alberti, in Leonis Baptistae Alberti Florentini viri clarissimi Libri De re aedicatoria decem. Opus integrum et absolutum: diligenterque recognitum . . . (Colophon fol. clxxiiii, . . . impressum: Opera magistri Bertholdi Tembolt & Ludovici Hornken in eodem vico ad intersignium trium coronarum e regione divi Benedicto conmoran. Anno domini M.D.XII. Die vero XXIII. Augusti), Book 4, ch. 3, fol. liii verso. There is a good translation: Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, tr. Joseph Rykwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor (Cambridge, Mass. 1988). 25 Note Alonso de Ercilla’s explanatory note about the city Valdivia in Chile, founded by Pedro de Valdivia: Alonso de Ercilla, La Araucana, “Declaracio´n de algunas dudas,” printed at the end of the Third Part of the poem: “Entie´ndese que cuando se fundaron estos pueblos, era Valdivia capita´n general de los espan˜oles, y a e´l se atribuye la gloria del descubrimiento y poblacio´n de Chili.” 26 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 12. 27 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 59, fol. 85v (San Miguel); ch. 69, fol. 95 (Trujillo). 28 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 71, fol. 97. 29 Huamanga, Cieza, Primera Parte ch. 87, fol. 114v; Arequipa, ch. 76, fol. 102v; Cuzco, ch. 92, fol. 118v. 30 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 40, fol. 59v. Quito; ch. 78, fol. 105v, San Juan de la Frontera; ch. 79, fol. 106, Hua´nuco; ch. 106, fol. 130v, La Paz.

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cient mediterranean way of looking at the world. Cieza’s judgments of what makes a good location for a city, and why, are one and all derived from ancient sources, some of them mediated through Spanish writings of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. In the mid-fteenth century, Rodrigo Sa´nchez de Are´valo composed a treatise on the foundation and government of cities, culling his recommendations for identifying a good location for a city from Aristotle’s Politics,31 from the Roman architect Vitruvius and the philosopher Seneca, from Palladius the agricultural writer and Isidore of Seville, along with their medieval successors and commentators. The hippocratic treatise On Airs, Waters and Places, circulating in various translations, also contained information about advantageous and less advantageous locations for human habitation.32 In Cieza’s time there was furthermore Leon Battista Alberti’s treatise on architecture that had been inspired by Vitruvius, but was also written in competition with him.33 Although opinions differed on many particulars, all were agreed about the characteristics of desirable locations for cities, about what was and was not a good climate, and even about how the architecture of the ancients should be replicated and emulated. Take Cieza’s description of the city of Panama. It was not really part of Peru, but he included it in his account of Peru’s land and people “because at the time when Peru began to be conquered, the captains who went to discover it set out from here, along with the rst horses and interpreters, and other things pertaining to conquests.”34 Yet, despite Panama’s strategic and geopolitical importance, the site was badly chosen: The city was founded next to the sea of the North, and eighteen leagues from Nombre de Dios . . . it has little room where it is situ31 Rodrigo Sa´nchez de Are´valo, Suma de la pol´tica, ed. Mario Penna (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 116,3, Madrid 1959, pp. 249–309), book I, 5th–9th consideraciones, pp. 260–65, with Aristotle, Politics VII,10,1–5. 32 On the inuence of Vitruvius in Spain, cf. Gloria Mora, “The Image of Rome in Spain: scholars, artists and architects in Italy in the 16th–18th c.,” in Richard Hingley ed., Images of Rome. Perceptions of Ancient Rome in Europe and the United States in the Modern Age (Portsmouth, R.I. 2001), pp. 23–55, at p. 43. Hippocrates, De aere, aquis, locis: mit ¨ bersetzung, ed. G. Gundermann (Berlin 1929); Hippocrates, De aerider alten lateinischen U ¨ bersetzung und des Fragments einer bus aquis locis : interlineare Ausgabe der spa¨tlateinischen U ¨ bersetzung, ed. Hermann Grensemann (Bonn 1996). The text also hochmittelalterlichen U had a history of reception in Arabic and Hebrew; see Galen, Galen’s Commentary on the Hippocratic Treatise Airs, Waters, Places in the Hebrew Translation of Solomon ha-Me’ati. Edited with introduction, English translation, and notes by Abraham Wasserstein (Jerusa¨ berliefering der hippokratischen Schrift PERI AERVN UDATVN lem 1982); Hans Diller, Die U TOPVN (Leipzig 1932). 33 On Alberti, cf. above, n. 24. 34 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 12.

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ated because of a swamp or lake which girds it at one side. Because of the evil vapours which rise from this lake the site is considered to be unhealthy. The city is designed and built on an East-West trajectory, in such a way that when the sun shines, no one can walk in the streets because there is no shade at all. And this is much noticed because the climate is very hot, and since the sun is so unhealthy, that if a man habitually walks in it, even if it is only for a few hours, he will catch diseases from which he will die, as has happened to many. Half a league from the sea there are good and healthy spots, where they could have founded the city from the beginning.35 However, the houses had become valuable, and so, despite the detrimental effect on everyone’s health, and because “people think of the common good little or not at all,” moving Panama to another nearby site was inconceivable. This opinion of Cieza’s echoed views such as had been expressed earlier. Panama’s closeness to the sea and to standing water would have been criticized by Are´valo, and also by Aristotle and Palladius,36 not to mention the architects Vitruvius and Alberti. These latter two, and the author of Airs, Waters and Places, would also have found fault with the orientation of Panama’s streets because of the heat to which the inhabitants would be exposed.37 According to Vitruvius, surrounding swamps might offer a city protection, but such protection was only worth having where standing water could ow away in ditches, as at Ravenna.38 This was not the case in Panama, and indeed, throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the city was notorious for its bad climate and for the many people passing through who fell ill or died there. It was only because of a raid by English pirates in 1671, followed by a re in which Panama was completely destroyed, that it was moved to a healthier place nearby.39 35

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 12v. Sa´nchez de Are´valo, Suma de la Pol´tica, book I, consideracio´n 6, p. 261f., citing Palladius, Opus Agriculturae, ed. Robert H. Rodgers (Leipzig, 1975), I, 4. 37 Vitruvius, On Architecture, I,4,1. Note the English edition, Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Ingrid D. Rowland and Thomas Noble Howe, eds. (Cambridge 1999) with excellent introductions and commentary. Thomas Gordon Smith, Vitruvius on Architecture (New York 2003) contains books I and III–VI in English, with illustrations and commentary about the implementation of Vitruvian principles, especially in Roman architecture. 38 Vitruvius, On Architecture, I,4,11. 39 Pedro de Mercado, Historia del Nuevo Reino y Quito de la Compan˜ia de Jesu´s, 4 vols. (Bogota´ 1967), vol. 3, book II, ch. 26: in 1672, Antonio Ferna´ndez de Cordoba, who arrived to rebuild the city, vio´ que desde sus principios se hab´a fundado en puesto malsano y en lugar indefenso, paso´ a un sitio dos leguas distante llamado Anco´n, y reconocio´ la mejoria del terrun˜o, la mayor facilidad para rodearlo con muros, lo mas saludable de las aguas, la mayor pureza de los aires y lo bien poblado de los montes. 36

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Antiocha, in the mountains of Abibe in modern Colombia, was located on another site that turned out to be inauspicious, but for different reasons. In terms of geography and climate, Cieza thought, the location was admirable: The site of the city is very good, in an extensive plain next to a small river. It is the northernmost city in the kingdom of Peru. Several other very good rivers ow near it that originate in the mountain ranges nearby, with many springs of excellent, delicious water. Most of the rivers carry gold in large quantities, and it is very ne, and on the river banks different populations are settled.40 The difculty with this site was that it was located on the border between two different gobernaciones, governmental districts that had been granted by the Crown to different conquistadores. Cieza was present at the act of foundation by the commander Jorge Robledo. When he heard that the name of the city was to be Antiocha, he said, thinking of the perennial wars and conicts among the successors of Alexander the Great: “The city will will not lack wars, exactly like Antioch in Syria.”41 This turned out to be only too true, and Robledo met his tragic death in the course of a dispute with Sebastia´n Belalca´zar that involved Antiocha and its vezinos. The history of Arequipa in southern Peru was less troubled, and its location had been well chosen by the founder Francisco Pizarro: “the location and climate of this city are so excellent that it is praised as the most healthy in Peru, and the most peacable for living. The wheat growing there is of ne quality, and very good and avourful bread is made of it,” not to mention that in the surrounding countryside people were raising abundant livestock, much as experts, both ancient and recent, thought should be the case: This city of Arequipa, since the sea port is so close, is well supplied with the commodities and merchandise that are brought from Spain, and most of the treasure that comes from Charcas arrives here and is loaded onto ships in the port of Quilca to be transported to the city of Lima.42 40

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 12, fol. 25. Cieza, Quito, ch. 99, fol. 133v. Cieza could have learned about Antioch from reading Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, and also the rst book of Macchabees, which is included in the Vulgate Bible; note for example the parallel testimony about troubles in Antioch in 145 B.C.E. in I Macchabees 11, 41–51 and Josephus 13, 135–42 with Glanville Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (Princeton 1961), ch. 6. 42 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 76, fol.102. The dietary importance of wheat (Latin triticum) and the bread that is made from it is noted in the hippocratic text De observantia ciborum, ed. Innocenzo Mazzini (Rome 1984), section 6; see also section 4 on barley. Regarding the foundation and administration of towns, John Preston Moore, The Cabildo in Peru 41

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As for Lima, likewise founded by Francisco Pizarro, it also was located on a well-chosen site, “two short leagues from the sea,” next to a small river, its streets open toward sunrise. Lima had an ample square and wide streets. The houses were well-built and most of them had “their own water canals, which provides no small contentment. People use the water to irrigate their vegetable and ower gardens, which are numerous, refreshing and delightful.”43 In the surrounding countryside, fruits and vegetables grew in abundance, and certainly, if scandals and uproar have now come to an end, and if there is no war, this is truly one of the best countrysides in the world, for in it we see neither hunger nor pestilence: it does not rain, lightning does not strike and no thunder is heard. Instead, the sky is always tranquil and very lovely.44 Vitruvius and Alberti would have approved of Lima’s spacious square, seeing that the city’s role as the capital of Spanish Peru destined it for growth, and hence the square would be well-frequented, rather than looking deserted for lack of people. Everyone would have appreciated Lima’s fertile and beautiful countryside and the fact that its streets were open toward sunrise. For, in this way, morning winds could blow away air that had become contaminated during the night.45 Another city founded by Francisco Pizarro was Guamanga, which was moved from its original location, wrote Cieza, “to where it now is,” in a plain near a range of low mountains to the South. And although the settlers might have preferred another plain at half a league’s disunder the Habsburgs. A Study in the Origins and Powers of the Town Council in the Viceroyalty of Peru 1530–1700 (Durham 1954) remains valuable. 43 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 71, fol. 96v, dos pequen˜as leguas de la mar. 44 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 71, fol. 97; these same qualities were appreciated by the men who founded Lima; see the document quoted by Bernabe´ Cobo, Fundacio´n de Lima (in his Obras vol. 2, ed. Jose´ Mateos, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vol. 92, Madrid 1964), ch. 2, p. 287b, la comarca es muy buena y tiene muy buen agua y len˜a y tierras para sementras y cerca del puerto de la mar; y es asiento airoso, claro, y descombrado que a razo´n parec´a ser sano y tal cual conviene para hacerse el dicho pueblo para que se perpetu´e. 45 On spacious squares, appropriate for anticipated urban growth, see Vitruvius, De Architectura V,1,1; on orientation toward the rising sun (Hippocrates), Airs, Waters and Places 5, see also 7. The site of Lima was vulnerable to earthquakes; see Susy Mariela Sa´nchez Rodr´guez, La Ruina de Lima: Mito y realidad del terremoto de 1746 (Master’s thesis, Pont´ca Universidad Catolica del Peru´, Lima, November 2001). Cieza and his contemporaries were in a position to know this; see Miguel de Estete, Noticia del Peru´ in Coleccio´n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru´, Second Series, vol. 8 (Lima 1924), p. 38 (cited Sanchez chapter 1 n. 9) about an earthquake near the site of Lima in 1533. But earthquakes and tidal waves did not enter into the vocabulary of city foundation that Spaniards in Peru had in mind—further proof of the formative power of this vocabulary.

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19. Candlelit procession on the morning of the Assumption of Mary making its way past the Cathedral in the Plaza de Armas of Ayacucho (Guamanga) in 2002.

tance, this was not chosen for lack of water. Nearby runs a small stream with very good water from which those living in the city drink. The largest and best houses in all of Peru have been constructed here. They are all built of stone, brick and roof tiles, with large towers so that there is no lack of living space. The square is even and quite large. The location is very healthy, because neither sun, nor air nor heat do harm. The climate is excellent, neither humid nor hot.46 Cieza’s evaluation of the site of Guamanga accords with the opinions of Aristotle, Vitruvius, Sa´nchez de Arevalo, and Alberti, and his mention of the absence of water in the earlier site that the settlers rejected as a fatal aw echoes criteria enunciated by Palladius. Another city blessed with a benevolent climate was Chuquisaca in Upper Peru. Describing it, Cieza highlighted the surrounding countryside, where “fruit trees, wheat and barley, vines and other plants” grew in abundance and livestock was being raised nearby.47 Sa´nchez de Are´valo and 46 47

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 87, fol. 114. Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 107, fol. 131.

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Alberti, both echoing ancient sources, thought that a location that allowed such self-sufciency was to be prized greatly.48 Years later, the Viceroy Toledo, another Spaniard deeply familiar with Greek and Roman notions of urban planning, administered a severe reprimand to the vezinos of Chuquisaca because they had cut down so many trees on the city’s common lands that the soil was being eroded, which was threatening its future prosperity.49 Cieza also described La Paz, which was founded in 1549 “by Alonso de Mendoza in the name of the Emperor our lord, when the Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca was president of this kingdom.” In the valley which is formed by the mountain ranges where this city was founded they plant maize, and some trees although only a few, and they raise produce and vegetables from Spain. The Spanish are well supplied with sh from Lake Titicaca and with many kinds of fruit that are brought from the hot valleys, where large quantities of wheat are sown. Also, cows, goats and other live stock are raised there. This city has rugged and difcult roads of access, since, as I said, it is situated between mountain ranges.50 City planners in the ancient Mediterranean thought that difcult access roads were to be avoided,51 although they would have appreciated 48

Alberti, De re aedicatoria book IV, ch. 2, fol. l–li of the edition of 1512. Archivo Nacional de Bolivia, Sucre, EC 1764.131 Reales Ordenanzas 1579, fol. 9r, claro esta que se conservara la Prosperidad de esta republica digo provincia mas de trecientos an˜os aunque no se descubrieran otros; pero quisieron sacar cada uno su repelon [?] y disteis vuestros metales casi de balde, y enrriquesisteis nuestras republicas y dexasteis la vra pobre. e perdida para si empre, e las minas tan mal labradas e peligrosas que han sido menester [lacuna] 9v nuebos para buscar el metal con alguna seguridad e aun los Montes de quin˜ua aparejados para las fundiciones mas de veinte y sinco Leguas taladas en los quales no solamente no pusisteis orden pero aun consentisteis arrancar las rayzes sin dexar ninguna, e tomays para vuestra disculpa que aquella len˜a no tornara naser que es proposicion bien dilcutosa de averiguar pues la tierra de su natural fue suciente para criar rayses e rrama, claro esta que lo fuera para echar rrama de las rayses, aunque por ser fria tarda mas que las otras, e si consideraresedes que en contorno de esta ciudad tubiesteis los montes poblados de sedros madera tan estimada por todo genero de Gentes, e tan celebrada en todas las Escripturas sagradas, e profanas, e los disteis por chacaras a rozas e aun, sin tener fechas vuestras cazas las consentisteis disipar, e quemar, e si alguna se labro despues fue lexos, y sin orden destruyendo absolutamente una cossa tan preciada que bien conciderado todo esto prosedio del poco amor, y selo de vra republica que por no tener respeto a conservalla si quiciesedes aora hazer una cassa para vuestra morada que es negocio particular, os costaria dies tanto que si la ubierades conservado y aun no seriades parte para ello quien os tragese a la memoria que tubisteis doscientos mill yndios a ciento y veinte leguas de esta 10r ciudad con entera noticia de su mansedumbre, y poco brio. 50 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 106, fol. 130v. 51 Cf. Aristotle, Politics VII,5,2. 49

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that La Paz was so close to Lake Titcaca, and even closer to the fertile valleys of the selva, just as Cieza did. Are´valo and Alberti, like the ancient authors whom they quoted, thought that the best climate and location were of the temperate kind, not too hot or cold, too humid or dry. Thanks to this aspect in their climate the Greeks had been inventive, spirited, and wise in the arts of political life.52 Even more so, according to Are´valo, were the Romans, because of the “special disposition” of the region where Rome had been founded.53 Vitruvius, whose work made a profound impact on some of Cieza’s Spanish contemporaries, had picked up on the familiar advantages of a mediating, middling position. In his praises of Italy and the Romans, he therefore wrote that energy and fortitude of body and spirit are most perfectly tempered among the peoples of Italy. For just as the star of Jupiter is tempered by moving between the hot star of Mars and the cold star of Saturn, so Italy, located between North and South, wins praises for its unsurpassed qualities which are mingled from the two extremes. This is why Italy restrains the valour of barbarians by means of deliberation, and with a strong hand directs the designs of Southern nations. Hence, the divine mind has placed the city of the Roman people in an excellent and temperate region, so that it might take upon itself the empire of the world.54 Throughout the Middle Ages and in early modernity, advocates of Spain claimed these same temperate, mingled qualities for their homeland, and in Peru, Cieza found some of them replicated in the city of Quito, which was located close to the equator, poised between North and South. Its territory produced all desirable plants, birds and animals, and the disposition of the land is most felicitous, and resembles Spain closely in vegetation and climate. For summer enters in April and March, and lasts until November. And although it is cool, the land parches no more and no less than Spain. In the lowlands, quantities of wheat and barley are harvested, and in the vicinity of this city, victuals are abundant. In time, most crops that grow in Spain will grow here, and some of them are being raised already. The people 52 Sa´nchez de Are´valo, Suma de la Politica Book I, primera consideracio´n, pp. 256–7; Alberti, De re aedicatoria, book I, ch. 3. 53 Sa´nchez de Arevalo, Suma de la Politica, book I, considercio´n 3, p. 259. 54 Vitruvius, De architectura VI,1,11.

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of the region are civilized and well inclined, and freer of vices than their neighbours, or any of the other people in most of Peru.55 Very different was Cuzco, the capital of the Incas, which “thanks to some clime or constellation under which it is situated” was a perennial source of war and conict, just as—in Cieza’s eyes—Rome had been in European antiquity.56 But Cuzco was a noble city, the only one that Cieza did not describe in conformity with the Greco-Roman categories that he employed elsewhere. For, having been built by the Incas, these categories did not appear to be applicable. Extending from Cuzco were the four suyus, provinces of the former Inca empire—Andesuyu and Chinchasuyu to the East and North, Collasuyu and Condesuyu to the South and West. For this and for the division of Cuzco—as of all other Andean settlements into upper and lower moieties, there were no precise European equivalents. Also, contrary to Roman precept, the terrain surrounding Cuzco was rugged, and trees were scarce.57 But none of this seemed to matter, because Cuzco possessed its especial style and quality, and must have been founded by people of noble spirit. It had good streets, although they were narrow, and its houses were made of solid stone with ne joints that are proof of the age of the building, since the blocks were so large and so well joined together. Other houses were of wood and straw or adobe, for they had no roof tiles, bricks or lime, and we see no trace of these. There were in many parts of this city special dwellings of the Inca kings, in which he who succeeded to the dominion celebrated his festivals. Likewise there was the magnicent and solemn temple of the sun which they called Golden Corral, Curicancha.58 Cuzco, Cieza wrote in conclusion, was founded and settled by the rst 55 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 90, fol. 58v–59. The advantages of a geographical location were also extolled by Greek political thinkers, who contrasted the servile people of Asia and the indomitable nations of the north with themselves occupying the middle ground between them. For the impact of this perception on discourses of slavery, see Giuseppe Cambiano, “Aristotle and the Anonymous Opponents of Slavery,” in M. I. Finley ed., Classical Slavery (London 1987), pp. 28–52 at pp. 40–43. Debate was reopened regarding the indigenous peoples of the Americas. See the now classic book by Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians. A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (London 1959). 56 Cieza, Quito, ch. 78, fol. 318v; for full quote of this passage see above, chapter 3 at n. 92. 57 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 92, fol. 117v–118. 58 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 92, fol. 118v. On Coricancha, the work of John H. Rowe, An Introduction to the Archaeology of Cuzco. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology. Harvard University, vol. 27, no. 2, Cambridge 1955) remains fundamental; see now also Brian S. Bauer, Ancient Cuzco. Heartland of the Inca (Austin 2004), pp. 139–57.

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Inca king Manco Capac and was refounded by Francisco Pizarro “in the name of the Emperor don Carlos our lord,” in 1534, sixteen years before Cieza visited the city. Like so much of Cieza’s writing about cities, the wording of the ofcial document of the Spanish refoundation of Cuzco was inspired and inuenced by Greek and Roman antecedents, but in terms very different from those that interested Cieza. Opening with a narrative of creation and the descent of all human beings from Adam and Eve, the document continues with an Aristotelian version of the origin of society. The rst humans searched out the best land for living they could nd, that would yield crops and give them sustenance to perpetuate their lives, and next, since they could not live each at a distance from the other, many of them joined together one with another and created villages for the conversation, interchange and proximity that they had to have with each other. Once they had created the villages, they made laws whereby the republic was to rule itself to be well governed, for it was just and lawful that a number of people, a body of many persons who were joined together in a village should be ruled by the same laws and customs.59 In light of this venerable precedent, Francisco Pizarro, assisted by Vicente de Valverde, the future bishop of Cuzco, refounded the ancient city, believing that the site possessed precisely those virtues that city planners had looked for since Roman times: This settlement is located in the best region of the land, which is why the former lords took up residence here, dwelt in it and dignied and populated it with the most noble people of their land, raising ne buildings in this place because it is the mistress and head of the entire land. It lies in a valley fertile with sustenance, between two rivers, near springs of good waters, woodland for timber, mountains and pastures to raise cattle, rivers and lakes with sh.60 Pizarro’s vantage point was that of the conqueror. Cuzco was to be “a settlement inhabited by Spaniards,”61 which meant that with time most of the Inca inhabitants were ousted from their dwellings and moved to the periphery, while the common people were henceforth to serve the newcomers rather than the Inca lords. The document of foundation 59 Guillermo Lohmann Villena, ed. Francisco Pizarro. Testimonio. Documentos Ociales, Cartas y Escritos Varios (Madrid 1986), Acta de la fundacio´n espan˜ola del Cuzco, p. 163. 60 Acta de la fundacio´n, p. 164. 61 Un pueblo despan˜oles; Acta de la fundacio´n, p. 163.

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took cognizance of the four suyus, the roads of which converged in the main square. But where Cieza described the suyus in Andean terms as the four parts of the Inca empire, Pizarro’s document described them in Spanish terms as the city’s terminos, its administrative district, juridically identical to the terminos of cities in the Peninsula. Although Andean and Spanish notions of what a city consisted of were not the same, they converged in certain respects, one of these being that cities provided public space. Vitruvius, followed by his Renaissance disciples, foremost among them Alberti, described with some care how fora—squares—were to be designed.62 They should be surrounded by colonnades with shops, the columns in the upper story of the colonnade being thinner and shorter than those of the ground story. The reason was both aesthetic—the columns should look as though they were growing like branches on a tree, and practical—the columns on the ground must be sufcient to support the weight resting on them.63 The colonnades surrounding the main square of Arequipa are designed in conformity with this principle. Abutting against the forum, Vitruvius continued, should be the basilica, the treasury, the curia where the city’s administration had its seat, and the prison. The size and design of the curia and the square itself were to match the dignity and importance of the city or municipality in question.64 The original purpose that Vitruvius envisioned for Italian fora were gladiatorial games, although in his day, these tended to be performed in amphitheaters, leaving the forum itself for the commerce and leisure that would later interest Alberti. Precolombian public spaces in the Andes did not comprise equivalents to the Roman curia and treasury or the Spanish town hall. However, for millennia, Andean potentates had constructed vast public spaces to celebrate periodic festivals which people traveled long distances to attend. Chav´n, Tiahuanaco, and Cahuachi were among these grand ceremonial enclosures that attracted pilgrims from far away. But 62 Alberti, De re aedicatoria, book VIII, ch. 6; another of Vitruvius’s Renaissance followers was Andrea Palladio, I quattro libri dell’ architettura Di Andrea Palladio. Ne’ quali, dopo un breve trattado de’ cinque ordini, & di quelli avertimenti, che sono piu necessarii nel fabricare; si tratta delle Case private, delle Vie, de i Ponti, delle Piazze, de i Xisti, et de’ Tempii (Venice 1570; Hildesheim 1999); English translation, The architecture of A. Palladio; in four books, containing a short treatise of the ve orders, and the most necessary observations concerning all sorts of buildings; as also the different construction of private and public houses, highways, bridges, market-places, xystes, and temples, with their plans, sections, and uprights. Revis’d, design’d, and publish’d by Giacomo Leoni. Translated from the Italian original (London 1721), book III, ch. 18. 63 Vitruvius, On Architecture, V,1,2–3. 64 Vitruvius, On Architecture, V,1,2; 2,1.

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20. The Plaza de Armas of Arequipa with its two-story surrounding arcade. In accord with Vitruvian principles, the arches at ground level rest on substantial pilasters, while those at the top rise over slender columns. This manner of construction was all the more apposite in a region prone to earthquakes. E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York 1877), p. 223.

these sites differed from Roman and Spanish cities in one further important respect: private living quarters were situated to one side of ceremonial areas and structures.65 In this sense, Cuzco, where living quarters—albeit only those of the Inca elite—were situated in close proximity to and interwoven with ceremonial and sacred spaces, was more suited to being reshaped into a Spanish mold.66 65 Alan L. Kolata, The Tiwanaku. Portrait of an Andean Civilization (Cambridge, Mass. 1993); Helaine Silverman, Cahuachi in the Ancient Nasca World (Iowa City 1993). But note the emphasis on consensual participation of large numbers of people in the creation and maintenance of Tiahuanaco by John Wayne Janusek, Identity and Power in the ancient Andes. Tiwanaku Cities through Time (New York 2004). Andean urbanism in the viceroyalty was not a simple imitation or replica of European antecedents: see the work of Ramo´n Gutierrez et al., Arquitectura del Altiplano Peruano (Resistencia, Argentina 1978). 66 ˜ awpa Pacha 5 (1967), Cf. John Rowe, What Kind of a Settlement was Inca Cuzco? N pp. 59–77.

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Perhaps this is why the Andean historian Guaman Poma de Ayala, when thinking about the development of society in the Andes, conated the construction of plazas with that of houses and enclosures during the period of Purun runa, thereby approximating the growth of societal institutions and cities in the Andes to European equivalents: “They built houses, pucullo; from that time they began to raise walls and covered houses and enclosures and gathered together in groups and had squares.”67 He certainly understood the importance of squares in Spanish cities, for in every one of his cityscapes, the square with its colonnade dominates the urban conglomerate. The issue was not just ideological. As perceived by some Spaniards, too many Andean people lived not in cities and villages, but scattered in remote places beyond the reach of priest and tribute collector. A similar situation had arisen earlier in Mexico, which in 1549 gave rise to legislation that was sent to the courts of appeal, audiencias of Mexico City and Lima simultaneously, ordering that these scattered populations be “reduced” into larger nucleated settlements, each with its square, church, and other public buildings, its town ofcials, alcaldes y regidores.68 The theme was taken up in Peru in the 1560s by Juan de Matienzo, judge on the audiencia court of Chuquisaca, whose treatise on the Government of Peru became the blueprint for the overall organization of Peru by the Viceroy Toledo. A core component of Toledo’s program was the resettlement of Andean people into nucleated settlements which now became universally known as reducciones. Having cited the law of 1549, Matienzo reiterated the well-known Aristotelian points about looking for “good climate, that they have water, lands, pastures and woodlands” when choosing the site for a reduccio´n.69 The streets of each reduccio´n were to be laid out like a chess board, with the main square at the center. Surrounding the square were the church with its priest’s house, the seat of Andean municipal ofcials, the prison, hospital, and guest house for Spaniards, along with the house of the Spanish governor. The house of the governor’s Andean counterpart, the tucuirico, “he who sees everything,” was to be erected behind 67 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 59: Ydecaron casas de pucullo. Dall´ comensaron alsar paredes y cubrieron casas y sercos y rreducie´ronse y tubieron plaza. 68 Richard Konetzke, Coleccio´n de Documentos para la Historia de la Formacio´n Social de Hispanoame´rica 1493–1810 (Madrid 1953), vol. 1, number 173, Valladolid 9 Oct. 1549, real cedula que los indios se juntasen en pueblos y eligiesen alcaldes, addressed to the Audiencia of New Spain. This is the same cedula as Diego de Encinas, Cedulario Indiano (Madrid 1596, facsimile Madrid 1945) vol. IV, p. 274, but the version in Encinas is addressed to the Audiencia of Lima. 69 Aristotle, Politics, VII,5,2.

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21. Plan of the center of a resettlement village (reduccio´n) as envisioned by Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´, fol. 38r. Church and priest’s house face the guest house for Spanish travelers across the square. On the other axis, the house of the corregidor with the prison face the hospital and town hall with its corral for animals. Behind the house of the corregidor is that of the tucuirico. New York Public Library MS, Rich 74.

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that of the governor, that is, in the center of the reduccio´n, but not overlooking the square.70 This arrangement of public buildings surrounding the square is derived from Vitruvius, and expresses the relationship between Andean and Spanish local authorities as envisioned by Matienzo. In a Christian society, the church replaced Vitruvius’s basilica, and the prison, hospital, seat of the Andean municipal ofcials, and guest house stood in for the other public buildings mentioned by Vitruvius. But there was also a primarily Andean dimension to Matienzo’s layout, since the guest house was the Spanish successor to the Inca tambo. Tambos were way stations lining the Inca highways that had been maintained for the use of travelers by adjacent communities.71 In the context of reduccio´n, the guest house and the other buildings surrounding the square spell out the coexistence of and cooperation between Andean and Spanish juridical and administrative authorities—albeit in a somewhat idealized version. As Matienzo saw matters, the Spanish governor was to supervise Spaniards and relations between Spaniards and Andean people. He would keep records in Spanish, leaving all other administrative and jurisdictional matters to Andean authorities, who were to keep records either in Spanish or on quipus. The Andean authorities included the lord or curaca, whose position was hereditary, and the tucuirico and alcaldes, or mayors, who were to be elected every year. Public ofce would rotate among all inhabitants of a reduccio´n, and this, so Matienzo hoped, would lead Andean people to “understand the freedom they enjoy and political life would develop among them.”72 The reality turned out to be rather less rosy, even though Andean reducciones did become self-governing repu´blicas within the larger Peruvian patria. The notion that the city, town, or village formed a repu´blica in its own right, however small, embraced in their different ways by both Cieza and Matienzo, found its political and social expression in urban selfgovernment. In concrete and visible terms this notion was expressed in architecture, just as Roman orators, legislators, and ofcials, among them the younger Pliny in his private and ofcial letters had often said: architecture was the perfect expression of local pride and identity.73 The idea was taken up in a law of the Catholic Kings: 70 71

Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´, part I, ch. 14; note p. 50 on climate. John Hyslop, The Inca Road System (New York 1984). See also above, chapter 2 at n.

104. 72

Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru´ Part I, ch.14, p. 51, para que entiendan la libertad que tienen, y comience a entrar en ellos la polic´a. 73 Pliny the Younger, Letters 5,11 about the dedication of a portico in Pliny’s native city of Comum; 10, 23, a public bath in Prusa which will enhance the “dignitas civitatis”; Theodosiani Libri XVI cum Constitutionibus Sirmondianis, eds. P. Krueger and T. Mommsen

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Cities and boroughs shall ennoble themselves by having large and well constructed buildings where their governing bodies and councils will meet, and where judges, aldermen and ofcers may gather to attend to matters beneting the republic they are to govern. Therefore we order that . . . each of the said cities and boroughs erect its city hall . . . on pain that . . . where it is not done . . . the said ofcers shall lose the ofces of judges and aldermen that they are holding.74 These concerns, that towns and cities should project a certain architectural dignity and functionality, were reiterated by Philip II in 1573 when regulating “new discoveries and settlements.” This provisio´n, in which the precepts of Vitruvius and Alberti were voiced once more, became canonical and was included in the Cedulario Indiano of 1596 and in the Recopilaciones of Leo´n Pinelo and Carlos II.75 But where the reception of Vitruvius and perhaps of Alberti in the law of the Catholic Kings and in Matienzo is probably indirect, Philip II’s ordenanza demonstrates direct familiarity with the precepts of the Roman architect. In addition, there was now the work of another Italian follower of Vitruvius: Andrea Palladio’s splendidly illustrated The Four Books of Architecture were published in Venice in 1570. The Vitruvian rules that the plaza should correspond to the size of the town’s population, and (Berlin 1905), book 15, title 1 on public works; Codex Justinianus, ed. P. Krueger (Berlin 1877), book 8, title 11, note especially 8,11,6, of A.D. 383, prohibiting buildings erected contra ornatum et commodum ac decoram faciem civitatis. 74 Recopilacio´n de las leyes destos Reynos hecha por mandado de la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe Segundo . . . con las leyes que despues de la ultima impresion se han publicado por la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe Quarto (Madrid 1640), VII,1,1. For the drafting of this law under Fernando and Isabel in 1480, see Co´rtes de los antiguos reinos de Leo´n y de Castilla, publicadas por la Real Academia de la Historia, vol. 4 (Madrid 1882), Cortes de Toro, 1480, pp. 182–83, section 106: Porque paresce cosa desaguisada e de mala governacion que las cibdades e villas de nuestra corona real no tengan cada una su casa pu´blica de ayuntamiento e cabildo en que se ayunten las justicias e regidores a entender enlas cosas complideras a la republica que an de governar, mandamos a la justicia e regidores de las cibdades e villas e logares de nuestra corona real que no tienen casa pu´blica de cabildo e ayuntamiento para se ayuntar, que dentro de dos annos primeros siguientes, contados desde el dia en que estas nuestras leyes fueran pregonadas e publicadas, fagan cada una cibdad o villa su casa de ayuntamiento e cabildo en que se ayunten, sopena que enla cibdad o villa donde no se ziere dentro del dicho te´rmino, que dende en adelante los tales ofciales ayan perdido e pierdan los ofcios de justicias e regimientos que tienen. 75 Provisio´n en que se declara la orden que se ha de tener en las Indias en nuevos descubrimientos y poblaciones que en ellas se hizieren, in Diego de Encinas, Cedulario Indiano (Madrid 1596; Madrid 1945), vol. 4, pp. 232–46; this provisio´n is broken up into separate titles and laws, and reordered in Recopilacio´n de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (Julia´n de Paredes Madrid 1681; Mexico City 1987), vol. IV, titles 5–7; the preparatory work for the Recopilacio´n was done by Antonio de Leo´n Pinelo, Recopilacio´n de Indias, ed. Ismael Sa´nchez Bella (Mexico City 1992), book 8, title 1.

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that the basilica—to wit the Christian church—and other public buildings should overlook the plaza were reiterated by Philip II.76 Philip also decreed—as Vitruvius, followed by Alberti and Palladio, had done— that “if the length of the square is divided into three parts, two of these should be measured out for its breadth. For in this way,” wrote Vitruvius, “the forum will be oblong and well suited for producing spectacles.”77 Philip II captured the meaning but expressed it slightly differently: the main square, plac¸a mayor in the centre of the settlement should be an elongated rectangle, the length of which should be at least one and a half times its width, for this shape is more suited to celebrations on horseback, and whatever other celebrations might be held.78 The provisio´n was most frequently honored in the breach. A rare exception is the Plaza de la Corredera in Co´rdoba in Andalucia, a city of Roman origin. This spacious plaza, constructed in early modern times, follows Vitruvian dimensions. Another exception is the central square of Cuzco, which forms a slightly irregular rectangle. The shape was arrived at when Haucaypata, the “place of celebrations” of the Incas, was divided in half by constructing a row of houses along the small river Huatanay. In Inca times, the river, now owing under ground, owed above ground and split the square into two correlated segments, one of which became the present rectangular Plaza de Armas, also known as Haucaypata, and the other half became the Plaza de San Francisco or Cusipata, the “felicitous place.”79 But generally, the main squares of Andean and Latin American cities, towns, and villages have 76 For the size of the plaza in relation to the population see Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. 4, p. 242, Provisio´n . . . poblaciones, section 114; for the iglesia mayor, cabildo, hospital, see p. 243, sections 121 and 122, with the proviso that contagious diseases should not be treated in the hospital on the plaza but in a more secluded location. See also The architecture of A. Palladio (above, n. 62); squares are discussed in Book III. 77 Vitruvius, On Architecture, 5,1,2. 78 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. 4, p. 242, provisio´n . . . poblaciones, section 113; Leo´n Pinelo, Recopilacio´n, VIII,1,9; Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias 4,7,10. 79 Maria Yllescas Ort´z, “Evolucio´n urbanistica de la Plaza de la Corredera,” Axerqu´a 5 (Cordoba 1982): 161–75; Ma. Dolores Puchol Caballero, Urbanismo del renacimiento en la ciudad de Co´rdoba (Co´rdoba 1992), pp. 84–122. Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1051, shows the two squares, Haucaypata and Cusipata, divided by a covered arcade and the river Huatanay. I thank Alan Durston for his advice on how to translate Cusipata. He wrote: “Cusipata is kind of tough. Cusi is something like good fortune or blessedness, and also can serve as an adjective, while pata is basically a piece of level ground in an otherwise vertical or inclined area, like a terrace on a mountainside or a window sill— there is no English term that adequately translates it. You could say something like ‘fortunate place’ or ‘place of good fortune.’ “

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22. Cuzco according to Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1051. The great central square of the Incas that was traversed by the river Huatanay has been divided into Haucaypata and Cusipata. Three churches are depicted: in Cuzco itself, San Cristo´bal and San Blas, and outside it San Sebastian with its saltmines (cachi). The churches coexist with several Inca buildings, among them Curicancha, the temple of the Sun; Yllapa Cancha, the temple of lightning; and Pinas Uasi, where prisoners of war were housed. There is also a garden (moya) and next to it a row of round Inca storehouses. But most of the architectural forms are derived from European depictions of imagined buildings—an expression of Guaman Poma’s thought world in which reality as perceived by the ve senses and as created in imagination and memory formed a continuous fabric. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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four equal or more or less equal sides joined at rectangles or approximate rectangles. In accord with Vitruvian precepts, however, these squares give access to public buildings both sacred and secular, and they were and remain a vital locus of public life. It is harder to assess how effective were the Greco-Roman precepts regarding winds; altitude; temperature; the quality of water, soil, and air; the availability of pastures and woodlands and related matters, which were all reiterated in Philip II’s provisiones about discoveries and settlements. We usually cannot know whether those who founded towns and cities actually paid any attention to what had interested the ancients and also interested Cieza and other historians.80 What is clear, however, is that the Prudent King and “those of his Council” were fond of thinking about Greek and Roman precedent. Apart from the climate and natural environment of a prospective city, its layout and the resources it might command, the ordenanza of 1573 also describes exactly how new cities were to be founded, which differs considerably from what actually happened in the earliest Spanish city foundations in the Andes. The documents recording these foundations—Cuzco, Xauxa, Lima— follow a pattern: after a preamble vindicating the action, the site was claimed, jurisdiction and administration were established, and plots of land or house assigned to prospective vezinos, who were entitled to require services from the Andean population.81 The transaction envisioned in Philip II’s ordenanza about discoveries and settlements was very different. Here, a site for the new city having been designated, administrative, judicial, and ecclesiastical appointments appropriate to the nature and size of the place were to be made. Next: having formed the council and republic of the projected settlement and having named its members, [the governor of the province in question] should order one of the cities, boroughs or villages of his district to bring forth from itself a republic formed as a colony, que saquen della una republica formada por via de Colonia.82 This unusual 80 But compare Cieza’s description of the site of Lima in his Primera Parte, ch. 71, fol. 96v and that of the actual founders. For the latter, see Enrique Torres Saldamando with Pablo Patro´n and Nicanor Bolon˜a eds., Libro Primero de Cabildos de Lima (Paris 1888), pp. 8–9; Bernabe´ Cobo, Fundacio´n de Lima (in his Obras, ed. Francisco Mateos, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 92, Madrid 1964), book I, ch. 2, p. 287b reproduces this documentation. 81 Regarding services by Andean people, Libro Primero de Cabildos de Lima, p. 9; the same document in Bernabe´ Cobo, Fundacio´n, book 1, ch. 2, p. 287b; the actual foundation, Libro Primero de Cabildos de Lima, pp. 10–11; Bernabe´ Cobo, Fundacio´n, book 1, ch. 3, pp. 289a–290a. 82 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. 4, p. 237, clause 44.

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wording arises from Roman accounts of founding colonies, as for example the foundation of the Roman colony at Antium in 467 B.C., after the defeat of the Volsci. In the words of the Roman antiquarian Aulus Gellius, colonies were “small likenesses and representations” of the Roman people.83 In ancient Italy, and also in the Indies, the process of foundation began when the prospective settlers inscribed their names into a register, prior to departing from their old to their new homes. This is what the provisio´n refers to with the words por via de Colonia. The intention of the provisio´n is claried by the following section, which explains that those who are to leave must be people “who do not own a family seat, or pastures or arable elds.” The prospective settlers were then to elect their administrative and judicial ofcers, and these “holders of ofces that are needed for the republic shall be paid from public funds.”84 In the Americas, as in Rome, the required number of colonists was not always available from one single city—in which case, colonists could be gathered from more than one city in the Indies, or even from Spain.85 In the rst cities that Francisco Pizarro had founded in Peru, the Spanish settled as an elite who would live off the labor and tribute payments of Andean people. This sort of arrangement was not envisioned in the Roman style cities that are described in the ordenanzas of 1573 and related documents. Instead, the settlers were to bring with them sufcient seed to sow a crop that would be adequate for survival, this being the very rst task they were to undertake. Construction of houses and walls was to come later,86 the intention being that the inhabitants of such a city would be capable of surviving, just as Roman colonists had done, from the fruits of their own labor.87 While this remained an ideal without signicant practical realization—at any rate in coastal Ecuador, Peru, and Chile, and in the Andean highlands— 83

Livy, Ab urbe condita III,1,7; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities IX,59,1– 2; here there is the additional complication that not enough plebeian settlers were willing to leave Rome, so that the number of colonists was made up by Volsci. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae XVI,13,9 . . . propter amplitudinem maiestatemque populi Romani, cuius istae coloniae quasi efgies parvae simulacraque esse quaedam videntur. See E. T. Salmon, Roman Colonization under the Republic (London 1969). 84 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. IV, p. 237, provisio´n section 45, que no tengan solares ni tierras de pasto y labor; section 46, electing ofcers; section 448, their pay. 85 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. IV, p. 237, provisio´n sections 51–52; cf. p. 241, section 102, about married and unmarried colonists. 86 Cf. Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. IV, pp. 241–2, section 108 on houses and elds; sections 112–30 describe the distribution of urban space, and, section 129, alguna palic¸ada. Sections 132–3 state that only after the crops have been sown, and animals are taken care of, should house construction begin. 87 See Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. IV, p. 244, sections 137–8.

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such colonizing projects were undertaken at least on occasion. For example, Cieza describes a settlement in Popayan where the colonists arrived with their seeds and animals and set to work.88 However rarely the concept of city foundation and colonization that is expressed in the Provisio´n of 1573 was put into practice, it forms part of a Roman vision of law and society that pervaded Spanish political thinking during the second half of the sixteenth century. It was not simply a question of sending legislation to the Indies and hoping for implementation. Rather, the legislative project was an expression— however distant from reality the ideal might often have been—of a mode of governance that did not impose its will regardless of local conditions but invited a degree of participation.89 The historian Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo was one of numerous individuals who worked on the assumption that the Crown both needed and wanted accurate information about the Indies. It was perhaps for this reason that the earliest known royal effort at collecting such information was addressed to the audiencia residing in the city of Santo Domingo, where Oviedo was a vezino.90 Numerous subsequent inquiries of increasing length and complexity followed.91 In light of the classicizing tone of the questionnaires, it would seem that in these texts and the answers they elicited, the Greco-Roman Mediterranean was reconstructed in the Americas regardless of what was really there. But let us not be too simple-minded. No matter how precisely a question was asked, responses were rarely if ever formulated within its exact parameters, however much those responding might actually wish to say what was expected of them. So often, the desire to respond diverged from the question. No one knew this better 88 See also Cieza, Salinas, ch. 84, fol. 184, Alonso de Alvarado having decided to found La Frontera in Chachapoyas, como buen republicano e deseoso de perpetuar su nueba poblac¸io´n, mandava a los naturales e espan˜oles que se diesen priesa en hazer sus sementeras e casas, e que no fatigasen demasiadamente a los yndios. Cieza goes on to comment on Alvarado’s unusual commitment to treat Andean people with moderation; cf. Salinas, ch. 87, fol. 187. Muchos hierros se an cometido en este reyno por los espan˜oles, y c¸ierto yo holgara no escrevirlos por ser mi nac¸io´n, los quales, syn mirar los benec¸ios que han rec¸ivido de Dios Nuestro Sen˜or . . . sin temor suyo los acometieron: y aunque claramente hemos visto su justic¸ia e castigo que da a los malos, proque tomen exenplo los buenos e se sepa en lo futuro lo que paso´, y sere´ escritor verdadero y dare´ notic¸ia de todo ello. 89 See Jovita Baber, “The Construction of Empire: Politics, Law and Community in Tlaxcala, New Spain 1521–1640” (Ph.d. diss., Department of History, University of Chicago 2005); see also Lauren Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures. Legal Regimes in World History, 1400–1900 (Cambridge 2002). 90 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. I, p. 343; Francisco de Solano, Cuestionarios para la formacio´n de las relaciones geogra´cas de Indias. Siglos XVI/XIX (Madrid 1988), p. 3. 91 See below, chapter 5 at notes 56ff.

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than the indigenous people of the Americas and Spanish ofcials in the Indies. Questionnaires replete with the issues we have been thinking about were sent out in the hundreds. But, whether intentionally or not, the responses tended to subvert the question. Either the answer was simply to one side of the question, which was often the case.92 Or else, before answering, the respondent reshaped the question, as when the lawyers Polo de Ondegardo and Hernando de Santillan when responding to royal questionnaires prefaced their answers with several long pages of presuppositions that were needed before they could explain what His Majesty wanted to know.93 By century’s end, however, many difcult issues had been laid to rest by attrition and lapse of time, and it was possible to provide information without necessarily redening its nature. A certain patriotic condence speaks in the descriptions of the viceroyalty of Peru that were written toward the end of the sixteenth and in the early years of the seventeenth century. Lima had fullled its early promise by becoming an elegant and prospering metropolis, Guamanga, Hua´nuco, Trujillo, Cuzco, Potos´, and the other cities that Cieza had mentioned were home to vezinos proud to name their patria, to wit the city of their birth.94 Even those who were born in Spain waxed eloquent with the excellencies of Peruvian cities. Take the Mercedarian friar Mart´n de Muru´a from the Basque country, who wrote in glowing terms about the monuments of both Inca and Spanish Cuzco, the city that had in Inca times been the patria comu´n, the shared homeland of the inhabitants of “all the provinces of the kingdom,” and in Spanish times was home to numerous distinguished families of conquistadors.95 As for 92 See, for Mexico, Barbara E. Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain. Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geogra´cas (Chicago 1993). 93 Polo de Ondegardo, “Notables dan˜os de no guardar a los Indios sus fueros,” in Laura Gonza´lez and Alicia Alonso, eds., El mundo de los incas (Madrid 1990), pp. 40–50, explaining four presupuestos. Further on Polo de Ondegardo, above n. 2. Hernando de Santilla´n, Relacio´n del origen, descendencia, pol´tica y gobierno de los Incas, in Francisco Esteve Barba, ed., Cro´nicas peruanas de intere´s ind´gena (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles 209, Madrid 1968); the presupuestos are at pp. 103–13; Santillan’s answers to questions begin in section 34 of this edition. 94 Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Amarilis Indiana. Identicacio´n y Semblanza (Lima 1993) identies the author of the epistola sexta in Lope de Vega’s Filomena as Mar´a de Rojas y Garay, who included in the verses she addressed to Lope the praises of her patria, the city of Hua´nuco, see lines 127–80. Another product of the love of patria was the work of Bartolome´ Arza´ns de Orsu´a y Vela, Historia de la Villa imperial de Potos´, 3 vols., eds. Lewis Hanke and Gunnar Mendoza (Providence 1965). 95 Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia general del Peru´, origen y descendencia de los Incas introduction and transcription by Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois (Madrid 1964, hereafter Historia general), book III, ch. 10, p. 187, de todas las provinc¸ias del Reino concurr´an a ella como a patria comu´n, de la manera que el d´a de oy la villa de Madrid. Muru´a was a learned

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Lima, in Fray Mart´n’s view, it could easily compete with any city in the world. Spain did not have the equal of its great central square, and the merchandise for sale in its shops was not matched in the markets of Antwerp or London, Lyon, Seville, or Lisbon. Further enthusiastic descriptions of other Peruvian cities follow, concluding with the most unique of them all, “the imperial, illustrious and famous municipality” of Potos´, source of the silver that made the Spanish empire function, and hence “God’s pocket book.”96 Among the people who supplied Muru´a with information was Guaman Poma, who like him concluded his account of Peru with a list of cities,97 which, like Murua’s list, reiterates the by now well-known typology bearing on this topic, the Greco-Roman categories about water, soil, climate, urban buildings and so on. Also, Guaman Poma’s drawings of these cities are derived from standardized depictions of cities current in Europe from late antiquity onward. They all have their central squares with colonnades, houses, pastures, cultivated elds, and woodlands, and they resemble each other closely. But this did not mean that Guaman Poma had nothing new, innovative, or original to say about Peru, the Andes, the Incas, and the Spanish. Rather, the familiar themes from the ancient Mediterranean world provided him with a framework within which to write about Peru in his own utterly distinct manner. He titled his section about Peru’s cities with words that evoke Cieza’s interest in city founders: All the cities and municipalities and villages founded by the Inca kings, and later Don Francisco Pizarro and Don Diego de Almagro, captains and ambassadors of the Lord King and Emperor Don Carlos of glorious memory founded them. And some cities were founded by the most excellent lords viceroys of this kingdom.98 man: did he perhaps include in these words a reminiscence of Cicero, De legibus (On the Laws) II,2,5 numquid duas habetis patrias? an est una illa patria communis? where una illa patria communis refers to Rome. The wording was also used by the jurist Modestinus, Digest 50,1,33 Roma communis nostra patria est, cf. Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty, pp. 15, 69. Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin) facsimile, with introduction and transcription by Juan Ossio (Madrid, 2004; hereafter Historia del origen), book 4, ch. 2 about Cuzco, while containing—like the Historia general—many of the familiar topoi about climate and location, is a quite different text. 96 Muru´a, Historia general, book III, ch. 13 about Lima; chapters 30–31 about Potosi— ch. 31, p. 261 las grandezas desta villa ymperial, yllustre y famossa. Muru´a, Historia del origen, book IV, ch. 3, Lima; chapter 16, Potosi, see fol. 142v, las minas deste famoso y gran cerro, el cual es bolsa de Dios. 97 This is not counting Guaman Poma’s calendar, the very last item in his long book. 98 Guaman Poma, Primera Cro´nica, p. 996.

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City by city, the old topics emerge. Bogota´ had “a good climate; although the land is hot, there is sufcient food, wine and fruit, but little meat . . . ”; Paita “has a jurisdiction, but is small . . . it is a land of good climate, and sufcient bread, wine and meat, of much fruit, and charity towards the poor.” Riobamba was founded by Pizarro and had “sufcient food and fruit.” Unlike so many other cities, “it never rebelled, but has been a good servant of God and His Majesty.” Chuquisaca was the seat of an audiencia and is a bishopric. This said city was founded by the Incas and later by Don Francisco Pizarro . . . It is situated amidst mountains, it is hot land, where there are tigers, lions, panthers and snakes . . . From there to Santiago in Chile the journey takes two months . . . the River Maran˜o´n runs from the centre of Tucuma´n and Paraguay (near) this same city.99 In 1552, the printer Froben of Basle published an edition of an illustrated manuscript of the Notitia dignitatum, an administrative survey of the later Roman empire, along with late antique descriptions of Rome and Constantinople. The accompanying study was by the Italian jurist Alciati. Further editions of these and related texts followed, now with commentaries by the jurist Guido Panciroli.100 Guaman Poma appears to have seen a book of this kind, for several of the drawings accompanying his descriptions of cities relate only distantly if at all to the city in question, but bear some resemblance to cities and fortications depicted in the Notitia.101 In the case of Riobamba, Guaman Poma used 99

Guaman Poma, Primera Cro´nica, pp. 998, 1061, 1058, 1060. Notita utraque cum Orientis tum occidentis ultra Arcadii Honoriique Caesarum tempora, illustre vetustatis monumentum . . . praecedit autem D. Andreae Alciati libellus, De magistratibus civilibusque ac militariis ofciis, partim ex hac ipsa Notitia, partim aliunde sumptus . . . (Basileae, Froben MCLII); editions by the jurist Guido Panciroli appeared in 1602 (Venice), 1608 (Lyons), and 1623: Notitia Dignitatum utriusque imperii orientis scilicet et occidentis ultra Arcadii Honoriique tempora. Et in eam G. Panciroli I.V. Celeberrimi ac in Patavia Academia interpretis Legum primarii commentarium. (Coloniae Allobrogum, Stephanus Gamonet 1623). 101 Compare Guaman Poma, Primera Cro´nica, pp. 991, 999 (Atres and Loja) with the illustration in the Notitia for the Corrector Apuliae et Calabriae; other domed structures surrounded by walls depicted in the Notitia could also be adduced. More distantly, Guaman Poma, pp. 1019, 1021; 1063 (Zan˜a, Puerto Viejo, Misque) with Notitia for Dux Mogontiacensis. Richard Kagan, “Entre dos mundos: la ciudad en la ’Nueva Cro´nica’ de Guaman Poma de Ayala,” in Carlos Alberto Gonza´lez and Enriqueta Vila Vilar eds, Graf´as del imaginario. Representaciones culturales en Espan˜a y Ame´rica (siglos XVI–XVIII) (Mexico City 2003), pp. 378–93 at p. 384, compares Guaman Poma’s images of cities to such images in European geographical compendia of the time, and describes his viewpoint as Augustinian. 100

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23. Representation of the Italian province of Apulia with Calabria in the Notitia Dignitatum published in Cologne in 1623, one in a sequence of printings of this work. The fanciful architecture, defying norms of utility, structural integrity, and unitary perspective, is derived from a now lost late Roman manuscript.

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24. The center of Cajamarca according to Guaman Poma. An immense airy dome anked by towers overlooks the square, which is surrounded by a colonnade on all four sides. The dome rests on one side of the colonnade. Outside this enclosure of imagined structures are four ordinary houses with Andean pitched roofs. Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1011. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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a different model, but one that also echoes classical antiquity. For here, he drew a perfect chessboard street plan, reminiscent of the principles of town planning laid down by Vitruvius and Alberti. Closer to home, Francisco Pizarro had laid out Lima in this way. The resettlement towns that were organized by the Viceroy Toledo in accord with the plan suggested by Matienzo followed the same pattern.102 In his picture of Cuzco, by contrast, Guaman Poma accommodated Inca buildings that no longer existed alongside recently constructed Christian ones, all within a pattern of squares and rectangles that is formed by Cuzco’s streets and colonnades and by the river Huatanay. This pattern, although equally remote from Greco-Roman and from Inca concepts of urban space, is nonetheless imbued with both.103 When Guaman Poma wrote this part of his Cro´nica in the early seventeenth century, the historian of the Augustinian order in Peru, Antonio de la Calancha, was a young man getting his excellent education. For him, as also for Guaman Poma, Peru was no longer the land of the Incas, but a land in which exponents of cultures that differed profoundly lived together or side by side, and communicated with each other to a greater or lesser degree. That Peru was not Spain had by this time become a fact larger than the life of any individual or institution. Calancha, whose parents were Spanish, knew and welcomed this reality, and in thinking about Peru’s cities gave voice to it, using the vocabulary, not only of water, winds, and airs; woodlands; pastures and arable; domestic and public architecture, but—referring back to Ptolemy— of the stars that dominated over each place, endowing it with its own particular qualities. Chuquisaca was his beloved patria, the city where he had been born. Praising its virtues, he wrote, quoting the Greek poet Theognis and the dramatist Euripides, was an obligation imposed not just by upbringing, but, even more fundamentally, by nature.104 The cli102

See Matienzo, Gobierno, Part I, ch. 14, p. 50. Guaman Poma, Primera Cro´nica, pp. 995, 1051 (Riobamba and Cuzco respectively). Much remains to be learned about the topography of Cuzco, but see R.T. Zuidema, “The Lion in the City: Royal Symbols of Transition in Cuzco,” Journal of Latin American Lore (UCLA Latin American Center 1983), pp. 39–100; Zuidema, “Lieux sacre´s et irrigation: tradition historique, mythes et rituels au Cuzco,” Annales. E´conomies, Socie´te´s, Civilisations 5/6 (1978), pp. 1037–56); both these articles are included in his Reyes y guerreros. Ensayos de Cultura Andina (Lima 1989), pp. 306–85 and 455–87, respectively. John Howland Rowe, “What Kind of settlement was Inca Cuzco?” pp. 59–77; John Howland Rowe, “El plano mas antiguo del Cuzco. Dos parroquias de la ciudad vistas en 1643,” Histo´rica 14, 2 (Lima 1990): 367–79. 104 Calancha, Coro´nica Moralizada, book II, ch. 40, p. 1162, on Euripides, etc.; pastures, etc., p. 1163; winds, etc., p. 1170, best climate, p. 1171. On the Italian and Spanish origins ´ ngel Go´mez Moreno, “Me´rida y la ’laus urbis,’ ” in of praising one’s native city, see A his Espan˜a y la Italia de los humanistas. Primeros ecos (Madrid 1994), pp. 282–95. 103

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25. View of Riobamba according to Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 995. Of all Guaman Poma’s drawings of cities and towns, this is the only one to correspond at all closely to legislated—and to some extent to actual—urban planning of his day. Note the preaching cross to the left of the church, then and now a regular sight in Andean towns. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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mate, which was among the best in the world, produced in Chuquisaca’s residents an exalted, loyal, and magnanimous spirit that was manifest in the city’s history when, during the dark times of the civil wars, its vezinos courageously took the side of the crown.105 Lima, where Calancha lived much of his life, was a very different kind of city, the stars, signs, and planets of whose founding hour augured its varying fortunes of “prosperity and disgrace,” such as were already apparent in the life and death of its founder Francisco Pizarro and were played out once more in the life of the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela. The stars, signs, and planets also augured intelligence, irtatiousness, and charm among its inhabitants, who were “liberal and of affectionate temper, diligent in their interests, devoted to the gainful pursuit of farming and commerce, fond of talking a great deal but doing it discreetly.”106 Cuzco, the home of the Incas, was a very different kind of city: Saturn inclines its people to superstition, ceremonies and rites for the dead; Jupiter inclines them to empire, magnicence and greatness; and Mercury to wisdom and prudence, desiring gain, and engaging in commerce. All these statements of Ptolemy are born out in Cuzco and its vicinity, since it became the head of this Empire, and subjected this powerful Monarchy under its dominion.107 The Incas had chosen the site well and wisely, for its sky is benevolent, its cold and heat moderate, its surroundings, which today are divided into fteen districts under the royal sc . . . are most fertile in wheat, maize and other native and Spanish cereals. The countryside and vegetable elds are ourishing gardens adorned by diverse stands of trees, and the entire region is a delightful owering grove with waters both abundant and benecial.108 105 Calancha, Coro´nica Moralizada, book II, ch. 40, p. 1173: los ma´s se azen magna´nimos. Esto procede solamente del clima que e´ste como aze en la tierra tan excelentes creaciones de metales, los aze tambien en los a´nimos de los onbres. The city’s loyalty to the crown, see book I, ch. 18, p. 274: Chuquisaca . . . al punto que supo que los intentos de Pizarro no eran leales, . . . sino a traicio´n con deseos de corona, obedecio´ las provisiones del Virrey. . . . Gano´ Chuquisca por e´ste i otros echos el t´tulo de leal. Nearly a century after the event, it was possible to simplify the story, cf. below, chapter 7 at n. 108. 106 Calancha, Coro´nica Moralizada, book I, ch. 38, pp. 545–7 passim. See further on the stars and climate of Lima, Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla, El ancla de Santa Rosa de Lima: m´stica y pol´tica en torno a la Patrona de Ame´rica, in Jose´ Flores Araoz, Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla, Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, Pedro Guibovich Pe´rez eds., Santa Rosa de Lima y su tiempo (Lima 1995), pp. 54–211 at pp. 94–6. 107 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 2, ch. 37, p. 1122. 108 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 2, ch. 37, pp. 1122–3.

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When Pizarro’s notary wrote the document of Cuzco’s refoundation, he wrote of a conquered city: the subtext was conquest, that the Inca inhabitants would be relinquishing their houses to Spaniards. Calancha’s “fteen districts under the royal sc” told the same story, but a century later, the story had mellowed. The world of the Incas, no longer available in lived experience, had become a historical world, relevant to the present, but impossible to recover. This was the precondition of Peruvian patria. The justicatory tone of Pizarro’s act of foundation, descent from Adam and Eve, the building of community from the early days of mankind to the present in the idiom of Aristotle, was also gone. Instead, Ptolemy’s stars ruled over the ancient capital, and over Lima, and over Chuquisaca, and over all of Peru, as they had always done. The old stars ruled over a new love: the love of the Peruvian patria.109

109 See Calancha’s panegyric of Peru as a whole, Coro´nica moralizada, book I, ch. 10, pp. 148–64. He thought that Peru’s creoles, descended from parents who came from every corner of the Peninsula, and nourished by their new homeland’s benicent climate, had developed their own distinct style of public life and public display and their particular talents in music, letters, the arts and the mechanical arts, in law, Latin, philosophy, metaphysics and theology, in all of which—so Calacha liked to suppose—they outpaced their peers in Europe. Equally, the country’s Indians, blacks, and mestizos were graced by uniquely positive characteristics. See also Muru´a, Historia del origen, book IV, ch. 1, fol. 127v, praising the natural advantages of Peru. In 1806, Hipo´lito Unanu´e published his Observaciones sobre el clima de Lima y sus inuencias en los seres organizados en especial el hombre (in his Obras cient´cas y literarias, Barcelona, 1914, vol. 1), where the ancient themes of the inuence of soil, waters, airs, winds, and celestial bodies are considered in light of medical practice of the day. Love of patria remained inseparable from these topics: Aunque mi propo´sito es mantener . . . un juicio imparcial . . . no siempre podra´ la pluma sujetarse a la austera y r´gida narracio´n de los hechos y observaciones a la vista de la majestad y pompa con que la Naturaleza ha rodeado a esta gloriosa capital (Introduction, p.16). I.A.A. Thompson, Castile, Spain and the Monarchy: The Political Community from patria natural to patria nacional,“ in Richard Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, eds., Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World. Essays in Honour of John H. Elliott (Cambridge 1995), pp. 125–59 argues that feeling for the nation almost eliminated feeling for the locality in the course of the eighteenth century. If this is indeed so, the Peruvian case would seem to be different.

Five Works of Nature and Works of Free Will THE FIFTIETH and last book of Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo’s General and Natural History of the Indies is about “misfortunes and shipwrecks that happened on the seas of the Indies, islands and mainland of the ocean.”1 Oviedo himself had made the voyage to the Indies eight times.2 Now, as a very old man, his thoughts turned to the many perils he had survived, and also, once again, to his beloved Pliny,3 whose Natural History had accompanied him throughout his life and his labors as an author. Like Pliny, Oviedo felt that the only approach that could do justice to his theme was an all-inclusive one by virtue of which the author’s task was not so much to decide what to include or exclude, but rather, to decide in what order the plethora of available materials was to be presented. Although Pliny separated his Natural History from another long work which he titled “History of our times,”4 nature was for him almost unthinkable without human beings. For, as he saw matters, the “nature of things” ranging from rocks and minerals, plants and trees to the living things of earth, water, and air was fully intelligible only in light of the uses to which all this was put by human beings. This consideration regarding the content of the work went hand in hand with another regarding its order. For, since Pliny began with the uni1 Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, ed. Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 117–21, Madrid 1959; hereafter HGN), book 50, heading preceding the proemio (p. 305b), los Infortunios e naufragios acaescidos en las mares de las Indias, islas y Tierra Firme del mar Ocea´no. An earlier and shorter version of the book appeared in 1535, where this prefatory comment with its proemio appears as chapter 1. Another version is in the 1547 edition, which also contains the conquest of Peru. On Oviedo’s life and writings, see Jesu´s M. Carrillo Castillo, Naturaleza e imperio. La representacio´n del mundo natural en la Historia General y Natural de las Indias de Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo (Madrid 2004). 2 Oviedo, HGN Prologue to book I, p. 11a. 3 Earlier, Oviedo wrote in book VII, ch. 1, p. 229b, como soy amigo de la lecio´n de Plinio. 4 Pliny, Naturalis historia (hereafter NH), general preface, section 1 with 20, contrasting naturalis historia about rerum natura and temporum nostrorum historia, contemporary history. The human history that Pliny includes in the naturalis historia by contrast is for the most part history of the more distant past. Mary Beagon, Roman Nature. The Thought of Pliny the Elder (Oxford 1992).

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verse, the stars and solar system, the earth and its climate, the topics that followed logically were about the “dwelling places, nations, seas, towns, ports, mountains, rivers, distances, present and past populations” of the then known world. In short, human and natural history formed an inseparable continuum. Oviedo found the same to be the case in his own day, although the framework of his work was different. For, whereas Pliny worked his way from the universe to the earth and human beings, Oviedo’s theme was the New World, to wit the part of the earth that Pliny and the ancients had never known. He ordered his narrative spatially by geographical contiguity, going from the Caribbean to the mainland and then to South America, and temporally by following the events of the Spanish invasion and conquest in chronological order, where his own experience over the years added further temporal and spatial dimensions. The subject being the New World in its every aspect, the scope for addition and expansion was unending, and Oviedo added to the General and Natural History until almost his dying day.5 Although, therefore, Oviedo undertook a task quite distinct from Pliny’s, what the two shared was the perception of human experience and nature forming a continuously evolving interconnected fabric. Pliny’s cosmic order was pervaded by a tension. On the one hand, the universe was alive in all its “energy and majesty,”6 a divine and breathing organism: it “never began to exist nor is it ever to perish” and it was both “the work of nature, and itself constituted the very nature of things.”7 The stars in their eternal beauty, untouched by mortality, surrounded the whole, their risings and settings indicating the seasons for sowing different crops, planting and manuring trees, making tools and ploughing, but they were too distant and glorious to foretell the destinies of individuals: “heaven does not keep so close an association with us.”8 On the other hand, this living body of the universe was oriented toward humanity, or, as Pliny expressed it at the end of the section in the Natural History that was devoted to geography, “The 5

See, e.g., Oviedo, HGN, book 39, ch. 3, p. 349a, an addition to the geography of the Pacic coast of Mexico made in 1540, followed by a further addition, agora que estamos ya en el an˜o de la Natividad de Nuestro Redemptor Jesucristo de mill e quinientos e cuarenta y siete an˜os. 6 Pliny, NH 7,1,7 naturae vero rerum vis atque maiestas in omnibus momentis de caret si quis modo partes eius ac non totam conplectatur animo. 7 Pliny, NH 2,1,1–2 mundum . . . numen esse credi par est, aeternum, inmensum, neque genitum neque interiturum umquam . . . idemque rerum naturae opus et rerum ipsa natura. 8 Pliny, NH 18,207–33 on calendars, the seasons, and the timing of agricultural work; NH, 2,29 rejecting astrology: non tanta caelo societas nobiscum est.

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rst place (in the world) will rightly be assigned to humankind, for whose sake, so it seems, nature has generated everything.”9 In accord with this preeminence of human beings in the cosmic order, Nature and “Mother Earth” tutored and watched over them while they labored for food and sought shelter and comfort. It was Nature who revealed how cereal crops could be raised and harvested, how to graft fruit trees, collect honey, build houses, and much more.10 All too often, however, human beings availed themselves of these gifts in the wrong way. Take mining. Driven by avarice and luxury, humans used iron to fabricate weapons and armor,11 and dug deep into the entrails of their “holy parent” the earth, into the very world of the dead, in search of precious metals and gemstones.12 In this pursuit of power and wealth, Pliny sadly asked in a passage Oviedo quoted, “how many hands are worn down so that a single nger joint may glitter?”13 For Oviedo’s experiences in the Indies more than conrmed Pliny’s ambivalence about the drift of human endeavor, and he returned to the topic regularly. Who could fail to marvel at the navigational genius of Columbus, his insight and tenacity,14 and at the sheer distances that were being traversed across the Atlantic and back, distances that dwarved the shipping routes that criss-crossed the Mediterranean in Pliny’s and still in Oviedo’s day. In light of such comparisons, Oviedo reected on what Pliny had written about seafaring and the cultivation of ax, a topic that had already attracted the attention of Oviedo’s Italian contemporary, Polydore Vergil. Pliny regarded ax as a strange and unusual plant that could not be classied either among farm crops, or among garden produce or owers, and yet it was ubiquitous: in what department of life shall we not meet with it, or what is more marvellous than the fact that there is a plant which brings Egypt so 9 Pliny, NH 7, prologue 1, principium iure tribuetur homini, cuius causa videtur cuncta alia genuisse natura magna. 10 Earth as mother, Pliny, NH 2,154; gafting taught by the gratia of Nature, NH 17,58, cf. 99; Nature taught that seeds grow, NH 17,65, cf. 67. Oviedo picked up this theme of humans being taught by nature; see, e.g., Oviedo, HGN 7,10, p. 237a, una particular invencio´n nueva destos indios, ensen˜ados de la Natura. 11 Pliny, NH 2, 157; 33,1. 12 Pliny, NH 18,2, terra cunctorum parens . . . nostram culpam illi imputamus. Genuit venena. Sed quis invenit ea paraeter hominem? Cavere ac refugere alitibus ferisque satis est. 13 Pliny, NH 2,158. Quot manus atteruntur ut unus niteat articulus, quoted by Oviedo, HGN 47,5 p. 143a. See further, Pliny NH 2,159: Avarice leads to war and the wrong use of iron, and yet, although “we water the earth with our blood and cover her with unburied bones, when our fury is spent, the earth covers them over and hides the crimes of mortals.” Cf. Andrew Wallace Hadrill, “Pliny the Elder and Man’s Unnatural History,” Greece and Rome Second Series 37 (1990): 80–96. 14 Oviedo, HGN, book 2, ch. 4–7.

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26. How to extract gold from the soil of the island of Espan˜ola. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book VI, ch. 8, depicts the process. At the right, a man loosens the gold-bearing sediment with a hoe to place it into a perforated container. This is carried by another man to a stream, where a woman washes away the soil, which will leave behind the gold nuggets in the container. Autograph manuscript by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo. Los Angeles, Huntington Library MS 177,1.

close to Italy that Galerius prefect of Egypt reached Alexandria from the Straits of Messina in seven days and Balbillus prefect of Egypt in six, and that 15 years later in summer time the praetorian senator Valerius Marianus reached Alexandria from Pozzuoli on the ninth day with only a gentle breeze? That there is a plant that brings Cadiz from the columns of Hercules to Ostia in seven days, and hither Spain in four, the province of Narbonne in three, Africa in two?15 And how did ax accomplish all this? The answer to the riddle was that when made into cloth, and then into sails, this plant did indeed help to gather the different nations and peoples who lived around the Mediterranean Sea into the unity of the Roman empire. 15

Pliny, NH 19,1,3–4. Polydore Vergil, On Discovery, ed. and tr. Brian Copenhaver (Cambridge, Mass. 2002), book 3, ch. 6, section 1, closely following Pliny’s text, although he did not pick out ax as the key dimension, but instead cited Horace, Odes I,3 and Propertius, Elegies III,7. Among inventions of his own time, Polydore Vergil included the compass (Book 2,5,5 and very similarly Book 3,18,2), but he had nothing to say about Columbus or the European discovery of the New World. Contrast, a century later, Giovanni Botero’s thoughts about the compass; below, Epilogue at n. 27.

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Pliny could have said all this, Oviedo wrote, “much better and with more cause” if he had known of the Portuguese and Spanish navigations across much larger distances and remoter seas than the distances between Italy and Egypt, Africa and Spain. For, just as the Emperor Charles V, whom Oviedo revered, was the direct successor of Caesar Augustus, and just as the Spanish succeeded the Roman empire, so the navigations that Pliny thought about were swept up into the grander navigations of Columbus and others among Oviedo’s contemporaries. Yet, this was not a history of awless human achievement. Take the voyages of Magellan’s agship Vitoria, who sailed from the Guadalquivir westward round the world returning to Seville; then she sailed from Spain to Santo Domingo and returned again to Seville, and once more she sailed from Seville with a cargo to Santo Domingo, “and on the return voyage to Spain she was lost, and nothing more was heard of her or of anyone among those who were aboard.”16 Who or what should be taken to account for this tragic end of so noble a vessel and her crew, and for other such disasters? The question had already been asked by Pliny and others among the ancients.17 Humans, Pliny had written, not content to spend their days on dry land and at the end of life to be peacefully laid to rest in the earth, instead vied to “capture the winds and storms” in axen sails, looking for ever fresh methods of challenging death.18 Returning to Pliny’s question, Oviedo wondered whether sails and timbers were to blame for disasters like the loss of the ship Vitoria, or whether it was human agency, and concluded: Let us set aside the sails that are no more blameworthy in this case than the timbers of which hulls, masts and booms are made. And let us blame only those who could be living on land but instead navigate the sea and undergo these labours. I myself have experienced the sea in such a way that I can understand and fear its dangers much better than could Pliny who was only informed by his books and by sailors, his contemporaries, because there is a profound difference between seeing and hearing.19 16 Oviedo, HGN book 50, Prologue p. 306a. Further on the ship Victoria, HGN book 6, ch. 40. 17 Note especially Horace, Odes 1,3 about Vergil’s voyage to Greece, and Odes I,14 translated by Fray Luis de Leo´n; see Fray Luis de Leo´n, Poes´a Completa, ed. Jose´ Manuel Blecua (Madrid 1990), pp. 390–91. 18 Pliny, NH 7,209, on Daedalus and Icarus with NH 19, 6 nulla exsecratio sufcit contra inventorem dictum suo loco a nobis, cui satis non fuit hominem in terra mori nisi periret et insepultus; also NH 19, 4–5. 19 Oviedo, HGN, Prologue to book 50, p. 306b. On Oviedo, the narrator of his own rsthand experience, see Jesu´s Carrillo, “From Mt. Ventoux to Mt. Masaya: The Rise and Fall of Subjectivty in Early Modern Travel Narrative,” in Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubie´s, eds., Voyages and Visions. Towards a Cultural History of Travel (London 1999), pp. 57–73.

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Notwithstanding the difference between Pliny’s book learning and the condent knowledge of his own experience that Oviedo was so eager to share with the emperor Charles and with his readers, Oviedo cherished Pliny’s company as much if not more than that of the contemporaries in Italy, Spain, and the Americas whom he had known, painters,20 historians and humanists, conquistadors,21 missionaries and ofcials. This was because, despite all his Christian piety, his conviction that extra ecclesiam nulla salus, Oviedo’s journey of discovery into American nature and culture had been inspired and shaped by Pliny and—to a lesser degree—by other ancient authors. What for Pliny was Nature, the creative life force that animated the universe, for Oviedo was the “works of nature, or better said, of the Lord of Nature,”22 under whose sway Nature did her work in the Americas as much as in Europe.23 For Pliny, Nature was the great artist and artisan, artifex natura,24 autonomous agent and teacher of humankind, and for Oviedo, she lled these same roles under the sovereign sway of the Christian God.25 Whether, therefore, it was in Pliny’s Stoic cosmic order, or in Oviedo’s Christian one, nature’s actions and those of humans were inseparable and interdependent. This interdependence was discernible to Oviedo and his contemporaries in two further ways. First, human beings were environmentally conditioned by their patria, the place of their birth: throughout the world, people from different regions looked different, ate differently, and had different languages and customs, this being one reason why some of Oviedo’s contemporaries thought so carefully about the wise choice of sites for founding new cities,26 and 20 He mentions Leonardo da Vinci, Mantegna, and Pedro Berruguete; see Oviedo, HGN book 10, preface p.7b. 21 For example, Oviedo, HGN book 1, preface p.9b, on Pedrarias Da´vila and Balboa, whom he knew when he was veedor in 1513; HGN 6, ch. 32, ch. 43, 45, his friend Pero Mexia; HGN 23,2 p. 353b, acknowledgment to Alonso de Santa Cruz and N. de Rojas. 22 Oviedo, HGN 1, preface p.11a, obras de Natura, o mejor diciendo, del Maestro de la Natura. 23 Oviedo, HGN 9, preface pp. 277b–8a: qualquier cosa o particularidad que se diga de las cosas de Natura, es para mucho mirar e considerar en ella el poder inmenso y exclencia de Dios, de cuya voluntad proceden todas las cosas criadas, e la forma e la diferencia de las unas a las otras, e la compusicio´n e hermosura e efetos tan apartados e distintos unos de otros. 24 Pliny, NH 2,166. 25 Oviedo, HGN 1, preface, p. 8a, Cua´l ingenio mortal sabra´ comprehender . . . tanta multitud inarrable de a´rboles, copiosos de diversos ge´neros de frutas, y otros este´riles, as´ de aquellos que los indios cultivan, como de los que la Natura, de su propio ocio, produce sin ayuda de manos mortales? Cuantas plantas y hierbas u´tiles y provechosas al hombre? 26 Cf. above, chapter 4, at notes 32ff.; on the Romans and Italy, see Vitruvius, De Architectura 6,1,11 and above, chapter 4 at n. 54. On Lima and Cuzco in the seventeenth cen-

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why in his day, Pliny had praised his own native Italy for the unique qualities of its climate and people.27 Second, nature itself had been and was being shaped and crafted by human labor, culture, and language. In the survey of materials that he collected for the “sweet and pleasing General and Natural History of the Indies,” Oviedo thus shifted without any sense of incongruity from nature to humans and back again. The work comprised: so great a variety of languages, usages and customs among the people of these Indies, so great a variety of animals both domestic and wild and untamed; such an uncountable multitude of trees abundant with different kinds of fruit, and other sterile ones, trees that the Indians cultivate, as well as those that Nature in pursuit of her craft raises without the help of human hands; how many plants and herbs useful and benecial to human beings; and how many other innumerable kinds not known to human beings, with so many different varieties of roses and owers and scented fragrances— The array continues with birds, elds and mountains, volcanoes, lakes, rivers and sh, and with inanimate nature including bitumen, pearls, and metals—the point being that none of these were discussed in themselves, but always, in the manner of Pliny, in relation to human activity.28 At the heart of Italian farming as viewed by Pliny lay the cultivation of cereals,29 the most important among them being the different varieties of triticum, wheat, which throve not only in Italy, but throughout the Mediterranean region: “no crop is more prolic than wheat, this being a quality granted it by Nature, who has been feeding humanity primarily with this grain.”30 Little had changed in Oviedo’s own Spain, where wheat cultivation remained central to the agricultural enterprise.31 Similarly, in the New World, despite much agricultural diversity, certain crops were indispensible for collective survival. Oviedo tury, see Calancha, Coronica moralizada 1, ch. 38, pp. 545–7; 2, ch. 37, pp. 1122–3. On Cuzco’s propensity for war, see Cieza, Quito, ch. 178, fol. 318v. 27 Pliny, NH 37,201; after Italy, in Pliny’s estimation, came Spain, ibid. 203. 28 Oviedo, HGN book 1, preface, p. 8ab. Oviedo’s interest in the ubiquitous interdependence of nature and culture led him to perceive the Americas as ultimately knowable and familiar rather than as “other.” Not everyone shared this vantage point. See Jonathan Z. Smith, “What A Difference a Difference Makes,” in his Relating Religion. Essays in the Study of Religion (Chicago 2004), pp. 251–302. 29 Pliny, NH 18,15–21, 35; on the different kinds of grains, NH 18,45–102. 30 Pliny, NH 18,94 tritico nihil est fertilius, hoc ei natura tribuit, quoniam eo maxime alebat hominem. On triticum, see further above chapter 3, n. 42. 31 See Gabriel Alonso de Herrera, Obra de Agricultura, ed. Jose´ Urbano Mart´nez Carreras, Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 235, Madrid 1970, 1,6–14; this work was one of the most popular agricultural treatises of the period.

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identied these as yuca and maize, referring to them by these their Taino names,32 and described their cultivation and processing amidst frequent comparisons between American and European agricultural practices both ancient and contemporary. In the Americas as in Europe, the work of raising a crop began with burning the stubble, which had been recommended by Vergil in the Georgics. In the manner of didactic poets, he gave various reasons for the practice, suggesting that the ames would nourish or purify the soil, or would dry it of excess moisture; or else the burnt soil would breathe better, admitting humidity for the plants; or nally, burnt soil would better protect the plants from excess sun and wind. The Castilian agricultural writer Gabriel Alonso de Herrera, whom Oviedo also consulted, by contrast thought more pragmatically that burning the stubble fertilized the soil with carbonized roots.33 Skipping all these theories, Oviedo observed, as Pliny had also done, that Nature was the great teacher of untutored humanity: although the Indians do not know about such precepts, Nature teaches them what has to be accomplished, and also the need for clearing the soil of trees and shrubs and other plants that it produces spontaneously.34 Once the soil was ready, the maize seeds were placed into holes made with a digging stick and were then covered up lest the birds eat them, just as Pliny had recommended for European food crops.35 Watering came next, followed by weeding, until the young maize plants were tall enough “to rule over the weeds.” When grains began to form on the cobs, birds were again a menace: in the Caribbean as in Spain, the job of chasing them away was given to little boys. Maize could be eaten toasted, or as a kind of bread made from our. “Another kind of bread that the Indians make” was cazabi, derived from the yuca plant. Growing the plants which, Oviedo thought, looked like “fat carrots or very fat turnips from Galicia”36 was straightforward, but not so producing the “very good bread.” Oviedo watched the process attentively: the roots had to be peeled, grated, and left to stand for the juice 32 J. Corominas, Diccionario Cr´tico Etimolo´gico de la Lengua Castellana (Madrid, n.d.), s.v. maiz; yuca. 33 Vergil, Georgics 1,84–93 with R.A.B. Mynors ed., Vergil, Georgics (Oxford 1990); de Herrera, Obra de Agricultura book 1, ch. 5, p. 17b. 34 Oviedo, HGN 7, ch. 1, p. 227a. 35 Pliny, NH 18, 197. 36 Oviedo, HGN 7,2, p. 231a, the fat carrots. For boys chasing away birds from crops in Peru, see Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1137; with picture, p. 1138.

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to separate. Then the residue was heated in a pan called bure´n in order nally to be made into tortillas. Beyond maize and yuca, Oviedo wrote about the appearance, methods of cultivation, and uses of dozens more trees, herbs, tubers, nuts and fruits, potatoes, peppers, peanuts, and pineapples, all with their indigenous names. Some plants and trees deed description, like the cactus that grew to the size of a small tree and that the Spanish dubbed the “welding tree” because its limbs were successfully used to heal fractures in humans. “But I do not know,” wrote Oviedo, if I can convey an understanding of it in the way I would like, because of the dissimilarity in appearance that it has from all other trees. This is so great that I cannot determine if it is a tree or a freak among trees, but I will as best I can say what I have understood about it, appealing to whoever might depict or explain it better, because it is more suited to be seen painted by the hand of Berruguete or another excellent painter like him.37 On the island of Espan˜ola, Oviedo saw another admirable plant that was not easy to describe for those who had not seen it, the agave. To help the reader picture agaves, he compared their limbs to the leaves of irises or thistles. “They are very green and imitate irises, and they have some thorns, in regard to which they resemble thistles.” But the limbs of the agave were “wider and thicker,” and the island’s inhabintants extracted a very useful ber from them. First, the agave plants were soaked in water for some days and were then dried in the sun, after which it was possible to remove the thorns, leaving “a very white and very ne bre” that could be twined into string. Another plant that yielded ber for string was the maguey: its leaves grew near the ground from a stem “in the same way as a lettuce grows,” and above the leaves the stem extended to the height of a person and produced a yellow ower “like asphodel in Spain.”38 The cord and string that these plants yielded in turn was the raw material used to make hammocks. Whether tied between trees or inside a house, Oviedo found hammocks to be a most serviceable alternative to beds. They were clean and transportable, and reclining in a hammock the sleeper was protected from the humidity and cold of the ground that brought disease and death to so many people in Europe.39 37

Oviedo, HGN 10, preface. The cactus is described in book 10, ch. 1. Oviedo, HGN book 7, ch. 10, p. 237a, the agave plant; ch. 11, p. 238, the maguey. 39 Oviedo, HGN book 5, ch. 3, pp. 119b–120a. Jesu´s Carillo, “Taming the Visible: Word and Image in Oviedo’s Historia General y Natural de las Indias,” Viator. Medieval and Renaissance Studies 31 (2000): 399–431, at pp. 402f. 38

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27. The maguey plant. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book 7, chapter 11. Los Angeles, Huntington Library MS 177,1.

Throughout, Oviedo compared and contrasted his labor to that of Pliny, suggesting that often, his own work outpaced that of his revered predecessor. For where Pliny had worked from books by earlier authors, Oviedo—as he liked to point out—gathered his information during his travels and from personal observation, seeking in his writing to “lend authority to new things, brilliance to those that depart from what is usual, light to what is obscure, grace to what causes offence, and credibility to what challenges belief.”40 This program also describes the nature of his approach to indigenous peoples, where likewise Pliny and other ancient authors provided guidance. Take the custom of tatooing, not appreciated as a civilized habit by the Spanish but widely practiced in the Caribbean and on the Venezuelan mainland, for instance among the Giriguana Indians on the Gulf of Coro: the women paint their breasts and arms with charming, graceful designs in black that are indelible and never removed, because they are made with blood they take from their bodies. But why should we blame these barbarous and uncultivated people for their painting and rituals, when we look at other nations in the world who are now pros40

Oviedo, HGN preface to book 1, pp. 10b–11a.

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28. A hammock suspended between palm trees. Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Svmmario de la natvrale et general historia de l’Indie Occidentali (Venice 1534). The Venetian printer had at his disposal a drawing by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo himself, or a copy, because an image very similar to this Venetian one appears in the autograph manuscript of the Historia General y Natural. Ann Arbor, Clements Library.

perous and live as members of the Christian republic, like the ancient English, about whom Julius Caesar writes in his Commentaries?41 Acknowledging the ancient Britons to be formidable enemies, Caesar had noted that the dark blue body paint they were using made them seem yet more so. Oviedo likewise thought that often the Indians were not as uncultivated as might appear, given their skill in the art of war. For example, the Haraacan˜as, who inicted a reverse on the German adventurer Ambrose Alnger: 41 Oviedo, HGN book 25, ch. 1, p. 10a, about the Giriguanas in the Gulf of Coro, Venezuela. See also HGN book 25, ch. 2, p. 13a about nudity and tattooing among the Zondaguas. The passage from Caesar that Oviedo had in mind is Gallic War V,14. On Oviedo’s discussion of indigenous peoples and its impact on debates of the time, especially on

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This rustic and uncultivated nation, even though they have never heard of those caltrops (to impede cavalry) or iron spikes about which Vegetius writes, it yet seems to me that they are not entirely ignorant of strategems and deceptions pertaining to the military discipline.42 In the mountains of Mene, the Corbagos lived in scattered villages raising maize, beans which they called icaraota, and root crops. They fought with bows and arrows, lances and slings, and were formidable enemies, displaying the heads of their dead adversaries on their houses. Oviedo found the custom unattractive but added laconically that “in our Spain, huntsmen are in the habit of placing over their doors the heads and skins of wild boars, bears and other animals.”43 In effect, no people or nation held a monopoly on outlandish behaviors. Take the examples of excessive devotion that were listed by the Roman moralist Valerius Maximus, according to whom Queen Artemisia, not satised with building her husband’s mausoleum, ordered his bones to be powderized and sprinkled into a drink for her to consume. She was, however, not alone, for the Caquitos Indians of Venezuela dried the corpses of their deceased lords over a slow re, extracted the bones, and ground them into a drink called mazato, which they consumed by way of paying their last respects.44 Delighting in all he could learn about American nature and human nature in the Caribbean, Venezuela, and Tierra Firme, Oviedo also collected whatever information he could from regions that he did not know personally, including some particulars about the ora of Peru.45 He appears not to have met Cieza, but Cieza read and much admired one of the partial editions of Oviedo’s magnum opus.46 Like Oviedo, Cieza thought about American nature and humanity in conjunction, but where Oviedo, in the footsteps of Pliny, described the entire sweep of American nature and culture, aiming to cover the whole continent, Cieza reected on the interaction between humans and the plants, Sepu´lveda and Las Casas, see David A. Lupher, Romans in a New World. Classical Models in Sixteenth Century Spanish America (Ann Arbor 2003), 237ff.; on Pliny, see pp. 27–30. 42 ¨ nnerfors (Leipzig 1995), book II, 25, Habet Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris, ed. Alf O ferreos harpagonas, quos lupos vocant, et falces ferreas conxas longissimis contis. Oviedo, HGN book 25, ch. 2, p. 11a. 43 Oviedo, HGN book 25, ch. 4, p. 18b. 44 Oviedo, HGN book 25, ch. 9, p. 32a; he cites Pliny and Strabo, but the episode about the bones is in Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, 4,6 ext.1. This way of confronting the death of loved ones continued until recently; see Beth A. Conklin, Consuming Grief. Compassionate Cannibalism in an Amazonian Society (Austin 2001). 45 Oviedo, HGN 9, ch. 30–31. 46 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 2; ch. 12, fol. 13; cf. Primera Parte, ch. 53, fol. 77.

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birds, and animals of the Andes in light of his enduring preoccupation with Inca and Andean particularities. Where thus Oviedo was especially interested in maize and yuca because their use corresponded to that of Pliny’s wheat and other cereals, Cieza, while realizing how crucial maize was in the Andean food economy, thought about Andean plants and animals independently of any European point of reference.47 Take llamas, the “sheep of the land.” “These sheep,” Cieza wrote: are among the excellent animals that God created, and among the most useful. It seems that the divine majesty took care to create this kind of livestock in these parts so that people could live and support themselves. For these Indians, those of the Peruvian highlands, could in no way survive if they were not able to draw from this livestock . . . the benet they do.48 Here as so often, Cieza admired the wise governance of the Incas, who had prohibited killing female camelids for food. As a result, the animals prospered and multiplied: “The primary reason why this was mandated was so that there should be enough wool to make clothing, for truly, in many parts if there were none of these herds, I do not know how people would protect themselves from the cold, lacking as they would the wool to make clothes.”49 Cotton provided ber for clothing on the coast but did not grow in the highlands, where llamas, apart from yielding wool, carried burdens. “In truth, in the land of Collao it is a great pleasure to see the Indians set out with these sheep carrying their ploughs: and at night to watch them return to their houses carrying rewood.”50 Apart from llamas, the other camelids, guanacos, pacos, and vicun˜as also gave excellent wool, and lived for free on the God-given grass of the elds. Not to mention the multitude of Andean fruits, roots and herbs, the molle tree was another most especial bounty that God had created for human use: its rind boiled in water relieved 47 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 96 on coca; see also on the coca trade at Potos´, ch. 90, fol. 134, una hilera de cestos de Coca; Primera Parte, ch. 54, fol. 80 on the medicinal herb c¸arc¸apilla from an island near Puna´. Note as well the description of irrigation agriculture in the Peruvian coastal desert, Primera Parte ch. 66. 48 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 111, fol. 134v. 49 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 16, fol. 20v. He is discussing both domesticated and wild camelids. 50 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 111, fol. 135: Verdaderamente en la tierra del Collao es gran plazer, ver salir los Indios con sus arados en estos carneros: y a la tarde verlos bolver a sus casas cargados de len˜a. One could also translate, “the Indians with their ploughs (riding) on these sheep . . . ”—in any case, the plough in question was the taclla, footplough depicted by Guaman Poma, e.g., p. 250.

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pain in the legs, its twigs were useful for cleaning teeth and the fruit made an agreeable beverage.51 On the basis of these and other gifts of God and nature, the Incas had built a civilization. “Formerly, the Indians were not so well governed and did not enjoy the same public order as in Inca times and the present. For we have seen objects so perfectly made by their hand that all who see them are lost in admiration.” Cieza loved watching metalworkers using their simple Andean tools making vessels and candleholders that Spanish craftsmen “with all their equipment and instruments” could not rival. Even more remarkable was Inca cloth: dyes of crimson, blue, yellow, and black; adornments of gold, silver, emeralds, and other precious stones that were worked into the cloth—nothing like it existed in Spain.52 Cieza compared the Southern Andean highland with the environment of Quito and lands to the north. In and around Quito, the temperatures were mild, the land fertile. In Cieza’s opinion, the people were idle and lazy. “Above all, they hate providing service and being subordinate,” and they obeyed their lords only during war time, if then. Thus, when the Spanish afict them, they burn the houses where they dwell which are of wood and straw, and go a league from there, or two, or however far they want, and in three or four days they build a house and in as many they sow the amount of maize they want, and harvest it within four months. And if there also they are persecuted, they give up the place and move on, or return, and wherever they go or are, they nd sustenance, and fertile land suited and ready to yield a harvest. This is why they provide service when they want, war and peace are in their hands, and they never lack for food.53 Contrast the Southern Andean highland, home to the Incas. Some of it was covered in snow, and people lived in valleys where crops were raised with water from rivers and irrigation canals, and the land looked green and cheerful, full of shrubs and fruit trees. But outside the narrow compass of those valleys, people would not be able to survive. This is why the inhabitants could be so easily conquered, and why they remain subject without rebelling. For if they did rebel, they would all perish from hunger 51 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 112, about the molle tree. The coastal region, lacking rainfall, produced other challenges. For here, the construction and maintenance of irrigation canals made it possible to raise crops and to store surpluses where otherwise no useful plants would grow; see Primera Parte, ch. 114, fol. 137v. Further, see Primera Parte, ch. 66– 67; also ch. 94 mentioning Inca storehouses. 52 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 114, fol. 137. 53 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 13, fol. 26. Cf. below, chapter 6 at notes 20–25.

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29. The valley of Cuzco.

and cold. For as I say, apart from the land on which they are settled, the rest is wilderness, full of glaciers and very high and amazing mountains.54 Seen in this light, the Inca achievement was the product of soil and climate: the land called for wise governance, for coordinating labor and networks of authority over space and time not just for the sake of warfare and conquest, but also to plan and construct the irrigation canals, roads, and storehouses for foods and other commodities that so much impressed Cieza and other Spaniards. For it was precisely such an infrastructure of continuous prosperity and stable government that they found to be lacking in Europe, where many people’s lives were punctuated by the unpredictable rhythms of feast and famine.55 Oviedo, Cieza and other historians of the Indies56 did not labor in isolation. For during the very years when, guided by Pliny and other 54

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 36, fol. 54–54v. Michael R. Weisser, The Peasants of the Montes. The Roots of Rural Rebellion in Spain (Chicago 1976); James Casey, Early Modern Spain. A Social History (London 1999), chapters 1–3. 56 Among them, one should note Girolamo Benzoni, who had many harsh things to say about the Spanish, and who in this sense is reminiscent of Las Casas. Also, he did not perceive the virtues of American nature and humanity in the way that Cieza and Oviedo did. Note, e.g., Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Traduccio´n y 55

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ancient authors, and by the natural and human world that came to their attention, they were writing their histories, the Crown and the Council of the Indies were also making efforts to collect and organize information. As time went on, these efforts became more deliberate. The earliest formal inquiry about the “qualities and things” of the Indies was directed in March 1530 to the audiencia of Santo Domingo, where Oviedo was a vecino at the time,57 inquiring about the villages, fortresses, churches, and houses, about the indigenous, Spanish, and African people who were to be found on the island, and about the income that the crown might expect from them. Although subsequent questionnaires were innitely more elaborate, Diego de Encinas appears to have noticed the signicance of this rst attempt and therefore included it in his Cedulario Indiano, the labor of many years, that was nally published in 1596.58 Some of those subsequent inquiries, which were intended to supply information for an authoritative natural and moral history of the Indies,59 were deeply tinged by the Roman and classical preoccupations that lled the thoughts of Philip II’s ministers during the 1560s and 1570s.60 Requests for information became ever Notas de Marisa Vannini de Gerulewicz. Estudio Preliminar de Leo´n Croizat (Santo Domingo 1992), Book III, pp. 263–4, claiming that European crops would never thrive in the Americas because, citing the example of wine, God only wanted to give the Indians what was necessary, not more. This translation is of the work’s second Italian edition, Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo Nuovo (Venetia 1572); the passage referred to is at pp. 170–71. 57 See Juan Pe´rez de Tudela Bueso in his introduction to Oviedo’s Historia General y Natural (Bibilioteca de autores espan˜oles vol. 116), p. cxvi f. and note 364. By late 1530, Oviedo was in Castile. 58 Encinas, Cedulario Indiano, vol. 1, p. 343; Francisco de Solano, Cuestionarios para la formacio´n, de las relaciones geogra´cas de Indias. Siglos XVI/XIX (Madrid 1988), p. 3. Jesu´s Bustamante, El conocimiento como necesidad de estado: las encuestas ociales sobre nueva Espan˜a durante el reinado de Carlos V, Revista de Indias vol. 60, no. 218 (2000), pp. 33–55. On Encinas and his efforts, see Alfonso Garc´a-Gallo, Cedulario de Encinas. Estudio e ´ndices (Madrid1990), pp. 33–58. This volume contains, inter alia, a chronological listing of the items included in the Cedulario. By the time Encinas was working on the Cedulario, the Relaciones de los pueblos de Espan˜a had been compiled by order of Philip II, where questionnaires were also used; see, e.g., for Toledo, Carmelo Vin˜as and Ramo´n Paz, Relaciones de los pueblos de Espan˜a ordenadas por Felipe II. Reino de Toledo (Madrid 1951), pp. 9–23 for the questionnaires. The initial one of these was by Juan Paez de Castro; for a version of it, see Juan Paez de Castro, Interrogatorio para formar la historia civil, eclesiastica y natural de un pais, Escorial MS & III 10. 59 The explicit juxtaposition of historia natural and moral appears in the Ordenanza of 1573, Solano, Cuestionarios p. 22 section 17, la historia Natural perpetua de cada regio´n y provincia y de cada lugar . . . ; section 18, la Historia Moral contingente y variable, especialmente los descubrimientos y conquistas de cada provincia. Cf. below, n. 62. 60 See Victoria Pineda, “La reto´rica epid´ctica de Menandro y los cuestionarios para las Relaciones Geogra´cas de Indias,” in Rhetorica. A Journal of the History of Rhetoric 18, 2 (2000): 147–73.

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more detailed, until in 1573, an ordenanza of 135 clauses was assembled which covered every conceivable aspect of life for the purpose of compiling an authoritative history of the Americas.61 Here, for the rst time, the environment, “which has perpetuity and does not undergo variation, or very rarely,” and human action where allowance had to be made for change, were explicitly distinguished and juxtaposed as natural and moral history,62 as two distinct but interdependent elds of inquiry about human beings and their environment. Also, the term historia moral highlighted the dimension of individual responsibility and accountability in human action in a way that Pliny had not done, but that began surfacing in Oviedo and much more so in Cieza. The ordenanza resulted in the collection of much material, although not as much as had been asked for. It also evoked a more deliberate response.63 This was the Natural and Moral History of the Indies, consisting of four books of natural, and three of moral history, that Jose´ de Acosta published in Seville in 1590.64 The enterprise, Acosta felt, was new: Although the New World is by now not new but old, since much has been said and written about it, nonetheless I think that this History can in some respect be considered new because it is history together with philosophy, and because it is not only about the works of nature but also about those of free will, which are the doings and customs of human beings. Hence, I thought of giving the book the title Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, embracing both themes in the single phrase.65 61 ´ lvarez Pela´ez, “Felipe II, la ciencia y Solano, Cuestionarios, pp. 16–74. Cf. Raquel A el nuevo mundo,” Revista de Indias 59, 215 (1999): 9–30. 62 Solano, Cuestionarios pp. 40–42, questions 81–83 about natural and moral history. Question 81, concerning las cosas naturales que en las Indias se hallan que tienen perpetuidad y no reciben variacio´n o muy raras veces; question 83, para acertar a hacer mejor sus ocios los que gobiernan que es el n para que mandamos hacer estas descripciones, aprovecha mucho tener sabidas y entendidas las cosas morales, usos y costumbres y sucesos que ha habido y hay y por tiempo hubiere. The question goes on to instruct respondents to leave room for additions, para que ellos y sus sucesores los vayan an˜adiendo. 63 It is tempting to think that Acosta knew the Ordenanza of 1573, although I cannot prove it. 64 Jose´ Acosta, Historia Natural y moral de las Indias, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (Mexico City 1962; hereafter HNM). The rst two books, dealing with the cosmos, the Indies, and theories about how they were originally populated, were written in Peru and rst published in Latin. The Historia Natural and Moral, published in 1590, begins with a translation into Spanish of these two books, and adds two more books of natural and three of moral history. Ferm´n del Pino Diaz, “Culturas cla´sicas y americanas en la obra del Padre Acosta,” in America y la Espan˜a del Siglo XVI vol. I (Madrid 1982): 327–62. 65 Acosta, HNM, proemio al lector.

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The work’s twofold theme emerged all the more powerfully because of its systematic structure. Beginning with the order of the universe, Acosta showed that the theories of Aristotle, Pliny, and other ancient and patristic writers about the “torrid” zone which they thought to be uninhabitable, and about the antipodes, were wrong, proved so by daily experience. But elsewhere, Acosta found the ancient way of viewing the material world to be still valid. For next, in accord with Pliny’s ordering of matter by reference to four essences or “simple elements,” he described human interaction with the simple elements of air, water, earth, and re.66 As as for all the rest of the material world, consisting of composite elements, he grouped these into three overarching categories of metals, plants, and animals.67 Finally came “the works of free will” in the form of an account of Inca and Aztec religion and government.68 66 Pliny NH II,10 listing re, air, water, earth, which are then discussed in the remainder of the book. But Acosta’s sequence is air, water, earth, re; he almost omitted re altogether since he did not think that its qualities in the Americas differed from those it had in Europe (HNM 3,2, p. 88), but cf. below at n. 69. This way of ordering matter was derived, via Aristotle, from Empedocles; see S. Sambursky, The Physical World of the Greeks (London, Routledge 1963), pp. 16–25; G.E.R. Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom. Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (Berkeley 1987), pp. 191–7; 226– 30; W.P.D. Wightman, Science and the Renaissance, vol. 1 (Edinburgh 1962), pp. 165ff. Like others before him, Acosta was hard put to dene the simple elements, except by their effects. Regarding the winds (aspects of air), he wrote (HNM 3,2, pp. 90–91): Ba´stanos conocer sus operaciones y efectos, que en su grandeza y pureza se nos descubren bastantemente; y tambien bastara´ haber losofado esto poco de los vientos en general y de las causas de sus diferencias, y propriedades y operaciones, que en suma las hemos reducido a tres; es a saber: a los lugares por do pasan, a las regiones de donde soplan, y a la virtud celeste, movedora y causadora del viento. 67 For simple and composite elements according to Francisco de Toledo S.J., professor at the College Romano, see William A. Wallace, “Traditional Natural Philosophy,” in Charles B. Schmitt and Quentin Skinner, eds., The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy (Cambridge 1988), pp. 201–35 at p. 211, citing Toledo’s Commentaria una cum quaestionibus in VIII libros De Physica auscultatione (Cologne 1574). Another underlying distinction is between inanimate objects, plants and animals (cf. Aristotle, On the Soul 2, 2–5 (413a11–416b32). Distinguishing the inanimate from the animate proved far from straightforward; cf. the work of Acosta’s fellow Jesuit and late contemporary, Francisco Suarez, De anima. Tomo 1. Texto ine´dito de los doce primeros capitulos. Edicio´n bilingu¨e. Facs´mil de la segunda versio´n suareciana (Lyon 1621), ed. Salvador Castellote (Madrid 1978), Disputatio secunda with Quaestio I (pp. 134–51). Cf. below, n. 88. 68 O’Gorman’s study of the Historia Natural y Moral remains unsurpassed; see Edmundo O’Gorman, Cuatro Historiadores de Indias (Mexico City 1972), pp. 165–248. Walter Mignolo has a different judgment of Acosta’s work; see Jose´ de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies. Edited by Jane E. Managan, with an Introduction by Walter D. Mignolo. Translated by Frances M. Lo´pez-Morillas (Durham 2002), p. xxvii: “The reader of Acosta’s fascinating Historia should keep in mind what is constantly absent and silenced in the narrative, that is, Amerindians’ descriptions and conceptualizations of everything Acosta writes about without acknowledging Amerindians’ knowledge of them.” For a

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Did winds and airs in the New World differ from those of Europe? Acosta found reasons to believe that often they did and gave an example from his own experience. Ascending the famed Andean holy mountain Pariacaca, Acosta suffered terribly from altitude sickness and—so he thought—nearly died from the pain, the feeling of weakness, and from vomiting blood. “Some people, they told me, ended their lives with this experience, and I myself saw someone who threw himself on the ground screaming from the raging pain that the crossing of Pariacaca had given him.” All this led Acosta to ponder the different quality of air “that there is in the highest parts of the earth.” Certainly, he had experienced nothing of the kind in Europe. But in the high Andes, I think that the element of air is so thin and delicate that it does not lend itself to human breathing, which needs thicker and warmer air. This I believe is the reason why the stomach turns so vehemently and the human frame breaks down altogether.69 Another of Acosta’s scientic reections was occasioned by volcanoes, which he classied as manifestations of the element earth. Speculating that volcanoes somehow “attract dry and hot exhalations (of the earth), converting them into re and smoke,” he recalled how Pliny had died ascending Mount Vesuvius so as to understand why it was erupting, and ended up “learning the cause in the other world.”70 More frequently, however, Acosta described how indigenous people interacted with the elements. Like before him the Italian traveler Girolamo Benzoni, he noted the way in which some Indians lit res “by rubbing two pieces of wood against each other, and their way of cooking in gourds by dropping red hot stones into them.”71 When discussing hot springs, he mentioned the “baths of the Inca,” where boiling hot and ice cold water were channeled to ow side by side and then to mingle.72 Indigenous methods of crossing streams also attracted his attention: In some parts they have a big rope crossing from one bank to the other, and on it a container or basket in which he who is to cross discussion of issues, see Osvaldo F. Pardo, “Centers and Margins Revisited: New Literary and Historical Perspectives on Early Spanish and French America,” Colonial Latin American Review 13,2 (2004): 289–94. 69 Acosta, HNM 3,9, p. 105. 70 Acosta, HNM 3, 25, p. 135. On the death of Pliny the Elder, the author of the Natural History, see Pliny the Younger, Letters 6,16 addressed to the historian Tacitus. 71 Acosta, HNM 3,2, p. 88; this method of making re was also noted by Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, Venice 1565, Book II, p. 102 (Benzoni, La historia del nuevo mundo, tr. Marisa Vannini de Gerulewicz, Santo Domingo 1992, Book II, p. 168). 72 Acosta, HNM 3,17, p. 121.

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30. On his travels, Girolamo Benzoni observed that “they make re with two pieces of wood, which is commonly done in all the Indies. Even when there is much wax, they do not know how to use it for anything, and they make light for themselves with sticks of pine from the forest.” Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice 1565), fol. 102r. Ann Arbor, Clements Library.

accommodates himself, and from the shore they pull on the rope and so he crosses in his basket. Elsewhere, the Indian goes like a horseman on a reed raft, taking him who is to cross behind him, and rowing with a paddle, he makes the crossing. Elsewhere, a raft of gourds was used, or a wooden platform that was pushed by swimmers.73 All these methods, Acosta concluded, “seem weak 73

Acosta, HNM 3,18, p. 123.

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and fragile but in fact are very safe.” While living in Lima, he sought respite from the anxieties of ofce by watching Andean people sh: I truly found it to be a wonderful recreation to watch them sh in the port of Callao in Lima, because they were many, and each one was lord in his small craft, proudly severing the waves of the sea, which is stormy where they sh. They looked like Tritons or Neptunes on the water, just as in a painting. Reaching dry ground they carry their boat on their back and take it apart, spreading the reeds on the beach to dry.74 Some years earlier, Girolamo Benzoni had admired the skill of the shermen whom he saw sailing on ocean-going rafts near Puerto Viejo. “When there is no wind,” he observed, “in order to continue sailing, they throw bread, fruit and other things into the water by way of sacrice, asking that it generate a good wind because they are tired and cannot row.”75 In 1578, Acosta spent some time in Potos´. Times had changed during the twenty-eight years since Cieza was there. Cieza had loved the prosperity of the place, the busy market with its rows of baskets holding coca leaf, its stacks of different kinds of shawls and tunics, its piles of maize, dried potatoes, and other foodstuffs.76 What most impressed Acosta, by contrast, was the hard lives of the Andean miners. Day by day they descended into the mountain, into the cold, “thick air that is alien to human nature,” climbing down rope ladders with wooden rungs that were suspended into the mineshaft, and their labor by candle light and in rotating shifts continued unceasingly day and night.77 Where in the earlier sixteenth century, seafaring had epitomized human enterprise in its positive, and also in its negative sense, by century’s end it was mining that spelled out this contradiction, generating a large literature of “opinions,” pareceres, evaluating the pros and cons of forcing Andean men to work in the mines.78 On the one hand, the silver of Potos´ that paid for the defense and preservation of the Spanish Monarchy appeared to be a gift of divine providence to the Kings of Spain—as Acosta put it: 74

Acosta, HNM 3,15, p. 117. Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, Book III, p. 163v (La historia del nuevo mundo Book III, p. 256). 76 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 90, fol. 134. 77 Acosta, HNM 4,8, p. 156. 78 Luis Capoche, Relacio´n general del asiento y Villa Imperial de Potos´ y de las cosas ma´s importantes a su gobierno, dirigida al Excmo. Sr. Don Hernando de Torres y Portugal, conde del Villar y virrey del Peru´, ed. Lewis Hanke (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 122, Madrid 1959), pp. 5–221; cf. below, chapter 7, n. 109. 75

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31. Of the Indians near Puerto Viejo, Benzoni wrote: “Those who live near the coast are excellent shermen. They build crafts that they use both for shing and for voyages. These are like rafts, with three, ve, seven, nine and as many as eleven quite slender timbers, joined together in the form of a hand, with the longest one at the centre. They make them larger and smaller, with sails corresponding to their width and length.” Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice 1565), fol. 163v. Ann Arbor, Clements Library.

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Since the Lord of the heavens who bestows kingdoms on whom, and as he wishes, and equally takes them away, has ordained it thus, we must humbly beg him that he deign to favour the pious zeal of the Catholic king, granting him prosperous outcomes and victory against the enemies of his holy faith, since it is in this cause that he expends the treasure of the Indies.79 On the other hand, the terrible working conditions in the mines of Potos´ made for numerous resounding denunciations of human greed.80 Acosta adduced Roman precedents. Mining in Potosi was work such as the Romans in their day, as Pliny had written, distributed among provincials in order to preserve the population of Italy. The Spanish were now doing the same, preferring to exploit the silver mines of Potos´, rather than those of Spain.81 When thus Pliny described the labor of Roman miners, wielding their iron pick axes in the dark and transporting the ore to the surface on their backs, it seemed that Pliny, “although he speaks as the historian of those times, is rather the prophet of what happens now.”82 As Boethius had written: Alas the man who rst uncovered the weight of hidden gold with gem stones buried at its side, those costly perils.83 In Pliny’s footsteps, Acosta described metals almost as though they were living things like plants, the veins of silver growing inside the earth, mercury embracing gold in friendship,84 and emeralds being born from rocks.85 These processes replicated in miniature the primal relationship between earth and water, their “thousand embraces.” In some places water combats the earth furiously as an enemy, elsewhere it gently embraces her. There are places where the sea enters 79

Acosta, HNM 4,7, p. 154. Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “Conciencia y pra´ctica social: pobreza y vagancia en Espan˜a y el temprano Peru´ colonial,” Revista Andina 35 (Cuzco 2002): 69–99. 81 Acosta, HNM 4,8, p. 155, no cuesta poco trabajo, ni aun es de poco riesgo. 82 Acosta, HNM 4,8, p. 157, aunque habla como historiador de entonces, ma´s parece profeta de agora. 83 Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae 2, verse 5, 27: 80

heu primus quis fuit ille auri que pondera tecti gemmasque latere volentes pretiosa pericula fodit? 84 85

Acosta, HNM 4,10, p. 159. Acosta, HNM 4,14, p. 167.

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far into the earth, as though to visit her; and other places where the earth likes to throw out to sea some promontories to reach its innermost parts. In some places, one element ends and the other begins very gradually, one yielding to the other; elsewhere both of them at the point of joining are in full possession of their profound immensity.86 Similarly, in a passage that Acosta perhaps had in mind, Pliny had thought of the four elements, each with its own distinct properties, holding each other in place by their “mutual embrace”87 so as to make of the world the thing of beauty that moved him to love and reverence. In such a view of the order of things, the old distinction between inanimate and animate nature became less radical, and had in any case already been attenuated by means of the category of mixed elements among which Acosta included metals and minerals along with plants and animals.88 Among the plants, he predictably compared “maize, the bread of the Indies” to Pliny’s triticum.89 Both species came in many varieties, and yielded various comestibles: broths, breads, and alcoholic beverages. Altogether, the Andean and American crops, maize, yuca, potatoes and other roots, peppers, pineapples, the Andean chili, bananas, cacao, each displayed the intelligent and purposeful design of the cosmos, supplying to human beings everywhere their needful sustenance,90 however much this might differ from one part of the world to another. Just as the winds and airs differed in different continents, so did the “mixed” elements. Acosta was thus inclined to believe that the benecial, invigorating effects that Andean people derived from chewing coca did not stem from “pure imagination,” as Span86

Acosta, HNM 3,27, p. 138. Pliny, NH 2,11, amplexu mutuo diversitatis efci nexum; also NH 2,166, Quod ita formasse artifex natura credi debet, ut, cum terra arida et sicca constare per se ac sine umore non posset, nec rurusus stare aqua nisi sustinente terra, mutuo inplexu iungerentur, hac sinus pandente, illa vero permeante totam intra extra infra supra venis ut vinculis discurrentibus. 88 Aristotle, De anima I,2 (403b 26ff.) distinguishes the animate from the inanimate by the possession of movement and sensation. The theory of metals growing in the body of the earth would seem to attribute movement to them. Cf. above, n. 66. On the afnities between metals and animal life, see further, Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy. Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Vol. 1 (New York 1977), pp. 78–9, 88–94 passim. On Acosta and Alvaro Alonso Barba, author of a treatise on metallurgy, see Carmen Salazar-Soler, “Plinio historiador de entonces, profeta de ahora: la Antigu¨edad y las Ciencias de la Tierra en el virreinato del Peru´ (siglo XVI e inicios del XVII”, in Karl Kohut and Sonia V. Rose, eds., La formacio´n de la cultura virreinal. I. La etapa inicial (Frankfurt-Madrid 2000), pp. 345–73. 89 Pliny, NH 18,17; Acosta, HNM 4,16. 90 Acosta, HNM 4,16, p. 172, repartio´ el Creador a todas partes su gobierno. 87

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iards and creoles, among whom this custom never took root dismissively tended to suppose: For with a handful of coca they walk two days continuously, at times without eating anything else . . . The garnish with which they eat coca resembles the food; I have tried it and it tastes like sumac. The Indians sprinkle the coca with ashes of ground carbonized bones, or as others say, with lime. For them it is an agreeable avor, and they say it does them good. So they pay for it gladly, and also use it in exchange, like money.91 Acosta wrote with tranquil authority, condent both of the efcacy of his analytical scheme and of the accuracy of his observations and knowledge. Fifty years later, so did his fellow Jesuit, Bernabe´ Cobo, who in his monumental History of the New World followed the twofold model of Pliny and Acosta, beginning with the universe, and continuing with the earth, devoting his rst part to natural history and the second to that of human beings. But he was less interested in Pliny than Acosta, let alone Oviedo, had been: “I will not be held up,” he wrote, in nding out whether such and such a thing is or is not the one that the ancient authors like Dioscorides, Pliny and others describe, for I think this increases uncertainty, because of the difculties we experience in ascertaining in these authors what exactly are the plants they describe for us, even though some of them are well known to all.92 This was a very different natural and moral world from Oviedo’s, or even Cieza’s. The amiable chaos of Oviedo’s General and Natural History, its propensity to grow in ever new as yet unforeseeable directions, are utterly gone. Acosta and Cobo both deployed classicatory schemes that were designed to reduce ambiguity, whether in the natural or the human, the “moral” universe. Oviedo’s urgency, his ever91 Acosta, HNM 4,22, p. 181: se ven efectos que no se pueden atribuir a imaginacio´n, como es con un pun˜o de coca caminar doblando jornadas sin comer a las veces otra cosa, y otras semejantes obras. La salsa con que la comen es bien conforme al manjar, porque ella yo la he probado y sabe a zumaque, y los indios la polvorean con ceniza de huesos quemados y molidos, o con cal, segu´n otros dicen. A ellos les sabe bien y dicen les hace provecho, y dan su dinero de buena gana por ella, y con ella rescatan como si fuese moneda. In short, unlike many of his Spanish contemporaries, Acosta did not think that its benecial effect of coca was due to the “pura imaginacio´n” of Andean people. 92 Bernabe´ Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo, ed. Francisco Mateos S.J. (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 91–92, Madrid 1964), book IV, ch. 1, p.156a, no me embarazare´ en averiguar si la tal cosa es o no la que describen los autores antiguos, como Plinio, Diosco´rides y otros, porque juzgo esto por ma´s escuridad, por la dicultad que vemos que hay en averiguar en los dichos autores que´ especie de plantas sean las que nos pintan, si bien algunas dellas son muy conocidas de todos.

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present anticipation of “what we hope to know in the future”93 are likewise absent from these later authors. So is the intense and passionate polemical purpose of Oviedo’s contemporary Las Casas, who described the indigenous peoples of the New World as the perfect progeny of a perfect and harmonious natural world.94 Also absent is the yearning for the Inca order of things that pervades Cieza’s work, Cieza’s agonized sense of loss, his conviction that the Inca Atahuallpa had been wrongfully killed, and his near despair over the terrible outcomes of the Spanish civil wars. Although toward the end of the sixteenth century, crossing the Atlantic and sailing along the Pacic coast of Peru still had its dangers, the more formidable hazard now seemed to be English and Dutch piracy, not shipwreck. In any case, the New World had been successfully incorporated into the known scheme of things, as was demonstrated by the monumental cartographic work of Abraham Ortelius, published in 1570, and Theodore de Bry’s equally monumental summary of New World history after Columbus, that was published in 1590.95 Hence, no one any longer felt the need to worry with Pliny and Oviedo whether it was humans or sails and timbers, human choice or Nature and the natural environment, that were to blame for death at sea. Instead, the poised tone, aspiring to objectivity and sustained by facts and gures about nature and human nature past and present that characterized so many of the responses that ofcials in the Americas were writing to royal questionnaires about the natural and moral history of their regions, had become the order of the day. In the wake of conquest and of Spanish administrative institutions that were replacing indigenous ones, the natural world of the Americas was tamed and subdued, at least to a certain degree, because it became familiar to Europeans. Simultaneously, once the results of conquest had been converted into a fait accompli, the ethical rights and wrongs of it no longer raised the heart-rending issues of the 1550s. Like many of his contemporaries, Acosta hardly mentioned them. For ultimately, along with the natural world, the human “moral” world of the Ameri93

Oviedo, HGN 39, ch. 3, p. 349b, about expanding geographical horizons. This is the argument of the rst part of Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (Mexico City 1967). 95 Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp, Plantin 1570); Theodore de Bry, America (Frankfurt 1590). A facsimile of the images with the accompanying text in Spanish translation is Teodoro de Bry, Ame´rica (1590–1634), prologue by John H. Elliott, edition by Gereon Sievernich (Madrid 1992). Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest: A Structural Analysis of the Illustrations of De Bry’s Great Voyages (Chicago 1981) reveals the Northern European, anti-Spanish Tendenz of De Bry’s authoritatively presented images and texts. 94

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cas had also been tamed and subdued—or so it seemed. For in Acosta’s missionary manual, How to Achieve the Salvation of the Indians, the awareness that all was not well between Indians and Spaniards lived to see another day.96 Columbus had been the rst to occupy himself with the “nature” of the New World’s indigenous peoples, and the stream of European observation and commentary continued unabated into the seventeenth century.97 Here also, Acosta’s Natural and Moral History proved to be something of a watershed. Having completed the natural history of the Indies in four books, he wrote in the three subsequent books of “moral history,” meaning thereby the “religion or superstition and rites, idolatries and sacrices,” and about the “politics, pulicia, government and laws, customs and deeds” of the Incas and Aztecs.98 This scheme, which recurs in Cobo and in several subsequent writers,99 was designed to differentiate and juxtapose the stable facts of natural history and the uid ones of “moral history” and of human free will. The scheme had the added trait of separating the history of government and religion from that of the arts and crafts, of agriculture, technology, and science, for, as we have seen, all these elds of human endeavor were perceived as part of natural history. Like several other experts on matters Inca and Andean,100 Acosta thought that as in Spain, so among the Incas, the activities of religion 96 Jose´ de Acosta, De procuranda Indorum salute, ed. Luciano Peren˜a et al., 2 vols. (Madrid 1984–1987); cf. Sabine MacCormack, Grammar and Virtue. The Formation of a Cultural and Missionary Programme by the Jesuits in Early Colonial Peru, T. Frank Kennedy and John O’Malley eds. The Jesuits (Toronto, University of Toronto Press 2006), 576–601. 97 Edmundo O’Gorman, La invencio´n de America. Investigacio´n acerca de la estructura histo´rica del Nuevo Mundo y del sentido de su devenir (Mexico City 1958); Antony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge 1982). 98 Acosta, HNM prologo a los libros siguientes (sc. of moral history, following book 4), p. 215. 99 The juxtaposition of separate sections on natural and moral (or political and civil) history recurs not only in the work of Cobo but also in that of the Jesuits Juan de Velasco and Ignazio Molina; cf. below, chapter 7, at notes 124ff. This method of describing the world differs radically from the integration of human with natural history in the manner of Pliny and Oviedo. Diego de Rosales, Historia General del Reino de Chile, Flandes Indiano, ed. B. Vicun˜a MacKenna, 2 vols. (Santiago de Chile 1989), begins with indigenous prehistory, and in Book 2 treats the natural history of Chile before going on to history proper. Here also, the division of Acosta appears to have played a role. 100 In particular, Polo de Ondegardo and Hernando de Santilla´n, both lawyers. Hence, both Polo and Santilla´n found it difcult, indeed impossible, to produce clear-cut, decisive arguments as to which Andean and Inca customs could be maintained in Christian times and which ones could not. Guaman Poma, while condemning idolatrous observances, thought that the Spanish went too far in their efforts to eradicate idolatry; see Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 1110–12, 1121.

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and of government were closely intertwined, one sustaining the other.101 What his way of distinguishing natural from moral history was less suited to explain is the inner workings of Inca statecraft, the ability of the Incas to manage the Andean environment by constructing roads and tambos, irrigation canals, and storehouses in such a way that extremes of altitude, climate, and distance contributed positively toward creating and maintaining imperial order and prosperity. However much Acosta admired the “remarkable and provident government” of the Incas,102 the interconnectedness between Andean nature, humanity, and cultural achievement that had so much impressed Cieza when thinking about the Incas, was eclipsed somewhat by the distinction between natural and moral history. In addition, this distinction brought with it the afrmation of a certain order and hierarchy among human achievements, where the achievements to be prized most were religious and political. In accord with these, Acosta divided nations outside Europe into three classes of “barbarians,” meaning non-Christians. First were the Chinese, comparable to the Greeks and Romans, since they had writing, and lived in political society; next were the Incas and Aztecs along with the chiefdoms of the Andes and Mexico, who, although lacking writing, lived politically; and nally, those who lived “without law, without king, without magistrate or government,” many of them nomads.103 Later, he returned to the issue in a purely American context, ranking highest the “monarchies” of the Incas and Aztecs, next those peoples who formed behetr´as and “governed themselves by the counsel of many,” and in time of war by a captain, and nally again the “Indians with neither law, nor king nor xed abode, but they wander in groups like wild things and savages.” Here Acosta included “the people of Brazil, the Chiriguanas and Chunchos, Yscaycingas and Pilcozones, most of the people of Florida and in New Spain the Chichimecs.”104 These different kinds of polity represented phases of social and political development such as had been described by the Roman poet Lucretius, 101

Cf. S. MacCormack, “El Gobierno de la Repu´blica Cristiana,” in Ramo´n Mu´jica Pinilla, ed., El Barroco Peruano (Lima 2003), pp. 217–49. 102 Acosta, HNM 6,15, p. 301, tan notable y pro´vido gobierno. 103 Acosta, De procuranda Indorum Salute, preface lines 113–98; at line 188, sine lege, sine rege, sine certo magistratu et republica. The phrase is repeated in HNM 6,19, p. 305. In another tripartite division, Acosta distinguished cultures by reference to religious worship: rst the Chaldeans, who revered the sky; next the Greeks and Romans, who revered the dead; and lowest the Egyptians, who revered animals. How then was it possible to blame Indians, Acosta asked, De Procuranda 5,9 sections 4–9. 104 Acosta, HNM 6,19, pp. 304–5,—son indios sin ley, ni rey, ni asiento, sino que andan a manadas como eras y salvajes.

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whom Acosta read and cited. In accord with this view of human progress, all the rst inhabitants of the New World had been wanderers without xed abode who gradually formed more civilized societies.105 This was a very different view of indigenous humanity from that of Oviedo, who framed numerous comparisons in which people who would have tted into Acosta’s second and third groups of American barbarians equaled or excelled the Greeks and Romans. Oviedo’s lifelong opponent, Bartolome´ de las Casas, also described the cultural and political accomplishments of the indigenous peoples of the Americas as comparable and often preferable to those of the peoples of the ancient Mediterranean. For where Acosta differentiated types of barbarism by virtue of an objective cultural and political hierarchy, Las Casas viewed them as relational: people of differing language and customs were thus seen as barbarous by their neighbors, simply by virtue of being different. More important, barbarism was also a moral quality. People of “cruel and inhuman customs” were barbarians, and Las Casas included among them the Spanish whose wars and other doings in the Indies had taken so many lives.106 Such a view was inconceivable within Acosta’s cultural hierarchy, which in turn is rooted in his classication of human endeavor, and in his distinction between natural and moral history. There now existed—at least potentially—a sharper boundary between the two than had been customary earlier, during the more uid and chaotic rst half of the sixteenth century. Along with this cognitive shift came a sociological and political one, to wit, the new societal formations of Spanish and Portuguese America.107 105 Acosta, HNM 6,19, p. 305, Cuanto yo he podido comprender, los primeros moradores de estas Indias fueron de este ge´nero, como lo son hoy d´a gran parte de los brasiles, y los chiriguanas y chunchos, e yscaycingas y pilcozones, y la mayor parte de los oridos, y en la Nueva Espan˜a todos los Chichimecos. Acosta refers to Lucretius, De rerum natura (On the nature of things) VI,906ff. (about magnets) at HNM 2,16, p. 47. For the development of human society from original nomadism, Lucretius, De rerum natura V,925–1160. See the commentary on these lines by Cyril Bailey, Titi Lucreti Cari De rerum natura libri sex, 3 vols. (Oxford 1947), explaining Lucretius’s sources, some of which were also known to Acosta. 106 Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Apolog´a o declaracio´n y defensa universal de los derechos del hombre y de los pueblos, ed. Vidal Abril Castello´ et al. (Junta de Castilla y Leo´n 2000), chapter 1, fol. 14v (p. 18 of this edition); an English translation is Las Casas, In defense of the Indians, tr. Stafford Poole (DeKalb 1992), ch. 1, pp. 29–30; see also Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia Sumaria, chapters 262–7, and Gustavo Gutierrez, Las Casas. In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ (New York 1992), pp. 294–301. Further on barbarians, Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, chapters 262–7, where, in ch. 267 he observes that viewed from the standpoint of indigenous peoples, the barbarians are the Spanish. 107 See Stuart B. Schwartz and Frank Salomon, “New Peoples and New Kinds of People: Adaptation, Readjustment, and Ethnogenesis in South American Indigenous Societies (colonial era),” in Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz, eds., The Cambridge History

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Among the many readers of Acosta’s inuential small volume was Garcilaso de la Vega, who learned about the Andean natural and human world as a child in his mother’s household in Cuzco,108 and wrote about things Andean with the easygoing detail and familiarity of the native speaker, without recourse to Pliny. For example, the plant which the Mexicans and people from the Windward Isles call maize, and those from Peru call it zara, because it is the bread they had. It is of two kinds, one is hard, which they call murumuru, and the other is tender and very delicious, which they call capia. They eat it in place of bread, toasted or cooked in plain water.109 There was also tanta, the ordinary kind of bread that was made from maize, as Acosta had said,110 as well as zancu, a maize bread made for sacrice, and huminta, a maize bread eaten on special occasions.111 Making our was women’s work. The woman would place the grains on a large at stone, and move a second stone shaped like a half moon over the grains in a rocking motion, from time to time using one hand to move the grounds under the rocking half moon to grind them ner. If need be, the our could be sifted through a cloth to separate the bran. “I have seen all this with my own eyes, and until the age of nine or ten I was nourished with zara which is maize,” Garcilaso added, and went on to describe toasted maize, camcha, and cooked maize, mote, the biscuits that Spanish women liked making from maize our and the alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages that were also made from maize. With this and further descriptions of the grain quinua, of beans and the many kinds of Andean potatoes and fruits, Garcilaso brings to life the Andean domestic economy as he knew it in his childhood. Having watched as a child how delicately workers were picking coca leaves so as not to damage the tender branches of the trees, he now described the invigorating effects of the leaf and listed a plethora of medicinal uses.112 He had seen a “avourful and healing” drink being prepared from the fruit of the molle tree, and like Cieza, knew that the twigs were useful for cleaning one’s teeth.113 of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Volume III. South America Part 2 (Cambridge 1999), pp. 443–501. 108 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales (hereafter CR), Part I, book 9, ch. 24, p. 365b, one of the few appearances Garcilaso’s mother makes in his work. 109 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8,9, p. 305a. 110 Acosta, HNM 4,16, p. 170. 111 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8,9, p. 305b. 112 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8,15, p. 312b. 113 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8, ch. 12.

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Familiar with the Andean world from his own experience, Garcilaso understood better than most others that things were changing, that the environment was not as stable and predictable as the royal ofcials who drafted the ordenanza of 1573 were thinking when they differentiated the natural world, “which has perpetuity and does not undergo variation, or very rarely,” from the human world, which changed all the time. Oviedo had already noticed that the European plants and animals that crossed the ocean, horses, cattle, pigs, sheep and goats, and also European tools—especially the plough, were bringing into existence a very different, less forested rural landscape in the Caribbean and parts of South America, and that as a result, the climate was changing.114 Perhaps Oviedo was alerted to the possibility of such change by Pliny, who reported on several such changes in the environment, for example in the Thessalian district of Larisa, where “the region became colder when a lake was emptied, the olive trees that used to grow there disappeared, and the vines were nipped by frost, which did not happen before.”115 The fact that European plants and livestock throve in the New World was taken by most Spaniards as further proof of its benicent climate. Garcilaso agreed—and recalled how he was punished for having stayed away from school in order to witness the thrilling spectacle of bulls ploughing in a countryside that so far was familiar only with the Andean foot plough.116 Some years later, he saw in Cuzco two sows— animals likewise formerly unknown in the Andes—which had each given birth to the unheard of number of sixteen piglets.117 Among food crops, wheat came to be highly prized, and Garcilaso remembered Maria de Escobar from Trujillo for having brought the rst seeds to Peru like a new Ceres, whom, “for doing this same thing, the gentiles adored as a goddess.”118 And yet, Garcilaso welcomed the new crops and animals with a certain ambivalence, thinking it important to distinguish the foreign from the native varieties119 so as to retain an accurate memory of the world the Spanish had destroyed—and were still destroying. It was with sadness that Garcilaso remembered the molle trees that used to propagate naturally in the countryside around Cuzco: “I knew the valley of Cuzco when it was adorned by a very 114

Oviedo, HGN 6, ch. 46; see also 7, ch. 1, p. 228a. Pliny NH 17,30–Pliny adds several more examples of climate change. 116 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 9, ch.16, p. 358a. 117 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 9, ch. 19, p. 360a. 118 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 9, ch. 24. 119 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8,8, p. 305a: Garcilaso described the indigenous and imported plants and animals, para que no se confundan las unas con las otras. 115

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32. Farmer ploughing with a pair of oxen in the Yucay Valley, 1997. A ploughman with his team provided the unfamiliar spectacle for which in around 1550, the young Inca Garcilaso skipped school: “A horde of Indians took me to see it. They were coming from everywhere to see it as well, amazed and astounded at so monstrous and novel a sight for them and for me. . . . I remember all this well because the outing of the oxen cost me two dozen lashes. My father gave me one dozen because I did not go to school, and the teacher gave me the other because I was absent.” Royal Commentaries I, 9,17.

great number of these useful trees, and within a few years I saw it with hardly one of them left,” the reason being that the Spanish were using the molle trees as rewood,120 thereby changing the appearance of the countryside almost beyond recognition. It was clear in Acosta’s and Garcilaso’s day, but much less so in the time of Oviedo and Cieza, that not just the peoples of the New World, but also its nature, its plants and animals, were being conquered and incorporated into a new order of things, that the nature of the New World was subject to change that might not seem obvious, least of all 120 Garcilaso, CR Part I,8,12, p. 309a. In a similar vein, some years later, the Viceroy Toledo reproached the vezinos of Chuquisaca for the small regard they had for their republica, and their unwillingness to work for its preservation because they had deforested their common land. The land had been covered in cedar trees, a kind of “timber highly esteemed by the nations, and celebrated in sacred and profane Scriptures,” and yet, the vezinos had not left a single root, so that there was now no hope that any of the trees would grow back; see above, chapter 4, n. 49. See also Pliny HN II,157–9; XVIII, 21 on human abuse of nature’s abundance.

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to Spaniards, but was all the more profound. And yet, in the time of the Inca, people sang victory songs, haylli, “when they nish working the eld (singing) that they conquer it,”121 to celebrate the harvest. This custom, the expression of a deeply felt Andean way of establishing the relationship between the world of nature and the moral world, was as it turned out not so easy to conquer.122

121 Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua Qquichua o del Inca, p. 446. Cantar de triumpho, Haylliy, y quando acaban la chacra que la vencen. . . . Cantar victoria al tiempo de vencer o al acabar la chacara, hayllini hayllicuni; see further p. 157, inter alia: Hayllini, cantar en las chacras. Atiy haychayta hayllirccuni, o, hachacta hayllini, Cantar la gala de la victoria, o de la chacra. See also Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 251, about singing haylli for ploughing in August; p. 528 about the miners singing haylli, and Guaman Poma adds, ’no se puede quitar’ under the pretext that the song might be pagan. 122 Peter Gose, Deathly Waters and Hungry Mountains. Agrarian Ritual and Class Formation in an Andean Town (Toronto 1994), chapter 6; see p. 174, “Carnival in the Andes is primarily a rst fruits ceremony.” See also Julia Meyerson, Tambo. Life in an Andean Village (Austin 1990), on Carnival and the harvest of potatoes, barley, and maize.

Six “The Discourse of My Life”: What Language Can Do WHEN WRITING the prologue to the posthumously published Second Part of his Royal Commentaries, the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega reminisced about an incident that had occurred soon after he had published his rst book, the translation of Leo´n Hebreo’s Dialogos de Amor.1 The chancellor of Co´rdoba Cathedral, having seen the book, wanted to meet the translator. Garcilaso was reluctant to call on the eminent gentleman, but in the end was persuaded to do so, and I brought him one of those volumes handsomely bound and embossed. Even though he was in bed with gout, he was in every respect very kind to me, and the rst words with which he greeted me were these: “Someone from the other hemisphere, born in the new world, far away beneath our hemisphere, a man who with his mother’s milk has drunk the general language of the Indians of Peru, how does he venture to set himself up as interpreter between Italians and Spaniards, and, given that he has presumed thus far, why did he not pick on some ordinary book rather than the one that Italians esteem the most, and the Spanish understand the least?” I answered him that it had been the temerity of a soldier, for this is how soldiers perform their greatest deeds, and if they emerge victorious they are praised for their bravery, but if they die in the attempt, they are dis1

The Dialogos de Amor was Garcilaso’s rst published work: La Traduzion del Indio de los Tres Dialogos de Amor de Leon Hebreo, hecha de Italiano en Espan˜ol por Garcilaso Inga de la Vega . . . (Madrid 1590). Cf. the facsimile with a good introduction by Miguel de Burgos Nu´n˜ez (Seville 1989). In the dedication of the Dialogos to Maximilian of Austria, Garcilaso mentions his further literary plans: “Y aunque entiendo que mi atrevimiento es demasiado en esto, todavia tengo propuesto de gastar lo que de la vida me queda, en escrivir.” For the works in question (the Florida and Comentarios Reales) he requests Maximilian’s patronage, “me atevere con el favor de V.S. a` no bolver las espaldas a` las dos empresas.” Garcilaso echoed “atrevimiento” of this dedication in his defense of the Dialogos in the episode mentioned below. For “the Discourse of my Life,” see Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales Part II, book 3, ch. 19, p. 211a, . . . adelante en el discurso de mi vida conoc´ muchos de los que se nombran en la historia. On Garcilaso the historian, see Pease, Las Cro´nicas y los Andes, pp. 367–96.

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missed as fools. He laughed a great deal about my response and often repeated it to me during subsequent visits.2 Here as so often elsewhere, Garcilaso addressed a much discussed issue of the day laterally and with his customary self-deprecation. He himself had reected on language on many occasions and interspersed the Royal Commentaries with episodes involving translation from Quechua into Spanish and vice versa, and the relationship between the two languages. These were contributions to a well-established discussion. For by 1590, when Garcilaso’s translation of Leo´n Hebreo was published, many people in Spain—scholars, ofcials, writers, and poets— had thought about language, in particular about the relationships between different languages, in some detail. At the most fundamental level, the issue was language instruction, the teaching and learning of Latin, and in due course of Quechua and other Amerindian languages. Next came translation: in the Peninsula this was for the most part the translating and reworking in Spanish of Latin and Greek literature, law, and history. In the Andes and the Americas at large, by contrast, the texts that most urgently required translating were Christian ones, the creeds, prayers, and hymns that were used in daily worship. But these American translations of Christian devotional texts were made in light of earlier experience in the Peninsula of translating Greek and most especially Latin literature into Spanish. Finally, the nature of translation, of what can be translated and how, depends on the translator’s estimation of the relationship between the original and the target language and also of the relationship between the cultures in which the languages in question were spoken, this being an issue that was considered repeatedly in the course of the sixteenth century. When the chancellor of Cordoba cathedral asked Garcilaso why of all possible books he had been intent on choosing the Dia´logos de Amor to translate, he was insinuating that the conceptual equipment of “a man who with his mother’s milk has drunk the general language of the Indians of Peru” was perhaps not entirely equal to such a task. Comprised within this insinuation was the assumption that, language being the vehicle whereby we form concepts, Garcilaso’s native Quechua could not have equipped him to understand, let alone translate, 2

CR Part II, Prologo a los Indios, mestizos, criollos . . . p. 14a: Un anta´rtico nacido en el Nuevo Mundo, alla´ debajo de nuestro hemisferio y que en la leche mamo´ la lengua general de los Indios del Peru´, que´ tiene que ver con hacerse interprete entre italianos y espan˜oles, y ya que presumio´ serlo porque´ no tomo´ libro cualquiera y no el que los italianos ma´s estimaban, y los espan˜oles menos conoc´an? Yo le respond´ que habia sido temeridad soldadesca que sus mayores hazan˜as las acometen as´, y si salen con victoria los dan por valietes y si mueren en ella, los tienen por locos.

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a platonizing dialogue on love. Garcilaso’s response about the temerity of a soldier likewise suggests more than it states. The frontispiece of the rst part of the Royal Commentaries which was published in 1609 displays Garcilaso’s coat of arms with the words con la espada y con la pluma, “with the sword and with the pen.” Tacitly, Garcilaso was here evoking his paternal forebear, the poet Garcilaso de la Vega, whom he himself described in the account of his ancestors as the “mirror of knights and poets, the man who lived his life as heroically as all the world is aware, and, as he himself states in his works, he lived wielding the sword at one time, and the pen at another.”3 The poet Garcilaso’s sonnets, elegies, and eclogues were familiar to every educated person. Their beauty and learning could be appreciated all the better after 1580, when Fernando de Herrera published his voluminous commentary tracing and elucidating the poet’s echoes and reminiscences not only of Spanish but also of Latin and some Greek poets and philosophers, among them Vergil, Horace, and Ovid. The Inca Garcilaso himself had internalized Vergil’s account of the genesis of the war between Trojans and Latins in the Aeneid to such an extent that he wove one of its central themes, the imperceptible burgeoning of discord in human hearts, into his account of the Peruvian civil wars. No one was better equipped, therefore, to appreciate the intertextualities and translations that Garcilaso the poet wove into his verses.4 Another of Inca Garcilaso’s paternal forebears was the poet Garc´ Sa´nchez de Badajoz, some of whose poems likewise evoke Roman antecedents, 3 Garcilaso de la Vega, Relacio´n de la Descendencia de Garc´ Pe´rez de Vargas, in his Obras, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles 132, Madrid 1965), p. 236b. See further, on Garcilaso’s name changes, punctuating the evolution of his selfperception, and his career as a writer and historian, Christian Ferna´ndez, Inca Garcilaso: Imaginacio´n, memoria e identidad (Lima 2004), chapter 2. 4 See Obras de Garcilaso de la Vega con anotaciones de Fernando de Herrera (Seville, Alonso de la Barrera, 1580; facsimile Madrid 1973), p. 101, Soneto VII. Here, imagining himself to have escaped from an unhappy love, the poet wrote:

tu templo i sus paredes e` vestido de mis mojadas ropas, i adornado como acontece a quien a` ya escapado libre de la tormenta, en que se vido. The walls of your temple have I decked out with my drenched clothing and adorned it as happens to one who has escaped free from the storm where he was caught, In his commentary (pp. 108–9), Herrera cited Vergil Aeneid 12, 766–9 about the wild olive tree where shipwrecked sailors used to dedicate offerings of thanksgiving along with their clothes; Herrera also cited Horace Odes 2,5, which is a misprint for Odes 1,5.

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33. The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s coat of arms: from his kinsman the poet Garcilaso, the Inca adopted the motto “With the sword and with the pen.” On the left side of the coat of arms, he displayed the armorial devices of his father’s family, and on the right those of his mother’s Inca kin. Here, beneath the sun and moon, a rainbow rises from the mouths of two serpents. From the rainbow hangs the royal tassle that Inca rulers wore over their forehead. Frontispiece of his Comentarios Reales (Lisbon 1609). Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional.

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and whose work Garcilaso was hoping to edit and publish—although he did not live to accomplish this task.5 In light of all this, and also in light of the Spanish fascination with lineages, the gout-ridden old chancellor will not have failed to appreciate the subtext of Garcilaso Inca’s soldierly response. Among the gateways to the multifarious erudition that pervaded Spain during the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were the grammatical works of the humanist Antonio Nebrija, in particular his Latin grammar of 1480 which appeared as a parallel text in Latin and Castilian in 1488, and his Castilian grammar of 1492, all three the rst of numerous subsequent editions and adaptations. These grammatical works were accompanied by a Latin-Castilian dictionary of which a Catalan adaptation was published in Barcelona in 1507. Like Nebrija’s grammatical works, his dictionary became inuential both in and far beyond the Spanish world.6 Furthermore, these grammars, the dictionary and its diverse revisions and adaptations provided the framework within which some seventy years later, the missionary friar Domingo de Santo Toma´s, a friend of Pedro Cieza de Leo´n, organized his Quechua grammar and lexicon. These two small volumes, published in Valladolid in 1560, were, as the author wrote, the rst to conne the “general language of Peru” within rules so that it could be learned by outsiders.7 The enormous linguistic diversity of the Americas astounded and puzzled the Spanish. Oviedo noted that Columbus had encountered different languages on each of the Caribbean islands where he landed. 5 Patrick Gallagher, The Life and Works of Garc´ Sa´nchez de Badajoz (London 1968), p. 65:

El cuerpo tengo de un rroble, los brazos de un pino alvar, mi corazon es de piedra, mis entran˜as de un sillar: callo tengo fecho en ellas, de sufrir y de callar, ya no siento la tristeza, ni me da pena el pesar .. turning round Dido’s accusations of Aeneas in Aeneid 4,365–8 with the simile of the oak, Aeneid 4,441–6. 6 See Germa´n Colo´n and Amadeu-J. Soberanas, introduction to the facsimile edition of Elio Antonio de Nebrija, and Gabriel Busa O.S.A., Diccionario Lat´n-Catala´n y Catala´nLat´n (Barcelona 1507; Barcelona 1987). 7 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Lexicon o Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru´ (Valladolid 1560; Lima 1951); Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los Reynos del Peru .. (Valladolid 1560; Lima 1951).

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Oviedo himself observed that on the mainland, within a single province, the languages were as distant from each other as Biscayan was from German and Arabic and that therefore, “in the space of one day’s journey of ve or six leagues, among peoples settled next to each other as neighbours, one group of Indians does not understand the other.”8 This state of affairs, he thought, was the upshot of the confusion of languages after the building of the Tower of Babel and had helped and accelerated the Spanish conquest. For had it not been for such extreme linguistic fragmentation, and hence, as Oviedo understood matters, political fragmentation, how could the Spanish have subjected so many people living at so great a distance from Europe?9 In short, Oviedo considered the American mosaic of languages to be a consequence of sin that evangelization and “union with the Christian republic” would remedy.10 In the Andes, the position was rather different, at any rate as understood by Spaniards. For here, the invaders had encountered Inca ofcials in even the most distant outposts of Tahuantinsuyu11 and Inca ofcials were ubiquitous elsewhere, which created an initial impression not just of political but also of linguistic cohesion. Besides, the Incas had required regional lords to send their sons to live in Cuzco for protracted periods, whence they returned home speaking “the language of the Inca.” Finally, intermarriage between Incas and local aristocrats was frequent—it was, in effect, a deliberate part of Inca policy. Hence, the Spanish came to appreciate only gradually that throughout the Andean world, Quechua, described by Domingo de Santo Toma´s and others as the “general language of Peru” was spoken as an administrative 8 Oviedo, HGN book 6, ch. 43, p. 202b, Cosa es maravillosa que en espacio de una jornada de cinco o seis leguas de camino, y pro´ximas y vecinas unas gentes con otras, no se entienden los unos a los otros indios. 9 Oviedo, HGN book 6, ch. 43, p. 203a: estas diversidades de sus lenguas han se´do las principales armas con que los espan˜oles se han ensen˜oreado destas partes, juntamente con las discordias que entre los naturales dellas continuamente hab´a. In this same chapter, Oviedo discusses the dispersion of humanity across the earth after the building of the Tower of Babel, and the original seventy-two languages that gave rise to all the rest que me paresce a m´ que son incontables. On the confusion of languages, Oviedo cites the standard sources of the day, i.e., the book of Genesis 11,1–9; Augustine, City of God 16,11; and Isidore, Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford 1957), 9,2, and adds his friend Pedro Mex´a, Silva de varia lecio´n (Madrid 1933), Part I, chapter 25. 10 Oviedo, HGN 6, ch. 43, p. 203a, unio´n de la repu´blica cristiana. 11 Pedro Pizarro, Relacio´n del descubrimiento y conquista del Peru´, ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Lima 1978), ch. 5, p. 18, about the Isla de Puna´: estava en esta isla un ynga del Cuzco por governador que ten´a all´ el Ynga, que governava a Puerto Viexo, a la isla y a Tu´mbez.

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language alongside numerous local languages.12 However, awareness of the ubiquity of Quechua led missionaries to think of the Inca empire as a praeparatio evangelica, a preparation for evangelization, the work of divine providence. As Jose´ de Acosta put it in 1590: In Peru and New Spain, when the Christians entered, those kingdoms had reached their peak, and stood at the height of their power; for the Incas ruled in Peru from the kingdom of Chile up to and beyond that of Quito, which is a thousand leagues; and they were greatly respected and wealthy in gold and silver and in every kind of riches. . . . At this time, the Almighty judged that the rock of Daniel that shattered the kingdoms and monarchies of the world, should also shatter those of this other New World. And thus, just as the law of Christ came when the monarchy of Rome had reached its peak, so it was in the Indies of the West. . . . And there is here a remarkable detail, that when the lords of Mexico and Cuzco were conquering regions, they were also introducing their own language,13 which meant, Acosta continued, that it was possible to preach the gospel in one single language, not many different ones. Indeed, by his time, contrary to what had been envisioned initially by those who formulated policies in the peninsula,14 Quechua rather than Spanish had become the primary language of Christian instruction, just as in Mexico, missionaries taught primarily in Nahua, the principal language of the Aztec empire.15 But during the early years of contact, this outcome was not obvious. The issue at that time was not merely, or even predominantly, religious 12 See Bruce Mannheim, The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion (Austin 1991), pp. 31–60. At p. 36, he mentions sources about the “thicket of languages” spoken in the Andes at the time of the invasion; all post-date the period of rst contact, when the initial impression of the ubiquity of Quechua came into existence. It was greater familiarity with the Andes that brought Spanish awareness of linguistic diversity alongside the general language. Here, as so often, Cieza led the way. He evidently thought that Quechua was much more than an administrative language; see below, n. 74. 13 Jose´ de Acosta, HNM 7,27, p. 372, referring to Daniel 2,34, where Daniel explains to Nebuchadnezzar the meaning of his dream vision of the statue with a head of gold, chest and arms of silver, belly of bronze, legs of iron, and feet of clay, that is struck by a stone. 14 See R. Konetzke, Coleccio´n de Documentos para la Historia d la Formacio´n Social de Hispanoame´rica 1493–1810 vol. 1 (Madrid 1953), real cedula of 1550, addressed to the Viceroy of New Spain, and reissued for Peru, ordering that Spanish be the language of evangelization. 15 In effect, the missionaries were instrumental in forming Quechua as the language of evangelization; about the process, see Alan Durston, Pastoral Quechua: the History of Christian Translation in Peru, 1550–1650 (A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the division of the Social Sciences in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, August 2004; in press at Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press).

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because what had to be demonstrated was that Quechua was a civilized language, not some conglomerate of barbarous communications incapable of giving linguistic shape to anything beyond what was accessible to the ve senses. To make this argument, Fray Domingo appealed to Antonio Nebrija’s grammatical works. Throughout, Nebrija revealed the orderly denable qualities of language, using examples from Latin and sometimes Greek to explain the particularities and regularities of Castilian, specically the distinct qualities and uses of the parts of speech, the declension of nouns and conjugation of verbs. Among Nebrija’s concerns was to show that the Castilian vernacular of which he composed the very rst grammatical analysis was as orderly and systematic as Latin, and that even though Castilian differed from Latin in having more parts of speech, one of which was the article,16 nonetheless, the grammatical “foundations and principles” were the same for Castilian as for Latin and also for Greek.17 Fray Domingo was eager to show that these same qualities prevailed in Quechua. His Quechua grammar would reveal, he thus wrote in his dedication of the work to Philip II, the exceptional order and regularity—policia—of this language, the abundance of words, the accord they have with the things they refer to, the diverse and notable ways of speaking, the gentle and agreeable sound that the pronunciation of this language brings to the ear, the ease with which it can be written with our characters and letters; how easy and sweet is the pronunciation of this language, which is ordered and adorned with the properties of declination, and the remaining properties of the noun, and with the moods, times and persons of the verb.18 Readers of the Roman orator and educator Quintilian, Fray Domingo continued, would see that Quechua, “polished and abundant” as it was, “regulated and enclosed under the same rules as Latin” was not a barbarous and decient language, lacking “moods, tenses, cases, order, regularity and concordance,” but ought to be described as “polished and delicate.” Such being the language, the people who use it should be counted not as barbarous, but as possessing social order, policia: for according to many passages by the Philosopher, there is nothing whereby the 16

Nebrija, Grama´tica de la lengua Castellana, ed. Antonio Quilis (Madrid 1980), Book III, ch. 1. 17 Nebrija, Grama´tica de la lengua Castellana, Book V, Prologue, “rudimentos & principios.” 18 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios del Peru´, fol. Av recto and verso.

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quality of a person is more clearly revealed than in the speech and language he uses, for these give birth to the concepts that emanate from the intellect.19 Proof of all this was the fact that “throughout the dominions of that great lord Guayna Capac,” Quechua was spoken “by all the lords and leaders and by a great many commoners”—in short, like Latin, it was the lingua franca of a great empire.20 The general statements that Fray Domingo made in the prefatory parts of his Arte were articulated step by step in the body of the work, in the designation and analysis of the eight parts of speech in pursuit of Nebrija’s designation and analysis of the eight parts of speech in Latin,21 and in the subdivision of the parts of grammar into orthography, pronunciation, etymology, and syntax,22 progressing thereby from studying the letter to studying the syllable, the word, and nally the the sentence. All these topics were briey mentioned by Quintilian in his Institutio Oratoria23 to whom Nebrija and Fray Domingo both appealed as the ultimate authority on matters of language. But they both recognized that their task was profoundly different from Quintilian’s. In the rst place, as Nebrija noted, Quintilian had written about the education of children and boys whose native language was Latin, and who therefore were only learning latini sermonis articium, “the art of Latin speech,” not the language itself.24 Quintilian thus dealt with what 19

Ibid., fol. Av verso–Avi recto. The application of the term lingua franca is my own, but it is suggested by Fray Domingo’s repeated comparisons between Quechua and Latin throughout the Arte and by the political terminology with which he describes language, on which see further below. 21 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica, fol. Bi verso, of the prologue to the reader, los terminos, nombres y verbos y demas partes del la oracion; Bii recto, en esta lengua, como en la latina y en las demas, ay todas las ocho partes dela oracion; see also Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Lexicon, prologue fol. +v verso, stating that here, the model is Nebrija’s Latin dictionary. 22 On pronunciation, see Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica, fol. Bi verso–Bii recto; Antonio de Nebrija, Introductiones latinas contrapuesto el romance al lat´n (c.1488), eds. Mi´ ngel Esparza and Vicente Calvo (Mu¨nster 1996), book III, p. 98 calls this part “proguel A sodia et syllaba.” Fray Domingo omits explicit discussion of Nebrija’s third part of grammar (etymology and diction) but it is implied throughout his Grammatica; the fourth part of the Grammatica, syntax, is at fol. 61v ff. 23 Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,1,24ff., on education of children going from letters, to syllables (30), words, reading (32), and interpretatio (35). 24 Nebrija, Introductiones Latinae (Salamanca 1480; Salamanca 1981), preface addressed to Pedro Mendoza. On the difference between ancient and late antique Latin grammars written for those who already knew the language, and Latin grammars of subsequent times, written for those who were learning Latin, see W. Keith Percival, Italian Aflia20

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would be the main themes of Nebrija’s Latin grammar, the particulars of declension, conjugation, and syntax, in a few short paragraphs. In the second place, regarding Spanish, Quintilian was more directly relevant, for here Nebrija noted the presence of several issues raised by Quintilian’s Latin in his own Spanish vernacular. This was the case especially regarding spelling and pronunciation. In the footsteps of Quintilian, Nebrija thought that one should spell as one pronounces, and pronounce as one spells,25 noting that different groups of people will pronounce differently, and that the sounds used by one language are not all the same as those used in another. It was therefore important to identify the sounds or phonemes of each language26 and to differentiate correct from incorrect usage, making allowance for the fact that all languages change.27 Quintilian’s framework was relevant for Nebrija not just in the abstract sense but also because Spanish was derived from Latin: as Nebrija expressed it, Spanish was “corrupted Latin,” in which many words had changed while still remaining recognizable. For example, with time, Latin caupo, “innkeeper,” had become Spanish copo, taurus, “bull,” had become toro, and by a more complex set of shifts, facere “to do,” had become hazer, and factum, “something done,” had become hecho.28 Quechua, by contrast, had nothing whatever to do with either Latin or Spanish. However, Fray Domingo saw the nger of providence in the fact that two Quechua phonemes, “ll” as in llacta, “a village,” and “n˜” as in n˜avi, “eye,” were also peculiar to Spanish, and because, as he saw it, Quechua resembled Latin and Spanish “in the art and craft” of its usage.29 It was therefore possible for the reader of Fray Domingo’s Arte to memorize declensions and conjugations just as would be done by Nebrija’s student of Latin: in either case, the relevant material was set out in tabular form. And yet, Quechua also offered numerous usages that were absent or different in Latin and Spanish and could not be presented to the reader in the old established visual format of tions of Nebrija’s Latin Grammar, in his Studies in Renaissance Grammar (Aldershot 2004), number XII. 25 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book I, ch. 5. 26 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book I, ch. 4 mentioning Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,4,7–12 on necessary and superuous letters and Pliny NH 7,119 on Greek letters that are also recognized in Latin. 27 Consuetudo and spelling, Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,4,12–17; I,7,1–32, note 30 Ego, nisi quod consuetudo obtinuerit, sic scribendum quidque iudico, quomodo sonat, with which Nebrija agreed, see above n.25. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,6,43 preferring the consuetudo of the day to that of long ago. 28 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book I, ch. 7. 29 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, Prologo a la S.M. del Rey, p. AV verso.

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grammatical manuals.30 Take the plural, formed in Quechua with the sufx cona: but according to Fray Domingo, this sufx was not used for inanimate things to express plurality. Instead of saying pircacuna, walls, therefore, people said, achica pirca, many walls, or pixin pirca, a few walls, and Fray Domingo asked himself why this was the case: The reason for this difference that I can think of at present is that this cona apart from its principal meaning which is to indicate plurality seems in some way to denote calling out, or calling for attention. For example, guarmecona, apart from meaning in plural “the women,” seems also to signify what we would express in Castilian with “Ola mugeres,” “Hello women,” because we only call out to an entity that understands or hears, and for this reason they customarily add cona to animate things.31 However, although this specic usage was new to those familiar with European languages, in more general terms such problems were not new to grammarians. Quintilian and Nebrija had both drawn attention to the importance of the usage chosen by speakers, consuetudo loquendi or uso, and Fray Domingo resolved the cona question in accord with these precedents: The principal reason in this matter of nouns and manners of speaking is usage: for speaking in this particular manner and not another depends on the will of the rst inventors of the languge, and of those who rst made use of and spoke it, and the same is the case regarding all the other ways of speaking, of the verbs, tenses and nouns there are in this language which are more or fewer than those in Latin and Spanish. For in the realm of each language, the most important issue is usage: which is to say the manner in which those who speak the language express themselves appropriately.32 In the footsteps of Quintilian, Nebrija divided grammar into the rules and usages that had to be taught—the methodic part, and the literature that should be imitated—the historical part.33 Nebrija thought that in order to reform Latin as written by Spanish scholars in conformity with classical Latin, as distinct from the Latin of medieval universities that was familiar to most educated people, his efforts 30

Nebrija’s Introductiones Latinae present as much information as possible in tabular form to facilitate learning by heart, and Domingo de Santo Toma´s followed; even so, Quechua did not lend itself to the same kind of systematization as Latin. 31 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, ch. 2, fol. 3v, Quarta propriedad of nouns. 32 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, ch. 2, fol. 4v–5r. 33 Nebrija, Introductiones Latinae, dedication to Pedro Mendoza, with Quintilian Inst. I,9,1.

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were best deployed in expounding the classical rules and usages.34 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, in accord with his purpose of providing instruction in Quechua, also concentrated on these, but added a brief foray into the “historical” branch of grammar by concluding the Arte with a model sermon of his own composition, for the use of prospective missionaries.35 This small text cannot be placed on the same footing as the corpus of Greek and Latin literature that awaited Quintilian’s students, or even those of Nebrija. The sermon did, however, make a beginning in creating for future students of Quechua a corpus of texts in alphabetic writing that was to grow exponentially during subsequent decades. Like this later literature, Fray Domingo’s sermon displays some uniquely Andean features that were designed to highlight both the potential and the limitations of translation: the potential, since the sermon demonstrated that “the things of our holy faith” could be talked about in Quechua, and the limitations, since Fray Domingo reordered the story of salvation in light of what an anticipated Andean listener might most easily identify with.36 The model sermon thus did not begin with creation and Adam and Eve, which would have merely substituted an alien account of human origin that required much explanation for one that was familiar and made sense locally.37 Instead, Fray Domingo began with a denition of human nature, death, and afterlife. Also, in light of the deep-seated Andean habit of pairing con34 See the preface to the Introduciones latinas contrapuesto el romance al lat´n, prologue to Queen Isabel pp. 5–6. 35 See Gerald Taylor, El sol, la luna, y las estrellas no son Dios ... La evangelizacio´n en quechua (siglo XVI). Travaux de l’Institut Franc¸ais d’E´tudes Andines tomo 172 (Lima 2003), pp. 19–43 for an edition, translation, and commentary of this text. At p. 20, Taylor suggests the sermon might have been “un trabajo colectivo.” 36 In light of the practice of preaching in Spain, one could argue that Fray Domingo arranged his model sermon in accord with established custom by focusing on the listener; see Fray Diego de Estella, Modo de predicar y modus concionandi, ed. Pio Sagu¨e´s Azcona (Madrid 1951), ch. 22, p. 307, . . . ut corda alloquatur, insuper et populum ignarum doceat, et bonis etiam moribus instruat. Ad hoc autem eligito utilia satis loca Scripturae, et jucundos nimis et placidos dicendi modos; non ea qua subobscura, sterilia et speculativa sunt. See also chapters 26 and 27, on pleasing and moving the listeners, but with appropriate decorum. 37 Before writing the Grammatica and Lexicon, Fray Domingo’s missionary work had been primarily on the Pacic coast; for a coastal myth of origins, see Agust´n de Za´rate, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista del Peru´, Book I, chapter 10; for a different kind of coastal myth of origin (origin of noble men and women and of ordinary people from eggs of gold, silver, and copper, respectively; and origin from two couples of stars, the parents of nobles and ordinary people), see Antonio de la Calancha, Coro´nica Moralizada, Book 2, chapter 19, pp. 934–5. No help is offered in these myths for the story of Adam and Eve.

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cepts, social functions, features in the landscape, cultures, and societies as moieties, Fray Domingo spoke neither of a human being’s body as such but of “our esh and bones,” aychallanchic tullullanchic, nor of the human soul but of “our heart and creative spirit,” songonchic camaquenchic.38 In both instances, he replaced a single European concept with a paired Andean one. In short, in accord with the old established principle of accommodation in the exegesis of Scripture—itself a legacy of European classical antiquity39—he accommodated Christian doctrine to correct Quechua usage, which was what Quintilian, thinking about Latin, had described as consuetudo loquendi.40 In theological terms, this amounted to reconceptualizing fundamental Christian doctrines so as to make them accessible to Andean Christians from within their own culture.41 In the context of grammatical instruction, consuetudo loquendi worked in two directions, so that in Fray Domingo’s Arte, acquainting Andean people with Christian teaching went hand in hand with explaining the workings of Andean customs and social relations to Spaniards. The latter would thus learn how in the Andes oaths were sworn, how people greeted each other, by what terms kinship was expressed, and how names were given.42 Here also, Latin and the Roman past had their uses because they could render Andean customs meaningful by amplifying the realm of comparison beyond the connes of sixteenthcentury Spain. “It should be noted,” Fray Domingo wrote, that just as Latin and Spanish have names known as patronyms, that are passed on from parents, grandparents and brothers to sons and descendants, or else these names are passed on from lands to those who are at home there, for example Scipiones from Scipio, Catones from Cato, Romans from Rome; Mendozas, Guzmanes, Andalucians, etc.; so this language of the Indians has patronyms of all these kinds. For if a lord is famous for something, his sons take his name, 38

Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Grammatica, fol. 88r, cf. fol. 86r, cada lengua tiene su phrasis y modo particular de hablar. 39 Robert Lamberton, “The Neoplatonists and the Spiritualization of Homer,” in Robert Lamberton and John J. Keaney, eds., Homer’s Ancient Readers (Princeton 1992), pp. 115–33; Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientic Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Princeton 1986), pp. 213–43, on accommodation. 40 Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,6,3 Consuetudo vero certissima loquendi magistra, utendumque plane sermone ut nummo, cui publica forma est. 41 This culturally open method of evangelization was displaced in the next generation by ever greater insistence on Christian doctrine as formulated in Europe; see now Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad. La incorporacio´n de los indios del Peru´ al catolicismo 1532–1750 (Lima 2003). 42 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, fol. 57r; 67r–70v.

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and not only the sons but all the descendants, whence they derive the lineages that are known as ayllo and pachaca. Fray Domingo then proceeded to give some examples of how patronyms functioned in the Andes: All those who come from that rst lord who was named Mangoynga call themselves yngas, and this lineage contains other particular names and lineages, the chief of which is called capac ayllo; another is ygn˜aca pan˜aca ayllo, another c¸ucco pan˜aca ayllo, and many others like them. In Cuzco there are also two further principal lineages, one called Maras toco, and the other called Xutic ayllo which was derived from another leading man called Xutic toco. These two were called by the epithet toco, which is to say window, because the Indians of Cuzco believe that they both emerged from the two caves that are in the village of Pacaritambo from where they say the said Mango ynga emerged, for whose service they say those two Indians emerged. From which it appears that the said two Indians took the epithet toco from the cave whence they emerged, and their descendants, and those of Mango ynga took theirs from them.43 These methods of taking names from notable ancestors and from places of origin or residence were observed, Fray Domingo added, throughout all the “nations and provinces” of Peru, the issue being that these features of the language used by Andean people, comparable as they were to analogous features in Latin and Spanish, demonstrated that political order, policia, was as rooted in the Andes as it was in the Old World. The question as to whether Amerindian societies possessed policia, and if so, which ones and in what sense, was repeatedly discussed in early modern Spain. The term policia itself was elusive. In his diction43 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, fol. 56v–57r: Llamanse yngas todos los que proceden y son de aquel sen˜or primero, que se llamo Mangoynga y este linage, tiene entre ellos otros particulares nombres y linages: que el principal se llama capac ayllo otro ygn˜aca pan˜aca ayllo otro c¸ucco pan˜aca ayllo y assi otros muchos. Ay assi mismo enel Cuzco otros dos linages principales, llamado el uno Maras toco y otro llamado Xutic ayllo que se tomo de otro hombre principal, llamado Xutic toco Los quales ambos se llamaron por sobre nonbre toco que quiere dezir, ventana, porque creen los Indios del Cuzco que estos dos salieron de dos cuevas que estan en el pueblo de Pacaritambo donde dizen que salio el dicho Mango ynga para cuyo servicio dizen que salieron los dichos dos indios, Donde paresce, que los dos indios dichos tomaron sobre nombre toco de la cueva donde salieron, y sus descendientes, y los de Mango ynga lo tomaron dellos. This is a somewhat different story from the one discussed by Gary Urton, The History of a Myth. Pacariqtambo and the Origin of the Inkas (Austin 1990). Further on patronyms, see Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book 3, ch. 3, pp. 167f.

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ary, Nebrija translated it as civilitas, which tted with the derivation of policia from the Greek polis. Cieza, with whom Domingo de Santo Toma´s had shared some of his information about coastal Peru, perceived little or no policia in the chiefdoms of Colombia and Ecuador that he described as behetr´as,44 but thought that the Incas possessed it in the highest degree. Domingo de Santo Tomas agreed entirely, and in the dedication of the Arte to Philip II argued that it was not only the people, but also their language, that was deeply imbued with policia: My principal intent in offering this little manual to your Sacred Majesty has been that in it you may see clearly and manifestly, how false is the view of which many have tried to persuade you, that the people of the kingdoms of Peru are barbarians, and unworthy of being treated with the same gentleness and liberty as your other vassals. Your Majesty will know this to be utterly false when from this manual you realize how great is the policia that this language possesses.45 Fray Domingo was not the rst to describe language by recourse to political terminology. For in his Spanish grammar, Antonio Nebrija explained the transformation of Latin into Castilian and the derivation of related words one from another in metaphorical terms as a process resulting from the “kinship and proximity,” parentesco y vezindad, that letters have among each other: “Letters have among each other such great kinship and proximity that no one should be surprised, as Quintilian says, that some letters pass and corrupt themselves into others.”46 Quintilian did indeed comment on this topic, but without any political metaphors.47 For Nebrija, by contrast, it was not just connections between the letters, but also between the parts of speech that could be rendered more tangible by means of such metaphors, as he made clear when writing about the syntax of Castilian: we will state how the ten parts of speech should join and be in agreement with each other. This topic . . . is described by the Greeks as syntax. We ourselves can call it order or the joining of parts.48 The Spanish terms ayuntar, “to join,” and concertar, “to be in agreement,” as well as ayuntamiento, the “joining of parts,” all suggest 44 The term is derived from the behetr´as of the Duero valley, communities which were thought to have gained independence from the Moors by their own unaided efforts, and with that had also gained the right to choose their own lords; see below, chapter 7, at notes 20–28. 45 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gramma´tica, Prologo a la S.M. del Rey, p. Av verso. 46 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book I, chapter 7, p. 123. 47 Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,7,11–29. 48 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . Castellana, book 4, ch. 1, p. 203.

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political and legal meanings. Ayuntamiento is not merely a joining of parts, for its primary meaning was “municipal government.” Similarly, ayuntar and concertar described the action of making a formal agreement between parties.49 These political and legal overtones become all the more explicit when Nebrija goes on to explain that “The rst concord and agreement is between one noun and another,”50 because the terms concordia and concierto both denote states of affairs that are public and political. “Language,” according to Nebrija’s celebrated phrase from the prologue of the Spanish Grammar, “is the companion of empire.”51 He went on to say that this grammar would be useful to Queen Isabel’s future subjects in their endeavors to learn Castilian. The book would also help to improve the Castilian language so that it could become a t vehicle in which to communicate the queen’s triumphs to the world. There was in addition a more subtle, less propagandistic dimension to the phrase, which Nebrija also explained. Languages, like the societies that speak them, rise and decline. The Hebrew language was in its childhood when the Israelites were living in Egypt, it ourished along with religion in the time of Moses, grew to maturity with King Solomon, and thereafter began to be dismembered along with the kingdom. As for Latin, it rose from humble beginnings along with the city of Rome, attained a rst owering in the time of the dramatist Livius Andronicus, grew until, in the time of Augustus and the birth of Christ there lived 49 Sebastia´n de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la Lengua Castellana o Espan˜ola (Madrid, 1611; 1984), AYUNTAR: del verbo latino iungere: quando dos cosas distintas se allegan la una con la otra. Ayuntar, congregar, y de all´ ayuntamiento, que es consistorio o cabildo. CONCERTAR . . . latine, componere. Concierto, acuerdo, composicio´n, avenencia, consonancia. . . . Ir concertados o de concierto, ir ya prevenidos y comunicados de lo que han de hazer. The Diccionario de Autoridades of the Real Academia Espan˜ola (Madrid 1726, 1984) for AYUNTAR cites the preface of Alfonso X, Partida I,1,1, along with Recopilaci´n de las leyes destos reynos hecha por mandado de Felipe Segundo . . . con las leyes que despue´s de la ultima impresio´n se han publicado por Felipe Quarto (Madrid 1640; Valladolid 1982) book 7, title 1, law 1 en que fagan sus ayuntamientos y concejos, y en que se ayunten las Justicias y Regidores y ociales a entender en las cosas cumplideras. Cf. Diccionario de Autoridades s.v. AYUNTAMIENTO, where from the same book, title, and law, the following words are quoted: de aqui adelante cada una de las dichas Ciudades y Villas fagan su casa de ayuntamiento, y Cabildo, donde se ayunten. CONCERTAR also has some legal quotations, along with several other political renderings. 50 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana, book 4, ch. 1, p. 203, la primera concordia y concierto es entre un nombre con otro . . . meaning, a noun and an adjective. 51 Eugenio Asensio, “La lengua compan˜era del imperio. Historia de una idea de Nebrija en Espan˜a y Portugal,” Revista de Filolog´a Espan˜ola 43 (1960): 399–413. See further, Giuseppe Patota in Leon Battista Alberti, Grammatichetta. Grammaire de la langue Toscane (2003), pp. xxxii–xl.

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that multitude of poets and orators who transmitted to our time the plenty and delight of the Latin language, Cicero, Caesar, Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Livy and all the others who followed until the time of Antoninus Pius. From that time, when the empire of the Romans began to decline, the Latin language diminished along with it. Castilian was in its infancy under the early kings of Castile and Leo´n, began to show its power in the time of Alfonso the Wise, “and in this way grew until the monarchy and peace that we ourselves enjoy.” At that point, when “we may more appropriately fear the decline of Castilian than hope for its ascent,”52 Nebrija composed the Gramatica de la lengua Castellana so as to give the language a certain permanence and xity, just as in their day the Greek and Roman grammarians had done for Greek and Latin. Domingo de Santo Toma´s did not worry that Quechua might be declining, although he was aware of changes taking place in the language. Just as, according to Quintilian, words from the languages of Italy and especially from Greek had made their way into Latin,53 so in the time of the Inca, words from other Andean languages had entered Quechua, and after 1532, a host of terms were coming in from Spanish, some of which Fray Domingo registered in his dictionary.54 The Inca Garcilaso also observed changes in Quechua, “the language I drank with my mother’s milk,” but thought about them in quite different terms. Among the books in his library were a commentary on Nebrija, and a copy of Pero Mexia’s Historia Imperial y Cesarea, which chronicled the history of the Roman empire from Julius Caesar down to the accession of Charles V.55 Where Nebrija had reected on the decline, caducar, of Latin, one of Mexia’s themes, derived from Flavio Biondo’s history of Rome, was the decline, declinacio´n, of the Roman empire, the time when Rome was experiencing not merely those ordinary losses and recoveries that were the inevitable product of politics and war, but the ever more serious inroads on its power and territory that led to the formation of new “kingdoms and new lordships.”56 Whether 52 Nebrija, Grama´tica . . . castellana prologue, p. 101, line 22, por estar ia nuestra lengua tanto en la cumbre, que ma´s se puede temer el decendimiento della que esperar la subida. 53 Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria I,5,55 on verba Latina and verba peregrina; I,5,58 on Greek words. 54 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Lexicon Prologo al lector, pp. 14–15 (modern pagination), about Spanish vocabulary and muchos terminos de provincias particulares. 55 Jose´ Durand, “La biblioteca del Inca,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica 2 (1948): 239–64; Nebrija: number 46; there were two copies of Mexia’s Historia Imperial, numbers 79 and 82. 56 “Reynos y sen˜orios particulares,” Pero Mexia, Historia imperial y cesarea en la qual en summa se contienen las vidas y hechos de todos los Cesares, Emperadores de Roma, desde Iulio Cesar hasta el Emperador Carlos Quinto (Anvers 1578), p. 214, introduction to the reign of

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it was thanks to his reading of these volumes, or thanks to his experience of speaking Quechua with his mother and her people and Spanish with his father, language and empire were inseparable in Garcilaso’s mind. Domingo de Santo Toma´s thought that because of the greater mobility and commercial activity that the presence of the Spanish in the Andes brought about, more people were speaking Quechua in his day than in former times,57 which made it the ideal vehicle for evangelization. Garcilaso agreed regarding evangelization. The Incas had employed Quechua to unite people who were divided by different languages to live in harmony “as though they were of one family and kingroup, and they lost the unsociability that arose from their not understanding each other.”58 By this device the Incas domesticated and united a great variety of different nations of conicting religion and customs whom they brought into their empire, welding them—thanks to use of a common language—into such union and friendship that they loved each other like brothers. This is why many provinces that were not incorporated into the Inca empire, attached to and convinced of this benet, have learnt the general language of Cuzco, and many nations of different speech understand each other by means of it.59 As the Jesuit Blas Valera, from whose papers Garcilaso derived some of his material for the Royal Commentaries had written, by disseminating a common language, the Incas “governed their entire empire in peace and tranquillity, and their vassals from different nations treated each other as brothers because they all spoke the same language.”60 Nothing Theodosius II. See J.G.A. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion. Volume Three. The First Decline and Fall (Cambridge 2003), pp. 240–57. 57 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Lexicon prologo, fol. +iii verso–+iiii recto. 58 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7, 1, p. 247, a como si fuesen de una familia y parentela y perdiesen la esquivez que les causaba el no entenderse . . . (the Incas) los trajeron mediante la lengua a tanta union y amistad, que se amaban como hermanos. 59 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7,1 p. 247a, translation with help from Garcilaso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru, tr. Harold V. Livermore (Austin 1966). Con este articio domsticaron y unieron los Incas tanta varidad de naciones diversas y contrarias en idolatr´a y costumbres como las que hallaron y sujetaron a su imperio; y los trajeron mediante la lengua a tanta unio´n y amistad, que se amaban como hermanos. Por lo cual, muchas provincias que no alcanzaron el imperio de los Incas, acionados y convendicos de este benecio, han aprendido despue´s aca´ la lengua general del Cozco, y la hablan y se entienden con ella muchas naciones de diferentes lenguas. 60 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7, 3, p. 248b: Valera explained how the Incas sent language teachers to the various parts of the empire: Con este concierto reg´an y gobernaban los Incas en paz y quietud todo su imperio, y los vasallos de diversas naciones se hab´an como hermanos porque todos hablaban una lengua. On Valera, see Sabine Hyland, The Jesuit and the Incas. The Extraordinary Life of Padre Blas Valera, S.J. (Ann Arbor 2003).

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was more advantageous to the Christian faith, therefore, than that missionaries should teach in the general language of the Inca. But Quechua was declining, Garcilaso thought. In his opinion, far fewer people spoke it now than formerly,61 and entire Quechua-speaking provinces were reverting to their original languages.62 This brought on a “confusion of languages” reminiscent of that of the Tower of Babel, thanks to which “Indians whom the Inca ruled with a handful of judges are now barely controlled by three hundred governors.”63 Garcilaso was not alone in complaining about the ever-increasing administrative tangles of colonial Peru.64 Those to one side, the Quechua language itself, no longer taught by teachers whom the Incas had sent out from Cuzco,65 was losing its character because of the importation of phonemes, constructions, and vocabulary from Spanish.66 In short, with the collapse of the empire of the Incas, their language fell into decline: when the imperial power of the Incas came to an end, and because of the general forgetfulness that came with the wars that arose among the Spanish, there was no one to remember this instrument that was so well suited and necessary for the preaching of the Holy Gospel.67 That language declines with political power had already been observed by Nebrija, who produced the examples of the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans to illustrate the phenomenon, implying the likelihood that Castilian also would at some point decline: his grammar of 61

Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7,1, p. 247a; 7,3 p. 248b–249a quoting Blas Valera. Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7,3, p. 249a, listing Trujillo, Quito, the Collas, and Puquinas. 63 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7,3, p. 250a. 64 This often took the form of complaints about the litigiousness of Andean people; see Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 591–92; cf. Jorge A. Guevara Gil, Propiedad agraria y derecho colonial. Los documentos de la hacienda Santotis Cuzco (1583–1822) (Lima 1993), see esp. pp. 92ff. 65 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7, 1 p. 246b, pusieron en cada provincia maestros Incas de los de privilegio. 66 Garcilaso, CR Part I, proemio al lector, p. 3b, Garcilaso is writing a comento y glosa y de inte´rprete de muchos vocablos indios for Spanish authors who misunderstood them. He proceeds to discuss Quechua pronunciation, the Quechua plural, and other differences between Quechua and European languages. Words were changing their meaning as the society changed, as when persons of lowly birth usurped Inca titles; see CR Part I, 1, 26 p. 40b, commenting on a passage in Ercilla; see below, chapter 7, at notes 77–8. 67 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 7,3, p. 248b–249a, acaba´ndose el mando y el imperio de los Incas no hubo quien se acordase de cosa tan acomodada y necesaria para la predicacio´n del santo Evangelio por el mucho olvido qu causaron las guerras que entre los espan˜oles se levantaron. See also CR Part I, 7,1 p. 246b about the private language of the Incas, como perecio´ la repu´blica particular de los Incas, perecio´ tambien el lenguaje de ellos. 62

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Castilian was designed to arrest or slow down that process. A century later, in Garcilaso’s time, this theory of linguistic change and decline required defending against advocates of primordial languages, among them Basque, one of whose protagonists claimed that it predated the Romans in Spain, and was, in effect, the language spoken by the rst settlers who came to the Peninsula after the building of the Tower of Babel.68 Spanish itself was defended as a primordial language dating back to Babel in the course of the debate about the expulsion of the moriscos of Granada.69 Nearly half a century later, the issue of primordial languages was discussed once more in Peru, when the missionary Hernando de Avendan˜o suggested to his Andean listeners that not only Spanish, but also Quechua was a primordial language, taught by God to one of the seventy-two families whom he dispersed over the earth after the building of the Tower of Babel. Avendan˜o even created a Quechua term to describe such a divinely infused language: it was a mama simi, in Spanish lengua matriz, a language that was a mother of other languages.70 In the Spanish debate about primordial languages, Garcilaso’s friend, the linguist and historian Bernardo Aldrete, reiterated in compelling detail the case that Nebrija had outlined for Castilian as the offshoot and descendant of Latin, the language that had formerly been the vernacular that was spoken in Spain. As the Florentine humanist and architect Leon Battista Alberti had already observed over a century earlier in his grammar of Tuscan, when Latin was the vernacular, it did not have to be studied and learned laboriously: rather, like Alberti’s Tuscan and later Aldrete’s Castilian, it was spontaneously spoken by everyone, even the illiterate.71 What had been taught in Roman 68 Echave, Discursos de la antiguedad de la lengua Cantabra Bascongada. Conpuesta por Balthasar de Echave, natural de la Villa de Cumaya en la Provincia de Guipuzcoa, y vezino de Mexico. (Mexico 1607). On the historiographical dimension of Spanish origins, see Mar´a Rosa Lida de Malkiel, Tu´bal, Primer Poblador de Espan˜a (1970). 69 See Kathryn Woolard, “Bernardo de Aldrete and the Morisco Problem: A Study in Early Modern Spanish Language Ideology,” Comparative Studies in Society and History (2002): 446–80. 70 Fernando de Avendan˜o, Sermones de los misterios de nuestra Santa Fe Catolica, en lengua castellana y la general del Inca. Impuganse los errores particulares que los indios han tenido (Lima 1649), Sermon IX, pp. 109–12. 71 Leon Battista Alberti, Grammatichetta. Grammaire de la langue Toscane, pre´ce´de´ de Ordine de´lle Laette´re / Ordre des lettres. By Francesco Furlan, Pierre Laurens, Alaon-Ph. Segonds (Paris 2003), see p. 9. The text, being the preface to Alberti’s Grammatichetta, is cited by Vivien Law, The History of Linguistics in Europe from Plato to 1600 (Cambridge 2003), p. 235. On Alberti’s vernacular project, see Maria Antonietta Passarelli, La lingua della patria. Leon Battista Alberti e la questione del volgare (Rome 1999); Giuseppe Patota, Lingua e linguistica in Leon Battista Alberti (Rome 1999).

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schools was not the language itself but elegant usage, what Nebrija had described as Latini sermonis articum. To illustrate these issues, Aldrete cited Roman epitaphs, milestones, and ofcial inscriptions, literary, historical, legal, and theological texts.72 He also demonstrated that in the course and aftermath of the Visigothic and Muslim invasions the language had changed, absorbing some Gothic and much Arabic vocabulary to become the Castilian that was spoken in early modernity73 That the “conquered receive the language of the conquerors” was evident not only from the history of the Roman empire, but also from that of the Americas, where the Incas and Aztecs had imposed their language along with their power, just as the Spanish were doing in Aldrete’s own day.74 An eloquent illustration of these realities came from topographical names, as for example the river Baetis which the Arabs renamed Guadalquivir.75 The ubiquity of such linguistic changes was demonstrated by the name of Peru. As Aldrete learned from Garcilaso, the Incas referred to their land as “Tahuantinsuiu, with which they designated the four parts of the Kingdom.”76 Realizing that Peru was not a term used by Andean people, Cieza often described the former empire of the Incas as “the land we call Peru,” and Acosta attached an explanation to the enigmatic term: originally, Peru was the name of a river near the equator which by osmosis was extended to describe the entire empire 72 Bernardo Aldrete, Del Origen y Principio de la Lengua Castellana o` Romance que oi se usa en Espan˜a (Rome 1606; Madrid 1972), I, chapters 7–12. 73 Bernardo Aldrete, Del origen y principio de la lengua Castellana II, 6, pp. 178–81 (listing archaic Castilian vocabulary to show language change); III,14; III,15 (listing Gothic and Arabic vocabulary in Castilian as spoken in Aldrete’s time, respectively). 74 Aldrete, Origen book I, ch. 22, los vencidos reciben la lengua de los vencedores, in this context meaning that the inhabitants of the Peninsula, once defeated, accepted Latin as their language, as later they accepted Arabic. At p. 144 he refers to Peru’s lengua general as described by Cieza and Jose´ de Acosta, De procuranda Indorum salute, ed. and tr. L. Peren˜a and others (Madrid 1984–87), I,9, about the general languages of Mexico and Peru as vehicles of evangelization. The passage by Cieza that Aldrete had in mind appears to be Primera Parte, ch. 41, fol. 60, todos los de este reyno en ma´s de mill y dozientas leguas hablavan la lengua general de los Ingas, que es la que se usava en el Cuzco. Y habla´vase esta lengua generalmente, porque los sen˜ores Ingas lo mandavan: y era ley en todo su reyno, y castigavan a los padres si la dexavan de mostrar a sus hijos en la nin˜ez. Mas no embargante que habalvan la lengua del Cuzco (como digo) todos se ten´an sus lenguas, las que usaron sus antepasados. Aldrete’s work aroused much contestation (cf. Woolard, above n. 69), so that in a subsequent volume he reiterated his arguments with more evidence: Varias Antiguedades de Espan˜a, Africa y otras Provincias. Por el Doctor Bernardo Aldrete Canonigo en la Sancta Iglesia de Cordoua (En Amberes a costa de Iuan Hasrey an˜o de MDVXIV). 75 Aldrete, Origen book III, ch. 12. 76 Aldrete, Origen book III, ch. 13, p. 356.

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34. Bernardo Aldrete, Varias Antiguedades de Espan˜a, Africa y otras Provincias (Anvers 1614), frontispiece. In the center, the personication of Spain holds a crucix with ears of wheat to denote the peninsula’s fertile soil. The words in the scroll read: “Under thy leadership, Spain shall unveil new worlds.” The leadership referred to is that of Christ, but the words also allude to line 378 of Seneca’s Medea according to which the steersman of the ship Argo “shall unveil new worlds.” At the time, this was interpreted as a prophecy of the European discovery of America. In the context of Aldrete’s book, the prophecy also refers to the imperial progress of the Spanish language.

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of the Incas. A similar story involving a river that gave its name to the land of Peru had already been told by Oviedo77 and Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara. Quoting the latter, Garcilaso transformed this explanation into an anecdote about miscommunication between Spaniards and Amerindians—this being a genre of narration that had been multiplying in the course of the sixteenth century78—and recounted that the rst Spaniards to sail along the Pacic coast of South America captured an Indian, demanded to know what his land was called, and out of his confused and frightened responses derived the name Peru.79 As the Jesuit Blas Valera, many of whose notes Garcilaso incorporated into the Royal Commentaries expressed it, the name was “imposed” by the Spanish and was “a name given by chance and not a proper name.”80 The differentiation between a name imposed by chance and a proper name, coming from Blas Valera and quoted by Garcilaso, both being writers of great linguistic nesse, invites scrutiny as it touches on theories about the nature of language that interested grammarians of the time. The difference between imposed and natural names had been explored by the Roman scholar and antiquarian Marcus Terentius Varro in De lingua Latina, of which several editions circulated in the sixteenth century, one by Antonio Agust´n, bishop of Tarragona.81 Varro distinguished between names imposed on things by a person’s at or will, and names arising from nature.82 At the rst origin of language were names imposed by human will, which were followed by 77 Oviedo, HGN book 39, chapter 1, pp. 340b–41b. According to Bartolome´ de Las Casas, Apologe´tica Historia, ed. Edmundo O’Gorman (Mexico City 1967), chapter 248, p. 562, the name Peru was derived from the valley Piura´, where the Spanish founded the city of San Miguel. 78 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 1, ch. 5; he himself produced another example of the genre, see Garcilaso de la Vega, La Florida del Inca, ed. Sylvia Hilton (Madrid 1986), book VI, ch. 15. 79 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 1, ch. 4. 80 Garcilaso, CR Part I, 1, ch. 6, p.14ª, quoting Blas Valera: este nombre fue´ nuevamente impuesto por los espan˜oles a aquel imperio de los Incas, nombre puesto a caso y no propio, y por tanto de los Indios no conocido antes, por ser ba´rbaro tan aborrecido, que ninguno de ellos lo quiere usar. Solamente lo usan los espan˜oles. See further Jose´ Durand, Peru´ y Ophir en Garcilaso Inca, el Jesuita Pineda y Gregorio Garc´a, Histo´rica III, 2 (Lima 1979): 35–55; below chapter 7, n. 9. 81 See the survey of editions of Varro’s writings in M. Terentius Varro, De Lingua Latina Libri qui supersunt cum fragmentis ejusdem. Accedunt notae Antonii Augustini, Adriani Turnebi, Josephi Scaligeri, et Ausonii Pompae (Biponti 1788), p. xxxiv, citing Agust´n’s as the rst critical edition of De Lingua Latina. I have not been able to consult Antonio Agust´n, De nominis propiis... (Tarracone, Ex ofcina Philippi Meii 1579), of which there was another edition from Barcelona 1592, a work that would appear to be relevant in the present context. 82 Daniel J. Taylor, Declinatio. A Study of the Linguistic Theory of Marcus Terentius Varro (Amsterdam 1974), pp. 14–32.

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further names derived from these rst names: “there are only two kinds of origin of words, imposition and inection; the rst is like the fountain, the second like the river.”83 According to this principle, Varro clustered words by interlocking their sound with their meaning, associating, for example, humus, “ground,” with humatus, “buried,” and humilior, “downcast,” and also with humor, “moisture,” which led him to udor, “dampness.”84 Simultaneously, Varro speculated about words being formed either by the at of the human will, arbitrarily, or else organically, by associated sounds and meanings. The formidable Francisco Sa´nchez el Brocense, professor of Greek at Salamanca, took up this theme, but in his Minerva, a treatise on Latin grammar published in 1587, he was only prepared to allow that it was “in the original language, whatever it was, that names and etymologies were derived from the nature of things.”85 Blas Valera, Aldrete, and Garcilaso were too deeply aware of the reality of historical and linguistic change to think of Quechua, or even Latin, as an original language, let alone the very rst original language. After all, Varro had derived many Latin words from Greek as from an ancestor tongue. However, Garcilaso did portray the Incas as having created civilized society in the Andes by means of teaching the arts of political living and above all by propagating a common language.86 In this sense, Quechua, the language whereby even people who were not Inca subjects learned to treat each other peacably and as “friends and confederates,”87 stood in the place of an originary language, the civilizing function of which was disrupted by the intrusion of Spanish. Tahuantinsuyu, the “Fourfold Domain,” accordingly was a proper name that had owed as a river from Varro’s source, whereas Peru was an arbirary name, imposed by the conquerors’ at. There could be no more powerful token of conquest than the loss of the name of one’s patria. Evangelization, however, remained the order of the day, and Garcilaso thoroughly approved of the enterprise, more so since here the civi83

Varro, De Lingua Latina Libri, eds. L. Spengel and A. Spengel (Leipzig 1885; New York 1979), 8,4. 84 Varro, De Lingua Latina, 5, 23–4. 85 Francisco Sa´nchez de las Brozas (alias El Brocense), Minerva, o De Causis Linguae Latinae (Salamanca 1587), eds. E. Sa´nchez Salor and C. Chaparro Go´mez (Ca´ceres 1995), ch. 1, p. 38. 86 Garcilaso, CR Part I, Book 1, ch. 15. Note CR Part I, ch. 14, pp. 24b–25a: before the Incas, los que se entend´an en un lenguaje se ten´an por parientes; y as´ eran amigos y confederados. Los que no se entend´an por la variedad de las lenguas, se ten´an por enemigos y contrarios, y se hac´an cruel guerra, hasta comerse unos a otros, como si fueran brutos de diversas especies. 87 Garcilaso, CR Part I, Book 7, ch. 1, p. 247a, por sola ella (i.e., the Quechua language) se han hecho amigos y confederadores donde sol´an ser enemigos capitales.

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lizing, humanizing impact of Quechua was once more becoming evident. Thousands of Andean people congregated to work in Lima, Cuzco, La Plata, and most of all they took their turns every year at working in the silver mines of Potos´, where for some time Blas Valera had been stationed as a missionary. It was perhaps here that he observed, in a passage that Garcilaso quoted, that the Andean workers, thrown together from different parts of the land, were united by the general language of the Inca and when they return home, with the new and more noble language that they learnt, they themselves seem more noble, more cultured and more alert in their understanding, and what they appreciate most of all is that the other Indians of their village honour and esteem them because of this royal language that they learnt.88 Moreover, according to Valera, clergy and Spanish civic authorities observed that the language of the Inca court possesses this peculiar capacity, worthy of being celebrated, that it bestows on the Indians of Peru the same benet as the Latin language does on us, for apart from the advantage it offers for their negotiations and commercial dealings, for other temporal affairs and for their spiritual welfare, it makes them more acute of understanding, more teachable and ready to learn, and out of savages it turns them into political and cultivated beings.89 This very same process, as Garcilaso stressed repeatedly, had also taken place in the time of the Incas. A few years earlier, his friend Al88 Garcilaso, CR Part I, Book 7, ch. 4, p. 250b, y cuando se vuelven a sus tierras, con el nuevo y ma´s noble lenguaje que aprendieron, parecen ma´s nobles, ma´s adornados y ma´s capaces en sus entendimientos; y lo que ma´s estiman es que los dema´s ind´os de su pueblo los honran y tienen en ma´s por esta lengua real que aprendieron. For a discussion of this and related passages in Garcilaso, see Ce´sar Itier, “Lengua general y quechua cuzquen˜o en los siglos XVI y XVII, in Luis Millones, Hiroyasu Tomoeda, and Tatsuhiko Fujii, Desde afuera y desde adentro; ensayos de etnograf´a e historia del Cuzco y Apur´mac (Osaka, National Museum of Ethnology 2000), pp. 47–59. Unlike Garcilaso, contemporary linguists distinguish the Quechua spoken in Inca times from that generated by the missionaries; see further the dissertation by Durston, Pastoral Quechua: the History of Christian Translation in Peru, 1550–1650. 89 Garcilaso, CR Part I, Book 7, ch. 4, pp. 250b–251a: La lengua cortesana tiene este don particular, digno de ser celebrado, que a los indios del Peru´ les es de tanto provecho como a nosotros la lengua latina, porque adema´s del provecho que les causa en sus comercios, tratos y contratos, y en otros aprovechamientos temporales y bienes espirituales, les hace ma´s agudos de entendimiento, y ma´s do´ciles, y ma´s ingeniosos para lo que quisieren aprender, y de ba´rbaros los trueque en hombres pol´ticos y ma´s urbanos.

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drete, quoting Pliny, had described the civilizing impact of Latin in the Roman empire, making the additional point that precisely because, as Pliny had written, Latin “had drawn the savage languages of so many nations into conversation by the exchange of speech,” it was in due course possible to use it as the language of evangelization.90 All the more reason, therefore, for Garcilaso to urge that Quechua should be maintained in its purity and elegance, and that it should be pronounced and construed correctly, avoiding the inltration of Spanish semantics, syntax, and vocabulary.91 Several of Garcilaso’s friends were Jesuits, and he had a special appreciation for the work of this order in the evangelization of Peru. In 1607, two years before the Royal Commentaries were published in Lisbon after much delay, there appeared in Lima a Quechua grammar by the Jesuit Diego Gonza´lez Holguin, the labor of many years. Garcilaso appears not to have seen this work, but he would have appreciated the author’s commitment to portray the language of the Inca in its own right, and not as a construct of Latin. Much had happened in the world of grammar after the publication of Nebrija’s Introductiones Latinae, during the years that Domingo de Santo Toma´s spent in Peru and subsequently. The linguist Francisco Sa´nchez el Brocense wrote his Minerva both as a companion volume and a response to the Mercurius by the Italian scholar Augustinus Saturninus, the rst edition of which appeared in 1546, followed by two further ones ten years later. El Brocense disagreed with his predecessor on many matters, but the two were at one in making the sentence, oratio, into the basic unit of grammatical analysis, rather than beginning, as Nebrija had done, with the sounds, letters, and parts of speech.92 This was a notable shift. In part it was determined by the different purposes of these later grammatical works from those of Nebrija. Nebrija had written primarily to advance the teaching of Latin to the young, but the methodology of beginning with the parts of speech also appears in his Spanish grammar. Saturninus and El Brocense wrote for those who were already uent in Latin with the intention of explaining not the traditional divisions of grammar, letters, syllables, and parts of speech, nor yet the historical and methodological aspects of grammar, 90

Aldrete, Origen de la lengua Book I, ch. 4, p. 33, quoting Pliny, NH 3,41. On two misconstruals of Quechua current in Garcilaso’s time, see CR Part I, book 2, chapters 4–5, discussing different meanings of huaca, pacha, and p’acha. 92 Augustinus Saturninus, Mercurius Maior sive grammaticae institutiones (Basle 1546; Venice 1556; Lyon 1556), ed. Menuel Man˜as Nu´n˜ez (Ca´ceres 1997). The analysis of phonemes, letters, parts of speech goes back to the late Roman grammarians Donatus and Priscian; see ed. Henricus Keil, Grammatici Latini (Leipzig 1859, Hildesheim 1961) vols. II–III (Priscian) and vol. IV (Donatus). 91

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but language in itself. Grammatica est ars recte loquendi, “grammar is the art of speaking correctly,” no more, no less.93 Domingo de Santo Toma´s, who had modeled his work on Nebrija, used Latin as a blueprint whereby to explain Quechua, making allowance for the many junctures where Latin did not help. The reason for the presence of Latin was, as we have seen, both political and didactic.94 All the readers of Fray Domingo’s grammar will have learned Latin, which was therefore a good place to begin explaining an additional foreign language. Furthermore, a grammar designed for language instruction such as Nebrija’s and Fray Domingo’s must inevitably translate concepts and vocabulary from the learner’s language to the language to be learned, and Gonza´lez Holgu´n was confronted with having to perform this same task. He had to get from Spanish with Latin to Quechua. Whether or not Gonza´lez Holguin knew of Saturninus and el Brocense, their method is in evidence in his Arte, which from the beginning invites the learner to form clauses. Whenever possible, the basic unit of analysis is not the isolated part of speech but the clause and then the sentence. Since therefore syntax was being learned from the beginning along with accidence, rather than having to be taken on as a separate enterprise once declension and conjugation had been mastered, the consuetudo loquendi of Quechua speakers stood at the forefront from the outset. This shift in overall methodology that distinguishes the grammatical work of Gonza´lez Holguin from that of Domingo de Santo Toma´s goes hand in hand with numerous differences regarding particulars. Some of these arise from the further study of Quechua by missionaries during the years since Fray Domingo had published his work, and others from the Jesuit grammarian’s distinct methodology and outlook. Regarding plurals, for example, Gonza´lez Holguin described not only the principal plural sufx cuna, but several further ones conveying different plural meanings, and he also explained certain idiomatic uses of plural constructions, such as the plural pronoun in camchic runa, or camcamchic runacuna, meaning literally, “you people,” but in fact conveying vituperation, “you wicked people.”95 On another issue that Fray Domingo had written about, Gonza´lez Holguin thought no such 93

Francisco Sa´nchez de las Brozas, Minerva ch. 2, p. 46, line 13. Cf. Fray Domingo on patronyms, above at n. 43. But Diego Gonza´lez Holgu´n stated at some length that there was no such thing as patronyms in Quechua; see his Gramatica y Arte Nueva de la Lengua General de todo el Peru, llamada lengua Qquichua, o lengua del Inca (Lima 1607; Georgetown 1975), fol. 99r ff.; this is quite clearly and explicitly a contradiction of Fray Domingo, even though Gonza´lez Holgu´n does not mention him. 95 Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Arte, fols. 8–9v; fol. 13v. Compare above at n. 31. 94

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thing as patronyms existed in Quechua. The passage in question, like several others, reads as though it had been written as a response to the friar’s discussion of this same topic: This language has no patronyms, and we cannot maintain that family names or surnames, whether of an entire lineage such as Incaroca, or of social groups, such as Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, or of the provinces, like Cuntisuyo, Collasuyo, or ancient surnames like Quispipuma Huaman (Shining Puma, Falcon) are patronyms. For these names do not follow the rule that is given in the grammar books, that they must be terms derived by means of some addition or extension from other terms of kinship, using a particle for this purpose, such as the Latin particle—des in Aeneas, Aeneades, “those of the linage of Aeneas.” Nor yet are there in Quechua patronyms constructed with an adjectival noun derived from a proper name, as in Saturnia proles, the “descendants of Saturn.” In Quechua we nd nothing like this, but there are names and surnames. Also, patronyms are not indispensible, since they do not occur in languages other than Latin and Greek.96 Gonza´lez Holguin chose never to spell out the conceptual revolution that is latent in this last sentence, but it is implicit throughout his Arte. Like Fray Domingo, Gonza´lez Holguin drew comparisons between Quechua and Latin wherever he thought this would help the learner. But unlike Fray Domingo, and unlike Nebrija, he did not think of Latin as a possible model on which one could attempt to build a universal grammar. As a result, his Arte contains analytical and descriptive categories that had not so far appeared in European grammars, but were useful, and indeed fundamental, when describing and analyzing Quechua.97 This feature helped to transform the traditional relationship between the learner’s language and the language to be learned, because 96 Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Arte, fol. 99: Nombres patronimicos no los tiene esta Lengua, ni se puede dezir que lo son los nombres appelativos o sobrenombres, ora sean de todo un linaje, como (Incaroca) o de los vandos, como (Hanan Cuzco, Urin Cuzco) o de las provincias como (Cunti suyo, Colla suyo) ora sobrenombres antiguos, como (Quispipuma huaman) porque no guardan la regla de patronimicos que dan las Artes, que son vocablos deduzidos con alguna an˜adidura o composicion de otros vocablos de parentesco, con particula para esto, como en Latin (des) de (Aeneas, Aeneades) los de aquel linaje de Aeneas. Ni por via de nombre adjectivo sacado del nombre proprio, como (Saturnia proles, Los hijos de Saturno.) Aca no hallamos cosa que corresponda a esto, sino los nombres y sobrenombres, ni es cosa necessaria, pues no es comun a otras lenguas sino a la Latina y Griega. Gonza´lez Holgu´n was not thinking of Norse languages in which patronyms are frequent, but this does not compromise the point he is making, which is that patronyms are not a universal feature of language. 97 For example, Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Arte, fols .4v–5v on declining adjectival participles.

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the latter acquired from the former the leading role in forming concepts. If concepts that had been formed in relation to Latin or Spanish turned out to be useful in relation to Quechua, Gonza´lez Holguin welcomed this fact, but it was incidental to the main issue, which was that the learner was to internalize as dominant those concepts that derived from the behavior of the Quechua and not of some other language.98 In the concluding book of the Arte, which deals with elegant composition in Quechua, Gonza´lez Holguin spelled out what all this amounted to in actual practice: The rst law to succeed in composing in Quechua should be to ee from the Castilian manner of speaking, because it arranges the sentence and its parts in an order opposite to this language. Example: “I go to the church to hear a sermon about the most holy sacrament.” The Indians begin where Castilian nishes, and nish where it begins: “About the most holy sacrament the sermon to hear to the church I go,” “Sanctissimo sacramento sermonta uyaric yglesiamanmi rini,” and this is the order that is elegant here, not ours.99 At issue was, as always, the ars recte loquendi, “the art of speaking correctly.” Saturninus and el Brocense, early contemporaries of Gonza´lez Holguin, wrote about this art for scholars, people comfortable with reading a long and difcult book in Latin. Gonza´lez Holguin by contrast wrote to provide practical training for ordinary conversation and for delivering sermons in Quechua, and this was also what Domingo de Santo Toma´s had worked for. If sacred oratory was to engage listeners and convince, it had to be elegant, abundant, and free of barbarisms. In aspiring to this goal, Fray Domingo and Gonza´lez Holguin joined hands with Quintilian, who wrote the Institutio Oratoria to train the young in oratory so as to prepare them to plead cases in the law courts and to administer the Roman empire. The brief comments on grammar that attracted the attention of Nebrija and Domingo de Santo Toma´s only served to remind educators that before a boy could begin his formation as an orator, he had to be able to speak correct and cultivated Latin, this being the essential preliminary to an appreciation of Latin literature. Appreciation of literature, of the portrayal of human 98 For example, Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Arte, fol. 54, quedan todos nuestros romances reduzidos a la Lengua, and not vice versa. 99 Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Arte book IV, ch. 1, fol. 119, La primera ley para acertar a componer sea huyr del modo de hablar castellano, porque dispone la oracion y sus partes al reves que esta lengua. Exemplo. Voy a la yglesia a oyr sermon del sanctissimo sacramento, los yndios comienc¸an por donde acaba el romance, y acaban por donde comienc¸a del sanctissimo sacramento el sermon a oyr a la yglesia voy sanctissimo sacramento sermonta uyaric yglesiamanmi rini, y este orden es aca elegante, y no el nuestro.

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35–36. The funerary chapel of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in the Mezquita of Co´rdoba. The crucix over the altar is framed by a painting showing the darkening of the sun when Christ died. In its context in the chapel, this painting can also be understood as showing the darkening of the Sun of the Incas, that in Garcilaso’s account was the necessary antecedent to the emergence in his homeland of Christ the Sun of Justice.

emotion and motivation in narratives in verse and prose, in ction, history, and law, in turn opened the door to informed and ethical participation in public life. In order to say something, one had to know something. Nebrija, his humanist Italian predecessors and Spanish successors were deeply committed to reviving and handing on this knowledge, but as it turned out, they passed on a learned, much more than a political and administrative, kind of knowledge such as Quintilian had envisioned.100 100 Anthony Grafton, Defenders of the Text. The Traditions of Scholarship in an Age of Science, 1450–1800 (Cambridge, Mass. 1991); id., Commerce with the Classics. Ancient Books and Renaissance Readers (Ann Arbor 1997); Peter Miller, Peiresc’s Europe. Learning and Virtue in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven, Conn. 2000) traces the emergence of “learned sociability” and its tranformation into a social and political virtue that reached beyond the world of learning.

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37–38. Epitaph of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in his funerary chapel in the Mezquita of Co´rdoba. The rst tablet reads: “The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, gentleman of standing, worthy of perpetual memory, of noble descent, versed in letters, valiant in arms, son of Garcilaso de la Vega of the lineages of the Dukes of Feria and Infantado, and of Elizabeth Palla, sister of Huaina Capac the last Emperor of the Indies. He wrote about Florida, translated Leon Hebreo and composed the Royal Commentaries.” The second tablet: “He lived most devoutly in Cordoba, died an exemplary death, endowed this Chapel, was buried in it and bequeathed his property to intercede for the souls in purgatory. The lords Dean and Chapter of this holy church shall act as perpetual custodians. He died on the twenty second of April sixteen hundred and sixteen. Pray to God for his Soul.”

Except in the Americas. Domingo de Santo Toma´s, Gonza´lez Holguin, and their many fellow missionaries had all undergone some form of classical training. Often, they came away with no more than a smattering, but some missionaries were men of signicant learning. In writing their grammars and lexica, therefore, Domingo de Santo Toma´s

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and Diego Gonza´lez Holguin assumed this prior formation in what was to be said, and focused on how to say it eloquently. They wrote for adults who were educated already, whereas Quintilian’s main theme had been the content of young people’s education and how to impart it. The missionary’s task was to run Andean parishes, doctrinas, to teach the Christian doctrine, to educate, inform, and inculcate polic´a, and to practice—on every Sunday and holy day—tthe art of sacred oratory. Convinced that Quechua was the appropriate vehicle in which to accomplish these tasks, the missionaries were as interested in perpetuating the purity and elegance of the language of evangelization101 as Quintilian had been in perpetuating these same qualities in Latin. Preaching for better or worse was a political activity, an active, sometimes militant participation in the repu´blica cristiana. Indirectly, but nonetheless in a vital, creative way, the effects of which are still with us, the missionaries were among Quintilian’s most inuential students. And Quechua, for all that in the outcome it turned out to be not at all like Latin—a point that Gonza´lez Holguin made very clear—proved to be the vehicle of interchange, communication, and identity in the Andes, much as Garcilaso Inca thought it was and ought to be.102

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Note especially the prologue to Gonza´lez Holguin, Arte book 4. Garcilaso saw Quechua as an expression of Peruvian collective identity; see Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part I, preceded by “Advertencias acerca de la lengua general de los indios del Peru´”; at the end of these comments on the language, Garcilaso describes it as “la lengua general del Peru´.” In Comentarios Reales Part II, pro´logo p. 13a, Garcilaso mentions the Dialogos de Amor by Leo´n Hebreo, libro . . . que anda traducido en todas lenguas hasta en lenguaje peruano. In Comentarios Reales Part I, book 9, ch. 19, p. 351a; Part II, book 1, ch. 7, p. 26a, Garcilaso refers to Giovanni Botero Benese, Le relationi universali di Giovanni Botero Benese, divise in quattro parti (Venice 1605). Botero also saw Quechua as the Peruvian language; see Relationi p. 230, on the three different landscapes of Peru, piani, e Sierra, and Andi (quella e` voce Spagnuola, questa Peruana). Further on “Peruvian,” see Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, Part II, pro´logo, p. 14b, on the “librea natural peruana” that was to be seen in Cordoba during the celebration of the beatication of Ignatius Loyola. Note also, “La lengua general de todo el Peru llamada Qquichua o del Inca” is part of the title of Diego Gonza´lez Holgu´n’s dictionary. 102

Seven The Incas, Rome, and Peru AT THE BEGINNING of his Cro´nica del Peru´, Cieza described for his readers the nature and purpose of this rst part, Primera Parte, of the work. There were several different ways of looking at it. In the dedication of the book, Cieza observed that his enterprise merited the attention of a “Livy, or a Valerius Maximus, or another of the great writers that have lived in the world.” For who could adequately portray the “towering mountains and deep valleys” by which Peru was approached, the immense rivers and their great depth? So great a variety of provinces as there are in Peru, with such different characteristics? The differences of settlements and peoples with diverse customs, rituals and strange ceremonies? So many birds and animals, trees and sh, all different and unknown?1 In the preface to the reader, Cieza took another tack: This rst part treats of the demarcation and division of the provinces of Peru: both as viewed from the sea, and as viewed by land. And what their latitude and longitude is. The description of all of them. The foundations of the new cities which have been founded by Spaniards. Who the founders were. At what point they were settled. The rituals and customs that of old the indigenous Indians observed. And other strange matters, very different from ours, that merit attention.2 1 Cieza, Primera Parte, Dedication to Philip, “principe de las Espan˜as”: fol. 3–3v para decir las admirables cosas que en este Reyno del Peru´ ha avido y ay, conviniera que las escriviera un Tito Livio, o Valerio, o otro de los grandes escriptores que ha habido en el mundo: y aun estos se vieran en trabajo en lo contar. Porque quie´n podra´ decir las cosas grandes y diferentes que en e´l son? Las sierras alt´ssimas y valles profundos, por donde se fue descubriendo y conquistando? Los r´os tantos y tan grandes de tan crescida hondura? Tanta variedad de provincias como en e´l ay, con tan diferentes calidades? Las diferencias de pueblos y gentes con diversas costumbres, ritos y cerimonias estran˜as? Tantas aves, y animales, a´rboles, y pesces tan diferentes et ignotos? 2 Cieza, Primera Parte, preface to the reader, vol. 4v.: Esta primera parte tracta la demarcacio´n y divisio´n de las provincias del Peru´: ass´ por la parte de la mar como por la tierra. Y lo que tienen de longitud y latitud. La descripcio´n de todas ellas. Las fundaciones de las nuevas ciudades que se han fundado de Espan˜oles. Quie´n fueron los fundadores. En que´ tiempo se poblaron. Los ritos y costumbres que ten´an antiguamente los

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Finally, in the opening chapters of the Cro´nica, Cieza returned to the topic once more: “my primary intention in this rst part is to represent the land of Peru, and to tell the foundations of the cities that are in it, and the rites and ceremonies of the Indians of this kingdom.”3 The rst city would be Panama, where Pizarro and his men organized their expedition, and then I will enter Peru by the port of Uraba, which is in the province of Cartagena, not so far from the great river of Darien: where I will account for the settlements of Indians and the cities of Spaniards that there are from there as far as the city of La Plata and the place of Potos´, which is the boundary of Peru at the southern end, which, so far as I can see, amounts to a journey of 1200 leagues. All of which I traveled by land, and was present in, saw and knew the matters I treat in this history. These things I have observed with great care and diligence, so as to write of them with betting truthfulness.4 Cieza went on to describe three approaches to the “land of Peru,” beginning with the route by sea from Panama via Lima as far as Chile. This was, in summary, the log of a ship’s pilot, noting distances and salient features of the coastline.5 The second approach began in the gulf of Uraba and continued overland to Quito, on to Tarapaca´ and Arequipa. Here, Cieza described long stretches of the Inca road that ran along the Pacic coast with its river valleys, irrigation canals, and ourishing elds that occasioned several of his admiring comments about the peaceful government of the Incas.6 The third journey following the Inca road in the Andean highlands took Cieza from Cajamarca, Xauxa, Guamanga, and Cuzco to Upper Peru, Tiahuanaco, La indios naturales. Y otras cosas estran˜as y muy diferentes de las nuestras, que son dignas de notar. 3 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 12: gurar la tierra del Peru´: y contar las fundaciones de las ciudades que en e´l ay: los ritos y cerimonias de los Indios deste reyno. 4 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 2, fol. 12–12v: hago principio en esta ciudad: y despue´s entrare´ por el puerto de Uraba, que cae en la provincia de Cartagena, no muy lexos del gran r´o del Darie´n: donde dare´ razo´n de los pueblos de indios: y las ciudades de Espan˜oles que ay desde all´ hasta la villa de Plata y assiento de Potoss´, que son los nes del Peru´ por la parte del Sur: donde a mi ver ay ma´s de mill y dozientos leguas de camino: lo qual yo anduve todo por tierra, y tracte´, vi, y supe las cosas que en esta hystoria tracto: las quales he mirado con grande estudio et diligencia, para las escrevir con aquella verdad que devo. On Panama, cf. above ch. 4, at notes 34ff. 5 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 5, fol. 17v–18. Here, Cieza explained that a ship’s pilot had given him a “detailed account” of the continuation of this route as far as the Strait of Magellan, which, however, he was unable to reproduce because “al tiempo que dimos batalla a Gonc¸alo Pizarro” at Xaquixaguana, “me la hurtaron.” 6 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 66.

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Plata, and Potos´. Yet, for all that Cieza wrote about the land, its peoples and their history, occupations, and customs in colorful and vivid detail, these were journeys that he imagined, not ones that he actually undertook. Cieza had indeed himself seen what he described so convincingly: but when he wrote his account of Peru, he reordered his actual travels into a composition that had analytical as well as descriptive content. What had been, in the rst instance, his own personal experience became, in the course of writing, a representation of “the land of Peru.” This was a deliberate choice. Earlier Spanish travelers had left accounts of things seen, heard, and done, and Cieza perhaps knew of them: for example, Ruy Gonza´lez de Clavijo’s description of Enrique II’s embassy to Tamerlane, and Pero Tafur’s travels in Europe, Greece, the Aegean, Egypt, and Asia Minor.7 Clavijo’s narrative has proved invaluable in locating and identifying long abandoned sites, and Cieza’s Primera Parte likewise has guided the searches of historians and archaeologists.8 But Cieza did not write as a traveler. When he referred to the historian Livy and to Valerius Maximus the narrator of exemplary events in Roman history, he did so not for erudite adornment of the Primera Parte, but to place it in its proper context among historical works that he himself admired, studied, and used. As Cieza understood well, more was in the identity of Peru than its name, however puzzling this turned out to be in its own right.9 Peru, insofar as it consisted of Tahuantinsuyu, the former empire of the Incas, was a political entity, the issue for Cieza being to ascertain how far the sway of the Incas had reached. Reecting on the farthest outposts of Inca power, Cieza concluded that they conquered and ruled from Pasto as far as Chile: in the South, their banners prevailed to the River Maule and to the River Angasmayo in the North. These rivers were the boundary of their empire, which was of such extent that the distance from one end to the other 7

Ruy Gonza´lez de Clavijo, Embajada a Tamorla´n, ed. Francisco Lo´pez Estrada (Madrid 1999); Pero Tafur, Andanzas y viajes de un hidalgo espan˜ol, ed. Marcos Jime´nez de la Espada (Madrid 1995). 8 Robert W. Edwards, “Armenian and Byzantine Religious Practices in Early Fifteenth-Century Trabzon: A Spanish Viewpoint,” Revue des E´tudes Arme´niennes 23 (Paris 1992): 81–90. Craig Morris and Donald E. Thompson, Hua´nuco Pampa. An Inca City and its Hinterland (London 1985), pp. 31–32. 9 Cf. above, chapter 6, at notes 75ff, and Rau´l Porras Barrenechea, El Nombre del Peru´ (Lima 1951).

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is 1300 leagues. And they built great fortresses and strong places, and in all the provinces they appointed captains and governors.10 However, considering different degrees of Inca inuence, the boundaries of Inca power could be cast in somewhat narrower terms. In the Andean highlands, Cieza came across signs of Inca road-building some ten leagues south of the River Angasmayo, where “you see the road of the Incas that is so famous in these parts, like the one that Hannibal constructed across the Alps when he came down into Italy.”11 However, it was only somewhat farther on, in Quito, that “what we call Peru really begins.”12 On the coast, the rst material traces of the Incas were to be found yet farther south, near the River Tumbez, where Cieza saw a fortied place “of lovely workmanship erected by the Incas, kings of Cuzco and lords of all Peru.” There was also a temple of the Sun and a house for the chosen women of the Sun “who lived by almost the same rules and customs as did in Rome the Vestal virgins.”13 Although Cieza did not have as detailed a personal knowledge of the southern frontiers of the Inca empire, a similar story emerges. The River Maule was an outpost that reportedly had been reached by captains of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, who then sent governors and state settlers to Chile, and also collected a tribute of gold leaf.14 But much more tangible tokens of Inca presence were to be found along the Pacic coast north of the River 10 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 38, fol. 56v, Conquistaron y sen˜orearon desde Pasto hasta Chile: y sus vanderas vieron por la parte del sur al r´o Maule: y por la del Norte al r´o de Angasmayo: y estos r´os fueron te´rmino de su imperio: que fue tan grande que ay de una parte a otra ma´s de mill y trezientas leguas. Y edicaron grandes fortalezas y aposentos fuertes. In Segunda Parte, chapter 68, Cieza returns to the issue. 11 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 37, fol. 55, una provincia pequen˜a que ha por nombre Guaca: y antes de allegar a ella se vee el camino de los Ingas tan famoso en estas partes: como el que hizo An´bal por los Alpes, quando abaxo´ a Ytalia. 12 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 13, fol. 25, Quito que es donde verdaderamente comienc¸a lo que llamamos Peru´. 13 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 4, fol. 15v, una fortaleza muy fuerte y de linda obra, hecha por los Yngas reyes del Cuzco y sen˜ores de todo el Peru´ . . . av´a templos del sol, y casa de Mamaconas: que quiere dezir mugeres principales v´rgenes, dedicadas al servicio del templo. Las quales casi al uso de la costumbre que ten´an en Roma las v´rgenes Vestales biv´an y estavan. This temple also impressed (Miguel de Estete), Noticia del Peru´ in Coleccio´n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru´ Tomo 8, 2a Serie (Lima 1924), p. 20, in part since here comienza el pac´co sen˜or´o de los sen˜ores del Cuzco y la buena tierra. 14 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 61, fol. 74, after conquering Charcas, Tupa Inca atravec¸o´ muchas tierras y provinc¸ias y grandes despoblados de nieve hasta que llego´ a lo que llamamos Chile y sen˜oreo´ y conquisto´ todas aquellas tierras: enbio´ capitanes a saber lo de adelante los quales dizen que llegaron al r´o de Maule. En lo de Chile hizo algunos edic¸ios y tributa´ronle de aquellas comarcas mucho oro en tejuelos. Dexo´ governadores y mitimaes: y puesta en orden lo que avia ganado, bolvio´ al Cuzco. Cf. below, n. 67.

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Maule15 and in the highland region that the Incas called Collasuyu and the Spanish at rst, Collao,16 and later, Charcas.17 Here and elsewhere, Inca roads, rivaling the roads the Romans had built throughout their empire, eased the journey and lifted the spirits of the traveler.18 Beyond illustrating the arts of governance of which in Cieza’s view the Incas were masters, Inca roads and buildings betokened further cultural and political realities that shed light on the nature and extent of Inca power, and hence on the extent of Peru. Cieza set the tone for an entire tradition—enduring to this day—of historical and ethnohistorical research and writing when he differentiated the societies on the Inca frontiers, especially those to the north and south, from those that were more tightly knit into the structures of Inca power and inuence. In part, the difference was one of climate, but more was at stake, for climate had generated very different kinds of social organization.19 In Cuzco, in the Southern Sierra, and Upper Peru, stratied societies had emerged that were ruled by powerful lords, most especially the Incas, because only in this way could human effort be coordinated to the extent that was needed to wrest a living from those daunting environments. By contrast, in the fertile lands and lower altitudes surrounding Quito, where more than one harvest could be gathered every year, next to no hierarchy of authority was needed for survival. Like other Spaniards before and after him, Cieza described such societies as behetr´as.20 15

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 75, with description of the coast from Chincha to Chile. Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 99, on the extent, geography, population, and economy of Collao; Primera Parte, chapter 106, fol. 130v, la gran provincia de Paria, que fue cosa muy estimada por los Ingas. Chapter 107 describes Charcas. 17 The complexity of dening this territory that became Bolivia is the subject of Josep M. Barnadas, Charcas 1535–1565. Origenes historicos de una sociedad colonial (La Paz, Bolivia 1973). 18 See for example, Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 60, on the coastal road and the parrots and other birds one could see while walking on it; also on the road’s containing walls and store houses; Segunda Parte, ch. 15. 19 Cf. chapter 5 at notes 53–54. Michael A. Malpass, ed., Provincial Inca. Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Assessment of the Impact of the Inca State (Iowa City 1993). 20 Relacio´n que da el Adelantado de Andagoya de las tierras y provincias que abajo se hara´ mencion, in Pasqual de Andagoya, Relacio´n y documentos, ed. Adria´n Bla´zquez (Madrid 1986), p. 87, Esta tierra, hasta una provincia que se dice Peruqueta, y de una mar a otra y la isla de las Perlas y golfo de San Miguel y otra provincia que llamamos las Behetr´as por no haber en ella ningun sen˜or, se llama Cueva. See also p. 95. At p. 169, Andagoya describes the regime imposed by the Spanish as behetr´a. (Polo de Ondegardo), Linage de los Incas y como conquistaron, in Coleccio´n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru´ vol. 4 (Lima 1917), p. 47, before the Incas, in the vicinity of Cuzco, cada provinica defend´a su tierra sin ayudarle otro ninguno, como eran behetr´as. Cieza observed the easy mobility of peoples north of Quito; see above, chapter 5, at n. 53. A similar phenomenon was observed by Vazquez de Espinosa, Compendio y descripcio´n de las Indias occidentals, ed. B. Velasco Bayo´n (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 231, Madrid 1969), section 16

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According to the historian Pedro Lo´pez de Ayala, whose Cro´nica del Rey don Pedro circulated in Cieza’s Spain in four editions,21 behetr´as were those communities on the southern frontier of Castile that had gained their freedom from the Muslims independently of royal or seignorial help and therefore enjoyed the privilege of choosing their own lords.22 These were communities the valor of whose ancestors commanded respect. Yet, in Cieza’s day, their rights were increasingly encroached upon by crown and nobility,23 while in the Andes and in South America at large, the people of societies described as behetr´as, who obeyed their lords only “when they want,”24 were felt to lack reason and polic´a, “public order.”25 As Cieza understood it, the Incas had experienced great difculties in exercising lasting control over behetr´as. It was thus with reason that he compared the road that they built from Quito northward not to a Roman road but to Hannibal’s military road that descended from the trackless southern slopes of the Alps into Italy. In a passage that Cieza had evidently read, Livy described the hardships of Hannibal’s campaign, the daunting terrain, the dubious promises of cooperation by the peoples of those mountains and their subsequent attacks on Hannibal’s army. Guides were untrustworthy, the weather inclement, and before long the onset of winter and snowfall obscured such paths as there 1000. Further, Juan and Judith Villamar´n, “Chiefdoms and the Prevalence and Persistence of ‘Sen˜or´os Naturales’ 1400 to the European Conquest,” in Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz, eds., The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Volume III, South America, Part I (New York 1999), pp. 577–667. 21 Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero Hispano-Americano, ed. Julio Ollero (Madrid 1990), vol. 4, p. 261: Seville 1495; Toledo 1526; Seville 1542; Seville 1549. A fth edition, Pamplona 1591, reveals continuing interest in the work. Note also the comments on it by Gero´nimo Zurita y Castro that circulated in MS for over a century before being published, Enmiendas y advertencias de Gero´nimo Zurita, a las coro´nicas de los reyes de Castilla D. Pedro, D. Enrrique el Segundo, D. Juan el Primero, y D. Enrrique el Tercero, que escrivio´ Don Pedro Lo´pez de Ayala, Chanciller, y Alfe´rez mayor de Castilla, Camarero mayor del Rey don Juan el Primero, y Merino mayor de Guipu´zcoa (Zaragoza 1683). These comments could not, of course, have been consulted by Cieza. 22 Pedro Lo´pez de Ayala, Cro´nica del rey don Pedro, eds. Constance L. Wilkins and Heanon M. Wilkins (Madison 1985), year 2 chapter 14, En que manera fueron las behetrias en los regnos de Castilla y Leon. 23 Antonio Moreno Ollero, “Una behetr´a ‘de mar a mar’ en el siglo XVI: Melgar de Fernamental,” Anuario de estudios medievales 19 (Barcelona 1989): 731–41. In addition to the foundational work of Claudio Sa´nchez-Albornoz, “Las Behetr´as. La encomendacio´n en Asturias, Leo´n y Castilla,“ Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espan˜ol I (Madrid 1924): 158–335, see now Carlos Estepa Die´z, Las behetr´as castellanas (2 vols., Madrid 2003). 24 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 13, fol. 26, quando quieren. 25 E.g., Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 16, fol. 30, about the people near Anzerma, No tinen obra pol´tica ni mucha razo´n.

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might have existed, forcing Hannibal to set his soldiers to build their road themselves.26 Cieza imagined the Incas to have confronted circumstances analogous to these in their campaigns north of Quito.27 This was not an environment in which these great empire builders were able to construct roads remotely resembling the majestic, superbly engineered highways along the Pacic coast and in the mountains of the central and southern Andes that Cieza compared to the Roman roads in Spain and elsewhere that were still used in his own time.28 Roads demarcated the boundaries of the Inca empire, their different styles and workmanship distinguishing imperial core from imperial periphery. In addition, in Cieza’s view, they exemplied the meaning and methods of good government. He lived in the Andes during the rst major phase of the transformation of the Inca empire into the Viceroyalty of Peru. It was impossible to bring the Incas back, but their achievements provided lessons for the present, particularly for the Spanish, whose king bore the proud title “Emperor of the Romans” and who saw himself as the successor of Augustus.29 In his survey of Inca governance, Cieza thus wrote: If the Emperor Charles V were to order another royal road to be built like the one that goes from Quito to Cuzco and continues to Chile, I rmly believe that all his power and all human strength would be insufcient to accomplish it if it were not done with the same order and method that the Incas addressed to the task. For if the road were just fty or a hundred or two hundred leagues long, we may believe that it could . . . be built, even in rugged terrain; but one of the Inca roads was over 1100 leagues long, extending across mountains so inhospitable and fearful that in places, looking down, one sees no bottom, and some mountain ranges are so rocky and precipitous that men had to cut into the living rock to make the road wide and even: all this they accomplished with re and their picks. Elsewhere, ascents were so extended and arduous that steps were cut from below so as to ascend on them to the heights, with resting places at intervals, for people to repose.30 26

Livy, Ab urbe condita 21, 32–7. For the bitterness of the ghting, see Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 37; Segunda Parte, ch. 67–8. 28 E.g., Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 40, fol. 59v, comparing the road from Quito to Cuzco to the calc¸ada que los Romanos hizieron, que en Espan˜a llamamos camino de la plata. 29 Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas. The Habsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven 1993), pp. 113–16; Fernando Checa Cremades, Carlos V. La imagen del poder en el renacimiento (Madrid 1999), pp. 140–85 passim. 30 Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 15, fol. 19: (free translation, with condensation and connections supplied for brevity and intelligibility): me parec¸e que si el Enperador quisiese mandar hazer otro camino real como el que va del Quito al Cuzco sale del Cuzco para 27

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Roman antecedents pervade Cieza’s descriptions of the Inca network of communications. Near Vilcas, he saw an Inca bridge spanning the river of the same name: On one and the other side of the river two tall and very solid bridge heads anchored in deep, strong foundations have been erected in order to suspend the bridge from them. The bridge is made of ropes of ber like the cables that turn wheelworks for bringing up water. When fully nished these bridges are so strong that horses can traverse them at top speed, as though they were crossing the bridge of Alcantara or that of Cordoba,31 both of which, known to Cieza and still standing today, are Roman. Vilcas mattered in a further respect, since according to what the locals say, it was the centre of the government and realm of the Incas. For they afrm that from Quito to Vilcas is the same distance as from Vilcas to Chile, which were the limits of their empire.32 yr a Chile, c¸iertamente creo con todo su poder para ello no fuese poderoso ni fuerc¸as de honbres lo pudieran hazer, si no fuese con la horden tan grande que para ello los Yngas mandaron que oviese. Porque si fuera camino de c¸inquenta leguas o de c¸iento o de dozientas es de creer que aunque la tierra fuera ma´s a´spera no se tuviera en mucho con buena diligenc¸ia hazerlo; mas e´stos eran tan largos que av´a alguno que ten´a mas de mill y c¸ien leguas, todo echado por sierras tan agras y espantosas que por algunas partes mirando abaxo se quita la vista, y algunas destas sierras derechas y llenas de pedreras, tanto que era menester cabar por las laderas en pen˜a viva para hazer el camino ancho y llano: todo lo qual haz´an con fuego y con sus picos. Por otros lugares av´a suvidas tan altas y a´speras que haz´an desde lo baxo escalones para poder subir por ellos a lo ma´s alto, aziendo entre medias dellos algunos descanc¸os anchos para el reposo de la jente. En otros lugares av´a montones de nieve que era ma´s de temer y esto no en un lugar sino en muchas partes, y no as´ como quiera, sino que no va ponderado ni encarec¸ido como ello es ni como lo vemos; y por estas nieves y por donde av´a montan˜as de a´rvoles y c¸e´spedes lo hazian llano y enpedrado, si menester fuese. See on this road, John Hyslop, The Inka Road System (New York 1984), pp. 257–9. See also Cieza, Quito, ch. 122, fol. 178v– 179, si el poderoso rey Topa Ynga Iupangui e Guainacapa, su hijo, no mandaran hazer por all´ el camino real, hera ynpossible poderlo andar. Los Yngas enprendieron cosas y hizieron caminos e otras fuerc¸as tan admirables que los romanos con todo su poder no lo hizieron tan excelente, y quien esto no creyere salga del Quito hasta la villa de Plata que hay mas de seiscientas leguas y vera´ el camino que yo digo, que en el mundo hasta agora no se ha visto su ygual. 31 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 89, fol. 116 (free translation): De una parte y de otra del r´o esta´n hechos dos grandes y muy crescidos patrones de piedra, sacados con cimientos muy hondos y fuertes, para poner la puente que es hecho de maromas de rama a manera de las sogas que tienen las anorias para sacar agua con la rueda. Y e´stas despue´s de hechas son tan fuertes, que pueden passar los cavallos a rienda suelta, como si fuessen por la puente de Alca´ntara, o de Co´rdova. 32 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 89, fol. 115, Bilcas . . . adonde dizen los naturales que fue el medio del sen˜or´o y reyno de los Ingas. Porque desde Quito a Bilcas arman que ay tanto como de Bilcas a Chile, que fueron los nes de su imperio.

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39. The Roman bridge across the River Guadalquivir at Co´rdoba. Cieza compared it to Inca bridges that he saw in the Andes.

Although Cieza did not himself see the Chilean frontier of the Inca empire, he understood Chile to be a separate reality. Viewing the Andean world from Chuquisaca, he thus observed: Further ahead lies the governmental district of Chile, where Pedro de Valdivia is governor, and other lands neighbouring the Strait of Magellan. And since the things of Chile are important, and it would be appropriate to write a separate account of them, I have only written what I have seen from Uraba as far as Potos´, which is located near this city (of Chuquisaca).33 Cieza was the rst to perceive the existence of the boundaries both natural and cultural that differentiated Peru not only from Chile but also from Charcas, with its principal Spanish city of Chuquisaca, and from Quito. As he understood so well, these differences were anchored in the pre-hispanic past and were reafrmed by subsequent events; by 33

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 107, fol. 131v. Ma´s adelante esta´ la governacio´n de Chile: de que es governador Pedro de Valdivia: y otras tierras comarcanas con el estrecho que dizen de Magallanes. Y porque las cosas de Chile son grandes, y convendr´a hazer particular relacio´n dellas: he yo escripto lo que he visto desde Urava hasta Postoss´ que esta junto con esta villa.

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40. Rope bridge over the River Pampas. Note the bridge heads from which the ropes are suspended: a mode of construction used by the Incas and admired by Cieza. E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York 1877), p. 55.

the course of the Spanish invasion, conquest, and settlement; and by the organization of viceregal government. The regions that he differentiated would soon be administered separately under the supervision of the Viceroy and audiencia in Lima. The audiencia of Charcas resided in Chuquisaca and was established in 1559, that of Quito in 1563, and that of Santiago de Chile, which initially resided in Concepcio´n, in 1565.34 Ecclesiastical governance and that of the religious orders like34 The Audiencia of Chile resided at Concepcion 1565–75, was disbanded and then reestablished at Santiago in 1603. Of the many attempts to collect and systematize information about the administration of the Americas, the most successful and comprehensive was that of Antonio de Alcedo, Diccionario geograco-historico de las Indias Occidentales o America (Madrid 1786–89), ed. Ciriaco Pe´rez Bustamante (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vols. 205–9, Madrid 1967). On Concepcio´n, see Alcedo, Diccionario s.v.

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41. Inca road passing through Raqchi in the Valley of Cuzco, and continuing to Cuzco. A little further on from the section of the road here shown are extensive ruins of a tambo that offered shelter for travelers.

wise was organized in accord with these same regional boundaries— or such, at any rate, was the theory.35 Not long after Cieza died, several men who had personal knowledge of Chile produced versions of the “separate account” that Cieza thought ought to be written. Not only were the accounts separate, they also described events that were quite unprecedented in the Indies. For, 35 See Encinas, Cedulario, vol. 1, p. 5, ordenanza of 1571, territorial divisions should be made, teniendo siempre intento a que la divisio´n para lo temporal se vaya conformando . . . a la espiritual . . . los arzobispados . . . con los distritos de las audiencias. Los obispados con las Governaciones . . . los arciprestazgos con los corregimientos, y los curados con las alcaldias ordinarias. But exceptions were numerous, e.g., the Franciscan provinces for which see Diego de Mendoza, Chronica de la provincia de S. Antonio de los Charcas del Orden de Nro Seraphico P. S. Francisco En las Indias Occidentales Reyno del Peru (Madrid 1665; La Paz, Bolivia 1976), book 1, chapter 6, about Charcas.

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whereas elsewhere—in the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America, and the Andes—the Spanish invaders were rarely defeated and encountered only intermittent resistance, the indigenous people of Chile battled the invaders with unheard of valor and tenacity. Organized as a constellation of small chiefdoms, they shared the same language, and the Spanish described them collectively as Araucanians.36 During the years 1557 and 1558 the poet Alonso de Ercilla fought in the Araucanian war. By this time, Pedro de Valdivia along with some followers had perished in an ambush, this being only one of several reverses the Spanish had suffered. Alonso de Ercilla made the war of Chile famous in his epic poem, the Araucana, which was published in three parts between 1569 and 1589. Cervantes praised the work as being possessed of a “rare grace” such as would gain for Ercilla “an everlasting sacred memorial” among poets,37 and included it among the handful of books in Don Quijote’s library that were not to be consigned to the ames for having disordered their owner’s thoughts to such an extent that he lost his mind.38 By this time, in 1605, Ercilla was dead, but his poem had been launched on its course of uninterrupted acclaim.39 This acclaim contributed not only to forming the self-perception of Chilean creoles but also to the way in which the land and its indigenous and creole inhabitants were viewed by others.40 Clearly, Chile and Peru were different lands. 36 Gero´nimo de Vivar, Cro´nica y relacio´n copiosa y verdadera de los Reinos de Chile (1558) ed. L. Saez-Godoy (Berlin 1979); Alonso de Go´ngora Marmolejo, Historia de Chile desde su descubrimiento hasta el an˜o de 1575 in Esteve Barba, ed., Cro´nicas del reino de Chile (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles, vol. 131, Madrid 1960), pp. 75–224. This volume also contains, at pp. 261–562, Pedro Marin˜o de Lobera, Cro´nica del Reino de Chile. See also Kristine L. Jones, “Warfare, Reorganization, and Readaptation at the Margins of Spanish Rule: The Southern Margin (1573–1882),” in Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz, eds., The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Volume III, South America, Part II, pp. 138–187. 37 Miguel de Cervantes, La Galatea ed., Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce (2 vols., Madrid 1968), book I (vol. 1, p. 16); book VI, Canto de Cal´ope (vol. 2, p. 191). The Galatea was published in 1585, by which time Ercilla had published parts I and II of the Araucana. 38 Miguel de Cervantes, El ingenioso hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha. Edicio´n cr´tica anotada por Francisco Rodr´guez Mar´n (Madrid, Revista de Archivos 1916–1917) Part I, chapter 6 (vol. i, p. 237 of this edition), where all three parts of the Araucana could be referred to. 39 See the introduction to Alonso de Ercilla, La Araucana, eds. Marcos A. Mor´nigo and Isa´as Lerner (Madrid 1979), pp. 62–92, for an excellent survey of the reception of the Araucana in American and European literature. 40 Among the historians who read Ercilla were Garcilaso, Calancha, Rosales, and Ignazio Molina; see further below.

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Ercilla described his work as history,41 as “the truth stripped of artice,”42 much of it anchored in his own experience.43 The theme, he warned, “offers little variety, since from beginning to end it contains only one thing, which is always to proceed by the exigencies of one single truth and along so bleak and so sterile a path.”44 The truth that Ercilla subsumed in this allusion to the Histories of Tacitus45 was twofold. On the one hand, he described the grim realities of waging war against people determined to defend their freedom and “free laws”46 indenitely and regardless of the cost. On the other hand, he viewed the warfare in an imperial context, not as Cieza had done that of the Incas, but rather, that of Spain. In the epic poems on which Ercilla modeled his own, among them Vergil’s Aeneid and Lucan’s Pharsalia, action unfolds on both a human and a divine level: the gods observe, or else they direct and interfere in events on earth.47 Ercilla largely eliminated the gods, and adapted the two-tiered story line of epic poetry to a new purpose. This was to describe the present reality of warfare on what had been the southern frontier of the Inca empire, while simultaneously letting his spirit y away in visionary and prophetic journeys so as to include within his tale of war in lands remote from the center of empire in Spain the grand designs of European strategy. Warfare in Chile is thus interwoven with the battle of St. Quentin where Philip II defeated France; 41 Araucana Canto III,94 about the deeds of Lautaro: testimonio dara´ dello la historia; note also Canto XXXII, 44ff., where Ercilla corrects Vergil’s chronology, thereby revising his characterization of Dido: she could not have known Aeneas, since she lived a hundred years later than he, stanza 46. The discussion of this issue was an old one; see S. MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry. Vergil in the Mind of Augustine (Berkeley 1998), pp. 15–19; Rene´ Martin, ed., E´ne´e et Didon. Naissance, fonctionnement et survie d’un couple mythique. Actes du colloque international (Paris 1990); Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, Dido en la literatura espan˜ola. Su retrato y defensa (London 1974), pp. 127–37. 42 Ercilla, Araucana Canto XII, stanza 73:

va la verdad desnuda de articio para que ma´s segura pasar pueda. 43 Ercilla, Prologo to Part I, porque fuese ma´s cierto y verdadero, se hizo en la misma guerra y en los mismos pasos y sitios, escribiendo muchas veces en cuero por falta de papel, y en pedazos de cartas, de algunos tan pequen˜os que apenas cab´an seis versos, que no me costo´ despue´s poco trabajo juntarlos. 44 Prologue to Part II, materia tan a´spera y de poca variedad, pues desde el principio hasta el n no contiene sino una misma cosa, y haber de caminar siempre por el rigor de una verdad y camino tan desierto y esteril. 45 Tacitus, Histories I,2 Opus adgredior opimum casibus, atrox praeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa enim pace saevum. 46 Francas leyes, Canto XVI,43. 47 Vergil’s gods interfere and direct, Lucan’s gods for the most part observe. See D. C. Feeney, The Gods in Epic. Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition (Oxford 1991).

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with the battle of Lepanto, where the Holy League of Spain, Venice, Genoa, and the Papacy defeated the Ottoman Turks, thereby securing supremacy over the larger part of the Mediterranean Sea; and with the Spanish annexation of Portugal. The Spanish Monarchy’s frontier in Peru and Chile thus stood in tension with its frontier in Europe and the Mediterranean. Warfare on a grand scale in the Old World was juxtaposed in the New World with the campaigns that were fought by Ercilla and his 130 companions in arms along with their commander Don Garcia de Mendoza, on a boundary that left only small traces in the cartography of the time. It is thus not hard to understand why so very frequently, Ercilla characterized his theme as humble, as dealing with the doings of “a people so unkown, so removed from the company and conversation of other people.”48 However, far removed from Europe though they dwelled, Ercilla’s Araucanians were living examples of the love of freedom, valor, and military skill that had rarely if ever been equaled. Their determination made of the war in Chile, which hardly anyone in Europe had so much as heard about, a worthy counterpart to the wars of epic and history that every European schoolboy studied: for they all read about the war between Trojans and Italians for sovereignty over Italy in Vergil’s Aeneid, and about the war between Caesar and Pompey that had as its prize the exercise of power over the entire Mediterranean in Lucan’s Pharsalia. Ercilla thus described Araucanian virtue, bravery, and endurance as comparable to these same qualities in Aeneas and other Vergilian heroic gures,49 and in writing about the refusal of the Araucanians and their lords to tolerate a superior of any kind, let alone a foreign one, he evoked the irreconcilable conict between Lucan’s Caear and Pompey.50 Like indigenous peoples to the north and east of Quito, the Araucanians had lords, but according to Spanish observers, they were accustomed to obey them only in time of war; also, they refused to pay tribute to anyone and lacked any form of organized religion. But no one ever described these Araucanian polities as behetr´as. Ercilla himself introduced an alternative vocabulary that was predicated, in the last resort, 48

Ercilla, Araucana Canto XXV, stanza 1: . . . gente tan ignota y desviada de la frequencia y trato de otra gente, de inavegables golfos rodeada . . .

49

For example, compare Araucana Canto X describing competitive martial games celebrating recent victories with the funerary games of Anchises in Aeneid book 5. 50 See the excellent and eye-opening account by David Quint, Epic and Empire (Princeton, NJ 1992), pp. 131–85, note pp. 158–9. For the comparison of the Araucanian Caupolicano with Pompey, see Araucana canto 34, stanza 2, and cf. below at notes 60–61.

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on Roman antecedents, specically the very early Roman republic when, according to Roman historians, the passion for liberty overruled all other passions.51 Araucanian lords meeting to elect leaders and to debate and vote on future policies and enterprises were a “senate” making decisions that were “right for everyone.”52 As according to the Roman ideal of the early republic, elder leaders, that is, those who held preeminent positions in the “senate,” provided counsel that would hopefully restrain and guide impetuous young men.53 These same leaders conducted relations with foreigners, to wit the Spanish.54 More was at issue than people in a behetr´a selecting leadership for war, for the Araucanians were an Estado and possessed Estado—a term that is only partially translated by the English “estate” and “state.” Thinking of Spain, the lexicographer Covarrubias dened estado as “government by the person of the king, and of his kingdom for its conservation, reputation and increase. Matters of state, everything pertaining to the said government.”55 In harmony with this denition, Er51 The Araucana abounds in Vergilian quotes and reminiscences of every kind, and Ercilla must have known the Aeneid, or at any rate large parts of it, by heart. On liberty, see Aeneid 6,820–21:

natosque pater nova bella moventis ad poenam pulchra pro libertate vocabit. 52

Araucana Canto I, stanzas 34-5: hacie´ndoles saber como se ofrece necesidad y tiempo de juntarse pues a todos les toca y pertenece, que es bien con brevedad comunicarse . . . . . . visto que a todos les conviene, ninguno venir puede que no viene. Juntos, pues los caciques del senado, propo´neles el caso nuevamente . . .

See also Canto VIII, stanza 8: donde el Senado y junta de varones tratasen lo que ma´s les conviniese . . . 53 Araucana Canto II, where by wise counsel, the old cacique Colocolo directs the election of a leader. See also Araucana cantos 29–30: Caupolicano settles the rivalry between Rengo and Tucapel. 54 See most especially the negotiation in Ercilla, Araucana Canto XVII, stanzas 5–13. 55 Sebastia´n de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la Lengua Castellana o Espan˜ola (Madrid 1611, Madrid 1984): el govierno de la persona real y de su reyno, para su conservacio´n, reputacio´n y aumento. Materia de estado, todo lo que pertenece al dicho govierno. The entry also contains denitions of other meanings of the term, including the estado of marriage, and the estado of different kinds of ecclesiastics and secular persons in society at large. See, e.g., Ercilla, Araucana Canto XVII,1; Canto XXV,2; also Ercilla’s “Declaracio´n de algunas

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cilla wrote that the Incas halted their conquest of Chile when they approached the boundaries of the “Estado,”56 and that when the Spanish arrived, the Estado araucano took up arms against them.57 The Estado was both more and other than the sum of its people, because while its people sustained it by their efforts, it existed independently of individuals.58 The Araucana opens with the election of the lord Caupolicano as leader in the war against the Spanish, and ends with his captivity and death. But before dying, Caupolicano provided a nal insight into the meaning of the Araucanian Estado: Do not think that although here I die at your hands the Estado will lack for a leader, For a thousand Caupolicanos will arise not one as ill fated as I.59 Readers of Vergil will have heard in these words an echo of Aeneas’s testament to his son: dudas que se puede ofrecer en esta obra (vol. 2, p. 411 of the Mor´nigo-Lerner edition): El Estado de Arauco es una provinc¸ia perquen˜a . . . que produce la gente mas belicosa que ha habido en las Indias y por eso es llamado el estado indo´mito: lla´manse los indios del araucanos, tomando el nombre de la provincia. 56 Ercilla, Araucana, Canto I,52. 57 Ercilla, Araucana, Canto I,70. Explaining the name of the Araucanian polity, he wrote that it was derived from a coastal valley, and that just as the Venetian signoria derived its name from the place, “so likewise the Estado today maintains its name”; see Araucana Canto II, 16: Peteguele´n, cacique sen˜alado, que el gran valle de Arauco le obedece por natural sen˜or y as´ el Estado este nombre tomo´, segu´n parece, como Venecia, pueblo libertado, que en todo aquel gobierno ma´s orece, tomando el nombre del la sen˜or´a, asi guarda el Estado el nombre hoy d´a. 58

Hence, after the Araucanians had suffered a terrible defeat, a lone survivor expressed the wish that he also might have been granted the privilege of “mingling my blood with that of the Estado.” Ercilla, Araucana, Canto XV,53, the speaker is Malle´n: Si a mi sangre con e´sta del Estado mezlarse aqu´ le fuere concedido . . . 59

Ercilla, Araucana Canto XXXIV,10: No pienses que aunque muera aqu´ a tus manos ha de faltar cabeza en el Estado, que luego habra´ otros mil Caupolicanos ma´s como yo ninguno desdichado.

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Learn virtue from me, my son, and upright endeavour; good fortune learn from others.60 Ercilla’s perception of the Araucanians endowed his account of the war with profound ambiguity: the Spanish Monarchy was described in all its geographical extension and grandeur. The Araucanians were noble adversaries, and more important, they lived by a quite different, equally valid vision of life in society. The worth of this vision was in no way diminished by the impossibility of Spaniards living by it too. If in Europe, it was Ercilla’s poetry and drama that most of all captivated readers,61 in the Andes it was primarily his historical understanding that inspired and colored the accounts of subsequent historians.62 Among the Araucana’s many readers was the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. While appreciating the poem’s “elegant verses,”63 Garcilaso read it from an Inca and Peruvian standpoint. At the beginning of the Araucana, Ercilla reected on the variability of fortune and the judgment that is made when a human life comes to its end: “Of the good that was lost, in the end, what remains to us but sadness, pain and sorrow?” Suspended in this question was the human, cultural, and political loss brought about by the war in Chile.64 Echoing the thought of loss, Garci60

Vergil, Aeneid XII,435–36: disce, puer, virtutem ex me verumque laborem, fortunam ex aliis.

61 Note the dedicatory poems to the First Part of the Araucana, where Ercilla is described as Maro´n de Mantua y de Smirna Homero. J. T. Medina, Dos Comedias Famosas y Un Auto Sacramental. Basados principalmente en La Araucana de Ercilla, anotados y precedidos de un Pro´logo sobre la Historia de Ame´rica como fuente del Teatro antiguo Espan˜ol (Santiago 1915–17). 62 Diego de Rosales, Historia general del reino de Chile, Flandes indiano, 2 vols. (2d ed., Santiago de Chile 1989), Book I, chapter 18,1–2: No es la conquista de Chile de las ordinarias, ni de las comunes de las Indias. Conquista es de gigantes en el animo, en el valor, y en el esfuerzo. The Araucanians are: gente que pelea desmedidamente, y que sobrepuja a los demas Indios de la America en la valentia, arrogancia y valor . . . con eloquente estilo que quanto escribio Don Alonso Arcila en su famosa Araucana de la valentia de estos indios, es como lo quenta . . . quanto a lo historial es muy puntual quanto dice de su valentia, y esfuerzo, es muy sin encarecimiento, quitados hyperboles, y encarecimientos proprios de la Poesia, que la sirven de adorno, y sin ellos estubiera desalin˜ada. Y en notar las singularidades de estos indios fue muy curioso, como testigo de vista, que milito´ en esta guerra. Y como a los famosos Poetas antiguos Homero y Virgilio se les da todo credito en lo historial, y hizieron mas celebres sus historias adornandolas con las ores, metaforas, y dulce cadencia de el verso. 63 Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, Part I, book 1,26, p. 40b, galanos versos. 64 Ercilla, Araucana, Canto II,4–5:

Del bien perdido, al cabo, que nos queda sino pena, dolor y pesadumbre. ... el ma´s seguro bien de la fortuna

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laso transformed it into the “memory of the good that was lost,”65 the good that haunted his Inca kinsfolk, who could not forget the mode of life lived before the Spanish came and the excellent imperial government that was now gone. The war in Chile provided an example of precisely that. At Garcilaso’s time of writing the rst part of the Royal Commentaries, during the last years of the sixteenth and the early years of the seventeenth century, the Spanish were faring worse than usual in Chile. In 1601, Garcilaso learned from an acquaintance in Peru that the recently appointed governor of Chile, Mart´n de Loyola, husband of the Inca royal lady Don˜a Beatriz Coya, had been killed. Three years later, Jesuit friends informed him that, amidst much death and devastation, the Araucanians had destroyed six of the thirteen cities that the Spanish had founded in their land; war had continued for nearly half a century and no end was in sight.66 Skilled and powerful warriors that they were, the Araucanians had been observing and learning from the strategies and stratagems of their enemies and were deploying these in their own right.67 Contemplating these events, Garcilaso concluded that the Incas had managed the Chilean frontier without courting the risk of periodic military catastrophe.68 As Cieza had seen, the “things of Chile” followed their own logic, and Garcilaso now argued that the Incas had understood this hard fact and acted on it. Tupa Inca Yupanqui, intending initially to annex Chile, built roads, gathered supplies, and planned strategies for years in advance of his actual campaign. Yet, despite their es no haberla tenido vez alguna. Esto verse podra´ por esta historia. By the end of the poem, the locus of loss has shifted, because Ercilla thought that wars of conquest motivated by greed, codicia, had corrupted (Ercilla, Araucana Canto, XXXVI,13): la sincerea bondad y la caricia de la sencilla gente destas tierras. 65

Garcilaso, CR I, ch. 15, p. 26a . . . estas y otras pla´ticas ten´an los Incas y Pallas en sus visitas, y con la memoria del bien perdido, siempre acababan su conversacio´n en la´grimas y llanto, diciendo: ‘Troco´senos el reinar en vasallaje.’ 66 Garcilaso, CR I, book 7, ch. 25, pp. 282b–83a. 67 For example—as Garcilaso, himself a soldier, learned from his fellow soldier Ercilla—they no longer fought pitched battles, committing all their forces to one single encounter, but instead fought in squadrons, one squadron taking turns from the other, thereby being able to extend the duration of engagements until the Spanish, generally fewer in number, had to retreat; see Garcilaso, CR I, book 7, ch. 24, p. 280a, referring to Araucana canto 1, stanzas 23–7. 68 Cf. Terence N. D’Altroy, Provincial Power in the Inka Empire (Washington, D.C. 1992), pp. 26, 76–7, 80, 180, 217. D’Altroy studied Inca frontier regions comparatively, nding the Chilean frontier to be comparable to the Inca empire’s other frontiers.

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“accustomed ambition and desire to conquer new lands,”69 the Incas recognized that Chile could not be incorporated into the empire without great cost and therefore set a geographical limit to their endeavors, which was the River Maule, between Santiago and the city of Concepcio´n, precisely where the Spanish advance into Chile was being halted in Garcilaso’s own day.70 Like Ercilla, Garcilaso was not sure that the war the Spanish were ghting against the Araucanians could be won, but for different reasons. Where Ercilla had considered the war by weighing, comparing, and contrasting the culture and mores of the adversaries, Garcilaso contrasted Inca past and Spanish present from a Peruvian vantage point. In his reections as to how Inca and Spanish statecraft differed, comparing Araucanians and Romans was completely beside the point. The Romans mattered not with regard to a polity on the edge of civilization, but in order to understand the workings of empire, whether Inca or Spanish. Who were the true Romans? Was it the Spanish, whose warlike valor rivaled that of “Romulus and Remus” and who gained their victories “over indels, enemies of Christ, in the manner of Roman emperors and consuls?”71 Or was it the Incas, the architects of the city of Cuzco that was “another Rome in that empire,” whose prudence seemed to mirror that of the Romans in so many particulars?72 Two entirely different perceptions of Rome lie latent in this contrast, one highlighting the military achievements of the Roman republic and the other focusing on Roman government and administration during the imperial period when the pax Romana was crafted. Garcilaso did not attempt to reconcile these spheres of activity and did not assign greater merit to either the virtues of war or those of peace. Events in Chile did, however, appear to validate the less spectacular peaceful virtues, for these events revealed the Incas to have been wiser than their Spanish successors in understanding where the natural frontiers of their empire and hence those of Peru in Garcilaso’s own day were situated. 69 Garcilaso, CR I, book 7, ch. 19, p. 274b, la misma ambicio´n y codicia de ganar nuevos estados. 70 Garcilaso, CR I, book 7, ch. 18–20. 71 Garcilaso, CR Part II, Prologo p. 12b–13a, Espan˜a, . . . madre y ama de tales, tantos y tan grandes hijos, criados a sus pechos con leche de fe y fortaleza, mejor que Ro´mulo y Remo . . . habida victoria de los ineles enemigos de Cristo, a fuer de los emperadores y co´nsules romanos entren los espan˜oles triunfando con los trofeos de la fe en el emp´reo capitolio. 72 Garcilaso, CR I, Proemio al lector, otra Roma en aquel Imperio. See further, Sabine MacCormack, “The Incas and Rome,” in Garcilaso Inca de la Vega. An American Humanist. A Tribute to Jose´ Durand, ed. Jose´ Anadon (Notre Dame 1998), pp. 8–31.

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Writing for the “adornment of our homeland and our kinsfolk,”73 Garcilaso portrayed the rst Inca Manco Capac in Roman terms as an orator and statesman. By example and persuasion he transformed scattered human groups ignorant of law and the arts of civilization into a political community74 and into “the grandeur that in all truth Spain now possesses.”75 Whatever the Spanish achieved in the Andes rested on foundations that the Incas had laid.76 But the transference of power from one imperial authority to another entailed social transformation—not necessarily for the better—as Ercilla made clear. The poet had added to the complete edition of his work a set of notes explaining vocabulary current in the Andes that was not commonly used in Spain, as for example the Quechua term palla: “Palla is what we ourselves call ‘a lady,’ but among them this title is only attributed to a woman of noble lineage and mistress of many vassals and possessions.”77 Recalling the years of his childhood and youth in Cuzco, Garcilaso did not agree: These were royal names, about which I learnt, and saw how the Incas and pallas addressed each other by them, because during my childhood, most of my converse was with them. No curaca, however great a lord he might be, and no curaca’s wife or son could lay claim to these names, because they belonged only to those of the royal blood, descended in the male line. Although don Alonso de Ercilla y Zu´n˜iga, in the explanation he provides of the Indian terms that he uses in his lovely verses, explaining the name palla, says that it means “mistress of may vassals and possessions.” He says it because by the time this gentleman travelled to those parts, these names Inca and Palla had already been improperly attributed to many persons. For illustrious and heroic titles are desired by everyone, of however barbarous and lowly a status they might be.78 73 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales Part II, Prologo p. 14a, con la voluntad y a´nimo . . . de ilustrar nuestra patria y parientes. Derecho natural y por mil t´tulos debido a ley de hijo de madre y palla e infanta peruana (hija del u´ltimo y pr´ncipe gentil de aquesas opulentas provincias) y de padre espan˜ol, noble en sangre, condicio´n y armas, Garcilaso de la Vega, mi sen˜or . . . 74 Garcilaso, CR I, book I, ch. 15, p. 42, with Cicero De inventione I,2; see further S. MacCormack, “The Incas and Rome,” pp. 8–31. 75 Garcilaso, CR I, book I, ch. 19, p. 32a, de estos principios fabulosos procedieron las grandezas que en realidad de verdad posee hoy Espan˜a. 76 Cf. Garcilaso, CR II, book I, ch. 3. 77 Ercilla, Declaracio´n de algunas dudas p. 412, palla es lo que llamamos nosotros sen˜ora pero entre ellos no alcanza este nombre sino la noble de linaje y sen˜ora de muchos vasallos y haciendas. 78 Garcilaso, CR I, book I, ch. 26, p. 40b. The phenomenon Garcilaso criticized was not restricted to Chile; see Antonio de Herrera y Toledo, Relacio´n eclesia´stica de la santa iglesia

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In short, “Inca” and “Palla” were titles belonging to Inca royalty from Cuzco and not to any Araucanian lords or their consorts in Chile. Throughout his adult life, Garcilaso was torn between regretting the passing of the old Inca order, and welcoming and loving as his patria the Peru that was emerging in his own time. While criticizing the usurpation of Inca titles by people he considered unworthy of them, Garcilaso recognized the inevitability of change and at times welcomed it. Peru’s population could never have come into existence in Inca times. In words that nearly two centuries later were to be echoed in the edicts of Tupac Amaru II, the Andean lord who claimed descent from the Incas and led the indigenous uprising that in Peru preceded the wars of independence,79 Garcilaso addressed his Royal Commentaries to this new population: to “my lords and brothers,” “my brothers and friends, kinsmen and lords,” listing the diverse groupings of “indigenous Indians,” “mestizos offsprings of Indian women and Spanish men, or of Spanish women and Indian men,” and “creoles, originating from Spain, but born in and taking their nature from Peru.”80 They were all born in a Spanish Peru where the impact of Spanish institutions and the Spanish language had come to be taken for granted. It was a land, however, that could not be conceived of without its Inca past. When the Viceroy Toledo initiated the denitive conquest of the Inca empire in exile at Vilcabamba, he hoped—so he reported to Philip II—to have eradicated, once and for all, “the entire root and false metropolitana de los Charcas (1639), ed. Josep M. Barnadas (Sucre 1996), p. 63, Las indias que llaman pallas, que es Sen˜ora principal o de sangre real, usan sobre las cabezas una llicquilla menor, tambie´n cuadrada, las cuales llaman n˜an˜acas: son de lana de vicun˜as, de colores vistosos y labradas con seda y oro por la mayor parte. 79 Luis Durand Flo´rez, ed., Coleccio´n documental del bicentenario de la revolucio´n emancipadora de Tupac Amaru vol. 1 (Lima 1980), p. 151, addressing the paisanos criollos moradores of Arequipa: vivamos como hermanos y congregados en un cuerpo; p. 330, a mis amados compatriotas de la ciudad del Cuzco; pp. 418–19, vecinos de la provincia de Chumbivilcas, moradores, estantes y habitantes en ella . . . Despues de haber tomado por aca´, aquellas medidas que han sido conducentes a la conservacio´n de los indios, espan˜oles, mestizos, zambos y mulatos criollos y su tranquilidad; similarly pp. 425–6, 428–9, 457, 488–9. For the classical image of the body of the repu´blica as used in Peru, and here taken up by Tupac Amaru, see Rafael Sa´nchez-Concha Barrios, “La tradicio´n pol´tica y el concepto de ‘cuerpo de repu´bica’ en el Virreinato,” in Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez, ed., La tradicio´n cla´sica en el Peru´ virreinal (Lima 1999), pp. 101–14. A passage not mentioned in this article, but undoubtedly known and inuential in Spain and Peru, is Livy, Ab urbe condita 2,32,8–12, the parable of the republic and the body by Menenius Agrippa; cf. R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy. Books I–V (Oxford 1965) ad loc. 80 Garcilaso, CR II, Prologo, p. 11a, sen˜ores y hermanos m´os; pp. 11b–12a, indios naturales . . . mestizos hijos de indias y espan˜oles o de espan˜olas e indios . . . criollos oriundos de aca´ y connaturalizados alla´. I have translated these last words rather freely to capture their drift.

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claim of title” that might yet be alleged on behalf of any surviving Incas.81 Tupac Amaru, the defeated Inca who had ruled in Vilcabamba, was executed in Cuzco amidst scenes of mourning and lamentation by Andean people such as Toledo had not reckoned with. Many younger kinsfolk of Inca royalty, among them Garcilaso himself, were exiled, so as to eliminate all further occasion for “Inca pretensions,” and so as to bring to an end the debate that was still continuing among Spanish jurists and theologians about the nature of His Majesty’s titles to rule the Indies. As part of this transaction, Don˜a Beatriz Coya, granddaughter of the Inca Guayna Capac, was to marry Mat´n Garcia de Loyola, the conqueror of Vilcabamba and future governor of Chile, as in due course she did.82 Even so, debate about just titles continued, and in Peru, the Incas were never forgotten, with Garcilaso himself making an enduring contribution on both scores. After the battle of Xaquixaguana, where Cieza lost his notebooks, Gonzalo Pizarro was executed in Cuzco as a traitor to his king.83 Garcilaso had known Gonzalo Pizarro as a boy in Cuzco and had eaten at his table with two other boys, “we ate standing up, all three of us . . . and he gave us from his plate what we were to eat.”84 Appealing to Tacitus’s famous claim to be writing sine ira et studio, or as he put it, sin pasio´n ni acio´n,85 Garcilaso recounted Gonzalo Pizarro’s career and death in light of an alternative vision of the history of Peru, a vision of what did not happen. After the Viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela had fallen in the battle of Quito, some ofcials and jurists, partisans of Gonzalo Pizarro, explored the possibility of his being crowned as king of Peru, perhaps with the blessing of Pope Paul III, no friend of 81 Roberto Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru´. Cartas y papeles, siglo XVI vol. IV (Madrid 1924), p. 344, letter to Philip II dated 20 March 1572, con aver sacado toda la raiz y pretension del derecho de este Reino. 82 Levillier, Gobernantes vol. IV, p. 483, Toledo to Philip II, Cuzco, 24 September 1572, pretendiendo yo no dejar ningun padrastro en el reyno dellos. He goes on to discuss the marriage of Beatriz Coya to Mart´n Garc´a de Loyola. Garcilaso concluded his Comentarios Reales with a discussion of these measures; see CR II, book 8, ch. 17–21. 83 Garcilaso, CR II, book 5, ch. 36, 39. 84 Gracilazo, CR II, book 4, ch. 42, p. 309b, Yo com´ dos veces a su mesa . . . su hijo don Fernando y don Francisco, su sobrino, hijo del marque´s, y yo con ellos comimos en pie todos tres en aquel espacio que quedaba de la mesa sin asientos y e´l nos daba de su plato lo que habiamos de comer, y vi todo lo que he dicho, y andaba yo en edad de nueve an˜os . . . 85 Garcilaso, CR II, book 5, ch. 39, p. 391b. Tacitus Annals I,1,1. Or perhaps Garcilaso had in mind Lucan, Pharsalia II, 377 about Brutus: uni quippe vacat studiis odiisque carenti / humanum lugere genus. Cf. Garcilaso CR II, book 4, ch. 42, p. 309b, commenting about accounts critical of Gonzalo Pizarro, los historiadores debieron de tener relatores apasionados de odio y rencor para informarles lo que escribieron.

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the king of Spain.86 When Garcilaso was writing the Royal Commentaries, the very idea of such a project being realizable could not be so much as discussed. Indeed, Garcilaso himself had suffered negative consequences because his father had given his horse to Gonzalo Pizarro at the battle of Guarina, thereby saving his life.87 Perhaps this was a reason why, in his later years, Garcilaso found a way of returning to this problematic topic. He pictured, as did several other historians, Gonzalo Pizarro listening to advice by his maese de campo Francisco de Carvajal, a seasoned warrior who had fought in Italy and was a hard and shrewd judge of war, politics, and human nature. Gonzalo Pizarro, Carvajal was urging, should make himself king of Peru and marry an Inca royal lady, “the infanta among them who is closest to the royal stem.”88 This would result in the Incas voluntarily abandoning their stronghold in Vilcabamba, obviating all further conict. An enduring peace would be established between Incas and Spaniards and both sides would realize their aspirations. The Inca prince, Carvajal anticipated, will be content with the name of king and his vassals will be obeying him as heretofore and he will govern his Indians in peace as his forbears have done. And your lordship and your ministers and captains will govern Spaniards and will control affairs of war.89 The proposal is reminiscent of an earlier project for peace that had interested the historian Ambrosio Morales and the linguist Bernardo de Aldrete, both of whom Garcilaso knew and admired.90 In the early fth century, the Gothic king Ataulf, whose consort Galla Placidia was the daughter of one Roman emperor and sister of another, briey ruled in Spain. Ataulf had initially intended to obliterate the very name of 86 Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Las ideas juridico-pol´ticas en la rebelion d Gonzalo Pizarro (Valladolid 1977). 87 Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia general de las Indias, ch. 181, Pizarro corriera peligro si Garcilaso no le diera un caballo, implying that otherwise Gonzalo Pizarro would have lost the battle; Diego Ferna´ndez, Historia Part I, book 2, ch. 79, p. 216; Garcilaso told the story differently, CR II, book 5, ch. 22. 88 Garcilaso, CR II, book 4, ch. 40, p. 304b, tome vuesa sen˜or´a por mujer y esposa la infanta que entre ellos se hallare ma´s propincua al a´rbol real. 89 Garcilaso, CR II, book 4, ch. 40, p. 305a: el pr´ncipe se contentara´ con el nombre de rey y que sus vasallos le obedezcan como antes y gobierne en paz a sus indios como hicieron sus pasados; y vuesa sen˜or´a y sus ministros y capitanes gobernara´n a los espan˜oles y adminstrara´n lo que tocare a la guerra. 90 See on these contacts, Jose´ Durand, “Dos notas sobre el Inca Garcilaso,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica 3 (1949): 278–90; Eugenio Asensio, “Dos cartas desconocidas del Inca Garcilaso,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica 7 (Mexico City 1953): 583–98; John Grier Varner, El Inca. The Life and Times of Garcilaso de la Vega (Austin 1968), see index.

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Rome and to turn the Roman into the Gothic empire with himself at its head. However, according to a historian of the time, Ataulf had come to understand that although the Goths were not ready to live in a republic governed by law, their valor could be directed to restore the Roman peace. Posterity, Ataulf hoped, would remember him “as the cause of Rome’s renewal” in a Gothic guise.91 The hope came to naught because Ataulf was killed by his followers. But Ambrosio Morales considered this episode as indicative of the transformation of Roman into post-Roman and Gothic Spain, and as a foundational moment in the emergence of the Spanish nation. Bernardo de Aldrete likewise saw it as a moment of continuity rather than rupture, and as a possible point of departure for lasting peace, whereby Goths and Romans would have one and the same law . . . and there would be no disagreement between them, but the Goths in the common interest and advantage would take charge of warfare, while the Romans would prosper and enjoy their Roman life in peace and tranquillity.92 The proposals that Garcilaso attributed to Francisco de Carvajal match this arrangement: the anticipated outcome was the peaceful birth of a nation. Spanish valor would support Inca statecraft, just as Gothic valor would have reinvigorated the statecraft of the Romans. Like Galla Placidia, so the Inca infanta would endow the conqueror’s might with legitimacy, this being an argument that was also offered by other advocates of marriages between Spaniards and indigenous women.93 On the Peninsula in late antiquity and in the Andes in the sixteenth century, a new polity came into existence, but not in the peaceful manner that might have been. According to most historians of the Peruvian 91 Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII, ed. C. Zangemeister (Vienna 1882; Hildesheim 1967) VII, 43,1-8, habereturque apud posteros Romanae restitutionis auctor, postquam esse non potuerat immutator. Orosius’s Historiarum is not listed among the books in Garcilaso’s library; see Jose´ Durand, “La biblioteca del Inca,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica 2 (1948): 239–64. However, as Durand observes, Garcilaso read and cited many other works that are not found in the list. 92 Bernardo de Aldrete, Origen y principio de la lengua Castellana II, ch. 1, pp. 152–3, where Aldrete extends the argument to the Ostrogothic kingdom as described in Cassiodorus’s Variae; Ambrosio Morales, Coro´nica general de Espan˜a que continuaba Ambrosio de Morales (Madrid 1791; rst edition 1574) book XI, ch. 7,7; ch. 12; ch. 14. 93 E.g., Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 55, fol. 69v, Pic¸arro e los prenc¸ipales que con e´l estavan, en lugar de faborec¸er a aquellas sen˜oras del linaje real de los Yngas hijas de Guaynacapa, pr´nc¸ipe que fue tan potente e famoso e casarse con ellas para con tal ayuntamiento ganar la grac¸ia de los naturales, toma´vanlas por manc¸ebas, comenc¸ando la desorden del mismo governador. Y as´ fueron teniendo en poco estas jentes en tanto grado que oy d´a los tenemos en tan poco come veys los que esta´ys aca´; Diego Fernandez, Historia 2,3,2.

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civil wars, Gonzalo Pizarro died unrepentant. Whether or not Garcilaso was thinking of Ataulf as described by Morales and Aldrete, he reproduced those earlier accounts of Gonzalo Pizarro’s death before giving his own:94 Pedro de la Gasca, the victor of the battle of Xaquixaguana, reproached Pizarro for ingratitude, given that his Majesty had raised up the Pizarro brothers in all their poverty “from the dust of the earth.” To which Gonzalo Pizarro replied: The gift his Majesty bestowed on my brother was only the title and name of Marquess without granting him estate of any kind. If this is not so, tell me, what estate did he grant? He did not raise us up from the dust of the earth, because ever since the Goths entered Spain we have been knights and nobly born, of known ancestry. His Majesty is able with powers and ofces to raise those who are not so born from the dust in which they nd themselves. But we, being indeed poor, went forth into the world, gained this empire and gave it to his Majesty when we could have kept it, as many others who have gained new lands have done.95 There was no higher claim to noble birth in sixteenth-century Spain than Gothic ancestors. If Garcilaso indeed portrayed Gonzalo Pizarro in light of Gothic antecedents, the claim is yet more lofty. For then, Gonzalo Pizarro would have endowed Inca governance that Garcilaso himself, El Palentino, Cieza, and others described as exemplary with new life, thereby giving an Andean expression to the renewal of Rome 94 Garcilaso, CR II, book 5, ch. 36, with long quotations from Go´mara, Za´rate, and Diego Ferna´ndez el Palentino. Cieza did not live to complete this part of his history. In outline, the account is that when, before Gonzalo Pizarro was to be executed, Pedro de la Gasca confronted him with his rebellion, he responded that the fault was the king’s for attempting to deprive his vassals of the just rewards of their labors. When stating that the King of Spain had raised the Pizarros “from the dust of the earth,” Gasca was alluding to the words of the prophet Jehu to Baasha King of Israel, 3 Kings 16,1, “Pro eo quod exaltavi te de pulvere, et posui te ducem super populum meum Israel, tu autem ambulasti in via Jeroboam, et peccare fecisti populum meum . . . ecce ego . . . faciam tuam sicut domum Ieroboam . . . The allusion bets a member of the clergy, and lends authority to Gasca’s actions, which in turn speaks for the historical accuracy of Garcilaso’s account, given that his interpretation sympathizes with Gonzalo Pizarro. 95 Garcilaso, CR II, book 5, ch. 36, p. 387a, La merced que Su Majestad hizo a mi hermano fue´ solamente el t´tulo y nombre de marque´s sin darle estado alguno; si no, d´ganme cual es? Y no nos levanto´ del polvo de la tierra, porque desde que los godos entraron en Espan˜a somos caballeros hijosdalgo de solar conocido. A los que non son podra´ Su Majestad con cargos y ocios levantar del polvo en que esta´n. Y si e´ramos pobres, por eso salimos por el mundo y ganamos este imperio y se lo dimos a Su Majestad pudie´ndonos quedar con e´l, como lo han hecho otros muchos que han ganado nuevas tierras.

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and of empire that played so powerful a role in medieval and early modern European history.96 Garcilaso was not alone in pursuing thoughts of Peruvian empire.97 He and his contemporary Guaman Poma share certain themes, in particular disagreement with the Viceroy Toledo’s policies regarding the Incas of Vilcabamba,98 and the conviction that the power of the Incas, even if it only lived on in the imagination, could not be uprooted so easily. Guaman Poma concluded his Nueva Cro´nica with a survey of cities and settlements of the Viceroyalty of Peru ranging from Panama to Santiago and Santa Cruz in Chile, from Lima to Paraguay and Tucuma´n. For Collasuyu, he gave priority to the mining center of Potos´99 96 For a medieval revival of empire, see Ronald G. Musto, Apocalypse in Rome. Cola di Rienzo and the Politics of the New Age (Berkeley 2003); Roy Strong, Splendour at Court. Renaisance Spectacle and Illusion (London 1973), chapter 3, on Charles V; Checa Cremades, Carlos V. La imagen del poder en el renacimiento, pp. 113–255. Cf. Lohmann Villena, Ideas jur´dico-pol´ticas, p. 54, Garcilaso en cierta idolopeya que pone en boca de Carvajal . . . Certainly, as Lohmann shows, the scheme was not realistic. The powerful appeal that Garcilaso has held for so many readers is in part explicable by his ability to evoke the road not taken, or be it the utopian road. His visions carried conviction because they did convey the spirit of the time, as here: historical impersonations in the circle of Gonzalo Pizarro were not an invention of Garcilaso. See Lohmann Villena, Ideas jur´dico-politicas, pp. 104–5: Cepeda, having read to Gonzalo Pizarro from Mex´a’s Historia Cesarea e Imperial about Stilicho, suggests that Pizarro’s followers resemble Stilicho, i.e., that Pizarro’s hesitations will cost them dearly and perpetuate war: Pizarro should make himself king. 97 See Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada I,19, p. 287, quoting a cedula of Philip II, which he correctly considered to be a forgery, “declarando que Gonzalo Pizarro no av´a sido traydor, mandando que nadie le historiase con tal nonbre.” Calancha found this information in the work of Juan Antonio de Vera y Zu´n˜iga, Epitome de la vida de Carlos Quinto, segunda impresio´n hojas 64. I have not been able to consult this work. Tirso de Molina’s trilogy Todo es dar en una cosa, Amazonas en las Indias, and La lealtad contra la envidia is an apology for all the Pizarros, especially Hernando. See Luis Va´zquez Ferna´ndez, Tirso y los Pizarro. Aspectos histo´rico-documentales (Ca´ceres 1993). 98 Compare Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 458–9—when Toledo returned to Spain, Philip II refused to receive him, whence he died of sorrow—with Garcilaso, CR II, book 8, ch. 20, reporting a similar story. Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, 3,34, p. 1586, also knew about it. 99 These other places were Chuquisaca, La Paz, and Misque. Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 1057–8 with the unnumbered folio that Guaman Poma placed between these two pages (pp. 1065–8 in the edition by Murra-Adorno-Urioste). Whatever the connection between Muru´a and Guaman Poma, the latter here followed his own ideas; see for the contrast, Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin) book IV, ch. 13–16, listing La Paz, Cochabamba, La Plata, Potos´, in this order. This work consists of a facsimile of the autograph manuscript, which is dated 1590, but contains additions subsequent to that year, and of a transcription and introductory study by Juan Ossio in a companion volume titled Co´dice Muru´a. Manuscrito Galvin (Madrid 2004). Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y genealog´a real de los reyes inc¸as del Peru, ed. Constantino Bayle (Madrid 1946) is an edition of this same text, but from another manuscript; it remains worth consulting for Bayle’s notes. See also the later

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and to Chuquisaca,100 describing the rst as an Andean and the second as a creole city. But Potos´ was more important, given that its silver was the motor of empire.101 Hence it was here that, in Guaman Poma’s eyes, a central symbol of imperial dominion as formulated in early modern Spain found a new locus. This symbol was the imperial motto of Charles V, Plus Ultra, the words anking a design of two columns. It refers to Gibraltar, where Mediterranean Sea and Atlantic Ocean meet, a site described in antiquity as the “Columns of Hercules.” Beyond this point, so ancient traditions had it, nothing more was to be found—a statement disproved by the Spanish discovery of America. There now was “more beyond,” plus ultra, the Strait of Gibraltar.102 As for the columns, ancient geographers and historians, echoed by renaissance devotees of classical mythology, reported that the Greek hero Hercules had erected them on either side of the Strait, to mark the farthest point of his travels.103 When thus the Columns appeared in festivals, pageants, and armorial devices honoring Charles V and his successors, the mythological allegory was readily intelligible to onlookers.104 version of Muru´a’s historical work, Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia General del Peru´, Origen y Descendencia de los Incas, ed. Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois (Madrid 1962), book III, ch. 26– 30, listing La Paz, Oruro, Oropesa, Canata, La Plata, and Potos´, in this order. 100 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 1059–60. 101 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1058, Y tiene juridicio´n de yndios todo Collau desde el Cuzco, Ariquipa, Chuquizaca y Chuquiyabo que le sustenta a esta villa rrica Chuqui yabo is the Andean name of La Paz. 102 See for this explanation, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica dedication to Philip II, p. 196 a–b. Juan de Solo´rzano y Pereira, Politica Indiana book I, ch. 6, sections 14–21; ch. 8, section 16. On the further intricacies of Plus Ultra, see the two articles by Earl E. Rosenthal, “Plus ultra, Non plus ultra and the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 204–28, and his “The Invention of the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V at the Court of Burgundy in Flanders in 1516,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973): 198–230. Cf. Roy Strong, Splendour (above n. 93), p. 80, the columnar device from G. Ruscelli, Imprese Illustri (1566), from copy in British Library. 103 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 4,18,2–6; Strabo, Geography 3,5,5–6. In a much consulted and inuential book on the Genealogy of the Gods of the Gentiles, Giovanni Boccaccio reiterated the story; see Giovanni Boccaccio, [G]enealogiae deorum gentililium ad Vgonem inclytum Hierulsalem & Cypri regem secundum Ioanne Boccatium de Certaldo Liber primus icipit foeliciter . . . Colophon: Impressum Vincentiae per Symonem de gabis Papiensem. anno salutis. M.CCCC.lxxxvii. die.xx.decembris, book 13, chapter 1. 104 Rosenthal (1973, above n. 102), p. 215; Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla, “Dime con quie´n andas y te dire´ quien eres.” La cultura cla´sica en una procesio´n sanmarquina de 1656, in Teodoro Hampe Mart´nez, ed., La tradicio´n cla´sica en el Peru´ virreinal (Lima 1999), pp. 191–219 at pp. 207–8. Sarmiento, Historia Indica preface to Philip II, p.196ab expounds the columnar device.

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42. The Plus Ultra of the Emperor Charles V. The crowned columns stand suspended over the waves at Gibraltar. Frontispiece of Florian Docampo, Los C¸inco libros primeros dela Cronica general de Espan˜a (Medina del Campo 1553, n. 102.

Guaman Poma had seen at least one such columnar device, the one that was emblazoned along with a crowned eagle on the coat of arms of the city of Chuquisaca, which he reproduced in his Nueva Cro´nica.105 Chuquisaca’s coat of arms also displayed the mountains of nearby Potos´ and Porco, alluding to the silver mines of those two settlements, 105 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, unnumbered page facing the coat of arms of Potos´, which Guaman Poma renumbered as 1057. This is an unusual arrangement of images in the Nueva Cro´nica, where normally images face an accompanying text, whereas here two images face each other. Page 1057 is a verso, and the coat of arms of Chuquisaca is on the recto of a page that was inserted into the manuscript subsequent to its overall completion. The verso of this page (which is also unnumbered) carries text about Potos´ that was also added subsequently. The original text about Potos´ begins on p. 1058. The city drawing of Chuquisaca is on p. 1059 (a verso), facing p. 1060 with the accompanying text, with which the manuscript returns to its normal order of images with text. In short, the unnumbered folio following p. 1057 contains Guaman Poma’s rethinking of the roles and meaning of Potos´ and Chuquisaca.

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43. The coat of arms of Chuquisaca, the city that Spaniards and creoles considered to be most especially their own. The columnar device of Charles V was incorporated into imagery referring to events in the history of Peru that involved Chuquisaca’s vezinos and their conquistador forbears. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica unpaginated (following p. 1057). Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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together with four castles and four lions anking an armed st holding a ag, the whole being surrounded by ten decapitated heads. According to Cieza, Chuquisaca had been founded in 1538 in the name of Charles V. The city’s vezinos, he added, had served their king loyally “in the wars of the past”106—although, as he knew all too well, several had been among the rebels, helping to speed the defeat and death of the viceroy Blasco Nu´n˜ez Vela and of his supporters.107 But by the seventeenth century, such awkward particulars had been edited and streamlined or else forgotten. That at any rate emerges from ofcial interpretations of the coat of arms: the “crowned imperial eagle” between the columns was to remind the viewer of the city’s foundation in the time of Charles V, and of the noble deeds of its people. The castles and lions betokened the four years during which Chuquisaca had resisted Gonzalo Pizarro “with all faithfulness, loyalty and constancy.” The st and ag betokened that “the same city raised the rst banner in these kingdoms of Peru in the service of his Catholic Majesty against Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers,” and the ten decapitated heads belonged to the “tyrants,” followers of Gonzalo Pizarro, “who were punished in this city.”108 This creole perception of the past contains no trace of Garcilaso’s regrets over Gonzalo Pizarro or the possibility of a Peru governed by 106

Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 107. Cieza, Guerra de Quito, ch. 15, 42, 44, 55, 88, 126, 128, 130, 132, 146, 170 on Francisco de Almendras; ch. 146 on Martin de Almendras; ch. 232 on Martin de Robles, all partisans of Gonzalo Pizarro; see also ch. 72–3, 132, Chuquisaca ofcially declares for the crown. 108 The description and interpretation of Chuquisaca’s coat of arms is by Antonio de Herrera y Toledo, Relacio´n eclesia´stica de la santa iglesia metropolitana de los Charcas (1639), ed. Josep M. Barnadas (Sucre 1996), pp. 41–2: . . . un a´guila imperial coronada; a los lados dos columnas en que estriba el a´guila con los pies (en memoria de que la conquista y fundacio´n de esta dicha ciudad, los hechos y hazan˜as de sus fundadores se hicieron en tiempo, con licencia y en servicio del seren´simo sen˜or Emperoador Carlos quinto de las Espan˜as y de las Indias del Mar Oce´ano) . . . (the lions and castles:) en memoria de los cuatro an˜os que la dicha ciudad de La Plata (llamada as´ por la mucha que se ha sacado y saca del Cerro de Potos´, su vecino y de quien es cabeza) sus vecinos y moradores y su provincia toda resistio´ la tiran´a de Gonzalo Pizarro con toda delidad, lealtad, fortaleza y constancia . . . (the st and ag) en memoria que en la dicha ciudad de La Plata fue la primera bandera que se levanto´ en estos Reinos del Peru´ en servicio de la Magestad Cato´lica y sus secuaces . . . diez cabezas de tiranos . . . que han sido castigados en esta ciudad.“ See also the similar description by Pedro Ramirez del Aguila, Noticias Politicas de Indias. Y relacion Descriptiba de la Ciudad de la Plata Metropli de las Provincias de los Charcas y nuebo Reyno de Toledo en las Occidentales del gran Imperio del Piru. Mandadas Remitir a su Choronista mayor de Yndias Don Thomas Tamayo de Vargas por especial mandato del Rey nuestro senor DonPhelipe 4o el grande para exornatibos desu Historia. Dirigidas al Illmo Sor Don Fray Franco de Borja Arpo de ella del Consejo de su Magd y su Predicador. en la Plata primero de Henero de 1639, Transcripcio´n de Jaime Urioste Arana (Sucre 1978), fol. 12r–12v. 107

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44. View of Potos´ where every year, thousands of Andean miners took turns to work. Creating an original image of his own, Guaman Poma incorporated the columnar device of Charles V into a vision of Peru that centered on the Incas and placed them into his own present: the lords of the four suyus anking the Inca emperor help him to uphold the columns that are surmounted by the crowned armorial device of Castile and Leon. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1057. Copenhagen, Royal Library.

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Incas and Spaniards jointly. Guaman Poma, however, did reect about such a Peru, albeit in different terms from Garcilaso. The Plus Ultra device helped to shape this reection. Paired with his rendering of the coat of arms of Chuquisaca, Guaman Poma produced a further armorial design, this one for Potos´. The image shows the central square and houses of Potos´ with its silver-producing mountains in the background. Above the mountains stands “the Inca emperor” anked by the two columns bearing the crowned coat of arms of Castile and Leo´n. The columns are held upright by “the four kings of the Indies” attired in the tunics and headdresses of the four suyus of Tahuantinsuyu. Framing this group are the words Plus Ultra, and in the line below, Ego fulcio culunnas eios, “I hold its columns upright.” Below that, Guaman Poma wrote “Chinchaysuyo,” where he himself came from, and “Collasuyo,” where Potos´ was located. The image conveys a twofold message. Instead of Hercules, four kings of the Indies support the familiar columns that bear the armorial device of Spanish royalty. Concurrently, the ruler thus honored is not Philip III but the Inca. Also, the geographical marker dening the scope of this version of the imperial allegory is not the sea at the Strait of Gibraltar that gave access to the Atlantic Ocean and the Americas, but Potos´ with its mountains. This was only tting, since everyone knew that the wealth of Potos´ and the human resources, the labor of Collasuyu’s Andean people, sustained the empire.109 Or, as Guaman Poma expressed it with his inimitable precision: Potos´. By the said mine Castile exists, Rome is Rome, the pope is pope and the King is the monarch of the world. Holy mother church is defended, and our holy faith guarded by the four kings of the Indies and by the Inca emperor. Now the power is with the pope of Rome and our Lord King don Phelipe the third.110 109 The issue was well understood by the Jesuits; see Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Pareceres jur´dicos en asuntos de Indias (Lima 1951), a set of Jesuit opinions attempting to balance the well-being of Andean miners with the nancial needs of the crown. 110 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 1057 (this is the explanation of the rst image described above): Potocchi. Por la dicha mina es Castilla, Roma es roma, el papa es papa y el rrey es monarca del mundo. y la santa madre yglecia es defendida y nuestra santa fe guardada por los quatro rreys de las Yndias y por el enperador Ynga. Agora lo podera el papa de Roma y nuestro sen˜or rrey don Phelipe el terzero. The frontispiece of Bartolome´ Arza´ns de Orsu´a y Vela, Historia de la Villa imperial de Potos´, 3 vols., eds. Lewis Hanke and Gunnar Mendoza (Providence, R.I. 1965) displays two coats of arms that are related to Guaman Poma’s images, although Arza´ns could not have seen these. But Guaman Poma and Arza´ns drew on the same pictorial sources. Arza´ns drew the columns with Plus Ultra anking the crowned mountain of Potos´ with the verses

Soi el rico Potos´, del Mundo soi el tesoro

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Guaman Poma had what appears to have been an intimate working relationship with the Mercedarian friar Mart´n de Muru´a, and certain themes of his Primera Cro´nica recur in Muru´a’s work.111 In the friar’s illustrated Historia del origen y Genealogia Real de los Reyes ingas, Chuquisaca is depicted in the manner of Guaman Poma as a city square surrounded by fanciful buildings. Another hand added a tiny drawing of the city’s coat of arms: the two mountains and columns above, the paired castles below, all surrounded by the ten heads, with the st and ag to one side. All this is very Spanish. But the accompanying text describes Chuquisaca as an Inca foundation, inhabited by Inca lords and by the proud lords of Charcas, “dukes and marquesses” in their society, which is exactly how these lords had described themselves just a decade or so earlier in a memorial addressed to the crown.112 Next after Chuquisaca comes Potos´. The text describing its wealth is accompanied by a magnicent image of “the Inca” appearing behind the mountain of Potos´ and holding up two crowned columns, “Ego fulcio Soi el Rey de los montes Y embidia soi de los Reies. The device is identied as: Escudo de Armas que el Emperador Carlos V. dio a la Villa Imperial de Potos´. Next to this is a device that Arza´ns identied as the coat of arms granted to Potos´ by Philip II. This has the crowned double-headed imperial eagle anked by the columns with Plus Ultra. Superimposed on the eagle are the castles and lions of Castile and Leo´n with the mountain of Potos´, all surrounded by the chain of the Order of the Golden Fleece. Only this latter is omitted in Guaman Poma’s rearrangement of these images. The spatial distribution that organizes the content of Guaman Poma’s two armorial designs merits one further comment. Both designs display at the top an Andean content, and at the bottom a Spanish one. Page 1057 has at the top the Inca, the four kings, the columns, and the mountains of Potosi. At the bottom, the Spanish space, is the city of Potosi with its central square, labeled so as to make the point quite clear with the words “ciudad enpereal castilla.” Similarly, the unnumbered page with the coat of arms of Chuquisaca has the Andean dimension at the top, the Castilian at the bottom. Compare this to Guaman Poma, p. 42, showing at the top, in sunlight, las yndias del piru en lo alto deespana, and at the bottom, in the night, castilla en lo avajo delas yndias; with S. MacCormack, “Pachacuti: Miracles, Punishments and Last Judgement: Visionary Past and Prophetic Future in Early Colonial Peru,” American Historical Review 93,4 (1988): 960– 1006, p. 985 with gure 10. 111 On this much-discussed issue, see now Juan Ossio, Co´dice Muru´a. Manuscrito Galvin (Madrid 2004), pp. 29–62. 112 Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia y Genealog´a. The drawing of Chuquisaca in the Galvin manuscript is on fol. 140v, and the accompanying text on fol. 141r, unos eran . . . Ingas e indios de sangre real y otros curacas, caciques y principales, como duques y marqueses. Waldemar Espinosa Soriano, El memorial de Charcas (Cro´nica ine´dita de 1582) (Chosica 1969), section 19, where the lords refer to themselves as “como en Espan˜a los duques y condes y marqueses.” The original of this text is in Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Charcas 45.

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45. View of Chuquisaca with fanciful buildings such as also appear in the city images in Guaman Poma’s Primera Cro´nica. Note in the bottom left corner the tiny addition of Chuquisaca’s coat of arms. Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin), fol. 140v.

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collumnas eius.”113 However we assign authorship of these texts and images, they enshrine a deeply Andean vision of Collasuyu. No more than a handful of people read the manuscripts of Muru´a and Guaman Poma until modern times,114 but everyone read Garcilaso, whose vision of Peru and the Incas became part and parcel of Peruvian identity.115 What Guaman Poma and Garcilaso—and also Muru´a— shared was their awareness of the formative, enduring impact of the Inca empire on the society of the present. With its ancient capital of Cuzco and its modern capital of Lima, the seat of viceroy, audiencia, and archbishop, Peru could and did claim a certain imperial status, and the memory of the Incas remained a living political issue.116 113 Muru´a, Historia y Genealog´a, fol. 141v–142r. In a recent message, my friend Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla writes about a discovery of his regarding this image and its parallels in Guaman Poma. Unfortunately, I cannot now take full account of the discovery, but would still like to mention it. Mujica writes: “Aparentemente—au´n debo conrmarlo y estudiarlo—el origen del ‘Ego fulcio collumnas eius,’ que gura como lema en el dibujo del Inca entre las columnas de Hercules y que Guaman Poma incluye tanto en su cro´nica como en la le Muru´a es de origen biblico pues la puede haber tomado del Salmo 75 de David . . . lo cual le daria al lema, un profundo contenido justiciero y providencialista a sus palabras. Tambie´n hay referencias a ello en los Cantares de modo que los escripturistas medievales y barrocos deben haber comentado y realizado lecturas ‘politicas’ asociadas a esta idea vinculada con la monarqu´a de Dios en la tierra y que aqui es apropiada para exaltar a un Inca cato´lico elegido por Dios que le proporciona sus riquezas al imperio espan˜ol.” Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla then quotes Psalm 75,4 “ego conrmavi columnas eius.” Guaman Poma’s term “fulcio” instead of “conrmavi” remains puzzling, but in spite of this unusual wording the scriptural reference is clear. 114 The Franciscan friar Buenaventura Salinas Y Cordoba replicates Guaman Poma’s Andean succession of epochs, which leads to the conclusion that he saw Guaman Poma’s manuscript; cf. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, pp. 386–7 and above, chapter 2 at notes 97ff. 115 Cf. D.A. Brading, The First America. The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots and the Liberal State 1492–1867 (Cambridge 1991), pp. 292, 461–2; these pages, brief as they are, constitute an unusual and incisive appreciation of Garcilaso’s achievement. Garcilaso’s importance in the thinking of Peruvians about their country continued throughout the nineteenth century and down to the present (cf. above, chapter 2, at n. 111). Note Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzma´n, Carta dirigida a los Espan˜oles Americanos (London 1801, reproduced in his Obra Completa Biblioteca Cla´scicos del Peru´ vol.4, Lima 1988), pp. 12–14 (of the original edition): he cited as a primary example of Spanish oppression an episode from Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Part II, book 8,17. On Viscardo, see the collection of essays published by Congreso del Peru´, Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzma´n (1748– 1798). El Hombre y su Tiempo 3 vols. (Lima 1999). Further, Pierre Duviols, “La representacio´n bilingu¨e de ‘La muerte de Atahuallpa’ en Mana´s (Cajatambo) y sus fuentes literarias,” Histo´rica 23,2 (Lima 1999): 367–92, showing that the primary literary source of this version of the play is Garcilaso. 116 Note the proud terms with which Bernabe´ Cobo, Fundacio´n de Lima, ed. Francisco Mateos (Biblioteca de autores espan˜oles vol. 92 Madrid 1964), book I, chapter 1, describes this city: emporio y corte de este reino; desde que so´lo tuvo ser fue sen˜ora, corte

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In Chile and Quito, on the frontiers of the former Inca empire, things looked different. Like Santiago, the city of Quito prided itself on its audiencia and bishop—although it ranked below Lima. Quito’s people were proud to remember that both Guayna Capac and Atahuallpa had resided there, but the memory required buttressing. Contradicting the meticulous researches of Cieza,117 some historians asserted that Atahuallpa was born not in Cuzco, but in Quito, where several of his descendants were still living in the early seventeenth century.118 At this time, the Jesuit historian Anello Oliva, author of a history of Peru and of the lives of eminent Jesuits who had worked there, unearthed a tradition, derived from the records of the quipucamayoc Catari, according to which the entire Inca lineage originated in Quito.119 Correcting the Royal Commentaries of Garcilaso, Oliva also explained that civilized life in the Andes, so far from beginning in Cuzco with the Incas, predated the Incas by centuries.120 This vision of Andean prehistory and history differed substantially from Cieza’s understanding of it. Where Cieza had distinguished the behetr´as north of and around Quito from societies to the south that had been incorporated into the Inca empire, Anello Oliva drew no such distinctions but perceived a continuous and coherent evolution linking the Quito of the Inca forebears to the Quito where Guayna Capac and Atahuallpa had lived,121 and also to the city of his own time.122 Times y cabeza de la gobernacio´n de este reino; fundada para maestra de la verdadera sabidur´a. On the Incas, Teresa Gisbert, Iconograf´a y mitos ind´genas en el arte. 2d ed. (La Paz, Bolivia 1994) chapter 3; Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad. La incorporacio´n de los indios del Peru´ al catolicismo 1532–1750 (Lima 2003), pp. 498ff. 117 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 37, contradicting the claim that Atahuallpa was born in Carangues. 118 Udo Oberem, Notas y Documentos sobre Miembros de la Familia del Inca Atahualpa en el Siglo XVI (Guayaquil 1976); see also Tamara Estupin˜a´n, “Testamento de Don Fancisco Atahualpa,” Revista de Investigaciones Historicas de los Museos del Banco Central del Ecuador 1 (1988): 8–67. Vazquez de Espinosa, Descripcio´n, section 1092, was told that Atahuallpa was born in Quito. Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales I, book 9, ch. 12, p. 348, states that Atahuallpa was son to Guayna Capac and la hija del rey de Quitu, by which he meant to emphasize that he was not the legitimate Inca. Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 3, ch. 1, p. 1237, cites this information from Garcilaso by way of agreeing with it. 119 Giovanni Anello Oliva, Historia del Reino y Provincias del Peru´, ed. Carlos M. Ga´lvez Pen˜a (Lima 1998); see also Amalia Castelli and Liliana Regalado, “Una version norten˜a del origen del Tawantinsuyu,” Historia y Cultura 15 (Lima 1982): 161–83; Jan Szeminski, “Manqu Qhapaq Inka segun Anello Oliva S.J. 1631,” Historia y Cultura 20 (Lima 1990): 269–80. 120 Oliva, Historia book 1, ch. 2, fol. 34ff. 121 Oliva, Historia book 1, ch. 12–13; note chapter 12, fol. 70v, 71v; birth of Atahuallpa in Quito. 122 Oliva, Historia fol. 236v–37r (part of the cata´logo de unos varones insignes) on the Jesuit college in Quito, founded in 1586. On its further history, see F. Mateos, ed., Historia General de la Compan˜´a de Jesu´s en la Provincia del Peru´ (Madrid 1944), vol. II, pp. 303–31;

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had changed, but the leading role of the city, the capital of what was now often called “the kingdom of Quito,” had not.123 A much more elaborate regional tradition from Quito than that of Anello Oliva was set down in the later eighteenth century by the Jesuit Juan de Velasco. After the Jesuits were expelled from Spanish America in 1767, Velasco, who was born in Riobamba, south of Quito, found refuge in Italy. There, moved by “the sweet love of my patria,”124 and noting the need for a “separate history of the Kingdom of Quito,”125 he wrote a natural, ancient, and modern history of his lost homeland. Like other Jesuits from Spanish America who also settled in Italy, Velasco wrote in defense of his patria against European, especially French, critics of American nature and human nature, men who “without leaving the Old World have tried to attribute the most deeply awed anatomy to the New.”126 Pedro de Mercado, Historia del Nuevo Reino y Quito de la Compan˜ia de Jesu´s (Bogota´ 1957), vol. 3, book I follows events in Quito and the college until 1683, the author’s own time. On Quito see also Vazquez de Espinosa, Descripcio´n, 1092–1096; on the jurisdictional district of the Audiencia, see sections 1098ff.; on the bishopric, sections 1102ff. 123 Among the rst contemporary historians to perceive the distinctness of the “kingdom of Quito” was J. L. Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century. Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison 1968). 124 Padre Juan de Velasco, S.I., Primera Parte, ed. Julio Tobar Donoso. Biblioteca Ecuatoriana Minima. La Colonia y la Repu´blica. (Puebla, Mexico 1961); Padre Juan de Velasco, S.I., Segunda Parte, ed. Julio Tobar Donoso. Biblioteca Ecuatoriana Minima. La Colonia y la Repu´blica. (Puebla, Mexico 1961). The rst volume contains the Historia Natural de Quito, the second the Historia Antigua de Quito and the Historia Moderna de Quito. For “dulce amor de la Patria,” see the dedication of the Historia Natural to Antonio Porlier. 125 Velasco, Historia Natural, preface, con haber salido a luz en estos u´ltimos tiempos no pocas Historias generales y particulares de la Ame´rica, se hace como necesaria una particular del Reino de Quito. 126 Velasco, Historia Natural, preface, los SS. Paw, Raynal, Marmontel, Buffon y Robertson, que, sin moverse del Mundo Antiguo, han querido hacer la ma´s trista anatom´a del Nuevo. See Jorge Can˜izares-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World. Historiographies, Epistemologies and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford 2001), ch. 3–4. The love of patria that speaks in the writings of the creole Jesuits Rosales, Velasco, and Ignazio Molina (among others) is highlighted when comparing their work to Antonio de Alcedo, Diccionario geograco-historico de las Indias Occidentales o America. Where the creole writers of the later eighteenth century perceived primarily their patria, Alcedo, born in Quito 1735, spent most of his adult life in Spain and thought as a Spaniard. He understood and described the cultural and administrative differences between the different Audiencias and provincias of the Americas, but saw them as an integrated whole, not as lands with (even potentially) separate identities. Also, unlike the Jesuit creole historians who were his contemporaries and wrote in defence of patria, he took no explicit notice whatever of Paw, Raynal, and others who wrote critically about the Americas, even though much of the Diccionario tacitly contradicts their conclusions. His was an imperial, not a national, perspective. Cf. below at notes 136ff.

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46. “I hold its columns upright”: words here enunciated by the Inca emperor who appears behind the mountain of Potos´, while two of his Andean subjects walk up toward him. Mart´n de Muru´a, Historia del origen y Genealog´a Real de los Reyes ingas del Piru´ . . . 1590 (Co´dice Galvin), fol. 141v.

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In the process he created a very new perspective on Quito’s past. Like Anello Oliva, he claimed to have obtained at least some of his material from an indigenous authority, who was Don Jacinto Collahuazo, cacique of Ibarra.127 Also like Anello Oliva, he traced the history of Quito from the rst appearance of human beings in the region. Just as in European antiquity places were named after founding heroes and great men, so in the Andes: the name of Quito was derived from that of a king who in the remote past had ruled there.128 When Guayna Capac conquered the region, he married the daughter of the then king of Quito, whom he had displaced. Atahuallpa, born of that union, was as his mother’s son the legitimate successor to the kingdom. Like earlier historians, Velasco narrated the Spanish conquest of Quito, but unlike them, he described it as a process that unfolded to one side of the conquest of Peru, thereby emphasizing Quito’s autonomy throughout its history.129 Alhough Oliva’s and Velasco’s particulars of Quito’s origins and early history are legendary, they do reect a historical reality. This is the formation of the kingdom of Quito as a distinct geographical, cultural, and political entity, and the diverse ways in which it was conceptualized over time. Cieza described behetr´as having little political contact with each other. Velasco by contrast described the development in the distant past of a larger polity under the hegemony of the rulers of Quito, who were succeeded rst by the Incas and then by the Spanish. Without discounting the upheaval of Spanish conquest, Velasco viewed the Spanish as perpetuating those preexisting patterns of regional cohesion.130 127 For D. Jacinto Collahuazo, cacique of Ibarra, who wrote a history of Atahuallpa that Velasco consulted, see Historia Natural book 4, ch. 9, section 30; Historia Antigua book I, ch. 5, sections 7; 16 where Velasco refers Collahuazo’s kinglist going back to Quitu; an overviw of the list is book I, ch. 6, 1–3 mentioning Collahuazo. 128 Velasco, Historia Antigua book I, ch. 1–2. 129 Velasco, Historia Antigua book I, ch. 2–5, Quito’s history from the leader Quitu to Guayna Capac; for the early phase, see also Historia Natural book I, ch. 1; book IV, ch. 4, refutation of Robertson; note book IV, ch. 4, section 32, pointing out that Quito’s ancient monuments are evidence of un poderoso pueblo civilizado de muchos siglos. Historia Antigua book I, ch. 5; book II, ch. 1, Guayna Capac’s Quitan queen, and their son Atahuallpa. Historia Antigua books IV–V deal with the Spanish invasion, conquest, and civil wars. 130 Note Velasco, Historia Antigua book 5, ch. 5 and 11, on the evolution of Spanish government in the Reino de Quito, building on earlier phases of integration. While Velasco’s stories about individuals appear to be legendary, they articulate processes of integration that did occur; see Jean-Paul Deler, Gene`se de l’espace e´quatorien. Essai sur le territoire et la formation de l’E´tat national (Paris 1981); for the late Inca and early colonial period, Frank Salomon, Native Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas: The Political Economy of North Andean Chiefdoms (Cambridge 1986). Cf., on the Quitan context of Velasco’s reception of Las Casas, Arturo Andre´s Roig, “El movimiento lascasiano como humanismo,” Cultura. Revista del Banco Central del Ecuador 16 (Quito 1983): 25–48.

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Ignazio Molina, Velasco’s contemporary and fellow Jesuit, took an analogous view of his Chilean homland’s history. What he learned of indigenous language, culture, and political organization led him to conclude that the history of civilization in Chile extended into the very remote past, even though no written testimony beyond what the Spanish had recorded could be discovered.131 The Incas, described by Molina as Peruvians,132 were invaders and foreigners. As regards the Spanish in Chile, Molina opened his Civil History of Chile with a line from Vergil’s Aeneid. The line is taken from a speech where Jupiter, king of the gods, begins to envision a settlement for the war between Trojans and Italians, Trojans and Rutulians for control of Italy. Neither Jupiter himself, nor any of the gods, must any longer interfere in and prolong this war: Be a man Trojan or Rutulian, I shall make no distinction.133 On this basis, the two warring sides were in due course to become one nation. That was also the resolution to the centuries-old Araucanian war that Molina hoped for in Chile. There would be one “Chilean nation.”134 Molina and Velasco wrote on the eve of the wars of Independence, as a result of which Chile and the kingdom of Quito became independent countries. Ecuador, the nineteenth-century successor to the kingdom of Quito, is latent in Velasco’s history, just as the independent country of Chile is latent in the history of Molina.135 Peru, less committed than others to the cause of independence, was also the land where the imperial pasts of the Incas, the Spanish, and even of the Romans, had been felt most strongly. In Cieza’s eyes, Peru stood out because here the results of Inca governance were most evident. His admiration for the Incas was fed and sustained by what he knew about the Romans. Furthermore, Cieza’s knowledge about the Romans oriented, ordered, and articulated his inquiries into who the Incas were and what they had achieved. In his own idiom, and in light of his own reading, Garcilaso followed the trail that Cieza had blazed. 131

Giovanni Ignazio Molina, Compendio de la historia civil del Reyno de Chile, escrito en italiano / por el abate Don Juan Ignacio Molina. Parte Segunda . . . (Madrid 1795), book I, ch. 1–4. 132 Molina, Historia civil book I, ch. 2, about Inca attempts at conquest, is titled: “Conquista de los Peruanos.” 133 Vergil, Aeneid 10,108: Tros, Rutulusve fuat, nullo discrimine habebo. 134 Charles E. Ronan, Juan Ignacio Molina. The World’s Window on Chile (New York 2002), ch. 9. 135 This independent Chile is already discernible in the historical work of another Jesuit, Diego Rosales, above n. 62.

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47. The cloister of the monastery of La Merced—the Order of Mercy—in Cuzco. In 1538, not long after the foundation of the monastery, the friars buried the elder Diego de Almagro in their church, where he was commemorated in 1959 by a plaque placed by the Chilean government. The entire monastic complex was rebuilt after the earthquake in 1650, a time when the hatreds of the Peruvian civil wars had receded into the past, and a separate Chilean nation was not as yet imaginable.

Both of them favored imperial over other kinds of states and viewed the world through an imperial lens and in light of Roman antecedents, contrasts, and examples. For Guaman Poma also, the fundamental shape of political order was imperial, this being the reason why he recast Spanish imagery of empire for use in the Andes. Small polities interested him less. This imperial perspective and its concurrent Roman memories and resonances, comparisons, and contrasts made sense to those who perceived themselves to be living in empires. Ercilla, who felt and lived as a Spaniard, incorporated into his experience of Chile visions of empire in Europe, while endowing his Araucanians with Roman virtue and love of liberty. In the process, he perpetuated a long Roman tradition of historical analysis that perceived justice and excellence on the side

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of the enemy while drawing attention to the ambiguous advantages of exercising power.136 Two centuries later, Molina, a reader of Ercilla born and raised in Chile, had also internalized the Roman classics but did not feel this tension.137 For him, Vergil provided a path toward conceptualizing Chilean nationhood and an end to the Araucanian war. For him, and also for Velasco, the polity that mattered most was local, even national, not imperial. In both their historical visions, the existence of Peru and the aspirations of Peru’s Incas were not central concerns, and Spain was even less so. Independent Peru also separated from Spain and its empire. But the imperial achievements of the Incas remained and remain a focus of memory and aspiration. In the words of the scientist, statesman, and man of letters Hipo´lito Unanu´e, written on the eve of independence about the Incas, “those ancient Peruvians”: What extraordinary effort would not be necessary to construct those royal roads, their powerful ruins enduring to this day? Those settlements, whose ruins still remain on banks of sand, where it was necessary to bring adobe and water from distant places? Those excellent never sufciently appreciated irrigation canals for the increase and prosperity of agriculture? And as many defensive and offensive structures as are in evidence in the highlands and lowlands of Peru, the movement of armies, of re and commotion when they contended for the honour of victory and the glory of conquests?138 136

Donald Earl, The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome (Ithaca 1967). Charles E. Ronan and Walter Hanisch, eds., Epistolario de Juan Ignacio Molina S.J. (Santiago de Chile 1979), p. 41, letter to Luis Gneco, 1788, mentioning the map of the Araucanian territory en la u´ltima edicio´n de Ercilla. Molina also cited Ercilla as an authority about the Araucanian war; see Compendio de la historia civil del Reyno de Chile, e.g., book 3, ch. 6, pp. 179, 183; ch. 7, p. 192; ch. 8, p. 193. Molina also adopted from Ercilla the term Estado Araucano, Compendio de la historia civil, book 2, ch. 2. 138 Hipo´lito Unanu´e, Discurso sobre si el clima inuye o no en las costumbres de los habitantes, deducido de las notas manuscritas para la segunda edicio´n de las observaciones sobre el clima de Lima, in his Obras cient´cas y literarias (Barcelona 1914), vol. II, pp. 53–7, at p. 57: . . . aquellos antiguos peruanos que han dejado tantos rastros de industria y laboriosidad en todas las partes de este imperio? Que´ esfuerzo tan extraordinario no se necesitar´a para levantar esos caminos reales, cuyos grandes escombros aun hoy subsisten? Esos pueblos, cuyas ruinas permanecen sobre me´danos de arena, donde era necesario conducir de sitios lejanos el barro y el agua? Esos excelentes y nunca bastantes ponderados cauces para el aumento y prosperidad de la agricultura; y tantas obras de ataque y defensa que maniestan en el alto y bajo Peru´, el movimiento de eje´rcitos, acciones ruidosas y fuego con que se disputaba el honor de la victoria y la gloria de las conquistas? Perhaps it was Cieza who reported the rst “return of the Inca”: Quito, ch. 213, fol. 428: Diego Alvarez heard in 1545, Estos yndios mintiendo, dixeron que Mango Ynga avia salido por los montes con los yndios Chiriguanaes y con otras naciones negras y avia muerto a todos los espan˜oles y que el estava en Chuquixaca. 137

Epilogue Ancient Texts: Prophecies and Predictions, Causes and Judgments THE QUESTION that dominated historical thinking about Peru during the sixteenth and earlier seventeenth centuries was how to square the past with the present, the Incas with the Spanish. This same question is still of lively concern now. Don Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua—the historian who was named after the “red ower of the highlands” and wrote in the early seventeenth century1—concluded his account of events in the Andes with a resolution of this tension. It was, however, an imagined resolution, its reality suspended in the minds of Don Joan and his readers. After the death of the Inca Atahuallpa, and after all the accompanying warfare and bloodshed, so Don Joan imagined nearly a century later, peace ensued, its beginning marked by a courtly ceremony. Francisco Pizarro, the Inca Manco whom Pizarro had chosen in Atahuallpa’s place to do the Spaniards’ bidding, and the missionary friar Vicente de Valverde together entered the city of Cuzco and made their way to Coricancha, the “golden corral.” While the Incas ruled, this building had been the principal sanctuary of the Incas’ ancestral deity, the Sun. In the solemn ritual of entry that Don Joan pictured for his readers and himself, Pizarro “represented the Emperor Don Carlos V, and the father friar Vicente with his mitre and cope represented the person of Saint Peter, Roman pontiff.” As for Manco Inca, he represented no one other than his own person: “the Inca with his litter and its precious featherwork, in his nest attire, with his suntur paucar, his sceptre2 in his hand as king, and with his royal insignia of capac unancha“ or royal standard.3 Capac unancha can also be translated literally as the “most 1

See above, chapter 1 at notes 1ff. Cf. Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 25v–26, a triumphal celebration of Pachacuti Inca. In the central square of Cuzco, “Haocaypata y Cuc¸ipata,” “el dicho Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui sienta con su hijo Topa Ynga Yupangui y Amaro Ttopa Yupangui, todos tres con yguales tiyanas de ruua hechas de oro. Todos tres bien bestidos, con sus capac llaottos y mascapacha, y el viejo con su septro de suntor paucar hecha de oro y el Topa Ynga Yupangui con su septro de ttopa yauri, y el otro sin septro, solo con chambis pequen˜os de oro.” 3 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 43v, el marque´s con sus canas y barbas largas representava la persona del Emperador don Carlos 5 y el padre fray Vic¸ente, con su mitra y 2

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exalted sign” or “marker of royalty.” In Don Joan’s now Christian times, there was in addition the Sancta Cruzpa unanchan,4 the sign of the holy cross, pertaining to Christ, that endowed the capac unancha of the Inca with further signicance by transferring Inca sovereignty into the Christian present.5 The formal entry of Manco Inca, Francisco Pizarro, and Vicente de Valverde into Coricancha, which Don Joan described as “the house built by the most ancient Incas for the Maker,”6 for the deity in whom Andean people had glimpsed the Christian creator, appears to reconcile Inca defeat with Spanish victory. “At last,” Don Joan wrote, “the law of God and his holy gospel, so dearly desired, entered to take possession of the new vineyard.”7 But the chasm between Spanish experience of conquest and victory, and Andean experience of defeat and subjection—one a cause for celebration and the other a cause for grief—remained all too real in actual experience as much as it did in historical writing. Don Joan himself acknowledged the contradiction at the end of his tableau of solemn entry. In the early days, he wrote, Valverde cared for his ock, “not like the priests now, nor did the Spanish in that year devote themselves to the pursuit of their interest, like now.”8 Some version of this contracapa, representava la persona de San Pedro, pont´ce romano no como Santo Toma´s hecho pobre, y el del ynga con sus andas de plumer´as ricas, con el bestido ma´s rico, con su suntur paucar en la mano, como rey, con sus insignias reales de capac unancha. For capac unancha see also fol. 31v, the investiture of Guayna Capac and his consort, despue´s los entrega el ttopa yauri, el suntur paucar y el capac llauto y uincha, despue´s de tres dias con la misma esta y solemnidad, en el mismo lugar donde los casso, y los entrega el capac unancha. Marginal notes state: suntur paucar es el ceptro; with capac unancha the note says, Esto es el estandarte. Further on suntur paucar, fol. 36r, 36v. 4 Doctrina christiana, y catecismo para la instruccio´n de los Indios, y de las demas personas que han de ser ensen˜adas en nuestra sancta Fe´ (Lima 1584; Madrid 1985), p. 21. The Doctrina Christiana consists of several volumes, each of which has its own pagination. I therefore cite the pagination of the facsimile, which runs through all these volumes in one single sequence. 5 Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “El Gobierno de la Repu´blica Cristiana,” in Ramon MujicaPinilla, ed., El Barroco Peruano (Lima 2003), pp. 217–49 at notes 63ff. 6 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 43v, Coricancha, cassa hecha de los yngas antiquissimos para el Hazedor. 7 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 43v, Al n, la ley de Dios y su Santo Evangelio tan deseado entro´ a tomar la posec¸ion a la nueba bin˜a. On Pachacuti Yamqui’s providential ´ ngeles apo´crifos en la interpretation of the Inca empire, see Ramo´n Mujica Pinilla, A Ame´rica Virreinal (Mexico City 1992), pp. 192–4. 8 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacio´n, fol. 43v: Valverde “no estava desocupado, como los sac¸erdotes de agora, ni los espan˜oles por aquel an˜o se aplicavan a la sujec¸ion de interes, como agora. Lo que es llamar a Dios abia mucha diboc¸ion en los espan˜oles, y los naturales eran exhortados de buenos exemplos.” The phrase “ni los espan˜oles por aquel an˜o se aplicavan a la sujec¸ion de interes” translated word for word says: “nor did the Spanish in that year devote themselves to the seizing of interest.”

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diction has pervaded Peruvian and indeed Latin American historiography from the beginning. But where today, we see a conict of cultures and political systems, early modern historians had a different agenda. Cicero as quoted by Cieza dened history as “the witness of the times, the teacher of life, and the light of truth.”9 For Cieza and other historians of his age, who sought to follow ancient historians and poets, a crucial aspect of the pursuit of historical truth was to explain causation.10 “Remember the causes for me,” Vergil had asked the Muse at the beginning of the Aeneid. Sallust thought about the social causes of individual character, Livy thought about the link between Rome’s beginnings and its awed greatness in his own day, and late antique Christian writers added divine design or providence as a causal dimension in history.11 Regarding the cause, the reason why Europeans found themselves in the Americas, a rst set of explanations was offered by Christopher Columbus in his Book of Prophecies. The Book is a compilation of prophetic texts culled from Scripture, and from Roman, patristic, and medieval authors that Columbus believed dened his enterprise as the work of providence.12 The thought of providence was in the air throughout the sixteenth century while the two empires, the Ottoman and the Spanish, confronted each other in the Mediterranean, and searchers after wisdom on both sides perused their ancient texts for 9 Cicero, De oratore 2,9,36 Historia vero testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriae, magistra vitae, nuntia vetustatis, qua voce alia, nisi oratoris immortalitati commendatur? Cieza, Primera Parte, Prohemio del autor fol. 6v, Diodoro s´culo en su prohemio dize, que los hombres deven sin camparacio´n mucho a los escriptores, pues mediante su trabajo biven los acaescimientos, hechos por ellos grandes edades. Y ass´ llamo´ a la escriptura Cicero´n testigo de los tiempos, maestra de la vida, luz de la verdad. Lo que pido es que en pago de mi trabajo, aunque vaya esta scriptura desnuda de rheto´rica, sea mirada con moderacio´n, pues a lo que siento, va tan acompan˜ada de verdad. Clearly, Cieza did not quote Cicero at second hand, since he excuses himself for not being able to provide the rhetorical polish Cicero requires, but is able to satisfy another of Cicero’s requirements in this passage, i.e., truthfulness. 10 Arnaldo Momigliano, “On causes of war in ancient historiography,” in his Secondo Contributo alla Storia degli Studi Clasici (Rome 1984), pp. 13–27. In light of this article, the searching reections of Pedro Cieza de Leo´n about the causes of the Peruvian civil wars merit study. 11 Vergil, Aeneid 1,8 Musa, mihi causas memora; Sallust, Catilina 14,1 In tanta tamque corrupta civitate Catilina, id quod factu facillimum erat, omnium agitiorum atque facinorum circum se tamquam stipatorum catervas habebat. Livy, Ab urbe condita book 1, Preface section 9; on providence, see Theodor E. Mommsen, “Orosius and Augustine,” in his Medieval and Renaissance Studies, ed. Eugene F. Rice (Ithaca 1959), pp. 325–48. 12 The Book of Prophecies edited by Christopher Columbus, Robert Rusconi, historical and textual editor; Blair Sullivan, translator (Berkeley 1997); note the excellent introduction.

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guidance.13 One of the texts Columbus selected is from Seneca’s tragedy Medea, where the chorus in foreboding of the less than auspicious outcome of the voyage of the hero Jason’s ship Argo ponders the dangers of seafaring. Too venturesome was he who rst on so fragile a craft crossed the treacherous waves.14 It was a familiar theme that also occupied Seneca’s contemporary, the Elder Pliny, whose reections in turn attracted the attention of Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo.15 But such was not the message that Columbus derived from this choral song. Rather, he quoted, from the end of the song, the more hopeful lines about future navigational exploits and offered his own translation. Seneca had written that In future years an age shall come when Ocean shall release the bonds of things: the wide earth opens up and Tiphys shall unveil new worlds so Thule shall no longer bound the earth. Tiphys was the steersman of the Argo, and Thule is Iceland. Columbus translated: In the late years of the world shall come certain times when the Ocean sea shall loosen the bonds of things; a great land shall open up and a new seaman like the one who was Jason’s steersman and who was called Tiphys shall discover a new world, and then the island of Thule shall no longer be the outermost of lands.16 13 This is one of the themes in the long-awaited work by Cornell Fleischer, Mediterranean Apocalypse (Berkeley, in press). Possible links between European and American movements anticipating a nal state of society remain to be explored; for the return of the Inca, see Alberto Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca: identidad y utopia en los Andes (Lima 1988). 14 Seneca, Medea lines 301–2:

Audax nimium qui freta primus rate tam fragili perda rupit . . . 15

See above, chapter 5. Columbus, Book of Prophecies, p. 290 with p. 270; under the general heading “de presenti et futuro,” Seneca’s verses (Medea lines 374–9) are rendered thus in Columbus’s own hand (cf. p. 34): 16

Venient annis secula seris, quibus Oceanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens pateat tellus Tiphisque novos detegat orbes, nec sit terris ultima Tille.

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Evidently, Columbus saw himself as the successor to the steersman Tiphys.17 In years to come, Seneca’s verses were cited as prophetic in this precise sense and in several other more general ones. Bartolome´ de las Casas interpreted them as an augury of evangelization. From time immemorial, “great things, be they for the good of the world or its punishment” had been announced in advance by the friends of God, and even by gentiles. Seneca, whom Las Casas like many others believed to have exchanged letters with St. Paul,18 had augured the existence of the New World, the opening of the seaways leading to it, and hence the outpouring of the word of God in the newly found lands, and so had several others of the ancients, among them the geographers Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and Solinus, as well as Plato, Vergil, and Isidore of Seville.19 Atlantis, mentioned by Plato in the Critias and Timaeus, fed speculation as to how the Indians had reached the Americas in that distant past before the cataclysm that Plato described in those dialogues had closed navigation beyond the Columns of Hercules. The Florentine Platonist Marsilio Ficino interpreted the account of Atlantis as “a marVerna´n los tardos an˜os del mundo ciertos tiempos en los quales el mar Occ¸e´ano aoxera´ los atamentos de las cosas, y se abrira´ una grande tierra, e um nuebo marinero como aque´l que fue guya de Jaso´n que obe nombre Tiphi, descobrira´ nuebo mundo, y entonc¸es non sera´ la ysla Tille la postrera de las tierras. 17 Contemporary scholarly editions read Tethys, where Columbus and early modern historians of the Americas wrote Tiphys; cf. Rusconi, The Book of Prophecies (above n. 12), p. 34. Tiphys was also the medieval reading; see Nicola Trevet, Commento alla Medea di Seneca, ed. Luciana Roberti (Bari 2004), p. 63: ingens tellus Typhisque, id est nauta Jasonis; detegat,id est deteget, non in persona sua, sed in arte navigacionis quam primo adinvenit; novos orbes, id est ignotas nobis et tamquam novas regiones. 18 Cf. Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book III, ch. 37, p. 1638, on Seneca the friend of St. Paul; cf. book I, ch. 4, p. 67, Seneca’s versos fat´dicos: but Calancha had read Solo´rzano, cf. below at notes 28–31, and made no further mention of the verses. On the spurious correspondence between Paul and Seneca, see Arnaldo Momigliano, Note sulla leggenda del cristianesimo di Seneca, in his Contributo alla storia degli studi classici (Rome 1979), pp. 13–32. Discussion continues: Maria Grazia Mara, “L’epistolario apocrifo di Seneca e San Paolo,” in Antonio P. Martina ed., Atti del Convergno Internazionale Seneca e i Cristiani (Milan 2001), pp. 41–54; Marta Sordi, “I rapporti personali di Seneca con i cristiani con Appendice di Ilaria Ramelli, Aspetti linguistici dell’ epistorlario Seneca-San Paolo,” ibid., pp. 113–27. 19 Bartolome´ de las Casas, Historia de las Indias, ed. Agust´n Millares Carlo and Lewis Hanke (Mexico City 1951), book I, ch. 9–11. Seneca’s verses are quoted in chapter 10 after the statement: nunca hallaremos que se hicieron cosas grandes, o para bien del mundo, o para castigo suyo, que mucho antes o por boca de sus siervos y amigos los santos profetas, o de sus enemigos, como los habia entre los gentiles, no ordenase que o escura o claramente lo que habia de acecer se anunciase o predijese. Desto esta´n llenas las divinas historias. On Plato’s Atlantis, Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, book I, ch. 8.

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vellous thing, but altogether true,”20 which led the erudite Agust´n de Za´rate to think that the Indians had reached the Americas before Atlantis was cut off from Europe, but lacking letters they had forgotten all about it. Meanwhile, “regarding the discovery of this new land it seems that a saying by way of prophecy pronounced by Seneca in the tragedy Medea corresponds to it.”21 The historian Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, eloquent and most insistent advocate of the glory that the Spanish had garnered for themselves in the Americas, also—citing Ficino—regarded the story about Atlantis as true, and viewed Seneca’s verses, “a conjecture reached by instinct and natural reason,” as a most powerful testimony of the magnitude of Spain’s achievement.22 Jose´ de Acosta did not entirely commit himself to the historical veracity of the by his time standard interpretation of Plato’s account of Atlantis as America.23 But regarding Seneca’s verses he wrote: “We cannot deny that quite literally it happened like this.” The real question concerned the nature of Seneca’s statement, which Acosta dened not as prophecy on a level with the prophetic utterances of Holy Writ but as a form of foresight that was common to wise and informed persons.24 With all that, Seneca had written of lands beyond Thule, that is Iceland in the North, not the direction in which Peru and Mexico were to be found: an issue that did not escape the Italian Giovanni Botero, 20 Plato, Timaeus 21E–25D; Critias 108E–109A, 113Bff. Divini Platonis opera omnia Marsilio Ficino interprete. Nova editio, adhibita Graeci codicis collatione a duobus doctissimis viris castigata: cuius collationis ratio ex epistola operi parexa facile constabit (Lugduni 1557), p. 497, Ficino’s preface to the Timaeus: Hanc autem non ctam quidem, sed veram historiam extitisse constat . . . Deinde idem omnino asserit in Timaeo appellans rem miram quidem, sed omnino veram. 21 Agust´n de Za´rate, Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista del Peru´, preface titled “Declaracio´n de la dicultad que algunos tienen en averiguar por do´nde pudieron passar al Peru´ las gentes que primeramente lo poblaron.” Cerca del descubrimiento desta nueva tierra parece que le quadra un dicho a manera de profec´a que haze Se´neca en la tragedia Medea. 22 Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia General de las Indias (Edicio´n facsimilar, Lima 1993; C ¸ aragoc¸a 1555), ch. 220. The original of this facsimile, in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima, belonged to Garcilaso Inca and has his annotations, as well as those of the conquistador ano´nimo. 23 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias I,12. But his contemporary Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica ch. 3–5, accepted the story about Atlantis as America as literally true. 24 Acosta, Historia natural y moral I, ch. 11: Que el Oce´ano anchuroso haya dado el paso que ten´a cerrado, y que se hara descubierto grande tierra, mayor que toda Europa y Asia y se habite otro nuevo mundo, ve´moslo por nuestros ojos cumplido, y en esto no hay duda. En la que la puede con razo´n haber es en s´ Se´neca adevino´, o si acaso dio´ en esto su poesia. Yo, para decir lo que siento, siento que adevino´ con el modo de adevinar que tienen los hombres sabios y astutos.

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whose Relationi universali circulated everywhere, from Europe to the Americas. The Relationi, an encyclopedic vade mecum for diplomats, merchants, and travelers of both the real and the armchair variety, described—continent by continent and country by country—the world’s geography, populations, resources, cultures, and religions. Botero had read Acosta and other historians of the Indies, but disagreed about Seneca, whose prediction would have been much more apposite if Seneca had not spoiled it with the last verse. For the New World was not discovered in a northerly direction where Thule is, but in the West. It would have been correct had he written Cadiz instead of Thule: “And Cadiz shall not be the limit of the earth.”25 Providence, Botero thought, was to be seen at work not so much in the fulllment of Seneca’s and other ancient predictions, such as they were, but in evangelization and in new navigational instruments, in particular the compass, that made crossing the high seas possible. The compass guided missionaries to the Americas, where the harvest of souls they gathered compensated for the losses inicted on the church in Northern Europe by the protestant reformers.26 The lesson was to understand “how greatly God delights in accomplishing marvellous works by humble means,” all the more so since the compass had been invented by one of Botero’s Italian countrymen.27 Botero’s critique of the customary interpretation of Seneca’s verses was reiterated by the jurist Juan de Solo´rzano y Pereira,28 for years a judge of the audiencia of Lima. In any case, by the time Solo´rzano wrote, in the 1620s and 1630s, the argument about providence, the history that was meant to happen, had shifted denitively from the interpretation of secular to that of scriptural texts that were thought to bear on Peru. A beginning had already been made in Columbus’s Book of Prophecies. The Book was designed to shed light not only on his project 25 Giovanni Botero Benese, Le relationi universali di Giovanni Botero Benese, divise in quattro parti (Venice 1605), 194 Vaticinio, che sarebbe stato molto piu` compito, e maraviglioso, se Seneca non l’havesse guasto con l’ultimo verso: perche il Mondo nuovo ni si e` scoverto per la via di Settentrione, ove e` Tulemarca: ma di Ponente. Compito sarebbe stato se in vece di Thule, havesse messo Calis. Nec sit tellus ultima Gades. 26 Botero, Relazioni, pp. 194–6, with a description of the storm in Vergil, Aeneid I, to drive home the contrast between sailing without and with a compass. Francis Bacon agreed about the compass; see below, n. 83. 27 Botero, Relazioni, p. 197, E qu` si puo` veramente conoscere quanto Iddio si diletti di far operationi meravigliose per mezi bassi, e di poco rilevo . . . 28 Juan de Solorzano y Pereira, Politica Indiana, ed. Miguel Angel Ochoa Brun (Biblioteca de Autores Espan˜oles 252, Madrid 1972), book 1, ch. 6,4; 26–7.

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of sailing West so as to reach the Holy Land and Jerusalem, but it also identied the islands of the Caribbean with Ophir, whence Solomon had brought gold and precious stones for the fabric of the Temple in Jerusalem.29 Scriptural exegetes of the later sixteenth century returned to this latter topic by suggesting that Ophir was the same as Peru, the source of so much wealth for Spain. The great scriptural scholar and editor of the Antwerp polyglot Bible, Benito Arias Montano, who propounded this interpretation of the relevant passages in the Hebrew Scriptures, believed the name of Ophir and the name of Peru to be etymologically related. In which case, it was Peru that had been foreshadowed in the land of Ophir of Solomon’s day.30 But Jose´ de Acosta and the jurist Juan de Solo´rzano, who both knew that Peru was an invented and recent name, imposed by the Spanish, rejected this interpretation. Taking etymology to one side, the larger issue was to understand in what way America and Peru were included in the history of salvation, and in what way the Spanish Monarchy could claim to be God’s instrument in the unfolding of a purposeful history that was directed by divine providence. This agenda kept the theory of Peru as Ophir alive for decades to come. Solo´rzano meanwhile anchored the reasons why Spaniards were in Peru in law and precedent,31 while Acosta, who had come to Peru as a missionary, perceived the primary reason that justied the Spanish presence in the Andes to be the work of evangelization. Insofar as providence was at work, and was a cause in history, the conversion of Andean people was the ground on which Spanish sovereignty in Peru 29

See The Book of Prophecies edited by Christopher Columbus, pp. 330–34, with p. 28. The person Ophir, Gen. 10,29; the land of Ophir, I Chron. 29,4; I Kings 10, 11; 22; 22,48. Cf. below at notes 72–77. Zur Shalev, “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography 55,1 (2003): 56–80 at pp. 69– 71; D. A. Brading, The First America. The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots and the Liberal State 1492–1867 (Cambridge 1991), ch. 15. See also Rolena Adorno, “Sobre la censura y su evasio´n: un caso transatla´ntico del siglo XVI,” in Carlos Alberto Gonza´lez and Enriqueta Vila Vilar, eds., Graf´as del imaginario. Representaciones culturales en Espan˜a y Ame´rica (siglos XVI–XVIII) (Mexico City 2003), pp. 13–52, at pp. 40–46, regarding the ideas of Las Casas, Jero´nimo Roma´n, and Benito Arias Montano about Ophir and the origin of Amerindian peoples. 31 James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order. The Justication for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia 1994); Antonio Garc´a y Garc´a, “El derecho comu´n medieval en la argumentacio´n de Juan Solo´rzano Pereira,” in Juan de So´lorzano Pereira, De Indiarum iure (Lib. III: De retentione Indiarum), C. Barciero et al., eds. (Madrid 1994), pp. 177–91 takes a somewhat critical view of the cogency of Solo´rzano’s juridical argumentation. 30

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rested.32 This was also what Cieza had thought. The successes and failures of evangelization pervade his writing, and the failures are a moving force behind his frequent condemnation of Spanish actions.33 The theme initiated by Cieza was taken up by Garcilaso,34 and throughout the seventeenth and well into the eighteenth century, it seeded itself from the Royal Commentaries into the thought world of almost everyone who wrote about Peruvian history. Besides, law books, the acts of church councils, and directives of secular government all insisted on the need for the ongoing propagation of the Christian message. It was on this foundation alone that the “conscience of the King” could come to be at rest.35 Evangelization brought into play another of the tasks of historians writing in pursuit of Cicero’s ideal of history as the teacher of life and the light of truth. This was the investigation of laudable and blameworthy actions. In Livy’s words, many times echoed by early modern historians of Peru: This one thing is above all salutary and fruitful in the study of history, that you see before you testimonies of every kind of experience set down in a noble monument. From there you can select what you 32 Note the indictment in Jose´ de Acosta, De procuranda Indorum salute, eds. L. Peren˜a et al. (Madrid 1984), book I, ch. 11–13; chapter 11 is titled “The principal impediments of the Gosel among the Indians derive from our own people.” These three chapters were among the ones to be censured for their severe judgments of the Spanish; cf. Peren˜a’s introduction, pp. 21ff. The edition reproduces, at the bottom of the page, the original version of chapter 11 from Acosta’s autograph in the University Library of Salamanca. 33 Note Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 45, fol. 53v, on the encounter between Valverde and Atahuallpa. Valverde handed the Inca his breviary: Parec¸ie´ndole mal tantas hojas lo arronjo´ en alto sin saber lo que hera, porque para que lo entendiera av´anselo de dezir de otra manera; mas los frayles por aca´ nunca predican sino donde no ay peligro ni lanc¸a enhiesta. For Cieza’s view of his countrymen, see Salinas, ch. 64, fol. 146–146v: Mas para que´ quiero yo contar particularmente las crueldades 146v de mi nacio´n? Huya, pues mi entendimiento desta parte de la vatalle e de´xela sin escrevir, puesta en tinieblas del olbido, porque nengunas gentes aprendan tan grandes males, ni sepan por m´ co´mo en las guerras c¸ibiles puede acaec¸er cosa como e´sta, e mejor fuera que se perdieran las lagrimas e sospiros que a este lugar se deven por las muertes que los crueles unos a otros se dieron; mas ya que yo quiera callar el yncendio desta vatalla, con que fundamento escrivire´ las demas, pues de aqu´ nacio´ la causa de aver tan grandes males en esta miserable tierra? E, aunque con pena, referire´ las cosas que pasaron. 34 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales II, book 3, ch. 19. 35 Garcilaso, CR II, book 2, ch. 8 recounts an exemplary story involving conversion, restitution, and an act of imperial justice. On the views of Garcilaso and criticism of efforts of evangelization, see Jose´ Maria Navarro, ed., Una denuncia profe´tica desde el Peru´ a mediados del siglo XVIII. El Planctus indorum christianorum in America Peruntina (Lima 2001), ch. 2, section 5, p. 264.

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and your republic should imitate, and from there learn to avoid things shameful in their beginning and shameful in outcome.36 Evangelization, the project of inculcating Christian truth and virtue, was prone to highlight the failures of those who imparted the teaching or acted as its patrons. Don Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui’s discreet observation to this effect is writ large in Guaman Poma’s long pages about the agrant sins of missionary clergy and their secular sponsors. Guaman Poma’s strictures, peppered by the immediacy of his own personal experience,37 were hardly less severe than the critique of missionary practice by Jose´ de Acosta in his treatise on How to Procure the Salvation of the Indians. From the very beginning, evangelization was the ofcial rationale of conquest and of the establishment of Spanish governance in the Americas. Bartolome´ de las Casas was the only one to assert categorically that conquest was not a necessary precondition for the spread of the Christian message, and that the Indians were capable of governing themselves while also becoming Christians.38 But even those who believed that the planting of Christianity needed the protection of Christian government and that in any case, conquest was a fait accompli, understood that the interests of secular government and of a truly missionary church were not the same. Above all, the intervention of government in matters of faith was likely to compromise the voluntary nature of conversion—and conversion, as everyone knew, had to be voluntary if it was to be valid.39 Such reections converged with another of the great imponderables of sixteenth-century Spanish America: why had a handful of invaders 36 Livy, Ab urbe condita preface 10, Hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in inlustri posita monumento intueri; inde tibi tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde foedum inceptu, foedum exitu, quod vites. 37 Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 561–607. For Acosta’s De procuranda, cf. above, n. 32. 38 See Bartolome´ de Las Casas, De unico vocationis modo omnium gentium ad veram religionem, eds. Paulino Castan˜eda Delgado and Antonio Garc´a del Moral (Madrid 1990), a treatise devoted to this issue. 39 Acosta, De procuranda, book I, ch. 13 about the difculties of undoing the results of forced conversion. For all his pragmatism, Acosta believed in the feasibility of a fully edged indigenous Christianity. Some eighty years later, another manual appeared: Alonso de la Pen˜a Montenegro, Itinerario para parochos de Indios, en que se tratan las materias ma´s particulares, tocantes a` ellos, para su buena Administracion (Amberes 1754)—the aprobaciones are dated 1662–1668. Montenegro describes a grimmer world, where duress was the order of the day. But the ideal, at least, of free conversion remained, see, e.g., book III, tratado 8 about “ganar la voluntad de los Gentiles con dadivas y presentes”— which is considered acceptable, but only if there is no formal agreement that baptism is to follow.

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been able to topple two great empires in so short a time? Historians now think of the deadly effect of European diseases on populations who had built up no immunities to them and of the superiority of European military technology. Besides, for Europeans war had become a business, whereas for the Incas it was, in signicant part, a ritual or a kind of game. Total war, such as was waged by the Spanish invaders, was rarely the order of the day in the Andes.40 Early modern historians, by contrast, looked for quite different kinds of causes to explain the conquest of Peru and Mexico. In particular, they sought to recognize the overall design of historical processes, or be it their providential design. Had the Incas not understood this design? Several historians of the time believed that the Incas had understood at least some part of it, and over time, the conviction that this had been the case grew in scope. Cieza, no friend of rumors and ctions, was informed that while staying in Tomebamba South of Quito, Guayna Capac heard about Pizarro’s exploratory expedition of 1527 and concluded “that after his time, strange people would control the kingdom, similar to those who had come in the ship.”41 In addition, Cieza learned that, according to the prediction of an Andean oracle, the next eruption of the volcano of Latacunga would betoken the advent of new rulers.42 According to 40 That warfare in the Andes before the coming of the Spanish was (at least sometimes) a ritual, even ludic affair emerges from lexicography. Gonza´lez Holguin, Vocabulario, p. 680, translates Spanish “tirano” as auccay apu. No exact match is provided for this term in the Quechua side of the Vocabulario, but there is “Auccani, o auccahuan pucllani. Pelear.” Literally, the latter Quechua phrase translates as “to play with enemies”; see further, Vocabulario, p. 293, “Pukllani, pukllaccuni. Holgarse, passar tiempo hazer juegos de gusto, y burlarse.” Also: “Puccllachini torocta yma pumacac tapas. Lidiar toros o otras eras.” So bull ghting came under the same denominator as warfare. See also Relacio´n del Sitio del Cuzco y principio de las guerras civiles del Peru´ hasta la muerte de Diego de Almagro, 1553–1539 in Varias Relaciones del Peru´ y Chile y Conquista de las Isla de Santa Catalina 1535 a` 1658 (Madrid 1879), p. 36: during the new moon, the forces of Manco Inca stopped ghting to offer sacrice. The Spanish used this hiatus to gain advantages that in due course turned the conict in their favor. That, at any rate, appears to be the opinion of the anonymous author who concludes the episode thus: hecho su sacricio, volvieron a´ cercar la ciudad, y como hallaron guarda en la fortaleza, no pudiron apretar tanto la ciudad como la vez primera. Geoffrey Parker, “The Etiquette of Atrocity: The Laws of War in Early Modern Europe,” in his Success is Never Final. Empire, War and Faith in Early Modern Europe (New York 2002), pp. 143–68, note pp. 165–67 on colonial wars. 41 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 44, fol. 67v: despues de sus dias, avia de mandar el reyno gente estran˜a, y semejante a la que ven´a en el nav´o. Similarly, Segunda Parte, ch. 69, fol. 83. 42 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 60, fol. 78, this being one of the many passages from Cieza that were copied, without acknowledgment, by Antonio de Herrera, Historia General de los Hechos delos Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano Decada 5, lib. 5, ch. 1. Such a prediction is not out of step with Andean oracular pronouncements: what perhaps the oracle announced was a Pachacuti, a “turning of the world and the times.”

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Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, the Spanish heard as early as 1533 from the Inca Guascar that his father Guayna Capac had anticipated their coming, predicting that they would conquer the land. Go´mara added that Guayna Capac “was a great and prudent ruler and knowing what the Spanish had done in Castilla de Oro, he divined what they would do if they were to come to those parts.”43 Garcilaso read this passage and wrote into the margin of his copy of Go´mara’s Historia “prophecy of Guayna Capac,” thereby giving the Inca’s pronouncement a dimension that in Go´mara’s account it did not have. For Go´mara interpreted the prediction as an expression of political foresight. Garcilaso, however, saw things somewhat differently. He attributed the prediction not to Guayna Capac but to Inca Viracocha, whose reign he dated about a century before the coming of the Spanish. The utterance therefore was a genuinely prophetic rather than a political one such as could be occasioned by an intelligent understanding of events of the time: From dreams and comets of the sky, from signs of the earth that the (Indians) looked for in birds and animals, and from the superstitions and announcements they derived from their sacrices, taking counsel about everything with his followers, Inca Viracocha pronounced the said prognostication, and established himself as a major diviner. He ordered that it be kept as a tradition in the memory of kings, and not be divulged among ordinary people. For it was not licit to profane what they regarded as a divine revelation, nor was it good that it should be known or discussed that at some point the Incas were to lose their empire and idolatry, and would fall from the exalted divine station in which they were held. Hence, this prognostication was not discussed any further until the Inca Guayna Capac, who shortly before his death revealed it quite openly.44 The manner in which Viracocha arrived at his prediction places it among the gentile divinatory practices that Garcilaso could read about 43 Francisco Lo´pez de Go´mara, Historia general de las Indias (C ¸ aragoc¸a 1555), ch. 115: Era gran sen˜or aquel y prudente, y sabiendo lo que havian hecho Espan˜oles en Castilla de oro, adevino lo que harian alli si viniessen. 44 Garcilaso, CR I, book 5, ch. 28: de los suen˜os y de las cometas del cielo, y de los agueros de la tierra que cataban en aves y animales y de las supersticiones y anuncios que de sus sacricios sacaban, consulta´ndolo todo con los suyos, salio´ el Inca Viracocha con el prono´stico referido, hacie´ndose adivino mayor; y mando´ que se guardase por tradicio´n en la memoria de los reyes, y que no se divulgase entre la gente comu´n, porque no era l´cito profanar lo que ten´an por revelacio´n divina, ni era bien que se supiese ni se dijese que en algu´n tiempo hab´an de perder los Incas su idolatr´a y su imperio, que caer´an de la alteza y divinidad en que los ten´an. Por esto no se hablo´ ma´s de este prono´stico hasta el Inca Huayna Capac, que lo declaro´ muy al descubierto poco antes de su muerte.

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in the many books about classical antiquity that he owned.45 The prediction is thus another component of the Roman dimension of Garcilaso’s Incas,46 but with a qualication. Theologians of the period, and ever since early Christian times, held that prophecy was either inspired by God or communicated to humans by the devil or demons. A further possibility was that wise persons predicted the future as according to Acosta Seneca had done, and nally, there was poetic prognostication, attributed to Seneca by Solo´rzano.47 Cieza was inclined to think that Guayna Capac made his prediction “by pronouncement of the devil.” The prediction of Garcilaso’s Viracocha by contrast had nothing to do with the devil, although Garcilaso also observed that in Guayna Capac’s time demons did announce the coming of the Spanish.48 But the fact remains that Garcilaso’s Incas had understood the grand designs of history and of the history of salvation by virtue of thinking about it. Inca advance knowledge of the Spanish invasion, whatever the precise nature and source of that knowledge, was usually taken for granted by historians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This knowledge helped to explain why the Incas had been defeated so quickly. Garcilaso described how as a boy he had asked the aged Inca lord to whom he attributed much of his information why his people had surrendered to a mere handful of Spaniards? Whereupon the old man reminded his youthful listener of the famous prognostication, 45 Jose´ Durand, “La biblioteca del Inca,” Nueva Revista de Filolog´a Hispa´nica 2(1948): 239–64. 46 Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “The Incas and Rome,” in Jose´ Anado´n, ed., Garcilaso Inca de la Vega. An American Humanist. A Tribute to Jose´ Durand (Notre Dame 1998), pp. 8–31. 47 Solo´rzano, Politica Indiana, I,6,26 vaticinio, cosa muy acostumbrada entre Poetas y semejantes Autores. 48 Garcilaso, CR I, book 9, ch. 15, p. 354a. In the context of Inca (as distinct from general Andean) prognostication of the coming of the Spanish, Garcilaso omitted the Andean oracles that played so important a role in Inca religion and politics because Spaniards attributed all Andean divination to demonic agency. Garcilaso insisted on distancing his Incas from the demons. Demons, he agreed, were to be found in the Andes, and fell silent at the advent of the Cross; see CR II, book 1, ch. 30. Cf. Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 72, on “el demonio Pachacamac.” Interestingly, the index of the edition by Pease only lists Pachacamac as a place, not a “person.” If Cieza and the Incas will have agreed about one thing, it would be that Pachacamac was primarily an agent, and that the place Pachacamac came into existence thanks to that agency. Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral, VI,22, omits the prognostication, but does mention the role of providence in the civil war between Guascar and Atahuallpa at the very time when the Spanish arrived. Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, book 12, ch. 17, p. 93, also omits the prognostication, but writes of Guayna Capac’s melancol´a when hearing news of the Spanish. The Inca’s death is associated with a failure of the oracle Pachacamac.

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adding that Guayna Capac had commanded his followers to yield to the Spanish because they would bring a superior law. Having said this he turned to me with a certain fury for having branded them as cowards and faint hearted, and responded to my question saying: “These words that our Inca addressed to us, which were the last ones he spoke, were more powerful in subjecting us and taking away our empire than the armour that your father and his companions brought to this land.”49 Like the prognostication, so the notion—rst mentioned by Go´mara— that the Incas did not ght the Spanish at Cajamarca lived on.50 Garcilaso, who produced the most detailed account of both topics, comprised in it a commentary on the needless violence and cruelty of the Spanish both at Cajamarca and during the years of conquest that followed.51 Whatever caused and fed this violence—Garcilaso himself alternated between demonic energies and an impersonalized force of discord that he derived from Vergil’s Aeneid52—it called for judgment 49 Garcilaso, CR I, book 9, ch. 15, p. 355ab, having cited Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 44 and Go´mara, Historia, ch. 115: the old Inca volvio a repetir el prono´stico acerca de los espan˜oles que d´as antes hab´a contado, y dijo co´mo su Inca les hab´a mandado que los obedeciesen y sirviesen, porque en todo se les aventajar´an. Habiendo dicho esto se volvio´ a m´ con algu´n enojo de que les hubiese motejado de cobardes y pusila´nimes, y respondio´ a mi pregunta diciendo: “Estas palabras que nuestro Inca nos dijo, que fueron las u´ltimas que nos hablo´, fueron mas poderosas para nos sujetar y quitar nuestro imperio que no las armas que tu padre y sus compan˜eros trajeron a esta tierra.” 50 Go´mara, Historia, ch. 113, fol. liii, “No hubo indio que pelease, aunque todos tenian armas; cosa bien notable contra sus eros y costumbre de guerra. No pelearon, porque no les fue mandado: ni se hizo la sen˜al que concertaran para ello si menester fuesse,” quoted by Garcilaso, CR II, book I, ch. 26, p. 54a; Calancha, Historia moralizada, book 1, ch. 17, pp. 253–4, 256. Guaman Poma’s version of the dilemma posed by the prognostication was that the Andean oracles fell silent; see Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, p. 113; see also Garcilaso, CR II, book I, ch. 30, perdieron la habla en pu´blico los demonios. The idea that pagan oracles fail in the proximity of things Christian has late antique antecedents; cf. Lactantius, D mortibus persecutorum, (S. Brandt, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. 27 (Venna 1893), section 10: a Christian present at a pagan divinatory sacrice made the sign of the cross, “whereby the demons were put to ight and the sacred ritual was disturbed,” so that no divination could occur. Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book I, ch. 16, p. 234, cf. pp. 245–6, on Guayna Capac’s prognostication citing Cieza, Go´mara, and Garcilaso, followed by an excursus on how demons know the future. Jose´ Mar´a Navarro, ed., Una denuncia profe´tica desde el Peru´ a mediados del siglo XVIII. El Planctus indorum christianorum in America peruntina, ch. 2, section 6, pp. 164–5 about the prognostication of a veram et meliorem religionem. 51 Note also Garcilaso, CR Part II, book I, ch. 39, p. 74: Christianization would have proceeded more successfully had Atahuallpa not been killed; cf. book II, ch. 8, a conversion story. 52 Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “Una guerra peggiore della guerra civile: tradizioni classiche sulle Ande,” Studi Storici 3 (2002), 841–71 at notes 60–64.

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by historians willing to discriminate between praiseworthy actions and actions to be eschewed. By the time Garcilaso wrote, much argument had accumulated around this issue.53 In their reports to the reading public in Spain and to the crown, the followers of Francisco Pizarro liked to atter themselves that in killing Atahuallpa they had killed a “tyrant.”54 By way of explanation, they claimed that Atahuallpa had wrongfully usurped the empire from his brother Guascar.55 No one else agreed with this justication of events at Cajamarca. Go´mara, as usual sharp and to the point, wrote that “there is no need to reprehend those who killed Atahuallpa because time and their sins punished them later, for they all came to evil ends, as in the course of their history you will see.”56 Cieza composed a more detailed, searching account of the Inca’s death, reliving each episode of the terrible story as he wrote it. If ever history told a moral lesson, this was it. Echoing Livy’s assessment of the historian’s task, Cieza concluded: God has wrought very great punishments on our countrymen and most of these leaders have died wretchedly and disastrously. It causes fear to think of it, and in this way to learn a lesson by another’s example. However, writing should serve for this very purpose, that we should be pleased to read about the events and should amend our ways in light of the examples, for everything else is a waste of time and ctions composed for entertainment rather than for speaking the truth.57 53

Cf. above, chapter 3, at notes 7–11. Francisco de Xerez, Verdadera relacio´n de la conquista del Peru´, ed. Concepcio´n Bravo (Madrid 1985), p. 106, Hernando Pizarro, “llegado al aposento de Atabaliba, en una plaza hab´a cuatrocientos indios que parec´an gente de guarda; y el tirano estaba a la puerta de su aposento sentado en un asiento bajo.” This text was rst published in Seville, 1534. See also the account by Francisco Pizarro’s secretary, Pedro Sancho, An Account of the Conquest of Peru, tr. Philip Ainsworth Means (New York 1917), p. 14, ”this proud tyrant“; cf. p. 12, the dismissive title ”the cacique.“ Means translated this text from the Italian version in Ramusio’s Viaggi, the original Spanish being lost. 55 This became the majority opinion about the Inca succession, but note the important modication; Juan de Betanzos, Suma y naracio´n de los Incas, ed. Maria del Carmen Mart´n Rub´o (Madrid 1987), Part II, ch. 1–2. 56 Go´mara, Historia, ch. 118: No hay que reprender a los que le mataron, pues el tiempo y sus pecados los castigaron despues, ca todos ellos acabaron mal, como en el proceso de su historia vereis. 57 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 52, fol. 65v: Dios a hecho el castigo en los nuestros bien grande y todos los ma´s destos prencipales an muerto miserablemente en muertes desatradas, ques de temer pensar en ello para escarmentar en cabeca ajena: y las escrituras para esto an de servir para que gustemos con leer los acaec¸imientos y nos enmendemos con los exenplos, porque todo esotro son profanidades y novelas conpuestas para agradar ma´s que para dezir la verdad. 54

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The lesson was driven home by an old Andean woman who saw the hand of God in the events of Cajamarca and thought that the evil deeds of the Spanish would not go unpunished. Cieza was present when this woman said to the missionary friar Domingo de Santo Toma´s: Father, you should be aware that God became weary of suffering the great sins of the Indians of this land and sent the Incas to punish them. But they likewise did not suvive for long since because of their faults God became tired of putting up with them as well. Then you arrived and took away their land, in which you now are: and God will tire of you too and others will come who will deal with you in accord with your deeds.58 Andean mingled with Christian apocalyptic traditions in what the old woman said. Myths from the coast, from Huarochiri, Cuzco, and elsewhere recounted how human beings had been punished for wrongdoing by divine guardians of moral conduct and of the laws of sociability.59 In this sense, the disasters the Spanish brought upon themselves reiterated moral lessons that were well understood and consciously taken in—as when, at the battle of Las Salinas, Andean onlookers stood by watching the invaders slaughter each other.60 A century after the death of the Inca, Antonio de la Calancha still recalled the mournful destinies of the rst conquerors, but he wrote more dispassionately than Cieza had done. Of the men who had come with Pizarro, only a small handful were survived by honored and prosperous descendants, one being Nicolas de Ribera the elder, “el Viejo”— 58 Cieza, Tercera Parte, ch. 48, fol. 55v: Padre as de saber que Dios se canc¸o´ de sofrir los grandes pecados de los yndios desta tierra y enbio´ a los Yngas a los castigar, los quales tanpoco duraron mucho y por su culpa canc¸o´se Dios tanbien de sofrirlos y venistes vosotros que tomastes su tierra en la qual esta´ys: e Dios tanbie´n se cancara´ de sofriros y vendra´n otros que os midan como medistes. 59 For example, Juan de Betanzos, Suma y narracio´n de los Incas, Part I, ch. 2 p. 13 b f., re from heaven at Cacha to punish wrong doing; Huarochir´ Manuscript, ch. 5, section 72: Paria Caca, angry at human wrongdoing, causes a ood; ch. 6, sections 74–80, Paria Caca starts a torrential rain storm to punish lack of hospitality. See also, Augst´n de Za´rate, Historia, book I, ch. 10, a ood myth from the coast; Cristo´bal de Molina, “Relacio´n de las fa´bulas y ritos de los Incas,” in C. de Molina and C. de Albornoz, Fa´bulas y mitos de los incas eds. Henrique Urbano and Pierre Duviols (Madrid, Historia 16, 1989), pp. 55–7, Can˜ari ood myth and another from Angasmarca; see also Huarochiri Manuscript, ch. 3. 60 Cieza, Las Salinas, ch. 63, fol. 142v; also ch. 63, fol. 144, preparations for the battle of Las Salinas are being observed by Indians: El sylenc¸io de los yndios e de todos los que ma´s av´a hera grande. Aguardavan a oyr sus propias bozes quando viesen caer a los valerosos espan˜oles muertos por su locura, que c¸ierto si la gente que all´ se junto´ se ocupara en descubrir e conquistar, en todas las partes ya se oviera dado buelta a este nuevo mundo de Yndias, y en todas las partes de e´l la cruz fuera adorada y el nonbre de Ce´sar temido.

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but he had not been present at Cajamarca.61 Francisco Pizarro himself, ignominiously murdered, had been laid to rest by one of his African slaves without any of the ceremony betting his station. None of the many followers who were so deeply indebted to him accompanied his body to the grave, and none of his lineage possessed property or income in Calancha’s Peru.62 Calancha meditated on Pizarro’s fate in the light of Roman and scriptural history, concluding somberly that his end reected the ways of the world.63 Garcilaso had concluded similarly: “let this sufce to show how the world treats and rewards those who serve it most when their need is greatest.”64 In these judgments spoke the voice of the disenchantment, desengan˜o, that was prized by cultivated Spaniards of the earlier seventeenth century, not least among them Garcilaso’s contemporary, Cervantes.65 Besides, lapse of time after the convulsions of the invasion and conquest of Peru also played a role in the tone of detachment that differentiates Garcilaso and Calancha from their sixteenth-century predecessors, in particular Cieza. And nally, for better or worse, the “rst conquerors and settlers” had contributed decisively to shaping the Peru that had by now come into existence. The past could not be undone. Apart from assigning praise for laudable and blame for reprehensible actions, Garcilaso followed by Calancha therefore looked to divine providence as the ordering principle that in the last resort shaped the course of history.66 The more complex and difcult formulation is that of Garcilaso, because he assumed the task of writing with equal weight on behalf both of Incas and Spaniards, his mother’s and his father’s people. Cieza and his contemporaries, most of them Spaniards who either returned to the Peninsula or like Go´mara never left Europe, wrote about Peru with passion and engagement, but ultimately as outsiders. Garcilaso, by contrast, although he spent his entire adult life in Spain, wrote about 61 Even so, by way of restitution Ribera had endowed a hospital of which in Calancha’s day his grandson was the patron; see Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 1, ch. 17, pp. 256–7. See also James Lockhart, Los de Cajamarca. Un estudio social y bioga´co de los primeros conquistadores del Peru´, 2 vols. (Lima 1986), vol. 1, p. 119. 62 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 1, ch. 17, pp. 262–6. 63 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 1, ch. 17, p. 264, Quien espera otras pagas del mundo? 64 Garcilaso, CR II, book 3, ch. 9, p. 186b, Y esto baste para que se vea como trata y paga el mundo a los que ma´s le sirven cuando ma´s lo han menester. 65 Otis H. Green, Desengan˜o, in his The Literary Mind of Medieval and Renaissance Spain. Essays (Lexington 1970), pp. 141–70. 66 Calancha, Coro´nica moralizada, book 1, ch. 17, on the “harmonic numbers” of years that determine the duration of empires: as´ a querido Dios que suceda desde que crio´ el mundo.

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Peru as his homeland, and in light of the debt he felt he owed to both Incas and Spaniards. Reiterating Cieza’s severe judgments on the Spanish was therefore not an option for him, nor could he—as Calancha was to do a generation later—accept the destruction of the Inca empire without further ado. Garcilaso’s Peru was built in equal parts on Inca and Spanish traditions, and both reached into his own present and beyond. Periodically, Garcilaso asserted this to be the case, but he also produced a theoretical validation for his view of Peruvian history. At issue was the working of divine providence in history and how humans are able to recognize it. Granted that the Christian revelation provided sufcient information to address all of life’s dilemmas, Garcilaso attributed to Inca Viracocha the human capacity to derive from dreams, from natural phenomena and religious ritual such understanding as was necessary for the proper spiritual and political guidance of his empire. This included the kind of prophetic insight that Christian theologians tended to regard as exclusive to Holy Writ and its authorized interpreters. Among the few exceptions were the sibyls, one of whom had predicted the coming of Christ.67 But in general, theologians were critical of prophecy by gentiles, the Incas not excepted, and censured divinatory practices as either demonic or inefcacious or both.68 Hence, historians other than Garcilaso, insofar as they thought that the Inca’s foreknowledge of the coming of the Spanish had a divinatory dimension, attributed it to demonic inspiration. According to them, the more perfect understanding that Peru’s Christian and Spanish rulers brought to the task of government superceded Inca understanding, whatever its divinatory content might have been. This was the view that Garcilaso would not accept. However, for all Garcilaso’s profound inuence on generations of readers, few if any of them—insofar as they engaged this question of prophecy and providence—agreed with him. Even so, the providential direction of Peruvian history, regardless of what persons of Andean 67

Augustine, De civitate dei, book 18, ch. 23 attributed to the Erythraean Sibyl verses predicting the birth of Christ; on the context, see H.W. Parke, Sibyls and Sibylline Prophecy in Classical Antiquity (London 1988), ch. 7. Edgar Wind, “Michelangelo’s Prophets and Sibyls,” Proceedings of the British Academy 51 (1960): 45–84 with plates I–XLVIII. The theory that the ancient Greeks and other pagans possessed true theological insight was tenacious, even though not many subscribed to it; see D. P. Walker, The Ancient Theology. Studies in Christian Platonism from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Ithaca 1972). With due caution, Garcilaso ascribed such insight to the Incas. 68 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica Secunda Secundae (Madrid, Biblioteca de autores cristianos, 1963), Question 95 discusses divination in light of Scripture, patristic literature, and canon law. See further, Question 96. See also Pedro Ciruelo, Reprovacio´n de las supersticiones y hechizer´as, ed. Alva V. Ebersole (Salamanca 1538; Valencia 1978) on divinatory and magical practices of the time.

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culture might have thought about it, remained an issue throughout the seventeenth century. The concern with the role of providence in New World history goes back at least as far the Book of Prophecies of Christopher Columbus, which, apart from Seneca’s verses about future navigations, contains biblical, patristic, and medieval prophetic texts. By way of guidance in the exegesis of the biblical ones, Columbus included the oft repeated medieval lines about the fourfold meaning of Scripture: The literal sense teaches history, allegory teaches the faith. The moral sense is your action, The mystic sense, where you go. The historical sense of the word Jerusalem, Columbus went on, was the city “sought by pilgrims,” and the allegorical was the Church militant. The moral sense of the word signied “any faithful soul” and the mystical sense was the “celestial Jerusalem or homeland.”69 Columbus himself hoped to reach the historical city of Jerusalem that pilgrims sought and to place it under the sovereignty of the Catholic kings: this was the city in the literal sense. Reaching it would also entail attainment in the three remaining spiritual senses, but the action of physically reaching Jerusalem, that is, the literal sense, was primary.70 Benito Arias Montano understood Ophir in precisely this literal, historical way. Whatever might be the spiritual meanings of the land whence Solomon’s ships brought gold and other precious materials for the Temple, he thought that in the literal, historical sense Ophir was Peru. The priest Miguel Cabello Valboa, who came to Peru in 1566, eager to learn where the Indians might have come from, felt overwhelmed by Arias Montano’s formidable erudition. He thus convinced 69

Columbus, Book of Prophecies, p. 60: Littera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, moralis quid agas: quo tendas anagogia.

The next entry in the Book of Prophecies elaborates on the verses and reads: Quadruplex sensus sacre Scripture aperte insinuatur in hac dictione Ierusalem. Hystorice enim signicat, civitatem illam terrestrem ad quam peregrini petunt. Allegorice signicat ecclesiam militantem. Tropologice signicat quamlibet delem animam. Anagogice signicat celestem Ierusalem, sive patriam vel regnum celorum. 70 On the verses about Scripture, by the Dominican friar Augustine of Dacia, see Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis. The Four Senses of Scripture, vol. 1, tr. Mark Sebanc (Grand Rapids 1999), ch. 1; and on the literal or historical sense, see vol. 2, tr. E. M. Macierowski (Grand Rapids 2000), ch. 7.

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himself not only that Solomon’s eet had reached the Peruvian Ophir, but also that Andean lands were rst settled by a descendant of Noah in the fourth generation, one Ophir, mentioned in the book of Genesis.71 Cabello completed his history of Peru in 1586, four years before Acosta published the Historia Natural y Moral. For all the attention that Acosta’s Historia attracted throughout Europe and the Americas, his objection to the Ophirite theory, that the name of Peru, being of very recent origin, could have nothing to do with Solomon’s Ophir, did not convince those who insisted on including Peru in biblical and providential history by reading the Scriptures in the literal sense. Among the unconvinced was the Dominican friar Gregorio Garcia, a missionary who spent some eight years in Peru and whose Quechua Garcilaso found seriously decient.72 Garcia’s Origin of the Indians of the New World, published in 1607, propounded the thesis that the Indians had reached the Americas by many different means: they descend from diverse nations, of whom some came by sea, by force of necessity, thrown up by storms, others voluntarily by navigation and their own skill, looking for these lands, of which they had some knowledge. Others walked by land, looking for that other land of which they found mention in serious authors; others approaching these lands by accident, or coerced by hunger.73 But despite allowing for all these methods of arriving in the Americas, Garcia expended very considerable effort on proving the truth of the Ophirite hypothesis.74 Subsequent investigators of these arcane matters therefore cited his work primarily in relation to Ophir. The jurist Anto71

Genesis 10,29. Garcilaso, CR I, book 2, ch. 5, p. 49a, with MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, p. 349, n. 75, arguing that the Dominican friar here mentioned by Garcilaso, who was unable to tell the difference between Quechua pacha “earth,” or “world,” and Quechua ppacha (i.e., with aspirated “p”) “clothes” was Garcia. 73 Garc´a, Origen , book 4, ch. 24, p. 315: Proceden de diversas Naciones; de las quales unos fueron por Mar, forc¸ados, i hechados de Tormenta, otros sin ella, i con Navgacion, i Arte particular, buscando aquellas Tierras, de que tenian alguna noticia. Unos caminaron por Tierra, buscando aquella, de la qual hallaron hecha mencion en Autores graves: otros aportando a` ella, acaso, o compelidos de hambre. 74 Garcia, Origen, book I, ch. 1, sections 4–5; book III, ch. 7, sections 1–2; book IV, ch. 1, section 1; ch. 2; note ch. 4, p. 138, responding to the objection that Peru cannot be Ophir since it has no ivory, which was among the precious materials Solomon brought from Ophir: Garcia explains that the ivory could have been picked up on the way. The argument is characteristic of the entirety of this literalist debate. See further, book IV, ch. 6, sections 1–3; chapters 7 and 9; ch. 16, p. 170 on the end of the Solomonic navigations citing II Paralipomenon chapter 20, verses 35–37; further, p. 171 on the date: 1071 B.C., with correlation (mythic) of events in Spain. 72

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48. Geographical reality and sacred metaphor combined: the location of Paradise at the heart of the heart-shaped continent of South America, the region where South America’s four paradisal rivers spring forth. Antonio Leo´n Pinelo, El Paraiso en el Nuevo Mundo, fol. 126. Madrid, Biblioteca del Palacio Real.

nio Leo´n Pinelo incorporated some of Garcia’s researches into his treatise El Paraiso en el Nuevo Mundo, endeavoring to prove that the garden of Paradise was located in the Upper Amazon.75 This work in turn was consulted, along with Garcia’s Origin, by Fernando de Montesinos in his Ophir de Espan˜a, subtitled “historical and political records of Peru,” which although scheduled for publication in 1644, did not appear in 75

Antonio Leo´n Pinelo, El Paraiso en el Nuevo Mundo, ed. Raul Porras Barrenechea (Lima 1943), book 5, ch. 6, an excellent example of the literal readings here discussed. Genesis 2,10–14 mentions the four rivers of Paradise, and their common source (verse 10, uvius egrediebatur de loco voluptatis ad irrigandum paradisum, qui inde dividitur in quatuor capita). The rivers traditionally identied as the four paradisal ones, Nile, Ganges, Euphrates, and Tigris, did not, according to Leo´n Pinelo, qualify, since their sources were so far distant from each other. But according to his view of South American geography, the sources of the rivers Maran˜on, La Plata, Orinoco, and La Magdalena were located in close vicinity of each other and thus qualied as the four paradisal ones. To this topic Leo´n Pinelo devoted the remainder of Book V. This edition is based on MSS 3015–3016 of the Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid, an eighteenth-century copy of the autograph, which is lost. Folio 126 has a map of South America showing the location of paradise.

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49. Geographical reality in a scientic vein: Giovanni Botero’s Relationi universali include maps for Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, where America is one of the four parts of the world, its history part of world history. Le relationi universali di Giovanni Botero Benese, divise in quattro parti. Venice, 1605.

print until the nineteenth century. Montesinos saw the hand of providence clearly at work in the voyages of Columbus, in Spanish rule in Peru, and in the work of evangelization. As he graphically expressed it: “The secretary of this enterprise is the Holy Spirit.”76 Another reader of Gregorio Garcia was Diego Andre´s Rocha from Seville, oidor of the 76

Fernando Montesinos, Ophir De Espan˜a. Memorias Historiales y Politicas del Piru. Vaticinios de su Descubrimiento i Conversion por los reies catolicos i singulares epitetos que por ello se les de en la sagrada escriptura Al Rei N. S. Philipo IV el Grande monarca de anbos mundos autor el Lizdo D. Fernando Montesinos presibitero natural de Osuna Ira Parte (Seville Bibl. Univ. MS 332/35), fol. 1, letter of dedication, secretario desta causa es el espiritu santo; Montesinos lists the rulers he maintains have held sway in America: Ophir, the King of Tyre, the kings of Jerusalem; next came a period of idolatry which was ended by the king of Spain, who also held the title “King of Jerusalem.” In Book I, ch.s 4 and 5 and elsewhere, Montesinos cites Garcilaso, and in Book I, ch. 34 and elsewhere he mentions Leo´n Pinelo’s Paraiso. The Seville copy of this work begins with an engraved title page dated 1644, indicating that a printed edition for that year was being contemplated.

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audiencia of Lima in his later years, whose Origen de los Indios Occidentales was published in Lima in 1681. In it, Rocha reiterated the theory rst aired by Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, that the earliest settlers of the Indies originated in Spain, and that therefore in coming to the Americas, the Spanish were providentially recovering lands that had been theirs in the earliest ages of human history. Woven into this vision of American origins was a scriptural dimension, for Rocha thought that some place names in the Americas preserved the names of ancestors who were mentioned in the book of Genesis.77 At a time when the coastlines of Spanish America were under perennial threat from Dutch and English pirates, this little treatise claimed to put a denitive stop to the old debate about Spain’s just titles to govern the Indies.78 Garcia, Leo´n Pinelo, Montesinos, and Rocha were interested above all in the earliest history of Peru. In this respect their writings differed profoundly from those of Cabello Valboa, Acosta, Garcilaso, Acosta’s Jesuit successor Bernabe´ Cobo, and even Calancha, for all of whom the growth, development, and fall of the Inca empire was a primary concern. In the eyes of those committed to recording Peru’s earliest history, however, the Incas in themselves mattered less, because the story of Peruvian origins enshrined the providential denominator whereby all subsequent history could be explained. The validity of the explanation in turn was anchored in a literal, historical interpretation of ancient texts, above all the unerring text of Scripture. This later historiography bearing on Andean antiquities is characterized by some notable absences. Historians who admired the Incas, in particular Cieza, Garcilaso, and Jose´ de Acosta, struggled to articulate a dialogue between past and present. History, including the history of the Incas was, as Cicero had said, the teacher of life.79 Even historians who wrote in light of predominantly religious interests believed this to be the case. The Augustinian friars Calancha and Alonso Ramos Gavila´n, chronicler of the image of Mary at Copacabana and its miracles, sought a certain distance from the Incas. This came with their mis77

Diego Andre´s Rocha, El Origen de los Indios, ed. Jose´ Alcina Franch (Madrid 1988). For Oviedo’s thesis, see ch. 2, pp. 66ff.; ch. 4, p. 209, referring to Gonzalo Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, book 2, ch. 3, claiming that the Indies were originally found and settled in 1658 B.C.E. For the name of Yucatan, supposedly derived from Noah’s descendant Yectan, see ch. 2, p. 84. This idea also appears earlier, e.g., Cabello Valboa, Miscela´nea Anta´rtica Part II, ch. 6, p. 110. For the original publication and details about Rocha, see J. T. Medina, La imprenta en Lima, vol. 2 (Santiago de Chile 1904; Amsterdam 1965), pp. 132–3. 78 Peter Bradley, “El Peru´ y el mundo exterior. Extranjeros, enemigos y herejes (siglox XVI–XVII),” Revista de Indias 61, 223 (2001): 651–71. 79 Cicero, De oratore (On the Orator) 2,9,36 see above at n. 9.

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sionary profession. But just as Augustine of Hippo, the founder of their Order, thought that Christian Rome had room for the ancient Roman republican ideal of civic and military virtue, so in Christian Peru there was room for the virtues the Incas had cherished.80 Even as targets of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa’s vituperation, the Incas and their descendants were very much in evidence.81 For the Viceroy Toledo likewise, much as he sought to distance Spanish Peru from its pre-hispanic past, the Incas perennially claimed his attention.82 Gregorio Garcia and those who in his footsteps investigated American and Andean origins lacked this urgent awareness of the formative role of the pre-hispanic past. The Incas became unproblematic. This was a testimony to the success of Garcilaso’s Royal Commentaries which were read and quoted by everyone. Garcilaso appeared to have said all that was needed. In addition, insofar as the Inca—and more generally the pre-hispanic—past remained an object of research, it was ever more closely incorporated into European themes and periodizations.83 80 See Augustine, City of God, book 2, ch. 29, an exhortation to the Romans of his day, descendants of the great leaders of the ancient republic, to embrace the Christian religion in light of their natural and praiseworthy inclinations (si quid in te laudabile naturaliter eminet . . .); Alonso Ramos Gavila´n, Historia del Santuario de Nuestra Sen˜ora de Copacabana, ed. Ignacio Prado Pastor (Lima 1988), also sees the Christian present in light of the gentile past; book 1, ch. 1, p. 25, aquel famoso adoratorio y Templo del Sol, cuya memoria durara´ quanto durare la que estos Naturales tienen de su principio, with book 2, ch. 2, on placing the cult of the Sun of Justice in the place where the Inca Sun had been worshipped. 81 So as to demonstrate the veracity of his Historia Indica, Sarmiento had it read out in Quechua to the representatives of the twelve Inca kingroups living in Cuzco in 1572, who had also supplied Sarmiento with information. The notarial transcript is printed at the end of the Historia Indica in the edition by Carmelo Sa´enz de Santa Maria, pp. 277– 9. The Incas declared as true what Sarmiento had written about “la tiran´a con que desde Topa Inga Yupangui, dezeno ynga, oprimieron y subjectaron estos reynos del Piru´.” But this declaration enshrines a problem of translation. Gonza´lez Holgu´n has for “tirano” the term auccay apu. Translating this back into Spanish, there is, inter alia, “Auccani, o auccahuan pucllani. Pelear. Auccay chapcha. Destroc¸ador de enemigo guerrero diestro” (Gonza´lez Holgu´n, Vocabulario, p. 680, with p. 38). In short, Spanish “tyrant” translated into Quechua “warrior.” No one would have denied that the Incas were warriors; indeed, they prided themselves on that fact. The information provided by Gonza´lez Holgu´n thus suggests that the negative dimension of “tyrant” did not readily translate into Quechua. If this is so, the entire ideological drift of Sarmiento’s Historia Indica will have remained opaque to (most of) his informants: a case, perhaps, not so much of deliberate deception, but of linguistic disjuncture. See further above, n. 40. 82 Toledo’s anti-Inca cause was taken up, with similar results, by his biographer Roberto Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo. Supremo Organizador del Peru´. Su Vida, su Obra, 1515–1582 (Madrid 1935). 83 See the agenda of what matters in world history according to Francis Bacon, Novum Organum, ed. Thomas Fowler (Oxford 1889), book I, section 129, p. 336: Rursus (si placet) reputet quispiam, quantum intersit inter hominum vitam in excultissima quapiam Europae provincia, et in regione aliqua Novae Indiae maxime fera et barbara: ea tantum dif-

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Montesinos’ Ophir de Espan˜a is a case in point. Here, the ancient history of Peru is traced from three vantage points. First, Peru is identied with the biblical place Ophir, which enabled Montesinos to endow Peru with a scriptural, providentially guided past. Hence, second, Montesinos pursued the doings in the Andes of the descendants of Ophir, himself a descendant of Noah, beginning with four brothers and four sisters who settled in Cuzco. It was they who named the place after their ancestor84 and their names and doings in turn are reminiscent of the names and doings of the original Inca siblings in the traditional Inca foundation myth. But the date Montesinos posited for the founders of this hitherto unknown royal lineage was some six centuries after Noah’s ood.85 Having listed a long line of further Peruvian kings, Montesinos concluded his Andean history with an account of ten or eleven Inca rulers followed by the Spanish invasion and conquest. Finally, third, he interpreted the history of the Americas and the Incas in light of the prophet Daniel’s vision of four beasts, where the fourth beast represented America, the fourth part of the world. The ten horns of this beast stood for ten Incas, and its small eleventh horn was Manco Inca, who ruled after Atahuallpa was killed. By means of this prophetic interpretation of the Andean past Montesinos sought to move Peru into the center of world history—a history that reached its culmination in his own Spanish present.86 fere existimabit, ut merito hominem homini Deum esse, non solum propter auxilium et benecium, sed etiam per status comparationem, recte dici possit. Atque hoc non solum, non coelum, non corpora, sed artes praestant. Rursus, vim et virtutem et consequentias rerum inventarum notare juvat; quae non in aliis manifestius occurrunt, quam in illis tribus quae antiquis incognitae, et quarum primordia, licet recentia, obscura et ingloria sunt: Artis nimirum Imprimendi, Pulveris Tormentarii, et Acus Nauticae. Haec enim tria rerum faciem et statum in orbe terrarum mutaverunt: primum, in re litararia; secundum, in re bellica, tertium, in navigationibus: unde innumerae rerum mutationes sequutae sunt; ut non imperium aliquod, non secta, non stella, majorem efcaciam et quasi inuxum super res humanas exercuisse videatur, quam ista mechanica exercuerunt. 84 Montesinos, Ophir De Espan˜a. Memorias Historiales y Politicas del Piru Book I, chapter 6, el Piru y lo demas de la Hamerica la poblaron Or neto de Noe y sus descendientes . . . hasta el Piru ultima tierra del mundo . . . atendiendo a la memoria de su primer pariente la llamaron de su nombre Ophir. 85 Fernando de Montesinos, Memorias antiguas historiales y pol´ticas del Peru´ por el licenciado D. Fernando Montesinos, seguidas de las informaciones acerca del sen˜or´o de los Incas, hechas por mandado de D. Francisco de Toledo, Virey del Peru´, ed. M. Jime´nez de la Espada (Madrid 1882), ch. 1, pp. 3–4. The part of Memorias antiguas here published is Book II of Ophir de Espan˜a. A new and much superior edition of this part of the work is expected: Fernando de Montesinos, Memorias Historiales i Pol´ticas del Piru´. Introduction, edition, and notes by Sabine Hyland (New Haven, Conn., in press). 86 Montesinos, Ophir de Espan˜a. Memorias Historiales y Politicas del Piru (above n. 76), book III, ch. 5. For this prophetic dimension of Montesinos’ historical work, see Sabine Hyland, “Biblical Prophecy and the Conquest of Peru: Fernando de Montesinos’ Memo-

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The pre-hispanic section of this narrative is punctuated by a threefold chronology, one from the creation, another from the Flood, and a third counting millennia from the creation as “suns.” Christ was born at the start of the fourth sun, and the Incas emerged at the start of the fth.87 Two salient cultural and religious processes dene this long period. The descendants of Ophir brought the knowledge of letters with them to Peru and practiced it until a period of pestilence and catastrophe ensued some 3,000 years after the Flood, during which “the letters that had endured as far as this time were lost.”88 This occurred because Topa Cauri, the king then ruling, received an oracle to the effect that letters had been the cause of the pestilence, and that noone should use or resurrect them, for much harm would come from their use. With this, Topa Cauri ordained by law that under pain of death no one should deal with the quilcas that were their parchments nor with certain leaves of trees on which they wrote, nor should they use any kind of letters. They obeyed this oracle so conscientiously that ever since this loss, Peruvians never used letters again. And because ages later, a wise amauta invented some characters, they burnt him alive. Hence, from that time, they used threads and quipus.89 Second, the very rst Andean king, one Pirua Manco, “was not an idolater but adored the god of the patriarch Noah and of his descendants, rias historiales,” Colonial Latin American Historical Review 11,3 (2002): 259–78. See further the introduction to her edition of Montesinos, Memorias Historiales. Montesinos applied biblical prophecy to the interpretation not only of pre–Spanish Andean history, but to the invasion and civil wars between the Spanish as well (Book II, ch. 6–9). For example, Book II, ch. 6 applies Daniel 7,8–9, about one of the horns of the fourth beast and the ancient of days to Gonzalo Pizarro and Pedro de la Gasca, respectively. Montesinos derived his factual information from Diego Fernandez El Palentino, Historia. Nothing could have been further from El Palentino’s mind than such an interpretation; cf. above, chapter 3 at notes 65ff. 87 Montesinos, Memorias, Book II, ch. 13, p. 77, birth of Christ; see also Book II, ch. 15, p. 90 with ch. 18, pp. 102–6. 88 Montesinos, Memorias, Book II, ch. 13, p. 79 (here and elsewhere when quoting Book II, I reproduce the text from the typescript of the forthcoming edition by Hyland; see above, n. 85) se perdieron las letras que hasta este tiempo durauan. Cf. ch. 14, p. 82. 89 Montesinos, Memorias, Book II, ch. 15, p. 86: Una rrespuesta fue, que la caussa de la pestilenzia hav´an sido las letras, que nadie las usasse ni rresuliesse, porque de su vsso le hav´a de venir el mayor dan˜o. Con esto, Topa Cauri mando´ por ley, que so pena de la vida, ninguno tratase de quilca, que heran pergaminos y c¸iertas oxas de a´rboles en que escriv´an, ni usasen de ninguna manera de letras. Este o´raculo lo guardaron con tanta puntualidad, que despue´s de esta pe´rdida, xama´s los peruanos usaron de letras. Y porque tiempos despue´s un sauio amauta imbento´ unos caracteres, lo quemaron viuo. Y ass´, desde este tiempo, ussaron de ylos y quipos.

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and there was no god other than the Creator of the world, whom they called Yllatic¸i Huiracocha.”90 But with lapse of time, this original true religion was lost, only to be recovered with the coming of the Spanish.91 Montesinos claimed to have come by all this information from a manuscript he acquired in an auction in Lima that was written by a “very good linguist” from Quito on the basis of what he heard from Andean informants.92 Whatever one may think about the authenticity of the Andean components of Montesinos’ compilation, it contains familiar traits. Like the author from Huarochiri, Guaman Poma, and Don Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Montesinos offered a method of integrating Andean with biblical chronology.93 In the Jewish Antiquities, Josephus proposed that the art of writing was known to human beings from the beginning. In this respect, the process of history consisted of a falling away, and of an often difcult recovery of original wisdom and expertise.94 The profound preoccupation with 90 Montesinos, Memorias, Book II, ch. 1, p. 9: no hera ydo´latra sino que adoraua al Dios del Patriarca Noe´ y de sus desc¸endientes, ni tubo otro Dios sino al Criahdor del mundo, llama´ndole Yllatic¸i Huiracocha. 91 On idols, see Montesinos, Memorias, Book II, ch. 11, p. 65; ch. 15, p. 90. 92 Montesinos, Ophir De Espan˜a, Book I, ch. 4, fol. 8v, en un libro m.s. que con harta estima y maior cuidado lo ube en una almoneda en la c¸iudad de lima. trata del Piru y sus emperadores, y segun pude averiguar en Quito comunicando destas materias con curioso me c¸ertico que lo avia escrito un hombre de aquella ciudad muy lenguaraz y antiguo en ella aiudandole a las noticias y dandole calor al examen de los indios el Sto don frai luis lopez obispo de aquella iglesia. este autor pues tratando de la etimologia del nombre Piru en el discurso 1 cap. 9 dice: que los indios usaban en muchos nombres de grandes metaforas, y que por no entenderlas los autores asi por la antiguedad como por ignorar las deribaciones no acertaron en las signicac¸iones proprias. en conprobacion desto trae algunas cosas curiosas de que me balgo en este libro. una dellas es que uno delos Reyes Peruanos, que poblaron la ciudad del Cuzco se llamo Pirua Paccarimanco segun una de las aclamaciones con que sus vasallos le invocaban y aclamaban porque su nombre proprio fue Tupa aiaruchu manco como se vera adelante quando del se trate. 93 Cf. above, chapter 2, at notes 97–106. Setting to one side such European ordering principles, the possible historical content of Montesinos has been studied by Juha J. Hiltunen, Ancient Kings of Peru. The Reliability of the Chronicle of Fernando de Montesinos (Helsinki 1999). 94 Josephus, The Latin Josephus. Introduction and Text. The Antiquities: Books I–V, ed. Franz Blatt (Copenhagen 1958), book I, sections 70–71: before the Flood, descendants of Adam’s son Seth set up two pillars: ne ea dilaberentur ab hominibus quae ab eis inventa videbantur, aut antequam venirent ad notitiam deperirent, cum praedixisset Adam exterminationem rerum omnium unam ignis virtute, alteram vero aquarum vi ac multitudine fore venturam, duas facientes columnas, aliam quidem ex lateribus, aliam vero ex lapidibus, ambabus quae invenerant conscripserunt . . . quae tamen lapidea permanet hactenus in terra Syrida. The story was reiterated by Lucas of Tuy, Chronicon mundi, ed. Emma Falque (Turnhout 2003), book I, section 12, p. 18; also by Alfonso el Sabio, General Estoria. Primera Parte, ed. Antonio G. Solalinde (Madrid 1930), Book 1, ch. 17, citing Josephus and Petrus Comestor as his authorities. Rodrigo Ximenez de Rada, who omitted

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writing and the written record of historical events that Alfonso el Sabio passed on to other medieval Spanish historians was one outcome of this view of what happened in history in a global sense. All these historians, and also Montesinos, were familiar with the Latin translation of Josephus.95 But for Andean people, writing was not the unmixed blessing that readers of Josephus might consider it to be. According to Don Joan, the Inca Guayna Capac was to open a small box brought by an unknown messenger: out of the box came something like butteries or little papers representing the plague of measles that before the Spanish had even arrived killed thousands of people.96 Some twenty years after Don Joan recorded this story, Montesinos wrote about just such a nexus between “quilcas that were their parchments” and pestilence. Along with writing, according to Josephus, the earliest humans possessed the knowledge of true religion. A century earlier, the Roman antiquarian Varro had already speculated that in their rst age, the Romans had practiced a religion free of idols, and the topic was taken up by Augustine in the City of God and by Augustine’s many readers in Spain and Peru. Since, as everyone knew, idolatry was ubiquitous among the gentile nations, here also, the unfolding of human activities represented regression, not progress.97 For both in the Old World and in the Andes, humanity proceeded from an image-free to an idolatrous the story, appears to have perceived a difculty about the survival of antedeluvian wisdoms; see his Breviarium Historie Catholice, ed. Juan Ferna´ndez Valverde (Turnholt 1992), book 1, ch. 19, p. 41, about Enoch: Hic dicitur multa scripsisse, set quia propter sui antiquitatem suspecta fuerunt, a patribus non sunt suscepta; tamen auctoritatem eius inducit Iudas apostolus in epistola canonica sic: Prophetavit de hiis septimus ab Adam Enoch dicens: Ecce veniet Dominus in sanctis milibus suis . . . Even so, here also, the knowledge of writing is attributed to the earliest humans, which implies that cultures not possessing writing had forgotten it. 95 On the inuence of Josephus in Spain, see Mar´a Rosa Lida de Malkiel, Tu´bal, Primer ´ baco 3, Valencia 1970). Montesinos cited, for the most Poblador de Espan˜a (Offprint from A part, the text of Scripture and the learned literature of his own day, but did also read Josephus, see Ophir De Espan˜a, Part I, ch. 12, fol. 21r (perhaps just a citation of Josephus via Jerome); ch. 14, fol. 28r (Josephus in his own right). 96 On Don Joan, see above, chapter 1 at notes 3ff. 97 M. Terentius Varro, Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum, ed. Burkhart Cardauns, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur Mainz. Abhandlungen der geistes—und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse. Einzelvero¨ffentlichung (Wiesbaden 1976), fragment 18, with commentary by Cardauns. The principal source is Augustine, City of God, book 4, ch. 31. Yves Lehmann, Varron the´ologien et philosophe romain (Brussels 1997), pp. 184–92. Josephus, Antiquities I,72, reiterates the evolution of falling away from original pure worship that is told in Genesis. In the Latin version that circulated in Western Europe, the text reads: Et isti quidem septem generationibus permanserunt deum iudicantes esse dominum omnium et ad virtutem semper inspicientes, deinde tempore procedente de paternis sollenitatibus ad mala progressi sunt.

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50. The Andean highland near Chinchero, where Tupac Inca Yupanqui had a palace and estate.

mode of worship.98 For Christians, that regression was remedied by the coming of Christ. The idea of regression was rooted in literal, historical interpretations of biblical texts, in the notion that precise historical information had been recorded in alphabetic writing from the earliest days and that with time, the skill of writing was retained only by the Jews, was lost among many nations and recovered by some. The inquiry after the origin of America’s indigenous peoples that attracted increasing attention and mobilized vast erudition during the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries incorporated the history of these peoples into the overall trajectory of regression that for them came to an end only with the “age of discovery.” Europeans, by contrast, having retained or regained the art of writing and the knowledge of monotheistic and revealed religion, had long ago escaped from this regression. The negative evaluation of American humanity that in the eighteenth century Ignazio Molina, Juan de Velasco, and other American Jesuits 98

The story of the shift from pure to idolatrous worship was picked up (but indirectly) by Guaman Poma, see above, chapter 2 at notes 101–6. Idolatry came with the Incas; see Guaman Poma, Nueva Cro´nica, pp. 80–81.

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exiled in Europe sought to correct and to contradict was developed— at least in part—on the basis of the theory of human regression from more perfect beginnings.99 The message, or rather messages, derived from the classical and Roman past by contrast were more diffuse and unwieldy. Both in the world of letters and the political world, this past engaged not just reason and authority, but also imagination and even emotion. Its legacy was polyvalent because it could be and was claimed on behalf both of the Inca and of the Spanish empire, on behalf of Inca past and Spanish present. Free of the weight and certainty of a prophetic thesis, the Roman past drew attention to the variability and unpredictability of human affairs.100 History being the teacher of life, the Roman past allowed room for contradiction, for uncertainty and for not knowing, not claiming to know everything. Room, above all, for what was and is yet to be learned.

99 See above, chapter 7, at notes 124–6. For Peruvian responses to European strictures of American nature and human nature, see Jean-Pierre Cle´ment, El Mercurio Peruano 1790–1795. Vol. I; Estudio (Frankfurt—Madrid 1997), ch. 4. 100 Cf. Clifford Ando in Clifford Ando, ed., Roman Religion (Edinburgh 2003), p. 295. Having argued that Roman religion was based on different bodies of knowledge, gathered and rened over time, Ando concludes: “Measured against Christianity, Roman religion paradoxically appears both more exible and more vulnerable. A religion based on knowledge can always change, for knowledge presupposes error. Faith admits no such challenge.”

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Index Illustrations are listed by page numbers in italics. Acosta, Jose´ de: and altitude sickness, 155; and classical authors, 20; on coca, 160–61; and evangelization and Spanish invasion, 252–54; and free will, 20; on history, 163; How to Procure the Salvation of the Indians, 163, 254; on Inca baths, 155; on Inca Pachacuti, 97; on Inca religion, 97; and Lucretius, 164–65; on mining, 157–59; his Natural and Moral History, 20, 153; 163–64; and nature and free will, 154–57; and New World environment, 153–57, 160; and Pliny the Elder, 154, 159–61; on politics and religion, 97; ranks three kinds of barbarians, 164–65; on Seneca’s foresight, 250; and simple and composite elements, 154 nn. 66–67; on volcanoes, 155 Aeneas: and Araucanian heroes, 215, 217 Agustı´n, Antonio, 37; on Varro, 192 Alberti, Leon Battista, 25, 111; on climate 114; on fora, 117; on Latin, 189; and principles of town planning, 133; inspired by Vitruvius, 108 Aldrete, Bernardo, 59, 189, 191, 193, 224; as friend of Inca Garcilaso, 59; and Goths and Romans, 225; and Latin in Spanish place names, 190 and nn. 73– 74; and primordial languages, 189 Alexander the Great, 86–87; Arrian on, 89 n. 79; Cieza on, 40; Quintus Curtius on, 71 n. 26; successors of, 110 Alfonso X el Sabio: interest of in written word, 271–72; and origins of Spain, 49; Primera Cro´nica general de Espan˜a, 32–38; read by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 72; Siete Partidas on law of nations, 105; on succession of rulers in Spain, 58 Almagro, Diego de, the Elder: in Cieza, 74–77; compared to Cincinnatus by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 70; conflict with, 15, 68, 75, 83, 85, 87, 102–3; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 68–71, 242; and Francisco Pizarro, friendship with, 68; and Pizarro, both compared to Caesar and Pompey, 85

Almagro, Diego de, the Younger, 15, 100 Alvarado, Alonso de, 127 n. 88 Angasmayo, River: as frontier of Inca empire, 41, 204–5 Annius of Viterbo, 48 Antiocha: in Cieza, Quito, 99, 110 Apollo: at Carabuco, 9 n. 23, 10 apostle: in America, 2, 62 Aquinas, Thomas: on gentile prophecy, 262 n. 68 Araucanians, 213–15, 218; Araucanian War, 213; not behetrı´a, 215; Estado araucano, 217; learn Spanish tactics, 219 Arequipa: in Cieza, 111; square in, 118 Arias Montano, Benito: and etymology of Ophir and Peru, 252; and Ophir as Peru, 263; on Ophir, son of Noah, 263–64 Aristotle, 25, 63, 98; in Acosta, 20; on city location, 108–9, 119 and n. 69; De anima I,2 on animate and inanimate objects, 160 n. 88; in Las Casas, 55–56, 154; in Matienzo, 19, 98; Poetics on history and poetry, 55 n. 75; Politics, 55, 113 n. 51; on politics, 6, 19, 55; on prudence, 89 Arrian: Anabasis of Alexander 3,26 cited by Cieza, 89 n. 79 Atahuallpa, 14, 66, 102; accession of, 41 n. 25; aftermath of, 245; Cieza on, 162, 253 n. 33; death of, 54, 66; scorns the Spanish, 69–70, 75; and Spanish remorse, 54, n. 71; supposed birth of in Quito, 237, 240; treasure of, 15 Ataulf, king of the Visigoths, 224. See also Galla Placidia Atlantis: as bridge to America in Za´rate, 250; Ficino on, cited by G¢mara, 250; in Plato, 249 Augustine of Hippo: City of God in Alfonso de Madrigal, 53; City of God on Roman virtue and Christianity, 267 n. 80; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 70 n. 20; on lust for power, 76, 81 n. 58; and sibyls, 261; and six ages in Guaman Poma, 62; used by Las Casas, 64 n. 109

312 Augustus, 19 n. 47, 208; in Guaman Poma, 62; Spanish kings as successors of, 13; in Tarragona, 36 Avendan˜o, Fernando de: on Quechua as a primordial language, 189 Avila, Francisco de, 43 n. 36 Aymara, 19 Babel, Tower of, 175, 189 Bacon, Francis: on world history, 268, n. 83 Baena, Juan Alfonso de: on writing and Spanish antiquity, 36 barbarians, and barbarism, 184; in Acosta, 164–65; indicating character in Las Casas, 165 behetrı´a: in Castile, 207; in the New World, 90–91, 206; and policia, 184, 207 Benzoni, Girolamo: on Indian raft, 158; on Indians making fire, 155, 156 Betanzos, Juan de: and divine punishment of Spanish invaders, 260 n. 59; on Pachacuti Inca and successors, 1 n. 2 Bible. See Scripture biography: as organizational device for Inca history, 41 n. 26; Roman, 94. See also Plutarch Boccaccio, Giovanni: and Columns of Hercules, 228; Genealogiae and Alfonso de Madrigal, 52–53 Boethius: De consolatione philosophiae on wealth, 159 Book of Prophecies, of Columbus: and discovery of the New World in divine providence, 247; quoted Seneca’s Medea, 301–2, 247–48 Borgia, Cesare, 71 Botero Benese, Giovanni: and America as part of world map, 266; and providence and evangelization, 251; Relatione universali, 250–51; on Seneca and the New World, 251 Bourbon reforms, 27 bridges: in Acosta, 155–56; Inca, 211; Inca and Roman, 209–10; Roman, 210 Brizen˜o, Diego Da´vila, 43 Brocense, Francisco Sa´nchez el. See Sa´nchez, Francisco el Brocense Bry, Theodore de, 162 Cabello Valboa, Miguel: and Ophir, 263–64

INDEX

Caesar, Julius, 37, 62–63, 77, 87; in Ambrosio Morales, 59 n. 88; colonizing Seville, 36; compared to Francisco Pizarro, 71; his Gallic War cited by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 147; and Pompey and Peruvian civil wars, 13, 15, 72– 74, 74, 85–86, 215 Cajamarca, 132 Calancha, Antonio de la: and destruction of Vilcabamba, 60–61; and divine providence as organizing force of history, 261; and fate of the Spanish invaders, 260–61; on Gonzalo Pizarro, 227 n. 97; on Lima, 135; and panegyric of Peru, 136; and Peru as patria, 133; on quipus, 47; read Acosta, 97; read Ferna´ndez, 84; on reason of state, 89–90 cannibalism, 91 Carthage: in Cieza, 80; ruled over Spain, in Alfonso el Sabio, 49 Carvajal, Francisco, 224–25 Castilla, Sebastia´n de, 85 Castro, Cristo´bal Vaca de, 15 Cato: in Guaman Poma, 63; Origines, 48 Cervantes, Miguel de: and desengan˜o, 261; and Ercilla, 213 Charles V: and Leone Leoni’s medallion of 1546, 93 n. 98; and Plus Ultra, 228, 231, 229, 232; pressed by Las Casas for the New Laws, 16; sack of Rome by, 71; sent Pedro de la Gasca to Peru, 72; sent Vaca de Castro to Peru, 15 chasqui, 44 Chile: as distinct from Peru in Cieza, 212– 13; as distinct from Peru in Molina, 241; frontier of with Inca empire, 41, 210, 217–19, 241; frontier of with Peru, 218–19, 237 Chile, Santiago, de, 211 Christianity: and conscience of the king, 253; Christian chronology in Peru, 48; 62; in Peru, 1, 24, 32, 96, 121, 182, 245– 46, 254, 260; and progress and regress in history, 272, 274; and prophecy, 257, 262; and providence, 247; Rome and Peru, 267; in Spain, 5, 12; in Spain and Peru, 48–49; and translation, 171; taught in Quechua, 181–83, 188, 201 Chupas, battle of, 15, 100 Chuquisaca: coat of arms of, 230; in Guaman Poma 234; in Muru´a, 235; as patria of Calancha, 133

INDEX

Cicero, 13, 37; in Augustine and Las Casas, 64 n. 109; De inventione I,1,2 in Garcilaso, 60; De oratore 2,9,36 on history in Cieza, 247; on friendship, 9; in Guaman Poma, 63; his Latin style, 11; and patria, 25; Pro Marcello 22; and salus omnium in Cieza, 93 n. 98; in Sarmiento, 57 n. 81 Cieza de Leo´n, Pedro, 174, 225 n. 93, 226; on Atahuallpa, 54, 75, 237; on behetrı´as, 90–91; on bridges, 209; on Chuquisaca, 231; and Cicero, 247; on cities, 59, 107– 14; on Cuzco, 115; dislikes Agustı´n de Za´rate, 17; and divine retribution against the Spanish invaders, 259–60; on environment, 114–15; and evangelization, 253–54; and Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 15 n. 37; on flood myths, 50; on Guayna Capac and the Spanish invasion, 255; and geography of Peru, 203, 210; and Hannibal, 207–8; and imperial past of Peru, 241; on Inca origins, 53– 54; on Inca roads, 40–42, 205–6; on Inca society, 60, 90, 93–96, 150, 206; his influence, 206; on llamas, 149; on Manco Capac, 52; on monarchy, 91–92; on noncentralized society, 91; on Peruvian civil wars, 72–74, 82, 106; on political power, 55; Primera Parte, 202–3; his reading, 15 n. 37, 55, 208; refers to classical authors, 15, 17, 22, 55, 87–88, 202, 204; and Rome and Inca, 15–18, 40, 61, 76, 95; in Seville, 15 n. 37; at Vilcas, 41 n. 27; on writing, 26, 39, 184, 206; at Xaquixaguana 16 Cincinnatus: compared to Almagro by Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 70–71 cities: civilized life in, 63; foundation of, 104–8; location of, 113–14; public space in, 117–21 passim civil war: causes of, in Peru, 72–76, 87, 92; comparison of Roman and Peruvian, 15–18, 72–75, 84–85, 101; evils of, in Cieza, 91; Roman, 15 classical tradition, x, xvii; and accommodation, 182 and n. 39; in Guaman Poma, 63–64, 130–35; in Inca Garcilaso, 256; and missionary grammar, 200–202; in Peru, 9, 14, 21, 24, 25–26, 27, 274; in royal inquiries on the Indies, 152; in Spain, 6, 12, 17, 35; in Spain and Peru,

313 52–53, 228–30. See also Latin, and under names of specific authors Clavijo, Ruy Gonza´lez de: Embajada a Tamorla´n, 204 Cobo, Bernabe´, 161; on Lima, 238 n. 116; on natural and human history, 163 coca: in Acosta, 160–61; in Garcilaso, 166 Collahuazo, Don Jacinto: as source of Juan de Velasco, 240 Columbus, Christopher, 139, 141, 163, 174; and the Book of Prophecies, 248–49, 262–63; on the fourfold meaning of Scripture, 263, 251; fourth centenary of his voyage, 20; and the nature of New World peoples, 163; as successor to Tiphys, 249 Constantine, 13 Covarrubias, Sebastia´n de: on Estado, 216 Curtius, Quintus, 87; History of Alexander 7,5 cited by Cieza, 89 n. 79 Cuzco: as “”another Rome,” 59, 220; as first bishopric of Peru, xviii; foundation and Spanish refoundation of, 115–17; as Inca capital, 2; and Lima, 236; location of, 151; and Pacaritambo, 50–52; and Rome, 52; 115, 220; as source of warfare, in Cieza, 92–93; 205 n. 13; splendor of, 95–96; square of, 123, 124 Cyrene: in Cieza, 92–93; and Plato, 83 Damon: and Pythias, 68 desengan˜o, 261 Digest of Justinian. See Justinian Diodorus Siculus, 85; and Columns of Hercules, 228; Library of History 1,1–2 on writing, quoted by Cieza, 39; Library 16, 92–95 quoted by Cieza, 82 n. 60 Dionysius of Halicarnassus: Roman Antiquities IX, 59, 1–2, 126 n. 63 Dionysius of Syracuse, 68 disease: in Andes before Spanish invasion, 3; European, 18, 22, 30, 254 dissimulation: 85, as Aristotelian prudence, 86; as statesmanly virtue, 89 Docampo, Florian: and edition of Alfonso el Sabio, Los C¸inco libros primeros dela Cro´nica general de Espan˜a, 33 Domingo de Santo Toma´s. See Santo Toma´s, Domingo de dominion: of Incas 96–98; of indigenous American peoples, 55–57 (see also Las Casas); origin of, 105

314 Ecuador. See Quito empire: and Book of Daniel in Acosta, 176; and language, 185, 187–88, 190, 195, 198 empire, Inca, 1; and author from Huarochirı´, 64; compared to behetrı´a 98; compared to Roman empire, 40, 98, 220, 224–27 passim; conquest of, punished by God, 259; and creation of Pachacuti, 93; and Cuzco, 115, 117, 135; destruction of, 66–67; in exile at Vilcabamba, 222; extent of, 204–6, 209–10, 220; fall of, prophesied, 256–58, 262; government of, 95; in Justo Apu Sahuaraura, 99; and Las Casas, 52, 55–56, 61; origins of, 52; and Pizarros, 226; as praeparatio evangelica, 176; and Quechua, 178; remembered, 1–2, 14, 70, 91; and roads, 208, 102–3; in Solo´rzano y Pereira, 98 empire, Peruvian, 26, 226–33 passim; 236, 241, 243 empire, Roman: decline of, 186; and Latin, 186; in Notitia Dignitatum, 129; in Pliny, 140; remembered, 38; in Vitruvius, 114 empire, Spanish, 37; and Peru, in Ercilla, 214–15; and Potosı´, 129; preservation of, 85; as successor of Rome, 19, 58, 109, 141, 186 Encinas, Diego de: on colonization, 126 nn. 84–87; on discoveries, 122, n. 75; on territorial divisions, 212 n. 35; work of on Cedulario, 152 environment. See nature Ercilla, Alonso de, 215, 221, 242; Araucana, 213–14; and Araucanian estado, 217; and Cervantes, 213; on fortune, 218; and Lucan’s Pharsalia, 214; and Rome, 216; and Tacitus Histories I,2, 214; and Vergil’s Aeneid, 214, 216–18 Espinoza, Gaspar de, 76–77, 83 Espinoza, Vazquez de, 237 n. 118 estado: of Arcaucanians, 216–17 Euripides: in Calancha, 133; Phoenician Maidens 524–25 as quoted by Suetonius in Cieza, 77, 87 Eusebius of Caesarea: his Chronicle, 53; on floods, 50 evangelization: in Botero, 251; in Cieza, 253–54; in Inca Garcilaso, 253; as justification for Spanish conquest, in Acosta, 252, 254; in Las Casas, 249, 254;

INDEX

in Pachacuti Yamqui and Guaman Poma, 254; as political activity, 201 Federico, king of Naples, 71 Ferna´ndez, Diego, 226; contemplates publication, 84; and Flood myths, 50; and Greco-Roman historiography, 17–18; and Montesinos, 269 n. 86; read by Garcilaso Inca, 84; and Tacitus 85–86 Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, Gonzalo, 67, 161– 62, 165; and classical authors, 18, 68–72, 85; his collection of information about the Indies, 127, 151–52; his dislike of the Pizarros, 70; on fortune, 71; on greed, 68–69; on hammocks, 145, 147; Historia General y Natural, 20 n. 49, 68; Historia General y Natural, organization of, 138; on languages, 174–75; Las Casas prevents publication of his Historia general y natural, 16; on maguey plant, 146; on mining, 139, 140; on the name Peru, 192; and nature in the New World, 142–45, 148; on patria, 101; and Pliny the Elder, 137, 142, 146; and Rome and Peru, 80; and Rome civil wars as antecedent of Peruvian, 15–16; and Spanish origin of the Indians, 266; on tattooing, 146 Ficino, Marsilio: on the reality of Plato’s Atlantis, 249 Fontenelle, Bernard Le Bovier de: read Garcilaso, 65 Fortune: in Ercilla, 218; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 71 Forum Romanum, 52 Galla Placidia: and Inca princess, 224–25. See also Ataulf Garcia, Gregorio: on Ophir and Peru, 264–65; on origins of Indians, 50 n. 59, 264–66 Garcilaso de la Vega. See Vega, Garcilaso de la Gasca, Pedro de la: compared to Tiberius, 85–86; defeats Gonzalo Pizarro, 16, 82, 226; prudence of, 83 Gellius, Aulus: Noctes Atticae XVI,13,9 on colonies, 126 Giro´n, Francisco Herna´ndez, 85 gods: gentile, 53; Roman, 6, 10 Go´mara, Francisco Lo´pez de, 82 n. 60; cites Ficino on Atlantis, 250; on God punishing Spanish invaders, 259; on

INDEX

Guayna Capac foreknowing Spanish invasion, 255–56 Gonza´lez Holguin, Diego: and consuetudo loquendi, 196; on language instruction, 200–201; on patronyms, 196, n. 94, 197 n. 96; and Quechua grammar, 195–96, 198; and sermons, 198 Goths: in Spain, 224–26 grammar: of Latin and Spanish, 179; and policia, 184–85; of Quechua, 177–78; and uso, 180. See also language Guamanga, 111, 112 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe, 119, 133, 234, 242; his attempt to synthesize Inca and Spanish history, 61; and Chuquisaca’s coat of arms, 229, 230; and Inca impact on Peru, 236; and Inca and Rome, 63–65; influenced by classical models, 21, 62; Nueva Cro´nica, 227; on Peruvian cities, 129–30; on poor conduct of clergy in Peru, 254; and Potosı´, 232, 233 (see also Plus Ultra); on quipu and books, 44, 45 Guanacauri, 52 Guayna Capac, 178, 237; and the box of afflictions, 3–5; his prophecy, 255–58; and Quechua, 178; and Quito, 237; and roads, 41 Gyraldus, Lilius Gregorius, 12 n. 29 hammock: in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 145, 147 Hannibal: in Cieza, 76, 207–8; in Livy Ab urbe condita, 21, 32–37 Hebreo, Leo´n: Dialogos de Amor, 170; translated by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, 170–74 Hercules, 9 n. 23, 10; as ancestor of the Spanish, 49; columns of, 228, 249; as founder of Seville, 36 Herrera, Antonio de: on dissimulation, 89; plagiarizes Cieza, 87; and Tacitus, 18, 86, 88, 89 n. 90 Herrera, Fernando de: cites Horace, Odes 2,5, 172 n. 4; his commentary on Garcilaso de la Vega, 172 Herrera, Gabriel Alonso de: on burning stubble, 144; and wheat cultivation, 143 n. 31 Herrera y Toledo, Antonio de: and Chuquisaca’s coat of arms, 231 n. 108 Hesiod: Works and Days, 47–105 on Pandora’s box, 4 n. 12

315 Hippocrates: Airs, Waters, and Places, 108, 111; De observantia ciborum, 110 history: Andean oral narrative, 46; and Cicero and Cieza, 247; and classical precedents, 152; European view of, 41; and Francis Bacon, 268, n. 83; human and natural, 138; Inca conceptions of, 41; moral, 153, 163, 253 Holguin, Diego Gonza´lez. See Gonza´lez Holguin, Diego Horace: on delaying publication, in Za´rate, 83, 84 n. 63; Odes I,3 cited by Polydore Vergil, 140 n. 15; Odes 2,5 cited by Fernando de Herrera, 172 n. 4 hostis patriae, 72 Huallalu, 47 Huarochirı´, 38; Christianity in, 30; and myths of origin, 57; quipus used in, 30; and sanctuary of Pachacamac, 29 Huarochirı´ Manuscript: and divine punishment of Spanish invaders, 260 n. 59; and flood myth, 50; format of, 32–34; and organization of quipu, 47; modeled on Spanish books, 46, 34. See also Runa yndio Inca: and advance knowledge of Spanish invasion, 255–58; and buildings, 206; and chasqui, 44; compared to Rome, xviii, 56–57, 92–98 passim; destruction of, 58, 66; government of, in Cieza, 94– 95; and environment, 150–51; and frontiers, 205; impact of on Peruvian identity, 90, 236; imperial power of, 50, 93– 95, 204–5, 227; and language, 175; legacy of, in Peru, 222, 236; and officials, 175; and roads, 39–40, 205–6, 121; and royalty, 222; and warfare as ritual, 255 inscriptions, Roman: in Aldrete, 190; in Spain, 37; studied by Ambrosio Morales 59, n. 88, 7 Isidore of Seville, 3 n. 11, 108 ius commune, 6 n. 21 Jerusalem: Calancha on destruction of, 60; Cieza on, 91; compared to Cuzco by Cieza, 95 Joseph of Arimathea as founding figure in England, 49 Josephus: on Antioch, 110 n. 41; and destruction of Jerusalem, 60; in Guaman Poma, 63; Jewish War VII, 259–74 in Cieza, 91; on writing, 271–72

316 Justinian: Digest and Code of Justinian on patria, 106; Digest and foundation of Rome, 104–5 Justinus, M. Junianus, 69 n. 12; on tyrants in Cieza, 80–81 Lactantius: Institutes, 3 n. 11 Lafitau, Joseph Franc˛ois: quotes Garcilaso, 65 language: and knowledge, 198–99; nature of, 171; and political fragmentation, 175; and politics, 184–85, 187; primordial, 189–90; as a tool of conquest, 190; and translation, 171; and translation and paraphrase, 182; variety of American, 175; as vehicle of evangelization, 175, 187. See also Latin; Quechua Las Casas, Bartolome´ de: and Aristotle’s Politics, 55; on classical prediction of discovery of America, 249; on conquest not prerequisite of conversion, 254; as defender of Indian rights, 16; and evangelization, 249; on Inca idolatry, 64, 96– 97; on Pachacuti Inca, 56 n. 76; and public enemies, 72 n. 28; on restoration of Inca lands, 54–55, 57; on Rome and Inca, 56–57 Las Salinas, battle of, 77 Latin: civilizing power of, 195; classical and medieval, 10–12; 180; decline of, 186; development of, 185; instruction in, 171; as language of learned discourse, 25; in Spain, 59, n. 88; and Spanish, 171; studied in Peru, 24 n. 62; as vernacular, 189 Leonidas, 69 Leo´n Pinelo, Antonio: and the New World as Paradise, 264–65, 265 Ligorio, Pirro: on “”palace” of Romulus, 52 Lima: Acosta in, 157; location of, 111 Livy, 11, 13 n. 33, 18, 85; appreciated by Cieza, 202; appreciated by Nebrija, 186; in Cieza, 202; on early Rome in Cieza, 75 n. 36; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 71 n. 20; on Hannibal crossing the Alps in Cieza, 208; on Numa, 56 n. 78; on Roman colonies, 126 n. 83; on Roman origins and decline, 247 llamas: in Cieza, 149 Lo´pez, Gregorio, 105 Lo´pez de Gomara: and Atlantis and Seneca, 250, 258; and deaths of Peru’s con-

INDEX

querors, 259; did not see Peru, 261; on Francisco Pizarro, 70 n. 17; on Gonzalo Pizarro’s horse, 224; on Guayna Capac, 255–56; on Las Casas and Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 16; and Peruvian civil wars, 72 n. 28, 82 n. 60, 87 n. 75 Loyola, Martı´n Garcia de, 219, 223 Lucan, 215; and Cordoba, 36–37; as model for Ercilla, 214; Pharsalia and the Roman civil wars in Alfonso el Sabio, 72 Lucretius, 64; De rerum natura VI, 906ff. in Acosta, 164–65 Lucullus: and Pedro de La Gasca in Cieza, 83 Machiavelli, Niccolo´, 13 n. 34 Madrigal, Alfonso de, el Tostado: Diez Questiones inspired by Boccaccio, 52–53; on myth and history, 53 maize: and European plants in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 144–45; foods made from, in Inca Garcilaso, 166; and Pliny’s tricticum in Acosta, 150, 160 Manco Capac, 52, 60; and Roman statecraft, 221 Matienzo, Juan de, 19–20, 97–98; and city planning, 120, 121–22; Government of Peru, 119 Melchor Carlos Inca, 67 n. 4 Menander Rhetor, 94 n. 99 Mendoza, Andre´s Hurtado de, 84 Mendoza, Diego: on Franciscan provinces, 212, n. 35 Mendoza, Garcı´a de, 215 Mercado, Pedro de: on Quito, 237 n. 122; and sack of Panama, 109, n. 39 Mexia, Fernando, 101 Mexia, Pedro, 101 n. 1, 142 n. 21; Historia Imperial y Cesarea, 186 Molina, Giovanni Ignacio: on Chile, 20, 242; quotes Vergil, 241 molle tree: in Cieza, 149; in Inca Garcilaso, 166, 167–68 Monmouth, Geoffrey of, 49 n. 54 Montesinos, Fernando de: and Christian chronology as organizing principle for Inca history, 270; Ophir de Espan˜a, 265; on providence, 265–66 Morales, Ambrosio: collects Roman inscriptions in Spain 37; and Garcilaso, 59; and Goths and Romans, 224–25; on Roman milestone, 5 n. 19

INDEX

Muru´a, Martı´n de, 236; and Chuquisaca, 234, 235; on Cuzco and patria, 128–29; and Potosı´, 239 myth: and Christian chronology, 50; as history, 53; of Inca origins, 49, 50–53, 54, 57; of origins from coastal Peru, 181 n. 37, 260; and Pacaritambo, 50, 51; of Pandora’s box, 3–4; and Plus Ultra, 228; and Rome, 52; in Spanish historiography, 49 Nahua, 178 names: imposed and natural, 192–93; in Quechua, 182–83; royal, 221–22 nature: in Acosta, 153–55; in the Andes, in Cieza, 148–55; and development of society, 150–51; and human action in Pliny and Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 137– 39, 142–44; in Inca Garcilaso, 167–69; in Pliny, 137; in royal questionnaires, 152– 53; Spanish impact on, 167, 168 n. 120; and Viceroy Toledo, 113 Nebrija, Antonio de: and Annius of Viterbo, 48; and comparative grammar of Latin and Castilian, 174, 177, 180, 195– 96; and decline of language, 185; and language and political power, 188; and Latin, 10, 178, 180–81, 198; and Quintilian, 178–79 New Laws: and Mexico, 81; and Nun˜ez Vela, 80, 86–87 Noah, 49, 263 Notita dignitatum, 130, 131 Nuestra Sen˜ora de Catechilla, 17 Numa, 56, 63 Nu´n˜ez Vela, Blasco, 16, 86–87, 101, 223, 231; compared to Tarquin, 85; Ferna´ndez de Oviedo compares to Phocion, 71; and Gonzalo Pizarro, 101; and the New Laws, 80–81; Za´rate comes to Peru with, 72 O’Gorman, Edmundo, xvi Oliva, Anello Giovanni, 238–40; Historia del Reino y Provinvias del Peru´, 237 n. 119 Ophir (person): son of Noah, 263, 267 Ophir (place): in Columbus, 251; in Garcia, 264–65; in Montesinos, 265–66; same as Peru, 252; and Solomon’s wealth, 251–53; and writing, 270. See also Arias Montano

317 Orosius, 37; Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII on Ataulf, 225 Ortelius, Abraham, 162 Ortiz, Diego, 60 Ovid: in Alfonso de Madrigal, 53; in Cieza, 50 n. 58; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 68 n. 8; valued by Nebrija, 186 pacarina, pacariscas, 47–48; cult of, opposed by missionaries, 48; and Inca origin, 49 Pacaritambo, 56, 51; as place of Inca origin, 50–52, 51, 57 Pachacamac: sanctuary of, 29 Pachacuti: “turning of the world and times,” 255 n. 42 Pachacuti Inca: the boy and the book, 3; as founder of Inca empire in Cieza, 93– 95; in Las Casas, 56 n. 76; victory of over Chancas, 97 Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Joan de Santa Cruz: his ancestors, 2; and Christian identity, 2–3, 246–47; as contemporary of Guaman Poma, 21; on evangelization, 254; on Inca history, 67; Relacio´n de antiguedades, 1 n. 1; on Spanish and Inca history, 5, 245–46, 271; on Spanish invasion, 4, 14; and Spanish and Quechua, 3. See also pputi; Sibyl Palentino, El. See Ferna´ndez, Diego palla, 221 Palladio, Andrea, 122 Palladius: Opus Agriculturae, 108 Palma, Ricardo, xvii Panama: in Cieza, 108–9, 203; sack of, 109 n. 39 Panciroli, Guido, 130 Pandora’s box, 3. See also pputi Panegyrici Latini: as background to Inca biography, 94 Paniagua, Pedro Herna´ndez, 86 n. 71 Paradise, 264, 265 Pariacaca: in the Huarochirı´ Manuscript, 46 n. 38, 47; pilgrimage to, 43; Spanish seize his treasure, 29–30 Parmenio: general of Alexander in Cieza, 89 patria, 101–36 passim, 238 n. 126; in Calancha, 133; Cicero’s idea of, 25; conditions human beings, 142; in Inca Garcilaso, 26, 103, 222; loss of name of, 193; in Molina, 20 n. 29; Peru as, 25, 66, 90, 102, 106; Spain as, 38; in Velasco, 238

318 Paul III, Pope, 223–24 Pe´rez Bocanegra, Juan, 48 n. 49 Peru: administrative needs of, 188; as empire, 227, 241–42; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 67–72; geography of, 202–3; and Inca past, 90; name of, 190–92, 193; as patria, 25, 102; as patria for Inca Garcilaso, 222; Tahuantinsuyu, 66, 204. See also empire Petrarca, Francesco, 13 nn. 33–34 Philip II: collects information about Indies, 152; and Ordenanza of 1573, 122– 26 passim Phocion: Athenian general in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 71 pirates, 90, 109, 162 Pizarro, Francisco: 67, 69, 82 n. 60; and Almagro, conflict with, 15, 68, 74, 75, 85, 87, 102–3; and Almagro, friendship with, 68; and Atahuallpa, 14, 66, 259; compared to Caesar and Pompey, 85; death of, 79, 260–61; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 70–71 Pizarro, Gonzalo, 16, 68, 71, 80–81, 86 n. 71, 226, 213; execution of, 223; as hostis patriae, 72, 101; as tragic figure, 102; as viewed by Inca Garcilaso, 224–27 Pizarro, Hernando, 68, 76–77, 83 planets, and astrology, 138: in Peru, 135– 36; in Spain, 6 Plato, 6, 64; America and his Critias and Timaeus, 57; Atlantis and America, 249; Cyrene, 83; Laws, 63 Pliny the Elder, 20, 25; and civilizing power of Latin, 195; on climate, 143; death of, 155; on farming, 144; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 68–69, 137–42; Ferna´ndez de Oviedo’s goal distinct from, 138, 142–43; and Ferna´ndez de Oviedo on human behavior, 139–41; and four elements in Acosta, 154; on mining and Acosta, 159–60; on mining and Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 139; on nature, 137–39, 142, 160; in Nebrija, 179 n. 26; on sailing, 139–41; triticum, 143, 160. See also nature Pliny the Younger, 121; on the death of Pliny the Elder, 155 n. 70 Plus Ultra, 228–35 passim, 229, 232 Plutarch, 18, 73, 85, 103; Caesar, 79 n. 51; on Lucullus, 83; on Phocion, 71 policia, 183–84; and behetrı´as, 184, 201; and Quechua, 184

INDEX

Polydamas: general of Alexander the Great in Cieza, 87 Pompeius Trogus, 37 Potosı´: Acosta in, 157, 159; and coat of arms in Guaman Poma, 229, 232, 233– 34; and coat of arms in Martı´n de Muru´a, 234, 239; silver mines of, 129 n. 96; 228 pputi, 4 Prescott, William, 22 Propertius: Elegies III,7 cited by Polydore Vergil, 140 n. 15 prophecy: different kinds of, 256–57; Guayna Capac and the Spanish invasion, 255–58; Inca Viracocha’s dreams in Inca Garcilaso, 262; Seneca’s Medea, 301–2 and the New World, 248, 250—52 providence, 247; in Botero, 251; and the conquest of the Incas, 256–57; and the discovery of the New World, 247–48; and history, 252; in Montesinos, 265–66; in Solo´rzano, 251 Ptolemy, 20, 25, 37, 133 Puno Cathedral: sirens over portal of, 24; and Vitruvian principles, 27 Quechua, 4, 19, 26; civilizing power of, 193–94; decline of, 188; as distinct from Latin, 195, 197–98; as general language of Peru, 175–78, 187, 193; as language of evangelization, 176, 181, 187, 201; and loan words, 186; as oppressed language, 14; and patronyms, 182–83; plurals in, 180; as a primordial language, 189; purity of, 195; Santo Toma´s’s grammar of, 174, 177–78, 180–81; as similar to Latin and Spanish, 179; used by Inca and missionaries, 194, n. 88 Quintilian, 177–78, 181, 201; Institutio Oratoria, 178, 198; on language change, 179, 184; and Spanish, 179 quipucamayoc, 47 quipus, xvi, 30, 31, 44; and alphabetic documents, 45; in Guaman Poma, 63–64; thematic organization of, 47; used by Cieza, 39, 42. See also writing Quito: climate of in Cieza, 150–51; Kingdom of Quito, 237–38, 240–41; location of in Cieza, 114–15 reason, of state, 89–90 reducciones, 119, 120,121

INDEX

Remesal, Antonio de: on city foundations, 104 Reputacio´n, 102 Ricardo, Antonio, 48 n. 49 Riobamba, 134 roads: Inca, 39–42, 95, 164, 203, 205, 212; Hannibal’s across Alps, 207–8; as limits of Inca power, 42–43; Roman, 5, 40, 113–14; Roman and Inca, 39–40, 98, 61– 62, 206, 208; Roman, in Spain, 37; Roman milestones on, 7, 8; as symbols of good government, 93, 203–8 passim; and tambo, 121, 164; in Unanu´e, 243 Robertson, William, 22 Rocha, Diego Andre´s: and Spanish origin of Indians, 266–67 Ro´man, Jero´nimo, 58 Romans: and Araucanians, 220; in Diego Ferna´ndez, 17; as object of study, 9–13 Rome: and Christianity in Augustine, 267; and Cicero on patria, 25; civil wars of, 15–16, 72–75, 84–85, 101; compared to the Inca, xviii, 40, 56–57; conflict of with Carthage, 57; decline of, 186–187, 247; in Ercilla, 243; founded by Romulus, 104–5; in Guaman Poma, 63–65; and the Goths, 224–25; and the Inca in Cieza, 15–18, 40, 61, 76, 95; in Las Casas, 56–57; Latin and the Inca, 186; legacy of, in Peru, 21, 80, 82, 241; legacy of, in Spain, 38; and passion for liberty, 216; republican and imperial, 220; 62, 92–98 passim, 224–27 passim; and Sallust, 58, 95 Rome, city of: and Cuzco 52, 220; perfect location of, 114 Romulus, 104; disappearance of, 56; palace of, 52 Runa yndio: and Guaman Poma, 61; and the Incas 42–43, 63; between oral narration and alphabetic writing, 46; on Pariacaca in Christian times, 42–43; and quipus, 47; and Spanish writing and language, 32, 38. See also Huarochirı´ Manuscript Sahuaraura, Don Justo Apu, 65 n. 111; claims descent from Pachacuti Inca, 99 Salinas y Co´rdoba, Buenaventura, 236 n. 114; and Guaman Poma, 61 Sallust, 85, 247; Catiline, 75–76, 78; and lust for power in Cieza, 81 n. 58; on luxury, 95; quoted by Sarmiento, 58

319 Sa´nchez, Francisco el Brocense, 198; Minerva, 193, 195 Sa´nchez de Are´valo, Rodrigo, 112–13; and city foundation, 108–9; and climate, 114 Sa´nchez de Badajoz, Garcı´: and Inca Garcilaso, 172–73 Santilla´n, Hernando de, 84 Santo Toma´s, Domingo de, 26, 48; and language and politics, 184–85; on Pacaritambo, 50 n. 60; and Quechua, 26, 186; and Quechua, grammar of, 174, 177–78, 180–81, 196; sermon of, 181–82 Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, 19, 57, 97; and Rome, 20, 58; and Sallust and Inca tyranny, 57–58 Saturninus, Augustinus, 196, 198; Mercurius, 195 Scoto, Annibale, 86–87 Scripture: and accommodation, 182; and Cieza, 110 n. 41; and Columbus, 247; fourfold meaning of, 263; and history of Peru, 267; in medieval Spanish historiography, 35, 37; and name of Peru, 264; Ophir in, 251–52; Viceroy Toledo appeals to, 168 n. 120, 182 Seneca: cited by Are´valo, 108; from Cordoba, 37; Medea, 301–2 cited by Columbus, 248; Medea, 301–2 cited by others, 250–52; predicted the discovery of America, 250; his supposed exchange of letters with St. Paul in Calancha, 249 Sepu´lveda, Juan Gine´s de, 37 Servius: Ad Aen., 3 n. 11 Sforza, Ludonico, 71 Sibyl: Augustine, De civitate dei 18,23 and sibyls, 262; and Tarquin, 3 Siete Partidas, 105. See also Alfonso X el Sabio Solo´rzano y Pereira, Juan de, 98; on providence and discovery of the New World, 251; in support of the legality of the Spanish invasion, 252 Spanish: consuetudo loquendi, 182; as corrupted Latin, 179; as a primordial language, 189 Strabo: Geography 3,5,5–6 on Columns of Hercules, 228 Suetonius: Divius Julius, 79 n. 51, 87 Sun, women of. See Vestal Virgins Tacitus, 18, 223; Annals, 89; in Garcilaso, 223; and historians of Peru, 85–87; Histories, 214

320 Tafur, Pero, 204 Tahuantinsuyu, 25–26, 66, 175, 190, 193, 204. See also Peru Tamalliuya Casalliuya, 29 tambo, 121 taquilla, 3 n. 9 Tarquin: compared to Nun˜ez Vela, 85; and Sibyl, 3 tattooing: and ancient Britons, 147; Ferna´ndez de Oviedo on, 146 Theognis, 133 Tiberius, Roman emperor, 8, 85–86 Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 55–57 Toledo, Francisco de, 57–59; and Incas, 222–23; and reason of state, 89–90; and vecinos of Chuquisaca, 113 Tostado, El. See Madrigal, Alfonso de Troy, 49, 215 Tubal, 49 n. 53 Tupac Amaru II, 222 Tupac Amaru Inca, 18, 41, 57, 66, 223 Tupa Inca Yupanqui: and invasion of Chile, 219–20 Tutay Quiri, 47 Unanu´e, Hipo´lito, 242 Valera, Blas, 187, 192–93 Valerius Maximus, 148, 202, 204; Factorum et dictorum, 68 n. 7, 71 n. 20, 82 n. 60 Valverde, Vincente de: in Pachacuti Yamqui, 245–47 Varro, Marcus Terentius, 3 n. 11; Antiquities, 48; De lingua Latina, 192; on names, 192–93 Vega, Garcilaso de la (poet), 172 Vega, Garcilaso de la, El Inca, 99, 224–25, 227, 242; and Acosta, 97, 166; and Almagro, 102; on Andean food, 166–67; and Andean and Spanish identity, 65 n. 111, 261–62, 268; on Araucanians, 220; and Cicero, 60; coat of arms of, 172, 173; on cruelty of Spanish invaders, 258; and divine providence and history, 262; and Ercilla, 218; on evangelization, 193, 198, 253; and Francisco Pizarro, 103; funerary chapel of, 199, 200; and Gonzalo Pizarro, 102, 224; on Inca defeat, 257–58, 262; on Inca empire, 219; and Inca impact on Peru, 236; on Inca Viracocha’s

INDEX

foreknowledge of Spanish invasion, 262; influence of, 64–65, 236 and n. 115; on language instruction, 200–201; on Manco Capac, 221; on names, 192–93; on nature, 167–69; and Oliva, 237; on patria, 26, 101; on prophecy of Guayna Capac, 256–57; and Quechua, 26, 186– 87, 194–95; on quipus, 39 n. 21; on Rome, 56, 220; Royal Commentaries of the Incas, 58–59; goes to Spain, 223; translates Leo´n Hebreo, 170–74; and Vergil, 172 Velasco, Juan de, 20, 238, 241; and patria, 238; and Quito, 238–41 passim Vergil, 13; Aeneid 1,8 and historical causation, 247; in Cieza, 95 n. 102; in Ercilla, 214–15, 216 n. 51, 217, 218 n. 60; in Garcilaso de la Vega, 172 and n. 4; in Garcilaso Inca, 258; in Garcı´ Sa´nchez de Badajoz, 174 n. 5; Georgics, 144; and Inca policy, 95; in Molina, 241; Spanish translation of, 9–10 Vergil, Polydore, 139, 140 n. 15 Vestal Virgins, in Cieza, 95, 205 Vilcabamba, 18, 223 Villena, Enrique de: prose translation of Vergil, Aeneid, 9–10 Vitruvius: De Architectura, 25, 35, 108–9, 111, 114, 121–22; on fora, 117, 123 volcanoes, 143; Acosta on, 155 warfare: European, 254; Inca, 254–55 writing, 17; among Greeks and Romans, 96; by historians of Spain, 32–37; Josephus on, 271; in Peru, 29, 32, 34, 45. See also quipus Xaquixaguana, battle of, 82; Cieza loses his notebooks during, 16; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, 101 Xerxes: his defeat at Salamis in Cieza, 95; in Ferna´ndez de Oviedo, compared to Atahuallpa, 69–70 Xime´nez de Rada, Rodrigo, 35 Za´rate, Agustı´n de, 15–18, 83–85; on the civil wars, 72, 79 n. 52; contemplates publication, 83–84; on flood myths, 260 n. 59; imitates Plutarch, 79 n. 51, 103; Historia, 52 n. 65; on myths of origin, 181 n. 37; and Rome, 80. See also Cieza