On the wings of time: Rome, the Incas, Spain, and Peru 9781400832675, 9780691126746, 9780691140957

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ON THE WINGS OF TIME

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ON THE WINGS OF TIME ROME, THE INCAS, SPAIN, AND PERU

Sabine MacCormack

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON AND OXFORD

Copyright © 2007 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 ISY All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data MacCormack, Sabine. On the wings of time: Rome, the Incas, Spain, and Peru / Sabine MacCormack. p- cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-691-12674-6 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-691-12674-7 (alk. paper) 1. Incas—Historiography. 2. Incas—First contact with Europeans. 3. Incas in literature—History and criticism. 4. Indian literature—Andes Region—History and criticism. 5. Spanish literature—Andes Region—History and criticism. 6. Peru—History—Conquest, 1522.1548. I. Title F3429.M164 2007

985’.010722—dce22 2005037893 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Palatino Printed on acid-free paper. °°

pup.princeton.edu Printed in the United States of America

10987654321

For Harriet Zuckerman to remember Arnaldo Momigliano and with gratitude to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

LARGIOR HIC CAMPOS AETHER ET LUMINEVESTIT PURPUREO, SOLEMQUE SUUM, SUA SIDERA NORUNT. —Vergil, Aeneid VI, 640-641

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Contents. SSS Gratiarum Actio 1x Illustrations xi Preface Xv 1. Universals and Particulars: Themes and Persons 1

2. Writing and the Pursuit of Origins 29 3. Conquest, Civil War, and Political Life 66 4. The Emergence of Patria: Cities and the Law 101

5. Works of Nature and Works of Free Will 137 6. “The Discourse of My Life”: What Language Can Do 170

7. The Incas, Rome, and Peru 202

and Judgments 245

Epilogue Ancient Texts: Prophecies and Predictions, Causes

Index 311

Bibliography 275

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Gratiarum Actio THIS BOOK BEGAN as a Set of lectures given at the Istituto di Studi Umanistici in Florence in 2003. I warmly thank Aldo Schiavone and Glen Bowersock for inviting me to give the lectures, which in this rewritten version have gained much from conversations with the Istituto’s students and faculty in so beautiful an environment. Evening

hours spent with Paolo and Marisa Desideri on the terrace of their house in the country, looking over olive groves and out into the distance at the hills of Tuscany while talking of Rome and the Incas are a cherished memory. So are some beautiful days in Rome, where conversations with Andrea Giardina and his colleagues at La Sapienza added momentum to the possibility of writing this book. Clifford Ando was the first to read the lectures and the several versions of chapters that followed. I could not have wished or hoped for

a more searching and supportive critic or a kinder, more generous friend. As best I was able, I followed his advice, and I cannot separate it from the thought that caritate enim benevolentiaque sublata omnis est a

vita sublata iucunditas. From Bruce Mannheim I learned many things not commonly found in books, and rarely so cogently expressed. His suggestions for changes and additions proved invaluable, and I cherish his friendship. Days spent with Gary Urton and Julia Meyerson— not to mention their writings—enhanced my understanding of life in the Andes, both past and present. Osvaldo Pardo’s erudition and sense

of humor enlivened many a late hour and dispelled many a sad thought. Conversations with Christopher Barnes and his views on what I was writing have become inseparable in my mind from his version and vision of Rom und Romgedanke. Cornell Fleischer helped this book to come into existence by believing that it could be written long before I ever set pen to paper, and his friendship has accompanied its progress and much more. I think with gratitude of the archivists and librarians in Spain, Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and the United States who over the years have welcomed me in the collections under their care. Texts that I read and others that I reread while holding a Guggenheim Fellowship and while at the Erasmus Institute at the University of Notre Dame contributed to the scholarly infrastructure on which these chapters are built. And last, but far from least, the support of the Mellon Foundation has lent con-

fidence to my thoughts and smoothed my path in ways I could not possibly have hoped for.

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Illustrations — SSS 1. Roman milestone from Cérdoba naming the emperor

Augustus. Photo by author. 7 Tiberius. Photo by author. 8 3. Hercules and Apollo. Fresco in the church of Carabuco, 2. Roman milestone from Cordoba naming the emperor

Bolivia. Photo by Teresa Gisbert. 10

4. Portal of the church of S. Juan. Juli, Peru. Photo by author. 11

5. Siren over the portal of Puno cathedral. Photo by author. 24

by author. 31 MS 3169. 34

6. Puno Cathedral. Drawing by author. 27 7. Quipu. Berlin: Dahlem, Museum fiir V6lkerkunde. Photo 8. Florian Docampo, Los Cinco libros primeros dela Cronica

general de Espafia (Medina del Campo 1553), fol. vii. (n. 7). 33 9. The Huarochiri text, fol. 73v. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional

10. Inca chasqui carrying a quipu and a letter. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cronica, p. 202. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 44 11. Regidor (local official) with quipu and book. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cronica, p. 800. Copenhagen,

Royal Library. 45

12. Incas worshiping at their place of origin. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cronica, p. 264. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 51 13. Caesar attacking Pompey. Fresco in the vestibule of the

house at 265, Calle Garcilaso, Cuzco. Photo by author. 74 14. Pompey attacking Caesar. Fresco in the vestibule of the

house at 265, Calle Garcilaso, Cuzco. Photo by author. 74 15. The end of the war against Catiline, from Caii Crispi

Sallusti Historiographi Opus (Venice 1521), fol. 43. 78 16. Frontispiece of Antonio de Herrera, Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano,

Decada VIII (Madrid 1615). Reproduced by kind permission

of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 88

17. Pilgrimage shrine of Nuestra Sefiora de Catechilla near

Sucre. Photo by author. 94 18. The battlefield of Chupas. Watercolor by author. 99

Photo by author. 112

19. Cathedral and Plaza de Armas of Ayacucho (Guamanga).

Xii ILLUSTRATIONS 20. The Plaza de Armas of Arequipa, from E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the

Incas (New York, 1877), p. 223. 118 21. Plan of a resettlement village (reducci6n). Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru, fol. 38r. New York Public Library

MS. Rich 74. 120 p. 1051. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 124 1623), p. 154. 131

22. View of Cuzco, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cronica, 23. Representation of Apulia in Notitia Dignitatum (Cologne 24. View of Cajamarca, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva

Cronica, p. 1011. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 132

25. View of Riobamba, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva

Cronica, p. 995. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 134

26. Washing soil to extract gold on the island of Espafiola. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book 6, ch. 8. Los Angeles, Huntington Library

MS 177, vol. I, fol. 18v. 140 27. The maguey plant. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, book 7, ch. 11. Los

Angeles, Huntington Library MS 177, vol. 1, II, fol. 43v. 146 28. A hammock hung between palm trees. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Summario de la naturale et general historia de I’Indie Occidentali (Venice 1534). Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann

Arbor, Michigan. 147 29. The valley of Cuzco. Watercolor by author. 151 30. Making fire by rubbing together two pieces of wood. Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice

1565), fol. 102r. Reproduced by kind permission of the

Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 156 31. Sailing a raft near Puerto Viejo. Girolamo Benzoni, La Historia del Mondo nuovo (Venice 1565), fol. 163v. Reproduced by kind permission of the Clements Library, Ann Arbor,

Michigan. 158 Photo by author. 168

32. Ploughing with a pair of oxen in the Yucay Valley.

33. The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s coat of arms. Frontispiece of his Comentarios Reales (Lisbon 1609). Madrid,

Biblioteca Nacional. 173

34. Bernardo Aldrete, Varias Antiguedades de Espafia, Africa y

otras Provincias (Anvers 1614), frontispiece. 191

ILLUSTRATIONS xill

by author. 199 by author. 200 Cérdoba. Photo by author. 210

35-36. Funerary chapel of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in the Mezquita of Cordoba and altar in that chapel. Photos 37-38. Epitaph of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in his funerary chapel in the Mezquita of Cérdoba. Photos

39. The Roman bridge across the River Guadalquivir at

40. Rope bridge over the River Pampas, from E. George Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the

Land of the Incas (New York 1877), p. 55. 211 41. Inca road near Raqchi in the Cuzco Valley. Photo by author. 212 42. The Plus Ultra of the Emperor Charles V. Frontispiece of Florian Docampo, Los Cinco libros primeros dela Cronica

general de Espafia (Medina del Campo 1553, (n.102). 229 43. The coat of arms of the city of Chuquisaca. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Cronica, unpaginated (following

p. 1057). Copenhagen, Royal Library. 230 p. 1057. Copenhagen, Royal Library. 232

44. View of Potosi. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Crénica,

45. View of Chuquisaca. Martin de Murta, Historia del origen y Genealogia Real de los Reyes ingas del Pirtt ... 1590 (Cédice Galvin), fol.140v. (From the facsimile by Testimonio Compafiia

Editorial, Madrid 2004.) 235

46. Potosi and the Inca Emperor. Martin de Murua, Historia del origen y Genealogia Real de los Reyes ingas del Pir... 1590 (Cédice Galvin), fol. 141v. (From the facsimile by Testimonio

Compafiia Editorial, Madrid 2004.) 239 47. The cloister of La Merced in Cuzco. Watercolor by author. 242 48. The location of Paradise. Antonio Leén Pinelo, El

Palacio Real. 265 Paraiso en el Nuevo Mundo, fol. 126. Madrid, Biblioteca del

49. Map of the Americas. Le relationi universali di Giovanni

Botero Benese, divise in quattro parti. Venice, 1605. 266 50. Landscape near Chinchero, Peru. Watercolor by author. 273

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Preface THE suBJECT of this book is people who, during the sixteenth and sev-

enteenth centuries, wrote about the Andean region that became Peru. Most of them spent at least some part of their lives in the Andes. In their own experience or only in their writing, they stood face to face with upheaval and destruction that is hard to imagine, let alone describe; they also witnessed the genesis of renewed political life, of life in society. For, although the Spanish destruction of the Inca empire changed the Andes forever, neither the one political form that ended,

nor the very different but equally imperial state that succeeded it, alone gave shape to civil society. It also was nurtured by acts of scholarship, by the intellectual endeavors that commenced almost with the

invasion itself, as the invaders sought to understand an array of cultures they recognized to be not fundamentally different from their own, and Andeans recognized the Spanish to be human and mortal like themselves. It is my specific purpose to show how Roman and classical literature provided a framework not simply for the comprehension of empires, Inca and Spanish, in their mutual and contrapuntal resemblance to Rome, but for the construal of historical experience itself: whether of war or the founding of cities; of the coming to recog-

nize the particularity of the Andean natural world or of Quechua as one in the family of human languages. In short, the emergence of the land of Peru, understood both geographically and conceptually, reveals the classical and Roman themes that pervade our texts to have been more than instruments of description and analysis. Rather, they also became constituents of collective consciousness and identity. Those who survived the Spanish invasion, as well as their children, along with the invaders and their children, not to mention the children of many mixed unions, brought into existence a society comprised of all of them. This process has been been captured in a brilliant book by Franklin Pease, titled Del Tawantinsuyu a la Historia del Peru. Tahuantin-

suyu, the “Fourfold Domain,” was the name by which the Incas referred to their empire: it was the land that became Peru. Before the rupture in Andean history that the Spanish brought about, Tahuantinsuyu and its people were known across the South American continent and as far as Mexico and possibly beyond. After that rupture, Peru, now incorporated into the Spanish empire, became known around the globe. Simultaneously, peoples of the Andes themselves not only acquired knowledge about the world and its diverse nations and histo-

Xvi PREFACE ries but also incorporated this knowledge into their daily lives, their story telling and writing. At issue was not simply supplemental information that could be added to a fixed and stable corpus of earlier knowledge. Instead, earlier knowledge was itself changed by new circumstances. This is why it has been possible for Frank Salomon to find important traces of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament embedded in a collection of myths and histories from Huarochiri near Lima

that many readers have wanted to view as quintessentially Andean and uncontaminated. Indeed, it has become clear that there is at present no such thing as an uncontaminated Andean text—not, at any rate, a text that we are able to read. The only precolonial documents in existence are the quipus, the knot records of the Incas and other Andean polities, which Gary Urton and others are currently engaged in a project to decipher. Spanish forms of knowledge and understanding also changed and mutated. When in 1533, the Spanish killed the Inca Atahuallpa, some of their number reported on the event as local or regional history, writing what they saw and what they and others did and said, using the literary conventions of an official or semi-official report, a relaci6n. Such

a text was expected to concentrate on facts and leave interpretation to the reader. Before long, it became clear that this literary genre was utterly inadequate for the purpose of informing readers about events that were unprecedented and unheard of, events that had occurred in lands hitherto unknown. The dragnet of enquiry, thought, and narration had to be cast much farther afield than the relacién allowed if a more adequate result was to be achieved. That was the task undertaken by historians: to tell what happened as completely and intelligibly as possible, and to tell it, as one historian wrote, “shorn of rhetoric and accompanied by truth.” In this book, I follow their footsteps. Sixty years ago, the Mexican historian Edmundo O’Gorman had this to say about conditions prevailing in the republic of letters during the early sixteenth century, during the formative years of several among the historians who wrote about Peru: “There is nothing as contagious as intellectual fashion, because nothing is as vulnerable as vanity.” The words are equally true when applied to the contemporary republic of letters. Leaving vanity to one side, reflection about the Americas has

been profoundly conditioned by fashion. This is not to say that the outcomes have all been negative. Frequently, however, they have been defined—sometimes more than is useful—by ‘the parameters that are

set by dominant intellectual trends, or be it fashions. From the very beginning, these fashions have followed certain patterns. Regarding Peru, during the nineteenth century, interest in and scholarly work about indigenous people was at best an appendix attached

PREFACE xvii to other themes that concerned the Peruvian state and nation seen in primarily creole terms. Scholarly work and also the arts and literature—as for example Ricardo Palma’s Tradiciones Peruanas—treflected political realities that have been captured by Cecilia Méndez in the tell-

ing phrase, “Incas yes, Indians no.” Similarly, Bruce Mannheim has written about Quechua, the language of the majority of Peru’s Andean people, as “an oppressed language.” Meanwhile, in the wake of political realities, fashions have changed. During the last half century or so, the languages and religions, the social and political life of Peru’s indigenous peoples have attracted the attention not just of scholars, but of artists, poets, novelists, and filmmakers. Besides, indigenous people themselves are making films, composing and performing music and publishing books. Andean Studies has become a scholarly discipline with its different branches, including archaeology, history, linguistics, anthropology, ‘and literature, and is represented on university campuses in Latin America, Japan, Australia, Europe, Canada, and the United States. In some fields, especially the literary ones, polemics has

claimed a place alongside cognition, leading scholars to claim, as among others Tzvetan Todorov and Walter Mignolo have done, that Spanish and more generally European writers about the Americas have “silenced” indigenous voices. Polemics may be unavoidable, but lest this book also be categorized as an effort to impose silence on indigenous people, or to marginalize the Andean world, I would like to explain why this is not the case. It was fashionable among sixteenth-century historians to adduce Roman and generally classical antecedents to explain the subject matter at hand. But more was at stake than fancies of humanist fashion. As John Rowe, inspired by Arnaldo Momigliano, explained in 1965, the classical past as studied by humanists became the mirror that drew attention to the particularities and uniquenesses not just of European but in due course also of non-European societies. Contrasts, comparisons, and analogies between Incas and Romans and also between Romans and Spaniards helped to incorporate events in Tahuantinsuyu and Peru not merely into the history of the Spanish empire, but into the history of the world. For all that Peru was far distant from Europe, geographical distance did not amount to insignificance or irrelevance: this was what inter alia those historians wanted their readers to understand. Io compare the Incas and the Romans, to explain events in Peru in light of Roman precedent, and to use the examples of Greek and Roman historiography in order to pinpoint the meaning of events was to incorporate Andean experience into human experience across space and time. Those who criticize these writings for imposing—as they perceive it—alien norms on Andean subject matter should consider the

Xvill PREFACE alternative: that the Andean world would remain forever separate and secluded from the rest of humanity. In any case, the criticism is contradicted by Andean writers themselves, for even as the history of the Incas and of Peru became part of world history in the sixteenth century, so the history of the Romans and their empire became part of the history of Peru and all its people. To claim that those who thought and wrote about such matters were silencing the indigenous people of Peru and of other Andean countries amounts to denying those people part of their own historical experience. The Inca empire did not long outlast the arrival of the Spanish in the Andes. But the memory of the Incas remained alive, and not only in the minds of those who had seen the Incas govern and in the minds of their descendants. The Spanish also looked back to an imperial past: this was the empire of the Romans who had united the diverse peoples

of the Iberian peninsula by making Romans and Latin speakers of them. The example of Rome helped to make the Inca state recognizable as an imperial state while at the same time the Roman empire was perceived to be a model and precedent for the Spanish empire. Legislation

was organized and codified on the basis of Roman antecedents, and peoples and territories were governed according to norms, many of which had Roman origins. In the Roman empire, and in Spain and Peru, the Catholic Church at its core was an urban organization: bishops resided in cities. Cuzco, the capital of the Incas and Peru’s very first bishopric, was the Rome of its world. With all that, the Roman past was

not identified as the cultural property of Spaniards, nor was the Inca past identified as the property of Andean people and Peruvians. Such appropriations—which in recent times have been the instruments of constructing exclusive ethnic and national identities—were not made until very much later. Instead, the two imperial tradition—the Inca and the Roman—in their different ways became the building blocks to construct Peru as a country. Its contours emerged long before independence - indeed, they go back at least as far as the sixteenth century. When Cuzco was hailed as the Rome of its world and Inca rulers were compared to Roman emperors, these were expansive not restrictive statements: they amplified the scope of reflection because Rome itself was an object of study and debate, not merely a passive precedent brought forward out of a long distant past. Besides, the meaning of Rome and mediterranean antiquity in the Andes was not the same as in Europe because here as elsewhere meanings changed with place, time, and circumstance. At issue, therefore, is not a static classical legacy that was exported overseas, there to be imposed irrespective of context or relevance. Instead, time and again, Roman precepts and histories emerged as resilient, versatile, and useful means with which to think.

PREFACE xix Thanks to scholarly specialization and the ever-increasing size and complexity of research agendas—even those that have comparatively modest aims—it is becoming ever more difficult to encompass within one single framework enquiries that involve groups and individuals of both indigenous and Spanish or other immigrant ancestry. Also, the work of numerous scholars has shown that research focusing on either the Andean or the Spanish and creole end of things can produce magnificent results. But this does not mean that there are no valid questions to be asked that span the experience and thought world of Peru’s indigenous peoples and of their Spanish and creole contemporaries during the early modern period—or, indeed, during any other period. Teresa Gisbert’s pioneering books on art and architecture in the Andes are notable examples of this kind of enquiry. For it is the experiences that those who lived in Peru shared, whether conflictually or consensually, in debate or agreement, that have made and make them into a nation. Historical consciousness changes over time. The Incas and Romans were more on the minds of people living in the Viceroyalty of Peru

during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and even the eighteenth century than they are now. Effectively, the Romans have at present all but disappeared from consciousness in the republics—Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile—that emerged from the Viceroyalty, whereas what the Incas mean now differs greatly from what they meant then. In early modernity the example of the Incas in government and warfare was an ever-present commentary—sometimes negative, at other times positive—on government and warfare as conducted by their Spanish successors. Now, the Incas in Peru are a national icon that can at times, as Alberto Flores Galindo has shown, acquire utopian dimensions. How the Incas governed, by contrast, is a scholarly, no longer a practical concern. Whether the absence of the Romans as examples and interlocutors with the dead and the living in contemporary Peru is a loss or a gain or neither, let the reader judge.

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ON THE WINGS OF TIME

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One

Universals and Particulars: Themes and Persons

EMPIRES LIVE on in memory and history more than other states. The Inca empire that extended along the central Andes of South America has remained present not just to historians but to the people of Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and especially those of Peru for nearly half a millennium after its fall. Why and how the Incas fell prey to the Spanish, and what the consequences were, has been a subject of reflection ever since it happened. In the early seventeenth century, an Andean lord wrote a historical meditation on this topic, short in length but weighty in con-

tent. At the center of this work lies the transformantion of Inca into Spanish Peru. The book begins with the earliest human beings in the Andes, goes on to the Inca empire, and continues to the coming of the Spanish in 1532 and the Christianization of the peoples over whom the

Incas had ruled, down to the author’s own day. The author’s long name, consisting of Christian, Spanish, and Andean components, reflects the book’s content. He was called Don Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua.' Joan preceded by the title “don” indicating

noble birth was his baptismal name, to which he added the Christian epithet “of the Holy Cross.” Yamqui was an Inca royal title, and Pachacuti, meaning “upheaval” or “end of the world,” was the name given to the ruler who had initiated Inca imperial expansion on a grand scale, over two centuries before Don Joan wrote his book.’ Finally, Salcamay-

gua is a “red flower of the highlands.” ‘Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Relacién de antiguedades deste reyno del Pirti, eds. Pierre Duviols and César Itier (Cuzco 1993). Franklin Pease G.Y., Las Crénicas y los Andes (Mexico City 1995) is a magisterial and indispensible guide to the historiographical sources bearing on viceregal Peru; on Pachacuti Yamqui, Garcilaso, and Guman Poma, see pp. 41, 44f., 94¢. ?Juan de Betanzos, Suma y naracion de los Incas, ed. Maria del Carmen Martin Rubio (Madrid 1987), part I, chapters 14-16 describes Yamque Yupangue as a possible (and perhaps actual?) successor to Pachacuti Inca. On Pachacuti receiving this name from his father, see Betanzos Suma, part I, chapter 17, p. 83. He was to be Pachacuti Ynga Yu-

pangue Capac e Indichuri que dice vuelta de tiempo Rey Yupangue hijo del sol. Yupangue es el Alcufia del linaje de do ellos son, porque ansi se llamaba Mango Capac que por sobrenombre tenia Yupangue. > Diego Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua

Qguichua o del Inca (Lima: Francisco del Canto 1608; Lima 1989), p. 323, Sallca. Sierra, o tierra de secano y de temporal donde Ilueve, o puna; p. 235, Mayhua. Una flor encarnada.

2 CHAPTER ONE Don Joan and his forebears came from Guaygua, a couple of days’ journey south of the old Inca capital of Cuzco, in the central highlands of the Andes—the region designated poetically by the “red flower.” Part of the history that Don Joan recorded in his book was about the incorporation of this region into the Inca empire in the time of the Inca Pachacuti.* From childhood, Don Joan had heard about the “ancient records, histories, customs and legends” of his homeland, and when he had reached adulthood, people were still “constantly talking about them.”° But just the memory on its own was not sufficient if the events, especially those of the years after the Spanish had come, could not also be explained. Given the cataclysmic nature of what had happened—a change not just of governance, but of language, culture, and religion, not to mention the deaths of countless people—much explanation was called for.

Don Joan was proud to be a Christian, glad to live with the “holy benediction” of the church and “free of the servitude” of the ancient Andean deities. As he looked back over the history of the Incas, and to the times before the Incas, it seemed that traces and tokens of the true Christian religion had been present in the Andes for a very long time. Like several of his contemporaries, Don Joan thought that one of the apostles had reached the Andes and had made a beginning of teaching this true religion.° So it was that the Incas themselves had worshipped the one and only god and battled against false gods, perceiving in the festivals that they celebrated for the Maker of the world an “image of the true festival” that was to come in eternity.’ And yet, * Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacion, fol. 18r, the author’s ancestor Yamqui Pachacuti killed Inca Pachacuti’s brother and enemy Inca Urcon; fol. 19v—20r, Inca Pachacuti annexes Gu-

ayua during his campaign against the Collas, rewards Yamqui Pachacuti “capitan de gran fama,” and adopts from this lord’s name his own title: “toma el nombre de Pachacuti afiadiendo sobre su nombre hasta llamarse Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui.” This unusual explanation of the Inca’s royal name highlights the vital links between Inca rule and the power of regional lords. > Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacién, fol. 3r, Digo que hemos oido siendo nifo noticias antiquisimos y las ystorias, barbarismos y fabulas del tiempo de las gentilidades, que es como se sigue, que entre los naturales a las cosas de los tiempos passados siempre los suelen parlar. 6 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacién, fol. 3v-6. On the apostle in the Andes see, e.g., Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Crénica y Buen Gobierno, eds. J. V. Murra, Rolena Adorno, and J. Urioste (Madrid 1987), pp. 92-4; Antonio de la Calancha, Corénica moralizada del orden de San Agustin en el Perit, ed. Ignacio Prado Pastor (Pedro Lacavalleria, Barcelona 1638; 6 vols., Lima 1974-1981), book 2, chapter 2. L.-A. Vigneras, “Saint Thomas, Apostle of America,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57 (1977): 82-90.

7 Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacion, fol. 14, las fiestas también son ymagen del verdadero fiesta: “bienaventurados los criaturas racionales que en los tiempos futuros la fiesta eterna alcansaren.”

UNIVERSALS AND PARTICULARS 3 so Don Joan believed, the Incas were also aware that something was as yet missing, without being able to comprehend exactly what it was. Take the Inca Pachacuti. In his old age, he heard that a ship had come

to the Andes “from the other world” and a year later a young man appeared in the main square of Cuzco with a large book. But the Inca paid no attention to the boy and gave the book to an attendant. Where-

upon the boy took the book away from the attendant, disappeared round a corner, and was gone. In vain did Pachacuti Inca order that the boy be looked for. No one ever learned who he was, and the aged Inca undertook a six-month fast “without knowing.”® Some decades later another enigmatic event occurred. A messenger cloaked in black arrived before Pachacuti’s grandson, the Inca Guayna Capac, and gave him a locked box which—so the Maker of the world had instructed— only the Inca was to open. When Guayna Capac did open the box, something like butterflies or little pieces of paper fluttered out of it, scattered, and disappeared. This was the plague of measles that preceded the coming of the Spanish and that killed so many Andean people. Before long, the Inca himself died of it.’ Don Joan wrote in a mixture of Spanish and his native Quechua. His style and outlook reflect that of missionary sermons and Christian teaching.’ Did he perhaps also know the story of the Sibyl and King Tarquin of Rome? The Sibyl had appeared before the king, offering for sale nine books containing the “destinies and remedies” of Rome for 300 gold coins. When the king refused to buy the books, the Sibyl burned three of them, still asking the same price, and when he refused again, she burned another three. Whereupon the king purchased the

remainder for the price originally stipulated and the Sibyl disappeared." And did Don Joan know the Greek myth about Pandora’s box that was opened unknowingly and contained the ills that ever thereaf’ Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacién, fol. 23r-v.

> Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacién, fol. 36. For a parallel story, see Frank Salomon and George L. Urioste, eds., The Huarochiri Manuscript. A Testament of Ancient and Colonial An-

dean Religion (Austin 1991), chapter 14. Here, a tiny lady emerged from a small chest that

Guayna Capac was to open and triggered ill-omened events that culminated with the arrival of the Spanish. The term used for the chest, “taquilla” (section 193), is a word borrowed from Spanish, indicating that the narrator perceived the object as foreign. Even in Spanish, “taquilla” was a rare and unusual word; see J. Corominas, Diccionario critico etimoldgico de la lengua Castellana (Madrid, n.d.), s.v. “taca.” See further below at note 13. ” César Itier, Las oraciones en quechua de la Relacién de Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Revista Andina 12 (Cuzco 1988): 555-80. " Among the authors mentioning the episode are: Servius, Ad Aen. 6,72, fata et remedia; Lactantius, Institutes 1,6,10ff. (from Varro); Isidore, Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX, 8,8,5.

4 CHAPTER ONE ter befell humankind?” If he did, this myth would have conveyed an independent Andean meaning to him. For pputi, the Quechua term for box that Don Joan used, is semantically linked to a cluster of terms

denoting sadness and affliction.” At any rate, in both these pairs of stories the explanatory drifts of the Andean and the European versions are closely intertwined. A century after the arrival of the Spanish, Don Joan like other Andean nobles of his time portrayed his ancestors as having welcomed these newcomers, bearers as he described them of the Christian message. On their side, so Don Joan thought, Andean people were ready for the Gospel, willing and able to worship the true god and to pray to him in their own native Quechua.” But the presence of the Spanish in the Andes brought with it a host of evil consequences that it was rarely possible to discuss other than indirectly and allusively. Rome’s King Tarquin was left with three of the Sibyl’s nine books, but Pachacuti Inca was left “not knowing.” Yet worse, the gift of the box to Inca

Guayna Capac, in which somehow the Maker of all things was involved, turned out to be a purposefully murderous gift of which the Inca had been forewarned but that he could not avert. Before the box arrived, Guayna Capac saw a midnight vision: he felt himself to be surrounded by “millions and millions of people” who were “the souls of the living whom God was showing him, indicating that they all had to die in the pestilence.” These souls, so the Inca understood, “were coming against” him and “were his enemies.” Don Joan resorted to ” The earliest version of this famous story is in Hesiod, Works and Days. Edited with Prolegomena and Commentary by M. L. West (Oxford 1978), lines 47-105. The container that

is opened in Hesiod is a pithos, storage jar. On the origin of the box, see West’s comments on line 94. ® Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perti llamada lengua Qquichua o del Inca, p. 298. “4 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Crénica y Buen Gobierno (pp. 375-6) claims that his

ancestor greeted the Spanish at Tumbez on behalf of the Inca Guascar; Pachacuti Yamqui (fol. 1) claims that his ancestors came to Cajamarca to become Christians. See also Waldemar Espinoza Soriano, El] Memorial de Charcas. Crénica inédita de 1582, Cantuta. Revista de la Universidad Nacional de Educaci6n (Chosica, Peru, 1969), sections 48-9, on help provided by the lords of Charcas during the Spanish conquest of Collasuyu. Similar claims were made by Don Juan Ayaviri Cuysara; see AGI Charcas 45, “Don Juo Ayaviri Cuysara, Cacique principal del repartimiento de sacaca, y pueblo de sant Christoval de Pana-

cache y su provincia, Alcalde mayor de los naturales de la provincia de los charcas y capitan de las tres naciones della,” dated Charcas, 18 February 1598, answers to questions 7-10. See T. Platt, in T. Bouysse Cassagne et al., Tres Reflexiones sobre el pensamiento

andino (La Paz 1987), pp. 103ff.; John Murra, “Litigation over the Rights of ‘Natural Lords’ in Early Colonial Courts in the Andes,” in E. Hill Boone and T. Cummins, eds., Native Traditions in the Postconquest World (Washington, D.C. 1998), pp. 55-62. ® Pachacuti Yamqui, Relacion, fol. 36, Se vido a media noche visiblemente cercado de

mill6én de mill6n de hombres, y no saben ni supieron quién fueron. A esto dizen que

UNIVERSALS AND PARTICULARS 5 the stories about the book and the box of afflictions, charged as they already were with ancient and multiple meanings, to express the fundamental contradiction that pervaded the lives of so many people: on the one hand, the undeniable evil of subjection to alien rulers, and on the other the—to him—equally undeniable good of being gathered into the community of “our holy faith.” In the process of being retold, these ancient stories acquired new dimensions, and they served as a communicative bridge of sorts between Andean people and Spanish newcomers, all of whom Don Joan addressed in his book of historical meditations.” The Spanish, even those who read rarely or not at all, could be expected to understand such a communication because they were all steeped not just in Christianity but also in remnants of the Greek and especially the Roman past. Many would have heard the Sibyl chant her prophecies about the coming of Christ during the celebration of his Nativity according to the old pre—Tridentine Spanish liturgy.” From late antiquity onward, through the long sequence of cultural and polit-

ical upheavals that transformed Roman into early modern Spain, the Greek and Roman past lived on in the present by virtue of ordinary continuities of daily life. The layout of some cities, the design of private

and public buildings, the shape and decoration of tools and utensils, the titles and functions of dignitaries, and the content of law all bore traces of Roman and post-Roman antiquity.’*® Throughout the Iberian Peninsula, people were walking and riding along the old Roman roads, passing Roman ruins and whatever Roman monuments had withstood the ravages of time. Not infrequently, the traveler would pass a Roman distance marker, and some of these dated back to the time of Christ.” dixo que eran almas de los bibos, que Dios abia mostrado, significando que habian de morir en la pestilencia tantos. On another aspect of Pachacuti Yamqui’s conflations of Andean with Christian and European concepts, see Ramon Mujica Pinilla, Angeles apocrifos en la América Virreinal (Mexico City 1992), pp. 187-203, see in particular pp. 192-194. ” Monserrat Figueras, La Capella Reial de Catalunya, Jordi Savall, El Canto de la Sibila IT, Galicia, Castilla (Musica Iberica, Auvidis Fontalis 1996). The vernacular version of the prophecies that is sung here is from the Cantoral de Cuenca at Silos. The text was derived from Christianized Sibylline prophecies; see Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 18, chapter 23; for the context, H.W. Parke, Sibyls and Sibylline Prophecy in Classical Antiquity, ed. B. C. McGing (London 1992), chapter 8; David Potter, Prophets and Emperors. Human and Divine Authority from Augustus to Theodosius (Cambridge, Mass. 1994), pp. 87-93. *® See the collection of essays by Gisela Ripoll and Josep M. Gurt with Alexandra Chavarria eds., Sedes Regiae (ann. 400-800) (Barcelona 2000). ? See Ambrosio Morales, Corénica general de Espatia que continuaba Ambrosio Morales Coronista del Rey Nuestro Seftor Don Felipe IT (Madrid 1791), book 9, chapters 1, 5: Este mismo

afio de la Natividad de nuestro Redentor se pusieron en Cérdova dos marmoles de todo semejantes en la escritura, el uno esta dentro en la Iglesia Mayor . . . : IMP. CAESAR. DIVI. F. AUGUSTUS. COS. XIII. TRIB. POTEST. XXI. PONT. MAX. A. BAETE. ET IANO. AUGUST. AD OCCEANUM

6 CHAPTER ONE The figures of classical myth and history continued to occupy poets, storytellers, and artists to such an extent that many of them became familiar friends, speaking from the pages of books, looking out at from tapestries, paintings, and sculptures, and singing in songs both sacred and secular. Planets named after the ancient gods—Venus, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, and Saturn, along with Sun and Moon were imbued with a divine and personalized energy. They circled the sky and extended their influence over humans and their environment.” Finally, the political forms, monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, that had engaged the thoughts of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero lived on in the writings of jurists, in legal practice, and in the governance of cities and kingdoms.” It was not long before this manifold legacy was felt in the Americas as well. Legal and administrative practices that were taken for granted in the Peninsula were imposed on indigenous peoples without further ado and soon became ubiquitous.” In the Andes as elsewhere, the layLx. Morales, Corénica Book 9, chapter 2,7, describes another milestone of the emperor Tiberius that he dates to the year A.D. 32, and that was subsequently thought to have been erected in the year of Christ's crucifixion. On the study of epigraphy by Morales and his contemporaries, see the splendid study by William Stenhouse, Reading Inscriptions and Writing Ancient History. Historical Scholarship in the Late Renaissance (London 2005). *0 See Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La tradicion cldsica en Espatia (Barcelona 1975). Both

content and format of this remarkable book usefully dispel the notion of one single classical tradition. Note in particular, at pp. 269-338, her review essay, “Perduracion de la literatura antigua en occidente,” of Ernst Robert Curtius, Europdische Literatur und latetnisches Mittelalter (Bern 1948 and numerous subsequent printings). For classical themes in popular poetry in Spain, see ed. Paloma Diaz-Mas, Romancero (Barcelona 1994), numbers 98-101. Note number 101, “Incendio de Roma” under Nero, lines 10-11, . . . la gente a penas cabia / por el rico Coliseo gran numero se subia. The Coloseum was not built until later, but Rome was unthinkable without it. Brian Dutton and Joaquin Gonzalez Cuenca, eds., Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena (Madrid 1993), number 117 about the influence of Fortuna and the planets. On the content of noblemen’s libraries, see the collection of essays, El Marqués de Santillana 1398-1458. El Humanista. Los albores de la Espatfia Moderna (Palacio Caja Cantabria 2001); Joaquin Yarza Luaces, La Nobleza ante el Rey. Los grandes linajes castillanos y el arte en el siglo XV (Madrid 2003), pp. 273-307.

“1 Manlio Bellomo, The Common Legal Past of Europe 1000-1800 (Washington, D.C. 1995), pp. 97-101. On ius comune and Roman law in Peru, see Carlos Ramos Nufiez, “Consideraci6én de la costumbre en la doctrina juridica virreinal. De la valoracién clasica a su impugnacién moderna,” in Tedoro Hampe Martinez, ed., La tradici6n clasica en el Pert virreinal (Lima 1999), pp. 285-308. On the study of law in its wider context, see Adeline Rucquoi, “Contribution des studia generalia a la pensée hispanique médiévale,” in José Maria Soto Rabanos, ed., Pensamiento Medieval Hispano. Homenaje a Horacio Santi-

ago-Otero I (Madrid 1998), pp. 737-70; see also in this same volume, at pp. 785-800, Charles Faulhaber, ”Las biblitecas espafiolas medievales,” on classical texts in Spanish libraries. Note also the valuable and original study by Jaime Gonzalez, La idea de Roma en la Historiografia Indiana (Madrid 1981).

2 On the dealings of don Cristébal Castillo, curaca of Cotahuasi with administration and the legal system, see César Itier, “Lengua general y comunicacién escrita: Cinco cartas en quechua de Cotahuasi—1616,” Revista Andina 17 (Cuzco 1991): 65-107.

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Sanan heeeana Boh hs RR ue hia ames ee ice sir aie aois aeee i se SOG SRteSie aareRegen ee SE Ey a RR RRR ht shah teak atm sea hea SRS Stage ee pe amen aa ee coatRahitah maths inate ge ane eRason RRR meta eee ccc aeeta eea rrr—“(iiOCOC—s—s—s—~™SOststisiwsSsi(‘i‘“(‘“(‘“(‘(‘“‘“‘“‘i “ll “! For Caesar’s death, see Suetonius, Divus Julius 81-82; also Plutarch, Caesar (in Plutarch’s Lives, ed. and tr. B. Perrin, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1986, vol. 7), 63-6; Agustin de Zarate read and imitated Plutarch; see Historia 4,9; 5,4. The passage

was appreciated by Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales Part II, book 3,7 p. 183b: Augstin de Zarate como tan buen historiador, imitando al gran Plutarco, semeja estos dos famosos y desdichados espafioles mal pagados del mundo el uno al otro. ~ Zarate, Historia 4,8, “Muera el tyrano ... ”; Cieza, Chupas, ch. 31, on “death to the tyrant.” See also ch. 30, fol. 45, comparing the murder of Pizarro to that of Julius Caesar. With all that, the precedent of Julius Caesar described as tyrant by his assassins is likely to have been less important to those who killed Pizarro than the precedent of Castilian juridical thinking; see, on tyranny, Las Siete Partidas del sabio rey don Alonso el nono glosadas por el Licenciado Gregorio Lopez (Benito Cano, Madrid 1789), I1,1,10, and note the commen-

tary by Gregorio Léopez.

80 CHAPTER THREE since they draw in the wise, the humble and those who love peace, and the entire human race is constrained to do as wars command. When once the banners are unfurled and the drums sound, there is no force in the world that can prevent those who pursue war from following their course.” Peru was only an outpost in the Spanish empire where the sun never set, but the resonances that Cieza, Zarate, and Oviedo discovered between the history of Rome and that of Peru contributed toward endowing the history of Peru with grandeur and a certain exemplary quality. This was not only a matter of juxtaposing events and personages, but also, more importantly, a matter of comprehending something about the nature of human society and political events, and of the interaction between circumstance and character. The ascendancy of Gonzalo Pizarro resulted from the circumstance that the vecinos of Peru chose him to represent their interests. The vecinos, While wishing to continue serving His Majesty the King, but on their own terms, were hoping to avoid the losses they expected to incur if the Viceroy Blasco Nufiez Vela were to implement the New Laws. The problem was that the vecinos, refusing to see that Gonzalo Pizarro was intent on ruling Peru whether they agreed or not, allowed themselves to be deceived by his blandishments and their own sense of entitlement to enjoy their conquests free of interference from the crown.” They could have known better, Cieza thought. Observing that in the past, tyrants like Gonzalo Pizarro were able to acquire an air of legitimacy “only because foolish polities trusted them,” he cited, from the Roman historical epitomator Justin, the example of the Gaditani, who invited the Carthaginians to help them against their neighbors. The * Cieza, Salinas, ch. 14, fol. 30v: quanto pueden las guerras, pues atraen a si a los savios, a los umildes, a los pacificos y todo linaje de gente ha de hazer lo que ellas mandan. Como una vez las vanderas se desplieguen e los atanbores suenen, no hay cosa en el mundo que estorbe que los que la tratan la dexen de seguir. See also Cieza, Cronica del Peru. Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Quito, ed. Laura Gutiérrez Arbult (Lima 1994), hereafter Quito, ch. 30, fol. 36v, on Gonzalo Pizarro preparing his war in Cuzco, Salian a la plaza las nefandas vanderas e las canpeavan los alférez que querian seguir aquella tan malvada e atroce guerra; y ansi los atanbores echavan vando y los pifanos publicavan la maldita guerra. “ Regarding the mood of the vecinos, see Cieza, Quito, ch. 7, fol. 10. After the Viceroy was received in Trujillo, el factor Yll4n Suarez de Caravajal y los otros cavalleros se volvieron a Los Reyes, y dizen que el Factor puso un mote en La Barranca que dezia: “Cada uno mire lo que haze y no quite su azienda a otro, porque podria ser quedarse burlado y costarle la vida.” Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (Biblioteca de autores espafioles, vols. 133-5, Madrid 1960-1965), hereafter CR, Part II, book 4, ch. 4, p. 229a also knew the story, reporting the words as, “A quien vinere a echarme de mi casa y hacienda procuraré yo echarle del mundo.”

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 81 result: “Not only did their recklessness make them subjects of their false friends, but their entire commonwealth was destroyed.”” The cities of Greece, in Cieza’s day subject to the Ottoman Turks, and also

the cities of Sicily and Italy, subject to the Spanish and the French, would still be free, had they chosen wiser men to govern them. In antiquity, once more, Pompey pretended to fight for freedom. Caesar claimed the same, as did Octavian and Mark Antony. In this way, they became masters, and their supporters were either killed or subjugated. Had the people of Carthage not surrendered power and the governance of their

city to Hasdrubal and his brother in law Hannibal, their affairs would still prosper.” Historians who wrote about the Peruvian civil wars contrasted Mexico, where the New Laws, with some modifications, were introduced gradually and peacably,” with Peru, where Nufiez Vela’s lack of patience aroused opposition before he so much as set foot on Peruvian soil by shortsightedly insisting on immediate and complete implementation.” The course of collision he chose led him straight to his death * Cieza, Quito, ch. 18, fol. 21, Los que de tiranos se an procurado hazer reyes a sido sino por reptblicas negias fiarse dellos; los de la ysla de Calis, que con sus desafueros movieron guerra a los andaluzes turdetanos, y constrefiidos por necesidad enviaron a Cartago por ayuda y les vino, no solamente quedaron después por su loco juicio vasallos de sus finxidos amigos, mas toda su republica perdida, with M. Iunianus Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi, ed. O. Seel (Stuttgart 1985), 44,5.

* Cieza, Quito, ch. 18, fol. 21. En son de livertad peleava Ponpeyo; César dezia lo mismo, y Otaviano y Marco Antonio. Y quedaron ellos sefiores, y quien les dio favor, los unos muertos y los otros vasallos. Si los de Cartago no dieran a Asdrtbal e a Anibal, su cufiado, mando y poder sobre su cibdad, atin sus cosas yban adelante. Cieza’s judgment, “los unos muertos y los otros vasallos,” is corroborated by Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford 1939).

” Cieza, Salinas, ch. 19, mentioning Antonio de Mendoza; in greater detail, Diego Fernandez, Primera y segunda parte de la historia del Peru (Seville 1571; ed. Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid, Biblioteca de autores espafioles vols. 164~-165, 1963), hereafter Historia, 1, 1,2-5.

8 Oviedo, Historia, 49,7 p. 248a, thought that the viceroy, for all his stern devotion to the Crown, had been swept away by the pomp and circumstance of being received in Lima like “our lord the emperor ... For they placed him under a baldachino of cloth of gold, aldermen and community leaders carried his rods of office, and while he rode on horseback, they walked on foot, . . . so that, apart from his ambition and desire to occupy a high estate, the celebration augmented in him the passion for power ... instead of fostering the modesty with which prudent men temper their pleasures.” Cieza also reflected on the passion for power, the impulse that Augustine in the City of God had decried as the besetting sin of the Romans; Augustine adopted the term passion, or lust for power, libido dominationis, from the Roman historian Sallust (whose work, like the City of God, was readily available when Cieza and other historians of Peru wrote); see MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry, pp. 194-5. Cieza described this passion as ynsaciable

82 CHAPTER THREE in the battle of Afiaquito, which provided yet another “testimony of the savagery with which civil wars are fought, and of the crime committed by those who chose to follow the cruel ensigns of Pizarro.”” When Cieza asked himself why, in the last resort, “there has been so much uproar and dissension in this new empire of the Indies,” he offered this explanation: It is because His Majesty and those of his excellent Council have entrusted the government of the provinces to men without letters, many of whom have no integrity or stature to administer justice.

Note that of old, the Romans who with their wisdom ruled the world, would not ever have entrusted any public office to a man

who was not wise and educated in the law.”

By the time Cieza left Peru, however, the conquistadores, “men without letters,” who had been in control so far, were already being replaced by members of the new elite, men “educated in the law.” Pedro de la

Gasca, who rallied the majority of Peru’s vecinos to the side of the Crown and defeated Gonzalo Pizarro in the battle of Xaquixaguana, was among the vanguard of these statesmen and administrators with highly trained minds.*! codicia de mandar (see Cieza, Preface to Salinas) and thought it was at work in the Peruvian civil wars, but in a more general, nonspecific manner than did Oviedo. Given that the New Laws, if fully implemented, would have resulted in the abolition of encomienda, the conquistadors’ resistance is intelligible from a different, more materialistic vantage point. Cieza, Quito, ch. 169, fol. 296v—297. ° Cieza, Chupas, ch. 30, fol. 45. I translate the original freely: ha sido por proveer Su Magestad, e los de su alto Consejo, el govierno de las provingias a honbres syn letras, e a muchos que no tienen ser ni linaje de administrar justicia; porque antiguamente los romanos, que mandaron con su saver el mundo, no dieran cargo de reptiblica a honbre que no fuera savio e jurisconsulto por nenguna cosa. Cieza goes on to observe that Francisco Pizarro was valiant but not wise, seeing that he could have understood the assassination of Philip II of Macedon as a warning about the dangers he was confronting himself: Cieza, Chupas, ch. 30, fol. 45, cites about the assassination of Philip Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 16,92-95 with Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings 1,8 ext.

9. Cieza then goes on to discuss the assassination of Julius Caesar. The Incas were wiser in their government than the Spanish; see Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 13, about the gran prudencia of Inca government by the mas savios, entendidos y esforgados, men who were chosen to govern in their maturity, not during the years of irresponsible youth. Cf. on Cieza’s views about the Incas, below at notes 92-109. The growing role of men with university training in Peru was noticed by Francisco Lépez de Gémara, Historia general de las Indias, ch. 185, who observes about the battle of Xaquixaguana that no other battle had in it as many letrados as did this one. *' Teodoro Hampe Martinez, “Don Pedro de la Gasca y la proyecci6n del mundo universitario Salmantino en el siglo XVI,” Mélanges de la Casa Velazquez 22 (Madrid 1986): 171-95. On the structural issues underlying Spanish actions in the Americas, the essay by Richard M. Morse, “Claims of Political Tradition,” in his New World Soundings. Culture

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 83 As Cieza understood, their day had come. Ten years earlier, the law-

yer Gaspar de Espinoza’s urgent plea for moderation had been set aside both by Hernando Pizarro and by Diego de Almagro at the cost of bloodshed that brought no benefit to anyone. But now, the proud, wealthy, and overly mighty conquerors of Peru were either dead or exhausted, and were ready to yield before Gasca’s prudent pressure. Their behavior, Cieza thought, could have been predicted by pondering an episode in Plutarch’s Life of the Roman general and statesman Lucullus. Lucullus had been able to establish order in the city of Cyrene because the citizens were exhausted by internal strife and willing to comply. But earlier, when in the days of their prosperity they had asked Plato to set their affairs to right, he refused because the Cyrenians were unwilling to conform to any rule of law. “The divine Plato,” wrote Cieza,

responding to a certain question which the people of Cyrene addressed to him said that there is nothing more difficult than subjecting men who possess great wealth to fixed laws, because they are

as it were intoxicated, deprived of their natural senses and transported on the tide of prosperous fortune. However, as Plutarch says ... there is nothing easier than taming the souls of such men when they are downcast and tormented by reverses of fortune . .. This is

a notable insight, because when the unfortunate Viceroy entered Peru, he found men in their prosperity eager and ready to petition against the Laws, and moreover to oppose him, as they proceeded to do. Later, once the tyrant (Gonzalo Pizarro) had tormented and exhausted them, Gasca could command them to obey the laws, in addition to which further decrees were successfully imposed which they regarded as even more onerous.” The political transformation that Cieza glimpsed had repercussions not only on the thoughts but also the careers of historians. When Agustin de Zarate weighed the risks of publishing his History so soon after the events he described, he wondered whether it might be wise to follow the advice of the poet Horace, in the Ars Poetica, to delay publication for nine years: but in effect, Zarate thought, ninety years would be reand Ideology in the Americas (Baltimore 1989), pp. 95-130, merits careful attention, as does his El espejo de Prospero. Un estudio de la dialéctica del nuevo mundo (Mexico City, Siglo veintiuno editores 1982).

” Cieza, Quito, ch. 28, fol. 34v-35, with Plutarch, Life of Lucullus 2,34. In his survey of ancient lawgivers, Marsilio Ficino mentioned this episode; see Divini Platonis opera omnia, Marsilio Ficino interprete (Lugduni, apud Antonium Vincentium 1557) p. 34b. Possibly Cieza consulted an earlier edition of this translation, and thus like Ficino honored Plato with the title “divine.”

84 CHAPTER THREE quired before the descendants of Pizarros, Almagros, and their partisans forgot their passions.® Cieza made arrangements in his will for delaying publication of his manuscripts. Another historian who antici-

pated that trouble might follow upon publication of his work was Diego Fernandez,” whose Historia del Peri, printed in Seville in 1571, covered the years 1544-57. Fernandez was in Peru from 1553 to 1561, first as royal notary and then as official historian to the Viceroy Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza. He thus described the uprisings that followed La Gasca’s departure from Peru as an eyewitness, while for the civil wars proper he consulted participants and documents. In his case, objections came not from a conquistador, but from the lawyer Hernando de Santillan, one of the judges, oidores of the audiencia of Lima, whose actions Fernandez had criticized, and who countered by compiling a list of sixty-eight objections bearing on the accuracy of the History. Although Fernandez was able to rebut the attack, the Council of Castile nonetheless ordered that the book be withdrawn from circulation. But it circulated anyway: the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega owned a copy and

quoted it often,” and thirty years later, Antonio de la Calancha, the historian of the Augustinian Order in Peru, was among the Peruvian readers of Fernandez. Oviedo, Cieza, and Zarate formulated specific analogies between the history of antiquity, especially of Rome, and the history of Peru. These analogies were designed to help the reader understand and remember

the sequence and nature of events: to grasp what happened, why it did, and why it mattered. Diego Fernandez also included such analo® Zarate, Historia, preface to Prince Philip, pp. 18-19; Horace, Art of Poetry, lines 385— 90. On the enduring tensions prevailing in Peru, see Pedro Pizarro, Relacién del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Peru, ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Lima 1978), ch. 38, fol. 165v: in concluding his account of the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez, he wrote in 1571, se entiende el gran mal que abria si cucediese algun alcamiento.

“ Known from his native city of Palencia as “El Palentino.” This is how Garcilaso referred to him. ® The Historia of Diego Fernandez is subdivided into two parts, each containing sepa-

rate books with their chapters. The first number in my citation refers to the parts, the second to the books, and the third to the chapters. Diego Fernandez, Historia 1,2,21, p. 128a: “aunque al licenciado Gasca di6é pena esta nueva (of the death of Nufiez Vela)

procur6 disimularlo ... ”; 12,30, p. 149. La Gasca understood “lo que importaba el secreto.”

6 Santillan’s objections appear not to be extant, but Fernadndez’s responses are. They have been published as an appendix to his Historia in Biblioteca de autores espanioles, vol. 165, pp. 91-115. °” José Durand, “La biblioteca del Inca,” Nueva Revista de Filologia Hispanica Il (Mexico City 1998): 239-64, inventory no. 99.

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 85 gies in his History.* Beyond that, however, he was the first of the historians of Peru to write systematically in the light of learned considera-

tions about the nature of political life in general. In part, this shift in direction was brought about by Fernandez’s subject matter. The tragic events of the invasion and conquest of Peru and the cosmic struggle between Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro were being continued in the next generation, but among lesser men. There was no room when discussing those subsequent fomenters of discord, among them Sebastian de Castilla and Francisco Hernandez Giron, for the grand comparisons between the Peruvian and the Roman civil wars, or for juxtapositions of leaders of the recent past with Caesar and Pompey.” In addition, the tasks of leadership changed at a time when conquest of new land gave way to the preservation of what had been gained, when war leaders were being replaced by officials and lawyers. This shift in the nature of events in Peru occurred when in Spain likewise, preserving the empire was perceived to matter much more than expansion. Hence, the historians of antiquity whom Oviedo, Cieza, and Zarate regarded as exemplary—Sallust, Livy, Plutarch, and Diodorus, all of them exceptional tellers of stories—yielded primacy of place to Tacitus, who wrote about the first century of Roman imperial rule. He described himself as the historian, not of memorable events or individuals, but of a period devoid of greatness that “abounded in disasters, was pitiless in battles, riven by discord, and cruel even in peace.””’ It was Tacitus’s capacity for dispassionate observation as, for example, about the pluses and minuses of dissimulation in public life, that appealed to Fernandez. Dissimulation was a virtue, in the emperor Tiberius about whom Tacitus wrote, as much as in Pedro de la Gasca, who was one of the central figures in the narrative of Fernandez. Indeed, it For example, Fernandez, Historia, Part 1, book 1, ch. 10: Nufiez Vela made himself,

immediately upon arrival, as unpopular in Lima as Tarquin the Proud had been in Rome. The analogy is apt: Tarquin was driven from Rome, and Ntfiez Vela in due course was constrained to leave Lima. See Livy, History of Rome I, 56,4—60,2; the story was often retold, for example by Eutropius, Breviarium (translated with an introduction and commentary by H.W. Bird, Liverpool 1993), 18. In Historia 2,3,2 Fernandez discusses the government of Chile, where Garcia de Mendoza is encouraging Spaniards to take wives or bring their wives from Spain, by way of encouraging more peaceful ways of life. This lesson, Fernandez points out (p. 73a), comes from the Romans cuando por legitimas mujeres tomaron con robo y engafio las castas sabinas: que fueron causa para que el furor e ira de los miseros padres y hermanos se mitigase. The ultimate source of this oft repeated story is Livy, Ab urbe condita I, 9-13. ® About their complaints, cf. Fernandez, Historia 2,2,24; 2,2,27. ” Tacitus, Histories 1,2 opus adgredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum.

86 CHAPTER THREE was indispensible: without it, La Gasca could never have brought peace to Peru.” But dissimulation also was a vice, a form of hypocrisy and a means of deceiving others as much as oneself, as the emperor Tiberius did in many of his transactions with the Roman Senate, and as some Peruvian opponents of the New Laws did in their dealings with the Viceroy Blasco Nufiez Vela: “their spirits were poisoned ..., but they concealed this passion with a crafty and false dissimulation.”” Fernandez stood at the very beginning of the Tacitist movement in Spain.” By the time that, in the early seventeenth century, the royal historian Antonio de Herrera was writing his General History of the Indies, parts of which were translated into Latin, English, Dutch, and German, and several times reprinted, the influence of Tacitus was ubiquitous. It is ubiquitous in Herrera. Effectively, he produced a double nafrative: an account of events in the Americas arranged, in the manner of Tacitus, as annals, and a running commentary on this account consisting of quotations from the works of Tacitus and Tacitus’s Italian commentator, Annibale Scoto.“ Herrera derived much of his material from Cieza’s histories of the Peruvian civil wars, which were not published until the nineteenth century. But there is not a trace here of Caesar or Pompey, nor yet of Alexander the Great, nor of anyone else from ” For La Gasca’s prudent dissimulation, see Fernandez, Historia 1,2,21, p. 128a; on the related qualities of secrecy, 1,2,24, p. 132a; prudence, 1,2,25, p. 133b; concealment of feeling, 1,2,82, p. 219a. Also, 1,2,28, p. 140b, a transaction that is to remain concealed. Further examples: Fernandez, Historia 1,2,40, pp.163b and 164a; 1,2,44, p. 170b. Note also, Pedro

Hernandez Paniagua wisely misled Gonzalo Pizarro by saying what Gonzalo wanted to hear (i.e., Paniagua told flatteries, lisonjas), thereby furthering the cause of the crown; Fernandez, Historia 1,2,45. ” Fernandez, Historia 1,1,9 pp.15b—16a, tenian los animos tan empozofiados como esta

dicho, todavia cubriendo esta pasién con una mafiosa y fingida simulacién. See Ronald Syme, Tacitus (Oxford 1958), pp. 423 and 429, for examples of negative and positive dissimulation, respectively, in Tacitus. Regarding the latter, Syme cites Tacitus, Annals 4,71,3, nullam aeque Tiberius, ut rebatur, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimilationem diligebat; eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret. “Tiberius valued none of his virtues, as he considered them, more highly than dissimulation; all the more vexed was he when something he had suppressed was revealed.” > The “Tacitism” of Fernandez predates the onset of Tacitism in Spain as commonly described; see José Maravall, “La corriente doctrinal del Tacitismo politico en Espafia,” in his Estudios de historia del pensamiento espafiol. Serie tercera. El siglo del barroco (Madrid 1984): 73-98; Francisco Sanmarti Boncampo, Tacito en Espafia (Barcelona 1951), is still of

interest. Regarding the beginning of Tacitism in Spain, note Arnaldo Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley 1990), p. 124: “Machiavellian Italy led the Tacitist movement, and Spain, France, and Germany followed—I venture to believe—in this order.” 74 On Scoto, see Arnaldo Momigliano, The first political commentary on Tacitus,” in his Contributo alla Storia Degli Studi Classici (Rome 1979): 36-59.

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 87 among Cieza’s cast of characters from the ancient world.” For example, Herrera reproduced, from Cieza, the advice of Rodrigo Orgofiez to Almagro that If justice must be set aside, then let it be for sovereignty,

but without a word about Julius Caesar, in whose biography by Suetonius this quotation from Euripides appears.” Instead, we have, in the margin, some Tacitean wisdoms by Annibale Scoto: “discord is more bitter than anger, because it is conceived from deep hatred, and in the heart. Whoever suffers from this passion is of no use to his society.”” Such comments made sense at a time when the passions of the Peruvian civil wars had been spent, when answers to the great unspoken question of the mid-sixteenth century, as to whether Peru would

have been better off had Almagro prevailed over Pizarro, no longer mattered. For better or worse, the thing was done, and in the seventeenth century, the descendants of Hernando Pizarro living in Spain were free to glorify the names of their forebears at the expense of whatever merits might have been ascribed to Almagro.” Culling material from the unpublished manuscripts of Cieza, Herrera criticized the intransigence of Blasco Nufez Vela in implementing

the New Laws: the Viceroy’s literal-minded devotion to his King’s every behest lacked political acumen. According to Cieza, his conduct resembled that of Alexander the Great’s general Polydamas as described by Quintus Curtius: Polydamas blindly carried out his king’s ” Herrera observed that, since arbitration between Francisco Pizarro and the elder Almagro was unlikely to work, “war seemed safer to Almagro than a dubious and suspect peace,” while in the margin he printed the dictum from Tacitus, “In a suspect peace, war is safer”; see Antonio de Herrera, Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar oceano (Madrid, 1601-1615, 4 vols.; the work is subdivided into

decades, books, and chapters, and I cite accordingly; hereafter Historia general) 6,3,3: sobre todo, era cosa mas segura la guerra, que una paz dudosa y sospechosa, with et in pace suspecta, tutius bellum, Tacitus, Histories 4, 49, 1. Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Historia general, chapter 139, attributes to Pizarro exactly the opposite, saying, “era mejor mala concordia que prospera guerra.” The difference is an indicator of the extent of the Tacitist impact on Herrera, and also, perhaps, of historiographical partisanship not long after the civil wars ended. ” Suetonius, The Deified Julios, 30,5.

” Herrera, Historia general, 6,3,6: “si las leyes se avian de quebrantar, avia de ser por _ reynar,” with “discordia est ira acerbior, intimo odio et corde concepta: hac animi perturbatione quicumque laborat inutilis est reipublicae inutilis est regno. Sco. in Ra. 1009.” (I translate rather freely to highlight the sense in this context.) See above at n. 44. ”’On the Pizarro trilogy of Tirso de Molina, see Luis Vazquez Fernandez, Tirso y los Pizarro. Aspectos historico-documentales (Trujillo 1993).

88 CHAPTER THREE

BLOCKED IMAGE AT THE REQUEST OF THE PUBLISHER

16. The frontispiece of Antonio de Herrera’s eighth Decada depicts some of the principal actors and battles in the Peruvian civil wars. Note top left, Pedro de la Gasca. Center top, the battle of Afiaquito, where the Viceroy Blasco Nufiez Vela lost his life, and center bottom, the battle of Xaquixaguna, where Gasca defeated Gonzalo Pizarro. Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano, Decada VIII (Madrid 1615), Ann Arbor, Clements Library.

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 89 command to murder the aged general Parmenio when avoidance would have been wiser.” Herrera omitted this episode and instead, quoting Tacitus, concluded: “Good reason of state requires that in obeying the prince, we do not endanger his kingdom.” Throughout Europe, reason of state was the order of the day during most of the seventeenth century. It meant, inter alia, that in the last resort, the end justified the means, and that the virtue of prudence, praised by philosophers from Aristotle onward, found one of its finer modes of expression in the art of dissimulation. Herrera put it in a nutshell:

Dissimulation enshrines a certain evident virtue which participates to a degree in prudence, the queen of all the moral virtues; persons of wisdom and good sense, not the ignorant and vulgar, will know how to use it, for they comprehend times, opportunities and the nature of those with whom they interact.*! To historians in Peru, however, reason of state appeared to be a somewhat questionable method of conducting political affairs: “the pesti-

lential reason of state that poisons kingdoms with the promise of a fraudulent convenience,” wrote the historian Antonio de la Calancha ” Cieza, Quito, ch. 33, p. 92 with Quintus Curtius, History of Alexander 7,5; Cieza also mentions the shorter account of Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3,26. © Herrera, Historia general, 7,7,14, La buena raz6n de estado pide que por obedecer al principe no se le ponga su reyno en peligro. The quote from Tacitus (somewhat garbled in Herrera) is Annals 2,78: haud ignavo ad ministeria belli iuvene Pisone, quamquam

suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. “The young Piso took an active part in preparing for war, even though he disagreed with war being begun.” Another, more tightly woven link with Tacitus is Historia general 7,7,20: Gonzalo Pizarro, planning to oppose the Viceroy Nufiez Vela, was entrenched in Cuzco, a remote and affluent city that affords the budding rebel good protection. Herrera quotes Tacitus, Annals 3,43, Apud Aeduos maior moles exorta quanto civitas opulentior et comprimendi procul praesidium. “Among the Aedui trouble came in a more serious form, since the city was wealthier (than was the city of the Treveri), and military might to suppress (the revolt) was far away,” the context being that a revolt among the Treveri had just been suppressed by the Roman legions stationed nearby on the Rhine. So: Herrera envisioned the Peruvian coast and Lima as analogous to the Rhine with the Roman legions, and with nearby Trier (the city of the Treveri), while Cuzco was the equivalent of the rebellious city of the Aedui. ‘! Herrera, Historia general, 7,6,3, La disimulacién contiene en si un no sé de aparente

virtud, que participa algo de la prudencia, Reyna de todas las virtudes morales, de la qual no saben aprovecharse los ignorantes y groseros sino los cuerdos y sagazes, que conocen los tiempos, las ocasiones, y la naturaleza de los hombres con quien tratan. Similarly in Historia general, 5,6,1. Another writer who drew attention to the virtues of dissimulation as exemplified in Tacitus was Benito Arias Montano, Aphorismos sacados de la historia de Publio Cornelio Tacito por D. Benedicto Arias Montano para la conservacion y aumento de las Monarchias . . . y las Centellas de varios Conceptos, con los avisos de Amigo de Don

Joachin Setanti ... (Barcelona 1614). See also Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, Aforismos al Tacito Espariol, ed. J. A. Fernandez de Santamaria (Madrid 1987).

90 CHAPTER THREE when discussing the policies of the Viceroy Toledo.” Calancha felt him-

self to be at home in Peru where he was born, and hence his ideas differed considerably from those of people living in Spain. First, whereas in Spain, those who were directing the affairs of the Spanish Monarchy struggled to maintain its position in the face of the growing power of France, England, and the Netherlands, in Peru these issues figured more indirectly in the guise of shipments of silver from Potosi that helped to pay for the Monarchy’s defense. Peru also re-

quired defending, mainly from English pirates, but here, unlike in Spain, the raising of revenue triggered a perennial crisis of conscience concerning the burden that tribute payments and especially forced mita labor placed on Andean people. The topic pervades viceregal correspondence with the Crown and the Council of the Indies, and religious leaders, especially the Jesuits, wrote a multitude of pareceres, opinions on how to square the cost of defense with the conscience of the King, to wit, with his obligation before God of caring for all his subjects, including Andean people.® For all that the problem seemed insoluble, it was continuously discussed. Second, the Inca past constituted the foundation of Peruvian identity, and the nature of the juncture or disjuncture between Spanish and creole

present and Inca past continued to matter. Above all, it mattered whether or not the Incas had created a political society: if they had, the past could be more alive in the present than if they had not. First and foremost to think about these matters was Cieza, who set the agenda for the future. It was Cieza who first established the dialogue between Inca and Spanish Peru, separated though the two were by much warfare and destruction, and this dialogue lies at the root of Peru as the homeland—patria—for its people during Spanish and subsequent times. The first polities the Spanish saw in South America were behetrias,

chiefdoms, where as the Spanish perceived matters, and in Cieza’s words, there were “no lords who made themselves feared. The people are weak and lazy.”™ Cieza was not alone in not admiring such people: ® Antonio de la Calancha, Corénica moralizada del Orden de San Agustin en el Pert con sucesos ejemplares en esta monarquia, book III, ch. 33, p. 1586, la pestilencial razén de estado, veneno de las Monarquias, con engafios de comodidad. Ruben Vargas Ugarte S.J., ed., Pareceres juridicos en asuntos de Indias (Lima 1951), a collection of 12 pareceres written beteen 1601 and 1718. See also Ignacio Gonzalez Casanovas, Las dudas de la Corona. La Politica de repartimientos para la mineria de Potosi (16801732) (Madrid 2000). The prominence of issues resting on the King’s conscience in political life emerges clearly in a news sheet published in Lima recounting the last hours of Philip Il; John Carter Brown Library, Nuevas de Castilla venidas este presente afio de 1621. Por el mes de Octubre (call number B621 N964d 1 Size). * Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 13, fol. 25v—26. There follows Cieza’s famous analysis of why this mode of life was practicable. The climate allowed people to grow a crop within

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 91 “They do not live a political life, and do not have much reason.”® “They have little constancy. They have no shame at all, and do not know what virtue is.” Cannibalism was common. Even among the men who came with Francisco Pizarro, experience of the noncentralized societies of Panama, Popayan, and Venezuela led to a certain reluctant admiration of the Incas. As for Cieza, his admiration for them was boundless, and he wrote about them because these are all great matters worthy of being remembered, and republics” that are governed by men with expertise in the law and related fields should take note and express their wonderment. For as they will see, and as we have learnt with certainty, there existed among barbarians, people who did not know writing, a regular form of government and agreed procedures for conquering lands and nations, so that, living under a monarchy, all would obey one lord who alone was sovereign and worthy of governing the empire that the Incas possessed.”

Cieza thought that in almost every respect, Inca governance was preferable to that of the Spanish. In Inca times, poverty was unknown,

people multiplied, and everything needful for life was abundantly available, none of which was the case once the Spanish came. In addi-

tion, in Cieza’s eyes Spanish experience in Peru demonstrated that monarchy—government by the King of Spain—was preferable by far to the rule of the “tyrant” Gonzalo Pizarro. History, Cieza thought, confirmed this conclusion. Take Simon and John, despots of Jerusalem while the city was under siege by the Romans. On the basis of the account by Josephus in the Jewish War, Cieza asked: “What greater evil could the Romans bring upon the Jews that the Jews did not commit themselves, what harm that would in any sense equal what Simon and John had wrought?”” The history of the Italian city republics led Cieza to this same conclusion and he wrote:

There is no better form of freedom than when republics live under royal government. And if they do not find it acceptable, let them ask four months, and then, if pressed by adversity, to move on and repeat the agricultural cycle, without ever becoming subject to outsiders; see ch. 5, at n. 53. * Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 16, fol. 30, No tienen obra politica ni mucha razon. 86 Cieza, Primera Parte, ch. 19, fol. 33v, En todas las cosas son de poca constancia. No tienen vergiienca de nada, ni saben que cosa sea virtud. *” Republicas: here meaning “states.” * Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 9, fol. 12. The syntax here is extremely convoluted and opaque, and I translate freely, trying to capture the sense more than the structure. Cieza, Quito, ch. 39, fol. 46-46v with Josephus, Jewish War VII, 259-74.

92 CHAPTER THREE the city of Arequipa how it fared in the battle of Guarina” and Quito how it fared in the battle of Afiaquito, and if it would not have been

better for them not to know Gonzalo Pizarro and to have the King as their sovereign lord? And to have no truck with what sparkles on the outside and on the inside is filled with soot? And not to pit themselves against the king’s ministers and against those whom he sent as his delegates and representatives?” The study of history and personal experience thus led Cieza to conclude that monarchy was the best form of government, which in turn contributed to his appreciation of the Incas. Regarding Spanish doings in Peru, the Roman civil wars underlined actions that would have been best omitted, whereas when Cieza thought about the Incas, his Roman parallels, highlighting Roman governmental successes—whether during the republic or during the imperial period—produced a less monotone, more favorable verdict. In his darker moments, writing about the Spanish civil wars, Cieza

felt that warfare had long been the crucible in which the destinies of Peru were being formed. From the time of the Incas, war had emanated

from Cuzco, and did so again when Cuzco was the headquarters of Gonzalo Pizarro. The city of Cuzco, Cieza thought,

has never deserved to sustain itself peacefully for long, thanks to some clime or constellation under which it appears to have been founded. And I do not say this because of the wars and battles that the Spaniards have engaged in ever since they made themselves lords of this empire, for ever since the famous Manco Capac founded the city, banners and drums have never ceased to announce war, and great armies have sallied forth from here to conquer the provinces. And having prevailed, the Inca kings returned for their triumph to

Cuzco, which was another Rome in their time. Later, brothers watred against brothers, because it does not seem to me that Cuzco wishes to sustain any people in peace.” * Where Francisco de Carvajal, Gonzalo Pizarro’s maese de campo, defeated Diego Centeno with much loss of life. 71 Cieza, Quito, 39, fol. 46v.

* Cieza, Quito, ch. 178, fol. 318v., Cuzco que nunca merescio mucho tienpo sustentarse en paz por alguna clima o constelacgion debaxo de la qual deve de estar asentada: y no digo esto por los aparatos de guerra y batallas que los espafioles desde el tienpo que se hizieron sefiores de este inperio han tenido, porque desde que el famoso Mango Capa la fund6, jamds dexaron las vanderas y atanbores de demostrar la guerra, y salieron grandes exércitos a conquistar todas las provingias después de que las superavan los reyes Ingas, fol. 319 viniendo a triunphar a su Cuzco, que otra Roma fue en tienpo dellos; luego unos hermanos con otros contendian en guerras, porque el Cuzco no me paresce que quiere sustentar a ninguna gente en paz.

CONQUEST, CIVIL WAR, AND POLITICAL LIFE 93 Yet, warfare was not all bad, and in Cieza’s eyes, more often than not, the Incas had derived positive outcomes from their wars. Among those

who had returned to Cuzco in triumph was the Inca Pachacuti, the architect of Inca governance as the Spanish found it, who epitomized the political virtues that Cieza admired most: valor and sober judgment, the ability to win wars and to govern different peoples.” Pachacuti’s first military exploit was his successful defense of Cuzco against an invasion by the neighboring Chanca polity. Even though the Chancas had come close to destroying Cuzco and annihilating the Incas, Pachacuti, according to Cieza, understood the arts of war and peace

so well that he avoided perpetuating enmity needlessly and instead concentrated on constructing roads, on adorning Cuzco with memorable buildings, and on organizing the empire’s administration.* “He was the one who opened the path for the excellent government of the Incas.” Cieza’s portrait of Pachacuti, who he thought would be re-

membered in Peru “while there remain native people living,”” abounds in Andean particulars: but it is also a somewhat Roman portrait. With the Chanca assault on Cuzco impending, Pachacuti’s followers exhorted him to “take charge of the war, looking to the welfare of all,”?” salud de todos. Salus omnium was a much used precept and slogan in Roman political discourse that was revived in the sixteenth cen-

tury and will not have escaped Cieza, being as careful a reader of Roman history as he was.” In more general terms, the balance and tension between Pachacuti’s deeds of war and deeds of peace in Cieza’s *8 Cieza calls Inca Pachacuti by the name Inca Yupanqui. Note in this context, Oviedo, Historia 23, ch. 2 about Sebastian Cabot’s exploration of the Rio de la Plata: otra cosa es mandar y gobernar gente que apuntar un cuadrante o estrolabio; cf. 23,1 about Juan Diaz de Solis. Cieza, Segunda Parte, chs. 9, 31 about the living memory of recent rulers. * Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 50, fol. 58v. ® Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 48, fol. 57.

*% Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 48, fol. 56v, la qual memoria durara en el Pertti mientras oviere honbres de los naturales. On the meaning of Inca Pachacuti’s name, cf. S$. MacCor-

mack, “Pachacuti. Miracles, Punishments and Last Judgement: Visionary Past and Prophetic Future in Early Colonial Peru,” American Historical Review 93, 4 (1988): 960-1006.

” Cieza, Segunda Parte, ch. 45, fol. 53v, que tome cargo de la guerra mirando por la salud de todos. *8 Cf. Cicero, Pro Marcello 22, addressing Julius Caesar: Quis est omnium tam ignarus rerum, tam rudis in re publica, tam nihil umquam nec de sua nec de communi salute cogitans qui non intellegat tua salute contineri suam et ex unius tua vita pendere omnium? For Leone Leoni’s medallion of 1546 for Charles V, see Fernando Checa Cremades, Carlos V. La imagen del poder en el renacimiento (Madrid 1999), p. 279. The obverse with the emperor’s bust reads, IMP. CAES. CAROLO. V. CHRIST. REIP. INSTAURAT. AUG. The

reverse, with the personification of Salus (identified as such by the serpent of Aesculapius on an altar which is facing her), reads sALUS PUBLICA. These legends, while adjusted

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