Nubian Archaeology in the XXIst Century: Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Conference for Nubian Studies, Neuchâtel, 1st-6th September 2014 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta) 904293672X, 9789042936720

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M. HONEGGER – NUBIAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE XXIST CENTURY

OLA 273

O R I E N TA L I A L OVA N I E N S I A A N A L E C TA Nubian Archaeology in the XXIst Century edited by

M AT T H I E U H O N E G G E R

PEETERS – LEUVEN

PEETERS PEETERS

P E E TE R S 100783_Honegger_OLA 273_Stofwikkel.indd All Pages

30/07/2018 10:17

NUBIAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE XXIST CENTURY

ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA ANALECTA ————— 273 —————

PUBLICATIONS DE LA MISSION ARCHÉOLOGIQUE SUISSE À KERMA 1

NUBIAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE XXIST CENTURY

Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Conference for Nubian Studies, Neuchâtel, 1st-6th September 2014

edited by

MATTHIEU HONEGGER

PEETERS

LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2018

The Thirteenth International Conference for Nubian Studies was held at the University of Neuchâtel (1-6 September 2014) Peer-review Committee Lucie Bovet, Louis Chaix, Isabelle Crèvecœur, Vivian Davies, Jérôme Dubosson, Matthieu Honegger, Friederique Jesse, Karla Kröper, Claude Rilly, Michael Templer, Dominique Valbelle, Bert Verrept, Carola Vogel Layout Anne Canosa

Cover illustration: Rock engraving with Nubian archers, Wadi Es-Sabu, 3rd cataract, Sudan.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. © 2018, Peeters Publishers, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium) All rights reserved, including the rights to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form.   ISBN 978-90-429-3672-0 eISBN 978-90-429-3720-8 D/2018/0602/65

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XVHOHVVIRUUHDVRQVZHDUHQRWDEOHWRXQGHUVWDQGDVZH FDQQRWSHQHWUDWHµSDODHRSV\FKRORJ\RIORQJYDQLVKHG KXPDQFRPPXQLWLHV¶+DUG\6PLWK (GZDUGV  ZDVGXPSHGKHUH,QIDFWQRWPDQ\DUWHIDFWVDQGELR IDFWV DUH IRXQG RQ WKH VLWH VXUIDFH XQOHVV WKH\ KDG HURGHGIURPWKHVDPHSLWV7KDWWKLVOLYLQJFRPPXQLW\ ZDV SDUWLFXODUO\ GHGLFDWHG WR NHHSLQJ WKLQJV FOHDQ LV DOVRGHPRQVWUDWHGE\WKHSLWVDWWKHVLWH'%WKDW FRQWDLQHG PRVWO\ IDXQDO UHPDLQV ZLWK PDQ\ LQ DQDWR PLFDOFRQQHFWLRQ3ODWH VXJJHVWLQJLPPHGLDWHEXULDO SUREDEO\ ZLWK GLIIHUHQW SXUSRVHV DYRLGLQJ XQGHVLUHG YLVLWV IURP VFDYHQJHUV DQG DQQR\LQJ µDLU SROOXWLRQ¶ DPRQJRWKHUSRVVLEOHUHDVRQV8QIRUWXQDWHO\WKHIDXQDO UHPDLQVGRQRW\HWUHYHDODQ\SDUWLFXODUSDWWHUQV2IDOO IDXQDOUHPDLQVUHWULHYHGIURPWKHSLWVRI$O.KLGD\ DQGWKHSLWVIURP'%RQO\WKHPDWHULDOIURP VL[RIWKHPKDYHEHHQVWXGLHGVRIDUWRJHWKHUZLWKFROOHFWLRQVIURPWKHPDLQGHSRVLWVRIWKHYLOODJHDW$O.KLGD\  )RU WKH ¿UVW WLPH$O .KLGD\ RIIHUV WKH SRVVL ELOLW\ WR DQDO\VH PDWHULDO IURP VWULFWO\ FRQWUROOHG DQG FORVHG SUHKLVWRULF GHSRVLWV DQG QRW IURP PL[HG FRQWH[WV DV LQ WKH SDVW +RZHYHU RQO\ ZKHQ GLIIHUHQFHV GXULQJDORQJHUWLPHVSDQZLOOEHPHDVXUDEOHZLOOZH SUREDEO\EHDEOHWRXVH WKHVH GDWDWRUHFRQVWUXFWSRVVLEOHYDULDWLRQVLQWKHVXEVLVWHQFHV\VWHPDQGOLQNWKLV PRUH H[SOLFLWO\ WR PRELOLW\ SDWWHUQV @ãNUƗRU0UWãNUKDG become blind and that his sister’s son, a man named 'DYLG'ƗZnjG VXFFHHGHGKLPRQWKHWKURQH$SSHQdix 1). He imprisoned his uncle, the former king, and EDQLVKHGKLVVRQVWRWKHNLQJGRPRIDO$EZƗE8. A letter was then sent to Baybars to inform him of these recent changes, accompanied with a gift and a giraffe. As sole answer, Baybars demanded the delivery of the EDT‫ ܒ‬± which also implied that David was recognised as the legitimate ruler. But the relations between Nubia and its northern neighbour soon deteriorated. A few years later, in 0XতDUUDP $XJXVW  D 1XELDQ NLQJ QDPHG David – presumably the same as the previous one9 – sacked the Red Sea port of Aydhab. Both Ibn ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU DQG ,EQ âDGGƗG PHQWLRQ WKLV HYHQW LQ their writings but only the latter relates the raid in some detail (Appendix 2). We learn from him that the goods belonging to the merchants coming from Egypt or Aden and present in Aydhab were taken as booty and that its population was slaughtered, including the judge DQGWKHJRYHUQRURIWKHWRZQ7KHRI¿FLDOLQFKDUJHRI WKHFXVWRPVRQH,EQণOƯRU,EQۛOƯZDVDOVRFDSWXUHG on this occasion. Needless to say, such an action could not go unpunLVKHG ‫ޏ‬$OƗ DO'ƯQ WKH JRYHUQRU RI 4njৢ LQ FKDUJH RI the province of Upper Egypt, was thus entrusted with the mission of leading a punitive raid against the 1XELDQ NLQJ 2I WKLV H[SHGLWLRQ ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU gives a rather terse report based on a letter sent to the Sultan by the governor himself. Although relying on WKH VDPH OHWWHU ,EQ âDGGƗG SURYLGHV D IDU PRUH FRPplete account than his fellow-biographer (Appendix 3), relating almost day by day the advance of the Mamluk army along the Nile. After a short stay in Aswan, the governor’s force reportedly left Egypt to an unidenti¿HG SODFH NQRZQ DV DOۛnjQ10 ZHQW RQ WR 4DৢU ,EUƯP WKHQ$UPLQQD :HVW  EHIRUH ¿QDOO\ UHDFKLQJ D WRZQ FDOOHG $৬PƯ৮ ZKLFK UHIHUV PRVW SUREDEO\ WR 7DPLW located not far south from Arminna (Figure 2). It should

8

9 10

On the debated location of this kingdom see, most recently, 'U]HZLHFNL Cf. n. 13 The Arabic word DOЂnjQ means ‘bay’, ‘inlet’ etc. Interestingly, the form ġķĥĿʼnĻ is also attested in Old Nubian. It was tentatively interpreted by Browne as a loanword from Arabic and WUDQVODWHGDFFRUGLQJO\%URZQH %XWWKLVGH¿QLWLRQKDV EHHQUHFHQWO\FKDOOHQJHGE\5XI¿QLRQWKHEDVLVRIDQHZ

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139

be noted, incidentally, that the detailed version of this UHSRUWDVJLYHQE\,EQâDGGƗGKDVEHHQHLWKHURPLWWHG or drastically abridged in later works and, as a result, has generally escaped attention so far. 7KLV SURYLGHV D ¿UVW LOOXVWUDWLRQ RI KRZ WKH FURVV examination of the earliest available sources can help us gain a more accurate picture of these events and even yield some important information lost in later ones. The same method will now be applied, in the remainder of this paper, to the narratives dealing with the second and most important expedition carried out LQWKLVWLPHLQUHWDOLDWLRQIRUWKHIRUD\OHGE\ king David against the frontier town of Aswan. 7KH (YHQWV RI  DQG WKH 0DPOXN ,QYDVLRQ of Nubia Before proceeding, it should be remembered that RQO\,EQâDGGƗG¶VDFFRXQWKDVEHHQSUHVHUYHGLQPDQuscript form and that we have to rely on later authors, DQGHVSHFLDOO\RQDO1XZD\UƯIRU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU¶V version of the event. Both accounts are, however, too long to be fully reproduced. Here follows a brief outline of the events based on what both authors agree upon: ‡ )LUVW WKH 1XELDQ NLQJ 'DYLG 'ƗZnjG  DWWDFNV Aswan, thus providing the Mamluk authorities with the casus belli for a larger-scale expedition. • ‡ 7KHQWZRKLJKUDQNLQJDPƯUVDUHDSSRLQWHGWROHDG the expeditionary force against Nubia. They are accompanied by a relative of David and pretender to the Nubian throne named Š.k.n.da or M.r.m.š.k.d (M.š.k.d etc.), present in Cairo at the time. ‡ 'DYLG LV ¿QDOO\ GHIHDWHG DQG ÀHHV 7KH WZR HPLUV pursue him for three days, all in vain. His brother  âQNnjۛQNnj DQGVRPHZRPHQRI'DYLG¶VIDPLO\ are taken prisoners. ‡ 6RRQ DIWHUZDUGV âNQGD0UPãNG LV HQWKURQHG in Dongola under the supervision of the Mamluk  DPƯUV • Nubia (i.e. 0DNXULD'RWDZR  KHQFH EHFRPHV D vassal kingdom: every subject must pay one dinar of poll-tax (ЂL]\D) and a tribute must be sent annually to the Sultan.

attestation of the word in the protocol of a Nubian document, VXJJHVWLQJWKDWWKLVIRUPVKRXOGEHXQGHUVWRRGDVDQRI¿FLDOWLWOH DQG QRW DV DQ HOHPHQW RI ODQGVFDSH RU D SODFH QDPH 5XI¿QL  

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• Meanwhile, David has reached the kingdom of  DO$EZƗEEXWLWVNLQJKDQGVKLPRYHUWRWKH6XOWDQ The two accounts are consistent enough to even allow the reconstruction of a coherent timeline based RQWKHGDWHVPHQWLRQHGLQ,EQâDGGƗG¶VDFFRXQWDQGLQ FKURQLFOHVEDVHGRQ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU)LJXUH %XW apart from their agreement on the above-mentioned points, the two accounts may differ slightly, although they usually complement rather than contradict each other. ,W VKRXOG EH QRWHG ¿UVW WKDW ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU ± DV TXRWHGE\DO1XZD\UƯ±GLIIHUVIURP,EQâDGGƗGLQVXJJHVWLQJWKDWD¿UVWUDLGZDVODXQFKHGLPPHGLDWHO\DIWHU 'DYLG¶V DWWDFN RQ$VZDQ $SSHQGL[   ,W ZDV FRPPDQGHG E\ ‫ޏ‬$OƗ DO'ƯQ WKH JRYHUQRU RI 4njৢ ZKR already led the previous expedition11. According to Ibn 11

The somewhat confusing phrasing of this passage might let one WKLQN WKDW ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU LV WDONLQJ DERXW WKH  H[SHGLWLRQZKLFKIROORZHGWKHVDFNRI$\঎ƗE%XWWKHIDFWWKDW



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)LJXUH+\SRWKHWLFDOUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKHNLQVKLS EHWZHHQ0DVKNRXGDDQG'DYLGDFFRUGLQJWR,EQ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLUDQG,EQâDGGƗG

‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU ‫ޏ‬$OƗ DO'ƯQ¶V WURRSV KHDGHG WR$VZDQ but, failing to catch up with David, continued as far as the citadel of Daw (Gebel Adda) and captured Qamar DO'ƯQ WKH µ/RUG RI WKH 0RXQWDLQ¶ EHWWHU NQRZQ LQ internal sources as the eparch of Nobadia. The man was brought back to Cairo, with some of his supporters, and executed by being sawn in two12. Turning now to the main expedition of the year  IXUWKHU GLIIHUHQFHV EHWZHHQ WKH WZR QDUUDtives emerge when compared systematically. To begin with, there is apparently no agreement on the name and status of the pretender to the Nubian throne. His name XVXDOO\ UHDGV DV âNQGD LQ ,EQ âDGGƗG¶V WH[W DQG LQ later sources relying on it, whereas sources based on ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUKDYHSUHVHUYHGDYDULHW\RIVSHOOLQJV such as M.r.m.š.k.d, M.š.k.d., M.š.k.d.t, and the like. The matter seems to have been settled now, thanks to $GDP àDMWDU ZKR UHFHQWO\ SXEOLVKHG DQ 2OG 1XELDQ inscription from Old Dongola mentioning a king named Mashkouda ĹġƓĵĿʼnħġ which refers, most probably, WRWKHVDPHUXOHUàDMWDUIRUWKFRPLQJ  As for Shakanda’s – or rather Mashkouda’s – right WRWKHWKURQH,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUVWDWHVWKDWKHZDVWKH son of the former king’s sister whereas, according to ,EQâDGGƗGKHZDVDFRXVLQRI'DYLGRQWKHIDWKHU¶V

12

‫ޏ‬$OƗ DO'ƯQ LV VDLG WR KDYH KHDGHG WR$VZDQ LQ RUGHU WR ¿JKW David rather suggests that we are dealing with a second expedition led in reprisals for the destructions commited in this town. As the name of the executed ‘Lord of the Mountain’ was omitted LQWKHPDQXVFULSWRIDO1XZD\UƯXVHGE\9DQWLQL9DQWLQL  3DULV %Q) DUDEH  I   LW KDV EHHQ UHFHQWO\ VXJgested that this unnamed eparch was the one called Mart yro koudda ĹġŃŇʼnŃĿĵĿʼnħħġ mentioned in two recently pubOLVKHG 4DৢU ,EUƯP GRFXPHQWV LVVXHG XQGHU WKH UHLJQ RI D NLQJ QDPHG 'DYLG 5XIILQL    Qƒ   Godlewski 2013, 130). However, the name of the deceased eparch clearly appears in the editions of the 1LKƗ\DWDODUDE as 4DPDUDO'ƯQD0XVOLPlaqab KRQRUL¿FVXUQDPH KDUGO\FRPpatible with a Christian name such as Mart yro koudda (appenGL[   ,I ZH FKRRVH WR UHO\ RQ WKH SXEOLVKHG WH[W WKLV ZRXOG mean that Mart yro koudda served as eparch earlier in the reign of David or under another king of the same name.

side (Appendix 5). These two statements are not contradictory SHU VH but they are incompatible with Ibn ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU¶V HDUOLHU DVVHUWLRQ DFFRUGLQJ WR ZKLFK David was himself a son of the former king’s sister. A possible way to reconcile this discrepancy would be to DVVXPHWKDWWZRGLVWLQFWVLVWHUVRI$EnjDO‫ޏ‬,]]0UWãNU married two brothers belonging to the same family (cf. )LJXUH  13. This would explain why both David and Mashkouda could consider themselves as legitimate heirs since, according to Nubian custom, the sister’s son of a ruling monarch was allowed and perhaps encouraged to succeed his uncle. Be that as it may, Mashkouda’s query was answered positively and an army was soon dispatched to escort him back to Nubia and confront David (Appendix 6). ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUDQG,EQâDGGƗGDJUHHRQWKHQDPHV of the two generals who took command of the raid – âDPV DO'ƯQ $TVXQTXU DO)DULTƗQƯ DQG ‫ޏ‬,]] DO'ƯQ Aybak al-Afram – even though the former provides more details about the composition of the expeditionary force (Appendix 6.1). As for the treatment of the raid itself, the two authors obviously chose to place HPSKDVLVRQGLIIHUHQWPRPHQWVDQGDVSHFWV,EQ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLUIRULQVWDQFHGZHOOVDWVRPHOHQJWKRQWKHFRQquest of the citadel of Daw (Gebel Adda) and the island RI0LNƗ‫ގ‬ƯO0HLQDUWL ZKLOHEHLQJFRPSDUDWLYHO\DOOXsive on the main confrontation with David (appendix  2QWKHRWKHUKDQG,EQâDGGƗGRPLWVHQWLUHO\ the military operations in Lower Nubia to focus on the 13



It should be noted that this model does not take into account the possibility of two successive kings named David, one being the QHSKHZ RI$Enj DO‫ޏ‬,]] 0UWš.k.r who raided Aydhab and the other being the king who attacked Aswan. But this view, originally held by Monneret de Villard (1938, 212-213), is only supSRUWHG E\ D OHWWHU VHQW LQ  E\ WKH (WKLRSLDQ NLQJ Yekunno Amlak to Baybars. This document, originally reproGXFHGE\,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLULVRQO\NQRZQWKURXJKODWHUTXRWDWLRQV,EQDO'DZƗGƗUƯDO0XIDঌঌDO 386). It mentions incidentally the death of a king named David 'ƗZnjG DQGDGGVWKDWKLV±XQQDPHG±VRQUXOHGLQKLVVWHDG In the absence of any other Ethiopian king of this name at that time, it has been assumed that this referred to the contemporary situation in Nubia. However, Nubia is never mentioned in this letter, which is exclusively concerned with Ethiopian affairs. It seems safer to assume, therefore, that this document refers to an otherwise unknown Ethiopian king or kinglet and that only one Nubian monarch of this name ruled during this period. Munro Hay already expressed some reservations about the existence of two kings David (Munro Hay 1982, 118-119) but Welsby went even further in this direction by omitting David II from his royal fasti (Welsby 2002, 260). 2QWKHIDPLO\RI'DYLGVHH5XI¿QLZKRUHDFKHGDVLPLODU conclusion. On the problem of the matrilineal or matrilateral succession of the Nubian kings see, among others: Kronenberg DQG.URQHQEHUJ6SDXOGLQJ

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major clash between the two armies that took place in the vicinity of Dongola15 (Appendix 6.3). Exaggeration notwithstanding, both authors seem to DJUHH RQ WKH VHYHUH DQG EORRG\ GHIHDW LQÀLFWHG XSRQ 'DYLG¶V DUP\ RQ WKDW GD\ ,EQ âDGGƗG SD\V VSHFLDO attention to the great number of captives taken during WKLVFDPSDLJQ$SSHQGL[ 7KH\ZHUHKHVD\VVR numerous that their price did not exceed three dirhams per head and that the sale of all the Nubian slaves yielded a total of 120 000 dirhams16. The same author elaborates even further on this topic in saying that Baybars promulgated a special edict prohibiting the sale of any of these slaves to Jews and Christians and stating that children should not be sold separately from their mothers, regardless of their number and their age. As IRU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUKHRQO\PHQWLRQVTXLWHLQFLGHQtally that 700 captives had been presented to the Sultan, among other spoils, and seems much more interested in the destructions carried out by the Mamluk soldiers in WKH 0DNXULDQ FDSLWDO $SSHQGL[   $FFRUGLQJ WR KLP WKH\ EXUQW GRZQ WKH FKXUFK RI 6njV RU ,VnjV i.e. Jesus), the main church in Dongola17, and destroyed all WKH SLFWXUHV IRXQG LQ WKH SODFH FDOOHG µ$\঎ƗE¶ DOOHJedly built by David to commemorate the sack of the Red Sea port a few years earlier. 7KH7HUPV Let us turn now to the political and economic outFRPH RI WKLV FDPSDLJQ DQG PRUH VSHFL¿FDOO\ WR WKH terms imposed on the newly enthroned king and his VXEMHFWV$SSHQGL[ ,QWKLVUHVSHFW,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU is usually more useful than his fellow biographer thanks to the embedded copy of the oath of allegiance sworn by the king (on this text see Holt 1990; Hasan &XRT ,WLVH[SOLFLWO\ stated in this document that the new king, now regarded as a representative (QƗҴLE) of the Mamluk ruler, will 15

16

17

,EQ âDGGƗG RQ WKH RWKHU KDQG FRPSLOHG LQ DQRWKHU VHFWLRQ RI his work a precious list of Nubian towns and territories reportedly conquered by Baybars (mostly in Lower Nubia) which has been edited and commented in a separate study (Seignobos 2016). 7KHQXPEHUVJLYHQE\,EQâDGGƗGVKRXOGQRWEHWDNHQDVIDFH value: if both of them were correct it would mean that a total of   FDSWLYHV KDG EHHQ WDNHQ GXULQJ WKLV FDPSDLJQ DORQH which is, of course, highly unlikely. The importance of this church is not explicitly mentioned in the DFFRXQWVGHDOLQJZLWKWKHH[SHGLWLRQEXWRQO\LQODWHU RQHVUHODWLQJWKHFDPSDLJQRI$EDQTXHWZDVUHSRUWedly held in this church, which is described on this occasion as WKHODUJHVWRQHLQ'RQJRODDO1XZD\UƯYRO 

141

hand over to the Sultan half of his revenues while keeping the other half for the upkeep and defence of his own kingdom (Appendix 7.1). According to Ibn âDGGƗGLWZDVDOVRGHFLGHGHYHQEHIRUHWKHFDPSDLJQ had begun, that three-fourths of the Nubian territory should go to the pretender while the remaining fourth would be assigned to the Sultan (Appendix 7.2). A FODXVHLQWKHRDWKFRSLHGE\ ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLUVHHPV to echo this preliminary agreement in stating that the ODQGRIDO‫ޏ‬$OƯDQGWKHODQGRIDOۛDEDOZKLFKDSSDUently encompassed the whole territory of Nobadia, would become the Sultan’s private property18. To this, ,EQDO)XUƗWDGGVWKDWµDOOWKHFRWWRQDQGGDWHVSURGXFHG in those territories should be handed over, together with the taxes (‫ۊ‬XTnjT) attached to those territories, accordLQJWRWKHWUDGLWLRQ>REVHUYHG@LQWKHWLPHRIWKHSUHFHGLQJNLQJV¶,EQDO)XUƗW 19. The annexation of Lower Nubia to Egypt appears to EHFRQ¿UPHGE\,EQâDGGƗGZKRDGGVWKDWWKHVXFFHVsor of the ‘Lord of the Mountain’ executed in Cairo, NQRZQDV$ãƯ20, was reinstalled as the direct representative (QƗҴLE) of the Sultan in the two northern strongKROGV RI ,EUƯP 4DৢU ,EUƯP  DQG 'DZ *HEHO $GGD  (Appendix 7.3). However, this contradicts partly Ibn ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU¶VDFFRXQWLQZKLFKLWLVH[SOLFLWO\VWDWHG that the ‘Lord of the Mountain’, who succeeded the one sawn in two in Cairo, swore allegiance to Mashkouda, 18

19

20

$FFRUGLQJ WR ,EQ DO)XUƗW WKH WZR UHJLRQV UHSUHVHQWHG RQH IRXUWK RI WKH 1XELDQ WHUULWRU\ ,EQ DO)XUƗW    EXW WKLV DVVHUWLRQPD\KDYHEHHQGHGXFHGIURP,EQâDGGƗG¶VVWDWHPHQW regarding the division of the Nubian territory in two unequal parts (appendix 7.2). This piece of information was probably borrowed directly from ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU¶V 5DZ‫ ڲ‬WR ZKLFK ,EQ DO)XUƗW KDG UHFRXUVH LQGHSHQWHQWO\RIDO1XZD\UƯ$IXUWKHULQGLFDWLRQRIWKLVLVIRXQG LQ %D\EDUV DO0DQৢnjUƯ¶V DFFRXQW RI WKH  H[SHGLWLRQ obviously based on the 5DZ‫ڲ‬, in which the delivery of cotton DQGGDWHVLVDOVRPHQWLRQHG%D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ  7KLV QDPH LV JLYHQ DV µ.ãƯ¶ LQ DO0XIDঌঌDO¶V FKURQLFOH DO0XIDঌঌDO ,Q,EQDO)XUƗW¶VDFFRXQWWKLVµ/RUGRI WKH0RXQWDLQ¶LVNQRZQDV4DPDUDO'DZOD$>@ƯUHDG$ãƯ"  ,EQDO)XUƗW $OWKRXJK,EQDO)XUƗWUHOLHVPDLQO\RQ ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUSRVVLEO\WKURXJKDO1XZD\UƯ IRUKLVQDUUDtive of the 1276 expedition, the last component of this designaWLRQ $>@Ư  KDV EHHQ REYLRXVO\ ERUURZHG IURP ,EQ âDGGƗG RU IURPDVRXUFHGHULYHGIURPKLP$VIRUWKH¿UVWHOHPHQW4DPDU DO'DZOD  LW PD\ UHIHU WR WKH HSDUFK NQRZQ DV 4DPDU DO'ƯQ who, according to the published text of the 1LKƗ\DWDODUDE, was FDSWXUHG E\ WKH JRYHUQRU RI 4njৢ DQG H[HFXWHG LQ &DLUR FI Q  ,IVRLWZRXOGPHDQWKDW,EQDO)XUƗWPLVUHDGKLVVRXUFHV and regarded as one and the same person two distinct ‘Lords of WKH0RXQWDLQ¶QDPHO\4DPDUDO'ƯQDQGKLVVXFFHVVRU$ãƯ7KLV PLVWDNHLILWLVRQH LVUHSURGXFHGDIWHUKLPE\DO0DTUƯ]ƯZKR KDVRQO\SUHVHUYHGWKH¿UVWFRPSRQHQWRIWKHQDPHi.e. Qamar DO'DZODDO0DTUƯ]Ư 



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and not directly to the Sultan. But in the latter case, we are dealing with an arrangement made on the spot, immediately after the capture of Daw, whereas Ibn âDGGƗG UDWKHU UHIHUV WR D GHFLVLRQ WDNHQ DIWHU 0DVKNouda’s enthronement. In any case, the price paid for ousting David and putting his cousin on the throne was, according to both authors, excessively heavy. Besides the complete loss of the northern region as well as half of the royal income, other humiliating terms were imposed on the Nubian puppet king, including the yearly payment of one dinar of poll-tax (ЂL]\D SHUDGXOW$SSHQGL[  which also implied that the Nubians were henceforth regarded as ‘protected subjects’ (‫ڴ‬LPPƯ). The agreement required, in addition, the delivery of an annual tribute which is mentioned in both accounts, albeit with some noticeable differences (Appendix 7.5). The two biographers apparently agree on the fact that this contribution mainly consisted of living commodities. But ,EQâDGGƗGLVPDUNHGO\PRUHDOOXVLYHWKDQKLVFRXQWHUpart: he does not specify the number and quality of the required animals and omits altogether the presence of elephants, giraffes, and cheetahs. More importantly, Ibn âDGGƗGLVDORQHLQFODLPLQJWKDWVODYHVZHUHDOVRSDUW of the Nubian contribution. The question arises, then, as to whether the presence of slaves in the tribute has EHHQ RPLWWHG E\ ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU RU DGGHG E\ ,EQ âDGGƗG6LQFH,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU¶VDVVHUWLRQLVEDVHGRQ DQRI¿FLDOGRFXPHQW±ZKLFKKHPD\KDYHGUDIWHGKLPVHOI±RQHZRXOGEHLQFOLQHGWRWKLQNWKDW,EQâDGGƗG LVZURQJDQGWKDWKLVVWDWHPHQWZDVLQÀXHQFHGE\WKH PDVVLYH LQÀX[ RI 1XELDQ FDSWLYHV LQ WKH DIWHUPDWK RI this episode. But the possibility cannot be ruled out that slaves were indeed required, as they appear in later deliveries of the Nubian tribute, not taking into account the fact that they were traditionally part of the EDT‫ܒ‬21. Be that as it may, it is doubtful that these incredibly harsh terms were ever applied, especially considering the fact that none of the above-mentioned clauses has 21

$FFRUGLQJWRDO0DTUƯ]Ư¶V‫ۏ‬L‫ܒ‬D‫ܒ‬, the EDT‫ ܒ‬was also demanded in addition to the tribute imposed by the Mamluk conquerors upon WKH QHZ 0DNXULDQ NLQJ DO0DTUƯ]Ư    %XW D FDUHIXO FRPSDULVRQ ZLWK ,EQ DO)XUƗW¶V SDUDOOHO WH[W 0DTUƯ]Ư¶V VRXUFH IRUWKLVSDVVDJH UHYHDOVWKDWDO0DTUƯ]ƯPLVXQGHUVWRRGRUGHOLEerately manipulated his source. It is true that the terms of the EDT‫ܒ‬DUHEULHÀ\SUHVHQWHGDWWKHHQGRIKLVDFFRXQWRIWKHH[SHGLWLRQEXW,EQDO)XUƗWPDGHSHUIHFWO\FOHDUWKDWWKHVHGLIIHUHG IURP WKH WHUPV LPSRVHG E\ WKH 0DPOXNV DIWHU WKH  FDPSDLJQ,EQDO)XUƗW $O0DTUƯ]ƯKRZHYHUH[SOLFitly states that Š.k.nda (i.e. Mashkouda) promised to deliver this new tribute in addition to the old EDT‫ܒ‬.

been corroborated by internal evidence so far. At any rate, these requirements were probably too demanding to be sustained over a long period of time and, as a matter of fact, most of them are not heard of anymore in the following decades. However, we know, thanks to ,EQâDGGƗGWKDW%D\EDUVZDVVRHDJHUWREHQH¿WIURP his newly conquered lands that, soon after the two genHUDOVFDPHEDFNWR&DLURWKH6XOWDQWROGKLVYL]LHUWR VHQG ¿VFDO DJHQWV WR 'RQJROD LQ RUGHU WR FROOHFW WKH ЂL]\D and the ‫ې‬DUƗЂ (Appendix 7.6). Interestingly, Ibn âDGGƗGDGGVWKDWWKHYL]LHUZDVDOVRLQVWUXFWHGWRWUDQVIHU FXOWLYDWRUV DUWLVDQV DQG PHUFKDQWV IURP 4njৢ LQ Upper Egypt, to the region of Dongola. Whether or not his order was actually carried out, this important remark – omitted in most later sources – indicates that Baybars regarded the heartland of Makuria as suitable enough for Muslim colonisation. Epilogue: The Fate of King David and his Relatives Before concluding, it is worth adding a few words on what happened to the deposed king and his family in the aftermath of this campaign, as a further illustration of the complementary nature of the two accounts (Appendix 8). Both authors agree in saying that David escaped the slaughter in Dongola and made his way to DO$EZƗEZLWKVRPHPHPEHUVRIKLVIDPLO\$SSHQGL[  $VIRU'DYLG¶VEURWKHUNQRZQDVâQNnj,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU RUۛQNnj,EQâDGGƗG KHIRXJKWDWKLV brother’s side in Dongola but was taken captive at the HQGRIWKHEDWWOH7KHWZRDPƯUVWKHQSXUVXHG'DYLGIRU three days obliging him to abandon his mother, his sister and perhaps his niece, who were all captured as well22 0HDQZKLOH 'DYLG IRXQG UHIXJH LQ DO$EZƗE but was betrayed by its king and sent to the Citadel in Cairo to be imprisoned with his brother and the rest of KLV IDPLO\$V IRU 'DYLG¶V VRQ ,EQ âDGGƗG VWDWHV WKDW KHDFFRPSDQLHGKLVIDWKHULQKLVÀLJKWWRDO$EZƗEEXW DFFRUGLQJWR,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLUKHZDVNLOOHGWKHUHE\ the same king who handed his father over to the Sultan. )LQDOO\LWLVVSHFL¿HGLQWKHWHUPVRIWKHRDWKVZRUQE\ Mashkouda that all the possessions of David, his family and his supporters, should be handed over to the Sultan (Appendix 8.3). The subsequent fate of the deposed king and the captive members of the royal family remains largely unknown. However, some interesting information about 22

7KHFDSWXUHRI'DYLG¶VQLHFHLVRQO\PHQWLRQHGLQ,EQâDGGƗG¶V work. Cf. appendix 8.1.

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143

David’s brother is found in a slightly later work, namely %D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ¶V=XEGDWDO¿NUD IƯWDҴUƯ‫ې‬DO+LЂUD /L*XR%D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ;9;;9 23. Completed around 1312, this chronicle includes a rather substantial account of the Nubian expedition of WKH \HDU  ZKLFK LV REYLRXVO\ EDVHG RQ ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU¶V5DZ‫ڲ‬, except for a few words added at the end, and which read as follows:

ever, in relying on two contemporary and independent witnesses rather than on later authorities, we have been able, hopefully, to clarify and complement a number of points which may have been obscured by subsequent additions, omissions or confusions.

$V IRU âQNnj 'ƗZnjG¶V EURWKHU KH FRQYHUWHG WR ,VODP DQG ZDV D JRRG 0XVOLP +H MRLQHG WKH %DতUƯ regiment and a monthly salary (ЂƗPDNL\\D) was assigned to him and to his son who was named 0XতDPPDG µ+H ZDV D YHU\ GHYRXW PDQ DQG XVHG WR perform numerous recitations (WLOƗZD) of the Holy 4XU‫ގ‬ƗQXQWLOKHGLHG±0D\*RGKDYH0HUF\RQKLP¶ %D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ 

 .LQJ $Enj DO‫ޏ‬,]] 0U>@ãNUƗ VXFFHHGHG E\ 'ƗZnjGca. 

Like a number of other passages in the =XEGDW DO ¿NUD, this addition is obviously based on Baybars DO0DQৢnjUƯ¶V RZQ H[SHULHQFH DV D KLJKUDQNLQJ DPƯU DFWLYHXQGHUWKH%DতUƯ6XOWDQV/L*XR $VKRUW remark appearing only in the 0X‫ې‬WƗU DOD‫ې‬EƗU, an abridged version of his main work, shows that Baybars DO0DQৢnjUƯHYHQPHWâQNnjLQSHUVRQVLQFHWKHODWWHULV described as ‘an extremely tall man of a deep black complexion (‫ܒ‬DZƯODQ WƗPPDQ ‫ۊ‬ƗOLN DOVDZƗG)’ (BayEDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ 7KLVH[DPSOHGHPRQVWUDWHV that despite the methodological priority given to the earliest sources available, later accounts are nonetheless likely to contain valuable information. Admittedly, most of the historical facts presented here are not fundamentally new. One should also not forget that these events are related from the victor’s perspective. The two works under scrutiny have been produced by court historians who primarily aimed at highlighting Baybars’s great deeds. The Nubian point of view on the events is completely lacking and we cannot even resort, as in earlier periods, to narratives produced in Christian circles to achieve a more balanced understanding of what really happened25. How23



25

7KHUH LV DQ HQWU\ GHYRWHG WR %D\EDUV DO0DQৢnjUƯ LQ 9DQWLQL¶V corpus (s.v5XNQDO'ƯQ%D\EDUVDO'DZDGƗUL EXWLWRQO\FRQWDLQV WKH DFFRXQW RI WKH  1XELDQ H[SHGLWLRQ 9DQWLQL   Lit. IƯ ЂXPOD DO%D‫ۊ‬UL\\D ZKLFK PHDQV WKDW âQNnj ZDV QRW DQ DPƯUEXWDQRUGLQDU\VROGLHU (YHQ WKRXJK DO0XIDঌঌDO ZDV D &RSW WKH ZD\ 1XELDQ DIIDLUV are treated in his 1DKЂ DOVDGƯG does not differ from what we FDQ¿QGLQFRQWHPSRUDU\0XVOLPFKURQLFOHV

Appendices

,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU The ruler (PXWDPDOOLN  RI WKH 1XELDQV$Enj DO‫ޏ‬,]] 0U>@ãNUƗKDGEHFRPHEOLQGDQG'ƗZnjGKLVQHSKHZ (ZDODGX‫ې‬WLKLLH his sister’s son), overpowered him DQGWRRNWKHNLQJGRPIURPKLP+H>'ƗZnjG@LPSULVRQHG KLP >KLV XQFOH@ DQG VHQW KLV VRQV WR H[LOH LQ DO$EZƗE$OHWWHUIURPKLPFDPHWRWKH6XOWDQLQIRUPing him of this, together with a present and a giraffe. 7KH6XOWDQZURWHEDFNGHPDQGLQJWKH>SD\PHQWRIWKH@ EDT‫ܒ‬,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU 7KH6DFNRI$\঎ƗELQ $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU ,Q WKH \HDU  >@ 'ƗZnjG¶V DJJUHVVLRQV LQFUHDVHG+HZHQWDVIDUDVWKHYLFLQLW\RI8VZƗQDQG EXUQW WKH ZDWHUZKHHOV WKHUH %HIRUH WKDW KH >NLQJ 'ƗZXG@ ZHQW WR$\঎ƗE ZKHUH KH FRPPLWWHG WHUULEOH DFWVDO1XZD\UƯYRO  ,EQâDGGƗG 7KLV \HDU >@ WKH WK RI 0XতDUUDP >WK $XJXVW@ D JURXS RI 1XELDQV DFFRPSDQLHG E\ WKHLU UXOHUDWWDFNHGWKHIURQWLHUWRZQRI$\঎ƗE7KH\ORRWHG the merchants coming from Aden and those coming from Egypt. They slaughtered a number of them and killed the judge and the governor of the town. They LPSULVRQQHG ,EQ ণOƯۛOƯ ZKR ZDV LQ FKDUJH RI FRQtrolling the goods brought there by the traders, together ZLWKKLVFKLOGUHQ,EQâDGGƗG 7KH5DLGOHGE\WKH*RYHUQRURI4njৢLQ ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU A letter (NLWƗE  DUULYHG IURP WKH JRYHUQRU RI 4njৢ UHODWLQJ WKDW LQ WKH PRQWK RI ৡDIDU >6HSWHPEHU @ KH>'ƗZnjG@KDGULGGHQRXWIURP8VZƗQDQGPDUFKHG to within a distance of twenty days from Dunqula,



R. SEIGNOBOS

slaughtering, taking prisonners, plundering and burnLQJ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU

kingship should go to him, because he overcame him. >«@,EQâDGGƗG

,EQâDGGƗG A letter (NLWƗE  DUULYHG DW WKH &LWDGHO IURP ‫ޏ‬$OƗ‫ގ‬ DO'ƯQ$\GXƥGƯতDUEGƗUsicIRU঩D]LQGƗU" JRYHUQRU (PXWDZDOOƯ  RI 4njৢ +H VWDWHG WKDW KH OHIW 4njৢ IRU 8VZƗQ ZKHUH KH DUULYHG WKH  RI ৡDIDU >WK 6HSW@ ҕ he stayed there six days and then left with the intention of reaching Nubia (ELOƗG DO1njED). He arrived in a town (EDODG  FDOOHG DOۛnjQ >XQLGHQWL¿HG@ WKH WK RI ৡDIDUVODXJKWHUHGLWVSHRSOHDQGEXUQWLWGRZQ7KHQ he left the place for a town (EDODG FDOOHG,EUƯP>4DৢU ,EUƯP@DZHOOGHIHQGHGVWURQJKROGWKDWKHUHDFKHGWKH WK %HIRUH WKH\ >WKH 1XELDQV@ HYHQ QRWLFHG WKH\ attacked them by surprise, slaughtered them and then burnt or destroyed everything that was there. Then, he left for a town (EDODG FDOOHG$UPQƗ>$UPLQQD@WKDWKH reached the 25th, slaughtered its people and burnt it GRZQ 7KHQ KH OHIW WRZDUGV $WPƯ৮ >UHDG ৫ƗPƯW "@ where he arrived the 27th, slaughtered its people and EXUQWLWGRZQ,EQâDGGƗG

,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU The ruler (PXWDPDOOLN  RI WKH 1XELDQV$Enj DO‫ޏ‬,]] 0U>@ãNUƗKDGEHFRPHEOLQGDQG'ƗZnjGKLVQHSKHZ (ZDODGX‫ې‬WLKLLH his sister’s son), overpowered him DQG WRRN WKH NLQJGRP IURP KLP ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU 1976, 237) >«@ The lord (‫܈‬Ɨ‫ۊ‬LE RIWKH1XELDQVQDPHG'ƗZnjGWKH nephew (LEQX‫ې‬WLH the sister’s son) of M.r.t.š.k.r who had lost his sight, had been seduced by Satan’s deceits. ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU

$¿UVW SXQLWLYH5DLG LQUHSULVDOVIRUWKH1XELDQ )RUD\RQ$VZDQ $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU ,Q WKH \HDU  >@ 'ƗZnjG¶V DJJUHVVLRQV LQFUHDVHG+HZHQWDVIDUDVWKHYLFLQLW\RI8VZƗQDQG EXUQWWKHZDWHUZKHHOVWKHUH>«@7KHDPƯU‫ޏ‬$OƗDO'ƯQ ঩D]LQGƗU DQG JRYHUQRU RI 4njৢ KHDGHG WR 8VZƗQ +H GLGQRWVXFFHHGLQFDWFKLQJXSZLWKKLPEXWKHVHL]HG his deputy (QƗҴLEDKX LQWKHFLWDGHORI'DZWKHDPƯU 4DPDUDO'ƯQNQRZQDVWKH©/RUGRIWKH0RXQWDLQª (‫܈‬ƗKLE DOЂDEDO), together with a number of his supporters. They were sent to the Sultan and cut in two at WKHZDLVWDO1XZD\UƯYRO 7KH.LQVKLSEHWZHHQ0DVKNRXGDDQG'DYLG $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU The nephew (LEQX‫ې‬WLHWKHVLVWHU¶VVRQ RIWKH>IRUPHU@1XELDQNLQJ0UPãNGZKRKDGEHHQGHSULYHG RI WKH NLQJVKLS E\ 'ƗZnjG KDG DUULYHG >LQ &DLUR@ DO1XZD\UƯYRO ,EQâDGGƗG Š.k.n.da, the paternal cousin (LEQҵDPP RI'ƗZnjG king of the Nubians, had come to our Lord the Sultan WR FRPSODLQ DERXW KLP >'ƗZnjG@ +H FODLPHG WKDW WKH

7KH([SHGLWLRQRI $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU 6.1. Composition of the expeditionary forces 7KH6XOWDQRUGHUHGWRGLVSDWFKDQDUP\>OHG@E\WKH DPƯUâDPVDO'ƯQ$TVXQTXUO¶XVWƗGƗUDQGWKHDPƯU‫ޏ‬,]] DO'ƯQ$\EDN DO$IUDP WKH DPƯU ЂDQGƗU. They took with them a contingent of the regular army, provincial WURRSVDQG$UDEVIURP8SSHU(J\SWDO1XZD\UƯ vol. 30, 221) 6.2. Operations in Lower Nubia Once the divinely assisted army was ready they set RIIDFFRPSDQLHGE\0UPãNG7KHDPƯU‫ޏ‬,]]DO'ƯQ VWRUPHGWKHFLWDGHORI'DZ>*HEHO$GGD@VODXJKWHULQJ DQG PDNLQJ FDSWLYHV 7KH DPƯU âDPV DO'ƯQ PDUFKHG on his footsteps and exterminated the survivors. The DPƯU âDPV DO 'ƯQ ODQGHG RQ WKH LVODQG RI 0LNƗ‫ގ‬ƯO >0HLQDUWL@DWWKHKHDGRIWKHFDWDUDFWRIWKH1XELDQVD place in the middle of the river made of rocky outcrops. 7KH\VODXJKWHUHGDQGPDGHFDSWLYHV>@7KHDPƯU‫ޏ‬,]] DO'ƯQZDGHWKURXJKWKHULYHUWRZDUGVDIRUWEXUЂ) and besieged it. He captured it and killed 250 men. DO1XZD\UƯYRO 6.3. Confrontation of the two armies 7KHDUP\NHSWDGYDQFLQJDQGPHWZLWKNLQJ'ƗZnjG WKHVZRUGVNHSWVWULNLQJXQWLOWKH\>WKH1XELDQV@ZHUH all annihilated and that no one survived except for WKRVH ZKR WKUHZ WKHPVHOYHV LQ WKH ULYHU DO1XZD\UƯ YRO 6.4. Destructions, spoils and captives 7KHFKXUFKRI6XV>i.e.-HVXV@ZKLFK'DZnjGFODLPHG that it reminded him what to do, was burnt down.

BACK TO THE SOURCES : EGYPTIAN-NUBIAN RELATIONS

'DZnjGKDGDOVREXLOWDSODFHWKDWKHFDOOHG©‫ޏ‬$\঎ƗEª WKDQNVWRWKHODERXURIWKH0XVOLPV>FDSWXUHGLQ‫ޏ‬$\঎ƗE DQG8VZƗQ@7KHUHZHUHGZHOOLQJVPDQƗ]LO), churches (NDQƗҴƯV) and a square (PD\GƗQ) where the Muslims NLOOHG DW ‫ޏ‬$\঎ƗE DQG WKRVH FDSWXUHG DW 8VZƗQ ZHUH depicted. All the images were removed and destroyed. (YHU\WKLQJOHIWEHKLQGE\'DZnjGDQGKLVUHODWLYHVZDV DOVRRUGHUHGWREHKDQGHGRYHUDO1XZD\UƯYRO 30, 221) >@ The army came back and the spoils taken from the 1XELDQV ZHUH SUHVHQWHG >WR WKH 6XOWDQ@ LQFOXGLQJ crosses, gold and similar things found in the church of 6njV>WRWKHYDOXHRI@GLQDUVDQGDKDOIDQGVLOYHU YHVVHOV>WRWKHYDOXHRI@GLQDUV$VIRUWKHVODYHV SUHVHQWHG >WR WKH 6XOWDQ@ WKHUH ZHUH  KHDGV DO1XZD\UƯYRO ,EQâDGGƗG 6.1. Composition of the expeditionary forces As soon as the horsemen of our Lord the Sultan took some rest, after they had come back from Damascus, KHDSSRLQWHGWKHDPƯUâDPVDO'ƯQƖT6XQTXUDQG‫ޏ‬,]] DO'ƯQ $\EDN NQRZQ DV DO$IUDP WR PDUFK DJDLQVW Nubia with three hundred horsemen and Š.k.n.da. (Ibn âDGGƗG 6.2. Operations in Lower Nubia – 6.3. Confrontation of the two armies 7KH\ OHIW RQ WKH )LUVW RI âD‫ޏ‬EƗQ >WK -DQ@ DQG DUULYHGLQ'XQTXODWKHWKRIâDZZƗO>WK0DUFK@ When they pitched their tents in the vicinity of their FLW\ WKHLU NLQJ 'ƗZnjG DQG KLV EURWKHU ۛQNnj ZHQW out with their troops, riding tawny camels, holding spears and wearing nothing else to protect them from arrows than black cloaks called GDNƗGƯN 7KH\ >WKH 1XELDQV@ ODXQFKHG KRVWLOLWLHV DJDLQVW WKHP EXW WKH\ were soon defeated. A countless number were killed and most of those that were not killed were made capWLYHV>«@,EQâDGGƗG 6.4. Destructions, spoils and captives A countless number were killed and most of those that were not killed were made captives, to such an extent that they were sold, in auction, at three dirhams per head. About one thousand of them were put aside WR EH H[DPLQHG E\ WKH 6XOWDQ ZKR ZDV VDWLV¿HG ZLWK WKHP,EQâDGGƗG 

145

>@ $IWHUZDUGVWKHFDSWLYHVDUULYHG>LQ&DLUR@DQGZHUH sold for 120 000 dirhams. Our Lord the Sultan issued a decree stating that none of these slaves should be sold to Christians or Jews and that the parents should not be separated from their children. The women were sold with their children, whether numerous or not, young or ROG,EQâDGGƗG 

7KH7HUPV $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU 7.1. Sharing of revenue :KLOH , >0DVKNRXGD@ UHPDLQ KLV UHSUHVHQWDWLYH , shall not cut off the annual imposition upon me, which is the surplus from the division of the territory, according to what was levied for previous kings of the Nubians; half of the revenue shall go to the sultan free of all dues, the other half I shall set aside to promote the prosperity of the territory, and to protect it from any HQHP\ WKDW PD\ DWWDFN LW DO1XZD\UƯ  YRO  222)

7.2. Territorial division 7KH WHUULWRU\ RI DO‫ޏ‬$OƯ >RU DO‫ޏ‬8OƗ@ DQG DOۛDEDO VKDOO EH VHW DVLGH HQWLUHO\ IRU WKH 6XOWDQ DO1XZD\UƯ YRO

7.3. The « Lord of the Mountain » The representative (QƗҴLE) in the citadel of Daw >*HEHO$GGD@ ZKR JRYHUQHG LQVWHDG RI WKH RQH ZKR KDGEHHQFXWLQWZRÀHGWRWKHLVODQGV+HZDVJUDQWHG safe-conduct (DPƗQ) and was allowed to retain his charge. He swore obedience to M.r.m.š.k.d, who folORZHG DQG DFFRPSDQLHG WKH DUP\ DO1XZD\UƯ  vol. 30, 221)

3ROOWD[ЂL]\D And I shall impose upon every subject under my rule in the territory, being adults and of sound mind, a dinar LQFRLQDO1XZD\UƯYRO



R. SEIGNOBOS

7.5. Annual tribute 7KHUH VKDOO EH GXH IURP PH >0DVKNRXGD@ HYHU\ year, three elephants (DIƯOD), three giraffes (]DUDIƗW), ¿YHVKHFKHHWDKVLQƗWDOIXKnjG), one hundred selected tawny camels (‫܈‬XKE), four hundred heads of selected cattle (DETƗU DO1XZD\UƯYRO 7.6. Tax collection and Egyptian colonisation ,EQâDGGƗG 7.1. Sharing of revenue 7.2. Territorial division +H>WKH6XOWDQ@FRPPDQGHGWKHP>WKHDPƯUV@LIWKH\ conquered the country, to set aside the three fourth of LW IRU KLP >WKH 1XELDQ SUHWHQGHU@ DQG WR DVVLJQ WKH UHPDLQLQJIRXUWKWRWKH6XOWDQ,EQâDGGƗG 7.3. The « Lord of the Mountain » 7KH\ GHFLGHG ZLWK$ãƯ WKH ORUG RI WKH ODQG RI WKH Mountain (‫܈‬Ɨ‫ۊ‬LEELOƗGDOЁDEDO) who had abandonned 'ƗZXGWKDW'XZDQG,EUƯPWZRZHOOGHIHQGHGVWURQJKROGVFORVHWR8VZƗQDQGORFDWHGZLWKLQDGLVWDQFHRI seven days from it, shall be set aside for Our Lord the 6XOWDQ 7KH\ HQWUXVWHG KLP >$ãƯ@ ZLWK WKH FKDUJH RI representing the Sultan in both places on the condition that, if an enemy attacked him, the sultanian troops ZRXOGFRPHWRKHOSKLP,EQâDGGƗG 3ROOWD[ЂL]\D 7KH\ >WKH WZR DPƯUV@ VWD\HG >LQ 'XQTXOD@ XQWLO âNQGD ZDV SXW RQ WKH WKURQH DQG >XQWLO@ WKH\ LQVWLtuted the payment of a dinar of ЂL]\D for each adult. ,EQâDGGƗG 7.5. Annual tribute 7KH\>WKHWZRDPƯUV@LPSRVHGRQKLP>0DVKNRXGD@ to bring every year to the Sultan riding camels (KXЂXQ), cattle (baqar) and slaves (ҵDEƯG  ,EQ âDGGƗG  130) 7.6. Tax collection and Egyptian colonisation 7KH 6XOWDQ WROG WKH 0DVWHU DQG /RUG WKH YL]LHU %DKƗ‫ ގ‬DO'ƯQ WR UHFUXLW DJHQWV LQ RUGHU WR FROOHFW WKH ЂL]\D and the ‫ې‬DUƗЂ in Dunqula and its territories, and to transfer there artisans, cultivators and merchants IURP4njৢ,EQâDGGƗG

7KH)DWHRI.LQJ'DYLGDQGKLV)DPLO\ $O1XZD\UƯDIWHU,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU 8.1. The capture of David’s relatives after the battle of Dongola 'DYLGÀHGEXWKLVEURWKHUâQNnjZDVFDSWXUHG7KH\ dispatched a detachment of the army to chase him, during three days, and they captured David’s mother and VLVWHUDO1XZD\UƯYRO 'DYLG¶VÀLJKWWRDO$EZƗE $VIRU'DYLGKHÀHGWRZDUGDO$EZƗEEXWLWVORUG WKH NLQJ$GU NLOOHG KLV VRQ VHL]HG KLP >'DYLG@ DQG VHQWKLPWRWKH6XOWDQDO1XZD\UƯYRO 8.3. David’s and his family’s private possessions $QG ZKDWHYHU EHORQJHG WR 'ƗZnjG WKH NLQJ RI WKH 1XELDQVWRKLVEURWKHUâQNnjWRKLVPRWKHUDQGNLQVmen, and to those of his soldiers who were killed by the swords of the divinely assisted army, I shall convey under escort to the royal court. I shall not leave anything of it, whether small or great, nor shall I conceal LWQRUHQDEOHDQ\RQHWRFRQFHDOLWDO1XZD\UƯ vol. 30, 222) ,EQâDGGƗG 8.1. The capture of David’s relatives after the battle of Dongola 'DYLGÀHGZLWKRWKHUIXJLWLYHVFURVVHGWKH1LOHZLWK KLVPRWKHUDQGVLVWHUWRWKHZHVWEDQNDQGWKHQÀHGE\ QLJKWWRZDUGVDVWURQJKROG7KHDPƯUâDPVDO'ƯQDQG WKHDPƯU‫ޏ‬,]]DO'ƯQZHUHLQIRUPHGRIWKLVDQGURGHRXW with their troops to go after him during three days. As soon as David spotted them, he abandoned his mother, KLV VLVWHU WKH GDXJKWHU RI KLV EURWKHU ۛQNnj DQG ÀHG ZLWK KLV VRQ7KH\ >WKH WZR HPLUV@ VHL]HG WKH ZRPHQ of his family (‫ۊ‬DUƯPDKX) and returned to Dongola. ,EQâDGGƗG >«@ Afterwards, the two amirs went back to Cairo and PHW WKH 6XOWDQ WKH WK RI ঍nj DOণLۜۜD DFFRPSDQLHG E\NLQJ'DYLG¶VEURWKHUFDSWLYH>@$IHZGD\VODWHU the mother, the sister and the niece of David were LPSULVRQHG,EQâDGGƗG 'DYLG¶VÀLJKWWRDO$EZƗE When David escaped he went toward the lord of DO$EZƗE ± D 1XELDQ NLQJ KDYLQJ D WHUULWRU\ DQG DQ army. The latter, fearing that Our Lord the Sultan might discover that he hosted one of his enemies, took him

BACK TO THE SOURCES : EGYPTIAN-NUBIAN RELATIONS

over and sent him to Our Lord the Sultan. He arrived LQ (J\SW LQ FKDLQV WKH QG RI 0XতDUUDP RI WKH \HDU 675 and he was imprisoned in one of the Citadel’s WRZHU,EQâDGGƗG 8.3. David’s and his family’s private possessions –

Bibliography Ashtor, E. 1961. ‘Some Unpublished Sources for the Bahri Period’, in U. Heyd (ed.)6WXGLHVLQ,VODPLF+LVWRU\DQG Civilization. Jerusalem, 11-30. %D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ0X‫ې‬WƗUDOD‫ې‬EƗU Le Caire. %D\EDUVDO0DQৢnjUƯ=XEGDWDO¿NUDIƯWDҴUƯ‫ې‬DO+LЂUD +LVWRU\RIWKH(DUO\0DPOXN3HULRG. Beirut. Browne, G. M. 1996. 2OG1XELDQ'LFWLRQDU\ Leuven. Godlewski, W. 2013. ‘A short essay on the history of Nobadia from Roman to Mamluk times’, in J. Van der Vliet and J. L. Hagen (eds), 4DVU,EULPEHWZHHQ(J\SWDQG $IULFD6WXGLHVLQ&XOWXUDO([FKDQJH. Leuven, 123-133. Cuoq J. 1986. /¶,VODPLVDWLRQGHOD1XELHFKUpWLHQQH. Paris. $O঍DKDEƯ$O0X‫ې‬WƗUPLQ7DҴUƯ‫ې‬DOЁD]DUƯ. Beirut. 'U]HZLHFNL0µ7KH6RXWKHUQ%RUGHURIWKH.LQJGRP of Makuria in the Nile Valley’, eWXGHV HW WUDYDX[  93-107. Guo, L. 1997. ‘Mamluk historiographic studies: the State of the Art’, 0DPOXN6WXGLHVUHYLHZ *XR /  µ%D\EDUV DO0DQৢnjUƯ 0DPOXN JHQHUDO DQG historian)’, in B. Lewis, V. L. Ménage, Ch. Pellat, J. Schacht et al. (eds.), 7KH(QF\FORSHGLDRI,VODP. Vol. 3. Leiden, 91-92. Haarmann, U. 1970. 4XHOOHQVWXGLHQ ]XU IUKHQ 0DPOXNHQ zeit. Freiburg. Hasan, Y. F. 1967. 7KH$UDEVDQGWKH6XGDQ. Edinburgh. Hirschler, K. 2013. ‘Studying Mamluk Historiography: From Source-Criticism to the Cultural Turn’, in S. Conermann (ed.), 8EL VXPXV" 4XR YDGHPXV" 0DPOXN 6WXGLHV ± State of the Art. Göttingen, 159-186. +ROW30µ7KUHHELRJUDSKLHVRIDO਋ƗKLU%D\EDUV¶LQ D. O. Morgan (ed.), 0HGLHYDO+LVWRULFDO:ULWLQJLQWKH &KULVWLDQDQG,VODPLF:RUOGV. London, 19-29. Holt, P. M. 1990. ‘The coronation oaths of the Nubian kings’, 6XGDQLF$IULFD 1, 5-9. ,EQ‫ޏ‬$EGDO਋ƗKLU$O5DZ‫ڲ‬DOܲƗKLUIƯVƯUDWDO0DOLN DOܱƗKLU. Riyad. Khowaiter, A. 1960. $FULWLFDOHGLWLRQRIDQXQNQRZQVRXUFH IRUWKHOLIHRIDO0DOLNDOܱƗKLU%DLEDUVZLWKLQWURGXF WLRQ WUDQVODWLRQ DQG QRWHV. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London, S.O.A.S.. 3 Vol. London.

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,EQDO'DZƗGƗUƯ.DQ]DOGXUDUZDЂƗPLҵDOƥXUDU  'LH&KURQLNGHV,EQDG'DZƗGƗUƯ, 7HLO'HU%HULFKW EHUGLHIUKHQ0DPOXNHQ. Le Caire – Fribourg. ,EQDO)XUƗW7DҴUƯ‫ې‬DOGXZDOZDOPXOnjN 7DҴUƯ‫ې‬,EQ DO)XUƗW. Vol. 7. Beyrouth. ,EQâDGGƗG7DҴUƯ‫ې‬DOPDOLNDOܱƗKLU 'LH*HVFKLFKWH GHV6XOWDQV%DLEDUV. Wiesbaden. Irwin, R. 2006. ‘Mamluk history and historians’, in R. Allen and D. S. Richards (eds.), 7KH &DPEULGJH +LVWRU\ RI $UDELF/LWHUDWXUH$UDELF/LWHUDWXUHLQWKH3RVW&ODVVL FDO3HULRG. Cambridge, 159-70. .RFK= MouID]]DOLEQ$ELO)D]DwO+LVWRLUHGHVVXOWDQVPDPORXNV@ 3DWURORJLD2ULHQWDOLV;,9 Munro Hay, S. C. 1982. ‘Kings and Kingdoms of Ancient Nubia’, 5DVVHJQDGL6WXGL(WLRSLFL 29, 87-137. Northrup, L. 1998. )URP VODYH WR VXOWDQ WKH FDUHHU RI $O0DQ‫܈‬njU 4DOƗZnjQ DQG WKH FRQVROLGDWLRQ RI 0DPOXN UXOHLQ(J\SWDQG6\ULD ($+$'  Stuttgart. $O1XZD\UƯ1LKƗ\DWDODUDEIƯIXQnjQDODGDE. 33 Vol. Beyrouth. 3HGHUVHQ -  µ,EQ ‫ޏ‬$EG DO਋ƗKLU¶ LQ % /HZLV 9 / Ménage, Ch. Pellat, J. Schacht et al. (eds), (QF\FORSpGLH GHO¶LVODP. Vol. 3. Leiden, 701-702. 5XI¿QL * 5  µ1HZHU /LJKW RQ WKH .LQJGRP RI Dotawo’, in J. Van der Vliet and J. L. Hagen (eds), Qasr ,EULP EHWZHHQ (J\SW DQG $IULFD 6WXGLHV LQ &XOWXUDO ([FKDQJH. Leuven, 179-191. 5XI¿QL*57KH%LVKRS7KH(SDUFKDQG7KH.LQJ 2OG1XELDQWH[WVIURP4DVU,EULP34,,9 . Warsaw.



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5XI¿QL*5µ'RWDZR¶V/DWHU'\QDVWLHV$6SHFXODWLYH +LVWRU\¶ LQ$ àDMWDU$ 2EáXVNL , =\FK HGV  $HJ\SWXV HW 1XELD &KULVWLDQD 7KH :áRG]LPLHU] *RGOHZVNL-XELOHH9ROXPHRQWKH2FFDVLRQRIKLVWK %LUWKGD\. Warsaw, 539-552. âDIƯ‫ ޏ‬E ‫ޏ‬$OƯ  .LWƗE ‫ۊ‬XVQ DOPDQƗTLE DOVLUUL\D DOPXQWD]DҵDPLQDOVƯUDDOܱƗKLUL\\D5L\Ɨঌ Seignobos, R. 2016. ‘La liste des conquêtes nubiennes de %D\EDUVVHORQ,EQâDGGƗG ¶LQ$àDMWDU$ 2EáXVNL , =\FK HGV  $HJ\SWXV HW 1XELD &KULVWLDQD 7KH :áRG]LPLHU] *RGOHZVNL -XELOHH 9ROXPH RQ WKH 2FFDVLRQRIKLVWK%LUWKGD\. Warsaw, 553-577. Sourdel, D. 1990. ‘Ibn ShDGGƗG¶LQ%/HZLV9/0pQDJH Ch. Pellat, J. Schacht et al. (eds), (QF\FORSpGLH GH O¶LVODP. Vol. 3. Leiden, 958. Spaulding, J. 1998. ‘Medieval Nubian Dynastic Succession’, in T. Kendall (ed.), 1XELDQ6WXGLHV%RVWRQ  Thorau, P. 1992. 7KH/LRQRI(J\SW6XOWDQ%D\EDUV,DQGWKH 1HDU (DVW LQ WKH WKLUWHHQWK FHQWXU\. London – New York. Vantini, G. 1975. Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia. Heidelberg – Varsovie. Welsby, D. A. 2002. 7KH 0HGLHYDO .LQJGRPV RI 1XELD 3DJDQV &KULVWLDQV DQG 0XVOLPV RQ WKH 0LGGOH 1LOH London.

NUBIAN FORTIFICATIONS IN THE MIDDLE AGES Bogdan ĩURAWSKI, Mariusz DRZEWIECKI, Marcin WIEWIÓRA and Aneta CEDRO

Over the last few years, we have witnessed a small EXW VLJQL¿FDQW VKLIW LQ 1XELDQ VWXGLHV )RUWL¿HG VLWHV1 in the Middle Nile, practically unnoticed for so long, have started to become an important factor in Nubian VWXGLHV7KHSDVWWHQ\HDUVKDYHVHHQDQLQFUHDVHLQWKH number of projects launched in southern Egypt and 6XGDQ LQ ZKLFK IRUWL¿HG VLWHV SOD\ D VLJQL¿FDQW UROH This growing interest is clearly visible when we examine the statistics of papers given during the last four 1XELDQ&RQIHUHQFHV,Q5RPH WKHUHZHUHRQO\ three papers presenting research on Middle Nile forti¿FDWLRQV FRQVWLWXWLQJ  RI WKH  WDONV GHOLYHUHG WKHUH $W WKH WK 1XELDQ &RQIHUHQFH LQ :DUVDZ   WKHUH ZHUH DOUHDG\ QLQH VXFK SDSHUV  RI  SDSHUV 3 DQG DW WKH /RQGRQ PHHWLQJ   WKHUH ZHUHRISUHVHQWDWLRQV  In Neuchatel 18 VXFKSUHVHQWDWLRQVZHUHGHOLYHUHGRISDSHUV  ,QDGGLWLRQIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHWKHUHZDVDVHVVLRQGHGLFDWHGWRIRUWL¿FDWLRQV These statistics demonstrate not only the growth of Nubian studies in general but also WKH UDSLG LQFUHDVH LQ IRUWL¿FDWLRQ VWXGLHV ,Q WKH SDVW four years since the previous Nubian Conference  PRUHWKDQSXEOLFDWLRQVSUHVHQWLQJPHGLHYDO IRUWL¿HG VLWHV DQG VWXGLHV FRQFHUQLQJ WKHP KDYH EHHQ SULQWHG VHH ELEOLRJUDSK\ DQG 7DEOH   DQG VWLOO PRUH DUHZDLWLQJWREHUHOHDVHG)RUWKH¿UVWWLPHDFRQIHUHQFH GHGLFDWHG WR WKH IRUWL¿FDWLRQV RI QRUWKHDVWHUQ $IULFDZDVRUJDQLVHGLQ&RORJQHLQWKHSURFHHGLQJVRIZKLFKZHUHSXEOLVKHGLQ-HVVHDQG9RJHO 1



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were built of small or middle-sized stones, natural or SDUWO\GUHVVHGERQGHGLQPXGPRUWDU&XUWDLQVUHSUHVHQWHGDFRQVWUXFWLRQWHFKQLTXHVLPLODUWRopus emplectum7KHRUJDQL]DWLRQRIWKHZRUNLVSDUWLFXODUO\QRWHZRUWK\ :DOOV ZHUH FRQVWUXFWHG LQ D SODQQHG PDQQHU built segment after segment, the joints between segPHQWV EHLQJ PDUNHG RQ IDFH ZDOOV DV YHUWLFDO VHDPV :LHZLyUDàRSDFLXN et al.  7KHFKRLFHRI building methods resulted from the topography, but DOVR IURP WKH RUJDQLVDWLRQ RI EXLOGLQJ ZRUNV 2VPDQ DQG (GZDUGV    3UHSODQQHG DQG FDUHIXOO\ SUHSDUHGJDWHVZHUHPDGHHDV\WREXLOG ,QWHUPVRIEXLOGLQJWHFKQLTXHVPDWHULDOVXVHGDQG RYHUDOOIRUPWKHIRUWUHVVHVRI6KRIHLQ0DUDNXO%DNKLW ,SKDVH 'HLJDDQGWKH)RXUWK&DWDUDFWVLWHVVXFKDV 6XHJL .DOGRE +DUD] 5HGDE (O.DE KDYH PXFK LQ FRPPRQ 6RPH IRUWL¿HG VWUXFWXUHV DUH VW\OLVWLFDOO\ homogeneous and were apparently built according to RQH GHVLJQ :LHZLyUD    àRSDFLXN et al. 7KLVLVHYLGHQFHGQRWRQO\E\WKHXVHRIWKH VDPH PDVRQU\ WHFKQLTXHV DQG EXLOGLQJ PDWHULDOV EXW also by the presence of identical defensive features, such as elongated sub-oval bastions in the corners and PLGZDOODQGVLPLODUIRUPVRIHQWUDQFHZD\V $SDUWIURPWKHULYHUIRUWVIRUWL¿HGVHWWOHPHQWVDQG ZDOOHG WRZQV 0DNXULD KDG LWV VKDUH RI OHVV SURWHFWHG sites and skopeloi ZDWFKWRZHUV  7KH HQFORVXUH at Selib, provided with its own source of water, is a good H[DPSOHRIDVLWHZLWKOLJKWHUSURWHFWLRQ,WVRXWHUZDOOV which were repaired and rebuilt on several occasions, ZHUHEXLOWLQDPDQQHUVLPLODUWRWKHODUJHUVWUXFWXUHV The Meroitic columns used in the presumed St Thecla sanctuary and in the earliest church dedicated to St 0HQDV ZHUH DOVR XVHG LQ WKH JLUGOH ZDOO 7KH saqia located east from the church irrigated the interior garGHQDQGSURYLGHGZDWHUWRWKHKXJHWDQNVLWXDWHGQHDU WKH JDWH WR WKH HQFORVXUH 7KH HDUO\ &KULVWLDQ GDWH RI the site has been strongly supported by the ceramic eviGHQFH ZKLFK FRPSULVHV WKH HDUOLHVW &KULVWLDQ IRUPV The excavation along the girdle wall revealed eight GRXEOH VWDLUZD\V EXLOW LQWR LWV LQQHU IDFH 2ULJLQDOO\ WKHUHZHUHSUREDEO\RUPRUHÀLJKWVRIVWDLUVZKLFK SURYLGHGWKHFRPPXQLFDWLRQZLWKWKHSDUDSHWZDONRQ WRSRIWKHZDOO,WZDVDFRQFOXVLYHSURRIWKDWWKH6HOLE HQFORVXUH ZDV LQ IDFW D GHIHQVLYH GHVLJQ VNLOOIXOO\ EXLOWDQGHTXLSSHGZLWKGHIHQVLYHZDOOVWKHZHOODQG WKHFKXUFK,WZDVDUHIXJHIRUWZKLFKVHUYHGDVDSODFH of retreat to the inhabitants of the medieval villages VFDWWHUHGDORQJWKHULJKWEDQN,QWLPHVRISHDFHSHRSOH YLVLWHG WKH 6W 0HQDV &KXUFK LQVLGH WKH ZDOOV ,Q WLPH

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of danger they moved into the fort together with their OLYHVWRFN7KH 6HOLE UHIXJH ZDV LQFDSDEOH RI UHVLVWLQJ DQ\DWWDFNE\DVWURQJHUIRUFHEXWFRXOGKDYHSURYLGHG SURWHFWLRQLQFDVHRIH[WHUQDOWKUHDWFDXVHGE\DQDWWDFN E\WKHGHVHUWGZHOOHUV,WZDVSUREDEO\VXSSRUWHGE\DQ HDUO\ ZDUQLQJ V\VWHP 7KH HQHP\ FRXOG  KDYH EHHQ spotted from the top of nearby Gebel el-Alim where, what may have been a skopelosZDVIRXQGĩXUDZVNL   $OO LQ DOO LW ZDV D PRGHO UHIXJH IRUW provided with the church, the well and perhaps the EDVLQ IRU ZDWHULQJ ÀRFNV ,W UHVHPEOHV VRPH RI WKH Fourth Cataract forts in which, apart from a church, KDUGO\DQ\VXEVWDQWLDOEXLOGLQJZDVIRXQG Chronology 1HZUHVHDUFKLQDW%DNKLWIRUWUHVVLQWKH6RXWKern Dongola Reach, especially the analysis of building PHWKRGVLQWHUPVRIWHFKQLTXHVDQGPDWHULDOVUHYHDOHG that its external curtain walls were constructed of difIHUHQWPDWHULDOVDQGZLWKGLIIHUHQWGHJUHHVRISUHFLVLRQ This diversity was apparently associated with different SKDVHV RI IRUWUHVV EXLOGLQJ 7KH H[DPLQDWLRQ RI SRWVKHUGVH[WUDFWHGIURPPRUWDUEHWZHHQWKHPXGEULFNV sampled from different sections of the curtain wall, did QRW DOORZ D FKURQRORJLFDO GLVWLQFWLRQ EHWZHHQ WKHP Rather it indicated that the construction of the whole structure was accomplished in a shorter span during the 7UDQVLWLRQDO(DUO\&KULVWLDQSHULRG$PRQJWKHSRWWHU\ DVVHPEODJH UHFRYHUHG IURP WKH PXGEULFN ZDOOV WKH most characteristic forms were red slipped bowls with DURXQGHGEDVHDQGEODFNULPVWULSHRUJURRYHVEHORZ WKHHGJH)LJXUHDO &RXQWOHVVIUDJPHQWVRIFHUDPLF vessels scattered inside and around the fortress have proved intensive occupation of the site throughout the &KULVWLDQ SHULRG 7KH XQXVXDO TXDQWLW\ RI LPSRUWHG DPSKRUDH ZLWK /5$  SUHGRPLQDQW )LJXUH  PS  ZKLFKDSSHDUHGLQ1XELDEHWZHHQWKH¿IWKDQGVHYHQWK FHQWXULHV $GDPV    LV HVSHFLDOO\ QRWHZRUWK\ not only in reference to chronology but also in recogniWLRQRIWKHIXQFWLRQDQGLPSRUWDQFHRIWKLVVLWH The fate of the Fourth Cataract strongholds, which appear to have been deserted within a century of their construction according to the ceramic evidence, was QRW VKDUHG E\ WKH IRUWUHVVHV GRZQULYHU DQG XSULYHU 6KRIHLQ$ENXU'RQJROD%DNKLW'HLJD'LIIDU0DUDNXO DQG PDQ\ RWKHUV ZHUH LQKDELWHG XQWLO WKH /DWH &KULVWLDQ SHULRG )LJXUH  W  +RZHYHU WKH\ VHHP WR have served in their primary, defensive purpose only IRU WKH ¿UVW KXQGUHG \HDUV DIWHU WKHLU FRQVWUXFWLRQ ,W

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schemes of hinterland defence and the protection of WUDGHURXWHV0XFKVWLOOKDVWREHGRQHEXWWZRK\SRWKH VHVKDYHEHHQSXWIRUZDUG)LUVWO\WKHQRUWKHUQSDUWRI $OZDPRUHWKDQNPRIWKH1LOH9DOOH\ ZDVSURYLGHGZLWKDFKDLQRIVWDQGDUGLVHGIRUWV)LHOGUHVHDUFK VXJJHVWV WKDW$OZDQ IRUWL¿FDWLRQV ZHUH PRUH XQLIRUP in spatial layout than their downriver counterparts and generally could be dated to the early medieval period :HOVE\ 7KHGDWLQJRIIRUWL¿FDWLRQFRQVWUXFWLRQ DW WKRVH VLWHV LV GLI¿FXOW EHFDXVH WKH\ ZHUH D YLVLEOH part of the landscape and were therefore used extenVLYHO\ LQ WKH IROORZLQJ FHQWXULHV )RU H[DPSOH WKH -HEHO 8PP 0DUUDKL KLOOWRS IRUW KDV EHHQ D SODFH RI ZRUVKLS IRU 6X¿ EURWKHUKRRG SUREDEO\ VLQFH WKH th FHQWXU\$VDUHVXOWRIWKLVWKHFRXUW\DUGWRGD\FRQWDLQV DQ RSHQDLU PRVTXH ZKLFK ZDV HQODUJHG WZLFH LQ WKH stFHQWXU\UHPDLQVRIOLYLQJTXDUWHUVDQGRWKHUVWUXFWXUHVXVHGE\WKH6X¿IROORZHUV)LJXUH $OOSUHYLRXV occupation layers are either covered or have been UHPRYHG A few researchers have put forward the suggestion WKDWVRPHRIWKHIRUWL¿HGVLWHVXSULYHUIURPWKH)RXUWK Cataract should be dated to the post-Meroitic or in VRPH FDVHV HYHQ WR WKH ODWH 0HURLWLF SHULRG More research is needed regarding this chronological problem but it is worth pursuing this thought-process EHFDXVH WKH IROORZLQJ TXHVWLRQV WKHQ DULVH ZKR EXLOW WKLVFKDLQRIIRUWL¿FDWLRQV"$UHZHWDONLQJRIDVLQJOH FKDLQ"2ULVLWDVWRU\RIXVHUHXVHH[SDQVLRQUHEXLOGLQJ DQG DGMXVWLQJ WR QHZ VLWXDWLRQV" :DV WKLV ODQG D VWUHWFK RI WKH 1LOH 9DOOH\ PRUH WKDQ  NP ORQJ already united under Nubian/Alwan rule in the post0HURLWLF SHULRG" +RZ GR ZH UHFRQFLOH WKLV ZLWK WKH information WKDWVRPHRIWKHIRUWL¿FDWLRQVZHUHEXLOWLQ WKH ODWH 0HURLWLF SHULRG" Could it be that the process of coalescence of the smaller units into a centralised PRQDUFK\VWDUWHGHDUOLHULQ$OZDWKDQLQ0DNXULD" The second hypothesis is that the construction of this defensive system began in the last centuries of the 0HURLWLF(PSLUHSHUKDSVDVD¿QDODWWHPSWWRVWDELOLVH WKH SROLWLFDO VLWXDWLRQ LQ WKDW UHDOP $FFRUGLQJ WR DQFLHQWKLVWRULRJUDSKHUVWKH1LOH9DOOH\ZDVDVRXUFH RI FRQÀLFW EHWZHHQ 1XELDQV DQG WKH 0HURLWLF UXOHUV ZKLFKLVZK\IDYRXUDEOHORFDWLRQVIRU0HURLWLFIRUWL¿

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Bibliography $GDPV:-XQH@ *DXWLHU$  µ&RQWULEXWLRQV WR WKH DUFKDHR]RRORJ\ RI (J\SW¶LQ):HQGRUIDQG56FKLOGHGV The Prehistory of the Eastern Sahara1HZ-XQH@ =DUDWWLQL$  µ%RQH WRROV DQG WKHLU FXOWXUDOHFRQRPLF LPSOLFDWLRQV¶LQ,&DQHYDHG Pottery-using gatherers and hunters at Saggai (Sudan): Preconditions for food production2ULJLQL5RPD =HUERQL$µ0LFURPRUSKRORJ\5HYHDOVIn Situ0HVROLWKLF /LYLQJ )ORRUV DQG $UFKDHRORJLFDO )HDWXUHV LQ 0XOWLSKDVH 6LWHV LQ &HQWUDO 6XGDQ¶ Geoarchaeology: An International Journal 

THE FIRING INDEX OF THE PREHISTORIC POTTERY IN SUDAN Abdelrahim Mohammed KHABIR

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$0HGLXPJUDGH)LULQJ,QGH[LWLVDGHVLJQDWLRQIRU ¿ULQJFRQGLWLRQVFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\PRGHUDWHFDo&  DQG PRGHUDWHO\ ORQJ ¿ULQJ 7KH R[LGDWLRQ SKDVH LV UDWKHUEULHILELG  $ /RZJUDGH )LULQJ ,QGH[ LW LV D FKDUDFWHULVWLF RI IDEULFV ¿UHG DW UHODWLYHO\ ORZ WHPSHUDWXUHV GXULQJ D VKRUWSHULRGRIWLPHo& WHUPLQDWLQJE\DEULHI R[LGDWLRQSKDVHLELG  Optical Properties of Clay ,I WKH FU\VWDOOLQH VWUXFWXUH RI WKH FOD\ PLQHUDOV KDV QRWEHHQORVWWKHWHPSHUDWXUHDWZKLFKLWZDV¿UHGFDQ EH GHWHUPLQHG 6KHSDUG    ,Q WKLV UHVSHFW SHWURORJLFDO H[DPLQDWLRQ E\ WKLQ VHFWLRQV DV ZHOO DV ;UD\GLIIUDFWLRQPHWKRGFDQEHXVHGWRVWXG\WKHFOD\ PLQHUDOV ZKLFK DUH DOWHUHG GXULQJ ¿ULQJ @ Knoblauch, C. M. 2012. ‘The Ruler of Kush (Kerma) at Buhen during the Second Intermediate Period: A Reinterpretation of Buhen Stela 691 and Related Objects’, in C. M. Knoblauch and J. C. Gill (eds), Egyptology in Australia and New Zealand 2009. Proceedings of the Conference held in Melbourne, September 4th-6th. Oxford, 85-93. Marée, M. 2010. The Second intermediate period (thirteenthseventeenth dynasties): current research, future prospects. Leuven. Maspero, G. 1899. Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’orient classique, tome III : Les Empires. Paris. Pamminger, P. 1992. ‘Amun und Luxor - Der Widder und das Kultbild’, Beiträge zur Sudanforschung 5, 93-140. Minor, E. 2012. The Use of Egyptian and Egyptianizing Material Culture in Nubian Burials of the Classic Kerma Period. PhD dissertation. University of California. Berkeley. Ann Arbor: ProQuest/UMI. (Publication No. AAT 3555826), escholarship.org/uc/item/0nn0m0fv. Reisner, G. A. 1914. ‘New Acquisitions of the Egyptian Department’, Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin. Vol. XI, No. 69 (April). Boston, Mass. Reisner, G.A. 1923a. Excavations at Kerma, Parts I-III. Joint Egyptian Expedition of Harvard University and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Harvard African Studies 5. Cambridge.

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Reisner G. A. 1923b. Excavations at Kerma, Parts IV-V. Joint Egyptian Expedition of Harvard University and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Harvard African Studies 6. Cambridge. Säve-Söderbergh, T. 1941. Ägypten und Nubien: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altägyptischer Aussenpolitik. Lund. Smith, S. T. 1996. ‘The Transmission of an Egyptian Administrative System in the Second Millennium B.C.: Sealing Practice in Lower Nubia and at Kerma’, in P. Ferioli and E. Fiandra (eds), Administration in Ancient Societies. Turin, 67-86. Smith, S. T. 2003. Wretched Kush: ethnic identities and boundaries in Egypt’s Nubian empire. London. Török, L. 2009. Between two worlds: the frontier region between ancient Nubia and Egypt, 3700 BC-AD 500. Leiden. Trigger, B. G. 1994. ‘Paradigms in Sudan archaeology’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 27 (2), 323-345. Tufnell, O. 1984. Studies on scarab seals 2: Scarab Seals and their Contribution to History in the Early Second Millennium B.C.. Warminster. Ward, W. A. and W. G. Dever. 1994. Studies on scarab seals. Vol. 3, Scarab typology and archaeological context: an essay on middle bronze age chronology. San Antonio. Wildung, D. 1973. ‘Der widdergestaltige Amun Ikongraphie enes Gotterbildes’, International Congress of Orientalists. Paris. Unpublished paper. Wildung, D. 1984. Seostris und Amenemhat. Ägypten im Mittlern Reich. Munchen, 182. Wildung, D. 1997. Sudan: ancient kingdoms of the Nile. Paris.

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ඍඁൾඋൾආඇൺඇඍඌඈൿൺඍൾආඉඅൾർඈආඉඅൾඑൺඍൺൻඎൾඋඍൾංඅൺං U HSUHVHQWV D ODUJH VLJQ LQ WKH IRUP RI DQ µ,VLV NQRW¶ 6HYHUDO SLHFHV RI FRORXUHG SODVWHU EOXH EHLJH  ZHUH DOVRIRXQGLQURRP7KH¿QGLQGLFDWHVWKDWWKHURRP ZDVGHFRUDWHGZLWKDGLVWLQFWLYHGHFRUZKLFKLQFOXGHG VDFUHGV\PEROVDQGWKHVPDOOFRORXUIUDJPHQWVSUREDEO\HYLGHQFHWKHFRPSOHWHSDLQWLQJRIWKLVURRP $ IUDJPHQW RI WKH XSSHU SDUW RI WKH ERZO ZLWK VWDPSHG GHFRUDWLRQ LQ WKH IRUP RI ankh VLJQV ZDV IRXQGLQWKHVDPHURRPDWDORZHUOHYHO3ODWH 7KH IDEULF RI WKLV IUDJPHQW LV PDGH RI ¿QH NDROLQ FOD\ RI RUDQJHEHLJH FRORXU IL PRIMO DIARIO 1859-1860 — 20 sepWHPEUH @ ©$QWLFKLWj GL 6RED *OL XRPHQL GHWWL vache. Si fece scavare ove si trovava una specie di quadrupede acovaciato del quale non potei discernere a che specie apartenesse. Il dorso era copperto di squame, al nostro ritorno sarà scavato interamente, allora vedrò le iscrizioni che gli Arabi dicono esservi sul pedestallo. Il Scek di questo villaggio era con noi.» «Viaggio facendo sentivo il mio amico De Bono e il GRWWRUH>3HQH\3HQD\@FKHGLFHYDQRDOVFHN6HLWXWRUR o vacca? » Suit une historiette sur la volonté jugée paradoxale des hommes du Sennar de se voir comparés pour leurs qualités à la vache plutôt qu’au taureau. «Ritornando alla barca dissi al scek : senti, se quando ritorno io non trovo la scrittura sul piedistallo del monWRQHFRVuFKLDPDQRTXHOODSvHWUDWXVDUDLXQWRUR3HU dio (rispose) sono una vacca e vedrai la scrittura. …» 7H[WH  >IL SECONDO DIARIO 1860-1861 —  IpYULHU@©0LDUUHVWDLD6REDDQWLFDFLWWjDWUHOHJKH circa distante da Cartum sulla sponda orientale. Nell’altra spedizione avevo già visitato questo luogo. Avevo veduto il dorso squamato d’un quadrupede accovacciato mutilato la testa e non potei veder nulla. Diedi alcune monete al capo del villaggio per far levare la terra e vedere le inscrizioni che mi dicevano esistere, ma al ritorno dal Sennar le febbri mi impedirono d’andare sul luogo. Questo anno mentre organizo la spedi]LRQHÀXYLDOHURWRUQDLD6RED,OVFHNDYHYDPDQWHQXWR la sua parola, trovai il monumento scopperto e vidi le iscrizioni che sono egiziane. La testa come dissi fu >S@URWWDPDGRYHYDHVVHUHGLXQDULHWWHSRLFKpOH unghie sono biforcute, sul piedestallo a sinistra si vede scolpito un montone, e la tradizione araba lo chiama Corùf-el-agier (montone di pietra). Se le unghie non fossero biforcute si potrebbe prenderlo per un lione come lo indica il nome della città Soba o Saba (in lingua araba). Non si puo nemmeno arguire che questa FLWWjVLDVWDWDHGL¿FDWDGDOODIDPPRVDUHJLQDFKHSRUWD tal nome, preché troppo lontana dall’Arabia e poi le LVFUL]LRQL VRQR JHURJOL¿FL H QRQ FXI¿FKH )RUVH TXL come a Mender nel Basso-Egitto le donne adoravano l’ariette a cui si prostituivano. Io credo che questo monumento sia del tempo dei Tolemei, perché nel cartoccio davanti mi sembra di leggere Pilipoi (Filippo). Siccome S. A. Said desidera di formare un museo, spedj il dissegno al ministro Scerif-Pascià ed un’altra copia alle illustrazioni Italiana,

NOS PREMIÈRES SOURCES SUR LE BÉLIER DE SOBA

Francese ed Inglese perché forse puo interessare l’archeologo. Io credo d’essere il primo che dà un monumento Egizio esistente al Sennar, ed operando dei scavi nelle numerose colline di pietre e dove veggono tronchi di colonne di granito e capitelli si potrebbe forse trovare qualche curiosità ma i Copti bersagliati dal fanatismo religioso ivi rifugiati devono aver demolito tutti i monumenti che vi esistevano. …» Un autre point doit être mentionné ici, d’intérêt direct pour notre sujet. Dans le texte 1, Miani indique aller à Soba accompagné de il mio amico>$QGUHD@De Bono et ailleurs dans le compte rendu de son voyage, il mentionne la rencontre de Lejan : «Il mio amico Sig. De Bono mi venne incontro, m’abbracio e mi condusse in casa del dottor Penay ove una lauta mensa era bandita con vini squisiti e champagna che si bevette alla mia salute. Ivi trovai il sig. Lejan geografo del Governo Francese, che conobbi alla 6RFLHWj*HRJUD¿FDGL3DULJLLOTXDOHYLDJJLDSHUFRQWR del suo governo per levare i piani delle diverse città del Sudan.» Tous deux sont des explorateurs de premier plan, Andrea De Bono (1821-1871) pour la découverte des sources du Nil Blanc et Guillaume Marie Lejean (18241871) pour l’Orient et la Corne de l’Afrique (Catania 2001; Lorain   /HMHDQ HVW HQ SDUWLFXOLHU O¶DXWHXU d’un Voyage aux deux Nils SDUXj3DULVHQHWGDQV lequel il consacre quelques lignes au bélier en mentionnant les fouilles du sieur Debano, de Khartoum sans WRXWHIRLVrWUHDOOpVXUSODFH/HMHDQ 18. Le prochain témoignage, daté de 1877, est celui d’Emilius Albert de Cosson. Désormais, quelque chose de fondamental a changé en ce qu’on ne va plus voir la statue à Soba depuis qu’elle a été transportée à Khartoum, et a été placée near the new palace (Cosson (de)    ,O IDXW HQVXLWH DWWHQGUH  HW O¶RXYUDJH de John Ward, très circonstancié, pour disposer des premières photos du bélier et obtenir de nouvelles inforPDWLRQV VXU VHV SpUpJULQDWLRQV :DUG   140-142). L’attachement particulier du mystique Gordon pour la statue est indiqué et l’on ne parle plus du Ram mais du Lamb(Q)UDQFLV/O*ULI¿WKHW 18



Tryphon Calidakis, membre de la Sudan Archaeology Society, nous indique qu’un certain De Bono possédait l’une des grosses entreprises d’exploitation de la brique antique de Soba à l’époque où Khartoum se construisait. La relation entre l’un et l’autre restera à faire. Intéressant de constater que le souvenir d’une inscription sur la base est déjà perdu et de voir les efforts de Ward pour la déga-

467

Planche 1a. Statue de bélier 2S découverte en 2002.

le premier volume de ses Meroitic Inscriptions redonnent sa place au bélier de Soba dans la littérature savante ; la seconde édition du guide des antiquités de Khartoum par Addison apporte à nouveau des informations ou des précisions sur la statue du bélier $GGLVRQ  «At the Anglican Cathedral: two capitals of gneiss and a stone ram. The capitals bear Coptic cross, and ZHUHEURXJKWIURP6REDLQWKH7KHUHLVHYLGHQFH that the ram also came from Soba, and was already in .KDUWRXP LQ  ,W LV RI VDQG VWRQH DQG WKH EDVH bears an inscription in Meroitic hieroglyphs including SDUWRIDFDUWRXFKH,WLVSUREDEO\D¿JXUHRI$PRQLQ the form of a ram such as those which occur at Kawa, Meroë, Nagaa, and other sites. Though it is not clear who actually brought the ram to Khartoum, a statement of Father Ohrwalder shows that General Gordon had the animal brought to the Palace garden. It was found LQXQGHUWKHGHEULVRIWKHROG3DODFHª Mais il s’agit désormais d’un autre chapitre de l’histoire du bélier, pour lequel il faut renvoyer aux travaux G¶+RIPDQQHWGH=DFKQRWDPPHQWVXUODTXHVWLRQGH la date exacte du transfert de la statue à Khartoum20. 2Q QRWHUD SDU DLOOHXUV TXH OHV WUDYDX[ VFLHQWL¿TXHV menés ensuite sur le site de Soba même n’ont pas perPLVGHFODUL¿HUFHWWHTXHVWLRQHWHQWRXWFDVQ¶RQWSDV permis que soient découverts des éléments permettant 20

ger, identiques à ceux des premiers fouilleurs in situ. +RIPDQQ   =DFK   FHN ,,,  Q  3RXU OH contexte général de l’archéologie débutante au Soudan, Crowfoot DYHFODPHQWLRQGHVIRXLOOHVj6REDSDUOHmoudir de Khartoum, le colonel E. A. Stanton.



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de décrire le bélier de Soba autrement que comme une pierre mouvante21. Un troisième chapitre de l’histoire du bélier de Soba est en train de s’écrire aujourd’hui, depuis que nous avons entrepris des fouilles sur le site urbain d’el+DVVDVLWHVXUOHTXHOHQXQHVWDWXHGHPHQVXUDtions inférieures mais portant sur sa base le même texte avait été découverte fortuitement lors du creusement G¶XQFDQDO5(0 'HSXLVFHVRQWTXDWUHVWDWXHV de béliers plus grandes mais toujours inscrites du même texte — aux détails paléographiques près — et aux dimensions identiques à celles du bélier de Soba au centimètre près, qui ont été découvertes sur le dromos du temple à Amon d’el-Hassa (Rondot 2012). A été trouvée également une deuxième statue de dimensions LQIpULHXUHVLGHQWLTXHVjFHOOHVGH5(0&HVGLIférences de taille sont désormais parfaitement expliquées par la dissymétrie des deux parties du dromos,

de part et d’autre du kiosque. Cet ensemble de six statues (sur quinze) trouvées à el-Hassa est bien sûr la raison même de l’enquête présentée ici, puisqu’il nous fallait essayer de trancher autant que faire se peut entre les deux possibilités archéologiques (temple à Amon méroïtique à Soba ou transport d’une statue depuis el-Hassa jusqu’à Soba). Il est désormais démontré que les premières images publiées en Europe du bélier de Soba sont fabriquées sur celle de l’un des béliers de Naga. Le style, les dimensions et le texte de la base identiques, la particularité de la fourrure représentée ©HQ pFDLOOHV GH SRLVVRQª  WRXW SDUDvW LQGLTXHU TXH OD seule hypothèse que l’on puisse faire désormais est que l’un des béliers d’el-Hassa a été transporté vers Soba par des gens d’Alodia22. Et c’est bien le dessin très exact de Miani — et non celui de Trémaux, d’une qualité très médiocre — qui constitue le premier témoi22

21

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Les travaux sur la céramique d’el-Hassa par Marie Evina démontrent une présence alodia particulièrement marquée sur le site.

NOS PREMIÈRES SOURCES SUR LE BÉLIER DE SOBA

469

gnage que nous ayons sur l’aspect et le texte de ce monument qui reste l’inscription méroïtique la plus méridionale connue. Un dernier point : la traduction complète du texte telle que la propose Claude Rilly 5LOO\    5RQGRW    FRPSUHQG Tabakhate comme le toponyme Tabakh, nom antique G¶HO+DVVD6LWHOHVWELHQOHFDVFHWDUJXPHQWVXI¿Wj lui seul pour valider l’hypothèse d’une provenance d’el-Hassa du bélier de Soba. Addendum du 10/08/2017 (Q  6DQGUD 0DQFLQL D IDLW GRQ DX PXVpH Nicéphore Niépce de Chalon-sur-Saône du contenu d’une malle jusqu’à lors conservée dans la maison familiale de Pierre Trémaux à Charrecey. Parmi les divers documents qui constituent ce fonds, on trouve le calque lithographique réalisé par Trémaux pour la SODQFKHGXParallèle. Ce dessin est l’étape intermédiaire dans la transformation du croquis du bélier de 1DJDLGHQWL¿pGDQVXQHSDJHGXFDUQHWGHYR\DJHHQOD représentation fabriquée et publiée d’une statue méroïtique de bélier sur son socle dans la ville de Soba. Il devient ici notre Figure 7. Abréviations FHN (LGH77+lJJ5+ROWRQ3LHUFH/7|U|N  Fontes Historiae Nubiorum. Textual VRXUFHV RI WKH +LVWRU\ RI WKH 0LGGOH 1LOH 5HJLRQ between the eighth century BC and the sixth century AD, 4 vol. Bergen. REM /HFODQW-$+H\OHU&%HUJHU&O&DUULHU et Cl. Rilly 2000. Répertoire d’épigraphie méroïtique. Corpus des inscriptions publiéesYROV3DULV

Bibliographie $GGLVRQ)$6KRUW*XLGHWRWKH0XVHXPRI$QWLTXLties Gordon College Khartoum. Khartoum. %DGH\ /  µ/H &KDORQQDLV 3LHUUH 7UpPDX[ explorateur du Soudan’, Mémoires de la Société



,QYQƒ7RXVQRVUHPHUFLHPHQWVj6\OYDLQ%HVVRQ Responsable de l’inventaire et de la documentation. Remerciements à Claude Iverné également, pour nous avoir mis sur la piste.

)LJXUH&DOTXHOLWKRJUDSKLTXHGHODSODQFKHGX Parallèle0XVpH1LFpSKRUH1LpSFHLQYQƒ Photo Vincent Rondot.

d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de Chalon-sur-Saône   %HOOLHUGHOD&KDYLJQHULHeDictionnaire général des DUWLVWHVGHO¶pFROHIUDQoDLVHGHSXLVO¶RULJLQHGHVDUWVGX dessin jusqu’à nos jours – Architectes, peintres, sculpteurs, graveurs et lithographes, ouvrage commencé par Émile Bellier de la Chavignerie, continué par Louis Auvray. Vol. II. Paris. Bierbrier, M. L. 2012. Who was Who in Egyptology. London. Brass, M. 2014. ‘The Southern Frontier of the Meroitic State: The View from Jebel Moya’, $IULFDQ $UFKDHRlogical Review September  %URF 1  Dictionnaire illustré des explorateurs IUDQoDLVGX XIXe siècle I$IULTXHParis. %XGJH :  The Egyptian Sûdân. Its History and Monuments. Londres. Carrier, Cl. 2000. ‘Poursuite de la constitution du Répertoire d’Épigraphie Méroïtique (REM)’, Meroitic Newsletter Catania, Ch. 2001. Andrea De Bono Maltese Explorer on the White Nile (1848-65). London. Cosson (de), E. 1877. 7KH&UDGOHRIWKH%OXH1LOH$YLVLWWR WKH&RXUWRI.LQJ-RKQRI(WKLRSLD. Vol. 2. London. &URZIRRW - :  µ(DUO\ 'D\V ¶ Kush 'HKpUDLQ +  Le Soudan égyptien sous Méhémet-Ali. Paris. Dezzi Bardeschi, C. 2000. Nubian Bibliography to 2000 – /LVWRI$UFKDHRORJLFDO0LVVLRQVLQ1XELD (UNESCO) et disponible en ligne, mise à jour de 2008. http://unesdoc. XQHVFRRUJ8OLVFJLELQXOLVSO"WW[ %DHGHNHU .DUO WW[BS SKUDVHOLNH VF  OO  UHT  ORRN GHIDXOW JS  OLQ  QO  VF  GDWDEDVH I XWI 

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'PLFKHQ-Zur Geographie des Alten Ägypten ; lose Blätter aus dem Nachlass von Johannes Dümichen. Berlin. *ULI¿WK )U /O  Meroitic Inscriptions I. Sôbâ to Dangêl$UFKDHRORJLFDO6XUYH\RI(J\SW/RQGRQ Hallof, G. und J. Hallof 2000. ‘Ein königliche Inschrift aus Naga’, %HLWUlJH]XU6XGDQIRUVFKXQJ +LOO 5  $ %LRJUDSKLFDO 'LFWLRQDU\ RI WKH 6XGDQ. London. +RIPDQQ,µ'HU:LGGHUYRQ6RED¶Göttinger Miszellen  Kormysheva, E. 2010. Gott in seinem Tempel. Lokale Züge und Ägyptische Entlehnungen in der geistigen Kultur des alten Sudan. Moskau. .RUP\VKHYD ( DQG +DVDQ +XVHLQ ,GULVV  Gods and 'LYLQH 6\PEROV RI WKH $QFLHQW 6XGDQHVH &LYLOLVDWLRQ &DWDORJXHRIWKH6XGDQ1DWLRQDO0XVHXPLQ.KDUWRXP. Moskau. /DQJ01RWLFHµ'XHPLFKHQ-RKDQQHV/XGZLJ$OEHUW Christian von’, Nouveau dictionnaire de biographie alsacienne 8 Ledeuil, E. 1877. Biographie de Pierre Trémaux. Bâle. /HMHDQ *  9R\DJH DX[ GHX[ 1LOV  1XELH .RUGRIDQ Soudan oriental : exécuté de 1860 à 1864 par ordre de l’Empereur. Paris. Linant de Bellefonds Bey 2002. Voyages aux mines d’or du pharaon. Paris. /REEDQ5$HW0DKJRXE(O7LJDQL0DKPRXGPierre Trémaux. Voyages to the Eastern Sudan and to SeptenWULRQDOH$IULFD . Le Caire. Lorain, 07K . Guillaume Lejean, voyageur, géographe et cartographe. Mordelles. /RUHQ] 2  Catalogue général de la Librairie IUDQoDLVH. Paris. Mainterot, Ph. 2011. Aux origines de l’égyptologie. Voyages et collections de Frédéric Cailliaud 1787-1869. Rennes. 0DOHN-HW'0DJHHµ0HURLWLFDQG1XELDQ0DWHULDO LQ WKH $UFKLYHV RI WKH *ULI¿WK ,QVWLWXWH 2[IRUG¶ Meroitic Newsletter 0DUERW%µ$SUqV'DJXHUUHFKHIVG¶°XYUHGHODSKRWRJUDSKLH IUDQoDLVH ¶ in Regards sur la photographie en France au 19e VLqFOH   FKHIV d’œuvre du Département des estampes et de la photographie. Catalogue de l’exposition de la Bibliothèque Nationale. Paris. Maria Dall Pozzolo, E., R. Dorigo et M. P. Pedani (dir.) 2011. Venezia e l’Egitto. Venezia, Palazzo Ducale 1 ottobre 2011-22 gennaio 2012. Milan. 0DU[ . HW )U (QJHOV  Correspondance, tome VIII MDQYLHUMXLQ 3DULV 0LDQL*Diari e carteggi 1858-1872. Milan. 0RQQLHU )U  Vocabulaire d’architecture égyptienne. Bruxelles.

0RXULH]3Histoire de Méhemet-Ali, vice-roi d’Égypte. Notes et documents historiques. Paris. Pérouse de Montclos, J.-M. 2011. Architecture. Description et vocabulaire méthodique, Inventaire général du patrimoine culturel. Paris. Rilly, Cl. 2007. La langue du royaume de Méroé. Un panoUDPDGHODSOXVDQFLHQQHFXOWXUHpFULWHG¶$IULTXHVXEsaharienne, Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes études, Sciences historiques et philologiques 3DULV Rilly, Cl. 2010. /HPpURwWLTXHHWVDIDPLOOHOLQJXLVWLTXH. Collection Afrique et Langage 14. Louvain – Paris. Rilly, Cl. 2011. ‘Meroitische Texte aus Naga / Meroitic Texts from Naga’, in K. Kröper, S. Schoske et D. Wildung (eds), Königsstadt Naga/Naga–Royal City. Grabungen LQGHU:VWHGHV6XGDQ([FDYDWLRQVLQWKH'HVHUWRIWKH Sudan0XQLFK±%HUOLQ Rocheleau, C. M. 2008. Amun Temples in Nubia. A TypoORJLFDO6WXG\RI1HZ.LQJGRP1DSDWDQDQG0HURLWLF Temples, BAR International Series2[IRUG 5RQGRW9µ/Hqore Amanakhareqerem et son temple à Amon d’el-Hassa’, in V. Rondot et N. Dextreit (eds), .HUPD HW 0pURp &LQT FRQIpUHQFHV G¶DUFKpRORJLH soudanaise. Khartoum, 41-47. Rondot, V. 2010. ‘L’architecture du temple et le modèle égyptien’, in M. Baud (dir.), Méroé. Un empire sur le Nil0LODQ±3DULV 5RQGRW9µ(O+DVVDXQWHPSOHj$PRQGDQVO¶vOHGH Méroé au Ier siècle de notre ère (note d’information)’, Compte-rendus de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres MDQYLHUIpYULHU  Sakamoto, Ts. 2017. ‘Soba and the Meroitic southern frontier’, Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen *HVHOOVFKDIW]X%HUOLQH9 Der Antike Sudan  6KLQQLH3/0HURH$&LYLOL]DWLRQRIWKH6XGDQ. New York – Washington. 6KLQQLH3/HW5-%UDGOH\µ$1HZ0HURLWLF5R\DO Name’, Meroitic Newsletter 6KLQQLH 3 / HW ' % +DUGHQ  Excavations at Soba. 6XGDQ $QWLTXLWLHV 6HUYLFH 2FFDVLRQDO 3DSHUV  Khartoum. Surdich, F. 2010. ‘Notice ‘MIANI, Giovanni’’, Dizionario %LRJUD¿FRGHJOL,WDOLDQL 74. Rome. 7|U|N /  7KH .LQJGRP RI .XVK +DQGERRN RI WKH Napatan-Meroitic Civilization, Handbuch der Orientalistik/HLGHQ±1HZL@  \LࡈSTҕଣrneyi : ‘Amanishakheto, EHLQJ NLQJ DQG EHLQJ &DQGDFH$NLQLGDG EHLQJ ଢDࡉQV, DQGEHLQJYLFHUR\¶7KHUR\DOSURWRFROFRQIHUVDQRI¿cial status to the inscription and also provides valuable data on the time-span. 'HPRWLF JUDI¿WL VWXGLHG E\ %XUNKDUGW DUH GDWHG using names and titles of a central authority (Burkhardt 7|U|N    DV ZHOO DV WKH JUDI¿WL IURP Dakke, Dak.15 and 1721. In particular, Dak.17 consists of the name of Natakamani and Amanitore22 (Rilly, in press). The dating of texts by using royal names and titles suggests that the royal protocol of Amanishakheto and Akinidad does not necessarily indicate customers of the stele but might be a dating system. The hypothesis that the royal protocol is a dating system has already been suggested by Rilly during his Meroitic Studies, in 2008. From this perspective, the sponsors of the stele need not be a royalty. Some physical, iconographic and linguistic aspects appear to support this hypothesis. Comparing the shape and dimensions of the stele with the other two Meroitic royal stelae one can observe some differences. The Stele of Taneyidamani (Figures 8-9-10), and that of Amanirenas and Akinidad (Figure  DUHODUJHUDQGZHOO¿QLVKHG0RUHRYHUWKH\KDYH D URXJKKHZ EDVH IRU ¿[LQJ WR WKH JURXQG DQG EHLQJ exhibited at the entrance of temples. Furthermore, the

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22

REM 1182-1183 funerary inscription from Qasr Ibrim. Dak. is abbreviation for Dakke and it refers to the Demotic graf¿WLIURPWKHWHPSOHRI'DNNH The royal names on Dak.17, for a long time have been read Aqrakamani and Naytal. Nevertheless, Rilly recently gave the new interpretation based on a comparison with other Meroitic texts and linguistic analysis. Rilly’s interpretation is worthy of QRWHLIRQHFRQVLGHUVWKDW$PDQLWRUHLVGH¿QHGLQ'DN)+1 ,, DVWKHTXHHQPRWKHU,WZRXOGWKXVFRQ¿UPWKHSUHVHQFH of queen mother on the Meroitic throne, attested only during the reign of Nawidemak.

A STUDY OF THE MEROITIC INSCRIPTION

iconographical representations are more complex than RQ5(0GHSLFWLQJUR\DO¿JXUHVLQIURQWRIJRGV As regards the question of language, it is important to analyse the syntax of the protocol. By analysing the royal protocol in REM 1141, the postposition –n-eyi follows royal titles. It is a verbal form composed of n-, that according to one hypothesis could be the real verb ‘to be’23, and the postposition –eyi. The Meroitic form –n-eyi may be considered as a converb. A converb is a label, for a special verbal form that have been traditionally referred to as gerunds, adverbial participles, absolutes etc. Used for chaining clauses, it depicts sequential or simultaneous events (Banti 2007). This special verbal form –n-eyi is also present in REM 1003 amnirense : qoreli : kdweli : yitnidebxel : qoreyi : akinidd : pqrneyi : pesetoneyi; in REM 1039, ±QH\L DNࡈLࡉQࡈLGGଣ  ࡈSࡉTࡈUଣଢQHଣ>\@,  ࡈSࡉH >VH@WR\L; in REM 0094, on lines 4-7, after the name of xrmdoye: qore:, here each title composed by –n-eyi is preceded by the name of a god and postposition –selw, like qore : mnpteselw : qoreneyi ‘the king, being king by authority of Amon of Napata’. Otherwise, in other royal inscriptions the titles are without –n-eyi in REM 1044, qore : tneyidmni; in REM 0092 WHULWHTVH TRUHUHQVH ࡈࡉ NGZH DNLGG >S@ࡈTࡉU; in REM 0093 akini[d]d pqr, in REM 0412 teriteqs : qoro : amnirense : kdke : akiinidd : ss: …telo :; REM 0628 amnirense : qor : kdkel : e akinidd : pqrqoriselw : pestolw; in REM 1294 amnisxetoqo: qoro: ktkelo (Figures 14-15). According to Rilly’s hypothesis24, the royal protocol which includes the verbal form -n-eyi might have been used as a dating system. Royal protocols that use verbal forms translated as gerunds compare to some Old Nubian texts. In Old 1XELDQWH[WVIURP,EULP%URZQH*ULI¿WK  the gerund form is used in the protocol as an eponymous dating system. Texts such as the royal proclamation n°30 (Browne 1991, 39) presents after the name and titles of king a long list of important

23

24

Information received from Rilly; n is present in the postposition –n-lw ‘in the presence of’. Meroitic Studies 2008. Nevertheless, Rilly has recently suggested that the eponym dating system used in Old Nubian texts cannot be compared with the Amanishakheto’s royal protocol because the Old Nubian dating system consists of not only the UR\DOQDPHEXWDOVRWLWOHVRIQXPHURXVRI¿FLDOV3HUVRQDO&RPmunication, 2015).

707

Figure 9. Back view of Taneyidamani Stele from Gebel Barkal.

Figure 10. Iconographical representation on the front of Taneyidamani Stele.

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G. FERRANDINO

Figure 11. Inscription REM 1003 so-called Amanirenas and Akinidad Stele from Hamadab.

persons belonging to the royal court, and uses the gerund form: ‘I, Moses George, called king, and nephew of King David, who also hold the kingship of Dotawo as well DVWKHRI¿FHRI(SDUFKRI3DODJL My mother Mari being queen mother and also Gouad, 3DSR0HQDEHLQJELVKRSRI,EULP ,RVHSKLEHLQJ7ULFOLQLDULVRI'RPHVWLFXV(OHFW (?) …’

Another document, n° 31, a release from purchase shows the same structure, but applied to a royal name as well: ‘… King Moses, being King of Dotawo, Mary being queen mother Douddil being Architriclinus…’ This text is a private document, written for a nonroyal person ‘…, 7LUL DQG P\ VRQ (QR KDYH ZULWWHQ this…’ Documents such as the sale of a plot of land or the release of a slave likewise begin with the same royal protocol system. Therefore, based on these considerations, the verbal form –n-eyi may be a converb that depicts simultaneous events, so that the Meroitic royal protocol in REM 1141 may be a dating system. Another important detail worthy of note in Old Nubian texts is the incipit that refers to the god’s authority, in particular the Christian Trinity: ‘It is written in the name of the Father, The Son and the Holy Spirit…’; ‘With God! In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, Amen…’. After the salutation to god and royal protocol, the Old Nubian documents discuss various issues, such as donations or sales in a similar manner to REM 1141 that begins with the name of a god and a royal protocol then continues with long text where it is possible identify words and verbal roots known in other Meroitic texts such as oracular decrees, proskynema, Benedictions of funerary texts. 6RPHJUDI¿WLFDUYHGRQZDOOVRILPSRUWDQWUHOLJLRXV complexes, in the region between Philae and Naqa, present a similar organization of text. They are written in Demotic, Greek and Meroitic languages, where the name of god refers to the principal god of the temple: Thot at Dakka; Isis or Isis, Osiris and Horus or Isis and Hathor, as at Philae. Ph. 41, 43, 4425, studied by Burkhardt, begin with name of god ‘Before Isis’ in the name of god (Burkhardt 1985, 31). Ph. 41 and 44 continue with a date and the name of king, Antonino Caesar. Other examples are Ph. 54 and 55 composed by year and day of the government of ‘Tiberius Caesar’, and the presenWDWLRQRIWKHFXVWRPHURIWKHJUDI¿WL 2QH LQWHUHVWLQJ JURXS RI JUDI¿WL DUH LQVFULSWLRQV LQ the Demotic language written by Meroitic people. Burkhardt pointed out that they are a combination of proskynema’s schema, report and pray or offerings. 25

3KLVDQDEEUHYLDWLRQIRUWKHJUDI¿WLIURP3KLODH

A STUDY OF THE MEROITIC INSCRIPTION

5HSRUWVXVHWKH¿UVWVLQJXODUSHUVRQIRUIRUPXODWLQJD direct speech. The direct speech is a common characteristic of Old Nubian texts as well. Generally, reports describe an activity carried out by a person for a god, such as the production of statues, festivals, or favours to temple. At the beginning or at the end of them, it is possible to read a prayer or a brief formula such as in Dak. 33. One characteristic of prayers is the salutation or invocation to a god. +RZHYHU %XUNKDUGW DQDO\VHG DQG LGHQWL¿HG GLIIHUent grammatical structures in Demotic prayers and reports, stressing the important role of subordinate clauses, in particular the relative. Although Egyptian and Meroitic are languages that belong to two different linguistic phyla, it could nevertheless be a useful clue about the general textual organization, to indicate what semantic needs induced the use of the above-mentioned V\QWDFWLFDOVWUXFWXUHV$PRQJWKHVHJUDI¿WL3KDQG Ph.417 (FHN III, 1000-1016) present high rank persons26. It seems likely that REM 1141 was commissioned by a person of rank, in which he reported his activities on behalf of Isis.

709

Figure 12. Particular of line 7, sign h.

Accounts of donations and/or Prayers 2QOLQHVDIWHU$NLQLGDG¶VWLWOHVLWVD\Vଢ‫ࡉڲ‬QPGH27: SNࡈUࡉ‫ܒ‬U  G‫ۜۊ‬L ۘURU. nirl [:] tretd : elx. The passage is composed of two verbal complexes tre-td and el-x. 2WKHU ZRUGV KDYH EHHQ LGHQWL¿HG 7KH OH[HPH ଢ‫ࡉڲ‬QPGH appears to be composed with -mde used for the predicate yet-mde-l-o-wi in funerary inscriptions, for describing relative relationships. It is probable that the titles SNࡈUࡉ‫ܒ‬Uand ۘURU are not part of a royal protocol. The Amanishakheto’s and Akinidad’s titles are composed of –n-eyi postposition, while this passage is not structured in this way. Therefore, maybe they are not part of the royal protocol. Furthermore, the word SNࡈUࡉ‫ܒ‬U is composed of SNࡈUଣ and ‫ܒ‬U28. Sometimes, pkr is interpreted as variant of pqr, the Akinidad’s title (Hofmann 1977); nevertheless, it appears to be a different title29 (Török 1979, 169; 26

27 28 29

0RVW RI GHPRWLF JUDI¿WL EHORQJ WR RUGLQDU\ SHRSOH ZKLOH 0HURLWLFJUDI¿WLIURPWKHLQWHULRURIWKH0HURLWLF&KDPEHULGHQtify persons of high rank, in fact they were part of a Meroitic embassy. The Edwards and Rilly’s transliteration is ́QPGH tr is an adjective. Török, by referring to Tanyidamani stele REM 1044, suggested the titles pqr qori-s and pkr tr qori-s appeared to belong to different persons.

Figure 13. Inscription REM 1039 so-called Akinidad Stele from Hamadab.

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Figure 14. Inscription REM 1294 from Naqa, front view.

Millet 1981, 135-136). If pkr-tr and kror30 did not refer to Akinidad, one could think that these two titles introduce a third person. The verbal root tre-LVVSHFL¿FIRUWKH%HQHGLFWLRQ. formula of funerary texts31 and it is translated ‘to GRQDWH¶ µWR RIIHU¶ WKH YHUEDO VXI¿[ ±td is noted in REM 1003 and REM 1044. Schenkel, by comparing with the Nara language32 (Schenkel 1972), suggested WKDWWKHVXI¿[±td marks the durative33.

The verb el- ‘to give’ is attested in various types of texts such as iconographic texts and royal inscriptions. Sometimes it was used in Benedictions A, B and F34. 7KHVXI¿[x, after the radical of a verb, is a singular SURQRPLQDOREMHFWVXI¿[WKDWLQGLFDWLQJDEHQH¿FLDU\ sometimes is considered to be a ‘verbal dative’ (Rilly 2012, 158-159), ‘to him/her’. Probably, the verbal dative did not refer to people in the protocol, in which case it would have been used in the plural –bx, but it refers to someone who received offerings. However, the presence of two verbal complexes makes the sentence structure more complex. Considering the common order of Meroitic verbal phrases seems to be subject-object-verb, the sentence nirl [:] tretd: elx: could be interpreted as a main clause nirl [:] elx: composed of the object nir-l and the verb el-x ‘give to him/her the nir35‘, and the subordinate clause tretd. Presumably, the goddess Isis is the subject of the verb el ‘to give’, while WKH UHFLSLHQW RI WKH RIIHULQJ PLJKW EH LGHQWL¿HG LQ ଢ‫ࡉڲ‬QPGHSNࡈUࡉ‫ܒ‬UG‫ۜۊ‬LۘURU Lines 6-7 irx. : nirlise : dtre: the verbal root -tre is FRPSRVHG E\ SUH¿[ d-36, generally used in Meroitic RUDFXODUGHFUHHV8QIRUWXQDWHO\WKHYDOXHRIWKHSUH¿[ is unknown, even if by comparison with Demotic oracular decrees, it has been supposed that Meroitic decrees can also use the future. The incomplete lexeme irx. is similar to verbal stem irx which occurs again in this text. Unfortunately, the last sign is erased37. Next, nir is composed of the determinant –l and the postposition –se, which seems to be an analytic genitive construction, but if irx. is a verb, where is the governed noun of the genitive? /LQHV  ଢQࡉ‫ڪ‬H\URVL 38 ࡈDࡉUR‫ۊ‬H VHTHVH  S[ W the word pxt is probably the verb px-t that reminds one of the forms pxe- and epx-, found on the Obelisk of Meroe (Rilly 2002) and REM 104439 7KH OH[HPH ଢDࡉUR‫ۊ‬H40 34

35

36 37 38 39 40

30 31 32 33

KrorLVSDUWRIDSURSHUQDPHDQGLWLVLGHQWL¿HGDVDQRXQ Although there are some variants in Benedictions A and B. The idea is based on Reinich’s studies. 6FKHQNHO EDVHG RQ 5HLQLFK¶V VWXG\ +H LGHQWL¿HG LQ 1DUD WKH VXI¿[±ter/-der to mark the durative.

In Benedictions, the use of –l/el- is attested from the 1st century AD. About Benediction A, it appears in REM 0543 from Faras, REM 0425, 0427, 0428, 0429, 0441, 0810C, 0833 from Meroe; for Benediction B in REM 0427, and Benediction F, REM 0311. Since the noun always occurs with verb ‘offer’, ‘give’, ‘donate’, it may indicate an offering. REM 1361A line 7 dtret; REM 1044 line 73 dtrep.plw. On REM 1039, line 5 WPH\ODEUVHZLLU[WNGLVHZLࡈDࡉ‫ࡈ܀‬VHࡉOLWNN Rose 2007, 86. On REM 1039, line 4 HS[ۜ[ Edwards and Rilly read aroke, even if they note the possible reading arohe%\GLUHFWUHDGLQJ,FDQDI¿UPWKHULJKWVWURNHRI k is just a scratch on the surface, not linked to the sign. Instead, considering h and m GLI¿FXOW WR GLVWLQJXLVK RQH FRXOG EH tempted to read arome, the place-name of ‘Roma’. But the word, ZULWWHQLQKLVZD\LVDWWHVWHGRQO\VLQFHWKH¿UVWFHQWXU\$'

A STUDY OF THE MEROITIC INSCRIPTION

(Figure 12) is common in Meroitic oracular decrees, and considered as a verb. Otherwise, in the funerary inscription of Abratoye, REM 1088, the lexeme is a noun because of the determinant, arohe-leb and arohel-o41. Since the term at the end of line 7 is without a word separator, perhaps it is linked to the next word seqese, composed of the singular possessive –qese. 2WKHUZLVH LI ଢDࡉUR‫ۊ‬H is separated by seqese, it might be considered a verb, as found in oracular decrees. Lines 8-10 VH>FD@S>FD@PL‫>́ܒ‬FD@ࡈLଣ঄NH‫ࡈڲ‬VHଣ: PNOWHE>FD@>N@‫ڲ‬LN>FD@\WHSOHWR Although the passage is worn, it is possible to identify more elements. The lexeme pleto is composed of the verbal root ple ‘to grant(?)’ or ‘to allow(?)’ recurrent in Benediction D, in some royal texts42, and in REM 0075 on the statue of Isis (Rilly, 2006, 216). The passage includes the noun mk-l followed by a sequence RIOH[HPHVLQZKLFKGHVSLWHWKHGLI¿FXOW\LQUHDGLQJ we can distinguish two elements: dik, supposed to be an adverb ‘all the way’, and used between two placenames; then –yte,DSRVWSRVLWLRQDI¿[HGWRSODFHQDPH indicating where a person arrives. These two elements, generally occur together in the group [‘place-name-k: dik: place-name-yte]’ for indicating a geographic extension ‘from X all the way to Y’. According to that, teb[ can almost certainly mean a place-name, I suppose the name teb[we] ‘Abaton’. Because of the state of preservation of the surface, it is impossible to read the second place-name, but taking into consideration the noun mk ‘god’, possibly a reference to Isis, and the gap, it could be hypothesized that the second place-name is bedewi Meroe. Lines 10-11 QLUO ࡈࡉ >FD@ER  HT‫>ۊ‬FD@ HTHGHWR There is again nir and at the end of the passage a verbal complex eqe-de-to43 7KH SUH¿[ LV UHFXUUHQW LQ RWKHU royal inscriptions such as REM 1044 and REM 1003, EXWLQPDQ\FDVHVLWDI¿[HVQRXQV+HUH±de- is known as a verbal root used in Benediction B, REM 0248, and C, REM 0217. The semantic value of the verb could therefore mean ‘to make an offering’, which is identi¿HGLQWKHQRXQnir. Lines 11-13 WPH\  ‫܈‬H>FD@QH>FD@[US[ࡈQHଣ >FD@ rkese : tdxseneଡҕ qoଡҕ WHࡈGࡉH[S>FD@‫ۊ‬RࡈQࡉEH\URVH ̙ elto :

41

42 43

In other instances, it is written yirohelowi, or with pronominal REMHFWVXI¿[arohebx in REM 1333. Rilly 2010, 396. REM 1039, 1044, 1361A. The same structure eqe-de occurs again at line 29.

711

Figure 15. Inscription REM 1294 from Naqa, back view.

In this long passage, there are probably more than RQH FODXVHV 7KH ¿UVW LV FRPSRVHG RI [ca.2]rkese: because –keseLVDYHUEDOVXI¿[qo is a demonstrative combined in presentative constructions with the predicate –o(wi). One interpretation might be tdxseneଡҕ qoଡҕ ‘this is Tdxsene’. Nevertheless, qo could also be a demonstrative adjective. The next clause includes el-to, ‘to give’. These lines contain two nouns, tmey, the name of some enemies, which according to Rilly’s hypothesis refers to Romans, and [US[ࡈQHଣµFRPPDQGHU¶7KHUHODWLRQ DPRQJ WKH YHUEV DQG WKH FODXVHV LV GLI¿FXOW WR GH¿QH

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G. FERRANDINO

Lines 13-14 qese [:]44 Qۜ  ‫ܨ‬R ଢଡҕଣOHVH WG[VHࡈQHࡉ SLOࡈHࡉW[WRKIn SLOࡈHࡉW[WRK, there appear to be two verbal roots -tx-toh, both of which refer to the concept of donation. It is probable that the proper name txtohebli, known in three different funerary texts from Sedeinga, contains these two verbs45. The role of pile- is unknown. The term tdxeseneLVPHQWLRQHGPDQ\WLPHVWKH¿UVW part t-dx reminds one of te-dxe-lo(wi) in funerary texts, LQGLFDWLQJVSHFL¿FDOO\WKHFKLOGRIDPRWKHU1HYHUWKHless, here the term is composed of –se-ne, so that the role of tdxsene46 is not clear. The passage begins with a possessive qese and the postposition n.l ‘in the presence of’, probably referring to the noun or epithet nbeyrose, ‘in her presence’. Lines 14-15 pqlh : nbeyrose : wido : elto : the passage consists of the verb el-to ‘to give’; the term pq-lh composed with pq, probably a title, and the adjective –lh ‘great’; nbeyrose ; and wido, possibly an adjective because it often follows the nouns47. Lines 16-19 DGE  SHQQL ࡈࡉ GHWH ࡈࡉ VKUWH ŚWR hewi : SHࡈGࡉPHWHWHQHNHOLVOWHOLS۬́\L>FD@OࡈZଣ : petohte : The words ŚWRKHZL48 and petohte : may include the verb tohe ‘to agree’, ‘to accept’. In petohte, the DI¿[HV pe- and -te are known, recurring in funerary texts, otherwise ŚWRKHZL SUHVHQWV WKH VXI¿[ ±wi not used for verbs. The verbal complex petohte occurs also in the ‘Obelisk of Meroe’ and in REM 1293, a stele from Naqa, and both texts present the royal protocol of Amanishakheto. The words adb : ‘nomos’, SHࡈGࡉPHWH  ‘ at Primis (Qasr Ibrim)’, tenekeli : ‘West’ describe a geographical DUHD DQG D VSHFL¿F VLWH7KH WHUP SHQQL ࡈࡉ is attested in the funerary texts REM 0069, 0070 and 0089. Generally, penni is associated to a numeral which is followed by the postposition – ni (Mills 1982, 77). On the Kharamadoye inscription the sequence pro : dole : plw : penn : tlte : br : is repeated more than once in the text. Since penn occurs before tlte ‘talent’, it could be DTXDQWL¿HU49. Lines 19-20 VKUWH  SWQH\LQH  DUNULVWH  >FD@ͻ  elxnki. The word shrte : occurs more than once in this text: on REM 1044, 1294, 99998/A3-A4, and on the 44 45 46

47 48 49

I am not sure qese[:] is part of this passage. REM 1090 L.2, REM 1091 L.1, REM 1144 L.4; Rilly, 2013. It occurs in REM 1041 A L.8 tdxseneli, in REM 1044 L.154 and 1294 L.4 tdxse. s, ste, xlbi, ado. The gap between the signs to and h appears to be accidental. *ULI¿WKWUDVODWHGpennµ\HDU¶*ULI¿WK

‘Baptistry stele’ from Qasr Ibrim. The term is a noun because it uses the determinant in REM 1294. Since it is associated with verbs regarding offerings, maybe shrte belongs to the same semantic category of the word nir. Lines 21-22 adowido : s : del i: idn.k i: adoli : ixrxrk i: In this passage the noun ado appears twice, in the ¿UVW FDVH LW LV IROORZHG E\ WKH DGMHFWLYH wido; in the second one, by the determinant –li. The meaning is uncertain, but is probably a title. Two other lexemes can be commented: s is a noun and means ‘man’; ixrxrki is composed of double xr that, according to Rilly (2002, 144), could be the same verb used in Benedictions. According to the analysis of the introduction as well as of the subject-matter50, everything points to considering it to be a description of donations, probably of land in favour of the temple. The donations to the temples usually occurred during particular festivals. Considering the introduction of the inscription, ‘Isis at Abaton from/to Meroe’, and Greek and Demotic texts that quote the journey of god’s statue, it could be supposed that the religious events correspond to the Choiak festival. The last part of the inscription is divided into two sections because of some structural correspondences. 23

DPQS ଢଣ QHWHVHOZ  wos : nete 24 VHOZDOHTHVHZӑUWHH 25 N>FD@DWRଢଣDSHVHOৢGWH 26 asr : apesel : p>FD@৬ҽ ҕ লHWRH 27 TLWHO[ҽQশଢGଣH>FD@VH  SଢWQHଣ 28 \LQH  SL ଢଣ DVHUR  W>FD@ূGRO 29 ZDଢPଣQHWHWKWূGRশଢZଣHTHGH 30 SHWH\LGWH  Q>FD@৚R  [ca.1]xro : ste 31 wido : ptneyi[ca.3] :

50

31

ূ>FD@SGKRVH liselw: mse[ca.2][m] kl[ca.1]selw : s : 33 arwinke 300(?) : ere[ca.2] ZEҽU 34 WHDNUHଡҕZWPHতUଢWHଣVHOH ଢଣV 35 WHZLGR  PV ଢଣ LQRNH  wh[ca.2]te 100 36   WPH\  PGHSHWH ଢଣ ਂӏশ>FD@KUH  P 37 [ca.1] EHURQZ঄ӑW[>FD@তWNH 38 [traces@«শਂ 32

Many verbal roots and words describe offerings.

A STUDY OF THE MEROITIC INSCRIPTION

7KH¿UVWVHFWLRQEHJLQVZLWKQDPHRI$PDQDSDDQG Isis followed by the same epithet nete- and the postposition –selw, ‘’‘’usually used with name of gods: ‘Under the authority of Amanapa nete and under the authority of Isis nete, truly (?)’. In the second section it is not possible to read the name of gods because some signs have been erased, but the postposition – se-lw occurs twice, suggesting that pdhose may be an epithet ofۨ>FD@, probably mni ‘Amon’ because in REM 0094, the Kharamadoye inscription, pdhose refers to mnpte ‘Amon of Napata’. The word [m]kl[ may qualify the previous incomplete term mse[ suggesting for it the name of god Mash, repeated on line 35, ms. However, mse[ca2] could be a different form of the god Amon. ‘Under the authority of [Amon] the pdhose and under the authority of mse[ca2] the god’. After the construction with –se-lw, both sections present numerals preceded by unknown terms, just s ‘man’ is translated. On line 36, the word tmey emphasizes once again enemies51. After numerals, there is a sequence of words. Only LQWKH¿UVWVHFWLRQWKHORQJSDVVDJHDWRࡈࡉDSHVHO‫܈‬GWH asr : apesel : p>FD@‫́ܒ‬  presents some known terms. ̙ Probably it consists of two verbal sentences with the verb ‫܈‬GWHand p>FD@‫́ܒ‬%RWKWHUPVKDYHWKHVXI¿[±te, but ̙ RQO\LQWKH¿UVWFDVHLWLVSRVVLEOHUHDGWKHURRWsd. The term sd may be the same root that composes the noun sd-k, ‘travel’, ‘journey’. Rilly suggested, in fact, that the noun sd-k probably includes the intensive suf¿[±k (Rilly 2010, 97-98). So, the verbal root sd could be a verb-movement. On lines 28-29 two groups of words asero: t[ca.2] ۨGROZ  and DࡈPࡉQHWH  WKWۨGRۜࡈZଣ :52 appear to be similar because composed of the names of the gods, asero ‘Osiris’ and amn-nete ‘Amon’. Since the last lines of REM 1039 (Figure 13) also include some passages with names of gods and epithets accompanied by the postposition –se-lw53, they probaEO\FRQVLVWRIDVSHFL¿FIRUPXODXVHGWRLQGLFDWHWULEutes for the deities of the temple. The structure of the passage is [[Name of god + epithet –selw] + [name + genitive -se] + verb], and it is similar to the formula used in the list of Nubian Nomoi of Ptolomy VI at Philae, in which the structure is ‘‫ې‬U Wname of god + HSLWKHWੁQ IQ W + gift’, ‘unto you (name of god) … 51 52

53

REM 1039, 1294, 1293. After this passage, two other terms are already observed on the same inscription: eqede on line 9 and ptneyi[ca.3] : as ptneyine on line 19. Moreover, on line 23 there is the term nir.

713

that he may bring to her…’ (FHN II, 137, 614-630; Gardiner 1957, 128). In the Egyptian text the formula, repeated several WLPHVDOZD\VXVHVWKHYHUEੁn. Otherwise, the Meroitic formula changes the verb, as with Benedictions54 of funerary texts. Furthermore, sd-te, as verb-movement, UHPLQGV RQH RI WKH (J\SWLDQ YHUEPRYHPHQW ੁQ µWR bring’. Conclusion The introduction to the text with the name of Isis, the mention of the place pedeme ‘Qasr Ibrim’, and the verbs for donations, connect the text to other Meroitic Inscriptions, such as the Amanishakheto stele from Naqa REM 1293, and the Teqorideamani texts REM 0408-0409-0410, engraved on stone blocks to support statues. The inscriptions begin with the name of god Apedemak accompanied by the name of the temple and continue with a royal protocol55 , FODVVL¿HG WKHVH texts56 as Religious Royal texts. Indeed, even though they include the royal protocol, the content concerns prayers or religious ceremonies in which the ruler had EHHQLQYROYHG7KHDI¿QLW\RIWKHJHQHUDOVWUXFWXUHRI these texts with REM 1141 lead me to think that the Amainshakheto’s text can describe certain ceremonies or festivals performed in a temple at Qasr Ibrim57, during which the goddess Isis granted donations to the sponsor of the stele who also recorded offerings made for the temple. Otherwise, the words tmey ‘white man’ and xrpxne ‘commander’ refer to the war between Meroe and Rome known from classical sources, archaeological excavations and from the most recent study of Amanirenas and Akinidad stelae58. The site of Qasr Ibrim was GLUHFWO\LQYROYHGLQWKHFRQÀLFWDQGZDVRFFXSLHGVHYeral times by the Roman and Meroitic armies. Classical sources record that a candace commanded the Meroitic army and sent an embassy to Augustus in 22 BC. After the treaty of Samos, in 21 BC, a period of peace occurred and Qasr Ibrim returned to Meroe. The Amanishakheto stele attests the presence of Meroitic authority at the site and at the same time 54

55 56 57 58

The Meroitic uses a different verbal a different verbal construction than the Egyptian ‫ۊ‬WSG‫ݧ‬QVZW The royal protocols do not use the -n-eyi form. The study of Royal inscriptions is in my PhD Thesis. Maybe the Temple 6. In particular the II stele from Hamadab, REM 1039. Rilly’s communication in the Nubian Studies 2014

714

G. FERRANDINO

suggests a period of peace. Indeed, the inscription mentions ceremonies performed in the entire country, from Philae (Abaton), Qasr Ibrim to Meroe, and were probably associated with the arrival of the cult statue of Isis by boat. In this context, the words tmey and xrpxne could clearly allude to the end of the war. However, the state of preservation of the stele and our knowledge of Meroitic history do not allow us to properly identify the sponsor of the stele. It can therefore not be a foregone conclusion to identify Amanishakheto or Akinidad as its sponsor. Usually, the texts which describe the relationship between the god and king are supported by a complex iconography. Here the representation on the top of the stele is very simple and appears to be compatible with private stele. Future research and comparative studies with other Meroitic texts will be able to provide new elements for the better understanding and translation of the entire text. Abbreviations REM = Léclant, J. et al. 2000. Répertoire d’épigraphie méröitique. Corpus des inscriptions publiées, vol. 1, 2, 3. Paris. FHN II = Eide, T., T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds) 1996. Fontes Historiae Nuborium, Textual Sources for the History of the Middle Nile Region EHWZHHQWKH(LJKWK&HQWXU\%&DQGWKH6L[WK&HQWXU\ $'9RO)RPWKH0LG)LIWKWRWKH)LUVW&HQWXU\%& Bergen. FHN III = Eide, T., T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds) 1998. Fontes Historiae Nuborium, Textual Sources for the History of the Middle Nile Region EHWZHHQWKH(LJKWK&HQWXU\%&DQGWKH6L[WK&HQWXU\ AD. Vol. 3, From the First to the Sixth Century AD. Bergen.

Bibliography Alexander, J. A. and B. N. Driskell 1985. ‘Qasr Ibrim 1984’, 7KH-RXUQDORI(J\SWLDQ$UFKDHRORJ\ 72, 12-26. Banti, G. 2007. ‘Remarks on the typology of converbs and their functional equivalent in East Cuschitic’, in A. Azeb et al. (eds), Converbs, Medial Verbs, Clause Chining and Related Issues. Vol. 19. Köln, 31-79.

Bernand, É. 1969. /HVLQVFULSWLRQVJUHTXHVHWODWLQHVGH3KLlae. +DXWHW%DV(PSLUH. Vol. 2. Paris. Browne, G. M. 1991. Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim. Vol. 3. London. Burkhardt, A. 1985. Ägypter und Meroiten im DodekaschoiQRV8QWHUVXFKXQJHQ]XU7\SRORJLHXQG%HGHXWXQJGHU GHPRWLVFKHQ*UDI¿WL. Meroitica 8. Berlin. Dijkstra, J. H. F. 2008. 3KLODHDQGWKHHQGRI$QFLHQW(J\Stian religion. Leuven. Driskell, B. N., N. K. Adams and P. G. French 1989. ‘A newly discovered temple at Qasr Ibrim preliminary report’, Archéologie du Nil Moyen 3, 11-54. Gardiner, A. 1957. (J\SWLDQ*UDPPDU. Oxford. Garstang, J. 1910. ‘Preliminary Note on an Expedition to Meroe in Ethiopia’, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, vol. 3, 57-70. *ULI¿WK ) /O  0HURLWLF ,QVFULSWLRQV 3DUW ,, 1DSDWD WR3KLODHDQG0LVFHOODQHRXV. London. *ULI¿WK ) /O  The Nubian Texts of the Christian 3HULRG. Berlin. *ULI¿WK)/Oµ0HURLWLF6WXGLHV,¶-RXUQDORI(J\Stian Archaeology, vol. 3, 22-30. *ULI¿WK)/O&DWDORJXHRIWKH'HPRWLF*UDI¿WLRIWKH Dodecaschoenus. Oxford, vol. 1. Hofmann, I. 1977. ‘Zu den meroitischen Titeln ‘ktke’ und ‘pqr’’, ZDMG Supplement III, 2. XIX Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 28. September bis 4. Oktober 1975 in Freiburg im Breisgau, Wiesbaden, 1407, n. 29. Horton, M. 1991. ‘Africa in Egypt. New evidence from Qasr Ibrim’, in W. V. Davies (ed.), (J\SWDQG$IULFD1XELD IURP3UHKLVWRU\WR,VODP. London, 264-277. Millet, N. 1981. ‘Social and political organization in Meroe’, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Alterumskunde 108, 124-141. Mills, A. J. 1982. The Cemeteries of Qasr Ibrim. A Report of WKH ([FDYDWLRQV FRQGXFWHG E\ : % (PHU\ LQ . London. Plumley, M. J. 1967. ‘Egypt Exploration Society Expedition to Qasr Ibrim 1963 Preliminary Report’, in Fouilles en 1XELH . Vol. 2. Cairo, 141-144. Plumley, M. J. 1971. ‘Pre-Christian Nubia Evidence from Qasr Ibrim’, in Études et travaux, vol. 5, 8-24. 5LOO\&µ8QSUREOqPHG¶LGHQWL¿FDWLRQVpPDQWLTXHHQ méroïtique. À propos d’un récent article de Carsten Peust’, Göttinger Miszellen 177, 105. Rilly, C. 2001. ‘Une nouvelle interprétation du nom royal Piankhy’, %XOOHWLQGHO¶,QVWLWXW)UDQoDLVG¶$UFKpRORJLH Orientale 101. Le Caire, 351-368. Rilly, C. 2002. ‘L’Obélique de Méroé’, Meroitic Newsletter 29, 95-151. 5LOO\ &  µ7KH &ODVVL¿FDWLRQ RI 1DUD /DQJXDJH¶ -RXUQDORI(ULWUHDQ6WXGLHV 4, 1-27. Rilly, C. 2006. ‘Enemy Brothers, Kinship and Relationship between Meroites and Nubians (Noba)’, in W.

A STUDY OF THE MEROITIC INSCRIPTION

*RGOHZVNL DQG$ àDMWDU HGV  %HWZHHQ WKH FDWDUDFWV 3DUW , Main papers. 3URFHHGLQJV RI WKH WK &RQIHUence for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 $XJXVW± 6HSWHPEHU  Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, Supplement Series 2.1. Warsaw, 211225. Rilly, C. 2007. La langue du royaume de Méroé. Un panorama de la plus ancienne culture écrite d’Afrique subsaharienne. Paris. Rilly, C. 2010. Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique. Louvain-Paris. Rilly, C. 2013. ‘Sur les traces de Jean Leclant à Sedeinga: les textes méroïtiques du prince Natemakhora’, ArchéoNil 23, 91-110. Rilly, C. Histoire du Soudan. Des origines à la chute du Sultanat Fung, in press. Rilly, C. and A. de Voogt 2012. The Meroitic Language and Writing System. New York. Rose, P. (eds). 2007. The Meroitic temple complex at Qasr Ibrim. London. Schenkel, W. 1972. ‘Meroitisches und Barya-Verb. Versuch einer Bestimmung der Tempusbildung des Meroitischen’, Meroitic Newsletter 11, 1-16. Török, L. 1978. ‘Two Meroitic Studies. The Meroitic Chamber in Philae and the Administration of Nubia in the 1st to 3rd Centuries A.D.’, Oikumene 2, 217-237. Török, L. 1979. (FRQRPLF RI¿FHV DQG RI¿FLDOV LQ 0HURLWLF Nubia. A study in territorial administration of the late Meroitic period. Studia Aegyptiaca 5. Budapest. Török, L. 1984. ‘Economy in the Empire of Kush: A Review of the Written Evidence’, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 111, 45-69. Török, L. 1986. Der meroitische Staat 1. Untersuchungen und Urkunden zur Geschichte des Sudan im Altertum. Meroitica 9. Berlin, 264. Török, L. 2002. The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art. The Construction of the Kushite Mind, 800 %&±$'. Leiden. Török, L. 2009. %HWZHHQ7ZR:RUOGV7KH)URQWLHU5HJLRQ EHWZHHQ$QFLHQW1XELDDQG(J\SW%&±$'. Leiden. Wenig, S. 1973. ‘Amanishakhetê’, Lexikon der Ägyptologie I, 170-171. Witt, R. E. 1971. Isis in the Graeco-Roman World. Ithaca. Yellin, J. W. 1982. ‘Abaton-Style Milk Libation at Meroe’, 0HURLWLFD, 151-155.

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A SHORT HISTORY OF BIBLE TRANSLATION INTO NILE NUBIAN IN THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES Gerald LAUCHE

When Islam spread in the Nile Valley in the Middle Ages, the Nile Nubians gradually converted to Islam DQG$UDELF UHSODFHG 2OG 1RELLQ DV WKH RI¿FLDO PHDQV of communication. Nevertheless, the various Nubian languages have continued to serve as the vernacular of the Nile Nubians up to the present. When research in Egyptology greatly advanced in the 19th century, the ethnic groups of the Nile Valley and their respective languages came into focus as well. This led to an interesting development. As Egyptologists pursued their studies of the hieroglyphs, they also – as a kind of by-product – started to pay attention to the languages spoken by the inhabitants of the Nile Valley, and especially the Nile Nubian languages, i.e. Nobiin, Kunuuzi and Dongolaawi (Andaandi). It is of IXUWKHU VLJQL¿FDQFH WR QRWH WKDW WKH VWXG\ RI WKH 1LOH Nubian languages was often very closely connected with the translation of parts of the Holy Scriptures. The translation of short sections or more extensive Biblical texts was motivated by various reasons and provided a known framework for linguistic research. In this paper, I will shed some light on some of these translation projects and thereby contribute a short history of Bible translation into Nile Nubian in the 19th and 20th centuries. The translation of Biblical texts into one of the Nile Nubian languages began in the middle of the 19th century. Karl Richard Lepsius (1810-1884): The Gospel of Mark and the Lord’s Prayer (Nobiin) It was none less than the renowned Egyptologist K. R. Lepsius, who during his Prussian expedition (18421846) initiated and supervised the translation of the Gospel of Mark and the Lord’s Prayer into Nobiin (Lauche 1998, 127-132). During this expedition he collected material for the grammatical description of three Sudanic languages, of which Nobiin was one. His work on the Fadikka dialect of Nobiin can be regarded as the EHJLQQLQJ RI VHULRXV VFLHQWL¿F UHVHDUFK RQ WKH 1LOH Nubian languages. The results of his research were published in his Nubische Grammatik in 1880, which also included the Gospel of Mark and the Lord’s Prayer.

With the translation of this Gospel he had produced the ¿UVW FRKHUHQW SLHFH RI PRGHUQ 1XELDQ OLWHUDWXUH 7KH ¿UVWGUDIWZDVZULWWHQLQ$UDELFVFULSWZLWKDGGLWLRQDO signs for sounds that are not present in Arabic. After reaching a deeper understanding of the Nubian language and its phonology, he came to the conclusion that the variety of Nubian vowels could not be adequately represented by Arabic script. Consequently, he rewrote the whole Gospel from Arabic into Latin script according to the Standard Alphabet that he had developed. The Gospel and the Lord’s Prayer were printed as a separate 37-page booklet in 1860 in Berlin for the ¿UVW WLPH 7KH VHFRQG HGLWLRQ RI WKH *RVSHO DQG WKH Lord’s Prayer were also part of the grammar published in 1880. The Gospel was a slightly revised version and was used as a proof for Lespius’s grammatical description of Nobiin (Lauche 1998, 129). The Gospel was published a third time in Latin script by the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS) in 1885. Whereas the ¿UVWWZRHGLWLRQVH[FOXVLYHO\VHUYHGVFLHQWL¿FSXUSRVHV the third edition was motivated by Christian intentions. The small booklet containing the Gospel and the Lord’s Prayer was supposed to be distributed by the AngloEgyptian army in the Dongola region as the army tried to deliver the Nile Valley from the rigid Mahdist rule (BSFS Annual Report 1899, 342). The 1885 version was a reprint of the 1880 version. Due to the fact that this gospel version ‘did not prove of much service, as the people did not understand the Roman characters in which it was printed’ (BSFS Annual Report, 342), the BFBS decided to produce a new edition in Arabic characters (BFBS Annual Report 1900, 333). This version was based on the 1860 text, published in 1899 in Alexandria, and aimed at Nubians who were working in service jobs in Alexandria and Lower Egypt. Initially, it met with fanatical opposition but later found favor, so that a second print run was required (Lauche 1998, 130) and implemented in 1906 by the Nile Mission Press (NMP). In the Society’s minutes or annual reports there are no indications of how it was received or of its distribution range (Figure 1, The Gospel of Mark in Nobiin-Fadikka 1906).

G. LAUCHE

718

Karl Vilhelm Zetterstéen (1866-1953): diverse New Testament Passages in Kunuuzi The Swedish orientalist Zetterstéen, a professor of oriental languages at the Universities of Lund and Uppsala, published some scholarly works and articles relating to the Kunuuzi language (Jungraithmayr and Möhlig 1983, 274-275). In 1909, he published ten New Testament passages that had been translated into Kunuuzi by Samu’iil Ali Hiseen at the request of H. Schäfer (Zetterstéen 1909, 76-88, 237-246). Hans Bernhard Ambrosius Abel (1883-1927): diverse New Testament Passages in Fadikka

Figure 1. The Gospel of Mark in Nobiin 1906.

Leo Reinisch (1832-1919): diverse Scripture Passages (Kunuuzi, Dongolaawi) Reinisch was a professor in Vienna from 1868. His work constituted the beginnings of Egyptology in Austria. He also was an outstanding German scholar in African studies in prior to World War I and the founder of Cushitic studies. He wrote descriptions of Cushitic and northeast African languages, among which was Nile Nubian (Jungraithmayr and Möhlig 1983, 201202). In his research on Nile Nubian languages he included some short Kunuuzi texts that related to biblical persons, such as Moses, Noah, David, Pontius Pilate, Herod, and Jesus (Reinisch 1879, 157-159). He produced a literary and a free Dongolawi (Andaandi) translation of Old Testament passages, such as Gen 1:16, Gen 27:1-41, and Ruth 1:1-22.

Hans Abel provided the same New Testament pasVDJHV LQ )DGLNND DQG WKHUHE\ IXO¿OOHG WKH IXOO UHTXHVW expressed by H. Schäfer. With the assistance of Muhammed Abdu Hamdun from Irminna, Abel was able to translate the passages and prepare them for publication at the onset of World War I (Schäfer 1917, 11 fn 16). To summarize, all the translations, with the exception of those made by Lepsius, were limited to selectively chosen passages from the Old or New Testaments or of biblical characters. They exclusively served as language samples in scholarly publications. There is ample evidence that it was through the work of Samu’iil Ali Hiseen that the real effort commenced to translate the Scriptures. To the extent that Samu’iil Ali Hiseen provided such a quantity of language material in Kunuuzi through his translation efforts, that it became the best researched Nile Nubian language of his time (Schäfer 1917, 14-15). Samuel Ali Hiseen (1863-1927) The Kunuuzi Nubian Muhammed Ali Hissen was born in 1863 in Ficcikol, Abu Hoor district, 90 km south of Aswan. As the age of ten, when working for a French ophthalmologist in Cairo, he was invited to travel with a Swiss evangelist to France and Switzerland. In Peseux, Switzerland, he was educated at a boarding school. At the age of 15 he became a Christian, asked to be baptized and chose Samuel as his new ¿UVW QDPH$IWHU IXUWKHU WUDLQLQJ LQ %ULWDLQ DQG /HEDnon, he returned to Cairo in 1883 and then to Nubia in 1885. From 1898 he was employed by the Egyptian Postal Service in Aswan and Shellaal. In February 1900 KH EHFDPH RQH RI WKH ¿UVW FRZRUNHUV RI WKH QHZO\

A SHORT HISTORY OF BIBLE TRANSLATION

719

founded Sudan Pioneer Mission (SPM) in Aswan (Hussein 1920). The Gospels of John (1900-1901) and Matthew (1901-1902) Karl Kumm, the co-founder of the SPM, sent Samu’iil Ali Hiseen on a colportage and exploration tour through Nubia as far as Dongola. During his sixmonth trip, and motivated by Karl Kumm, Samu’iil Ali Hiseen started to translate the Gospel of John and completed it in the spring of 1901. Unfortunately, the Gospel of John was lost in 1902 while being sent by HomPHOV IURP 0XQLFK WR .XPP LQ 6KHI¿HOG 6FKlIHU 1917, 11 fn 15). While starting a new job in Gizaira in May 1901, Samu’iil Ali Hiseen continued with the translation of the Gospel of Matthew (between May 1901 and April 1902). It seems that for unknown reaVRQVKHRQO\FRPSOHWHG0W,WLVVLJQL¿FDQWWR QRWH WKDW 6DPXHO¶V ¿UVW DWWHPSWV DW WUDQVODWLRQ ZHUH done in Arabic script following the BFBS example of the Gospel of Mark – as prepared by Lepsius. Due to the heavy workload in Gizaira, a different focus in his ZRUN ZLWK WKH 630 SHUVRQDO WHQVLRQV ZLWK WKH ¿UVW German missionary and the abduction of his four children by his Nubian relatives, Samuel was not able to continue his translation efforts (Hussein 1901, 101102). Diverse Scripture Passages (1906) His translation work was discontinued between 1902 and 1906. When the discovery of some Old Nubian PDQXVFULSWV ZDV DQQRXQFHG LQ  WKH\ ZHUH ¿UVW described by H. Schäfer and K. Schmitt (1906, 774785) and (1907, 602-613) and then integrated in a wider collection of all known texts, and published by ) /O *ULI¿WK LQ µ7KH 1XELDQ 7H[WV RI WKH &KULVWLDQ Period’ (1913). One liturgical manuscript contained ten New Testament passages. H. Schäfer expressed an interest in having these biblical passages translated in the modern Nile Nubian languages, such as Kunuuzi and Fadikka, in order to analyze them and compare them with the Old Nubian texts. In his search for the appropriate person who could provide him with such a translation, Schäfer was put into contact with the SPM through the mediation of G. Roeder, who was working with the Egyptian Antiquities Service (Schäfer 1917, 11). Eventually, Samu’iil Ali Hiseen was asked to translate the passages into Kunuuzi, which he delivered

Figure 2. The Gospel of Luke in Kunuuzi 1912.

to Schäfer, most probably in 1906 (Lauche 2004, 327) and these were eventually published by Zetterstéen in 1909 (Zetterstéen 1909, 76-88, 237-246). The four Gospels (1908-1912) When Schäfer and Junker undertook their expeditions to Nubia between 1909 and 1912, they cooperated closely with Samu’iil Ali Hiseen and motivated him to translate all four Gospels. He provided thorough draft translations, revised them and discussed them with the two scholars between September 1908 and the end of 1910. In September and October 1911 Samu’iil Ali Hiseen was invited by Schäfer to come to Berlin for the ¿QDO UHYLVLRQ RI WKH IRXU *RVSHOV 6FKlIHU   37), which were then published in the autumn of 1912 by the BFBS in Berlin. Schäfer added a short introducWRU\ OHDÀHW IRU WKH QRQ1XELDQ UHDGHU )LJXUH  7KH Gospel of Luke in Kunuuzi 1912). The set of the four Gospels was well received by the scholarly world. The *RVSHOV ZHUH SURGXFHG LQ WKH ¿UVW SODFH DV WH[WERRNV for the SPM School in Aswan in an attempt to put Nubian down in writing. This attempt unfortunately failed, although together with Samu’iil Ali Hiseen, D. Westermann had produced a Primer for the SPM in 1911, which was then published in 1913 (Lauche 2004, 327). In addition to this, the Gospels were also meant to be used to reintroduce the Christian message to the Nile Nubians. Unfortunately, there is no evidence as to how the four Gospels were received or of their impact on the Kunuuzi Nubians.

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720

/HDÀHWVZLWK1HZ7HVWDPHQW7H[WV After the translation of most of the New Testament books, Samu’iil Ali Hiseen most probably prepared at OHDVW RQH OHDÀHW FRQWDLQLQJ 6FULSWXUH TXRWDWLRQV IURP the Gospels of Matthew, Luke and John, which was printed in Arabic script by the Nile Mission Press (Dammann 1980, 6). Gertrud von Massenbach (1883-1975)

Figure 3. Bible Tracts in Kunuuzi.

The remaining Books of the New Testament (Beginning of 1909-June 1913) Samu’iil Ali Hiseen did not stop his translation efforts after he had completed the four Gospels. He was able to complete the translation of the New Testament, with the exception of the letters of Peter and James. The revised versions of these books were found in his collection of manuscripts after his death, and typed by G. Noack in 1933/34. They have neither been published nor widely distributed, with only 50 copies being mimeographed (Lauche 2004, 327). There was a serious attempt to publish the Acts of the Apostles in the early 1920s, which was promoted by D. Westermann as a BFBS committee member. But due to the uncertainty about whether the SPM would be able to resume its work in Aswan after World War I, the plan was dismissed. Some Old Testament Passages (1914-1926) After translating most of the books of the New Testament, Samu’iil Ali Hiseen also produced a number of Old Testament texts. It seems that he intended to compile texts for a Nubian reader that could be used in the SPM schools. Among the unpublished texts preserved in the EMO Archives are the Ten Commandments, the complete Flood account (Gen. 6-9), the complete book of Ruth, Daniel 2:1-14, as well as two different versions of the Life of Joseph based on Gen. 18-50 (Lauche 2004, 327).

,QUHVSRQVHWRDVSHFL¿FUHTXHVW*HUWUXGYRQ0DVsenbach, a SPM teacher, missionary, and one of Samu’iil Ali Hiseen’s Kunuuzi students, produced VRPHOHDÀHWVLQ$UDELFVFULSWWKDWIHDWXUHG1HZ7HVWDment verses based on Samu’iil Ali Hiseen’s translation. Gertrud von Massenbach was involved in the preparation of at least three tracts containing different quotations from the New Testament, which were produced for distribution among Kunuuzi-speaking Nubians in Egypt. In weerji (The Only One) 7KH ¿UVW RI WKHVH WUDFWV NQRZQ DV in weerji (Coldham 1966, 499), was most probably a collection of passages from the Gospels of Matthew, Luke and John (Luke 15:4-7.11-24; John 10:12-16.27-30; Mt 5:3-9.2126.27.44.46.48; 7:24-27; 11:28). This eight-page tract was published in 1930 by the Nile Mission Press in Cairo. It is quite obvious that Gertrud von Massenbach relied on the published text of the Gospels as translated by her teacher Samu’iil Ali Hiseen, and made only PLQRUFKDQJHV7KLVYLHZLVFRQ¿UPHGE\WKHPLQXWHV of the BFBS from May 14, 1930, in which it is stated: “Miss G. von Massenbach of the German Mission, Aswan, asks permission to transliterate selections from WKH *RVSHOV LQWR$UDELF FKDUDFWHUV IRU D OHDÀHW WR EH printed at the Nile Mission Press.” The permission was JUDQWHG 0RVW SUREDEO\ WKLV OHDÀHW ZDV SXEOLVKHG DW least twice, since a later edition carries a reference number: Kunuzi Portionette No.684 (Lauche 2010, 10). In ilaahina weera taran (God’s Only One) The second tract, also printed by the Nile Mission Press in Arabic script, contains eight pages of Scripture verses from the Gospels of Matthew, Luke and John (Luke 5:12-14; Mt 9:3-8; Luke 15:1-7; John 10:1112.14-16; Luke 24:46-47) and was entitled ilaahina

A SHORT HISTORY OF BIBLE TRANSLATION

weera taran. The exact year of publication is not known (Lauche 2010, 10). Ayar damandi (Eternal Life) A third tract printed at the request of the Scripture Gift Mission by the Nile Mission Press also consisted of eight pages and was published in Arabic script under the title ayar dimandi (‘Eternal Life’). Gertrud von Massenbach was asked to prepare the manuscript for this project and 2,000 copies were printed in September 1954. The tract begins with a short introduction to the pronunciation of certain letters and contains Scripture verses from: the Gospels of Matthew and John; the Pauline letters of Romans, Ephesians, and 1.Timothy; and the books of 1.John, 1.Peter, and the Acts of the Apostles (Mt 9:13; Rom 5:13; Rom 3:23; Rom 5:6; 1.Pt 3:18; 1.Jh 2:2; Acts. 4:12; 1.Tim 1:15; Eph. 2:8; Jh 3:16; Mt 11:28; Jh 6:37; Rom 5:8; 1.Jh 4:10; Acts 16:30.31) (Lauche 2010, 10) (Figure 3, Bible Tracts in Kunuuzi). To summarize, the translation of Scripture by Samu’iil Ali Hiseen and the further use of it by G. von Massenbach seem to have served four objectives: 1. The four Gospels constituted a comprehensive and cohesive corpus of Kunuuzi texts that presented a useIXOEDVLVIRUWKHVFLHQWL¿FVWXG\RIWKLVODQJXDJH 2. The four Gospels and the Primer were intended as textbooks for teaching Kunuuzi to the children attending the SPM schools in Aswan and thereby supporting the efforts to teach Kunuuzi as a written language. 3. The translation of the various passages from the Old and New Testament was done with the intention of promoting Christian teaching within the framework of the SPM work. They were supposed to become part of a kind of question-and-answer catechism. 4. The purpose of the published Gospels and the short Bible tracts was to support the missionary work of the SPM among the Kunuuzi Nubians, who were generally known as not being very receptive to the Christian message.

Bibliography British and Foreign Bible Society 1899. Annual Report 1899, 342. British and Foreign Bible Society 1900. Annual Report 1900, 333.

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Coldham, G. E. (comp.) 1966. A Bibliography of Scriptures in African Languages. A revision of the African sections of the Darlow and Moule Historical Catalogue of Printed Editions of the Holy Scripture, with additions to 1964. 2 Vol. London. Dammann, E. 1980. ‘Nilnubisches Schrifttum‘, Africana Marburgensia 8, 2, 3-13. *ULI¿WK)The Nubian Texts of the Christian Period. Berlin. Hussein, S. A. 1901. ‘Brief von Samuel Ali Hussein’, Der Sudan-Pionier 2, 101-102. Hussein, S. A. 1920. Aus meinem Leben. Wiesbaden. Jungraithmayr, H. and W. J. G. Möhlig (eds) 1983. Lexikon der Afrikanistik. Berlin. Lauche, G. 1998. ‘A Contribution to the History of K. R. Lepsius’s Translation of the Gospel of Mark into Mahas’, Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Egyptologie de Lille 17. Actes de la VIIIe Conférence Internationale des Études Nubiennes. Lille 11-17 Septembre 1994. Lille, 127-133. Lauche, G. 2004. ‘The Life and Work of Samuel Ali Hiseen (1863-1927)’, in T. Kendall (ed.), Nubian Studies 1998. Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the International Society of Nubian Studies, August 21-26, 1998, Boston. Boston, Massachusetts, 325-331. Lauche, G. 2010. ‘Sitte Masmas – the Life and Work of Gertrud von Massenbach (1883-1975)’, in W. Godlewski and A. Lajtar (eds), Between the cataracts. Part II, fascicule 1, Session papers. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, Supplement Series 2.1. Warsaw, 7-11. Lepsius, R. C. (ed.) 1880. Nubische Grammatik: Mit einer Einleitung über die Völker und Sprachen Afrikas. Berlin. Reinisch, L. 1879. Die Nuba-Sprache. Part 1, Grammatik und Texte. Vol 2, Sprachen von Nord-Ost-Afrika. Wien. Schäfer, H. and K. Schmidt 1906. ‘Die ersten Bruchstücke christlicher Literatur in altnubischer Sprache’, Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 43, 774-785. Schäfer, H. and K. Schmidt 1907. ‘Die altnubischen christlichen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin’, Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 31, 602-613. Schäfer, H. 1917. Nubische Texte im Dialekte der Kunûzi (Mundart von Abuhôr). Berlin. Zetterstéen, K. V. (ed.) 1909. ‘Some Parts of the New Testament Translated into Modern Nubian by a Native’, Le Monde Oriental 3, 76-88, 237-246.

EZANA OF AXUM INVASION OF THE LAND OF THE MEROITES. ‘A LOCAL COMMISSION’? Omer Hag ELZAKI

The Axumite King Ezana (325-375 AD) left an inscription at Axum in which he gives an account of a military expedition led by himself against the Noba, and in a later development, during the course of the campaign, in which he waged war against other people, namely, the Kasu and the Red Noba. The inscription has been read and commented on by different scholars since it was published by Littmann 1913 (Kirwan 1960,   7KH VLJQL¿FDQFH RI WKH LQVFULSWLRQ VWHPV from the special importance of the material it contains concerning the end of Meroe and the early history of the Noba Kingdoms (Hintze 2000, 49-55). The scholars who dealt with the material in the inscription, as we shall see, reached different and controversial conclusions. I would therefore like, in this SDSHU WR EULHÀ\ UHFDSLWXODWH WKH HYHQWV DGGLQJ P\ comments where necessary.

Axum and Meroe It is important to give a summary of the history of the neighbouring kingdoms – the Kushite (Meroitic) and Axumite Kingdoms – in the introduction to this paper, since the Ezana campaign is believed to have mostly taken place on the historic territory of the Meroites in Central Sudan.

Axum The capital of the Axumite Kingdom was Axum, now in northern Ethiopia. Other Axumite cities were Yeha, Hawutti, Melazo, Matara, Adulis and Oohaito, the last three of which are now in Eritrea. Axum DFKLHYHG SURPLQHQFH E\ WKH ¿UVW FHQWXU\ $' DQG existed from approximately 100-940 AD. The Kingdom used the name Ethiopia from the 4th century AD (Munroe-Hays 1991, 57). $[XPZDVPHQWLRQHGLQWKH¿UVWFHQWXU\$'DVDQ important market place for ivory and it was a trading centre that played a major role in commerce between the Roman Empire and Ancient India (Davidson 1961,

150)1. Its port of Adulis was described in the seventh century to have long had commercial interests as far as India and Ceylon (Davidson 1961, 182). It is also believed that from Adulis inland, caravan trails had extended this foreign trade down the River Atbara (Takkaze) to the Middle Nile and Meroe. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (Davidson 1961, 150) described how ivory collected in Kushite territory was being exported through the port of Adulis, instead of being taken to Meroe. To guarantee its economic prosperity, Axum had to control the Red Sea Straits and extend its power over the surrounding countries. Axum became an empire by the 3rd century AD. At its height, the empire controlled northern Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Western Yemen and Southern Arabia, and its famous king Ezana marched on the lands of Northern Sudan. Axum was then named as one of the four great powers along with Persia, Rome and China2. King Ezana appears to be correct in claiming that he was ‘The King of Kings’ (Kirwan 1960, AZA. inscr. 6). Meroe Meroe, to which Cambyses sent spies in 525 BC (Herodotus 1920-1925, 3, 25), was described by Herodotus (480 BC) as ‘the capital of all the Ethiopians’ (meaning the blacks inhabiting the lands that extended beyond the Egyptian southern borders), lay on the eastern bank of the Nile, 240 miles north of Khartoum. It has been long debated whether this Meroe was the capital of the Kushites since the times of Kashta and Piankhy, or whether it was initially Napata and subsequently Meroe (e.g. Török 1992). However there are enough convincing evidence that Meroe was the administrative capital of the kingdom from at least the middle of the sixth century BC to the last days of the kingdom in the third or fourth centuries AD (Zaki 2008, 28-31). 1

2

The periplus of the Erythraean See was probably written by a Greek of Alexandria in about 60 AD. It is about 7500 words in length, of the African coast as far as Rhapta (in Tanganyika?). See Davidson 1961, 150. http// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingdom of Aksum.

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From the available evidence, the boundaries of the .LQJGRPDUHGLI¿FXOWWRGHWHUPLQHEXWLWLVUHDVRQDEO\ certain that the lands between Meroe and Aswan in southern Egypt, in addition to the so-called Island of Meroe, were the core of the Kingdom. Outside that region, Meroitic remains are frequently discovered as far south as the banks of the White Nile (Eisa 2014), as well as further south in the Blue Nile (Addison 1956, 4-8) province. Other sites have recently been discovered further east near the Eritrean and Ethiopian borders (Zaki 2008, 31). It is not certain whether these places were under the direct rule of the Meroites or whether they were the result of the dissemination of the Meroitic culture. With no competing power known, Meroe, with its strong centrally organised monarchy, was undoubtedly the dominant power over almost all the central lands of modern Sudan. The Kingdom was only challenged by the Bedouins of the eastern desert (the Beja), against whom Kings Amannote-erike (431-405) (Inscr. 1X, 25), Harsiotef (404-369) (Hars. 11) and Nastasen (335 1DVW WRRNWRWKH¿HOG Concerning their foreign relations with the surrounding regional powers, the Meroites were not isolated but had contacts with the Persians, the Ptolemies and the Romans, (Strabo 1917, Bk. 7, 54) but little is known about their contacts with their eastern neighbour, the kingdom of Axum. The Meroitic Kingdom progressed and prospered steadily and appears to have reached the peak of its SRZHULQWKH¿UVWFHQWXULHVEHIRUHDQGDIWHUWKHELUWKRI Christ, by which time they had already invented a writLQJV\VWHPDQGXVHGWKHLURZQVFULSW*ULI¿WKDQG MacIver 1909, 43-54), attained the skill of extracting iron ore (Khabir 2000, 43-44) from the rocks and fashioning it into tools and weapons, and implemented a large building activity in the royal cities at Meroe, Naga, Musawwarat and in Lower Nubia. Additionally, the northern limit of the kingdom, which was ruled by ‘Pestos’ (Zaki 1975, 254) on behalf of the kings, was repopulated and achieved a high level of stability and material progress after the Peace agreement with Rome in 21 BC (Arkell 1961, 25). During these centuries, although everything appeared to be going well, an unseen danger was creeping slowly towards the heart of the kingdom and was to my mind the major cause behind the disintegration and fall of the Meroitic kingdom in the third or fourth centuries AD. By that we mean the migration and settlement of the So-called Nubae, Nubaei, Noba, Anouba, Noubades,

Nobatae and Annoubades on the land of the Meroites. This issue will be dealt with in more detail on the following pages. The Decline and Fall of Meroe! It has been widely accepted and taught that the end of the Meroitic Kingdom was in 350 AD. This assumption was partly based on the earlier reading of an inscription of king Ezana describing his military expedition, believed to have been on the lands of Central Sudan at that date. But the authenticity of this assumption has and is still raising a number of questions, the ¿UVW EHLQJ ZKHWKHU 0HURH ZDV VWLOO D SRZHU RU KDG LW already declined prior to the invasion. The second question raised regards the reality of the invasion itself, i.e. whether it was against the land of the Meroites or against another land and people in the Sudan or even in Ethiopia? As regards the end of Meroe, the signs of its weakness, degeneration and disintegration became apparent from the middle of the third century AD. The evidence for that is archaeological and textual. Concerning the ¿UVW LW ZRXOG QRW EH GLI¿FXOW IRU WKH QRUPDO WRXULVW WR observe the humbleness of the late pyramids in Beg-NUR\DO FHPHWHU\ FRPSDUHG WR WKH PDJQL¿FHQFH RI WKH earlier ones on top of the ridge. In fact, these late royal burials became poorer; brick took the place of stone in the construction of the pyramids and imported objects were no longer found in them (Shinnie 1967, 42). This poverty of the royal tombs is an indication of the weakness of the late reigning kings. Although all the causes behind this are not clear, the one which is GH¿QLWHO\NQRZQDQGZKLFKDORQHZDVHQRXJKWRFDXVH the decline, was the arrival of a new people who settled on the land of the Meroites, sharing it with them and challenging their authority. These peoples were the Blemmyes (Belhe, Rehrehs, Meded) and the Nubae (Nobatae, Nubaei, Noba, Anouba, Noubades and Annoubades). Our knowledge regarding these people comes mostly from archaeological remains and GrecoRomano – Byzantine written sources, and other texts and inscriptions. The Blemmyes As for the Blemmyes, reference to their interaction with the Meroites, Nubia and southern Egypt are available starting from the 6th&HQWXU\%&7KH\ZHUH¿UVW mentioned by King Anlamani as Belhe (Inscr.V111).

EZANA OF AXUM INVASION OF THE LAND OF THE MEROITES

The land of the Blemmyes, who are believed to be the ancestors of the modern Beja, stretched over a wide area extending between the Red Sea and southern Egypt with contact with the Nile. Theocritus, c. 270 BC, placed them at the sources of the Nile, while Eratosthenes (276-197 BC) placed them in the lower parts of Ethiopia along the Nile towards the Red Sea and claimed that they were subject to Meroe (Strabo op. cit). The Blemmyes were a continuous a source of trouble for the kings of Meroe, the Romans in Egypt and the Nubians in Lower Nubia. They were frequently mentioned in the royal inscriptions since the days of the great kings, Anlamani (623-593 BC), Amannote-erike, Harsiotef and Nastasen. All these kings had to counter the Blemmyes to prevent their aggressive raids against the kingdom. %\WKHEHJLQQLQJRIWKH¿UVWFHQWXU\$'$XJXVWXV built for Mandulis, the god of the eastern desert tribes, a temple at Kalabsha, which points to the fact that at the time of Augustus the Blemmyes seem to have been VXI¿FLHQWO\ SRZHUIXO DQG QXPHURXV LQ WKH HDVWHUQ desert, to the east of Lower Nubia, to warrant the building of such an imposing temple in which pacts could EHUDWL¿HG.LUZDQ  By the third century AD, they became a problem for Nubia, the Romans in Egypt as well as the Meroites. They attacked Southern Egypt in 261 and were repulsed in 272. By 297, Diocletian decided to give up lower Nubia and repositioned his garrisons as far north as Elephantine. Diocletian handed-over the evacuated region to the Nobatae as we will explain below (Procopius, 1, XIX)3. A Latin text dated 291 AD, a year after the withdrawal of Diocletian, tells about the Blemmyes who ZHUH DFFXVWRPHG WR ¿JKW ZLWK ERZV DQG DUURZV DQG who now sought to acquire new weapons with which WR ¿JKW DJDLQVW WKH $LWKLRSLDQV 3DQHJ\ULFL /DWLQL 11.17.4, cf. Eide et al. 1998, 1055-1057). Nubae Concerning the Nubae (Nobatae, Nubaei, Noba, Anouba, Annoubades and Noubades), we begin to hear DERXW WKHP IRU WKH ¿UVW WLPH IURP (UDWRVWKHQHV 

3

It is now recognised that Procopius, who is writing in the 6th century AD, mixed up the Meroites and the Nobades. In 298, and still for several decades, this territory was in the hands of Meroe (cf. Eide et al. 1998, 1188-1193).

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197 BC). Regarding the Nubai he says ‘To the left of the course of the Nile in Libya’ live the Nubai. They were a large tribe, whose territory extended from Meroe as far as the bends of the river. They were not subject to the Aithiopians, but were divided into several separate kingdoms, and according to (Strabo.1917), ‘these Nubai of Eratosthenes were not dwelling on the west bank of the Nile but in the region (now) a desert at a distance from the Nile and parallel to it. The region was not a desert at that time, but it was according to Agatharchides 200.B.C. (…) a region of special beauty, it produces plentiful and varied food and against excessive heat it offers the refuge of the marshes as convenient relief (…) and that also numerous elephants come from the interior to frequent this region (…) because of the richness and pleasantness of the grasslands’ (Diodorus, II, 10). We know that king Amannote-erike during his royal tour between Napata and .DUDWDQKDGWR¿JKWWKHHQHPLHV%HGRXLQV ZKRZHUH dwelling in the western desert (Inscr. 1X). Could that be the Nubai of Eratosthenes and the Nobatai of Procopius and that the arid desert of today was a good home for those Bedouins under a different climate? ,Q WKH ¿UVW FHQWXU\ %& 6WUDER FRXQWHG WKH 1REDL among other tribes dwelling to the south of Egypt including the Aithiopians (Meroites) (Strabo ibid 53-54). By that time the Nubae seem to have settled on both banks of the Nile in the region stretching between Meroe and Aswan. Migrations to the Nile valley regions were very frequent, consequent on the seasons of drought that usually struck the wide spaces stretching to the west of the Nile. The latest of these, which we have witnessed, was in the eighties of the 20th century, when many Bedouins deserted their homeland in Kordofan and Eastern Darfur, and were obliged to migrate to the Nile valley regions. According to Shinnie, there is some archaeological evidence for the arrival of new peoples on the scene in the third century. The late cemetery No 300 at Meroe, shows a completely new form of burial, together with a new pottery style of markedly African type. These burials and their associated material, are similar to those excavated at Ushara, just south of Omdurman and the much larger cemetery at Tanqasi. It can also be assumed that the hundreds of similar mounds on the west bank of the Nile belong to the same period and the same people. It seems likely that at the end of the third century AD (See Comment CR22), a people who were the Noba of the Axumite inscription, moved from

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Kordofan to the south west to the river valley, and overran the territory of Meroe (Shinnie 1967, 56). At the northern limit of the Kingdom, the Nobatae became masters of Lower Nubia by the beginning of the 4th century AD (See Comment CR22). They previously dwelt close to the city in the oasis and used to plunder the entire region. Diocletian, in 297, decided to evacuate Lower Nubia and hand it over to the Meroites (See Comment CR22). He thought that they, as a buffer state, would beat off the Blemmyes and other Barbarians (Procopius, op. cit). This is at present the picture of the situation of the Meroitic Kingdom, as regards the movements of the Blemmyes and Nobatae and their challenges in the late 3rd and early 4th centuries AD. It can be said that at that time the Kushite (Meroitic) Kingdom was in decline, and that the historical land of the Meroites was entering the X-Group or post Meroitic times. Meroe may well have ceased to exist by the end of the 3rd or early 4th centuries but ‘its end is shrouded in as much mystery as its beginning well over a thousand years before’ (Welsby 1996, 106). As for the Axumites, as we stated above, they had become a strong regional power by the 4th century AD, ZLWKZLGHHFRQRPLFLQWHUHVWV7KHLUWUDGHÀRXULVKHGRQ the Red Sea and went as far as India and Ceylon; and it is believed that caravan trails continued this foreign trade down the River Atbara to the middle Nile and Meroe (Davidson 1961, 182). Ezana Expedition At that time Ezana son of Ella-Amida of the Halen tribe sat on the throne of the Empire. Ezana (c. 325-375 AD) was a distinguished king in the history of Axum. +H ZDV WKH ¿UVW NLQJ WR EH FRQYHUWHG WR &KULVWLDQLW\ and no doubt gave the Axumites a consciousness of identity and distinguished them from their pagan neighbours (Davidson 1961.182). This has to be borne in mind when trying to answer the question as to why Ezana waged that long war ‘Through the might of the Lord of Heaven’ which is supposed to have occurred on the historical land of Meroites. This great king, Ezana, left an inscription celebrating victory over a whole galaxy of enemies, with a detailed description of the course of the military campaign. In spite of the fact that Ezana stated clearly that he WRRNWRWKH¿HOGDJDLQVWWKH1REDEHFDXVHWKH\UHYROWHG did violence to their neighbours and broke their oath etc. (AZA. inscr. 15), it has been widely accepted and

taught that the war was in fact against the Meroites, and put an end to the long-lived Kingdom in 350 AD. The inscription is full of information that has raised a number of questions among the scholars, whose critical readings gave rise to different interpretations as to the contents. Examples of these questions are: Was Ezana really ‘(…) the king of Axum and Himyar and of Raidan and of Saba and of Salhen and of Siyamo and of Bega and of Kasu, the king of kings (…)’ or was it just a claim to glorify this king? Who were the Noba, the Kasu and the Red Noba? Was Meroe at the time of the invasion still a power, or had it already ceased to be of any importance? Was the land invaded in Ethiopia proper, or was it the lands of the Upper Blue Nile or was it the Middle Nile Valley in Central Sudan? How far is it possible to identify with certainty the tribes, the places and rivers mentioned? Below are the main interpretations of scholars and their comments on the material in the inscription in answer to the questions raised with our comments. The reader can notice, as stated by Hintze, ‘How different have been the interpretations of the inscription, and how these have been variously and unsatisfactorily answered’ (Hintze 2000, 51). With regards to titles of King Ezana in the introduction of the inscription, where he calls himself ‘King of Axum, Himyar and Raeidan of Saba and Salhen of Silei and Tiyamo and of Bega and Kasu, the king of kings … (AZA inscr. 3-6)’. Ezana may well have been the king of all these people and regions in one way or another except for the Kasu about whom we have a GLIIHUHQWSRLQWRIYLHZ7KH¿UVWLVDERXWKRZWRMXVWLI\ Ezana’s claim to being king of the Kasu, and at the same time count them among the peoples whom he defeated and looted (AZA inscr.51-52); in this I do not see any contradiction, since the inscription was written after the campaign and in celebration of the conquest. As for the assumption that the Kasu were previously defeated by a predecessor of Ezana before the campaign, it is agreed that the evidence of fragmentary Axumite inscriptions written in Greek, found in Meroe, are not convincing (El-Tayeb 2012, 35-36). Finally and in the opinion of Bechhaus-Gerst that the Kasu of Ezana are not the Kushites and that they may well be LGHQWL¿HG ZLWK WKH .XVKD .HUVD .XUVD .LUVL  DOO alternative readings mentioned by Ibn Hawqal (Bechhaus-Gerst 1991) living one month’s journey away along the Nile from Dongola. These (Kersa, etc.), according to Ahmed Elyas, inhabited the lands along

EZANA OF AXUM INVASION OF THE LAND OF THE MEROITES

the banks of El Dinder River (a tributary of the Blue Nile) as far as the Ethiopian lands (Elyas 2012, 256). 7KHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKH1REDDQGWKH5HG1REDDQG their whereabouts has been no less challenging to the scholars, than that of the Kasu. As for the Nuba against ZKRP(]DQDFODLPVWRKDYHWDNHQWKH¿HOGWKURXJKWKH might of the Lord, it was only natural, at the beginning to associate them with the Noba of the classical writers, who spread over the land of the Meroites. Later readings of the inscription came up with quite different answers regarding who these Noba were. According to one opinion, the Noba of Ezana were in Ethiopia proper and their habitat was in the neighbourhood of Axum, just on the other side of the Takkaze, (Behrens 1986, 123-24), while the other point of view places them in the lands of the Blue Nile near Sennar (Hintze 2000, 52). As regards the Red Noba, there is almost general agreement that they were a branch of the Noba who inhabited the lands along the Nile north of the 4th cataract (Kirwan 1939, 169). These varying opinions about the identity of the Kasu and the Noba have given rise to quite different assumptions regarding the Axumite war activities. For those who believed the Kasu were the Kushite (Meroites) and that the Noba base was on the Island of Meroe and the banks the Nile, ‘The general direction of Ezana advance appears to have been northwards across the Takkaze (The Atbara) towards the Seda (the Nile) and towards the junction of the Nile with the Atbara (…)’ (Kirwan 1939, 52). The second assumption, according to Hintze is that, ‘(…) the campaign against the Noba on the other side of the Takkaze continued in a westerly to south-westerly direction and through the Butana to the Blue Nile (Seda) - about the area of present-day Sennar (…) and after the campaign against the Noba had come to an end on the Blue Nile (…) Ezana continued his campaign along the Atbara and came to the Kasu who live at the mouth of the Atbara (…)’ (Hintze 2000, 52). Conclusion The readings and interpretations of the Ezana inscription, as stated above, have come out with different comments and assumptions; nevertheless, the material in the text, in addition to the other textual and archaeological evidence, are helpful to some extend in drawing a picture of what was happening in the Middle

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Nile Valley region in the Sudan and its neighbourhood at that time. The situation, in my opinion, may be summarised as follows: That while Axum was becoming a great regional power by the 4th century AD, the Meroitic kingdom had been collapsing and diminishing since the late decades of the 3rd century AD. The result of that, on the one hand, was a power vacuum and anarchy in the vast lands of Central Sudan. The unrest in Sudan extended eastwards and came close to the Axumite borders. The Noba we are told ‘ (…) did violence to the peoples of Mangurto and Hasa and Barya’ (Kirwan 1939, AZA 15-16). Being a substantial power, Axum had to interfere to push this danger away from its homeland and put a stop to the massacres in their vicinity, where we are told, ‘ (…) the blacks waged war on the Red people’ (ibid AZA 16-18). According to A. J. Drewes (1962), the last sentence means that the entire region was in a state of war, which in this case may well mean the whole of Sudan (Hintze 2000, 50). That being the case, it is very tempting to raise the question whether Ezana, who was newly Christianized, was motivated by religious zeal to WDNHWRWKH¿HOGDJDLQVWWKHYLROHQFHPDNHUVµ7KURXJK the might of the Lord of Heaven’ in an act of benevolence? The interference of the neighbouring countries, Ethiopia and Sudan, in the affairs of each other has been and is still going on, especially when internal conÀLFWVRUFLYLOZDUEUHDNRXWLQHLWKHURIWKHWZRFRXQWULHV ([LOHV DQG UHIXJHHV XVHG WR À\ IURP YLROHQFH across the borders and they usually pleaded for help. In recorded history, this has happened time and time again. There are numerous examples but the most recent is the reaction of both countries during the Eritrean and south Sudanese liberation movements. Mediation or sometimes encouraging or siding with one group against the other is generally the response, but never has either of the two neighbouring countries desired or tried to occupy or colonize the other country. The Ezana military campaign was not an invasion to occupy, loot or destroy Meroe, the capital of the kingdom, but to put an end to the violence that broke out in Central Sudan. In fact, Ezana excused himself for takLQJ WR WKH ¿HOG E\ UHYHDOLQJ DOO WKH PHDVXUHV KH KDG taken prior to going in his mission. To maintain peace he sent messengers and envoys for a second and third time, but, ‘the Noba broke their oath and without consideration slew their neighbours and plundered and

728

O. H. ELZAKI

robbed the messengers and continued their offences, boasting that he will not cross over the Takkaze’ (Kirwan 1939, AZA 15-22). The aim of Ezana’s campaign was, to my mind, similar to that of the present-day forces of the United Nations, when these forces interfere in any member country to prevent the spread of violence and killing, to the extent that the government fails to maintain peace. This was exactly the picture of what was occurring in the Middle Nile Valley region and Eastern Sudan. The so called Noba had spread in the region with no central or regional government or kingdom to control. They appear to have been under separate chiefs in different places. The three Nubian kingdoms were to be born two centuries later. These Nubian kingdoms had to face the same fate as the Meroites, as a result of DW\SLFDOVORZLQ¿OWUDWLRQRIQHZPLJUDQWVWRWKH0LGdle Nile Valley Region, only this time they were the Muslim Arabs. In the Sudan this appears to have been a continuous pattern of change over a period of six centuries or more. Since Ezana did not come to occupy or rule the lands he marched on, and in the absence of any central power with whom he was able to negotiate, or depend on to take responsibility for keeping the peace, Ezana’s policy was to apply punitive strikes, chase, weaken and warn the violence makers. The inscription, as expected, did not tell of any measures taken by the victorious Ezana to guarantee that the Noba would not take to violence again. He only left a throne, that he erected at the junction of the river Seda and Takkaze in commemoration of his successful mission and to symbolize his power, warning anyone ‘Who may obliterate or destroy it or tear it down, he and his line shall be uprooted and torn asunder (…)’ (AZA. Inscr. 90-92).

Abbreviations AZA inscr: Refers to King EZANA inscription published in Kirwan 1960. Inscr: Refers to the royal inscriptions, published in Macadam 1949. Hars.: Refers to king Harsiotef Stela published in Budge 1912. Nast.: Refers to king Nastasen Stela published in Budge 1912.

Bibliography Addison, F. 1956. ‘Second Thoughts on Jebel Moya’, Kush 4, 4-18. Bechhaus-Gerst, M. 1991. ‘Noba Puzzles. Miscellaneous Notes on the Ezana Inscriptions’, in D. Mendel and U. Claudi (eds), Ägypten im afro-orientalischen Kontext. Köln, 17-25. Behrens, P. 1986. ‘The Noba of Nubia and the Noba of the Ezana inscription: A matter of confusion’, Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 8, 117-126. Budge, E. A. W. 1912. Annals of Nubian Kings with a sketch of the Nubian Kingdom of Napata. London. Davidson, B. 1961. Old Africa Rediscovered. London. Drewes, A. J. 1962. Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique. Leiden. Eide T., T. Hagg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török 1998. Fontes Historiae Nubiorum. Textual sources for the history of the Middle Nile Region between the eight century BC DQG WKH VL[WK FHQWXU\$' 9ROXPH ,,, IURP WKH ¿UVW WR the sixth century AD. Bergen. El-Tayeb, M. 2012. Funerary traditions in Nubian Early Makuria$IULFDQ5HSRUW*GDĔVN Elyas, A. 2012, Sudanese and self consciousness (in Arabic). Khartoum. *ULI¿WK 3 /  Karanog. The Meroitic Inscriptions of Shablul and Karanog. E. B. Coxe Junior Expedition to Nubia, vol. VI. Philadelphia. Herodotus 1920-1925. The Histories (trans. A. D. Godley). London. Hintze, F. 2000. ‘Meroe and the Noba’, Der Antike Sudan (MittSAG) 10, 49-55. Khabir, A. M. 2000. ‘Iron Industry in Meroe’, Adomats, Riyadh. Kirwan, L. P. 1939. The Oxford University Excavations at Firka. London. Kirwan, L. P. 1960. ‘The Decline and Fall of Meroe’, Kush 8, 163-173. Littmann, E. 1950. Aethiopische Inschriften. Miscellanea Academica Berlinensia 11, 2. Berlin. Macadam, M. F. L. 1949. The Temples of Kawa, I : The Inscriptions. Oxford. Munroe-Hays, S. 1991. Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity. Edinburgh. Procopius 1914. History of wars (trans. H. B. Dewing). London. Shinnie, P. L. 1967. Meroe. A Civilisation of the Sudan. London. Strabo 1917. The Geography of Strabo (trans. H. L. Hones). London. Török, L. 1992. ‘Ambulatory Kingship and Settlement History. A Study on the Contribution of Archaeology in Meroitic History’, in C. Bonnet (ed.), Etudes Nubiennes. Conférence de Genève. Actes du VIIe Congrès interna-

EZANA OF AXUM INVASION OF THE LAND OF THE MEROITES

tional d’études nubiennes, I : Communications principales. Genève, 111-126. Welsby, D. A. 1996. The kingdom of Kush. The Napatan and Meroitic Empires. London. Zaki, O. H. 1975. 6HQLRULW\ DQG 6LJQL¿FDQFH RI VRPH /DWH Meroitic Titles. Unpubl. M. A. thesis, Univ. of Khartoum. Zaki, O. H. 2008. Meroe History and Civilization (in Arabic). Damascus.

729

EXPLORING NUBIAN TOPONYMY IN ITS TRADITIONAL ENVIRONMENT Herman BELL

The goals of archaeology and toponymy overlap considerably. Both disciplines deal with evidence for historical investigation. Potentially, toponymy may provide evidence not only on recent events, but even on ancient history (see Bell and Hashim 2002). Toponyms need to be treated with the same respect as archaeological artefacts. Any distorted version of a toponym is a potential distortion of historical evidence. It would be EHQH¿FLDO LI PRUH DFFXUDWH WRSRQ\PLF HYLGHQFH ZHUH available. The accuracy of names of archaeological sites in the geographical area historically associated with the Nobíin Nubian language is examined here. The focus is upon representative toponyms from the Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings (Porter, Moss and Málek 1927, 7).1 In this source, toponyms from the geographical area historically associated with the Nobíin Nubian language appear in sequence. Each site with its principal toponym is designated by a code number ranging from TopBib 701-030-060 to TopBib 701-070-020 [excluding TopBib 701-030-090]. Before the inundation in 1964 and the major resettlement as a result of the High Dam near Aswan, this was an area extending approximately from Kuruskó in the north to Kerma in the south. Already problems are evident. Kuruskó is not a familiar spelling, but it is recognisable as Korosko on old maps of Egyptian Nubia [TopBib 701-030-100]. Kerma is recognisable on maps of Sudanese Nubia [TopBib 701-070-020]. Abdel Halim Sabbar from further north pronounced it as Kermé, but the geographical range of this pronunciation has not yet been adequately investigated in the vicinity of the town itself. In order to hear an unfamiliar form such as Kuruskó in

1

These toponyms may be viewed online at the following site:

Topographical Bibliography topbib.griffith.ox.ac.uk/dtb.html?topbib=800 [accessed 6 Oct. 2015]. To access the toponyms, the following steps should be taken. Select: ‘The Digital TopBib’. Click on 7. ‘Nubia, the Deserts Outside Egypt’. Click on ‘Nubia’.

action, the toponymist should listen to the name in the context of local Nobíin Nubian speech. Brief conventions for writing Nobíin Nubian are listed in an appendix at the end of the present article. They include conventions such as the acute accent indicating high tone, the use of y as a lengthener for the vowel e (long e = ey) and the use of w as a lengthener for the vowel o (long o = ow). Sabbar rejected the use of y and w as vowel lengtheners. However, the alternatives are worse. The International Phonetic Alphabet convention of a colon (e: and o:) for vowel length could be adopted, but it would impose an unusual orthographic convention (e: and o:) which would be unfamiliar, and probably unacceptable, to many people who read and write Nubian. Romanization systems for Arabic offer the VROXWLRQ RI D PDFURQ IRU YRZHO OHQJWK Ɲ DQG ǀ  EXW this is often neglected in practice. One widely accepted orthography doubles e and o (ee and oo) to indicate length, but this results in massive mispronunciation by users with an English language background. The Nubian word for a ‘book’ or a ‘written charm’ is often written shoo. This spelling is misleading. Readers often pronounce it like the English ‘shoo’ [pronounced ‘shuu’] (a word to drive animals away) or like ‘shoe’ (as worn on the foot). However, the Nubian word shoo ‘book’ should be pronounced approximately like the English word ‘show’. A Nubian orthography that represented the Nubian word for ‘book’ as show would be appropriate. The ey and ow solution to vowel length often leads readers instinctively to the correct pronunciation. The use of y and w as vowel lengtheners also KDVWKHYLUWXHRIEHLQJSDUDOOHOWRDIXQFWLRQRI\Ɨϱ  and ZƗZϭ as vowel lengtheners in Arabic. Thus, with DIRFXVRQWKH¿QDOV\OODEOHWKHWRSRQ\PIRUWKHYLOODJH area just south of the great temples of Abu Simbel will be written below as Balláañey rather than Balláañe:, or %DOOiDxƝRU%DOOiDxee. Similarly, the name of an ancient Egyptian fortress [TopBib 701-050-090] will be written below as Bowhéyn rather than %RKpQ %ǀKখQ RU Boohéen. It takes time to learn a language well enough to identify and understand its subtleties. It would be unreasonable to expect archaeologists to have the time, training

732

H. BELL

and inclination to learn spoken Nubian, even though there are exceptions. Richard Lepsius produced a major grammar of Nobíin Nubian (Lepsius 1880) as well as FRQGXFWLQJ D PDJQL¿FHQW DUFKDHRORJLFDO VXUYH\ RI Egypt and Nubia (Lepsius 1849), but there are few who would emulate him. Normally, the pronunciations and spellings of geographical names are received from scholars, toponymists and administrators of the past, without testing them in the context of spoken Nubian. The result is predictable. The received spelling of most Nubian geographical names is massively inaccurate. Nubian names were often recorded through the medium of Arabic, but seldom directly through the medium of the Nubian language. An accurate representation of toponyms depends ultimately upon a linguistic understanding of several languages: (1) the relevant Nubian language, (2) the Arabic language which exercised a long and powerful LQÀXHQFHRQWKHWRSRQ\P\RI1XELDDQG DQXPEHU of other languages, both ancient and modern, which also made their contribution. An exemplary study of toponyms in the related Kenzi language of Egyptian Nubia was published long ago in Vienna (Junker and Schäfer 1932). It is instructive to consider the procedures of Hermann Junker and Heinrich Schäfer. Their work provided an early model of how the job should be done. Junker and Schäfer collected toponyms along with ethnic names in the Kenzi Nubian region upstream from the town of Aswan. They collected geographical names directly from the Kenzi Nubian speech of the inhabitants. Toponyms were published in the context of Kenzi Nubian language texts. In this way Junker and Schäfer achieved a minimum of distortion. They recognized the integrity of the local language. Occasionally the Kenzi study dealt with toponyms from the Nobíin Nubian area further upstream. A toponym published incorrectly as ‘Derr’ in TopBib 701030-110 appeared more correctly as ‘Dirri’ in Junker and Schäfer (1932, 2, 87, 101). This has been pronounced ‘Dírri’ with high tone on the initial syllable, however, the toponym needs to be checked again locally in the context of Nubian speech. The toponym ‘Tomâs’ of TopBib 701-030-070-020 was recorded PRUH FRUUHFWO\ DV µ7ǀPkV¶ ZLWK D ORQJ YRZHO LQ WKH initial syllable, Junker and Schäfer (1932, 2, 99-101). The second syllable has a high tone: Towmáas. Like Kenzi, Nobíin Nubian coexisted with Arabic for many centuries. Nobíin Nubian had a particularly FORVH DI¿QLW\ ZLWK WKH 2OG 1XELDQ ODQJXDJH ZKLFK

appeared as a written language more than 1200 years ago. Old Nubian was written in a distinctive world heritage alphabet which was based primarily, but not exclusively on Greek and Coptic (Bell 2014). Eventually, approximately 500 years ago, the Old Nubian alphabet was abandoned and replaced by written Arabic. The power and relative prestige of Arabic had been growing and Arabic was increasingly accepted as a language of religion and world culture. The triumph of Arabic had an effect upon Nubian. There has been a widespread tendency towards hypercorrection. Nubian WRSRQ\PVZHUHµFRUUHFWHG¶DQGGLVWRUWHGWR¿WWKHSKRQRORJLFDO SDWWHUQV RI $UDELF 1XELDQ KDV ¿YH VKRUW vowels (a, e, i, o and u). Standard Arabic has only three IDWতD NDVUD DQG ঌDPPD D L DQG X  0DQ\ 1XELDQ names end in a short e, which is widely misinterpreted as an Arabic a. This a, in turn, is often misinterpreted DV WKH$UDELF IHPLQLQH HQGLQJ DQG ZULWWHQ ZLWK D WƗ¶ PDUEnj৬D7KXVWKHDUFKDHRORJLFDOVLWH6HUUpMXVWVRXWK of the Egyptian border, is normally written ‘Serra’ as though it were an Arabic feminine noun. The toponym Kerma has been suggested to be derived from an Arabic feminine noun for ‘vine’. Charles Hubert Armbruster (Armbruster 1965, 121) mentioned this proposed etymology and indicated his scepticism by writing ‘perhaps’. Many toponyms are clearly either of Arabic or of Nubian origin. Others have phonological characteristics of Nubian words, but no clear Nubian etymology. An illustration of this phenomenon can be observed in the toponym Balláañey [pronounced with a long e: at the end] (Bell and Sabbar 2011, 303). The name Balláañey designated the village and adjacent cemeteries containing burial mounds of the ancient kings and queens of Nubia. No convincing etymology for Balláañey has yet been proposed. The toponym also occurs frequently in DQ$UDELFLVHG YHUVLRQ DV µ%DOOƗQD¶ RU µ%DOOkQD¶ >7RSBib 701-050-040]. This version appears below in Arabic script on the railway sign near the community which has now been resettled north of Aswan (Figure 1). At a UNESCO conference in 2009, there were several non-Nubian scholars who had been working with this Nubian community for many years. Some of them had become so familiar with the Arabicised version %DOOƗQD WKDW WKH\ UHMHFWHG WKH H[LVWHQFH RI µ%DOOiDxD¶ They insisted that the Nubian version with ñ was incorrect, although certain prominent archaeologists and hisWRULDQVVXFKDV)/O*ULI¿WKYRO  U. Monneret de Villard (1938, 94, also 95) and W. O.

EXPLORING NUBIAN TOPONYMY

Adams (2000, v, vi, 33, 69 and passim), had used the Nubian version with ñ (or its equivalent) in their publications. Nevertheless, many other authors opted for WKH$UDELFLVHG1XELDQYHUVLRQ%DOOƗQD This toponym presents a challenge. The Arabicised form ends in a, but the Nubian form ends sometimes in short e and sometimes in long e (ey). Two allomorphs RIWKH1XELDQQDPHKDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HG%DOOiDxHDQG %DOOiDxH\7KH¿QDOYRZHOLVORQJLQFHUWDLQSUHGLFWDEOH environments, e.g., after the postposition –l as in Balláañeyl ‘to Balláañey’. The full form Balláañey could serve as the basic dictionary entry. A phonological rule ZRXOGSUHGLFWDEO\VKRUWHQWKH¿QDOYRZHODWWKHHQGRI an utterance, e.g., ‘Balláañey’ > ‘Balláañe’. Observers who do not know the Nubian language might clearly hear ‘Balláañe’ in isolation, but ignore the importance of the full form ‘Balláañey’, obscured from them in an intermediate position within the Nubian text. As for the Nubian people who now live in the present hilltop village by the great temples of Abu Simbel, near the inundated site of the historic Balláañey, they have preserved the old name in an old couplet: Balláañe ! Wara-toor-aañe !

‘Balláañe ! Jump ! Enter ! Live !’

Note that the ending of Balláañey is regularly shortHQHGWR%DOOiDxHKHUHZKHUHLWLVD¿QDOXWWHUDQFH,DP indebted to the traditional musician and singer Fikry Hasan Kashif, of the Eskaleh Nubian Ecolodge at Abu Simbel, for this information (personal communication in September 2015). He had opted for an h rather than D\WRLQGLFDWHWKHOHQJWKRIWKH¿QDOYRZHOLQ(VNDOHK (or Eskaley) ‘waterwheel’. This h could be a reasonable alternative for y and even for w as a vowel lengthener, e.g., woh Uruu anní (rather than wow Uruu anní) ‘Oh, my King!’. The local Nubian pronunciation of Abu Simbel is Absámbal and occasionally Absímbil. The form Abu Simbel or Abû Simbel [TopBib 701-040] has become widely accepted as the normal written form in English. It has sometimes been interpreted as the Arabic phrase: $Enj6XQEXO, literally: ‘father of the ear (of grain)’. This PD\UHÀHFWDPRUHDQFLHQWQDPHZLWKDGLIIHUHQWHW\mology. In Nubian, the location of the temples is normally referred to by the name, Farréygn ~I¿ (pronounced Farré:gn ~I¿ ‘the hole of Farréyg’ [TopBib 701-050-019: Farrîq (sic)]. The etymology of the name FarréygKDVQRW\HWEHHQ¿QDOO\DJUHHGEXWLWUHIHUVWR the area extending from the temples downstream, espe-

733

)LJXUH5DLOZD\VLJQQHDUWKHQHZVHWWOHPHQWRIµ%DOOƗQD¶ north of Aswan.

cially along the opposite bank of the Nile. The name Farréyg’ is also used for a Nubian village further south near the Third Cataract. In 1963, I became increasingly aware of the extent WRZKLFK$UDELFVSHHFKDQG1XELDQVSHHFKZHUHLQÀXencing each other as a result of their long coexistence. I was working in the village of Fáras [TopBib 701-050050: Faras] in Sudanese Nubia just south of the border with Egyptian Nubia. When there was a death in the community of Fáras, I was instructed by the late Shaikh Hasan Othman Hussain to address bereaved persons with an Arabic expression glossed as ‘The world and its situation.’ He knew that the expression was incorrect according to the rules of colloquial Arabic grammar. It should have been Dunya wa haala, but it was Dunya wa haalu. This can be analysed as follows: haalu means ‘its situation’. The pronoun ‘its’ is represented by the masculine form /u/ rather than the feminine form /a/. According to the rules of non-Nubianised Arabic, the feminine form /a/ would have been required to referring back to the feminine noun Dunya ‘world’. However, Nubian does not distinguish between masculine and feminine pronouns. Nubian indifference to grammatical gender has been imposed onto this expression in the local colloquial Arabic. For well over 500 years, Arabic, not Nubian has been the language of education for the Nubian people. (DFK ODQJXDJH KDV EHHQ VXEMHFWHG WR WKH LQÀXHQFH RI the other.

734

H. BELL

A number of toponyms in Nubia have an Arabic etyPRORJ\ 7KXV ‫ޏ‬$EG HO4DGvU >7RS%LE @ has been written in Standard Arabic with the article / el-/ according to a system of transliteration popular in Egypt. Since there is no need for a short /e/ in the system of three short vowels in Standard Arabic, the following orthography with short /a/ is preferred here: Shaykh‫ޏ‬$EGDO4ƗGLU1XELDQVQRUPDOO\JDYHWKHWLWOH (shaykh). In colloquial Arabic, /ay/ may be pronounced ZLWKDORQJƝ7KHUHIRUHWKLVQDPHLVVRPHWLPHVUHSUHVHQWHG DV 6KƝkh ‫ޏ‬$EG DO*ƗGLU :KHQ WKH QDPH LV pronounced in the context of Nubian speech, it may be Nubianised as follows: Shey Abdelgáadir or Sheh Abdelgáadir. In the context of a Nubian utterance, it may be expressed as follows: 6KH\$EGHOJiDGLUUDKDM~XU (Nubian orthography) ãH\$EGHOJiGLUUDKD‫~ݶ‬U ,QWHUQDWLRQDO Phonetic Alphabet) ‘I am going to Shaykh‫ޏ‬$EGDO4ƗGLU¶  *ORVV (Transcribed from Abdel Halim Sabbar on 7 February 2014.) This title and personal name are both Nubianised loans from Arabic. The title (Nubian: Sheh or Shey) is an element of this Nubian toponym. Variant pronunciations need to be recorded together with information, if any, on the social context that may be associated with each variant. No such information was available on the difference between Sheh or Shey. The TopBib source of toponyms may be cross-referenced with other sources, for example, Orientalia: http://www.egyptologues.net/orientalia/home (accessed 0D\ 7KLVVRXUFHJLYHV$EGHO4DGHUDVWRS FKRLFHDQG$EGHO*DGHU$EGHO4DGLU $EGHO4DGLU as alternatives. The lengthy coexistence of Arabic and Nubian has introduced considerable complexity into the process of recording toponyms, both those of Arabic origin and those of Nubian origin. Nubian toponyms have been KHDYLO\LQÀXHQFHGE\WKHSURFHVVNQRZQDVK\SHUFRUrection. They are subject to adaptation to the powerful fashions of Arabic as the language of education, religion, culture, prestige and urbanity. Nubian toponyms often acquire a fashionable Arabic form. This may be REVHUYHGQRWRQO\LQWKHFDVHRI%DOOiDxH\DQG%DOOƗQD above, but also in situations involving the introduction of Arabic phonological features into non-Arabic topoQ\PV7KH$UDELFVRXQGµD\LQω PD\RIWHQDSSHDULQ non-Arabic toponyms where it did not exist histori-

cally. An example of this may be ‘Abrii in the name of the town near Gebel Abri [TopBib 701-060-120]. The basic form is Ábir according to Sabbar. This needs further investigation in and around the town itself. Abrii, ‘Abrii or Ábir are variant forms of a Nubian toponym and possibly also a Nubian word. A suggestion that it could mean ‘shelter’ needs to be further investigated. In an Arabic context, it is generally Arabicised with an initial ‘ayin. Considering also the potential length of WKH¿QDOV\OODEOHWKLVFRXOGEHSURQRXQFHGDQGZULWWHQ ‘Abrii, which could be shortened to ‘Abri in an indeSHQGHQW FLWDWLRQ IRUP FI WKH VKRUWHQLQJ RI WKH ¿QDO syllable of Balláañey > Balláañe above). The insertion of an initial ‘ayin is a widespread phenomenon in Nubian toponyms beginning with a vowel. This variation is not mentioned with reference to Gebel Abri above in TopBib. It would be appropriate to give both the Nubian form and the Arabicised Nubian form there with a comment. The original Nubian form appears in the following traditional proverb about wishing to avoid an unpleasant situation. It was provided by Sabbar. Táron ÁbirinNDFF~XGGRIDPPH\Qáam. ‘May it not happen to the donkeys of Ábir.’ Ábir appears here followed by the Nubian genitival postposition /in/ meaning ‘of’. A variation of this proverb was provided by El Geili Farah from the island of Sáay near ‘Abrii. He knew a variation of this proverb with Abriin kaccuu for the donkeys of Abrii. He pointed out that an initial Arabic ‘ayin was normally written at the beginning of ‘Abrii, but that it was often pronounced by Nubians not as an initial ‘ayin, but more like an initial alif bearing a KDP]D (glottal stop), i.e. Abrii rather than ‘Abrii. Occasionally, a sequence of diachronic stages in the Arabicisation of a Nubian toponym could be observed simultaneously in a single community as follows: (1) *Ábkey > (2) ‘Ámkey > (3) ‘Ámka (considered to be three consecutive versions of a single name). Each of these three versions will be presented below in Nubian language test frames to demonstrate the changes that result from phonological rules when the elements are combined into a phrase. (1) The form *Ábkey (presumed to be the original form) is thought to survive in the compound name Abkenaarti – ‘the island of Ábkey’. ay Abkenaarti-l fa júur. ‘I will go to the island of Ábkey.’

735

EXPLORING NUBIAN TOPONYMY

Vocabulary of the test frames: ay = pronoun, 1st person singular Abke = Ábkey n = genitive aarti = island -l = postposition ‘to’ fa = future marker júu = verb ‘go’ r = verbal ending indicating 1st person singular subject Phonological changes: (1) The high tone of Ábkey is regularly depressed when ÈENH\ LV WKH ¿UVW HOHPHQW LQ D FRPSRXQG  ÈENH\ ! Abkey when compounded in Abkenaarti and (2) /ey/ is regularly shortened to /e/ as a result of compounding: Ábkey > Abke. Abkenaarti - the island of ‘Amke(y) - has no initial ‘ayin, but ‘Ámkey and ‘Ámka both have an initial ‘ayin, presumably as a result of Arabicisation. (2) ‘Ámkey: The village name ‘Ámkey has an initial ‘ayin (‘) borrowed from Arabic. However, it still has its ORQJ¿QDOH\ZKHQIROORZHGE\DSRVWSRVLWLRQOLQ the sentence below. ay ‘Ámke\OIDM~XU. ‘I will go to ‘Ámkey.’ (3) ‘Ámka. When the name is pronounced alone, it is a fully $UDELFLVHG1XELDQIRUPZLWKD¿QDODDQGLWLVZULWWHQ LQ$UDELFVFULSWZLWKD¿QDOWƗ¶PDUEnjWDΓ DVWKRXJKLW were a feminine noun in Arabic, in spite of the fact that Nubian does not normally have a feminine gender as a grammatical feature. It can be postulated that the name Ábkey was Arabicised to ‘Ámka as a result of the prestigious role of Arabic. Proverbs and traditional phrases may provide evidence for an older pronunciation of Nubian toponyms. Test sentences are useful, but they may draw attention to the point being examined with speakers of Nubian and invite excessive hypercorrection. For example, a short /o/ is normal in Nubian, but not expected in Standard Arabic. An Arabic scholar may try to interpret a Nubian short /o/ as an abbreviated /aw/, which norPDOO\SURGXFHVDORQJǀLQFROORTXLDO$UDELF%HOODQG Hashim 2002). Further examples of ‘test sentences’ are as follows: 1. D\%DOOiDxH\OIDM~XU. ‘I will go to Balláañey.

2. D\6HUUpOIDMXXU.

‘I will go to Serré.’ TopBib 701-050-070 [Serra]

3. D\.~NNH\OIDM~XU.

‘I will go to Kúkkey.’

The Nubian royal village of Kúkkey, in isolation pronounced Kúkke, is located on the West Bank immediately upstream from TopBib 701-060-160 (Bell and Phillips 2013, 37 f.). One of the problems affecting close collaboration between archaeologists and toponymists is the differHQFH LQ WKHLU SURFHGXUHV IRU FRQGXFWLQJ ¿HOGZRUN (Razanajao 2007). Toponymists must spend time listening to local people. They become involved with the living community in collecting memories on the sigQL¿FDQFH RI WKHLU WRSRQ\PV DQG LQ GRFXPHQWLQJ WKH views of inhabitants on their environment (Sabbar 2012). It is not only necessary to record data on etymologies of interest to archaeologists, but also desirable to record local ideas that may seem speculative, belonging to the realm of folk etymology. Otherwise, toponymists may be imposing their own prejudices upon the data being collected (Bell 2012). One of their distinctive goals is to document the relationship between the inhabitants and their environment. A particular goal is to reveal any world of imagination shared by the inhabitants. A supreme example of this appeared in the house decorations by the Kenzi 1XELDQ ZRPHQ LQ (J\SWLDQ 1XELD7KHLU ¿QHVW SKDVH of artistic creativity occurred before the 1963/1964 UHVHWWOHPHQW )DFLQJ GLI¿FXOW FRQGLWLRQV DQG WKH IUHquent absence of men, they decorated their houses imaginatively and created an environment of extraordinary beauty (Figure 2). 7KHUH ZHUH HYRFDWLYH WRSRQ\PV VXFK DV $Enj +ǀU [cf. TopBib 701-010-080-010]. Was there a shrine of Horus? This was the point where the Tropic of Cancer intersected the River Nile. Lacy wall paintings decorated the houses. After the Nubian residents were resettled in Egypt to the north of Aswan, house decorations suffered a rapid decline, now almost total. The rise and fall of women’s art deserves to be understood thoroughly. This is being investigated by Armgard GooGrauer who made an extensive ethnographic and photographic survey of this area before the 1963/1964 resettlement. In 2017 the late Dr. Abdel Halim Sabbar made a major contribution to the study of endangered toponyms on the Nubian Nile with his online audiovisual evidence of pronunciation of toponyms in the context of Nubian speech. This is available on ELAR, the

736

H. BELL

Appendix

Brief Conventions for Writing Nobíin Nubian The acute accent (í  PDUNV WKH ¿UVW V\OODEOH ZLWK a high tone in the basic dictionary entry of a Nubianword or toponym.  7KH QDVDO FRQVRQDQWV ݄ DQG ƾ DUH UHSUHVHQWHG here as ñ and ng. - Vowel length is indicated by doubling a, i and u. e. g., a is short and aa is long. This is a practice occasionally found in Old Nubian and also in modern languages such as Swahili. - Double ee and double oo should be avoided. They are seriously misleading for pronunciation. The Nubian word for ‘red’ is often written geel. Many readers who know English will pronounce it ‘giil’. However, it is supposed to be pronounced approximately like ‘gale’, as though it were the English word for a strong wind.

-

Figure 2. A glimpse into the lost world of house decoration in Egyptian Nubia.

SOAS Endangered Languages Archive (Sabbar and Bell 2017). In conclusion, the scope of toponymy extends beyond the immediate concerns of archaeology. However, the approach to Nubian toponymy can be LPSURYHGWRPDNHLWPRUHEHQH¿FLDOWRDUFKDHRORJLVWV Accurate spellings of toponyms, such as those that may be documented in the context of Nubian-language texts, should be made available. Scholars require greater accuracy for assessing etymologies (cf. Bell and Hashim 2002). They have the option to reject incorrect, but well-established spellings, which distort the historical value of the toponyms. They may choose to avoid distorted spellings and pronunciations. Historic toponyms are under constant pressure to become Nubianised Arabic names or Arabicised Nubian names. (DFKRIWKHVHFDWHJRULHVZLOOQHHGWREHLGHQWL¿HGDQG documented. Many other variations will result from social pressures within the community. Variant forms need to be documented, analysed and tagged for their VLJQL¿FDQFH/LNHDUFKDHRORJ\WRSRQ\P\UHTXLUHVWLPH IRU ¿HOGZRUN ,W DOVR requires time and resources to analyse and synthesise the UHVXOWV RI ¿HOGZRUN 7KH way forward is to plan for closer collaboration between toponymists and archaeologists to achieve their common objectives.

The following sentence serves as a reminder on how long o and long e should be written: ‘Show it to the Bey of Tunis.’ Use ow as in Show and ey as in Bey. Another reminder is the toponym for an ancient Egyptian fortress [TopBib 701-050-090] pronounced by the local Nubians as Bowhéyn.

EXPLORING NUBIAN TOPONYMY

737

Bibliography Adams, W. Y. 2000. Meinarti I: the Late Meroitic, Ballaña and transitional occupation. Oxford. Armbruster, C. H. 1965. Dongolese Nubian, a Lexicon. Cambridge. Bell, H. 2014. ‘A World Heritage Alphabet: The Role of Old Nubian in the Revitalization of the Modern Nubian Languages’, in J. R. Anderson and D. A. Welsby (eds), The Fourth Cataract and beyond. Proceedings of the 12th ,QWHUQDWLRQDO &RQIHUHQFH IRU 1XELDQ 6WXGLHV British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1. Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA, 1189-1194. Bell, H. 2012. ‘Nubian Perceptions of Exonyms and Endonyms’, in P. Woodman (ed.), 7KH *UHDW 7RSRQ\PLF 'LYLGH5HÀHFWLRQVRQWKHGH¿QLWLRQDQGXVDJHRIHQGRQ\PV DQG H[RQ\PV 3URFHHGLQJV RI WKH th UNGEGN :RUNLQJ *URXS RQ ([RQ\PV 0HHWLQJ *GDĔVN  May 2012. Warsaw, 97-110. [Also accessible online] NVQJJXJLNJRYSOSOLNLWKHBJUHDWBWRSRQ\PLFBGLYLGHSGI [01.10.2015]. Bell, H. and M. J. Hashim 2002. ‘Does Aten Live On in Kawa (Kówwa)?’, 6XGDQDQG1XELD6, 42-46. [online] http://issuu.com/sudarchrs/docs/s_n06_bell [01.10.2015]. Bell, H. and J. R. Phillips 2013. ‘Wadi Halfa: Bride of the Nile’, in I. V. Gerasimov and A. S. Matveev (eds), Ɍɚɯɢɣɣɚɬ ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ ɜ ɱɟɫɬɶ ɇ ɇ Ⱦɶɹɤɨɜɚ Ⱥɪɚɛɢɫɬɢɤɚ²ɂɫɥɚɦɨɜɟɞɟɧɢɟ²ɗɬɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹTahiyyat. Festschrift in Honour of Professor Nikolay DyaNRY0LGGOH(DVWHUQDQG,VODPLF6WXGLHV. St. Petersburg, 30-40. Bell, H. and H. Sabbar 2011. ‘Nubian Geographical Names and Language Revitalization on Both Sides of an International Border’, in P. Jordan, H. Bergmann, C. Burgess and C. Cheetham (eds), 7UHQGV LQ ([RQ\P 8VH. Proceedings of the 10th UNGEGN Working Group on ExoQ\PV 0HHWLQJ 7DLQDFK  $SULO . Hamburg,  *ULI¿WK)/Oµ2[IRUG([FDYDWLRQVLQ1XELD¶Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 14, 101102. Junker, H. and H. Schäfer 1932. 1XELVFKH 7H[WH LP .HQ]L Dialekt. Band 2, Schriften der Sprachkommission der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 9. Vienna – Leipzig. Leclant, J. 1970. La Nécropole de l’Ouest à 6HGHLQJD HQ 1XELH6RXGDQDLVH. Paris. Lepsius, C. R. 1849. 'HQNPDHOHU DXV $HJ\SWHQ XQG $HWKLRSLHQ QDFK GHQ =HLFKQXQJHQ GHU YRQ 6HLQHU 0DMHVWlW GHP.RHQLJHYRQ3UHXVVHQ)ULHGULFK:LOKHOP,9QDFK GLHVHQ /lQGHUQ JHVHQGHWHQ XQG LQ GHQ -DKUHQ ±  DXVJHIKUWHQ ZLVVHQVFKDIWOLFKHQ ([SHGLWLRQ DXI %HIHKO6HLQHU0DMHVWlW. Berlin.

Lepsius, C. R. 1880. 1XELVFKH*UDPPDWLNPLWHLQHU(LQOHLWXQJEHUGLH9|ONHUXQG6SUDFKHQ$IULNDV. Berlin. Monneret de Villard, U. 1938. 6WRULDGHOOD1XELD&ULVWLDQD Rome. Orientalia: http://www.egyptologues.net/orientalia/home [accessed 24 May 2017]. Porter, B., R. L. B. Moss and J. Málek 1927. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. Oxford. Topographical Bibliography. [Also accessible online] topbib. JULI¿WKR[DFXNGWEKWPO"WRSELE >@ Razanajao, V. 2007. ‘Tell el Balamoun: considérations toponymiques autour de la ville la plus septentrionale d’Égypte’, in J.-C. Goyon and C. Cardin (eds), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists. Leuven, 1575-1585. Sabbar A. 2012. ‘Numbers as geographical names in Nubia. Endonyms or exonyms?’, in P. Woodman (ed.), The *UHDW 7RSRQ\PLF 'LYLGH 5HÀHFWLRQV RQ WKH GH¿QLWLRQ DQGXVDJHRIHQGRQ\PVDQGH[RQ\PV. Warsaw, 105-110. [online] http://ksng.gugik.gov.pl/pliki/the_great_toponymic_divide.pdf [06.10.2015]. Sabbar A. and H. Bell 2017. ‘Endangered toponymy along the Nubian Nile’. 'RWDZR$-RXUQDORI1XELDQ6WXGLHV 4, 9-34. [Also accessible online] https://punctumbooks. com/titles/dotawo-a-journal-of-nubian-studies-4 [accessed 3 March 2018].

FORTIFICATIONS

RECENT WORK AT HISN AL-BAB Pamela ROSE

Introduction The site of Hisn al-Bab is located on the east bank about 8.5km south of Aswan by road, and a short distance south of the island on which the temple of Philae was originally located (Figure 1). This is the area of the long-recognised Egyptian-Nubian border. The part of Hisn al-Bab that is clearly visible from the river has been widely accepted as an Arab fort (Reisner 1910, Plan II; Monneret de Villard 1935, 17; Trigger 1965, 145), seemingly on the basis of the two Fatimid-period mosques immediately to its south (the Mashhad el-Bahri and the Mashhad el-Qibli; Bloom  àDWMDUKDVPRUHUHFHQWO\GUDZQDWWHQWLRQWRWKH site’s possible Nubian connection (1997). However, only in 2007 was a brief survey carried out under the auspices of the University of Cambridge (Gascoigne and Rose 2012), and since 2011 the site has been a concession of the Austrian Archaeological Institute. )URPLWKDVIRUPHGWKHIRFXVRIDUHVHDUFKSURMHFW examining cross border interactions in the late antique and early medieval periods, from both archaeological and textual perspectives. 2XUZRUNKDVLGHQWL¿HGWKUHHPDLQSKDVHVRIDFWLYLW\ at the site (Figure 2).The most recent is the well-preserved so-called ‘Arab’ fortress on the riverside cliff; the remains of the earlier phases are located on the cliff top. Work has concentrated on these earlier phases of occupation up to now.

Philae

Hisn al-Bab Mashhad al-Bahri

Mashhad al-Qibli

0

N 1000m

Late fort Middle phase Early fort H i gh w a t e rmark

rline rn wate M ode January 2007

The early Fort 7KHHDUOLHVWVWUXFWXUHVRIDULGHQWL¿HGDW+LVQDO%DE is part of a small fort, of which the east wall and the eastern parts of the northern and south-eastern walls survive (Figure 3).The original fort may have been pentagonal in ground-plan, as is suggested by the existing walls; such a shape would have enclosed the highest part of the terrain overlooking the river and thus taken

Figure 1. Hisn al-Bab and the surrounding area (Top right). Figure 2. Hisn al-Bab showing three main phases of occupation (Bottom right).

Roman fort

Shellal

Hillside enclosure

Hilltop enclosure

0

10

50

100

200 m

P. ROSE

742

N 0m

10 m

Figure 3. The early fort (wall of late fort in grey).

full advantage of the area’s natural defensive possibilities. If so, the walls would have enclosed about 1.5 hectares. Unfortunately, since the western part of the fort was overbuilt by the late fort and no remains are YLVLEOHRQWKHVXUIDFHWKLVFDQQRWEHFRQ¿UPHG The surviving walls of the early fort are between 3.3 and 4m in width, and are built directly on the surface. They consist of unshaped boulder faces with a rubble core, and very little mortar is used in the internal structure. The faces are plastered with a distinctive orange coating, at least on the exterior. The walls survive to a PD[LPXP RI MXVW RYHU P LQ KHLJKW DQG WKH WRZHUV described below, are preserved only at foundation level, at which point they are of solid stone rubble. It is not known whether any mud brick was used in the upper parts, as was the case in the later structures, as the walls were clearly dismantled, probably for the construction of the late fort. The east wall has a U-shaped tower at its south end and a more irregularly shaped tower at the north end. Midway between them is a gateway, originally 2.3m ZLGHZLWKMDPEVDWLWVRXWHUHQG7KLVRSHQVRQWRZKDW must have been the main access route into the fort, a less steeply-sloping area accessible both from the river via a wadi lying immediately to the north of the fort, and from the eastern desert. Over time the entrance was QDUURZHGE\WKHWKLFNHQLQJRIWKHMDPEVDQGDVWRQH built bench was added against the north wall. Associated with the narrowed entrance was a wooden door socket found in situ at its northern side; the small size of the pivot hole does not suggest a particularly substantial door here. The doorway was eventually blocked.

So far all the deposits abutting the walls of the early fort have contained pottery of the late 6th/7th centuries, although occasionally mixed with a small amount of earlier ceramics. It is likely, however, that the early fort predates the 6th/7th centuries. A few coins of the late 4th FHQWXU\KDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HGZKLFKJLYHQWKHVLWH¶VLVRlation, may well have come from the occupants of the IRUWUHVV 7KH DEVHQFH RI VLJQL¿FDQW GHSRVLWV RI HDUO\ date may perhaps result from keeping the interior of the fort clean: Haekl remarks on the clean state of Roman IRUWL¿FDWLRQV LQ WKH HDVWHUQ GHVHUW   $UFKLtecturally, although Hisn al-Bab shows general similarities with the latter forts in its towers and centrallySODFHG JDWH LW ODFNV WKH ÀDQNLQJ WRZHUV WKDW XVXDOO\ protected the gateways (see, for example Pintozzi 2007, 359; Meredith 1952). The early fort stands on highest point from which it is possible both to look out over the river and to maintain a view of the Shellal plain to the north, where a larger Roman camp may have been located (Reisner 1910, 72-73). A higher spot a short distance to the south-east of the fort is too remote to be able to see either the plain or the river, and the fact that nothing was built here shows where the focus of interest of the fort lay. However, the Roman remains at Shellal are of D VLJQL¿FDQWO\ HDUOLHU GDWH DQG PD\ KDYH EHHQ DEDQdoned by the mid-4th century (Welsby 1998, 160-161). This then leaves unclear the location of the Philae garrison, which is known to have existed into the late 6th century (Keenan 1990, 143): possibilities are the island of Philae or Hisn al-Bab itself. Whether the main base or a forward post, the early fort at Hisn al-Bab was in a position to give warning both to Aswan via signals and to the nearby Philae temSOHRIWKHDUULYDORIWUDI¿FIURPWKHVRXWKZKHWKHUE\ river or from the eastern desert. Since the view upriver from Hisn al-Bab is obscured by a headland some 2km to the south, a further outpost – perhaps a watchtower – at that point would have been necessary. Given the turbulence of Lower Nubia following the fragmentation of the Meroitic state by the mid-fourth century, with groups from the eastern desert and the Nubian Nile valley making incursions into Egypt and settling in the Nile valley not far to the south of the border, the monitoring of the border region from a defensible position was vital (Török 1985, 35-55; Eide et al. 1998, 11201121). To the north-east of the north-east tower of the early fort, and separated from it by a well-worn path some 4.5m wide, is a roughly rectangular structure circa 13

RECENT WORK AT HISN AL-BAB

x 4m in size, preserved only at foundation level. It consists of a platform with stone walls and a solid stone UXEEOH DQG FKLS ¿OO H[FHSW DW WKH QRUWKHUQPRVW HQG where large boulders are incorporated into the strucWXUH,WRULJLQDOO\KDGPXGEULFNXSSHUSDUWVWRMXGJH from the rubble around it, and the outer faces show the same orange plaster as the walls of the early fort. Its position on a high outcrop of rock overlooking the wadi to the north of the fort suggests it may have served as a look-out and control point for those coming from the north in general and through the wadi in particular. However, its purpose and relation to the early fort are unclear. The structure appears to diminish if not remove the function of the north-east tower of the early fort, although the tower was still clearly visible when the path was in use. It may even predate the building of the north-east tower, the building of which in the restricted space then left available might then explain its rather squashed shape. Likewise its dating is uncertain, although the distinctive plastering suggests it is more or less contemporary with the early fort, or was refurbished to go with it.

743

N 0m

10 m

Figure 4. The early fort with 6th/7th century additions (wall of late fort in grey).

Activity in the 6th/7th Centuries Although it is not certain when the early Hisn al-Bab IRUW ZDV EXLOW RQH SKDVH RI LWV XVH FDQ EH LGHQWL¿HG ZLWK FRQ¿GHQFH %DVHG RQ FRLQV DQG VXSSRUWHG E\ ceramic evidence, this took place in the late 6th and earlier 7th centuries. At this time there were at least two rooms against the north wall of the early fort, and less substantial traces remained of similarly-sized structures against the south-eastern wall (Figure 4). Of those against the north wall, only the stone bases of the walls survive, but areas of brick collapse suggest a superstructure of that material. There is no evidence of the method of URR¿QJ RI WKH URRPV 7KH ZHVWHUQ URRP FHUWDLQO\ opened to the south, and may also have had a doorway into the eastern room; alternatively the latter may have been separate and also opened to the south (Figure 5). %RWK URRPV KDYH PXG ÀRRUV 7KDW WR WKH ZHVW KDV D narrow bench along its western wall; a coin pressed LQWR WKH ÀRRU LV GDWHG WR WKH UHLJQ RI 0DXULFH  602). Against the north wall of the eastern room is a stone-built and mud-plastered bench with a raised end, of a type known from the monastery of Deir Anba +DGUDLQ$VZDQ0RQQHUHWGH9LOODUG¿J  ,QWKHÀRRURIWKLVURRPZDVDGHHSFLUFXODUVWRUDJHSLW lined with stones set in mud plaster. It seems originally

N 0m

5m

10 m

Figure 5. Structures against the north wall of the early fort.

to have been covered by a stone slab, found in pieces in the pit on top of four crushed pottery vessels. To the west, but not connected with the rooms is a cooking and storage area some 6 x 4 m in size, with a small mud and stone oven in its north-west corner 3ODWH 2YHUWKHURRP¶VPXGÀRRUZDVDWKLFNGHSRVLW of partly burnt organic material perhaps from the collapsed roof, broken pottery and many other items, including large iron nails and needles, glass vessel fragments, and pieces of textile and basketry. Importantly, the deposit also contained two bronze coins of Hera-

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744

Plate 1. Cooking and storage area after excavation, showing the oven.

2

3 4

6

5 1

0

20

Figure 6. Pottery from the cooking and storage area. 1: $VZDQLDPSKRUD$VZDQLUHGVOLSSHGÀDQJHULPPHG ERZO$VZDQLOHQWRLGÀDVN1XELDQVSRXWHGYHVVHO ZLWKUHGVOLSDQGFUHDPGHFRUDWLRQ1XELDQMDUZLWK cream slip and red and black decoration; 6: Nubian cup with cream slip and red rim band.

clius and Heraclius Constantine, giving a terminus post quem for the deposit in which they were found; the coins themselves can be dated to AD 629-631, but the type presumably continued in circulation for some time after that. Importantly, the coins suggest that there was activity at Hisn al-Bab after the Persian withdrawal from Egypt in 628.

The most extraordinary aspect of the area was the large quantity of mainly desiccated plant remains mixed in with the deposit. From it, 22 species have been idenWL¿HG VR IDU VRPH RI ZKLFK DUH IRXQG LQ YHU\ ODUJH quantities, including over 1600 olives (2kg in their desiccated state). Some of these were found within a badly salted amphora base, suggesting that they may have been preserved in brine. The plant remains were found mixed in with large numbers of pottery vessels, although it was rarely possible to make a direct association between any indiYLGXDOW\SHRISODQWPDWHULDODQGDVSHFL¿FYHVVHO7KH pottery itself is a mixture of Egyptian and Nubian types, in which the table and transport wares are Egyptian, and almost entirely local Aswani products, and the storage wares and cups are Nubian (Figure 6). The two groups occur in more or less equal quantities. On the basis of the Aswani wares, the vessels can be dated to the late 6th/7th centuries. To the south of the storage area and the rooms are dense spreads of animal dung. The dung layers include abundant goat droppings, as well as those of larger animals, including camels; no further analysis has yet been possible to try to establish which if any further species of larger animals are present. Whilst the goats are presumably part of the food supply for the inhabitants, it is less clear that the larger animals necessarily had the same role. Some at least may have been transport animals, giving the fort’s occupants the necessary mobility for communication and, in the case of the camels, for travelling into the eastern desert. Having said that, nothing resembling pieces of harness have been identi¿HGDPRQJVWWKH¿QGVIURPWKHVLWHDQGLQGHHGWKHUH are few recognisable facilities for looking after animals, such as mangers or troughs for the provision of water; the only such facilities are a number of tethering emplacements for large animals which were built into WKH ÀRRUV DQG ZHUH HQFRXQWHUHG VFDWWHUHG DFURVV WKH site. They consist of ropes knotted around rocks which ZHUH WKHQ EXULHG XQGHU ÀRRUV OHDYLQJ D ORRS RI URSH protruding to which the animals could be tied. This evidence does not give the impression of intensive occupation, and at least in the area so far examined, much of the interior seems to have been given over to animal keeping. Whilst it is likely that the occupation was military in nature, there is little evidence to FRQ¿UP WKLV 6LQFH DW WKLV WLPH UHODWLRQV ZLWK /RZHU Nubia seem to have been relatively peaceful, Hisn alBab may have served principally as a border regulation point with perhaps some attempt at the monitoring of

RECENT WORK AT HISN AL-BAB

the eastern desert population which continued to be a threat to the valley. This occupation seems to have come to a violent end. The skeleton of a man who had clearly been killed by a bladed weapon was discovered in 2012, lying as LW IHOO VSUDZOHG RQ WRS RI D WKLQ OD\HU RI GHEULV MXVW inside the north wall, to the east of the two rooms described above (Figure 5). Its well-preserved condition and, for most of the body, the lack of disturbance by animals, suggests that rubble from the fort wall here had quickly covered it, whether deliberately or accidentally, and this presumably marked the end of use of the buildings here (Plate 2). Further evidence of wide-scale violence lies in a mass of disarticulated body parts and archery equipment found during the most recent work, lying immediately outside the gateway of the early fort. The bones VKRZHYLGHQFHRILQMXULHVIURPEODGHGZHDSRQV:KLOVW WKHVHUHPDLQVFDQQRWEHGH¿QLWHO\DVVRFLDWHGZLWKWKH body found in 2012, and, unlike it, seem to have been moved to the position in which they were found (thus representing an attempt to clean up the area), their deposition probably put the gate out of use, and, one VXVSHFWVPDGHWKHORFDOHQYLURQPHQWXQ¿WIRURFFXSDtion. This also suggests the end of the early fort as an occupied structure. Pottery associated with the bodies was again of the late 6th/early 7th centuries. As yet it is not yet possible to say anything further about the bodies, although the nature of the weaponry found amongst the bones suggests a Nubian or eastern desert origin. Whether they represent the aggressors or defendants is not immediately clear: the nature of the ZHDSRQU\ DQG WKH DSSDUHQW ODFN RI VLJQL¿FDQW DUPDments other than archery equipment may suggest the former. If so, their presence presumably marks an attempt to oust the fort’s occupants, rather than a raid, which could easily have circumvented the fort to go further north to the richer pickings of the valley. Although the bodies suggest the attack was unsuccessful, it appears that the early fort was abandoned soon afterwards. The Hillside Enclosure As well as the areas described above that have been tested by excavation, large parts of Hisn al-Bab remain to be investigated, and it is to these that I will now turn. At a period apparently close in time to the occupation discussed above, an area of the steep hillside running down to the river was enclosed. Evidence can be found

745

Plate 2. Skeleton found under collapse from the north wall.

in the ruinous remains of a wall running from the edge of the cliff top down to the modern water line, which lies at some distance south of the southern limit of the early fort. This wall may have had a gateway at its eastern end. No corresponding wall to the north has EHHQLGHQWL¿HGEXWLWPD\KDYHUXQRQWKHOLQHRIWKH north wall of the late fort and so is not now visible. Neither is there yet any certain evidence of a wall marking the east side of such an enclosure, although recent work may have found traces of such a structure, under the wall of the later fort, and this requires further investigation. Within the hillside enclosure are groups of stonebuilt terraces or platforms extending down the hillside in two distinct groups, at the north and south ends of the enclosure respectively (see Figure 2). In rare cases there are traces of structures on the platforms, including ZDOOV GRRU MDPEV DQG VWRQH WKUHVKROGV WKDW UHXVH blocks from the nearby Philae temple, and in one case

746

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The Hilltop Enclosure

Plate 3. Detail of the north face of the hilltop enclosure.

the remains of a mud brick vault, but in general there is very little mud brick on the surface; a robbery pit, however, revealed mud brick debris and suggests that the upper parts of the structures were more substantial than appears today. The lack of mud brick rubble on the surface may indicate that this material was removed for reuse, presumably in the building of the late fort. Since no in-depth investigation has yet taken place, the only guide to dating is the surface pottery. This is again a mixture of Nubian and Egyptian ceramics, much of which appears contemporary with that described above, i.e. 6th/7th centuries, although the Nubian component of the assemblage can continue at least to the 10th century (Adams’ Group NIII: 1986, 473-85). The pottery is widely scattered over the interior of the hillside enclosure. Whilst some may be refuse from the occupants of the structures on the hilltop that was discarded down the hillside, and some may be sherds caught up in the later architecture, either as DFRPSRQHQWRIEULFNVRIWKHODWHIRUWRUDVWHUUDFH¿OO the quantities appear too large for these to be the only explanations, so that at least some of the material should belong to those using the hillside enclosure itself. Whether, and if so, how, the 6th/7th centuries occupation of the early fort relates to that of the apparently more or less contemporary hillside enclosure is currently unclear. If they are indeed contemporary, they perhaps represent a combined garrison and ‘civilian’ occupation. If so, it is unlikely that the hillside enclosure housed troops, given the uncompromising nature RI WKH WHUUDLQ DQG WKH GLI¿FXOWLHV RI PRYLQJ DERXW therein. The ‘civilian’ occupation might then have served other purposes concerning border control. The identity of the residents, however, is as yet unclear.

Probably after the construction of the hillside enclosure, the walls of the early fort became the core of a ODUJHUVWUXFWXUHZKLFKHQFORVHGDODUJHDUHDRQWKHÀDW hilltop and extended eastward to take in the highest point of the local topography, where the walls of the enclosure were preserved to up to 3m in height. The walls decrease in height to the west and were probably deliberately demolished when the late fort was built. The north-east wall of this enclosure was built directly against and possibly over the south-east tower of the early fort – the tower was dismantled almost to ground level at some time so it is not possible to clarify this. What is clear, however, is that the construction of the enclosure effectively put an end to the use of the tower as a defensive element. The southern limits of the enclosure are unclear because of later overbuilding. The hilltop enclosure walls, circa 3m in thickness, KDYH URXJK VWRQH IDFHV ¿OOHG ZLWK UXEEOH DQG VPDOO stone chippings. The upper part was of mud brick, although little evidence for it remains, and the brick was probably reused. The wall faces are coated in thick mud plaster which partly covers the stones of the wall, DQGLQZKLFKGHHS¿QJHUGUDJVDUHYLVLEOHIURPDSSO\LQJ WKH SODVWHU 3ODWH   2FFDVLRQDO ¿UHG EULFNV DQG vaulting bricks suggest that there were at least two gateways. The enclosure thus formed appears empty; no archaeological remains of any kind are visible on the surface. Large empty walled enclosures are known from the second cataract area but their function(s) is XQNQRZQ2EáXVNL $W+LVQDO%DEWKH enclosure would have provided an effective and secure mustering point for animals and goods, particularly for caravans. The late Fort There seems to have been a reconsideration of the layout of buildings at Hisn al-Bab by the time the late fort was built. The hilltop features were abandoned and quarried for raw materials, as may have been mud brick elements of structures built on the platforms inside the hillside enclosure. The fort’s main focus seems to have been the river, although the remains of the hilltop features still may have functioned as symbolic boundaries (Rose and Gascoigne 2013, 259-60). The eastern limit of the new fort lay for most of its length along the cliff edge, except at the north end

RECENT WORK AT HISN AL-BAB

where it overlay the western part of the early fort. Its northern wall may also have overlain an earlier wall, and its south wall lay well to the south of that of the hillside enclosure, giving an enclosed area of about 3 hectares. The late fort had towers along the eastern and northern sides, and three surviving entrances, one near the north-east corner and two in the south wall. No ULYHUVLGHZDOOFDQEHLGHQWL¿HGDVWKHDUHDLVQRZXQGHU water; none is visible on the few early photographs of the area (for example, du Camp 1852, pl. 82). Inside the far south end of the enclosure a few structures can EHLGHQWL¿HGWKDWDUHFOHDUO\UHODWHGWRWKHODWHIRUWRU DW OHDVW SRVWGDWH WKH ZDOO GH¿QLQJ WKH KLOOVLGH HQFORsure described above; they are however of a somewhat different character from most of the terraces in their masonry and arrangement. The only work that has been carried out in the late fort has concentrated on the north-eastern entrance. This consists of two parts: an outer unroofed room built against the exterior of the enclosure wall and accessed from the outside by a doorway in the north wall, and a vaulted corridor through the enclosure wall accessed by a doorway in its west wall (Figure 7). The latter doorway was closed on the corridor side by a wooden door, the draw bar slots for which are still preserved on both sides of the entrance, one of which is 2.4m long. Although the outer doorway was eventually blocked WKUHHSKDVHVRIEORFNLQJKDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HG WKHFRUridor and room remained accessible from inside the late fort. Low in the debris within the outer room was a group of Aswani cooking pots of Adams’ wares U8 and U6 (1986, 553, 559-560). If deposited together, as seems to be the case, a date for the ceramics in the 10th-11th centuries AD is probable. This pottery cluster probably SRVWGDWHV WKH ¿QDO EORFNLQJ RI WKH JDWHZD\ DOWKRXJK WKHORRVHQDWXUHRIWKH¿OOKHUHPDGHWKLVLPSRVVLEOHWR FRQ¿UP As already noted, the surface pottery within the enclosure formed by the late fort covers the period from the 6th/7th centuries potentially to at least the 10th FHQWXU\ 7KHUH LV QR LGHQWL¿DEOH SRWWHU\ VXEVWDQWLDOO\ later than this in date, neither Nubian nor Egyptian. The identity of the inhabitants is suggested from textual sources of the 9th and 10th centuries (most extensively al-Aswani as reported by Maqrizi: Vantini 1975, 601; see Rose and Gascoigne 2013, 251-255 for a summary of the sources) that speak of a Nubian fort called al-Qasr, the location of which is, as described, identical to that of Hisn al-Bab. It is described as Nubian, and as

747

Figure 7. Isometric view of the north gate of the late fort.

the place where the exchange of goods agreed as part of the Baqt peace agreement between the Arab conquerors of Egypt and the Nubian Christian kingdom of Makuria took place. Thus, this suggests a Nubian occupation, and its role, in addition to dealing with the Baqt exchanges, probably included border control for merchants and others entering Nubia, access to which was closely controlled. The combined archaeological and textual evidence suggests that the late fort may have gone out of use by the 11th century at the latest. This is supported by the presence of two Fatimid mosques immediately to the south of Hisn al-Bab, suggested to date to the mid-11th century (Bloom 1984, 167). Their construction seems to indicate that the territory was no longer considered to be controlled by Nubia. Conclusions The complexity of the remains at Hisn al-Bab and WKHLUSROLWLFDOWHUULWRULDODQGHWKQLFDI¿OLDWLRQRYHUWLPH requires much further investigation. The evidence suggests the occupants were Romano-Egyptian in the early history of the site and that the territory was in Nubian hands by the time of the late fort. The 6th/7th centuries occupation remains ambiguous: the early 7th century coins appear to contrast with the quantities of Nubian ceramics, although it is clear that by this time Nubians and Egyptians were living in close proximity in the DUHD RI WKH ¿UVW FDWDUDFW 'LMNVWUD    Indeed, the 6th/7th centuries pottery assemblage itself forms a striking contrast with that from contemporary Aswan, where very little Nubian material is found in deposits of equivalent date (Gempeler 1992, in which

748

P. ROSE

clearly Nubian vessels include K477 and K478, and perhaps K752). $QDGGLWLRQDOSLHFHRIHYLGHQFHWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRI which remains unclear, is found in a reference to a µ&DPSRIWKH0RRUV¶FORVHWR3KLODHàDWMDU LQD papyrus suggested to date to the 6th century. Hisn alBab is an obvious possibility for the Nubian (‘Moor’) camp; but how such a camp is to be reconciled with the archaeological remains is unknown. In summary, Hisn al-Bab presents an ongoing challenge: to tease out the chronology and history of a site that appears to have been used intensively over a relatively short period of time, at a period which saw great changes in Egypt (both the Persian and the Arab conTXHVWV DQGSHUKDSVLQ1XELDWKHXQL¿FDWLRQRI1REDtia and Makuria), and in a frontier zone which clearly held attractions for those on both sides. Acknowledgements 7KHSURMHFWLVIXQGHGE\WKH$XVWULDQ6FLHQFH)XQG 3URMHNW *  ,QIRUPDWLRQ DERXW WKH FHUDPLFV was provided by Dr Gillian Pyke, the archaeobotanical remains by Dr Alan Clapham, the coins by Prof. H.-C. Noeske, and the bones by Dr Jan Novacek and Dr Kristina Scheelen. Drawings are by Pieter Collet, Gillian Pyke and the author. I would like to thank Gillian Pyke for her comments on the manuscript.

Bibliography Adams, W. Y. 1986. Ceramic Industries of Medieval Nubia. Lexington. Bloom, J. 1984. ‘Five Fatimid Minarets in Upper Egypt’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 43, 2, 162-167. Du Camp, M. 1852. Egypte, Nubie, Palestine et Syrie: dessins photographiques recueillis pendant les années 1849, 1850 et 1851, accompagnés d’un texte explicatif et précédés d’une introduction. Paris. 'LMNVWUD-+)Philae and the end of Ancient Egyptian Religion. A regional study of religious transformation (298-642 CE). Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 173. Leuven-Paris-Dudley MA. Eide, T., T. Hagg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds) 1998. Fontes Historiae Nubiorum. Textual sources for the history of the middle Nile region between the eighth century BC and the sixth century AD, Vol. III. Bergen.

Gascoigne, A. and P. Rose 2012. ‘The forts of Hisn al-Bab DQG WKH ¿UVW FDWDUDFW IURQWLHU IURP WKH th to the 12th centuries AD’, Sudan and Nubia 16, 88-95. Gempeler, R. D. 1992. Elephantine X. Die Keramik römischer bis früharabischer Zeit. Mainz am Rhein. Haekl, A. E. 2007. ‘Excavations at the smaller Praesidium in Wadi Kalalat’, in S. E. Sidebotham and W. Wendrich (eds), Berenike 1999-2000. Report on the excavations at Berenike, including excavations in Wadi Kalalat and Siket, and the survey of the Mons Smaragdus region. Los Angeles, 344-357. Keenan, J. G. 1990. ‘Evidence for the Byzantine Army in the Syene Papyri’, Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 27, 139-150. àDWMDU $  µȉȅ ȀǹȈȉȇȅȃ ȉȍȃ ȂǹȊȇȍȃ ȉȅ ȆȁǾȈǿȅȃĭǿȁȍȃ'HUGULWWH$GDPXEHU3+DXQ,, 26’, Journal of Juristic Papyrology 27, 43-54. Meredith, D. 1952. ‘The Roman Remains in the Eastern Desert of Egypt’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 38, 94-111. Monneret de Villard, U. 1927. Description générale du monastère de Saint Siméon à Aswân. Milan. Monneret de Villard, U. 1935. La Nubia Medioevale. Vol. 1. Cairo. 2EáXVNL$  The Rise of Nobadia: social changes in northern Nubia in late Antiquity. The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement XX. Warsaw. Pintozzi, L. A. 2007. ‘Excavations at the Praesidium et Hydreuma at Siket’, in S. E. Sidebotham and W. Wendrich (eds), Berenike 1999-2000. Report on the excavations at Berenike, including excavations in Wadi Kalalat and Siket, and the survey of the Mons Smaragdus region. Los Angeles, 358-367. Reisner, G. A. 1910. The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1907-1908. Cairo. Rose, P. and A. Gascoigne 2013. ‘Hisn al-Bab: More Symbol than Substance’, in F. Jesse and C. Vogel (eds), The 3RZHURI:DOOV±)RUWL¿FDWLRQVLQ$QFLHQW1RUWKHDVWHUQ Africa. Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the University of Cologne 4th-7th August 2011. Köln, 251-268. Török, L. 1985. A contribution to post-Meroitic chronology: the Blemmyes in Lower Nubia. Meroitic Newsletter 24. Paris. Trigger, B. 1965. History and Settlement in Lower Nubia. Yale Publications in Anthropology 69. New Haven. Vantini, G. 1975. Oriental Sources concerning Nubia. Heidelberg-Warsaw. Welsby, D. 1998. ‘Roman Military Installations along the Nile south of the First Cataract’, Archéologie du Nil Moyen 8, 157-182.

THE CASTLE OF EZ-ZUMA: AN UNEXPLORED EXAMPLE OF MEDIEVAL PRESENCE NEAR KARIMA Mohammed EL TOUM

Introduction Born and raised at the town of ez-Zuma, it was clear to the author from his childhood that the early history of his hometown was manifested in three major archaelological sites: The well-known large, postmeroitic tumulus cemetery; a cave or grotto used in the Christian period by anchoretic monks, and the large medieval castle. Several years later, after having studied archaeology, the author was quite surprised to discover that in archaeological literature only two archaeological sites were generally linked with ez-Zuma – the cemetery1 and the grotto (Monneret de Villard 1935, 251) 2, which are quite well documented and widely recognized by WKHVFLHQWL¿FFRPPXQLW\EXWWKHIRUWUHVVKDVQRWIRXQG DQ\FRPSDUDEOHDWWHQWLRQ\HW$W¿UVWJODQFHWKLVVHHPV quite strange considering its size, and compared to the work already undertaken on comparable fortresses in the vicinity. Despite the fact that there are some comprehensible reasons for this (see below), the fortress of H]=XPD XQWLO QRZ IRUPV D VLJQL¿FDQW YRLG LQ RXU knowledge of the medieval history of the Karima region. This paper intends to undertake some initial steps to bridge this gap.

Since then, other scholars have not published anything about visits to the site. Most surprisingly, it is neither mentioned in O. G. S. Crawford’s ‘Castles and Churches of the Middle Nile Region’ (Crawford 1953), nor in Monneret de Villard’s monumental volume about the monuments of Christian Nubia: Monneret de VilODUG GHVFULEHV EULHÀ\ VRPH PHGLHYDO IRUWL¿FDWLRQV nearby (i.e. Bakhit and Kagby) as well as the monastic JURWWRDWH]=XPDEXWQRWLWVIRUWL¿FDWLRQ0RQQHUHWGH Villard 1935, 251-253). Taking into consideration the local oral traditions of the population of ez-Zuma however, it becomes quite obvious why these scholars seem to have ignored this site: unlike other medieval buildings, the fortress has never entirely lost its functions. During the Turkiya period, the fortress continued to have some administrative relevance: the authorities granted a local chief the ULJKWWRGZHOOZLWKLQWKHIRUWL¿FDWLRQZDOOVWRKLJKOLJKW his role in the local political system and his good relations with the ruling Ottomans. Since then, the area of WKHIRUWL¿FDWLRQKDVEHHQUHJDUGHGDVSULYDWHSURSHUW\ as it is at present. Thus, it became inaccessible to any archaeological research. Recent Observations

Research History As already mentioned, the fortress of ez-Zuma is at SUHVHQW OLWWOH NQRZQ WR WKH VFLHQWL¿F FRPPXQLW\ 7KH only exception is a relatively short mention by Richard Lepsius, who explored the Karima region during the famous Prussian expedition to Egypt and the Sudan (1842-1845). He visited ez-Zuma at June 6th, 1844, and published a brief description in his ‘Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien’. He saw towers that were still standing, but the south-eastern rampart close to the Nile was already heavily disturbed at that time by dwelling activities (Lepsius 1849, 253).

1

2

For the most recent compilations of the research history of the site cf. at-Tayeb 2010. Cf also Lepsius 1849, 253-254.

Because of the abovementioned restrictions, research by the author has until now been limited to some preliminary, non-invasive explorations of the site. Besides exploring the site on the ground, remote sensing data provided another excellent source of information, especially satellite images provided by Google Earth (Figure 1). The ground explorations consisted in the evaluation of the architecture and the collection of some archaeological material, mainly ceramics, these ceramics, even having so far not yet been in detail, allow us to make some initial statements about the chronology of the site. In general, the fortress consists of a rectangular ground plan, approximately 80 m by 65 m. The outer ramparts are preserved to a height of roughly 5 m maximum. Only very few traces of the former gate and

750

M. EL TOUM

Figure 1. The fortress of Ez-Zuma within the modern town. ©GoogleEarth 2014.

bastions are still visible. The walls are much wider at the base than at the top. There are traces that the uppermost parts of the ramparts were formed by a wall crown constructed in mud bricks. The walls are not wide enough to allow for a chemin de ronde, but it cannot be excluded that in former times there was some additional construction made of wood. Hopefully, further architectural investigation might help clarify this quesWLRQ 7KH PLOLWDU\ IXQFWLRQ RI WKH IRUWL¿FDWLRQ LV HYLdenced by several rows of embrasures set near the base of the outer walls (Figure 2). These embrasures allowed the use of missile weapons by the defenders standing DWJURXQGOHYHOZLWKRXWWKHQHFHVVLW\RI¿JKWLQJIURP the top of the wall. Signals for later periods on site

Figure 2. Military function of the original fortress ramparts: traces of embrasures.

Figure 3. Examples of architectural features from the fortress: Medieval and sub-recent building structures.

Another quite obvious class of features is formed by many constructions of mud brick along the outer ramSDUWV DQG ZLWKLQ WKH IRUWL¿HG DUHD 7KHVH PXG EULFN structures are remains of the long and complicated building and dwelling history at the site (Figure 3). Many of them are quite recent (Figure 4), but some of them show indications of greater age. Within these structures, some pre-modern Islamic domestic ceramics were found, leading to the conclusion that the fortress might have been used as a dwelling place from the early Islamic period. 7KHVH ¿UVW REVHUYDWLRQV DOORZ WKH IROORZLQJ YHU\ preliminary chronology of the site, differentiated not only as regards date, but also of function. Regarding Phase 2 in particular, the point needs to EHPDGHWKDWLWLVGLI¿FXOWWRGHWHUPLQHZKHQLWEHJDQ or especially when it ended. As already pointed out above, the history of the fortress as a habitation site continues today. At present, it is still unclear whether WKHUHDUHVLJQL¿FDQWJDSVZLWKLQWKHEXLOGLQJKLVWRU\RI the living quarters, or whether we need to think in terms of a gradual process of permanent building and re-building. It will require careful stratigraphic investigations to fully understand the re-occupation periods of the building complex. /RRNLQJ IXUWKHU D¿HOG VRPH RWKHU DUFKDHRORJLFDO sites of the region south of Karima allow some interesting comparisons. The architectural features in particular of other medieval buildings show clear evidence not only for the date, but also for the function of the fortress of Ez-Zuma.

THE CASTLE OF EZ-ZUMA

A good example for such comparisons is the nearby fortress of Kagby.3 The masonry technology seems to be almost the same, as well as the addition to the rampart’s elevation by some additional parts built in mud brick. The width and structure of the ramparts are also very similar: At Kagby, as at Ez-Zuma, there are no traces of a chemin de ronde as an integral part of the outer walls. These comparisons not only allow us to make some ideas about date and function of the fortress of EzZuma, but show that this fortress was not an isolated complex, but was incorporated into a systematically FRQVWUXFWHGFKDLQRIIRUWL¿FDWLRQVLQWKHUHJLRQGRZQstream from modern Karima. Obviously, troubled times at the end of the Christian period made it necessary to heavily fortify this part of the river. But, on the other hand, the close proximity of many of these fortresses FRXOGLQGLFDWHWKDWWKHIXQFWLRQRIWKLVIRUWL¿FDWLRQV\Vtem was not purely militarily, but might also be connected with a trade route and the distribution of goods within the region.

Figure 4. Examples of sub-recent occupation.

Conclusions As stated above, this paper is intended as a preliminary report for focus some light for the site since no architectural survey or excavations have yet been undertaken. Hopefully, during some future campaigns an architectural ground plan can be drawn and some test trenches excavated – due to the nature of the place and the fact that it is private property, close cooperation with the local community will be crucial for this project. First steps towards such a project have already been undertaken, since the author grew up in Ez-Zuma, it was easier to establish contacts with the inhabitants than it would be for ‘outsiders’. It is not only important to convince today’s inhabitants of the fortress to allow the work, but also to show them that the fortress forms an integral part of their heritage, even family history, which should be made known. Until these planned works produce results, this paper ZLOOVHUYHWRLQIRUPWKHVFLHQWL¿FFRPPXQLW\DERXWWKH historical relevance and actual situation of Ez-Zuma Castle.

3

&IWKHFKDSWHUµ.DۜDEL¶LQ0RQQHUHWGH9LOODUG¶VYROXPHRQWKH monuments of medieval Nubia (Monneret de Villard 1935, 253).

Figure 5. Examples of medieval pottery.

751

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M. EL TOUM

Bibliography At-Tayeb, M. 2010. ‘Early Makuria Research Project-H[FDYDWLRQVDW(O=XPD¶LQ:*RGOHZVNLDQG$àDMWDU (eds), Between the cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August-2 September 2006. Warsaw, 205-217. Crawford, O. G. S. 1953. Castle and Churches in the Middle Nile Region. Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers. Khartoum, s.n. Lepsius, R. 1849. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien. Berlin, s.n. Monneret de Villard, U. 1935. Mission Archéologique de Nubie 1929-1934. La Nubia Medioevale. Cairo, s.n.

GALA ABU AHMED - BEADS IN A FORTRESS Miriam LAHITTE and MDáJRU]DWD DASZKIEWICZ

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THE ROLE OF MARRIAGE IN SPATIAL PATTERNING: JAWGUL VILLAGE CASE STUDY Mariusz DRZEWIECKI

Introduction Settlement change is one of the fundamental concepts used in archaeology. Explanations for this phenomenon are the cause of much debate and indeed many disputes amongst researchers. The resulting disagreement may be due to diverse theoretical approaches to the issue on one hand, and on the other, the lack of sources which could be applied in understanding why people in the past behaved as they did. If it were possible to speak with members of those past communities and ask them why they left, rebuilt or settled new lands, their answers could well be different to the reasons provided by archaeologists today. For example, it may transpire that changes in the natural environment were considered irrelevant by the past inhabitants. However, transformation of the social VWUXFWXUH FRXOG KDYH EHHQ RI JUHDWHU VLJQL¿FDQFH directly initiating the reconstruction, new division of space or settlement expansion. Under such circumstances, archaeologists frequently refer to ethnological or ethno-archaeological research in the search for a model to determine the causes of settlement change (a great example from Sudan is Bradley 1992). Such models may portray a complex social structure and the changes which took place that LQÀXHQFHG WKH VSDWLDO RUJDQLVDWLRQ RI DUFKLWHFWXUH Superimposing the situation from the model directly onto the past is likely to be a mistake (Buchowski et al. 2012, 700), though a model based on the analysis of contemporary ‘traditional’ communities may prove an excellent starting point for research. The model can be viewed as an ideal form, to which the analysed material remains may be compared. Such an approach makes it possible to identify differences which would otherwise not be clearly visible – differences which may be the key to understanding the changes. Such a model is presented below. In this case the development of the settlement is not the result of changes in the inhabitants’ social structure. The model contains a mechanism which permits the inhabitants to alter the settlement according to their needs, which ultiPDWHO\ OHG WR VLJQL¿FDQW WUDQVIRUPDWLRQ RI WKH YLOODJH

in a relatively short time (50 years). This change is not connected to an external impulse (diffusion) but rather it is an integral part of the social structure. In this particular community there is no processual equilibrium, any changes that occur in accordance with the accepted rules are commonplace and are a generally accepted element – dynamics is part of the process. The model is based on research carried out in the small village of Jawgul in the region of the Third Cataract on the Nile in North Sudan (Drzewiecki and 0DOLĔVNL  $V D UHVXOW RI FKDQJHV LQ WKH VSDWLDO planning of the village which began in the 1960s and continue to the present day, the village has undergone FKDQJHVDQGKDVEHHQVLJQL¿FDQWO\HQODUJHGAfter conversations with the inhabitants we realized that there were many reasons for this, a direct cause however, still relevant today, was marriage. Upon marriage, in accordance with local tradition, the newly-weds were expected to live together. This mechanism was the basis for changes in the spatial layout of the village without radically affecting the social structure of Jawgul. Generally speaking, the plan of the village changed, but the populace remained ‘the same’. A Short History of Jawgul and the Archaeological Investigation Jawgul is a village which today lies on a seasonal island on the Nile (known as Jawgul or Jawgulnarti) and on the left, northern bank of the river. In 1990 there were 600 inhabitants. Most of whom were Nubian Mahas and ‘Arab’ (Osman and Edwards 2012, 20-21). Starting in 1990 up to 2012, Ali Osman and David Edwards led an archaeological survey of the whole of the Third Cataract region. In the area surrounding Jawgul they recorded numerous archaeological remains, evidence of the long settlement history of these lands. An extensive medieval settlement and cemeteries were registered in the eastern section of the seasonal island (Figure 1). The remains of a post-medievalGLI¿IRUWL¿cation were discovered in the central part of the island. Archaeological sites dating to the Kerma period were UHFRUGHG RQ WKH OHIW EDQN PDLQO\ DORQJ WKH ÀRRG WHU-

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Figure 1. Jawgul village. Red ellipse indicates approximate location of medieval remains. Blue ellipse indicates approximate location of post-medieval building and modern settlement. Green ellipse indicates approximate location of modern settlement on the left bank of the Nile. Bing Maps.

Figure 2. Interviews usually were made with a group of men.

races, at the edge of the desert. Modern settlement on the left bank is relatively recent as it began in the 1960s and ’70s. ,Q -DQXDU\  D WHDP RI DUFKDHRORJLVWV DQ HWKnologist and Arabic language students from the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, began a research project in Jawgul village. The aim was to identify all the settlement phases within the village (medieval, postmedieval and modern - see Figure 1) and attempt to explain the changes which took place. The results of the ethno-archaeological investigation permit a preliminary presentation of the causes of the transformation which occurred in Jawgul in the 20th century. Methodology: Interviews with the Village Inhabitants Informal interviews with the inhabitants were the primary method of data collection. We were able to talk to local people over shared meals or over tea during courtesy calls. Interviews were not held individually but usually several people would gather and answer our questions together (Figure 2). The only interviews with individuals were with the headmaster of the Primary School in Jawgul and the owner of the house we occupied in Jawgul. We got answers from men only, some of whom replied in English and also acted as interpreters for those who spoke only Arabic. There were a number of situations when the Arabic language students from the University assisted our contact with the inhabitants. In this context, the drawing workshops which they led at the Primary School in Jawgul were important (Drzewiecki, Drzewiecka and (OHþNRYi 2014, 216-218). Some information gathered from the interviews was FRQ¿UPHG E\ DUFKDHRORJLFDO VXUYH\ FDUULHG RXW LQ WKH village. There was a cross-over of archaeological and ethnological methods at this point, as in explaining past events the village residents would often refer to physical remains of the past still visible within the village DQGWKHVXUURXQGLQJDUHD)LJXUH  Jawgul pre-1960

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The same piece of information would crop up repeatedly in conversations - in the past the village did not extend beyond Jawgulnarti. The desert area on the left bank was used as a burial ground and alluvial areas near the river for farming but no houses were built WKHUH 7KLV LV SDUWO\ FRQ¿UPHG E\ WKH ORFDWLRQ RI WKH

THE ROLE OF MARRIAGE IN SPATIAL PATTERNING

wells used to provideZDWHUIRUWKH¿HOGLUULJDWLRQV\VWHPVVHH)LJXUH 7KHUHZHUHWZRVXFKZHOOVRQWKH left bank (Figure 4). According to the locals, these were last used in the 1970s before the waterwheels were replaced with diesel pumps. The largest concentration of houses was in the central part of the island between the eastern and western GLI¿. The GLI¿ were connected by a dirt track, approxiPDWHO\PHWUHVZLGH7KHKRXVHVZHUHWRWKHQRUWKRI WKHURDGWKH¿HOGVWRWKHVRXWK3XEOLFEXLOGLQJVVXFK as the mosque and Quranic schools were located along the road. The entrance to the eastern GLI¿ was also from the road side (Figure 5). The road was therefore an important part of the village whilst also separating the residential area from the agricultural zone. The houses on Jawgulnarti were irregular in shape and followed the uneven ground. Certain houses were spaced a little distance apart although in some cases the external walls of neighbouring houses met. The majority did not have a wall marking the extent of the propHUW\,QVRPHFDVHVWKLVZDVGH¿QHGE\WKHOHYHOOHGRII platform of land on which individual residential buildings stood (Figure 6). It is possible to say that pre1960, the layout of the village was rather organic. No particular shape nor design had been set out, each property was different and their boundaries were not clearly designated. When asked for a reason, the villagers explained that there was little building space available on the island and houses had to be extended as the family grew. At this point in the narrative of the residents, the issue of marriage would always arise, as there was the question of where the couple should live after the wedding ceremony. The solution was for one of the free rooms in the family house to be converted for the newly-weds. If this was not possible the family’s household, usually the groom’s, was slightly extended. Another building was constructed in the nearest available free space. $UFKDHRORJLFDOREVHUYDWLRQFRQ¿UPVWKDWWKHEXLOGings on the island did indeed undergo numerous enlargements. The walls in multi-room buildings, rather than being bound together, were usually added on by creating rooms/spaces with irregular layouts (Figure 7); in these cases, characteristic cracks along the wall joints were visible in the corners where plaster had fallen off. As to the villagers, the houses on the islands were home to multi-generational families, four generations living together were mentioned most often. Life in WKRVH GD\V WKH\ VDLG ZDV GLI¿FXOW :DWHU KDG WR EH

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Figure 4. Waterwheel wells in Jawgul. Bing Maps.

Figure 5. Eastern GLI¿ Quranic School and mosque. Photo A. Misiurny.

Figure 6. One of the abandoned houses on the island.

Figure 7. Abandoned house next to the eastern GLI¿.

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carried to the houses, and crops were processed by the farmers themselves using, amongst other means, querns )LJXUH   DQG WKHQ SXW LQWR XQ¿UHG VWRUDJH SRWV located close to the houses (Figure 9). The houses did not have indoor toilets. These were located a certain distance away and were used by a larger group of residents. According to the villagers today, hard work and WKHODFNRISULYDF\FDXVHGFRQÀLFWVZLWKLQIDPLOLHVDQG in relations with neighbours, who were actually often distant relatives. A Lack of free Space on the Island?

Figure 8. Rotating quern, one of many still in use on -DZJXO,VODQG3KRWR30DOLĔVNL

Figure 9. Clay storage containers between houses on the LVODQG3KRWR30DOLĔVNL

The local inhabitants often remarked on the lack of space for new buildings on the island. However, satellite images and aerial photographs of the island show this is not necessarily the case. 3DUW RI WKH LVODQG LV RQ WKH ÀRRGSODLQ DQG LV QRW therefore suitable land on which to build houses (Figure 10). However, the whole eastern side of JawJXOQDUWLHYHQZKHQÀRRGOHYHOVDUHKLJKUHPDLQVVDIH and is a convenient area to live. The remains of an extensive medieval settlement are to be found across this area. There are the ruins of castle-houses, hardly visible architectural remnants and the remains of a mud brick church. The whole area was separated from the rest of the island by a stone wall, the remains of a few sections of which have survived (Figure 11). The area where the medieval remains are located is not currently in use, with only three deserted buildings from the 20th century. The children from the primary school told us that their parents did not allow them to enter the area. The children explained that this was because the old, ruined buildings were unsafe and also that supernatural beings (jinn) lived there. The beliefs of the villagers are key to understanding why this zone is not suitable for settlement. Jawgul after 1960

)LJXUH$HULDOSKRWRJUDSK\GRQHGXULQJ1LOHÀRRG season in 1990’s. Sudan Survey Department. Blue line LQGLFDWHVULYHUEDQNGXULQJORZ1LOHLQ

7KH¿UVWKRXVHRQWKHEDQNZDVEXLOWLQ7KLV is the date remembered by the current owner. Others recalled only that it was built in the 1960s. The villagers consider it, the start of a period of increased conVWUXFWLRQ RQ WKH EDQN RI WKH 1LOH $W ¿UVW EXLOGLQJV went up along the river bank. A string of houses was EXLOWE\WKHWZRZDWHUZKHHOVXVHGWRLUULJDWHWKH¿HOGV (see Figure 4). A road led between the buildings to the farmed land. It seems that this was a layout that the

THE ROLE OF MARRIAGE IN SPATIAL PATTERNING

villagers knew and copied from the island, though they did not necessarily do so consciously. None of those we spoke to said the plan had been copied. Perhaps this was simply the proper solution in the eyes of the villagers and the best option in the light of their duties and the work they had to do every day. As time went on however, houses began to be built further away from the river, departing from the arrangement of the island settlement. As in earlier times, construction work was connected to marriage. In the new circumstances additional buildings were no longer constructed alongside the existing family house but new houses were built along the bank, where there were no problems regarding lack of space. Due to this solution, settlement change was not the result of, nor did it provoke, sudden changes in the social structure of the village community. It may be said that we are dealing with settlement change which is not caused by changes in the environment or in economic processes. For certain, there was much discusVLRQ DPRQJVW WKH YLOODJHUV ZKHQ WKH ¿UVW QHZO\ZHG couple moved to the left bank, the majority we spoke WR ZHUH DEOH WR SRLQW RXW WKH YHU\ ¿UVW KRXVH EXLOW RQ the bank, yet it did not lead to a ‘revolution’ within the Jawgul community. According to the villagers today, life on the bank is more comfortable. The houses are larger, surrounded by a wall (protection against the harsh conditions such as sand blown in from the desert) and are inhabited by fewer people (usually two generations, three at the most). They have more privacy and a sense of being separate. Each house has its own toilet and the storage containers belonging to the family are within the hosh (Figure 12). As building a house requires greater expenditure, the majority of the men from Jawgul seek work away from WKHYLOODJH7KH\QRZ¿QGHPSOR\PHQWIXUWKHUD¿HOGLQ the developing countries in the Arabian Peninsula, although until recently they worked in the larger cities in Sudan and Egypt. The developing road network has brought products from around the world to Jawgul. And here the residents of the left bank are in a more privileged position. 7KHGLI¿FXOWWHUUDLQPDNHVDFFHVVWRWKHVHDVRQDOLVODQG by car impossible. Furthermore, a water pumping staWLRQDQG¿OWHUWDQNVKDYHEHHQEXLOWRQWKHEDQNSURYLGLQJWKHKRXVHVWKHUHZLWKUXQQLQJZDWHU)LJXUH  These changes have slowly resulted in people moving away from the island. Many of the houses there are currently deserted. The villagers still know which house

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Figure 11. Stone wall at medieval site on Jawgulnarti.

Figure 12. Modern architecture on the left bank of the river.

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belongs to which family, who built it and lived there. I did come across the opinion that the residents intend to demolish the houses on the island and transform the land so that it meets the present-day demands of the Jawgul villagers. This plan may not come to fruition due to the construction of a hydroelectric power station at nearby Kajbar, since the planned rise in the level of the Nile along this section of the river will reach the village. Conclusions Looking at Jawgul from an archaeological perspective, allows us to imagine that the remains of Jawgul ZHUH XQFRYHUHG GXULQJ VFLHQWL¿F H[FDYDWLRQV &ORVHU LQVSHFWLRQ FRQ¿UPV WKDW WKH VHWWOHPHQW RQ WKH LVODQG varies much from the settlement on the bank. Spatial distribution and the shapes of houses as well as some building materials are different in each case. On the island, small irregular and often rebuilt houses with wooden doors and roofs dominate. Walls of the buildings were made using the jalous technique, usually with the addition of irregular stones, particularly for the foundations. Traditional items such as granary silos and stone querns were recorded. This is in sharp contrast with the large houses with regular walls erected on the bank, where corrugated roofs are becoming a standard and houses are entered though solid metal gates, often with concrete thresholds. Plastic or metal containers and tools dominate in those houses, which are often of a different shape and size to those found on the island. Without inhabitants and having only material remains, LWLVGLI¿FXOWWRHVWDEOLVKUHODWLRQVKLSVEHWZHHQWKHWZR settlements, although what appears clear is that there DUHGLIIHUHQFHVDQGWKDWWKHVHFRXOGUHÀHFWGLYHUVLW\LQ the make-up of the local populations and their social structures. The example of settlement change in Jawgul is worth presenting as it shows that the reshaping and transfer of a site is not necessarily related to sudden social change. In Jawgul, the mechanism responsible for such a change was marriage and the problems resulting from it, hence where to house the couple. In summary, despite the fact that houses on the island and on the left EDQNH[KLELWVLJQL¿FDQWGLIIHUHQFHVLWLVSRVVLEOHWRVD\ that they are inhabited by members of the same community. In archaeological terms, if we come across two or more settlements in close proximity and that these differ in many respects, it does not necessarily mean that

they were inhabited at various periods or by people having different social organisation. How to recognise this situation in archaeological contexts? It would seem that a detailed analysis of the architectural remains might be the key: evidence of multiple phases of reorganization and enlargement of houses on at least one of the sites, which occurred over a short period of time, could indicate that the society had an inbuilt mechanism which facilitated spatial changes. An additional factor affecting the location of buildings in Jawgul is the way in which its inhabitants understood the space and the past. The best example of this is the fact that a large part of the island, covered in medieval remains, has simply been left untouched, despite there being a lack of appropriate space for new houses on the island. Therefore, how the past is underVWRRGLVDVLJQL¿FDQWIDFWRURQHRIPDQ\ZKLFKFDQEH of importance in the analysis of the causes of settlement change. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Arabic language students who led the drawing workshops at the Primary School in Jawgul. Thanks to them, the villagers welcomed us with open arms and were willing to answer our questions. My thanks also go to the residents of Jawgul, especially to the school’s headmaster for his invaluable help. The Jawgul research project would not have been SRVVLEOH ZLWKRXW WKH VXSSRUW RI :áRG]LPLHU] 5ąF]NRZVNL,QVWLWXWHRI3UHKLVWRU\DWWKH$GDP0LFNLHZLF] 8QLYHUVLW\ LQ 3R]QDQ  7KH ¿HOGZRUN ZDV ¿QDQFHGE\WKH$GDP0LFNLHZLF]8QLYHUVLW\LQ3R]QDQ and the National Science Centre (ref: UMO-2012/05/N/ +6  Many thanks also to the employees at the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums of Sudan and %RJGDQĩXUDZVNLZLWKRXWWKHLUKHOSRXUZRUNLQWKLV region would not have been possible. And last but not least, I would like to thank David N. Edwards for his information on Jawgul and the archive aerial photographs of the region which helped me to gain an understanding of past and present settlement in the region.

THE ROLE OF MARRIAGE IN SPATIAL PATTERNING

Bibliography Bradley, R.J. 1992. ‘Nomads in the archaeological record: case studies in the northern provinces of the Sudan’, Meroitica %HUOLQ Buchowski, M., H. Mamzer, A. Rozwadowski and A. PoserQ=LHOLĔVNL  µ$QWURSRORJLD D DUFKHRORJLD¶ LQ 6 7DEDF]\ĔVNL$0DUFLQLDN'&\QJRWDQG$=DOHZVNL (eds), 3U]HV]áRĞü VSRáHF]QD 3UyED NRQFHSWXDOL]DFML. 3R]QDĔ. 'U]HZLHFNL 0 % 'U]HZLHFND DQG 0 (OHþNRYi  µ'LI¿QDZ\VSLH-DZJXO¶)RQWHV$UFKDHRORJLFL3RVQDQLHQVHV 'U]HZLHFNL 0 DQG 3 0DOLĔVNL  µ-DZJXO  D YLOODJH between towers’, 6XGDQ 1XELD 17, 101-108. Osman, A. and D. N. Edwards 2012. 7KH$UFKDHRORJ\RID 1XELDQ )URQWLHU 6XUYH\ RQ WKH 1LOH 7KLUG &DWDUDFW 6XGDQ. Leicester.

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CULTURAL HERITAGE

THE SPHERES AND CHALLENGES OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION IN THE SUDAN Marc BUNDI

Abstract Current concerns that arise from the threat and risk to archaeological sites and remains are focused on the challenges presented by proposed dams, the impact of gold mining activities, the extension of agricultural schemes and the devastating effects of excessive irrigation. These phenomena brought on by political, social and economic change need to be addressed and resolved at a political level. Here, archaeologists must assume responsibility in line with Bruce Trigger’s claim that ‘intellectual integrity requires an awareness of the social and political conditions in which archaeology is practiced’. However, this should not prevent archaeologists from concentrating on the essential tasks of heritage conservation. This implies at the same time the preservation and conservation of archaeological sites and monuments and the permanent control and care of archaeological objects in museum and university collections. The objects held temporarily by foreign missions are not exempt from this either. While the main emphasis of such efforts should be on the protection and restoration of archaeological heritage, a holistic conservation approach would also encompass the meticulous documentation of the archaeological heritage; i.e. the production of knowledge, as well as its dissemination and mediation. On the basis of a few selected examples, this paper investigates how the proposed holistic approach to heritage might be adapted by archaeologists working in the Sudan, but also how it might be integrated into larger social structures and ongoing social practices. Archaeological Remains Archaeological remains – in Sudan as elsewhere – are steadily being destroyed by a number of mechanisms. These mechanisms include both natural forces such as wind and water erosion as well as human interference through urban development, road building and farming. In the Sudan, proposed dams, the impact of gold mining activities, the large-scale extension of agricultural schemes and the devastating effects of exces-

sive irrigation further endanger the country’s archaeological heritage. Whilst the natural threats resulting from climatic change must be addressed on a global scale, the phenomena brought on by national social and economic change need to be addressed and resolved at a political level. Here, archaeologists must assume responsibility in line with Bruce Trigger’s claim that ‘[i]ntellectual integrity requires an awareness of the social and political conditions in which archaeology is practiced …’ (Trigger 1994, 345). However, here, I want to focus on a different, lower – but no less important – level of agency or decisionmaking by setting out practical problems of heritage SUHVHUYDWLRQDQGFRQVHUYDWLRQLQWKH¿HOGRIDUFKDHROogy and cultural resource management in the Sudan.

Heritage Preservation At this level of analysis, the emphasis is placed both on the administrative steps taken by state agencies and on the role and responsibility of the foreign archaeological missions. In his 1979 article on the future of Sudanese archaeology, Negm-el-Din Mohammed Sherif – then Commissioner for Archaeology – strongly defended the idea that the entire global community has to take responsibility for the exploration and preservation of Sudan’s cultural heritage and encouraged foreign expeditions to come and work in the country: ‘… the Sudanese believe that the cultural heritage of any society is not only the property of that particular society but of the whole human community regardless of nationality, political creed or religious belief. Thus they hold that uncovering and preserving cultural heritage in any part of the world should be considered as the duty of all mankind. Bearing this conviction in mind the Sudanese welcome foreign archaeological expeditions to work in the Sudan’ (Mohammed Sherif 1979, 25-26).

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Heritage Conceptions Mohammed Sherif’s cosmopolitan approach to heritage1 has been retained by his successors in the Sudan Antiquities Service and in the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums. This approach is mirrored in the inscription of Gebel Barkal and the sites of the Napatan Region and the archaeological sites of the Island of Meroe as World Heritage Sites (2003 and 2011), as well as by the inclusion of the sites of Kerma, Old Dongola and Suakin in the Tentative List (1994). Legal and institutional protection of archaeological VLWHVLVWKH¿UVWDQGPRVWLPSRUWDQWUHTXLUHPHQWIRUWKH conservation of heritage sites. From a global perspective, however, a gradual shift from the conservation of only tangible features (UNESCO 1972 Convention) to the promotion and safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage (UNESCO 2003 Convention) has been observed since the 1990s. This shift from what might be called a monumentalist approach towards a new holistic conservation approach represents a fundamental change of paradigm in the understanding of heritage. In this new understanding, the management of cultural resources is conceived as ‘… the processes, informed by public policy and heritage legislation that manage and protect Indigenous [sic!] cultural heritage, and in so doing, construct and GH¿QH UHODWLRQV EHWZHHQ DUFKDHRORJLVWV ,QGLJHQRXV [sic!] interests and governments’ (Smith 2004, 9). :KLOVW 6XGDQ KDG UDWL¿HG WKH 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2008, the heritage legislation continues to maintain a monumentalist approach2. Although the promotion of QHZ¿HOGVRIKHULWDJHZDVJDLQLQJWUDFWLRQLQWKHHDUO\ period of the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), this process is now at a standstill as can be observed in the project for the new Wadi Halfa Museum3: A Protocol of Cooperation was signed EHWZHHQ (J\SW DQG WKH 6XGDQ LQ WKH ¿HOG RI FXOWXUDO heritage in February 2005, and the museum has also been on the priorities list of the UNESCO mission to Nubia since the same year. But since the laying of the

1

2

3

As for the notion of ‘cosmopolitan archaeologies’, see Meskell 2009, 1-27. The Ordinance for the Protection of Antiquities 1999 for instance has so far not been amended and supplemented in order that the VLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHVWRKHULWDJHYDOXHVDUHWREHUHÀHFWHG For a detailed account on the concept of the Nubian Museum of Wadi Halfa and the adjacent interactive Nubian village see De Simone 2009 and 2014.

foundation stone in April 2008, the project has not moved forward. Under the requirements of Mohammed Sherif’s 1979 call for a common approach to heritage, the foreign archaeological missions working at various sites in the Sudan continue to have an important role to play in the process of discovering, documenting and preserving the country’s cultural heritage. This implies at once the preservation and conservation of archaeological sites and monuments and the permanent control and care of archaeological objects in museum and university collections. The objects held temporarily by foreign missions are not exempt from this either. Knowledge Dissemination Along with experts from the National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM) and local universities, the foreign archaeological teams are undertaking continuous and meticulous efforts to enhance and promote the knowledge of ancient Sudan. During recent years, the collaboration between these parties has been extended and interdisciplinary projects have been GHVLJQHGRUDGDSWHG7KHVHOIUHÀH[LYLW\RIWKHSDUWLHV involved is thereby enhanced and the social responsibility of science fostered. A good example of this is the raised awareness of the ethical implications of salvage or rescue archaeology and the recognition that the local population must be involved and encouraged to value their history. Indeed, the meaningful involvement of local communities in archaeological investigations is an essential requirement in order to ensure the future of the past. In addition, in their attempt to save the past for the future, archaeologists are also responsible for the transmission of knowledge to students and trainees and for the dissemination and mediation of knowledge towards the wider public. Given the almost complete lack of VSHFL¿FWH[WERRNVPRQRJUDSKVDQGJXLGHVLQWKH$UDELFODQJXDJHWKHQHHGIRUDFWLRQLQWKLV¿HOGLVHYLGHQW Even though the publishing environment has considerably changed since the launch of the Qatar-Sudan Archaeological Project (QSAP), there is still a vital need for the publication of accurate research publications and textbooks on Sudanese archaeology and heritage in Arabic.

THE SPHERES AND CHALLENGES OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION

Bibliography De Simone, C. 2009. ‘Wadi Halfa Museum: A Rescue mechanism for the Nubian Intangible Heritage’, in O. Aboukorah et J.-G. Leturcq (eds), Pratiques du patrimoine en Égypte et au Soudan. Égypte-Monde Arabe 5-6, 3e série. Le Caire, 401-416. De Simone, C. 2014. Nubia and Nubians: the ‘Museumization’ of a Culture. Doctoral thesis. Leiden University. [online] http://hdl.handle.net/1887/23598 [28.09.2015]. Meskell, L. 2009. ‘Introduction: Cosmopolitan Heritage Ethics’, in L. Meskell (ed.), Cosmopolitan Archaeologies. Durham-London, 1-27. Mohammed Sherif, N. 1979. ‘The Future of Sudanese Archaeology’, in F. Hintze (ed.), Africa in Antiquity: The Arts of Ancient Nubia and the Sudan. Berlin, 23-29. Smith, L. 2004. Archaeological Theory and the Politics of Cultural Heritage. London. Trigger, B. 1994. ‘Paradigms in Sudan Archaeology’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, 2, 323-345. UNESCO 1972. Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. [online] http://whc.unesco.org/en/conventiontext/ [28.09.2015]. UNESCO 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. [online] http://www. unesco.org/culture/ich/en/convention [28.09.2015].

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EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS OF SUDAN Michael H. ZACH

Lithographs of Sudan’s ancient monuments are quite frequently included in monographs authored by Europeans, who either attended the Turko-Egyptian conquest in 1820/21 or visited the country during the subsequent decades (e.g. Cailliaud 1823; Rüppell 1829; Hoskins 1835; Brocchi 1843). However, their documentation can more or less be considered an illustrative by-product in their reporting of a concise description of their routes as well as the experiences they lived during their travels. A professional approach to the ancient remains of Sudan began with the Prussian expedition under the directorate of Richard Lepsius, conducted in the years between 1842 and 1845 in order to document the ancient monuments of the Nile Valley and the peninsula of Sinai (cf. Lepsius 1849-58). As has been pointed out recently, Lepsius was attracted by the newly invented medium in both photographic techniques existing at that time (Hafemann  7KH¿UVWDQGHDUOLHU RQHZDVWKHGDJXHUUHRW\SH process, developed in France in the 1820s and 1830s by Joseph-Nicéphore Niépce and Louis Jacques Mandé Daguerre, after whom it is named. Since the photographs were produced from a copper plate coated with silver requiring chemical treatment, it was only possiEOH WR SURGXFH DQG ¿[ D VLQJOH SRVLWLYH LPDJH IRU D detailed description of the daguerreotype process see Hannavy 2008, 367-373). The second technique was invented by the Briton William Henry Fox Talbot, who in 1841 patented a paper negative process he named calotype (later also called talbotype). It revolutionized photography by producing a chemically robust negative capable of enduring repeated contact printing for positive copies (Hannavy 2008, 239-242). Lepsius met Talbot in London in July 1842, shortly before his departure to Africa (Hafemann 2009, 120; 2010, 169 f.). Although it is known that he considered the use of photography for documenting the results of his expedition, and was familiar with both techniques, KH¿QDOO\GHFLGHGWRLOOXVWUDWHKLVZRUNZLWKGUDZLQJV prepared by professionals such as the brothers Weidenbach. Obviously, photography was seen as an inappropriate means, requiring too much effort in terms of carrying heavy luggage (especially for producing

daguerreotypes) and/or sensitiveness as well as the durability of photographic images. Nevertheless, it was logical and inevitable that photography would soon be applied to recording the monXPHQWVRIDQFLHQW6XGDQVLQFHWKH¿UVWGDJXHUUHRW\SHV of Egyptian archaeological sites were taken by the Frenchmen Frédéric Goupil-Fesquet and Émile Jean Horace Vernet as well as the Swiss-born Canadian Pierre Gaspard Gustave Joly de Lotbinière in November and December 1839 (Hannavy 2008, 476; for a description of the route see Goupil Fesquet 1844). Some of the images were published only one year later as engravings (Lerebours 1840, pl. 5-9 and 49) and several others in the following year, in the form of lithographs (Horeau 1841), documenting all major Egyptian WHPSOHVLQ1XELDDVIDUVRXWKDV:DGL+DOID7KH¿UVW photographic publication of an ancient Egyptian monument was produced by Talbot in 1846, showing three pages of the hand-drawings, translation and comments of a stone stela of Seti I, discovered by Anthony Charles Harris in the Lower Nubian Ibrim district in 1845 (Caminos 1966, 65-70; Quaegebeur and RammantPeeters 1995, 71 f.; Hafemann 2009, 122; 2010, 167 refers to the publication date 1847). From the mid-1840s onwards, photography became DPDMRULVVXHIRUWUDYHOOHUVWR(J\SWUHÀHFWLQJWKHSURcess of technical innovation. Joseph-Philibert Girault de Prangey also went up the Nile, clearly as far south as the First Cataract in 1843-44, followed by André Victor Alcide Jules Itier in 1846 (Hannavy 2008, 476), both of them producing daguerreotypes, while Maxime Du Camp, travelling the Orient in 1849-50, in the company of the French novelist Gustave Flaubert, was the ¿UVWWRDGRSWWKHFDORW\SHSURFHVVLQKLVGRFXPHQWDWLRQ of their journey to the Second Cataract (Du Camp 1851; 1852, pl. 67-112; 1860). Rolf Herzog (1977, 173) suggested that the FrenchPDQ3LHUUH7UpPDX[ZDVWKH¿UVWWUDYHOOHUWRWKHUHJLRQ south of the Second Cataract to take photos of ancient (i.e. Meroitic) remains in this region. However, he admitted that he was not able to consult his work to verify this supposition. Trémaux (*1818 Charrecey, †1895 Tournus) was an architect and left his home-

M. H. ZACH

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Figure 1a-b. Calotype and drawing of a Nubian girl (Trémaux 1859, pl. 36).

country to study classical Roman monuments through site visits, as was not uncommon at that time. Remarkably, he did not restrict himself to the city of Rome or Italy, but also visited Roman sites in the former provinces of the Roman Empire in North Africa and the 1HDU (DVW 7KHUHIRUH KLV ¿UVW MRXUQH\ XQGHUWDNHQ LQ the years 1847 and 1848, led him to Algeria, Tunisia, and Italy, and after a stop in Malta, also Egypt and Sudan (Trémaux 1862a, 1 f.). This is not the place to describe his travels in detail and therefore I restrict myself to an outline of his journey to Sudan. Trémaux made his way along the most frequently used route leading from Korosko to Abu Hamed through the Nubian Desert. He arrived at Meroe on 17 February 1848, where he was confronted with archaeoORJLFDO UHPDLQV RI WKH .XVKLWH NLQJGRP IRU WKH ¿UVW time (Trémaux 1862a, 211). Some days later, his journey farther south led him via Shendi to Musawwarat es Sufra and Naqa (see also Wenig 2009, 67) to Khartoum. The southernmost Meroitic monument documented by him is the so-called ‘Soba ram’, which later was transferred to the Sudanese capital and is now exhibited in the gardens of the Sudan National Museum (Trémaux 1862a, 295; 1863, 82; Zach 1987, 86). His return to Egypt followed the Bayuda route and he arrived at Merawi on 13 June 1848, after which he visited the ruins of Napata as well as the pyramids of Nuri and el Kurru (Trémaux 1862a, 335-354). From 1853 to 1854 he undertook a second journey through the eastern Mediterranean which included Egypt (but not Sudan), during which he began to take photographs (Marbot 1980, 170). Upon his return to France he decided to include some of these photos to WKH RQJRLQJ SXEOLFDWLRQ RI KLV ZRUN +LV ¿UVW DOEXP appeared in 1859 and contains 56 images of landscapes, VLJQL¿FDQW EXLOGLQJV QR DQWLTXLWLHV  SRUWUDLWV HWKQRgraphical objects, animals and vegetation from Egypt, Sudan, Libya and Tunisia. In the instances in which he included photos, he also added lithographs, often addLQJ ¿FWLWLRXV µQDWLYHV¶ WKH SKRWRV DUH RFFDVLRQDOO\ printed inverted. Referring to Nubia and Sudan the album contains calotypes of a young Nubian woman and a girl from Darfur (Trémaux 1859, pl. 36 and 38; IRUWKH¿UVWVHH)LJXUHDE $VLWKDVEHHQSRLQWHGRXW in the case of the image of the Nubian woman, this photograph was not produced in Sudan but probably in Egypt or Tripoli, where she had been brought as a slave from one of the raids to the Middle Nile Valley (Marbot 1980, 169 Cat. 150) – and this can also be assumed for the image of the girl from Darfur. Three years later, he

EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

published his second monumental album based on the GUDZLQJVPDGHGXULQJKLV¿UVWMRXUQH\ZKLFKLQFOXGHV site plans and lithographs of the archaeological sites of Naqa, Napata, Nuri, Soba and the monastery of Wadi el Ghazali dating to the Napatan, Meroitic and the Christian Nubian periods (Trémaux 1862b, pl. 34-45, 51-52). 7KHUHIRUH 7UpPDX[ FDQQRW EH FRQVLGHUHG WKH ¿UVW traveller to have taken photographic images of archaeological sites in Sudan. This misinterpretation may have been caused by the fact that the album was published in 1862 and included lithographs of Sudanese monuPHQWVSURGXFHGE\KLPGXULQJKLV¿UVWMRXUQH\DVZHOO as photos taken during his later one. In fact, he was rather sceptical about photography in terms of it lacking quality and durability of the images for publications meant to last. So it is not surprising that a notice attached to the frontispiece of his album stored in the French National Library contains the remark: µ/HVSKRWRJUDSKLHVQ¶pWDQWSDVUHFRQQXHVVXI¿VDPPHQWLQDOWpUDEOHVSDUODOXPLqUHHWGLYHUVDXWUHVDJHQWV SRXURIIULUODFHUWLWXGHGHGXUpHQpFHVVDLUHjXQFRUSV G¶RXYUDJH VHURQW j O¶DYHQLU UHSURGXLWHV SDU OD OLWKRJUDSKLH '¶DLOOHXUV OHV FLUFRQVWDQFHV GLI¿FLOHV GDQV OHVTXHOOHV RQW pWp IDLWHV OD SOXSDUW GH FHOOHV TXL IRQW SDUWLHGHFHWRXYUDJHpWDQWQpFHVVDLUHPHQWFDXVHG¶XQH PpGLRFULWpUHODWLYHFHOOHVGpMjOLYUpHVVHURQWVXFFHVVLYHPHQW UHPSODFpHV SDU GHV UHSURGXFWLRQV OLWKRJUDSKLpHV GRQQpHV HQ VXSSOpPHQW GDQV OHV OLYUDLVRQV HW VDQVIUDLVSRXUOHVRXVFULSWHXU¶ Although Trémaux has found his place in the history of ethnological and archaeological photography, he has become widely forgotten in Egyptology and Meroitic/ Nubian Studies. He is neither found in the ‘Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan’ (Hill 1951) nor in the recent edition of ‘Who was Who in Egyptology’ (Dawson, Uphill and Bierbrier 2012). PorWHU DQG 0RVV   EULHÀ\ PHQWLRQ KLV SXEOLFDWLRQV however subsequent studies on the history of exploration of ancient and medieval sites in Sudan make no reference to his publication, as for example the case in the previously mentioned study of Herzog on the double statue CG 684, or the Tübingen based documentation of the Naqa Lion Temple, where only reference is made to its description by Trémaux, published in the ¿UVWYROXPHRIKLVµ9R\DJH¶*DPHU:DOOHUWDQG=LEHlius 1983, 28 f. and note 94). Only recently, the album was referred to in the documentation of Musawwarat es Sufra (Wenig 2009, 13 and Abb. 28).

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Figure 2a-b. The wrong ‘Soba Ram’ (Trémaux 1862b, pl. 51) and the correct drawing produced by Miani (Rossi-Osmida 1973, 104).

The interval between the journey to Sudan by Trémaux and the publication of the album may be the reason for an obvious error. Plate 51 of his album is dedicated to the discoveries that he made in Soba and surroundings, containing four drawings of two column capitals of Christian date, and includes the image of a Meroitic monumental ram obviously discovered in the ruins of the city. This attribution is also mentioned by Porter and Moss (1952, 273). However, analysis reveals that Trémaux was wrong. The statue published by him does not originate from Soba, but represents one of the rams erected along the access to the Naqa Amun TemSOH,QIDFWWKH¿UVWSLFWRULDOUHSUHVHQWDWLRQRIWKHUDP was produced by Giovanni Miani (Figure 2a-b). During the subsequent years, we can recognise an increase in the activity of taking photographs of archaeological sites in Egypt, and in this connection can mention Félix Teynard (1851-52), John Beasley Greene (1853-54) or Henri Cammas (1859-1862). However, none of them travelled beyond the Second 1LOH &DWDUDFW 7KH PHULW RI KDYLQJ WDNHQ WKH ¿UVW

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but the whole is greatly dilapidated, and appears never to have been of a good style’. His description of Sai church (plate 34; cf. Figure 4) is somewhat scant, as he more or less concentrated on the wildlife (!) and left only the short comment that the archaeological relics he observed were: ‘… evidently the ruins of a Christian Church – rude granite columns with capitals of the Greek cross – an interesting memorial of the early establishment of our religion in these remote parts of the earth’.

Figure 3. Meroitic Temple of Amara (Frith 1862, pl. 33).

photographs further south can be attributed to the Briton Francis Frith (*1822 Chesterfield, †1898 Cannes), who during his travels to Egypt and Sudan in the years 1859 and 1860 advanced along the Nile to Soleb. In 1862, he published 36 photos in an album that IRU WKH ¿UVW WLPH FRQWDLQV LPDJHV RI 6XGDQHVH VLWHV namely the Meroitic Amun Temple of Amara, dating to the reign of Natakamani, the columns of the church at Sai and the temple of Soleb (Frith 1862, pl. 33-36). In his commentary on the Amara temple represented on plate 33 (Figure 3) he announces: ‘The Temple of Amara … is on the eastern bank of the river, about one hundred miles south of Wady Halfah. There are only a few columns standing; but they are very interesting, from the fact that they introduce us to a new style of art, viz., the Ethiopian … The plan was very simple. It consisted merely of an oblong court, 53 feet by 30, approached by a gateway and a short passage 19 feet wide. The Hall was ornamented by eight columns 3 feet 8 inches in diameter. None of the capitals remain. A number of deities are represented upon the sculpture,

7KHWHPSOHRI6ROHESODWHVIRUWKH¿UVWVHH Figure 5) was considered by him ‘the chief object’ of his journey and is described in detail as follows: ‘It is EXLOWRIDOLJKWFRORXUHGVDQGVWRQH±DW¿UVWVLJKWPRUH like limestone – of a quality very inferior to that used in the Egyptian temples. Consequently, it is much decayed, and most of the interesting sculpture is almost or entirely obliterated. But enough remains to show that it was built by Amunoph III., the supposed Memnon of the Greeks, and the same who erected the colossal statues on the plain of Thebes. The remains of this PDJQL¿FHQWWHPSOHDUHRIWKHPVHOYHVVXI¿FLHQWWRDWWHVW that he not only conquered Ethiopia, but maintained his power for a long period. The entire length of the building was probably from 500 to 600 feet. It was adorned with between 80 and 100 columns. … There were two propylons, one of which is entirely destroyed. The ZLGWK RI WKH RWKHU LV  IHHW7KH ¿UVW FRXUW KDG VL[ columns, WHQIHHWLQGLDPHWHU. The next apartment was 90 feet by 113 wide, and had 28 columns 19 feet 4 inches in circumference, with the bud-shaped capitals; seven of them remain. The next court was 78 feet long by 113, and had 32 columns, none of which is standing. Behind these, amidst a stupendous pile of ruin, rises a single pillar with a capital representing branches of the palm-tree … There were originally 12 columns in this court. The sanctuary is entirely destroyed; but the traces of building extend for another 100 feet …’. As can be deduced from a side note, Frith was attracted by the Soleb temple through the book authored by Hoskins (1835, 245-250), who had visited the site in June 1833. It is therefore no surprise that his comments are nothing more than an abridged version of the concise description given by Hoskins. One hundred photographic images produced by Frith were published by Joseph Bonomi, who had accompaQLHG /HSVLXV LQ (J\SW GXULQJ WKH ¿UVW SKDVH RI KLV expedition until 1843 (Hafemann 2009, 123). Two plates show the Meroitic temple of Amara, one Sai

EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

church and four the temple of Soleb (Bonomi 1862, pl. XCIV-C with comments on pages 227-240). As for the Amara temple, he stated that ‘The sculptures, particularly the hieroglyphics, have never been ¿QLVKHG,QWKHORZHUFRPSDUWPHQWRIWKHFROXPQDUH ¿JXUHV RI 1LOXV FDUU\LQJ WZR ZDWHU YHVVHOV RXW RI which issue two streams. The bases of these columns are square. These ruins belong to an Ethiopian dynasty that erected some considerable buildings in Meroe, and affected the Egyptian style of architecture with an admixture of Roman. The queen on these buildings of Meroe appears as the principal personage, as she does in the small temples attached to the pyramids of Napata. The hieroglyphics are badly formed and illegible. May the queen whom we see on these monuments have been the mistress of the eunuch whom Philip baptized, and hence the establishment of Christianity in Ethiopia, of which we have seen so many indications in the ancient temples?’ (page 227). For Sai he concludes that ‘there are the remains of a temple of Thothmosis III. and Amunothph II., which most likely furnished the materials for this Christian building’ (page 231). All images are reproduced twice in a slightly – angle reversed – focus, as Frith adopted the technique of stereoscopy. As Bonomi (page v f.) described, ‘Every view is of two pictures almost the same, but not quite so. They are taken by two instruments at the same time, and not quite from the same spot. One is a view as seen by the right eye, and one as seen by the left eye. If we are looking at a round object, … one view shows us a little more of one side …, and the other of the other side. But the difference is so little that it is not easily noted. … In order to observe the effect gained by our having these two views of one object, we must look at them through a stereoscope or double eye-glass. … Every object seems raised into full relief …’. In his study on the Amara temple, Wenig (1977, 471 and Abb. 12-15) republished the photos taken by Frith as they were widely unknown at that time. Curiously, they reveal a discrepancy compared to the work of Frith quoted above. Wenig’s Abbildung 12 is represented in Frith’s book on plate 33 (not 32), his AbbilGXQJ  µ)RWRJUD¿VFKH $XIQDKPH GHU 6lXOH  YRQ Südwesten [Frith Taf. 33])’ is non-existent there. The origin of this photo must therefore be questioned. Two others were taken from Bonomi’s book (1862, pl. XCIV-XCV). ,W FDQ GH¿QLWHO\ EH VWDWHG WKDW WKH ¿UVW SKRWRV RI archaeological remains in Sudan were produced by Francis Frith, even if these were limited to a few sites

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Figure 4. Sai Church (Frith 1862, pl. 34).

Figure 5. Soleb Temple (Frith 1862, pl. 35).

located in the northern part of ancient Kush. The earliest ones concerning the so-called ‘Island of Meroe’ can be attributed to the Austrian Richard Buchta (*1845 Radlow/Galicia, †1894 Vienna). In 1877, and after having spent almost seven years as freelance photographer in Cairo, he was recruited by the Italian Romolo Gessi Pasha, who later became governor of Bahr el-Ghazal province, to take photos in Sudan. As far as can be seen, he produced images of the pyramids at Meroe when travelling to Khartoum, two of which appeared

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Figure 6. Begrawiya South pyramids (Buchta 1881, Blatt 23).

Figure 7. Consul Hansal’s dedication to Giegler on his portrait photo produced by Buchta. Copy of the photo in possession of the author.

in an album published in 1881 comprising 160 photos from Sudan and northern Uganda as well as a foreword E\ 5REHUW +DUWPDQQ %XFKWD   3ODWHV µ%OlWWHU¶  20 to 25 show images from Berber province (‘Ansichten aus dem Gouvernement Berber’); plate 22 documents the central part of Begrawiya North cemetery and plate 23 gives a general view of the Begrawiya South pyramids (see also Hofmann, Tomandl and Zach 1986, 177 f.; for the latter see Figure 6). Buchta obviously produced more than these two photos of the Begrawiya cemeteries. This can be concluded from the memoirs of the Bavarian Karl Giegler Pasha, who came to Sudan as a telegraph engineer, later acting twice as Vice General Governor (18791880 and 1881-1882). He mentions that ‘Buchta …

went to Berber and took some good photographs of the S\UDPLGV RI 0HURH WKH ¿UVW WKDW ZHUH HYHU WDNHQ RI them. I have some of these pictures … in my possession’ (Hill 1984, 112). Unfortunately, Buchta never delivered a comprehensive description of his travels to Sudan and the adjacent countries. In an attempt to reconstruct the full spectrum of his photographic activities, the publications of contemporary travellers to Sudan have also to be considered. For example, Robert Hartmann, Wilhelm Junker and Gaetano Casati (the latter without reference to Buchta) illustrated their books with lithographs of his photos (Hartmann 1884; Junker 1889-91 Casati 1891; see also Killingray and Roberts 1989, 200 and Thomas 1960, 114-119). It is also documented that on demand he took photos of representatives of the European colony in Khartoum, which he sold to them. For example, he produced a portrait of the Austro-Hungarian vice consul Martin Ludwig Hansal found in the Giegler papers (Hill 1984, pl. III/4). Since the present author relies on a copy of the original photo thanks to Heidi Groha, Giegler’s great granddaughter, %XFKWD¶VDXWKRUVKLSLVFRQ¿UPHGE\DQDWWDFKHGKDQGwritten note by the Pasha reading ‘Konsul Hansal in Khartum, aufgenommen von Buchta in Khartum’. He has obviously received it as a gift, as the reverse side of the photo bears Hansal’s dedication ‘Deiner Lieb zu Ehr Ich dieses Blatt bescher. Chartum 4. August 1878. M L Hansal’ (‘Honoring your affection, I dedicate this sheet to you. Khartoum 4 August 1878. M. L. Hansal’; cf. Figure 7). Even though he produced at least the above-mentioned photos of the Begrawiya cemeteries, it is remarkable that in his books Buchta never referred to a visit of archaeological sites in Sudan. It can consequently only be deduced from Giegler’s diary that Buchta passed Meroe in April or May 1878 since he primarily comments on the contemporary political situation in Sudan, which changed dramatically with the outbreak of the Mahdist revolution, and prevented him from undertaking another journey to the country. In this connection, it is remarkable that on the occasion of a donation of photos taken by Buchta to the Berlin Anthropological Society, the German naturalist Georg Schweinfurth (who travelled in Sudan twice between the late 1860s and early 1870s) not only praised the high quality of the images, but also mentioned that they deserve special attention as ‘many years have passed since the last photographer took residence in Khartoum’ (Schweinfurth 1878, 284). Unfortunately, he did not mention any name, and since

EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

it was not Frith, it remains unclear who this man was. For example, there exist photos of the Austrian vice consul at Khartoum Franz Binder and some members of the Roman Catholic Mission to Sudan, obviously GDWLQJ IURP WKH ¿UVW KDOI RI WKH V +RZHYHU ZH cannot ascertain whether these photos were taken in .KDUWRXPRUDVDSSHDUVPRUHOLNHO\LQDUWL¿FLDOFRQstructed sceneries in Egypt. The almost identical posing, in a somewhat ‘sterile’ surrounding, resembles studio photography and could support the latter view. Somewhat tentatively, this person might have been Joseph Natterer (*1819 Vienna, †1862 Khartoum). He and his brother Johann can be considered the Austrian pioneers of daguerreotype, inventing the process of the fast lens for producing ‘instantaneous’ pictures, with exposures of possibly less than one second, around 1841 (Hannavy 2008, 979). Joseph Natterer went to Sudan in 1856 and, and besides being established in the trading business, also acted as Austrian vice-consul in Khartoum from 1857 to 1858 and 1859 to 1862 (Wurzbach 1869, 102). The catalogue of an exhibition celebrating the 150th anniversary of photography, comprising selected images stored in the Viennese Ethnographical Museum, quotes Natterer as being the ¿UVW$XVWULDQWRKDYLQJWDNHQSKRWRVLQ6XGDQDOWKRXJK it is recognised that none of them have survived (Feest 1989, 5). In fact, there exists no photographic evidence or written record, whether authored by him or contemporary travellers to Sudan, proving this statement. In his introduction to Buchta’s album, Hartmann gives an overview of early photographic activities in Sudan and does not mention Natterer. However, this is overview is far from being complete, and although it has been claimed that he recorded all photographers travelling to Sudan prior to Buchta (Herzog 1975, 13), his account does not include the Dutch explorer Alexandrine Tinné (*1839 The Hague, †1869 Fezzan), who together with her mother, two servants and several European companions (Theodor von Heuglin was the most noteworthy) left Khartoum early in 1863 for the Upper White Nile. Although they penetrated as far south as the country of the Azande, the expedition came to a tragic end in the following year, since many of the participants (including Tinné’s mother) died. It is known that Alexandrine Tinné carried a camera and other equipment with her that was required to process photographs. During her journey, she recorded portraits of the missionaries at the Roman Catholic station of Heiligenkreuz (Holy Cross) in the Dinka country, presumably on glass negatives. It is clear that she also took

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photographic views of Gondokoro and in the Bahr elGhazal region (Willink 2011, 186). However, in all of these cases it remains unclear, whether anyone in the expedition also took photos of archaeological sites, or whether they focussed exclusively on ethnographic/ geographic subjects. Given her routes from Egypt to Khartoum and back, this seems unlikely to be the case (Tinné 1864, 109 f.). Hartmann however does refer to an Englishman -DPHVQRWPHQWLRQLQJKLV¿UVWQDPH ZKRDFFRUGLQJ to him, travelled in Sudan in the years 1867 and 1868, where he took photos of the Beja, ‘Barabra’, Bari, etc. on the spot (Hartmann 1881, [1]). Some of these images were published by him in the form of lithographs (Hartmann 1876, 113; Taf. XI, XXVI, XXVII, XXXII and XLIX). James remains an enigmatic person, as few other references to him can be traced. A photographer named James, said to be of Tuscan origin, is known from a letter of the Khartoum-based Italian trader Adolfo Antognoli dated 22 June 1861 (Santi and Hill 1980, 203). According to this letter, James arrived in the Sudanese capital in the company of the Italian explorer Giovanni Miani, in order to join an expedition intent on discovering the source of the White Nile, to be led by the Frenchman Dr. Alfred Peney, serving chief medical RI¿FHUWRWKH(J\SWLDQWURRSVLQ6XGDQVLQFH7KH expedition never set out however, since Peney died in Gondokoro about one month later (Bano 1976, 150153). Miani (e.g. 1862, 376) does not mention the name in his publications, but only refers to ‘a photographer’. More precise information can be gained from his diary, according to which he met ‘signore’ James in Aswan RQ'HFHPEHUIRUWKH¿UVWWLPH,QWKLVFRQQHFtion, he mentions that James was a Florence-born British citizen (Rossi-Osmida 1973, 304), which bridges the gap between Miani’s and Hartmann’s national attribution. Later, referring to a letter of James (spelled -HPHV  0LDQL TXRWHV WKH LQLWLDO µ/¶ IRU KLV ¿UVW QDPH (Rossi-Osmida 1973, 325). This can be supported by an entry in the diary of the Austrian missionary Franz Morlang – who was active at the missionary stations of Gondokoro and Heiligenkreuz – dated 15 July 1861, mentioning his meeting with ‘signor James, toscano di RULJLQH LQJOHVH¶ ZKR DFFRUGLQJ WR KLP ZDV WKH ¿UVW photographer to have penetrated to South Sudan (Morlang 1973, 328). Only three years after Buchta’s visit to Meroe, the most comprehensive photographic documentation of archaeological sites – restricted to the ‘Island of Meroe’ – was produced by the German Carl Berghoff (*?,

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†1882 Jebel Qedir/Sudan). He is repeatedly mentioned in contemporary travel literature; however, information about him does not reveal a coherent picture. According to Herzog (1977, 173), he might have originated from Kassel although he admits that this cannot be YHUL¿HG LQ WKH GRFXPHQWDWLRQ RI LWV LQKDELWDQWV OLYLQJ there in 1868. He refers to the diary of Giegler, in which – at least in its published version – Berghoff’s birthplace is not mentioned. As for Giegler’s memoirs, he was a photographer who came to Sudan to try his luck. Since he had not posts at his disposal, he ‘gave him the photographic apparatus which was in the government magazines, together with letters of recommenGDWLRQWRWKHUHJLRQDORI¿FLDOVIUHHWUDYHOHWFVRWKDW he could begin by taking photographs of the Pyramids of Meroë and so earn some money’ (Hill 1984, 206 f.). However, this must be questioned, since Berghoff VHUYHGLQWKHRI¿FHRILQVSHFWRUIRUWKHVXSSUHVVLRQRI the slave trade in Fashoda in 1881 (Buchta 1884, 32; Ohrwalder 1892, 7; Slatin 1896, 133). Somewhat fancifully, he was later described as a merchant who travelled various parts of Nubia and Sudan (Weidmann 1894, 12). But why not refer to Berghoff’s personal notes? It has been completely overlooked that he authored various descriptions of his travels and activities in Sudan, which appeared in the journal ‘Globus. Illustrirte ZeitVFKULIW IU /lQGHU XQG 9|ONHUNXQGH PLW EHVRQGHUHU Berücksichtigung der Anthropologie und Ethnologie’ in Brunswick (Berghoff 1881; 1882; 1883a and b). Of VSHFLDOLQWHUHVWLVKLVHVVD\HQWLWOHGµ(LQ$XVÀXJQDFK Meroe’ (‘A Journey to Meroe’) published in two parts in volume 43 (Berghoff 1883c). Here, he not only mentions his appointment as inspector for the suppression of the slave trade by the Egyptian government, but also that he visited Meroe and its pyramids during a journey undertaken when on vacation. He arrived at Meroe on 15 January 1882, the same day that the famous double statue CG 684 representing queen Shanakdakhete and her son was excavated, of which he took a photo (Berghoff 1883c, 8-10; for the statue see Borchardt 1930, 28 f. and Bl. 125/684; :HQLJ   &DW  IRU WKH LGHQWL¿FDWLRQ of the queen’s consort Zach 2004, 452 f.). On his orders, it was shipped to Khartoum, where it was erected in the courtyard of the government building before being moved to the arsenal. However, a short time later the statue was transported to Cairo, as rumours had spread all over the town saying that the statue was an evil demon responsible for the disastrous

situation in Sudan. Given that the Mahdist revolution had got under way the previous summer, Giegler decided to send it to Cairo (Herzog 1977, 174; Hill  IURPZKHUHLWZDV¿QDOO\WUDQVIHUUHGWRWKH Aswan Nubian Museum (Gaballa 1997, 58). In terms of reconstructing the original location of the statue, Berghoff mentioned that it was found at a depth of two meters at the northern end of the city. Surrounded by heaps of bricks, worked blocks of granite as well as the remains of sandstone columns, he concluded that it was found in a sanctuary located in the centre of Meroe (Berghoff 1883c, 8). It cannot be determined whether his description refers to the Amun Temple; it is however well-known that royal statues were exclusively erected in their compounds during the Napatan and Meroitic periods of the Kushite kingdom. Wenig (1978, 213 Cat. 135) has suggested that it origLQDWHGIURPDQXQLGHQWL¿HGPRUWXDU\WHPSOHORFDWHGDW %HJUDZL\D 1RUWK FHPHWHU\ ZKLFK FDQQRW EH YHUL¿HG This misunderstanding may have been caused by the fact that Herzog (1977, 173) came across a copy of the photo in the course of his research on the Giegler SDSHUV EHDULQJ WKH KDQGZULWWHQ QRWH µ'RSSHO¿JXU JHIXQGHQYRQ%HUJKRIILQGHU1lKHGHU3\UDPLGHQYRQ Meroe und nach Khartum gebracht’ (‘double statue discovered by Berghoff near the pyramids of Meroe and brought to Khartoum’). Berghoff’s article not only contains the photo of the statue as it was excavated, but also two of the Northern and one of the Southern Group of the Begrawiya pyramids. Other photos show the so-called Typhonium of Wad Ban Naqa and the major archaeological monuments of Naqa comprising the temples of Apedemak and Amun as well as the so-called ‘Roman Kiosk’, each of them provided with concise descriptions (for Naqa Amun Temple cf. Figure 8). In fact, they were taken on his way back to Khartoum, where he arrived 27 January 1882. Before returning to Meroe in order to organise the transport of the statue to Khartoum in the ¿UVWKDOIRI)HEUXDU\KHDOVRYLVLWHGWKHUXLQVRI6RED (Berghoff 1883c, 26 f.). During his second stay in Meroe, while waiting for the arrival of the steamer, he undertook excursions in the region and took additional photos. So there must exist more than those published in volume 43 of ‘Globus’, whose present location still remains unknown. As can be revealed through the online catalogue of the Berlin Ethnological Museum, some of the images taken by him are to be found in ‘Box 33’, containing 110 photographs taken by various photographers travelling in Africa which were collected

EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

by Schweinfurth (http://www.fotoerbe.de/bestandanzeige.php?bestnr=2706). I have since been able to inspect these photographs, which exclusively concern ethnographic subjects. It is also recorded that he donated a number of photos taken in the region of Fashoda to the Leipzig Ethnological Museum (Anonymous 1882, 17). Unfortunately, Berghoff’s article is only illustrated with lithographs produced on the basis of his original photos, as explicitly mentioned by the editors of ‘Globus’. As regards the double statue CG 684, it can be seen that his photo continued to be used in later publications as lithographs (e.g. Maspero 1899, 665 and note 2, where the graphic artist Boudier signed the image). Except for the assured fact that Berghoff was inspector for the suppression of the slave trade in Fashoda, even the circumstances of his death remain somewhat enigmatic. Some Europeans serving in Sudan’s administration or having formerly travelled the country mention that he had accompanied the campaign of Rashid Bey Ayman, governor of Fashoda, against the Mahdists DQGORVWKLVOLIHLQWKH¿UVWEDWWOHDW-HEHO4HGLURQ December 1881 (Buchta 1884, 32; Ohrwalder 1892, 7; Slatin 1896, 133; Budge 1907, 243 f. and Hill 1951, 79, who after consultation of the Giegler papers withdrew his opinion). In this regard, it must be mentioned that none of them relied on precise information. Buchta had returned to Vienna, while Ohrwalder and Slatin were cut off from any news. Besides Berghoff’s description of ancient remains in the region of the ‘Island of Meroe’, produced in 1882, another original source has to be considered. The exterior north wall of the pyramid chapel of Beg N 7 UHYHDOVDJUDI¿WRDERYHWKDWRIFRXQW3FNOHU0XVNDX reading ‘Berghoff 1882’ (Zach 2014, 411 Abb. 5). According to Giegler’s autobiography, Berghoff accompanied the government army under the command of Yusuf Pasha Hasan sent against the Mahdist forces in the summer of 1882, which was annihilated in the second battle at Jebel Qedir (Hill 1984, 206). This is also FRQ¿UPHG E\ +DQVDO    ZKR KDG VHUYHG LQ .KDUWRXPVLQFHDQGUHOLHGRQ¿UVWKDQGLQIRUPDtion. Obviously, Berghoff joined the campaign as warcorrespondent, since he was entrusted with the government’s photographic equipment (Herzog 1977, 173; Hill 1984, 207). At a later date, Maspero (1899, 665 note 2) mentions that Berghoff was captured and decapitated shortly afterwards. This information is reduplicated in the description of the ‘Ethiopian’

781

Figure 8. Lithograph of Berghoff’s photo of Naqa Amun Temple (Berghoff 1883c, 25).

exhibits in Cairo Museum – referring to CG 684 – in ‘Meyers Reisebüchern’ (1909, 252). The last of the early travellers producing photographic images in Sudan, limited however to its northern part due to the spreading Mahdist revolution, was the Dutchman Jan Herman Insinger (*1854 Amsterdam, †1918 Cairo). In February/March 1883 he followed the Nile upstream as far as ed-Debba and took photos of the ruins of Old Dongola, an inscription in Meroitic hieroglyphs on a granite block (naos fragment?) which he discovered near the village of Jebel Ghaddar in the Letti Basin (REM 1224; cf. Leclant et DO. 2000, 1836 f.), and the temples of Sesebi and Soleb. Some of the pictures, which are kept in the University Library of Amsterdam and the Archive of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden in Leiden, have been published in the relatively recent edition of the diary of his travels ,QVLQJHUII¿JVDEDQG  Completing the compilation of early photographers in Sudan, Louis Vossion (*1847 Brest, †1906 Cape Town) has to be considered. He acted as French viceconsul in Khartoum from 1880 to 1882 and compiled 34 of his photos in an album which is today stored in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (Vossion 1882). However, except for an image of the French consulate, DVZHOODVVRPHRIWKHOHDGLQJ(J\SWLDQRI¿FLDOV(XURpean consuls, prominent Levantines and Sudanese of different ethnic origins, taken in Khartoum, they do not show any archaeological remains. These (and additional photos taken by Vossion) were compiled by prince Roland Bonaparte (1884) in an album comprising a total of 108 photos. Some of the images were

782

M. H. ZACH

again reproduced in some of Vossion’s later publications (1890; 1892). In a general evaluation, it can be stated that although there was a growing public interest in photographic representations of Egyptian antiquities, which was FOHDUO\ QRW VDWLV¿HG E\ WKH HVWDEOLVKPHQW RI SURIHVsional studios in Cairo, only few of the early travellers to Sudan considered photography an appropriate technique for documenting the rich archaeological heritage of the country. In contrast, most of the illustrations in travel literature concerning Sudan are based on drawings produced on the spot. We must therefore question whether this is based on (European) arrogance, considering ancient Egypt a ‘civilization’ and the Sudanese cultures as more or less inferior branches, and therefore of lesser interest. Those who took images of archaeological sites in Sudan, obviously followed different objectives. Francis Frith dedicated himself to a comparison of Roman and Egyptian architecture. He therefore visited the Amara temple with some curiosity, nevertheless considering it of inferior quality compared to Egyptian structures. Richard Buchta did not show any interest in the archaeological sites at all, although he took (at least two published) photos of the Begrawiya pyramid cemeteries on his way to Khartoum, which can only be considered a ‘by-product’, since his primary interest lay in the production of ethnographic images. Also, his portrait photos of members of the Khartoum based foreign communities were primarily taken for the purpose of earning money for his undertaking. Many of the images DUH W\SLFDO IRU WKH UDSLGO\ VSUHDGLQJ ¿HOG RI HWKQRgraphic photography, showing persons in frontal and VHPL SUR¿OHYLHZ6RPHVFHQHVDUHFOHDUO\FRQVWUXFWHG as it is the case with an image of ‘reclining prostitutes’, one of which re-appears twice as ‘(Nubian) dancer’ (Buchta 1881, 12, 13 and 18). It was Carl Berghoff, ZKR ZDV WKH ¿UVW WR VKRZ HQWKXVLDVP IRU DUFKDHR logical sites in Sudan, which were located in the ‘Island of Meroe’. Somewhat prophetically and still valid today, he stated (1883c, 27) that ‘the deserts and steppe lands of Southern Nubia obviously still hide unknown testimonies of long vanished times’. With the spread of the Mahdist revolution, travel to Sudan came to an end in the early 1880s, and for almost the next two decades photographic activities were exclusively attached to military excursions, starting with the 1884/85 British campaign to rescue Charles Gordon. From 1896 onwards, war photographers accompanied the Anglo-Egyptian troops during their

conquest of the country, so that historic sites were no longer recorded. But this is another story1 Abbreviation REM = Leclant, J., A. Heyler†, C. Berger-el Naggar, C. Carrier and C. Rilly. 2000. 5pSHUWRLUHG¶eSLJUDSKLH 0pURwWLTXH&RUSXVGHVLQVFULSWLRQVSXEOLpHV7RPH,,, 5(0j5(0. Paris.

Bibliography Anonymous. 1882. 1HXQWHU %HULFKW GHV 0XVHXPV IU 9|ONHUNXQGHLQ/HLS]LJ±. Leipzig. Bano, L. 1976. 0H]]RVHFRORGLVWRULD6XGDQHVH GDOO¶DUFKLYLRSDUURFFKLDOHGL.KDUWXP. Verona. Berghoff, C. 1881. ‘Notizen über die nubischen Wüstenbewohner Ababdeh und Bischarib’, *OREXV 39, 285-286, 301-302. Berghoff, C. 1882. ‘Reise durch den Atmur, die Nubische Wüste zwischen Korosko und Berber’, *OREXV 41, 336339. %HUJKRII & D µ'LH KHXWLJH %HY|ONHUXQJ GHU ,QVHO Meroe’, *OREXV 42, 136-140. Berghoff, C. 1883b. ‘Aberglaube im Sudan’, *OREXV 42, 157158. %HUJKRII & F µ(LQ$XVÀXJ QDFK 0HURH¶ *OREXV 43, 8-13, 22-27. Bonaparte, R. 1884. 7\SHVGX6RXGDQ. Paris. Bonomi, J. 1862. (J\SW1XELDDQG(WKLRSLD,OOXVWUDWHGE\ 2QH+XQGUHG6WHUHRVFRSLF3KRWRJUDSKVWDNHQE\)UDQFLV)ULWKIRU0VVUV1HJUHWWLDQG=DPEUDZLWKGHVFULSWLRQVDQGQXPHURXVZRRGHQJUDYLQJVE\-RVHSK%RQRPL )56/DXWKRURIµ1LQLYHKDQGLWV3DODFHV¶DQG1RWHV E\ 6DPXHO 6KDUSH DXWKRU RI µ7KH +LVWRU\ RI (J\SW¶. London. Borchardt, L. 1930. 6WDWXHQXQG6WDWXHWWHQYRQ.|QLJHQXQG 3ULYDWOHXWHQLP0XVHXPYRQ.DLUR1U7HLO 7H[WXQG7DIHOQ]X1U. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Berlin. 1

In 2008, the monumental (QF\FORSHGLD RI 1LQHWHHQWK&HQWXU\ 3KRWRJUDSK\ was published, which was considered by its editor “a unique publication, one that is an essential reference work for anyone interested in the medium of photography” (Hannavy 2008, xxxvii). Though delivering a relatively coherent picture of early photography in Egypt, with the exception of Trémaux, it does not contain references to any of the early photographers travelling in Sudan. Neither does it include any reference to Richard Buchta, who was (and still is) famous for having also taken some of the earliest photos in Uganda.

EARLY PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS

Brocchi, G. B. 1843. $WODQWHGHOJLRUQDOHGHOOHRVVHUYD]LRQL IDWWH QH¶YLDJJL LQ (JLWWR QHOOD 6LULD H QHOOD 1XELD. Bassano. Buchta, R. 1881. 'LHREHUHQ1LOOlQGHU9RONVW\SHQXQG/DQGVFKDIWHQ GDUJHVWHOOW LQ  3KRWRJUDSKLHQ QDFK GHU 1DWXU DXIJHQRPPHQ PLW HLQHU (LQOHLWXQJ YRQ 'U 5REHUW+DUWPDQQ3URIHVVRUDQGHU.|QLJO8QLYHUVLWlW ]X%HUOLQ. Berlin. Buchta, R. 1884. 'HU6XGDQXQGGHU0DKGL'DV/DQGGLH %HZRKQHU XQG GHU $XIVWDQG GHV IDOVFKHQ 3URSKHWHQ. Stuttgart. Budge, E. A. W. 1907. 7KH(J\SWLDQ6€GkQ,WV+LVWRU\DQG 0RQXPHQWV. Vol. II. London. Cailliaud, F. 1823. 9R\DJHD0pURpDXÀHXYHEODQFDXGHOj GH)k]RTOGDQVOHPLGLGXUR\DXPHGH6HQQkUj6\RXDK HW GDQV FLQT DXWUHV RDVLV IDLW GDQV OHV DQQpHV  HW. 2 Vols. Paris. Caminos, R. A. 1966. ‘The Talbotype Applied to Hieroglyphics’, -RXUQDORI(J\SWLDQ$UFKDHRORJ\ 52, 65-70. Casati, G. 1891. 7HQ