Lianda: A Chinese University in War and Revolution 9780804765244

Citation preview

Lianda

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Lianda A IN

CHINESE UNIVERSITY WAR AND

REVOLUTION

John Israel

STANFORD STANFORD,

UNIVERSITY CALIFORNIA

PRESS

Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1998 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America CIP data appear at the end of the book

To the faculty and students of Xinan Lianda

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Contents

ix

Preface

Note on Conventions Introduction

xv 1

PART ONE | PATRIOTS' PILGRIMAGE 1.

From Beiping to Changsha

7

2.

Lianda's Long March

30

3.

The Charms of Mengzi

61

PART TWO | INTERACTIONS 4.

Lianda and the Yunnanese

79

5.

Chongqing and Kunming

95

6.

The Lianda Ethos

118

PART THREE | A PRIDE OF PROFESSORS

7.

The College of Arts

141

8.

The College of Social Sciences

169

9.

War and Scholarship

193

10.

The College of Natural Sciences

203

11.

The College of Engineering

225

12.

The Teachers College

239

PART FOUR I EIGHT YEARS AT LIANDA

13.

Years of Hope: 1938–1941

253

14.

Years of Endurance: 1941–1943

295

15.

Years of Trial: 1943–1945

333

16.

Fulfilling the Mandate: 1945–1946

366

Conclusion

381

Appendix: List of Interviews

393

Notes

399

Bibliography

439

Index

449

Photo sections follow pages 76, 138, and 250

Preface

Cuban invaders have occupied the east coast of the United States, the federal government has moved to Denver, and the students and professors of Harvard, Yale, and Swarthmore have relocated in Albuquerque, New Mexico, for the duration of the conflict. Through such fanciful analogies, I try to give inquisitive friends a sense of why I am so fascinated with an obscure and short-lived Chinese university that brought together in the mountainbound southwest an intellectual elite from the academic citadels of the north China plains. The focus of my attention is National Southwest Associated University, a translation of Guoli Xinan Lianhe Daxue, abbreviated as Xinan Lianda or Lianda. Lianda's nine-year history (1937–46) coincided roughly with the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45), known in China as the War of Resistance. Influenced by Anglo-American political and educational ideas, Lianda's teachers and students could broadly be defined as "liberals." As a liberal American academic, I find it easy to identify with their struggle to defend ix

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P REFACE

our common heritage. In contrast to the usual historians' problem of having to empathize with people and ideas far removed from themselves, I have had to struggle to create a bit of distance between myself and my ideological kinsmen in wartime China. The effort has been futile. Far from separating myself from my subject matter, I have grown ever close to it. Beginning in November 1973, when Lianda's dean of students, Zha Liangzhao, presented me to a gathering of Taibei alumni celebrating Liandas thirty-sixth anniversary, I have been drawn into the Lianda community. In April 1974 a group of New York alumni invited me to dinner to discuss their alma mater. At the end of the meal they raised their glasses and declared me an "honorary alumnus," a title that has stuck in spite of the rather irregular way it was conferred. During the initial phase of this two decades' project I interviewed several score alumni and professors emeriti in the United States, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. In 1980, the year after the normalization of United States' relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC), I spent six months as an exchange scholar in China, where I interviewed more alumni and former faculty members. In December 1984 I returned for eight months of study in Taibei, where I resumed interaction with local alumni, and in September 1986 I began a year of further research in Beijing and Kunming, both of which by then had well-established alumni organizations. Finally, in November 1988 I joined some eight hundred alumni in Kunming to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Lianda's establishment in that city. Liandas alumni have given me information, insight, friendship, moral support, and valuable criticism. From the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s, as my knowledge of the university has increased and my perspective evolved, I committed my ideas to print in nearly a dozen articles. Alumni in the United States, the People's Republic, and Taiwan have offered critical comments on these publications, as well as on draft chapters of this book, from which I have benefited enormously. In addition to interviews, I have sought to recapture a sense of place by visiting sites of Lianda's various campuses—the provincial capitals of Changsha and Kunming and the remote towns of Mengzi and Xuyong. In all these places, I enjoyed the hospitality and cooperation of local scholars, officials, and Lianda alumni. This volume is not, however, based primarily upon oral testimony and travel. Lianda left a voluminous but diffuse record, in books, periodicals, newspapers, documents, and memorabilia. Beginning

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at the Harvard-Yenching Library in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the Library of Congress and National Archives in Washington, D.C., and the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, I went on to the Guomindang archives in Taiwan and, in the PRC, to the Beijing Library, the Beijing University Library, the Yunnan Provincial Library, the Kunming Teachers College Library, and the December First Movement archives. I would like to thank the librarians, curators, and other responsible individuals in those institutions for their cooperation and assistance. I am particularly grateful to Kunming Teachers College (formerly Lianda's Teachers College, now Yunnan Teachers University) and the Alumni Liaison Office of Beijing University for hosting me, in 1980 and in 1985—86, respectively, and for facilitating my work and travel. The alumni have contributed enormously to the written record. Qinghua (conventionally romanized Tsinghua) University, one of Lianda's component parts, has a long tradition of alumni activism. The Qinghua xiaoyou tongxun (Tsinghua Alumni Gazette), published in prewar China, continued intermittently during the war and civil war, and revived in Xinzhu, Taiwan, in 1962 and in Beijing in 1980, is a rich repository of reminiscences. Since its formation in 1983, Lianda's Beijing alumni association has overseen the publication of memoirs, anthologies, chronologies, and documents. During the anniversary celebration of 1988, a flood of publications poured forth from Beijing and Kunming. In addition, there have been memoirs by former professors, novels, short stories, and essays by former students, and all manner of historical accounts written during and after the Lianda years. Everything has been grist for my mill, though I must confess that the grist has often accumulated faster than the mill has been able to grind. In addition to the Chinese associated with Lianda, I have enjoyed access, in person or by way of their writings, to foreigners who knew the Lianda scene firsthand. The published diaries of Robert Payne, who taught there from 1943 to 1946, have been particularly valuable, as have the letters and reports in the files of my teacher, mentor, and friend, the late Professor John K. Fairbank, who kindly granted me access to these materials. Others who lived in Kunming or visited it as members of the United States diplomatic and military services have also shared their recollections with me. Since there are few survivors among the small number of non-Chinese with firsthand knowledge of Lianda, and because these people played rather distinctive roles in the history of the institution, I have identified them by

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name in the endnotes. I have done the same for Lianda faculty members, many of whom are familiar to students of modern China. Exceptions have been made when my subjects requested anonymity, and even then I have taken the liberty of nullifying guarantees of confidentiality after the deaths of the individuals. In the case of alumni, I have usually dispensed with names, which would be meaningless to most readers, in favor of more important information—the years they graduated or left the university, their academic majors, and places and dates of the interviews, and in the case of the female minority, their gender. Given the hundreds of people who have been so generous with their time and understanding, it might appear unfair to single out anyone in particular. Nonetheless, there are a few without whom this book would have been poorer or, indeed impossible. John K. Fairbank introduced me to his Qinghua-Lianda friends from the 19305 and 19405, shared with me his memories and insights, and alternately encouraged and cajoled me until my manuscript was complete. My former wife, Mary H. Israel, shared Lianda with me for eighteen years, edited the first draft of the manuscript, and was a tough but loving critic. Xiao Di, who directed the Lianda history project based at Beijing University, also deserves a special note. Following a laryngectomy that left him with a diminished voice but undiminished courage, Xiao dedicated his later years to the preservation of the Lianda legacy. Far from home and family, living in monastic simplicity, Xiao threw himself into the monumental effort of organizing a support network, collecting and publishing sources, and writing Lianda's history. His persistence under adversity is a fitting tribute to his alma mater, and his generosity and openness in sharing resources and insights with me has been a model for the new era of Sino-American scholarly cooperation. Two individuals whose spiritual contributions to this work have been particularly important are Kai-yu Hsu (Xu Jieyu) and Li Xiaoliang. Hsu, a Lianda alumnus whose virtuosity as historian, biographer, writer, literary critic, and painter epitomized the best in the Chinese intellectual tradition, served as friend and mentor until his untimely death in 1981. My wife, Xiaoliang, brought to life the romance of Kunming, where I met her in 1980, and has been an unfailing source of inspiration and support ever since. On a more mundane but no less important level, this volume would have been impossible without the financial support of the following: the Social

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xili

Science Research Council, the Wilson Gee Faculty Summer Fellowship Awards, and the Sesquicentennial Associateship program at the University of Virginia, the Committee on Scholarly Communication with China, the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars, the Weedon Foundation, the Committee on Scientific and Scholarly Cooperation with the U.S., Academia Sinica, Taiwan, and the Inter-University Program for Chinese Language Studies in Taibei. The history of Liandas publication is a story in itself. The manuscript was accepted by Harvard University's Council on East Asian Publications and skillfully edited by Pamela Banks. When we reached an impasse over technical matters, the Council's executive editor, Katherine Keenum, generously allowed me to withdraw the manuscript, which was subsequently accepted by the Stanford University Press. Thanks to the painstaking efforts of Stanford's Muriel Bell, Stacey Lynn, and Shirley Taylor, this volume is at last in print. Finally, a word of appreciation to family, friends, and members of the Lianda community for waiting so patiently for its appearance.

j.i.

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Note on Conventions

Throughout this book dollars means U.S. dollars and yuan means the official currency of the Chinese national governments. Cents and pennies, unless otherwise specified, refer to hundredths of a yuan. The market value of the yuan fell from thirty American cents in June 1937 to five cents in September 1940, one cent in December 1943, half a cent in June 1944, and a twentieth of a cent in June 1945. In 1937 it took less than four yuan to buy an American dollar; in 1946 it took more than two thousand. Units of distance are cited as they appear in the sources, whether in miles, kilometers, or //'. There are approximately two // to a kilometer, three //' to a mile. In selecting a system of romanization, I discarded the old, inadequate Wade-Giles for the new, inadequate pinyin. My choice requires the uninitiated reader to cope with initial qs (pronounced "ch"), x's (pronounced "sh"), f's (pronounced "tse"), and zh's (pronounced "j"). I have modified pinyin in only one respect: by changing he (pronounced "huh") to ho when necessary to avoid confusion with the English pronoun. I have left the conventional spellings of Chiang Kai-shek and Sun Yat-sen unchanged. xv

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Lianda

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Introduction

Romantic history has long been out of style. In an age of tough-minded social-scientific analysis, the subjective vagaries of the human spirit are not allowed to blur the neat configurations of quantifiable data. But are all subjects inappropriate for treatment in the romantic vein? Take, for example, National Southwest Associated University (Lianda), where many of Chinas most eminent scholars struggled to keep Chinese culture alive during the Second Sino-Japanese war. Lianda began with an epic pilgrimage, continued through years of heroic endurance, and ended in triumph mingled with tragedy. It was clearly the stuff of romance. For two decades these scholars strove to bring their young universities— Beida, Qinghua, and Nankai—up to world standards. Suddenly Japan attacked. Campuses were seized, occupied—one, blasted to ruins. Students and teachers fled across China to escape the enemy. For a few months they found refuge in Hunan, in south-central China, but were driven out by enemy bombs. Nearly three hundred students and a dozen faculty members embarked on a sixty-eight-day trek across three of China's most primitive, i

2

INTRODUCTION

impoverished, and dangerous provinces. The journey took them through bandit-ridden Guizhou, with its rugged terrain, opium-addicted population, and lore of black magic. They made it to Kunming, deep in China's southwest hinterland, where in mud-walled classrooms they kept the lamps of learning ablaze for eight years. Japanese planes pursued the academic refugees and leveled parts of their new classrooms and dormitories, disrupted academic schedules, and forced faculty families to evacuate to outlying villages. The bombers were eventually driven from the skies by America's Flying Tigers, but a new enemy appeared: inflation. Prices soared, first tenfold, then a hundredfold. Professors sold their books and took outside jobs. The wife of the university's president peddled homemade snacks to a corner stand in order to feed her family. Students barely survived on a diet of the coarsest quality of rice and a sprinkling of vegetables. Finally Japan surrendered. Everybody prepared for a return to the campuses of north China. The scholars looked forward to a postwar era of peace and prosperity in which they could help to build a strong, democratic China. Instead, Japan's defeat brought dictatorship and civil war, persecution and death. In December 1945, the soldiers of Chiang Kai-shek bombarded the campus with grenades, killing four young intellectuals. In July 1946, after most of the faculty and students had left, Lianda's beloved poetpatriot, Professor Wen Yiduo, was gunned down. Wen's endurance under the most stringent economic circumstances and his courage in speaking out for social justice, democracy, and peace have made him a symbol of the Lianda experience. His funeral bells rang a death knell for democratic, liberal alternatives and reduced China's choices to dictatorships of the left or of the right. Three years after Wen's assassination, a Communist government came to power and began the systematic destruction of Lianda's liberal heritage. I embarked upon my study of Southwest Associated University in 1973 because I was drawn to its dramatic story: here were Chinas leading academicians exiled to a remote border city and bound together by a noble heritage and a common mandate. As I learned more about the subject, I realized that the interaction of intellects and personalities at Lianda was of extraordinary human interest and deserved to be recorded for its own sake, as well as for what it would add to institutional accounts of Chinese history. In treating my subject as a dramatic pageant, I place considerable impor-

INTRODUCTION

3

tance on the deeds and personalities of individuals. This approach has, for the most part, gone out of style. Jonathan Spence has done much to revive it in Chinese studies, and although I do not presume to compare my work with his, I do subscribe to the notion that a history drained of the human presence and reduced to the quantifiable interactions of impersonal forces is a poorer history, not only less readable but also, in a fundamental way, less accurate because it ignores the lived experience. But if Lianda were interesting only as romance, it would be better left to the novelist.1 The raison d'etre for the historical study of Lianda is that it played an enormously important role in the intellectual, cultural, and political history of mid-twentieth-century China. Woven into Lianda s history are patterns of traditions and liberal ideas, between the cosmopolitan milieu of the nation's universities and the provincial environment that surrounded them. Beyond China, Lianda raises questions of universal significance: What conditions give birth to and sustain a center of liberal education? What are the internal dynamics that enable a university to fulfill its mission? How is that mission defined and justified during periods of crisis? Even in "normal" times, how important are the precepts of critical intellect, pluralism, tolerance, and freedom of thought in a world preoccupied with hunger, disease, poverty, social injustice, and tyranny? If the Lianda experience cannot provide final answers, it can, at least, illuminate hidden dimensions of these troublesome issues. Friends and colleagues have sometimes chided me for my obsession with a single institution that lasted less than a decade, and have urged me to do something "broader." In fact, the neat chronological and spatial bounds of Lianda were partly the attraction: nothing is so seductive to a historian as a subject with a clear beginning and a clear end. Thus when I began this study, I set no timetable for completion because I saw no need for one. Surely such a limited subject could be wrapped up in short order! Now, having lived with the memories of Lianda for three times as long as the duration of the institution, I am less naive, but no less enthusiastic. I know from experience what any historian ought to know as a matter of common sense—that there is no such thing as a subject with a clear beginning and a clear end. An understanding of Lianda s origins takes us back at least to the late nineteenth century; an understanding of its legacies takes us through the 19905 into the uncharted future; and an understanding of its historical significance takes us beyond the boundaries of China into larger, transcultural questions.

4

INTRODUCTION

Just as it was the precise boundaries of the subject that originally lured me in, it is the multifaceted, open-endedness of it that has sustained my interest through more than two decades of research and writing. In reading this account, the reader will, I hope, come to share my fascination with Lianda and understand my pride in being an honorary alumnus.

P A R T

O N E

Patriots' Pilgrimage

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O N E

From Helping to Changsha What is Japan going to do next? What will Japan do tomorrow? There was always apprehension, always that tension, which is extremely annoying, extremely uncomfortable. . . . When war finally came it was a relief. — JIN

Y U E L I N , "Education i n Contemporary China"

At the gardenlike Qinghua campus five miles northwest of Beiping's old city walls, shortly after midnight on July 8,1937, Yu Zhenyong and several other students were enjoying the evening breeze and reflection of the moon in the lotus pool when the sound of cannon fire came rolling in from the west. They assumed that the armies of Song Zheyuan were on maneuvers in the countryside. Song, the local military commander, had vacillated under Japanese pressure, but, spurred on by the Beiping students' patriotic December Ninth Movement, he seemed to have stiffened his resistance, and the sound of guns was, if anything, reassuring.1 Early the next morning Wu Dayou, a young physics professor at National Beijing University (Beida), located inside the city walls, ignored the faint chatter of machine-gun fire and went on with preparations for a picnic in the Western Hills with three old friends—Rao Yutai, Wu's former professor at Nankai University and now dean of Beida's College of Natural Sciences and chairman of the physics department; Zheng Huazhi, who had graduated a class ahead of Wu and was now his departmental colleague; and Fan Jichang, 7

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Beida's dean of academic affairs. The four men were all in their thirties, nearing the peak of their academic careers, and were teaching at China's most prestigious university. Taking a watermelon for refreshment, they happily set forth on their day-long outing.2 It is not remarkable that Beiping s professors and students passed these fateful hours oblivious of their historic importance. We now know that the shots at Wanping, near the Marco Polo Bridge, marked the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War; but to Beiping residents the sound of gunfire on the night of July 7—8 was of no particular consequence. Ever since the Boxer Protocol of 1901, Japan had stationed troops in the area; and a scant six months before this night, Japanese forces had staged a mammoth military parade through the streets of Beiping. But enemy tanks had come and gone, and warplanes marked with the rising sun had buzzed the city without releasing their lethal loads. Well might sophisticated Beipingers ignore the rattle of guns a dozen miles outside the city walls. Sporadic fighting continued for the next few days, but Wu Dayou was only stirred to action when friends who had tried to leave for Tianjin only to find rail traffic suspended urged him to get out—if he could—as fast as possible. Wu sent a servant to purchase railroad tickets to Tianjin, then packed a few small bags and took his old mother with him to the station. Nine years would pass before he returned to the ancient City of Culture.3 In the days following the Marco Polo Bridge incident, Wu's colleagues pondered the future. On July 8, half a dozen Beida professors meeting at the home of Hu Shi, their perennially optimistic dean of arts, listened respectfully while Hu proclaimed the incident an isolated one that would lead to nothing. As they sat talking, a phone call from the China Travel Service reported the Tianjin-Pukou Railroad running as usual. His happy prognosis confirmed, Hu departed for a meeting of political and intellectual leaders at Lushan.4 Not all members of Beiping s summertime academic community spent their days on picnics and their evenings viewing the moon's reflection in the lotus pond. On the Qinghua campus outside the city walls some two hundred recently graduated seniors were planning their professional careers or feverishly cramming for examinations to graduate school or for study in America under the Boxer Indemnity Fund. Most male students in the freshman, sophomore, and junior classes were undergoing military training at the Xiyuan barracks in the western suburbs. On the fateful night of July 7-8,

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some of the students heard their commander, Ji Xingwen, phoning his subaltern in Wanxian. Ji's voice was stern, his message clear: "Stand your ground and don't give an inch. If you retreat, you will pay for it with your head."5 Unlike Beida, which enjoyed at least the illusion of security inside the city walls, Qinghua was exposed and vulnerable. Even before the outbreak of fighting, school authorities had begun sending books and equipment south for safekeeping. Now, with a new sense of urgency, students and teachers threw themselves into the job of packing, labeling, and shipping precious school property.6 For the moment, however, academic life continued more or less as usual. On July 10, as military skirmishes intensified and railroad traffic was again disrupted, members of the Beida-Qinghua joint committee on entrance examinations mimeographed twelve thousand copies of questions for the hopeful youths who would compete for some six hundred spaces in that fall's entering class.7 A July ii truce was followed by renewed fighting. Japanese reinforcements poured in via Tianjin. On July 14, Lieutenant General Katsuki Kiyoshi, the bellicose new commander of Japan's North China garrison, announced that his forces would "chastise the outrageous Chinese." On July 15, Japanese extremists forced their higher command to deliver an ultimatum. On July 16, Beida's Chinese department held a reception and Chairman Luo Changpei presented copies of the faculty rules to newly appointed teaching assistants Wu Shaoling and Yang Peiming.8 The continual contradictory rumors sapped civilians' initiative. "The Japanese don't intend to fight," some said; "they are just making a show of it to intimidate us." Fighting was sporadic. Makeshift fortifications went up and came down. Only gradually did it grow apparent that things would not soon return to normal. A curfew set for ten o'clock was advanced to seven.9 Day by day, food prices rose and the sound of guns grew louder. During the second fortnight of July, at a series of three meetings punctuated by artillery fire, Beida professors finally agreed on a resolution on the current situation. Two political scientists (Zhang Zhongfu and Qian Duansheng) and a professor of English (Ye Gongchao) were appointed to organize a propaganda group to disseminate a pro-Chinese view of the situation to the rest of the world.10 On the night of July 25—26, there was fighting at Langfang, midway on

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the Beiping-Tianjin railroad line. The incident provided the excuse for another Japanese ultimatum: Chinese forces must evacuate the area by noon on July 27. Song Zheyuan tried to temporize, then declared with bravado unbacked by military power that his troops would "defend the country to the best of their ability and resources."11

WAR

July 27, 4:00 P.M. Demographer Chen Da was in his study in the basement of the Qinghua library, editing an English-language manuscript— "Emigrant Communities in South China"—when his wife phoned. "Come home immediately!" she said. While Professor Chen was engrossed in his writing, Mrs. Chen had been witness to a day-long exodus. Most of the Chens' neighbors were now gone. The Chens decided to follow. Professor Chen filled two suitcases; packed his wife, three children, and a servant into a car; and directed the driver to the Qinghua Alumni Association office in Beiping. Chen was awakened at 3:00 A.M. by artillery fire. Before he could get back to sleep a school servant, "Old Huai," barged in. "I hear that the enemy is going to use poison gas," he exclaimed. "Quick, wash your nostrils with vinegar."12 At the Qinghua meteorological station, Li Hongling had been listening to the cannon fire. Back in the dorm, he was awakened by three loud explosions. He threw on a robe, tossed a towel over his shoulder, and ran down to the lounge, where fellow students were already gathered. Momentarily, through an open door, they saw Japanese planes in flight—the same ones, apparently, that had just dropped the bombs. After the planes had passed, the artillery opened up. The students were too petrified to eat. Around 10:00 P.M. they heard that a bomb had fallen into an open area of the southern compound. Nobody had been hurt, but the sacrosanct precincts of Qinghua were under fire. When somebody said that the dormitory was not as sturdy as the science building, they cleared out and joined the throng packed into the basement corridor of their new refuge. By 4:00 A.M. the shells seemed to be landing almost next door. Then the explosions grew fainter and finally there was silence—followed by machine-gun fire. Professor Chen Futian, who had experienced battle, declared that the Chinese

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forces had repulsed the enemy and were mopping up the battlefield. Nonetheless, Li Hongling and his friends spent that night in the basement of the zoology building, where they had stored basins of sand and a pail of water in case of fire as well as facemasks that they had cut out of their bedsheets in case of poison gas attack.13 July 29. Dawn broke bright and clear. Only the chirping of birds broke the morning's silence. Qinghua was its old tranquil self. Serenity was short-lived. People coming out from the city were telling of disturbing signs: police, dressed in a new kind of uniform, were posting notices on behalf of the "Peace Preservation Association." The news was unbelievable: hadn't Chinese troops just won a glorious victory? Who would follow a triumphant battle by surrendering?14 Qinghua students had completely misread events. Striking with overwhelming ground and air power at strategic points on all sides of Beiping, Japanese forces had broken the back of Chinese resistance. Students training at the western barracks had only escaped owing to the commander s decision to withdraw rather than resist. At the southern barracks, more than two hundred student volunteers had died in a hopeless defense. The machinegun fire was a sign of mopping-up operations, but it was the Japanese who had done the mopping.15 By the time Li Hongling and his friends realized the seriousness of the situation, many of their schoolmates had fled westward on the heels of General Song's Twenty-ninth Army. Since there was no way for later groups to catch up, Li and the others did the next best thing by boarding a bus into the city. At the Qinghua Association offices, they found their schoolmates, who had tried to follow in the wake of the army and had narrowly averted death at the hands of Japanese machine-gunners.16 Normal campus life at Qinghua ended altogether as Japanese soldiers began marching through the grounds, confiscating firearms—even birdguns—and posting sentries at the gates to search pedestrians. By the time Chen Da and his wife managed to get out of their house, the Japanese had clamped an embargo on the removal of luggage, so the Chens returned empty-handed to Beiping. The chaotic environment of the alumni association drove them to the Central Hotel on Changan Road, where on August 3 they watched aghast as the Japanese army made a triumphal entry into the city.17 As soon as rail service resumed, Beida and Qinghua professors headed for

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Tianjin, where they hoped to find transportation to the still peaceful Yangzi valley. Students also flocked to Tianjin, or sneaked over the city wall at night to join guerrillas in the Western Hills. Those faculty members who remained tried to save their universities from ransacking. At Qinghua, Professor Zhang Zigao headed a committee to protect school property, but on September 12, Japanese troops searched Qinghuas offices, plundered books, laboratory equipment, and other valuables, and took up positions on the campus. On October 13 troops occupied the entire campus.18 Throughout Beiping, wrote an American on the scene, "there were sudden and unwarranted invasions of private houses"—searches for Nationalist literature, Guomindang insignia, or pictures of Chiang Kai-shek and Sun Yat-sen. There were sudden arrests, without explanation and sometimes without cause. The mails were interfered with and every letter was opened and scrutinized for suspicious sentiments.19 The Chinese press was limited to printing releases from the Domei News Service, and professors were compelled to rely upon the English-language Peiping Chronicle. On August 24, the Chronicle, too, was banned, so the only outside news came over the crackle of radio broadcasts from Nanjing. With the departure of growing numbers of professors and administrators, the administration of Beida fell onto the shoulders of Secretary-General Zheng Tianting, advised and assisted by a few remaining senior colleagues. On August 25, four Japanese gendarmes paid a visit to Zheng. Two days later, enemy agents spent three hours at the library interrogating Meng Xinshi about a Sino-Russian border map. The Japanese then moved to establish a campuswide security apparatus. On September 3, troops seized several buildings; and on October 18, the puppet government occupied the rest of the campus, where, eighteen years earlier, young patriots had unfurled the first banners of the anti-Japanese student movement.20 Occupied and humiliated, Beiping was still physically intact. Tianjin was less fortunate. There, a local commander waged a fierce but short-lived resistance. In response, squadron after squadron of Japanese warplanes took off in rotation from an airfield three miles outside the city. Targets included government and communication centers, and one university—Nankai. For more than two decades, the Japanese had suffered the insolence of Nankai student demonstrators, whose line of march into the city passed directly in front of the Japanese garrison. Recently there had been an additional "provocation" when Chinese forces had used a nearby village to

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launch a secret attack on the garrison, inflicting heavy losses. That night, Dean Huang Yusheng and a few remaining students and servants abandoned the campus.21 The following day, July 29, an angry Japanese captain proclaimed to a press conference: "I inform you that today we are destroying Nankai University. It is an anti-Japanese base. All Chinese universities are anti-Japanese bases."22 After a devastating bombing raid, the Japanese sent in soldiers with straw and kerosene and burned the remnants of the handsome Nankai campus.

AN EXODUS OF ACADEMICS

With Beida and Qinghua occupied and Nankai reduced to rubble, the future of Chinese higher education was in jeopardy. Beida, the center of Chinas cultural renaissance and the birthplace of the May Fourth Movement of 1919, was Chinas most prestigious university—her Sorbonne. Qinghua, heavily endowed with funds from the American Boxer Indemnity, was China's leading institution for science and engineering—her Massachusetts Institute of Technology. And Nankai was China's outstanding nonsectarian private university. The presidents of the three institutions stood in the front ranks of Chinese educators. Jiang Menglin, a student of John Dewey, had been acting president of Beida during the 19205, then Minister of Education, and, since 1931, Beida's president. Under his leadership, the institution, plagued by political chaos, financial instability, and academic imbalance, had resumed its rise to prominence. Mei Yiqi, an American-trained physicist, had rescued Qinghua from administrative turmoil and built it into an outstanding university.23 Zhang Boling was both founder and president of Nankai. When news reached him that his life's work lay in ruins, he sat silently and then exclaimed, "The enemy can destroy the body of my Nankai; he cannot destroy its soul."24 Brave words, but how to give them substance? Fortunately, the machinery that would save all three institutions had been set in motion two years before the Marco Polo Bridge incident. Qinghua had started to hedge its bets about the future of north China in 1935, when it began construction in Changsha to house two research institutes. During the same year, the Japanese had demanded the establishment of an "autonomous region" in north China and

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Qinghua's engineering college had begun to crate equipment to move south. In the spring of 1937, as Qinghua authorities began a serious quest for refuge, Hunan's commissioner of education, Zhu Jingnung, a famous educational reformer, onetime Beida professor, and vice-minister of education under Jiang Menglin, promised wholehearted support if the university would move to the province of Hunan. Thus Changsha was chosen as an emergency site for a temporary university. Though it is unclear to what extent Beida and Nankai were in on the planning, according to the testimony of Qinghua Professor Xiao Gongquan, they were at least committed in principle to the idea.25 Other sources suggest that Beida and Nankai did not become part of the picture until after the Marco Polo Bridge incident. Zheng Tianting, who served as Beida's de facto head during the summer of 1937, denies that Beida had any plans to relocate. In moving books and equipment south in 1933 after fighting erupted at the Great Wall and moving them back after the crisis subsided, Beida had already reacted prematurely to the threat of Japanese invasion. Jiang Menglin was not about to go through all that wasted motion again.26 Institutionally, moreover, Beida was linked to its traditional location, for it was the successor to the Imperial University and had long been identified in name and tradition with the ancient city. According to his own testimony, Jiang Menglin was dragged into the scheme with great reluctance. In August 1937, Jiang recalled, the government was planning to require Beida, Qinghua, and Nankai "to combine into a union university at Changsha. . . . Hu Shi . . . asked me to put the scheme into effect. I did not welcome the idea but. . . there are things in the world which you do not want to do but must do in the end."27 The final decision was made in a special meeting of the Executive Yuan, and on September 10,1937, the Ministry of Education issued an edict: there would be two temporary universities, one at Changsha, consisting of Beida, Qinghua, Nankai, and the Academia Sinica, and the other at Xi'an.28 The news quickly reached Beiping, but response among Beida professors still in the city was far from unanimous. On October 8, twenty of them signed a letter to Jiang Menglin expressing their resolution to remain in Beiping: This school, which has been managed with great travail for forty years, will not become a neglected shell with nobody to care for it. We ... who sit in the dark waiting for the dawn will not fail to carry out to the very end our initial

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determination to defend the school and maintain learning. As for our individual sustenance, we dare not concern ourselves with such things at this juncture.29 The signatories were encouraged by a letter from Hu Shi, who expressed admiration for colleagues who chose to remain in the enemy-occupied city to carry on their lonely pursuit of scholarship.30 A stream of communications from other colleagues and a personal visit from Qiu Kaiming, who had actually been to Changsha, helped swing the balance of opinion. Financial subsidy for travel expenses, which eventually reached Tianjin by special courier, may also have changed the minds of some of Beida's less well-off faculty. Of the thirty-six Beida people still in Beiping in late October, only seven decided to stay. On November 17 the last contingent, including Zheng Tianting and eight colleagues, left for Tianjin.31 Qinghua scholars felt less anguish over the move. One reason was the leadership of Mei Yiqi, who, unlike Jiang Menglin and Hu Shi, never displayed any hesitation about the Changsha option. Another reason may have been Qinghua's American connection, which virtually assured Japanese harassment for anyone who remained behind. At Beida, the Japanese scraped together enough talent to staff a puppet university. At Qinghua such an alternative was impossible. A few did choose to remain at Qinghua. The literary scholar Yu Pingbo refused to abandon his ailing father, and Japaneseeducated Qian Daosun stayed out of ideological sympathy with the invader, but they were the exceptions. Most Qinghua professors got out, at all costs.32 Not that they were less devoted to their scholarly mission. Chen Da spent the better part of October getting his overseas Chinese study to press but managed to secure luggage, books, and manuscripts in the Legation Quarter, and then quietly make a railroad reservation. On November 10, telling nobody outside his family that he was leaving, he boarded a train for Tianjin.33 The relocation of Beida, Qinghua, and Nankai was far from unique. As the war quickly spread across north China, one after another, universities moved inland. On August 13 fighting erupted in Shanghai, and by year's end the conflagration covered the entire lower Yangzi valley. By early 1941, three years later, 77 of the 114 prewar colleges and universities had relocated in the interior. For most Beida and Qinghua academics, the lifeline to freedom began

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with a 137-kilometer rail trip to Tianjin. This first lap was the most traumatic. Knowing that, as students and intellectuals, they were at risk, they traveled disguised as peasants, merchants, or puppet functionaries. But the normally peaceful two-and-a-half-hour ride took up to twelve nerve-racking hours, during which there were frequent inspections, with searches and inquiries at the point of disembarkation. Upon the slightest suspicion, one could be seized and whisked off to an unknown fate. Nor did problems vanish with arrival in Tianjin. The refugee-packed foreign concessions were the only sanctuary, and security was not absolute even there. Japanese agents were reported tracking down Nankai students as far away as the International Settlement of Shanghai.34 Young, alone, frightened, sometimes penniless, the students knew that at any moment they could disappear without a trace.35 Faculty members worried about families and belongings. More than one professor, cut off from home by the outbreak of war, made the long trip from Shanghai or Nanjing back to occupied Beiping before he turned around and retraced his steps. The first refugees were able to leave Tianjin for Nanjing via the TianjinPukou Railroad, which terminated in a ferry ride across the Yangzi from the nation's capital, but as fighting spread along the railroad the journey became increasingly hazardous, then impossible. The only escape out of Tianjin was by ship. Tickets were scarce and costly, and the voyage was arduous. Wu Dayou borrowed several hundred yuan from his old amah for a second-class ticket on a ship to Hong Kong, from which he planned to take a train to Changsha.36 Chen Da took a boat to Shanghai and another to Nantong, where he managed to find the captain of a British-owned tugboat who was willing to stow him and his fellow travelers in a barge for ten yuan apiece, provided that they kept out of sight. The tug wound its way through backwaters and canals to Kouan, where Chen was able to board a steamer to Hankou. When he arrived there five days later, he was told that all trains to Changsha had been requisitioned by the military. After two days' wait, he found standing room on a special train for government functionaries. After a twenty-one hour ordeal, he reached Changsha. The Beiping-Changsha trip, normally a train ride of twenty-four hours, had taken nineteen days.37 Beida history student Wang Dezhao, cut off from his home in central Hebei by the unstable situation following the Marco Polo Bridge incident, eventually made his way to Changsha by setting out for Shanxi via the Beiping-Hankou Railroad. At Shijiazhuang, he met a close friend, an army

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general, who asked him to serve as his secretary with the rank of major. After suffering defeat, the troops retreated westward into Shanxi. With his rucksack containing his life's savings tied securely to his back, Wang hopped a train for the provincial capital of Taiyuan, but en route a Japanese plane swooped in to attack. The first bomb fell wide, so the pilot circled for another pass. Wang jumped off and went hurtling toward a deep ravine. His rucksack snared on a tree and saved his life. The second bomb also went awry, and Wang was able to reboard the train to Taiyuan and go on to Xi'an. At Tongguan the tracks reached the Yellow River and came to an abrupt end. There Wang encountered the infamous infantrymen of Sichuan armed with their "two guns"—the rifle and the opium pipe.38 Wang suffered no harm at the hands of the soldiers, but he did have to ford the swift current. The technique was to wait downstream of the boat's point of departure and to be carried piggyback by a coolie into the river to be thrown onto the boat as it sped past. Wang made it without wetting his feet, only to realize that his precious rucksack had remained in the coolie's hands. In Xi'an the now destitute Wang found some fellow students heading for Yan'an, the Maoist mecca for thousands of anti-Japanese youths. Politically innocent, Wang would gladly have joined them had a friend not restrained him from committing himself to the rigors of life in the Border Area. In a Xi'an newspaper Wang read that a temporary university was being formed in Changsha. With money borrowed from a friend, he made his way by railroad to Hankou. There he received food and shelter at a Ministry of Education reception station for refugee students, and finally got to Changsha in time for the opening of school.

CHANGSHA TEMPORARY UNIVERSITY

In Hunan we rested On the slopes of Hengshan, By the waters of the Xiang, Then again we moved on. — XINAN LIANDA SCHOOL ANTHEM

News of the opening of Changsha Temporary University (Changsha Linshi Daxue, or Lin Da) spread through the press and, via the school's preparatory committee, to all the students, alumni, and faculty members of Beida,

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Qinghua, and Nankai scattered across China. Lin Da enrollment eventually reached 1,452—631 from Qinghua, 342 from Beida, 147 from Nankai, and 218 through a special wartime transfer arrangement. All but a few dozen were sophomores and above, since only in Wuhan had Beida and Qinghua authorities managed to hold the scheduled joint entrance examinations. There were 148 professors—73 from Qinghua, 55 from Beida, and 20 from Nankai. Qinghua had contributed nearly half of both the faculty and the student body,39 and from its inception, Changsha Temporary University bore a Qinghua imprint. In 1937, two Qinghua research institutes were constructed at the base of Yuelu Mountain across the river from Changsha. Negotiations of Qinghua authorities with an American missionary society enabled Lin Da's preparatory committee to establish offices in the Jiucaiyuan Bible School. Lin Da was headed by a four-man standing committee consisting of the chancellors of the three constituent universities and Yang Zhensheng, the Ministry of Education liaison who had brought them together. For several reasons, de facto leadership fell into the hands of Mei Yiqi. Zhang Boling, recovering from the double loss of his life's work at Nankai and his eldest son to the Japanese war machine, had a stronger commitment to his middle school in Chongqing than to the temporary university in Changsha. Jiang Menglin had felt oppressed by administrative burdens ever since picking up the reins as Beida's chancellor in 1931. Financial uncertainty, Japanese intimidation, and student rebellion plagued him, and the ideal of a proud citadel of learning—secure from the vicissitudes of war and politics—eluded his grasp.40 He had made impressive progress in bringing together a first-rate faculty, high-quality students, and an improved physical plant, but his accomplishments at Beida only made it more difficult to transfer his loyalties to the joint enterprise in Changsha; and what he found there caused him to lose heart for further leadership. "To run a university in troubled times," he wrote, "is something of a headache": "To do it during a war, in conjunction with two other institutions not lacking in the diverse personalities and idiosyncrasies common to university professors, was worse. With the worries of war and anxiety as to my family and friends in the war zones or occupied areas, it was more than my health could endure."41 Mei, on the other hand, had for two years been preparing Qinghua for the Changsha move. Furthermore, as low-keyed but highly effective administrator of proven ability in handling proud professors and rebellious stu-

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dents, he was the ideal man to take command at this time of crisis. Mei presided over the secretarial, academic, and general affairs offices, buildings and grounds, and various specialized organs. The academic units of the three universities were merged into four colleges with a total of seventeen departments.42 College deanships were judiciously meted out—arts going to Beidas Feng Youlan, social sciences to Nankais Chen Xujin, and natural science to Qinghua's Wu Youxun. Engineering, a Qinghua monopoly, naturally went to a Qinghua man, Shi Jiayang.43 Top administrative posts also were divided among the three schools. Qinghuas Pan Guangdan was dean of academic affairs; Nankais Huang Yusheng, dean of students; and Beidas Fan Jichang, manager of general affairs.44 Nonetheless, the three institutions maintained their own identities and their own advisory systems, graduation requirements, and informal administrative apparatus. Lin Da operated on a stringent budget. The Ministry of Education approved a loan of 500,000 dollars from Sino-British Indemnity funds, but less

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than half of that amount was immediately available. The ministry's formula for wartime finance was 70 percent of the previous year's peacetime allocations. Since there were three schools at Lin Da, they were funded at half this rate, or 35 percent of their total budgets.45 Much of Changsha Temporary University was not in Changsha. The Bible college was adequate only for school offices and for classrooms for the College of Social Sciences. Most departments in the College of Natural Sciences used Yale-in-China Medical School facilities. Civil engineering students attended classes inside the city, and the electrical and mechanical engineering departments were located at Hunan University, across the river at the base of Yuelushan (Yuelu Mountain), adjacent to the site of the new Qinghua research institutes. The chemical engineering department was in Sichuan, guest of Chongqing University, and the recently formed aviation research section of the mechanical engineering department was in Nanchang, capital of Jiangsi, Hunan's neighboring province to the east. Though a skeletal staff remained in town to teach the first-year curriculum to the few freshmen, the College of Arts itself was located in a branch of the Bible college at the foot of Hengshan, the sacred mountain several hours to the south of Changsha. As students drifted into Changsha, they were housed on a catch-as-catchcan basis. Some of the men were put up in a number of the Bible college's larger rooms, equipped with closely spaced double-deck beds. Many were assigned to the less cozy Forty-ninth Brigade barracks, to sleep on straw matting. Women were domiciled at the nearby Hande Girls School. Students who could afford it (mostly those who were still getting help from their families) lived three or four to a room in off-campus housing.46 Classes began on November i, 1937—a raw, overcast day—without ceremony. Although Japanese planes "came to pay their respects," bombing was yet to become a serious problem, and it was widely assumed that the huge Stars and Stripes spread out on the lawn of the Bible college would provide more than merely talismanic protection. Physical conditions were less than ideal. The shortage of classrooms made it necessary to extend classes into the early evening hours. There was also a shortage of laboratory equipment. Lin Da and the Beiping library each contributed 40,000 yuan to purchase books and periodicals, but new acquisitions had to be shipped in via Hong Kong. The Bible school's auditorium became a makeshift library, sparsely furnished with a few book-

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shelves, tables, chairs, and benches—a far cry from the multimillion-volume resources of Beiping's libraries. There were just five thousand—odd Chinese language volumes and a thousand or so Western-language works, so when famous speakers came, it took little effort to clear the shelves from the middle of the floor to accommodate the student audience. At Hengshan the arts college augmented its meager collection with books purchased from students fortunate enough to have any to sell.47 With so few reference works, students had to rely on lectures, but these often fell short of prewar standards. Nearly all the professors had had to flee with little more than the clothes on their backs, and with notes filed away in Beiping, they had to reconstruct lectures from memory—though, thanks to the Chinese emphasis on rote learning, many were able to recall material with great accuracy. A few made a virtue of necessity and soared to creative heights as they imparted their knowledge spontaneously. Less-gifted colleagues fussed and floundered, leaving students bewildered. Because wartime inflation had not yet begun to take its toll, professors could get by on 70 percent of their prewar salaries, but most of the students, with government scholarships discontinued and lacking the support of their families, had to get by on very little. Lin Da authorities set tuition at a nominal ten yuan and gave loans of between fifteen and twenty-five yuan to some 280 hard-pressed students. Academic Dean Pan Guangdan served on a student relief committee that raised money, arranged part-time jobs, and disbursed financial aid.48 Even clothing was at a premium, since many refugees had fled in summer apparel. Lin Da authorities distributed emergency clothing for the chill, damp Hunan winter—for the males, khaki trousers, a jacket and a cap, and a black overcoat, which could serve as an extra blanket at night. The military garb with two brass Lin Da buttons on the collars gave students a degree of self-confidence as they jostled against soldiers in Changshas crowded streets.49 Food, at least for a time, was abundant and cheap. For a few yuan a week, a student could join six or seven comrades for two meals a day in a nearby restaurant. Connoisseurs soon had Changshas eateries staked out, from the Lihesheng, famous for its beef, and the Jiuruchai, renowned for its candied fruit delicacies, to places where you could get steaming dishes of bean curd with peppers, fatty pork, and vegetables, or big-horned fish.50 Even those who relied on campus canteens ate well, and for snacks Hunan offered a

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wide variety of fresh fruits and specialities such as the famous thin rice vermicelli. All-night scholars frequently went out for a cheap but nutritious midnight snack of wine-fermented eggs.51 But some down-and-out students had to go through the day on ten cents' worth of sweet potatoes, and by early 1938, as personal finances became strained and the cost of living rose, even the better-off students had to abandon restaurants altogether in favor of roadside stalls.52 For homesick northerners, Changsha took some getting used to. Hunan's bowls and spoons were giant-sized, and its chopsticks so long that they were said to be for feeding the person on the opposite side of the table rather than oneself. More challenging still were the fiery hot peppers, which stung the refugees' palates. Wintertime Changsha was cold and dreary. The streets were narrow. The better ones were cobblestoned, others covered with crushed stone; some were no more than alleys of mud.53 The Hunanese had a reputation for contentiousness. Rickshaw pullers, for instance, were notoriously slow and surly, unlike their courteous, fleet-footed confreres in Beiping. The most attractive place in the locality was not in Changsha but across the river at Yuelushan. On the slopes of its verdant hill near Lianda's engineering school, there were temples, pavilions, and historic monuments, favorite destinations for student and faculty excursions.

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The natural beauty and cultural monuments of Yuelushan paled in comparison with the fairyland of Hengshan, the sacred mountain where the arts college had settled. There, to demonstrate the futility of striving for Buddhahood, the Zen adept Huai Rang had ground a brick to make a mirror. There, too, the neo-Confucian sage Zhu Xi had lived. It was an ideal place for the College of Arts. As Feng Youlan, the greatest of China's neo-Confucian philosophers, reflected: "We were sufferers of the same fate met by the Southern Song dynasty, that of being driven southward by a foreign army. Yet we lived in a wonderful society of philosophers, writers, and scholars, all in one building."54 For Feng and his fellow philosophers these were productive months. Tang Yongtong finished the first part of his History of Chinese Buddhism. Jin Yuelin completed his book On the Tao, and Feng wrote the bulk of Xin LiXue (The New Neo-Confucianism).55

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Hengshan was so remote that newspapers were two or three days old by the time they were delivered. To reach Hengshan the arts college contingent had to go by bus through Xiangtan, cross the Xiang River by ferry, and from the little market town of Nanyue, four or five hours south of Changsha, continue on by foot, with their meager belongings on carrier poles, for a mile and a half up a mountain path, past a rocky overlook above Bailongtan (White Dragon Lake), to the Bible school compound, surrounded by lush foliage and stately bamboo. In keeping with the idyllic setting, the academic schedule was relaxed. Because reference books were few, graduating seniors were excused from writing theses, and required courses sometimes consumed only eight hours a week.56 A favorite diversion was to stroll on the nearby mountain paths to look down at picturesque Bailongtan. The rocks above the pond, however, could be wet and treacherous. Not long after their arrival, Ho Yujun, a Beida student from Canton, slipped and became the twelfth recorded person to meet his death at this lovely spot.57 At the highest of Hengshan s seventy-two peaks twenty kilometers beyond the Bible school, hikers could spend the night at a temple and get up to see the sun rise over a sea of clouds.

AUTUMNAL WINDS

In autumn, we leave our homes Like falling leaves blown to and fro. . . . Flocks of homeless waifs, we wait Till fall gives way to wintry death. — M U D A N , "In Autumn"

These idyllic days did not last. On December 13, Nanjing fell to the Japanese. Chiang Kai-shek's crack divisions had been decimated trying to stop them, and nothing was left to hold the enemy legions from the Yangzi heartland. Growing numbers of wounded soldiers straggled into Changsha. The nonambulatory, dumped at the railroad station not far from the college, lay in the mud groaning for water.58 The station became a target for Japanese bombs. As Dr. Yang Buwei stood outside her home talking with a friend, enemy planes flew in so low that she could see the pilots. Dr. Yang was

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shortly summoned to the station, where the bombs had fallen, but she had no medicine or facilities for treating the wounded. In the carnage she found a group wailing. They had been at a wedding in an adjacent church. The groom had survived unscathed, but all that could be found of the bride was a bloody severed leg, the foot still clad in its embroidered red shoe.59 Even when overcast skies protected Changsha from airborne death, the alert signal would send everyone scurrying for shelter. Teachers and students took refuge in nearby tombs or the Bible college cellar. "Don't put all your eggheads in one basement!" quipped Zhao Yuanren to Jiang Menglin.60 Professor Zhao's puns notwithstanding, the mood of the people was anything but jocular after the fall of Nanjing. They would sit in ill-heated rooms, choking on stove fumes and worrying.61 One girl's sobs would set off a chain reaction until everyone in the women's dormitory was in tears.62 Yet angry young feminists stormed into the office of school authorities and demanded an equal opportunity to serve their country when they heard rumors that Lin Da boys—but not girls—would be recruited into wartime service.63 Upon arrival in Changsha, many professors had assumed that they would be mobilized. Even if they were not sent to the front, surely the government could use their talents for wartime production or for educating the troops and general populace. But the government had no such plans, and the faculty soon fell into the familiar routine of preparing lectures, teaching, and grading papers.64 The student patriots who had braved fire hoses and broadswords in the historic demonstrations of December 1935 found no solace in the familiarity of academic routine. These anti-Japanese zealots decided to perpetuate the December Ninth tradition by publishing a news sheet called Huoxianxia sanrikan (Fireline Tridaily). Five days after enemy troops entered Nanjing, Huoxianxia sanrikan carried "The Confessions of a University Student," a withering indictment of the obliviousness and self-deception that the author (writing under the pseudonym Huang Ke) found among his fellow undergraduates.65 The article complained that the efforts of students "working from within" to revamp their curriculum for war were just an excuse for weakness, as was every other reason given for not leaving the classroom. Students lacked the foresight to see that soon universities would be shattered and their homes under enemy occupation. Waiting out the war and fulfilling

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their duties after getting degrees was the degenerate planning of a new "literati" class. "If you grub after academic credentials during this life or death crisis and the nation is lost, there won't be anything to do with your diplomas:" Complaining that the government had planned no appropriate wartime work for college students, some activists returned to campus disillusioned after military training or service in the war areas. If such students really want to serve their country, they will have to lower their expectations, learn to endure hardship, and take on the workaday tasks of motivating, organizing, and training the people. Millions of soldiers are spilling their blood across the length and breadth of the land. What did they get from their country in peacetime? We are the ones who have enjoyed our country's blessings. For every college student, the nation spends at least a thousand yuan a year. ... If we go on living on our lovely campuses, how can we face the dead? Huang's article bore a poignant postscript: "Written on the eve of enlisting." Huang was not alone in his sense of duty. In ones and twos and then by the score, students answered the call. Radicals entrained for Wuhan, where they went to Eighth Route Army headquarters and met recruiters for the Anti-Japanese Political and Military Academy (Kangda) in Yan'an, the Communists' legendary wartime bastion in northern Shaanxi province. Soon they were en route to join Mao's legions. Greater numbers had unabated confidence in the central government and flooded to the support of Chiang Kai-shek. For them there were a host of military units, training schools, and auxiliary organizations, all hungry for educated manpower. The most attractive opportunities were offered by General Hu Zongnan, hero of the bloody battles of the lower Yangzi. Enlistment in Hu's Hunan Youth Field Service Corps was spurred by returning veterans, who reported the local population's indifference to the needs of the soldiers fighting on their behalf. Wounded men had died on the battlefield for lack of stretcher bearers, Chinese commanders had been deprived of basic intelligence on local conditions, and enemy agents had operated with impunity among civilians. In one group of fifty corps enlistees were three doctors, ten nurses, two cartoonists, a theater arts specialist, and some thirty-five Lin Da students. Volunteers ran the gamut from nonpartisan patriots and Guomindang stalwarts to Communist infiltrators.66

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Lin Da leaders did what they could to modify education in light of wartime demands. Within each dormitory students were assigned sequential numbers in paramilitary units. An expanding military training program was organized under the nominal leadership of Zhang Boling and the actual command of Lieutenant Colonel Mao Hong, assisted by four majors who had graduated from the Central Military Academy and the Central Political School. These men channeled students into the army, and the university directed other volunteers into national defense organizations and arranged to maintain the academic status of students while they were in the service. After the fall of Nanjing, university channels proved inadequate to contain the flood of young patriots who inundated authorities with requests to enlist. How could Lin Da contend with a massive exodus from its gates? To find an answer, Mei Yiqi hurried to Wuhan, where he solicited guidelines from central authorities. On January 5,1938, at a general assembly convened upon his return, Mei told students that their government wished them to stay calm, stick to their desks, and prepare to contribute to a future national renaissance.67 Far from dampening the fires of youthful patriotism, Meis remarks only added fuel. His main support came from the faculty, which as Wen Yiduo acidly observed, was only too ready to keep on doing what it had always done. Even younger professors were too set in professional ways, too constrained by families and careers, to plunge nobly into battle. But what kind of education should be their priority? By the end of 1937, a nationwide debate was raging over proposals for "wartime education." Reformists held that perpetuating the peacetime curriculum during a national crisis would be irrelevant and irresponsible. If higher education were to continue at all, it must focus on the immediate future and gear its curriculum to national defense, for without survival, China would have no "long run." To the proud academics of Lin Da, such arguments were meaningless. These Ph.D.s from Oxford, Harvard, and the Sorbonne were neither interested in nor prepared to teach "wartime education"—whatever that meant. The single exception was Zeng Zhaolun, who even before the war had in his chemistry courses given instruction in the manufacture of explosives and

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defense against poison gas. It had little impact on his students, though, and none at all on his colleagues. From the Ministry of Education down to the colleges, educators were firmly opposed to major curricular change. The wartime education movement became a monopoly of the left, which could point to Yan an, where such concepts were being put into practice. To promote the populist Yan'an model and recruit students for the Communist-led war effort in the northwest, radicals invited Xu Teli, the Eighth Route Army's liaison chief in Changsha, to speak on campus. The Guomindang governments response came in a confidential telegram ordering Lin Da authorities to "prevent hotblooded youth from being hoodwinked" and proposing to ban off-campus speakers.68 Lin Da's leaders were not prepared to suppress free speech, but neither were they prepared to sacrifice the university's survival. Some central government officials suggested moving Changsha Temporary University to Chongqing, and a university delegation went off to explore possibilities in Guangxi, but attention settled on Yunnan. Yunnan means "South of the Clouds," a picturesque indication of its remoteness. Deep in the southwest yet connected to the outside world by the Kunming-Hanoi Railroad, that province offered the ideal combination of maximum distance from the Japanese and maximum communication with Hong Kong, Shanghai, and the West. Talk of a move to the city of Kunming opened a new fissure in the Guomindang camp. On one side were educators seeking a secure place to continue their work and central political leaders who saw in their faculty and students the hope for Chinas future. On the other side were Hunanese authorities who had welcomed the arrival of Qinghua and Lin Da as a chance to develop local pride but eventually saw the university as a source of educated leadership for Hunan's wartime mobilizations. The principal spokesman for the latter view was the province's governor, General Zhang Zhizhong, who paid Lin Da a special visit to deliver his message: "I am responsible for defending this place; I am determined to stand by Changsha. If any of you feels your life is in danger," he said sarcastically, "go jump in the Xiang River!"69 Zhang's strong words were not lost upon students who shunned the labels "traitor" and "coward." Still more persuasive, however, was the oratory of General Chen Cheng. China had plenty of soldiers, Chen told the students. What it lacked was men of learning: "You are Chinas last drop of blood"—

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her "national treasure." If this precious treasure were squandered as cannon fodder, the nations future would be grim indeed.70 Chen stiffened the students' determination to stick to their books. The university's administration, moreover, had already set its course. Jiang Menglin went to Wuhan to seek approval for the move to Kunming and on January 14 returned triumphant. The mandate for moving now bore the imprimatur of the most revered figure of wartime China, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. But the opposition remained adamant. The day after Jiang Menglin's return, Huoxianxia sanrikan published a broadside addressed to Lin Da's authorities and students entitled "Oppose the policy of Cultural Evasion."71 Under the penname Yu Zi, Huoxianxia praised the "heroic, dedicated students" who had "bravely abandoned the comfortable life of academe and thrown themselves into the maelstrom of struggle." "We can understand the concern that the Lin Da authorities have for preserving culture," Yu wrote, but that meant "preserving culture everywhere and at all times." It did not mean resorting to the "stupid . . . preservation through flight." Unless "we are willing to act the role of traitors or of men without a country," he chided, "we do not have the luxury of withdrawing to a safe ivory tower." For Lin Da's intellectual elite to flee would, he warned, undermine public morale during the nation's struggle for survival. A move to Yunnan would not only make a mockery of everything that the Guomindang's own educational leaders claimed to stand for, it would betray the students' patriotic legacy: "The sons and daughters of the heroic post-December Ninth history are not accustomed to retreat and evasion. Even less are they accustomed to ... calling for everybody else to sacrifice but withdrawing and hiding as soon as the sacrifice falls upon their own heads." The article was followed up in petitions to the Wuhan government, and by a telegram to Chiang Kai-shek urging him to keep Lin Da in Changsha as an example to the people. It was a vain effort: Lin Da was to move to Kunming. The decision became official on January 19. Five days later examinations brought the first semester to a close. Between January 27 and February 10, a total of 820 students filled out forms expressing their desire to go to Yunnan.72 Though more than 600 students had dropped out to join the war effort, transfer to other colleges, or return home, a clear three-fifths of the student body had declared themselves ready to carry on "south of the clouds."

TWO

Lianda's Long March To read ten thousand books is not as good as walking a thousand-li road. — C H I N E S E

S A Y I N G

How would Lin Das students and teachers get to remote Yunnan? Somebody had an inspired thought. Let the girls, the infirm, most faculty members and their dependents go via train and ship. But let the rest—able-bodied male students and faculty escorts—go overland, on foot. Then let the outside world judge whether the epithets "cowards" and "traitors" were appropriate for men who embarked on such an arduous trek to preserve China's cultural heritage! Fortunately, Lin Da military instructor Lei Shuzi was a native Yunnanese who had frequently traveled to and from his province. University authorities worked with Lei's information and on January 21, 1938, announced that there would be two routes for reaching the new campus: one by rail through Canton and Hong Kong, by ship to Haiphong, and by rail again from Hanoi to Kunming; another by foot across a thousand miles of western Hunan, Guizhou, and eastern Yunnan.1 This long march would offer patriotic students an opportunity to see remote parts of their native land and the living

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conditions of their countrymen. The idea of trekking through the hinterland appealed to populists eager to identify with the masses and to activists ready to rally the people of these isolated areas under the banner of resistance to Japan. The idea appealed also to those with curiosity or a zest for adventure and physical challenge. Many were excited by the prospect of sharing a larger historical experience, like the seventh-century monk Xuan Zang, who had revitalized Chinese culture by bringing Buddhist scriptures from India. Others considered the impact that such an epic trek would make upon world opinion. Some volunteers felt it would be more patriotic to march overland than to take a route that passed through such colonial territories as Hong Kong (seized from China in 1842) and Tonkin (China's protectorate taken by the French in 1885). Also, two months of travel through the impoverished back country would spare students the expensive enticements of Hong Kong and other modern cities, and walking would make them eligible for a travel subsidy,2 a feature that particularly appealed to young men cut off from family support by the Japanese occupation. All students had to undergo a thorough physical examination. Female students were excluded from the march because of their presumably weaker constitutions, the primitive and potentially dangerous conditions in the interior, and the inconvenience of having to arrange for separate accommodations for the two sexes. On the morning of February 13, students flocked to the bulletin board where the list of successful applicants had been posted and cried out with joy when they found their names. There was one more hurdle—a weighing-in to weed out any who were too frail for the ordeal. Anguished bantamweights met the requirements by slipping books inside their clothes to bring themselves over the minimum limit. Thirty percent of the Yunnan-bound students, 244 young men, were selected to march. Some of them overcame impassioned pleas from worried relatives, as in the following exchange between Qinghua junior Cai Xiaomin and his uncle, who said: "I recommend that you go by sea. There is no need to walk." "I have gone through the physical exam and come out in class A. School regulations specify that those in class A must join the march," Cai replied, with irrefutable logic. "All right. A little walk won't hurt you. But remember, it's early to bed,

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early to rise. . . . Here is a bottle of good medicine for curing malaria. . . . Now, be sure to write regularly." These were brave parting words from Cai's uncle, but the tears in his eyes betrayed his true feelings.3 To lead the march, Hunan's governor, Zhang Zhizhong, chose Lieutenant-General Huang Shiyue, a tall, affable, seasoned commander from the North who had developed a sense of moral discipline under the tutelage of "the Christian general" Feng Yuxiang. Huang organized the brigade in military fashion. Under him were Mao Hong, a no-nonsense lieutenant colonel who had been in charge of Lin Da's military training program, and two of Mao's instructors, Majors Zhou Zhenhua and Zhuo Chao. Zhou and Zhuo had a company apiece, further divided into three platoons consisting of three squads each. They elected their own platoon captains as well as lieutenants to serve as squad leaders. Huang Shiyue had an administrative assistant, and also two majors, three professors, and seven or eight elected students. Huang Yusheng, a professor of education and secretary-general of Nankai University, was de facto chief of staff for the headquarters, as well as manager of the group's funds and academic leader of the march. He often acted in concert with his former colleague, botany professor Li Jitong. The faculty contingent—eleven in all—was a "leadership unit." They had also a three-man radio team, a medical department (Dr. Xu Xingmin and two male nurses), and a finance section with two trained accountants. In addition to Huang Yusheng and Li Jitong, faculty volunteers included Qinghua's eminent poet and literary scholar, Wen Yiduo; Beida's Professor Zeng Zhaolun, a renowned chemist, bohemian, patriot, and champion of wartime education; and the widely traveled geologist, Qinghua's Yuan Fuli, as well as half a dozen less famous junior colleagues. February 19 would be the day of departure. The first leg of the march, northwest from Changsha to Changde, would be by boat, following the Xiang River downstream to Dongting Lake, and continuing along the south shore of the lake westward to the mouth of the Yuan River, which they would take upstream to Changde. There they would set out on foot, on the second leg, going southwest at an average rate of twenty kilometers a day for the first week, twenty-five the second, thirty the third, and thirty-five thereafter. The group would be called the Changsha Temporary University Hunan-Guizhou-Yunnan Marching Brigade. In the days immediately before setting off, the marchers were given care-

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ful instructions. Before each day's march, the students were to don clean socks and carefully bind their legs with puttees. They were cautioned to be careful what they ate and drank and to make certain they got enough sleep. Lieutenant Colonel Mao discussed the details of the march and distributed food bags and maps. At a final meeting on the morning of February 17, each student received a shoulder emblem inscribed with a four-digit number. The day before the scheduled departure, some marchers in reaction to the double dosages of tetanus and typhoid inoculations that Dr. Xu had ordered, held aching heads in their hands or leaned limply against lamp poles. On February 19, one student, a native of Changsha, noted in his diary: "Huanming came and helped me to make up the bedroll. Afterward we weighed it, and it was sixteen or seventeen kilos, somewhat overweight [the official limit was fifteen] b u t . . . I took it to school just as it was, and they paid no attention to the fact that it was overweight. In fact all the students' baggage was overweight by about ten kilos."4 At 5:00 P.M. on February 19 they all assembled on campus. A school official proclaimed that the university was moving to preserve the highest level of culture for China. The trek was not, as conservatives had charged, a cloak for leftist agitation. At 6:00 P.M. the marchers were sworn in; issued cups, rice bowls, and chopsticks; and led to the pier. But it seemed that arrangements for renting the boats had not been concluded, so departure was put off until the next evening. "As I begin this... venture, I cannot help shedding some secret tears. How will my mother manage to get through these three lonely years?" the Changsha native wrote in his diary.5 As they watched the dim lights of Changsha fade into the night, these impatient young men thought three years an interminable length of time. None imagined that the war would go on for more than seven.

FROM

BOATS TO BOOTS

On the train of wooden boats floating northward down the Xiang, the mood turned romantic. There was talk of the bandits in the wilds of western Hunan, the mysterious Miao in the mountains of Guizhou with their primitive beliefs and quaint customs. Under a full moon the budding folklorist Wen Yiduo listened to the boatmen singing in responsive chorus, interrupted only by splashing of the oars.6

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The next day, after a fitful night's sleep in cramped quarters, the voyagers resumed their idyll. The riverbanks were lined with lush green foliage. Around noon, smiling countrywomen rowed alongside to peddle barbecued chicken. After sunset the sky filled with stars. The students chatted about the detailed plan distributed on board. The trek from Changde, where they would disembark, to Kunming would take seventy-one days. There was excitement over the anticipated adventure, but also grumbling. The Changsha student wrote in his diary: February 21: Because the leadership group has not performed satisfactorily, there have been numerous difficulties. The first day there were no boats and nobody to take charge. Today eight or nine students in the Second Company refused to leave the embankment at Beimashi because they hadn't eaten, and this held us up for a long time. The head of the leadership group, Huang Yusheng, is a crafty double-dealing type and is constantly passing the buck to Commander Huang Shiyue. Commander Huang always says politely that it is none of his business.7 Considering the chaos and delays at the beginning of the trip, such criticism is not surprising. Few veterans of the march endorse the diarist's acerbic view of the blunt but fair-minded Huang Yusheng, but the choice of this Nankai professor to lead the group did ruffle the feathers of some marchers. The Nankai ethos of order, neatness, and discipline that Huang represented was too regimented for some accustomed to the more individualistic culture of Qinghua or the bohemian lifestyle of Beida. On February 22, the boats stopped in a narrow channel, where General Huang announced that the watercourse beyond that point was too shallow for the propeller-driven steam tug. All heavy luggage was to be placed aboard one large barge, accompanied by an eighteen-man contingent, which would unload it at Changde and make arrangements for the rest of the group. The remainder of the flotilla would head up the Zishui River to a point just below Yiyang, where they would land and walk to Changde. Downstream from Yiyang the marchers stepped off in smart military ranks behind an enormous brigade banner. The pace was brisk. Soon they were panting for breath. At the end of the first twenty kilometers, students were besieging Dr. Xu to treat their blisters, and nearly a dozen went directly to General Huang Shiyue and Professor Huang Yusheng in quest of remedies

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for raw, bleeding feet.8 This first day's walk was over easy, fairly level ground. If they could not cope with this, the next seventy days would be torture. Catching up with the marchers between Yiyang and Changde, the brigade's two baggage trucks provided welcome relief for the twenty or thirty whose feet were badly blistered. A few intrepid souls had elected to go entirely on foot, spurning the boats. Among them was the eccentric chemist Zeng Zhaolun, who had vowed to walk all the way from Changsha to Kunming. For their pains, the novice marchers were amply rewarded by the sight of central Hunan's rural scenery—gently terraced hills, flooded paddies, fresh roadside grasses and flowers, stands of bamboo, slopes of dark green tea bushes interlaced with pine groves, and neatly cultivated plots of vegetables. Palm trees were reflected in limpid pools. In the late afternoon, the setting sun breaking through clouds over distant peaks accented the color of golden fields of flowers.9 At their first stop, the town of Zhunshanpu, the local people ushered the marchers into their homes, offered them boiled drinking water, laid out beds of fresh straw, and listened eagerly to reports of Chinese victories in the antiJapanese resistance. They learned the students' patriotic songs, and sent off their guests the next morning with strings of firecrackers.10 Ten miles out of Zhunshanpu, still glowing from this hospitality, the students encountered a thirteen-year-old youth moaning by the roadside. The family's military obligation had fallen upon him because his sixteenyear-old brother was an opium addict. Recruited into the army in Zhejiang, several hundred kilometers to the west, the boy had collapsed with a foot injury and been released only after his superiors discovered that he was underaged and too weak to carry a rifle. They had given him a safe-conduct pass and left him to find his way home as best he could. Gross abuses in the local conscription system were reported by a small restaurateur in the town of Taizimiao. Like predatory beasts, recruiting officers had already swooped down on the local population on four occasions, and a fifth assault was imminent. Conscripts were few, but the recruiters had amassed a tidy sum in payoffs.11 Even the motor traffic on the highway reminded the marchers of China's inequities. Many of the vehicles carried the well-heeled families of military officers or government officials. The power brokers of Changsha sent their female dependents to Changde to avoid the air raids, but these

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ladies of leisure could not endure the dearth of consumer goods in their place of refuge, so official transportation had been arranged for shopping trips back to Changsha.12 Arriving in Changde for a one-day layover, the marchers found that an influx of war refugees had stimulated a commercial boom, with incumbent problems for a city that still relied on outside sources for its material needs. In vain one of the students sought a place to repair his glasses, and others, in quest of a long-anticipated bath, discovered both town bathhouses full. The next day they managed to get into the New People s Bathhouse, but the tub was so dirty that one of them, a chemistry major, ran out to get two bottles of potassium permanganate to disinfect it. In Changde the marchers received their second typhoid shots, another double dose administered by Dr. Xu with a dull needle that did little to enhance the reputation of this proud graduate of the Yale-in-China Medical School. The next day students were reeling from the aftereffects of the shots, so they decided to take a steamer as far as Taoyuan. They embarked in midmorning to the wailing of the air raid siren. By 1:00 P.M. they reached Tonghuangzhou, where shallow water made further passage impossible. Under the hot sun, they set out over hills and through fields of black and white broad bean buds. At Taoyuan some marchers (including the Changsha diarist) were billeted with local families: "Around the house where I was staying were bamboo and poplars, forming a fence. In the yard were fruits and vegetables. A gentle spring breeze was blowing, making the natural verdure ripple as in waves. . . . Were it not for this trip, how could I really know the greatness of my native land?"13 The legendary Taohuayuan—the Peach Blossom Paradise—alleged site of Tao Qian s famous fairytale about a rustic Utopia, was twenty kilometers beyond on the route of the next days march. They found the approach to the site lined with blooming peach trees and a cave inscribed with the words, "Ancient Cave of the Man of Qin," recalling the legendary person who had wandered into the Peach Blossom Paradise more than two thousand years earlier. In front of the cave was a pond with a pavilion and a stone monument carved with the words of the Ming dynasty philosopher Wang Yangming: "Where is the Peach Blossom Spring? High in the west rise the peaks at the place of the garden. No need to ask the fisherman; just follow the streams and walk among the blossoms."

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That night the marchers stayed in the little town of Zhengjiashi and the next morning continued southwest toward the Guizhou border. The national highway had been opened with much fanfare barely three years earlier. Highway is perhaps a misnomer for this two-lane dirt road full of potholes. Its maximum speed was about twenty miles per hour, and students who rode in the trucks risked head injury from the bumps and jolts. Most of them considered walking the more agreeable mode of travel. Chiang Kai-shek had moved his troops over this road in pursuit of Mao Zedong's Long Marchers, as numerous concrete blockhouses and anti-Communist wall slogans testified. But few students realized that the road had also been built to permit Yunnanese opium to reach Hankou and Guangzhou without passing through Guangxi, where an opium transit tax supported Chiangs rivals.14 Like opium and motor roads, guns were part of the Chinese scene the students were passing through. Whatever respect unarmed intellectuals might elicit, they wielded no authority. Mao s comment that "power grows out of the barrel of a gun" was simply a dramatic statement of a truism that even the old soldier Huang Shiyue could not ignore. For the first few days of the march, whenever the "Commander of the Changsha Temporary University Hunan-Guizhou-Yunnan Marching Brigade" solicited help, local people turned a deaf ear, but when Huang began to speak as "Lieutenant General Huang Shiyue," they hastened to obey.15 The brigade looked very much like a demobilized unit of a warlord's army—khaki uniforms, and heavy all-purpose padded black cotton army coats. The students had also been issued oil-paper umbrellas, a Changsha favorite. Some carried walking sticks for extra support and for protection against dogs and snakes. Their belts were strung with water bowls, chopsticks, canteens of boiled water, and lunch sacks. All this gear required getting used to, particularly the puttees. The price of ignorance was painful swelling of the legs. The trick was to make sure before starting out that the puttees were tightly wrapped to stop the flow of blood into the lower leg and that, upon reaching each day's destination, the puttees were loosened and legs soaked in warm water.16 Many marchers set out in leather shoes, but these soon wore out and had to be replaced with straw sandals, sold along the route at three pairs for a penny. They would wear one pair and carry a spare on their belts. At first

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they tied the sandals directly onto their bare feet, but they soon learned that coarse socks would protect their toes from the friction of straw thongs. They became connoisseurs of straw footwear. Hunan sandals were of inferior quality; small pebbles worked their way through the straw and the sandals soon disintegrated. Guizhou sandals, however, held up even through days of rain. The few who clung to city footwear discovered that sandals worn over leather shoes afforded good traction. Each student subsisted on a lean budget of sixty cents a day. After thirty cents had been deducted for meals, ten cents went for kerosene for lamps, and twenty cents remained for pocket money. In the depressed economy of Chinas hinterland, twenty cents sufficed for sandals, souvenirs, snacks, and sweet wine at two or three cents a pot. Thanks to the two trucks, students were able to travel light. The vehicles carried heavy equipment, cooking utensils, bedrolls, and kerosene lamps (one for each squad). The brigade generally marched for three days, an average of twenty to twenty-five miles per day, and then rested a day. At 5:30 A.M. there was a breakfast of rice, steamed buns, vegetables, a bit of meat. Lunch on the road was mainly a flatbread called luobing; each marcher was given two hunks of bread for his lunchsack along with whatever leftovers were available from the last night's meal. With nothing more than this skimpy lunch for a long day's hike, students easily forgot Dr. Xu's injunction against patronizing insanitary roadside stands. At these places you could eat your fill for a dime, though your meal might include scrapings from earlier customers' bowls. General Huang had a bicycle that he rode back and forth two or three times a day along the ragged, strewn-out columns of hikers. The trucks with cooks and kitchen equipment arrived at the night's stopover well in advance of the marchers.17 The trucks also carried sick or lame members of the brigade and a dozen students selected in rotation from each platoon to serve as an advance party to find lodging, buy supplies and sleeping straw, and make other preparations for the rest. After dropping off the advance contingent, the trucks returned to pick up bedrolls (one for every two hikers) and other baggage. The marchers' only responsibility was to get themselves to the next stop in time for dinner. "The food," one of them recalled, "was not only nutritious but delicious. To say that we suffered undue hardship would be an exaggeration."18 The length of each day's march and the frequency of stopovers varied according to the availability of places large enough to feed and house three

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hundred people. General Huang consulted a detailed military map that showed streams, population counts, even wells. With this data, he was generally able to choose suitable overnight stops, but occasionally the marchers had to improvise. Whenever possible, they found housing in schools, other public buildings, or old temples. For a small sum the priests or monks were glad to rent out their ample floor space. One unforgettable night Company i took quarters in the inner hall of a temple surrounded by statues of fierce guardian deities in the company of a corpse in a coffin. Stored coffins often served as beds for the students—some would sleep on top of the rough wooden biers, some underneath. One night they slept on the floor of a country teahouse with the proprietors dogs, oxen, pigs, and goats. The marchers were too tired to care. The farther from Changsha they got, the smaller the towns became, and the less adequate the lodging. Sometimes peasants' huts were the only choice.

H U N A N ' S WILD WEST The traveler follows the road to the Hunan border. With mountains as escorts, accompanied by water, he walks; The hills ring with songs of kingfisher-blue birds, The valleys echo with sounds of rushing streams. — W A N G Y U Z H E , "San qian li lu yun heyne"

A changing panorama opened up before the students as they climbed higher into the rugged uplands of western Hunan—the fields of rape, broad beans, red-blossomed plum trees, and spring willows around Changde gave way to steep terraced fields and paper mills powered by strong mountain currents, seen mistily through the rain. The upland hillsides clad in the greens of tea bushes and pine forests led on to higher country where roads twisted and turned past coal, silver, and iron mines, and pretty peasant girls sauntered by in dress that had long since disappeared from the lowlands. As the scenery grew wilder, apprehension built, for the West Hunan borderlands were notoriously lawless. Brigade leaders had prepared for travel in this unsettled region by paying their respects to the headmen of underworld organizations and securing letters of introduction from one to another. In this manner, secret society members all along the route of the

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brigade were alerted and, it was hoped, were disposed to grant it safe passage. Foreseeing the danger that from a distance the khaki-clad marchers would be mistaken for a column of armed soldiers, the "brothers of the forest" took pains to make sure that these "national treasures" passed through without incident. A farmer holding aloft a live rooster would be sent to lead the way. High in the mountains on both sides of the roads, students could spy solitary sentries armed with rifles, presumably to protect rather than threaten, but nobody could be sure.19 As a further precaution, as they went farther upland, the marchers began walking in small groups spread out over several kilometers. On the morning of March 3, village elders in the foothill settlement of Maojixi warned them that there were many "outlaws ahead." One known to be particularly desperate was a student who had taken to the hills after being expelled from a government military academy. He could hardly be expected to make concessions to academic credentials. The going, too, became rougher. "The highway became more and more sinuous," Qian Nengxin, a member of the brigade, wrote: "On the two sides rose steep cliffs and one's field of vision suddenly shrank. Above us was the sky, below us the road. To the left and right, in front and behind, were mountains, a thick dense forest and a deep, green twisting path, rugged and steep."20 Before reaching its scheduled stop at Guanzhuang, the brigade received word that occupying the place were more than a thousand cadets from the Central Military Academy, en route to a new campus in the west. The brigade had to make do with rough lodgings in a group of tiny hamlets. Everyone was wet and edgy. After a fitful night's sleep, the group set out at dawn along a road that twisted through rugged mining country into the mountains. The day's march was nearly thirty miles long, and more than half of this had to be covered before reaching the major rest stop. Most of the hikers straggled into Wulishan late in the afternoon, but with daylight waning, others simply camped out: Ahead of us were thick mountain forests, and it was already beginning to get dark, so we didn't want to go farther; so we set up camp there in the grass.... At dusk we waded in the river. There was a new moon coming out of the woods, and the natural beauty temporarily dissipated our weariness. Slowly darkness covered the valley, and we took our bedding to a small house where an old couple led us to an inner room. . . . It was full of dust, obviously

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uninhabited for a long time. . . . I heard from a neighbor that her daughterin-law had hanged herself in the bedroom, so there are always ghosts about.21 A platoon leader recalled: Just as I was getting to bed, the company chief called a meeting of squad and platoon leaders. He said that the commander had received a report through the military academy that there were more than a hundred bandits who, that morning, had crossed the Yuan River and were coming in this direction. . . . The commander wanted us to take turns standing guard. . . . The company heads held that if we unarmed individuals tried to resist or sound an alarm, we would be giving up our lives for nothing.... "If the bandits are interested in us, then it's best not to argue with them. Give them anything they want." I carefully thought about it and decided I would do as the company head said.22 General Huang had apparently made his own arrangements with the bandits—bribed them, some said—and didn't intend to be trapped in a firelight between them and the cadets.23 So Huang allowed the heavily armed cadets to get a headstart. At 8:00 A.M., groggy and apprehensive, the students hit the road. Disregarding orders not to stray from the highway, they scrambled over old courier routes and mountain paths wherever they could cut off a few miles. In the town of Wenchuangping, the main street was deserted and every door tightly shut. As the afternoon wore on, they wound their way through thickly wooded mountains; none dared linger to enjoy the scenery. As a group of students were following a small path along a dike, they heard a shot. It was nine o'clock at night before they arrived in the town of Liangshuijing, where they planned to stay. Once again, however, the cadets had arrived first and occupied available accommodations, so the students had to march another mile off the highway to find lodgings in a village. Dinner was delayed until ten, and it was eleven before they bunked down, still wondering about the bandits. Around midnight a cold front moved in; the wind began to howl. Suddenly shots rang out—at first isolated and sporadic, then in rapid succession. A machine gun opened up. Everyone lay still through the long, anxious night. At daybreak, all was peaceful and the students found out what had happened. The cadets billeted at Liangshuijing had stationed sentries. Some

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peasants had approached in the dark and had failed to hear the warning because of the howling wind, so the sentries had opened fire. Fortunately, their aim had been bad and no one had been hurt.24 That day, in a driving rainstorm, the brigade walked to Yuanling. It was now March 6, and they had progressed less than a third of the way. They were detained in Yuanling for six days, as wind and rain gave way to hail and snow. They stayed across the river from the town in several dilapidated hotels, keeping warm with charcoal fires and putting up umbrellas to keep dry at night. Yuanling impressed the students with its honest, straightforward folk, its hardworking women with unbound feet, its fresh oranges and pomelos— though the prices of manufactured goods were three times those in Changsha. "What can one do when snowbound," asked one student, "but make victims of elementary school children by lecturing to them on current events?"25 Another group conducted a survey of social problems in surrounding villages. Among the several hundred people interviewed, almost nobody had anything good to say about the local officials. They said that they understood full well that Japan was their only enemy and that they should do their duty as citizens, but they complained that ward heads, village chiefs, and leaders of mutual security groups were using the national emergency as a pretext for settling personal accounts and exacting forced contributions.26 The marchers also found opportunities to fraternize with other refugee students. One marcher describes hearing the solemn cadence of song. . . . two-part harmony from some fine arts students staying in a nearby room. They had come from Beiping and Xisihu, our two great cities of the fine arts in the north and south. After they were lost to the enemy, the Beiping College of Fine Arts and the Hangzhou College of Fine Arts made their way through the fighting. The enemy has destroyed our cities of the arts and has destroyed our ivory tower, but he cant destroy the seeds of three thousand years of culture.27 Other marchers discovered less innocent diversions in a rickety old hotel. Through the paper-thin walls, they could listen to men and women in adjacent rooms indulging in the kind of activity so markedly absent from the students' puritanical life.28

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While most of the brigade was snowbound in Yuanling, the contingent who were escorting the baggage on a barge up the Yuan River from Changde were encountering high adventure. Just after crossing the Yuanling County line, they met several boatmen talking about bandits upstream who had plundered their boat and were now no more than ten li (three miles) distant. The students asked the barge owner to turn around and seek a hiding place, but he refused to do so unless they paid him an extra fee. Finally he moved up a small stream where they hid for three days until provisions ran low, by which time the bandits had gone off to their mountain lair.29 In Yuanling, one snowbound day followed the next, but at last it was decided to take buses at least as far as Huanxian on the Hunan-Guizhou border. Finding vehicles for nearly three hundred people was not easy. After inconclusive discussions with highway bureau officials, on the evening of March n a bureau representative informed brigade leaders that, upon advance payment, eight vehicles would be available. The brigade would have to form two contingents, one to leave the next morning at daybreak, the second a day later.30 There was also a delay in departure. Hoping to start the 231kilometer trip before further snowfall, the travelers arose at 5:00 A.M. ; at the station were five buses plus the two baggage trucks. It was nine-thirty before some of the bus drivers ambled in, and snow was beginning to fall. Bus travel offered greater safety from bandits than foot travel but proved much less reliable. One bus broke down and did not reach Zhenji till noon, about a third of the way to Huanxian. Further repairs held it there until three o'clock, which meant that the students ended up eating dinner and spending the night in the bus terminal at Zhejiang, still more than a hundred kilometers short of their destination. It was the afternoon of the next day before they pulled into Huanxian. The second group had an even more adventurous journey. As their bus bounced over the tire tracks through the snow, Qi Changcheng, a reporter from the Hankou edition of Dagong bao (Llmpartial], recorded his impressions: "The further we went, the more snow flew. . . . The conversation of my companions in the bus was as pure as the snowflakes. In discussing national events they expressed respect for the Leader's [Chiang Kai-shek's] martial valor and confidence in the Leader's loyalty and steadfastness. But when the discussion turned to the corruption of certain officials, it sparked angry indignation in their breasts." Qi's reflections were interrupted by a sickening thud. A rear wheel had flown off and

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the bus went careening toward the edge of the highway. The driver managed to stop just inches from the edge of a cliff with a sheer drop. He told them that the place was called Huoshao Ao (Col de Feu) and that it was more than twenty // (six miles) from Zhenji. The drivers of the other buses stopped, but seeing no way to repair the crippled vehicle, went on to seek help in Zhenji and left twenty students, geography professor Yuan Fuli, and the reporter to await a relief vehicle. After four hours, with no help in sight, cold and hungry, the group gathered up their gear and set out on foot for Zhenji. It was five o'clock in the afternoon before they spotted their landmark, the smokestack of the Zhenji coal mine. Qi Changcheng and Yuan Fuli took advantage of their unanticipated leisure in Zhenji to pay a visit to the mine. They were saddened to see half-naked, emaciated boys of eleven and twelve transporting enormous baskets of hand-chiseled coal on carrying poles up dimly lit tunnels to scales that had been fixed to short-change them for their labor. Shortsighted officials heavily taxed the high-quality ore shipped out of the area and thus robbed the impoverished region of any profitable export. The next day the sun rose bright and clear for the first time in a week. The marooned contingent left Zhenji at eight in the morning and reached Huanxian at six that evening.31 Huanxian was an old city, but an outlaw band had burned it to the ground some years ago, and a new city had been built on the other side of the river. Even so, it seemed a relic of Chinas past. The city's two hotels doubled as bandit dens and brothels. The people were extraordinarily superstitious. Primary school children were educated on the Confucian canon—the Four Books and the Five Classics—and a stele reading "Long live the Emperor" still survived, twenty-seven years after the fall of the imperial system. The Huanxian group fell to wrangling. The heavy baggage containing their only clean clothes had yet to arrive; some thought they should not go on without it. To make matters worse, Qi Changcheng told a brigade meeting that university authorities had abandoned plans to lease a fleet of motor vehicles from the Guizhou Highway Bureau because of the expense and also because of botanist Li Jitong's vehement opposition to motorized transportation. A stubborn faction in Company i agreed to join the next morning's march only after General Huang promised that they could await the baggage in Bagongzhen, just three days ahead.32

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MYSTERIOUS GUIZHOU

The trek from Huanxian to Guiyang took two weeks. The landscape was dull—barren fields and denuded hillsides—and it rained nearly every day. The road became steeper, and the local people were sick with malaria. More than ever the students felt they were entering China's impenetrable interior. "As soon as we entered Guizhou," Xiang Changqing, a Beida literature student, recorded: "it was as if I were in another country. The misty rain, the treeless cliffs and mountains, the red and white opium poppies, those emaciated souls Who knows since when those people have become so frail and gaunt? I doubt that this was something they brought on themselves! . . . It was as if a snake or a tiger were clutching at their throats."33 The people of Guizhou shunned the brigade as if it were an invading army. The truck vanguard tried to dispel their suspicions by befriending the village chiefs, and some local leaders were able to convince their people that they had nothing to fear. But some chiefs remained unpersuaded, and entire villages would flee to the hills until the procession had passed. Opium was sold openly in the markets, and smoking it was so pervasive that children became addicted simply by breathing the air in their homes. When the fields of red, white, violet, and pink poppies were not alongside the highway, they were no more than a mile s walk away. One local resident said that he owed his very life to the drug, for his father had blown opium smoke into his lungs to start his breathing at birth.34 Another quipped that in his village only those who were still in the womb did not smoke. The students were, however, impressed by the quality of the county magistrates—young men who had been appointed to offices along the highway as a result of the Nanjing government's invasion in 1934 in pursuit of the Communists. They seemed energetic, idealistic, and receptive to new ideas. A particularly striking county magistrate from west of Guiyang, a graduate of the Central Military Academy, strictly forbade the growing of opium. Armed with a Mauser pistol, he made excursions into the countryside to ferret out the crimes of village bullies and corrupt gentry. He treated the students as honored guests and escorted the brigade with an armed guard for about thirty miles on the next leg of its trip. Six months later in Kunming, the students learned that this brave young crusader had been shot and quartered by local toughs. At the county seat of Huangping (March 23—24), the group was invited to

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47

a village and entertained with song and dance by Miao tribesmen. General Huang contributed casks of alcoholic spirits and a prodigious quantity of dumplings. Professor Li Jitong and Dr. Xu joined in the dancing, and the ever colorful Zeng Zhaolun had a few too many and stumbled around like a comic drunk. Nonetheless, relations between the Han majority and the Miao tribesmen were delicate, and the suspicions were mutual. As conveyors of high Chinese culture to the benighted interior, the students regarded all local people as backward. The Miao were even more so since they had absorbed only the rudiments of literacy and other Han values. Their exotic dress and customs made them colorful, but they were also regarded as dangerous. Outlaws in west Hunan and Guizhou were conventionally referred to as "Miao bandits" whether or not they were Miao in origin. A veteran of the march living in the United States said forty years later, "They were like Indians who had been cheated by the white man—and we were the white man."35 The natural and historic wonders of Guizhou were dazzling. There were cascading waterfalls, intriguing caves, and reminders of the renowned Wu Sangui's seventeenth-century kingdom and the great Miao uprising of the i86os. Three students (one from each university) served as official historians. They gathered written materials and made on-the-spot investigations of famous places, local customs and education, county administration, and anything else that piqued their intellectual curiosity.36 Other students, working under professorial supervision, made the most of the area's rich source materials. Sociology students investigated rural conditions; budding political scientists interviewed county magistrates; young economists compiled data on local production and living standards. Huang Yusheng, who generally brought up the rear, frequently overtook Liu Chaoji, surrounded by people of all ages contributing to his collection of local ballads, which by the end of the sixty-eight-day march numbered more than two thousand.37 Entomologist Mao Yingdou was forever chasing insects with his butterfly net. Botanist Wu Zhengyi gathered specimens of local flora. Geologists had a field day in the area, which abounded with fossils, rock formations, and mineral wealth. Geology buffs often gathered around Professor Yuan Fuli to discuss the latest discovery. Nearly everybody kept a journal. Most systematic was Zeng Zhaolun, who, at the end of each day's march, no matter how long or strenuous, made diary entries by candlelight. His zeal was equaled only by that of Qinghua

48

PATRIOTS' PILGRIMAGE

junior Zha Liangzheng, who started the trip with a small English-Chinese dictionary and tore out each page as soon as he had memorized its contents. By the time he reached Kunming, nothing remained of the book, but he had gained an extensive vocabulary and his fellow marchers' admiration.38 Some students devoted their spare time to spreading the gospel of patriotism. A small group from the College of Engineering gathered news, particularly about the war, from their radio, and disseminated it to marchers and local people along the route. A dramatic troupe dating from Changsha days produced plays to incite public anger about Japanese cruelties. Performances played to packed houses in every large town.39 By the time they reached Guiyang, the capital of Guizhou, the marchers were well seasoned. Day packs that had earlier been weighed down by imagined necessities had long since been trimmed to bare essentials—cup, toothbrush, toothpaste, towel, spare sandals, and sweater. Blisters were a thing of the past. Bodies toughened by the rigors of the journey were further steeled by Guizhou s foul weather. Rarely did an ailing student avail himself of the trucks, and only once did several students become sufficiently ill to take sedan chairs. They had become a hardy, if motley looking, band. As the brigade passed through Guiyang s south gate, local citizens turned to stare at these young men with faces blackened by the sun, hair windblown, clothes stained and disheveled, puttees and straw sandals caked with mud. It was hard to tell that these had once been dapper, pampered young literati sauntering in elegant attire through the streets of Beiping and Tianjin. Guiyang was a long way from Beiping. In the old City of Culture, primitive Guiyang was scarcely worth mention. Only rarely would a Guiyang youth appear in the register of entering freshmen at Beida, Qinghua, or Nankai. But 1,007.5 kilometers and thirty-eight days west of Changsha, Guiyang, a city of 127,220, seemed like a metropolis. The city actually had two main streets—Zhonghua (China) Road, which ran for one and a half kilometers east and west, and Zhongshan (Sun Yat-sen) Road, which ran for two kilometers north and south. They met at a bustling intersection called Da Shizi (Big Crossroads). The boulevards were seas of yellow mud pockmarked with slippery stones, but the main streets were lined with threestory, colonnaded, whitewashed houses, many of them flimsy new structures erected hastily in honor of a recent visit from Chiang Kai-shek.40 The stores offered a wide array of goods at inflated prices, and the stu-

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dents lost no time discovering local delicacies. They gorged themselves at street stalls on changwang mian—noodles with chicken intestines and clotted blood, drenched in bowls of hot pepper sauce—and in restaurants they sampled the Guiyang specialties o£"wa wa fish" (so called because it cried like a baby) and Maotai liquor. Some of them attended a Saturday evening concert of classical music—unfortunately, one wrote, "unmusical, very annoying, suitable only for ignoramuses."41 Faculty escorts were better entertained. The night after their arrival they were hosted at a dinner by Zhou Yichun (Y. T. Tsur), president of Qinghua School from 1913 to 1918, who was now provincial finance commissioner. The next evening they were feted by Daxia University, which had recently moved to Guiyang from war-torn Shanghai. Guiyang's biggest attraction was its young ladies. On the march, the students had had little time or energy to think of such things, but in Guizhou they suddenly realized how important it was to have women around, to look at and talk with. Suddenly the men seemed surrounded by enchanting urban women—curled, manicured, and lovely. Sometimes students and professors alike would stand in shops to stare at the salesgirls. Not that their sexual needs were any less sublimated than usual during their three days in the city, for relations between men and women on Chinas college campuses of the 19305 seldom went beyond handholding. To visit a whorehouse would have been unthinkable for an academic gentleman. The only known case of venereal disease among the marchers was that of a cook who contracted gonorrhea while he was celebrating the end of the journey in a Kunming brothel.42 West of Guiyang the country was wild and desolate. Along endless stretches of deserted road the only sounds were those of birds and rushing streams. Occasionally the brigade encountered members of local Miao groups, each distinguished by unique tribal headwrappings. The place names bespoke a history of struggle between frontier and central authority: Andong (Pacified East), Annan (Pacified South), Anping (Pacified and Tranquil), and Puan (Pervasively Pacified). The ideographs Pingyimeaning "Pacified Barbarians" had been changed to Pingyi meaning "Pacified and Constant" to avoid offending local minority peoples. At Anshun (Pacified and Submissive), a group went to visit the Fiery Ox Cave and returned so excited about its limestone formations that everybody, including the cooks, went to

50

PATRIOTS' PILGRIMAGE

see it. During the visit, echoing through the cave came the strains of the American hit "Juanita" and the perennial favorite, "Santa Lucia," both sung in English by a booming male voice. The singer was Wen Yiduo, paying tribute to the natural wonders. "To go to Zhenning County and not visit the Fiery Ox Cave," he exclaimed, "is a criminal act worthy of a traitor."43 The next day, Saturday, April 9, was marked by crossing the formidable Guansuoling Pass. Seasoned bushwhackers, the hikers decided against a circuitous ten-kilometer stretch of highway in favor of a steep four-kilometer trail that seemed to ascend straight up the mountainside. After just twenty meters, they were exhausted; by the time they had covered three hundred meters, their tongues were swollen with thirst and breathing was so difficult that they had to pause every ten or fifteen steps. At Guandi Miao, a temple halfway to the top, they were relieved to discover that the vanguard had arrived by truck and arranged to get ample quantities of boiled water. One student recalled drinking a bowl that tasted as sweet as a mountain stream and guzzling five more, which he then realized were yellow and putrid.44 After resting at the temple, they continued to the top of the pass, where an inscription in large characters was carved into the rock: "Key to Yunnan and Guizhou." The moment was worth remembering. "Facing up, we climb the way of flying birds / Looking down, we see ten thousand peaks below," one marcher wrote.45 Demanding as Guansuoling had been, the rigors of April 9 seemed mild compared with the ordeal of April n. From their overnight bivouac at Yongning, they started out on a muddy, slippery road, through head-high grasslands and down to the crossing of the Pan River rapids. There, to their dismay, they found the famous iron suspension bridge dating from the Kang Xi era (1662-1723) in ruins and had to queue up to make the treacherous crossing in small boats that held only five or six people. On the other side, after a steep climb of some dozen kilometers, they discovered that Hemazhuang, their scheduled overnight stop, was only a tiny crumbling mountaintop village with neither food nor water. Though the sun was already low in the sky, they had little choice but to press forward to Annan, nine kilometers farther on. Along the way, a few lucky marchers found a little stand selling boiled water and sticky candy made of puffed rice with syrup. The fastest walkers reached Annan at sunset, the latecomers in the black of night. After a day's march of thirty-four miles, they looked forward to a hot meal and a good night's sleep. Unfortunately, their bedrolls and

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I974Ma, John. Chinese serviceman stationed in Kunming, 1941. Stanford, Calif., October 8 and 17,1973. Mei Zuyan $8810- S°n °ftne ^ate Mei Yiqi, Lianda's de facto president. Beijing, March 19,1980.

398

APPENDIX

Pan Dakui 7ff ^^it. Sociology professor, Yunnan University. Kunming, December 6,1985. Pei Cunfan Hi^^. Mayor of Kunming, 1937-42. Taibei, November 18,1973. Peng Shaopeng a£^ j|£. Xinhua ribao Kunming bureau chief, 1945-47. Kunming, June 12,1980. Roser, Harold. American foreign service officer stationed in Kunming. New York, May 2,1974. Sprouse, Philip. American foreign service officer stationed in Kunming. Orinda, Calif, September 24,1973. Tseng, David. Chinese serviceman stationed in Kunming. Menlo Park, Calif., October 17,1973. Wang Hanxing jzEtHfl- Deputy chief, Lianda Bursar's Office. Kunming, July 9, 1980. Wellborn, Alfred T. American foreign service officer stationed in Kunming. Washington, D.C., October 17,1973. Wu Junsheng ^k\5icft. Director of Higher Education, Ministry of Education, 1937-44. Hong Kong, December 17,1973. Yang Weijun 1H$§||t Yunnan University Student Self-Governing Association president, 1944-45. Kunming, June 16,1980. Zhang Youming ?M^i§. Lianda registrar. Kunming, July n, 1980. Zhu Jiabi T^I^M. Chinese Communist guerrilla leader. Kunming, December 7, 1985.

Notes

Abbreviations CWR The China Weekly Review, Shanghai, 1927-41 GDJYJK Gaodengjiaoyujikan, Chongqing, 1941—43 GLXNLHDX Guoli xinan lianhe daxue xiaoshi— Yijiusanqi zhiyijiusiliu nian de Beida, Qinghua, Nankai JRPL Jinri pinglun, Kunming, 1939-41 LDBN Lianda banian QH Qinghua daxue xiaoshi gao QHXYTX Qinghua xiaoyou tongxun, Xinzhu, Taiwan, 1962QHXYTX:B Qinghua xiaoyou tongxun, Beijing, 1980— QHXYTX:Bp Qinghua xiaoyou tongxun, Beiping, 1947—48 QHXYTX:C Qinghua xiaoyou tongxun, Chongqing, 1939-41 Rem i Jiacui xuansong zai chuncheng Rem 2 Jiacui xuansong ging migie SD U.S. State Department files, National Archives, Washington, D.C. XFJW Xuefujiwen: Guoli Xinan lianhe daxue XHRB Xinhua ribao YNSD Yunnan shifan daxue xiao shi bianxie zu YNWS Yunnan wenshi ziliao xuanji ZYRB Zhongyang ribao, Kunming, 1938-45 ZJWX Zhuanji wenxue, Taibei, 1962— INTRODUCTION

i. Writing under the pen name Lu Qiao, Wu Nasun (Nelson Wu, B.A. 1942) has portrayed his alma mater in a romantic novel, Weiyangge. CHAPTER i i. Yu Zhenyong, "Sanshi nian yi changsha," QHXYTX26-27:10 (Jan. 31,1969); Li Hongling, "Shizhe ru si fu," QHXYTX:Bx^ (October 1980). 399

4OO

NOTES

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PAGES

8 —17

2. Wu Dayou, Huiyi, pp. 31—32. 3. Ibid., p. 32. 4. Luo Changpei, "Qiqi shibian hou de Beida canju," ZJWX 17.6:91 (December 1970). 5. Li Hongling, p. 83. 6. Ibid. 7. Luo Changpei, p. 91. 8. Ibid.; Peiping Chronicle, July 15, 1937, quoted in T. A. Bisson, Japan in China, p. 18. 9. Li Hongling, p. 84; Graham Peck, Through Chinas Wall, p. 294. 10. Luo Changpei, p. 91. 11. John Israel and Donald W. Klein, Rebels and Bureaucrats, p. 139. 12. Chen Da, Langji shinian, p. 156. 13. Li Hongling, pp. 84-85. 14. Ibid., p. 86. 15. Interview 9; Israel and Klein, p. 139. 16. Li Hongling, p. 86. 17. Chen Da, pp. 157-58. 18. Mei Yiqi, "Kangzhan qizhong zhi Qinghua," QHXYTX:C5.3:1 (May i, 1939);

Off, p. 289.

19. Peck, pp. 259-60. 20. Beijing daxue liushi nian, p. 98. 21. Hubert Freyn, Chinese Education in the War, p. 16. 22. Israel Epstein, The Peoples War, pp. 50—51. 23. Hu Shi laiwangshuxin xuan, 2: 363-64. 24. Wang Wentian, "Zhang Boling xiansheng yu Nankai," ZJWX 12.1:19 (July 1968). 25. Hsiao Kung-ch'uan, "Teacher and Students Growing Together, Part 2: Five Years at Tsinghua," p. 14. 26. Interview with Zheng Tianting. 27. Chiang Monlin, Tides from the West, p. 211. 28. Franklin Ho, "Memoirs," p. 317; Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli xinan lianhe daxue shimo ji," pt. i, ZJWX 59.2:72 (August 1981). 29. Luo Changpei, p. 92. 30. Ibid. In 1947 Hu Shi told a group of Lianda alumni, "The idea for an associated university was first conceived in my brain." Interview 89. 31. Interview with Zheng Tianting. 32. Xiao Gongchuan, "Pianbo Xinan," ZJWXij.^:^ (November 1970). 33. Chen Da, pp. 159—60. 34. Freyn, pp. 18-19. 35. Jiaowuchu, "Kangzhan ernianzhong jiaowuchu gongzuo gaikuang," QHXYTX:C6.i:2 (Jan. 1,1940). 36. Wu Dayou, p. 33.

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PAGES

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4OI

37. Chen Da, pp. 161-64. 38. Interview 6. 39. QHy p. 290. For a succinct account of Liu Da, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 18-25. 40. Interview with Zheng Tianting. 41. Chiang Monlin, p. 213. 42. Q//, pp. 289-92. 43. Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha dao Kunming—caozhuang qijian de Xinan lianda," QHXYTXj^.^ (Apr. 29,1981), reprinted in XFJW, p. 27. 44. Zhang Qijun in XFJW, p. 28. 45. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. i, p. 73; QHy p. 291. 46. Yu Zhenyong, p. n; Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. i, p. 73; Q//, p. 290. 47. Yu Zhenyong, p. 10; Fu Youxia, "Hengshan Fuji," QHXYTX28:20 (Apr. 29, 1969), reprinted in XFJW, p. 86; Beijing daxue liushi nian, p. in. 48. Kiang Wen-han, "Emergency Student Relief in China," ms., Changsha, January 18,1938, YMCA Archives. 49. Yu Zhenyong, p. n. 50. Fu Youxia, p. 19; Yang Zhensheng, "Beida zai Changsha," in Beijing daxue wushi zhounian jinian tekan, p. 34. 51. Yu Zhenyong, p. n. 52. Zha Liangzheng, "Kangzhan yilai de Xinan lianda," in Kangzhan yilai zhi gaodengjiaoyu, p. i; Yu Zhenyong, p. n. 53. Chen Da, p. 165. 54. Fung Yu-lan [Feng Youlan], A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, p. 334. 55. Ibid. 56. Fu Youxia, p. 21. 57. Guo Ze, "Xinan lianda pianduan ji," QHXYTX75:62 (Apr. 29,1981); Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha," p. 71. 58. Chen Da, p. 166; Yu Zhenyong, p. n. 59. Yang Buwei, "Chetui houfang," ZJWXi^.y.^ (September 1969). 60. Ibid. 61. Chen Da, p. 166. 62. Interview 8. 63. Chen Chunying, "Nu tongxue yinggai huijiaqu ma?" Huoxianxia sanrikan 15:119 (Dec. 18,1937). 64. Wen Yiduo, "Banian de huiyi ganxiang," in LDBN, p. 3. 65. Huang Ke, "Yige daxuesheng de zibai," Huoxianxia sanrikan 12:84-85 (Dec. 18,1937). 66. Yue Zeng, "Cong Changsha dao Wuhan," Huoxianxia sanrikan 17:135 (Jan. 5, 1938). 67. Israel and Klein, pp. 77, 209. For a brief account of Lin Da student enlistment in the war effort, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 76-78. 68. QH, p. 390. 69. Chen Da, p. 167.

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70. Zha Liangzheng, p. i; Yu Zhenyong, p. 10. 71. Yu Zi, "Fandui wenhua taobi zhengce," Huoxianxia sanrikan 20:156 (Jan. 15, 1938). 72. Yang Zhengsheng, p. 35. CHAPTER 2

1. "Wen Yiduo nianpu," in Wen Yiduo quanji, 1:62. For a recent account of the Long March, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 25-32. 2. "Xinzheng xuesheng fu Dian jinxue zhi shouxu ji lucheng," Beijing University Archives, courtesy of Xiao Di. 3. Cai Xiaomin, "Jiu lai xingchu hao zhuixun," QHXYTX6z\ij (January 1978). 4. Anon, diary, entry for February 19,1938. 5. Ibid., entry for February 20,1938. 6. Shi Jing [Wang Kang], Wen Yiduo de daolu, p. 70. 7. Anon, diary, entry for February 21,1938. 8. Chang Cheng [Qi Changcheng], "Kangzhan zhong de xinan," Dagong bao (Hankou), Mar. 13,1938. 9. Qian Nengxin, Xinan san qian wu bai //', pp. 9-10; Chang Cheng, "Kangzhan zhong de xinan," Dagong bao, Mar. 14,1938. 10. Chang Cheng, Mar. 14,1938. n. Ibid. 12. Ibid., May i, 1938. 13. Anon, diary, entry for February 28,1938. 14. Ringwalt dispatch, May 16, 1935, doc. 893.114 Narcotics/1208, SD, cited in Jonathan Marshall, "Opium and the Politics of Gangsterism in Nationalist China, 1927-1945," pp. 26-27. 15. Qian Nengxin, p. 17. 16. Ibid., p. 21. 17. Ibid., p. 18. 18. Interview i. 19. Interview n. 20. Qian Nengxin, p. 17. 21. Ibid., p. 19. 22. Anon, diary, entry for March 4,1938. 23. Interview 12. 24. Interview i. 25. "The Long Trek from Changsha to Kunming," ISS Bulletin 15.1:14 (October 1938). 26. Chang Cheng, Apr. 27,1938. 27. Qian Nengxin, p. 20. 28. Interview i. 29. Chang Cheng, May i, 1938. 30. Ibid., May 14,1938. There is some confusion concerning the dates. According to two sources (Wang Yuzhe and anon, diary), the group, or at least the first company, departed Yuanling by bus on the morning of March 12. According to Chang Cheng, Company i started out on the morning of March 13 and Company 2 on March 14. Although Chang Cheng was a professional newspaper reporter, he is

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403

contradicted by two independent sources. I have therefore taken the historian's prerogative of adjusting his chronicle to jibe with the others. 31. This account of the trip from Yuanling to Huanxian is taken from Chang Cheng, May 14 and May i, 1938. 32. Anon, diary, entry for March 17,1938. 33. Ibid., entry for March 16. 34. Cao Xiaomin, p. 22. 35. Interview n. 36. Chosen for their literary ability, the three were Ding Zeliang, a brilliant senior in Qinghuas history department who committed suicide during the anti-rightist movement of 1957-58; Beida's Gao Yawei, who became a professor of history at Taiwan Normal University; and Huang Yushengs Nankai nephew, Huang Mingxin, who later wandered off to Qinghai on the western frontier, learned Tibetan, became a lama, and landed in a Communist prison camp. Interview n. 37. Huang Yusheng, preface, in Liu Chaoji, ed., Xinan caifenglu, p. i. 38. Cai Xiaomin, p. 22. 39. Shan Di, "Xinan lianhe daxue xuesheng shenghuo jishi," Zhongguo qingnian 4.3:100-109 (Mar. i, 1941). 40. Tong Te-kong and Li Tsung-jen, Memoirs of Li Tsung-jen, p. 297; Qian Nengxin, p. 59. 41. Anon, diary, entry for April 2,1938. 42. Ibid.; interview i. 43. Anon, diary, entry for April 9,1938. 44. Interview 12. 45. Wang Yuzhe, "San qian li lu yun he yue," Nankai daxue, Oct. 15,1979, p. 6. 46. Interview i. 47.Ibid. 48. Ibid. 49. Anon, diary, entries for March 21 and March 30,1938. 50. Interview i. 51. Anon, diary, entry for April 28,1938. 52. See Yunnan shengzhengfugongbao 10.23:7—8 (Mar. 23,1938). 53. Qian Nengxin, pp. 101-2. 54. Cai Xiaomin, pp. 20—22; interview n. 55. Anon, diary, entry for April 28,1938. 56. Interview i. 57. Anon, diary, entry for April 28,1938. 58. Courtesy of Nankai University history professor Wang Zheyu, who still recalled the song hi 1980. 59. Franz Michael, "A University on the March," Asia 39.1:33-35 (January 1939). 60. Xiang Changqing, "Hengguo Xiang Qin Dian de luxing," in Rent i, p. 20. 61. Interview 12. 62. Huang Yusheng, preface, in Liu Chaoji, p. 2.

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63. Interview 12. 64. Wen Yiduo, "Bannian de huiyi yu ganxiang," in LDBN, p. 5. 65. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 188. 66. Ibid., pp. 188-89. CHAPTER 3

1. Interview with Chen Daisun; Yang Buwei, "Chetui houfang," ZJWKi^.y.^o41 (September 1969). 2. Chen Wenhui, "Muxiao jing Haifang qian Dian jingguo," in Qinghua shiji biye sanshi nianjinian tekan, p. 22. 3. Interview 6. 4. Interview 9. 5. Chen Wenhui, p. 22. 6. Ibid.; interview 16. 7. Chen Wenhui, p. 22. 8. Mary Fei, "Across China's Southwest: A Girl Correspondent Describes Her Journey from Indo-China to Yunnan," China Press Sunday Magazine, Mar. 19,1939, p. 17. 9. Graham Peck, Through Chinas Wall, p. 266. 10. Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha," p. 75. 11. Fei, p. 17; Peck, pp. 265-66. 12. Anon, diary, entry for April 29,1938. 13. Hu Jia, "Ji Guoli xinan lianhe daxue," Yuzhou Feng5:206 (May i, 1939). 14. Letter from Zhao Yuanren to Hu Shi, May 3,1938, in Hu Shi laiwang shuxin xuan, 2:371. On the decision to establish and subsequently abolish the Mengzi campus, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 32-34. 15. Xun Yu [Xu Zuhui], "Mengzi zayi," ms., courtesy of Xu Zuhui, p. 206. 16. Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha," p. 77; Hu Jia, p. 206. 17. Zhu Ziqing, "Mengzi zaji," Xin Yunnan, 3:29 (Apr. 31 [sic], 1939); Xun Yu. 18. Xu Zuhui, "Mengzi yijui," QHXYTXjr.^-^ (April 1980). 19. Hu Jia, pp. 207—8; Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, p. 30. 20. Yu Zhenyong, "Yi Mengzi," QHXYTX29/30:86 (Oct. 29, 1969); Chen Da, Langji shinian, p. 181. 21. Yu Chun, "Jieshao Cai shuheng xiansheng," Shenghuo Daobao, Dec. 25,1942, P

'*'

22. Ho Qiming, "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," Zhanshi zhishi 12:16 (Dec. 25,1938). 23. Yu Zhenyong, p. 8. 24. Chen Da, pp. 180-81. 25. In a June 1980 visit I discovered that the carved lions had been removed and the pillars cut in two by Red Guards enraged by the survival of feudal architecture in revolutionary China. 26. Chen Da, p. 177.

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405

27. Wang Yun, "Fang Mengzi suibi erze," in Rent /, pp. 140—41. 28. Xu Zuhui, p. 35; Chen Da, pp. 177,180; interviews with Chen Daisun and Li Zhuomin. 29. Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha," p. 177. 30. Wang Yun, "Xinan lianda wenfa xueyuan zai Mengsi de qingkuang," mimeo., Kunming, 1980, p. 2; Zhu Ziqing. "Mengzi zaji," p. 38. 31. Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, p. 38. 32. Yu Zhenyong, p. 7; Xu Zuhui, p. 35; Xun Yu. 33. Zhang Qijun, "Cong Changsha," p. 77. 34. Zhu Ziqing, "Mengzi zaji," p. 29. 35. Yu Zhenyong, p. 8. 36. Wang Yuesou [Zhang Qijun], "Nanhu shengshi," Ziyou bao, May 31, 1977, reprinted in QHXYTXjw%-7c) (Apr. 29,1981), and in XFJW. p. 47. 37. Hu Jia, p. 204. 38. Chen Yinque, untitled poem, in Mengzi archives, copied by Wang Yun, June 1980. Courtesy of Wang Yun. 39. William Empson, "A Chinese University," pp. 239—45. 40. Zhu Ziqing, "Mengzi zaji," p. 38; Ho Qiming, p. n. 41. Xu Zuhui, p. 35. 42. Yu Zhenyong, p. 35; Xun Yu. 43. Hu Jia, p. 207. 44. Wang Yun, "Xinan lianda," p. 2. CHAPTER 4

1. Claire Lee Chenault, Way of a Fighter, p. 73. 2. Meng Nan, "Kunming Yiyu," p. 16. 3. Letter to the author from J. C. S. Hall, July 14,1976. See also, J. C. S. Hall, The Yunnan Provincial Faction, 1927—1937, passim. 4. Interview with Wang Ganyu. 5. Wang Yuesou [Zhang Qijun], "Nanhu shengshi," QHXYTX7y.74, and XFJW, p. 47. On the mutually beneficial relationship between Lianda and Yunnan, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 96-100. 6. Anon, diary, entry for April 29, 1938; Zhang Tingjian, "Zai Kunming," in Beijing daxue wushi zhounianjinian tekan, "Xinan Lianhe daxue xiankuang,"//^^ 2^^/29.2:93 (Feb. 10,1939). 7. Paul Feng, "Walking 1,000 Miles to School," China Press Sunday Magazine, Jan. 15, 1939, p. 3; "Xinan Lianhe daxue xiankuang," Jiaoyu zazhi 29.2:93 (Feb. 10, 1939). 8. Anon, diary, entry for April 29,1938. 9. Mu Wenjun, "Lianda zai jinri," Yuzhoufeng, whole no. 14/95, p. 379 (Mar. i, 1940).

406

NOTES

TO PAGES

85-97

10. "Extracts from the Report of the Youth and Religion Movement Mission to Southwest and West China, Spring, 1939," Chinese Recorder, December 1939, pp. 752-53. 11. Mao Wenxian, "Kunming xuefu jinying," Qingnian yuekan 8.3:37 (Sept. 5, 1939). 12. Gilbert Baker, "A Student Church in Kunming," Chinese Recorder, February 1940, p. 89. 13. Yun Sheng, "Xifengxin cong shanguoli jilaile," Zhanshi qingnian, May 10, 1938, p. 29. 14. Hu Jia, "Ji Guoli xinan lianhe daxue," Yuzhou Feng 5:206 (May i, 1939). 15. Carlton Lacy, "Immigration, Finance, and the Church," Chinese Recorder, October 1940, pp. 634—35. 16. Interview 14. 17. Wang Yuesou, QHXYTX, 73-74, and XFJW, p. 47. 18. In 1936 there were three Yunnanese among Qinghua's 256 graduates. In 1939 at Lianda, the number was one in 282. By 1945 there were 45 Yunnanese out of 410 graduates, but 22 of them were primary education majors. 19. Chu Tunan, "Yunnan wenhua de xin jieduan yu dui ren de zunzhong he xueshu de kuanrong," Xin dongxiangi.r.iS (June 16,1938). 20. Interview 26. 21. Interview with Long Shengwen [Van Lung]. 22. "Yunnan Long zhuxi zhe 'ho,' " JRPL 1.20:1 (May 14,1939). 23. Interview with Long Shengwen. 24. Chen Da, Langji shinian, pp. 208, 213. 25. Letter from J. C. S. Hall to the author, July 14,1976. 26. Interview 90. 27. Zhou Mingdao, "Zhuiyi dianshi," QHXYTX32:10 (Apr. 29,1970). 28. Interview with Long Shengwen. The account of the summons is from this interview. 29. Interview 40. 30. Ibid., and interview with Long Shengwen. 31. Interview 40. CHAPTER 5 1. Allen Bernard Linden, "Politics and Higher Education in China: The Kuomintang and the University Community," p. 393. For an overall survey of the problem since the early twentieth century, see Bian Liting, "Ge daxue ge yuanxi kemubiao dingpan zhi jingguo,"//Vz0)/& zazhi 30.6:8-15 (June 1940). 2. Zhang Qijun, "Beiping de wu daxue," in Rulinyihua, p. 3. 3. See Chen Li-fu (Chen Lifu), Chinese Education During the War, pp. 1-6. 4. For the ministry's political and philosophical justification of wartime controls,

NOTES

TO P A G E S

97-102

407

see Ou Tsuin-chen, "Education in Wartime China," in Paul K. T. Sih, ed., Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945, p. 107. 5. Ku Yu-hsiu, "Education," in The Chinese Yearbook, 1938—1939, p. 642. 6. Ibid. 7. Ou Tsuin-chen, p. 107. 8. Ibid. 9. Interview with Wu Junsheng; see also, Chen Lifu, Zhanshi jiaoyu xingzheng huiyi, pp. 20—21. 10. Ou Tsuin-chen, p. 107. 11. Interview 20. 12. "Jiaoyu Xiaoxi," Jiaoyu tongxun, July 8,1939, pp. 2-3; QH, pp. 302-3. 13. See chart in Bian Liting, "Ge daxue ge yuanxi," pp. 12-13. 14. QH, p. 301. 15. For an interpretation that stresses the differences, rather than the commonalities, between Lianda's precepts and official doctrine, see YNSD, p. 60. 16. Jessie G. Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges, 1850-1950, p. 386. 17. Michael Lindsay, The Unknown War: North China, 1937-1945, section on "Yenching University, 1937." 18. QH, p. 302. 19. Zhu Ziqing, "Lun daxue gongtong bixiu kemu," GDJYJKi.^, quoted in QH, p. 302. 20. QH, p. 302. 21. Qian Duansheng, "Daxue wang hechu qu," JRPL 3.24:377-79 (June 16, 1940). 22. Chin Yueh-lin (Jin Yuelin), "Education in Contemporary China," in Harley Farnsworth MacNair, ed., Voices from Unoccupied China, p. 97. 23. QH, p. 302. 24. See Bian Liting, "Ge jiguan xuexiao duiyu buban kemubiao yijian de xuanji," DGJYJKiy.i35 (Sept. i, 1940). 25. QH, p. 303. 26. Chen Da, Langji shinian, p. 205.

27. YNSD, pp. 69-70; GLXNLHDX, p. 45. 28. Drumright to Gauss, enclosure in dispatch 1149 from the embassy in Chongqing, SD; Ou Tsuin-chen, p. 109. 29. Chen Lifu, Zhanshi, pp. 22—23. 30. Ibid., pp. 25—27; interview with Wu Junsheng; interviews with various alumni; LDBN, p. 42. 31. Interview with Wu Junsheng; interview 83. 32. Interview withWu Junsheng; Zhuankeyishangxuexiao jiaoyuan mingce, vol. 2; Ou Yuanhuai, "Kangzhan shinianlai Zhongguo de daxue jiaoyu," Zhonghua jiaoyujie, new ser. 1.1:13-14 (Jan. 5,1947); Sun Bangzheng, Liushi nian lai, pp. 429-30. 33. Ou Tsuin-chen, p. no; Ou Yuanhuai, p. 14; see also, Chen Lifu, Zhanshi, pp. 23-24.

408

NOTES

TO

PAGES

IO2-IO9

34. Quoted in Chen Li-fu, Chinese Education, p. 5. 35. Ou Yuanhuai, p. 14. 36. Interview with Ren Zhigong. 37. Letter from John K. Fairbank to Lauchlin Currie, July 19, 1943, Fairbank papers. 38. DierceZhongguo jiaoyu nianjian, p. 503, cited in QH, p. 300. 39. Qian Duansheng, "Women xuyao de jiaoyu zhengce," JRPL 4.21:328—29 (Nov. 24,1940). 40. For Pan Guangdan's views, see Pan Guangdan "Xuanchuan bushi jiaoyu," JRPL 3.18:115-18 (May 5, 1940), and Pan Guangdan, "Zailun xuanchuan bushi jiaoyu," JRPL 3.14:213-16 (Apr. 7,1940); for Pan Gongzhans, see ZYRB, ca. Mar. i, May 12,13, Sept. 30, and Oct. 14,1940. Portions of the exchange are reprinted in Pan Guangdan, Ziyou zhi lu, pp. 221—338. 41. Ma Fenghua, "Qingnian sixiang wenti/'/ft/Y,4.17:268-70 (Oct. 27,1940). 42. "Benqi zhuanzhe,"/&PZ4.i7:272 (Oct. 27,1940). 43. QH, p. 301; YNSD, p. 71. 44. Ibid.; interview 44. 45. YNSD, p. 71. 46. QH, p. 301. 47. Ibid., pp. 308-11. 48. XHRB, Apr. 8,1944. 49. See Sun Yu, "Diduji." 50. Shen Congwen "Gei qingnian Pengyou," Xin dongxiangi. 10:319-20 (Nov. 15, 1938). 51. Hu Chaoxin, "Xianhua shijiu ershi liang ji," QHXYTX26127:12-13 (Jan. 3, 1969), reprinted in XFJW, p. 285. 52. Interview 44. 53. Weng Tongwen, "Cong ruxue shi shuoqi," in XFJW, pp. 78—79. 54. Hu Chaoxin, p. 285. 55. Huang Yusheng [Huang Zijian], "Zai lun qingnian de zhiqi he sixiang," ZYRB, Apr. 24,1941. 56. Huang Jianli, The Politics ofDepoliticization in Republican China, p. 159. 57. Jiaoyu bu, "Zhuanke yishang xuexiao xundaochu fenzu," May 1939, cited in QH, p. 296. For Chen Lifu's retrospective rationale for the Guidance Office, see Chen Lifu, Zhanshi, pp. 27-28. 58. YNSD, pp. 55-56. 59. QH, pp. 308-11. 60. Jiaoyu bu, "Shishi daoshi zi yinggai zhuyi zhi gedian," in Zhu Peixuan [Zhu Ziqing], "Lun daoshi zhi," Xin dongxiangi. 12:378 (Dec. 31,1938). 61. Ministry of Education, "Principles Governing Tutorial System for Middle and Higher Schools," Chinese Recorder, March 1940, p. 188. 62. Jiaoyu bu, "Zhuanke yishang xuexiao daoshizhi gangyao," cited in QH, p. 310. 63. Lutz, p. 278. 64. Ou Yuanhuai, p. 13.

NOTES

TO P A G E S

109-117

409

65. Feng Youlan, "Lun daoshi 2hi," JRPLi.r.y—io (Jan. i, 1939); also Zhu Peixian, "Lun daoshi zhi," pp. 378-80. 66. Fang Jin and Fang Qun, "Chen Daisun jiaoshou tan Xinan lianda," in YNWS, p. 6. 67. Interview with Qian Duansheng. 68. For a eulogistic but insightful view of Zha, see his son Zha Ruichuan's "Wei ren fuwu he suo qiu?—huiyi fuqin Zha liangzhao," in Rem 2, pp. 345—48. 69. QH, pp. 296—97; Feng Youlan, Sang song tang zixiu, pp. 325—26. 70. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 326. 71. Ibid., p. 297. 72. Interview 45. 73. Lin Yuan, "Yi aiguo xuezhe Chen Xujing xiansheng," in Rem 2, pp. 145-46; Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 102. 74. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 103. 75. ZYRB, Dec. 23,1939. 76. Interview 27. 77. ZYRB, Jan. 15,1940. 78. There is some disagreement about which slogan was finally adopted. According to a 1980 work (QH, p. 308), Liandas authorities capitulated and accepted the official motto; a 1988 publication (YNSD, p. 39) claims that Lianda authorities stood fast and retained their own slogan. See also, GLXNLHDX, p. 92. 79. Pan Gongzhan, "Jiaoyu shang liangge poqie wenti," ZYRB, May 12 and May 13,1940. 80. ZYRB, May 14,1940. 81. Ho Lin, "Zhongguo jiaoyu de xin jushi," Dangdai pinglun, Dec. 21, 1943, PP- 5-782. Rem 2, p. 153. 83. "Yichun liushi zishu," in Gu Yichun, Gu Yichun Quanji, 3:155; interview with Sun Yutang, August 18,1982. 84. For Wu's career and thought before joining the Ministry of Education, see Wu Junsheng, Jiaoyu shengya yizhouya, pp. 1—78. 85. Anon, interview, New York, N.Y., April 10, 1974. Wu's account of his clash with independent-minded academics and his justification for centralization is presented in Sih, ed., pp. 106-11, and in Wu Junsheng, pp. 80-82. 86. Letter from Wu Chi-yuan (Wu Qiyuan) to the author, January 9,1975. 87. For details of finances, see QH, p. 320-21, 373-74; Mei Yiqi's reports in QHXYTX:C, May i, 1939, Apr. 20, 1940, Jan. 13, 1943; Zhao Gengyang, Mei Yiqi zhuangao, pp. 59—60; and Hu Jia, p. 208. 88. John F. Fairbank, "En route Kunming to Kweilin, August 20,1942," Fairbank papers. 89. Letter from John K. Fairbank to Alger Hiss, September 23, 1942, Fairbank papers.

4IO

NOTES

TO

PAGES

1 1 7 —1 2 5

90. For examples of Chiang Kai-shek and Chen Lifu thwarting attempts to help Lianda, see Fairbank memos of January 14 and July 17,1943, Fairbank papers. CHAPTER 6

1. The best comparative account of the three schools is Zhang Qijuns "Xinan lianda jiyao," in XFJW, pp. 8-25. 2. Luo Jialun, "Guoli beijing daxue," in Zhang Qiyun et al., Zhonghua minguo daxue zhi, 1:52. 3. Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," pp. 21-22. 4. Ibid., p. 26. 5. Ibid., pp. 20-21. 6. Zhongguo daxue tujian, pp. 72—74. 7. Jin Li, "San wei yi ti de Xinan lianda," Qingnian gonglun 2:30 (Apr. i, 1939). 8. Hsaio Kung-ch'uan, "Teacher and Students Growing Together, Part 2: Five Years at Tsinghua." 9. Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," p. 19. 10. Interview with Svetlana Dyer. 11. Hu Shi, "Chang Po-ling: Educator," in There Is Another China, p. 6. 12. See Chae-Jin Lee, Zhou Enlai: The Early Years (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1994), esp. pp. 38-39. 13. See Tang Jiqing, "Guoli nankai daxue," in Zhang Qiyun, ed., Zhonghua minguo daxue zhi, 1:89; Shirley B. Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China: The Chinese Y.M.C.A., 1865-1926, pp. 97,116-17,122. 14. Wang Gang [Wang Shuxun], "Wo ru xinan lianho daxue de qianhou licheng," in YNWS, p. 393. 15. Dagongbao, Nov. 26,1946. 16. Zhou Shuxun, "Sanshi nian wang shi shuo congtou," QHXYTX^:^ (April 1974). 17. Zhang Chunfeng, Guoli geyuanxiao toukao shouce, p. 71. 18. Jin Li, "San wei," p. 29. 19. Dai Shiguang, "Huainian kangzhan zhong de Xinan lianda," in Rem 2, p. 25. 20. Shen Kun and Shen Jing, "Shushu gei women Jiang Xinan lianda he Lianda ren," in YNWS, p. 232. 21. Chiang Yung-chen, "Social Engineering and the Social Sciences in China, 1896-1949," p. 13. 22. Liu Yansheng, "Lianda diandi," Lianda qingnian 1.1:13 (June 6,1941). 23. Mei Yiqi, "Huang Zijian, Hu shi zai Lianda xiaoqing jiu zhounian jinian hui shang de Jiang hua zhaiyao," in Rem /, p. 514. 24. Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," p. 24. 25. Liu Yansheng, p. 13; Wang Gang, "Wo ru," p. 391. 26. Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," p. 23. On the "luring" process, see Hsaio

NOTES

TO P A G E S

125-133

4!!

Kung-ch'uan, pp. 21-22, and Laurence Schneider, interview with Wu Dayou, May 8,1978. 27. See Jiang Shuyuan and Ye Kai, "Huainian ci'ai de shufu Jiang Lifu jiaoshou," in Rem i, pp. 117-22. 28. Fang Jin and Fang Qun, "Chen Daisun jiaoshou tan Xinan lianda," in YNWS, p. 6. 29. Wang Hao, "Shei ye bupa shei de rizi," in YNWS, p. 66. 30. Schneider, interview with Wu Dayou. 31. Francis L. K. Hsu, "Sociological Research in China," Quarterly Bulletin of Chinese Bibliography ;\.:i6 (1944), cited in Allen Linden, "Politics and Higher Education in China," p. 260. 32. Ping-kuen Yu, "A Note on Historical Periodicals of Twentieth-Century China," Journal of Asian Studies 23.4:58 5 (August 1964). 33. Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," p. 27. 34. Mao Wenxian, "Kunming xuefu jinjing," Qingnian yuekan 68.3:37 (Sept. 15, 1939). 35. QH, p. 294. 36. Zheng Tianting, "Mr. Mei Yiqi and Southwest Associated University," Chinese Education 21.2:23 (summer 1988), trans, from Rem j, p. 68; Han Yonghua, "Tong gan tong ku sishi nian," in Rem /, pp. 59-61. 37. Zheng Tianting, p. 23. 38. Rem 2, p. 33; also, Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 86-87. 39. Fang Jin and Fang Qun, "Chen Daisun," pp. 1-2; YNSD, pp. 15, 53-55; Li Ling, "Yu Guangying laoshi huiyi Lianda," in Rem 2, p. 33; see also, Wang Kang, "The Lianda Ethos," Chinese Education 21.2:86-87 (summer 1988), trans, from Rem j, p. 189. 40. YNSD, pp. 15—16, 54; Xiong Deji, "Lianda de huiyi yu sikao," in Rem 2, PP- 47-48. 41. "Lianda de yu le yi shi zhu xing," QHXYTXj6:^o (July 31,1981). 42. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 347. 43. YNSD, p. 19; Zhao Gengyang, pp. 58-59. 44. Li Yan, "Tan Lianda de xuankezhi ji qi yingxiang," in YNWS, p. 76. 45. Ibid. 46. YNSD, p. 61. 47. Li Yan, pp. 74-75. 48. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 83. 49. YNSD, p. 60. 50. Li Yan, p. 77. 51. Ibid., p. 75. 52. Ibid., p. 80; Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 79. 53. Li Yan, p. 77. 54. Fang Jin and Fang Qun, "Chen Daisun," p. 6.

412

NOTES

TO

PAGES

1 3 4 —1 5 0

55. LiYan,p. 7 9. 56. YNSD, pp. 18-19; GLXNLHDX, p. 2 n. 57. Feng Zhi, "Kunming wangshi," in YNWS, pp. 29-31. 58. Li Yan, p. 76. 59. Ibid. 60. Wang Kang, W£TZ Yiduo zhuan, pp. 77—78. 61. HVSD, pp. 17-18. 62. See Ho Liankui, "Zai Lianda gongxueyuan de tiandili," in YNWS, pp. 39899-

63. Wang Kang, W£# Yiduo zhuan, p. 76. 64. Ibid., p. 77. Cai Yuanpeis credo is more frequently rendered jian rong bing bao, which conveys the same meaning. 65. Vera Schwarcz, Time for Telling the Truth Is Running Out, pp. 170—71.

CHAPTER 7

1. QH, p. 324. 2. Robert Payne, Mao Tse-tung, p. 250. 3. According to some versions of the story, Liu said that there were only one and a half authorities: himself and the Japanese. 4. Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, pp. 82-83. 5. The anecdotal literature on Liu Wendian, though varying in detail, is consistent in its overall portrayal of Liu. The above account is drawn from Zhou Mingdao, "Zhuiyi dianshi," p. 9; Hu Baoyou, "Lianda Ersanshi," QHXYTX52:31 (May 1975); QH, p. 307; Zhang Qijun, Rulin yihua, pp. 81-85; interviews with nine alumni; interview with economics professor Qin Zan, Liu's close friend. 6. QH, p. 327. 7. XHRB, Sept. 12, 1944. For background, see XHRB, July 10, Aug. 6, and Sept. 14,1944. 8. See Linden, "Politics and Higher Education," pp. 26iff. 9. QH, pp. 327-28. 10. Interview 27 and interview with Sun Yutang, July 13,1982. 11. Zhou Mingdao, p. 9. 12. Interview 45; Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli xinan lianhe daxue shimo ji," pt. i, Z/W%39.2:73 (August 1981). 13. Interview 45. 14. LDBN, p. 170. 15. See Philip A. Kuhn, Rebellion and Its Enemies, pp. 10-11. 16. Interview 48. 17. Interview 69. 18. Interview 42. 19. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, 4:425. 20. Interview with Sun Yutang, July 23,1982.

NOTES

TO

PAGES

150-159

413

21. Biographical Dictionary, 1:370. For more on Qian Mu, see Liu Cunren, "Beida he Beida ren (2)," Yuzhou feng, series 2, 29:17—19 (Sept. 16, 1940); Biographical Dictionary, 1:368-71; Charlotte Furth, ed., The Limits of Change, p. 34; O. Briere, Fifty Years of Chinese Philosophy, 1898-1050, pp. 8,115,123; and Zhang Qijun, "Shixue dashi Qian Binsi," in Rulinyihua, pp. 49—53. 22. Biographical Dictionary, i; 259; interview with Sun Yutang, July 23,1982. 23. Interview with Sun Yutang, July 23,1982. 24. Interview 64. 25. LDBN, p. 190. Sources on Pi Mingju: interviews with his former students; QHXYTX 32:9; on Cai Weifan: LDBN, p. 182; QHXYTX 32:9; interviews with his former students, one of whom (interview 65) claimed, contrary to other sources, that Cai's enrollment numbered about 20 compared with Pi's 200; on Xiang Da: LDBN, p. 187; on Wang Xinzhong: 1942 Ministry of Education list; interview with Gilbert Baker. See interview with Liu Chonghong for material about his colleagues as well as himself. 26. Thomas A. Metzger, Escape from Predicament, p. 10. 27. Interview 64. 28. Biographical Dictionary, 2:34-35. 29. Ibid., p. 35. 30.XFJW,p.3o2. 31. Interviews with Ho Ping-ti (Ho Bingdi) and Li Tianyi; Li Zhongxiang, pt. i, P. 7532. Feng Youlan, San song tang, pp. 325-26. 33. Interview with Li Tianyi. 34. Hu Chaoxin, "Xianhua shijiu ershi liang ji," QHXYTX 26/27:12-13, reprinted in XFJW, p. 285. 35. Erik Ziircher acknowledges his indebtedness to Tang in writing the introductory historical survey for his book, The Buddhist Conquest of China (Leiden: Brill, 1972), p. 18. 36. QH, p. 334; LDBN, p. 169. 37. Biographical Dictionary, 2:33. 38. Briere, p. 72. 39. Ibid., p. 75; Ho Lin, DangdaiZhongguo zhexue, pp. 39-40. 40. Briere, p. 100. 41. FungYu-lan [Feng Youlan], Short History of Chinese Philosophy, pp. 333-34. 42. QH, p. 334. 43. Chan Wang-tsit, "China: Philosophy and Religion," in MacNair, Voices from Unoccupied China, p. 329. 44. Jin's essay, "Chinese Philosophy," written in 1943, was published in Social Sciences in China 1.1:89-93 (March 1980). 45. Zhou bao, Aug. 3,1946, p. 19. 46. Sources on Shen include Metzger, p. 10; Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, pp. 160— 62; Yu Ruilin, "Duonan yinyou xin guo yun," QHXYTX75:96; LDBN, p. 181; Zou

414

NOTES

TO P A G E S

160-167

Keding, "Beijing xuanbu Long Yun pingfan," Huayu kuaibao, Sept. 19, 1980; Li Zongxiang, "Guoli," pt. i, p. 76; interviews with alumni. 47. QH, p. 331. 48. Ibid., p. 24. 49. Zhang Chunfeng, Guoli geyuanxiao toukao shouce, p. 72; Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou zhi Qinghua (xu)," QHXYTX:Bp 2:2 (Apr. 25,1947). 50. Interview with a group of alumni, New York, April 8,1974. 51. On Chen Futian, see LDBN, p. 176, and interview 62. 52. Kai-yu Hsu, Twentieth-Century Chinese Poetry, pp. 131—32. 53. LDBN, p. 184. On Feng Zhi, see also, Kai-yu Hsu, Twentieth-Century, p. 71. 54. Kai-yu Hsu, Twentieth-Century, p. 132. On Bian Zhilin, see LDBN, pp. 19394, and Robert Payne, Eyewitness: A Personal Account of a Tumultuous Decadey 19371946, p. 252. 55. David Finkelstein and Beverley Hooper, "57 Years Inside China," Asia 2.5:10 (January-February 1980). 56. Emily Hahn, China to Me, p. 106. 57. Ibid. 58. Finkelstein and Hooper, passim; Xu Youjing, "Ganxie nin, Wende jiaoshou," Xinan lianda Beijing xiaoyouhui jianxun 2:21 (April 1985). Winters age follows the Chinese reckoning. 59. LDBN, p. 176. 60. Interview 27. 61. LDBN, p. 183. 62. Ibid. 63. Mei Xiutang, "The Democratic League and Chinese Intellectuals," China Reconstructs, February 1980, p. 6. 64. LDBN, p. 183. 65. Sun Yutang, note to the author, Washington, D.C., June 1982. 66. "Lun xin wenxue," JRPL 4.14:189 (Sept. 22,1940). 67. Zhanguo ce 4:2-10 (May 15,1940). 68. XHRB, May 14,1942, quoted in QH, p. 332. 69. Furth, ed., p. 40. 70. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. i, p. 76. 71. Li Jingao, "Jingyang Wu Mi," ZJWX4.4:23 (April 1964). 72. Yang Shixun, "Yi Wu Yuzeng jiaoshou," ZJWXi.^26 (October 1962). 73. Ibid.; Wen Yuanning, "Xiaoshi kan Wu Mi," in Hu Jingqing, ed., Zuojia xie zuojia, p. 300. 74. Yang Shixun, p. 26. 75. Ibid., p. 25. 76. Ibid. 77. For the background of Wus tragic love, see Zhang Qijun, Rulin yihua, pp. 147-4978. Laurence Schneider, "National Essence and the New Intelligentsia," in Furth, ed., p. 82.

NOTES

TO

P A G E S 167 — 177

415

79. Sheng Yi, "Huzi xiansheng," Shenghuo daobao, Nov. 27,1942, p. i. 80. Zhou Mingdao, "Zhuiyi dianshi," p. 85. 81. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. i, p. 76. 82. Dagong bao (Hong Kong), Aug. 10,1952. 83. Yang Shixun, p. 26. CHAPTER 8

i. QH, p. 22. 2. QHy pp. 224-25. 3. QH, p. 223. 4. Q//, p. 3555. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian shizhang sumiao," in XFJW, p. 180. 6. Ibid. 7. Interview with Chen Daisun. 8. Interview with Gilbert Baker. 9. LDBN, p. 180. 10. Zhengyi bao, June 4,1945. 11."WangminjiadiaonianZhaoNaituanlaoshi,"inYNWS,pp.210-11;interview 83. 12. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli lianhe daxue shimo ji," pt. 2, 27^^39.3:65 (September 1981). 13. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian," p. 181. 14. Interview 44. 15. LDBN, p. 180; Zhang Youren, "Guomindang geming pai Zhou Binglin xiansheng," in Rem 2, p. 157. 16. Li Zhongxiang, "Wu ai wu xiao," in XFJW, pp. 178-79; LDBN, p. 180. 17. Interview 44. 18. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian," p. 181. Xiao lived in the suburbs and had to walk an hour to class if he missed the bus. For his convenience, the school merged his two classes in international trade. Once the class waited for fifty minutes for him to arrive. When he finally walked in and found that not a single student had left, he couldn't hold back his tears. See Yu Youqin, "Women neige shidai ya! Jiushi jeyang de," clipping from a special issue of the Qinghua paper for the school's 1985 anniversary. 19. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian," p. 183. 20. LDBN, p. 186; Dagong bao (Chongqing), Nov. 26, 1946; Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. 2, p. 65. 21. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian," p. 183. 22. Published as An Outline of International Price Theories (London: Routledge, I939). 23. Zhou Mingdao, "Dangnian," pp. 182—83; Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. 2, p. 65. 24. QH, p. 354. 25. Undated note from an alumnus (19447economics), December 1985. 26. Interview with Chen Daisun.

416

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PAGES

178-189

27. The 4 percent figure is based upon records available for 1939,1940, and 1942, and the 2 percent figure is based upon records for 1943,1944, and 1945 plus those for the students who enrolled in the army. See Xinan lianhe daxue xiaoyou lu, passim. 28. Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, p. 175. 29. Li Funing, "Huiyi zuo zai Xinan lianda de jiwei laoshi," in Rem 2, p. 135. 30. Lianda qingnian, Oct. 16,1941, p. 27. 31. Interview with Qian Duansheng, March 26,1980. 32. Du Ruqi, "Huainian zunjing de Zhang Xiruo laoshi," in Rem 2, p. 166. 33. Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, p. 76. 34. Li Funing, p. 134. 35. Interview with Philip Sprouse. 36. Du Ruqi, p. 169. 37. Zhang Qijun, Rulinyihua, p. 175. 38. Liu Yansheng, "Lianda diandi," Lianda qingnian, June 16,1941, p. 13. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. Pu Xuefeng, "Jinbi xuange," in XFJW, p. 147. 42. Interview with Qian Duansheng, March 27,1980. 43. Interview with Wang Ganyu. 44. Hu Baoyou, "Notes on the Department of Law," letter to the author, Taibei, August 24,1985. 45. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. 2, p. 64. 46. Ibid. 47. Letter from Zhu Renmin to the author, Kunming, May 14,1980. 48. LDBN, p. 173. 49. Sun Yutang, note to the author, Washington, D.C., June 1982. 50. Peng Lingzhan, "Zai xiao zhuiyi—Falu xi zhongzhong," QHXYTX 8:21 (Apr. 15,1964); interview 29. 51. Peng Lingzhan, p. 21. 52. Interview 29. 53. Hu Baoyou, "Notes." 54. Peng Lingzhan, p. 21. 55. Ibid. 56. Clipping from an unidentified Qinghua student newspaper, Apr. 15, 1947, courtesy of Mr. Li Jiyang. 57. Beijing daxue liushi nian, p. no.

58. QH, p. 156. 59. Chen Da, Langji shinian, p. 455, cited in QH, p. 357. 60. Ibid., passim; QH, pp. 356-57; Biographical Dictionary, 1:237; "Institute of Census Research," China Institute Bulletin 5.2:20-21 (November 1940). 61. QH, pp. 356-5762. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," pt. 2, p. 65. 63. Interview with Harold Roser. 64. Interview 81. 65. "Shuo gongdu lianying," in Pan Guangdan, Ziyou, pp. 207-20. 66. LDBN, p. 179.

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I9O-2OO

417

67. QH, pp. 179-80. 68. Chen Da, pp. 202-4. 69. The ministry's sociology requirements are listed in Jiaoyu Bu, ed., Daxue kemubiao, pp. 94-98.1 am indebted to Li Jiyang for his course list. 70. Interview with Li Shuqing; LDBN, pp. 186,175. 71. Letter from Fei Xiaotong to Wilma C. Fairbank, April 29, 1944, cited in David Arkush, Fei Xiaotong and Sociology in Revolutionary China, p. 139. CHAPTER 9 1. Lu Shuqing, " 'Minzhu de baolei,'" in Rem 2, p. 39; interview with Jin Yuelin. 2. Joseph Needham, "Science in Southwest China, II: The Biological and Social Sciences," p. 37. 3. Joseph Needham, "Science in Southwest China, I: The Physico-Chemical Sciences," p. 10. 4. Ren Zhigong, "Wo zai Xinan lianho daxue," in Rem 2, p. 206. 5. Shen Kun and Shen Jing, "Shushu," in YNWS, p. 228. 6. Dai Shiguang, "Huainian kangzhan zhong de Xinan lianda," in Rem 2, p. 228. 7. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," p. 74. 8. Wenshizazhi, 4:1-2, cited in QH, p. 33. 9. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 229. 10. Ibid., p. 228. 11. Biographical Dictionary, 4:426. 12. Robert Payne, letter to J. K. Fairbank, April 1944^], Fairbank papers. 13. QH, pp. 329-30. 14. QH, p. 328. 15. Xiong Deji, "Lianda de huiyi sikao," in Rem 2, pp. 50—51. 16. Beijing daxue liushi nian, p. no; see also, Kai-yu Hsu, Wen I-to, passim, and Laurence Schneider, A Madman ofCh'u, passim. 17. Zhang Zhengdong, "Wu Zelin jiaoshou ersan shi," in Rem 2, pp. 177-78. 18. Arkush, Fei Xiaotong and Sociology, pp. 97—103. For other publications based upon Fei's wartime fieldwork, see ibid., pp. 328-31, 341-46. 19. See Li Shuqing, "Diaonian yeshi Pan Guangdan xiansheng," in Rem 2, p. 161. 20. QH, p. 303. 21. The following material comes from Xing Gongyuan, "Kangzhan shiqi de Nankai daxue bianjiang renwen yanzhou shi," in Rem 2, pp. 156—80. 22. See Robert Payne, letter to J. K. Fairbank, April 1944(7], seeking funds for the project; Fairbank papers. 23. Hu Jia, "Guoli," p. 208. 24. Interview with Sun Yutang, August 3,1982. 25. Yu Chun, "Jieshao," p. i.

4l8

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PAGES

2 O 3 —2 I I

CHAPTER IO

1. Wu Dayou, Huiyi, p. 29. 2. W. E. Tisdale, "Report on Visit to Scientific Institutions in China," September-December 1933, Rockefeller Archive Center, pp. 21, 47-48. I am indebted to James Reardon-Anderson for making this document available. 3. QH, pp. 336-374. Zhang Qin, "Bushu Lianda de yu le yi zhu xing," QHXYTX 77:11 (Oct. 31, 1981). 5. LDBN, pp. 171-72. 6. LDBN, p. 189. 7. Zhang Chunfeng, Guoli, p. 73; QH, p. 341; Xinan lianhe daxue xiaoyou lu, passim. 8. QH, p. 34; Chen Shengshen, "Wo zai lianda de liu nian," in Rem 2, pp. 190—91. 9. The story of Hua Luogeng is based upon Stephen Salaff, "A Biography of Hua Lo-keng," Isis 63.217:143—48 (June 1972); Gina Bari Kolata, "Hua Lo-keng Shapes Chinese Math," Science 210.4468:413-14 (Oct. 24, 1980); Zhang Qijun, "Xiong Qinglai fajue Hua Luogeng," in Rulin yihua, pp. 76—78; Biographical Dictionary, 2:185; interview 42 (like Hua, the interviewee was a native of Qin tan). 10. Interview 89. 11. Chen Sikai, "Sanshi nian hou yi Qinghua," in Qinghua shiji biye sanshi nian jinian tekan, p. 69. 12. Lianda qingnian 2:29 (Oct. 16,1941). 13. Salaff, p. 148; Gu Mainan, "Hua Luogeng jiaoshou zai Xinan Lianda," in Rem 2, pp. 192-95 (article drawn from Gus book, Hua Luogeng zhuan). 14. Wu Dayou, pp. 47-48; Guo Yiceng, "Yi Xinan Lianda wuli xi," in Rem 2, p. 225. 15. Joseph Needham, "Science, I," p. 9. 16. YNSD, p. 90, presumably based upon QH, p. 345. A more exhaustive check has found forty-two publications by Lianda physicists from 1939 to 1946 but does not break these down into "theoretical" and "experimental" categories. See Guo Yiceng, p. 229. 17. QH, pp. 344-4518. Joseph Needham, "Science, I," p. 9; QH, p. 345. See also, Yu Fuchun, "Shenqie huainian Rao Yutai laoshi," in Rem 2, pp. 202-4. 19. Empson, "A Chinese University," pp. 239-41. 20. Qinghua daxue wushi nianjianshi, 1911-1961, pp. 22-23. 21. Interview 39, conducted by the author and Laurence Schneider. 22. Interview 38, conducted by the author and Laurence Schneider. 23. Zhang Yicun, "Zhongguo de huaxue," in Zhonghua minguo kexue zhi, ed. Li Ximou, pp. 9-10. 24. Letter from Qiu Lichun to the author, July 21,1989. 25. Interview with Qian Siliang.

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PAGES

2II-22O

419

26. Empson, p. 242. 27. Guoli Beijing daxue, "Beida yanzhouyuan like yanzhousuo guikuang," GDJYfKi.xin (June i, 1941). 28. Interview with Qian Siliang. 29. Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 3. 30. Ernest O. Hauser, "Poverty Campus," p. 92. 31. Joseph Needham, "Science, I," p. 9. 32. QH, p. 377. 33. Interview with Qian Siliang. 34. QH, pp. 346-47; YNSD, p. 41. 35. Tian Yueling, "Huiyi Xinan lianda huaxue xi," in Rem 2, p. 250. 36. QH, p. 347. 37. Ibid., p. 346; YNSD, pp. 219-20. 38. Shen Panwen, "Huainian yanshi Yang Shixian jiaoshou," in Rem 2, pp. 184— 89. See also, Wang Wenjun, "Wan li xun qu ti—ji Yang Shuxian jiaoshou chongfang Kunming," in YNWS, pp. 97-99. 39. LiXimou, ed., p. 5; Dagongbao, Nov. 26,1946; XHRB, Aug. 18,1944; LDBN, pp. 173-74; Zhang Qin, in QHXYTX77:11 (Oct. 31,1981); Qiu Lichun, letter to the author, July 26,1989. 40. Interview 12. 41. Interview with Qian Siliang. 42. Interview 64. 43. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli," p. 63; Tian Yueling, p. 252; YNSD, p. 83. 44. Diankangdaoshang(i94$ and Daliangshan Yiqu kaochaji (1945,1947). 45. Qiu Lichun, letter to the author, July 26, 1989. Qiu was one of the three students on the expedition. 46. Daliang shan Yi qu kaochaji. 47. See bibliography in Wang Zhihao and Xing Runchuan, "Zhiming xuezhe, huaxuejia Zeng Zhaolun jiaoshou," Huaxue tongbao, 1980, no. 9, pp. 54-55. 48. LDBN, pp. 173-74. 49. Li Ximou, ed., p. n. 50. Sun Dunheng, "Ji zhuming dongwuxuejia Chen Zhen jiaoshou," in YNWS, p. 223. 51. Li Jianwu, "Li Jitong jiaoshou zai Xinan lianda," in Rem 2, pp. 268—70. 52. QH, p. 349. 53. Ibid. 54. Guoli Beijing daxue, "Beida Yanzhouyuan," p. 153. 55. QH, p. 350. 56. Joseph Needham, "Science," pp. 36-37, reprinted in Joseph and Dorothy Needham, eds., Science Outpost, pp. 88-90. 57. Joseph Needham, "Science, II," p. 36. 58. Ibid.; Joseph and Dorothy Needham, eds., Science Outpost, p. 389; William H. Adolph, "Physiological Research in Wartime China," Scientific Monthly

42O

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220-22$

61.1:153-54 (August 1945); Guoli qinghua daxue, "Qinghua yanzhouyuan nongye yanshousuo wuxiandian yanshousuo hangkong gongcheng yanzhousuo guoqing pucha yanzhousuo gaikuang," GDJYJK1.2:157-58 (June i, 1941). 59. Guoli qinghua daxue, "Qinghua yanzhouyuan," pp. 154—56. 60. Ibid., pp. 154-60. 61. Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 4. 62. QH9 p. 35. 63. Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 4. 64. Ibid. 65. Joseph Needham, "Science, I," p. 10; Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 4. 66. Interview with Peter Misch. 67. Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 4. 68. LDBNy p. 192. 69. Ibid., pp. 169-70. 70. Ibid. 71. Principal sources on Misch include: Bi Shi [pseud.], "Ji P. Misch jiaoshou," Shenghuo daobao, Feb. 16,1943; LDBN, p. 191; Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi (1942-1943) shenghuo zayi," in YNWS, pp. 169-70; interview with Misch; letters from Peter Misch to the author, July 8, 9,13, and 27,1982. 72. Bi Shi, "Ji P. Misch." CHAPTER II 1. Q//, p. 33 I.

2. Shen Yuan, Xuhuafang, Cao Chuanjun, and Zhao Zhenyan, "Huiyi Lianda hangkong xi," in Rem 2, p. 304. 3. Q//, pp. 366—67; Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 8. 4. Q//, pp. 359 n.3, 361, 303, 363; Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 7. 5. Pang Rui and Yang Yuwei, "Jiegou xue quanwei Cai Fangyin laoshi ersan shi" (A few things about the structural studies authority Professor Cai Fangyin), in Rem 2, p. 272. 6. Dong Shuping, "Yi de gao wang zhong de Liu Xianzhou jiaoshou" (Recalling Professor Liu Xianzhou, a man of high principles and profound vision), in Rem 2, p. 280. 7. Ho Liankui, "Zai Lianda gongxueyuan de tiandi li" (In the precincts of Lianda's Engineering College), in YNWS, pp. 398—408. 8. Fu Luoxin, "Xinan lianda jixiexi 1945 Ji 'Kuai she' zaji" (Scattered recollections of the Alkaline Society' of Xinan Lianda's 1945 Mechanical Engineering class), in YNWS, p. 522. 9. Ho Liankui, p. 405; Zhao Fangxiong, "Lianda gongxueyuan de shuxue jiaoxue" (Teaching mathematics in Lianda's College of Engineering), in Rem 2, pp. 310-11. 10. Tang Tongyi, "Xinan lianda dianji xi pianduan" (Vignettes from Xinan Lianda's Department of Electrical Engineering), in YNWSy p. 239. n. Q//, pp. 229-30. 12. Ho Liankui, "Yanshi de jiaoyi" (Beneficial teachings from strict masters), in Rem /, pp. 197-98.

NOTES

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PAGES

229-236

421

13. Ho Liankui, "Zai," p. 403; Zhang Wenbo, "Yi Lianda jixie xi 1944 ji 'Suo she' de laoshi ho tongchuang," in YNWS, p. 520. 14. Zhang Wenbo, p. 520; LDBN, p. 200; Ho Liankui, "Yanshi," p. 202. 15. Zhang Wenbo, pp. 511, 512; LDBN, p. 200. 16. Except where otherwise noted, material on Li Jixiang is based upon Ma Fangli and Guo Shikang, "Huainian Li Jixiang laoshi" (Recollections of Professor Li Jixiang), in Rem 2, pp. 282—85. 17. LBDN, p. 200. 18. Pang Rui and Yang Yuwei, p. 273. 19. Ho Liankui, "Yanshi," pp. 203-4. 20. Tao Baokai, "Xinan lianda de Tedian," in Rem 2, p. 29. 21. Hu Caoxin, "Xianhua shijiu ershi liangji," pt. i, QHXYTX26!27:13 (Jan. 3, 1969). 22. Q//, pp. 229-31. 23. Fu Luoxin, p. 519; Q//, p. 233. 24.Ibid. 25. Guang Dezhang, "Lianda gongxueyuan shenghuo zhuiyi" (Retrospective on life in Liandas College of Engineering), QHXYTX 52:29-30 (May 15, 1975), reprinted in Rem 2, pp. 312-13. 26. Fu Luoxin, p. 521. 27. Xu Jingqi and Liu Ji, "Lianda gongxueyuan de Yinjin she" (The Engine Society in Liandas College of Engineering), in Rem /, pp. 337-41. 28. Chen Yanchuang et al., "Huiyi Xinan lianda tumu gongcheng xi," in Rem 2, p. 277; Fang Fu, "Yi gongxueyuan tiema tiyuhui," in YNWS, pp. 498—501. 29. Ho Liankui, "Zai," p. 408; Xu Huafang, "Wangcang qianyuan de shenghuo" (Life in the front courtyard of the Wangcang Lou), in Rem 2, p. 380; interview 29. 30. Guang Dezhang, p. 30; Rem 2, pp. 312-13. 31. Q//, pp. 228-29. 32. Chen Nanping and Zhang Yuandong, "Xinan lianda Jixiexi Huiyi" (Recollections of Xinan Liandas Mechanical Engineering Department), in Rem 2, p. 290. 33. Q//, pp. 303, 361. 34. Ibid., pp. 360, 362, 367; Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 8. 35. Wang Xianchung, "Yi Zhang Quanzhou," p. 297. 36. Unless otherwise attributed, material in this section is drawn from Q//, pp. 363-66. 37. Chen Yanchuang et al., p. 277. 38. Q//, pp. 360, 362, 366-67, and Mei Yiqi, "Fuyuan hou," p. 8. 39. The following account draws from Ho Liankui, "Lianda de Qinghua Fuwu She" (Liandas Qinghua Service Society), in Rem 2, pp. 360-66, which in turn is based upon a September 1987 interview with former Lianda professor Meng Guangjie.

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239-247

CHAPTER 12

1. YNSD, p. 22; Chinese Recorder, May 1939, pp. 272-73. 2. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi Lianda shifanxueyuan ji qi fuxiao," in Rem 2, pp. 314— 15-

3. YNSDy p. 23. 4. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," p. 315. 5. YNWS, pp. 33, 59-^6. 6. YNSD, pp. 26-27; Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," p. 314. 7. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," p. 318. 8. Ibid., pp. 317-18; YNSD, pp. 31-32. 9. ZYRB, June 7,1939. 10. Shen Jingdong, "Chuanbo guangming," QHXYTX^-.^o-^i (Apr. 29,1973). 11. ZYRBy Apr. 13,1941. 12. "Qingnian de daode wenti," Zhengyi bao, Apr. 24,1941. 13. See Huang Yusheng, "Zai lun qingnian de zhiqi de sixiang," ZYRB, Apr. 24, 1941. 14. Anon, diary, February 13-14,1938; interview n. 15. Interview 54; Sun Yutang, note to the author, Washington, D.C., August 1982. 16. LDBN, pp. 195-96; interview with anon. Lianda professor. 17. Interview with Huang Yusheng. 18. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," pp. 319-21. 19. Ibid. 20. Xiong Deji, "Wo zai Lianda congshi dang de dixia gongzuo de huiyi," in YNWS, p. 364. 21. Biographies of Kuomintang Leaders, entry on Chen Hsueh-p'ing. 22. Interview with Sun Yutang, August 3,1982. 23. Chen Xueping, written comments on a draft of this chapter, given to author, Taibei, 1985. Chen denied an allegation made by his close friend Sun Yutang that Jiang had offered him a choice between the Beida provostship and the directorship of the youth corps. See interview with Sun Yutang, June 10,1982. 24. Interview with Pei Cunfan. 25. LDBN, pp. I94-9526. Sun Yutang, note to the author, Washington, D.C., August 1982. 27. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," p. 318. 28. Xiong Deji, "Wo zai Lianda," p. 364. 29. Ibid., pp. 374-7530. Cao Xueyuan, "Xinan lianda de diyi suo minzhong yexiao," in YNWS, pp. 442-4331. Huang Yusheng, "Huiyi," p. 317. 32. YNSD, p. 33. 33. Ibid., pp. 80, 103-4; Lin Yushan, "Xinan lianda dui Yunnan jiaoyu shiye de

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423

gongxian," in YNWS, pp. 89—90; Ma Yao, "Zhenshi Xinan lianhe daxue liugei Yunnan de yichan," in YNWS, pp. 83-84. 34. YNSD, pp. 77-80; Lin Yushan, p. 89. 35. Zhang Yanggeng, "Wei le tigao yuwen jiaoxue shuiping—jianjie Lianda shiyuan guowen yuekan she chuban de Guowen yuekan" in YNWS, pp. 126—33, passim. 36. YNSD, p. 108. 37. Ibid., pp. 109—10. 38. Ibid., pp. 107-8, in. CHAPTER 13 1. Interview 9. 2. Chinese Recorder, August 1939, p. 457. 3. LDBN, p. 44. 4. "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," ZhanshizhishiiT.ij (Dec. 25,1938). 5. "Xinan banian," Dagong bao (Shanghai), Nov. 27, 1946; Zha Liangzheng, "Kangzhan yilai de Xinan lianda," in Kangzhanyilai, p. 2; Han Fei, "Xinan lianda de xuesheng huodong," XHRB, Jan. 5, 1941, trans, without attribution in China Institute Bulletin, March 1941, pp. 49-51; Shi Huang, "Kangzhan zhong zhansheng de Xinan lianhe daxue," Zhanshige daxue niaokan, p. 112. 6. The most evocative account of excursions is Zhang Xin, "Mengyou Kunming," in XFJW, pp. 139-41. 7. Lee Chin-yang, "Student Life in the Southwest Associated University, Kunming," CWR 93.12:430 (Aug. 17,1940). 8. Interview with Huang Zhongfii (Jack Huang). 9. XHRB, Oct. 23,1943. 10. Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi shenghuo zaji," ms., p. 7. 11. Zhai Guojin, "Lianda yishi," in XFJW, pp. 325-26. 12. Interview with Huang Zhongfu. 13. Lee Chin-yang, p. 431. 14. ZYRB, Mar. 21,1941. 15. Xie Kuangchun, "Chujin Lianda shi ji yixie jiyi," in XFJW, p. 208. 16. "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," p. 18. 17. Zhou Xingtlan, "I Lived on the New Campus," Chinese Education, summer 1988, p. 38, trans, from LDBN, p. 78; Guang Yuan, "Pianduan de huiyi," in LDBN, p. 67; Yao Xiuyan, "Yongyuan huainian Xinan lianda," in XFJW, p. 305. 18. Interviews 44 and 89. 19. "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," p. 18. 20. Interview 62. 21. "Ba nian lai tongxue de shenghuo yu xuexi," in LDBN, p. 44. 22. "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," p. 18.

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258-267

23. Interview 27. 24. Interview 40; letter from Zhu Renmin to the author, May 14,1980. 25. Zhengyi bao, Sept. 23,1944. 26. Guancha bao, Mar. 16,1945. 27. Interview 18. 28. Hu Chaoxin, "Xiantan shijiu ershi liang ji," QHXYTX 26/27:13 (Jan. 3, 1969), reprinted in XFJW, p. 285. 29. Interview 40. 30. The following account is drawn from Cheng Yingliu, "Shuxun xiang wuhao," in YNWSy pp. 417-19. 31. China Institute Bulletin, March 1941, p. 51. 32. Ibid. 33. Situ Jinghua, "Shuo," p. 18. 34. Interview 27. 35. This account is taken from Shi Zaixuan [Xiao Di], "Cong chunsheng geyongdui dao Lianda geyongtuan," in Rent /, pp. 331-36. 36. Long obscure, the Qun She's origins have been elucidated in a detailed account by Xing Fujin (subsequently known as Xing Fangqun). See Xing Fangqun, "Huiyi Qun she," in Rem /, pp. 309-10. Xing's article documents the organizations ties to the Chinese Communist Party and provides the most thorough record of its activities. Benefiting from critiques by thirteen of his old comrades, Xing revised the draft of his recollections before publication. 37. Beijingdaxue liushi nian, p. 100, and Xiong Deji, "Wo zai Lianda," p. 366. On the Qun She's activities among peasants and workers, see Li Ling, "Ji Kunming de yige zhigong dushu hui," in Rem i, pp. 280-81. 38. Han Fei, "Xinan lianda de xuesheng huodong," XHRB, Jan. 5, 1941, trans, without attribution in "Life on a University Campus," China Institute Bulletin, March 1941, p. 5. 39. Situ Jinghua, p. 18; LDBN, p. 132. 40. Lie Man, "Lianda de tuanti shenghuo," in LDBN, p. 132. 41. Interview 57. 42. This account is drawn principally from Zhang Weiya, "Liang ce bing yi xuanchuan huodong," in YNWS, pp. 439-41. Information on the Youth CorpsCompass Society activities is taken from Yuan Chunchao, notes on the Compass Society, which Mr. Yuan gave to the author, Taibei, July 1985. See also, Li Ling, "Ji Kunming," pp. 280-81. 43. The most thorough study of student government politics during Lianda's early years is Xing Fujin, "Ji xinan lianhe daxue qianqi de xuesheng zizhihui," in YNWS, pp. 420-25. Xing was a Communist student activist. For a view through the eyes of his Guomindang counterpart, see interview 29. 44. Xiao Di, "Chengxian qihou de zhandou jiti—yi Lianda juyi she," in Rem /, p. 389.

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267-27!

425

45. Zhai Guojin, "Yemeigui yanchu qianhou," pt. i, Zhongwai zazhi 34.2:103 (August 1983). 46. Ibid., p. 104. 47. Zhang Dinghua, "Huiyi Lianda jutuan," in Rem /, p. 342. See also, Xiao Di, "Chengxian qihou," p. 389. 48. Zhang Dinghua, pp. 342-45. 49. Ibid., pp. 348-49. 50. Ibid., pp. 344-4551. Ibid., p. 350, and Huang Huishi, "Lianda xiju yanjiu she yu A Qzhengzhuan de yanchu," in Rem /, p. 354. 52. Zhang Dinghua, p. 350. 53. Huang Huishi, p. 359. 54. "Ba nian lai de minzhu yundong," p. 41; Xing Xing, "You tongxue kan 'dang,' 'tuan,'" in LDBN, pp. 136-37. In 1988 a Youth Corps veteran offered a very different view of these events: "According to my own remembrance, the play on stage was produced by the Lianda Drama Society. The student who spoke on stage was Gao Xiaowen. He announced that it was a member of the Group who had cut the electricity. So, President Zhang became furious. I was sitting in the second row. I used my Eveready flashlight to light the way for President Zhang when he left his seat and ascended to the stage, and strongly denounced the circuit cutters. I can recall this scene very clearly till today. I never heard that the circuit was broken by a GMD student. A GMD member had no reason to do such a strange thing because most of the actors and actresses appearing on the stage that night were pro-GMD students." Zhai Guojin, letter to the author, March 10,1988. 55. Huang Huishi, pp. 351, 356, 359; Zhai Guojin, pt. i, p. 106. 56. Huang Huishi, pp. 359-60, says that more than 200 students were involved, but Kong Pusheng herself only claims "more than 150," a figure sustained by the credits on the playbill. See Kung Pu-sheng (Kong Pusheng), "Kunming Students Meet Hard Times with Self-Aid Projects: Group Blazes Way in 'Hit' Stage Show," CWR, Dec. 21,1940; see also, A QZhengzhuan playbill, courtesy Xiao Di. 57. This account is based upon Zhai's two-part article, "Yemeigui yanchu qianhou," Zhongwai zazhi 34.2:103-9 (August 1983) and 34.2:116-21 (September 1983), reprinted under the title, "Ji yice duozai duonan de huaju yanchu," in XFJW, pp. 260-83, and m YNWS, pp. 479-95. 58. Zhongwai zazhi, September 1983, p. 121. 59. Can Nian, "Qun she," p. 131. 60. Huang Huishi, pp. 358-59. 61. Sec A QZhengzhuan playbill. 62. Huang Huishi, p. 360, "Editor's Note." 63. Zhai Guojin letter to the author, March 10,1988. 64. Zha Liangzheng, pp. 1—2, and Li Liancheng, "Biye sanshi nian zhishu," QHXYTX^6\^6 (Apr. 20,1971).

426

NOTES

TO P A G E S

272-284

65. Chennault, Way of a Fighter, p. 87. 66. Zha Liangsheng, p. 2. 67. Joseph Needham, "Science, I," p. 9. 68. Li Zhongxiang, "Guoli xinan lianhe daxue shimo ji," ZJWX^.4:S6 (October 1981). 69. Interview 70. 70. The above account is from Fei Xiaotong, "Shusan," in LDBN, pp. 55-60. 71. See Mei Yiqi's report in QHXYTX 6.10/11.12:5 (December 1940). See also, Rev. Tze-ven Hsiang, "Student Crisis," CWR94.9:281 (Nov. 2,1940), and Federation News Service, January 1941, p. 2. 72. GDJYJKi.i (March 1941). 73. Jiaoyu z&zhi 31.1:2 (January 1941). 74. Ibid. 75. Unless otherwise indicated, descriptions of student life in Xuyong are based upon the following sources, especially upon the first two items: Zhou Mingdao, "Xuyong yiwang," in XFJW, pp. 112-28; Qin Ni, "Lianda Xuyong fenxiao jishi," in Rem /, pp. 231—40; Zhou Mingdao, "Xuyong yiwang bu," QHXYTX49:9 (August 1974); Zhang Qin, "Xuyong fenxiao de yinian," in XFJW, pp. 135-38; Zhang Ruinian, "Duo cai duo zi de yijiusisi ji," in XFJW, pp. 211-12, reprinted from QHXYTX 48:17 (April 1974); Zhang Zhiliang, "Wo de daxue shenghuo," in Rem /, pp. 253-55. 76. See Zhang Qin, pp. 135-38. 77. Qin Ni, "Lianda xuyong," p. 235. For more on the wall newspapers at Xuyong, see Huang Hongxun, Zhou Xinsun, Zhang Xinda, Ho Yang, and Qin Ni, "Qi ye 'liu huo' he 'bu gu' cui chun," in Rem /, pp. 361—64. 78. Frank Tao, "Student Life in Wartime China," p. 496. 79. Letter from Kai-yu Hsu to the author, May 1980. 80. Zhou Mingdao, "Ling ren nanwang de xuyong shenghuo," Rem 2, p. 373. 81. GLXNLHDXXS, pp. 66-67. 82. Qin Ni, "Lianda Xuyong," pp. 235-38. 83. Qian Duansheng, editorial, JRPL 1.2:2 (Jan. 8,1939). 84. JRPL 2.2:18-19 (July 2, 1939), 1.10:3 (Mar. 5, 1939), and 3.12:178 (Mar. 24, 1940). 85. JRPL 2.14:211 (Sept. 29,1939). 86. JRPL 3.11:162-73 (Mar. 17,1940). 87. Yan Shutang, "Guoli xianju yu woguo kangzhan," JRPL 2.21:324—29 (Nov. 12,1939). 88. Pan Guangdan, "Chuqin zai wutuobang zhong," JRPL 3.3:40—43 (Jan. 21, 1940). 89. For examples of grasping at straws, see JRPL, editorial, 1.1:1 (Jan. i, 1939), and Tang Shi [Ye Qisun], "Hebei sheng nei de kangzhan qingkuang," ibid., pp. 10-12. For further discussion of this article, see Wang Yongquan, Shen Keqi, and Sun Jie, "Sheqie huainian Ye Qisun jiaoshou," QHXYTX:B 16:90 (October 1987).

NOTES

TO

PAGES

284-288

427

90. See editorials signed "Ping" [Chen Xueping] mJRPL 1.3:3 (Jan. 15,1939) and 1.5:2 (Jan. 29,1939). 91. Qian Duansheng, "Kangzhan zhi sheng de zhengzhi,"/#PZ, I - II: 3~5 (Mar. 12, I939)92. Shao Xunge, "Zuijin Ouzhou jiangjie wenti," JRPL 1.17:3—7 (Apr. 23,1939). 93. JRPL 2.12:2 (Sept. 10,1939). 94. Luo Longji, "Ouzhan yu minzhu zhuyi de qiantu," JRPL 4.1:10—13 (July 7, 1940). 95. JRPL 1.4:2-3 (Jan. 22,1939). 96. Qian Duansheng, "Zhongri zhanzheng yu Meiguo jinhou de xingdong," JRPL$. 11:167-69 (Mar. 17,1940). 97. Qian Duansheng, "Luosifu dangxuan yu jinhou de Meiguo," JRPL 4.19:292— 94 (Nov. 10,1940). 98. Qian Duansheng, "Tongyi yu yizhi" JRPL 1.1:3-5 (Jan- J > J939)99. Qian Duansheng, "Duiyu liu zhong quanhui qiwang,"/^PZ 1.3:4-6 (Jan. 15, 1939). 100. Qian Duansheng, "Jijian zhanshi de buji zhengshi,"/7?PZ 1.17:7—8 (Apr. 23, 1939). 101. See Wang Ganyu, "Fazhi minzhi yu tongyi," JRPL 1.16:6-8 (Apr. 16, 1939), and Zhang Foquan, "Zhengzhi zhi zhiduhua," JRPL 19.1:4-5 (May 7,1939). 102. Anthony J. Shaheen, "The Chinese Democratic League and Chinese Politics, 1937-1947," p. 15. 103. Chien Tuan-sheng [Qian Duansheng], The Government and Politics of China, pp. 307-8. See also, Lawrence K. Shyu, "Chinas Wartime Parliament," in Sih, ed., Nationalist China, pp. 297-301. 104. Luo Longji, "Zhongguo muqian de zhengdang wenti," JRPL 4.24:376-79 (Dec. 5,1940) and 4.25:392-97 (Feb. 22,1940). 105. Lawrence K. Rosinger, Chinas Wartime Politics, 1937—1944, p. 60; Frederick Spaar, "Liberal Political Opposition in Chinese Politics, 1928-1958," Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 1980, p. 87. 106. See Wang Ganyu, "Shuo ren shi," JRPL 3.6:87-89 (Feb. n, 1940), and his editorials mJRPL^.iy.i^ (Mar. 31,1940) and 3.15:225 (Apr. 14,1940). 107. Luo Longji, "Lun gongkai zhengquan,"//£PZ, 3.21:323—26 (May 26,1940). 108. Wang Ganyu, "Yangshi yu zhengzhi,"y&PZ, 3.13:194-95 (Mar. 31,1940). 109. Yu [Wang Ganyu], "Jinnian de Qingnianjie," JRPL 3.18:274-75 (May 5, 1940). no. Hu shi laiwang shuxin xuan, 2:482. in. Michael R. Godley, "Politics from History: Lei Haizong and the Zhanguo Ce Clique," p. 104. 112. Ibid., pp. 113-14. 113. Chen Quan, "Lun xin wenxue/'/ftPZ 4.14:189 (Sept. 22,1940). For more on Chen Quan, see Chap. 7.

42,8

NOTES

TO

PAGES

288-297

114. Ouyang Caiwei, "Lun suowei xin wenxue yu xin lixiang," JRPL 4.19:299 (Nov. 10,1940). 115. Godley, p. 106. 116. Qian Duansheng, "Women xuyao de zhengzhi zhidu," JRPL 4.15:228-30 (Oct. 13,1940). 117. Qian Duansheng, "Yi dang yu duo dang," JRPL 4.16:146 (Oct. 20,1940). 118. Qian Duansheng, "Lun Dangwu," JRPL 5.14 (Apr. 14,1941). 119. Wang Ganyu, "Ouzhan de sixiang Beijing," JRPL 4.20:310-12 (Nov. 10, 1940). 120. Luo Longji, "Zhongguo yu minyi zhengzhi," JRPL 4.21:329—31 (Nov. 24, 1940). 121. Qian Duansheng, "Daxue wang he chu qu," JRPL 3.24:377-79 (June 16, 1940). 122. Qian Duansheng, "Women xuyao de jiaoyu zhengce," JRPL 4.21:328-29 (Nov. 24,1940). 123. See Ding Jies editorial,//^PZ 2.25:387 (Dec. 10,1939). 124. "Shuo gongdu jianying," in Pan Guangdan, Ziyou, pp. 211-20. 125. Lei Haizong, "Junzi yu wei junzi,"y#PZ 1.1:4-5 (Jan- 22> I939)126. Yi [pseud.], "Tuixingbingyi/'/^Z 1.10:2 (Mar. 5,1939). 127. Yuan [pseud.], "Zhengchi Guanchang,"y/£PZ3.i7:259 (Apr. 28,1940). 128. Feng Youlan, "Zhongguo bijing hai shi Zhongguo," JRPL 1.14:7-8 (Apr. 2, I939). 129. See Furth, ed., Limits of Change^ passim. 130. Ho Lin, "Wuzhi jianshe xiandaihua yu sixiang jianshe xiandaihua," JRPL 3.1:6-9 (Jan. 7,1940). 131. Chen Xujing, "Kangzhan shiqi wenhua wenti," JRPL 5.3:35-40 (Jan. 26, 1941). For Feng's reply, see Feng Youlan, "Da Chen Xujing xiansheng," JRPL 5.6:8385 (Feb. 16, 1941). See also, Li Yuan, "Ji aiguo xuezhe Chen Xujing xiansheng," in Rem 2, pp. 144—49. 132. Wu Qiyuan, "Shemme shi Zhongguo wenhua de chulai?" JRPL 3.24:390-93 (June 16,1940). 133. Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment, pp. 230—36. CHAPTER 14

1. Interview with Zha Liangzhao. 2. Ibid., and Li Shengting, "Nanzhen she ji nanzhen bibao," QHXYTX48:24 (April 1974). 3. Li Shengting, p. 24. See also, Yuan Chunchao, notes on the Compass Society. 4. On Kang Zes visit, see Xiao Di, "The Lawn and Other Things," Chinese Education 21.2:65 (summer 1988), trans, from Rem /, pp. 502-3. 5. Interview 33. 6. Yin Fusheng, "Sanwei yiti lun," Minzu sixiang 1.2:15-20 (Mar. 23, 1941); Li

NOTES

TO P A G E S

298-306

429

Dingyi, "Ji yu zhonglizhe," ibid., pp. 20-25. After 1949, Yin and Li were colleagues at National Taiwan University and neighbors on Wenzhou Street in Taibei. Li was still a conservative of a fiercely independent stripe, and Yin, then known as Yin Haiguang, had become chief editorialist for the outspoken journal Ziyou Zhongguo and Taiwan's most famous intellectual gadfly. 7. The comparison between foreign dogs and Chinese people is from Feng Youlan, Xin shilun, p. 33. 8. Conversation with Ms. Hahn while she was a visiting professor in the University of Virginias English department, Charlottesville, spring 1974. 9. Interview 41. 10. See Chen Xueping, "Yan yaoyan," JRPL 1.8:8-10 (Feb. 19,1939). 11.ZouWenjing,"Guojiazhibei,duoyouguanxie,"inYNWS,p.450. 12. Interview 74; interview with Chen Xueping. 13. Wang Shitang, "Yi chang zaoyu zhan," in Rem i, pp. 246—50; interview 74; Wang Xianchung, "Yi Zhong Quanzhou," in YNWS, p. 279. 14. Interview with Pei Cunfan. 15. Zou Wenjing, pp. 455-56. 16. Interview 74. 17. Ibid. 18. Wang Shitang, pp. 248-49. 19. LDBN, p. 45. 20. Lin Yuan, "Sishi niandai de yizhi wenyi zhi hua," in YNWS, p. 469. 21. T. H. Chien (Qian Duansheng), letter to John K. Fairbank, July 31, 1941, Fairbank papers.

22. Hu Shi laiwang shuxin xuan, 2:550. 23. Tang Yongtong, letter to Hu Shi, January 19,1943, in ibid., p. 553. 24. Hu Shi laiwang^ pp. 565—66. 25. Manuscript headed "May 4 [1943]—Lung T'ou Ts'un (Dragon Head Village) outside Kunming," p. 3, Fairbank papers. 26. Ibid., p. 2. 27. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 100. 28. Chen Li-fu, "War and Education in China," China Forum, Aug. 5, 1939, p. 161. 29. Pu-hsia Frederick Chao, "Education for a Democratic China," pp. 167-68. 30. "Jiaoyu xiaoxi," Jiaoyu tongxun 2.43:2 (Nov. 4,1939). 31. Letter from Wu Yu, CWR, Aug. 26,1939, p. 39.

32. William P. Fenn, The Effects of the Japanese Invasion on Higher Education in China, pp. 33-34. 33. Mu Wenjin, "Lianda zai jinri," p. 380.

34. Chang Kia-ngau, The Inflationary Spiral: The Experience in China, 1030-1950, PP. 35-36> 98. 35. Yang Tong, "Qiongku de daxuesheng," Yuzhoufeng (Guilin), Apr. 16, 1940, p. 289. 36. Interview 9. 37. Yang Tong, pp. 565-66.

43O

NOTES

TO

PAGES

306-314

38. LDBN, p. 44, and Li Mei, "Lianda xiaoji" (Random notes on Lianda), XHRB, Apr. 8,1944. 39. Zhang Chunfeng, "Guoli," p. 118. 40. Ou Yuanhuai, "Kangzhan shinianlai Zhongguo de daxue jiaoyu," p. 14. 41. ZYRB, Mar. 17,1941. 42. ZYRB, Mar. 18,1941. 43. Lang Changhao, "Xiantan 'gongdu,'" Lianda qingnian 1.2:22-23 (Oct. 16, 1941). 44. Letter to the author from Zhu Renmin. 45. Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi shenghuo zayi," ms., p. 10, courtesy of Xiao Di. The published version of Zhang's essay (YNWS, pp. 155—74) omits this material. 46. "Students Set Up Blood Bank," China at Wari^.^o (November 1944). 47. "Notes and News," Quarterly Bulletin of Chinese Bibliography, new sen, 3.37 4:37 (September—December 1943); Frank Tao, "Student Life in Wartime China,"

P. 49548. XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 49. Conversation with an alumnus (law), Beijing, 1985. 50. Ou Yuanhuai, p. 4. 51. Report by Kiang Wen-han, Federation News Service, May 1944. Virtually identical figures are quoted in XHRB, Oct. 23,1943. 52. XHRB, Apr. 8,1944.

K.XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 54. Courtesy of Pan Hexi (1943/engineering). 55. XHRB, July n, 1944. 56. "Immigration, Finance, and the Church," Chinese Recorder, October 1940,

P. 685.

57. Chang Kia-ngao, p. 99. 58. "Students Lead Spartan Lives," China at War 4.2:61-62 (March 1940); XHRB, Feb. n, 1940. 59. ZYRB, Apr. 14,1944, p. 3; Zhengyi bao, Mar. 31,1945. 60. Zhengyi bao, Mar. 31,1945. 61. Yong Nian, "Shiyuan shenghuo," in LDBN, pp. 87-88. 62. Guoli xinan lianhe daxue xiaoshi ziliao, p. 15. 63. Hauser, "Poverty Campus," p. 92. 64. Ibid., p. 19. 65. XHRB, Oct. 23,1943. 66. Yu Ruilin, "Wang shi ru yan," in XFJW, p. 138; XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 67. Interview 43. 68. XHRB, Oct. 19,1942. 69. Hauser, p. 92. 70. Letter from Zhu Renmin. 71. "Xuefu fengguang." 72. Ibid. 73. Zou Xingtian, "I Lived on the New Campus," Chinese Education, summer 1988, pp. 28-29, trans, from LDBN, pp. 70-71.

NOTES

TO P A G E S

314-320

43!

74. Ma Ying, "Nan yuan wo de jia," in LDBN, p. 83. 75. Zheng Yichun, "Lianda fengguan," Yuzhou feng yikan 28.44-45 (Sept. i, 1940). 76. Interview with David Tseng. 77. Interview 65. 78. Zheng Yichun, p. 44. 79. Report by Kiang Wen-han. 80. XHRB, Oct. 23,1943. 81. Ding Dong, "Kunming daxuesheng shi tsenyang shenghuo zhe," Kangzhan zhongde Zhongguo jiaoyuyu wenhua, p. 117, reprinted from XHRB, July 2,1940. 82. Mu Wenjun, p. 181. 83. XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 84. Ding Dong, p. 116. 85. Gilbert Baker, The Changing Scene in China, p. 51. 86. Zhou Mingdao, "Lianda shenghuo shiling," in XFJW, p. 315; Mu Wenjun, P- 37987. Conversation with Li Dingyi, Taibei, August 6,1985. 88. Lu Qiao, Weiyangge, pp. 100-106. 89. Interview 85. 90. Ho Qiming, "Xinan lianda de xuesheng shenghuo," Zhanshizhishi\^^.vr.vj (Dec. 15,1938). 91. Shi Huang, "Kangzhan zhong zhansheng de Xinan lianhe daxue," in Wang Jueyuan, ed., Zhanshi quanguo ge daxue niaokan, pp. 111—12. 92. Interview 42. 93. Interview 55. 94. Zhang Tuanyun, "Shancheng huaijiu," in XFJW, p. 204. 95. Zou Yingtian, p. 31, trans, from LBDN, p. 72. 96. Ding Dong, pp. 116—17. 97. Zou Yingtian, p. 32, trans, from LBDN, pp. 72-73. 98. Meng Nan, "Kunming Yiyu," p. 16. 99. Hauser, p. 91. 100. Interviews 65 and 58. 101. Interview 43. 102. Conversation with an alumna, Charlottesville, Va., September 2,1987. 103. Interview 45; Guo Zuoqing, "Cong Kunming dao Meiguo zaji," QHXYTX 44:38-39 (Apr. 29, 1973); Zhang Tuanyun, "Shancheng huaijiu," in XFJW, p. 202; Zhang Qijun, "Xinan lianda jiyao," p. 46; "Xuefu fengguan"; Baker, Changing Scene in China, p. 51. 104. Yong Nian, p. 88. 105. "China in Wartime," Chinese Recorder, August 1939, p. 258. 106. Gilbert Baker, "A Student Church in Kunming," ibid., February 1940, p. 88. 107. "Educational News," ibid., August 1939, p. 258. 108. Letter from Wu Yu. 109. "Correspondence," Chinese Recorder, February 1940, p. 46.

432

NOTES

TO

PAGES

320 — 330

no. John K. Fairbank, "May 4 [1943]—Lung T'ou Ts'un," Fairbank papers, in. XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 112. Report by Kiang Wen-han. 113. Hauser, p. 92. 114. Guancha bao, Dec. 21,1944. 115. Sources on lighting include "Students Lead Spartan Lives," p. 62; Guang Yuan, "Pianduan de huiyi," in LDBN, p. 67; and miscellaneous alumni interviews. Material on the library is drawn from alumni interviews. 116. Virtually all Lianda reminiscences, written and oral, make at least passing reference to the teahouses. Among the more detailed written accounts are Zheng Lingquan, "Huainian zhong de Xinan lianda," Zhongguo qingnian 8.6:26—27 (June 15, 1943) and Mu Wenjun, p. 380. For a particularly vivid description, see Wang Zengqi, "Steeping Ourselves in the Teahouses," Chinese Education, summer 1988, pp. 41-52. 117. For "The Teahouse Ditty" (Chaguan xiaodiao), see "Lao tongxue geyongdui" (Alumni Chorus), mimeo. (Beijing), Oct. 8,1985. 118. Kai-yu Hsu, "Between Eucalyptus and Gunsmoke: The Kunming-Based Poetry of 1937—1945," in La litterature chinoise au temps de la guerre de resistance contre le Japan (de 1937 a 1945), p. 308. 119. Ibid., p. 305. 120. The following account is based upon Lin Yuan, "Sishi niandai de yizhi wenyi zhi hua," in YNWS, pp. 469-78. 121. Ibid., p. 475. 122. Shi Huang, p. 112. 123. Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi shenghuo zayi," ms., pp. 18-24. 124. Pu Xuefeng, "Jinbi xuange," in XFJW, p. 150. 125. ZYRBy Apr. 24,1940. 126. WuXiaoling, "Tiannan liiheng" (7), Chuncheng wanbao, Feb. 9,1985. 127. Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi shenghuo zaji," pp. 3-7. 128. For a jaundiced contemporary account, see XHRB, Jan. 7, 1944. For retrospectives from Taiwan and the Peoples Republic of China, respectively, see Cao Siyi, "Liming qianhou," in XFJW, p. 251, and Zhang Yuanqian, "Dayi shenghuo daji," p. 18. 129. Interview with Gilbert Baker, June 21,1978. 130. T. C. Chao, "Church Work in Kunming," Chinese Recorder, January 1940, P-47131. Ibid., p. 49. 132. Interview with Howard Hyman. 133. Guang Yuan, p. 67. 134. Xian Sheng et al., "Part-time Jobs at Lianda," Chinese Education 21.2:53 (summer 1988), trans, from Rem /, p. 286; originally published in LDBN, p. 96. 135. FengYoulan, San song tang, p. 99. 136. Li Zhongxiang, "Yi Lianda—Kunming de Hnghun," QHXYTX 8:21-22 (Apr. 15,1964). 137. Interview 70.

NOTES

TO

PAGES

330-340

433

138. Interview 65. 139. Wu Xiayuan, "Biye sanshi nian huiyi," QHXYTX44:34 (Apr. 29,1973). 140. Liu Wei, "Women de jianchai shenghuo," in LDBN, p. 97. 141. Mu Shuigong, "Bubiyao de manglu," in LDBN, pp. 97—99, trans, in Chinese Education, summer 1988, pp. 55-56. 142. XHRB, Nov. i and 15,1945. 143. Yao Xiuyan, "Yongjiu huainian Xinan lianda," in XFJW, p. 301. 144. Interviews with Qian Duansheng, March 26, 27,1980. CHAPTER 15

1. Interview with Robert Payne. 2. "Dear Friends" letter, November 9,1943, courtesy of the late Gilbert Baker. 3. Chennault, Way of a Fighter, p. 281. 4. Leng Mei, "Wo shi Lianda yinianjisheng" (I am a Lianda freshman), in LDBN, pp. 89-90. 5. Chennault boasted that, after their defeat in December 1941, Japanese bombers stayed clear of Kunming until April 29, 1943, "when they knew I was in Washington." See Chennault, pp. 130, 219. Another raid occurred on May 15, before Chennaults return. Ibid., p. 227. 6. Mei Yiqi, "Kangzhan qizhong de Qinghua," QHXYTX, April 1945, p. i. 7. Interview 62. 8. Interview 48. 9. From Du Yunxie, Shi sishi shou (Forty Poems), 1946, trans, in Kai-yu Hsu, Twentieth-Century Poetry, p. 234. 10. Interview 59. 11. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 297—98. 12. Wang Nianping, "Huiyi Lianda shenghuo pianduan," QHXYTX:B 16:116 (October 1987). 13. Ibid., p. 117. 14. XHRB, Nov. i, 1944. 15. Interviews with Zha Liangzhao and various alumni. 16. XHRB, Nov. 17,1943. 17. XHRB, Oct. 24, Nov. 17,1943. 18. XHRB, Oct. 24,1943. 19. Shenghuo Bibao, "Women de ji hui," in LBDN, pp. 143—44. 20. Zhang Yuanqian, "Huiyi Lianda wenyishe," in Rem i, pp. 365—66. See also, Wenyi She, "Guanyu Lianda Wenyishe," in LBDN, pp. 139—42. 21. "Banian de Lianda bibao," in LBDN, pp. 48-49. 22. "Lianda banian," Dagongbao, Nov. 28,1946. 23. Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, Wu han zhuan, p. 123. 24. John K. Fairbank, Chinabound, p. 252. 25. Hauser, "Poverty Campus," pp. 93-94.

434

NOTES

TO PAGES

340-348

26. Chen Da, Langji shinian, pp. 192-93. 27. GLXNLHDX, pp. 78-79. 28. XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 29. Ibid. 30. Zhang Ruinian, "Duo cai duo zi de yijiusisi ji," in XFJW, pp. 212-13; GLXNLHDX, p. 79. 31. Charles Romanus and Riley Sunderland, United States Army in World War II: Time Runs Out in CBI, pp. 247-49. 32. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 326. 33. Ibid., p. 350. 34. Ibid., and Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 349. 35. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 327. 36. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 309. 37. Zhengyi bao, Dec. 6, 1944, p. 3. A recent study numbers Lianda student recruits at "more than 200"; see GLXNLHDX, p. 82. 38. Zhengyi bao, Dec. 6,1944, p. 3. 39. On tension between Kunming and Chongqing over support for interpreters, see Langdon to Gauss, Kunming, July 13, 1944, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1944, vol. 6, China: 126. 40. "Opposition to Kuomintang Government," Kunming, Feb. 24, 1945, OSS RG 226, doc. 1.54229, Office of Strategic Services papers. 41. "Gu de gandong," XHRB, Nov. 16,1943. 42. Ibid. 43. XHRB, Jan. 7,1944. 44. Feb. 17,1944, 893.00/15292, SD. 45. "Ba jiaoshou song," ms. copy, courtesy of an alumnus. 46. Fairbank, Chinabound, pp. 259-60. 47. Cao Siyi, "Liming Qianhou," in XFJW, p. 258. 48. Zhengyi bao, May 5,1944. 49. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 287-88. 50. Ibid., p. 291. 51. Sources for the foregoing account of events around May 4, 1944, include interview 90; Zhengyi bao, May 5, 1944; "Lianda banian," Dagong bao, Nov. 28, 1946; "Banianlai de Minzhu Yundong," in LDBN, p. 42; Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 184—88; Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, Wu Han zhuan, p. 124; Zhang Yuanqian, "Huiyi lianda," pp. 367-71. 52. William Langdon to Secretary of State, July n, 1944, SD 893.00/7-1144. 53. Capt. J. E. Spencer to Dr. William L. Langer, Kunming, June 26,1944, OSS RG 226, XL 823, Office of Strategic Services papers. 54. John Morton Blum, ed., The Diary of Henry A. Wallace, p. 354. Other sources for this account of the Wallace visit are: Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 301; XHRB, July n, 1944; Zhengyi bao, June 30,1944; Paul Varg, The Closing of the Door, p. 81; interview 90; interview with Li Shuqing.

N O T E S TO P A G E S 3 4 9 - 3 5 8

435

55. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 305. The foregoing account of the meeting is drawn from ibid., pp. 302-5, and from Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongshi, p. 125. 56. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 311. 57. Ibid., p. 321. 58. Wang Yi, "Wen Yiduo yu Wu Han," Guangming ribao, Mar. 27,1979, cited in Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, p. 127. 59. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 318-19; Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, p. 131. 60. Shaheen, "Chinese Democratic League," p. 174. 61. For an analysis that contrasts Kunming and Guilin with Chongqing and Chengdu, see ibid., p. 119. 62. Li Wenyi, "Zai Yunnan minmeng nei de gongzuo huiyi," Yunnan xiandai shi yanzhou ziliao 7:30 (February 1982). 63. American Consulate General, Kunming, to Secretary of State, July 14, 1944, SD 893.00/7-1444; reprinted in Amerasia Papers, 1:656-62, and, in part, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1944, vol. 6, China: 475-77. 64. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1944, vol. 6, China: 710. 65. Gauss to Secretary of State, no. 3104, Oct. 31,1944, SD 893.00/10-3144, p. 2; cited in Shaheen, p. 191. 66. See Lyman P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends, p. 183, based upon sources subsequently cited in Shaheen, p. 206 n. 94. 67. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 317; Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, pp. 128—29; "Manifesto of Citizens of Kunming," Jan. 3, 1945, OSS RG 226, doc. 108398, Office of Strategic Services papers. 68. Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, p. 130. 69. Ibid., and Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 330. 70. Zhengyi bao, Jan. 7,1945. 71. Li Xiu, "A Persevering Writer: Li Guangtian," Chinese Literature, June 1981, pp. 84-95. 72. Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, p. 127. 73. Letter from Sun Yutang to the author, December 12,1981. 74. Ibid., and interview with Sun Yutang, July 13, 1982; written communication with another former member of the Eleven Society, May 1986. 75. Interview with Wu Qiyuan. 76. Li Wenyi, pp. 32-33. 77. Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, pp. 131-32. 78. Ma Shitu, "Tantan Xinan lianda de xuesheng yundong," Yunnan xiandaishi yanzhou ziliao 4:45 (April 1981). 79. Ibid., and Li Wenyi, pp. 32-33. 80. Van Slyke, p. 181; Shaheen, p. 219. 81. Ma Shitu, pp. 45-46. 82. Zhang Dinghua, "Huiyi Lianda jutan," p. 351. 83. Xiao Di, "Chengxian Qihou," pp. 394—96.

436

N O T E S TO P A G E S 3 5 9 - 3 6 8

84. Ibid., pp. 397-98. 85. Gui Dou, "Ju Yi She," in LDBN, pp. 153-54. 86. "Xinan lianda zhongzhong," Qingnian shenghuo, Apr. 16, 1939, reprinted in Kangzhan zhong de zhongguo jiaoyu yu wenhua, ed. Shishi wenti yanzhou hui, pp. 109-10. 87. QH, p. 309; Huang Jianli, The Politics of Depoliticization in Republican China, pp. 161—64. 88. ZYRB, Feb. i and 10,1940. 89. Letter from Yuan-shou Shen to Jack Huang, October 12,1975. 90. Cheng Faji, "Lianda houqi xuesheng zizhihui lishihui de huodong," in Rem 2, p. 44*91. XHRB, Oct. 24, Nov. 24,1943. 92. Cheng Faji, p. 445. 93. Ibid., pp. 446-47. 94. Ibid., pp. 448-49. 95. Ibid., p. 448. 96. Sources for the following account are: ibid., pp. 450-53; Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 345-48; Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, pp. 138-39; and Bu Er, "Zhuiji Kunming wan ren dayouxing," Zhou bao 1945.14:14 (Dec. 8,1945). 97. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, p. 346. 98. Cheng Faji, p. 451. 99. Ibid. 100. The account of the ticket incident is drawn from ibid, and from Bu Er, pp. 14-15. 101. Bu Er, pp. 14—15. 102. Wang Kang, Wen Yiduo zhuan, pp. 346-47. 103. Ibid., p. 348. 104. Su Shuangbi and Wang Hongzhi, p. 138. 105. Zhengyi bao, May 5,1945. CHAPTER 16

1. Feng Youlan, San song tang, p. 113. 2. Guoli xinan lianhe daxue xiaoshi ziliao, p. 62. 3. Guancha bao, Aug. 15, 1945. The same issue reported victory celebrations in Lunan as early as August 10. 4. Ibid., Aug. 15 and 28,1945. 5. Guoli xinan lianhe daxue xiaoshi ziliao, pp. 62-65. 6. Interview with Philip Sprouse. 7. Letter from Better Heath Oberst to the author, February 26,1978. 8. Guancha bao, Mar. 16 and 20,1945. 9. Program of the meet, courtesy of Huang Zhongfu (Jack Huang). 10. Interviews with Yan Zhenxing and several alumni; QHXYTX:Bp, Apr. 25, 1947, p. 5; Fairbank, Chinabound, pp. 231- 32. 11. See Robert W. Barnett, Wandering Knights, passim.

NOTES

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PAGES

369-389

437

12. Howard Hyman, "PFC Hyman, No. 703980 Meets the Chairman," New China, spring 1977, pp. 12-14; interview with Howard Hyman. 13. For the history of Lianda's CCP, see Yuan Yongxi, "Huiyi Xinan lianda de minzhu yundong," Yunnan xiandai shi yanzhou ziliao 11:24—42 (September 1982); Ma Shitu, "Tantan Xinan," pp. 39—45; and Li Ming, " 'San qin' ji 'Yier yi' diandi qingkuang," Yunnan xiandai shi yanzhou ziliao 4:51-54 (April 1980). 14. Enclosure to William R. Langdon, American consul general, Kunming, dispatch no. 85 to United States Embassy, Chongqing, Aug. 31,1945, SD. 15. Yieryi canan teji, p. 32. 16. "Shengli yihou Lianda de minzhu yundong," LDBN, p. 52. 17. Hu Lin, Yieryi de huiyi, pp. 2-3. 18. For a critical survey of Chinese-language historiography, see John Israel, "The Fifth Martyr: Thoughts on the December First Movement," pp. 997- 1024. Subsequent publications include Yier yi yundong lunwenji, ed. Cheng Shi, Wei Ping, and Ding Yong. 19. Zhuang Kunming, "Kangzhan shiqi zhongguo gaodeng jiaoyu zhi yanzhou," pp. 172-73. 20. Minyi ribao, Apr. 26, 1946. For a full account of the return north, see GLXNLHDX, pp. 83-91. 21. Feng Youlan, "Yunnan jinhou de xueshu shiye yu gaodeng jiaoyu," Minyi ribao, Apr. 7,1946. 22. Ibid. 23. Zhengyi bao, Apr. 28,1946. 24. Interview 83. 25. Minyi ribao, Apr. 26,1946. 26. Ibid. 27. Zhengyi bao, May 2,1946. 28. Ibid., May 5,1946; Minyi ribao, May 5,1946. 29. "Guoli xinan lianhe daxue jinian bei," rubbing in possession of the author. 30. Kai-yu Hsu, Wen I-to, p. 173. CONCLUSION

1. Xin Tian, "Wo shi Lianda," p. 93. 2. Zha Liangzhao, "Kunming hu pan," ZJWKi.2:^o (July 1962). 3. Huang Chen, "Huai Kunming," Zhou bao 1945.18:16 (Aug. 3,1946). 4. See Q//, partial trans, in Chinese Education, fall-winter 1982-83; Su Chaoran et aL, Beijing daxue xiaoshi, 1898-1949; Nankai daxue liushi nian. 5. Zhang Shangren, "Apply Marxism to Guide the Reading of Western Philosophical Works," Yunnan ribao, May 7,1982, pp. Q2-Q3.

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448

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Zhao Gengyang J§)jf H. 345-50. 373-75 Politics Department (College of Social Sciences), 177-82 Professionalism versus liberal education, 99-100 PuXuefeng, 178,181 Publications, wartime, 196—202 Public lectures, 326-27 Qi Liang, 361, 364 Qian Duansheng, 90,136,181-82, 200, 201, 303, 320; and debate on free thought, 103-4; and higher education, 290-91; political views, 285-86, 288-89, 29°; and the West, 284f Qian Mu, 68-69, J32> T35> J5O» J52> J96» 2O1 Qian Nengxin, 60 Qian Siliang, 2iif

456

INDEX

Qian Zhongshu, 135,166,197, 324 Qinghua Association, n Qinghua Service Center, 368 Qinghua Service Society (QSS) (Qinghua Fuwu She), 236-37 Qinghua University, xi, i, 7, 9,10-12, 9596; its academics, 127, 203-5, 2l8> 22O> 225-26, 233; and American Boxer Indemnity funds, 13,121; and Changsha, 13,15,19; its character, 34,121-22, i23f, 128; its history and development, 121-22 Qin Zan, 84,144,173-74 Qiu Qingquan, 349 Qun She (the Group), 232, 255, 26iff, 26465, 296-97, 422n36. See also Communists and Communist Party Qun Sheng Geyongdui (Group Choral Society), 262 Radio Kunming, 260 Radio Research Institute, 195 Rail and sea travel to Kunming, 61-64 Rao Yutai, 7-8 Realities, 339 Refugees, academic, and families, 17 Relationships between the sexes, 47, 6768, 257-59 Relocation of universities, 15 Research: during war, 193-202; laboratory, 211-13, 217, 2i9f, 222, 225-26 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 285 Rui Mu, 174 Scholarly output of Lianda, 193-202 Scholarship, and the war, 193-202 Scholarships, 308 Science, see College of Natural Sciences; College of Social Sciences Scientism, 203 Sea and rail travel to Kunming, 61-64 Sexuality, see Relationships between the sexes Shanghai school, of higher education, 134 Shen Congwen, 106,144,166, 260, 288, 324f, 347 Shen Lu, 130 Shen Tong, 195, 219

Shen Youding, 153,158-59, 323 Shenghuo (Life), 338 Shi Guoheng, 198 Shi Jiayang, 130, 236 Shi Zaixuan (Xian Di), 358 Shidaifu (intellectual aristocracy), 134 Shuxun Lane, 259-60 Sima Guang, 148 Sinification of curriculum, 96-98 Sino-British Indemnity funds, 20-21, 220 Sino-Japanese War, beginning of second, ix, 7-13 Sinology, 145 Six Arts education, 97 Social Science Research Society, 281 Social sciences, see College of Social Sciences Sociology Department (College of Social Sciences), 185-92 Song Ailing, 299 Song Zheyuan, 7,10, n Song Zhidi, 358 Song Ziwen (T.V. Soong), 356 Southern Song dynasty, 72 Southwest Associated University, see Lianda (Southwest Associated University) Soviets in Manchuria, 147, 375 Soviet Union, and China, 283—84 Spence, Jonathan, 3 Spirit and modernity, 153 Sports, 232, 256-57 Spring and Autumn (Chun qiu), 246 Sprouse, Philip, 180, 367 Stone Society, 165-66 Student Governing Association (SGA), 266 Student Relief Project, 328 Student Self-Governing Association (SGA), 359-63 Studies in the Modern Economic History of China (Zhongguo jindai jingji yanjiu jikan), 127 Study abroad, 102,135 Su Guozhen, 234 Summer camps, 254-55 Sun Cheng'e, 212 Sun Yat-sen, xv, 96,101,104, 244, 286, 289

I N D EX

Sun Yidu, 258 Sun Yunzhu, iiiff Sun Yutang, 146,149-50,151,199^ 201, 347, 354-55 Tangjiyao, 348 Tang Lan, 133,145 Tang Peisong, 195, 219 Tang Yongtong, 23,155-56,196, 303^ 367,

378

Tao Yunkui, 190-91,199 Teachers College, 89,130,132,144, 239-49 Teahouses, 322-23, 43onn6 Teller, Edward, 210 Teng Moutong, 176 Theater, 267-71, 358-59 Three People's Principles Youth Corps, 104, 107, 232, 244, 246, 255, 263-64, 266, 3iof, 267-71, 281, 337-38, 359-60 Three Principles of the People, 99,101, 102-5,113,132, 297 Tian Han, 269 Tian Jian, 343-44 Tianjin, 12-13, J 5> 16-17 Ting Feng Lou, 66 Todays Critic, see Jinripinglun Tonkin-Yunnan Railroad, 82 Town-gown relationships, 67—68 Traditionalism versus modernization, 292— 93 True Story of Ah Q, The, 269-70 Tsinghua University, see Qinghua University Tsur, Y. T. (Zhou Yichun), 49 Tutorial program, 108-11 Twelve Hundred Miles Through Southwest China (Xinan san qian wu bai //), 60 United Front, 265f University of Beiping, 96 VJ Day, 366

Wada Sei, 151 Waishengren, 85, 87 Wallace, Henry, 347-48 Wall Newspaper Alliance, 360 Wall Newspaper Association, 338f

457

Wall newspapers (bibao), 260-61, 33740 Wall Newspaper Union, 360 Wang Chonghui, 178 Wang Ganyu, 83, 89,182, 200, 282, 286f, 35i> 355' 37i Wang Guowei, 151 Wang Huacheng, 178, 201 Wang Jingwei, 90, 92, 283 Wang Kang, 136-37, 346 Wang Li, 145,196-97 Wang Lie, 223 Wang Shijie, 114, 303 Wang Sun, 260, 355 WangXianjun, 156-57 Wang Xinzhong, 153 Wang Zenqi, 325 Wang Zhuxi, 208-10 passim Wang Zunming, 229 Wang Zuoliang, 355 War Area Service Corps, 368 War of Resistance, 72,142, 257, 262-63 Warring States school, 287, 294 Wartime education, 27-28 Wedemeyer, Albert, 341 Weiyangge, 3, 257, 316, 397n Wen Jiasi, 125,164, 347, 351, 388 Wen Yiduo, 69, 75,125,136,143,145,164, 177, 270, 342; death and myth, 2,189, 379f, 389; as professor and literary scholar, 127,133,143,197,199, 202, 324, 382; as a radical, 59, 336-37* 343~44> 346-47, 349-52passim, 364, 371; and trek to Kunming, 32f, 51, 54, 58f Wenju (Literary Gathering), 324-26 Wenlin Canteen, 329 Wenlintang, 328 Wenyan, 166,197 Western democracies, Lianda attitudes toward, 284-85 Western education, and New Culture Movement, 119 Westernization, versus cultural conservatism, 292-94 Whampoa, 96,106, 263 Wild Rose, The (Ye meigut), 269-70 Wing-tsit Chan, 157-58

458

I N D EX

Winter, Robert, 162 Women, 67,106,178, 233, 294, 367-68 Women's Literature (Nuyt), 338 Wu Dayou, 7-8,17, 207-8, 2O9f Wu Dayuan, 163,196 Wu Han, 136,146,148-49,152,169,177, 197,199, 273; and politics, 345^ 35i~57 passim, 363^ 371 Wu Junsheng, 97-98,101,102,114-16, 241, 309 Wu Mi, 69-70,143,165-68,179,196 Wu Naisun (Nelson Wu), 202, 257, 316 Wu Qiyuan, 104,134,176, 200, 353-56 passim Wu Suxuan, 219 WuWenzao,i98 Wu Youxun, 130 Wu Yuanchen, 219 Wu Zelin, 198, 341 Wu Zhengyi, 47 Xia Xiang, 232 Xiang Da, 153, 304 Xiao Di, xii, 270-71, 324 Xiao Gongquan, 14,122,125 Xiao Ju, 125,175, 4i3ni8 Xibei Lianda, 118 Xie Mingshan, 234 Xijong Deji, 246 Xinan Lianda, see Lianda Xinan san qian wu bai li (Twelve Hundred Miles Through Southwest China), 60 Xin dongxiang(New Tendencies), 201 Xing Fujin, 264 Xinhua ribao (New China Daily), 145,166, 296, 339. See also Communists and Communist Party Xiong Qinglai, 82, 89, 206, 310, 349, 374 Xu Baolu, 206 Xu Gaoyuan, 106 Xu Jieyu (Kai-yu Hsu), xii, 202, 280, 323 XuTeli,28 Xu Weiju, 202 XuXingmin, Dr., 32—36passim Xu Yu'nan, 176, 202 Xu Zhimo, 179

Xuan Zang, 31 Xueheng (Critical Review}, 166 Xuyong, 275, 276-81 Yan Shutang, 183-84 Yan Xiu, 123 Yan Zhenxing, 236 Yan'an, 28 Yan'an Way, 131 Yang Jingren, 180 Yang Shixian, 212, 214 Yang Wuzhi, 125, 2O5f, 210 Yang Ximeng, 175-76, 200, 355f Yang Zhenning (C. N. Yang), 125, 202, 209-10, 224, 382 Yang Zhensheng, 19,143, 347 Yanjing-Yunnan Station for Sociological Research, 198 Yao Congwu, 72, 200, 263-64 Ye Gongchao, 160-61 Ye meigui (The Wild Rose), 269-70 Ye Qisun, 130, 367, 378 Yin Fusheng (Yin Haiguang), 158, 297-98, 426-27n6 Yin Zulan, 328 YMCA, 328-29 Young Men's Christian Association, 328-29 Youth Army, 341—42 Youth Day, 345 Youth Relief Society, no Yu Bingguan, 127 Yu Dayin, 215-16 Yu Guoen, 199 Yuan Fuli, 32, 47, 222f Yuan Yongxi, 357 Yuelushan, 23 Yunnan, 53-55, 79-83, 84-90, 201-2, 23338, 370 Yunnan Geological Institute, 222 Yunnan University (Yunda), 82, 89,145, 190, 310, 377 Zeng Guofan, 215 Zeng Zhaolun, 27-28,159, 212, 214-18, 262, 323, 351, 353; and march to Kumning, 32, 35, 47-48, 51, 54

INDEX Zha Liangzhao, 109-11,124, 242-45 passim, 296, 308, 346, 363, 384 Zha Liangzheng (Mu Dan), 47-48, 324 Zhai Guojin, 270 Zhang Boling, 13,19, 27,122-23,125,128, 241-42, 268-69, 328 Zhang Dayou, 212 Zhang Foquan, 286 Zhang Hanshu, 180 Zhang Jia'ao, 299 Zhang Jingyue, 219 Zhang Qinglian, 212—13 Zhang Shenfu, 136 Zhang Shoulian, 209 Zhang Wenyu, 208 Zhang Xiruo, in, 117,136,178-81, 344, 346, 355, 371 Zhang Xiti, 221 Zhang Yintang, 221-22 Zhang Zigao, 12 Zhanguo ce (Annals of the Warring States}, 148,166, 201, 285, 287-88 Zhao Fangxiong, 228 Zhao Naituan, 173, 200 Zhao Xunzheng, 200 Zhao Yuan-ren, 55—56 Zhao Zhongyao, 208 Zhao Zichen (T. C. Chao), 320, 328 Zheng Huazhi, 7-8 Zheng Tianting, 12,15,130, 367 Zheng Xin, 156

459

Zhexuepinglun (Philosophy Review), 197 Zhong Kailai, 260 Zhongguo jindaijingjiyanzhoujikan (Studies in the Modern Economic History of China], 127 Zhongguo shehuijingjishijikan (Chinese Social and Economic Historical Review), 127 Zhongzheng University, 175 Zhou Binglin, 114,130,131,174-75, 245, 346 Zhou Bozhai, 66 Zhou Enlai, 123,184, 269, 296 Zhou Mingdao, 131 Zhou Peiyuan, 208 Zhou Wenjing, 299f Zhou Xianggeng, 153 ZhouXinmin, 351, 356 Zhou Yichun (Y. T. Tsur), 49 Zhou Zuoren, 174^ 200 Zhu Jiahua, in, 215, 245, 263, 376 Zhu Jingnung, 14 Zhu Ruhua, 212 Zhu Xi, 23 Zhu Yuanzhang, 149,197 Zhu Ziqing, 70-71, 99,125,142-45 passim, 197'324»347 Zhuang Qianding, 229 Ziyou luntan (Freedom Forum), 201 Zong Zheyuan, 10 Zou Dang (Tang Tsou), 202 Zuguo (Motherland), 267f

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Israel, John Lianda : a Chinese university in war and revolution / John Israel. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8047-2929-8 (alk. paper) 1. Hsi nan lien ho ta hsüeh (K' un-ming shih, China). 2. SinoJapanese Conflict, 1937–1945—Education and the conflict. 3. Politics and education—China—History—2Oth century. 4. ChinaPolitics and government—1945—1949. I. Title. LG51.K85177 1998 378.51—dc21 98-7841 © This book is printed on acid-free, recycled paper. Original printing 1998